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3 1833 02387 9361 

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l/alley of l/ir^ipia 

By Samuel Kercheval. 






Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1833, in the Clerk's 
Office of the Western District of Virginia. 




Like Nestor of old, you have lived to see "tvv'o generations pass 
away and now remain the example of the third." You saw Dun- 
more' s war with the Indians in 1774; 3'ou witnessed the war of the 
Revolution and the war of 18 12, with the haughty Briton. In all 
these great struggles of our country, you have given the most con- 
clusive evidence of unbending virtue and uncompromising patriotism. 
- The author has had the gratification of knowing you for a full half 
century. — When a small boy he frequently saw you, though he was 
" . then too j-oung to attract your notice, and it was not until he 
y entered upon the active duties of life that he had the high .satisfac- 
tion of a personal acquaintance. 

The author disclaims every thing like insincere flattery, and feels 
assured that }-our candor will readily pardon him for the freedom 
sk he uses in his dedication of the Historv of the A'^alle^' to you. To 
\" you, sir, is he indebted for much of the valuable information detailed 
w, in the following pages. In you, sir, he lias witnessed the calm, 
^-' dignified statesman and philosopher, the uniform and consistent 
^ republican, the active and zealous officer, whether in the field or 
^ councils of the country. He has witnessed more : he has seen }'ou 
in high pecuniary prosperity ; he has seen you in later years strug- 
gling with ad^-erse fortune ; and in all, has discovered the calm, 
dignified resignation to misfortune, which alwaj-s characterizes the 
great and the good man. Yes, sir, you have spent at least fift}' 
}-ears of your valuable life in the sendee of your country ; and when 
you go hence, that you may enter into the joy of your Lord, is the 
fer^-ent prater of 




From what particular part of the old world the aboriginals found 
their way to this continent, is a question which has given rise to 
much philosophical and learned disquisition among historians. It 
however appears now to be the settled opinion that Ameria first 
received its inhabitants from Asia. Mr. Snowden, in his History' of 
America, advances many able and ingenious arguments in support of 
this opinion. After citing many great revolutions which have from 
time to time taken place in various parts of our globe, Mr. Snowden 
states : 

"In the strait which separates America from Asia, many islands 
are found, which are supposed to be the mountainous parts of land, 
formerly swallowed up by earthquakes ; which appears the more 
probable, by the multitude of volcanoes, now known in the peninsula 
of Kamtschatka. It is imagined, however, that the sinking of that 
land and the separation of the new continents, has been occasioned 
by those great earthquakes, mentioned in the history of the Ameri- 
cans ; which formed an era almost as memorable as that of the 
deluge. We can form no conjecture of the time mentioned in the 
histories of the Taltecas, or of the year i, (Teepatl), when that great 
calamity happened. 

"If a great earthquake should overwhelm the isthmus of Suez, 
and there should be at the sam.e time as great a scarcit}' of historians 
as there was in the first age of the deluge, it would be doubted in 
three or four hundred years after, whether Asia had ever been united 
by that part of Africa ; and many would finally deny it. 

"Whether that great event, the separation of the continents, 
took place before or after the population of America, it is impossible 
to determine ; but we are indebted to the above mentioned naviga- 
tors, (Cook and others), for settling the long dispute about the point 
from which it was effected. Their obser\'ations prove, that in one 
place the distance between continent and continent is onl}- thirty-nine 
miles ; and in the middle of this narrow strait, there are two islands, 
which would greatly facilitate the passage of the Asiatics into the 
new world, supposing it took place in canoes, after the convulsion 
which rent the two continents asunder. 

"It ma}^ also be added, that these straits are, even in the summer, 
often filled with ice ; in winter frozen over, so as to admit a passage 
for mankind, and by which quadrupeds might easily cross, and stock 
the continent. But where, from the vast expanse of the north-east- 


ern world, to fix on the first tribes who contributed to people the new 
continent, now inhabited from end to end, is a matter that has baffled 
human reason. The learned may make bold and ingenious conjec- 
tures, but plain good sence cannot always accede to them. 

"As mankind increased in numbers, they naturally protruded 
one another forward. Wars might be another cause of migrations. 
No reason appears why the Asiatic north might not be an ojjficina 
vivorian as well as the European. The overteeming countr}- to the 
east of the Riphean mountains, must have found it necessar\^ to dis- 
charge the inhabitants : the first great increase of people were forced 
forwards b}' the next to it ; at length reaching the utmost limits of 
the old world, found a new, with ample space to occupy unmolested 
for ages ; till Columbus, in an evil hour for them, discovered their 
country ; which brought again new sins and new death to both 
worlds. It is impossible, with the lights which we have so recently 
received, to admit that America could have received its inhabitants 
(that is, the bulk of them), from any other place than Eastern Asia. 
A few proofs may be added, taken from the customs or dresses, com- 
mon to the inhabitatits of both worlds. Some have been long extinct 
in the old, others remain in full force in both. 

"The custom of scalping was a barbarism in use among the 
Scythians, who carried about them at all times this savage mark of 
triumph. A little image found among the Kalmucs,* of a Tartarian 
deity, mounted on a horse, and sitting on a human skin, with scalps 
pendant from the breast, fully illustrates the customs of the ancient 
Scythians, as described by the Greek historians. This usage, we 
well know by horrid experience, is continued to this day in America. 
The ferocity of the Scythians to their prisoners, extended to the 
remotest part of Asia. The Kamtskatkans, even at the time of their 
discovery b}^ the Russians, put their prisoners to death b)' the most 
lingering and excruciating torments ; a practice now in full force 
among the aboriginal Americans. A race of the Scj-thians were 
named Anthropophagi, from their feeding on human flesh ; the peo- 
ple of Nootka Sound still make a repast on their fellow creatures. 

"The savages of North America have been known to throw the 
mangled limbs of their prisoners into the horrible cauldron, and de- 
vour them with the same relish as those of a quadrupid. The 
Kamtskatkans in their marches never went abreast, but followed one 
another in the same track; the same custom is still obser\'ed by the 
uncultivated natives of North America. The Tungusi, the most 
numerous nation resident in Siberia, prick their skins with small 
punctures, in various shapes, v/ith a needle ; then rub them with 
charcoal, so that the marks become indellible ; this custom is still 
observed in several parts of South America. The Tongusi use canoes 
made of birch bark, distended over ribs of woods, and nicely put to- 
gether ; the Canadian, and many other primitive American nations, 

* The Kalmuc Tartars now subjects of Russia. 


use no other sort of boats. In fins, the conjectures of the learned, 
respecting the vicinity of the old and new world, are now, by the 
discoveries of late navigators, lost in conviction ; and in the place of 
an imaginary hypothesis, the place of migration is almost incon- 
trovertibly pointed out." 


Having given the foregoing brief sketch of the probable origin 
of the Indians in America, the author will now turn his attention to 
the first settlement of Virginia, a brief history of which he considers 
will not be unacceptable to the g-eneral reader, and as a preliminars' 
introduction to his main object, i. e., the history of the early settle- 
ment of the Valle}' of Shenandoah in Virginia. 

On the loth of April, 1606, James I., King of England, granted 
charters to two separate companies, called the "London and Ply- 
mouth Companies," for settling colonies in Virginia.* The London 
Company sent Capt. Christopher Newport to Virginia, December 20, 
1606, with a colony of one hundred and five persons, to commence a 
settlement on the island of Roanoke, now in North Carolina. B}- 
stress of weather, however, they were driven north of their place of 
destination, and entered the Chesapeake Bay. Here, up a river 
which the}' called James River, on a beautiful peninsula, they com- 
menced, in May, 1607, the settlement of Jamestown. This was the 
first permanent settlement in the country. 

Several subsequent charters were granted by King James to the 
company for the better ordering and government of the colony, for 
the particulars of which the reader is referred to Hening's vStatutes 
at Large. And in the 3'ear 16 19, the first legislative council was 
convened at Jamestown, then called 'James City.' " This council 
was called the General Assembly. "It was to assist the Governor in 
the administration of justice, to advance Christianity among Indians, 
to erect the colony in obedience to his majesty, and in maintaining 
the people in justice and christian conversation, and strengthening 
them against enemies. The said governor, council, and two bur- 
gesses out of every town, hundred or plantation, to be chosen by the 
inhabitants to make up a General Assembly, who are to decide all 
matters by the greatest number of voices; but the governor is to 
have a negative voice, to have power to make orders and acts nec- 
essary-, wherein they are to imitate the policy of the form of gov- 
ernment, laws, customs, manners of tryal, and other administration 
of justice used in England, as the company are required by their 
letters patent. No law to continue or to be of force till ratified 
by a quarter court to be held in England, and returned under 
seal. After the colony is well framed and settled, no order of quar- 
ter court in England shall bind until ratified by the General Assem- 
bl5^"* — Dated 24th July, 162 1. 

* Hening's Statutes at Large, Vol. i,. p. 113, 114. 



"To keep up religion of the church of England as near as may 
be; — to be obedient to the king and to do justice after the form of 
the laws of England; and not to injure the natives; and to forget old 
quarrels now buried:* 

"To be industrious, and suppress drunkenness, gaming, and 
excess in clothes; not to permit any but the council and heads of 
hundreds to wear gold in their clothes, or to wear silk till they make 
it themselves: 

"Not to offend any foreign princes; to punish piracies; to build 
fortresses and block-houses at the mouths of the rivers: 

"To use means to convert the heathens, viz.: to converse with 
some; each town to teach some children fit for the college intended 
to be built: 

"After Sir George Yeardly has gathered the present year's 
crop, he is to deliver to Sir Francis Wyatt, the hundred tenants be- 
longing to the governor's place: Yeardly 's government to expire the 
1 8th November next, and then Wyatt to be published governor; to 
swear the council: 

"George Sandis appointed treasurer, and he is to put in execu- 
tion all orders of court about staple commodities ; to whom is allottted 
fifteen hundred acres and fifty tenants. To the marshall, Sir 
William Newce, to the same. To the physician five hundred acres 
and twenty tenants ; and the same to the secretary: 

"To review the commissions to Sir George Yeardly, governor, 
and the coimcil, dated i8th November 1618, for dividing the colony 
into cities, boroughs, &c., and to observe all former instructions 
(a copy whereof was sent) if they did not contradict the present ; 
and all orders of court(made in England): 

"To make a catalogue of the people in ever}' plantation, and 
their conditions ; of deaths, marriages and christenings: 

"To take care of dead persons' estates for the right owners ; to 
keep a list of all cattle and cause the secretary to return copies of the 
premises once a year: 

"To take care of everj^ plantation upon the death of their chief ; 
not to plant above one hundred pounds of tobacco per head ;f to sow 
great quantities of corn for their own use, and to support the multi- 
tudes to be sent yearly ; to inclose lands ; to keep cows, swine, 
poultry-, &c., and particularly kyne, which are not to be killed yet: 

"Next to com, plant mulberry trees, and make silk, and take 

*It appears that at a very early period of the colony, they were desirous 
of cultivating a friendly understanding with the natives of the country. 
Unfortunately, however, for our ancestors, and for the Indians themselves, 
this friendly disposition was never of long duration. 

•f This order strikes the author as one of a singular character. It cer- 
tainly requires great judgment and experience of the planter to decide what 
number of plants would make his 100 lbs. of tobacco, considering the casu- 
alties to which his crop was liable. 


care of the French men and others sent about that work ; to try silk 
grass ; to plant abundance of vines, and take care of the vignerors 

"To put prentices to trades, and not let them forsake their 
trades for planting tobacco or any such useless commodity : 

"To take care of the Dutch sent to build saw-mills, and seat 
them at the falls, that they may bring their timber by the current of 
the water: 

"To build water-mills and block-houses in every plantation: 

"That all contracts in England or Virginia be performed, and 
the breaches punished according to justice: 

"The tenant not to be enticed away ; to take care of those sent 
about an iron work, and especially Mr. John Berkeley, that they 
don't miscarr}' again, this being the greatest hope and expectation 
of the colonies: 

"To make salt, pitch, tar, soap, ashes, &c., so often recom- 
mended, and for which materials had been sent ; to make oil of wal- 
nuts, and employ apothecaries in distilling lees of beer, and search- 
ing after minerals, dyes, gums, and drugs, &c., and send small 
quantities home.* 

"To make small quantity of tobacco, and that verj^ good ; that 
the houses appointed for the reception of new comers and public 
storehouses be built, kept clean, &c. , to send the state affairs quar- 
terly, and a duplicate next shipping: 

"To take care of Captain William Norton, and certain Italians 
sent to set up a glass-house: 

"A copy of a treatise of the plantation business and excellent 
observances made by a gentleman of capacity' is sent to lie among the 
records, and recommended to the councillors to study. 

"Mr. William Clayboure, a surveyor, sent to sur\^ey the planters 
lands, and make a map of thecountr}-: 

"To make discoveries along the coast, and find a fishery between 
James River and Cape Cod: 

"As to raising staple commodities, the chief ofhcers out to set 
examples, and to aim at the establishment of the colony: 

"Chief officers that have tenants reprimanded for taking fees; 
but require that the clerks have fees set for passes, warrants, copies 
or orders, &c. 

"Governor and council to appoint proper times for administration 
of justice, and provide for the entertainment of the council during 
their session ; to be together one whole month about state affairs, 
and law suits ; to record plaints of consequence, to keep a register of 
the acts of quarter sessions, and send home copies: 

* Sending things to England, was, in the phase of the times, termed 
sending things home. This mode of expression, "going home or sending 
home," was in use within the recollection of the author. In truth, the term 
"going or sending home," was never abandoned until after the war of the 


"If a governor dies, the major part of the council to choose one 
of themselves within fourteen clays ; but if voices be divided, the 
Ivieutenant-governor shall have the place; and next the Marshal; 
next the Treasurer; and one of the two Deputies next: 

"Governor and chief officers not to let out their tenants as usual : 
"The Governor only to summon the council, and sign warrants, 
and execute or give authority to execute council orders, except in 
cases that do belong to the marshal, treasurer, deputies, &c. 

"The Governor to have absolute authority to determine and 
punish all neglects, and contempts of authoritj- , except the councils, 
v,dio are to be tried at the quarter sessions and censured. Governor 
to have but the casting voice in council or court, but in the aseem- 
bly a negative voice: 

"That care be taken that there be no engrossing commodity, or 
forestalling of the market: 

"All ser\-ants to fare alike in the colon}', and their punishment 
for any offences is to serve the colony, in public works: 

"To see that the Earl of Pembroke's thirty thousand acres be 
very good: 

' 'And lastl}-, not to let ships sta}' long, and to freight them with 
walnut and any leas valuable commodity: 

"The governor administered the following oath to the council: 
' ' You shall swear to be a true and faithful ser\-ant unto the 
' king's majesty, as one of his council for Virginia: You shall in all 
' things to be moved, treated, and debated in that council concem- 
' ing Virginia or any of the territories of America, between the de- 
' grees of thirty-four and forty-five from the equinoctial line north- 
' ward, or the trade thereof, faithfully and truly declare your mind 
' and opinion, according to )'our heart and conscience; and shall keep 
' secret all matters committed and revealed to you concerning the 

* same, and that shall be treated secreth* in that council, or this coun- 

* cil of Virginia, or the more part of them, publication shall not be 
' made thereof. And of all matters of great importance, or diffi- 
' culty, before you resolve thereupon, you shall make his majesty' y 
' privy council acquainted therevvith, and follow their directions 
' therein: You shall to your uttermost bear faith and allegiance to 
' the king's majesty, his heirs, and lawful successors, and shall as- 
' sist and defend all jurisdictions, pre-eminences, and authorities, 
' granted unto his majesty and annexed unto the crown, against all 
' foreign princes, persons, prelates or potentates whatsoever, be it b>' 
'act of parliament or otherwise; and generally, in all things, 30U 
' shall do as a faithful and true sen-ant and subject ought to do. So 
'help your God and the holy contents of this book." — Hening's 

Stat, at Large, vol. i. p. 114-118. 

It appears the foregoing instructions were drawn up by the 
council, and intended as the general principles for the government of 
the colon}'. 

The recommendation "not to injure the natives and forget old 


quarrels now buried," goes far to prove that hopes are entertained 
that the Indians were disposed to be at peace. "To use means to 
convert the heathen," is another evidence of this amicable state of 
feeling towards the natives. But lo! this state of peace and tran- 
quility, in less than one year after, was changed into one of devasta- 
tion, blood and mourning. On the 22nd of March, 1622, the Indians 
committed the most bloody massacre on the colonists, recorded in the 
annals of our countr}-.* 

In the following year, to-wit, March, 1623, the colonial general 
assembly, by statute, directed, "that the 22nd of March be yearly 
solemnized as a holiday, "f This was done to commemorate the es- 
cape of the colony from entire extirpation. This bloody massacre 
produced on the part of the whites, a most deadly and irreconcilable 
hatred towards the natives. Accordingl}- we find that a long con- 
tinued and unabating state of hostilities was kept up, and in one 
hundred years the Indians were driven from the country east of the 
Blue Ridge. At the same session, to-wit, 1623, the legislature en- 
acted several laws in relation to defending themselves against the 
savages. In the series are the following: 

"That ever>^ dwelling house shall be pallisaded in for defense 
against the Indians: 

"That no man go or send abroad without a sufficient party well 

"That people go not to work in the ground without their arms 
(and a sentinel upon them:) 

"That the inhabitants go not aboard ships or upon any other 
occasions, in such numbers as thereby to weaken and endanger the 

' 'That the commander of every plantation take care that there 
be sufficient of powder and ammunition within the plantation under 
his command and their pieces fixed and their arms complete: 

"That there be due watch kept by night: 

"That no commander of any plantation do either himself or 
suffer others to spend powder unnecessarily, in drinking or entertain- 
ment, &c. 

"That at the beginning of July next the inhabitants of every 
corporation shall go upon their adjoining salvages, as we did last 
year." — Hen. Stat, at Large, vol. i. p. 127, 128. 

In the year 1629, the legislature again "ordered that everj- com- 
mander of the several plantations appointed by commission from the 
governor, shall have power and authority to levy a part}- of men out 

* This year, (1622), says Mr. Gordon in his history of the American revo- 
hition (vol. i. p. 43), "was remarkable for a massacre of the colonists by the 
Indians, which was executed with the utmost subtility, and without any re- 
gard to age, sect, or dignity. A well concerted attack on all the settlements 
destroyed in one hour, and almost at the same instant, 347 persons]who were 
defenceless and incapable of making resistance. " 

f Hening's Statutes at Large, Vol. i, p. 123. 


of the inhabitants of that place so many as may well be spared with- 
out too much weakening of the plantations, and to employ those men 
against the Indians, &c. — Idem, p. 140. 

"It was the opinion of the whole body of the Assembly that we 
should go three several marches upon the Indians, at three several 
times of the year, viz: first in November, secondly in March, thirdly 
in July, tS:c. — Idem, p. 141. 

In 1631-32, "It is ordered that no person or persons shall dare 
to speak or parley' with any Indians, either in the woods or in any 
plantation, if he can possibly avoid it by any means," &c. — Idem, 
p. 67. 

The author considers the foregoing extracts sufficient to enable 
the reader to form some opinion of the spirit and character of the 
early settlers of our State, particularly as it relates to the sufferings 
and dilhculties with the Indian tribes. It is not deemed expedient or 
necessary to go into a detailed history of the first settlement of our 
country, as there are several general histories of Virginia now to be 
obtained, written by authors, whose abilities and means of informa- 
tion the author could not expect to equal. 

The author will close this brief sketch of the first settlement of 
Virginia, with a few general remarks in relation to the first intro- 
duction of slaver}'. It appears from our earlj^ historians, that ne- 
groes were first introduced into our State from "a Dutch ship in the 
year 1620." O woful day for our country ! To use the language 
of Mr. Snowden, this was "an evil hour" for our countr}^ — It truly 
brought ''new sins ayid new deaths'' to the new world. The present 
generation have abundant cause to deplore the unhallowed cupidity 
and want of all the finer feelings of our nature, manifested in this 
baleful and unrighteous traffic. It has entailed upon us a heavj^ 
calamity, which will perhaps require the wisdom of ages yet to come 
to remove. That it must and will be removed, there can be but little 
doubt. Histor}' furnishes no example of any part of the human race 
being kept in a perpetual slaver>\ Whether the scheme of sending 
them to Africa will ultimately produce the desired eflect, can only be 
tested by time; it is however most "devoutly" to be desired. 

bacon's rebellion in VIRGINIA IN 1675-76. 

The document which follows relates to one of the most singular 
events which ever occurred in Virginia, and its interests are a suffici- 
ent inducement for its insertion in this work. It was published in 
the Richmond Evangelical Magazine many years ago, but is now out 
of print. The editor of that work, (the late revered and highly es- 
teemed Dr. Rice), introducing it into his pages, says: "It was taken 
verbatim from a copy in the library now belonging to Congress, but 
formerly the propert}' of Mr. Jefferson. Who the author is we can 
not discover. He was certainly a man of much cleverness, and wrote 
well. But our readers will judge for themselves. The name of 


Bacon is very little known to our citizens in general; and this part 
of our history has been veiled in great obscurity. There are two 
remembrances of this extraordinary man in the neighbood of Rich- 
mond. A brook in the northwest of the city, which bears the name 
of " Bacon Quarter Branch," is said to have received its name from 
the fact that on that brook Bacon had his quarters. Buck says that 
he owned a plantation on Shockoe Creek, of which the stream just 
mentioned is a branch. One of the finest springs in Richmond, or its 
vicinity, is in the east side of the city, and is called Bloody Run 
Spring. Its name is said to be derived from a sanguinary conflict 
which Bacon had with the Indians, on the margin of the streamlet 
which flows from this spring. ' ' 

The following account of the original from v/hich this document 
was taken, is given b}- Mr. Jefferson, in his own words: 

"The original manuscript, of which the following is a copy, was 
communicated to me by Mr. King, our late minister plenipotentiary 
at the court of London, in a letter of Dec. 20, 1S03. The transac- 
tion which it records, although of little extent of consequence, is 3-et 
marked in the histor}- of Virginia, as having been the only rebellion 
or insurrection which took place in the colony during the one hun- 
dred and sixty-eight years of its existence preceding the American 
revolution, and one hundred }ears exactly before that event; in the 
contest with the house of Stuart, it only accompanied the steps of 
the mother country. The rebellion of Bacon has been little under- 
.stood, its cause and course being imperfectly explained by any au- 
thentic materials hitherto possessed ; this renders the present narra- 
tiv^e of real value. It appears to have been written b}- a person 
intimately acquainted with its origin, progress and conclusion, thirt>' 
years after it took place, and when the passion of the day had 
subsided, and reason might take a cool and deliberate review of the 
transaction. It was written, too, not for public eye, but to satisf}^ the 
desire of minister L,ord Oxford ; and the candor and simplicit}^ of the 
narration cannot fail to commend belief. On the outside of the cover 
of the manuscript is the Np. 3947 in one place, and 5781 in another. 
Very possibly the one may indicate the place it held in Lord Oxford's 
library, and the other its number in the catalogue of the bookseller 
to whose hands it came afterwards ; for it was at the sale of the stock 
of a bookseller that Mr. King purchased it. 

"To bring the authenticity of this copy as near to that of the 
original as I could, I have carefully copied it with m\' own hand. 
The pages and lines of the cop}- correspond exactly with those of the 
original ; the orthography, abbreviations, punctuations, interlinea- 
tions and incorrectness, are preser\-ed, so that it \S2, fac simile oyice^t 
as to the form of the letter. The orthography and abbreviations are 
evidences of the age of the writing. 

"The author says of himself that he was a planter ; that he 
lived in Northumberland, but was elected a member of the assembly 
in i676fortheCount3^of Stafford, Colonel Mason being his colleague. 


of which assembly Col. Warner was speaker ; that it was the first 
and should be the last time of his meddling with public affairs ; and 
he subscribes the initials of his name T. M. Whether the records 
of the time, (if they still exist) , with the aid of these circumstances, 
will show what his name was, remains for further inquiry." 


To the right hono' ble Robert Harley esq'r. her Mag' ties Principal 
Secretary of State, and one of her most Hono'ble Privy Cotincil. 


The great honor of your command obliging my pen to step aside 
from its habitual element of ffigures into this little treatise of his- 
tory ; which having never before experienced, I am like Sutor ultra 
crepidam, and therefore dare pretend no more than (nakedly) recount 
matters of ffact. 

Beseeching yo'r hono'r will vouch safe to allow, that in 30 
years, divers occurrences are laps' d out of mind, and others imper- 
fectly retained. 

So far as the most solemn obedience can be now paid, is to pursue 
the track of barefac'd truth, as close as my memory can recollect, to 
have seen, or believed, from creditable ffriends with concurring cir- 
cumstances : 

And whatsoever yo'r celebrated wisdom shall finde amise in the 
composure, my entire dependence is upon yo'r candor favorably to 
accept these most sincere endeavors of Yo'r Hon'rs 

Most devoted humble seiv't. 

The 13th filly, 1705. T. M. 

The beginning, progress and conclusion of Bacon's rebellion in Vir- 
ginia in the year i6y^ & i6j6. 

About the year 1675, appear'd three prodigies in that countrj^ 
which from th' attending disasters were look'd upon as ominous 

The one was a large comet every evening for a week, or more at 
Southwest ; thirty-five degrees high streaming like a horse taile 
westwards, until it reach'd (almost) the horison, and setting towards 
the North-west. 

Another was, fflights of pigieons in breadth nigh a quarter of 
the mid-hemisphere, and of their length was no visible end ; whose 
weights brake down the limbs of large trees whereon these rested at 
nights, of which the ffowlers shot abundance and eat 'em ; this 
sight put the old planters under the more portentous apprehensions, 
because the like was seen, (as they said), in the year 1640 when th' 
Indians committed the last massacre, but not after, until that present 
year 1675. 


The third strange appearance was swarms of iSies about an 
inch long, and big as the top of a man's little finger, rising out of 
spigot holes in the earth, which eat the new sprouted leaves from the 
tops of the trees without doing other harm, and in a mouth left us. 

My dwelling was in Northumberland, the lowest county on 
Potomack River, Stafford being the upmost, where having also a 
plantation, servants, cattle, &:c. my overseer had agreed with one 
Rob't. Hen to come thither, and be ni}^ herdsman, who then lived 
ten miles above it ; but on a sabbath day morning in the sumer anno 
1675, people on their way to church, saw this Hen lying thwart his 
threshold, and an Indian without the door, bothchopt on their heads, 
arms & other parts, as if done Vv'ith Indian hatchetts, th' Indian was 
dead, but Hen when asked who did that? answered Doegs Doegs, 
and soon died, then a bo}- who came out from under a bed where he 
had hid himself, and told them, Indians had come at break of day & 
done those murders. 

ffrom this Englishman's bloud did (by degrees) arise Bacons 
rebellion with the following mischiefs which overspread all Virginia 
& twice endangered Mar>dand, as by the ensueing account is 

Of this horrid action Coll: Mason w'ho commanded the militia 
regiment of ffoot & Capt. Brent the troop of horse in that county, 
(both dwelling six or eight miles downwards) having speedy notice 
raised 30, or mote men, & pursu'd those Indians 20 miles up 
& 4 miles over that river into Maryland, where landing at dawn of 
day, they found two small paths each leader with his party a separ- 
ate path and in less than a furlong either found a cabin, which the}' 
(silentl}') surrounded. Capt. Brent went to the Doegs cabin (as it 
proved to be) who speaking the Indian tongue called to have a 
"Machacomicha wcewhio" i. e. a council called presently such being 
the usual manner with Indians the king came trembling forth, and 
wou'd have fled, w^hen Capt. Brent, catching hold of his twisted lock 
(which was all the hair he wore) told him he was come for the mur- 
der of Rob't Hen, the king pleaded ignorance and slipt loos, whom 
Brent shot dead with his pistoll, th' Indian shot two or three guns 
out of the cabin, th' English shot into it, th' Indians throng' d out 
at the door and fled, the English shot as many as they cou'd, so that 
the}' killed ten, as Capt. Brent told me, and brought away the kings 
son of about 8 years old, concerning whom is an observable passage, 
at the end of this expedition ; the noise of the shooting awaken' d the 
Indians in the cabin, which Coll: Mason had encompassed, who like- 
wise rush'd out & fled, of whom his company (supposing from the 
noise of shooting Brent's party to be engaged) shot (as the Coll: in- 
formed me) ffourteen before an Indian came, w^ho with both hands 
shook him (friendly) by one arm says Susquehanoughs netoughs i e. 
Susquehanough friends and fled, whereupon he ran amongst his men 
crying out "ftor the Lords sake shoot no more, these are our friends 
the Susquenhanoughs. 


This unhappy scene ended ; — Collo. Mason took the king of the 
Doegs son home with him, who lay ten dayes in bed, as one dead, 
with eyes and month shutt, no breath discern' d, but his body con- 
tinuing warm, they believed him yett alive ; th' aforenamed Capt. 
Brent (a papist) coming hither on a visit and seeing his little prisener 
thus languishing said "perhaps he is pawewawd i. e. bewitch'd, and 
that he had heard baptism was an effectual remedy against witch- 
craft wherefore advis'd to baptise him Collo. Mason, answered no 
minister cou'd be had in many miles ; Brent replied j-o'r clerk Mr. 
Dobson may do that office, which was done by the church of Eng- 
land liturg}' ; Collo: Mason with Capt. Brent godfathers and Mrs. 
Mason godmother, my overseer Mr. Pimet being present, from whom 
I first heard it, and which all the' other persons (afterward) affirm'd 
to me ; the ffour men returned to drinking punch, but Mrs. Mason 
stayed & looking on the child, it open'd the eyes, and breath'd 
whereat she ran for a cordial, which he took from a spoon, gaping 
for more and so (by degrees) recovered, tho' before his baptism, they 
had often tryed the same meanes but cou'd not by no endeavours 
wrench open his teeth. 

This was taken as a convincing proofe against infidelity. 

But to return from this digression, the Susquehanoughs were 
newly driven from their habitations, at the head of Chesepiack Bay, 
by the Cinela Indians, down to the head of the Potomack, where 
they sought protection under the Pascataway Indians, who had a 
fort near the head of that river, and also were our ffriends. 

After this unfortunate exploit of Mason & Brent, one or tVvO 
being kill'd in Stafford, boats of war were equipt to prevent excur- 
sions over the river, at the same time murders being likewise com- 
mitted in Maryland, bj' whom not known, on either side the river, 
both countrys raised their quota's of a thousand men, upon whose 
coming before the ft'ort, the Indians sent out 4 of their great men, 
who ask'd the reason of that hostile appearance, what they said 
more or offered I do not remember to have heard ; but our two com- 
manders caused them to be (instantly) slaine, after which the In- 
dians made an obstinate resistance shooting manj' of our men, and 
making frequent, fierce and bloody sallyes : and when they were 
call'd to, or offered parley, gave no other answer, than "where are 
our four Cockarouses, i. e. great men? 

At the end of six weeks, march'd out seventy five Indians with 
their women, children &c. who by moonlight passed our guards hol- 
lowing & firing at them without opposition having 3 or 4 decrepits 
in the ffort. 

The next morning th' English followed, but could not, or (for 
fear of ambuscades) would not overtake these desperate fugities the 
number we lost in that siege I did not hear was published. 

The walls of this fort was high banks of earth, with flankers 
having many loop-holes, and a ditch round all, and without this a 
row of tall trees fastened 3. feet deep in the earth, their bodies from 


5. to. 8. inches diameter, watled 6. inches apart to shoot through 
with the tops twisted together, and also artificially wrought, as our 
men could make no breach to storm it, nor (being low land) could 
they undermine it b} reason of water neither had they cannon to 
batter itt, so that 'twas not taken, untill ffamine drove the Indians 
out of it. 

These escap"d Indians (forsaking Maryland) took their rout 
over the head of that river, and thence over the heads of Rappahan- 
nock & York Rivers, killing whom they found of the upmost plan- 
tations until they came to the head of James River, where (with 
Bacon and. others) they slew Mr. Bacon's overseeer whom he much 
loved, and one of his servants, whose bloud hee vowed to revenge if 

In these frightful times the most exposed small families withdrevr 
into our houses of better numbers, which v/e fortified with palisa- 
does and redoubts, neighbours in bodys joined their labours from 
each plantation to others alternately, taking their arms into the 
fiieids, and setting centinels ; no man stirrd out of doors unarm' d, 
Indians were (ever & anon) espied, three 4. 5. or 6. in a party lurk- 
ing throughout the whole land, 3'et (what was remarkable) I rarely 
heard of any houses burnt, tlio' abundance was forsaken, nor ever, 
or any corn or tobacco cut up, or other injury done, beside murders, 
except the killing of a very few cattle and swine. 

Frequent complaints of bloudsheds were sent to Sr. William 
Berkeley (then Govern' r) from^ the heads of the rivers, which 
were as often ansv.^ered with pror.iises of assistance. 

These at the heads of James and York Rivers (having now most 
people destroyed by the Indians flight thither from Potomack) grew 
impatient at the many slaughters of their neighbours and rose for 
their own defence, who clausing Mr. Bacon for their leader, sent 
oftentimes to the Govern' r, humbly beseeching a commission to go 
against those Indians at their own charge which his hon'r as often 
promised but did not send ; the misterj-es of these delays, were won- 
dered at and which I ne'er heard coud penetrate into, other than the 
effects of his passion, and a new (not to be mentioned) occasion of 
avarise, to both vchich he was (by the common vogue) more than 
a little addicted ; whatever were the popular surmizes & mur- 
murins viz't. 

"that no bullets would pierce bever skins. 

"rebells forfeitures would be loyall inheritances &c. 

During these protractions and people often slaine, most or all of 
the officers, civil & military with as many dwellers next the heads 
of the rivers as made up 300. men taking Mr. Bacon for their com- 
mand' r met, and concerted together, the danger of going without a 
commiss'n on the one part, and the continuall murders of their 
neighbors on the other part (not knowing whose or how many of 
their own turns might be next) and came to this resolution viz't to 
prepare themselve with necessaries for a march, but interim to send 


again for a commission, which if could or could not be obtayned 
by a certaine day, they would proceed commission or no commission. 

This day lapsing & no com'n come, they marched into the wild- 
erness in quest of those Indians after whom the Govern' r sent his 
proclamation, denouncing all rebells, who should not return within 
a limited day, whereupon those of estates obey'd ; but Mr. Bacon 
with 57. men proceeded until their provisions were near spent, with- 
out finding the enemy's when coming nigh affortof ffriend Indians, 
on th' other side a branch of James River, the}^ desired reliefe 
offering paym't,' which these Indians kindly promised to help them 
with on the morrow, but put them off with promises until the third 
day, so as then having eaten their last morsells they could not re- 
turn, but must have starved in the w^y homeward and now 
'twas suspected these Indians had received private messages from 
the Govern'or & those to be the cause of these delusive procrastina- 
tions ; whereupon the English waded shoulder deep thro' that 
branch of the ffort palisado's still entreating and tendering pay, for 
victuals ; but that evening a shot from the place they left on th' 
other side of that branch kill'd one of Mr. Bacon's men, which made 
them believe, those in the ffort had sent for other Indians to come 
behind 'em & cut 'em off. 

Hereupon they fired the polisado's, storm'd & burnt the ffort 
and cabins, and (with the losse of three English) slew 150 Indians. 
The circumstances of this expedic'n Mr. Bacon entertain 'd me with, 
at his own chamber, on a visit I made him, the occasion hereof is 
hereafter mentioned. 

ffrom hence they returned home where writts were come up to 
elect members for an assembly, v.'hen Mr. Bacon was unanimously 
chosen for one, who coming down the river was commanded by a 
ship with guns to come on board, where waited Major Houe the 
high sheriff of James town ready to seize him, by whom he was 
carried down to the Govern'r & by him receiv'd with a surprizing 
civility in the following words " Mr. Bacon you had for got to be a 
gentleman." No, may it please yo'r hon'r answer'd Mr. Bacon ; 
then replyed the Govern'r I'll take yo'r parol, and gave him his 
liberty ; in March 1675-6 writts came up to Stafford to choose their 
two members for an assemby to meet in May ; when Collo. Mason 
Capt. Brent and other gentlemen of that county invited me to stand 
a candidate ; a matter I little dreamt of, having never had inclina- 
c'ions to tamper into the precarious intrigues of Govern't. and my 
hands being full of my own business ; they press't severall cogent 
argum'ts. and I having considerable debts in the county, besides my 
plantation concerns, where (in one & th' other, I had much more 
severly suffered, than any of themselves by th' Indian disturbances 
in the summer and winter foregoing. I held it not [then] discreet to 
disoblige the rulers of it, so Collo: Mason with myself were elected 
without objection, he at time convenient went on horse back ; I 
took my sloop & the morning I arriv'd to James town after a weeks 


\-oyage, was vi^elcomed with the strange acclamations of All's Over 
Bacon is taken, having not heard at home of these Southern com'o- 
tions. other than rumors like idle tales, of one Bacon risen up in 
rebellion, no bod}^ knew for what, concerning the Indians. 

The next forenoon, tli' Assembly being met in a chamber over 
the General court & our Speaker chosen, the Govern' r sent for us 
down, where his hon'r with a pathetic emphasis made a short abrupt 
speech wherin were these words. 

' ' If they had killed my grandfather and m.}' grandmother, my 
' ' father and mother and all my friends, yet if the}- had come to treat 
"of peace, they ought to have gone in peace, and sat down. 

The two chief commanders at the aforementioned seige, who 
slew the ffour Indian great men, being present and part of our 

The Govern" r stood up againe and said "if there be joy in the 
" presence of the Angels over one sinner that repented, there is jo}- 
* ' now, for we have a penitent sinner come before us, call Mr. Bacon ; 
then did Mr. Bacon upon one knee at the bar deliver a sheet of paper 
confessing his crimes, and begging pardon of god the king and the 
Govern' r whereto [after short pause] he answered "God forgive 5^ou, 
I forgive j^ou, thrice repeating the same words ; when Collo. Cole 
[one of the council] said "and all that were with him, Yea, said the 
Govern' r & all that were with him, twenty or more persons being 
then in irons who were taken coming down in the same & other ves- 
sels with Mr. Bacon. 

About a minute after this the Govern' r starting up from his 
chair a third time said "Mr. Bacon ! if you will live civily but till next 
Quarter court [doubling the words] till next Quarter court. He 
promise to restore you againe to yo'r place, there pointing with his 
hand to Mr. Bacons seat, he having been of the Councill before these 
trouble, tho' he had been a very short time in Virginia but was de- 
posed by the aforesaid proclamoc'onand in the afternoon passing b}- 
the court door, in my way up to our chamber, I saw Mr. Bacon on 
his quandam seat the Govern' r & councill which seemed a marvel- 
lous indulgence to one whom he had so lately prescribed a rebell. 

The Govern' r had directed us to consider of means for security 
from th' Indian insults and to defra)' the charge &c. advising us to 
beware of two rogues amongst us, naming Laurence and Drummond 
both dwelling at James town and who were not at the Pascatawa} 

But at our entrance upon businesse, some gentlemen took this 
opportunity' to endeavour he redressing severall grievances the coun- 
try' then labor' d under, motions were made for inspecting the pub- 
lick revenues, the Collectors accompts &c. and so far was proceeded 
as to name part of a committee whereof Mr. Bristol [now in London] 
was and myself another, when we were interrupted b}' pressing mes- 
sages from the Govern' r to meddle with nothing until the Indian 
business was dispatch' t. 



This debate rose high, but was overruled and I have not heard 
that these inspections have since then been insisted upon, tho such 
of that indigent people as had no benefits from the taxes groaned 
undr our being thus overborn. 

The next thing was a Co'mittee for the Indian affaires, whereof 
in appointing members, myself was unwillingly nominated having 
no knowledge in martiall preparations, and after our names were 
taken, some of the house moved for sending 2 of our members to in- 
treat the Govern' r wou'd please to asssign two of his councill to sit 
Vv'ith, and assist us in our debates, as had been usuall. 

When seeing all silent looking at each other with many discon- 
tented faces, I ventur'd to offer my humble opinion to the Speaker 
"for the ' ' co'mittee to form methods as agreeable to the sense of the 
" house as we could, and report 'em whereby the would more clearly 
"see, on what points to give the Govern' r and Councill that trouble 
" if perhaps it might be needfull." 

These few words raised an uproar; one party urging hard "it 
had been customary and ought not to be omitted;" v/hereto Mr. 
Presley my neighbor an old assembly man, sitting next me, rose up, 
and [in a blundering manner replied] "tis true, it has been custom- 
" ary, but if we have any bad customs amonst us, we come here to 
" mend 'em" which set the house in slaughter. 

This was huddl'd off without coming to a vote, and so the co'- 
mittee must submit to be overaw'd, and have ever}- carpt at expres- 
sion carried streight to the Govern' r. 

Our co'mittee being sat, the Queen of Pakunky [descended from 
Oppechankenough a former Emperor of Virginia] was introduced, 
who entered the chamber with a comportment graceful to admira- 
tion, bringing on her right had an Englishman interpreter and on 
the left her son a strippling twenty years of age, she having round 
her head a plat of black & white wampam peague three inches 
broad in imitation of a crown, and was clothed in a mantle of dress't 
deerskins with the hair outwards & the edge cut round 6 inches 
deep which made strings resembling twisted fringe from the should- 
ers to the feet ; thus with grave courtlike gestures and a majestick 
air in her face, she walk'd up our long room to the lower end of the 
table, where after a few intreaties she sat down ; th' interpreter and 
her son standing by her on either side as they had walk'd up, our 
chairman asked her what men she would lend us for guides in the 
wilderness and to assist us against our enemy Indians, she spake to 
th' interpreter to inform her what the chairman said, [tho we be- 
lieve she understood him] he told us she bid him ask her son to 
whom the English tongue was familiar, & who was reputed the son 
of an English colonel, yet neither wou'd he speak to or seem to un- 
derstand the Chairman but th' interpreter told us he referred all to 
liis mother, who being againe urged she after a little musing with 
an earnest passionate countenance as if tears were ready to gush out 
and a fervent sort of expression made a harangue about a quarter of 


an hour, often interlacing [with a high shrill voice and vehement 
passion] these words "Tatapatomoi Chepiack, i. e. Tatapamoi dead: 
Coll: Hill being next n:e, shook his head, I ask'd what was the mat- 
ter, he told me all she said was too true to our shame, and that his 
father was generall in that battle, where diverse ^ears before Tata- 
patanioi her husband had led a hundred of his Indians in help in th' 
Bnglish against her former enemy Indians, and was there slaine with 
most of his men ; for which no compensation [at all] had been to 
that day rendered to her wherewith she novv' upbraided us. 

Her discourse ending and our morose ChauTaan not advancing 
one cold word towards asswaging the anger and grief of her speech 
and demeanour manifested under her oppression, nor taking any no- 
tice of all she had s^id, neither considering that we (then) were in 
our great exigency, supplicants to her for a favor of the same kind 
as the former, for which we did not deny the having been so ingrate 
lie rudel)' push'd againe the same question "what Indians will you 
now contribute &c? of this disregard she signifi ed lier resentment by 
a disdainful aspect, and turning her head lialf aside, sate mute till 
that same question being press' t a third time, she not turning her 
face to the board, answered with a low slighting voice in her own 
language "six, but being further importiui'd she sitting a little while 
sullen, without uttering a word between said, twelve, tho she then 
had a hundred and fifty Indian men, in her town, and so she rose up 
and gravely walked away, as not pleased with her treatment. 

Whilst some dais past in settling the Quota's of men and arms 
and ammunic'on provisions &c. each county was to furnish one 
morning early a bruit ran about the town Bacon is fled Bacon is fled, 
whereupon I v/ent straigh to Mr. I^aurence, who (formerly) was of 
Oxford university, and for wit learning and sobriety was equall'd 
there b}^ few, and who some years before [as Col. Lee tho one of the 
counciil and a friend of the Govern' rs inform'd me] had been parti- 
ally treated at law, for a considerable estate on behalf of a corrupt 
favorite ; which Laurence complaining loudly of, the Govern' r bore 
him a grudge and novv shaking his head, said "old treacherous vil- 
*'lian, and that his house was searcht that morning, at day break, 
"but Bacon was escaped into the country, having intimation that 
"the Govern 'rs generositj' in pardoning him and his followers and 
" restoring him to his seat in the counciil, were no other than previ- 
' ' ous wheadles to amuse him & his adherents & to circumvent them 
" by stratagem, forasmuch as the taking Mr. Bacon again into the 
" counciil was finst to keep him out of the assembly, and in the next 
" place the Govern' r knew the country- people were hastening down 
" with dreadful threatenings to double revenge all wrongs shoul'd be 
" done to Mr. Bacon or his men, or whoever .shou'd have had the 
*' least hand in 'em.' 

And so much was true that this Mr. young Nathaniel Bacon 
[not yet arrived at 30 years] had a nigh relation named Colo. Nath- 
aniel Bacon of long standing in the council a very rich politick man, 


and childless, designing this kinsman for his heir, who [not without 
much paines] had prevailed with his uneasy cousin to deliver the 
forementioned written recantation at the bar, having compiled it 
ready to his hand & b}' whose means it 'was supposed that timely 
intimation was convej^'d to the young gentleman to flee for his life, 
and also in 3. or four dais after Mr. Bacon was first seiz'd I saw 
abundance of men in town thither from the heads of the rivers, who 
finding him restored & his men at liberty, return' d home satisfied ; 
a few dais after which, the Govern' r seeing all quiet, gave out 
private warrants to take him againe, intending as was thought to 
raise the militia and so to dispose things as to prevent his friends 
from gathering any more into a like numerous body and coming down 
a second time to save him. 

In three or ffour dais after his escape, upon news that Mr, 
Bacon was 30 miles up the river, at the head of four hundred men, 
the Govern' r sent to the parts adjacent, on both sides James river 
for the militia and all the men that could be gotten to come and de- 
fend the town, expres's came almost hourly of th' arm^-'s approaches, 
whom in less than four dais after the first account of 'm att 2. of the 
clock entered the town, without being withstood, and form*dabody 
upon a green, not a flight shot from the end of the State house of 
horse and ffoot, as well regular as veteran troops, who forthwith 
possesst themselves of all the avenues, disarming all the town and 
coming thither in boats or by land. 

In half an hour after this the drum beat for the house to meet, 
and in less than an hour more Mr. Bacon came with a file of ffusileers 
on either hand near the corner of the State-house where the Gover- 
n'r. and councill went forth to him; we saw from the window 
the Govern' r open his breast, and Bacon strutting betwixt his two 
files of men with his left arm on Knebow fligning his right arm 
every way both like men distracted ; and if in this moment of fury 
that enraged multitude had fain upon the Govern' r & councill we 
of the assembly expected the same imediate tate , I stept down and 
amongst the crowd of Spectators found the seamen of my sloop, who 
pray'd me not to stir from them, when in two minutes, the Govern' r 
walk'd towards his private apartm'nt. a Coits cast distant at the 
other end of the Statehouse, the gentlemen of the councill following 
him, and after them walked Mr. Bacon with outraigous postures of his 
head arms body & legs, often tossing his hands from his sword to 
his hat and after him came a detachment of ffusileers (musketts 
not being then in use) who with their cocks bent presented their 
ffusils at a window of the assembly chamber filled with faces, re- 
peating with menacing voices "we will have it," we will have it," 
half a minute when as one of our house a person known to many of 
them, shook his handkerchief out at the window, "saying you shall 
have it, you shall have it," 3 or 4 times ; at these words they sate 
down their fusils unbent their locks and stood still untill Bacon com- 
ing back, they followed him to their main body ; in this hubub a 


ser\-aut of mine got so nigh as to hear the Govern" rs words, and also 
followed Mr. Bacon, and heard what he said, who came & told me, 
that when the Govern' r opened his breast he said, "here ! shoot me, 
foregod fair mark, shoot ; often rehearsing the same, without an}' 
other v/ords ; whereto Mr. Bacon answered "No may it please yo'r 
" hono'r we will not hurt a hair of yo'r head, nor of an}^ other 
" mans, we come for a Co' mission to save our lives from th' Indians, 
" which 3"ou have so often promised, and now we will have it before 
' ' we go. ' ' 

But vvhen Mr. Bacon followed the Govern'r &Councill with the 
forementioned impetuous (like delirious) actions whil'st that party 
presented their ffusils at the window full of ftaces, he said "Dam mj' 
"bloud I'le kill Govern' or Councill assembly & all, and then I'le 
" sheath my sword in my own hearts bloud ;" and afterwards 'twas 
said Bacon had given a signal to his men who presented their fusils 
at those gazing out at the window that if he should draw his sword, 
the}^ were on sight of it to fire, and slay us, so near was the m.assare 
of us all that very minute, had Bacon in that paroxism of phrentick 
fury but drawn his sword, before the pacifick handkercher was 
shaken out at the window. 

In an hour or more after these violent concussions Mr. Bacon 
came up to our chamber and desired a co' mission from us to go 
against tlie Indians ; our Speaker sat silent, when one Mr. Bla3-ton 
a neighbor to Mr. Bacon & elected with him a member of assembly 
for the same county (vAio therefore durst speak to him) made ans- 
wer, " 'twas not in our province, or power, nor of anj' other, save 
the king's viceregent our Govern'r, he press'd hard nigh half an 
hours harangue on the preserving our lives from the Indians, in- 
specting the publick revenues, th' exorbitant taxes and redressing 
the grievances and calamities of that deplorable countrj^ whereto 
having no other answer he went away dissatisfied. 

Next da}' there was a rumour the Govern'r & councill had 
agreed Mr. Bacon shou'd have a co'mission to go Generall of the 
fforces, we then were raising, wdiereupon I being n member of Staf- 
ford, the most northern frontier, and where the war begun, con- 
sidering that J\Ir. Bacon dwelling in the most Southern ffrontier, 
county, might the less regard the parts I represented, I vrent to Coll: 
Cole (an active member of the councill) desiring his advice, if ap- 
plicac'onsto Mr. Bacon on that subject were then seasonable and 
safe, which he approving and earnestly advising, I v\'ent to Mr. 
I^aurence who wsls esteemed Mr. Bacon's principal consultant, to 
whom he took me with him, and there left me where I was enter- 
tained 2 or 3 hours with the particular relac'ons of diverse before re- 
cited transactions ; and as to the matter I spake of, he told me, the 
Govern'r had indeed promused him the command of the forces, and 
if his hono'r shou'd keep his word (which he doubted) he assured 
me "the like care should be taken of the remotest corners in the 
"land, as of his ow^n dwelling-house, and pray'd me to advise him 


" what persons in those parts were most fit to bear commands." I 
frankly gave hirn my opinion that the most satisfactory gentlemen 
to govern'r & people, wou'd beco'mandersof the militia, wherewith 
he was well pleased, and himself wrote a list of those nominated. 

That evening I made known what had passed with Mr. Bacon 
to my colleague Coll : Mason [whose bottle attendance doubted my 
task] the matter he liked well, but questioned the Govern' rs ap- 
probation of it. 

I confess'd the case required sedate thoughts, reasoning, that 
he and such like gentlemen must either co'niand or be co'm.anded, 
and if on their denials Mr. Bacon should take distaste, and be con- 
strained to appoint co'nianders out of the rabble, the Govern'r him- 
self with the persons & estates of all in the land would be at their 
dispose, \vhereby their own ruine might be owing to themselves ; in 
this he agreed & said "If the Govern'r would give his own co'mis- 
' ' sion he would be content to serv^e under general Bacon [as now he 
"began to be intituled] but first would consult other gentlemen in 
the same circumstances ; who all concurr'd 'twas the most safe bar- 
rier in view against pernicious designes, if such should be put in 
practice ; with this I acquainted Mr. Laurance who went [rejoicing] 
to Mr. Bacon with the good tidings, that the militia co'nianders were 
inclined to serve under him, as their Generall, in case the Governor 
would please to give them his own co' missions. 

Wee of the house proceeded to finish the bill for the war, which 
by the assent of the Govern'or and councill being past into an act, 
the Govern'r sent us a letter directed to his majesty, wherein were 
these words "I have above 30 years governed the most flourishing 
' ' country the sun ever shone over, but am novv- encompassed with 
" rebellion like waters in every respect like to that of Massanello ex- 
cept their leader, and of like import was the substance of that letter, 
But we did not believe his hon'r sent us all he wrote his majesty. 

Some judidious gentlemen of our house likewise penn'd a letter 
or remonstrance to be sent his Maj'tie, setting for the gradations of 
these erupc'ons, and two or three of them with Mr. Mingo our clerk 
brought it me to compile a few lines for the conclusion of it, which 
I did [tho not without regret in those watclifull times, when every 
man had eyes on him, but what I wrote was with all possible defer- 
rence to the Govern'r and in the most soft terms my pen cou'd find 
the case to admit. 

Col. Spencer being m}' neighbor & intimate friend, and a preva- 
lent member in the council I pray'd him to intreat the Govern'r we 
might be dissolved, for that was ni}' first and should be my last 
going astray from m}' wonted sphere of merchandise & other my 
private concernments into the dark and slippery meanders of court 
embarrassments, he told me the Govern'r had not [then] determined 
his intention, but he would move his hon'r about itt, and in 2 or 3 
daj'S we were dissolved, which I was most heartily glad of, because 
of my getting loose againe from being hampered amongst those per- 


nicious entangleme'ts in the labyrinths & snares of state ambigui- 
ties, & which i:yitil then I had not seen the practice nor the dangers 
of, for it was observ^'d that severall of the members had .secret badges 
of distinction fixt upon 'em, as not docill enough to gallop the future 
races, that court seem'd disposed to lead 'em, whose maxims I had 
oft times heard whisper' d before, and then found confirm 'd by 
diverse considerate gentlem'n viz't "that the wise and the rich were 
' ' prone to ffaction & sedition but the fools & poor were easy to bt 

Many members being met one evening nigh sunsett, to take our 
leave of each other, in order next day to return homewards, came 
Gen'll. Bacon with his handfull of unfolded papers & overlooking 
us round, walking in the room said "which of these Gentlem'n shall 
I interest to write a few words for me, where every one looking 
aside as not willing to meddle ; Mr. Lawrence pointed at me saying 
"that gentleman writes vers' well which I endeavoring to excuse 
Mr. Bacon came stooping to the ground and said "pray S'r Do me 
the ho'r write a line for me." 

This surprising accostm't schockt me into a melancholy con- 
sternation, dreading upon one hand, that Stafford county would feel 
the smart of his resentment, if I should refuse him whose favor I 
had so lateh^ sought and been generously promis'd on their behalf ; 
and on th' other hand fearing the Govern' rs displeasure who I knew 
would soon hear of it ; what seem'd m.ost prudent at this hazardous 
dilemma was to obviate the present impending peril ; So Mr. Bacon 
made me sit the whole night by him filling up those papers, whicli 
I then saw were blank co'missions sign'd by the Govern'r incerting 
such names & writing other matters as he dictated, whicli I took to 
be the happy effects of the consult before mentioned, with the com- 
'anders of the militia because he gave me the names of very few 
others to put into these co'missions, and in the morning he left me 
with an hours work or more to finish, when came to me Capt. Carv^er, 
and said he had been to wait on the Generall for a co' mission, and 
that he was resolved to adventure his old bones against the Indian 
rogues with other the like discourse, and at length told me that I 

was in mighty favor and he was bid to tell me, that whatever 

I desired in the Generals power, was at ni}' ser\nce, I pray'd hini 
humbly to thank his hon'r and to acquaint him I had no other boon 
to crave, than his promis'd kindness to Stafford county, for besides 
the not being worthy, I never had been conversant in military' mat- 
ters, and also having lived tenderly, my serv'ice cou'd be of no bene- 
fit because the hardships and fatigues of a wilderness campaigne 
would put a speedy period to my dais: little expecting to hear of 
more intestine broiles, I went home to Potomack, where reports were 
afterwards various ; we had account that Generall Bacon was 
march 'd with a thousand men into the fforest to seek the enemy In- 
dians, and in a few dais after our next news was, that the Govern'r 
had sum'oned together the militia of Gloucester & Middlesex coun- 


ties to the number of twelve hundred men, and proposed to them to 
follow & and suppress the rebell Bacon, whereupon arose a murmur- 
ing before his face "Bacon, Bacon, Bacon, and all walked out of the 
"field, muttering as they went Bacon, Bacon, Bacon, leaving the 
Governor and those that came with him to themselves, who being 
thus abandon'd wafted over Chesepiacke Bay 30 miles to Accomack 
where are two counties of Virginia. 

Mr. Bacon hearing of this came back part of the way, and sent 
out parties of horse patrolling through every county, carrying away 
prisoners all whom he distrusted might any more molest his Indian 
prosecuc'on yet giving liberty to such as pledg'd him their oaths to 
return home and live quiet ; the copies or contents of which oaths I 
never saw, but heard were very strict, tho' little observed. 

About this time was a spie detected pretending himself a de- 
serter who had twice or thrice come and gone from party to party 
and was b}'^ councill of war sentenced to death, after which Bacon 
declared openly to him, " that if any one in the army w^ou'd speak a 
" word to save him, he shou'd not suffer," which no man appearing 
to do, he was executed, upon this manifestation of clemency Bacon 
was applauded for a mercifull man, not willing to spill Christian 
bloud, nor indeed was it said, that he put any other man to death in cold 
bloud, or plunder any house ; nigh the same time came Maj'rLang- 
ston with his troop of horse and quartered two nights at my house 
w^ho [after high compliments from the Generall] told me I was de- 
sired "to accept the Lieutenancy for preser\dng the peace in the 5 
Northern counties betwixt Potomack and Rappahannock River, I 
humbl}^ thank'd his hon'r excusing myself, as I had done before on 
that invitation of the like nature at James town, but did hear he was 
mightily offended at my evasions and threatened to remember me. 

The Govern'r made 2d. attempt coming over from Accomack 
with what men he could procure in sloops and boats, forty miles up 
the river to James town, which Bacon hearing of, came againe down 
from his fforest pursuit, and finding a bank not a flight shot long, 
cast up thwart the neck of the peninsula there in Jamies tow-n, he 
stormed it, and took the town, in which attack Avere 12. men slaine 
& wounded but the Govern' r with most of his followers fled back, 
down the river in their vessells. 

Here resting a few dais they concerted the burning of the town, 
wherein Mr. lyawrence and Mr. Drumond owning the two best 
houses save one, sat fire each to his own house, w^hich example the 
souldiers following laid the whole town with church and State house 
in ashes, saying, the rogues should harbour no more there. 

On these reiterated molestac'ons Bacon calls a convention at 
Midle plantation 15. miles from James town in the month of August 
1676, where an oath with one or more proclamations were formed, 
and writts by him issued for an Assembly ; the oaths or writts I never 
saw, but one proclamation com'anded all men in the land on pain of 
death to joine him, and retire into the wildernesse upon arrival of the 


forces expected from England, and oppose them until they should 
propose to accept to treat of an accom'odntion, which we who lived 
comfortably coud not have undergone, so as the whole land must 
have become an Aceldama if gods exceeding mercy had not timely 
removed him. 

During these tumults in Virginia a 2d danger menaced Mary- 
land by an insurrection in that province, complaining of their heav}' 
taxes &c. where 2 or 3 of the leading malcontents [men otherwise of 
laudable characters] were put to death, which stifled the farther 
.spreading of that flame. Mr. Bacon [at this time] press' t the best 
.ship in James river, carrying 20 guns and putting into her his Lieu- 
tenant Generall Mr. Bland [a gentleman newly come thither from 
England to possesse the estate of his deceased uncle late of the coun- 
cil] and under him the forementioned Capt. Car\-er, formerly a com- 
'ander of Merch'ts ships with men & all necessaries, he sent her to 
ride before Accomack to curb and intercept all small vessels of war 
com'ission'd by the Govern'or com'ing often over and making depre- 
dations on the Western shoar, as if we had been fforeign enemies, 
which gives occasion in this place to digress a few words. 

Att first assembly after the peace came a message to them from 
the Govern' r for some marks of distinction to be set on his loyal 
friends of Accomack, who received him in his adversit}' which when 
came to be consider'd Col: Warner [then Speaker] told the house 
"Ye know that what mark of distinction his hon'r coud have sett 
' ' on those of Accomack unlesse to give them ear marks or burnt 
"marks for robbing and ravishing honest people, who stay'd at 
"home and preser\'-'d the estates of those who ran awa}-, when none 
" intended to hurt 'em." 

Now returning to Capt. Carver the Govern' r sent for him to 
come on shoar, promising his peaceable return, who answer' d, he 
could not trust his word, but if he wou'd send his hand & seal, he 
wou'd adventure to wait upon his hon'r which was done, andCar\'er 
went in his sloop well arm'd & man'd with the most trusty of his men 
where he was caress' d with wine &c. and large promises, if he would 
forsake Bacon, resigne his ship or joine with him, to all which he 
answered that "if he serv^ed the Devill he would be true to his trust, 
"but that he was resolved to go home and live quiet. 

In the mean time of this recepc'on and parley, an armed boat 
was prepared with many oars in a creek not far off, but out of sight, 
which when Carver sail'd, row'd out of the creek, and it being al- 
most calm the boat out went the .sloop whilst all on board the ship 
were upon the deck staring at both, thinking the boats company 
coming on board by Car\-ers invitation to be civilly entertained in 
requitall for the kindness they supposed he had received on shoar, 
untill coming under the stern, those in the boat slipt nimbly in at 
the gun room ports with pistolls &c. when one courageous gentle- 
man ran up to the deck, & clapt a pistoU to Blands breast, saying 
you are my prisoner, the boats company suddenl}- following with 


pistolls swords &c. and after Capt. Larimore (the com'ander of the 
ship before she was presst) having from the highest and hindmost 
part of the stern interchang'd a signal from the shoar, by flirting his 
handkercher about his nose, his own former crew had laid hand- 
spikes ready, which thej- [at that instant] caught up &c. so as 
Bland & Carvers men vv^ere amazed and yielded. 

Carver seeing a hurl}- burly on the ships deck, would have gone 
away with his sloop, but having little wind & the .ship threat' ning 
to sink him, he tamely came on board, where Bland & he with their 
party were laid in irons, and in 3. or 4 dais Carver was hanged on 
.shoar, which S'r Henry Chichelly the first of the councill then a 
|)risoner, [with diverse other gentlemen] to Mr. Bacon, did after- 
wards exclaime against as a most rash and wicked act of the Gover- 
n'or he in particular expected to have been treated by way of repri- 
zall, as Bacons friend Carver had been by the Govern' r. Mr. Bacon 
now returns from his last expedic'ou sick of fflux ; without finding 
any enemy Indians, having not gone far by reason of the vexations 
behind him, nor had he one drj^ day in all his marches to and 
fro in the fforest whilst the plantations [not 50. miles distant] had a 
sum'er so dry as stinted the Indian corn and tobacco &c. which the 
people ascribed to the Pawawings i. e. the sorceries of the Indians, 
in a while Bacon dyes & was succeeded by his Lieuten't Gen' 11 In- 
gram, who had one Wakelet next in com' and under him, whereupon 
hasten' d over the Govern' r to York river, and with whom they arti- 
cled for themselves, and whom else they could, so all Submitted and 
were pardoned exempting those nominated and otherwise proscribed, 
in a proclamac'on of indemnity, the principall of whom were Laur- 
ence and Drum'ond. 

Mr. Bland was then a prisoner having been taken with Carver, 
as before noted, and in a few dais Mr. Drumond was brought in, 
when the Govern' r being on board a ship came im'ediately on shore 
and complimented him with the ironicall sarcasm of a low bend, say- 
ing " Mr. Drummond ! you are ver>- unwelcome, I am more glad to 
"see you, than any man in Virginia, Mr. Drumond you shall be 
"hang'd in half an hour ; who answered What yo'r hon'r pleases, 
and as soon as a council of war cou'd meet, his sentence be dis- 
patchat & a gibbet erected [which took up near two houres] he was 

This Mr. Drumond was a sober Scotch gentleman of good re- 
pute with whome I had not a particular acquaintance, nor do I know 
the cause of that rancour his hon'r had against him other than his 
pretensions in com'n for the publick but meeting him by accident 
the morning I left the town, I advis'ed him to be very wary, for he 
saw the Govern' r had put a brand upon him, he [gravely expressing 
my name] answered "lam in over shoes, I will be over boots," 
which I was sorry to heare & left him. 

The last account of Mr. Laurence was from an uppermost plan- 
tation, where he and ffour others desperado's with horses pistolls &c. 


march'd away in a snow ancle deep, who are thought to have cast 
themselves into a branch of some river, rather than to be treated 
like Drum'ond. 

Bacon's body was so made away, as his bones were never found 
to be exposed on a gibbet as was purpos'd, stones being laid on his 
coffin, supposed to be done by I^aurence. 

Near this time arrived a small ffleet with a I'egiment from Eng- 
land S'r John Berr}^ Admirall, Coll: Herbert Jefferies com' ander of 
the land forces and Collo: Morrison who had one year been a former 
Govern' r there, all three joined in a com'ission with or to S'r Wil- 
liam Barclay, soon after when a generall court, and also an assem- 
bly were held, where some of our former assembl}' [with so many 
others] were put to death, diverse whereof were persons of honest 
reputation and handsome estates, as that the iVssembly petitioned 
the Govern' r to spill no more bloud, and Mr. Presly at his coming 
home told me, hebelived the Govern' r would have hang'd half the 
country, if they had let him alone, the first was Mr. Bland whose 
friends in England had procured his pardon to be sent over with the 
ffleet, which he pleaded at his tryall, was in the Govern' rs pocket 
[tho' whether 'twas so, or how it came there, I know not, yet did 
not hear 'twas openly contradicted] but he was answered by Collo: 
Morrison that he pleaded his pardon at swords point, which was 
look'd upon an odd sort of reply, and he w^as executed ; [as was 
talked] by private instructions from England the Duke of York hav- 
ing sworn ' 'by god Bacon & Bland shoud dye. 

The Govern 'r went in the ffleet to London [whether by com- 
'and from his Majesty or spontaneous I did not hear] leaving Col. 
Jefferyes in his place, and by next shipping came back a person who 
waited on his hon'r in his voyage, and untill his death, from whom 
a report was whisper'd about that the king did saj' "that old 
"fool had hang'd more men in that naked country, than he had 
done for the murther of his father, whereof the Govern 'r hearing 
dyed soon after without having seen his majesty ; which shuts up 
this tragedy. 


To avoid incumbering the body of the foregoing little discourse. 
I have not therein mentioned the received opinion in Virginia, which 
very much attributed the promoting these perturbac'ons of Mr. Laur- 
ence, & Mr. Bacon with his other adherents, were esteemed, as but 
wheels agitated b}^ the weight of his former & present resentments, 
after their cholor was raisecl up to a ver>^ high pitch, at having been 
[so long & often] trifled with in their humble supplications to the 
Govern' r for his im'ediate taking in hand the most speedy meanes 
tow'ards stopping the continued effusions of so much English bloud, 


from time to time by the Indians , which com' on sentim'ts I have the 
more reason to believe were not altogether groundless, because my 
self have heard him [in his familiar discourse] insinuate as if his 
fancy gave him prospect of finding (at one time or other) some expedi- 
ent not only to repair his great losse, but therewith to see those 
abuses rectified that the country' was oppressed with through (as he 
said) the forwardness avarice & french despotick methods of the 
Govern' r & likewise I know him to be a thinking man, and tho' 
nicel}" honest, affable, & without blemish ; in his conversation and 
dealings, j-et did he manifest abundance of uneasiness in the sense 
of his hard usages, which might prompt him to improve that Indian 
quarrel to the service of his animosities, and for this the more 
fair & frequent opportunities offered themselves to him b}' his dwell- 
ing at James town, where was the concourse from all parts to the 
Govern' or and besides that he had married a wealthy widow who kept 
a large house of public entertainm't into which resorted those of 
the best quality and such others as business called to that town, and 
his parts with his even temper made his converse coveted by per- 
sons of all ranks ; so that being subtile, and having these advantages 
he might with less difiiculty discover mens inclinations, and instill 
his notions where he found those woud be imbib'd with greatest 

As for Mr. Bacon fame did not lay to his charge the having run 
out his patrimony in England except what he brought to Virginia, 
and for that the most part to be exhausted, which together made 
him suspecting of casting an eye to search for retrievement in the 
troubled waters of popular discontents, wanting patience to wait the 
death of his opulent cousin, old Collo: Bacon, whose estate he ex- 
pected to inherit. 

But he was too 3-oung, too much a stranger there, and of a dis- 
position too pricipitate, to manage things to that length those were 
carried, had not thoughtfull Mr. Laurence been at the bottom. 





From the best evidence the author has been able to obtain, and 
to this end he has devoted much time and research, the settlement 
of our fine and beautiful valley commenced in the year 1732, about 
one hundred and twenty-five years from the first settlem.ent of Vir- 
ginia. Before going into a detail of the first immigration and 
improvement of the Vallej', the author believes it will not be unin- 
teresting to the general reader, to have a brief history of the long 
and bloody wars carried on between contending tribes of Indians. 
Tradition relates that the Delaware and Catawba tribes were engaged 
in war at the time the Vallej' was first known by the white people, 
and that that war was continued for man}' years after our section of 
country became pretty numerously inhabited b}' the white settlers. 

I shall commence with a narrative of Indian battles fought on 
the Cohongoruton.* At the mouth of the Antietam, a small creek 
on the Maryland side of the river, a most bloody affair took place 
between parties of the Catawba and Delaware tribes. This was 
probably about the year 1736. The Delawareshad penetrated prett}' 

* Coliongoruton is the ancient Indian name of the Potomac from its 
junction with the Shenandoah to the Alleghany mountain. Lord Fairfax, 
in his grants for land on this water course, designated it Potomac ; by which 
means it gradually lost its ancient name, and now is generally known by no 
other name. Maj. H. Bedinger writes the name of this river Cohongoluta. 
It is, however, written in the act laying off the county of Frederick in 1738, 


far to the south, committed some acts of outrage on the Catawbas, 
and on their retreat were overtaken at the mouth of this creek, when 
a desperate conflict ensued. Every man of the Delaware party were 
put to death, with the exception of one who escaped after the battle 
was over, and every Catawba held up a scalp but one. This was a 
disgrace not to be borne ; and he instantly gave chase to the fugitive, 
overtook him at the Susquehanna river, (a distance little short of 
one hundred miles), killed and scalped him, and returning 
showed his scalp to several white people, and exulted in what he 
had done.* 

Another most bloody battle was fought at the mouth of Cono- 
cocheague.t on Friend's land, in which but one Delaware escaped 
death, and he ran in to Friend's house, when the family- shut the 
door, and kept the Catawbas out, by which means the poor fugitive 
was saved. | 

There is also a tradition, and there are evident signs of the fact, of 
another furious battle fought at what is called the Slim Bottom on 
Wappatomaka,§ (the ancient Indian name of the Great South 
Branch of the Potomac), about one and half miles from its mouth. 
At this place there are several large Indian graves, near w^hat is 
called the Painted Rock. On this rock is exhibited the shape of a 
man with a large blotch, intended, probabl}^ to represent a man 
bleeding to death. The stain, it appeared to the author, was made 
with human blocd. The top of the rock projects over the painted 
part so as to protect it from the washings of the rains, and is on the 
east side of the rock. How long the stain of human blood would 
remain visible in a position like this, the author cannot pretend to 
express an opinion ; but he well recollects the late Gen. Isaac Zane 
informed me that the Indians beat out the brains of an infant (near 
his old iron works) against a rock, and the stain of the blood was 
plainly to be seen about forty years afterwards. In this battle 
it is said but one Delaware escaped, and he did so by leaping into the 
river, diving under water, continuing to swim until he crossed the 

A great battle between these hostile tribes, it is said, was fought 
at what is called the Hanging Rocks, on the Wappatomaka, in the 

*This tradition was related to the author by Capt. James Glenn, of Jef- 
ferson county, now upwards of 73 years of age, and confirmed by the venera- 
ble John Tomlinson, near Cumberland, Maryland, now 92 j'ears old. 

f Mr. Tomlinson is of opinion this affair took place at the mouth of the 

X Capt. James Glenn, confirmed by Mr, Tomlinson, except as to the 
place of battle. 

§ The name of this water course in Lord Fairfax's ancient grants is 
written Wappatomac ; but Mr. Heath and Mr. Blue both stated that the 
proper name was Wappatomaka. 

I Capt. James Glenn, confirmed by Mr. Garrett Blue, of Hampshire. In- 
deed, this tradition is familiar to most of the elderly citizens on the South 
Branch, as also the battle of the Hanging Rocks. 


county of Hampshire, where the river passes through the moun- 
tain.* A prettj' large part}- of the Delawares had invaded the ter- 
ritory of the Catawbas, taken several prisoners, and commenced 
•their retreat homewards. When the}' reached this place, they made 
a halt, and a luimber of them commenced fishing. Their Catawba 
enemies, close in pursuit, discovered them, and threw a party of 
men across the river, with another in their front. Thus enclosed, 
with the rock on one side, a party on the opposite side of the river, 
another in their front, and another in their rear, a most furious and 
bloody onset was made, and it is believed that several hundred of the 
Delawares were slaughtered. Indeed, the signs now to be seen at 
this place exhibit striking evidences of the fact. There is a row of 
Indian graves between the rock and public road, along the margin 
of the river, from sixty to seventy yards in length. It is believed 
that but ver}'- few of the Delawares escaped. 

There are also signs of a bloody battle having been fought at the 
forks of the Wappatomaka ; but of this battle, if it ever occurred, the 
author could obtain no traditional account. 

Tradition also relates that the Southern Indians exterminated a 
tribe, called the Senedos, on the North fork of the Shenandoah river, 
at present the residence of William Steenbergen, Esq., in the count}' 
of Shenandoah. About the year 1734, Benjamin Allen, Riley Moore, 
and William White, settled in this neighborhood. Benjamin Allen 
settled on the beautiful estate called Allen's bottom. An aged In- 
dian frequently visited him, and on one occasion informed him that 
the ' 'Southern Indians killed his whole nation with the exception of 
himself and one other youth ; that this bloody slaughter took place 
when he, the Indian, was a small boy."t From this tradition, it is 
probable this horrid affair took place some time shortly after the 
middle of the seventeenth century. Maj. Andrew Keyser also in- 
formed the author that an Indian once called at his father's, in Lan- 
caster county, Pennsylvania, appeared to be much aggitated, and 
asked for something to eat. After refreshing himself, he was asked 
what disturbed him. He replied, "The Southern Indians have 
killed my whole nation." 

There are also evident signs of the truth of this tradition yet to 
be seen. On Mr. Steenbergen' s land are the remains of an Indian 
mound, though it is now plowed down. The ancient settlers in the 
neighborhood differ in their opinion as to its original height. When 
they first saw it, some say it was eighteen or twenty feet high, others 
that it did not exceed twelve or fourteen, and that it was from fifty 
to sixty yards in circumference at the base. This mound was liter- 
ally filled with human skeletons ; and it is highly probable that this 

* As the author expects to give a detailed description of this extraordi- 
nary place, in his chapter of natural curiosities, he will barely mention the 
fact, that this rock, on one side of the river, is a perpendicular wall of several 
hundred feet high, and several hundred yards in length. 

f Mr. Israel Allen related this tradition to the author. 


was the depository of the dead after the great massacre which took 
place as just related. 

This brief account of Indian battles contains all the traditionary 
information the author has been able to collect, with one exception, 
which will be noticed in the next chapter. There is, however, a 
tradition, that on one particular occasion, a party of thirty Delaware 
Indians, having penetrated far to the South, surprised a party of 
Catawbas, killed several, and took a prisoner. The part}^ of Dela- 
wares, on their return, called at Mr. Joseph Perrill's, near Winchester, 
and exulted much at their success. The next a day party of ten Ca- 
tawbas called at Mr. Perrill's in pursuit. They enquired when their 
enemy had passed. Being informed, they pushed off at a brisk step, 
overtook the thirty Delawares at the Cohongoruton, (Potomac), 
killed every man, recovered their prisoner, called at Mr. Perrill's on 
their return, and told what they had done.* But it is probable this 
is the same affair which took place at the mouth of the Antietam, 
though it is possible that it may be a different one. Mr. Tomlison 
is under the impression that there was an Indian battle fought at the 
mouth of the Opequon. 

The author has seen and conversed with several aged and re- 
spectable individuals, who well recollect seeing numerous war parties 
of the Northern and Southern Indians, passing and repassing 
through the Valley. Several warrior paths have been pointed out 
to him. One of them led from the Cohongoruton, (Potomac), and 
passed a little west of Winchester southwardly. This path forked a 
few miles north of Winchester, and one branch of it diverged more 
to the east, crossed the Opequon, very near Mr. Carter's paper mill, 
on the creek, and led on toward the forks of the Shenandoah River. 
Another crossed the North mountain and the Valley a few miles above 
the Narrow Passage, thence over the Fort mountain to the South 
River Valley. Another crossed the Cumberland, in Maryland, and 
proceeded up the Wappatomaka or Great South Branch Valley, in 
the counties of Hampshire and Hardy. 

And aged and respectable old lady on Apple-pie Ridge, informed 
the author that .she had frequently heard her mother speak of apart}' 
of Delaware Indians once stopping at her father's, where they staj-ed 
all night. They had in custody a young female Catawba prisoner, 
who was one of the most beautiful females she had ever seen. Maj. 
R. D. Glass also informed the author that his father, who resided at 
the head of the Opequon, stated the same fact. It was remarkable 
to see with what resignation this unfortunate young prisoner sub- 
mitted to her fate. Her unfeeling tormentors would tie her, and 
compel her at night to lay on her back, with the cords distended 
from her hands and feet, and tied to branches or what else they could 
get at to make her secure, while a man la}'^ on each side of her with the 
cords passing under their bodies. 

* Gen. John Bmith communicated this tradition to the author. 


Mr. John Tomlinson also informed the author, that when about 
seven or eight years of age, he saw a party of Delawares pass his 
father's house, with a female Catawba prisoner, who had an infant 
child in her arms ; and that it was said they intended to sacrifice her 
when the}' reached their towns.* 

Tomlison also relates a very remarkable instance of the sacrifice 
of a female Catawba prisoner by the Delawares. A party of Dela- 
wares crossed the Potomac, near Oldtown, in Maryland, a short 
distance from which the}- cruelly murdered their prisoner ; the}- then 
moved on. The next day several of them returned, and cut off the 
soles of her feet, in order to prevent her from pursuing and haunt- 
ing them in their march. f 

Capt. Glenn informed the author that a Mrs. Mar>' Friend, who 
resided on or near the Potomac, stated to him that she once saw a 
body of four or five hundred Catabawa Indians on their march to 
invade the Delawares ; but from some cause they became alarmed, 
and returned without success. 

The same gentleman stated to the author that a Mr. James Hen- 
dricks informed him that the last sacrifice made by the Delawares, 
of their Catawba prisoners, was at the first run or stream of water on 
the south side of Lancaster, Pennsylvania. Here several prisoners 
v/ere tortured to death with all the wonton barbarity and cruelty- 
peculiar to the savage character. Mr. Hendricks was an eye wit- 
ness to this scene of horror. During the protracted and cruel suffer- 
ings of these unhappy victims, they tantalized and used the most 
insulting language to their tormentors, threatening them with the 
terrible vengeance of their nation as long as they could speak. 

This bloody tragedy soon reached the ears of the Governor of 
Pennsylvania, and he forth with issued his proclamation, command- 
ing and requiring all the authorities, both civil and military, to 
interpose, and prohibit a repetition of such acts of barbarity and 

The author will now conclude this narrative of Indian wars, 
with a few general reflections. 

It is the opinion of some philosophers, that it is inherent in the 
nature of man to fight. The correctness of this opinion Mr. Jeffer- 
son seems to doubt, and suggests that "it grows out of the abuse and 
not tnc natural state of man. ' ' But it reall}' appears there are strong 
reasons to believe^that there does exist "a natural state of hostilit}' of 
man against man. Upon what other principle can we account for 
the long and furious wars v/hich have been carried on, at different 
periods, among the aboriginals of our countrv? , ^ ^^-.^,^ - 

— J . /< ' ^ ' -' '. -- Z*- ^±. 

* Mr. Tomlinson's father tlien resided about seven miles below the 
mouth of Conococheague ou or near the Potomac, on the RIarj-land side. 

fMr. G. Blue, of Hampshire, stated this tradition to the author. 


At an iiiiniense distance apart, '^ probably little less than six or 
vSeven hundred miles, without trade, commerce, or clashing of inter- 
ests — without those causes of irritation common among civilized 
states — we find these two nations for a long series of yezLVS engaged 
in the most implacable and destructive wars. Upon what other 
principle to account for this state of things, than that laid down, is 
a subject for which the author cannot pretend to explain. It, how- 
ever, affords matter of curious speculation and interesting reflection 
to the inquiring mind. That nations are frequently urged to war 
and devestation by the restless and turbulent disposition so common 
to mankind, particularly among their leaders, is a question of little 
doubt. The glory and renown (falsely .so termed) of great achie\-e- 
ments in war, is probably one principal cause of the wars frequenth' 
carried on by people in a state of nature. 

*The Catawba tribes reside on the river of that name in South Carolina. 
The}' were a powerful and warlike nation, but are now reduced to less than 
two hundred souls. The Delawares resided at that period on the Susque- 
hanna River, in Pennsylvania, and are now far west of the Alleghany 




The author deems it unnecessary to give a detailed account of 
all the particular places which exhibit signs of the ancient residences 
of Indians, but considers it sufiScient to say that on all our water 
courses, evidences of their dv.'ellings are 5-et to be seen. The two 
great branches of the Shenandoah, and the south branch of the 
Potomac, appear to have been their favorite places of residence. 
There are more numerous signs of their villages to be seen on these 
water courses, than in any other part of our Valley. 

On the banks of the Cohongoruton, (Potomac), there has 
doubtless been a pretty considerable settlement. The late Col. 
Joseph Swearengen's dv/elling house .stands within a circular wall or 
moat.* Vv^hen first known by the white inhabitants, the wall was 
about eighteen inches high, and the ditch about two feet deep. 
This circular wall was made of earth — is now considerably reduced, 
but yet plainl}' to be seen. It is not more than half a mile from 
Shepherdsto wn . 

For what particular purpose this wall was thrown up, whether 
for ornament or defense, the author cannot pretend to form an opin- 
ion. If it was intended for defense, it appears to have been too low 
to answer any valuable purpose in that way. 

On the \\^appatomaka, a few miles below the forks, tradition 
relates that there was a verj- considerable Indian settlement. On 
the farm of Isaac Vanmeter, Esq., on this water course, in the coun- 
ty of Hardy, when the county was first discovered, there was con- 
siderable openings of the land, or natural prairies, which are called 
"the Indian old fields" to this day. Numerous Indian graves are to 
be seen in the neighborhood. A little abo\-e the forks of the river a 
very large Indian grave is now to be seen f In the bank of the 
river, a little below the forks, numerous human skeletons have been 
di.scoveretl, and several articles of curious workmanship. A highly 
finished pipe, representing a snake coiled round the bowl, with its 
head projected above the bowl, was among them. There was the 
under jaw bone of a human being of great size found at the same 
place, which contained eight jaw teeth, in each side, of enonnoussize; 

* Maj. Henry Bedinger informed the author that at his first recollection 
of this place, the wall or moat was about eighteen inches high, and the ditch 
around it about two feet deep. The wall was raised on the outside of the 
ditch, and carefully thrown up. 

+ William Seymour, Esq., related this fact to the author. 


and what is more remarkable, the teeth stands transversely in tlie 
jaw bone. It would pass over any connnon man's face with entire 

There are many other signs of Indian settlements all along this 
river, both above and below the one just described. Mr. Garrett 
Blue, of the county of Hampshire, informed the author, that about 
two miles below the Hanging Rocks, in the banks of the river, a 
stratum of ashes, about one rod in length, was some years ago dis- 
covered. At this place are signs of an Indian village, and their old 
fields. The Rev. John J. Jacobs, of Hampshire, informed the author 
that Mr. Daniel Cresap's land on the north branch of the Potomac, 
a few miles above Cumberland, a human skeleton was discovered, 
which had been covered with a coat of wood ashes, about two feet 
below the surface of the ground. An entire decomposition of the 
skeleton had taken place, with the exeption of the teetlij; they 
were in a perfect state of preservation. 

On the two great branches of the Shenandoah there are now to 
be seen numerous sites of their ancient villages, several of which are 
so remarkable that they deserve a passing notice. It has been no- 
ticed, in my preceding chapter, that on Mr. Steenbergen's land, on 
the north fork of the Shenandoah, the remains of a large Indian 
mound are plainly to be seen. It is also suggested that this was once 
the residence of the Senedo tribe, and that that tribe had been exter- 
minated b}^ the Southern Indians. Exclusive of this large mound, f 
there are several other Indian graves. About this place many of 
their implements and domestic utensils have been found. A short 
distance below the mouth of Stony Creek, (a branch of the Shen- 
andoah), within four or five miles of Woodstock, are the signs of an 
Indian village. At this place a gun barrel, with several iron toma- 
hawks, were found long after the Indians left the county. | 

On Mr. Anthony Kline's farm, within about three miles of 
Stephensburg, in the county of Frederick, in a glen near his mill, a 
rifle was sound, which had laid in the ground forty or fifty years. 
Every part of this gun, (even the stock, which was made of black 
walnut), was sound. Mr. Kline's father took the barrel from the 
.stock, placed the britch on the fire, and it soon discharged with a 
loud explosion. § 

* William Heath, Esq., in the county of Hardy stated this fact to the 
author, and that he had repeatedly seen the remarkable jaw bone. 

f Mr. Steenberger informed the author, that upon looking into this 
mound, it was discovered that at the head of each skeleton a stone was de- 
posited ; that these stones are of various sizes, supposed to indicate the size 
of the body buried. 

:]; Mr. George Grandstaff stated this to the author. Mr. G. is an aged and 
respected citizen of Shenandoah county. 

§ Mr. Anthony Kline related this occurrence to the author. _ No man who 
is acquainted with Mr. Kline, will for one moment doubt his assertions. 
This rifle was of a very large calibre, and was covered several feet below the 
surface of the ground, aud doubtless left there by an Indian. 


In the county of Page, on the south fork of the Shenandoah 
River, there are several Indian burj'ing grounds and signs of their 
villages. These signs are also to be seen on the Hawksbill Creek. 
A few miles above Lura^^, on the west side of the river, there are 
three large Indian graves, ranged nearly side b}- side, thirty or fort)- 
feet in length, twelve or fourteen feet wide, and five or six feet high. 
Around them, in circular form, area number of single graves. The 
whole cover an area of a little less than a cjuarter of an acre. The\- 
present to the eye a very ancient appearance, and are covered with 
pine and other forest growth. The excavation of the groiind around 
them is plainly to be seen. The three first mentioned graves are in 
oblong form, probably containing many hundreds of human bodies, 
and were doubtless the work of ages.* 

On the land of Mr. Noah Keyser, near the mouth of the Hawks- 
bill Creek, stand the remains of a large mound. This, like that of 
Mr. Steenbergen's, is considerably reduced by plowing, but is 3-et 
some twelve or fourteen feet high, and is upwards of sixt}^ yards 
round at the base. It is found to be literally filled with human 
skeletons, and at every fresh plovring a fresh layer of bones are 
brought to the surface. The bones are found to be in a calcarious 
state, with the exception of the teeth, which are generally sound. 
Several unusualh' large skeletons have been discovered in this grave. 
On the lands now the residence of ni}- venerable friend, John Gate- 
wood, Esq., the signs of an Indian village are yet plainly to be seen. 
There are numerous fragments of their pots, cups, arrow points, 
and other implements for domestic use, found from time to time. 
Convenient to this village there are several pretty large graves. 

There is also evidence of an Indian town in Pov>'eirs Fort, on 
the lands now owned b}- Mr. Daniel Munch. From appearance, this 
too was a prett}- considerable village. A little above the forks of the 
Shenandoah, on the east side of the South Fork, are the appear- 
ances of another settlement, exhibiting the remains of two considera- 
ble mounds now entirely reduced by plowing. About this place 
many pipes, tomahawks, axes, hommony pestles, &c. have been 
found. Some four or five miles below the forks of the river, on the 
south-east side, on the land now owned by Capt. Daniel Oliver, is 
the site of another Indian village. At this place a considerable 
variety of articles ha^•e been plowed up. Among the number were 
several whole pots, cups, pipes, axes, tomahawks, hommony pestles, 
&c. A beautiful pipe, of high finish, made of white flint stone, and 
several other articles of curious workmanship, all of very hard stone, 
have been found. Their cups and pots were made of a mixture of 
clay and shells, of rude workmanship, but of firm texture. 

There are manj^ other places on all our w^ater courses, to-wit : 
Stony Creek, Cedar Creek, and Opequon, as well as the larger water 
courses, which exhibit evidence of ancient Indian settlements. The 

* These .graves are on the lands, now the residence of the widow Long, 
and appear never to have been disturbed. 


Shawnee tribe, it is well known, were settled about the neighbor- 
hood of Winchester. What are called the "Shawnee cabins," and 
"Shawnee Springs," immediatel}" adjoining the town, are well 
known. It is also equally certain, that this tribe had a consiberable 
village on Babb's Marsh, some three or four miles north-west of 

The Tiiscarora Indians resided in the neighborhood of Mar- 
tinsburg, in the county of Berkeley,! on the Tuscarora Creek. On 
the fine farin, now owned by and the residence of Matthew Ransom, 
Esq., (the former residence of Mr. Benjamin Beeson), are the re- 
mains of several Indian graves. These, like several others, are now 
plowed down ; but numerous fragments of human bones are to be 
found mixed with the clay on the surface. Mr. Ranson informed 
the author, that at this place the under jaw bone of a human being 
was plowed up, of enormous size ; the teeth were found in a perfect 
state of preservation. 

Near the Shenandoah Springs, on the lands of Mr. Fairfax, an 
Indian grave, some years since was opened, in which a skeleton of 
unusual size were discovered. ;|: 

Mr. E. Paget informed the author, that on Flint Run, a small 
rivulet of the South River, in the count}' of Shenandoah, a skeleton 
was found b)' his father, the thigh bone of which measured three 
feet in length, and the under jaw bone of which would pass over any 
common man's face with ease. 

Near the Indian village described on a preceding page, on Capt. 
Oliver's land, a few years ago, some hands in removing the stone 
covering an Indian grave, disco\'ered a skeleton, whose great size 
attracted theii^attention. The stones was carefully taken off without 
disturbing the frame, when it was discovered, that the body had 
been laid at full length on the ground, and broad flat stones set 
round the corpse in the shape of a coffin. Capt. Oliver measured the 
skelton as it laj', which was nearly seven feet long. || 

In the further progress of this work the author will occasionally 
advert to the subject of Indian antiquities and traits of the Indian 
character. This chapter will now be concluded with some general 
reflections on the seemly hard fate of the unfortunate race of peo- 
ple. It appears to the author that no reflecting man can view so 

* Mr. Thomas Barrett, who was born in 1755, stated to the author, that 
within his recollection the signs of the Indian wigwams were to be seen ou 
Babb's Marsh. 

f Mr. John Shobe, a very respectable old citizen of Martinsburg, stated 
to the author, that Mr. Benjamin Beeson, a highly respectable Quaker, in- 
formed him, that the Tuscarora Indians were living on the Tuscarora Creek 
when he (Beeson) first knew the county. 

X Mr. George W. Fairfax gave the author this information. 

I Maximus, a Roman Emperor in the third century, "was the son of a 
Thracian shepherd, and is represented by historians as a man of gigantic 
statute and herculean strength. He was fully eight feet in height, and per- 
fectly symmetrical in form." Abridged U. History, vol. ii, p. 35. 


many burying places broken up, their bones torn up with the plow, 
reduced to dust, and scattered to the winds, without feeling some 
degree of melancholy regret. It is to be lamented for another reason. 
If those mounds and places of burial had been permitted to remain 
undisturbed, they would have stood as lasting monuments in the 
history of our countr5^ Many of them were doubtless the work of 
ages, and future generations would have contemplated them with 
great interest and curiosity. But these memorials are rapidly disap- 
pearing, and the time perhaps will come, when not a trace of them 
will remain. The author has had the curiosity to open several In- 
dian graves, in one of which he found a pipe, of different form from 
any he has ever seen. It is made of a hard black stone and 
glazed or rather painted with a substance of a reddish cast. In all 
the graves he has examined, the bones are found in a great state of 
decay, except the teeth, which are generally in a perfect state of 

It is no way wonderful that this unfortunate race of people re- 
luctantly yielded their rightful and just possession of this fine 
country. It is no way wonderful that they resisted with all their 
force the intrusion of the white people (who were strangers to them, 
from a foreign country), upon their rightful inheritance. But per- 
haps this was the fiat of heaven. When God created this globe, he 
probably intended it should sustain the greatest possible number of 
his creatures. And as the human family, in a state of civil life, 
increases wdth vastly more rapidity than a people in a state of nature 
or savage life, the law of force has been generally resorted to, and the 
weaker compelled to give way to the stronger. That a part of our 
countr}^ has been acquired by this law of force, is undeniable. It is, 
however, matter of consoling reflection, that there are some honora- 
ble exceptions of this arbitrar^^ rule. The great and wise William 
Penn set the example of purchasing the Indian lands. Several re- 
spectable individuals of the Quaker Society thought it unjust to take 
possession of this valley without making the Indians some compen- 
sation for their right. Measures were adopted to effect this great 
object. But upon inquiry, no particular tribe could be found who 
pretended to have any prior claim to the soil. It was considered 
the common hunting ground of various tribes, and not claimed by 
any particular nation who had authority to sell. 

This information was communicated to the author by two aged 
and highly respectable men of the Friends' Societ}', Isaac Brown and 
I^ewis Neill, each of them upwards of eighty years of age, and both 
residents of the county of Frederick. 

In confirmation of this statement, a letter written by Thomas 
Chaukley to the monthl}- meeting on the Opequon, on the 21st of 
May, 1738, is strong circumstantial evidence; of which the follow- 
ing is a copy : 


letter from mr. thomas chaukley. 

Virginia, at John Cheagle's, ) 

May 2ist, 1738, I 

' ' To the friends of the monthly vieeting at the Opequon : 

' ' Dear friends who inhabit the Shenandoah and Opeqiion : — 
Having a concern for your welfare and prosperit)^ both now and 
hereafter, and also the prosperity of your children, I had a desire to 
see you ; but being in years, and heavy, and much spent and 
fatigued with my long journeyings in Virginia and Carolina makes 
it seem too hard forme to perform a visit in person to you, wherefore 
I take this way of writing to discharge my mind of what lies weighty 
thereon ; and 

' ' First. I desire that you be very careful (being far and 
back inhabitants) to keep a friendly correspondence with the native 
Indians, giving them no occasion of offense ; they being a cruel 
and merciless enemy, where they think they are wronged or 
defrauded of their rights ; as woeful experience had taught in 
Carolina, Virginia and Mar>'land, and especially in Nev/ England, 
&c. ; and 

"Second. As nature had given them and their forefathers 
the possession of this continent of America (or this wilderness), 
they had a natural right thereto in justice and equity ; and no 
people, according to the law of nature and justice and our own 
principle, which is according to the glorious gospel of our dear 
and holy Jesus Christ, ought to take away or settle on other 
men's lands or rights without consent, or purchasing the same 
by agreement of parties concerned ; which I suppose in your case is 
not yet done. 

' ' Third. Therefore my counsel and christian advice to you 
is, my dear friends, that the most reputable among you do with 
speed endeavor to agree with and purchase your lands of the native 
Indians or inhabitants. Take example of our worth)^ and honor- 
able late proprietor William Penn ; who by the wise and religious 
Care in that relation, had settled a lasting peace and commerce with 
the natives, and through his prudent management therein hath been 
instrumental to plant in peace one of the most flourishing provinces 
in the world. 

" Fourth. Who would run the risk of the lives of their wives 
and children for the sparing a little cost and pains? I am con- 
cerned to lay these things before you, under an uncommon exercise 
of mind, that 3'our new and flourishing little settlement may not be 
laid waste, and (if the providence of the Almighty doth not intervene)^ 
some of the blood of yourselves, wives or children, be shed or spilt 
on the ground. 


" Fifth. Consider you are in the province of Virginia, holding 
what rights you have under that government ; and the Virginians 
have made an agreement with the natives to go as far as the moun- 
tains and no farther ; and you are over and beyond the mountains, 
therefore out of that agreement ; by which you He open to the in- 
sults and incursions of the Southern Indians, who have destroyed 
many of the inhabitants of Carolina and Virginia, and even now 
destroyed more on the like occasion. The English going beyond the 
bounds of their agreement, eleven of them were killed by the Indians 
while we were traveling in Virginia. ' ' 

"Sixth. If you believe yourselves to be within the bounds of 
William Penn's patent from King Charles the second, which will be 
hard for you to prove, you being far southward of his line, yet if done, 
that will be no consideration with the Indians without a purchase from 
them, except you will go about it to convince them b}- fire and 
sword, contrary' to our principles ; and if that were done, they would 
ever be implacable enemies, and the land could never be enjoyed in 

"Seventh. Please to note that in Pennsylvania no new settle- 
ments are made without an agreement with the natives ; as witness 
Lancaster county, lately settled, though that is far within the grant of 
William Penn's patent from King Charles the second ; wherefore 
you lie open to the insurrections of the Northern as well as Southern 
Indians ; and 

' ' Lastly. Thus having shown my good will to you and to your 
new little settlement, that you might sit every one under your own 
shady tree, where none might make you afraid, and that you might 
prosper naturally and spiritually, you and your children ; and hav- 
ing a little eased my mind of that weight and concern (in some 
measure) that lay upon me, I at present desist, and subscribe my- 
self, in the love of our hoi}' Lord Jesus Christ, your real friend, 

T. C" 

This excellent letter from this good man proves that the Quakers 
were among our early settlers, and that this class of people were 
early disposed to do justice to the natives of the countrj-. 

Had this humane and just policy of purchasing the Indian lands 
been first adopted and adhered to, it is highly probable the white 
people might have gradually obtained possession without the loss of 
so much blood and treasure. 

The ancestors of the Neills, Walkers, Bransons, McKays. 
Hackneys, Beesons, Luptons, Barretts, Dillons, and others, were 
among the earliest Quaker immigrants to our Valley. Three Quak- 
ers by the name of Fawcett settled at any early period about eight or 
nine miles south of Winchester, near Zane's old iron works, from 
whom a pretty numerous progeny has descended. They have, how- 
ever, chiefly migrated to the west. 



Mr. Jefferson, in his notes on Virginia says, " That the lands 
of this country' were taken from them, (the Indians), by conquest, 
is not so general a truth as is supposed. I find in our historians 
and records, repeated proofs of purchase, which cover a con- 
siderable part or the lower country ; and many more would doubt- 
less be found on further search. The upper country we know 
has been acquired altogether by purchase in the most unexception- 
able form. 

Tradition relates, that several tracts of land were purchased 
by Quakers from the Indians on Apple-pie Ridge, and that the 
Indians never were known to disturb the people residing on the 
land so obtained. 

•9 . @f 






In the year 1732, Joist Hite, with his family, and his sons-in- 
law, viz : George Bowman, Jacob Chrisman and Paul Froman, with 
their families ; Robert McKay, Robert Green, William Duff, Peter 
Stephens, and several others, amounting in the whole to sixteen fam- 
ilies, removed from Pennsylvania, cutting their road from York, and 
crossing the Cohongoruton about two miles above Harper's Ferrj-. 
Hite settled on Opequon, about five miles south of Winchester, on 
the great highway between Winchester and Staunton, now the resi- 
dence of the highly respectable widow of the late Richard Peters 
Barton, Esq., and also the residence of Richard W. Barton, Esq. 
Peter Stephens and several others settled at Stepensburg, and founded 
the town ; Jacob Chrisman at what is now called Chrisman's Spring, 
about two miles south of Stephensburg ; Bowman on Cedar Creek, 
about six miles farther south ; and Froman on the same Creek, 
eight or nine miles northwest of Bowman. Robert McKay settled 
on Crooked Run, eight or nine miles southeast of Stephensburg. 
The several other families settled in the same neighborhood, wherever 
they could find wood and water most convenient. From the most 
authentic information which the author has been able to obtain, 
Hite and his party were the first immigrants who settled west of the 
Blue Ridge. They were, however, very soon followed by numer- 
ous others. 

In 1734,* Benjamin Allen, Riley Moore and W^illiam White, 
removed from Monoccacy, in Maryland, and settled on the North 
Branch of the Shenandoah, now in the couutj^ of Shenandoah, about 
twelve miles South of Woodstock. 

In 1733, Jacob Stover an enterprising German, obtained from 
the Governor of Virginia, a grant for five thousand acres acres of land 
on the South Fork of the Gerando f River, on what was called 
Mesinetto Creek. X 

* Mr. Steenbergen informed the author that the traditionary account of 
the first settlement of his farm, together with Allen's and Moore's, made it 
about 106 years ; but Mr. Aaron Moore, grandson of Riley Moore, lay refer- 
ing to the family records, fixes the period pretty correctly. According to 
Mr. Moore's account, Moore, Allen and White, removed from Maryland in 

f This water course was first written Gerando, then Sherandoah, now 

X Mesinetto is now called Masinutton. There is considerable settlement 
of highly improved farms, now called "the Masinutton settlement," in the 
new county of Page, on the west side of the South River, on Stover's ancient 


Tradition relates a singular and amusing account of Stover and 
his grant.* On his application to the executive for his grant, he was 
refused unless he could givfe satisfactory assurance that he would 
have the land settled with the requisite number of families within a 
given time. Being unable to do this, he forthwith passed over to Eng- 
land, petitioned the King to direct his grant to be issued, and in order 
to insure success, had given human names to ever>^ horse, cow, hog 
and dog he owned, and which he represented as heads of families, 
ready to migrate and settle the land. By this disingenious trick he 
succeeded in obtaining directions from the King and Council for 
securing his grant ; on obtaining which he immediately sold out his 
land in small divisions, at three pounds (equal to ten dollars) per 
hundred, and went off with the money. 

Two men, John and Isaac Vanmeter, obtained a warrant from 
Governor Gooch for locating forty thousand acres of land. This 
warrant was obtained in the year 1730. They sold or transferred 
part of their warrant to Joist Hite ; and from this warrant eminated 
several of Kite's grants, which the author has seen. Of the titles 
to the land on which Hite settled, with several other tracts in the 
neighborhood of Stephensburg, the originals are found on this 

In the year 1734, Richard Morgan obtained a grant for a tract of 
land in the immediate neighborhood of Shepherdstown, on or near 
the Cohongoruton. Among the first settlers on this water course 
and its vicinity, were Robert Harper (Harpers-Ferry), William 
Stroop, Thomas and William Forester, Israel Friend, Thomas Shep- 
hard, Thomas Swearengen, Van Swearengen, James Forman, Ed- 
ward Lucas, Jacob Hite,t John Lemon, Richard Mercer, Edward 
Mercer, Jacob Vanmeter, and brothers, Robert Stockton, Robert 
Buckles, John Taylor, Samuel Taylor, Richard Morgan, John 
Wright, and others. 

The first settlers on the Wappatomaka (South Branch) were 
Coburn, Howard, Walker and Rutledge. This settlement com- 
menced about the year 1734 or 1735. It does not appear that the 
first immigration to this fine section of countr>^ had the precaution to 
secure titles to their lands, until Lord Fairfax migrated to Virginia, 
and opened his office for granting warrants in the Northern Neck. 
The earliest grant which the author could find in this settlement 
bears date in 1747. The most of the grants are dated in 1749. This 
was a most unfortunate omission on the part of these people. It left 
Fairfax at the discretion of exercising his insatiable disposition for 
the monopoly of wealth ; and instead of granting these lands upon 
the usual terms allowed to other settlers, he availed himself of the 
opportunity of laying off in manors, fifty-five thousand acres, in 

* Stover's grant is described as being in the county of Spottsylvania, St. 
Mark's Parish. Of course, Spottsylvania at that period i. e., 1733, crossed 
in the Blue Ridge. 

f One of Joist Hite's sons. 


what is called the South Branch manor, and nine thousand acres on 
Patterson's Creek. 

This was considered by the settlers an odious and oppressive act 
on the part of his lordship, and man}- of them left the country-.* 
These two great surx-ej-s were made in the year 1747. To such 
tenants as remained, his lordship granted leases for ninety-nine years, 
reserving an annual rent of twent}^ shillings sterling per hundred 
acres ; whereas, all other immigrants onl}- two shilling per hundred 
was reserved, with a fee simple title to the tenant. Some further 
notice of Lord Fairfax and his imm-ense grant will be taken in a fu- 
ture chapter. 

Tradition relates that a man by the name of John Howard, and 
his son, previous to the first settlement of our Valley, explored the 
country', and discovered the charming Valley of the South Branch, 
crossed the Alleghany mountains, and on the Ohio killed a very large 
buffalo bull, skinned him, stretched his hide over ribs of wood, made 
a kind of boat, and in this frail bark descended the Ohio and Missis- 
sippi to New Orleans, were they were apprehended b}- the French as 
suspicious characters, and sent to France ; but nothing criminal ap- 
pearing against them, they were discharged. From hence they 
crossed over to England, where Fairfax by some means got to hear 
of Mr. How^ard, sought an interview w^ith him, and obtained from 
him a description of the fertility and immense value of the South 
Branch, which detemiined his Lordship at once to secure it in 
manors, t Notwithstanding this selfish monopoly on the part of 
Fairfax, the great fertility and value of the country induced numerous 
tenants to take leases, settle and improve the lands. 

At an early period many immigrants settled on Capon (anciently 
called Cacaphon, which is said to be the Indian name), also on Lost 
River. Along Back Creek, Cedar Creek, and Opequon, pretty 
numerous settlements were made. Two great branches of the 
Shenandoah, from its forks upwards, were among our earliest 

An enterprising Quaker, by the name of Ross, obtained a war- 
rant for sun^eying forty thousand acres of land. The surveys on 
this warrant were made along Opequon, north of Winchester, and 
up to Apple-pie Ridge. Pretty numerous immigrants of the Quaker 
profession removed from Pennsylvania, and settled on Ross's sur- 
veys. The reader will have observed in my preceding chapter, that 
as early as 1738, this people had regular monthly meetings estab- 
lished in Opequon. I 

The lands on the west side of the Shenandoah, from a little 
below the forks, were first settled by overseers and slaves, nearly 

* William Heath, Esq., of Hardy, gave the author this information, 
f Also related by Mr. Heath. 

X See Chaukley's letter to the monthly meeting on Opequon, May 21, 
1738, page 42. 


down to the moiith of the Bullskin. A Col. Carter,* of the lower 
coiintr}', had obtained grants for about sixty-three thousand acres of 
land on this river. His sun^e^-s commenced a short distance below 
the forks of the river, and ran down a little below Snicker's ferr\', 
upwards of tvcentj^ miles. This fine body of land is now subdivided 
into a great many most valuable farms, a considerable part of v»'hich 
are now owned b}' the highh- respectable families of Burwell's 
and Page's. But little of it now remains in the hands of Carter's 

Another sun'C}' of thirteen thousand acres was granted to an- 
other person, and lies imm.ediately below and adjoining Carter's line, 
running a considerable distance into the county of Jefferson. This 
fine tract of land, it is said, was sold under the hammer at Williams- 
burg, some time previous to the war of the revolution. The owner 
had been sporting, lost money, and sold the land to pay his debt of 
honor. General Washington happened to be present, knew the 
land, and advised the late Ralph Wonnley, Esq.,t to purchase it. 
Wormley bid five hundred guineas for it, and it was struck off to 
him. It is also said that Mr. WormlcA', just before or at the time of 
the sale, had been regaling himself with a social glass, and that when 
he cooled off, he became extremely dissatisfied with his purchase, con- 
sidering it as monej' thrown away. Washington hearing of his 
uneasiness, immediately waited on him, and told him he would take 
the purchase off his hands, and pa}- him his money again, but ad- 
vised him by all means to hold it, assuring him that it would one 
day or other be the foundation of an independent fortune for his 
children ; upon which Wonnley became better reconciled, and con- 
sented to hold on. And truly, as Washington predicted, it would 
have become a splendid estate in the hands of two or three of his 
children, had tiiey known how to preserve it. But it passed into 
other hands, and now constitutes the splendid farms of the late firm 
of Castleman & McCormick, Hierome L. Opie, Esq.. the honorable 
judge Richard E. Parker, and several others. In truth all thecoun- 
tr}' about the larger water courses and mountains was settle before the 
fine country about Bullskin, Long Marsh, Spot Run, &c. 

Much the greater part of the countr}- between what is called the 
Little North Mountain and the Shenandoah River, at the first settl- 
ing of the Valle}' was one vast prairie, ;|: and like the rich prairies of 
the west, afforded the finest possible pasturage for wild animals. 
The country abounded in the larger kinds of game. The buffalo, 

*Col. Robert Carter obtained grants in September, 1730, for sixty-three 
thousand acres. 

f Mr. Warmley, it is believed, resided at the time in the county of Mid- 

X There are several aged individuals now living, who recollect when 
there were large bodies of land in the counties of Berkeley, Jefferson and 
Frederick, barren of timber. The barren land is now covered with the best 
of forest trees. 


elk, deer, bear, panther, wild-cat, wolf, fox, beaver, otter, and all 
other kinds of animals, wild fowl, &c., common to forest countries, 
were abundantly plenty. The country now the count}' of Shenan- 
doah, between the Fort Mountain and the North Mountain, was also 
settled at an early period. The counties of Rockingham and 
Augusta also were settled at an early time. The settlement of the 
upper part of our Valley will be more particularly noticed, and 
form the subject of a second volume hereafter, should the public 
demand it. 

From the best evidence the author has been able to collect, and 
for this purpose he has examined many ancient grants of land, fam- 
ily records, etc., as well as the oral tradition of our ancient citizens, 
the settlement of our Valley progressed without interruption from 
the native Indians for a period of about twenty-three years. In the 
year 1754, the Indians suddenly disappeared, and crossed the Alle- 
ghany Mountains. The year preceeding, emissaries from the west 
of the Alleghan}^ Mountains came among the Valley Indians and in- 
vited them to move off.* This occurrence excited suspicion among 
the white people that a storm was brewing in the west, which it was 
esssential to prepare to meet. 

Tradition relates, that the Indians did not object to the Penn- 
sylvanians settling the country. From the high character of 
William Penn, (the founder of Pennsylvania), the poor simple na- 
tives believed that all Penn's men were honest, virtuous, humane 
and benevolent, and partook of the qualities of the illustrious founder 
of their government. But fatal experience soon taught them a very 
different lesson. They soon found to their cost that Pennsylvanians 
were not much better than others. 

Tradition also informs us that the natives held in utter abhorence 
the Virginians, whom tliey designated "Long Knife," and were 
warmly opposed to their settling in the Valley. 

The author will conclude this chapter with some general re- 
marks in relation to the circumstances under which the first settle- 
ment of the Valley conmienced. Tradition informs us, and the oral 
statements of several aged individuals of respectable character con- 
firm the fact that the Indians and white people resided in the same 
neighborhood for several 5^ears after the first settlement commenced, 
and that the Indians were entirely peaceable and friendly. This 
statement must in the nature of things be true ; because if it had been 
otherwise, the white people could not have succeeded in effecting a 
settlement. Had the natives resisted the first attempts to settle, the 
whites could not have succeeded without the aid of a pretty consider- 
able army to awe the Indians into submission. It was truly fortun- 
ate for our ancesters that this quiescent spirit of the Indians afforded 
them the opportunity of acquiring considerable strength as to num- 

* Mr. Thomas Barrett, an aged and respectable citizen of Frederick 
county related this tradition to the author. 


bers, and the accumulation of considerable property and the improve- 
ments, before Indian hostilities commenced. 

It has already been stated that it was twenty-three years from the 
first settlement, before the Indians committed any acts of outrage on 
the white people. During this period many pretty good dwelling 
houses were erected. Joist Hite had built a stone house on the 
Opequon, which house is now standing, and has a very ancient 
appearance ; * but there are no marks upon it by which to ascertain 
the time. In 1 751, James Wilson erected a stone house which is 
still standing, and now the residence of Mr. Adam Kern, adjoin- 
ing, or near the village of Kernstown. 

Jacob Chrisman also built a pretty large stone house in the j^ear 
1 75 1, now the residence of Mr. Abraham Stickley, about two miles 
south of Stephensburg. Geo. Bowman and Paul Froman each of them 
built stone houses, about the same period. The late Col. John Hite, 
in the year 1753, built a stone house now the dwelling house of Mrs. 
Barton, This building was considered by far the finest dwelling 
house west of the Blue Ridge. f Lewis Stephens, in the year 1756, 
built a stone house, the ruins of which are now to be seen at the old 
iron works of the late Gen. Isaac Zane. It will hereafter be seen 
that these several stone buildings became of great importance to the 
people of the several neighborhoods, as places of protection and 
security against the attacks of the Indians. 

The subject of the early settlement of the Valley will be resumed 
in my next chapter. 

*On the wall plate of a framed barn built by Hite, the figures 1747 are 
plainly marked, and now to be seen. 

f There is a tradition in this neighborhood that Col. Hite quarried every 
stone in this building with his own hands. 





Tradition relates that a man by the name of John Vanmeter, 
from New York, some years previous to the first settlement of the 
Valley, discovered the fine country on the Wappatomaka. This 
man was a kind of wandering Indian trader, became well acquainted 
with the Delawares, and once accompanied a war party who marched 
to the south for the purpose of invading the Catawbas. The Ca- 
tawbas, however, anticipated them, met them very near the spot 
where Pendleton courthouse now stands, and encountered and de- 
feated them with immense slaughter. Vanmeter was engaged on 
the side of the Delawares in this battle. When Vanmeter returned 
to New York, he advised his sons, that if they ever migrated to 
Virginia, by all means to secure a part of the South Branch Bottom, 
and described the lands immediately above what is called "The 
Trough," as the finest body of land which he had ever discovered in 
all his travels. One of his sons, Isaac Vanmeter, in conformity with 
his father's advice came to Virginia about the year 1736 or 1737, 
and made what was called a tomahawk improvement on the lands now 
owned by Isaac Vanmeter, Esq. , immediately above the Trough, where 
Fort Pleasant was afterwards erected. After this improvement Mr. 
Vanmeter returned to New Jersey, came out again in 1740, and 
found a man by the name of Coburn settled on his land. Mr. Van- 
meter bought out Coburn, and again returned to New Jersey ; and 
in the year 1744 removed with his family and settled on the land.-'' 
Previous to Vanmeter' s final removal to Virginia, several immi- 
grants from Pennsylvania, chiefly Irish, had settled on the South 
Branch. Howard, Coburn, Walker and Rutledge, were the first 
settlers on the Wappatomaka. f 

William Miller and Abraham Hite were also among the earh' 
settlers. When the Indian wars broke out. Miller sold out his right to 
500 acres of land, and all his stock of horses and cattle in the woods, 
for twenty-five pounds, % and removed to the South Fork of the 
Shenandoah, a few miles above Front Royal. The 500 acres of land 
sold by Miller lie within about two miles of Moorefield, and one acre 
of it would now command more money than the whole tract, includ- 
ing his stock was sold for. 

* Isaac Vanmeter, Esq,, of Hard}-, detailed this tradition to thejauthor. 

t Communicated by William Heath, Esq. 

X Isaac Vanmeter, Esq., stated this fact to the author. 


Casey, Pancake, Formaii, and a number of others, had settled on 
the Wappatomaka, previous to Vanmeter's final removal. 

In the year 1740, the late Isaac Hite, Esq., one of the sons of 
Joist Hite, settled on the North Branch of the Shenadoah, in the 
county of Frederick, on the beautiful farm called "Long Meadows." 
This fine estate is noAv owned by Maj. Isaac Hite, the only son of 
Isaac Hite, deceased.* 

About the same year, John Lindsey and James Eindsey, brothers, 
removed and settled on the Long Marsh, between the Bullskin and 
Berryville, in the county of Frederick ; Isaac Earue removed from 
New Jersey in 1743, and settled on the same marsh. About the 
same period, Christopher Beeler removed and settled within two or 
three miles from Earue ; about the year' 1744, James Hampton and 
two sons came from the eastern shore of Maryland, settled on Buck 
Marsh, near Berryville, and lived the greater part of the year in a 
hollow sycamore tree. They enclosed a piece of land and made a 
crop preparatory to the removal of the family. f 

In 1743 Joseph Carter removed from Bucks County, Pennsyl- 
vania, and settled on Opequon, about five miles east of Winchester. 
Very near Mr. Carter's residence, on the west side of the creek, was 
a beautiful grove of forest timber, immed,iately opposite which a fine 
limestone spring issued from the east bank of the creek. This grove 
was at the time of Mr. Carter's first settlement, a favorite camping 
ground of the Indians, where numerous collections, sometimes two 
or three hundred at a time, would assemble, and remain for several 
weeks together. Mr. Carter was a shoemaker, and on one occasion 
two Indians called at his shop just as he had finished and hung up a 
pair of shoes, which one of the Indians seeing secretly slipped under 
his blanket, and attempted to make off. Carter detected him, and 
took the shoes from him. His companion manifested the utmost in- 
dignation at the theft, and gave Carter to understand that the culprit 
would be severely dealt with. As soon as the Indians returned to 
the encampment, information was given to the chiefs, and the unfor- 
tunate thief was so severely chastised, that Mr. Carter, from mo- 
tives of humanity, interposed, and begged that the punishment might 
cease. X 

Maj. Isaac Hite informed the author that numerous parties of 
Indians, in passing and repassing, frequently called at his grand- 
father's house, on Opequon, and that but one instance of theft was 
ever committed. On that occasion a pretty considerable party had 

* Maj. Isaac Hite, of Frederick county, communicated this information 
to the author. 

f Col. John B. Larue and William Castleman, Esq., gave the author tui- 

X The late Mr. James Carter gave the author this tradition, which he re- 
ceived from his father, who was a boy of twelve or thirteen years old at the 
time, and an eye-witness of the fact. Opposite to this camping ground, on 
a high hill east of the creek, is a large Indian grave. 


called, and on their leaving the house some articles of inconsiderable 
value was missing. A messenger was sent after them, and informa- 
tion of the theft given to the chiefs. Search was immediately made, 
the article found in the possession of one of them and restored to its 
owner. These facts go far to show their high sense of honesty and 
summarj^ justice. It has indeed been stated to the author, that their 
traveling parties would, if they needed provisions and could 
not otherwise procure them, kill fat hogs or fat cattle in the woods 
in order to supply themselves with food. This they did not con- 
sider stealing. Every animal running at large they considered lawful 

The Indians charge the white people with teaching them the 
knowledge of theft and several other vices. In the winter of 18 15- 
r6, the autiior spent some weeks in the state of Georgia, where he 
fell in with Col. Baniett, one of the commissioners for running the 
boundary line of Indian lands which had shortly' before been ceded 
to the United States. Some conversation took place on the subject 
of the Indians and Indian character, in which Col. B. remarked, that 
in one of his excursions through the Indian country-, he met with a 
ver>' aged Cherokee chief, who spoke and understood the English 
language pretty well. The Colonel had several' conversations with 
this aged man, in one of which he congratulated him upon the pros- 
pect of his people naving their condition greatly improved, there 
being every reason to believe that in the course of a few years they 
would become acquainted with the arts of civil life — would be better 
clothed, better fed, and erect better and more comfortable habita- 
tions — and what was of still greater importance, they would become 
acquainted with the doctrines and principles of the Christian relig- 
ion. This venerable old man listened with the most profound and 
respectful attention until the Colonel had concluded, and then with 
a significant shake of his head and much emphasis replied : that he 
doubted the benefits to the red people pointed out by the colonel ; 
that before their fathers were acquainted with the whites, the red 
people needed but little, and that little the Great Spirit gave them, 
the forest supplying them with food and raiment ; that before their 
fathers were acquainted with the white people, the red people never 
got drunk, because they had nothing to make them drunk, and never 
committed theft, because the)' had no temptation to do .so. It was 
true, that when parties were out hunting, and one party was unsuc- 
cessful and found the game of the more successful party hung up, 
if they needed provision they took it; and this was not stealing, it was 
the law and custom of the tribes. If they went to war they des- 
troyed each other's property ; this was done to weaken their enemy. 
Red people never swore, because they had no words to express an 
oath. Red people would not cheat, because they had no temptation 
to commit fraud ; they never told falsehoods, because they had no 
temptation to tell lies. And as to religion, you go to 3-our churches, 
sing loud, pray loud, and make great noise. The red people meet 


once a year, at the feast of new corn, extinguish all their fires, and 
kindle up a new one, the smoke of which ascends to the Great Spirit 
as a greatf ul sacrifice. Now what better is your religion than ours ? 
The white people have taught us to get drunk, to steal, to lie, to 
cheat, and to swear ; and if the knowledge of these vices, as you pro- 
fess to hold them, and punish by your laws, is beneficial to the red 
people, we are benefitted by our acquaintance with you ; if not, we 
are greatly injured by that acquaintance. 

To say the least of this untutored old man, his opinions, relig- 
ion excepted, were but too well founded, and convey a severe rebuke 
upon the character of those who boast of the superior advantages 
of the lights of education and a knowledge of the religion of the 
Holy Redeemer. 

From this digression the author will again turn his attention to 
the early historj^ of our county. 

About the year 1763, the first settlements were made at or near 
the head of Bullskin. Two families, by the name of Riley and Alle- 
mong, first commenced the settlement of this immediate neighbor- 
hood. At this period timber was so scarce that the settlers were 
compelled to cut small saplings to enclose their fields.* The prairie 
produced grass five or six feet high ; f and even our mountains and 
hills were covered with the sustenance of quadrupeds of every species. 
The pea vine grew abundantly on the hilly and mountainous lands, 
than which no species of vegetable production afforded finer and 
richer pasturage. 

From this state of the country', many of our first settlers turned 
their attention to raising large herds of horses, cattle, hogs, &c. 
Many of them became expert, hardy and adventurous hunters, and 
spent much of their time and depended chiefly for support and 
money-making on the sale of skins and furs. J Moses Russell, Esq., 
informed the author that hilly lands about his residence, near the 
base of the North Mountain, in the southwest corner of Frederick, 
and which now present to the eye the appearance of great poverty of 
soil, within his recollection were covered with a fine growth of pea 
vine, and that stock of every description grew abundantly fat in the 
summer season. 

Isaac Larue, who settled on the Long Marsh in 1743, as has 
been stated, soon became celebrated for his numerous herds of horses 

* Messrs. Christian Allemong and George Riley both stated this fact to 

f Mr. George Riley an aged and respectable citizen, stated to the author 
that the grass on the Bullskin barrens grew so tall, that he had frequently 
the drawn it before him when on horseback, and tied it before him. 

I The late Henry Fry, one of the early settlers on Capon river, upwards 
of forty years ago informed the author, that he purchased the tract of land 
on which he first setted, on Capon River, for which he engaged to pay either 
^200 or ;^25o, the author does on recollect which sum, and that he made 
every dollar of the money by sale of skins and furs, the game being killed 
or caught with his own hands. 



and cattle. The author was told by Col. J. B. Larue, who is the 
owner of part of his grandfather's fine landed estate, that his grand- 
father frequently owned between ninety and one hundred head of 
horses, but it so happened that he never could get his stock to count 
a hundred. 

The Hites, Frys, Vanmeters, and many others, raised vast 
stocks of horses, cattle, hogs, &c. Tradition relates that Lord Fair- 
fax, happening one day in Winchester to see a large drove of unusu- 
ally fine hogs passing through the town, inquired from whence they 
came. Being informed that they were from the mountains west of 
Winchester, he remarked that when a new county should be laid off 
in that direction it ought to be called Hampshire, after a county in 
England celebrated for its production of fine hogs ; and this, it is 
said, gave name to the present county of Hampshire. 

The author will only add to this chapter, that, from the first 
settlement of the Valley, to the breaking out of the war, on the part 
of the French and Indians, against our ancestors, in the year 1754, 
our country rapidly increased in numbers and in the acquisi- 
tion of property, without interruption from the natives, a period of 
twenty-two years. 

In my next chapter I shall give a brief account of the religion, 
habits, and customs, of the primitive settlers. 




A large majority of our first immigrants were from Pennsylvania, 
composed of native Germans or German extraction. There were, 
however, a number directly from Germany, several from Maryland 
and New Jersey, and a few from New York. These immigrants 
brought with them the religion, habits and customs, of their ances- 
tors. They were composed generally of three religious sects, viz : 
Lutherans, Menonists * and Calvinists, with a few Tunkers. They 
generally settled in neighborhoods pretty much together. 

The territory now composing the county of Page, PowelPs Fort, 
and Woodstock Valley, between the West Fort Mountain and North 
Mountain, extending from the neighborhood of Stephensburg for a 
considerable distance in the county of Rockingham, was almost ex- 
clusively settled by Germans. They were very tenacious in the 
preservation of their language, religion, customs and habits. In 
what is now Page county they were almost exclusive!}' of the Men- 
onist persuasion ; but few Lutherans or Calvanists settled among 
them. In other sections of the territory above described, there was 
a mixture of Lutherans and Calvanists. The Menonists were re- 
markable for their strict adherence to all the moral and religious 
observances required by their sect. Their children were early 
instructed in the principles and ceremonies of their religion, habits 
and customs. They were generally fanners, and took great care of 
their stock of different kinds. With few exceptions, they strictly 
inhibited their children from joining in the dance or other juvenile 
amusements common to other religious sects of the Germans. 

In their marriages much ceremony was observed and great 
preparations made. Fatted calves, lambs, poultry', the finest of . 
bread, butter, milk, honey, domestic sugar, wine, if it could be had ; 
with every article necessary for a sumptuous feast in their plain way, 
were prepared in abundance. Previous to the performance of the 
ceremony, (the clergyman attending at the place appointed for 
the marriage), four of the most respectable young females 
and four of the most respectable young men were selected as 
waiters upon the bride and groom. The several waiters were 
decorated with badges, to indicate their ofiices. The groomsmen, as 
they were termed, were invariably furnished with fine white aprons, 

* Simon Meno was one of the earliest German reformers and the founder 
of this sect. 


beautifully embroidered. It was deemed a high honor to wear the 
apron. The duty of the waiters consisted in not only waiting on the 
bride and groom, but they were required, after the marriage cere- 
mony was performed, to ser\'e up the wedding dinner, and to guard 
and protect the bride while at dinner from having her shoe stolen 
from her foot. The custom of stealing the bride's shoe, it is said, 
afforded the most heartfelt amusement to the wedding guests. To 
succeed in it, the greatest dexterity was used bj' the 3'ounger part of 
the company, while equal vigilance was manifested by the vraiters to 
defend her against the theft ; and if they failed, thej' were in honor 
bound to pay a penalt}^ for the redemption of the shoe. This pen- 
alty was a bottle of wine or one dollar, which was commonly the 
price of a bottle of wine ; and as a punishment to the bride, she was 
not permitted to dance until the shoe was restored. The successful 
thief, on getting hold of the shoe, held it up in great triumph to the 
view of the whole assemblage, which was generalh' pretty numerous. 
The custom w^as continued among the Germans from generation to 
generation, until since the war of the revolution. The author 
has conversed with man}' individuals, still living, who were ej'e- 
witnesses of it. 

Throwing the stocking was another custom, among the Ger- 
mans.* When the bride and groom were bedded, the young people 
were admitted into the room. A stocking, rolled into a ball, was 
given to the young females, who, one after the other, would go to 
the foot of the bed, stand with their backs towards it, and throw the 
stocking over their shoulders at the bride's head ; and the first that 
succeeded in touching her cap or head was the next to be married. 
The young men then threw the stocking at the groom's head, in 
like manner, with the like motive. Hence the utmost eagerness 
and dexterity were used in throwing the stocking. This practice, 
as well as that of stealing the bride's shoe, was common to all the 

Among the Lutherans and Calvinists, dancing with other amuse- 
ments was common, at their wedding parties particularly. Dancing 
and rejoicings were sometimes kept up for weeks together.! 

The peaceable and orderly deportment of this hardy and indus- 
trious race of people, together with their perfect submission to the 
restraints of the civil authority, has always been proverbial. They 
form at this day a most valuable part of our community. 

Among our early settlers, a number of Irish Presbyterians re- 
moved from Pennsylvania, and settled along Back Creek, the North 
Mountain and Opequon. A few Scotch and English families were 
among them. 

* Throwing the stocking was not exclusively a German custom. It is 
celebrated by an Irish poet, in his " Irish Wedding." It is not improbable 
but it was common to the Celtic nations also. 

t Christian Miller, an aged and respectable man near Woodstock, related 
this custom the author. 


The ancesters of the Glasses, Aliens, Vances, Kerfotts, &c. , 
were among the earliest settlers on the upper waters of the Opeqnon. 
The ancestors of the Whites, Russells, &c., settled near the North 
Mountain. There \vere a mixture of Irish and Germans at Cedar 
Creek and its vicinit}^ ; the Fr3's, Newells, Blaclcburns,* Wilsons, 
&c. , were among the number. The Irish, like the Germans, brought 
with them the religion, customs and habits, of their ancestors. The 
Irish wedding was always an occasion of great hilarit}^ jollit}^ and 
mirth. Among other scenes attending it, running for the bottle 
was much practiced. It was usual for the wedding parties to ride to 
the residence of the clergyman to have the ceremonj^ performed. 
In their absence the father, or the next friend prepared, at the 
bride's residence, a bottle of the best spirits that could be obtained, 
around the neck of which a white ribbon was tied. Returning from 
the clergyman's, when within one or two miles of the home 
of the bride, some three or four young men prepared to run 
for the bottle. Taking an even start, their horses v^^ere put at full 
speed, dashing over mud, rocks, stumps, and disregarding all im- 
pediments. The race, in fact, was run with as much eagerness and 
desire to win, as is ever manifested on the turf, b}^ our sporting 
characters. The father or next friend of the bride, expecting the 
racers, stood with the bottle in his hand, ready to deliver it to the 
successful competitor. On receiving it, he forthwith returned to 
meet the bride and groom. When met, the bottle was first pre- 
sented to the bride, who must taste it at least, next to the groom, 
and then handed round to the company, every one of whom was re- 
quired to swig it. 

The Quakers differed from all other sects in their marriage cere- 
mony. The parties having agreed upon the match, notice was 
given to the elders or overseers of the meeting, and a strict enquir}^ 
followed whether there had been any previous engagements by either 
of the parties or other individuals. If nothing of the kind appeared, 
the intended marriage was made known publich' ; and if approved by 
all parties, the couple passed meeting. The ceremony was repeated 
several times ; when, if no lawful impediment appeared, a day was 
appointed for the marriage, which took place at the meeting-house 
in presence of the congregation. A writing, drawn up between the 
parties, purporting to be the marriage agreement, witnessed by as 
many of the bystanders as thought proper to subscribe their names, 
concluded the ceremony. They had no priest or clergyman to per- 
form the rite of matrimony, and the whole proceeding was con- 
ducted with the utmost solemnity and decorum. This mode of mar- 
riage is still kept up, with but little variation. 

Previous to the war of the revolution, it was the practice to 
publish the bands of matrimony, between the parties intending to 
marry, three successive Sabbath days in the church or meeting- 

* Gen. Samuel Blackburn, it is said, descended from this family. 


house ; after which, if no lawful impediment appeared, it was law- 
ful for a licensed minister of the parish or count)' to join the parties 
in wedlock. It is probable that this practice, which was anciently 
used in the English churches, gave rise to the custom, in the Quaker 
society, of passing meeting. The peaceable and general moral 
deportment of the Quakers is too generally known to require parti- 
cular notice in this work. 

The Baptists were not among our early immigrants. About 
fourteen or fifteen families of that persuajsion migrated from the 
state of Nevv' Jersey, and settled probably in 1742 or 1743 in the 
vicinity of what is now called Gerardstown, in the county of 

Mr. Semple, in his history of the Virginia Baptists, .states that 
in the year 1754, Mr. Stearns, a preacher of this sect, with several 
others, removed from New England. "They halted first at Ope- 
quon, in Berkeley County, Virginia, where he formed a Baptist 
church under the care of the Rev. John Gerard." This was 
probably the first Baptist church founded west of the Blue Ridge in 
our State. 

It is said that the spot where Tuscarora meeting-house now 
stands, in the county of Berkelej^, is the first place where the gospel 
was publicly preached and divine service performed west of the Blue 
Ridge. t This was and still remains a Presbyterian edifice. 

It is not within the plan of this work to give a general history 
of the rise and progress of the various religious societies of our 
country. It may not, however, be uninteresting to the general 
reader to have a brief sketch of the difficulties and persecutions 
which the Quakers and Baptists had to encounter in their first at- 
tempts to propagate their doctrines and principles in Virginia. 

In Hening's Statutes at Large, vol. i. pp. 532-33, the follow- 
ing most extraordinary law, if indeed it deserves the name, was 
enacted by the then legislature of Virginia, March, 1660 : 

* Mr. McCowan, an aged and respectable citizen of the neighborhood, 
communicated this fact to the author. 

f This information was communicated to the author by a highly respect- 
able old lady of the Presbyterian church, in the county of Berkeley. She 
also stated that in addition to the general tradition, she had lately heard the 
venerable and reverend Dr. Matthews assert the fact. Mr. Mayers, now in 
his eighty-seventh year, born and raised on the Potomac, in Berkeley, stated 
his opinion to the author, that there was a house erected for public worship 
at the Falling Water about the same time that the Tuscarora meeting-house 
was built. Both these churches are now under the pastoral care of the Rev. 
James M. Brown. 



' ' Whereas there is an vnreasonable and turbulent sort of peo- 
ple, commonly called Quakers, who contrarj- to the lawe do dayly 
o-ather together vnto them vnlaw'll assemblies and congregations of 
people, teaching and publishing lies, miracles, false visions, prophe- 
cies and doctrines, which have influence vpon the communities of men, 
both ecclesiasticall and civil, endeavouring and attempting thereby 
to destroy religion, lawes, communities, and all bonds of civil socie- 
tie, leaving it arbitrarie to everie vaine and vitious person, whether 
men shall be safe, lawes, established, offenders punished, an govem- 
ours rule, hereby disturbing the publique peace and just interest ; to 
prevent and restraine which mischiefe, // is enacted, That no master 
or commander of any shipp or other vessell do bring into this col- 
lonie any person or persons called Quakers, vnder the penalty of one 
hundred pounds sterling, to be levied vpon him and his estate by 
order from the governour and council, or the commissioners in the 
severall counties where such ships shallarrive : That all such Quak- 
ers as have been questioned, or shall hereafter arrive, shall be ap- 
prehended, wheresoever they shall be found, and they be imprisoned 
without baile or mainprize, till they do adjure this country, or putt in 
security with all speed to depart from the collonie and not to return 
again : And if any should dare to presume to returne hither after 
such departure, be proceeded against as contemners of the lawes and 
magistracy, and punished accordingly, and caused again to depart 
the country, and if they should the third time be so audacious and 
impudent as to returne hither, to be proceeded against as ffelons : 
That noe person shall entertain any of the Quakers that have here- 
tofore been questioned, by the governour and council, or whicn shall 
hereafter be questioned, not permit in or near his house any assem- 
blies of Quakers, in the like penalty of one hundred pounds sterling: 
That commissioners and officers are hereby required and authorized, 
as they will answer the contrar>^ at their perill, to take notice of this 
act, to see it fully effected and executed : And that no person do 
presume on their perill to dispose or publish their bookes, pamph- 
lets or libells, bearing the title of their tenents and opinions." 

This high-handed and cruel proceeding took place in the time 
of Oliver Cromwell's usurpation in England, and at a time when 
some glimering or rational, civil, and religious liberty, manifested 
itself in the mother country. The preamble to this act is contra- 
dicted by the whole history of Quakerism, from its foundation to the 
present period. In all the writings and traditional accounts handed 
down to us, the Quakers are represented as a most inoffensive, or- 
derly, and strictly moral people, in all their deportment and habits. 

This unreasonable and unwise legislation, it is presumed, was 
suffered to die a natural death, as, in the progress of the peopling 


of our couutr>-, we find that many Quakers, at a pretty- early period, 
migrated and formed considerable settlements in different parts of 
the State. 

It has already been noticed that the Baptists were not among 
the number of our earliest immigrants. Mr. Semple says : ' ' The 
Baptists in Virginia originated from three sources. The first were 
immigrants from England, who about the year 17 14 settled in the 
southeast part of the State. About 1743 another party came from 
Maryland and founded a settlement in the northwest. '•• A third 
party from New England, 1754." 

This last was Mr. Stearns and his party. They settled for a 
short time at Capon River, in the count}- of Hampshire, but .soon 
removed to North Carolina. Mr. Stearns and his followers mani- 
fested great zeal and industry in the propagation of their doctrines 
and principles. Their religion soon took a wide range in the Caro- 
linas and Virginia. They met with violent opposition from the 
established Episcopal clergy, and much persecution followed. To 
the credit of the people of our Valley, but few, if any acts of vio- 
lence were committed on the persons of the preachers west of the 
Blue Ridge. This is to be accounted for from the fact that a great 
majority of the inhabitants were dissenters from the Episcopal 
church. East of the Blue Ride, however, the case was widely dif- 
ferent. It was quite common to imprison the preachers, insult the 
congregations, and treat them with every possible indignity and out- 
rage. Every foul means was resorted to, which malice and hatred 
could devise, to their doctrines and religion. But instead of 
success this persecution produced directljthe contrary effect. "The 
first instance, " says Mr. Semple; "of actual imprisonment, we be- 
lieve, that ever took place in Virginia, was in the county of Spotts- 
3'lvania. On the 4th of June, 1768, John Waller, Lewis Craig, 
James Childs, &c.,were seized by the sheriff, and hauled before 
three magistrates, who stood in the meeting-house yard, and who 
bound them in the penalty of ^1000 to appear at court two da3's 
after. At court the)' were arraigned as disturbers of the peace, and 
committed to close jail." And in December, 1770, Messrs. 
William Weber and Joseph Anthony were imprisoned in Chester- 
field jail. 

The author deems it unnecessary to detail all the cases of perse- 
cution and imprisonment of the Baptist preachers. He will there- 
fore conclude this narrative with the account of the violent persecu- 
tion and cruel treatment of the late Rev. James Ireland, a very 
distinguished Baptist preacher of our Valley. 

Mr. Ireland was on one occasion committed to the jail of Cul- 

* It is probable this is the party who settled in the neighborhood of Ge- 
rardstown. If so, Mr. Semple is doubtless misinformed as to the place of 
their origin. The first Baptist immigrants who settled in Berkeley county 
were certainly from New Jersey. 


peper County, * when several attempts were made to destroy him. 
Of these attempts he gives the following narrative : 

' ' A number of my persecutors resorted to the tavern of Mr. 
Steward, at the courthouse, where they plotted to blow m.e up with 
powder that night, as I was informed ; but all they could collect was 
half a pound. They fixed it for explosion, expecting I was sitting 
directly over it, but in this they were mistaken. Fire was put to it, 
and it went off with considerable noise, forcing up a small plank, 
from which I received no damage. The next scheme they devised 
was to smoke me with brimstone and Indian pepper. They had to 
wait certain opportunities to accomplish the same. The lower part 
of the jail door was a few inches above its sill. When the wind was 
favorable, the}' would get pods of Indian pepper, empty them of 
their contents, and fill them with brimstone, and set them burning, 
so that the whole jail would be filled with the killing smoke, and 
oblige me to go to cracks, and put my mouth to them in order to 
prevent suffocation. At length a certain doctor and the jailor formed 
a scheme to poison me, which they actually effected." 

From this more than savage cruelty Mr. Ireland became ex- 
tremely ill, was attended by several physicians, and in some degree re- 
stored to health and activity ; but he never entirely recovered from 
the great injury which his constitution received. 

The author had the satisfaction of an intimate personal ac- 
quaintance with Mr. Ireland, and lived a near neighbor for 
several years before his death. He was a native Scotchman ; of 
course his pronunciation was a little broad. He had a fine com- 
manding voice, easy delivery, with a beautiful natural elocution in 
his sermonizing. His language, perhaps, was not as purely classical 
as some of his cotemporaries ; but such was his powerful elocution, 
particularly on the subject of the crucifixion and sufferings of our 
Saviour, that he never failed to cause a flood of tears to flow from 
the eyes of his audience, whenever he touched that theme. In his 
younger years he was industrious, zealous, sparing no pains to pro- 
pagate his religious opinions and principles, and was very successful 
in gaining proselytes ; hence he became an object of great resentment 
to the established clergy, and they resorted to every means within 
their reach, to silence and put him down. But in this they failed. 
He at length triumphed over his persecutors, was instrumental in 
founding several churches. 


About the year 1775 f two traveling strangers called at the resi- 
dence of the late Maj. Lewis Stephens, the proprietor and founder of 

* In the life of Ireland, no dates are given. The time of his commit- 
ment was probably about the year 1771 or 1772. 

f The author is not positive that he is correct as to the time this occur- 
rence took place, but has been informed it was just before the commence- 


the town, now distinguished in the mail establishment as " Newton- 
Stephensburg, " and enquired if they could obtain quarters for the 
night. Maj. Stephens happened to be absent ; but Mrs. Stephens, 
who was remarkable for hospitalit}' and religious impressions, in- 
formed them that they could be accommodated. One of them ob- 
serv^ed to her, " We are preachers ; and the next day being Sabbath, 
we will have to remain with you until Monday morning, as we do 
not travel on the Sabbath." To which the old lady replied, "if you 
are preachers, you are the more welcome." 

John ITagerty and Richard Owens were the names of the preach- 
ers. The next morning notice was sent tlirough town, and the 
strangers delivered sermons. This was doubtle'-s the lirst ^lethodist 
preaching ever heard in our Valley. It is said the}- traveled east of 
the Blue Ridge, (befbre they reached Stephensburg) , on a preaching 
tour, and probabl)' crossed the Ridge at some place south of 

A number of the people were much pleased with them, and the\- 
soon got up a small church at this place. The late John Kite, Jr., 
his sister, Mrs. Elizabeth Hughes, (then a widow), John Taylor and 
wife, Lewis Stephens, Sr. , and wife, Lewis Stephens, Jr., and wife, 
and several others joined the church, and in a few years it began to 
flourish. Tiie rapid spread of this sect throughout our country, 
needs no remarks from the author. 

The first Camp Meeting held in our Valley, within the author's 
recollection, took place at what is called Chrisman's Spring, about 
two miles south of Stephensburg, on the great highway from Win- 
chester to Staunton. This was probably the month of August, 
1806. It has been stated to the author, that the practice of Camp 
Meetings originated with a Baptist preacher somewhere about the 
James River. It is said he was a man of great abilities an,d trans- 
cendant elocution ; he hovv"ever became too much of an Armenian in 
his doctrine to please the generality of his brethren, and they ex- 
communicated him from their church, and attem.pted to silence him, 
but he would not consent to be silenced by them, and they refused 
him permi-ssion to preach in their meeting-houses, and he adopted 
the plan of appointing meetings in the forest, where vast crowds of 
people attended his preaching, and they soon got up the practice of 
forming encampments. The author cannot vouch for the truth of 
this statement, but recollects it was communicted to him by a highly 
respectable member of the Baptist church. 

In the year 1836, the author traveled through the Southwest 
counties on a tour of observ-ation — he frequently passed places v/here 
Camp Meetings had been held ; they are sometimes seen in dense 
forests, and some of them had the appearance of having been aban- 
doned or disused for a considerable time. The author, however, 

meut of the war of the Revolution. The late Dr. Tilden communicated 
this information to the writer — which he stated he learned from Mis. 



passed one in Giles county which was the best fixed for the purpose 
he has ever seen. There is a large frame building erected, probably 
spacious enough to shelter 2000 people or upwards, with a strong 
shingled roof, and some twelve or fifteen log houses, covered also 
with shingles, for the accommodation of visitors. A meeting had 
just been held at this place some two or three da^'s before he passed 
it, at which, he was informed, several thousand people had attended. 
It is situated very convenient to a most charming spring of delight- 
ful water, and stands on high ground. Its location is certainly very 
judicially selected for the purpose. 





It has been noticed in a preceding chapter, that in the year 
1753, emissaries from the Western Indians came among the Valley 
Indians, inviting them to cross the Alleghany Mountains, and that 
in the spring of the year 1754, the Indians suddenly and unexpect- 
edl}^ moved off, and entirel}' left the valley. 

That this movement of the Indians was made under the influ- 
ence of the French, there is but little doubt. In the year 1753, Maj. 
Geo. Washington, (since the illustrious Gen. Washington), was 
sent by Governor Dinwiddie, the then colonial governor of Virginia, 
with a letter to the French commander on the western waters, re- 
monstrating against his encroachments upon the territory' of Vir- 
ginia. This letter of remonstrance was disregarded by the French- 
man, and ver3" soon afterwards the war commonly called "Brad- 
dock's war," between the British government and France com- 
menced. In the year 1754, the government of Virginia raised an 
armed force with the intention of dislodging the French from their 
fortified places within the limits of the colon}-. The command of 
this army was given to Col. Fry, and George Washington was 
appointed lyieutenant-colonel under him. Their little army amount- 
ed to three hundred men. " Washington advanced at the head of 
two companies of this regiment, early in April, to the Great Mea- 
dows, where he was informed by some friendly Indians, that the 
French were erecting fortifications in the forks between the Alle- 
ghany and Monongahela Rivers, and also that a detachment was on 
its march from that place towards the Great Meadows. War had 
not been formally declared between France and England, but as 
neither was disposed to recede from their claims to the lands on the 
Ohio, it vras deemed inevitable, and on the point of commencing. 
Several circumstances were supposed to indicate a hostile intention 
on the part of the French detachment. Washington, under the 
guidance of some friendly Indians, on a dark rainy night surprised 
their encampment, and firing once, rushed in and surrounded them. 
The commander, Dumonville, was killed, with eight or nine others ; 
one escaped, and all the rest immediately surrendered. Soon after 
this affair. Col. Fr}- died, and the command of the regiment de- 
volved on Washington, who speedily collected the whole at the Great 
Meadows. Two independent companies of regulars, one from South 
Carolina, soon arrived at the same place. Col. Washington was now 
at the head of nearl}- four hundred men. A stockade, afterwards 


called Fort Necessity, was erected nt the Great IMeadovvS, in which 
a small force was left, and the main body advanced with a view to 
dislodging the French from Fort Duquesne,* which they had recently 
erected at the confluence of the Alleghany and I\Ionongahela Rivers. 
The}' had not proceeded more than thirteen miles, when they were 
informed by friendly Indians that the French, as niimerous as pig- 
eons in the woods, Vi^ere advancing in an hostile manner towards the 
English settlements, and also that P'ort Diiquesne had been strongly 
reinforced. In this critical situation, a council of Vv'ar unanimously 
recommended a retreat to the Great Meadows, which was effected 
without delay, and every exertion made to render Fort Necessity 
tenable, before the works intended for that purpose were completed, 
Mons. de Villier, with a considerable force, attacked the Fort. The 
assailants were covered by trees and high grass, f The Americans 
received them with great resolution, and fought some within the 
stockade, and others in the surrounding ditch. Yvashington con- 
tinued the whole day on the outside of the fort, and conducted the 
defense with the greatest coolness and intrepidity. The engagement 
lasted from lo o'clock in the morning till night, when the French 
commander demanded a parley and offered terms of capitulation. 
His first and second proposals were rejected, and Washington w^ould 
accept of none but the following honorable one, which were mutu- 
ally agreed upon in the course of the night : The fort to be surren- 
dered on condition that the garrison should march out with the 
honors of war, and be permitted to retain their arms and baggage, 
and to march unmolested into the inhabited parts of Virginia." I 

It 1755 the government sent Gen. Braddock, at the head 
of two regiments, to this country. Col. Washington had previously 
resigned the command of the Virginia troops. Braddock invited 
him to join the service as one of the volunteer aids, v/hich invitation 
he reaclil}' accepted, and joined Braddock near Alexandria. § The 
army moved on for the west, and in their march out erected Fort 
Cumberland. || The circumstances attending the unfortunate defeat 

*Fort Duquesne, so called in honor of the French commander, was, 
after it fell into the hands of the English, called Fort Pitt, and is now Pitts- 

t It is presumable that the grass here spoken of by Dr. Ramsey was of 
the growth of the preceding year. It is not probable that the grass, the 
growth of the year 1754, so early in the season, had grown of sufficient 
height to conceal a man. 

X Ramsey's Life of Washington. 

§Then called Bellhaven. 

U Fort Cumberland was built in the year 1755, in the fork between Wills 
Creek and North Branch of the Potomac, the remains of which are yet to 
be seen. It is about fifty-five miles north-west of Winchester, on the Mary- 
land side of the Patomac. There is now a considerable town at this place. 
The garrison left at it was commanded by Maj. Livingston. Mr. John Tom- 
linson gave the author this information. On the ancient site of the fort, 
there are several dwelling houses, and a new brick Episcopal church. 


of Braddock, and the dreadful slaughter of his ami}- near Pittsburg, 
are too generally known to require a detailed account in this work : 
suffice it to say that the defeat was attended with the most disas- 
trous consequence to our country. The whole western frontier was 
left exposed to the ravages of the forces of the French and Indians 

After the defeat and fall of Braddock, Col. Dunbar, the next in 
conuuand of the British army, retreated to Philadelphia, and the de- 
fense of the country fell upon Washington, with the few troops the 
colonies were able to raise. The people forthwith erected stockade 
forts in ever}- part of the Valley, and took shelter in them. Mau>- 
families were driven off, some east of the Blue Ridge, and others 
into Maryland and Pennsylvania. 

Immediately after the defeat of Braddock, Washington retreated 
to Winchester in the County of P'rederick, and in the autun.ii of 
1755 built Fort Loudoun. The venerable and highly respectable 
Lewis Neill, who was bom on Opequon, about five miles east of 
Winchester, in 1747, stated to the author, that when he was about 
eight years of age, his father had business at the Fort, and that he 
went with him into it. Mr. Thomas Barrett, another aged and 
respectable citizen states, that he has often heard his father say, that 
Fort Loudoun was built the same >ear and immediately after Brad- 
dock's defeat. Our highly respectable and venerable general, John 
Smith, who settled in Winchester in 1775, informed the author that 
he had seen and conversed with some of Washington's officers soon 
after he settled in Winchester, and they stated to him that Wash- 
ington marked out the site of the Fort, and superintended the work ; 
that he bought a lot in Winchester, erected a smith's shop on it, and 
brought from Mount Vernon his own blacksmith to make the neces- 
sary iron- work for the Fort. These officers pointed out to Gen. 
Smith the spot where Gen. Washington's huts or cabins were 
erected for his residence while in the Fort. The great highway- 
leading from Winchester to the north passes through the Fort pre- 
cisely where Washington's quarters were erected. It stands at the 
north end of Loudoun .street, and a considerable part of the 
walls are now remaining. It covered an era of about half 
an acre, within which area, a well, one hundred and three 
feet deep, chiefly through a solid limestone rock, was sunk 
for the convenience of the garrison.* The labor of throwing 
up this Fort was performed by Washington's regiment ; so says 
Gen. Smith. It mounted six eighteen pounders, six twelve pound- 
er, six six-pounders, four swivels, and two howitzers, and contained 
a strong garrison. f No formidable attempts were ever made 

* The water in this well rises near the surface, and in j^reat floods of rain 
has been known to overflow and discharge a considerable stream of water. 
The site of the fort is upon more elevated gi-ound than the head of any 
springs in the neighborhood. Upon what principle the water should here 
rise above the surface the author cannot pretend to explain. 

f Gen. John Smith stated this fact to the author. The cannon were re- 


by the enemy against it. A French officer once came to reconnoi- 
ter, and found it too strong to be attacked with any probability of 
success. * 

For three years after the defeat of Braddock, the French and 
Indians combined carried on a most destructive and cruel war upon 
the western people. The French, however, in about three years 
after Braddock's defeat, abandoned Fort Duquesne, and it was im- 
mediately taken possession of by the British and Colonial troops 
under the command of Gen. Forbes. Washington soon after re- 
signed the command of the Virginia forces, and retired to private 
life. A predator}' warfare w^as nevertheless continued on the people 
of the Valle}' by hostile Indian tribes for several years after the 
French had been driven from their strongholds in the west ; the par- 
ticulars of which will form the subject of my next chapter. 

moved from Winchester early in the war of the revolution. Some further 
account of this artillery will be given in a future chapter. Mr. Henry W. 
Baker, of Winchester, gave the author an account of the number of cannon 
mounted on the fort. 

* William L. Clark, Esq., is now the owner of the land including this 
ancient fortification, and has converted a part of it into a beautiful pleasure 




After the defeat of Braddock, the whole western frontier was 
left exposed to the incursions of the Indians and French in the spring 
of the year, 1756, a party of abont fifty Indians, with a French cap- 
tain at their head, crossed the Alleghany Mountains, committing on 
the white settlers every act of barbarous war. Capt. Jeremiah 
Smith, raised a party of twenty brave men, marched to meet this 
savage foe, and fell in with them at the head of Capon River, when 
a fierce and bloody battle was fought. Smith killed the captain 
with his own hand ; five other Indians have fallen, and a number 
wounded, they gave way and fled. Smith lost two of his men. On 
searching the body of the Frenchman, he was found in possession of 
his commission and written instructions to meet another party of 
about fifty Indians at Fort Frederick, * to attack the Fort, destroy 
it, and blow up the magazine. 

The other party of Indians were encountered prett>- low down 
the North Branch of the Capon River, by Capt. Joshua Lewis, 
at the head of eighteen men ; one Indian was killed when the others 
broke and ran off. Previous to the defeat of this party they had 
committed considerable destruction of the property of the white set- 
tlers, and took a Mrs. Horner and a girl about thirteen years of age 
prisoners. Mrs. Horner was the mother of seven or eight children ; 
she never got back to her family. The girl, whose name was Sarah 
Gibbons, the sister of my informant, f was a prisoner about eight 
or nine j-ears before she returned home. The intention of attacking 
Fort Frederick was of course abandoned. 

* Fort Frederick was commenced in the year 1755, under the direction 
of Gov. Sharpe, of Maryland, and was probably finished in 1776. It is still 
standing on the Maryland side of the Cohongoruton. Its walls are entirely 
of stone, four and a half feet thick at the base, and three at the top ; they 
are at least twenty feet high, and have undergone but little dilapidation. 
Dr. John Hedges and his son, Capt. John C. Hedges, aided the author in the 
examination of this place, and measuring its area, height and thickness of 
the walls. Its location is not more than twelve miles from Martinsburg, in 
Virginia, and about the same distance from Williamsport in Maryland. It 
encloses an era of about one and a half acres, exclusive of the bastions or 
redoubts. It is said the erection of this fort cost about sixty-five thousand 
pounds sterling. 

f Mr. Jacob Gibbons was born the loth of September, 1745. Since the 
author saw him, he has departed this life— an honest, good old man. 


Those Indians dispersed into small parties, and carried the work 
of death and desolation into several neighborlioods, in the counties, 
now Berkelej^ Frederick and Shenandoah. About eighteen or 
twent}' of tneni crossed the North Mountain at Mills Gap, %\'hicli is 
in the county of Berkele}', killed a man by the name of Kellj^ and 
several of his family, within a few steps of the present dwelling 
house of the late Mr. William Wilson, not more than half a mile 
from Gerardstown, and from thence passed on to the neighborhood 
of the present site of Martinsburg, the neighboring people generally 
taking shelter in John Evans' fortl * A small part}' of the Indians 
attacked the dvv'elling house of a Mr. Evans, brother of the owner 
of the' fort ; but being beaten off, they went in pursuit of reinforce- 
ments. In their absence Mr. Evans and his family got safe to the 
fort. The Indians returned and set fire to the house, the ruins of 
which are now to be seen from the great road leading to Winches- 
ter, three miles south of Martinsburg, at the head of what is called 
the Big Spring. 

The same Indians took a female prisoner on the same day at 
John Strode's house. A boj' by the name of Hackiiv'iy, who was on 
his way to the fort, saw her previously, and advised her not to go 
to the house, saying that Strode's family were all gone to the fort, 
and that he suspected the Indians were then in the house. She, 
however, seeing smoke at the house, disregarded the advice of the 
little boy, went to it, was seized by the Indians, taken off, and was 
about three }-ears a prisoner, but finally got home. The boy went 
to the fort, and told what had happened ; but the men had all 
turned out to bury Kelly and go in pursuit of the Indians, leaving 
nobody to defend the fort but the women and children. Mrs. Evans 
armed herself, and called on all the women, who had firmness 
enough to arm, to join her, and such as were too timid she ordered 
to run bullets. She then made a bo}^ beat to arms on a drum ; on 
hearing which the Indians became alarmed, set lire to Strode's 
house, t and moved off. They discovered the party of white men 
just mentioned, and fired upon them, but did no injury. The 
latter finding the Indians too strong for them, retreated into the 
fort. |. 

From thence the Indians passed on to Opequon, and the next 
morning attacked Neally's fort, massacred most of the people, and 
took off several prisoners ; among them George vStockton and Isa- 
bella, his sister. Charles Porterfield, a youth about 20 years of age, 
heard the firing from his father's residence, about one mile from the 

* Evans' fort was erected within about two miles of Martinsburg, a 
stockade. The land is now owned by Fryatt, Esq. 

f The present residence of the widow Showalter, three miles from Mar- 

X Mr. Joseph Hackney, Frederick county, states these facts to the au- 
thor. The little boy, mentioned above, grew up, married, was a Quaker by 
profession, and the father of my informant" 


fort, armed himself and set off with all speed to the fort, biit on his 
way was killed.* 

Among the prisoners, were a man by the name of Cohoon, his 
wife, and some of his children. Mrs. Cohoon was in a state of 
pregnancy, and not being able to travel fast enough to please her 
savage captors, the}' forced her husband forward, while crossing 
the North Mountain, and cruelly murdered her ; her husband dis- 
tinctly heard her screams. Cohoon, however, that night made his 
escape, and got safely back to his friends. George Stockton, and 
his sister, Isabella, vrlio were also among the prisoners, -were taken 
to the Indian towns. Isabella was eight or nine years of age, and 
her stor}' is as remarkable as it is interesting. She was detained and 
grew up among the savages. Being a beautiful and interesting girl, 
they sold her to a Canadian in Canada, where a young Frenchman, 
named Plata, soon became acquainted with her, and made her a ten- 
der of his hand in matrimony, f This she declined unless her 
parents' consent could be obtained ; a strong proof of her filial affec- 
tion and good sense. The Frenchman immediately proposed to con- 
duct her home, readily believing that his generous devotion and 
great attention to the daughter would lay the parents under such 
high obligations to him. tliat they would v^'illingly consent to the 
union. But such were the strong prejudices existing at the time 
against ever^^thing French, that her parents and friends peremptorily 
objected. The Frenchman then prevailed on Isabella to elope with 
him ; to effect which she secured two of her father's horses and 
pushed off. They were, however, pursued by two of her brothers, 
overtaken, at Hunterstown, Pennsylvania, and Isabella forcibly torn 
from her protector and devoted lover, and brought back to her par- 
ents, while the poor Frenchman was warned that if he e\'er made 
any further attempt to take her off, his life should pay the forfeit. 
This stor}' is familiar to several aged and respectable indi^'iduals in 
the neighborhood of Martinsburg. Isabella aftervv-ard married a 
man by the name of McClary, removed and settled in the neighbor- 
hood of Morgantown, and grew wealthy. George, after an absence 
of three years, got home also. 

A party of fourteen Indians, believed to be a pai't of those de- 
feated by Capt. Smith, on their return to the west killed a young 
women, and took a Mrs. Neff prisoner. This was on the South 
Fork of the river Wappatomaka. They cutoff Mrs. Neff's petticoat 
up to her knees, and gave her a pair of moccasins to wear on her feet. 
This was done to facilitate her traveling ; but the}- proceeded no fur- 

* George Porterfield, Esq., now residing in the County of Berkeley, is a 
brother to the youth who was killed, and stated to tue author the particu- 
lars 01 this unhappy occurrence. Capt. Glenn also stated several of the cir- 
cumstances to the author. 

f Mr. Mayers, of Berkeley county, gave the author the name of this 
young Frenchman. 


ther than the vicinity of Fort Pleasant, * whereon the second night, 
they left ]\Irs. Neif in the custody of an old Indian, and divided 
themselves into parties, in order to watch the Fort. At a late hour 
in the night, Mrs. Nefi discovering that her guard wasprett}^ soundly 
asleep, ran off. The old fellow very soon awoke, fired off his gun, 
and raised a yell. Mrs. Ncff ran between the tv^'O parties of Indians, 
got safely into Fort Pleasant, and gave notice where the Indians 
were encamped. A small party of men, the same evening came from 
another small fort a few miles above, and joined their friends in Fort 
Pleasant. The Indians, after the escape of Mrs. Neff, had collected 
into one body in a deep glen, near the Fort. Early the next morn- 
ing, sixteen men, well mounted and armed, left the Fort wdth a view 
to attack the Indians. They soon discovered their encampment. 
The whites divided themselves into two parties, intending to inclose 
the Indians between two fires ; but unfortunately a small dog which 
had followed them, starting a rabbit, his yell alarming the Indians ; 
upon which they cautiously moved off, passed between the two par- 
ties of white men unobserved, and took a position between them and 
their horses, and opened a most destructive fire. The whites re- 
turned the fire with great firmness and braver}-, and a desperate and 
blood}' conflict ensued. Seven of the whites fell dead, and four were 
wounded. The little remnant retreated to the Fort, whether the 
wounded arrived. Three Indians fell in this battle, and several were 
wounded. The victors secured the white men's horses, and took 
them off. t 

Just before the above action commenced, Mr. "\"anmeter, an old 
man, mounted his horse, rode to a high ridge, and witnessed the 
battle. He returned with all speed to the Fort, and gave notice of 
the defeat. The old man was killed by the Indians in 1757. 

After committing to writing the foregoing account, the author 
received from his friend Dr. Charles A. Turley, of Fort Pleasant, a 
more particular narrative of the battle, which the author will sub- 
join, in the doctor's own words : 

' ' The memorable battle of The Trough (says Dr. Turley) was pre- 
ceded b^" the following circumstances. On the day previous, two In- 
dian strollers, from a large part}' of sixty or seventy warriors, under 
the well-known and ferocious chief. Kill-buck, made an attack upon 
the dwelling of a Mrs. Brake, on the South Fork of the South Branch 
of the Potomac, about fifteen miles above Moorefield, and took Mrs. 
Brake and a Mrs. Neff prisoners. The former not being able to 

* Fort Pleasant was a strong stockade with blockhouses, erected on the 
land now owned by Isaac Vanmeter, Esq., on the South Branch of the Poto- 
mac, a short distance above what is called The Trough. 

•j-This battle, 'is called the "Battle of The Trough." Messrs. Vanmeter, 
McNeill and Heath, detailed the particulars to the author. A block house, 
with port holes, is now standing in Mr. D. McNeill's yard, part of an 
old fort erected at the time of Braddock's war, the logs of which are princi- 
pally sound. 


travel from her situation, was tomahawked and scalped, and the 
latter brought down to the vicinity of Town Fort, about one and a 
half miles below Moorefield. There, one of the Indians, under the 
pretence of hunting, retired, and the other laid himself down and 
pretended to fall asleep, with a view, as was believed, to let Mrs. 
NefT escape to the Fort, and give the alarm. Everything turned out 
agreebly to their expectations ; for as soon as she reached the Fort, 
and related the circumstances of her escape, eighteen men from that 
and Buttermilk Fort, five miles above, went in pursuit. They were 
men notorious for their valor, and had been well tried on many such 

' ' As soon as they came to the place indicated by Mrs. Neff , 
they found a plain trace left by the Indian, by occasionally breaking 
a bush. Mr. John Harness, who was well acquainted with the man- 
ners and modes of warfare of the Indians, pronounced that the hun- 
ter Indian had not returned to his comrade, or that they were in 
great force somewhere near and in ambush. They, however, pur- 
sued the trace, without discovering any signs of a large party, until 
they arrived between two mountains, forming what from its resem- 
blance is called The Trough. Here, directly above a fine spring, 
about two hundred paces from the river, which that at time was filled 
to an impassable stage, b}' a heavy fall of rain, these grim monsters of 
blood were encamped, to the number above stated. The western 
face of the ridge was very precipitous and rough, and on the north 
of the spring was a deep ravine, cutting directly up into the ridge 
above. Our little band of heroes, nothing daunted by the superior 
number of the enemy, dismounted unobserv-ed, and prepared for bat- 
tle, leaving their horses on the ridge. But by one of those unfor- 
seen and ahnost unaccountable accidents which often thwart 
the seemingh^ and best planned enterprises, a small dog which 
had followed them, just at this juncture started a rabbit, and went 
yelping dow'n the ridge, giving the Indians timely notice of their ap- 
proach. The}^ immediately flew to arms, and filing off up the ravine 
before described, passed directly into the rear of our little band, 
placing them in the ver}^ situation they had hoped to find their ene- 
mies, between the mountain and the swollen river. Nov*- came the 
"tug of war," and both parties rushed to the onset, dealing death 
and slaughter at every fire. After an hour or two of hard fighting, 
during which each of our little band numbered his man, and more 
than half their number had fallen to rise no more, those that re- 
mained were compelled to retreat, which could only be effected by 
swimming the river. Some who had been wounded, not being 
able to do this, determined to sell their lives as dearly as possi- 
ble ; and deliberately loading their rifles, and placing themselves 
behind some cover on the river bank, dealt certain death to the first 
adversary who made his appearance, and then calml)- yielded to the 

"We can not here pass over without mentioning one of the 


man}- despotic acts exercised b}' the then Colonial government and 
its officers towards the unoffending colonists. At the time of which 
we are speaking, there were quartered in Fort Pleasant, about one 
and a half miles above the battle ground, and within hearing of 
every gun, a company of regulars, commanded by a British officer 
named Wagner, wdio not only refused to march a man out of the 
fort, but, when the inhabitants seized their rifles and determined to 
rush to the aid of their brothers, ordered the gates to be closed, and 
suffered none to pass in or out. By marching to the western bank 
of the river, he might have effectually protected those who were 
wounded, without any danger of an attack from the enemy. And 
when the few who had escaped the slaughter, hailed and demanded 
admission into the Fort, it was denied them. For this act of 
Capt. Wagner's the survivors of our Spartan band called him a 
coward ; for which insult he thought it his dutj- to hunt them 
down like wolves, and wdien caught, to inflict corporal punishment 
by stripes. 

"The Indian Chief, Kill-buck aftenvards admitted, that al- 
though he had witnessed many sanguinary contests this was the 
most so he had ever experienced for the number of his enemies. 
Kill-buck was a Shawnee, a savage of strong mental powers, and 
well acquainted with all the families in the settlement before the war 
broke out. Col. Vincent Williams, whose father was inhumanly 
murdered by Kill-buck and his party on Patterson's Creek, became 
personally acquainted with him many years afterwards, and took 
the trouble, when once in the state of Ohio, to visit him. He was 
far advanced in 3'ears, and had become blind. The Colonel informed 
me that as soon as he told Kill-buck his name, the only answer he 
made was, ' ' Your father was a brave warrior. ' ' The half brother of 
Col. Williams, Mr. Benjamin Casey, was with him. Mr. Peter Casey 
had once hired Kill-buck to catch and bring home a runaway negro, 
and was to have given him fourteen shillings. He paid him six shil- 
lings, and the war breaking out he never paid him the other eight. 
At the visit spoken of. Kill-buck inquired the name of his other 
visitor, and when the Colonel told him it was Benjamin Casey, — 
'What, Peter Casey's son?' 'Yes.' ' Your father owes me eight 
shillings ; will you pay it ! ' said the old chief. The Colonel at that 
time got all the particulars of the tragical death of his father, as well 
as the great heroism manifested by our little band at the battle of The 

Dr. Turley refers in the foregoing narrative to the murder of 
Mr. Williams, on Patterson's Creek. This melancholy tragedy the 
author is enabled to give, as it was related to him by Mr. James S. 
Miles, of Hardy. 

Mr. Williams lived on Patterson's Creek, on the farm now oc- 
cupied by his grandson, Mr. James Williams. Hearing of the 
approach of the Indians, he repaired with his neighbors to Fort 
Pleasant (nine miles) for security. After remaining here a few 


days, supposing their houses might be revisited with safety, Mr. 
Williams with seven others crossed the mountain for that purpose. 
They separated on reaching the Creek ; and Mr. Williams went 
alone to his farm. Having tied his horse to a bush, he commenced 
salting his cattle, when seven Indians (as afterwards said by Kill- 
bush) got between him and his horse, and demanded his surrender. 
Mr, Williams answered by a ball from his rifle, which killed one of 
the Indians, then retreated to his house, barricaded the door, and 
put his enemy at defiance. They fired at him at random through 
the door and windows, until the latter were filled with shot-holes. 
For greater security, Mr. Williams got behind a hommony block in 
a corner, from which he could fire at his assailants through the 
cracks of the building, as opportunity offered. In this way he 
killed five out of the seven. The remaining two, resolved not give 
up their prej', found it necessary to proceed more cautiously ; and 
going to the least exposed side of the house, one was raised upon 
the shoulders of the other to an opening in the logs some distance 
above the level of Mr. Williams, who did not, consequently, ob- 
serve the manoeuvre, from which he fired, and shot Mr. Williams 
dead. The body was instantly quartered, and hung to the four 
corners of the building, and the head stuck upon a fence stake in 
front of the door. This brave man was the father of the venerable 
Edward Williams, the clerk of Hard}- count}^ court, until the elec- 
tion of 1830, under the new constitution, when his advanced age 
compelled him to decline being a candidate. 

Sometime after the battle of The Trough, at a Fort seven 
miles above Romney, two Indian boys made their appearance, when 
some of the men went out with the intention of taking them. A 
grown Indian m.ade his appearance, but was instantly shot down 
by Shadrach Wright. A numerous party then showed themselves, 
which the garrison sallied out and attacked, but the}^ were defeated 
with the loss of several of their men, and compelled to retreat to 
the Fort. * 

Kill-buck, the chief before mentioned, used frequently to com- 
mand these marauding parties. Previous to the breaking out of the 
war, he w^as well acquainted with many of the white settlers on 
the Wappatom.aka, and liv^ed a good part of his time among them. 
His intimate acquaintance with the country enabled him to lead his 
band of murderers from place to place, and commit many outrages 
on the persons and propertj^ of the white inhabitants. In the 
progress of this work, some further notice will be taken of this dis- 
tinguished warrior. There was another great Indian warrior called 
"Crane ;" but the author has not been able to collect any particular 
traditionary accounts of the feats performed by him. 

In the year 1757, a numerous body of Indians crossed the AUe- 

* Mr. James Parsons, near Romney, Hampshire county, gave the author 
this information. 


ghany Mountain, and, as usual, divided themselves into small 
parties, and hovering about the different forts, committed many acts 
of murder and destruction of property. About thirty or forty ap- 
proached Edward's Fort, * on Capon River, killed two men at a 
small mill, took off a parcel of corn meal, and retreating along a path 
that led between a stream of water and a steep high mountain, they 
strewed the meal in several places on their route. Immediately 
between this path and the stream is an abrupt bank, seven or eight 
feet high, and of considerable length, under which the Indians con- 
cealed themselves, and awaited the approach of the garrison. 
Fort}' men under the command of Capt. Mercer, sallied out, with 
the intention of pursuing and attacking the enemy. But oh ! fatal 
day ! Mercer's party, discovering the trail of meal, supposed the 
Indians were making a speed}' retreat, and, unappraised of their 
strength, moved on at a brisk step, until the whole line was drawn 
immediately over the line of Indians under the bank, when the 
latter discharged a most destructive fire upon them, sixteen falling 
dead at the first fire. The others attempting to save themselves by 
flight, were pursued and slaughtered in every direction, until, out 
of the forty, but six got back to the Fort. One poor fellow, who 
ran up the side of the mountain, was fired at by an Indian, the ball 
penetrated just above his heel, ranged up his leg, shivering the 
bones, and lodging a little below his knee ; he slipped under the 
lap of a fallen tree, there he hid himself, and lay in that deplorable 
situation for two days and nights before he was found by his friends, 
it being that length of time before the people at the Fort would 
venture out to collect and bury the dead. This wounded man re- 
covered, and lived many years after, though he always was a 
cripple from his wound. Capt. Qeorge Smith, who now resides 
on Back Creek, informed the author that he was well acquainted 
with him. 

Some time afterwards, the Indians, in much greater force, and 
aided, it was believed, bj' several Frenchmen in person, determined 
to carry this Fort by storm. The garrison had been considerably 
reinforced ; among others, by the late Gen. Daniel Morgan, then a 
young man. The Indians made the assault with great boldness ; 
but on this occasion they met with a sad reverse of fortune. The 
garrison sallied out, and a desperate battle ensued. The assailants 
were defeated with great slaughter, while the whites lost compara- 
tively few men. 

The remains of a gun of high finish, ornamented with silver 
mounting and gold touch-hole, were plowed up near the battle- 
ground about forty years ago. It was supposed to have belonged 
to a French officer. Part of a bombshell was also found. Morgan 

* Edward's Fort was located on the west side of Capon River, not more 
than three quarters of a mile above, where the stage road from Winchester 
to Romney crosses the river. 


in this action performed his part with his, usual intripiditj', caution, 
and firmness, and doubtless did much execution.* 

Other parties of Indians penetrated into the neighborhood of 
Winchester, and killed several people about Round Hill ; among 
others a man by the name of Flaugherty, with his wife. Several 
inmates of a family by the name of M'Cracken, on Back Creek, 
about twelve miles from Winchester, were killed, and two of the 
daughters taken off as prisoners. They, however, got back, after 
an absence of three or four years. Mr. I^ewis Neill informed the 
author that he saw^ and conversed w-ith these women on the subject 
of their captivity after their return home. Jacob Havely and 
Several of his family were killed near the present residence of Moses 
Russell, Esq., at the eastern base of the North Mountain, fifteen or 
sixteen miles southw^est of Winchester. Dispennet, and several of 
his famil}-, and Vance and his wife, f were also severally killed by 
the same party of Indians, in the same neighborhood. 

The late respectable and intelligent Mrs. Rebecca Brinker, who 
was bom the 25th of March, 1745, and w^ho of course was upwards 
of ten years old when Braddock was defeated, related many inter- 
esting occurrences to the author ; among others, that a family of 
eighteen persons, by the name of Nicholls, who resided at the pres- 
ent residence of Mr. Stone, a little west of Maj. Isaac Hite's were 
attacked, the greater number killed, and several taken off as pris- 
oner's ; one old w^oman and her grandchild made their escape to a Fort, 
a short distance from Middletown. This took place about 1756 
or 1757, and it is probabl)^ by the same party who killed Havely and 

In the year 1758, a party of about fifty Indians and four French- 
man penetrated into the neighborhood of Mill Creek, now^ in the 
county of Shenandoah, about nine miles south of Woodstock. This 
was a pretty thickly settled neighborhood ; and among other houses, 
George Painter had erected a large log one, with a good sized cellar. 
On the alarm being given, the neighboring people took refuge in 
this house. Eate in the afternoon they w'ere attacked. Mr. Pain- 
ter, attempted to fly, had three balls shot through his body, and fell 
dead, when the others surrendered. The Indians dragged the dead 
body back to the house, threw it in, plundered the house of what 

*Mr. William Carlisle, now ninety-five years of age, and who resides 
near the battle ground, informed the author that he removed and settled on 
Capon soon after the battle was fought. He also said that he had frequently 
heard it asserted that Morgan was in the battle, and acted with great bravej-, 
&c. Mr. Charles Carlile, son of this venerable man, stated the fact of the 
gun and part of a bomb shell being found. 

I Moses Russell, Esq., is under the impression that these people were 
killed in the summer or fall of the year, 1756. The author finds it impossi- 
ble to fix the dates of the various acts of war. committed by the savages. 
After the most diligent inquiry, he has not been able to find any person who 
committed to writing anything upon the subject at the time the several oc- 
curences took place. 


they choose, and then set fire to it. While the house was in flames, 
consuming the body of Mr. Painter, they forced from the amasof their 
mothers four infant children, hung them up in trees, shot them in 
savage sport, and left them hanging. They then set fire to a stable 
in which were enclosed a parcel of sheep and calves, thus cruell}- 
and wantonly torturing to death the inoffensive dumb animals. 
After these atrocities they moved off with forty-eight prisoners ; 
among whom were Mrs. Painter, five of her daughters, and one of 
her sons; and a Mrs. Smith, and several of her children; a Mr. 
Fisher and several of his children, among them a lad of twelv^e or 
thirteen years old, a fine well gro"wn boy, and remarkabh' fleshy. 
This little fellow, it will presently be seen, was destined to be the vic- 
tim of savage cruelty. 

Two of Painter's sons, and a young man by the name of Jacob 
Myers escaped being captured by concealment. One of the Painters, 
with Myers, ran over that night to Powell's Fort, a distance at least 
of fifteen miles, and to Keller's Fort, in quest of aid. They had 
neither hat nor shoes, nor any other clothing than a shirt and trows- 
ers each. A small party of men set out early the next morning, 
well mounted and armed, to avenge the outrage. Thej^ reached Mr. 
Painter's early in the day ; but on learning their strength, (from the 
other young Painter, who had remained concealed all that evening 
and night, and by that means were able to count the number of 
the enemy), they declined pursuit, being to weak in numbers to ven- 
ture further. Thus this savage band got off with their prisoners and 
booty, without any pursuit or interruption. 

After six da3's' travel they reached their villages, west of the 
Alleghany Mountains, where they held a council, and determined to 
sacrifice their helpless prisoner, Jacob Fisher. They first ordered 
him to collect a quantit}' of dry wood. The poor little fellow shud- 
dered, burst into tears, and told his father they intended to bum 
him. His father replied, " I hope not ;" and advised liim to obey. 
When he had collected a sufficient quantity of wood to answer their 
purpose, they cleared and smoothed a ring, around a sapling, to 
which the3^tied him by one hand, then formed a trail of wood around 
the tree and set it on fire. The poor boy was then compelled to run 
round in this ring of fire until his rope wound him up to the sap- 
ling, and then back until he came in contact with the flame, whilst 
his infernal tormentors were drinking, singing and dancing around 
him with "horrid joy." This was continued for several hours; 
during which time the savage men became beastly drunk, and as 
they fell prostrate to the ground, the squaws would keep up the fire. 
With long sharp poles, prepared for the purpose, they would pierce 
the body of their victim whenever he flagged, until the poor and help- 
less boy fell and expired with the most excruciating torments, whilst 
his father and brothers were compelled to be v/itnesses of the heart- 
rending tragedy. 

After an absence of about three years, Mrs. Painter, with her 


son and two of her daughters ; Mrs. Smith, who had the honor, if 
it could be so deemed, of presenting her husband with an Indian 
son, * b}^ a distinguished war chief ; Fisher and his remaining sons ; 
and several other prisoners returned home. Three of Painter's 
daughters remained with the Indians. Mary, the youngers, was 
about nine years old when taken, and was eighteen years a prisoner ; 
tv/o of the daughters never returned. A man by the name of 
Michael Copple, who had himself been a prisoner about two years 
with the Indians, had learned their language, became an Indian 
trader and traveled much among them, at length found Mary Pain- 
ter with a wandering party of Cherokees. In conversing with her, 
he discovered who she was — that he was acquainted with her family 
connections, and proposed to her to accompany him home, to which 
she refused her assent. He then said that her brothers had removed 
to Point Pleasant, and v/ere desirious of seeing her ; upon which she 
consented to accompany him that far to see her brothers ; but 
finding, on arriving at the Point, that he had deceived her, she 
manifested much dissatisfaction, and attempted to go back to the 
Indians, Copple, however, after much entreaty, and promising to 
make her his wife, prevailed upon her to return home. He per- 
formed his promise of marriage, lived several years on Painter's 
land, and raised a family of children. Mary had lost her mother 
tongue, learned a little English afterwards, but always conversed 
with her husband in the Indian language, f They finally removed 
to the west. 

The garrison at Fort Cumberland was frequently annoyed by 
the Indians. There are two high knobs of the mountain, one on 
the Virginia side of the Cohongoruton on the South, the other on 
the Maryland side on the north east, within a short distance of the 
Fort. The Indians frequently took possession of these heights, and 
fired into the Fort. Although they seldom did any injury in this 
way, yet it was disagreeable and attended with some danger. On a 
particular occasion a large party of Indians had taken possession 
of the knob on the Marjdand side, and fired into the Fort. A 
Captain (the author regrets that he was not able to learn his 
name) and seventy-five brave fellows on a very dark night, volun- 
teered to dislodge the enemy. The}' sallied out from the Fort, 

* Smith received his v>'ife and never maltreated her on this account ; but 
he had a most bitter aversion to the young chief. The boy grew up to man- 
hood, and exhibited the appearance and disposition of his sire. Attenipts 
were made to educate him, but without success. He enlisted into the army 
of the revolution as a common soldier, and never returned. 

* The author deems a particular history of this woman necessar}-, be- 
cause it is one among many instances of young white children, when taken 
prisoners, becoming attached to a savage life, and leaving it with great re- 
luctance. Mr. George Painter, an aged and respected citizen of Shenandoah 
county, who resides on the spot where this bloody tragedy was acted, and 
is a grandson of the man who was murdered and burnt, detailed these par- 
ticulars to the author. 


surrounded the knob, and cautiously ascending until thej^ were 
within reach of the foe, waited for daybreak to make the attack. 
Light appearing, they opened a tremendous fire, which threw the 
Indians into utter confusion, rendering them powerless for defense, 
while the whites continued from all sides to pour in volley after 
volley, spreading death and carnage. But few of the Indians es- 
eaped. The knob is called " Bloody Hill " to this day. This tradi- 
tion the author received from several individuals in Cumberland ; 
indeed, the story appears to be familiar with every aged individual 
in the neighborhood. 

Shortl}' after this occurrence, Kill-buck attempted to take Fort 
Cumberland by stratagem. He approached it at the head of a large 
force of warriors ; and under the guise of friendship, pretended to 
wish an amicable intercourse with the garrison, proposed to Maj. 
Livingston to admit himself and warriors. Some hints having been 
given to the commander to be upon his guard, Livingston seemingh- 
consented to the proposal ; but no sooner had Kill-buck and his 
chief officers entered than the gates were closed upon them. The 
wiley chief being thus entrapped, was roundly charged with his in- 
tended treachery, of which the circumstances were too self-evident 
to be denied. Livingston, however, inflicted no other punishment 
upon his captives than a mark of humiliating disgrace, which to an 
Indian warrior was more mortifying than death. This stigma was, 
it is supposed, dressing them in petticoats and driving them out of 
the Fort. * 

It has already been stated, that, previous to the breaking out 
of the war. Kill-buck lived a good part of his time among the white 
settlers in the neighborhood of Fort Pleasant. An Irish servant, 
belonging to Peter Casey, absconded, and Casey offered a pistole t 
reward for his recovery. Kill-buck apprehended the servant, and 
delivered him to his master ; but from some cause or other, Casey 
refused to pay the reward. A quarrel ensued, and Casey knocked 
Kill-buck down with his cane. When the war broke out, Kill-buck 
sought every opportunity to kill Casey, but never could succeed. 
Many years afterward, Casey's son obtained a Lieutenancy, and 
was ordered to Wheeling, where Kill-buck then being, young Casey 
requested some of his friends to introduce him to him. When Kill- 
buck heard his name, he paused for a moment, and repeating, 
"Casey! Casey!" inquired of the young man whether he knew 
Peter Casey. The Lieutenant replied, "Yes, he is my father." 
Kill-buck immediately exclaimed, "Bad man, bad man, he once 
knocked me down with his cane. On the 30ung man's proposing to 

* The venerable John Tonilinson related this affair to the author. Mr. 
Toinlinson does not recollect the particular mark of disgrace inflicted on 
these Indians. The Rev. Mr. Jacobs, of Hampshire, suggested this as the 
most probable. 

f The postole is a piece of gold, equal to three dollars and seventy-five 
cents in value. 




make up the brerxh, the old chief replied, "Will j-ou pay me the 
pistole?" Young Casej- refused to do this, but proposed to treat 
with a quart of rum, to which the old warrior assented, saying, 
" Peter Case_v old man — Kill-buck old man ;" and then stated that 
he had frequently watch an opportunity to kill him, "but he was 
too laz)' — would not come out of the Fort ; Kill-buck now freinds 
with him, and bury tiie tomahawk." ■'- This Indian chief, it is said 
was living about fourteen years ago, and had become l^lind 
from his great age, being little under, and probably over, ond hun- 
dred years. . 

* This anecdote is related, somewhat differently, by Dr. Turley, page, 
72 of this work. 





Ill a preceding chapter the election of several stone dwelling- 
houses are noticed. These houses had generally small stockade 
forts about them ; and whenever an alarm took place, the neighbor- 
ing people took shelter in them, as places of security against their 
savage foes.-''^ 

The men never went out of the forts without their guns. The 
enemy were frequently lurking about them, and at every opportuni- 
ty would kill some of the people. At the residence of Major. Rob't 
D. Glass, on Opequon, five miles southvv-est of Winchester, part of 
his dwelling-house was erected in the time of the Indian war ; the 
port-holes were plainh^ to be seen before the body was covered with 
weather-boarding. The people were closely ' ' forted ' ' for about 
three years. After the termination of hostilities between England 
and France, the incursions of the Indians were less frequent, and 
never in large parties ; but they were continued at inten-als until the 
year 1766 or 1767. 

AlDout the year 1758, a man by the name of John Stone, near 
what is called the White House, in the Hawksbill settlement, was 
killed by Indians. Stone's wife, with her infant child and a son 
about seven or eight j'cars old, and George GrandstalT, a youth of 
sixteen years old, w-ere taken off as prisoners. On the South Branch 
Mountain, the Indians murdered Mrs. Stone and her infant, and 
took the boy and Grandstaff to their towns. Grandstaff was about 
three years a prisoner, and then got home. The little boy, Stone, 
grew up with the Indians, came home, and after obtaining posses- | 
session of his father's property, sold it, got the money, returned tO"| 
the Indians, and was never heard of by his friends afterwards. ; 

The same Indians killed Jacob Holtiman's wife and her chil- 
dren, Holtiman escaping. They plundered old Erewbecker's house, 
piled up the chairs and spinning wheel, and set them on fire. A 
3'oung woman who lived with Brewbecker had concealed herself ini 
the garret ; and after the Indians left the house, extinguished the 
fire, and saved the house from burning. Brewbecker' s wife got in- 
formation that the Indians were coming, and run off with her chil- 
den to where several men w'ere at work, who conveyed her across 

* The late Mrs. Rebecca Brinker, one of the daughters of George Bow- 
man, on Cedar Creek, informed the author that she recollected when sixteen 
families took shelter in her father's house. 


the river to a neighboring house. Mr. John Brewkecker now re- 
sides on the farm where this occurrence took place. * 

The following singular tradition, as connected with this occur- 
rence, has been related to the author : 

About dusk on the evening previous, Mr. Brewbecker told her 
husband and family that the Indians would attack them next morn- 
ing, saying that they could see a party of them on the side of the 
Massanutten Mountain, in the act of cooking their supper. She 
also declared that she saw their fire, and could count the number of 
Indians. She pointed to the spot ; but no other part of the family 
saw it ; and it was therefore thought that she must be mistaken. 
Persisting in her declarations, she begged her husband to remove 
her and her children to a place of safet}- ; but she was laughed at, 
told that it wasmere superstition, and that she was in no danger. It 
was, however, aftenvards ascertained that the savages had encamped 
that night at the place on the mountain pointed out b}- Mrs. Brew- 
becker. It was about two miles off. j 

These outrages of the Indians drove many of the white settlers 
below the Blue Ridge. 

Probably the same year, several Indians attacked the house of 
a man named Bingaman, near the present site of New Market. 
Bingaman, who was remarkably stout and active, defended his fam- 
ily with great resolution and firmness, and laid two of the assassins 
dead at his feet ; they succeeded, however, in killing his wife and 
children, Bingaman escaping with several wounds, from which he 
finally recovered. The same party took Lewis Bingaman (a nephew 
of the one spoken of ) , a prisoner. He was a boy about thirteen 
or fourteen years old, grew up with the Indians, and became a 
man of distinction among them. 

About the same time the Indians forcibly entered the house of 
Mr. Young, who resided on the farm now owned by William Smith, 
Esq., not more than a mile from Zane's old iron works, and killed 
.several of his family. They took an infant, dashed its head against 
a rock, beat out its brains, and left it dying on the ground. Two 
of Young's daughters, pretty well grown, were carried off prison- 
ers. Lieutenant vSamuel Fry raised a force of between thirty and 
forty men, pursued, and came in sight of them unobserved, at the 
Short Mountain, near the Alleghany. Fry's party prepared to fire ; 
but unfortunately one of the white girls stepping accidentally before 
their guns, the intention was frustrated, and Fry being discovered 
the next moment, he ordered his men to charge. This was no sooner 
done than the Indians broke and ran off, leaving their guns, prison- 

*Mr. Brewbecker resides on the west side of the South Fork of the 
Shenandoah River, on Massanutten Creek, in the new count.v of Pajjcand has 
erected a large and elegant brick house on the spot where the Indians plun- 
dered his father's dwelling. 

f This tradition was given the author by Mr. Andrew Keyser, Jr., who 
married a granddaughter of the woman who saw the Indians. 


ers and plunder ; the two young females were then rescued and 
brought safel}' home. 

Another family in the same neighborhood, by the name of Day, 
wxre attacked, several killed, and two of the daughters taken off . A 
party of eighteen or twenty whites pursued them. The girls, as 
they traveled through the mountains, expecting pursuit, took the 
precaution (unobser\'ed by their captors) to tear off and frequently 
drop small scraps of white linen, as well as pluck off branches of 
bushes, and drop them as a trail, by which means their friends could 
readily discover their route. A brother to the girls, a young man, 
was one of the pursuing party. The Indians were overtaken on the 
South Branch Mountain, and as soon as seen, preparations were 
made to give them a deadly fire. But the young Day, in his eager- 
ness to avenge the death of his father and family, prematurely^ fired, 
killing the object af his aim, when the others precipitately fled, leav- 
ing everything behind them. Thej^ had cut oit the girls' petticoats 
at the knees, in order that the}" should be able to make more speed 
in traveling. The girls were brought safe home. 

There were several instances of the Indians committing murders 
on the whites about the Potomac, and South Branch, several 3'ears 
before Braddock's defeat. About the j^ear 1752, a man b}" the name 
of James Davis was killed, pretty high up the Potomac ; and in the 
succeeding year, William Zane and several of his famil}- were taken 
prisoners on the South Branch, in the now county of Plardy. Isaac 
Zane, one of his sons, remained during his life with the Indians. 
The author saw this man at Chillicothe in the autumn of 1797, and 
had some conversation with him upon the subject of his captivity. 
He stated that he was captured when about nine years old ; w^as four 
years without seeing a white person ; had learned the Indian tongue 
quite well, but never lost a knowledge of the English, having learned 
to spell in two syllables, which he still could do, although prett}' 
well advanced in years. He also said that a trader came to the In- 
dian village four 3'ears after his captivity, and spoke to him in Eng- 
lish, of which he understood every word ; that when he grew up to 
manhood, he married a sister of the Wj'andotte king, and raised a 
family of seven or eight children. His sons were all Indians in 
their habits and dispositions ; his daughters, four of them, 
all mjfrried white men, became civilized, and were remarkabl}" 
fine women, considering the opportunities they had had for im- 

This man possessed a great influence with the tribes he was ac- 
quainted with ; and as he retained a regard for his native countrymen, 
was several times instrumental in bringing about treaties of peace. 
The government of the United States granted him a patent for ten 
thousand acres of land, which he claimed as his private property ; 
and wdien the author saw- him he was on his way to Philadelphia to 
apply for a confirmation of his title. He was a near relation to the 
late Gen. Isaac Zane, of Frederick county, Virginia. 


About the same time that Mr. Zane's family were taken prison- 
ers, as just related, an Indian killed a white man near Oldtown, in 
Maryland, but w^as, in return, killed by the late Capt. Michael Cresap, 
then a boy, with a pistol, while he was in the act of scalping the 
white man. * 

About the year 1758, there were two white men who disguised 
themselves in the habit of Indians, and appeared in the neighbor- 
hood of the present site of Martinsburg. They were pursued and 
killed, supposing them to be Indians, f It was no uncommon thing 
for unprincipled scoundrels to act in this manner. Their object was 
to frighten people to leave their homes, in order that the}- might 
rob and plunder them of their most valuable articles. 1 The Indians 
were frequently charged with outrages they ne\-er committed. 

A man by the name of Edes, with his family, resided in a cave 
for several years, about three miles above the mouth of Capon. 
This cave is in a large rock, and when other people would take 
shelter at a fort in the neighborhood, Eades, would remain 
in his cave. At length the Indians found them, by trailing the 
children v.dien driving up their cows, and took Edes and his family 
prisoners. § 

A Mr. Smith, a bachelor, resided on the west side of Capon 
River, in a small cabin. Three Indians, one morning, entered his 
house, split up the w^ooden bowls and trenchers (plates made of 
wood) destroyed his household goods generally, and took him off as 
a prisoner. They crossed the Cohongoruton, and halted at a place 
called Grass Lick, on the Maryland side with the intention of steal- 
ing horses. Two of them went into a meadow for that purpose, 
while the third remained to guard Smith. The two men soon hal- 
tered a young unbroken horse, delivered him to the guard, and went 
in pursuit of more. The fellow wdio held the horse discovered that 
the animal was easily frightened, several times scared him for his 
amusement, till at length he became so much alarmed that he made 
a sudden w'heel, and ran off with the Indian hanging to the halter, 
dragging him a considerable distance. Smith took this opportunit}' 
to escape, and succeeded in getting off. The next morning a part}' 
of white men collected with the intention of giving pursuit. They 
w^ent to Smith's cabin and found him mending his bowls and tren- 
chers by sewing them up w'ith wax-ends. |1 

At Hedges' Fort, on the present road from Martinsburg to 
Bath, west of Back Creek, a man was killed while \vatching the 
Spring, ^y 

*Jacob's Life of Cresap. 

\ Related by Captain James Glenn. 

X Related by Lewis Ncill. 

§ Captain Glenn. 

i Related by Captain Glenn. 

T The same. 


On Lost River there were two Forts, one on the land now the 
residence of Jeremiah Inskeep, Esq., called Riddle's Fort, where 
a man named Chesmer was killed ; the other called Warden's Fort,* 
where William Warden and a Mr. Taff were killed, and the Fort 
burnt down. 

Just before the massacre on Loonej^'s Creek, (related on the 
succeeding page), seven Indians surrounded the cabin of Samuel 
Bingaman, not far distant from the present village of Petersburg, in 
the county of Hardy. It was just before daybreak, that being the 
time when the Indians generally made their surprises. Mr. Binga- 
man's family consisted of himself and wife, his father and mother, 
and a hired man. The first four were asleep in the room below, and 
the hired man in the loft above. A shot was fired into the cabin, 
the ball passing through the fleshy part of the young Mrs. Binga- 
man's left breast. The famil}' sprung to their feet, Bingaman seiz- 
ing his rifle, and the Indians at the same moment rushing in at the 
door. Bingaman told his wife and father and mother to get out of 
the way, under the bed, and called to the man in the loft to come 
down, who, however, never moved. It was still dark, and the In- 
dians were prevented from firing, b}- a fear of injuring one of their 
number. Bingaman, unrestrained b}- any fears of this kind, laid 
about him with desperation. At the first blow his rifle broke at the 
breech, shivering the stock to pieces ; but with the barrel he con- 
tinued his blows until he had cleared the room. Daylight now 
appearing he discovered that he had killed five, and that the remain- 
ing two were retreating across the field. He stepped out, and 
seizing a rifle which had been left by the party, fired at one of the 
fugitives, wounded, and tomahawked him. Tradition relates that 
the other fled to the Indian camp, and told his comrades that the}- 
had a fight with a man who was a devil — that he had killed six of 
them, and if they went again, would kill them all. When Binga- 
man, after the battle, discovered that his wife was wounded, he 
became frantic with rage at the cowardice of the hired man, and 
would have dispatched him but for the entreaties of Mrs. Bingaman, 
to spare his life. She recovered from her wound in a shori time.f 

It was the practice of the settlers on the Wappatomaka in times 
of danger to leave the Forts in numbers, and assist each other in 
harvest. About the year 1756, a party of nine Avhites left the Fort 
opposite the present village of Petersburg, to assist Mr. Job Welton 

* Warden's Fort was at the present residence of Mr. Benjamin Warden, 
a grandson of the man that was killed, about thirty-five miles southwest of 

f The author received the particulars of this surprising adventure from 
Job Welton and Aaron Welton, Esqrs., of Petersburg. Mrs. Blue, wife of 
Mr. Garret Blue, also told the author, that when she was a small girl Binga- 
man frequently stopped at her father's residence on Cheat River, and she 
more than once heard him relate the circumstances of this affair, and say 
there were seven Indians. 


to cut iiis father's meadow and hunt the cattle. They took their 
rifles with them, as was invariably the practice whenever they left 
the Fort. After collecting the cattle, they turned in and cut a por- 
tion of the meadow. As night approached a proposition w-as made 
by Mr. Welton to return to the Fort, which was rather opposed by 
the rest of the party, who, not having been molested during the day, 
were disposed to believe in their perfect security. They repaired to 
the house of tlie elder Mr. Welton, fronting the meadow, and within 
two hundred yards of the present residence of Aaron Welton, Esq. 
Here the}' wished to remain, but the determination was resisted by 
Job Welton, who again advised to return to the Fort. After some 
consultation it was agreed on to repair to the shelter of a large elm 
tree in the meadovv' where they had been mowing, and where they 
concealed themselves in a winnow of the grass, and soon fell into a 
sound sleep ; from which they were sometime afterwards aroused by 
the crack of a rifle. Mr. Welton was lying with his brother Jona- 
than under the same blanket, and the latter was shot through the 
heart. The party sprang to their feet and attempted to escape. In 
his alarm, Mr. Welton forgot his rifle, and fled in compan}- with a 
Mr. Dela}'. They had proceeded about two hundred yards, pur- 
sued by an Indian, when Delay wheeled and discharged his rifle, 
which brought his pursuer down. At the same instant that Delay 
wheeled, the Indian threw his tomahawk, which sunk into the back 
of Mr. Welton, severing two of his ribs. He fell to the ground, 
supposing himself mortall}- wounded by a rifle ball, w-hile Dela}' con- 
tinued onward pursued by another Indian. Mr. Welton soon re- 
covered from his surprise, and proceeded cautiously in a direction 
towards the Fort, very weak from the loss of blood. He soon heard 
Delay and the Indian in a parley ; the former being exhausted by 
running and disposed to yield, and the latter demanding his surren- 
der. Delay agreed to give up on condition that his enemy would 
spare his life, which being solemnly agreed to, he was reconducted 
to the elm tree. Here a council was held, and Delay, with three 
others who had been taken, were inhumanly scalped, from whicli 
they died two or three days afterwards. Mr. Welton was able to 
reach the Fort, where he laid three months before his wound healed. 
Of the whole party, but three escaped, four were scalped and died, 
and two were killed at the first surprise. The escape of Mr. Ku}- 
kendall was remarkable. It was a bright moonlight night, while 
the shade of the elm rendered it quite dark under the tree. Mr. 
Kuykendall being an old man, was unable to fly with speed, and 
therefore remained still, while his companions fled across the mea- 
dow. The Indians passed over him, leaving the rear clear, when 
Mr. Kuykendall retreated at his leasure, and reached the Fort in 
safety, one and-a-half miles. * 

* Messrs. Aaron and Job Welton related this tradition to the author. It 
was thought that Delay would have recovered but for the unskillfulness of 


On the day following, the whites left the Fort in pursuit, and 
overtook tlieir enemy late that night on Dunkard Bottom, Cheat 
River, where they had encamped. The pursuers dismounted, and 
the captain ordered Bingaman (the same whose prowess is related in 
a preceding page) to guard the horses. He, however, disobeyed, 
and loitered in the rear of the part3^ To make the destruction of 
the enemy more certain, it Avas deemed advisable to wait for day- 
light before they began an attack ; but a young man, whose zeal 
overcame his discretion, fired into the group, upon w^hich the In- 
dians sprang to their feet and fled. Bingaman singled out a fellow 
of giant-like size, whom he pursued, throwing his rifle aside that his 
speed might not be retarded — passed several smaller Indians in the 
chase — came up with him, and w'ith a single blow of his hatchet, cleft 
his skull. When Bingaman returned to the battle-ground, the cap- 
tain sternly obser\'ed, "I ordered you to stay and guard the horses." as .sternly replied, " you are a rascal, sir ; you intended to 
disgrace me ; and one more insolent word, and you shall share the 
fate of that Indian," pointing toward the body he had just slain. 
The captain quailed before the stern menace, and held his peace. 
He and Bingaman had, a few daj's before, had a falling out. 
Several Indians fell in this affair, while the whites lost none of their 

Dr. Turley stated to the author that he had often heard Mr. 
John Harness, who was one of the party that followed the Indians, 
relate that Delay was taken to Dunkard Bottom, and when the In- 
dians were then surprised, he was shot, but whether b}^ his captors, 
or accidentally, was not known. Delay himself not being able to 
tell. He was conveyed home on a litter, and died directly after- 
wards. There were, however, two Delay's, and the first relation 
may be true. 

Mrs. Shobe an aged and respectable lady, living on Mill Creek, 
in Hardy county, informed the author, that Delay was buried on the 
banks of the South Branch, and some years afterw^ards his skele- 
ton was washed out by a rising of the river. She then heard Job 
Welton say, that Dela}' had saved his life, and he would take care of 
his bones. 

To show the spirit of the times, the following anecdote is re- 
lated. Valentine Powers, and his brother, with two or three others, 
left the Fort near Petersburg, * on a visit to their farms, when they 
were fired upon by the Indians from a thicket, and the brother of 
Powers killed. Valentine ran, but soon called to mind the saying, 
current among them, that " it was a bad man who took bad news 
home," he turned about and gave himself up and remained a prisoner 
five or six years, f 

the surgeon (if he deserved the name) who attended him. The late Gen, 
William Darke married his widow. 

* Called Fort George. The land is now owned by Job Welton, Esq. 

f Related by Aaron Welton, Esq. 


Marion Peterson was taken a prisoner on the South Branch, and 
carried to the Sandusky towns. He used to accompany the Indians 
in their hunting excursions, and was permitted to have one load of 
powder and ball each da}-, which he always discharged at the game 
they met with. As he gained on the confidence of his captors, they 
increased his allowance to two loads, and subsequently to three. 
The same allowance v<^as made to two other white prisoners. These 
three, one day, after receiving their allowance, determined to at- 
tempt an escape, and left the towns accordingly. As they ventured 
to travel only at night, guided by the north star, their progress was 
exceeding" slow and difficult. On the second day one of their num- 
ber died from fatigue, and Peterson took his ammunition. A da}' 
or two afterwards, his remaining companion also gave out, and Peter- 
son taking his ammunition, left him to perish. He then pursued 
his way alone, and after a succession of hardships, came at length in 
sight of the Fort. But here, when within reach of his deliverance, 
his hopes were well-nigh blasted ; for the sentry-, mistaking him for 
an Indian, fired ! Happily the ball missed its aim, and he was able 
to make himself knovv'n before the fire was repeated. This Fort was 
on the farm now the residence of Mr. John Welton, near Petersburg, 
Hard}^ county. * 

Seybert's Fort, f was erected on the South Fork of the South 
Branch of the Potomac, on the land now owned by Mr. Ferdinand 
Lair, twelve miles northeast of Franklin, the present county seat of 
Pendleton. In the year 1758, a party of Indians surprised the Fort, 
in w^hich were thirty persons. They bound ten, whom they convej'ed 
without the Fort, and then proceeded to massacre the others in the 

* Related by Aaron Welton, Esq. 

f The author, on a visit to Franklin, obtained some additional particu- 
lars in relation to the attack on Seybert's Fort : The party of Indians was 
commanded by the blood-thirsty and treacherous chief, Kill-buck. Sey- 
bert's son, a lad about fifteen years of age, exhibited great firmness and 
bravery in the defense of the post. He had with his rifle brought down 
two of his assailants, when Kill-buck called out to old Seybert, in English, 
to surrender, and their lives should be spared. At that instant young Se}'- 
bert, having charged his rifle, was in the act of presenting it at Kill-buck, 
when his fatlier seized the gun, and took it from him, observing : " We can- 
not defend tiie Fort, we must surrender in order to save our lives," confid- 
ing in the assurance of the faithless Kill-buck. The first salutation he 
received, after surrendering the Fort, was a stroke on his mouth from the 
monster. Kill-buck, with the pipe-end of his tomahawk, dislocating several 
of the old man's teeth ; and immediately after he was massacred with the 
other victims. Young Sej-bert was taken off among the prisoners. He told 
Kill-buck ke had raised his giai to kill him ; but thai his father had wrested 
it from him. The savage laughed, and replied, " You little rascal, if you had 
killed me you v.'ould have saved the F'ort ; for had I fallen my warriors 
would have immediately fled, and given up the siege in despair." It is said 
there were three men in the Fort, not one of whom manifested a disposition 
to aid its defense. Had they joined young Seybert, and acted with the same 
intrepidity and -"colness, the place might have been saved, and the awful 
sacrifice of the inmates avoided. 


following manner : They seated them in a row upon a log, with an 
Indian standing behind each ; and at a given signal, each Indian 
sunk his tomahawk into the head of his victim ; an additional blow 
or two dispatched them. The scene was witnessed b}^ James Dj-er, 
a lad fourteen 3'ears old, who, not having been removed without the 
Fort, supposed that he was to be massacre'd. He was, however, 
spared, and taken to lyOg Town, sixteen miles below Fort Pitt, 
thence to the mouth of the Muskingum River, and thence to the 
spot where Chilicothe now stands, where he remained a prisoner one 
year and ten months. He had by this time gained the entire confi- 
dence of his captors, and was permitted to accompany them to Fort 
Pitt on a trading expedition. When there he planned his escape, 
and happily succeeded. Being sent out for some bread with an In- 
dian lad, he slipped into a hovel, unobserv^ed by his companion, and 
implored the protection of the poor woman who occupied it. She 
told him to get behind a chest, the only furniture in the room, and 
threw upon him a bed. The Indians, on missing him, spent the 
afternoon in search, during which they looked into the very hovel 
where he was, and left the place the next morning on their return. 
Fort Pitt being then in the possession of the English, a trooper very 
kindly conveyed him. six or seven miles behind him, whence he 
made his way to his friends in Pennsylvania, where he remained two 
years longer, and then returned to South Fork. * 

Another tradition says that Seybert's Fort was not surprised. 
It had been invested for two or three^ days, and after two Indians 
had been killed, the garrison agreed to surrender on condition that 
their lives should be spared, which was solemnly pledged. The gate 
was then opened, and the Indians rushed in with demoniac yells. 
The whites then fled with precipitation, but were retaken, with the 
exception of one man. The massacre then took place, as before re- 
lated, and ten were taken off as prisoners. 

Another tradition says, that, on the Fort's being given up the 
Indians seated twenty of the garrison in two rows, all of whom they 
killed except the wife of Jacob Peterson. When they reached her, 
an Indian interposed to save her life, and some altercation ensued. 
The friendly Indian at length prevailed ; and throwing her a pair of 
moccasins, told her to march off with the prisoners. How long she 
remained in captivity is not remembered, f 

The Indians killed John Brake's wife on the South Fork of the 
Wappatomaka. John Brake became conspicious in the war of the 
revolution, which will be noticed hereafter. Frederick Jice had his 
whole family killed, with the exception of himself and one son. A 
man named Williams and his wife were also killed. Richard Wil- 
liams, and his wife and little daughter were taken prisoners ; the latter 

* Related by Zebulon Dyer, Esq., Clerk of Pendleton county, and son of 
the James Dyer mentioned, 

f Mrs. Shobe informed the author that she had heard the wife of Jacob 
Peterson frequently relate this. 


was only eighteen months old when taken, remained with the In- 
dians until she was thirteen, and was then brought home. She had 
learned the Indian language perfectly ; afterwards learned to speak 
English, but there were some words she never could pronounce plainly. 
She married Uriah Blue, on the South Branch. 

About eight miles below Romney stood a Fort. In time of 
han^est a Mrs. Hogeland went out about three hundred yards to 
gather beans, two men accompanying her as a guard. While gather- 
ing the beans, eight or ten Indians made their appearance. One of 
the guards instantly fled ; the other, whose name was Hogeland, 
called to the woman to run to the Fort, and placing himself between 
her and the enemy, with his rifle cocked and presented, retreated 
from tree to tree until both entered it. Some old men in the Fort 
fired off their guns to alarm the harvest hands, who ran into it, the 
Indians from the side of the mountain firing upon them, but doing 
no injury. The same day the han^est hands were waylaid as they 
returned to their work, fired upon Henry Newkirk and wounded 
him in the hip. The whites returned the fire, and wounded an In- 
dian, who dropped his gun and fled. The others also made off, and 
the harvest hands proceeded to their work. 

In 1756, while the Indians were lurking about Fort Pleasant 
and constantly on the watch to cut off all communication therewith, 
a lad named Higgins, aged about twelve years, was directed by his 
mother to go to the spring, about a quarter of a mile without the 
Fort, and tjring a bucket of water. He complied with much trepi- 
dation, and persuaded a companion of his, of about the same age, 
o accompany him. They repaired to the spring as cautiously as 
possible, and after filling their buckets, ran with speed towards the 
Fort, Higgins taking the lead. When about half way to the Fort, 
and Higgins had got about thirty yards before his companion, he 
heard a scream from the latter, which caused him to increase his speed 
to the utmost. He reached the Fort in safety, while his companion 
was captured by the Indians, and taken to the settlements, where 
he remained until the peace, and was then restored. The young 
Higgins subsequently became the active Capt. Robert Higgins in our 
revolutionary army, and after raising a numerous family Virginia, 
removed with them to the west. * 

In the neighborhood of Moorefield a part}^ of men were mowing 
for Peter Casey. They had placed their guns under a large tree in 
the edge of the meadow, and old Peter stood sentinel to watch and 
give the alarm should the enemy make their appearance. In 
a short time a party of Indians discovered the hands at 
work ; and cautiously crept through the brambles and shrub- 
bery in order to get a position to make a deadly fire. One 
of them was in front of the others, and had approached 
very near old Peter before the latter saw him, when the old 

* S-elated by Col. Isaac Vanineter. 



man flew at him with his cane raised, crying out, " By the I,ord, 
boys, here they come ! " The Indian, desperate!}- frightened, took 
to his heels ; the men flew to their guns ; and the skulking savages 
retreated precipitately, without firing a single shot. It is not im- 
probable that Casey still used the same stick with which he ' ' knocked 
Kill-buck down." -^ 

The author finding this chaper running to a tedious and per- 
haps tiresome length to the reader, will give his pen a short respite, 
and resume his narrative of Indian outrages in the next chapter. 

* Related by Col. Isacc Vaumeter. 





Oil Stony Creek, five or six miles S. W. of Woodstock, there was 
a Fort called " Wolfe's Fort," where the people took shelter from 
the Indians for several 3'ears. Mr. Wolfe would venture out some- 
times for the purpose of killing game, and was always accompanied 
by a favorite dog. On one particular occasion, this faithful animal 
saved his master's life. Mr. Wolfe walked out with his gun and 
dog, but had not proceeded far before the latter manifested great 
alarm, and used all his ingenuity to induce his master to return. 
He repeatedly crossed his path, endeavoring to obstruct his walk ; 
would raise himself up, and place his feet against his master's breast, 
and strive to push him back ; would run a few steps toward the fort, 
and then return whining. From the extraordinary manifestations 
of uneasiness on the part of the dog, Mr. Wolfe began to suspect 
there was some lurking danger, of course kept a sharp look out, and 
soon discovered an Indian at some distance behind a tree, watching 
and waiting until he should come near enough to be a sure mark. 
Mr. Wolfe made a safe retreat into the Fort, and ever after felt 
the hfghest gratitude to his honest and faithful dog. The dog lived 
to be twenty-one j^ears of age, and probably more.* Ulysses's 
dog "Argus" is much celebrated in history ; but it is very ques- 
tionable whether Argus ever rendered more important service to 
his lord and master. Ulysses was one of the commanding generals 
of the Greeks in the Trojan war, and was absent twenty j^ears, it is 
said from his home. The story of his dog is related by Homer 
to the following beautiful poetical effusions : f 

Thus near the gates conferring as they drew, 
Argus, the dog, his ancient master knew ; 
He, not unconscious of the voice and tread, 
Lifts to the sound his ear, and rears his head; 

* Moses Russell, Esq., of the county of Frederick, gave the author a 
detail of the particulars of this extraordinarj' story, and stated, that when 
he was a young man he once called at Mr. Wolfe's house and saw the dog. 
He appeared to be decript and suffering pain, and he asked Mr. Wolfe 
if he had not better *kill the dog, and put him out of misery. Mr. Wolfe 
with much emphasis replied, " No, I would as readily consent to be killed 
myself as to kill that dog, or suffer him to be killed ; he once saved my life;" 
and Mr. Wolfe then related the above story. The dog was then twenty-one 
years old. 

t It is said that Argus was the only creature that immediately recognized 
his master on his return to his place from his twenty j'ears' absence. 


Bred by Ulysses, nourish'd at his board, 

But ah ! not fated long to please his lord ! 

To him, his swiftness and his strength were vain ; 

The voice of glory called him o'er the main, 

Till then in every sylvan chase renown'd. 

With xArgus, Argus, rung the woods around ; 

With him the youth pursu'd the goat or fawn, 

Or trac'd the mazy leveret o'er the lawn, 

Now left to man's ingratitude he lay, 

Unhous'd, neglected in the public way ; 

And where on heaps the rich manure was spread, 

Obscene with reptiles, took his sordid bed. 

He knew his lord ; he knew and strove to meet ; 
In vain he strove to crawl, and kiss his feet, 
Yet (all he could) his tail, his ears, his eyes, 
Salute his master, and confess his joys. 
Soft pity touch'd the mighty master's soul ; 
Adown his cheek a tear unbidden stole. 
Stole unperceiv'd, he turn'd his head, and dried 
The drop humane ; then thus impassion 'd cried ; 

" What noble beast in this abandon'd state, 
Lies here all helpless at Ulysses' gate ? 
His bulk and beauty speak no vulgar praise ; 
If, as he seems, he ivas in better days, 
Some care his age deserves, or was he priz'd 
For worthless beauty, therefore now despised ? 
Such dogs, and men there are, mere things of state. 
And always cherish'd by their friends, the great." 

" Not Argus so, (Emmseus thus rejoin'd) 
But serv'd a master of a nobler kind, 
Who never, never, shall behold him more ! 
Long, long since perish'd on a distant shore ! 
O had you seen him, vigorous bold and young, 
Swift as a stag, and as a lion strong ; 
Him, no fell savage an the plain withstood, 
None scalp'd him, bosom'din the gloomy wood ; 
, His eye how piercing and his scent how true. 

To wind the vapor in the tainted dew ? 
Such, when Ulysses left his natal coast, 
Now years unnerve him, and his lord is lost, 
The women keep the generous creature bare, 
A sleek and idle race is all their care ; 
The master gone, the servants what restrains ? 
Or dwells humanity where riot reigns ? 
Jove fix'd it certain, that whatever day 
Makes man a slave, takes half his worth away." 

This said, the honest herdsmen strode before. 
The musing monarch pauses at the door. 
The dog whom fate had granted to heboid 
His lord when twenty tedious years had roll'd, 
Takes a last look, and having seen him, dies ; 
So clos'd forever faithful Argus' eyes ! 

There was no poet at the time to transmit the name and fame of 
Mr. Wolfe's dog to posterity. European authors, in their prejudices, 
have on various occasions endeavored to disparague every thing of 
American production. The Count de Bufifon is among the number. 
Englishmen delight in the disparagement of the American quadru- 


peds. Ill the Family Encjxlopedia, an English work, under the 
article "dogs," it is asserted that " when English dogs are trans- 
ported to other countries, they degenerate, and become compara- 
tively worthless!" It is believed the annals of the world may be 
safel3^ challenged to produce an instance of greater manifestation of 
sagacity and faithful affection towards a master, than was ex- 
hibited by Mr. Wolfe's dog on the occasion spoken of. But to 
return : 

At the Forks of Capon stockade. The men who occupied it had 
to go about four miles to cultivate a fine fertile field of low ground, 
to produce bread for their support. In the year 1757 or 1758, two 
men, one named Bowers, the other York, walked to the field to see 
how things were going on. On their return in the evening they 
were waylaid by seven Indians. Bowers was shot and fell dead ; 
York ran, was pursued by three Indians, and took across a high 
ridge. One of his pursuers tired before he reached the top ; the 
others continued the chase. After running a considerable distance, 
a second gave out. The third got so near that he several times 
extended his arm to seize York, but failed, and York got safe into 
the fort. * 

On Patterson's Creek, at the present site of Frankfort, Ashbj^'s 
Fort v/as erected. It was at this place that the celebrated race took 
place between the late Capt. John Ashby and three Indians. Capt. 
Ashby had walked out from the Fort with his gun, and after pro- 
ceeding some distance discovered three Indians, who knew him, but 
a little way off. He turned and ran ; two of the Indians fired, but 
missed him ; they all three then gave chase, but Ashby was too 
swift for them ; and when they saw they could not overhaul him, 
one of them called out, "Run, Jack Ashby, run!" He replied, 
looking over his shoulder, " You fools, do 5-ou think I run booty ?" 
(with boots). 

Near the Fort, Charles Keller was killed, the grandfather of 
Mr. Charles Keller, the present proprietor of the Frankfort Hotel, f 

About the year 1756, Daniel Sullivan, at nine years of age, was 
taken prisoner by the Indians, with whom he remained nine years, 
when he was brought home. For some time he manifested a desire 
to return to the Indians, but at length became reconciled, and was 
afterwards their determined enemy. In his last battle with them, 
becoming desperately wounded, and his entrails falling out in his 
way, he tore them off, and continued to fight until he fell and ex- 
pired. The Indians after this considered him something more than 
man. J 

At the Rev. Mr. Jacob's present residence, on North Branch, a 
man by the name of Wade was killed. 

* Related by Mr. John Largent. 
fMr. Keller stated this fact to the author. 

i Isaac Kuykendall, Esq., of the South Branch, near Romney, stated 
this fact to the author, and added that Sullivan was his near relation. 


lyOgan, the celebrated Indian, killed Benjamin Bowman, and 
took Humphrey Worstead prisoner. He compelled the latter 
to halter se^'eral of his ovvn and Bowman's horses, and took 
them off. * 

At a battle at Oldtown, John Walker killed an Indian and 
wounded another. Walker cut out a part of the dead Indian's 
flesh from the thick part of his thigh, and threw it to his dog, who 
ate it. He otherwise mutilated his body ; and thrust parts of it into 
his mowth. 

Thomas liiggins was one of the earliest settlers on the Cohon- 
goruton. He lived about four miles from Bath, but was driven 
thence, and removed to the neighborhood of Gerardstown in the 
count}'' of Berkele}'. After his removal, three of his sons were taken 
off as prisoners, and never returned. At the close of Dunmore's 
war, one of them was seen at Wheeling b^' a man who was acquaint- 
ed with his family, and asked why he did not come home, since his 
father had left him a good tract of land. He replied that he did not 
wish to live with white people, they would always call him Indian, 
and he had land enough, f 

The wife of the late Walter Denn}^, of Frederick county, was 
taken by the Indians when a small child, and grew up among them. 
Her maiden name was Flaugherty. After returning from her cap- 
tivity she married Walter Denny, who resided some time after his 
marriage in the neighborhood of Pittsburg. In 1774 the Indians 
advised him to move off, as they intended to go to war v/ith the 
whites. Mr. Dennj^ removed and settled in the county of Frederick. 
The author recollects of frequently seeing this man. A Miss 
Williams was also taken about the same time ; she, too, grew up with 
the Indians. Those two female children were taken on Patter- 
son's Creek. 

There is a tradition of a battle fought on Patterson's Creek, be- 
tween the whites and Indians, the Spring before Braddock's defeat ; 
but the author has not been able to obtain the particulars, except 
that the Indians were defeated. 

The Indians killed Oliver Kremer, in Short Gap, and took his 
wife prisoner. 

In the year 1764, a party of eighteen Delawares crossed the 
mountains. Furman's Fort was about one mile above the Hanging- 
Rock, on the South Branch. William Furman and Nimrod Ashby 
had gone out from the Fort to watch a deer lick in the Jersey Moun- 
tain. X The Indians discovered and killed them both, and passed on 
into the county of Frederick, where they divided into two parties. 
One party of eight moved on to the Cedar Creek settlement ; the 
other of ten to attack the people in the neighborhood of the present 

* Related by Mr. Gerret Blue, of the North Branch. 

\ Related by Mr. James Higgins of the North Branch. 

X So called from its being first settled by immigrants from New Jersey. 


residence of Maj. John White. On this place Dr. White, the ances- 
tor of the White famil}', had settled, and on his land a stockade was 
erected. The people in the neighborhood had taken the alarm, and 
were on their way to the Fort, when they were assaulted by these 
ten Indians. Thej^ killed David Jones and his wife, two old people. 
Some of Mrs. Thomas' family were killed, and she had one daugh- 
ter taken off. An old man by the name of lyloyd, and his wife, and 
several of his children, were killed. Esther Lloyd, their daughter, 
about thirteen years old, received three tomahawk wounds in the 
head, was scalped, and left l3"ing, supposed to be dead. Henry 
Clouser and two of his sons were killed, and his wife and four of his 
daughters taken. The youngest daughter was about two years old ; 
and as she impeded the mother's traveling, when thej' reached the 
North Mountain, the poor little innocent babe was taken by its 
heels, its head dashed against a tree, and the brains beaten out, and 
left lying on the ground. Mrs. Thomas was taken to the Wappato- 
maka ; but the river being pretty full, and deep fording they en- 
camped near Furman's Fort for the night. The next morning a 
party of white men fired off their guns at the Fort, which alarmed 
the Indians, and they hurried across the river, assisting all their fe- 
male prisoners except Mrs. Thomas, who being quite stout and 
strong, was left to shift for herself. The current, however, proved too 
strong for her, and she floated down the river — but lodged against a 
rock, upon which she crawled, and saved herself from drowning. 
Before her capture she had concealed a half a loaf of bread in her 
bosom, which, during her struggles in the water, washed out, and, on 
her reaching the rock, floated to her again. In this instance, the text 
of Scripture, " Cast thy bread upon the waters, for thou shalt find it 
after many days, ' '* might have some application. It was not ' 'many 
days," but there appears to have been something providential in it, 
for it saved her from extreme suffering. The next morning Mrs. 
Thomas made her way to William's Fort, about two miles below the 
Hanging Rock, on the South Branch, f 

The author has received from Maj. John White, of Frederick, 
another account of the foregoing outrages, which he will give in 
Maj. White's own words : 

"In July, 1763, information was received by the late Maj. 
Robert White, (who had a small Fort around his house as an asylum 
for the people in the heighborhood), that the Indians had been seen 
on that or the preceding da}^ on Capon. He immediatel}^ went to 
the several families living near the base of the North Mountain, as 
far as Owen Thomas', five or six miles from the Fort, told them of 
the report, and advised them to go into the Fort until the danger 
should be over. It being harvest time, Owen Thomas was unwilling 

* Ecclesiasties, 11: i. 

f Mr. Gerrett Blue stated to the author that he was then a small boy, but 
well recollects seeing Mrs. Thomas when she got into the Fort. 



to leave home, and mounted a horse to go to his neighbor, Jacob 
Kackley's, who had several sons grown, to propose to arm themseves 
and work together in their respective grain fields ; but on his way to 
Mr. Kackley's he was shot dead and scalped, the Indians having 
concealed themselves behind two logs that lay one across the other 
near the road. 

" In June, 1764, similar information of Indians being seen was 
received at the Fort. Maj. White, as on the former occasion, went 
in the afternoon to warn the people of their danger ; when the widow 
Thomas, Mr. Jones and Mr. Clouser, set off with their families for 
the Fort ; but night coming on when they reached Mr. Lloyd's, 
(about two miles from the Fort), they concluded to stay there all 
night. In the morning, as soon as day appeared, they resumed their 
journey ; but before they were out of sight of the house, the Indians 
attacked them, and killed, wounded, or took prisoners twent3'-two 
or twenty-three persons. Evan Thomas, a son of the man killed the 
preceding summer, a boy of seven years old, ran back into the house, 
and hid himself behind some puncheons that he placed across a cor- 
ner of the room, and remained concealed, notwithstanding the 
Indians brought the prisoners into the house, among whom were his 
mother and sister, both tied, and kept them there till they fried bacon 
and ate their breakfast ; they then set fire to the house in two places, 
and went away. Evan said he continued in the house as long as he 
could, on account of the fire ; that he saw through a chink in the 
wall the direction the Indians went ; and not knowing which way to 
go, he concluded to take the contrary course from the one taken by 
them. He rambled about all that day and the most of the next 
before he found any person, the houses which he passed having been 
abandoned by their owners going to their Fort. The Indians en- 
camped the first night at a spring on the Romney road, between the 
North River and Little Capon ; and on the next day they stopped on 
the bank of the South Branch, near where Romney now stands, to 
eat their dinner. While thus engaged, a party who were stationed in 
a Fort a mile or two lower down the river, and who had just returned 
from a scout, discharged their guns in order to clean them, which 
alarmed the Indians, and they hurried across the river, assisting all 
their female prisoners except Mrs. Thomas, who being a large, fat 
woman, it was supposed would perish, as the water was rapid and 
deep. She floated down the stream, however, until almost exhaust- 
ed, when she had the good fortune to get on a rock, and saved her- 
self from drowning. She had put a piece of bread in her bosom the 
morning she was taken, and lost it in the water ; but it happened to 
float so near her while on the rock that she caught it and ate it ; 
which, as she said, so revived and strengthened her that she plunged 
into the water again, and providentially got out on the east side of 
the river. She reached Williams' Fort, two miles below the Hang- 
ing Rock, on the same day. It was often remarked by Mrs. 
Thomas' acquaintances, that after her return she would minutely 


relate the circumstances attending the murder of her husband and 
children, and her own sufferings, without shedding a tear. Either 
five or seven of the persons wounded by the Indians, were taken to 
the Fort of Maj. Robert White's, and attended by Dr. McDonald, 
though but one recovered, Hester Lloyd, who had two scalps taken 
from her." 

Mrs. Thomas' daughter, and Mrs. Clouser and her three small 
daughters, were taken to the Indian towns, and after an absence of 
about six months, were released from captivity, and all returned 
home safely. 

There is something remarkable in the history of the three Miss 
Clouser's, who were all prisoners at the same time. The eldest was 
about ten years old, the next eldest about seven, and the youngest 
between five and six. They all returned home from their captivit}', 
grew up, were married, raised families of children, and are now 
widows, living in the same neighborhood, not more than five or six 
miles apart. Two of them, Mrs. Shultz, and Mrs. Snapp, reside 
about one and-a-half miles from the residence of the author, and the 
third, Mrs. Fry, is not exceeding six miles. 

Miss Lloyd, who was "tomahawked and scalped," was soon dis- 
covered not to be dead. The late Dr. McDonald was sent for, who 
trepanned her in the several fractures in her head. She recovered 
and lived many years after. There are several respectable individu- 
als now living who knew this woman. * 

The other party of eight Indians committed several murders on 
Cedar Creek. It is probable this party killed a Mr. Lyle, a Mr. 
Butler, and many others. Mr. Ellis Thomas, the husband of the 
woman whose story has just been given, was killed the har\'est pre- 
ceding. This party of eight Indians took off two female prisoners, 
were pursued by a party of white men, overtaken in the South 
Branch Mountain, and fired upon, when one of the Indians was 
killed. The others fled, leaving their guns, prisoners and plunder. f 
The prisoners and property were brought home. Two of the fugi- 
tives overtook the party in the Alleghany Mountain who had Mrs. 
Clouser, her daughters, and other prisoners, in custody. The fugi- 
tives appeared in desperate ill-humor, and proposed to murder the 
prisoners, but the others peremptorily objected, and would not suffer 
their prisoners to be injured. ;|: 

The same year, 1764, a party of eight Indians, with a white 
man, by the name of Abraham Mittchell, killed George Miller, his 
wife and two children, within about two miles of Strasburg. They 
also the same day killed John Dellinger, on the land now the resi- 

* General Smith, Maj. R. D. Glass, Miss Susan Glass, Mrs. Shultz, and 
Mrs. Snapp, severally stated to the author that they frequently saw this 
woman after she recovered from her wounds. Mrs. Shultz states that it was 
on the first day of June the outrage was committed. 

f Moses Russell, Esq. 

X Mrs. Shultz and Mrs. Snapp. 


deuce of Capt. Anthony Spengler, adjoining the town, and took 
Rachel Dellinger, with her infant child, prisoners. It was a male 
child, very stout, and heavy of its age. In crossing Sandy Ridge, 
v/est of Capon River, this child had its brains beaten out against a 
tree. A party of white men pursued them, overtook them in the 
South Branch Mountain, fired upon them, and killed one, when the 
others fled, leaving everything behind. Rachel Dellinger was 
brought home, and stated that the unprincipled scoundrel Mitchell 
was with the Indians. About twelve months before, Mitchell had 
been punished for a petty act of theft, while the people were at 
Bowman's Fort. Miller and Dellinger inflicted the punishment. ^ 

At the massacre of the people near White's Fort, one of Mrs. 
Thomas' daughters, when the people were preparing to go to the 
Fort, was requested by Mrs. Closer to take a bottle of milk, in her 
hand, and carry it to the Fort. When the Indians assailed them, 
this young woman concealed herself behind a tree, and finally es- 
caped. As soon as she could run off without being discovered, she 
started and run eight or nine miles with the bottle of milk in her 
hand. She was met by two of the Fawcetts, near their residence, 
informed them of what had happened, and they forthwith removed 
their families to Stephen's Fort, f 

A little son of Mrs. Thomas concealed himself under a pile of 
flax, which the Indians set on fire. As the fire progressed, the little 
fellow kept in a direction to avoid it, while the smoke concealed him 
from the sight of the enemy, and he got safe to the Fort. 

Thomas Pugh resided at the time on the farm, late the residence 
of Mr. John M'Cool, eight or nine miles northwest of Winchester. 
The same party of Indians who committed the outrage near White's 
Fort, on the night after were lurking about Mr. Pugh's house. His 
dog gave the alarm ; and from his singular behavior, and manifesta- 
tions of rage, (as if he were engaged in a furious battle), Mr. Pugh 
cautiously looked out of a window, and although it was rather a 
dark night, he discovered several Indians looking over a cluster of 
briars, but a short distance from the house. He and his wife and 
children immediately retreated through a back door, and pushed off. 
They had not gone far, when Pugh recollected his money ; he turned 
back, got into the house, secured his money, took it with him, and 
saved himself and family from injury. During the whole time Pugh 
and his family were making their escape, the dog continued his up- 
roar, and as soon as they were out of danger followed them.| The 

*The late Mrs. Brinker related the particulars of these occurrences to 
the author. Major Isaac Hite recollects when Miller and Dellinger were 

f Stephen's Fort was the spot where Zane's iron works were afterwards 
erected on Cedar Creek. Mr. Elisha Fawcett, a near neighbor of the author, 
a higly respectable and intelligent man, stated to the author that he had fre- 
quently heard his father and uncle speak of this occurrence. 

X Mr. Joseph Hackney informed the author that he had frequently heard 


Indians broke into the house, robbed it of what they chose, and des- 
troyed the furniture, but they did not burn the building. It is said 
they burnt but comparatively few houses, because they expected to 
reconquor the country, and return to inhabit it ; in which event they 
would have comfortable houses ready built to their hands ; hence 
they generally spared the buildings. 

About the year 1765, the Indians made their appearance in the 
neighborhood of Woodstock, in the County of Shenandoah. On 
Narrow Passage Creek, eighteen or twenty women and children had 
collected together, in order to go to the Fort at Woodstock. An old 
man by the name of George Sigler was with them. Five Indians 
attacked them. Sigler, after firing, and wounding one in the leg, 
clubbed his gun and fought to desperation. While he was thus en- 
gaged, the women and children made their escape, and got safe to 
the Fort. Sigler broke his gun over the heads of the enemy, 
wounded several of them pretty severely, and received himself 
several wounds, but continued to fight UHtil he fell from the loss of 
blood, when his merciless enemies mangled his body in a manner 
shocking to behold. * 

In 1766 the Indians made another visit to the neighborhood of 
Woodstock. Two men, by the name of Sheets and Taylor, had 
taken their wives and children into a wagon, and were on their way 
to the Fort. At the Narrow Passage, three miles south of Wood- 
stock, five Indians attacked them. The two men were killed at the 
first onset, and the Indians rushed to seize the woman and children. 
The women, instead of swooning at the sight of their bleeding, ex- 
piring husbands, seized their axes, and with Amazonian firmness, 
and strength almost superhuman, defending themselves and children. 
One of the Indians had succeeded in getting hold of one of Mrs. 
Sheet's children, and attempt to drag it out of the wagon ; but with 
the quickness of lightning she caught her child in one hand, and 
with the other made a blow at the head of the fellow, which caused 
him to quit his hold to save his life. Several of the Indians received 
pretty sore wounds in this conflict, and all at last ran off, leaving the 
two women with their children to pursue their way to the Fort. 

In the latter part of August, the same year, a party of eight 
Indians and a worthless villian of a white man crossed Powell's Fort 
Mountain, to the South Fork of the Shenandoah, at the late resi- 
dence of John Gatewood, Esq., where the Rev. John Roads, a Men- 
onist preacher of the Gospel, then lived. Mr. Roads, his wife, and 
three of his sous, were murdered. Mr. Roads was standing in his 
door, when he was shot and fell dead. Mrs. Roads and one of her 
sons were killed in the yard. One of the young men was at the 

Mr, Pugh relate this occurrence. This is another instance of the extraordin- 
ary evidence of the sagacity and affection of the dog, and is little inferior to 
the story of Mr. Wolfe's dog. 

* Mr. Christian Miller, a very aged and intelligent man, gave the author 
this narrative. 


distance of about one hundred and fifty yards from the house, in a 
com field. Hearing the report of the guns at the house, he as- 
cended a pear tree to see what it meant, where he was discovered by 
an Indian and instantly killed. The third poor young lad attempt- 
ed to save himself by flight, and to cross the river, but was pursued 
and killed in the river. The place is called the Bloody Ford to this 
day. The enemy demanded of the youth who was killed in the 
yard, where his father kept his money ; and was told that if he did 
not immediately point out the place, they would kill him ; but if he 
would show them the money, his life would be spared. On his de- 
claring he could not tell them, he was instantly shot and fell dead. 
Mr. Road's eldest daughter, Elizabeth, caught up her little sister, a 
child about sixteen or eighteen months old, ran into the barn, and 
secured the door. An Indian discovered and pursued her, and at- 
tempted to force the door ; but not succeeding, he with many oaths 
and threats ordered her to open it. On her refusing, the fellow ran 
back to the house to get fire, and while he was gone, Elizabeth 
crept out of a hole on the opposite side of the barn, with her 
little sister in her arms, ran through a field of tall hemp, crossed the 
river, and got safe to a neighboring house, and thus saved herself 
and sister. 

After plundering the house of such articles as they chose to 
take, the Indians set fire to all the buildings, and left the dead 
body of Mr. Roads to be consumed in the flames. * They then 
moved off, taking with them two of the sons and two of the daugh- 
ters prisoners. The youngest prisoners was a weak, sickly little 
boy, eight or nine years of age ; he of course was not able to stand 
the fatigue of traveling, and crossing the head of Powell's Fort, they 
killed him. His two sisters then refusing to go any farther with 
them, were barbarously murdered, and their bodies left a prey to 
wolves and other wild beasts. The other boy was taken off and re- 
mained about three years in captivity before he returned home. It 
was generally believed at the time, that the white scoundrel who 
was with the Indians, induced them to commit this horrid murder, 
in order to rob Mr. Roads of his money ; but he missed his object. 
Mr. Roads kept his money and title papers in a niche in the cellar 
wall, the dampness and coolness preserved them from injury. They 
were all found safe. 

It was quite a common thing with the Germans to have garners 
fixed in their garrets to preserve their grain. There was a quantity 
of rye aloft in the dwelling house, which was burnt to coal, and as 

* Mrs. Stover, the mother of Daniel Stover, Esq., uow of Page county, 
stated to the author that she was then about fifteen years old, and dis- 
tinctly saw the houses in flames from her father's residense, about two 
miles off, on the opposite side of the river ; and the next day the neigh- 
boring people collecting to bury the dead, found Mr. Roads' body about half 


the floors gave way to the flames, the rye fell in a considerable body 
into the cellar. At any time upon digging in the ruins of the cellar, 
the grains of rye, or rather coal, can be found ; the shape of the 
grain being as perfect as when in its natural state. 

With this bloody tragedy ended the erruptions of the savages 
upon the people of the Valley. This was the last great outrage of 
savage warfare committed east of the North Mountain. 

There are several other interesting occurrences which the au- 
thor overlooked and omitted to record in due order of time. They 
are of a character too interesting to be lost in the history of our 
country. He will therefore proceed to relate them. 

About the year 1760, two Indians were discovered lurking in 
the neighborhood of Mill Creek. Matthias Painter, John Painter 
and William Moore, armed themselves and went in pursuit. They 
had not proceeded far, before they approached a large fallen pine, 
with a very bushy top. As they neared the tree, Matthias Painter 
observed, " We had better look sharp, it is quite likely the Indians 
are concealed under the tops of this tree. ' ' He had scarcely uttered 
the words before one of the Indians rose up and fired. The ball 
grazed the temple of John Painter. Moore and Painter fired at the 
same instant; one of their balls passed through the Indian's body, 
and he fell, they supposed dead enough. The other fellow fled, leav- 
ing his gun and everything else behind. The white men pursued 
him some distance, but the fugitive was too fleet for them. Find- 
ing they could not overhaul him, they gave up the chase and re- 
turned to the pine tree ; but to their astonishment, the supposed 
dead Indian had moved off with both guns and a large pack of skins, 
&c. They pursued his trail, and when he found they were gaining 
upon him, he got into a sink hole, and as soon as they approached 
pretty near, commenced firing at them. He had poured out a 
quantity of powder on dry leaves, filled his mouth with bullets, and 
using a musket which was a self primer, he was enabled to load with 
astonishing quickness. He thus fired at least thirtyjtimes before they 
could get a chance to dispatch him. At last Mr. Moore got an 
opportunity and shot him through the head. Moore and Painter had 
many disputes which gave the fellow the first wound. Painter, at 
length yielded, and Moore got the premium allowed by law for In- 
dian scalps. * 

The fugitive who made his escape, unfortunately met with a 
young woman on horseback, named Seehon, whom he tore from 
her horse, and forced off with him. This occurred near the present 
site of Newmarket, in the County of Shenandoah. After traveling 
about twenty miles, chiefly in the night, and getting nearly opposite 
Keisletown, in the County of Rockingham, it is supposed the poor 
girl broke down from fatigue, and the savage monster beat her to 
death with a heavy pine knot. Her screams were heard by some 

* Mr. George Painter communicated this adventure to the author. 


people that lived upwards of a mile from the scene of horror, and 
who next day on going to the place to ascertain the cause, found her 
stripped naked, and weltering in her blood. * 

At the attack on George Miller's family, the persons killed were 
a short distance from the house, spreading flax in a meadow. One 
of Miller's little daughters was sick in bed. Hearing the firing, she 
jumped up, and looking through a window and seeing what was 
done, immediatel}' passed out at a back window, and ran about two 
or three miles, down to the present residence of David Stickley, 
Esq., and from thence to Geo. Bowman's, on Cedar Creek, giving 
notice at each place. Col. Abraham Bowman, of Kentucky, then a 
lad of sixteen or seventeen, had but a few minutes before passed close 
by Miller's door, and at first doubted the little girl's statement. He, 
however, armed himself, mounted his horse, and in riding to the 
scene of action, was joined by several others who had turned out for 
the same purpose, and soon found the information of the little girl 
too fatally true. 

The late Mr. Thomas Newell, of Shenandoah county, informed 
the author that he was then a young man. His father's residence 
was about one mile from Miller's house, and hearing the firing he 
instantly took his rifle, and ran to see what it meant. When he 
arrived at the spot, he found Miller, his wife, and two children, 
weltering in their blood, and still bleeding. He was the first person 
who arrived ; and in a few minutes Bowman and several others 
joined him. From the scene of the murder they went to the house, 
and on the sill of the door lay a large folio German Bible, on which 
a fresh killed cat was thrown. On taking up the Bible it was dis- 
covered that fire had been placed in it ; but after burning through a 
few leaves, the weight of that part of the book which lay upper- 
most, together with the weight of the cat, had so compressed the 
leaves as to smother and extinguish the fire, f 

In the year 1768, Capt. William White, a brave and active In- 
dian fighter, made a visit to Col. William Crawford, who had re- 
moved and settled at the Meadows, in the Alleghany Mountains. 
White lived on Cedar Creek, and Crawford had lived on Bull-skin. 
They had been out together on Indian expeditions ; of course were 
well acquainted. Crawford had an Irish servant, a pretty stout and 
active man, who was permitted to accompany White on an hunting 
excurion. They had not been out long when they discovered two 
Indians in the glades. The latter, the moment they discovered 

♦Mrs. Brenaman, an aged and respectable old lady near Pennybacker's 
iron works, gave the author this information. 

fThis Bible is now in the possession of Mr. George Miller of Shenan- 
doah county, about one-half a mile south of Zane's old iron works. The au- 
thor saw and examined it. The fire had been placed about the center of the 
Second Book of Samuel, burnt through fourteen leaves, and entirely out at 
one end. It is preserved in the Miller family, as a sacred relic or memento 
of the sacrifice of their ancestors. 


the two white men, flew behind trees, and prepared for battle. 
White and his Irishman, however, soon out-generaled them, and 
killed them both. They were soon after apprehended, and commit- 
ted to Winchester jail on a charge of murder. But White had ren- 
dered his neighbors too many important services, and was too popu- 
lar, to be permitted to languish loaded with irons in a dungeon for 
killing Indians. Although the Indian hostilities had entirely 
ceased, too many individuals were smarting under a recollection of 
the outrages they had but recently experienced at the hands of 
their merciless, savage and implacable foe. Soon after White and his 
partner in the charge were committed to jail. Capt. Abraham Fry, 
raised a party of fifty-five or sixty volunteers, well-armed and 
mounted, to affect their rescue. They dismounted near the present 
site of Mr. Isaac Hollingsworth's dwelling-house, where they had 
left their horses under a guard of a few men, and marched into 
Winchester about daybreak next morning. They repaired directly 
to the jail door, knocked up the jailor, and demanded the keys. 
The jailer hesitated, and attempted to remonstrate. Fry presented 
his rifle, cocked it, and peremptorily demanded the keys, telling the 
jailer he would be a dead man in one minute if he did not deliver 
them. The jailer quailed under the fiery countenance and stern 
menaces of Fry, and complied. Fry placed a guard at the door, 
went in, knocked off their irons, and took the prisoners out. The 
late Robert Rutherford attempted to harangue the mob upon the 
impropriety and danger of their proceedings ; but he might as well 
have addressed himself to so many lions and tigers. As Fry's 
party marched into town, it created considerable alarm and excite- 
ment. The women, half dressed, were seen running from house to 
house and calling out, " Well done, brave fellows, good luck to you 
brave boys." This cheering of Fry's party at once convinced them 
the public sympathy and good feeling were on their side. The 
prisoners were taken off and set at liberty. Capt. White after- 
wards distinguished himself at the bloody battle of the Point, under 
Col. Servier. 

The author had heard something of this story more than forty 
years ago. The late Capt. James Wilson, of the neighborhood of 
Stephensburg, had stated some of the particulars, but not suffi- 
ciently connected to give to the world. The author was there- 
fore apprehensive that he would not be able, at this late period, to 
collect the facts. Whilst engaged in obtaining materials for this 
work, he called on the late Thomas Newell, of Shenandoah county, 
and among other things inquired of him whether he had any know- 
ledge or recollection of the affair. This venerable man, then ninety- 
three years of age, in his second childhood, and his recollection of 
recent events entirely gone, the moment the inquiry was made, with 
much animation and a cheerful countenance, replied, " Yes, my 
friend, I reckon I can tell you, when I was one of the very boys." 
The author then asked the old gentlemen w^hether he would have 



any objection to his name being given as authority, and as one 
of Fr5''s part}'. He replied with equal animation and emphasis, 
" No, my friend, I always gloried in w^hat I did." Moses Russell, 
Esq., informed the author that his two elder brothers were of Fry's 
party, and that if he had been old enough, he would, doubtless, 
have been among them. Eut he had more than once heard one of 
his brother's speak of this occurrence with great regret, and 
lament the part he had taken in it. General Smith recollects hear- 
ing much said on this subject soon after he came to Winchester to 
live. To say the least of it, it was a dangerous precedent in a 
civilized society. There is another individual, now living in the 
neighborhood of the author's residence, who was of Fry's party, 
and is now about eighty jears of age, who was an active and 
useful character in the war of the revolution, and from him the 
author obtained many particulars of this occurrence, but as he 
never formally authorized the use of his name publicl}-, it is with- 
held. It vvas from the information of this individul that the au- 
thor was enabled to find the year when this important occurrence 
took place. 

After the most diligent inquiry, the author could not ascertain 
whether the murder of these two Indians was followed by any acts 
of retaliation on the part of the Indians. 

The same 3'ear (1768) a worthless character by the name of 
John Price committed a most wanton and unprovoked murder on 
the bod}' of a popular young Indian chief. Price had resided sever- 
al years in the Hawksbill settlement. He went out to the Indian 
country under the character of an Indian trader, and soon formed 
an acquaintance with this young war chief. Price was an expert 
marksman and experienced hunter, and soon acqviired the confi- 
dence and attachment of the young warrior. They frequently 
took hunting excursions ; in the last of which, having wandered 
a considerable distance from the Indian habitations. Price shot 
the young man dead, robbed him of his- rifle, a few silver orna- 
ments and hunting dress, and left him lying in the wilderness ; then 
pushed home, boasting of what he had done, and showed his ill- 
gotten booty. 

A few days after Price's return home, Lewis Bingaman, who 
was taken prisoner when a boy, and wdio grew up and became a dis- 
tinguished man, (which has been heretofore noticed), came in at 
the head of thirty warriors in pursuit of Price. He made himself 
known to Frederick Offenberger, and told what Price had done ; 
said that he would go to Price, and propose to take a hunt ; 
that his warriors were concealed in the Massinutten Mountain ; 
and if he succeeded in decoying Price into their hands, they 
would be perfectly satisfied, and do no injury to any other person ; 
but if they did not succeed in getting Price, they would revenge 
the death of their young chief upon the first white person they 
could find, and the lives of many innocent women and children 


would be sacrificed to appease their vengeance. Offenberger kept 
Bingaman's communication to himself, believing that Price de- 
served punishment. He was accordingly decoyed into the hands 
of thirt}' warriors, and never heard from afterwards ; of course 
he expiated his base and treacherous murder of the young Indian, 
by the most lingering and painful death which vSavage instinct could 

Tradition relates a story of Mr. Hogeland, who on a certain 
occasion killed an Indian in the following manner. Hogeland went 
out in the evening from Furman's Fort, in pursuit of the milch cows. 
He heard the bell in a deep glen, and from its peculiar sound, sus- 
pected some strategem. Instead of pursuing the hollow therefore, 
he took up a high ridge, and passed the spot where the bell was 
ringing ; then cautiously descending the hollow, he discovered an 
Indian with the bell (which he had taken from the cow), suspended 
to a small sapling, which he shook gentl}' to keep the bell in 
motion. Whilst the savage was thus engaged with a view to decoy 
the owner within tne reach of his rifle, Hogeland took deliberate 
aim at him, and shot him through the body ; upon which another 
Indian started up, ran, and got off. Thus this wily savage fell into 
the snare he believed he had adroitly prepared for killing the owner 
of the cattle. * 

The author has heard another version of this story. It is said 
there was a j-oung man with Hogeland ; and when the Indian 
was seen with the bell, Hogeland at the same instant discovered 
the other Indian standing at a tree, with his gun raised ready to fire 
at whoever should come for the cows. Hogeland pointed him out to 
the young man, and observ^ed, "Now take deliberate aim, whilst 
I take the fellow with the bell." The}^ both fired and both Indians 
fell dead." f 

Thus ends the author's narrative of the many important oc- 
currences and great events from the commencement of Indian hostili- 
ties, in the year 1754, until their final termination in 1766, a period 
of twelve years. 

From the termination of hostilities in 1766, until the com- 
mencement of Dunmore's war in 1774, the people of the Valley 
enjoyed uninterrupted peace and tranquility, and the country set- 
tled and increased with great rapidity. Several families of distinc- 
tion removed from the lower countr}^ and settled in the Valley. 
The ancestors of the Washingtons, Willeses, Throckmortons and 
Whitings, severally settled in the neighborhood of Long Marsh and 

The author did not find it convenient to obtain the several 
treaties made with, the Indian tribes during the period from the 

* Samuel Kercheval, Jr., of Romney, related tliis tradition to the 

f William Naylor, Esq., gave the author this version of the story. 



commencement of Braddock's war until the final termination 
of hostilities. Nor does he consider it to be very material, as 
those treaties were no sooner made than broken. Should this 
be deemed a material defect, he will endeavor to supply it in an- 
other edition. 

The commencement and termination of Dunmore's war will 
form the subject of the next chapter. 




In the year 1773, the Indians killed two white men on the 
Hockhocking River, to-wit, John Martin and Guy Meek, (Indian 
traders), and robbed them of about ^200 worth of goods. About 
the ist of May, 1774, they killed two men in a canoe on the Ohio 
River, and robbed the canoe of its contents. * There were other 
similar occurrences, which left no doubt upon the minds of the west- 
ern people, that the savages had determined to make war upon them; 
and of course acts of retaliation were resorted to on the part of the 

The late Col. Angus McDonald, near Winchester, and several 
other individuals, went out in the spring 1774, to survey the mili- 
tary bounty lands, lying on the Ohio and Kanawha Rivers, 
allowed by the King's proclamation to the officers and soldiers of the 
army, for their services in a preceding war with the Indians, but 
were driven off. 

Col. McDonald forthwith waited on Gov. Dunmore in person, 
and gave him an account of the hostile disposition of the Indians. 
The governor authorized him to raise a regiment of four hundred 
men, and immediately proceed to punish the enemy. He soon suc- 
ceeded in raising his little army ; in the month of June marched into 
the Indian country, destroyed several of their villages, cut off their 
corn, and returned. He had two or three running fights with the 
Indians, but there was little blood shed on either side. 

This act of war produced a general combination of the various 
nations northwest of the Ohio ; and hence arose the necessity of 
speedily raising a powerful army to save the western people from 
being entirely cut off, or driven from their habitation. 

Lord Dunmore issued his order to Col. A. Lewis, of Augusta 
county, to raise a body of one thousand men, and immediately pro- 
ceed to the Ohio River, where he, (Dunmore) would join him with 
an equal number, to be raised in the northern counties of Virginia. 
Dunmore very soon raised the requisite number of men, principally 
volunteers from the counties of Berkeley, Hampshire, Frederick and 
Shenandoah, f Capt. Daniel Cresap went to South Carolina, and 
brought in one hundred and twenty Catawba Indian warriors at his 

*Mr. Jacob's Life of Cresap. 
t General John Smith. 


own expense and responsibilit}', which he intended employing against 
the western enemy. He soon after marched at the head of this band 
of warriors, w'ith the addition of sixteen white volunteers, with the 
design of breaking up and destroying the Moravian Indian towns on 
Cheat River. These people professed Christianity and neutralit}^ in 
the war then going on between the red and white people. But they 
vrere charged by the white people with secretly aiding and abetting 
the hostile Indians ; hence Cresap's determination to break up their 
settlement and drive them off. In crossing the Alleghany Moun- 
tains seven Indians under the guise of friendship, fell in with Cresap's 
party and in the most treacherous manner contrived to kill seven of 
the white volunteers, and then fled. They were instantly pursued 
b}^ the Catawbas, and two of them taken prisoners and delivered up 
to Cresap, wdio, after reproaching them with their base treachery, 
discharged them, and retreated into the settlement with his Indians 
and remaining white volunteers. The Catawba Indians soon after 
left Cresap and returned to their nation. The late Generals, Daniel 
Morgan and James Wood, were captains in Dunniore's campaign, 
each of whom had ser\^ed under McDonald as captains the preceding 
spring. * 

For farther particulars of this war, the author will give copious 
extracts from Mr. Doddridge ' ' Notes on the Wars West of the 
Alleghanj' Mountain," and from Mr. Jacob's "Life of Cresap." 
These two authors have detailed the causes which led to this disas- 
trous and destructive war, and are directly at issue on some of the 
most important particulars. In this controversy the author of this 
vv^ork will not partake so far as to express an opinion which of these 
two divines have truth on their side ; but he considers it is his duty, 
as an impartial and faithful historian, to give both these reverend 
gentlemen's accounts, at full length, of the original cause and con- 
sequences of this war. 

It appears, however evident, that the late Capt. ISIichael Cres- 
ap has had injustice done to his character, both by Mr. Jefferson and 
Mr. Doddridge. Mr. Jefferson in his " Notes on Virginia," charges 
Cresap with being ' ' infamous for his many Indian murders and mur- 
dering Dogan's family in cold blood." Mr. Doddridge repeats the 
charge of the murder of Logan's family, and adds the further 
charge "that Cresap was the cause of Dunniore's war. How far 
these charges are refuted by Mr. Jacob, an impartial world will 

It is to be regretted that Mr. Jacob's vindication of the charac- 
ter of his friend Cresap cannot have a circulation co-extensive with 
Mr. Jefferson's charges against him. The celebrity of Mr. Jefferson's 
character, together with the beautiful specimen of Indian oratory in 

* Mr. John Tomliuson related the particulars of these occurrences to the 
author, and added that he himself was one of Cresap's party, and that he was 
then a youth of seventeen or eighteen j-ears of age. 


the lyOgan speech, has probably caused his work to be circulated and 
read all over the civilized world. 

The author will only add tjiat he has obtained permission, from 
the proprietors of these works, to use them as he deems proper. 
The Hon. Philip Doddridge, shortly before his death, in a 
letter to the author stated, that he considered there would be 
no impropriet}' in appending an}^ part of his brother's book to 
this publication ; and Mr. Jacob's, in the most liberal and unquali- 
fied terms, permits him to append the whole, or any part of his 
" Life of Cresap." 


After the conclusion of the Indian wars, by the treaty made 
with the chiefs b}' Sir William Johnson at the Gennan flats, in the 
latter part of 1764, the western settlements enjoyed peace until the 
spring of i-j-j^.^ 

During this period of time, the settlements increased with great 
rapidity along the whole extent of the western frontier. Even the 
slitires of the Ohio, on the Virginia side, had a considerable popula- 
tion as early as the j-ear 1774. 

Devoutly might humanity wdsh that the record of the causes 
which led to the destructive war of 1774, might be blotted from the 
annals of our country. But it is now too late to efface it ; the 
"black-lettered list" must remain, a dishonorable blot in our na- 
tional history. Good however may spring out of evil. The injuries 
inflicted upon the Indians, in early times by our forefathers, may 
induce their descendants to show justice and m.ercy to the dimin- 
ished posterit}^ of those children of the wilderness, whose ancestors 
perished, in cold blood, under the tomahawk and scalping knife of 
the white savage. 

In the month of April, 1774, a rumor was circulated that the 
Indians had stolen several horses from some land jobbers on the Ohio 
and Kanawha Rivers. No evidences of the facts having been ad- 
duced, led to the conclusion that the report was false. This report, 
however, induced a pretty general belief that the Indians were about 
to make war upon the frontier settlements, but for this apprehen- 
sion there does not appear to have been the slightest foundation. 

In consequence of this apprehension of being attacked b}- the 
Indians, the land jobbers ascended the River, and collected in Wheel- 
ing. On the 27th of April, it was reported in Wheeling that a canoe 
containing two Indians and some traders, were coming down the 
River, and then not far from the place. On hearing this, the com- 
mandant of the station, Capt. Cresap, proposed to go up the River 
and kill the Indians. This project was vehemently opposed bj- Col. 
Zane, the proprietor of the place. He stated to the captain that the 
killing of those Indians would inevitably bring on a war, in which 


much innocent blood would be shed, and that the act in itself would 
be an atrocious murder, and a disgrace to his name forever. His 
good counsel was lot. The party went up the river. On being asked, 
at their return, what had become of the Indians? they coollj^ ans- 
wered, that " they had fallen overboard into the River!" Their 
canoe, on being examined, was found bloody, and pierced with bul- 
lets. This was the first blood which was shed in this war, and terri- 
ble was the vengeance which followed. 

In the evening of the same day, the party, hearing that 
there was an encampment of Indians at the mouth of the Captina, 
went down the river to the place, attacked the Indians and killed 
several of them. In this affair only one of Cresap's party was se- 
verally wounded. 

The massacre at Captina, and that which took place at Baker's, 
about forty miles above Wheeling, after that at Captina, was un- 
questionably the sole cause of the war of 1774. The last was perpe- 
trated by thirty-two men, under the command of Daniel Great- 
house. The whole number killed at this place, and on the River 
opposite to it, was twelve, besides several wounded. This hor- 
rid massacre was effected by an hypocritical stratagem, which 
reflects the deepest dishonor on the memory of those who Were 
agents to it. 

The report of the murders committed on the Indians near 
Wheeling, induced a belief that they would immediately commence 
hostilities ; and this apprehension furnished the pretext for the mur- 
der above related. The ostensible object for raising the party under 
Greathouse, was that of defending the family of Baker, whose house 
was opposite to a large encampment of Indians, at the mouth of the 
Big Yellow Creek. The party were concealed in ambuscade, while 
their commander went over the River, under the mask of friendship, 
to the Indian camp, to ascertain their number. While there an In- 
dian woman advised him to return home speedily, saying that the 
Indians were drinking and angry on account of the murder of their 
people down the River, and might do him some mischief. On his 
return to the party, he reported that the Indians were too strong for 
an open attack. He returned to Baker's, and requested him to give 
any Indians w^ho might come over, in the course of the day, as much 
rum as they might call for, and get as many of them drunk as he 
possibly could. The plan succeeded. Several Indian men and 
w^omen came over the River to Baker's, who had previously been in 
the habit of selling rum to the Indians. The men drank freely, and 
became intoxicated. In this state they were all killed by Greathouse 
and a few of his party. I saw a few of his party ; for it is but jus- 
tice to state, that not more than five or six of the whole number had 
any participation in the slaughter at the house. The rest pro- 
tested against it as an atrocious murder. From their number, 
being by far the majority, they might have prevented the deed ; but 
alas ! they did not. A little Indian girl alone saved from the 


slaughter, by the humanit}^ of some of the party, whose name is not 
now known. 

The Indians in the camp, hearing the firing at the house, sent a 
canoe with two men in it to inquire what had happened. These 
two Indians were both shot down as soon as they landed on the beach. 
A second and larger canoe Vv-as then manned with a number of In- 
dians in arms ; but in attempting to reach the shore, some distance 
below the house, they were received by a well directed fire from the 
party, which killed the greater number of them, and compelled the 
survnvors to return. A great number of shots were exchanged across 
the River but v.'ithout damage to the Vvdiite partj\ and none of 
whom were even wounded. The Indian men who were murdered 
were all scalped. 

The woman who gave the friendly advice to the commander of 
the party when in the Indian cam], vv'as amongst the slain at Baker's 

The massacres of the Indians at Capitna and Yellow Creek, 
comprehended the whole of the family of the famous but unfortun- 
ate lyOgan, who before these events had been a lover of the whites, 
a strenuous advocate for peace ; but in the conflict which followed 
them, by way of revenge for the death of his people, he became a 
brave and sanguinary chief among the warriors. 

The settlers along the frontiers, knowing that the Indians would 
make war upon them for the murder of their people, either moved 
off to the interior, or took up their residences in Forts. The appre- 
hension of war was soon realized. In a short time the Indians com- ' 
menced hostilities along the whole extent of our frontier. 

Express was speedily sent to Williamsburg, the then seat of 
government of the colony of Virginia, communicating intelligence of 
the certainty of the commencemient of an Indian war. The assem- 
bl}^ was then in session. 

A plan for a campaign, for the purpose of putting a speedy con- 
clusion to the Indian hostilities, was adopted between tlie Earl of 
Dunmore, governor of the colony, and Gen. Lewis, of Botetourt 
county. General Lewis was appointed to the command of the south- 
ern division of the forces to be emploj-ed on this occasion, with or- 
ders to raise a large body of volunteers, and drafts from the south- 
eastern counties of the colony with all dispatch. These forces were 
to rendezvous at Camp Union, in the Greenbrier country. The 
Earl of Dunmore was to raise another army in the northern counties 
of the colony, and in the settlements west of the mountains, and as- 
semble them at Fort Pitt, and from thence descend the River to 
Point Pleasant, at the mouth of the great Kanavv'ha, the place ap- 
pointed for the junction of the two armies, for the purpose of invading 
the Indian country and destroying as many of their villages as the)- 
could reach in the course of the season. 

On the nth of September, the forces under Gen. Lewis, amount- 
ing to eleven hundred men, commenced their march from Camp 



Union to Point Pleasant, a distance of one hundred and sixty miles. 
The space of country between these two points was at that time a 
trackless desert. Captain Matthew Arbuckle, the pilot, conducted 
the arm}' by the nearest and best route to their place of destination. 
The flour and ammunition where wholy transported on pack horses, 
as the route was impassable for wheel carriages. After a painful 
march of nineteen da5's, the army arrived, on the ist of October, at 
Point Pleasant, * where an encampent was made. 

Gen. Lewis was exceedingly disappointed at hearing no tidings 
of the Earl of Dunmore, who according to previous arrangements, 
was to form a junction with him at this place. He immediately dis- 
patched some scouts, to go by land in the direction of Fort Pitt, 
to obtain intelligence of the route which the Earl had taken, and 
then return with the utmost dispatch. On the 9th, three men, who 
had form.erly been Indian traders, arrived in the camp, on express 
from the Earl, to inform Lewis that he had changed his plan of 
operations, and intended to march to the Indian towns by the way 
of Hockhocking, and directing Gen. Lewis to commence his march 
immediately for the old Chillicothe towns. 

Very early in the morning of the loth, two young men .set out 
from the camp to hunt up the River. Having gone about three 

*Of the battle of the Point, the author has obtained some further parti- 
culars, which may not be uninteresting to the reader. He saw and con- 
versed with three individuals who participated in that desperate struggle, 
viz ; Joseph Mays, .\ndrew Reed and James Ellison. The two first named 
informed the author that Col. Lewis ordered out a body of three hundred 
men to meet and disperse the Indians as they were approaching his encamp- 
ment. The detachment was overpowered by the numerical force of the In- 
dians, not less than a thousand strong ; the whites, contending, however, for 
every inch of ground in their retreat. They were driven back several hun- 
dred yards, when Col. Lewis ordered a second detachment of three hundred 
men, who rushed forward with impetuosity to the relief of the first, which 
movement at once checked the savages, and partially changed the aspect of 
the fight. Col. Chas. Lewis, who had arrayed himself in a gorgeous scarlet 
waistcoat, against the advice of his friends, thus rendering himself a con- 
spicuous mark for the Indians, was mortalh' wounded early in the action ; 
yet was able to walk back after receiving the wound, into his own tent, 
where he expired. He was met on his way by the commander-in-chief, his 
brother, Col. Andrew Lewis, who remarked to him, " I expected something 
fatal would befall you," to which the wounded officer calmly replied, "It 
is the fate of war." About two o'clock. Col. Christie arrived in the field at 
the head of five hundred men — thejbattle still raging — a reinforcement which 
decided the issue almost immediately. The Indians fell back about two 
miles, obstinately fighting the whole distance ; and such was the persever- 
ing spirit of the savages, though they were fairly beaten, that the contest 
was not entirely closed till the setting of the sun, when they relinquished 
the field. Shortly after the battle, several traders with the Indians, regard- 
ed as nutural in war, called at the Point, and informed Captain Arbuckle, 
commandant of the station, that there were not less than twelve hundred 
Indians in thismemorable action. Constalk, confidentof success, had placed 
a body of some two hundred Indians on the opposite bank of the Kanawha, 
to cut off the retreat of the whites ; and that the loss of the Indians in killed 
and wounded was not short of three hundred men. 


miles, they fell upon a camp of the Indians, who were then in the 
act of preparing to march to attack the Camp of Gen. Lewis. The 
Indians fired on them and killed one of them ; the other ran back to 
the camp with the intelligence that the Indians, in great force would 
immediately give battle. 

Gen. Lewis immediately ordered out a detachment of the Bote- 
tourt troops under Col. Fleming, and another of the Augusta troops 
under Col. Charles Lewis, remaining himself with the reserve for 
the defence of the camp. The detachment marched out in two lines, 
and met the Indians in the same order about four hundred yards 
from the camp. The battle commenced a little after sunrise, by a 
heavy firing from the Indians. At the onset our troops gave back 
some distance, until met by reinforcement, on the arrival of which 
the Indians retreated a little way and formed a line behind logs and 
trees, reaching from the bank of the Ohio to that of the Kanawha. 
By this manoeuver, our army and camp were completely invested, 
being enclosed between two Rivers, with the Indian line of battle 
in front, so that no chance of retreat was left. An incessant fire 
was kept up on both sides, with but little change of position until 
sundown, when the Indians retreated, and in the night recrossedthe 
Ohio, and the next da}- commenced their march to their towns on 
the Scioto. 

Our loss in this destructive battle was seventy-five killed, and 
one hundred and forty wounded. Among the killed were Col. Chas. 
Lewis, Col. Fields, Captains Buford, Murray, Ward, Wilson and 
McClenachan ; Lieutenants Allen, Goldsby and Dillion, and several 
subaltern officers. 

Col. Lewis, a distinguished and meritorious officer, was mortal- 
ly wounded by the first fire of the Indians, but walked into the camp 
and expired into his own tent. 

The number of Indians engaged in the battle of the Point was 
never ascertained, nor yet the amount of their loss. On the morn- 
ing after the engagement, twenty-one were found on the battle-ground, 
and twelve more were afterwards found in the different places where 
they had been concealed. A great number of their dead were said 
to have been thrown into the River during the engagement. Con- 
sidering that the whole number of our men engaged in the conflict 
were riflemen, and from habit sharp shooters of the first order, it is 
presumable that the loss on the side of the Indians was at least equal 
to ours. 

The Indians during the battle were commanded by the Corn- 
stalk warrior, the King of the Shawnees. This son of the forest, in 
his plans of attack and retreat, and all the manoeuvers throughout 
the engagement, displayed the skill and bravery of the consummate 
general. During the whole of the day, he was heard from our lines, 
vociferating, with the voice of a Stentor, " Be strong ! be strong ! " 
It is even said that he killed one of his men with his own hand for 


The day following the battle, after burying the dead, entrench- 
ments were thrown up around the camp, and a competent giiardwere 
appointed for the care and protection of the sick and wounded. On 
the succeeding day Gen. Lewis commenced his march for the Shaw- 
nee towns on the Scioto. This march was made through a track- 
less desert, and attended with almost insuperable dilhcnlties and 

In the meantime the Earl of Dunmore, having collected a force 
and provided boats at Fort Pitt, descended the River to Wheeling, 
w^here the army halted for a few days, and then proceeded down the 
River in about one hundred canoes, a few keel boats and perouges, 
to the mouth of the Hockhocking, and from thence overland until 
the army had got within eight miles of the Shawnee tovv'n Chilli- 
cothe on the Scioto River. Here the army halted, and made a 
breastwork of fallen trees and entrenchments of such extent as to 
include about twelve acres of ground, with an enclosure in the cen- 
ter containing about one acre, surrounded by entrenclimets. This 
was the citidal which contained the markees of the Earl and his su- 
perior officers. 

Before the army had reached that place, the Indian chiefs had 
sent several messengers to the Earl asking peace. With this re- 
quest he soon determined to comply, and therefore sent an express 
to Gen. Lewis with an order for his immediate retreat. This order 
Gen. Lewis disregarded, and continued his march until his lordship 
in person visited his camp, was formally introduced to his officers, 
and gave the order in person. The army of Gen. Lewis then com- 
menced their retreat. 

It was with the greatest reluctance and chagrin that the troops 
of Gen. Lewis returned from the enterprise iu which they were en- 
gaged. The massacres of their relatives and friends at the Big 
Levels and Muddy Creek, and above all their recerit loss at the bat- 
tle of the Point, had inspired these " Big-knives," as the Indians 
called the Virginians, with an inveterate thirst for revenge, the 
gratification of which they supposed was shortly to take place, in 
the total destruction of the Indians and their towns along the Scioto 
and Sandusky Rivers. The order of Dunmore was obeyed, but with 
every expression of regret and disappointment. 

The Earl with his officers having returned to the camp, a treaty 
with the Indians were opened the following day. 

In this treaty, every precaution was used on the part of our peo- 
ple to prevent the Indians from ending a treaty in the tragedy of a 
massacre. Onl}^ eighteen Indians, with their chiefs, were permitted 
to pass the outer gate of their fortified encampment, after having de- 
posited their arms with the guard at the gate. 

The treaty was opened by Cornstalk, the war chief of the Shaw- 
nees, in a lengthy speech, in which he boldly charged the white peo- 
ple with having been the authors of the commencement of the war, 
in the massacres of the Indians at Captina and Yellow Creek. This 


speech he delivered in so loud a tone of voice, that he was heard all 
over the camp. The terms of the treat}' were soon settled and the 
prisoners delivered up. 

Logan, the Cayuga chief, assented to the treaty ; but still in- 
dignant at the murder of his family, he refused to attend with the 
other chiefs at the camp of Dunmore. According to the Indian mode 
in such cases, he sent his speech in a belt of wampum by an inter- 
preter, to be read at the treaty. 

Supposing that this work ma}* fall in the hands of some readers 
who have not seen the speech of Logan, the author thinks it not 
amiss to insert the celebrated morsel of Indian eloquence in this place, 
with the observation that the authenticity of the speech is no longer 
a subject of doubt. The speech is as follows : 

" I appeal to any white man to say, if he ev^er entered Logan's 
cabin hungry, and he gave him not meat ; if he ever came cold and 
naked, and he clothed him not. During the course of the last long 
and bloody war, Logan remained idle in his cabin, an advocate for 
peace. Such was my love for the whites, that my countrymen pointed 
as they passe<i, and said, ' Logan is the friend of the white man,' I 
had even thought to have lived with you, but for the injuries of one 
man. Col. Cresap, the last .spring, in cold blood, and unprovoked, 
murdered all the relations of Logan, not even sparing my women 
and children. There runs not a drop of my blood in the veins of 
an}' living creature. This called on me for revenge. I ha\'e sought 
it ; I have killed many ? I have glutted my vengeance ; for my coun- 
try I rejoice at the beams of i^eace. But do not harbor a thought 
that mine is the joy of fear. Logan never felt fear. He will not 
turn on his heel to save his life. Who is there to mourn for Logan ? 
Not one." 

Thus ended the treaty of Camp Charlotte, in the month of No- 
vember, 1774, the disa.strous war of Dunmore. It began in the 
wanton and unprovoked murders of the Indians at Captina 
and Yellow Creek, and ended in an awful sacrifice of life and 
property to the dejuon of revenge. On our part we obtained at 
the treaty a cessation of hostilities and a surrender of prisoners, and 
nothing more. 

The plan of operations adopted by the Indians in the war of 
Dunmore, shows very clearly that their chiefs were by no means de- 
ficient in the foresight and skill necessary for making the most pru- 
dent military arrangements for obtaining success and victory in the 
mode of v/arfare. At an early period they obtained intelligence 
of the plan of the campaign against them, concerted between the 
Earl of Dunmore and Gen. Lewis. With a view, therefore, to at- 
tack the forces of these commanders separately, they speedily col- 
lected their warriors, and by forced marches reached the Point before 
the expected arrival of the troops under Dunmore. Such was the 
privacy with which they conducted their march to Point Pleasant, 
that Geu. Lewis knew nothing of the approach of the Indian army 


until a few minutes before the commencement of the battle, and it 
is very probable, that if Constalk, the Indian commander, had had a 
little larger force at the battle of the Point, the whole army of Gen. 
Lewis would have been cut off, as the wary savage had left them no 
chance to retreat. Had the arm 3^ of Lewis been defeated, the army 
of Dunmore, consisting of a little more than one thousand men, would 
have shared the fate of those armies which at different periods have 
suffered defeats in consequence of venturing too far into the Indian 
country, in numbers too small, and with munitions of war inade- 
quate to sustain a contest with the united forces of a number of In- 
dian nations. 

It was the general belief among the officers of our army, at the 
time, that the Earl of Dunmore, while at Wheeling, received advice 
from his government of the probability of the approaching war be- 
tween England and the colonies, and that afterwards, all his meas- 
ures, with regard to the Indians, had for their ultimate object an 
alliance with those ferocious warriors for the aid of the mother coun- 
try in their contest with us. This supposition accounts for his not 
forming a junction with the army of Lewis at Point Pleasant. This 
deviation from the origin plan of the campaign jeopardized the army 
of Lewis and well nigh occasioned its total destruction. The con- 
duct of the Earl at the treaty, shows a good understanding between 
him the and Indian chiefs. He did not suffer the army of Lewis to form 
a junction with his own, but sent them back before the treaty was 
concluded, thus risking the safety of his own forces ; for at 
the time of the treaty, the Indian w^arriors were about his camp 
in force sufficient to have intercepted his retreat and destroyed his 
whole army. 


At this period, to- wit : in the commencement of the year 1774, 
there existed between our people and the Indians, a kind of doubt- 
ful, precarious and suspicious peace. In the year 1773, they 
killed a certain John Martin and Guy Meeks, (Indian traders), 
on the Hockhocking River, and robbed them of about ^200 worth 
of goods. 

They were much irritated with our people, who were about this 
time beginning to settle Kentucky, and with them they waged an 
unceasing and destructive predatorj'^ war ; and whoever saw an In- 
dian in Kentucky, saw an eneni}- ; no questions were asked on either 
side but from the muzzles of their rifles. Many other circumstances 
at this period combined to show that our peace with the Indians 
rested upon such dubious and uncertain ground, that it must soon 
be dispersed with a whirlwind of carnage and war. And as I con- 
sider this an all-important point in the thread of our history, and an 
interesting link in the causes combining to produce Dunmore'swar, I 
will present the reader with another fact directly in point. It is 


extracted from the jourual of a 'Squire McConnel, in my possession. 
The writer says, that about the 3d of March, 1774, while himself 
and six other men, who were in company with him, were asleep in 
their camp in the night, they were awakened by the fierce barking 
of their dogs, and thought they saw something like men creeping 
towards them. Alarmed at this, they sprang up, seized their rifles, 
and flew to trees. By this time one Indian had reached their fire ; but 
hearing them cock their guns, he drew back, stumbled and fell. 
The whole party now came up, and appearing friendly, he ordered his 
men not to fire, and shook hands with his new guests. They tarried 
all night, and appearing so friendlj', prevailed with him and one of 
his men to go with them to their town, at no great distance from 
their camp ; but when they arrived he was taken with his compan- 
ion to their council, or war house ; a war dance performed around 
them, the war club shook at or over them, and they were detained 
close prisoners, and narrowl}' guarded for two or three days. A 
council was then held over them, and it was decreed that they 
should be threatened severely and discharged, provided they would 
give their women some flour and salt. Being dismissed, they set out 
on their journey to the camp, but met on their wa}^ about twenty- 
five warriors and some boys. A second council was held over them, 
and it was decreed that the}' should not be killed, but robbed, which 
was accordingly done ; and all their flour, salt, powder and lead, 
and all their rifles that were good, were taken from them ; and being 
further threatened, the Indians left them as already noticed. This 
party consisted of seven men, viz : 'Squire McConnel, Andrew Mc- 
Connel, L,av.'rence Darnel, William Ganet, Matthew Riddle, John 
Laferty and Thos. Canady. 

We have also in reserve some more material facts, that go to 
show the aspect of affairs at this period and that maj- be considered 
as evident precursors to an impending war. And it is certainly not 
a trifling item in the catalogue of these events, that early in the 
spring of 1774, whether preceeding or subsequent to Connoly's fam- 
ous circular letter, I am not prepared to say, having no positive 
data ; but was, however, about the time that the Indians killed two 
men in a canoe belonging to a Mr. Butler, of Pittsburg, and robbed 
the canoe of the property therein. This was the ist of May, 1774, 
and took place near the mouth of Little Beaver, a small creek that 
empties into the Ohio River, between Pittsburg and Wheeling ; and 
this fact is so certain and well established, that Benjamin Tomlin- 
son, Esq., is now living (1826) and who assisted in burying the 
dead, can and will bear testimony to its truth. And it is presumed 
it was this circumstance which produced that prompt and terrible 
vengeance taken on the Indians at Yellow Creek immediately after- 
ward, to- wit : on the 3rd day of May, which gave rise to, and furn- 
ished matter for, the pretended lying speech of Logan, which I shall 
hereafter prove a counterfeit, and if it was genuine, yet a genuine 
fabrication of lies. 


Thus we find from an examination into the state of affairs in 
the west, that there was a predisposition to w-ar, at least on the part 
of the Indians. But we may not suspect that other latest causes, 
working behind the scenes and in the dark, were silently marching 
to the same result ? 

Be it remembered, then, that this Indian war was but a portico 
to our revolutionary war, the fuel for which was then preparing, and 
which burst into a flame the ensuing year. 

Neither let us forget that the Earl of Dunmore was at this time 
governor of Virginia ; and that he was acquainted with the views 
and designs of the British Cabinet, can scarcely be doubted. 
What then, suppose ye, would be the conduct of a man possessing 
his means, filling a high, official station, attached to the British gov- 
ernment, and master of consumate diplomatic skill ? 

Dunmore's penetrating eye could not but see, and he no doubt 
did see, two all-important objects, that, if accomplished, would go to 
subserve and promote the grand object of the British Cabinet, viz : 
the establishment of an unbounded and unrestrained authority over 
our North American continent. 

These two objects were, first, setting the new settlers on the west 
side of the Alleghany Mountain by the ears ; and secondly, embroil- 
ing the western people in a war wnth the Indians. These two objects 
accomplished, would put it in his power to direct the storm to any 
and every point conducive to the grand object he had in view. But 
as in the nature of the thing he could not, and policy forbidding that 
he should, always appear personally in promoting and effecting these 
objects, it was necessary he shoiild obtain a confidential agent at- 
tached to his person and to the British government, and one that 
would promote his views either publicly or covertly, as circumstances 

The materials for his first object were abundant, and already 
prepared. The emigrants to the western country were almost all 
from the three states of Virginia, Mar}-land and Pennsylvania. The 
line between the two states of Virginia and Pennsylvania w^as un- 
settled, and both tliese states claimed the whole of the western coun- 
try. This motly mixture of men from different states did not 
harmonize. The Virginians and Marjdanders disliked the Pennsyl- 
vania lau's, nor did the Pennsylanians relish those of Virginia. Thus 
many disputes, much warm blood, broils, and sometimes battles, 
cattled Jisitac^s , followed. 

The Earl of Dunmore, with becoming zeal for the honor of the 
" ancient dominion," seized upon this stage or things so propitious 
to his views ; and having found Dr. JohnConnoly, aPennsylvaniau, 
with whom I think he could not have had much previous acquaint- 
ance, by the art of hocuspocus or some other art, converted him into 
a staunch Virginian, and appointed him vice-governor and com- 
mandant of Pittsburg and its dependencies, that is to say of all the 
western country^ Affairs on that side of the mountain began to 


v/ear a serious aspect ; attempts were made by both States to enforce 
their laws ; and the strong arm of power and coercion was let loose 
by Virginians. Some magistrates acting under tne authority of 
Pennsylvania were arrested, sent to Virginia and imprisoned. 

But that the reader ma}^ be well assured that the hand of Dun- 
more was in all this, I present him with a copy of his proclamation. 
It is, however, deficient as to date : 

Whereas, I have reason to apprehend that the Governor of 
Pennsylvania, in prosecution of their claims to Pittsburg and its de- 
pendencies, will endeavor to obstruct his majesty's government 
thereof, under my administration, by illegal and unwarrantable com- 
mitment of the ofhcers I have appointed for the purpose, and that 
settlement is in some danger of annoyance from the Indians also ; 
and it being necessary to support the dignity of his majest3''s gov- 
ernment and protect his subjects in the quiet and peaceable enjoy- 
ment of their rights ; I have therefore thought proper, by and with 
the consent and advice of his majesty's council, by this proclama- 
tion in his majesty's name, to order and require the officers of 
the militia in that district to embody a sufficient number of men to 
repel any insult whatsoever ; and all his majesty's liege subject with- 
in this colony are hereby strictly required to be aiding and assisting 
therein, or they shall answer the contrary at their peril ; and I fur- 
ther enjoin and require the several inhabitants of the territories 
aforesaid to pay his majesty's quitrents and public dues to such offi- 
cers as are or shall be appointed to collect the same within this 
dominion, until his majesty's pleasure therein shall be known." 

It is much to be regretted that my copy of this proclamation is 
without date. There can, however, be no doubt it was issued in 
1774 or early in 1775, and I am inclined to think it was issued in 
1774 ; but it would be satisf actor j' to know precisely the day, be- 
cause chronology is the soul of history. 

But this state of things in the west, it seems from subsequent 
events, was not the mere effervescence of a transcient and momen- 
tary excitement, but continued a long season. The seeds of discord 
had fallen unhappily on ground too naturally productive, and were 
also too well cultivated by the Earl of Dunmore, Connoly, and the 
Pennsylvania officers, to evaporate in an instant. 

We find by recurring to the history of our revolutionary war, 
that that awful tornado, if it had not the effect to sweep away dis- 
putes about state rights and local interests, yet it had the effect to 
silence and suspend everything of that nature pending our dubious 
and arduous struggle for national existence ; but yet we find, in fact, 
that whatever concilitory effect this state of things had upon other 
sections of the country, and upon the nation at large, it was not 
sufficient to extinguish this fire in the west. For in the latter end 
of the year 1776, or in the year 1777, we find these people petitioning 


Congress to interpose their authority, and redress their grevances. 
I have this petition before me, but it is too long to copy ; I therefore 
only give a short abstract. 

It begins with stating that whereas Virginia and Pennsj'lvania 
both set up claims to the western country, it was productive of the 
most serious and distressing consequences ; that as each State per- 
tinaciously supported their respective pretensions, the result was, as 
described by themselves, "frauds, impositions, violences, depreda- 
tions, animosities," &c., &c. 

These evils they ascribe (as indeed the fact was) to the conflict- 
ing claims of the two States ; and so warm were the partizans on 
each side, as in some cases to produce battles and shedding of blood. 
But they superadd another reason of this ill-humor, namely, the 
proceedings of Dunmore's warrant officers, in laying land warrants 
on land claimed by others, and many other claims for land granted 
by the crown of England to individuals, companies, &c., cover- 
ing a vast extent of country, and including most of the lands 
already settled and occupied by the greatest part of the inhabi- 
tants of the western country ; and they finally prayed Congress to 
erect them into a separate State and admit them into the Union as 
a fourteenth State. 

As the petition recites the treaty of Pittsburg, in October, 
1775, it is probable we may fix its date (for it has none) to the lat- 
ter part of 1776 or 1777. I rather think the latter, not only from 
my own recollection of the circumstances of the period, but especially 
from the request in the petition to be erected into a new State, which 
certainly would not have been thought of before the Declaration of 

But the unhappy state of the western country will appear still 
more evident, when we advert to another important document which 
I have also before me. It is a proclamation issued by the delegates 
in Congress from the States of Pennsylvania and Virginia, and bears 
date Philadelphia, July 25, 1775. 

But the heat of fire, and inflexible obstinacy of the parties en- 
gaged in this controversy, will appear in colors still stronger, when 
we see the unavailing efforts made by the delegates in Congress from 
the two States of Virginia and Pennsylvania in the year 1775. 
These gentlemen, it was obvious, under the influence of the best of 
motives, and certainly with a view to the best interests, peace, and 
happiness to the western people, sent them a proclamation, couched 
in terms directly calculated ro restore tranquility and harmony 
among them ; but the little effect produced by this proclamation, 
their subsequent petition just recited, and sent the next year or year 
after to Congress, fully demonstrates. 

But as I consider this proclamation an important document, and 
as it is nowhere recorded, I give it to the reader entire : 


" To the Inhabitants of Pennsylvania and Virginia ^ on the west side 
of the Laurel Hill. 

"Friends and Countrymen : — It gives us much concern to 
find disburbances have arisen, and still continue among you, con- 
cerning the boundaries of our colonies. In the character in which 
we now address you, it is necessary to inquire in the origin of those 
unhappy disputes, and it would be improper for us to express our 
approbation or censure on either side ; but as representatives of two 
of the colonies, united among many others for the defence of the 
liberties of America, we think it our duty to remove, as far as lies 
in our power, every obstacle that may prevent her sons from co- 
operating as vigorously as they would wish to do towards the attain- 
ment of the great and important end. Influenced solelj' by this 
motive, our joint and earnest request to you is, that all animosities, 
which have heretofore subsisted among you, as inhabitants of dis- 
tinct colonies, may now give place to generous and concurring efforts 
for the preservation of everything that can make our common coun- 
try dear to us. 

" We are fully persuaded that you, as well as we, wish to see 
your differences terminate in this happy issue. For this desirable 
purpose we recommend it to you that all bodies of armed 7ne?i, kept 
under either province, be dismissed ; that all those on either side, 
who are in confinement, or under bail for taking part in the contest, 
be discharged ; and that until the dispute be decided, every person 
be permitted to retain his possessions unmolested. 

" By observing these directions, the public tranquility will be 
secured without injury to the titles on either side. The period, we 
flatter ourselves will soon arrive, wheq this unfortunate dispute, 
which has produced much mischief, and as far as we can learn no 
good, will be peaceably and constitutionally determined. 
"We are your friends and countrymen, 

"P. Henry, 
Richard Henry Lee, 
Benjamin Harrison, 
Thos. Jefferson, 
John Dickinson, 
Geo. Ross, 
B. Franklin, 
Jas. Wilson, 
Charles Humphreys* 
*' Philadelphia, fuly 2^th, IJJS- 

But to conclude this part of our subject, I think the reader can- 
not but see from Dunmore's proclamation, the violent measures of 
his Lieutenant Connoly and the Virginia ofl&cers, and from the com- 
plexion of the times, and subsequent conduct of both Dunmore and 


Connoly, as we shall see hereafter ; that this unhappy state of 
things, if not actually produced, was certainly improved by Dun- 
more to subserve the views of the British court. 

We now proceed to examine the question, how far facts and 
circumstances justify us in supposing the Earl of Dunmore himself 
was instrumental in producing the Indian war of 1774. 

It has already been remarked that this Indian war was but the 
precursor to our revolutionary war of 1775 — that Dunmore the then 
governor of Virginia, was one of the most inveterate and determined 
enemies to the revolution — that he was a man of high talents, es- 
pecially for intrigue and diplomatic skill — that occupying the sta- 
tion of commander-in-chief of the large and respectable State of 
Virginia, he possessed means and power to do much to serve the 
views of Great Britain. And we have seen, from the preceding 
pages, how effectually he played his part among the inhabitants of 
the western country. I was present myself when a Pennsylvinia 
magistrate, of the name of Scott, was taken into custodj^, and 
brought before Dunmore, at Prestone old Fort ; he was severely 
threatened and dismissed, perhaps on bail, but I do not recollect 
how ; another Pennsylvania magistrate was sent to Staunton jail. 
And I have already shown in the preceding pages, that there was a 
sufficient preparation of materials for this war in the predisposition 
and hostile attitude of our affairs with the Indians ; that it was con- 
sequently no difficult matter with a Virginia governor to direct the 
incipient state of things to any point most conclusive to the grand 
end he had in view, namely, in weakening our national strength in 
some of the best and most efficient parts. If, then, a war with the 
Indians might have a tendeny to produce this result, it appears per- 
fectly natural and reasonabk to suppose that Dunmore would make 
use of the power and influence to promote it , and although the war 
of 1774 was brought to a conclusion before the year was out, yet 
we know that this fire was scarcely extinguished before it burst into 
a flame with tenfold fury, and two or three armies of the whites 
were sacrificed before we could get the Indians subdued ; and this 
unhappy state of our affairs with the Indians happening during the 
severe conflict of our revolutionary war, had the very effect, I sup- 
pose, Dunmore had in view namely, dividing our forces and 
enfeebling our aggregate strength ; and that the seeds of these 
subsequent wars with the Indians were sown in 1774 and 1775, ap- 
pears almost certain. 

Yet still, however, we admit that we are not in possession of 
materials to substantiate this charge against the Earl ; and all we 
can do is produce some facts and circumstances that deserve no- 
tice, and have a strong bearing on the case. 

And the first we shall mention * is a circular sent by Maj . 

*The remark, as it should seem incidently made, in Dunmore's procla- 
mation, as to the Indian war (see page 121), deserve notice, as it has no con- 
nection with the subject of that proclamation. 


Connoly, his proxy, early in the spring of the year 1774, warning 
the inhabitants to be on their guard — the Indians v/ere very angry, 
and manifested so much hostility, that he was apprehensive they 
would strike somewhere as soon as the season woidd permit^ and en- 
joining the inhabitants to prepare and retire into Forts, &c. It 
might be useful to collate and compare this letter with one he 
wrote to Capt. Cresap on the 14th of July following ; see hereafter. 
In this letter he declares there is a war or danger of war, before the 
war is properly begun ; in that to Capt. Cresap he says the Indians 
deport themselves peaceably, when Dunmore and Lewis and Corn- 
stalk are all out on their march for battle. 

This letter was sent by express in every section of the country. 
Unhappily we have lost or mislaid it, and consequently are deficient 
in a most material point in this date. But from one expression in 
the letter, namely, that the Indians will strike when the season per- 
mits, and this season is generally understood to mean when the 
leaves are out, we may fix it in the month of May. We find from 
a subsequent letter from Pentecost and Connoly to Capt. Reece, 
that this assumed fact is proved ; see hereafter. 

Therefore this letter cannot be of a later date than sometime in the 
month of April ; and if so, before Butler's men were killed on L,ittle 
Beaver ; and before Logan's family were killed on Yellow Creek, 
and was in fact the fiery red-cross and harbinger of war, as in days 
of yore among the Scottish clans. That was the fact I think, abso- 
lutely certain, because no mention is made in Connolj^'s letter of this 
affair, which certainly would not have been omitted, if precedent to 
this letter. 

This letter produced its natural result. The people fled into 
Forts, and put themselves into a posture of defense, and the tocsin 
of war resounded from Laurel Hill to the banks of the Ohio River. 
Capt. Cresap who was peacebly at this time employed in building 
houses and improving lands, on the Ohio River, received this letter, 
accompanied, it is believed, with a confirmatory message from Col. 
Croghan and Maj. McGee, Indian agents and interpreters ; * and he 
thereupon immediately broke up his camp, and ascended the River 
to Wheeling Fort, the nearest place of safelty from whence it is be- 
lieved he intended speedily to return home ; but during his stay at 
this place, a report was brought in the Fort that two Indians were 
coming down the River. Capt. Cresap, supposing from every circum- 
stance, and the general aspect of affairs, that war was inevitable, and 
in fact already begun, went up the River with his party ; and two 
of his men, of the name of Clienoweth and Brothers, killed these 
two Indians. Beyond controversy this is the only circumstance in 
the historj^ of this Indian war, in which his name can in the remot- 
est degree be identified with any measure tending to produce this 
war ; and it is certain that the guilt or innocence of this affair will 

* I had this from Capt. Cresap himself, a short time after it occurred. 


appear from this date. It is notorious, then, that those Indians 
were killed not only after Capt. Cresap had received Connoly's let- 
ter, and after Butler's men were killed in the canoe, but also after 
the affair at Yellow Creek, and after the people had fled into the 
Forts. But more of this after, when we take up Mr. Doddridge 
and his book ; simply, however, remarking here, that is affair of 
killing those two Indians has the same aspect and relation to 
Dunmore's war that the battle of Lexington has to the war of the 

But to proceed. Permit us to remark, that it is very difficult 
at this late period, to form a correct idea of these times unless we can 
bring distinctly into view the real state of our frontier. The inhabi- 
tants of the western country were at this time thinly scattered from 
the Alleghany Mountain to the eastern banks of the Ohio River, and 
most thinly near that River. In this state of things, it was natural 
to suppose that the few settlers in the vicinity of Wheeling, who had 
collected into the Fort, would feel extremely solicitious to detain 
Capt. Cresap and his men as long as possible, especially until they 
could see on what point the storm would fall. Capt. Cresap, the son 
of a hero, and a hero himself, felt for their situation ; and getting 
together a few more men, in addition to his own, and not relishing 
the limits of a little Fort, nor a life of inactivity, set out on what was 
called a scouting part3^ that is, to reconnoiter and scour the frontier 
border ; and while out and engaged in this business, fell in with and 
had a running fight with a party of Indians, nearly about his equal 
in numbers, when one Indian was killed, and Cresap had one man 
wounded. This affair took place somewhere on the banks of the 
Ohio. Doddridge says it was at the mouth of Captina ; be it so — it 
matters not ; but he adds, it was on the same day the Indians were 
killed in the canoe. In this the doctor is most egregiously mistaken, 
as I shall prove hereafter. 

But may we not ask, what were these Indians doing here at 
this time, on the banks of the Ohio ? They had no town near this 
place, nor was it their hunting season, it was about the 8th or loth 
of May. Is it not then probable, nay, almost certain, that the 
struggling banditti were prepared and ready to fall on some parts 
of our exposed frontier, and that their dispersion saved the lives of 
many helpless women and children ? 

But the old proverb, cry mad dog and kill him ! is, I suppose, 
equally as applicable to heroes as to dogs. 

Capt. Cresap soon after this returned to his family in Maryland ; 
but feeling most sensibly for the inhabitants on the frontier in their 
perilous situation, immediately raised a company of volunteers, 
and marched back to their assistance ; and having advanced as 
far as Catfish Camp, the place where Washington, Pa., now stands, 
he was arrested in his progress by a peremptory and insulting 
order from Connoly, commanding him to dismiss his men and to re- 
turn home. 


This order, couched in offensive and insulting language, it may 
be well supposed, was not very grateful to a man of Capt. Cresap's 
high sense of honor and peculiar sensibility, especially conscious as 
he was of the purity of his motives, and the laudable end he had in 
view. He nevertheless obeyed, returned home and dismissed his 
men, and with the determination, I well know from what he said 
after his return, never again to take any part in the present Indian 
war, but to leave Mr. Commandant at Pittsburg to fight it out as 
he could. This hasty resolution was, however, of short duration. 
For however strange, contradictory, and irreconcilable the conduct 
of the Earl of Dunmore and his Vice-governor at Pittsburg, &c. 
may appear, yet it is a fact, that on the loth of June, the Earl of 
Dunmore, unsolicited, and to Capt. Cresap, certainly unexpected, 
sent him a Captain's commission of the militia of Hampshire county, 
Virginia, notwithstanding his residence was in Maryland. This 
commission reached Capt. Cresap a few" daj's after his return from 
the expedition to Catfish Camp, just above mentioned ; and inas- 
much as this commission, coming to him the way it did, carried 
with it a tacit expression of the Governor's approbation of his 
conduct — add to which, that about the same time his feelings 
were daily assailed by petition after petition, from almost every 
section of the western country, praj-ing, begging, and beseeching 
him to come of to their assistance — it is not surprising that his 
resolution should be changed. Several of these petitions and Dun- 
more's commission have escaped the wreck of time and are now^ in 
my possession. 

This commission coming at the time it did, and in the way and 
under the circumstances above recited, aided and strengthened as it 
was by the numberless petitioners aforesaid, broke down and so 
far extinguished all Capt. Cresap's personal resentment against 
Connoly that he once more determined to exert all the power and in- 
fluence in assisting the distressed inhabitants of the western frontier, 
and accordingly immediately raised a company, placed himself under 
the command of Maj. Angus McDonald, and marched with him to 
attack the Indians, at their town of Wappatomachie, on the Musk- 
ingum. His popularity, at this time, was such, and so many men 
flocked to his standard, that he could not consistently with the rules 
of an army, retain them in his company, but obliged to transfer 
them, much against their wills, to other captains, and the result 
was, that after retaining in his own company as many men as he 
could consistently, he filled completely the company of his nephew, 
Capt. Michael Cresap, and also partly the company of Capt. Han- 
cock Eee. This little army of about four hundred men, under Maj. 
McDonald, penetrated the Indian country as far as the Muskingum ; 
near which they skirmished with a part}' of Indians under Captain 
Snake, in which McDonald lost six men, and killed the Indian chief 

A little anecdote here will go to shovv^ what expert and close 


shooters we had in those daj^s among our riflemen. When McDon- 
ald's little army arrived on the bank of the Muskingum River, and 
while lying there, an Indian on the opposite shore got behind a log 
or old tree, and was lifting up his head occasionally to view the 
white men's army. One of Capt. Cresap's men, of the name of 
John Harness, seeing this, loaded his rifle with two balls, and 
placing himself on the bank of the River, watched the oppor- 
tunity when the Indian raised his head, and firing at the same in- 
stant, put both balls through the Indian's neck, and laid him dead ; * 
which circumstance no doubt had great influence in intimidating the 

McDonald after this had another running fight with the Indians, 
drove them from their towns, burnt them, destro^^ed their provisions, 
and, returned to the settlement and discharged his men. 

But this affair at Wappatomachie and expedition of McDonald 
were only the prelude to more important and efficient measures. 
It was well understood that the Indians were far from being 
subdued, and that they would now certainlj' collect all their forces, 
and to the utmost of their power return the compliment of our visit 
to their territories. 

The Governor of Virginia, whatever might have been his views 
as to the ulterior measures, lost no time in preparing to meet this 
storm. He sent orders immediately to Col. Andrew I^ewis, of 
Augusta county, to raise an army of about one thousand men, 
and to march with all expedition to the mouth of the Great 
Kanawha, on the Ohio River, where, or at some other point, he 
would join him, after he had got together another army, which he 
intended to raise in the northwestern coiinties, and command in 
person. Lewis lost no time, but collected the number of men re- 
quired, and marched without delay to the appointed place of ren- 

But the Earl was not quite so rapid in his movements, which 
circumstance the eagle eye of old Cornstalk, the general of the In- 
dian army, saw, and was determined to avail himself of, foreseeing 
that it would be much easier to destroy two separate columns of an 
invading army before than after their junction and consolidation. 
With this view he marched with all expedition to attack Lewis before 
he was joined by the Earl's army from the north, calculating, con- 
fidently no doubt, that if he could destroy Lewis, he would be able 
to give a good account of the army of the Earl. 

The plan of Cornstalk appear to have been those of a consum- 
ate and skillful general, and the prompt and rapid execution of them 
displayed the energy of a warrior. He, therefore, without loss 
of time, attacked Lewis at his post. The attack was sudden, vio- 
lent, and I believe unexpected. It was nevertheless well fought, 
very obstinate, and of long continuance ; and as both parties fought 

* The Muskingum at this place is said to be about 200 yards wide. 


witli rifles, the conflict was dreadful ; many were killed on both sides, 
and the contest was only finished with the approach of night. The 
Virginians, however, kept the field, but lost many v^aluable officers 
and men, and among the rest. Col. Charles Lewis, brother to the 

Cornstalk and Blue Jacket, the two Indian captains, it is said, 
performed prodigies of valor ; but finding at length all their efforts 
unavailing, drew off their men in good order, and with the deter- 
mination to fight no more, if peace could be obtained on reasonable 

This battle of I^ewis' opened an easy and unmolested passage 
for Dunmore through the Indian country ; * but it is proper to re- 
mark here, however, that when Dunmore arrived with his wing of 
the ami}- at the mouth of the Hockhocking River, he sent Capt. 
White-eyes, a Delaware chief, to invite the Indians to a treaty, and 
he remained stationarj- at that place until White-eyes returned, who 
reported that the Indians would not treat about peace. I presume, 
in order of time, this must have been just before L,ewis' battle ; be- 
cause it will appear in the sequal of this story, that a great revolu- 
tion took place in the minds of the Indians after the battle. 

Dunmore, immediately upon the report of White-eyes that the 
Indians v/ere not disposed for peace, sent an express to Col. Lewis to 
move on and meet him near Chillicothe, on the Scioto River, and 
both wings of the army were put in motion. But as Dunmore ap- 
proached the Indian town, he was met by flags from the Indians, 
demanding peace, to which he acceded, halted his army, and run- 
ners were sent to invite the Indian chiefs, who cheerfully obeyed the 
summons, and came to the treaty — sa\'e only Logan, the great ora- 
tor, who refused to come. It seems, however, that neither Dunmore 
nor the Indian chiefs considered his presence of much importance, 
for they went to work and finished the treaty without him — refer- 
ring, I believe, some unsettled points for future discussion, at a 
treaty to be held the ensuing summer or fall at Pittsburg. This 
treaty, the articles of vv^hich I never saw, nor do I know that they 
were ever recorded, concluded Dunmore' s war, in September or 
October, 1774. After the treaty was over, old Cornstalk, the Shaw- 
nee chief, accompanied Dunmore's army until they reached the mouth 
of the Hockhocking, on the Ohio River ; and what was more singu- 
lar, rather made his home in Capt. Cresap's tent, with whom he 
continued on terms of the most friendlj' familiarity. I consider this 

* A little anecdote will prove that Dunmore was a General, and also the 
high estimation in which he held Capt. Cresap. While the army was 
marching through the Indian country, Dunmore ordered Capt. Cresap with 
his company and some more of his best troops in the rear. This displeased 
Cresap, and he expostulated with the Earl, who replied, that the reason of 
this arrangement was, because he knew that if he was attacked in front, 
all those men would soon rush forward into the engagement. The reason, 
.which was b}' the by a handsome compliuiCnt, satisfied Cresap, and all the 
rear guard. 



circumstance as positive proof that the Indians themselves neither 
considered Capt. Cresap the murderer of Logan's family, nor the 
cause of the war. It appears, also, that at this place the Earl of 
Dunmore received dispatches from England. Doddridge says he re- 
ceived these on his march out. 

But we ought to have mentioned in its proper place, that after 
the treaty between Dunmore and the Indians commenced near Chil- 
licothe, Lewis arrived with his army, and encamped two or three 
miles from Dunmore, which greatly alarmed the Indians, as they 
thought he was so much irritated at losing so many men in the late 
battle that he would not easily be pacified ; nor would they be satis- 
fied until Dunmore and old Cornstalk went into Lev.-is' camp to 
converse with him. 

Dr. Doddridge represents this affair in different shades of light 
from this statement. I can only say I had my information from an 
officer who was present at the time. 

But it is time to remind the reader, that, although I have wan- 
dered into such a minute detail of the various occurrences, facts and 
circumstances of Dunmore 's war ; and all of which as a history may be 
interesting to the present and especially to the rising generation ; 
yet it is proper to remark that I have two leading objects chiefly in 
view — first, to convince the world, that whoever and whatever might 
be the cause of the Indian war in 1774, it was not Capt. Cresap; 
secondly, that from the aspect of our political affairs, at that period, 
and from the known hostility of Dunmore to the American Revolu- 
tion, and withal to the subsequent conduct of Dunmore, and the 
dreadful Indian war that commenced soon after the beginning of our 
war with Great Britain — I say, from all these circumstances, we 
have infinitely stronger reasons to suspect Dunmore than Cresap ; 
and I may say that the dispatches above mentioned that were re- 
ceived by Dunmore at Hockhocking, although after the treaty, were 
yet calculated to create suspicion. 

But if, as we suppose, Dunmore was secretly at the bottom of 
this Indian war, it is evident that he could not with propriety ap- 
pear personall}^ in a business of this kind ; and we have seen and 
shall see, how effectually his sub-governor played his part be- 
tween the Virginians and Pennsylvanians ; and it now remains 
for us to examine how far the conduct of this man (Connoly) 
will bear us out in the supposition that there was also some foul play, 
some dark intriguing work to embroil the western country in an In- 
dian war. 

And I think it best now, as we have introduced this man Con- 
noly again, to give the reader a short condensed history of his 
whole proceedings, that we may have him in full view at once. 
We have already presented the reader with his circular letter, and 
its natural result and consequences and also with his insulting letter 
and mandatory order to Capt. Cresap, at Catfish Camp, to dismiss 
his men and go home ; and that the reader maj^ now see a little of 


the character of this man, and understand him, if it is possible to 
understand him, I present him with a copy of a letter to Capt. 

"As I have received intelligence that Logan, a Mingo Indian, 
with about twenty Shawnees and others, were set off for war, last 
Monday, and I have reason to believe they may come upon the in- 
habitants about Wheeling, I hereby order, require and command 
you, with ail the men you can raise, immediately to march and join 
a7iy of the companies already out and binder the pay of the government, 
and upon joining your parties together, scour the frontier and be- 
come a barrier to our settlements, and endeavor to fall in with their 
tracks, and pursue them, using your utmost endeavours to chastise 
them as open and avowed enemies. 

' I am, sir, your most humble servant, 
"DoRSEY Pentfxost, for JOHN CONNOLY, 

*' To Capt. Joel Reece, use all expedition. May 27/ IJJ4. 

Now here is a fellow for you, A very short time before this, 
perhaps two or three days before the date of this letter, Capt. Cresap, 
who had a fine company of volunteers, is insulted, ordered to dismiss 
his men and go home ; and indeed it appears from one expression in 
his letter, namely, "the companies who are alreadj' out," that these 
companies must have been actually out at the very time Cresap is 
ordered home. 

Now if any man is skilled in the art of legerdemain, let him un- 
riddle this enigma if he can. 

But as so niau}^ important facts crowd together at this eventful 
period, it may be satisfactory to the reader, and have a tendency' 
more clearly to illustrate the various scenes interwoven in the thread 
of this history, to present to his view a chronological list of these 
facts ; and I think the first that deserves notice is Connoly's circu- 
lar letter, which v/e date the 25th day of April ; secondly, the two 
men killed in Butler's canoe we know was the first or second day of 
May ; thirdly, the affair at Yellow Creek, was on the third day of 
May ; fourthl}-, the Indians killed in the canoe above Wheeling, the 
fifth or sixth day of May ; fifth, the skirmish with the Indians on 
the Ohio River, about the eigth or tenth day of May ; after which, 
Capt. Cresap returned to Catfish Camp about the twenty-fifth day 
of May. Indeed, this first speaks for itself ; it could not be earlier, 
when it is considered he rode home from the Ohio River, a distance 
of about one hundred and forty miles, raised a company and 
marched back as far as Catfish Camp, through bad roads, near 
one hundred and twenty miles ; and all, agreeably to my statement, 
in seventeen days ; then it is evident that he was not at Catfish 
Camp sooner than the twentj'-fifth day of May ; and if so, he 
was ordered home at the very time when scouts were out, and the 


settlement threatened with an attack from the Indians, as is manifest 
from Connoly's own letter to Capt. Reece, dated May 27, 1774. 

But the hostility of Connoly to Capt. Cresap was unremitting 
and without measure or decency ; for on the 14th day of July, of 
the same year, we find one of the most extraordinary, crooked, 
malignant. Grub Street epistles, that ever appeared on paper ; but 
let us see it. 

"Fort Dunmore, * July 14, 1774. 
" Your whole proceedings, so far as relate to our disturbances 
with the Indians, have been of a nature so extraordinary, that I am 
much at a loss to account for the cause : nut when I consider your 
late steps ; tending directly to ruin the service here, by inveigling 
away the militia of t,his garrison by your preposterous proposals, 
and causing them thereby to embezzle the arms of the government, 
purchased at an enormous expense, and at the same time to reflect 
infinite disgrace upon the honor of this colony, by attacking a set of 
people, which, notwithstanding the injury they have sustained by 
you in the loss of their people, 3'et continue to rely upon the profes- 
sions of friendship which I have made, and deport themselves 
accordingly ; I say, when I consider these matters, I must conclude 
you are actuated by a spirit of discord, so prejudicial to the peace 
and good order of society, that the conduct calls for justice, and due 
execution thereof can only check. I nutst once again order you to 
desist from your pernicious designs, and require of you, if you are 
an officer of militia, to send the deserters from this place back with 
all expedition, that they may be dealt with as their crimes merit. 
I am, sir, your servant, 


This letter, although short, contained so many things for remark 
and animadversion, that we scarcely know where to begin. It ex- 
hibits, however, a real picture of the man, and a mere superificial 
glance at its phraseology will prove that he is angry, and his nerves 
in a tremor. It is, in fact, an incoherent jumble of words and sen- 
tences, all in the adjunctive. 

But it is a perfect original and anomaly in the epistolary line ; 
and contains in itself internal marks of genuine authenticity. 

The first thing in this letter that calls for our attention is the 
language he uses towards the people he calls ''militia deserters." 
That they may be dealt with, he says, as their crime merits. Now I 
pray you who were those people ? Doubtless the respectable farm- 
ers and others in the vicinity of Pittsburg. And what does this 
Mogul of the west intend to do with them ? Why hang them, to be 

* During the government of Connoly in this place, he changed the 
name from Pitt to Dunmore ; but subsequent events have blotted out 
Dunmore's name. 


sure ; for this is military law. But the true state of this case doubt- 
less is, that these militia considered themselves free men ; that the}' 
were not well pleased either with Connol}' or garrison duty ; that 
viewing their country in danger, and their wives and children ex- 
posed to savage barbarity, they preferred more active ser\-ice, and 
joined the standard of Capt. Cresap. And is this a new thing, or 
reprehensible ? How often do our militia enter into the regular army, 
and whoever dreamed of hanging them for so doing ? 

But, secondly, we $ay it is possible Capt. Cresap did not know 
from whence these men came ; and if he did, he deser\'es no cen- 
sure for receiving them ; and as to the charge of inveigling away 
the militia from the garrison, we know this must be positively false, 
because he was not in Pittsburg in the year 1774, either personallj' 
or by proxy. 

As to the general charge against Capt. Cresap, of attacking the 
Indians, and the great injury he had done them, I need only say 
that this charge is refuted again and again in the course of this his- 
tory, and its unparalleled impudence* especially, or the date of this 
letter, merits the deepest contempt. But the most extraordinarj' 
feature in this most extraordinary letter is couched in these words, 
namely, " That the Indians relied upon the expressions of friendship 
he made them and deported themselves accordingl}'. ' ' 

Be astonished, O ye nations of the earth, and all xq kindreds of 
people at this ! For be it remembered that this the 14th day of July, 
1774, when Connoly has the unblushing impudence to assert that 
the Indians relied upon his expressions of friendship, and deported 
themselves accordingly, when at this very time we were engaged in 
the hottest part of Dunmore's war; when Dunm.ore himself was 
raising an army and personally on his Vv^ay to take the command ; 
when Lewis was on his march from Augusta county, Virginia, to 
the Ohio River ; when Cornstalk, with his Indian army, was in nio- 
tion to meet Lewis ; and when Capt. Cresap was actually raising a 
company to join the Earl of Dunmore when he arrived. And it 
was while engaged in this business, that he received this letter from 

Now, if any man can account for this strange and extraordinary 
letter upon rational principles, let him do so if he can ; he has more 
ingenuity and a more acute discernment than I have. 

Soon after receiving this letter, Capt. Cresap left his company 
on the west side of the mountain and rode home, where he met the 
Earl of Dunmore at his house, and where he (the Earl) remained a 
few days in habits of friendship and cordiality with the family. One 
day while the Earl was at his house, Capt. Cresap finding him alone, 
introduced the subject of Connoly's ill-treatment, with a view, I 
suppose, of obtaining redress, or of exposing the character of a man 
lie knew to be high in the estimation and confidence of the Earl. 
But what effect, suppose ye, had this remonstrance on the Earl? 
I'll tell you ; it lulled him into a profound sleep. Aye, eye, thinks 


I to myself, (young as I then was) , this will not do, captain ; there 
are wheels within wheels, dark things behind the curtain between 
this noble Earl and his sub-satellite. 

Capt. Cresap, was himself open, candid and unsuspicious, and I 
do not know what he thought, but I well remember my own 
thoughts upon this occasion. 

But let us, as nearly as possible, finish our business with Con- 
noly, although we must thereby get a little ahead of our history ; 
yet, as already remarked, we think it less perplexing to the reader, 
than to give him here a little and there a little of this extraordin- 
ary character. 

We find, then, that in the year 1775, Connoly, discovering that 
his sheep-skin would not cover him much longer, he threw off the 
mask and fled with his friend Dunmore, who also, about the same 
time, was obliged to take sanctuary on board a British ship of war 
in the Chesapeake Bay. From this place, i. e. Portsmouth, Vir- 
ginia, Connoly wrote the following letter to Col. John Gibson, who, 
no doubt, he supposed, possessed sentiments congenial to his own. 
It happened, however, that he was mistaken in his man, for Gibson 
exposed him, and put his letter into the hands of the commissioners 
who were holding a treaty with the Indians. 

But let us see this letter : it is dated Portsmouth, Virginia, 
August 9th, 1775. 

Dear Sir : I have safely arrived here, and am happy in the 
greatest degree at having so fortunately escaped the narrow inspec- 
tion of my enemies, the enemies of their countrj^'s good order and 
government. I should esteem myself defective in point of friend- 
ship towards you, should I neglect to caution you to avoid an over- 
zealous exertion of what is now ridiculouslj- called patriotic spirit, 
but on the contrary to deport yourself with that moderation for 
which you have always been so remarkable, and which must in this 
instance tend to your honor and advantage. You may rest assured 
from me, sir, that the greatest unanimity now prevails at home, and 
the innovating spirit among us here is looked upon as ungenerous 
and undutiful, and that the utmost exertion of the powers in govern- 
ment (if necessar}') will be used in convincing the infatuated people 
of their folly. 

" I would, I assure you, sir, give you such convincing proofs of 
what I assert, and from which every reasonable person maj^ con- 
clude the effects, that nothing but madness could operate upon a 
man so far to overlook his dut}^ to the present constitution, and to 
form unwarrantable associations with eni/iusiasis, whose ill-timed 
folly must draw down upon them inevitable destruction. His lord- 
ship desires you to present his hand to Captain White-eyes, (a 
Delaware Indian chief) and to assure him, he is sorry he had not 
the pleasure of seeing him at the treaty, (a treaty held by Connoly 


in his name), or that the situation of affairs prevented him from 
coming down. 

" Believe me, dear sir, that I have no motive in writing my 
sentiments thus to you, further than to endeavor to steer you clear 
of the misfortunes which I am confident must involve but unhappily 
too many. I have sent you an address from the people of Great 
Britain to the people of America, and desire you to consider it atten- 
tively, which will I flatter myself convince you of the idleness of 
many determinations and the absurdity of an intended slavery. 

" Give ni}' love to George, (his brother, afterwards a colonel in 
the Revolutionary War), and tell him he shall hear from me, and I 
hope to his advantage. Interpret the inclosed speech to Capt. 
White-eyes from his Lordship. Be prevailed upon to shun the popu- 
lar error, and judge for yourself, as a good subject, and expect the 
rewards due to your services. " I am, &c., 


The enclosed speech to White-e3'es we shall see in its proper 
place, after we have finished our business with Connoly. It seems, 
then, that either a mistaken notion of his influence, or greatly de- 
ceived by his calculations on the support of Col. Gibson, his brother 
and friends, or in obedience to the solicitations of his friend Dun- 
more, he undertakes {incog.) a hazardous journey from the Chesa- 
peake Bay to Pittsburg, in company, if I recollect right, with a cer- 
tain Doctor Smith ; but our Dutch republicans of Frederickstown, 
Marjdand, smelt a rat, seized and imprisoned him, from whence he 
was removed to the Philadelphia jail, where we will leave him 
awhile to cool. 

But let us now look at these two characters ; Connol}- uses 
ever}^ effort to destroy us and subvert our liberties, and Cresap 
marches to Boston with a company of riflemen to defend his coun- 
tr>\ If then men's actions afford us the true and best criterion to 
judge of their merit or demerit, we can be at no loss to decide on 
this occasion. Nor can there be any doubt that this man, so full of 
tender sensibility and sympathy for the suffering of the Indians, 
when arrested with his colleague (Smith) in Frederick, had a Pan- 
dora's box full of fire-brands, arrows and death, to scatter among 
the inhabitants of the west. 

But it is probable the reader, as well as the writer, is wear}' of 
such company ; we therefore bid him adieu, and once more attend 
his excellency the Governor of Virginia, whom we left, I think, on 
board a British sloop of war, in the Chesapeake Bay. 

The reader has not forgotten, that we long since stated it is our 
opinion, that it was probable, and that we had strong reasons to 
believe, that Dunmore himself, from political motives, though act- 
ing behind the scenes, was in reality at the bottom of the Indian 
war of 1774. 

We have already alluded to several circumstances previous to 


and during that war ; but we have in reserv^e several more evincive 
of the same fact subsequent to the war. 

It may be remembered that at the treaty of Chillicothe, it ^vas 
remarked that some points were referred to future discussion at Pitts- 
burg, in the ensuing fall ; and it appears that a treaty was actually 
held by Connoly in Dunmore's name, with the chiefs of the Dela- 
ware, and some Mingo tribes in tne summer ensuing. This is his- 
torically a fact, and matter of record, which I extract from^ the 
minutes of a treat}-, held in the autumn of thesamic year, with sever- 
al tribes of Indians, by commissioners from the Congress of the 
United States and from Virginia. * 

But to understand this perfectly, the reader must be informed, 
that previous to this treat, Capt. Jas. Wood, afterward governor of 
Virginia, was sent to that State as the herald of peace, with the olive 
branch in his hand, to invite all the Indian tribes bordering on the 
Ohio River and its waters, to a treaty at Pittsburg, on the loth day 
of September following. Capt. Wood kept a journal, which is in- 
corporated in the proceedings of the treaty, from which journal, 
I copy as follows : "July the 9th, I arrived (says he) at Fort Pitt, 
where I received information that the chiefs of the Delawares and a 
few of the Mingos had lately been treating with Maj. Connoly agree- 
ably to instructions from Lord Dunmore, and that the Shawnees had 
not come to the treaty," &c. 

Capt. Wood, however, acknowledges, in a letter he wrote to the 
convention in Virginia from this place, that this treaty held by 
Connoly w^as ' ' in the most open and candid manner, that it was held 
in the presence of the committee, and that he laid the Governor's 
instructions before them." Ver>^ good. But why these remarks 
respecting Connoly and Dunmore ? Does not this language imply 
jealousy and suspicion, which Capt. Wood, who certainly was de- 
ceived, was anxious to remove? But to proceed. He says : 

"July 10. White-eyes came with interpreter to my lodging. 
He informed me he was desirous of going to Williamsburg with Mr. 
Connoly to see Lord Dunmore, who had promised him his interest 
in procuring him a grant from the king for the lands claimed by the 
Delawares ; that they were all desirous of living as the white people 
do, and under their laws and protection ; that Lord Dunmore had 
engaged to make him some satisfaction for his trouble in going sev- 
eral times to the Shawnee towns, and serving with him on the cam- 
paign, &c., &c. He told me he hoped I would advise him whether it 
was proper for him to go or not. I was then under the necessity of 
acquainting him with the disputes subsisting between Lord Dunmore 
and the people of Virginia, and engaged, whenever the assembly 

*The original minutes of this treaty are in my own possession. They 
were presented to me by my friend, John Madison, Secretary of the Com- 
missioners, with I think this remark, that they were of no use them, but 
might be of some to me. 


met, that I vrould go with him to Williamsburg, &c., &c. He was 
very thankful, and appeared satisfied." 

The reader must observe this is July loth, 1775, and he will 
please refer to page 134 and 135, where he will see from Connoly's 
letter of August 9th, how much reliance was to be placed on his 
candor and sincerity, as stated by Capt. Wood to the convention on 
the 9th day of July. Thus v/e find that about thirty days after 
Capt. Wood's testimonj' in his favor, Connoly threw awa}- the 
mask, and presented himself in his true character ; and from his own 
confession and the tenor of his letter to Gibson, it is plain that 
the current of suspicion run so strongly against him that he 
declared himself ' ' most happy in escaping the vigilance of his 

We owe the reader an apology for introducing this man again ; 
but the fact is that Dunm_ore and Connoly are so identified in all the 
political movements of this period, that we can seldom see one with- 
out the other ; and Connoly is the more prominent character, especi- 
alh^ in the affairs of the west. 

But we nov.^ proceed with Capt. Wood's journal. He tells us 
that on the 20th of Jul}', he met Gerritt Pendergrass about nine 
o'clock ; that he had just left the Delaware towns ; that two days 
before, the Delawares had just returned from the Wyandott towns, 
where they had been at a grand council with a French and English 
officer, and the Wyandotts ; that Monsieur Baubee and the English 
officer told them to be on their guard, that the white people intended 
to strike them ver}^ soon, &c. 

July 21. At one o'clock, arriving at the Moravian Indian 
town, examined the minister, (a Dutchman), concerning the coun- 
cil lately held with the Indians, &c. , who confirmed the account be- 
fore stated. 

July 22. About ten oclock arrived at Coshocton, (a chief town 
of the Delawares), and delivered to their council a speech, which 
they answered ou the 23d. After expressing their thankfulness for 
the speech and willingness to attend the proposed treaty at Pittsburg, 
they delivered to Capt. Wood a belt and string they said was sent to 
them by an Englishman and Frenchman from Detroit, accompanied 
with a message that the people of Virginia were determined to strike 
them ; that they would come upon them two different ways, the one 
by the way of the lakes, and the other by the way of the Ohio River, 
and to take the lands, that the}^ must be constantly on their guard, 
and not to give any credit to whatever you said, as you were a 
people not to be depended upon ; that the Virginians would in\'ite 
them to a treaty, but that they must not go at an}'- rate, and to 
take particular notice of the advice they gave, vv'hich proceeded 
from motives of the real friendship. 

Now by comparing and collating this with the speech sent by 
Dunmore, enclosed in Connoly's letter, it will furnish us with a 


squinting at the game that was plajnng with the Indians by the 
Earl of Dunmore and other British officers ; to be convinced of 
which, read the following speech from Dunmore, which was enclosed 
in a letter to Gibson : 

"Brother Capt. White-e3'es, I am glad to hear j'our good 
speeches as sent to me by Maj. Connoly, and you may be assured I 
shall put one end of the belt you sent me into the hands of our 
great king, who will be glad to hear of his brothers the Delawares, 
and will take strong hold of it. You may rest satisfied that our 
foolish )'oung men will never be permitted to have your lands ; but 
on the contrary the great king will protect you, and preserve you in 
the possession of them. 

" Our young men in this country have been very foolish, and 
done many imprudent things, for which they must soon be sorry, 
and of which I make do doubt they have acquainted you ; but must 
desire you not to listen to them, as they would be willing you should 
act foolishly with themselves ; but rather let what you hear pass 
in at one ear and out of the other, so that it may make no impres- 
sion on your heart, tcntil your hear' from rne fully, which shall be as 
soon as I can give further information. 

" Capt. White-eyes will please acquaint the Cornstalk with 
these my sentiments, as well as the chiefs of the Mingos, and other 
six nations. 

(Signed) "DUNMORE." 

It is scarcely necessary to remark here, that the flight of Dun- 
more from Williamsburg, of Connoly from Pittsburg, this speech of 
Dunmore's, and the speech of the Delawares to Capt. Wood, are all 
nearly cotemporaneous, and point the reader pretty clearly to the 
aspect of our affairs with the Indians at this period. Dunmore's 
speech, as you have it above, although pretty explicit, as it 
had to pass through an equivocal medium ; but he tells Captain 
White-eyes he shall hear from him "hereafter," and this "here- 
after" speech was no doubt in Connoly 's portmanteau when he was 
arrested in Frederick. 

But to conclude this tedious chapter, nothing more now seems 
necessary than to call the attention of the reader to those inferences 
that the facts and circumstances detailed in the foregoing pages seem 
to warrant. 

The first circumstance in the order of events seems to be the 
extraordinary and contradictory conduct of Dunmore and Connoly 
respecting Captain Cresap. They certainly understood each other, 
and had one ultimate end in view ; yet we find on all occasions Dun- 
more treats Cresap with the utmost confidence and cordiality, and 
that Connoly's conduct was continually the reverse, even outrage- 
ously insulting him, while under the immediate orders of Dunmore 


Second, we find Dunmore acting with duplicity and deception 
with Col. Lewis and his brigade, from Augusta county. So says 

Third, we find Capt. Cresap's name foisted into Logan's pre- 
tended speech, when it is evident, as we shall hereafter prove, that no 
names were at all mentioned in the original speech made for Logan. 

Fourth, it appears pretty plainly that much pains were taken 
by Dunmore, at the treaty of Chillicothe, to attach the Indian chiefs 
to his person, as appears from the facts that afterwards appeared. 

Fifth, the last speech from Dunm^ore to Capt. White-eyes and 
other Indian chiefs, sent inConnoly's letter to Gibson ; to all which 
we may add, his Lordship's nap of sleep while Cresap was stating 
his complaints against Connoly, and all Connoly's strange and un- 
accountable letters to Cresap. 

I say, from all which it will appear that Dunmore had his 
views, and those views hostile to the liberties of America, in his 
proceedings with the Indians in the war of 1774, the circumstances 
of the times, in connection with his equivocal conduct, leads us al- 
most naturally to infer that he knew pretty well what he was about, 
and among other things, he knew that a war with the Indians at 
this time would materially subserve the views and interest of Great 
Britain, and consequently he perhaps might feel it a duty to pro- 
mote said war, and if not, wh}' betray such extreme solicitude to 
single out some conspicuous character, and make him the scape-goat, 
to bear all the blame of this war, that he and his friend Connol}' 
might escape? 




It is not within the plan of this work, to go into a general 
detail of the War of the Revolution. The author will only give an 
account of it so far as it is connected with the immediate History of 
the Valley. 

At the beginning of the war the late Daniel Morgan was ap- 
pointed a captain, and very soon raised a company of brave and 
active young men, with whom he marched to join Gen. Washington 
at Boston. John Humphrey's was Morgan's first heutenant. Mor- 
gan was soon promoted to the rank of major, and Humphrey's was 
made captain. It is believed this was one of the first regular com- 
panies raised in Virginia, which marched to the north. Morgan 
with his company was ordered to join Gen. Montgomery, and march 
to the attack on Quebec ; in which attack Montgomery was killed, 
and Morgan, after performing prodigies of valor, compelled to sur- 
render himself and his brave troops prisoners of war. Capt. 
Humphreys was killed in the assault. The Reverend Peter Muhlen- 
burg, a clergyman of the Lutheran* profession, in the County of 
Shenandoah, laid off his gown and took up the sword. He was 
appointed a colonel, and soon raised a regiment, called the eighth, 
consisting chiefly of young men of German extraction. Abraham 
Bowman was appointed to a majorilty in it, as was also Peter Hel- 
phinstine, of Winchester. It was frequently called the " German 
regiment." Muhlenburg was ordered to the south in 1776, and the 
unhealthiness of the climate proved fatal to many of his men. 

James Wood, of Winche.ster, was also appointed a colonel. He 
soon raised another regiment, marched to the north, and joined 
Gen. Washington's main army. 

Maj. Morgan, after several month's captivity, was exchanged 
together with his troops, promoted to the rank of colonel, and again 
joined his country's standard in the northern army. Muhlenburg 
returned from his southern campaign, and in 1777 also joined the 
northern army. He was promoted to the rank of brigadier-general, 
and Abraham Bowman to the rank of colonel. Helphinstine con- 
tracted a lingering disease in the south, returned home on furlough, 
and died in Winchester in the autumn of 1776. Col. Morgan, with 

* The author is mistaken ; he was au Episcopalian. 


a picked regiment of riflemen, was ordered to join Gen. Gates, to 
meet and oppose Gen. Bnrgoyne. It is universally admitted that 
Morgan, with his brave and expert rifle regiment, contributed much 
towards achieving the victory which followed. 

After the capture of Burgoyne and his army, 17th of October, 
1777, Morgan, for his great personal bravery, and superior military 
talents displayed on all occasions, was promoted to the rank of 
brigadier-general. He joined the standard of Washington, and soon 
distinguished himself in harrassing the British army in the neigh- 
borhood of Philadelphia. 

Numerous calls for the aid of the militia were made from time 
to time to assist our country in the defense of its rights and liber- 
ties ; which calls were generall}- promptly obeyed. The spirit of 
patriotism and love of country was the prevailing passion of a vast 
majority of the people of the Valley ; and with one exception, 
which will be noticed hereafter, our character was not tarnished 
by anything like a tor\^ insurrection. The author most de- 
voutly wishes, for the honor of his native country, that this 
exception could be blotted out of our history, and consigned to etern- 
al oblivion. 

Our Valley, at the commencement of the war, was compara- 
tively thinly populated. The first official return, for the county of 
Frederick, of the effective militia, to the Executive of Virginia, 
amounted only to 923 ; the whole number of people in Winchester 
was 800, probably a small fraction over. This return and enumera- 
tion was made in the year 1777. 

In 1777 Gen. Sullivan " gained possession of some records and 
papers belonging to the Quakers, which, with a letter, were for- 
warded to Congress, and referred to a committee." On the 28th of 
August the committee reported, "That the several testimonies 
which have been published since the commencement of the present 
contest betwixt Great Britain and America, and the uniform tenor 
of the conduct and conversation of a number of persons of consider- 
able wealth, who profess themselves to belong to the society of 
people commonly called Quakers, render it certain and notorious 
that those persons are with much rancor and bitterness disaffected 
to the American cause ; that as those persons will have it in their 
power, so there is no doubt it will be their inclination, to communi- 
cate intelligence to the enemy, and in various other ways to injure 
the councils and arms of America ; that the enemy, in the month of 
December, 1776, wei'e bending their progress towards the city of 
Philadelphia, a certain seditious publication, addressed ' To our 
friends and brethren in religious profession, in these and adjacent 
provinces,' signed John Pemberton, ' in and on behalf of the meeting 
of sufferers, held in Philadelphia, for Pennsylvania and New Jersey, 
on the 26th of the 12th month, 1776,' was published, and as your 
committee is creditably informed, circulated many mem- 
bers of the society called Quakers, throughout the different States ; 


that the seditious paper aforesaid orginated in Philadelphia, and as 
the persons' names who are under-mentioned, have uniformally 
manifested a disposition highly inimcial to the cause of America ;* 
therefore, Resolved^ That it be earnestly recommended to the Su- 
preme Executive Council of the State of Pennsylvania, forthwith to 
apprehend and secure the persons of Joshua Fisher, Abel James, 
James Pemberton, Henry Drinker, Israel Pemberton, John Pember- 
ton, John James, Samuel Pleasants, Thomas Wharton, Sr., 
Thomas Fisher, son of Joshua, and Samuel Fisher, son of Joshua, 
together with all such papers in their possession as may be of a po- 
litical nature. 

' ' And whereas there is strong reason to apprehend that these 
persons maintain a correspondence and connection highly prejudicial 
to the public safety, not only in this State, but in the several States 
of America ; Resolved, That it be recommended to the executive 
powers of the respective States, forthwith to apprehend and secure 
all persons, as well among the Quakers as others, who have in their 
general conduct and conversation evinced a disposition inimical to 
the cause of America ; and the persons so seized be confined in such 
places, and treated in such manner, as shall be consistent with their 
respective characters and security of their persons ; that the records 
and papers of the meetings of sufferings in the respective States, 
be forthwith secured and carefully examined, and that such parts 
of them as may be of a political nature, be forthwith transmitted to 
Congress. ' ' 

The said report being read, and several of the paragraphs con- 
sidered and debated, and the question put severally thereon the same 
was agreed to. " Ordered, That the board of war remove under 
guard to a place of security out of the State of Pennsylvania, the Hon, 
John Penn, Esq., and Benjamin Chew, Esq., and that they give or- 
ders for having them safely secured and entertained agreeable to \ 
their rank and station in life. ' ' A number of Quakers besides those | 
mentioned, and several persons of a different denomination, were 
taken by the Supreme Executive Council of Pennsylvania, concern- 
ing whom Congress resolved, on the 8th of September, " That it be 
recommended to the said council to order the immediate depar- 
ture of such of said prisoners as refuse to swear or affirm allegi- 
ance to the State of Pennsylvania, to Staunton, in Augusta county, 
Virginia." * 

In conformity with the recommendation of Congress, a number 
of Quakers, together with one druggist and a dancing master, were 
sent to Winchester under guard, with a request from the Executive: 
of Pennsylvania, directed to the county lieutenant of Frederick, to: 
secure them. General John Smith was then the county lieutenant. 

* See Gordon's History of the American Revolution, vol. ii. pp. 222, 
223. It was at the instance of the late General Isaac Zane, of Frederick 
County, Virginia, that the place of exile was changed from Staunton to 


When the prisoners were delivered into his custody, he proposed to 
them, that if they would pledge their honors not to abscond, they 
should not be placed in confinement. Among the prisoners were 
three of the Pembertons, two of tne Fishers, an old Quaker preacher 
named Hunt and several others, amounting in all to twelve, and with 
the druggist and dancing master, fourteen. One of the Fisher's was 
a lawyer by profession. He protested in his own name, and on be- 
half of his fellow prisoners, against being taken into custody by 
Col. Smith|; stated that they had protested against being sent from 
Philadelphia ; that the)' had again protested at the Pennsylvania 
line, against being taken out of the State ; had repeated their pro- 
test at the Maryland line, against being taken into \'irginia ; that 
there was no existing lavv' which justified their being deprived of 
their liberty, and exiled from their native homes and families, and 
treated as criminals. To which Col. Smith replied, "It is true that 
I know of no existing law which will justify your detention ; but as 
you are sent to my care by the supreme executive authority of your 
native State, and represented as dangerous characters and as having 
been engaged in treasonable practices with the enemy, I consider it 
my duty to detain you, at least until I can send an express to the 
Governor of Virginia for his advice and direction what to do in the 
premises." He accordingly dispatched an express to V/illiamsburg, 
with a letter to the governor, who soon returned with the orders of 
the executive to secure the prisoners. Col. Smith again repeated 
that "if they would pledge themselves not to abscond, he would 
not cause them to be confined." Upon which one of the Pem- 
bertons spoke and observed to Fisher, ' ' that his protest was un- 
availing, and that they must patiently submit to their fate." 
Then addressing himself to Col. Smith, he observed, " they would 
not enter into any pledges, and he must dispose of them as he 
thought proper. ' ' The colonel then ordered them to be placed under 

Shortly before this, three hundred Hessian prisoners had been 
sent to Winchester ; there was consequently a guard ready pre- 
pared to receive these exiles, and the}' remained in custody about 
eight or nine months ; during which time two of them died, and 
the whole of them became much dejected ; and is probable more of 
them would have died of broken hearts, had they not been permitted 
to return. 

Some time after the British left Philadelphia, the exiles em- 
ployed the late Alexander White, Esq., a lawyer near Winchester, 
for which they paid him one hundred pounds Virginia currency in 
gold coin, to go to Philadelphia, and negotiate with the executive 
authority of the State to permit them to return to their families and 
friends ; in which negotiation White succeeded ; and to the great joy 
and heartfelt satisfaction of these captives, they returned to their na- 
tive homes. 

In the absence of the exiles, Sir William Howe, the British 


General, had taken up his headquarters m John Peniberton's dwell- 
ing house. It was a splendid building, and had been much abused 
by the British, who also occupied several other houses belonging to 
Pemberton, which were nuich injured. Pemberton owned an ele- 
gant carriage, which Sir William had taken the liberty of using in 
his parties of pleasure. When Pemberton saw the situation of his 
property, he obtained permission from the proper authorit3^ and 
waited on Sir William Howe, and demanded indemnification for the 
injury done his buildings and carriage. The plain and independent 
language he used to the British General on the subject, was remark- 
able for its bluntness, as it was for its fearless character. "Thee 
has (said he) done gread damage to my buildings, and thee suffered 
thy w****s to ride in my carriage, and my wife will not use it since; 
thee must pay me for the injury, or I \Vill go to thy master (mean- 
ing the king of England), and lay mj^ complaint i»efore him." Sir 
William could but smile at the honest bluntness of the man and 
thought it best to compromise and pay him a sum of mone}', %vhich 
the old Quaker was satisfied.* 

In 1779 there was a considerable increase of British prisoners at 
Winchester, and in 1780 barracks were erected about four miles west 
of the the town, to which the prisoners were removed,- and a regular 
guard kept over them. In 17S1 the number of prisoners increased 
to about 1600. 

It was in this year the month of January, that Gen. Morgan, 
at the battle of the Cowpens, in South Carolina, gave the British 
Col. Tarlton a most signal defeat. In this action Morgan displa^-ed 
the most consummate military skill and braver)-. Whilst the two 
armies were closely engaged, Morgan, discovering the enem.y were 
thrown into some confusion, called out in his usual stentorian 
voice, " Hurrah, my brave boys ! another close fire, and the day is 
ours. Remember, Morgan has never beeyi beaten /^^ The author 
cannot now recollect his authority for this statement, but he has re- 
peatedl}' heard it asserted b}- different individuals who were acquaint- 
ed with the fact. 

In the year 181 3 the author traveled through South Carolina, 
and called to see Mr. William Calmes, with whom he had intimate 
acquaintance when quite a youth, having been a school-fellow in this 
county (Frederick). Mr. Calmes was well acquainted with Gen. 
Morgan, and related the following anecdote, in relation to Morgan 
and Tarleton. 

There were two brothers by the nan:ie of , citizens of 

South Carolina, men of consideralDle wealth and respectability, w^ho 
joined the British standard, and both obtained Colonel's commisions. 
One of them was at Cornwallis's headquarters the day Tarlton set 
out determined to take Morgan at all hazard. Meeting with Col. 
, he accosted him to the following effect : " Well, Colonel, if 

*Geu. John Smith detailed the foregoing particulars to the author. 


5-ou will be at his Lordship's headquarters, (naming the day), you 
shall have the pleasure of dining with the old wagoner. ' ' To which 

Col. replied, " I wish you success, Col. Tarlton, but permit 

me to caution you ; 3'ou will find Morgan hard to take. ' ' On which 
Tarlton flew into a passion, and threatened to arrest the Colonel for 
using such language in the hearing of his officers. The latter calm- 
ly replied, "Col. Tarleton, I have staked everything dear to me in 
this life upon the issue of the present contest. I own a fine estate. 
M}^ family and my personal libert}' are in danger. If America suc- 
ceeds in establishing her independence, m}^ estate will be forfeited, 
my family reduced to beggary and the least I can expect, (if I es- 
cape with my life) , will be perpetual exile. Hence, sir, I most ar- 
dently wish you success. But permit me to again caution 3-ou. 
Morgan is a cunning, artful officer, and 5-ou will find him hard to 
take." Tarlton, however, pushed oft' in high glee, determined at 
every risk to capture Morgan and his little band of warriors. The 
result was soon known at his Lordship's headquarters ; and it so hap- 
pened, when Tarlton returned, Col. was present. The 

moment Tarlton saw him he apologized to him for the harsh lan- 
guage he used towards him, and exclaimed, " By ! Morgan 

is truly a great man ! ' ' This extorted praise from this haughty 
British officer speaks volumes for the high military talent of General 

At the close of the war this refugee colonel took shelter for 
himself and family in the British dominions of Canada, and his fine 
estate was confiscated. He, however, petitioned the government 
of South Carolina ; and from his general good charcter in private 
life, an act of pardon, together with the restoration of his estate, 
was passed, an he returned to its enjoyment with all the privileges 
of a free citizen. After his return Mr. Calmers became acquainted 
with him, and received the above statement of facts from him. 

The brother of this officer, from some acts of ferocious cruelty 
practiced upon the friends of the American cause, had his estate also 
confiscated. The government refused to restore it, and passed an 
act of perpetual banishment against him. 

In 1 78 1 Cornwallis entered Virginia at the head of a large arm}', 
and in the month of June a party of tories raised the British stand- 
ard at Lost River, then in the county of Hampshire (now Hardy). 
John Claypole, a Scotsman by birth, and his two sons, were at the 
head of the insurrection, * Claypole had the address to draw over 
to his party a considerable majoritj- of the people on Lost River, and 
a number on the South Fork of the Wappatomaka. They first 
manifested symptoms of rebellion by refusing to pa}' their taxes and 

* Moses Russell, Esq., informed the author, that it was reported and 
believed at the time that Claypole's two sons went to North Carolina, and 
had an interview with Lord Cornwallis, who appointed and commissioned 
them both captains in the British service, and sent the commissioH of colonel 
to their father. 



refusing to furnish their quota of men to serve in the militia. The 
sheriffs, or collectors of the revenue, complained to Col. Vanmeter, 
of the County of Hampshire, that they were resisted in their at- 
tempts to discharge their official duties, when the colonel ordered a 
captain and thirty men to their aid. The insurgents armed them- 
selves, and determined to resist. Among them was John Drake, a 
German of considerable wealth, who resided about fifteen miles 
above Moorefield, on the South Fork of the River, and whose 
house became the place of rendezvous for the insurgents. When 
the Sheriff went up with the militia posse, fifty men appeared in 
arms. The posse and tories unexpectedly met in the public road. 
Thirty-five of the latter broke and ran about one hundred yards, and 
then formed, while fifteen stood firm. The captain of the guard 
called out for a parley, when a free conversation took place, in which 
this dangerous proceeding on the part of the tories was pointed out, 
with the terrible consequences which must inevitably follow. It is 
said that had a pistol been fired, a dreadful scene of carnage would 
have ensued. * The two parties, however, parted without" blood- 
shed. But instead of the tory party retiring to their respective homes 
and attending to their domestic duties the spirit of insurrection in- 
creased. They began to organize, appointed officers, and made 
John Claypole their commander-in-chief, with the intention of march- 
ing off in a bod}' to Cornwallis, in the event of his advancing into 
the Valley or near it. 

Several expresses were sent to Col. Smith, requesting the aid of 
the militia, in the counties immediately adjoining, to quell this re- 
bellion. He addressed letters to the commanding officers of Berke- 
ley and Shenandoah, beat up volunteers in Frederick, and in a few 
days an army of four hundred rank and file were well mounted and 
equipped. Gen. Morgan, who, after the defeat of Tarltonand some 
other military services, had obtained leave of absence from the army, 
and was now reposing on his farm (Saratoga) in Frederick, and 
whose name was a host in itself, was solicited to take the command, 
with which he readily complied. About the 1 8th or 20th of June the 
army marched from Winchester, and in two daj's arrived in the 
neighborhood of this tory section of Hardy county. They halted at 
Claypole' s house, f and took him prisoner. Several young men 
fled, among them William Baker. As he ran across Clay pole's mea- 
dow he was hailed and ordered to surrender ; but disregarding the 
command, Capt. Abraham Byrd, of Shenandoah county, an ex- 
cellent marksman, raised his rifle, fired, and wounded him in the 
leg. X He fell, and several of Morgan's party went to him to 

* Isacc Vanmeter, Esq., then about eighteen years of age, was one of the 
posse, and related these fact to the author. 

t Claypole's former residence is now owned by Mr. Miller, and is about 
forty-five or fifty miles southwest of Winchester, on Lost River in Hardy 

t The spot was pointed out to the author, by Mr. Mr. Miller, where Byrd 


see the result. The ball had penetrated just above the heel, 
ranged up the leg, and shivered the bone. As the poor fellow 
begged for mercy, he was taken to the house, and his wound 
dressed by the surgeon of the regiment. He recovered, and is still 
living. They took from CI ay pole provisions for themselves and 
horses ; Col. Smith (who was second in command) giving him a 
certificate for their value. 

From Claypole's the army moved up Lost River, and some 
young men in the advance took a man named Matthias Wilkins 
prisoner, placed a rope round his neck, and threatened to hang him. 
Col. Smith rode up, saw what was going on, and ordered them in- 
stantly to desist. They also caught a man named John Payne, and 
branded him on the posteriors with a red hot spade, telling him 
they would make him a freemason. Clay pole solemnl)' promised to 
be of good behavior, gave bail and was set at liberty. 

The army thence crossed the South Branch Mountain. On or 
near the summit they saw a small cabin, which had probably been 
erected by some hunters. Gen. Morgan ordered it to be surround- 
ed, observing, "It is probable some of the tories are now in it." As 
the men approached the cabin, ten or a dozen fellows ran out and 
fled. An elderly man named Mace, and two of his sons, were among 
them. Old Mace, finding himself closely pursued, surrendered. 
One of the pursuers was Capt. William Snickers, an aid-de-camp of 
Morgan, who being mounted on a fine horse, was soon alongside of 
him. One of Mace's sons looking round at this instant, and seeing 
Snickers aiming a blow with a drawn sword at his father, drew up 
his rifle and fired at him. The ball passed threw the crest of his 
horse's neck ; he fell, and threw the rider over his head. Snickers 
was at first thought by his friends to be killed ; and in the excite- 
ment of the moment, an Irishman, half drunk, who had been with 
Morgan for some time as waiter, and had seen much tory blood shed 
in the Carolinas, ran up to the prisoner (Mace) with a cocked pistol 
in his hand, and shot the poor man, who fell and instantly expired. 
Capt. Snickers soon recovered from the bruises received in the fall, 
as did his horse also from the wound in his neck. 

The army proceeded to pay their respects to Mr. John Brake, 
an old German, who had a fine farm with extensive meadows, a mill, 
large distillery, and many fat hogs and cattle. He was an exception 
in his political course, to his countrymen, as they were almost to a 
man, true whigs, and friends to their country. Brake, as before ob- 
served, had joined the tory band, and his house was their place of 
rendezvous, where they feasted on the best he had. All this ap- 
pearing unquestionable, Morgan marched his army to his residence, 
they halted, and spent two days and nights with his reluctant 
host. His troops lived on the best in his fine firm, mill and dis- 

stood when he fired at Baker, and where Baker fell. The distance is about 
four hundred yards. 


tillery afforded, feasting on his pigs, fatted calves, young beeves, 
lambs, poultry, &c., while their horses, fared no less luxuriously 
upon his fine unmowed meadows, oat fields, &c. As Brake had en- 
tertained and feasted the tories, Morgan concluded that he should 
feast them in turn. 

The third day, in the morning, the army moved on down the 
river, passed by Moorefield, and returned to Winchester, where it 
was disbanded, after a service of only about eight or ten days. Thus 
was this tory insurrection crushed in the bud. The party them- 
selves became ashamed of their conduct, and in some degree to atone 
for it, and wipe off the stain, several of the young men volunteered 
their services and marched to aid in the capture of Cornwallis. 

Within three or four days after these men were disbanded, two 
expresses in one day arrived at Winchester, and informed Col. Smith 
that Tarlton was on his way to rescue the British prison- 
ers at Winchester barracks. Col. Smith had again to call out the 
militia, and ordered four hundred men as a guard, removed the 
prisoners to Fort Frederick, in Maryland, at which place they re- 
mained to the end af the war. * 

The summer of 1781 was emphatically the summer of militia 
campaigns. There were frequent alarms that Tarlton and his legion 
(of devils, some people termed them) , were on their way to visit our 
Valley ; and sometimes it was reported that Cornwallis and his whole 
army would be upon us. The militia was almost constantly march- 
ing and counter-marching. 

It, however, pleased Heaven to so order things, that Cornwallis 
and his large army should be entrapped and captured at York- 
town, in Virginia. This put an end to the scourge of the war ; and 
our people being permitted to enjoy the blessings of peace and agri- 
culture, commerce and the mechanical arts, improved in a most as- 
tonishing degree. The French and British armies circulated 
immense sums of money, in gold and silver coin, which had the 
effect of driving out of circulation the wretched paper currency 
which had till then prevailed. Immense quantities of British and 
French goods were soon imported ; our people imbibed a taste for 
foreign fashion and luxury ; and in the course of two or three years, 
from the close of the war, such an entire change had taken place in 
the habits and manners of our inhabitants, that it almost appeared 
as if we had suddenly become a different nation. The staid and 
sober habits of our ancestors, with their plain home-manufactured 
clothing, were suddenly laid aside, and European goods of fine 
quality adopted in their stead. Fine ruffles, powdered heads, silks 
and scarlets, decorated the men ; while the most costly silks, satins, 
chintzes, calicoes, muslins, &c., decorated our females. Nor was 
their diet less expensive ; for superb plate, foreign spirits, wines, 

* Gen. John Sniith communicated all the particulars of the foregoing 
narrative to the author, with the exception of branding Payne with the 
spade ; this fact was stated by Mr. Chrisman on Lost River. 


&c. , sparkled on the sideboards of many fanners. The natural re- 
sult of this change of the habits and customs of the people — 
this aping of European manners and morals — was to suddenly drain 
our country of its circulating specie ; and as a necessary conse- 
quence, the people ran in debt, times became difficult, and mone}- 
had to raise. 

The sufferings and hard dealings with the Quakers deserve some 
notice in this place. The unfortunate proceedings of the Philadel- 
phia Quakers drew down upon the whole order the strong preju- 
dices and even hatred of the friends to the American cause. The 
treasonable proceedings of a few individuals ought not to have been 
visited upon the whole order of Quakers. It must be admitted, 
that this proceeding was a great blot upon Quaker character, and 
stamped the individuals concerned in it, with base hypocrisy, and 
gave the lie to their religious professions. Whilst they professed to 
hold it unlawful to shed human blood ; whilst they disclaimed all 
concern with the war ; they were secretly giving intelligence to the 
enem}^ and aiding and abetting them in every way they could ex- 
cept resorting to arms. But it is again repeated that it was unjust 
with one fell sweep to condemn the whole order, for the malconduct 
of a few individuals. The Quakers in the Valley, notwithstanding 
their entire neutrality, were unquestionabl}' the greatest sufferers 
by the war. They refused to bear arms, they refused to pay war 
taxes, and hence the sheriffs or collectors were compelled todestrain 
and sell their property to raise their respective proportion of the pub- 
lic burdens. 

At the beginning of the war, attempts were made to compel 
them to bear arms, and serv^e in the militia ; but it was soon found 
unavailing. They would not perform any military duty required of 
them ; not even the scourge would compel them to submit to discip- 
line. The practice of coercion was therefore abandoned, and the 
Legislature enacted a law to lev3' a tax upon their property to hire 
substitutes to perform military duty in their stead. This, with other 
taxes, bore peculiarly heavy upon them. Their personal property 
was sold under the hammer to raise these public demands ; and before 
the war was over, many of them were reduced to great distress in 
their pecuniary circumstances. 

There is an amusing story told of James Gotharp, who resided 
on Apple-pie Ridge. He was forced to march with a militia com- 
pany, and on one particular occasion was placed as sentry at a bag- 
gage wagon, with orders to suffer no man to go into the wagon 
without a written order from the commanding officer. One of the 
officers walked to the wagon to go in, Gotharp demanded his written 
authority, the officer cursed him and stepped upon the houns of the 
wagon. Gotharp seized him by his legs and pulled his feet off the 
houns. The officer fell with his face upon the houns and had his 
nose and mouth sorely bruised. 

This selling of Quaker's property afforded great opportunity for 


designing individuals to make profitable speculations. They con- 
tinued to refuse to pay taxes for several j^ears after the war, holding it 
unlawful to contribute their money towards discharging the war 
debt. This being at length adjusted, no part of our citizens pay 
their public demands with more punctuality, (except their muster 
fines which they still refused to pay). Owing to their industrious 
and sober habits, they soon recovered from their pecuniary distress 
produced by the war, and are generally speaking the most independ- 
ent part of our community. Vast numbers of them have migrated 
to the western country and several of their meetings are entirely 
broken up. There is, however, still a considerable number of them 
in the counties of Frederick and Berkeley. They continue their an- 
cient practice of depending upon their household manufactures for 
their clothing ; and it was a long time before they gave into the 
practice of purchasing European goods. A few of them entered 
into the mercantile business ; several others erected fine merchant 
mills ; others engaged in mechanical pursuits ; but the great body 
of them are farmers, and are generally most excellent cultivators of 
the soil. 

The greater part of the Germans, also, were a long time de- 
pendent upon their domestic manufactures for their clothing ; 
but tney, too, have imbibed a taste for foreign finery. They, 
however, have managed to effect their purchases by bartering, 
in a remarkable degree, their own household manufactures in ex- 

Some three or four years ago the author called at the house of 
a farmer in the southwest part of Shenandoah county, where he 
saw five spinning wheels at work. The old lady, three of her 
daughters, and a hired girl, were busily engaged in spinning finely 
prepared hemp. The author enquired of the old lady, whether she 
sold any part of her domestic goods. To which she replied, " Yes ; 
when de gals wants to puy some fine dings in de sthore, dey bay for 
it in linen und linsey ; und I puy sugar and goffee, und salt, and 
any dings we wants, und I bay for it all in our own coods." 

The author stopped at a neighboring house, and inquired of the 

inmates how their neighbor I got along. "O," replied the 

man, " Mr. I. buys a plantation every four or five years, and always 
pays the money down." 




The first houses erected by the primitive settlers were log cabins, 
with covers of split clapboards, and weight poles to keep them in 
place. They were frequently seen with earthen floors ; or if wood 
floors were used, they were made of split puncheons, a little 
smoothed with the broad-axe. These houses were pretty generally 
in use since the author's recollection. There were, however, 
a few framed and stone buildings erected previous to the war 
of the revolution. As the country improved in population and 
wealth, there was a corresponding improvement in the erection of 

When this improvement commenced, the most general mode of 
buildings was with hewen logs, a shingle roof and plank floor, the 
plank cut out with a whip saw. As it is probable some of my young 
readers have never seen a whip saw, a short description of it may 
not be uninteresting. It was about the length of the common mill 
saw, with a handle at each end transversely fixed to it. The timber 
intended to be sawed was first squared with a broad-axe, and then 
raised on a scaffold six or seven feet high. Two able bodied men 
took hold of the saw, one standing on the top of the log and the 
other under it, and commenced sawing. The labor was excessively 
fatiguing, and about one hundred feet of plank or scantling was 
considered a good day's work for the two hands. The introduction 
of saw mills, however, soon superseded the use of the whip-saw, but 
they were not entirely laid aside until several years after the War of 
the Revolution. 

The dress of the early settlers were of the plainest material — 
generally of their own manufacture; and if a modern "belle" or 
' ' beau' ' were now to witness the extreme plainess and simplicity of 
their fashions, the one would almost be thrown into a fit of histerics, 
and the other frightened at the odd and grotesques appearance of 
their progenitors. 

Previous to the war of the revolution the married men generally 
shaved their heads, and either wore wigs or white linen caps. When 
the war commenced, this fashion was laid aside, partly from patriotic 
considerations and partly from necessity. Owing to the entire in- 
terruption of the intercourse with England, wigs could not easily be 
obtained, nor white linen for caps. 


The men's coats were generally made with broad backs, and 
straight short skirts, with pockets on the outside having large flaps. 
The waistcoats had skirts nearl}^ half way down to the knees, and 
very broad pocket flaps. The breeches were so short as barely to 
reach the knee, with a band surrounding the knee, fastened with 
either brass or silver buckles. The stocking was drawn up under 
the knee-band, and tied with a garter, (generally red or blue) below 
the knee, so as to be seen. The shoes were of coarse leather, with 
straps to the quarters, and fastened with either brass or silver buck- 
les. The hat was either wool or fur, with a round crown not ex- 
ceeding three or four inches high, wdth a broad brim. * The dress 
for the neck was usually a narrow collar to the shirt, with a white 
linen stock drawn together at the ends, on the back of the neck, 
Vv'ith a broad metal buckle. The more wealthy and fashionable were 
sometimes seen with their stock, knee and shoe-buckles, set either in 
gold or silver with brilliant stones. The author can recollect, when 
a child, if he happened to see any of those finely dressed "great 
folk," as they were then termed, he felt awed with their presence, 
and viewed them as something more than man. 

The female dress was generally the short gown and petticoat 
made of the plainest materials. The German women mostly wore 
tight calico caps on their heads, and in the summer season they were 
generally seen with no other clothing than a linen shift and petticoat 
— the feet, hands, and arms were bare. In hay and harvest time, 
they joined the men in the labor of the meadow and grain fields. 
This custom, of the females laboring in the time of harvest, was not 
exclusively a German practice, but was common to all the northern 
people. Many females were most expert mowers and reapers. 
Within the author's recollection, he has seen several female reapers 
who were equal to the stoutest males in the harvest field. It was no 
uncommon thing to see the female part of the family at the hoe or 
plow ; and some of our now wealthiest citizens frequently boast 
of their grandmothers, aye mothers too, performing this kind of 
heavy labor. 

The natural result of this kind of rural life was to produce a 
hardy and vigorous race of people. It was this race of people who 
had to meet and breast the various Indian wars and the storms of 
the Revolution. 

The Dutchman's barn was usually the best building on his farm. 
He was sure to erect a fine large barn, before he built any other 
dwelling-houses than his rude log cabin. There were none of our 
primitive immigrants more unifonn in the form of their buildings 
than the Germans. Their dwelling-houses were seldom raised more 
than a single story in height, with a large cellar beneath ; the chim- 
ney in the middle, with a very wide fire-place in one end for the 

* The Quakers were remarkable for their broad-brim hats. They were 
sometimes called "Broadbrims," by way of distinguishing them from other 


kitchen, in the other end a stove room. Their furniture was of the 
simplest and plainest kind ; and there was alwa3-s a long pine 
table fixed in one corner of the stove room, with permanent 
benches on one side. On the upper floor, garners for holding grain 
were very common. Their beds were generally filled with straw or 
chaff, with a fine feather bed for covering in the winter. The author 
has several times slept in this kind of a bed ; and to a person accus- 
tomed to it, it is attended not unfrequently with danger to the health. 
The thick covering of the feathers is pretty certain to produce a pro- 
fuse perspiration, which an exposure to cold, on rising in the morn- 
ing, is apt to check suddenly, causing chillness and obstinate 
cough. The author, a few years ago, caught in this way the most 
severe cold, which was followed by a long and distressing cough, he 
was ever afflicted with. 

Many of the Germans have what the}^ call a drum, through 
which the stove pipe passes in their upper rooms. It is made of 
sheet iron, something in the shape of a military drum. It soon 
fills with heat from the pipe, by which the rooms become agreebly 
warm in the coldest weather. A piazza is a very common appendage 
to a Dutchman's dwelling-house, in which his saddles, bridles, and 
very frequentl}^ his wagon or plow harness are hung up. 

The Germans erect stables for their domestic animals of every 
species ; even their swine are housed in the winter season. Their 
barns and stables are well stored with provender, particularly fine 
hay ; hence their quadrupeds of all kinds are kept throughout the 
year in the finest possible order. This practice of housing stock in 
the winter season is unquestionably great economy in husbandry. 
Much less food is required to sustain them, and the animals come 
out in the spring in fine health and condition. It is a rare occur- 
rence to hear of a Dutchman's losing any part of his stock with pov- 
erty. The practice of housing stock in the winter is not exclusively 
a German custom, but it is common to most of the northern 
people, and those descended from immigrants from the north. 
The author recollects once seeing the cow stalls adjoining a farmer's 

The German women, many of them, are remarkably neat house- 
keepers. There are some of them, however, extremely slovenly, 
and their dwellings are kept in the worst possible condition. The 
eflBuvia arising from the want of cleanliness is in the highest degree 
disgusting and offensive to persons unaccustomed to such fare. The 
same remarks are applicable to the Irish ; nay to some native Vir- 
ginians. The Germans are remarkable for their fine bread, milk 
and butter. They consume in their diet less animal flesh, and of 
course more vegetables, than most other people. Their "sour 
krout."* in the winter constitutes a considerable part of their 

* " Sour krout" is made of the best of cabbage. A box about three 
feet in length, and six or seven inches wide, with a sharp blade fixed across 



living. They generally consume less, and sell more of the product 
of their labor, than any other class of our citizens. A Dutchman is 
proverbial for his patient perseverance in his domestic labors. Their 
farms are generally small and nicely cultivated. In his agricultural 
pursuits, his meadows demand his gravest care and attention. His 
little farm is laid off in fields not exceeding ten or twelve acres each. 
It is rarely seen that a Dutchman will cultivate more than about ten 
or twelve acres in Indian corn in one year. They are of opinion that 
the corn crop is a great exhauster of the soil, and that the}^ make 
but little use of corn for any other purpose than feeding and fatten- 
ing their swine. 

Previous to the War of the Revolution, and for several years 
after, considerable quantities of tobacco were raised in the lower 
counties of the valley. The cultivation of this crop was first intro- 
duced and pursued by emmigrants from the eastern counties of Vir- 
ginia. From the newly cleared lands, two crops of tobacco in suc- 
cession were generally taken, and it was then appropriated to the 
culture of other crops. The crop of tobacco left the soil in the fin- 
est possible state for the production of other crops. Corn, wheat, 
rye, flax, oats, potatoes, and everything else, were almost certain to 
produce abundant crops, after the crop of tobacco. 

In the year 1794 the French revolution broke out, when bread 
stuffs of every kind suddenly became enormously high ; in conse- 
quence of which the farmers in the Valley abandoned the cultiva- 
tion of tobacco, and turned their attention to vvdieat, which they 
raised in vast quantities for several years after the commencement of 
the French revolution, to sell his crops of wheat from one to two, and 
sometimes at two and-a-half dollars per bushel, and his flour from 
ten to fourteen dollars per barrel in our seaport towns. 

In the year 1796, the Hessian fly first made its appearance in 
Virginia. Its ravages that year was limited, and but little damage 
was sustained in the crops of wheat. The crops of 1797, in the 
counties contiguous to the Potomac, was generally destroyed, and 
the same year partial injury was discovered in Frederick county. 
The crop of 1798, throughout the County of Frederick, was nearly 
destroyed. Ever since which time the farmers have annually suffer- 
ed more or less from the ravages of this destructive destroyer. This 
insect had prevailed in some of the Northern States for several years 
before it reached Virginia. It is said it first appeared on Long Is- 

the bottom, some thing on the principle of the jack plane, is used for cutting 
the cabbage. The head being separated from the stalk, and stripped of its 
outer leaves, is placed in this box, and run back and forth. The cabbage 
thus cut up is placed in a barrel, a little salt sprinkled on from time to time, 
then pressed down verv closely, and covered over at the open head. In the 
course of three or four weeks it acquires a sourish taste, and to persons ac- 
customed to the use of it, it is a very agreeable and wholesome food. It is 
said that the use of it, within the last few years, on board of ships, has 
proved it to be the best preventive known for the scurvy. The use of it is 
becoming pretty general among all classes of people in the valley. 



land, and was believed to have been imported by the Hessian troops 
in their straw bedding in the time of the War of the Revolution. 
If this be true, it was a woful curse upon our country, of which it 
probably will nev'er be relieved. The present generation have 
abundant cause to execrate the inhuman policy of our parent State 
in bringing upon us this heavy calamity, and all future generations 
will probably join in condemning the British ministrj- who forced 
upon our ancestors that unrighteous war. 




Charles II., King of England, granted to the ancestors of the 
late Lord Fairfax all the lands lying between the head waters of the 
Rappahannock and Potomac Rivers in the Chesapeake Bay. This 
immense grant included the territory now comprising the counties, 
of Lancaster, Northumberland, Richmond, Westmoreland, Stafford, 
King George, Prince William, Fairfax, Loudoun, Farquier,Culpeper, 
Madison, Page, Shenandoah, Hard}^ Ham.pshire, Morgan, Berkele3^, 
Jefferson and Frederick. It is said that the first grant to the an- 
cestors of Fairfax was only intended to include the territory in 
the Northern Neck, east of the Blue Ridge ; and after Fairfax dis- 
covered that the Potomac River headed in the Alleghany Mountains, 
he returned to England, and instituted his petition in the court of 
king's bench for extending his grant into the Alleghany Mountains, 
so to include the territory composing the present Counties of Page, 
Shenandoah, Hardy, Hampshire, Morgan, Berkeley, Jefferson and 
Frederick. A compromise took place between Fairfax and the 
crown ; but previous to the institution of Fairfax's suit, several in- 
dividuals had obtained grants for large bodies of land west of the 
Blue Ridge, from the Colonial government of Virginia. In the com- 
promise it was expressly stipulated that the holders of lands, under 
what were then called the king's grants, were to be quited in their 
right of possession. 

Joist Hite and his partners had obtained grants for a large body. 
Fairfax, under the pretext that Hite, &c., had not complied with 
the terms of their grants, took it upon himself to grant away large 
quantities of these lands to other individuals. This arbitrary and 
high-handed proceeding on the part of his Lordship, produced a 
lawsuit, which Hite and his partners instituted in the year 1736, and 
in the year 1786 it was decided. Hite and partners recovered a 
large amount of money for the rents and profits, and a considerable 
quantity of land. * 

* In the year 1736, Fairfax entered a caveat against Hite, &c., alleging 
that the lands claimed by them were within the bounds of the Northern 
Neck, and consequently his property. This was the beginning of the con- 
troversy, and led to the suit instituted by Hite and partners against him. 
All the parties died before the suit was decided. Hite in 1731 purchased 
from John and Isaac Vanmeter their right or warrant for locating 40,000 
acres ; Hite and McKay obtained a warrant for locating 100,000 acres more 


The immense Fairfax estate had passed out of the hands of 
Fairfax's heirs. The lands (as observ^ed in a preceding chapter) 
were granted b}^ Fairfax in fee simple to his tenants, subject 
to an annual rent of two shillings sterling per hundred acres. 
This small sum amounted in the aggregate to a very large sum ; 
added to which Fairfax required the payment of ten shillings ster- 
ling on each fifty acres, (which he termed composition money), 
which was paid on issuing the grant. 

About the year 1742, his Lordship opened his office in the coun- 
ty of Fairfax for granting out the land. A few years after, he 
removed to the County of Frederick, and settled at what he called 
" Greenway Court," about twelve or fourteen miles southeast of 
M^inchester, where he kept his land ofiice during his life. He died 
in the autumn of 1781, very soon after the surrender of Coniwallis. 
It is said that as soon as he heard of the surrender of Cornv.allis 
and his army, he called to his servants to assist him to bed, observ- 
ing, "It is time for m.e to die ; " and truly the old man never again 
left his bed until he was consigned to the tomb. His body was de- 
posited under the communion table in the then Episcopal church in 
Winchester. * 

In the year 1785 the Legislature of Virginia passed an act 
which arno3ig other provisions (in relation to the Northern Neck) is 
the following : 

" And be it further enacted, that the landholders within the said 
distnct of the Northern Neck shall be forever hereafter exonerated 
and discharged from composition and quitrent, any law, custom or 
usage, to the contrary notwithstanding." f This act of the State 
freed the people from a vexatious and troublesome kind of taxation. 
Fairfax's representatives soon sold out their interest in their private 
estate in this country, and it is believed there is no part of this vast 
landed estate remaining in the hands of any branch of the Fairfax 

in their own names ; and in order to obtain settlers, took in Robert Green 
and William Duff as partners. Hence the firm of Joist Hite, Robert McKay, 
Robert Green and William Duff. Green and Duff settled in Culpeper coun- 
ty, and are the ancestors of the families of those names in that county, and 
of Gen. Duff Green of Washington Citj-. 

* Lord Fairfax made a donation to the Episcopal society, of a lot of laud, 
upon which a large stone building was erected as a place of worship. The 
lot is in the center of the town, and, attached to the church, was a large 
burial ground, in which a great number of bodies are deposited. The Epis- 
copal society lately sold at auction this ancient building and lot for twelve 
thousand dollars. The purchasers caused the skeletons to be removed, and 
there are now three elegant brick houses erected on the lot. W^th the 
money arising from the sale, the Episcopal societ}' purchased a lot on Bos- 
coweu and Washington streets, and have built a splendid new church. It is 
to be regretted that no account was taken of the number of skeletons re- 
moved. The author inquired of several persons, who were concerned in 
the removal, no one of whom could give any account of the number. It is 
probable there were not less than r,ooo ; the skeleton of Lord Fairfax among 

f See Revised Code of the Laws of Virginia, vol. i, p. 351. 


famil5^ Chief Justice Marshall, the late Raleigh Colston, Esq., and 
the late Gen. Henry Lee, purchased the right of Fairfax's legatees 
(in England) to what is called the Manor of Leeds, * South Branch 
Manor, Patterson's Creek Manor, and various other tracts of land 
of immense value — the most of which had been leased out for long 
terms of lives. This estate has been the cause of more litigation 
probabl}- than any other estate of Virginia. Suits growing out of 
the case of Hite, &c. , against Fairfax, are yet depending in our 
courts — and some of the tenants in the Manor of Leeds have lately 
taken it in their heads that the Fairfax title is defective, and refuse 
to pa}' rents to the present claimants. This refusal has produced a 
lawsuit, which will doubtless be a long time pending. 

The profligate manner of granting away lands in immense bodies 
was unquestionably founded in the most unwise and unjust policy. 
Instead of promoting the speedy settlement and improvement of the* 
county, instead of holding out to the bulk of society every possible 
encouragement to make the most speed}' settlement and improve- 
ment in the new country, monopolies in several instances were given, 
or pretended to be sold to a few fa verities of the governing powers, 
whereby these favorities were enabled to amass vast estates, and to 
lord it over the great majority of their fellow men. Such are the 
blessings of kingly government. But the people of this free and 
happy republic have abundant cause to rejoice and bless their God 
that this wretched kind of policy and high-handed injustice is done 
away, in the freedom and wisdom of our institutions, and that we 
have no longer our ears assailed, nor our understandings outraged, 
with the disgusting, high-sounding title of " My Lord ! " applied to 
poor frail human beings. 

Lord Fairfax was the county lieutenant for Frederick for several 
years. On looking into the record of the proceedings of the court- 
martial, the author found the following entry : 

" At a council of war, held for regulating the militia of Fred- 
erick county, in order to take such steps as shall be thought most 
expedient in the present critical conjuncture, the 14th day of April, 
1756; present, the Rt. Hon. the Lord Fairfax, county lieutenant; 
John Hite, major ; John Lindsey, Isaac Parkins, Richard Morgan, 
Samuel Odell, Edward Rogers, Jeremiah Smith, * Thomas Caton, 
Paul Long, captains. 

' ' Proposals having been sent to the several captains of the mili- 
tia, signed by the commanding officer of the said militia, and dated 

* The Manor of Leeds is located in the counties of Culpeper, Fauquier 
and Frederick, and contains about 150,000 acres ; the South Branch Manor 
in Hardy, 55,000; Patterson's Creek iu Hampshire, 9,000 acres ; Goony Run 
Manor, which adjoins the Manor of Leeds, contains about 13,000 acres, and 
lies chiefly in Shenandoah county. 

f Capt. Jeremiah Smith, the same who defeated the party of fifty In- 
dians, and killed the French captain, noticed in a preceding chapter. 


the 7th day of April, 1756, to get what volunteers they could en- 
courage to go in search of the Indian enemy who are daily ravaging 
our frontiers and committing their accustomed cruelties on the 
inhabitants ; and the aforesaid officers being met together, and find- 
ing the number of men insufficient to go against the enemy, it is 
considered that the men be discharged, being only fifteen. 


From this it appears that Lord Fairfax, among others, was an 
attentive officer in the time of the Indian wars. In truth it be- 
hooved his lordship to be active. He had more at stake, and the 
command of greater funds, than any other individual member of 
society. The Indian hostilities retarded the settlement of his large 
domain, and of course lessened his revenue. It is said that his lord- 
ship was remarkable for his eccentricities and singularity of disposi- 
tion and character, and that he had an insatiable passion for hoard- 
ing up English gold. * He never married ; of course left no child 
to inherit his vast estate ; but devised his property, or a large por- 
tion of it, to the Rev. Denny Martin, his nephew in England, on 
condition that he would apply to the parliament of Great Britain for 
an act to authorize him to take the name of Eord F'airfax. This 
was done ; and Denny Lord Fairfax, like his uncle, never marrying, 
he devised the estate to Gen. Philip Martin, who, never marrying, 
and dying without issue, devised the estates to his two old maiden 
sisters, who sold it to Messrs. Marshall, Colston and Lee. 

He devised that part of his estate on which he resided, and 
which he called " Greenwa}^ Court Manor," (containing ten thou- 
sand acres, with a large part of his slaves, &c.), to another nephew, 
the late Col. Thomas Bryan Martin, who had resided with him for 
many years previous to his death. Col. Martin, like others, never 
married. But he contrived to make a daughter b}- a Mrs. Craw- 
ford, who Lord Fairfax had employed as a housekeeper. After 
Fairfax's death, Martin kept this woman as a mistress for several 
years ; she died, and the daughter grew up and married the late 
Francis Geldart, who was a captain in the British service in the War 
of the Revolution. She died soon after her marriage without issue, 
Martin gave Geldart about one thousand acres of land, part of 
" Greenway Court Manor," with a number of slaves, &c. Col. 
Martin, after the death of his daughter, employed a white house- 
keeper, a Miss Powers, to whom he devised Greenway Court, with 
one thousand acres of land, a number of slaves, and all the residue 
of his personal estate of every description, (with the exception of 
part of his stock, slaves, and money). Miss Powers after the death 
of Martin, married the late Mr. W. Carnag5^ by whom she had an 

* Some four or five years ago the slaves of the Rev. Mr. Kennerly, the 
present proprietor of " Greenway Court," in quarrying stone, not far from 
Fairfax's ancient dwelling-house, found about $250 worth of gold coin, sup- 
posed to have been hidden there by his lordship. 


only daughter, who is now the wife of Rev. Thomas Kennerl3\ Col. 
Martin directed by his will the sale of all the residue of his estate, 
and the money arising from the sale to be remitted and paid to his 
two maiden sisters in England. * Shortly after his death an attempt 
was made to escheat the landed estate, and the suit was depending 
some sixteen or eighteen 3'ears before its final decision. The Court 
of Appeals at length decided the question in favor of Martin's 

It is proper, before the subject of Lord Fairfax's immense grant 
is dismissed, to inform the reader, that a few years after the War of 
the Revolution, an attempt was made to confiscate all that part of 
his landed estate devised by his nephew Denny Martin (afterwards 
Denny Lord Fairfax). But Messrs. Marshall, Colston and Lee, 
having purchased the estate, a compromise took place between them 
and the state government, for the particulars of which the reader is 
referred to the first volume of the Revised Code of the Laws of Vir- 
ginia, pp. 352, 353. 

The sale of the estate 01 Lord Fairfax by his legatees in Eng- 
land, and the devise and sale of the estate of the late Col. T. B. Mar- 
tin, is the last chapter in the history of the Fairfax interest in the 
Northern Neck, a territory com.prising about one fourth of the whole 
of the present limits of Virginia. 

The State of Maryland has lately set up a claim to a considera- 
ble tract of territory on the northwest border of Virginia, including 
a part of the Northern Neck. As the claim was pushed with much 
earnestness, the executive of our State appointed Charles James 
Faulkner, Esq. , of Martinsburg, a commissioner, to collect and em- 
body the necessary testimony, on behalf of Virginia, on this inter- 
esting question. Mr. Faulkner's able report the author deems of 
sufficient interest to his readers generally to insert in tnis work. It 
follows : 


Martinsburg, Va., November 6th 1832. 
Sir : — In execution of a commission addressed to me by your 
Excellency, and made out in pursuance of a joint resolution of the 
General Assembly of this State, of the 20th of March last, I have 
directed my attention to the collection of such testimony as the lapse 
of time and the nature of the enquiry have enabled me to procure 
touching "the settlement and adjustment of the western boundary 
of Maryland." The division line which now separates the two 
States on the west, and which has heretofore been considered as fixed 
by positive adjudication and long acquiescence, commences at a point 
where the Fairfax stone is planted, at the head spring of the Poto- 

*The estate sold for about one hundred thousand dollars. 


mac River, and runs thence due north to the Pennsylvania line. 
This is the boundry to which Virginia has held for nearly a century ; 
it is the line by which she held in 1786, when the compact made by 
the Virginia and Maryland commissioners was solemnly ratified by 
the legislative authorities of the two States. 

An effort is now made by the General Assembly of Mar\'land, 
to enlarge her territory- by the establishment of a different division 
line. We have not been informed which fork of the South Branch 
she will elect as the new boundar\', but the proposed line is to run 
from one of the forks of the South Branch, thence due north to the 
Pennsylvania terminus. It is needless to say that the substitution 
of the latter, no matter at which fork it may commence, would cause 
an important diminution in the already diminished territorial area of 
this State. It would deprive us of large portions of the counties of 
Hampshire, Hardy, Pendleton, Randolph and Preston, amounting in 
all to almost half a million of acres — a section of the commonwealth 
which from the quality of its soil, and the character of its popula- 
tion, might well excite the cupidity of a government resting her 
claims upon a less substantial basis than a stale and groundless pre- 
tension of more than a century's antiquity. Although my in- 
structions have directed m}^ attention more particularl}- to the 
collection and preservation of the evidence of such living witnesses 
' ' as might be able to testify to any facts or circumstances in relation 
to the settlement and adjustment of the western boundary," I have 
consumed but a very inconsiderable portion of my time in any labor or 
inquiry of that sort, for who indeed, now living, could testify to any 
" facts or circumstances" which occurred nearly a century since ? 
And if such individuals were now living, why waste time in taking 
depositions as to those "facts," in proof of which the most ample 
and authentic testimony was taken in 1736, as the basis of a royal 
adjudication? I have consequently deemed it of more importance 
to procure the original documents where possible, if not, authentic 
copies of such papers as would serve to exhibit a connected view of 
the origin, progress and termination of that controversy with the 
crown, which resulted, after the most accurate and laborious sur- 
veys, in the ascertainment of those very " facts and circumstances " 
which are now sought to be made again the subjects of discussion 
and inquiry. In this pursuit I have succeeded far beyond what I 
had any ground for anticipation ; and from the almost forgotten 
rubbish of jast years, have been enabled to draw forth documents 
and papers whose interests may survive the occasion which redeemed 
them from destruction. 

To enable your Excellency to form a just conception of the 
weight and importance of the evidence herewith accompanying this 
report, I beg leave to submit with it a succinct statement of the 
question in issue between the governments of Virginia and Mary- 
land, with some observations showing the relevancy of the evidence 
to the question thus presented. 


The territory of Maryland granted by Charles I. to Lord Balti- 
more, in June, 1632, was described in the grant as "that region 
bounded by a line drawn from Watkins' Point on Chesapeake Bay 
to the ocean on the east ; thence to that part of the estuary of Dela- 
ware on the north which lieth under the fortieth degree, where 
New England is terminated ; thence in a right line by the de- 
gree aforesaid, to the meridian of the foiintaiti of the Potomac ; 
thence following its course by its farther bank to its conflu- 
ence." (^Marshall's Life of Washington, vol. i,chap 11, pp.yS-Si, 
ist edition. 

It is plain that the western boundary of this grant was the 
meridian of the fountain of the Potomac, from the point where it 
cut the fortieth degree of north latitude to the fountain of the river ; 
and the extent of the grant depended upon the question, what stream 
was the Potomac? So that the question now in controversy grows' 
immediately out of the grant. The territory granted to Lord 
Baltimore was undoubtedly within the chartered limits of Vir- 
ginia : {See ist chapter of April, 1606, sec. 4, and the 2nd charter of 
May, 1609, sec. 6, ist of Hen. Stat, at Large, pp. ^8-88. And Mar- 
shall says that the grant ' ' was the first example of the dismember- 
ment of the colony, and the creation of a new one within its 
limits, by the mere act of the crown;" and that the planters of 
Virginia presented a petition against it, '"which was heard before 
the privy council (of England) in July, 1633, when it was de- 
clared that Lord Baltimore should retain his patent, and the petition- 
ers their remedy at law. To this remedy they never thought proper 
to resort." 

Whether there be any record of this proceeding extant, I have 
never been able to learn. The civil war in England broke out about 
ten years after, and perhaps the journals of the proceedings of the 
privy council were destroyed. Subsequently to this, we are in- 
formed by Graham, the planters, " fortified by the opinion of emin- 
ent lawyers whom they consulted, and who scrupled not to assure 
them that the ancient patents of Virginia still remained in force, and 
that the gra7it of Maryland, as derogatory to them,, tuas utterly void, 
they presented an application to the parliament complaining of the 
unjust invasion which their privileges had undergone. ' ' ( Graham's 
History, vol. 2, p. 12). But as the parliaments of those days were 
but the obsequious ministers of the crown, that application, it is 
presumed, likewise shared the fate of their former petition to the 
privy council. 

The present claim of Maryland, then, must be founded on the 
supposition that the stream which we call the Potomac was not ; and 
that the stream now called the South Branch of the Potomac, was 
in fact the Potomac intended in the grant to Lord Baltimore. I 
have never been informed which fork of the South Branch she claims 
as the Potomac (for there is a North and a South Fork of the South 
Branch) ; neither have I been able to learn what is the evidence, on 


which she relies to ascertain that stream which is now cslled the Sau/h 
Branch of the Potomac, but which at the date of the grant to Lord 
Baltimore was not known at all, but when known, known for many 
years only as the Wappacovio, was the Potomac intended by Lord 
Baltimore's grant. For this important geographical fact, I refer to 
the numerous early maps of the chartered limits of Virginia and 
Maryland, some of which are to be seen in the public libraries of 
Washington and Richmond. 

The question, which stream was the Potomac? is simply a 
question which of them, if either, bore the name. The name is 
a matter of general reputation. If there be any thing which de- 
pends wholly upon general acceptation, which ought and must 
be settled by prescription, it is this question, which of these 
Rivers was and is the Potomac? The accompanying papers, it is 
believed, will ascertain this fact to the satisfaction of every impar- 
tial inquirer. 

In the twenty-first 3'earof Charles II, a grant was made to Lord 
Hopton and others, of what is called the Northern Neck of Virginia, 
which was sold by the other patentees to Lord Culpeper, and con- 
firmed to him by letters patent in the fourth 3'ear of James II. 
This grant carried with it nothing but the right of soil and the inci- 
dent of ownership ; for it was expressly subjected to the jurisdic- 
tion of the government of Virginia. Of this earlier patent I believe 
there is no copy in Virginia. The original charter from James II. 
to Lord Culpeper accompanies this report, marked No. i. They are 
both recited in the Colonial statute of 1736. (/ Rev. Code, ch. 8g). 
The tract of countr}' thereby granted, was " all that entire tract, 
territory and parcel of land, lying and being in America, and boun- 
ded by and within the heads of the rivers, Tappahannock alias 
Rappahannock, and Quiriough alias Potomac Rivers, the course of 
said Rivers as they are commonly called and known by the inhabi- 
tants, and description of their parts and Chesapeake Bay." 

As early as 1729, in consequence of the eagerness with which 
lands were sought on the Potomac, and its tributary streams, and 
from the difficulties growing out of conflicting grants from Lord 
P'airfax and the crown, the boundries of the Northern Neck pro- 
prietary became a subject which attracted deep and earnest atten- 
tion. At this time the Potomac had been but little explored ; and 
although the stream itself above its confluence with the Shenandoah 
was known as the Cohongoroota, or Upper Potomac, it had never 
been made the subject of any very accurate surveys and examina- 
tions, nor had it yet been settled, by any competent authority, which 
of its several tributaries was entitled to be regarded as the main or 
principal branch of the River. It became important, therefore, to 
remove all further doubt upon that question. 

In June, 1729, the Lieutenant-governor of Virginia addressed a 
communication to the lords commissioners of trades and plantation 
affairs, in which he solicits their attention to the ambiguity of the 


lord proprietor's charter, growing out of the fact that there were 
several streams which might be claimed as the head springs of the 
Potomac River, among which he enumerates the Shenandoah, and 
expresses his determination " to refuse the suspension of granting 
of patents, until the case should be fairly stated and determined ac- 
cording to the genuine construction of the proprietor's charter." 
This was followed by a petition to the king in council, agreed toby 
the House of Burgesses of Virginia, in June, 1730, in which it is set 
forth, among other matters of complaint, " that the head springs of 
the Rappahannock and Potomac are not yet known to any of your 
Majesty's subjects ; but much inconvenience had resulted to gran- 
tees therefrom, and praying the adoption of such measures as might 
lead to its ascertainment to the satisfaction of all interested." Lord 
Fairfax, who, by his marriage with the only daughter of Lord Cul- 
peper, had now succeeded to the proprietorship of the Northern 
Neck, feeling it likewise due to his grantees to have the question re- 
lieved from all further difficulty, preferred his petition to the king 
in 1733, praying that his Majesty would be pleased to order a com- 
mission to issue, for running out, marking, and ascertaining the 
bounds of his patent, according to the true intent and meaning of 
his charter. An order to this effect was accordingly directed to the 
king ; and three commissioners were appointed on behalf of the 
crown, and the same number on behalf of Lord Fairfax. The duty 
which devolved upon them was to ascertain, by actual examination 
and survey, the true fountains of the Rappahannock and Potomac 
Rivers. To enable them more perfectly to discharge the important 
trust confied to them, they were authorized to summon persons be- 
fore them, to take depositions and affidavits, to search papers, and 
employ surveyors, chain-carriers, markers, and other necessary 
attendants. The commissioners convened in Fredericksburg, on 
the 26th of September, 1736, and proceeded to discharge their du- 
ties, by taking depositions, appointing surveyors, and making every 
needful and requisite preparation for the survey. They commenced 
they journey of observation and survey on the 12th day of October, 
1736, and finished it on the 14th of December, of the same year ; 
on which day they discovered what they marked and reported to be 
the first fountain of the Potomac River. Separate reports were 
made by the commissioners, which reports, with all the accompany- 
ing documents, papers, surveys, plans, &c., were on the 21st of 
December, 1738, referred to the council for plantation affairs. That 
board, after hearing counsel, made a report on the 6th day of April, 
1745, in which they state, " that having examined into the several 
reports, returns, plans, and other papers transmitted to them by the 
commissioners appointed on behalf of the crown, as likewise of Lord 
Fairfax, and having been attended by council on behalf of your 
Majesty, as likewise of Lord Fairfax, and having heard all they 
had to offer thereupon, and the question being concerning that 
boundary which ought to be drawn from the first head spring of the 


River Rappahannock to the first head or spring of the River Poto- 
mac, the committee do agree humbly to report to your Majesty as 
their opinion, that within the words and meaning of the letters pa- 
tent, granted by King James II, bearing date the 27th day of Sep- 
tember, in the fourth year of his reign, the said boundary ought to 
begin at the first spring of the South Branch of the River Rappa- 
hannock, and that the said boundary be from thence drawn in a 
straight line northwest to the place in the Alleghany Mountains 
where that part of the Potomac River, which is now called Cohongo- 
roota, first rises." The Cohongoroota is known to be the stream 
which the Mayland writers term the North Branch of the Potomac, 
but which is recognized in Virginia, and described on all the maps 
and surveys which I have ever yet seen, as the Potomac River, from 
its fountain, where the Fairfax Stone is located, to its confluence 
with the Shenandoah River ; there being, properly speaking, no 
such stream as the North Branch of the Potomac River. This re- 
port of the council for plantation affairs was submitted to the king 
in council on the nth of April, 1745, and fully confirmed by him, 
and a further order made, directing the appointment of commission- 
ers to run and mark the dividing line agreeabl)^ to this decision thus 
made. Commissioners were accordingly appointed, who, having 
provided themselves with surveyors, chain-carriers, markers, &c., 
commenced their journey on the i8th of September, 1746. On the 
17th of October they planted the Fairfax Stone at the spot which 
had been described and marked by the preceding commissioners as 
the true head spring of the Potomac River, and which has continued 
to be regarded, from that period to the present time, as the south- 
ern point of the western boundary between Maryland and Virginia. 
A joint report of these proceedings was made by the commissioners 
to the king, accompanied with their field notes ; which report was 
received and ordered to be filed away among the records of His 
Majesty's Privy Council. Thus terminated, after a lapse of six- 
teen years, a proceeding, which had for its object, among other 
matters, the ascertainment of i\iQ. first fountain of the Potomac River, 
and which resulted in the establishment of that " fact " by a tribu- 
nal of competent jurisdiction. This decision has now been acqui- 
esced in for near a century ; and all topographical description and 
sketches of the country have been made to conform to it. I say 
acquiesced in, for it is impossible to regard the varying, fluctuating 
legislation of Maryland upon the subject, at one session of her 
general assembly recognizing the line as now established, (see 
compact of 1785, Session Acts of 1803, 18 18, and others), at 
another authorizing the appointment of commissioners to adjtist 
the boundary, as a grave resistance of its conclusiveness, or such 
a continual claim, as under the usages of international law, would 
bar an application of the principles of 7isucapation and prescrip- 
tion. (See Vattal, p. 251. Grotius. lib. 2, cap. 4. Wolfius Jus. 
Nat. par. 3. 


Jurisdiction in all cases relating to boundaries between provin- 
ces, the dominion and proprietary government, is by the common 
law of England exclusively vested in the kiyig and cowicil. (i Ves. 
Sen. p. 447). And notwithstanding it maybe a question of bound- 
ary between the crown and the lord proprietor of a province, 
(such that as between Lord Fairfax and the crown), the king is 
the only judge, and is presumed to act with entire impartiality and 
justice in reference to all persons concerned, as well as those who 
are parties to the proceeding before him, as others not parties who 
may not be interested in the adjustment. (Vesey, ib). Such is 
the theory and practice of the English constitution ; and although 
it may not accord precisely with our improved conceptions of juri- 
dical practice, it is nevertheless the law which must now govern and 
control the legal aspect of the territorial dispute between Virginia 
and Maryland. 

It does not appear by the accompanying papers that Charles 
Lord Baltimore, the then proprietor of Maryland, deputed an agent 
to attend tipon his part in the examinaiioyi ayid survey of the Potomac 
River. It is possible he conceived his interests sufficiently pro- 
tected in the aspect which the controversy had then assumed be- 
tween Lord Fairfax and the crown. Certain it is, that it nowhere 
appears that he ever considered himself aggrieved by the result of 
that adjustment. That his government was fully appraised of what 
was in progress, can scarcely admit of a rational doubt. For it is 
impossible to conceive that a controversy so deeply affecting not 
only the interests of Lord Baltimore, but all who were concerned in 
the purchase of land in that section of the country, and conducted 
with so much solemnity and notoriety, could have extended through 
a period of sixteen years without attracting the attention of the 
government of Maryland — a government ever jealous, because ever 
doubtful of the original tenue by which her charter was held. But 
had Lord Baltimore even considered himself aggrieved by the result 
of that settlement, it is difficult now to conceive upon what ground 
he would have excepted to its justice, or question its validity. Could 
he have said that the information upon which the decision was 
founded was imperfect ? Or the proceedings of the commissioners 
were characterized by haste, favoritism or fraud ? This, the pro- 
ceedings of that board, still preserved, would contradict. For never 
was there an examination conducted with more deliberation, prose- 
cuted with more labor, or scrutenized with a more jealous or anxi- 
ous vigilance. Could he have shown that some other stream ought 
to have been fixed upon as the true head spring of the Potomac? 
This, it is believed, is impossible ; for although it may be true that 
the South Branch is a longer stream, it nevertheless wants those 
more important characteristics which were then considered by the 
commissioners, and have been subsequently regarded by esteemed 
geographers as essential in distinguishing a tributary from the main 
branch of a river. (See Flint's Geography, vol. 2, p. 88). Lastly, 


would he have questioned the authority of the crown to settle the 
boundaries of L,ord Fairfax's charter, without having previously 
made him a party to the proceeding ? I have before shown the fu- 
tility of such an idea. Besides, this would have been at once to 
question the authority under which he held his own grant ; for 
Baltimore held by virtue of an arbitrary act of the second Charles. 
His grant was manifestly made in violation of the chartered rights 
of Virginia, and carried into effect not onl}- without the acquies- 
cence, but against the solemn and repeated remonstrance of her 
government. Was Virginia consulted in the " dismemberment" of 
her territory ? Was she made a party to that proceeding, by which, 
" for the first time in colonial history, one new province was created 
within the chartered limits of another by the mere act of the crown." 
But the fact is, that Charles L,ord Baltimore, n'ho lived for six years 
after the adjustment of this question, never did contest the propriety 
of the boundary as settled hy the commissioners, but from all that 
remains of his views and proceedings, full}' acquiesced in its accu- 
racy and justice. (See the treat}' with the six nations of Indians, 
at Lancaster, in June, 1744). 

The first evidence of dissatisfaction with the boundary as estab- 
lished, which the researches of the Maryland writers have enabled 
them to exhibit, are certain instructions from Frederick Lord Balti- 
more (successor of Charles) to Governor Sharp, which was pre- 
sented by the latter to his council in August, 1753. I have not 
been able to procure a copy of those instructions, but a recent his- 
torian of Maryland, and an ingenious advocate of her present 
claim, referring to them, says, "His instructions were predicted 
upon the supposition that the survey might possibly have been 
made with the knowledge and coyictirrence of his predecessor, and 
hence he denies the power of the latter to enter into ajiy arrayigement 
as to the boundaries, which would extend beyond his life estate, or 
conclude those in remainder." (See McMahon's History of Mary- 
land, p. 53). 

What where the precise limitations of those conveyances made 
by the proprietors of Maryland, and under which Frederick Lord 
Baltimore denies the power of his predecessor to enter into an ar- 
rangement as to the boundaries, which would extend beyond his 
life estate, I am unable to say — my utmost researches have failed to 
furnish me with a copy of them — but they were so far satisfactory 
to his lordship's legal conceptions, as to induce him to resist even the 
execution of a decree pronounced by Lord Hardwicke, in 1750, (i 
Ves. Sen. pp. 444-46) upon a written compact as to boundaries, 
which had been executed by his predecessor and the Penns, in 
1732. To enforce submission to that decree, the Penns filed a 
bill of reviver in 1754, and after an ineffectual struggle of six 
years. Lord Baltimore was compelled with a bad grace to submit, 
and abide by the arrangement as to the boundaries which had been 
made by his predecessor. To this circumstance, in all probability, 


was Lord Fairfax indebted for his exemption from the further 
demands of the proprietor of Maryland. For Lord Frederick, no 
ways averse to litigation, had by this time doubtless become satis- 
fied that the power of his predecessor did extend beyond his life's 
estate, and might even conclude those in remainder . Be that as it 
may, however, certain it is that the records of Maryland are silent 
upon the subject of this pretension, from September, 1753, until 
ten years subsequent to the compact between Virginia and Maryland 
in 1785. 

An opinion prevails among our most distinguished jurists, 
resting solely upon traditionary information, that about 1761, Fred- 
erick Lord Baltimore presented a petition to the king and council, 
praying a revision of the adjustment made in 1745, which petition 
was rejected, or after a short time abandoned as hopeless. If there 
ever was such a proceeding, I can find nothing of it in the archives 
of Virginia. 

Be that as it may, it is certain that ever since 1745 Lord Fair- 
fax claimed and held, and the Commonwealth of Virginia constantly 
to this day has claimed and held by the Cohongoroota, that is by 
the Northern Branch, as the Potomac, and whatever Lord Baltimore 
or his heirs, and the State of Maryland may have claimed, she has 
held hy the same boundary. There is no reason why Lord Fairfax, 
being in actual possession, should have controverted the claim of 
Lord Baltimore, or Maryland. If Lord Baltimore, or Maryland, 
ever controverted the boundary', the question must, and either has 
been decided against them, or it must have been abandoned as hope- 
less. If they never controverted it, the omission to do so, can only 
be accounted for, upon the supposition that they knew it to be hope- 
less. If Maryland ever asserted the claim — seriously asserted it I 
mean — it must have been before the revolution, or it least during it, 
when we all knew she was jealous enough of the extended territory 
of Virginia. The claim 77iusi have had its origin before the cofnpaci 
between the two States, of March, lyS^, (i Rev. Code, ch. 18). 
We then held by the same boundary by which we now hold ; we 
held to what we called and now call the Potomac ; she then held to 
what we call the Potomac. It is possible to doubt that this is the 
Potomac recognized by the compact ? That compact is now forty- 
seven years old. 

I have diligently enquired whether, as the Potomac above the 
confluence of the Shenandoah was called the Cohongoroota, the 
stream now called the South Branch of the Potomac ever had any 
peculiar name, known to and established among the English set- 
tlers — for it is well known that it bore the name of Wappacomo. I 
never could learn that it was known by any other name, but that 
which it yet bears, the South Branch of the Potomac. Now that 
very name of itself sufiiciently evinces, that it was regarded as a 
tributary stream of another river, and that river the Potomac ; and 


that the river of which the South Branch was the tributary, was re- 
garded as the main stream. 

But let us for a moment concede that the decision of the king in 
council was not absolutely conclusive of the present question ; let us 
concede that the long acquiesence of Maryland in that adjustment 
has not precluded a further discussion of its merits ; let us even sup- 
pose the compact of 1785 thrown out of view, with all the subse- 
quent recognition of the present boundary by the legislative acts of 
that State, and the question between the two streams now for the 
first time presented as an original question of preference ; what are 
the facts upon which Maryland would rely to show that any other 
stream, than the one bearing the name, is entitled to be regarded as 
the main branch of the Potomac ? It were idle to say that the South 
Branch is the Potomac, because the South Branch is a longer or 
even larger stream than the North Branch which Virginia claims to 
hold by. According to that sort of reasoning, the Missouri, above 
its confluence with the Mississippi, is the Mississippi, being beyond 
comparison the longer and larger stream. The claim of the South 
Branch, then, would rest solely upon its great leiigth. In opposition 
to this it might be said that the Cohongoroota is more frequently 
navigable — that it has a larger volume of water — that the valley of 
the South Branch is, in the grand scale of conformation, secondary to 
that of the Potomac — that the South Branch has not the general direc- 
tion of that River, which it joins nearly at right angles — that the val- 
ley of the Potomac is wider than that of the Sonth Branch, as is also 
the river broader than the other. And lastly that the of the 
river and the direction of the valley are the same above and 
below the junction of the South Branch. (See letters accompany- 
ing this report No. 26). These considerations have been deemed 
sufficient to establish the title to the " father of waters," to the 
name which he has so long borne, (See History and Geography of 
Western States, vol. 2, Missouri). And as they exist in an equal 
extent, so should they equally confirm to pre-eminence which the 
Cohongoroota nas now for near a century so proud and peacefully 

The claim of Maryland to the territory in question is by no 
means so reasonable as the claim of the great Frederick of 
Prussia to Silesia, which that Prince asserted and maintained, but 
which he tells us himself he never would have thought of assert- 
ing, if his father had not left him an overflowing treasury and a 
powerful army. 

While this brief historical retrospect, presented as explanatory 
of the accompanying testimony, I will now lay before your Excel- 
lency, in chronological order, a list of the documents and papers re- 
ferred to in mj' preceding obser\'ations. 

No. I. Is the original grant from King James II. to Thomas 
Lord Culpeper, made on the 27th of September, in the fourth year 
of his reign, 


No. 2. Copy of a letter from Major Gooch, Lieutenant-gover- 
nor of Virginia, to the lords commissioners for trade and plantations, 
dated at Williamsburg, June 29, 1729. 

No. 3. Petition to the King in Conncil, in relation to the 
Northern Neck grants and their boundaries, agreed to by the House 
of Burgesses, June, 30, 1730. 

No. 4. The petition of Thomas Lord Fairfax, to his Majesty 
in Council, preferred in 1 733, setting forth his grants from the crown, 
and that there had been divers disputes between the governor and 
council in Virginia and the petitioner and his agent, Robert Carter, 
Esq., touching the boundaries of the petitioner's said tract of land, 
and praying that his Majesty would be pleased to order a commis- 
sion to issue for running out, marking and ascertain the bounds of 
the petitioner's said tract of land. 

No. 5. A copy of an order of his Majesty to his privy council, 
bearing date of 29th of November, 1733, directing William Gooch, 
Esq., Lieutenant-governor of Virginia, to appoint three or more 
commissioners, (not exceeding five), who in conjunction with a like 
number to be named and deputed by the said Lord Fairfax, are to 
survey and .settle the marks and boundaries of the said district of 
land agreeably to the terms of the patent under which the Lord Fair- 
fax claims. 

No. 6. Copy of the commission from Lieutenant-governor 
Gooch to WiUiaT7i Byfd, of West over ; John Robinson, of Piscatdway ; 
and Johvi Grymes, of Brandon ; appointing them commissioners on 
behalf of his Majesty, with full power, authorit5^ &c. 

[I have not been able to meet with a copy of the commission of 
Lord Fairfax to his commissioners — they were William Beverly^ 
William Fairfax and Charles Carter. It appears by the accom- 
panying report of their proceedings, that " his lordship's commission- 
ers delivered to the king's commissioners an attested copy of their 
commission," which having been found upon examinatiom more 
restricted in its authority than that of the commissioners of the 
crown, gave rise to some little difficulty which was subsequently 

No. 7. Copy of the instructions on behalf of the right honor- 
able Lord Fairfax, to his commissioners. 

No. 8. Minutes of the proceedings of the commissioners ap- 
pointed on the part of his Majesty and the right honorable Thomas 
Lord Fairfax, from their first meeting of Fredericksburg, Septem- 
ber 25th, 1736. 

No. 9. Original correspondence between the commissioners 
during the year 1736 and 1737, in reference to the examination and 
survey of the Potomac river. 


No. 10. The original field notes of the survey of the Potomac 
River, and the mouth of the Shenandoah to the head spring of said 
Potomac River, by Mr. Benjamin Winslow. 

No. II. The original plat of the survey of the Potomac 

No. 12. Original letter from John Savage, one of the survey- 
ors, dated Januar>' 17, 1737, stating the grounds upon which the 
commissioners had decided in favor of the Coliongoroota over the 
Wappacomo, as the main branch of the Potomac. The former, he 
says, is both wider and deeper than the latter. 

No" 13. lyCtter from Charles Carter, Esq., dated January 20, 
1737, exhibiting the result of a comparative examination of the 
North and South Branches of the Potomac River. The North Branch 
at its mouth, he says, is twenty-three poles wide, the South Branch 
sixteen, &c. 

No. 14. A printed map of the Northern Neck of Virginia, 
situated betwixt the Rivers Potomac and Rappahannock, drawn in 
the year 1737, by William Mayo, one of the king's surveyors, ac- 
cording to his actual survey in the preceding year. 

No. 15. A printed map of the course of the Rivers Rappa- 
hannock and Potomac, in Virginia, as surveyed according to order 
in 1736 and 1737, (supposed to be by Lord Fairfax's surveyors). 

No. 16. A copy of the separate report of the commissioners 
appointed on the part of the crown. [I have met with no copy of 
the separate report of Lord Fairfax's commissioners] . 

No, 17. Copy of Lord Fairfax's observ^ations upon and excep- 
tions to the report of the commissioners to the crown. 

No. 18. A copy of the report and opinion of the right honor- 
able the lords of the committee of council for plantation affairs, dated 
6th April, 1745. 

No. 19. The decision of his Majesty in Council, made on the 
nth of April, 1745, confirming the report of the council for planta- 
tion affairs, and further ordering the Lieutenant-governor of Vir- 
ginia to nominate three or more persons, (not exceeding five), who, 
in conjunction with a like number to be named and deputed by Lord 
Fairfax, are to run and mark out the boundar}^ and dividing line, 
according to his decision thus made. 

No. 20. The original commissioners from Thomas Lord Fair- 
fax to the Honorable William Fairfax, Charles Carter and William 
Beverly, Esqrs., dated nth June, 1745. 

[Col. Joshua 'Fry, Col. Lunsford Lomax, and Major Peter 
Hedgeman, were appointed commi.ssioners on the part of the 
crown] . 


No. 21. Original agreement entered into by the commission- 
ers, preparatory to their examination of the Potomac River. 

No. 22. The original journal of the journey of the commis- 
sioners, surveyors, &c., from the head spring of the Rappahannock 
to the headspring of the Potomac, in 1746. [This is a curious and 
valuable document, and gives the only authentic narrative now ex- 
tant of the planting of the Fairfax Stone] . 

No. 23. The joint report of the commissioners appointed as 
well on the part of the crown as of Lord P'airfax, in obedience to his 
Majesty's order on nth of April, 1735. 

No. 24. A manuscript map of the head spring of the Potomac 
River, executed by Col. George Mercer, of the regiment commanded 
in 1756 by General Washington. 

No. 25. Copy of an act of the General Assembly of Mai^dand, 
passed Februray 19, 1819, authorizing the appointment of commis- 
sioners on the part of the State, to meet such commissioners as may 
be appointed for the same purpose by the Commonwealth of Vir- 
ginia, to settle and adjust, by mutual compact between the two gov- 
ernments, the western limits of that state of Commonwealth of 
Virginia, to commence at the most wcstei'n source of the North Branch 
of the Potomac River, and to rini a dice north course thence to the 
Pennsylvania line. 

No. 26. Letters from intelligent and well-informed individu- 
als, residing in the country watered by the Potomac and its branches, 
addressed to the undersigned, stating important geographical facts 
bearing upon the present controversy. 

There are other papers in my possession, not listed nor referable 
to any particular head, yet growing out of and illustrating the con- 
troversy between Lord Fairfax and the crown ; these are also here- 
with transmitted. 

There are other documents again not at all connected with my 
present duties, which chance has thrown in my may, worthy of pres- 
ervation in the archives of the State. Such, for example, as the 
original ' ' plan of the line between Virginia and North Carolina, 
which was run in the year, 1728, in the spring and fall, from the sea 
to Peter's Creek, by the Hon. William Byrd, Wm. Dandbridge and 
Richard Fitzwilliams, Esqrs., commissioners, and Mr. Alex'r Irvine 
and Mr. William Mayo, surveyors — and from Peter's Creek to Steep 
Rock Creek, was continued in the fall of the year 1749, by Joshua 
Fry and Peter Jefferson." Such documents, should it accord with 
the views of your Excellency, might be deposited with " the Vir- 
ginia Historical and Philosophical Society," an institution of recent 
origin, yet founded upon the most expanded views of public utility, 
and which is .seeking by its patrotic appeals to individual liberality, 



to wrest from the ravages of time the fast perishing records and 
memorials of our histor}^ and institutions. 

With sentiments of regard, I am, ver>' respectfullj', j'our obedi- 
ent servant, 


To John Floyd, Esq., Governor of Virginia. 

After perusing this masterly exposition, the reader will be at a 
loss to conceive on what grounds Mar^dand can rest her claims to 
the territor}' in question, and what authorities she can adduce to 
support them. The controversy is still pending, and, in addition to 
Mr. Faulkner, Col. John B. D. Smith, of Frederick, and John S. 
Gallaher, Esq., of Jefferson, have been appointed commissioners on 
the part of Virginia. 




The two counties of Frederick and Augusta were laid off at the 
same session of the colonial legislature, in the year 1738, and in- 
cluded all the vast region of country west of the Blue Ridge. Pre- 
vious to that time the county of Orange included all the territory 
west of the mountains. Orange was taken from Spottsylvania in 
the year 1734, Spottsylvania having previously crossed the Blue 
Ridge, and took in a considerable part of what is now the county of . 
Page. Previous to laying off the county of Orange, the territory 
west of the Blue Ridge, except the small part which lay in Spott- 
sylvania, does not appear to have been included in any county. 
Spotts)dvania was laid off in the year 1720; the act for which is 
worded as follows : 

"Preamble. That the frontier towards the high mountains 
are exposed to danger from the Indians, and the late settlements of 
the French to the westward of the said mountains : Enacted, 
Spottsylvania county, bounded upon Snow Creek up to the mill ; 
thence by a southwest line to the River North Ann ; thence up the 
said River as far as convenient, and thence by a line to be run over 
the high mountains to the riv^er on the northwest side thereof, * so 
as to include the northern passage through the said mountains ; 
thence down to the said river until it comes against the head of the 
Rappahannock River ; thence by a line to the head of the Rappa- 
hannock River, and down that River to the mouth of Snow Creek ; 
which tract of land, from the first of May, 1721, shall become a 
county, by the name of Spottsylvania county." 

Thus it appears that a little more than one hundred years ago 
Spottsylvania was a frontier county, and that the vast region west 
of the Blue Ridge, with its millions of people, has been settled and 
improved from an entire wilderness. The country for more than a 
thousand miles to the west has been within this short period rescued 
from a state of natural barbarism, and is now the seat of the fine 
arts and sciences, of countless millions of wealth, and the abode of 
freedom, both religious and political. Judging from the past, what 
an immense prospect opens itself to our view for the future. With- 

* South Fork of the Shenandoah. 


in the last half century, our Valley has poured out thousands of 
emmigrants, who have contributed towards peopling the Carolinas, 
Georgia, Tennessee, Kentucky, Ohio, and other regions south and 
west, and migrations still continue. 

It has already been stated that Frederick county was laid off in 
the year 1738. The first court of justice held in the county was in 
the year 1743. This delay, it is presumable, arose from the want of 
a suflScient number of Magistrates to form a quorum for the legal 
transaction of business. The first court was composed of the fol- 
lowing justices, to-wit : Morgan Morgan, David Vance, Marquis 
Calmes, Thomas Rutherford, William M'Mahon, Meredith Helm, 
George Hoge and John White. James Wood, clerk. This court 
sat the first time, on Friday, the nth day of November, 1743. At 
this term of the court is to be found on record the following entry : 

"Ordered, that the sheriff of this county build a twelve foot 
square log house, logged above and below, to secure his prison- 
ers, he agreeing to be satisfied with what he shall be allowed him 
for such building by two of the court, and he not to be answer- 
able for escape. This was the first jail erected in the county of 
Frederick. ' ' 

The County of Hampshire was the next laid off, and was taken 
from Frederick and Augusta. This was done in the year 1753. 
The first court held in this county was in December, 1757. Thomas 
B. Martin, James Simpson, William Miller, Solomon Hedges, and 
Nathaniel Kuykendall, justices, composed the court, and Gabriel 
Jones the clerk, 

Berkeley and Dunmore were taken from Frederick in the year 
1772. In October, 1777, the legislature altered the name of Dun- 
more county to Shenandoah. It does not appear, from the langu- 
age of the law, for what particular reason this alteration was made. 
It had been named after and in honor of Lord Dunmore, the then 
governor under the royal government. But his lordship took a most 
decidedly active part in opposition to the American Revolution ; and 
in order to have the liberty of wearing his head, took shelter on 
board of a British armed vessel. His conduct is pretty fully related 
in Mr. Jacob's account of Dunmore' s war, given in the preceding 
pages ; and it was doubtless owing to this cause that the name of 
Dunmore county was altered to that of Shenandoah. 

In the year 1769, Botetourt county was taken from Augusta. 
In the act is to be found the following clause : ' ' And whereas the 
people situated on the Mississippi, in the said county of Botetourt, 
will be very remote from the court house, and must necessarily be- 
come a separate county, as soon as their numbers are sufficient, 
which probably wnll happen in a short time ; Be it therefore enact- 
ed, by the authority aforesaid, that the inhabitants of that part of 
said county of Botetourt, which lies on the said waters, shall be ex- 
empt from the payment of any levies to be laid by the said county 
court for the purpose of building a court house and prison for the 


said county." Thus it appears that Virginia, at that period, claimed 
the jurisdiction and territorj^of that vast region of country westward 
to the Mississippi. 

In 1772 the County of Fincastle was taken from Botetourt ; 
and in 1776 Fincastle was divided into the counties of Kentucky, 
Washington and Montgomery, and the name of Fincastle became 

In the 3'ear 1777 Rockbridge county was taken from Augusta 
and Botetourt. Rockingham county, the same year, was taken from 
Augusta, and Greenbrier from Augusta and Botetourt. The year 
1776 and 1777 were remarkable for many divisions of the western 
counties. West Augusta, in the year 1775, by the convention as- 
sembled for the purpose of devising a plan for resisting the oppres- 
sions of the mother country, among other proceedings determined, 
that ' ' the landlords of the district of West Augusta shall be con- 
sidered as a distinct county, and have the liberty of sending two dele- 
gates to represent them in general convention as aforesaid." 

This is the first account which the author has been able to find 
in our ancient statutes in relation to West Augusta as a separate dis- 
trict or county. In fact, it does not appear that we ever had a 
county legally established by this name. It is presumable that it 
acquired the name by general usage, from its remote and western 
locality from the seat of justice. Be this as it may, it appears that 
the district of West Augusta never had its bounds laid off and de- 
fined until the month of October, 1776, when it was divided into 
three distinct counties, viz : Ohio, Yohogania, and Monongalia. 
By the extension of the western boundary between Pennsyl- 
vania and Virginia, the greater part of the county Yohogania 
falling within the limits of Pennsylvania, the residue was, by an 
Act of Assembly, of 1755, added to Ohio, and Yohogania became 

Harrison county was established in 1784, taken from Monon- 
galia. In 1785 Hardy county was laid off, taken from Hampshire. 
In 1786 Randolph county was laid off, taken from Harrison. In 
1785 Russell county was taken from Washington. In 1787 Pendle- 
ton county was taken from Augusta, Hardy and Rockingham. In 

1788 Kanawha was taken from Greenbrier and Montgomery. In 

1789 Wythe county was taken from Montgomery, and a part of 
Botetourt added to Montgomery. In 1790 Bath was taken from 
Augusta, Botetourt and Greenbrier. In 1792 Eee county was taken 
from Russell and in the same year, Grayson county was taken from 

The author has deemed it an interesting part of his work to 
give a particular history of the establishment of our counties, be- 
cause it goes to show the rapid increase of our population, and im- 
provement of our country, since the termination of the War of the 
Revolution. To an individual born and raised in the Valley, and 
who is old enough to recollect the passing events for the last half 


century — who was acquainted with the state of our country fifty 
years ago, its sparse population, rude log buildings, and uncultivat- 
ed manners and customs of our ancestors — the great improvement of 
every thing calculated to better the condition of human life, the as- 
tonishing change in the appearance of our country, its elegant 
buildings, finely cultivated farms, improved state of society, &c. , 
calculated almost to raise doubts in his mind whether these vast 
changes could possibly have taken place within his little span of ex- 
istence. The author's destiny when a youth, threw him into a busi- 
ness which gave him an opportunity of exploring a considerable part 
of the lower counties of the Valley, and he has lately made it his 
business again to explore the same counties ; and if he had been for 
the last forty years, shut up in a dungeon, and recently set at liber- 
ty, he would almost doubt his own senses and believe himself in 
another country. A great part of our Valley may be said to be ele- 
gantly improved. * 

* Capt. James Russell, of Berkeley, some years ago built a brick barn 
150 feet long aud 55 feet wide. The late Mr. John Hite, in the year 17S5, 
built the first brick house ever erected west of the Blue Ridge. This is but 
a small one-story building, and is now owned by the heirs of the late Mr. A. 
Neill, at the north end of Stephensburg, in the County of Frederick. In 
17S7 Mr. Hite built a merchant mill, which was at that time considered the 
finest mill in the Valley. It is now hardly considered a second rate mill 





About the year 1738, there were two cabins erected near the 
Run, in Winchester. * The author regrets that he has not been able 
to ascertain the names of the first settlers in this town. Tradition 
however relates that they were German families. 

In the year 1752 the legislature passed " an act for the estab- 
lishing of the town of Winchester. ' ' In the preamble are the follow- 
ing words : 

" Whereas, it has been represented to the General Assembly, 
that James Wood, gentleman, did survey and lay out a parcel of 
land at the court house f in Frederick county, in twenty-six lots, of 
half an acre each, with streets for a town, by the name of Winches- 
ter, and made sale of said lots to divers persons who have since set- 
tled and built and continue building and settling thereon ; but be- 
cause the same was not laid off and erected into a town by act of 
Assembly, the freeholders and inhabitants thereof will not be entitl- 
ed to the like privileges enjoyed by the freeholders and inhabitants 
of other towns in this colony. Be it enacted, &c., that the said par- 
cel of land lately claimed by the said James W^ood, lying and being 
in the County of Frederick aforesaid, together with fifty-four other 
lots of half an acre each, twenty-four thereof in one or two streets 
on the east side of the former lots, the street or streets to run par- 
allel with the street already laid off, and the remaining thirty lots to 
be laid off at the north end of the aforesaid twenty-six with a com- 
modious street or streets in such manner as the proprietor thereof, 
the right honorable Thomas Lord Fairfax, shall see fit, be and is 
hereby constituted, enacted, and established a town, in the manner 
already laid out, to be called by and retain the name of Winchester, 
and that the freeholders of said town shall forever hereafter enjoy 

* A very aged woman, by the name of Sperry, informed the author that 
when she first saw the place where Winchester now stands, she was 22 years 
of age, and from her age at the time the author conversed with her, (which 
was in 1809), he found the year in which she first saw Winchester to be in 
1738, at which time she stated there were but two small log cabins, and those 
near the run. 

•)• Mr. Jacob Gibson informed the author that he was in Winchester in 
1755, and that the court house was a small cabin, and that he saw the court 
sitting in this cabin. 


the same privileges which the said freeholders of other towns erected 
by Act of Assembly enjoyed." This act further provides that fairs 
may be held in the towns twice in each year. 

Thus it appears that the late Col. James Wood was the founder 
of Winchester, and not Lord Fairfax as has generally been believed. 
The latter made an addition to the town. Tradition relates that 
Fairfax was much more partial to Stephensburg than he was to 
Winchester, and used all his influence to make Stephensburg the 
seat of justice, but that Wood out-generaled his lordship, and by 
treating one of the justices with a bowl of toddy secured his vote in 
favor of Winchester, which settled the question, and that Fairfax 
was so offended at the magistrate who thus sold his vote, that he 
never after spoke to him.* 

The late Robert Rutherford, Esq., opened the first store ever 
established in Winchester. There was soon a mixed population of 
Germans, Irish, and a few English and Scotch. The national preju- 
dices which existed between the Dutch and Irish promised much 
disorder and many riots. It was customary for the Dutch on St. 
Patrick's Day, to exhibit the effigy of the saint, with a string of 
Irish potatoes around his neck, and his wife Sheeley, with her apron 
loaded also with potatoes. This was always followed by a riot. The 
Irish resented the indignity offered to their saint and his holy 
spouse, and a battle followed. On St. Michael's da}- the Irish would 
retort, and exhibit the saint with a rope of sour krout about his 
neck. Then the Dutch, like the Yankee, " felt chock full of fight" 
and at it the}' went pell-mell, and many a black eye, bloody nose, 
and broken head, was the result, f The author recollects one of 
these riots since the War of the Revolution. The practice was at 
last put down bj' the rigor with which our courts of justice punished 
the rioters. 

In the month of September, 1758, the town of Stephensburg, in 
the County of Frederick, was established. The town was founded 
by Peter Stephens, who came to Virginia with Joist Hite, in the 
year 1732. The ruins of Stephen's cabin are yet to be seen. Lewis 
Stephen, the late proprietor of the town, was the son of Peter 
Stephens. He laid out the town in form, and applied to the Gener- 
al Assembly to have it established b}' law, which was done in the 
year 1758. 

This town was first settled almost exclusively by Germans ; and 
the religion, habits and customs, of their ancestors, were presen'ed 
with great tenacity' for many years. The German language was gen- 

* The late John S. Woodcock, Esq., communicated this fact to the au- 
thor, and stated that he had the information from Col. Martin. 

t Gen. Smith informed the author that this practice was kept up for 
several years after he settled in Winchester, and that several very dangerous 
riotos took place, in which he and other magistrates had to interpose, to 
preserve the peace. 


erally used in this village since the author's acquaintance with it, 
which acquaintance commenced in the year 1784. 

In the month of November, 1761, Strasburg, (commonl}' 
called Stover's town), was established by law. This town was 
settled entirely by Germans, and to this day the German language 
is in general use, though the English language is now generally 
understood, and also spoken by the inhabitants. It was laid off by 
Peter Stover. 

Staunton, in the county of Augusta, was laid off by William 
Beverly, Esq., and established by the Act of the General Assembly 
in November, 1761. The first settlers were principally Irish. 

In March, 1761, Woodstock then in the County of Fred- 
erick, was established by law. Jacob Miller laid off twelve hun- 
dred acres of land, ninety-six of which were divided into half- 
acre lots, making one hundred and ninety-two building lots, the re- 
mainder into streets and five acre lots, commonly called out-lots. 
This town appears to have been originally laid out upon a larger 
scale than any of our ancient villages. Like most of our towns it 
was settled exclusively b}' Germans, and their religion, customs, 
habits, manners and language, were for a long time preser\'ed 
and to this day the German language is generally in use by the 

Mecklenburg (Sheperdstown), then in the County of Frederick, 
now in Jefferson, was established by law in the month of Novem- 
ber, 1762. This village is situated immediately on the bank of the 
Cohongoroota (Potomac) about twelve miles above Harpers- Ferry. 
It was laid off by the late Capt. Thomas Shepherd, and was first 
settled chiefly by German mechanics. It is remarkable for its being 
the place where the first steam boat was ever constructed in the 
world. Mr. James Rumsey, in the year 1788, built a boat, which 
was propelled by steam against a brisk current. There are some of 
the machinery now to be seen, in the possession of Capt. Haines, 
in that place. 

Romney, in the County of Hampshire, was laid off by the late 
Lord Fairfax, and established by law in the month of November, 
1762. His lordship laid off fifty acres into streets and half-acre lots ; 
but the town improved but slowly. It does not contain more than 
fifty families at this time. It is nevertheless a place of consid- 
erable business ; has a bank, printing office, several stores and 
taverns. The new Parkersburg turnpike road passes through it, 
which will doubtless, when completed, give it many great ad- 

In February, 1772, Fincastle, in the County of Botetourt, was 
established. Israel Christian made a present of forty acres of land 
to the justices of Botetourt court, for the use of the county. The 
court laid off the said forty acres of land into lots, and applied to the 
legislature to have the town established by law, which wag done 


In October, 1776, first year of the commonwealth, the town of 
Bath, at the Warm Springs, in the County of Berkeley, (now the 
seat of justice for Morgan county), was established, and laid off by 
Act of Assembly. 

Preamble. " Whereas it has been represented to the General 
Assembly, that the laying off of 50 acres of land in lots and streets fos 
a town at the Warm Springs, in County of Berkeley, will be of great 
utility, by encouraging the purchasers thereof to build convenient 
houses for accommodating numbers of infirm persons, who frequent 
those springs yearly for the recovery of their health ; Be it enacted, 
&c., that fifty acres of land adjoining the said springs, being part 
of a large tract of land, the property of the right honorable Thomas 
Lord Fairfax, or other person or persons holding the same by a 
grant or conveyance from him, be and the same is hereb}' vested in 
Bryan Fairfax, Thomas Bryan Martin, Warner Washington, the 
Rev. Reverend Charles Mynn Thurston, Robert Rutherford, Thos. 
Rutherford, Alexander White, Philip Pendleton, Samuel Washing- 
ton, William Ellzey, Van vSwearingen, Thomas Hite, James Ed- 
mundson and James Nourse, gentlemen, trustees, to be b}' them, or 
any seven of them, laid out into lots of one quarter of an acre each, 
with convenient streets, which shall be and the same is hereby es- 
tablished a town, by the name of Bath." 

The author has been the more particular in making the fore- 
going extract from the Act of the Legislature, because this appears 
to be the first instance under our republican government in which 
the legislature took the authority of establishing and laying out a 
town upon the land of private individuals, without the consent of 
the owner of the land. It is possible Lord Fairfax assented to the 
laying off of the town ; but if he did, there is nothing in the langu- 
age of the act which goes to show it. 

In the month of October, 1777, Lexington, in the County of 
Rockbridge, was established. Extract from the law ; " And be it 
further enacted, that at the place w'hich shall be appointed for hold- 
ing courts in the said County of Rockbridge, there shall be laid off 
a town, to be called Lexington, thirteen hundred feet in length and 
nine hundred in width. * And in order to make satisfaction to the 
proprietors of the said land, the clerk of the said county shall, by 
order of the justices, issue a writ, directed to the sheriff, command- 
ing him to summon twelve able and disinterested freeholders, to 
meet on the said land, on a certain da3% not under five nor over ten 
days from date, who shall upon oath value the said land, in so many 
parcels as there shall be sepearate owners, which valuation the 
sheriff shall return, under the hands and seals of the said jurors, to 
the Clerk's office : and the justices, at laying their first count}' levy, 
shall make provision for paying the said proprietors their respective 
proportions thereof ; and the property of the said land, on the re- 

* This was truly upon a small stale. 


turn of the said valuation, shall be vested in the justices and their 
successors, one acre thereof to be reserved for the use of the said 
county, and the residue to be sold and conveyed by the said justices 
to any persons, and the money arising from such sale to be applied to- 
wards lessening the county levey ; and the public buildings for the 
said county shall be erected on the land reserved as aforesaid." 
From this it appears that the name of the town was fixed by law be- 
fore the site is marked out. 

Moorefield was also established in the month of October, 1777. 
in the County of Hampshire, now the seat of justice for the County 
of Hardy. Extract from the Act of the Assembly : " Whereas it 
has been represented to this present General Assembly, that the 
establishing a town on the lands of Conrad Moore in the County of 
Hampshire, would be of great advantage to the inhabitants, by en- 
couraging tradesmen to settle amongst them ; Be it therefore enact- 
ed, &c. , that sixty-two acres of land belong to the said Conrad 
Moore, in the most convenient place for a town, be, and the same is 
hereby vested in Garret Vanmeter, Abel Randall, Moses Hutton, 
Jacob Read, Jonathan Heath, Daniel M'Neil, and George Renneck, 
gentlemen, trustees, to be by them, or any four of them, laid 
out into lots of half an acre each, with convenient streets, which 
shall be and the same is hereby established a town by the name of 

Martinsburg was established in the month of October, 1778, 
Extract from the law : " Whereas it has been represented to this 
present General Assembly, that Adam Stephens, Esq., had lately 
laid off one hundred and thirty acres of land in the County of 
Berkeley, where the court house now stands, in lots and streets for 
a town, &c. ; Be it enacted, &c. , that the said one hundred and 
thirty acres of land laid out into lots and streets, agreeably to a plan 
and survey thereof made, containing the number of two hundred and 
sixty-nine lots, as, by the said plan and survey, relation thereunto 
being had, may more fully appear, be and the same is hereby vested 
in James M'Alister, Joseph Mitchell, Anthony Noble, Jas. Strode, 
Robert Carter Willis, William Patterson and Philip Pendleton, 
gentleman, trustees, and shall be established a town by the 
name of Martinsburg." The town was named after the late Col. 
T. B. Martin. 

Tradition relates that an animated contest took place between 
the late Gen. Adam Stephen and Jacob Hite, Esq., in relation to 
fixing the seat of justice for this county ; Hite contending for the 
location thereof on his own land, at what is now called Eeetown, in 
the County of Jefferson, Stephen advocating Martinsburg. Stephen 
prevailed, and Hite became so disgusted and dissatisfied that he sold 
out his fine estate, and removed to the frontier of South Carolina. 
Fatal remove ! He had not been long settled in that state before 
the Indians murdered him and several of his family in the most 


shocking and barbarous manner.* It is said that the evening before 
this bloody massacre took place, an Indian squaw, who was much 
attached to Mrs. Hite, j called on her and warned her of the in- 
tended massacre, and advised her to remove with her little children 
to a place of safety. Mrs. Hite immediately communicated this 
intelligence to her husband, who disbelieved the information, 
observing, " the Indians were too much attached to him to do him 
any injury." The next morning, however, when it was fatally too 
late to escape, a party of Indians, armed and painted in their usual 
war dress, called on Hite, and told Hite they had determined to kill 
him. It was in vain that he pleaded his friendship for them, and 
the many services he had rendered their nation ; their fell purpose 
was fixed, and nothing could appease them but his blood, and that 
of his innocent, unoffending and helpless wife and children. They 
commenced their operations by the most cruel tortures upon Mr. 
Hite, cutting him to pieces, a joint at a time ; and whilst he was 
thus in the most violent agonies, they barbarously murdered his wife 
and several of her little offspring.. After Mr. Hite, his wife, and 
several of the children were dispatched, they took two of his daugh- 
ters, not quite grown, and all his slaves as prisoners. They 
also carried off what plunder they choose, and their booty was con- 

Mr. Hite kept a large retail store, and dealt largely with the 
Creek and Cherokee tribes. It is said that a man by the name of 
Parish, who went to Carolina with Hite, and to whom Hite had 
been very friendly, growing jealous of Hite's popularity with the 
Indians, instigated the savages to commit the murder. About the 
year 1784 or 1785, the author saw the late Capt. George Hite, (who 
had been an officer in the Revolutionary Army), and who had just 
returned from an unsuccessful search after his two young sisters, 
who were taken captive at the time of the murder of their father. 
He had traversed a great part of the Southern country, among the 
various tribes of Indians, but never could hear anything of them. 
Capt. Hite, some short time after the War of the Revolution, recov. 
ered a part of his father's slaves, who had been taken off by the In- 
dians, one of whom is now owned by Maj. Isaac Hite, of Frederick 
county. This woman brought home an Indian son, whom the au- 
thor has frequently seen, and who had all the features of an Indian. 
A part of Hite's slaves are to this day remaining with the Indians, 
and are kept in rigorous slaver}'. In the winter 1815-16, the au- 
thor fell in with Col. William Triplett, of Wilkes county, Georgia, 
who informed him, that in the autumn of the year, 1809 he was 
traveling through the Creek country, and saw an old negro man 
who told him he was one ot Jacob Hite's slaves, taken when his 

* Col. James Hite, of Jefferson county, related this tradition to the 

t Mrs. Hite was the sister of the late Col. J. Madison, of Orange connty, 
Virginia, and of course aunt to ex-president Madison. 


master and family were murdered in South Carolina. He further 
informed Col. Triplett, that there were then sixty negroes in 
possession of the Indians, descended from slaves taken from Hite, 
the greater number of whom were claimed by the little Tallapoosa 

In Octotber, 1778, the town of Abington was established in 
Washington county. 

In the month of May, 1780, the town of Harrisonburg, in the 
county of Rockingham, was established. It appears that Mr. 
Thomas Harrison had laid off fifty acres of land into lots and streets, 
and the legislature simply confirmed what Mr. Harrison had done, 
without appointing trustees for the town, as was the usual prac- 
tice. The privileges, however, granted by law to the citizens of 
other incorporated town, were given to the inhabitants of Harri- 

In the month of October, 1782, the town of Lewisburg, in the 
County of Greenbrier, was established. The Act of Assembly ap- 
propriates forty acres of land at the court house, to be laid off into 
half acre lots and streets. Samuel I^ewis, James Reid, Samuel 
Brown, Andrew Donnolly, John Stuart, Archer Matthews, William 
Ward and Thomas Edgar, gentlemen, were appointed trustees. 

In October, 1785, Clarksburg, in the County of Harrison, 
was established. William Haymond, Nicholas Carpinert, John 
Myers, John M'Alley and John Davison, gentlemen, were appointed 

In the same month and year, Morgantown, in the County of 
Monongalia, was established. The act appropriates fifty acres of 
land, the property of Zackquell Morgan, to be laid off into lots and 
streets for a town ; Samuel Hanway John Evans, David Scott, 
Michael Keames and James Daugherty, trustees. 

In October, 1786, Charlestown, in the County of Berkeley, 
(now the seat of jvistice of the County of Jefferson), was establish- 
ed. This town was laid off by the late Col. Charles Washington, a 
brother to the illustrious Gen. George Washington, on his own 
land. Eighty acres were divided into lots and streets ; and John 
Augustine Washington, William Drake, Robert Rutherford, James 
Crane, Cato Moore, Mangus Tate, Benjamin Rankin, Thornton 
Washington, Wm. Little, Alex'r White and Richard Ranson, weer 
appointed trustees. This town bears the christian name of its 

In the year 1787, Frankfort, in Hampshire county, was estab- 
lished. One hundred and thirty-nine acres of land were laid off into 
lots and streets, with out-lots, by John Sellars. John Mitchell, An- 
drew Cooper, Ralph Humphreys, John Williams, Sr., James Clark, 
Richard Stafford, Hezekiah Whiteman and Jacob Brookhart, 
as trustees. 

In the month of October, 1787, the town of West Liberty, in 
the County of Ohio, was established. Sixty acres of land was laid 


off into lots and streets by Ruben Foreman and Providence Mounts. 
Moses Chapline, George M'Cullough, Charles Willis, Van Swear- 
ingen, Zachariah Sprigg, James Mitchell and Benjamin Briggs 
were appointed trustees. 

In the same month and year, Middletown, in the County of 
Berkeley, (commonly called Gerrardstown), was established. This 
town was laid off by the late Rev. David Gerrard, and contained 
one hundred lots. William Henshaw, James Haw, John Gray, Gil- 
bert M'Kewan and Robert Allen, were appointed trustees. 

The same year and month, the town of Watson, (commonly 
called Capon Springs), in the Count}^ of Hampshire, was established. 
Tw^enty acres of land to be laid off in lots and streets. Elias Poston, 
Henry Fry, Isaac Hawk, Jacob Hoover, John Winterton, Valentine 
Swisher, Rudolph Bumgardner, Paul M'lvor, John Sherman Wood- 
cock and Isaac Zane, gentlemen, trustees. 

In 1788, Front Royal was established, in the County of Fred- 
erick. Fifty acres of land, the property of Solomon Vanmeter, 
James Moore, Robert Haines, William Cunningham, Peter Halley. 
John Smith, Allen Wiley, Original Wroe, George Chick, William 
Morris and Henry Trout, was laid out into lots and streets, 
and Thomas Allen, Robert Russell, William Headly, William Jen- 
nings, John Hickman, Thomas Hand and Thomas Buck, gentle- 
men, trustees. 

The same year and month, Pattonsburg, in the County of Bote- 
tourt, on James River, was established. Crow^sville, in Botetourt, 
was established at the same time. 

In 1790, Beverley was laid off and established, a town in Ran- 
dolph court house. 

Frontville, at the Sweet Springs, and Springfield in the Coun- 
ty of Hampshire, were severally laid off and established in Octo- 
ber, 1790. 

In October, 1791, Darkville, in Berkeley, Keilstown in Rock- 
ingham, and Charlestown in Ohio Counties, were severally establish- 
ed. This concludes the author's account of the establishment of the 
various towns west of the Blue Ridge, within the present western 
limits of Virginia, from the earliest settlement of the country to the 
year 1792 Inclusive. 

The history of the establishment of the towns in Western 
Virginia, from the earliest settlement of the country to the year 
1792 inclusive, is gathered from Plening's Statutes at Large, which 
brings the Acts of the Legislature no further than that period. To 
continue the list to the present time, would require an examination 
of the various session acts since 1792, which it would be difficult to 
obtain, perhaps, except in Richmond, to which place it would not 
suit the author's earliest convenience to make a journey. As he 
confidently anticipated a demand f6r a second edition of this work, 
he will in the mean time make perfect the portion of the history of 
our country for future insertion. 



On t^e Settlement and iQdian Wars of the Western 
Parts of Virginia and PennsylvoQia, From the Year 
Ooe Th)ousand Seven Hundred and Sixty-three un- 
til the year Or)e Tt^ousand Sever) h|undred and 
Eighty-three Inclusive, Together v\/ith a View of tl^e 
Stote of Society aQd ManQers of the pirst Set- 
tlers of tl^at CouQtry. 

By the Rev, Dr. Joseph Doddridge 



OTES. &a 



This is a subject which presents human nature in its most re- 
volting features, as subject to a vindicative spirit of revenge, and a 
thirst of human blood, leading to an indiscriminate slaughter of all 
ranks, ages and sexes, by the weapons of war, or by torture. 

The history of man is, for the most part, one continued detail 
of bloodshed, battles and devastations. War has been, from the ear- 
liest periods of history, the almost constant employment of individu- 
als, clans, tribes and nations. Fame, one of the most potent objects 
of human ambition, has at all times been the delusive, but costly re- 
ward of military achievement. The triumph of conquest, the epithet 
of greatness, the throne and the sceptre, have uniformly been pur- 
chased by the conflict of battle and garments rolled in blood. 

If the modern European laws of warefare have softened in some 
degree the horrid features of national conflicts, by respecting the 
rights of private property, and extending humanity to the sick, 
wounded and prisoners ; we ought to reflect that this amelioration is 
the effect of civilization only. The natural state of war knows no 
such mixture of mercy with cruelty. In his primitive state, man 
knows no object in his wars, but that of the extermination of his 
enemies, either by death or captivity. 

The wars of the Jews were exterminatory in their object. The 
destruction of a whole nation was often the result of a single cam- 
paign. Even the beasts themselves were sometimes included in the 
general massacre. 


The present war between the Greeks and the Turks is a war 
upon the ancient model, a war of utter extermination. 

It is, to be sure, much to be regretted, that our people so often 
follow the cruel examples of the Indians, in the slaughter of prison- 
ers, and sometimes women and children ; yet let them receive a can- 
did hearing at the bar of reason and justice, before they are con- 
demned as barbarians, equally with the Indians themselves. 

History scarcely presents an example of a civilized nation carry- 
ing on a war with barbarians without adopting the mode of warfare 
of the barbarous nation. The ferocious Suwarrow, when at war 
with the Turks, was as much of a savage as the Turks themselves. 
His slaughter was as indiscriminate as theirs ; but during his wars 
against the French, in Italy, he faithfully obser\^ed the laws of 
civilized warfare. 

Were the Greeks now at war with a civilized nation, we should 
hear nothing of the barbarities which they have committed on the 
Turks ; but being at w^ar with barbarians, the principle of self-de- 
fense compels them to retaliate on the Turks the barbarities which 
they commit on them. 

In the last rebellion in Ireland, that of the United Irishmen, 
the government party were not much behind the rebels in acts of 
lawless cruelty. It was not by the hands of the executioner alone 
they perished. Summary justice, as it was called, was sometimes 
inflicted. How many perished under the torturing scourge of the 
drummer for the purpose of extorting confessions ! These extra-ju- 
dicial executions were attempted to be justified on the ground of the 
necessit}^ of the case. 

Our Revolutionary War has a double aspect ; on the one hand we 
carried on a war with the English, in which we observed the max- 
ims of civilized warfare with the utmost strictness ; but the brave, 
the potent, the magnanimous nation of our forefathers had asso- 
ciated with themselves, as auxiliaries, the murderous tomahawk 
and scalping knife of the Indian nations around our defenceless 
frontiers, leaving those barbarous sons of the forest to their own sav- 
age mode of warfare, to the full indulgence of all their native thirst 
for human blood. 

On them, then, be the blame of all the horrid features of this war 
between civilized and savage men, in which the former was compel- 
led, by every principle of self-defense, to adopt the Indian mode of 
warfare, in all its revolting and destructive features. 

Were those who were engaged in the war against the Indians, 
less humane than those who carried on the war against their English 
allies ? No, they were not. Both parties carried on the war on the 
same principle of reciprocity of advantages and disadvantages. For 
example, the English and Americans each take one thousand prison- 
ers ; they are exchanged ; neither army is weakened by this arrange- 
ment. A sacrifice is indeed made to humanity, in the expense of 
taking care of the sick, wounded and prisoners ; but this expense is 


mutual. No disadvantages result from all the clemency of modern 
warfare, except the augumentation of the expenses of the war. In 
this mode of warfare, those of the nation, not in arms, are safe from 
death by the hands of the soldiers. No civilized warrior dishonors 
his sword with the blood of helpless infancy, old age, or that of the 
fair sex. He aims his blows only at those whom he finds 
in arms against him. The Indians kills indiscriminately. Child- 
ren are victims of his vengeance, because, if males, they maj' 
hereafter become warriors, or if females, they may become mothers. 
Even the fetal state is criminal in his view. It is not enough that 
the fetus should perish with the murdered mother ; it is torn from 
her pregnant womb, and elevated on a stick or pole, as a tropin- of 
victory and an object of horror to the survivors of the slain. 

If the Indian takes prisoners, mercy has but little concern in the 
transaction. He spares the lives of those who falls into his hands, 
for the purpose of feasting the feelings of the ferocious vengeance of 
himself and comrades, by the torture of his captive ; or to increase 
the strength of his nation by his adoption into an Indian family ; or 
for the purpose of gain, by selling him for an higher price, than his 
scalp would fetch, to his christian allies of Canada ; for be it known 
that those allies were in the constant practice of making presents for 
scalps and prisoners, as well as furnishing the means forcarrving on 
the Indian war, which for so many years desolated our defenceless 
frontiers. No lustration can ever blot out this national stain. The 
foul blot must remain, as long as the page of histor}- shall convey 
the record of the foul transaction to future generations. 

The author would not open wounds which have, alas ! already 
bled so long, but for the purpose of doing justice to the memory of 
his forefathers and relatives, manj^ of whom perishsd in the defense 
of their country, by the hands of the merciless Indians. 

How is a war of extermination, and accompanied with such 
acts of atrocious cruelty, to be met by those on whom it was in- 
flicted ? Must it be met by the lenient maxims of civilized war- 
fare ? Must the Indian captive be spared his life ? What advan- 
tage would be gained by this course ? The young white prisoners, 
adopted into Indian families, often become complete Indians ; but in 
how few instances did ever an Indian become civilized. Send a 
cartel for an exchange of prisoners ; the Indians know nothing of 
this measure of clemency in war : the bearer of the white flag for the 
purpose of effecting the exchange would have exerted his humanit}' 
at the forfeit of his life. 

Should my countrymen be still charged with barbarism, in the 
prosecution of the Indian war, let him who harbor this unfavorable 
impression concerning them, portray in imagination the horrid 
scenes of slaughter which frequently met their view in the course of 
the Indian war. L,et him, if he can bear the reflection, look at help- 
less infancy, virgin beauty and hoary age, dishonored by the ghast- 
ly wounds of the tomahawk and scalping knife of the savage. Let 


him hear the shrieks of the victims of the Indian torture by fire, and 
smell the surrounding air, rendered sickening by the effluvia of their 
burning flesh and blood. Let him hear the yells, and view the hellish 
features of the surrounding circle of savage warriors, rioting in all 
the luxuriance of vengeance, while applying the flaming torches to 
the parched limbs of the sufferers, and then suppose those murdered 
infants, matrons, virgins and victims of torture, were his friends and 
relations, his wife, sister, child or brother ; what would be his feel- 
ings ? After a short season of grief, he would say ' ' I will now think 
only of revenge." 

Philosophy shudders at the destructive aspect of war in any 
shape ; Christianity, b)^ teaching the religion of the good Samaritan, 
altogether forbids it ; but the original settlers of the western reg- 
ions, like the greater part of the world, were neither philosophers 
nor saints. They were " men of like passions with others;" and 
therefore adopted the Indian mode of warfare from necessity and a 
motive of revenge ; with the exception of burning their captives 
alive, which they never did. If the bodies of savage enemies were 
sometimes burned, it was not until after they were dead. 

Let the voice of nature and the law of nations plead in favor of 
the veteran pioneers of the desert regions of the west. "War has 
hitherto been a prominent trait in the moral system of human nature, 
and will continue such, until a radical change shall be effected in 
favor of science, morals and piety, on a general scale. 

In the conflicts of nations, as well as those of individuals, no 
advantages are to be conceded. If mercy may be associated with 
the carnage and devastation of war, that mercy must be reciprocal ; 
but a war of utter extermination must be met by a war of the same 
character, and by an overwhelming force which may put an end to 
it, without a sacrifice of the helpless and unoffending part of the 
hostile nation. Such a force was not at the command of the first in- 
habitants of this country. The sequel of the Indian war goes to 
show that in a war with savages the choice lies between extermina- 
tion and subjugation. Our government has wisely and humanely 
pursued the latter course. 

The author begs to be understood that the foregoing observa- 
tions are not intended as a justification of the whole of the transac- 
tions of our people with regard to the Indians during the course of 
the war. Some instances of acts of wanton barbarity occurred on 
our side, which have received and must continue to receive the un- 
equivocal reprobation of all the civilized world. In the course of 
this history, it will appear that more deeds of wanton barbarity took 
place on our side than the world is now acquainted with. 

WAR OF 1763. 193 


WAR OF 1763. 

The treat}' of peace between his British Majesty and the kings 
of France, Spain and Portugal, conchided at Paris on the loth of 
February, 1763, did not put an end to the Indian war against 
the frontier parts and back settlements of the colonies of Great 

The spring and summer of 1763, as well as those of 1764, deserve 
to be memorable in histor}-, for the great extent and destructive 
results of a war of extermination, carried on by the united forces of 
all the Indian nations of the western country, along the shores of the 
northern lakes, and throughout the whole extent of the frontier set- 
tlements of Pennsylvania, Virginia and North Carolina. 

The events of this war, as it relates to the frontier of Pennsyl- 
vania and the shores of the lakes, are matters of history already, 
and therefore shall be no farther related here than is necessary to 
give a connected view of the military events of tnose disastrous sea- 
sons. The massacres by the Indians in the southwestern part of 
Virginia, so far as they have come to the knowledge of the author, 
shall be related more in detail. 

The English historian (Hist, of England, vol. 10. p. 399), at- 
tribute this terrible war to the influence of the French Jesuits over 
the Indians ; but whether with much truth and candor, is, to say the 
least of it, extremeh' doubtful. 

The peace of 1763, by which the provinces of Canada were 
ceded to Britain, was offensive to tlie Indians, especially as they very 
well knew that the English government, on the ground of this 
treaty, claimed the jurisdiction of the western country generalh" ; 
and as an Indian sees no difference between the right of jurisdiction 
and that of possession, they consider themselves as about to be dis- 
posses.sed of the whole of their country, as rapidlj- as the English 
might find it convenient to take possession of it. In this opinion 
they were confirmed by the building of Forts on the Susquehanna, 
on lands to which the Indians laid claim. The forts and posts of 
Pittsburg, Bedford, Ligonier, Niagara, Detroit Presque Isle, St. 
Josepli and Michilimackinac, were either built, or improved and 
strengthened, with additions to their garrisons. Thus the Indians 
saw themselves surrounded on the north and east by a strong line of 


194 WAR OF 1763. 

forts, while those of Bedford, Ligonier and Pittsburg, threatened an 
extension of them into the heart of their country. Thus circum- 
stanced, the aboriginals of the country had to choose between the 
prospect of being driven to the inhospitable regions of the north and 
west, of negotiating with the British government for continuance of 
the possession of their own lands, or of taking up arms for its de- 
fense. They chose the latter course, in which a smallness of their 
numbers, and the scantiness of their resources, ought to have taught 
them, that although they might do much mischief, they could not 
ultimately succeed ; but the Indians, as well as their brethren of the 
white skin, are often driven by their impetuous passions to rash and 
destructive enterprises, which reason, were permitted to give it coun- 
sels, would disapprove. 

The plan resolved on by the Indians for the prosecution of the 
war, was that of a general massacre of all the inhabitants of the 
English settlements in the western country, as well as those on the 
lands on the Susquehanna, to which they laid claim. 

Never did military commanders of any nation display more 
skill, or their troops more steady and determined braver}', than did 
those red men of the wilderness in the j rosecution of their gigantic 
plan for the recovery of their country from the possession of the 
English. It was indeed a war of utter extermination on an extensive 
scale ; a conflict which exhibited human nature in its native state, in 
which the cunning of the fox is associated with the cruelty of the 
tiger. We read the history of this war with feelings of the deepest 
horror ; but why ? On the part of the savages, theirs was the an- 
cient mode of warfare, in which there was nothing of mercy. If 
science, associated with the benign influence of the christian sj'stem, 
has limited the carnage of war to those in arms, so as to give the 
right of life and hospitality to women, infancy, old age, the sick, 
wounded and prisoners, may not a further extension of the influence 
of those powerful but salutory agents put an end to war altogether ? 
May not future generations read the history of our civilized warfare 
with equal horror and wonder, that with our science and piety we 
had wars at all ! 

The English traders among the Indians were the first victims in 
this contest. Out of one hundred and twenty of them, among the 
difiFerent nations, only two or three escaped being murdered. The 
Forts of Presque Isle, St. Joseph and Michilimackinac were taken, 
with a general slaughter of the garrisons. 

The Fortresses of Bedford, Ligonier, Niagara, Detroit and Pitt, 
were with difficulty preserved from being taken. 

It was a principal object with the Indians to get possession of De- 
troit and Fort Pitt, either by assault or famine. The former was at- 
tempted with regard to Detroit. Fort Pitt, being a considerable dis- 
tance from the settlements, were alone supplies could be obtained, 
determined the savages to attempt its reduction by famine. 

In their first attempt on Fort Detroit, the Indians calculated on 

WAR OF 1763. 195 

taking possession of it by stratagem. A large number of Indians 
appeared before the place under a pretence of holding a congress 
with Maj. Gladwin, the commandant. He was on his guard and 
refuse them admittance. On the next day, about five hundred more 
of the Indians arrived in arms, and demanded leave to go into the 
Fort, to hold a treaty. The commandant refused to admit a greater 
number than forty. The Indians understood his design of detain- 
ing them as hostages, for the good conduct of their comrades on the 
outside of the Fort, and therefore did not send them into the place. 
The whole number of men in the Fort and on board two vessels of 
war in the river, did not exceed one hundred and ten or twelve, 
but by means of the cannon they possessed, they made shift to 
keep the Indians at a distance, and convince them that they could 
not take the place. When the Indians were about to retire Cap- 
tain Dalyel arrived at the Fort with a considerable reinforce- 
ment for the relief of the place. He made a sortie against the 
breastworks which the Indians had thrown up, with two hun- 
hundred and forty-five men. This detachment was driven back 
with the loss of seventy men killed and fortj'-two wounded. 
Capt. Dalyel was among the slain. Of one hundred men who were 
escorting a large quantity of provisions to Detroit, sixty-seven were 

Fort Pitt had been invested for some time, before Capt. Ecayer 
had the least prospect of relief. In this situation he and his garri- 
sion had resolved to stand it out to the last extremity, and even 
perish of famine, rather than fall into the hands of the savages, not- 
withstanding the Fort was a bad one, the garrison weak, and the 
country between the Fort and Ligonier in possession of the savages, 
and his messengers killed or compelled to return back. In this 
situation, Col. Bouquet was sent by Gen. Amherst to the relief of 
the place, with a large quantity of provisions under a strong es- 
cort. This escort was attacked by a large body of Indians, in a 
narrow defile, on Turtle Creek, and would have been entirely de- 
feated, had it not been for a successful strategem employed by the 
commander for extricating themselves from the savage army. 
After sustaining a furious contest from one o'clock till night, and for 
several hours the next morning, a retreat was pretended, with a 
view to draw the Indians into a close engagement. Previous to 
thismovment, four companies of infantr}- and grenadiers were placed 
in ambuscade. The plan succeeded. When the retreat commenced, 
the Indians thought themselves secure of victor}', and pressing for- 
ward with great vigor, fell into the ambuscade, and were dispersed 
with great slaughter. The loss on the side of the English was 
above one hundred killed and wounded ; and that of the Indians 
could not have been less. The loss was severely felt by the Indians, 
as in addition to the number of warriors who fell in the engage- 
ment, several of the most distinguished chiefs were among the slain. 
Fort Pitt, the reduction of which they had much at heart, was 

196 WAR OF 1763. 

now placed out of their reach, by being effectually relieved and sup- 
plied with the munitions of war. 

The historian of the western region of our country cannot help 
regarding Pittsburg, the present flourishing emporium of the north- 
ern part of that region, and its immediate neighborhood, as classic 
ground, on account of the memorable battles which took place for 
its possession in the infancy of our settlements. Braddock's defeat, 
Maj. Grant's defeat, its conquest by Gen. Forbes, the victorj' over 
the Indians above related by Maj. Bouquet, serve to show the import- 
ance in which this post was held in early times, and that it was 
obtained and supported by the English government, at the price 
of no small amount of blood and treasure. In the neighborhood 
of this place, as well as in the war-worn regions of the old world, 
the plowshare of the farmer turns up from beneath the surface of the 
earth, the broken and rustv implements of war, and the bones of the 
.slain in battle. 

It was in the course of this war that the dreadful massacre of 
Wyoming took place, and desolated the fine settlements of the New 
England people along the Susquehanna. 

The extensive and indiscriminate slaughter of both sexes and 
all ages by the Indians, at Wyoming and other places, so exasper- 
ated a large number of men, dominated the " Paxton boys," that 
they rivalled the most ferocious of the Indians themselves in deeds 
of cruelty, which have dishonored the history of our country, by the 
record of the shedding of innocent blood without the slighest provo- 
cation, deeds of the most atrocious barbarity. 

The Conestoga Indians had lived in peace for more than a cen- 
tury in the neighborhood of Lancaster, Pa. Their number did not 
exceed forty. Against these unoffending descendants of the first 
friends of the famous William Penn, the Paxton boys first directed 
their more than savage vengeance. Fifty-seven of them in military 
array, poured into their little village, and instantly murdered all 
whom they found at home, to the number of fourteen men, women 
and children. Those of them who did not happen to be home at the 
massacre, were lodged in the jail of Lancester for safet3\ But alas ! 
this precaution was unavailing. The Paxton boys broke open the 
jail door, and murdered the whole of them, in number about fifteen 
or twenty. It was in vain that these poor defenseless people protested 
their innocence and begged for mercy on their knees. Blood was 
the order of the day with those ferocious Paxton boys. The death 
of the victims of their cruelties did not satisfy their rage for slaugh- 
ter ; they mangled the dead bodies of the Indians with their scalp- 
ing knives and tomahawks in the most shocking and brutal manner, 
scalped even the children and chopping off their hands and feet of 
most of them. 

The next object of those Paxton boys was the murder of the 
christian Indians of the villages of Wequetank and Nain. From the 
execution of this infernal design they were prevented by the hu- 

WAR OF 1763. 197 

mane interference of the government of Pennsylvania, which re- 
moved the inhabitants of both places under a strong guard to 
Philadelphia for protection. They remained under guard from No- 
vember, 1763, until the close of the war in December, 1764; the 
greater part of this time they occupied the barracks of that 
city. The Paxton boys twice assembled in great force, at no 
great distance from the city, with a view to assault the barracks 
and murder the Indians ; but owing to the military preparations 
made for their reception, they at last reluctantly desisted from the 

While we read, with feelings of the deepest horror, the record 
of the murders which have at different periods been inflicted on the 
unoffending Christians Indians of the Moravian profession, it is some 
consolation to reflect, that our government has had no participation 
in those murders ; but on the contrary, has at all times afforded 
them all the protection which circumstances allowed. 

The principal settlements of Greenbrier where those of Muddy 
Creek and the Big Levels, distance about fifteen or twenty miles 
from each other. Before these settlers were aware of the existence 
of the war, and supposing that the peace made with the French 
comprehended their Indian allies also, about sixty Indians visited 
the settlement of Muddy Creek. They made the visit under the 
mask of friendship. They were cordially received and treated with 
all the hospitality v/hich it was in the power of these new settles to 
bestow upon them ; but on a sudden, and without any previous in- 
timation of anything like an hostile intention, the Indians murdered, 
in cold blood, all the men belonging to the settlement, and made 
prisoners of the women and children. 

Leaving a guard with their prisoners, they then marched to 
the settlements in the Levels before the fate of the Muddy Creek 
settlement was known. Here, as at Muddy Creek, they were 
treated with the most kind and attentive hospitality, at the house 
of Archibald Glendennin, who gave the Indians a sumptuous 
feast of three fat elks, v.-hich he had recently killed. Here a 
scene of slaughter, similar to that which had recently taken place 
at Muddy Creek, occurred at the conclusion of the feast. It 
commenced with an old woman, who having a verj- sore leg, 
showed it to an Indian, desiring his advice how she might cure 
it. This requested he answered with blow of the tomahawk, 
which instantly killed her. In a few minutes all the men belonging 
to the place shared the same fate. The women and children were 
made prisoners. 

In the time of the slaughter, a negro woman at the spring, 
near the house where it happened, killed her own child for fear 
it should fall into the hands of the Indians, or hinder her from mak- 
ing her escape. 

Mrs. Glendennin, whose husband were among the slain, and 
herself with her children prisoners, boldly charged the Indians with 

198 ' WAR OF 1763. 

perfidity and cowardice, in taking advantage of the mask of 
friendship to commit murder. One of the Indians exasperated at 
her boldness, and stung, no doubt, at the justice of her charge 
against them, brandishing his tomahawk over her head, and dashed 
her husband's scalp in her face. In defiance of all his threats, the 
heroine still reiterated the charges of perfidity and cowardice against 
the Indians. 

The next day, after marching about ten miles, while passing 
through a thicket, the Indians forming a front and rear guard, 
Mrs. Glendennin gave her infant to a neighbor woman, stepped 
into the bushes without being perceived by the Indians, and 
made her escape. The cries of the child made the Indians in- 
quire for the mother. She was not to be found. "Well," says 
one of them, "I will soon bring the cow to her calf;" and 
taking the child by the feet, beat its brains out against a tree. 
Mrs. Glendennin returned home during the course of the succeed- 
ing night, and covered the corpse of her husband with fence 
rails. Having performed this pious office for her murdered hus- 
band, she choose, as a place of safety, a cornfield, where, as she 
related, her heroic resolution was succeeded by a paroxysm of 
grief and despondency, during which she imagined she saw a 
man with the aspect of a murderer standing within a few steps 
of her. The reader of this narrative, instead of regarding this 
fit of despondency as a feminine weakness on the part of this 
daughter of affliction, will commisserate her situation of unpar- 
ralleled destitution and distress. Alone, in the dead of night, the 
survivor of all the infant settlements of that district, while all her 
relatives and neighbors of both settlements were either prisoners 
or lying dead, dishonored by ghastly wounds of the tomahawk and 
scalping knife of the savages, her husband and her children among 
the slain. 

It was some days before a force could be collected in the eastern 
part of Botetourt and the adjoining country for the purpose of bury- 
ing the dead. 

Of the events of this war, on the southwestern frontier of 
Virginia, and in ,the County of Holstein, the then western 
part of North Carolina, the author has been informed, farther 
than that, on the part of the Indians, it was carried on with the 
greatest activity, and its course marked with many deeds of the 
most atrocious cruelty, until late in the j^ear 1764, when a period was 
put to this sanguinary contest, by a treaty made with the Indian na- 
tions by Sir William Johnston, at the German Flats. 

The perfidity and cruelty practiced by the Indians during the 
war of 1763 and 1764, occasioned the revolting and singuinary 
character of the Indian wars which took place afterwards. The In- 
dians had resolved on the total extermination of all the settlers of 
our northern and southwestern frontiers, and being no longer under the 
control of their former allies, the French, they were at full liberty to 

WAR OF 1763. 


exercise all their native ferocitj", and riot in the indulgence of their 
innate thirst for blood. 

[Next follows, in Dr. Doddridge's work, his account of Dun- 
more' s war, which the author of this historj^ has transferred to the 
chapter under that head in the proceeding pages. The chapter 


follows relates to an event which occurred during that 




This was one of the most atrocious murders committed by the 
white's during the whole course of the war. [Dunmore's war] . 

In the summer of 1777, when the confederac}^ of the Indian na- 
tions, under the influence of the British government, was formed, 
and began to commit hostilities along our frontier settlements, Corn- 
stalk, and a young chief of the name of Red-hawk, with another In- 
dian, made a visit to the garrison at the Point, commanded at that 
time by Col. Arbuckle. He stated to the Captain, that, with the 
exception of himself and the tribe to which he belonged, all the na- 
tions had joined the English, and that unless protected by the whites, 
"they would have to run with the stream." 

Capt. Arbuckle thought proper to detain the Cornstalk chief 
and his two companions as hostages for the good conduct of the 
tribe to which they belonged. They had not been long in this 
situation before a son of Cornstalk, concerned for the safety of his 
father, came to the opposite side of the ri\ er and hallooed ; his father 
knowing his voice, answered him. He was brought over the river. 
The father and son mutually embraced each other with the greatest 

On the day following, two Indians, who had concealed them- 
selves in the weeds on the bank of the Kanawha River opposite the 
Fort, killed a man of the name of Gilmore, as he was returning 
from hunting. As soon as the dead body was brought over the 
river, there was a general cry amongst the men who were present, 
" Let us kill the Indians in the Fort." They immediately ascended 
the bank of the river with Capt. Hall at their head, to execute their 
hasty resolution. On their way they were met by Capt. Stuart and 
Capt. Arbuckle, who endeavored to dissuade them from killing the 
Indian hostages, saying that they certainly had no concern in the 
murder of Gilmore : but remonstrance was in vain. Pale as death 
with rage, they cocked their guns and threatened the captains with 
instant death, if they should attempt to hinder them from executing 
their purpose. 

When the murderers arrived at the house where the hostages 
were confined. Cornstalk rose to meet them at the door, but instant- 
ly received seven bullets through his body ; his son and his other 


two fellow-hostages were instantly dispatched with bullets and 

Thus fell the Shawnee war chief Cornstalk, who, like Logan, his 
companion in arms, was conspicuous for intellectual talent, bravery 
and misfortune. 

The biography of Cornstalk, as far as it is now known, goes to 
show that he was no way deficient in those mental endowments 
which constitute true greatness. On the evening preceding the bat- 
tle of Point Pleasant, he proposed going over the river to the camp 
of Gen. Lewis, for the purpose of making peace. The majority in 
the council of warriors voted against the measure. "Well," said 
Cornstalk, "since you have resolved on fighting, j-ou shall fight, 
although it is likely we shall have hard work tomorrow ; but if any 
man shall attempt to run away from the battle, I will kill him with 
my own hand," and accordingly fulfilled his threat with regard to 
one cowardly fellow. 

After the Indians had returned from the battle, Cornstalk called 
a council at the Chillicothe town, to consult what was to be done 
next. In this council he reminded the war chiefs of their folly in 
preventing him from making peace, before the fatal battle of Point 
Pleasant, and asked, "What shall we do now? The Long-knives 
are coming upon us by tvv-o routes. Shall we turn out and fight 
them?" All were silent. Pie then asked, "Shall we kill our 
squaws and children, and then fight until we shall be killed our- 
selves?" To this no reply was made. He then rose up and stuck 
his tomahawk in the war-post in the middle of the council house, 
saying, "Since you are not inclined to fight, I will go and make 
peace ;" and accordingly did so. 

On the morning of the day of his death a council was held in 
the Fort at the Point, in which he was present. During the sitting 
of the council, it is said that he seemed to have a presentiment of his 
approaching fate. In one of his speeches, he remarked to the coun- 
cil, "When I was 3-oung, every time I went to war I thought it 
likely that I might return no more ; but I still lived. I am now in 
your hands, and you may kill me if you choose. I can die but once, 
and it is alike to me whether I die now or at another time. ' ' When 
the men presented themselves before the door, for the purpose of 
killing the Indians, Cornstalk's son manifested signs of fear, on ob- 
serving which, his father said, " Don't be afraid, my son ; the Great 
Spirit sent you here to die with me, and we must submit to his will. 
It is all for the best." 





Under the command of Col. Angus McDonald, four hundred 
men were collected from the western part of Virginia bj' the order 
of the Earl of Dunmore, the then Governor of Virginia. The place 
of rendezvous was Wheeling, some time in the month of June, 1774. 
They went down the river in boats and canoes to the mouth of Cap- 
tina, from thence to the shortest route to Wappatomica town, about 
sixteen miles below the present Coshocton. The pilots were Jona- 
than Zane, Thomas Nicholson and Tady Kelly. About six miles 
from the town, the army were met by a party of Indians, to the^ 
number of forty or fifty, who gave a skirmish by the way of ambus- 
cade, in which two of our men were killed and eight or nine wound- 
ed. One Indian was killed and several wounded. It was supposed 
that several more of them were killed, but they were carried off. 
When the army came to the town, it was found evacuated. The 
Indians had retreated to the opposite shore of the River, where 
they had formed an ambuscade, supposing the party would cross 
the River from the town. This was immediately discovered. The 
commanding officers then sent sentinels up and down the River, to 
give notice, in case the Indians should attempt to cross above or 
below the town. A private in the company of Capt. Cresap, of the 
name of John Harness, one of the sentinels below the town, dis- 
played the skill of a backwoods sharpshooter. Seeing an Indian 
behind a blind across the river, raising up his head, at times, to look 
over the river. Harness charged his rifle with a second ball, and tak- 
ing deliberate aim, passed both balls through the neck of the In- 
dian. The Indians dragged off the body and buried it with 
the honors of war. It was found the next morning and scalped by 

Soon after the town was taken, the Indians from the opposite 
shore sued for peace. The commander offered them peace on con- 
dition of their sending over their chiefs as hostages. Five of them 
came over the River and were put under guard as hostages. In the 
morning they were marched in front of the army over the River. 
When the party had reached the western bank of the Muskingum, 
the Indians represented that they could not make peace without the 
presence of the chiefs of the other towns ; on which one of the chiefs 


was released to bring in the others. He did not return at the ap- 
pointed time. Another chief was permitted to go on the same errand, 
and who in like manner did not return. The party then moved up 
the River to the next town, which was a mile above the first, and on 
the oppose shore. Here we had a slight skirimish with the Indians, 
in which one of them was killed and one of our men wounded. It 
was then discovered, that during all the time spent in the negotia- 
tions, the Indians were employed in removing their women and child- 
ren, old people and effects, from the upper towns. The tows were 
burned and the corn cut up. The party then returned to the place 
from which they set out, bringing with them the three remaining 
chiefs, who were sent to Williamsburg. They were released at the 
peace the succeding fall. 

The army were out of provisions before they left the towns, 
and had to subsist on weeds, one ear of corn each day, with a very 
scanty supply of game. The corn was obtained at one of the In- 
dian towns. 




In the spring of the year 1773, the government having sent a 
small force of regular troops, under the command of Gen. Mcintosh, 
for the defense of the western frontier, the general with the regu- 
lars and militia from Fort Pitt, descended the Ohio River about 
thirty miles, and built Fort Mcintosh, on the site of the present 
Beaver towns. This Fort was made with strong stockades, furn- 
ished with bastions and mounted with one 6-pounder. This station 
was well selected as a point for a small military force, always in 
readines to pursue or intercept and war parties of Indians, who fre- 
quently made incursions into the settlements on the opposite side of 
the River in its immediate neighborhood. The Fort was well garri- 
soned and supplied with provisions during the summer. 

Sometime in the fall of the same year. Gen. Mcintosh received 
an order from the government to make a compaign against the San- 
dusky towns. The order he attempted to obey with one thousand 
men ; but owing to the delay in making necessary outfits for the ex- 
pedition, the officers, on reaching Tuscarawa, thought it best to halt 
at that place, build and garrison a Fort, and delay the further 
prosecution of the campaign until the next spring. Accordingly 
they built Fort Laurens on the bank of the Tuscarawa River. 
Some time after the completion of the Fort, the general returned 
with the army to Fort Pitt, leaving Col. John Gibson with a com- 
mand of one hundred and fifty men to protect the Fort until spring. 
The Indians were soon acquainted with the existence of the Fort, 
and soon convinced our people, by sad experience, of the bad policy 
of building and attempting to hold a Fort so far in advance of our 
settlements and other Forts. 

The first annoyance the garrison received from the Indians was 
some time in the month of January. In the night time they caught 
most of the horses belonging to the Fort, and taking them off some 
distance in the woods, they took off their bells, and formed an am- 
busade by the side of the path leading through the high grass of a 
prairie at a little distance from the Fort. In the morning the In- 
dians rattled the horse bells at the further end of the line of the 
ambuscade. The plan succeeded ; a fatigue of sixteen men went 
out for the horses and fell in the snare. Fourteen were killed on the 


spot, two were taken prisoners, one of whom was given up at the 
close of the war, the other was never afterwards heard of. 

Gen. Benjamin. Biggs, then a Captain in the Fort, being officer 
of the day, requested leave of the Colonel to go out with the fatigue 
party, which fell into the ambuscade. "No," said the Colonel, 
" this fatigue party does not belong to a Captain's command. When 
I shall have occasion to employ one of that number, I shall be 
thankful for your services ; at present 5'ou must attend to your duty 
in the Fort." On what trivial circumstances do life and death 
sometimes depend ! 

In the evening of the day of the ambuscade, the whole Indian 
army, in full war dress and painted, marched in single file through 
a prarie in view of the Fort. Their number, as counted from one of 
the bastions, was eight hundred and forty-seven. They then took 
up their encampment on an elevated piece of ground at a small dis- 
tance from the Fort, on the opposite side of the River. From this 
camp they frequently held conversations with the people of our gar- 
rison. In these conversations, they seemed to deplore the long con- 
tinuance of the war and hoped for peace ; but were much exasper- 
ated at the Americans for attempting to penetrate so far into their 
country. This great bod}' of Indians continued the investment 
of the Fort, as long as they could obtain subsistence, which was 
about six weeks. 

An old Indian by the name of John Thompson, who was with 
the American Army in the Fort, frequently went out among the 
Indians during their stay at their encampment, with the mutual con- 
sent of both parties. A short time before the Indians left the 
place, they sent word to Col. Gibson, by the old Indian, that the}' 
were desirous of peace, and that if he would send them a barrel of 
flour the)' would send in their proposals the next day ; but although 
the Colonel complied with their request, they marched off without 
fulfilling their engagement. 

The commander, supposing the whole number of the Indians 
had gone off, gave permission to Col. Clark, of the Pennsylvania 
line to escort the invalids, to the number of eleven or twelve, to Fort 
Mcintosh. The whole number of this detachment was fifteen. 
The wary Indians had left a party behind, for the purpose of doing 
mischief. These attacked this party of invalids and the escort, 
about two miles from their Fort, and killed the whole of them with 
the exception of four, amongst whom were the Captain, who ran 
back to the Fort. On the same day a detachment went out from the 
Fort, brought in the dead, and buried them with the honors of war, 
in front of the Fort gate. 

In three or four days after this disaster a relief of seven hun- 
dred men, under Gen. Mcintosh, arrived at the Fort with a supply 
of provisions, a great part of which was lost by an untoward acci- 
dent. When the relief had reached within about one hundred yards 
of the Fort, the garrison gave them a salute of a general discharge 


of musketry, at the report of which the pack-horses took fright, 
broke loose and scattered the provisions in every direction through 
the woods, so that the greater part of them could never be recov- 
ered again. 

Among other transactions which took place about this time, 
was that of gathering up the remains of the fourteen men for inter- 
ment, who had fallen in the ambuscade during the winter, and 
which could not be done during the investment of the place by the 
Indians. They were found mostly devoured by the wolves. The 
fatigue party dug a pit large enough to contain the remains of all of 
them, and after depositing them in the pit, merely covering them 
with a little earth, with a view to have revenge on the wolves for 
devouring their companions, they covered the pit with slender 
sticks, rotten wood and bits of bark, not of sufficient strength to 
bear the weight of the wolf. On the top of this covering they 
placed a piece of meat, as a bait for the wolves. The next morn- 
ing seven of them were found in the pit. They were shot and the 
pit filled up. 

For about two weeks before the relief arrived, the garrison had 
been put on short allowance of half pound of sour flour and an 
equal weight of stinking meat for every two days. The greater part 
of the last week, they had nothing to subsist on but such roots as 
they could find in the woods and prairies, and raw hides. Two men 
lost their lives by eating wild parsnip roots by mistake. Four more 
nearly shared the same fate, but were saved by medical aid. 

On the evening of the arrival of the relief, two days' rations 
w^ere issued to each man in the Fort. These rations were intended as 
their allowance during their march to Fort Mcintosh ; but many of 
the men, supposing them to have been back rations, ate up the whole 
of their allowance before the next morning. In consequence of this 
imprudence, in eating immoderately after such extreme starvation 
from the want of provisions, about forty of the men became faint 
and sick during the first days march. On the second day, however, 
the sufferers were met by a great number of their friends from the 
settlements to which they belonged, by whom they were amply sup- 
plied with provisions, and thus saved from perishing. 

Maj. Vernon, who succeeded Col. Gibson in the command of 
Fort lyaurens, continued its possession until the next fall, when the 
garrison, after being, like their predecessors, reduced almost to star- 
vation, evacuated the place. 

Thus ended the disastrous business of Fort Laurens, in which 
much fatigue and suffering were endured and many lives lost, but 
without any beneficial result to the country. 




This ever memorable campaign took place in the month of 
March, 1782. The weather, during the greater part of the month 
of February, had been uncommonly fine, so that the war parties 
from Sandusky visited the settlements, and committed depredations 
earlier than usual. The family of a William Wallace, consisting of, 
wife and five or six children were killed, and John Carpenter taken 
prisoner. These events took place the latter part of February. 
The early period at which these fatal visitations of the Indians took 
place, led to the conclusion that the murderers were either Moravians, 
or that the warriors had had their winter quarters at their towns on 
the Muskingum River. In either case, the INIoravians being in fault, 
the safety of the frontier settlemicnts required the destruction of their 
establishments at that place. 

Accordingl}^ between eight}^ and ninety men were hastily col- 
lected together for the fatal enterprise. They rendezvoused and 
encamped the first night on the Mingo Bottom, on the west side of 
the Ohio River. Each man furnished himself with his own arms, 
ammunition and provisions. Many of them had horses. The second 
daj's march brought them within one mile of the middle Moravian 
town, where they had encamped for the night. In the morning the 
men were divided into two equal parties, one of which was to cross 
the River about a mile above the town, their videttes having report- 
ed that there were Indians on both sides of the River. The other 
part}^ was divided into three divisions one of which was to take a 
circuit in the woods, and reach the River a little distance below the 
town, on the east side. Another division was to fall into the middle 
of the town, and the third at its upper end. 

When the party which designed to make the attack on the west 
side had reached the River, they found no craft to take them over, 
but something like a canoe was seen on the opposite bank. The 
River was high with some floating ice. A young man of the name 
of Slaughter swam the River and brought over, not a canoe, but a 
trough designed for holding sugar water. This trough could carry 
but two men at a time. In order to expedite their passage, a num- 
ber of men stripped off their clothes, put them into the trough, to- 
gether with their guns, and swam by its side, holding its edges with 


their hands. When about sixteen had crossed the River, their two 
sentinels, who had been posted in advance, discovered an Indian 
whose name was Shabosh. One of them broke one of his arms by a 
shot. A shot from the other sentinel killed him. These heroes 
then scalped at tomahawked him. 

By this time about sixteen men had got over the River, and 
supposing that the firing of guns which killed Shabosh, would lead 
to an instant discovery, they sent word to the party designed to at- 
tack the town on the east side of the River to move on instantly, 
which they did. 

In the mean time, the small party which had crossed the River, 
marched with all speed to the main town on the west side of the 
Pviver. Here they found a large company of Indians gathering the 
corn which they had left in their fields the preceding fall when they 
removed to Sandusky. On the arrival of the men at the town, they 
professed peace and good will to the Moravians, and informed them 
that they came to take them to Fort Pitt for their safety. The In- 
dians surrendered, delivered up their arms, and appeared highlj^ de- 
lighted with the prospect of their removal, and began with all 
speed to prepare victuals for the white men and for themselves on their 

A party of white men and Indians were immediately dispatched 
to Salem, a short distance from Gnadenhutten, where the Indians 
vrere gathering in their corn, to bring them into Gnadenhutten. 
The party soon arrived with the whole number of the Indians from 

In the mean time the Indians from Gnadenhutten were confined 
in two houses some distance apart, and placed under guard ; and 
when those from Salem arrived, they were divided, and placed in 
the same houses with their brethern in Gnadenhutten. 

The prisoners being thus secured, a council of war was held to 
decide on their fate. The officers, unwilling to take on themselves 
the whole responsibility of the decision, agreed to refer the question 
to the whole number of the men. The men were accordingly drawn 
up in a line. The commandant of the party, Col. David William- 
son, them put the question to them in form, " Whether the Mora- 
vian Indians should be taken prisoners to Pittsburg, or put to death, 
and requested that all those who were in favor of saving their lives 
should step out of the line and form a second rank." On this six- 
teen, some say eighteen, stepped out of the rank, and formed them- 
selves into a second line ; but alas ! this line of mercy was far too 
short for that of vengeance. 

The fate of the Moravians was then decided on, and they were 
told to prepare for death. 

The prisoners, from the time they were placed in the guard- 
house foresaw their fate, and began their devotions by singing hymns, 
praying and exhorting each other to place a firm reliance in the 
mercy of the Saviour of men. When their fate was announced to 


them, these devoted people embraced, kissed, and bedewed each 
others' faces and bossoms with their mutual tears, asked pardon of 
the brothers and sisters for any offense they might have given them 
through life. Thus, at peace with their God and each other, on 
being asked by those who were impatient for the slaughter, ' ' Whether 
the}^ were ready to die ? ' ' the}' answered ' ' that they had commended 
their souls to God, and were ready to die." 

The particulars of this dreadful catastrophe are too horrid to 
relate. Suffice it to say, that in a few minutes these two slaughter- 
houses, as they were then called, exhibited in their ghastly interior, 
the mangled, bleeding remains, of these poor unfortunate people, of 
all ages and sexes, from the aged, gray-headed parent, down to the 
helpless infant at the mother's breast, dishonored by the fatal 
wounds of the tomahawk, mallet, war club, spear and scalping- 

Thus, O Brainard and Zeisberger ! faithful missionaries, who 
devoted your whole life to incessant toil and sufferings in your en- 
deavors to make the wilderness of paganism "rejoice and blossom 
as the rose, ' ' in faith and piety to God ! thus perished your faithful 
followers, by the murderous hand of tue more than savage white 
men. Faithful pastors ! Your spirits are again associated with 
those of your flock, " where the wicked cease from troubling and 
the vv'eary are at rest ! ' ' 

The number of the slain, as reported by the men on ther return 
from the campaign, was eighty-seven or eighty-nine ; but the Mora- 
vian account, which no doubt is correct, makes the number ninety- 
six. Of these, sixty-two were grown persons, one-third of v.'liom 
were women ; the remaining thirtj'-four were children. All these, 
with few exceptions, were killed in the houses. Shaboshwas killed 
about a mile above the town, on the west side of the River. His wife 
was killed while endeavoring to conceal herself in a bunch of bushes 
at the water's edge, on the arrival of the men at the town, on the 
east side of the river. A man at the same time was shot in a canoe, 
while attempting to make his escape from the east to the west side 
of the River. Two others were .shot while attempting to escape by 
swimming the River. A few men, who were supposed to be war- 
riors, were tied and taken some distance from the slaughter-house, 
to be tomahawked. One of these had liked to have made his escape 
at the expense of the life of one of the murderers. The rope by 
which he was led was of some length. The two men who were con- 
ducting him to death fell into a dispute who should have the scalp. 
The Indian while marching with a kind of dancing motion, and 
singing his death song, drew a knife from a scabbard suspended from 
his neck, cut the rope, and aimed at stabbing one of the men ; but 
the jerk of the rope occasioned one of the men to look around. The 
Indian then fled towards the woods, and while running, dexter- 
ously untied the rope from his wrists. He was instantly pur- 
sued by several who fired at him, one of whom wounded him in the 



arm. After a few shots the firing was forbidden, for the men might 
kill each other as they were running in a straggling manner. A 
young man then mounted a horse and pursued the Indian, who when 
overtaken struck the horse on the head with a club. The rider 
sprang from the horse, on which the Indian seized, threw him down 
and drew his tomahawk to kill him. At that instant, one of the 
party got near enough to shoot the Indian, which he did merely in 
time to save the life of his companion. 

Of the whole number of Indians at Gnadenhutten and Salem, 
only two made their escape. These were two lads of fourteen or 
fiftefen years of age. One of them, after being knocked down and 
scalped, but not killed, had the presence of mind to lie still among 
the dead, until the dusk of the evening, when he silently crept out 
of ; the door and made his escape. The other lad slipped through a 
trap door into the cellar of one of the slaughter-houses, from which 
hemade his escape through a small cellar window. 

These two lads were fortunate in getting together in the 
woods the same night. Another, lad, somewhat larger, in attempt- 
'ing to pass through the same window, it is supposed stuck fast and 
was burnt alive. 

The Indians of the upper town were apprised of their danger in 
due time to make their escape, two of them having found the mang- 
led body of Shabosh. Providentially they all made their escape al- 
though they might have been easily overtaken by the party, if they 
had undertaken their pursuit. A division of the men were ordered 
to go to Shonbron ; and finding the place deserted, they took what 
plunder they could find, and returned to their companions without 
looking farther after the Indians. 

After the work of death was finished, and the plunder secured, 
all the buildings in the town was set on fire and the slaugh- 
ter-houses among the rest. The dead bodies were thus con- 
-Stimed to ashes. A rapid retreat to the settlements finished the 

'■•'»•• Such were the principal events of the horrid affair. A massacre 
of innocent, unoffending people, dishonorable not only to our coun- 
ti^, but human nature itself. 

j: ' Before making any remarks on the causes which led to the dis- 
gl^aceful events under consideration, it may be proper to notice the 
oianner in which the enterprise was conducted, as furnishing evi- 
dtence that the murder of the Moravians was intended, and that no 
resistance from them was anticipated. ' 

In a military.^int of view,' the Moravian compaign was con- 
ducted in the very worse manner imaginable. It was undertaken at 
so early a period, that a deep fall of snow, a thing very common in 
-th'(^'ea^ipart-bf March, in former times, would have defeated the 
ente^rise;: 'When 'the army came to the River, instead of construct- 
ing a sufficient number of rafts to transport the requisite number 
over the River at once, they commenced crossing in a sugar trough, 


which could carry only two men at a time, thus jeopardizing the 
safety of those who first went over. The two sentinels who shot 
Shabosh, according to military law ought to have been executed on 
the spot for having fired without orders, thereby giving premature 
notice of the approach of our men. The truth is, nearly the whole 
number of the army ought to have been transported over the River ; 
for after all their forces employed, and precaution used in getting 
possession of the town on the east side of the River, there were 
but one man and one squaw found in it, all the others being on the 
other side. This circumstance they ought to have known before- 
hand, and acted accordingly. The Indians on the west side of 
the Riv-er amounted to about eighty, and among them about 
thirty men, besides a number of young lads, all possessed of guns 
and well accustomed to the use of them ; yet this large number was 
attacked by about sixteen men. If they had really anticipated re- 
sistance, they deserved to loose their lives for .their rashness. It is 
presumable, however, that having full confidence in the pacific 
principles of the Moravians, thc}^ did not expect resistance ; but cal- 
culated on blood and jlunder without having a shot fired at them. 
If this was really the case, the author leaves it toj justice to find, if 
it can, a name for the transaction. 

One can hardly help reflecting with regret, that these Moravi- 
ans did not for the moment lay aside their pacific principles and do 
themselves justice. With a mere show of defense, or at. most a few 
shots, they might have captured and disarmed those few men, and 
held them as hostages for the safety of their people and property 
until they could have removed them out of their way. This, they 
might have done on the easiest terms, as the remainder, of the 
army could not have crossed the River without their permission 
as there was but one canoe at the place, and the River to high^to 
be forded. But alas ! these truly christian people suffered them- 
selves to be betrayed by hypocritical professions of friendship, until 
' ' they were led as sheep to the slaughter. ' ' Over this horrid, deed 
humanity must shed tears of commisseration, as long as the record 
of it shall remain. 

Let not the reader suppose that I have presented him with a 
mere imaginary possibility of defense on the part of the Moravians. 
This defense would have been an easy task. Our people did not go 
on that campaign with a view of fighting. There may have been 
some brave men among them ; but they were far from being all 
such. For my part, I cannot suppose for a moment that any white 
man, who can harbor a thought of using his arms for the killing of 
women and children in any case, can be a brave man. No, he is a 

The history of the Moravian settlement of the Muskingum, 
and the peculiar circumstances of their inhabitants during the 
revolutionary' contest between Great Britain and America, deserve a 
place here. 


In the 3'ear 1772, the Moravian villages were commenced by 
emigration from Friedenshutton, on the Big Beaver, and from Wya- 
lusing and Sheshequon on the Susquehanna River. In a short time 
the}' rose to a considerable extent and prosperity, containing up- 
wards of four hundered people. During the summer of Dun- 
more' s War, they were much annoyed by war parties of the 
Indians, and disturbed by perpetual rumors of the ill-intention 
of the white people of the frontier settlements towards them ; yet 
their labors, schools and religious exercises, went on without inter- 

In the Revolutionary War, which began in 1775, the situation 
of the Moravian settlements was truly deplorable. The English had 
associated with their own means of warfare against the Americans, 
the scalping-knife and tomahawk of the merciless Indians. These 
allies of England committed the most horrid depredations along the 
whole extent of our defenseless frontier. From early in the spring 
until late in the fall, the early settlers of the western parts of Vir- 
ginia and Pennsylvania had to submit to the severest hardships and 
privations. Cooped up in little stockade forts, they worked their 
little fields in parties under arms, guarded by sentinels, and were 
doomed from day to day to witness or hear reports of the murders or 
captivity of their people, the burning of their houses, and the plun- 
der of their property. 

The war with the English fleets and armies, on the other side 
of the mountains, was of such a character as to engage the whole at- 
tention and resources of our government, so that, poor as the first 
settlers of this country were, they had to bear almost the whole bur- 
den of the war during the revolutionary contest. They choose their 
own officers, furnished their own means, and conducted the war in 
their own way. Thus circumstanced, "they became a law unto 
themselves," and on certain occasions perpetrated acts which govern- 
ment was compelled to disapprove. This lawless temper of our peo- 
ple was never fully dissipated until the conclusion of the whiskey re- 
bellion in, 1794. 

The Moravian villages were situated between the settlements of 
the whites and the towns of the warriors, about sixty miles from the 
former, and not much farther from the latter. On this account 
they were dominated ' ' the half-wa}' house of the warriors. ' ' Thus 
placed between two rival powers engaged in furious warfare, the 
preservation of their neutrality was no easy task, perhaps impossi- 
ble. If it requires the same physical force to preser\'e a neutral 
station among belligrent nations that it does to prosecute a war, as 
is unquestionably the case, this pacific people had no chance for the 
preservation of theirs. The very goodness of their hearts, their 
aversion to the shedding of hiunan blood, brought them into diffi- 
culties with both parties. When they sent their runners to Fort 
Pitt, to inform us of the approach of the war parties, or received, 
fed, secreted and sent home prisoners, who had made their escape 


from the savages, they made breaches of their neutrality as to the 
belligerent Indians, Their furnishing the warriors with a resting 
place and provisions was contrary to their neutral engagements to 
us ; but the local situation rendered these accommodations to the 
warriors unavoidable on their part, as the warriors possessed both 
the will and the means to compel them to give whatever they wanted 
from them. 

The peaceable Indians fell under suspicion with the Indian 
warriors and the English commandant at Detriot, to whom it was 
reported that their teachers were in close confederacy with Ameri- 
can Congress, for preventing not only their own people, but also the 
Delawares and some other :iations, from associating their arms 
with those of the British for carrying on the war against the Am- 
erican colonies. 

The frequent failures of the war expeditions of the Indians was 
attributed to the Moravians, who often sent runners to Fort Pitt to 
give notice of their approach. This charge against them was cer- 
tainly not without foundation. In the spring of the year 1781 the 
war chiefs of the Delawares fully appraised the missionaries and 
their followers of their danger both from the whites and Indians, 
and requested them to remove to a place of safety from both. This 
request was not complied with, and the almost prophetic predictions 
of the chiefs were literall}^ fulfilled. 

In the fall of the year 1781, the settlement of the Moravians 
were broken up by upwards of three hundred warriors, and the mis- 
sionaries taken prisoners, after being robbed of almost everything. 
The Indians were left to shift for themselves in the barren plains 
of Sandusky, where most of their horses and cattle perished from 
famine during the winter. The missionaries were taken prisoners 
to Detroit ; but after an examination by the Governor, were permit- 
ted to return to their beloved people again. 

In the latter part of February, a party of about one hundred 
and fifty of the Moravian Indians returned to their deserted villages 
on the Muskingum, to procure corn to keep their families and cattle 
from starving. Of these, ninety-six fell into the hands of Willia::!- 
son and his party, and were murdered. 

The causes which led to the murder of the Moravians are now to 
be detailed. 

The pressure of the Indian war along the whole of the western 
frontier, for several years preceding the event under consideration, 
had been dreadfully severe. From early in the spring, until the com- 
mencement of the winter, from da}' to day murders were committed 
in every direction by the Indians. The people lived in Forts which 
were in the highest degree uncomfortable. The men were harrassed 
continalh' with the duties of going on scouts and compaign. There 
was scarcely a family of the first settlers who did not, at some time 
or other, lose more or less of their number by the merciless Indians. 
Their cattle were killed, their cabins burned, and their horses car- 


ried off. These losses were severely felt by a people so poor as were 
at that time. Thus circumstanced, our people were exasperated to 
madness by the extent and severity of the war. The unavailing en- 
deavors of the American Congress to prevent the Indians from tak- 
ing np the hatchet against either side in the revolutionary contest, 
contributed much to increase the general indignation against them, 
at the same time those pacific endeavors of our government divided 
the Indians amongst themselves on the question of war or peace 
with the whites. The Moravians, part of the Delawares, and 
some others faithfully endeavored to preserve peace, but in vain. 
The Indian maxim was, "he that is not for us is against us." 
Hence the Moravian missionaries and their followers were several 
times on the point of being murdered by the warriors. They would 
have been done it had it not been for the prudent conduct of some 
of the war chiefs. 

On the other hand, the local situation of the Moravian villages 
excited the jealousy of the white people. If they took no direct 
agency in the war, yet they were as they were then called, " half-way 
houses" between us and the warriors, at which the latter could 
stop, rest, refresh themselves, and trafiic off their plunder. Whether 
these aids, thus given to our enemies, were contrary to the laws of 
neutrality between belligerents, is a question which I willingly leave 
to the decision of civilians. On the part of the Moravians they 
were unavoidable. If they did not give or sell provisions to the 
warriors, they would take them by force. The fault was in their 
situation, not in themselves. 

The longer the war continued, the more our people complained 
of the situation of those Moravian villages. It was said that it was 
owing to their being so near us, that the warriors commenced their 
depredations so early in the spring, and continued them until late in 
the fall. 

In the latter end of the year 1781, the militia of the frontier 
came to a determination to break up the Moravian villages on the 
Muskingum. For this purpose a detachment of our men went out 
under the command of Col. David Williamson, for the purpose of 
inducing the Indians with their teachers to move farther off, or 
bring them prisoners to Fort Pitt. When they arrived at the vil- 
lages they found but few Indians, the greater number of them hav- 
ing removed to Sandusky. These few were well treated taken to 
Fort Pitt, and delivered to the commandant of that station, who 
after a short detention sent them home again. 

This procedure gave great offense to the people of the country, 
w^ho thought the Indians ought to have been killed. Col. William- 
son, who, before this little campaign, had been a very popular 
man, on account of his activity and bravery in war, now became 
the subject of severe animadversion on account of his lenity to the 
Moravian Indians. In justice to his memory I have to say, that 
although at that time very young, I was personally acquainted with 


him, and from my recollection of his conversation, I say with confi- 
dence that he was a brave man, but not cruel. He would meet an 
enemy in battle, and fight like a soldier, but not murder a pris- 
oner. Had he possessed the authority of a superior officer in a 
regular army, I do not believe that a single Moravian Indian would 
have lost his life ; but he possessed no such authority. He was 
only a militia officer, who could advise, but not command. His only 
fault was that of too easy a compliance with popular opinion and 
popular prejudice. On this account his memory has been loaded 
with unmerited reproach. 

Several reports unfavorable to the Moravians had been in cir- 
culation for some time before the campaign against them. One 
Vv'as, that the night after they were liberated at F'ort Pitt, they 
crossed the River and killed or made prisoners a family by the 
name of Monteur. A family on Buffalo Creek had been mostly 
killed in the summer or the fall of 1781 ; and it was said by one 
of them, who, after being made a prisoner, made his escape, 
that the leader of the party of Indians who did the mischief was 
a Moravian. These with other reports of a similar import, served 
as a pretext for their destruction, although no doubt they were 
utterly false. 

Should it be asked what sort of people composed the band of 
murders of these unfortunate people ? I answer they were not mis- 
creants or vagabonds ; many of them were men of the first stand- 
ing in the country ; many of them were men who had recently lost 
relations by the hands of the savages. Several of the latter class 
found articles which had been plundered from their own houses, or 
those of their relations, in the houses of the Moravians. One man, 
it is said, found the clothes of his wife and children, who had been 
murdered by the Indians a few days before ; they were still bloody ; 
yet there was no unequivocal evidence that these people had any dir- 
ect agency in the war. Whatever of our property was found 
with them had been left by the warriors in exchange for the provi- 
sions which they took from them. When attacked by our people, 
although they might have defended themselves, they did not ; they 
never fired a single shot. They were prisoners and had been prom- 
ised protection. Every dictate of justice and humanity required 
that their lives should be spared. The complaint of their villages 
being "half-way houses for the warriors," was at an end, as they 
had been removed to Sandusky the fall before. It was therefore ' 
an atrocious and unqualified mutder. By whom committed — by a 
majority of the campaign ? For the honour of my country, I hope 
I may safely answer this question in the negative. It was one of 
those convulsions of the moral state of society, in which the voice 
of the justice and humanity of a majority is silenced by the 
clamor and violence of a lawless minority. Very few of our men 
imbrued their hands in the blood of the Moravians. Even those 
who had not voted for saving their lives, retired from the scene of 



slaughter with horror and disgust. Why then did they not give 
their votes in their favor ? The fear of public indignation restrain- 
ed them from doing so. They thought well, but had not hero- 
ism enough to express their opinion. Those who did so, deserve 
honorable mention for their intripidity. So far as it may here- 
after be in my power, this honor shall he done them, while the 
names of the murders shall not stain the pages of history, from my 
pen at least. 




As connected with the history of the Indian wars of the western 
country, it may not be amiss to give an explanation of the term 
" Indian Summer." 

This expression, like manj^ others, has continued in general 
use, notwithstanding its original import has been forgotten. A 
backwoodsman seldom hears this expression without feeling a chill 
of horror, because it brings to his mind the painful recollection of its 
original application. Such is the force of the faculty of association 
in human nature. 

The reader must here be reminded, that, during the long con- 
tinued Indian wars sustained by the first settlers of the west, they 
enjoyed no peace excepting in the winter season, when, owing to 
the severity of the weather, the Indians were unable to make their 
excursions into the settlements. The onset of winter was therefore 
hailed has a jubilee by the early inhabitants of the countr}', who, 
throughout the spring and early part of the fall, had been cooped 
up in their little uncomfortable Forts, and subjected to all the dis- 
tresses of the Indian wars. 

At the approach of winter, therefore, all the farmers, except- 
ing the owner of the Fort, removed to the cabins on the farms, with 
the joyful feelings of a tenant of a prison recovering his release from 
confinement. All was bustle and hilarity in preparing for winter, 
by gathering in the corn, digging potatoes, fattening hogs, and re- 
pairing the cabins. To our forefathers the gloomy months of win- 
ter were more pleasant than the zephyrs of the flowers and May. 

It, however, sometimes happened, after the apparent onset of 
winter, the weather became warm ; the smoky time commenced, 
and lasted for a considerable number of days. This was the Indian 
Summer, because it afforded the Indians another opportunity of 
visiting the settlements with their destructive warfare. The melt- 
ing of the snow saddened every countenance, and the genial warmth 
of the sun chilled every heart with horror. The apprehension of an- 
other visit from the Indians, and of being driven back to the detest- 
ed Fort, was painful to the highest degree, and the distressing ap- 
prehension was frequently realized. 

Toward the latter part of February we commonly had a fine 


spell of open warm weather, during which the snow melted away. 
This was denominated the " pawwawing days," from the supposi- 
tion that the Indians were then holding their war councils, for 
planning off their spring campaigns into the settlements. Sad experi- 
ence taught us that in this conjecture we were not often mistaken. 

Sometimes it happened that the Indians ventured to make their 
excursions too late in the fall or too earlj^ in the spring for their 
own convenience. 

A man of the name of John Carpenter was taken early in the 
month of March, in the neighborhood of what is now Wellsburg. 
There had been several warm days, but on the night preceding his 
capture there was a heavy fall of snow. His two horses, which 
they took with him, nearly perished in swimming the Ohio River. 
The Indians as well as himself suffered severely with the cold before 
they reached the Moravian towns on the Muskingum River. In the 
morning after the first day's journey beyond the Moravian towns, 
the Indians sent out Carpenter to bring in the horses, which had 
been turned out in the evening, after being hobbled. The horse had 
made a circuit, and fallen into the trail by which they came, and were 
making their way homewards. 

When Carpenter overtook them, and had taken off their fet- 
ters, he had, as he said, to make a most awful decision. He had a 
chance and barely a chance to make his escape, with a certainty of 
death should he attempt it without success ; while on the other hand, 
the horrible prospect of being tortured to death by fire presented it- 
self. As he was the first prisoner taken that spring, of course the 
general custom of the Indians, of burning the first prisoner every 
spring, doomed him to the flames. 

After spending a few minutes in making his decision, he re- 
solved on attempting an escape, and effected it by way of Forts Laur- 
ens, Mcintosh and Pittsburg. If I recollect rightly, he brought 
both his horses home with him. This happened in the year 1782. 
The capture of Mr. Carpenter, and the murder of two families about 
the same time, that is to say, in the two or three first days of March, 
contributed materially to the Moravian campaign, and the murder 
of that unfortunate people. 




This, in one point of view at least, is to be considered as a 
second Moravian campaign, as one of its objects was that of finish- 
ing the work of murder and plunder with the Christian Indians at 
their new establishment on the Sandusky River. The next object 
was of destroying the Wyandotte towns on the same River. It was 
the resolution of all those concerned in this expedition, not to spare 
the life of any Indians that might fall into their hands, whether 
friends or foes. It will be seen in the sequel that the result of this 
campaign was widely different from that of the Moravian campaign 
the preceding March. 

It should seem that the long continuance of the Indian war had 
debased a considerable portion of our population to the savage state 
of our nature. Having lost so many relatives by the Indians, and 
witnessed their horrid murders and other depredations on so exten- 
sive a scale, they became subjects of that indiscriminate thirst for 
revenge, which is such a prominent feature in the savage character ; 
and having had a taste of blood and plunder, without risk or loss on 
their part, they resolved to go on and kill every Indian they could 
find, whether friend or foe. 

Preparations for this campaign commenced soon after the close 
of the Moravian campaign, in the month of March ; and as it was 
intended to make what was called at that time "a dash," that is, 
an enterprise conducted with secrecy and dispatch, the men were all 
mounted on the best horses they could procure. They furnished 
themselves with their own outfits, except some ammunition, which 
was furnished by the Lieut. -colonel of Washington county. 

On the 25th of May, 1782, four hundred and eighty men mus- 
tered at the old Mingo towns, on the western side of the Ohio 
River. They were all volunteers from the immediate neighboor- 
hood of the Ohio River, with the exception of one company from 
Ten Mile, in Washington county. Here an election was held for 
the office of Commander-in-chief for the expedition. The candi- 
dates were Col. Williamson and Col. Crawford. The latter was the 
successful candidate. When notified of his appointment it is said 
that he accepted it with apparent reluctance. 

The army marched along " Williamson's trail," as it was then 


called, until they arrived at the Upper Moravian town, in the fields 
belonging to which there was still plenty of corn on the stalks, with 
which their horses were plentifully fed during the night of their en- 
campment there. 

Shortly after the army halted at this place, two Indians were 
discovered by three men, who had walked some distance out of the 
camp. Three shots were fired at one of them, but without hurting 
him. As soon as the news of the discovery of Indians had reached 
the camp, more than one-half the men rushed out, without com- 
mand, and in the most tumultuous manner, to see what happened. 
From that time. Col. Crawford felt a presentiment of the defeat 
which followed. 

The truth is, that notwithstanding the secrecy and dispatch of 
the enterprise, the Indians were beforehand with our people. They 
saw the rendezvous on the Mingo Bottom, and knew their number 
and destination. They visited every encampment immediately on 
their leaving it, and saw from their writing on the trees and scraps 
of paper, that " no quarters was to be given to any Indian, whether 
man, woman or child." 

Nothing material happened during their march until the 6th of 
June, when their guides conducted them to the site of the Moravian 
villages, on one of the upper branches of the Sandusky River ; but 
here, instead of meeting with Indians and plunder, they met with 
nothing but vestiges of desolation. The place was covered with 
high grass ; and the remains of a few huts alone announced that the 
place had been the residence of the people whom they intended to 
destroy, but who moved off to Scioto some time before. 

In this dilemma, what was to be done ? The ofiicers held a 
council, in which it was determined to march one day longer in the 
direction of the Upper Sandusky, and if they should not reach the 
town in the course of the day, to make a retreat with all speed. 

The march was commenced on the next morning through the 
plains of Sandusky, and continued until about two o'clock, when 
the advance guard was attacked and driven in by the Indians, who 
were discovered in large numbers in the high grass with which the 
place was covered. The Indian army was at that moment about 
entering a piece of woods, almost entirely surrounded by plains ; 
but in this they were disappointed by a rapid movement of our men. 
The battle then commenced by a heavy fire on both sides. From a 
partial possession of the woods which they had gained at the onset 
of the battle, the Indians were soon dislodged. They then at- 
tempted to gain a small skirt of wood on our right flank, but were 
prevented from doing so by the vigilance and bravery of Maj. Leet, 
who commanded the right wing of the army at that time. The fir- 
ing was incessant and heavy until dark, when it ceased. Both arm- 
ies lay on their arms during the night. But adopted the policy of 
kindling large fires along the line of battle, and then retiring some 
distance in the rear of them, to prevent being .';nrprised by a night 


attack. During the conflict of the afternoon three of our men were 
killed and several wounded. 

In the morning our arm)^ occupied the battle ground of the 
preceding day. The Indians made no attack during the day, until 
late in the evening, but were seen in large bodies traversing the 
plains in various directions. Some of them appeared to be emplo3^ed 
in carrying off their dead and wounded. 

In the morning, of this day, a council of the officers were held, 
in which a retreat was resolved on, as the only means of saving their 
army, the Indians appeared to increase in numbers every hour. 
During the sitting of this council. Col. Williamson proposed taking 
one hundred and fifty volunteers, and marching directly to Upper 
Sandusky. This proposition the Commanr'er-in-chief promptly re- 
jected, saying, " I have no doubt but that you would reach the town, 
but you would find nothing there but empty wigwams ; and having 
taken off so many of our best men, you would leave the rest to be 
destroyed by the hosts of Indians with which we are now surround- 
ed, and on your return they would attack and destroy you. They 
care nothing about defending their towns — they are worth nothing. 
Their squaws, children and propert}^ have been removed from them 
long since. Our lives and baggage are what they want, and if they 
can get us divided they will soon have them. We must stay to- 
gether and do the best we can." 

During this day preparations were made for a retreat by bury- 
ing the dead and burning fires over their graves to prevent discov- 
er>', and preparing means for carrying off the wounded. The re- 
treat was to commence in the course of the night. The Indians, 
however, became apprised of the intended retreat, and about sun- 
down attacked the army with great force and fury, in every direc- 
tion excepting that of Sandusky. 

When the line of march was formed by the Commander-in- 
chief, and the retreat commenced, our guides prudently took the 
direction of Sandusky, which afforded the only opening in the In- 
dian lines and the only chance of concealment. After marching 
about a mile in this direction, the army wheeled about to the left, 
and by a circuituous route gained the trail bv which they came, be- 
fore day. They continued their march the whole of next daj-, with 
a trifling annoyance from the Indians, who fired a few distant shots 
at the rear guard, which slightly wounded two or three men. At 
night they built fires, took their suppers, secured the horses and re- 
signed themselves to repose, without placing a single sentinel or 
vidette for safety. In this careless situation, they might have been 
surprised and cut off by the Indians, who, however, gave them no 
disturbance during the night, nor afterwards during the whole of 
their retreat. The number of those composing the main body in the 
retreat was supposed to be about three hundred. 

Most unfortunately, when a retreat was resolved on, a difference 
of opinion prevailed concerning the best mode of effecting it. The 


greater number thought it best to keep in a body and retreat as fast 
as possible, while a considerable number thought it safest to break 
off in small parties, and make their way home in different directions, 
avoiding the route by which they came. Accordingly many at- 
tempted to do so, calculating that the whole body of the Indians 
would follow the main army. In this they were entirely mistaken. 
The Indians paid but little attention to the main body of the army, 
but pursued the small parties with such activity, that but very few 
of those who composed them made their escape. 

The only successful party who were detached from the main 
arm}^ was that of about forty men under the command of a Capt. 
Williamson, who, pretty late in the night of the retreat, broke 
through the Indian lines under a severe fire and with some loss, and 
overtook the main army on the morning of the second day of the 

For several days after the retreat of our army, the Indians were 
spread over the whole country, from Sandusky to the Muskingum, 
in pursuit of the straggling parties, most of whom were killed on ' 
the spot. They even pursued them almost to the banks of the Ohio. 
A man of the name of Mills was killed, two miles to the eastward of 
the site of St. Clairsville, in the direction of Wheeling from that 
place. The number killed in this way must be very great ; the pre- 
cise amount, however was never fairly ascertained. 

At the commencement of the retreat, Col. Crawford placed him- 
self at the head of the army, and continued there until the}^ had 
gone about a quarter of mile, when missing his son, John Crawford, 
his son-in-law, Maj. Harrison, and his nephews, Maj. Rose and 
William Crawford, he halted and called for them as the line passed, 
but without finding them. After the army had passed him, he was 
unable to overtake it, owing to the weariness of his horse. Fall- 
ing in company with Dr. Knight and two others, they traveled 
all the night, first north, and then to the east, to avoid the pursuit 
of the Indians. They directed their course during the night by the 
north star. 

On the next day they fell in with Capt. John Biggs and Lieut. 
Ashley, the latter of whom was severely wounded. There were tw^o 
others in the company with Biggs and Ashley. They encamped 
together the succeeding night. On the next day, while on 
their march, they were attacked by a party of Indians, who made 
Col. Crawford and Dr. Knight prisoners. The other four made 
their escape ; but Captain Biggs and lyieutenant Ashley were killed 
the next day. 

Col. Crawford and Dr. Knight were immediately taken to an 
Indian encampment, at a short distance from the place where they 
were captured. Here they found nine fellow prisoners and seven- 
teen Indians. On the next day they were marched to the old 
Wyandotte town, and on the next morning were paraded, to set 


off, as they were told, to go to the new town. But alas ! a very 
different destination awaited these captives ! Nine of these prison- 
ers were marched off some distance before the Colonel and the Doc- 
tor, who were conducted by Pipe and Wingemond, Delaware chiefs. 
Four of the prisoners were tomahawked and scalped on the way, at 
different places. 

Preparations had been made for the execution of Col. Craw- 
ford, by setting a post about fifteen feet high in the ground, and 
making a large fire of hickory poles about six 3'ards from it. 
About half a mile from the place of execution, the remaining five of 
the nine prisoners were tomahawked and scalped by a number of 
squaws and boys. 

When arrived at the fire, the Colonel was stripped and ordered 
to sit down. He was then severely beaten with sticks, and after- 
wards tied to the post, by a rope of such length as to allow him to 
Vv'alk two or three times around it, and then back again. This 
done, they began the torture by discharging a great number of loads 
of powder upon him, from head to foot ; after which they began to 
appl}' the burning ends of the hickory poles, the squaws in the mean 
time throwing coals and hot ashes on his bodj^ so that in a little 
time he had nothing but coals to walk on. In the midst of his suf- 
ferings, he begged of the noted Simon Girty to take pity on him 
and shoot him. Girty tauntingly answered, " You see I have no 
gun, I cannot shoot;" and laughed heartily at the scene. After 
suffering about three hours he became faint and fell down on his 
face. An Indian then scalped him, and an old squaw threw a quan- 
tity of burning coals on the place from which the scalp was taken. 
After this he rose and walked around the post a little, but did not 
live much longer. After he expired, his body was thrown into the 
fire and consumed to ashes. Col. Crawford's son and son-in-law 
were executed at the Shawnee towns. 

Dr. Knight was doomed to be burned at a town about forty 
miles distant from Sandusky, and committed to the care of a young 
Indian to be taken there. The first day they traveled about twent)'- 
five miles, and encamped for the night. In the morning, the gnats 
being very troublesome, the Doctor requested the Indian to untie 
him, that he might help him to make a fire to keep them off. With 
this request the Indian complied. While the Indian was on his 
knees and elbows, blowing the fire, the Doctor caught up a piece of 
a tent pole which had been burned in two, about eighteen inches 
long, with which he struck the Indian on the head with all his 
might, so as to knock him forward into the fire. The stick how- 
ever broke, so that the Indian, although severely hurt, was not 
killed, but immediately sprang up. On this the Doctor caught up 
the Indians gun to shoot him, but drew back the cock with so much 
violence that he broke the main spring. The Indian ran off with 
hideous yelling. Dr. Knight then made the best of his way home, 
which he reached in twenty-one days, almost famished to death. 


The gun being of no use, after carr3nng it a day or two he lett it 
behind. On his journey he subsisted on roots, a few young birds 
and berries. 

A Mr. Slover, \vho had been a prisoner among the Indians, and 
was one of the pilots of the army, was also taken prisoner to one of 
the Shawnee towns on the Scioto River. After being there a few 
days, and as he thought, in favor with the Indians, a council of the 
chiefs was held, in which it was resolved that he should be burned. 
The fires were kindled, and he was blackened and tied to a stake, in 
an uncovered end of the council-house. Just as they were about 
commencing the torture, there came up suddenl}' a heavy thunder 
gust, with a great fall of rain which put out the fires. After the 
rain was over the Indians concluded that it was then too late to 
commence and finish the torture that day, and therefore postponed 
it until the next day. Slover was then loosed from the stake, con- 
ducted to an erapt}^ house, to a log of which he was fastened with a 
buflfalo tug around his neck, while his arms were pinioned behind 
him with a cord. Until late in the night the Indians sat up 
smoking and talking. They frequently asked Slover how he would 
like to eat fire the next day. At length one of them laid down and 
went to sleep ; the other continued smoking and talking with 
Slover. Sometime after midnight, he also laid down and went to 
sleep. Slover then resolved to make an effort to get loose if possi- 
ble, and soon extricated one of his hands from the cord, and then 
fell to work with the tug round his neck, but without effect. He 
had not been long engaged in these efforts, before one of the In- 
dians got up and smoked his pipe awhile. During this time Slover 
kept very still for fear of an examination. The Indian laying down, 
the prisoner renewed his efforts, but for some time without effect, 
and he resigned himself to his fate. After resting for awhile, he 
resolved to make another and last effort, and as he related, put his 
hand to the tug, and without difficulty, slipped it over his head. 
The daj' was just then breaking. He sprang over a fence into a 
corn field, but had proceeded but a little distance in the field, before he 
came across a squaw and several children, Ijdng asleep under a Mul- 
berry tree. He then changed his course for part of the commons of 
the town, on which he saw some horses feeding. Passing over the 
fence from the corn field, he found a piece of an old quilt. This he 
took with him, and was the onl)^ covering he had. He then untied 
the cord from the other arm, which by this time was verj^ much 
swollen. Having selected, as he thought, the best horse on the 
common, he tied the cord to his lower jaw, mounted him and rode 
off at full speed. The horse gave out about ten o'clock, so that he 
had to leave him. He then traveled on foot with a stick in 
one hand, with which he put the weeds behind him, for fear 
of being tracked by the Indians. In the other he carried a bunch 
of bushes to brush the gnats and mosquitoes from his naked 
body. Being perfectly acquainted with the route, he reached the 


Ohio River in a short time, ahnost famished with hunger and ex- 
haused with fatigue. 

Thus ended this disastrous campaign. It was the last one 
which took place in this section of the country during the revolu- 
tionary contest of the Americans with the mother country. It was 
undertaken with the very worst of views, those of murder and plun- 
der. It was conducted without sufficient means to encounter, w'ith 
anj^ prospect of success, the large force of Indians opposed to ours 
in the plains of Sandusk}-. It was conducted without that subordi- 
nation and discipline, so requisite to insure success in any hazardous 
enterprise, and it ended in a total discomforture. Never did an en- 
terprise more completely fail of attaining its object. Never, on any 
occasion, had the ferocious savages more ample revenge for the 
murder of their pacific friends, than that which they obtained on 
this occasion. 

Should I be asked what considerations led so great a number of 
people into this desperate enterprise ? — why with so small a force 
and such slender means thej^ pushed on so far as the plains of San- 
dusky? I reply, that many believed that the Moravian Indians, 
taking no part in the war, and having given offense to the warriors 
on several occasions, their belligerent friends would not take up 
arms in their behalf. In this conjecture they were sadl}^ mistaken. 
They did defend them wath all the force at their command, and no 
wonder, for notwithstanding the christian and pacific principles, the 
warriors regarded the Moravians as their relations, whom it was 
their dut}^ to defend. 

The reflections which naturally arise out of the history of the 
Indian war in the western country, during our revolutionary con- 
test with Great Britain, are not calculated to do honor to human 
nature, even its civilized state. On our side, indeed, as to our infant 
government, the case is not so bad. Our Congress faithfully en- 
deavored to prevent the Indians from taking part in the war on 
either side. The English government, on the other hand, made 
allies of as many of the Indian nations as they could, and they im- 
posed no restraint on their savage mode of warfare. On the con- 
trary, the commandants at their posts along our western frontier re- 
ceived and paid the Indians for scalps and prisoners. Thus the skin 
of a white man's or even a woman's head served in the hands of the 
Indian as current coin, which he exchanged for arms and ammuni- 
tion, for the farther prosecution of his barbarous warfare, and cloth- 
ing to cover his half naked body. Were not these rewards the price 
of blood ? of blood shed in a cruel manner, on an exhaustive scale ; 
but without advantage to that government which employed the sa^'- 
ages in their warfare against their relatives and fellow-christians, and 
paid for their murders by the peace ! 

The enlightened historian must view the whole of the Indian 
war from the commencement of the revolutionary contest, in no other 
light than a succession of the most wanton murders of all ages, from 


helpless infancy to decript old age, and of both sexes, without ob- 
ject and without effect. 

On our side, it is true, the pressure of the war along our Atlan- 
tic border was such that our government could not furnish the means 
for making a conquest of the Indian nations at war against us. The 
people of the western country, poor as they were at that time, 
and unaided by government, could not subdue them. Our cam- 
paign, hastily undertaken, without sufficient force and means, and 
illy executed, resulted in nothing beneficial. On the other hand, the 
Indians, with the aids their allies could give them in the western 
country, were not able to make a conquest of the settlement on this 
side of the mountains. On the contrary, our settlements and the 
Forts belonging to them became stronger and stronger from year to 
year during the whole continuance of the wars. It was therefore 
a war of mutual, but unavailing slaughter, devastation and revenge, 
over whose record humanity still dops a tear of regret, but that tear 
cannot efEace its disgraceful history. 




This Fort consisted of some cabins and a small block-house, 
and was, in dangerous times, the residence and place of refuge for 
twelve families of its immediate neighborhood. It was situated on 
Buffalo Creek, about twelve or fifteen miles from its junction with 
the Ohio River. 

Previous to the attack on this Fort, which took place in the 
month of September, 1782, several of the men belonging to the Fort 
had gone to Hagerstown, to exchange their peltry and furs for salt, 
iron and ammunition, as was the usual custom of those times. 
They had gone on this journey somewhat earlier that season than 
usual, because there had been "a still time," that is, no recent 
alarms of the Indians. 

A few days before the attack on this Fort, about three hundred 
Indians had made their last attack on Wheeling Fort. On the third 
night of the investment of Wheeling, the Indian chiefs held a coun- 
cil, in which it was determined that the siege of Wheeling should be 
raised, two hundred of the warriors return home, and the remaining 
hundred of picked men make a dash into the country and strike a 
heavy blow somewhere before their return. It was their determina- 
tion to take a Fort somewhere and massacre all its people, in re- 
venge for their defeat at Wheeling. 

News of the plan adopted by the Indians, was given by two 
white men, who had been made prisoners when lads, raised among 
the Indians and taken to war with them. These men deserted from 
them soon after their council at the close of the seige of Wheeling. 
The notice was indeed but short, but it reached Rice's Fort about 
half an hour before the commencement of the attack. The intel- 
ligence was brought by Mr. Jacob Miller, who received it at Dr. 
Moore's in the neighborhood of Washington. Making all speed 
home he fortunately arrived in time to assist in the defense of 
the place. On receiving this news, the people of the Fort felt as- 
sured that the blow was intended for them, and in this conjecture 
they were not mistaken. But little time was allowed them for 

The Indians had surrounded the place before they were discov- 
ed ; but they were still at some distance. When discovered, the 
alarm was given, on which every man run to his cabin for his gun, 


and took refuge in the block-house. The Indians, answering the 
alarm with a war-whoop from their whole line, commenced firing 
and running towards the Fort from every direction. It was evi- 
dently their intention to take the place by assault ; but the fire of the 
Indians was answered by that of six brave and skillful sharpshoot- 
ers. This unexpected reception prevented the intended assault, 
and made the Indians take refuge behind logs, stumps and trees. 
The firing continued with little intermission for about four hours. 

In the intervals of the firing, the Indians frequently called out 
to the people of the Fort, " Give up, give up, too many Indian ; In- 
dian too big ; no kill." They v/ere answered with defiance, " Come 
on, you cowards ; we are ready for you ; show us your yellow hides, 
we will make holes in them for you." 

During the evening, many of the Indians at some distance from 
the Fort, amused, themselves by shooting the horses, cattle, hogs and 
sheep until the bottom was strewed with the dead bodies. 

About ten o'clock at night the Indians set fire to a bam about 
thirty yards from the Fort. It was large and full of grain and hay. 
The flame was frightful, and at first it seemed to endanger the 
burning of the Fort, but the barn stood on lower ground than the 
Fort. The night was calm, with the exception of a slight breeze up 
the Creek. This carried the flame and burning splinters in a differ- 
ent direction, so that the burning of the barn, which at first was re- 
garded as dangerous, if not fatal occurrence, proved in the issue 
the means of throwing a strong light to a great distance in every dir- 
ection, so that the Indians durst not approach the Fort to set fire to 
the cabins, which they might have done at little risk, under the 
cover of darkness. 

After the barn was set on fire, the Indians collected on the side 
of the Fort opposite the barn, so as to have the advantage of the 
light, and kept up a pretty constant fire, which was as steadily ans- 
wered by that of the Fort, until about two o'clock, when the In- 
dians left the place and made a hasty retreat. 

Thus was this little place defended by a Spartan band of six 
men, against one hundred chosen warriors, exasperated to madness 
by their failure at Wheeling Fort. Their names shall be inscribed 
in the list of heroes of our early times. They were Jacob Miller, 
George Lefler, Peter Fullenweider, Daniel Rice, George Felebaum 
and Jacob L,efler, Jr. George Felebaum was shot in the forehead, 
through a port-hole, at the second fire of the Indians, and instantly 
expired, so that in realily the defense of the place was made by only 
five men. 

The loss of the Indians was four, three of whom were killed at 
the first fire from the Fort, the other was killed about sundown. 
There can be no doubt but that a number more were killed and 
wounded in the engagement, but were concealed or carried off. 

A large division of these Indians, on their retreat, passed with- 
in a little distance of my father's Fort. In following their trail, a 


few days afterwards, I found a large poultice of chewed sassafras 
leaves. This is the dressing which the Indians usually apply to re- 
cent gunshot wounds. The poultice which I found having become 
too old and dry, was removed and replaced with a new one. 

Examples of personal bravery and hair breath escapes are 
always acceptable to readers of history. An instance of both of 
these happened during the attack on this Fort, which may be worth 

Abraham Rice, one of the principal men belong to the Fort of 
that name, on hearing the report of the deserters from the Indians, 
mounted a very strong active mare and rode in all haste to another 
Fort, about three and-a-half miles distant from his own, for further 
news, if any could be had, concerning the presence of a body of In- 
dians in the neighborhood. Just as he reached the place, he heard 
the report of the guns at his own Fort. He instantly returned as 
fast as possible, until he arrived within sight of the Fort. Finding 
that it still held out, he determined to reach it and assist in it defense, 
or perish in the attempt. In doing this, he had to cross the Creek, 
the Fort being some distance from it, on the opposite bank. He saw 
no Indians until his mare sprang down the bank of the Creek, at 
which instant about fifteen of them jumped up from among the 
weeds and bushes and discharged their guns at him. One bullet 
wounded him in the fleshy part of the right arm above the elbow. 
By this time several more of the Indians came up and shot at him. 
A second ball wounded him in the thigh a little above the knee, but 
without breaking the bone, and the ball passed transversely through 
the neck of the mare. She, however, sprang up the bank of the 
Creek, fell to her knees, and stumbled along about a rod before she 
recovered. During this time several Indians came running up to 
tomahawk him. Yet he made his escape, after having about thirty 
shots fired at him from a very short distance. After riding about 
four miles, he reached Lamb's Fort, much exhausted from the loss 
of blood. After getting his wounds dressed and resting awhile, he 
set off late in the evening with twelve men, determined if possible to 
reach the Fort under cover of the night. When they got within 
about two hundred yards of it, they halted ; the firing still continued. 
Ten of the men, thinking the enterprise too hazardous, refused to 
go any further, and retreated. Rice and two other men crept silent- 
ly along toward the Fort ; but had not proceeded very far before 
they came close upon an Indian in his concealment. He gave the 
alarm yell, which was instantly passed round the line with the ut- 
most regularity. This occasioned the Indians to make their last 
effort to take the place and make their retreat under cover of the 
night. Rice and his two companions returned in safety to Lamb's 

About ten o'clock next morning, sixty men collected at Rice's 
Fort for the relief of the place. They pursued the Indians, who 
kept in a body for about two miles. The Indians had then divided 



into small parties and took over the hills in different directions, 
so that they could be tracked no farther. The pursuit was of course 
given up. 

A small division of the Indians had not proceeded far after their 
separation, before they discovered four men coming from a neigh- 
boring Fort in the direction of that which they had left. The In- 
dians waylaid the path, and shot two of them on the spot ; the others 
fled. One of them being swift on foot, soon made his escape ; the 
other being a poor runner, was pursued by an Indian, who after a 
smart chase came close to him. The man then wheeled round and 
snapped his gun at the Indian. This he repeated several times. 
The Indian then threw his tomahawk at his head, but missed him. 
He then caught hold of the ends of his belt which was tied behind 
in a bow knot. In this again the Indian was disappointed, for the 
knot came loose, so that he got the belt, but not the man, who 
wheeled round and tried his gun again, which happened to go off 
and laid the Indian dead at his feet. 





When we received advice, at my father's Fort, of the attack on 
Rice's block-house, which was but a few miles distant, we sent word 
to all those families who were out on their farms, to come immedi- 
ately to the Fort. It became nearly dark before the two runners 
had time to give the alarm to the family of a Mr. Charles Stuart, 
who lived about three quarters of a mile off from the Fort. 

They returned in great haste, saying that Stuart's house was 
burned down, and that they had seen two fires between that 
and the Fort, at which the Indians were encamped. There was 
therefore no doubt that an attack would be made on our Fort early 
in the morning. 

In order to give the reader a correct idea of the military tactics 
of our early times, I will give, in detail, the whole progress of tire 
preparation which were made for the expected attack, and, as nearly 
as I can, I will give the commands of Capt. Teter, our officer, in his 
own words. 

la the first place he collected all our men together, and related 
the battles and skirmishes he had been in, and really they were not 
few in number. He was in Braddock's defeat. Grant's defeat, the 
taking of Fort Pitt, and nearly all the battles which took place be- 
tween the English, and the French and Indians, from Braddock's 
defeat until the capture of that place by Gen. Forbes. He reminded 
us, "that incase the Indians should succeed, we need expect no 
mercy ; that every man, woman and child would be killed on the 
spot. They have been defeated at one Fort, and now they are mad 
enough. If they should succeed in taking ours, all their vengeance 
will fall on our heads. We must fight for ourselves and one another, 
for our wives and children, brothers and sisters. We must make the 
best preparations we can ; a little after daylight we shall hear the 
crack of their guns." 

He then made a requisition of all the powder and lead in the 
Fort. The ammunition was accurately divided amongst all the men, 
and the amount supposed to be fully sufficient. When this was 
done, " Now," says the Captain, "when you run you bullets cut off 
the necks pretty close, and scrape them, so as to make them a little 
less, and get patches, one hundred, finer than those you commonlj' 
use, and have them well oiled, for if a rifle happens to be choked 


in the time of battle, there is one gun and one man lost for the rest 
of the battle. You will have no time to unbritch a gun and get a 
plug to drive out a bullet. Have the locks well oiled and your flints 
sharp, so as not to miss fire. ' ' 

Such were his orders to his men. He then said to the women, 
"These 3-ellow fellows are very handy setting fire to houses, and 
water is a very good thing to put out fire. You must fill every 
vessel with water. Our Fort, is not well stockaded, and these ugly 
fellows may rush into the middle of it, and attempt to set fire to our 
cabins in twenty places at once." They fell to work and did as he 
had ordered. 

The men having put their rifles to order, "Now," says he, 
"let every man gather in his axes, mattocks and hoes, and place 
them inside of his door ; for the Indians may make a dash at them 
with their tomahawks to cut them down, and an axe in that case 
might hit, when a gun would miss fire." 

lyike a good commander, our captain, not content with giving 
orders, went from house to house to see that every thing was right. 

The ladies of the present day will suppose that our women 
were frightened half to death v»'ith the near prospect of such an at- 
tack of the Indians. On the contrary, I do not know that I ever 
saw a merrier set of women in my life. They went on with their 
work of carrying water and cutting bullet patches for the men, ap- 
parently without the least emotion of fear ; and I have ever>' reason 
to believe that they would have been pleased with the crack of the 
guns in the morning. 

During all this time we had no sentinels placed around the Fort, 
so confident was our captain that an attack would not be made before 

I was at that time thirteen or fourteen years of age, but ranked 
as a Fort soldier. After getting my gun and all things else in order, 
I went up into the garret loft of my father's house, and laid down 
about the middle of the floor, with my shot pouch on and my gun 
by my side, expecting to be waked up by the report of the guns at 
daybreak, to take my station at the port-hole assigned me, which 
was in the second story of the house. 

I not did wake until about sunrise, when the alarm was all over. 
The family which we supposed had been killed, had come into the 
Fort about daybreak. Instead of the house being burnt, it was only 
a large old log on fire, near the house, which had been seen by our 
expresses. If they had seen anything like fire between that and the 
Fort, it must have been fox fire. Such is the creative power of im- 
agination, when under the influence of fear. 




This campaign took place in the summer of 1 780, and was dir- 
ected against the Indian villages on the Forks of the Muskingum. 

The place of rendezvous was Wheeling ; the number of regulars 
and militia about eight hundred. From Wheeling they made a.- 
rapid march, by the nearest route, to their place of destination. 
When the army reached the River a little below Salem, the lower 
Moravian town, Col. Broadhead sent an express to the missionary 
of that place, the Rev. John Heckewelder, informing him of his 
arrival in his neighborhood, with his army, requesting a small supply 
of provisions, and a visit from him in his camp. When the mission- 
ary arrived at the camp, the general informed him of the object of 
the expedition he was engaged in, and inquired of him whether any 
of the Christian Indians were hunting, or engaged in business in the 
direction of his march. On being answered in the negative, he 
stated that nothing would give him greater pain than to hear that 
any of the Moravian Indians had been molested by the troops, as 
these Indians had always, from the commencement of the war, con- 
ducted themselves in a manner that did them honor. 

A part of the militia had resolved on going up the River to des- 
troy the Moravian villages, but were prevented from executing their 
project by Gen. Broadhead and Col. Shepherd, of W^heeling. 

At White-eye Plains, a few miles from Coshocton, an Indian 
prisoner was taken. Soon afterwards two more Indians were dis- 
covered, one of whom was wounded, both made their escape. 

The commander, knowing that these two indians would make the 
utmost despatch in going to the town, to give notice of the approach 
of the army, ordered a rapid march, in the midst of a heavy fall of 
rain, to reach the town before them, and take it b}' surprise. The 
plan succeeded. The army reached the place in three divisions. 
The right and left wings approached the River a little above and 
below the town, while the centre marched directly upon it. The 
whole number of Indians in the village, on the east side of the River, 
together with ten or twelve fram a little village some distance above, 
were made prisoners without firing a single shot. The River having 
nsen to a great height, owing to the recent fall of rain, the arm}^ 
could not cross it. Owing to this, the villages with their inhabi- 
tants on the west side of the River escaped destruction. 



Among the prisoners, sixteen warriors were pointed out by 
Pekillon, a friendly Delaware chief, who was with the army of 

A little after dark, a council of war was held to determine on 
the fate of the warriors in custody. They were doomed to death, 
and by the order of the commander were bound, taken a little dis- 
tance below the town, and dispatched with tomahawks and spears, 
and scalped. 

Early the next morning, an Indian presented himself on the 
opposite bank of the River and asked for the Big Captain. Broad- 
head presented himself, and asked the Indian what he wanted. To 
which he replied, "I want peace." "Send over some of 5'our 
chiefs," said Broadhead. " Maybe you kill," said the Indian. He 
was answered, "They shall not be killed." One of the chiefs, a 
well-looking man, came over the River and engaged into conversation 
with the commander in the street ; but while engaged in conversa- 
tion, a man of the name of Wetzel came up behind him, with a 
tomahawk concealed in the bosom of his hunting shirt, and struck 
him on the back of his head. He fell and instantly expired. 

About eleven or twelve o'clock, the army commenced its re- 
treat from Coshocton. Gen. Broadhead committed the care of the 
prisoners to the militia. They were about twenty' in number. 
After marching about half a mile, the men commenced killing them. 
In a short time they were all dispatched, except a few women and 
children, who were spared and taken to Fort Pitt, and after some- 
time exchanged for an equal number of their prisoners. 




On the 27th day of March, 1789, about ten o'clock in the fore- 
noon, as Mrs. Brown was spinning in her house, her black woman, 
who had stepped out to gather sugar water, screamed out, " Here 
are Indians." She jumped up, ran to the window, and then to the 
door, where she was met by one of the Indians presenting his gun. 
She caught hold of the muzzle, and turning it aside, begged him not 
to kill her, but to take her prisoner. The other Indian in the mean 
time caught the negro woman and her boy, about four years 
old , and brought them into the house. They then opened a chest and 
took out a small box and some articles of clothing, and without 
doing any further damage, or setting fire to the house, set off with 
herself and son, about two and-a-half years old, the black woman 
and her two children, the oldest four years old and the youngest one 
year old. After going about one and-a-half miles they halted and 
held a consultation, as she supposed, about killing the chil- 
dren. This she understood to be the subject of their gestures 
and frequently pointing at the children. To one of the Indians 
who could speak English, she held out her little boy and beg- 
ged him not to kill him, as he would make a fine little Indian 
after awhile. The Indian made a motion to her to walk on with 
her child. The other Indian then struck the negro boy with the 
pipe end of his tomahawk, which knocked him down, and then dis- 
patched him by a blow with the edge across the back of the neck 
and scalped him. 

About four o'clock in the evening, they reached the River, 
about a mile above Wellsburg, and carried a canoe, which had 
been thrown up in some driftwood, into the river. They got into 
this canoe, and worked it down to the mouth of Brush Run, a dis- 
tance of about five miles. They pulled up the canoe into the 
mouth of the Run, as far as they could, then then went up the Run 
about a mile, and encamped for the night. The Indians gave the 
prisoners all their own clothes for covering, and added one of their 
own blankets. Awhile before daylight, the Indians got up and put 
another blanket over them. 

About sunrise they began their march up a very steep hill, and 
about two o'clock halted on Short Creek, about twenty miles from 
the place whence they had set out in the morning. The place 


where they had halted had been an encampment shortly before, as 
well as a place of deposit for the plunder which they had recently 
taken from the house of a Mr. Vanmeter, whose family had been 
killed. The plunder was deposited in a sycamore tree. Here they 
kindled a fire and put on a brass kettle, with a turkey which they 
had killed on the way, to boil in sugar water. 

Mr. Glass, the first husband of Mrs. Brown, was working with 
a hired man in a field, about a quarter of a mile from the house, 
when his wife and family were taken, but knew nothing of the 
event until two o'clock. After searching about the place, and going 
to several houses in quest of his family, he went to Mr. Well's Fort, 
collected ten men beside himself, and the same night lodged in a cabin 
on the bottom on which the town now stands. 

Next morning they discovered the place from which the In- 
dians had taken the canoe from the drift, and their tracks at the 
place of their embarkation. Mr. Glass could distinguish the track 
of his wife by the print of the hisrh heel of her shoe. They crossed 
over the River and went down on the other side until they came 
near the mouth of Rush Run ; but discovered no tracks of the In- 
dians, most of the men concluded that they would go to the mouth 
of the Muskingum River, by water, and therefore wished to turn 
back. Mr. Glass begged of them to go to the mouth of Short 
Creek, which was only two or three miles farther. To this they 
agreed. When they got to the mouth of Rush Run, they found the 
canoe of the Indians. This was identified by a proof, which goes 
to show the presence of mind of Mrs. Brown. While going down 
the River, one of the Indians threw into the water several papers, 
which he had taken out of Mr. Glass' trunk, some of which she 
picked out of the water, and under pretence of giving them to the 
child, dropped them into the bottom of the canoe. These left no 
doubt. The trail of the Indians and their prisoners up the Run to 
their camp, and then up to the River hill, was soon discovered. 
The trail, at the time, owing to the softness of the ground and the 
height of the weeds, was easily followed. 

About an hour after the Indians had halted, Mr. Glass and his 
men came within sight of the smoke of their camp. The object then 
was to save the lives of the prisoners, by attacking the Indians so 
unexpectedly, as not to allow them time to kill them. With this 
view they crept as slyly as they could, till they got within some- 
thing more than one hundred yards from the camp. Fortunately, 
Mrs. Brown's little son had gone to a sugar tree to get some water; 
but not being able to get it out of the bark trough, his mother had 
stepped out of the camp to get it for him. The negro woman was 
sitting some distance from the Indians, who were looking attentive- 
ly at a scarlet jacket which they had taken some time before. On a 
sudden they dropped the jacket, and turned their eyes toward the 
men, who supposing they were discovered, immediately discharged 
several guns, and rushed upon them, at full speed, with an Indian 



yell. One of the Indians, it was supposed, was wounded the first 
fire, as he fell and dropped his gun and shot pouch. After running 
about one hundred yards a second shot was fired at him by Major 
McGuire, which brought him to his hands and knees ; but there 
was no time for pursuit, as the Indians had informed Mrs. Brown 
that there was another encampment close by. They therefore 
returned home with all speed, and reached the Beach Bottom Fort 
that night. 

The other Indian at the first fire, ran a little distance beyond 
Mrs. Brown, so that she was in a right line between him and the 
white men. Here he halted for a little to put on his shot pouch, 
which Mr. Glass, for the moment, mistook for an attempt to kill 
his wife with a tomahawk. 

This artful manoeuver no doubt saved the life of the savage, as 
his pursuers dare not shoot at him without risking the life of Mrs. 




The following narrative goes to show how much may be effect- 
ed by the skill, bravery, and physical activity of a single individual, 
in the partizan warfare carried on against the Indians, on the west- 
ern frontier. 

Lewis Wetzel was the son of John Wetzel, a German, who 
settled on Big Wheeling, about fourteen miles from the River. He 
was amongst the first adventurers in that part of the country. His 
education, like that of his cotemporaries, was that of the hunter and 
warrior. When a boy he adopted the practice of loading and firing 
his rifle as he ran. This was a means of making him so destructive 
to the Indians afterwards. 

When about thirteen years old, he was taken prisoner b}' the 
Indians, together with his brother, Jacob, about eleven years old. 
Before he was taken he received a slight wound in the breast from 
a bullet, which carried off a small piece of his breast bone. The 
second night after they were taken, the Indians encamped at the 
Big Lick, twenty miles from the River, on the waters of McMahan's 
Creek. The boys were not confined. After the Indians had fallen 
asleep, Lewis whispered to his brother, Jacob, that he must get uo 
and go back home with him. Jacob, at first objected, but after- 
wards got up and went along wdth him. When they had got about 
one hundred yards from the camp, they sat on a log. " Well," 
said Lewis, " We can't go home barefooted ; I will go back and get 
a pair of moccasins for each of us ;" and accordingly did so, and 
returned. After sitting a little longer, " Now," says he, "I will 
go back and get father's gun, and then we'll start." This he ef- 
fected. They had not traveled far on the trail by which they came, 
before they heard the Indians coming after them. It was a moon- 
light night. When the Indians came pretty nigh to them, they 
stepped aside into the bushes, let them pass, then fell into their 
rear and traveled on. On the return of the Indians they did the 
same. They were then pursued by two Indians on horseback, whom 
they dodged the same way. The next day they reached Wheeling 
iti safety, crossing from the Indian shore to Wheeling Island, on a 
raft of their own making. By this time Lewis had become almost 
spent from his wound. 

In the' year 1782, after Crawford's defeat, Lewis went with a 


Thomas Mills, who had been in the campaign, to get a horse, wliich 
he had left near the place where St. Clairsville now stands. At the 
Indian Springs, two miles from St. Clairsville, on the Wheeling Road, 
they were met by about forty Indians, who were in pursuit of the 
strugglers from the campaign. The Indians and white men discov- 
ered each other about the same moment. Lewis fired first and 
killed an Indian, while the Indians wounded Mills in the heel, who 
was soon overtaken and killed. Four of the Indians then singled 
out, dropped their guns, and pursued Wetzel. Wetzel loaded his 
rifle as he ran. After rutniing about half a mile, one of the Indians 
having got within eight or ten steps of him, Wetzel wheeled round 
and shot him down, ran, and loaded his gun as before. After going 
about three-quarters of a mile farther, a second Indian v.ho came 
so close to him, that when he turned to fire the Indian caught the 
muzzle of the gun, and as he expressed it, "he and the Indian had 
a severe wring. ' ' He how^ever succeeded in bringing the muzzle to 
the Indians breast, and killed him on the spot. By this time, he as 
well as the Indians were pretty well tired ; yet the pursuit was con- 
tinued by the two remaining Indians. Wetzel, as before, loaded his 
gun, and stopped several times during the latter chase ; but when he 
did so, the Indians treed themselves. After going something more 
than a niile, Wetzel took advantage of a little open piece of ground 
over which the Indians were passing, a short distance behind him, 
to make a sudden stop for the purpose of shooting the foremost, who 
got behind a little sapling, which was too small to cover his bod5\ 
Wetzel shot and broke his thigh. The wound, in the issue, proved 
fatal. The last of the Indians gave a little yell, and said, "No 
catch dat man, gun always loaded," and gave up the chase, glad no 
doubt to get off with his life. 

It is said that Lewis Wetzel, in the course of the Indian v^-ars 
in this part of the countr3^ killed twenty-seven Indians besides a 
number more along the frontier settlements of Kentucky. 

240 ADAM POE. 



In the summer of 1782, a party of seven Wyandottes made an 
incursion into the settlement some distance below Fort Pitt, and 
several miles from the Ohio River, Here, finding an old man alone, 
in a cabin, they killed him, packed up what plunder they could find, 
and commenced their retreat. Among the party was a celebrated 
Wyandotte chief, who, in addition to his fame as a warrior and 
counsellor, was, as to his size and strength, a real giant. 

The news of the visit of the Indians soon spread through the 
neighborhood, and a party of eight good riflemen was collected in a 
few hours for the purpose of pursuing the Indians. In this party 
were two brothers of the name of Adam and Andrew Poe. They 
were both famous for courage, size and activity. 

This little party commenced the pursuit of the Indians, with a 
determination if possible, not to suffer them to escape, as they usually 
did on such occasions, by making a speedy flight to the River, cross- 
ing it, and then dividing into small parties, to meet at a distant point 
in a given time. 

The pursuit was continued the greater part of the night after 
the Indians had done the mischief. In the morning the party found 
themselves on the trail of the Indians, which led to the River. When 
arrived within a short distance of the River, Adam Poe, fearing an 
ambuscade, left the party, who followed directly on the trail, to creep 
along the brink of the River bank, under cover of the weeds and 
bushes, to fall on the rear of the Indians, should he find them in 
ambuscade. He had not gone far before he saw the Indian rafts at 
the water's edge. Not seeing any Indians he stepped softly down 
the bank with his rifle cocked. When about half way down, he 
discovered the large Wyandotte chief and a small Indian within a 
few steps of him. They were standing with their guns cocked, and 
looking in the direction of our party, who by this time had gone 
some distance lower down the bottom. Poe took aim at the large 
chief, but his rifle missed fire. The Indians hearing the snap of the 
gun lock, instantly turned round and discovered Poe, who being too 
near them to retreat, dropped his gun and sprang from the bank 
upon them, and seizing the large Indian by the clothes on his breast, 
and at the same time embracing the neck of the smaller one, threw 
them both down on the ground, himself being uppermost. The 

ADAM POE. 241 

small Indian soon extricated himself, ran to the raft, got his toma- 
hawk, and attempted to dispatch Poe, the large Indian holding him 
fast in his arm with all his might, the better to enable his fellow to 
effect his purpose. Poe, however, so well watched the motions of 
his assailant, that, when in the act of aiming his blow at his head, 
b}^ a vigorous and well directed kick with one of his feet, he stag- 
gered the savage, and knocked the tomahawk out of his hand. This 
failure on the part of the small Indian, was reproved by an exclama- 
tion of contempt from the large one. 

In a moment the Indian caught up his tomahawk again, ap- 
proached more cautiously, brandishing his tomahawk, and making a 
number of feigned blows in defiance and derision. Poe, however, 
still on his guard, averted the real blow from his head, b\' throwing 
up his arm, and receiving it on his wrist in which he was severely 
wounded ; but not so as to lose entirely the use of his hand. 

In this perilous moment, Poe, by a violent effort, broke loose 
from the Indian, snatched up one of the Indian's guns, and shot 
the small Indian through the breast, as he ran up the third time to 
tomahawk him. 

The large Indian was novv' on his feet, and grasping Poe bj- a 
shoulder and leg, threw him dovvm on the bank. Poe instantly dis- 
engaged himself and got on his feet. The Indian then seized 
him again, and a new struggle ensued, which, owing to the 
slippery state of the bank, ended in the fall of both combatants into 
the water. 

In this situation, it was the object of each to drown the other. 
Their efforts to effect their purpose vras continued for some time 
with alternate success, sometimes one being under the Avater and 
sometimes the other. Poe at length seized the tuft of hair on the 
scalp of the Indian, with which he held his head under water, until 
he supposed him drowned. 

Relaxing his hold too soon, Poe instantly found his gigantic 
antagonist on his feet again, and ready for another combat. In this 
they were carried into the water beyond their depth. In this situa- 
tion they were compelled to loose their hold on each other and swim 
for mutual safet3\ Both sought the shore, to seize a gun and end 
the contest with bullets. The Indian being the best swimmer, 
reached the land first. Poe seeing this, immediately turned back 
into the water, to escape, if possible, being shot, b}- diving. For- 
tunately the Indian caught up the rifle with which Poe had killed the 
other warrior. 

At this juncture, Andrew Poe, missing his brother from the 
party, and supposing from the report of the gun which he shot, that 
he was either killed or engaged in conflict with the Indians hastened 
to the spot. On seeing him, Adam called out to him to "kill 
the big Indian on shore." But Andrew's gun, like that of the 
Indian's was empty. The contest was now between the white 
man and the Indian, who should load and fire first. Very fortun- 


242 ADAM POE. 

ately for Poe, the Indian, on loading, drew the ramrod from the 
thimbles of the stock of the gun with so much violence, that it slip- 
ped out of his hand and fell a little distance from him. He quickly 
caught it up, and rammed down his bullet. This little delay gave 
Poe the advantage. He shot the Indian as he was raising his gun 
to take aim at him. 

As soon as Andrew had shot the Indian, he jumped into the 
River to assist his wounded brother to shore ; but Adam, thinking 
more of the honor of carrying the scalp of the big Indian home as a 
trophy of victory than of his own safety, urged Andrew to go back 
and prevent the struggling savage from rolling himself into the River 
and escaping. Andrew's solicitude for the life of his brother pre- 
vented him from compljdng with this request. 

In the mean time, the Indian, jealous of the honor of his scalp 
even in the agonies of death, succeeded in reaching the River and 
getting into the current, so that his bodj' was never obtained. 

An unfortunate occurrence took place during this conflict. 
Just as Andrew arrived at the top of the bank for the relief of his 
brother, one of the party who had followed close behind him, seeing 
Adam in the River, and mistaking him for a wounded Indian, shot 
at him and wounded him in the shoulder. He, however, recovered 
from his wounds. 

During the contest between Adam Poe and the Indians, the 
party had overtaken the remaining six of them. A desperate conflict 
ensued, in which five of the Indians were killed. Our loss was three 
men killed and Adam Poe severely wounded. 

Thus ended this Spartan conflict, with the loss of three valiant 
men on our part, and with that of the whole Indian party ex- 
cepting one warrior. Never on any occasion was there a greater 
display of desparate bravery, and seldom did a conflict take place, 
which, in the issue, proved so fatal to so great a proportion of those 
engaged in it. 

The fatal result of this little campaign, on the side of the In- 
dians, occasioned a universal mourning among the Wyandotte na- 
tion. The big Indian and his four brothers, all of whom were killed 
at the same place, were among the most distinguished chiefs and 
warriors of their nation. 

The big Indian was magnanimous as well as brave. He, more 
than any other individual, contributed, by his example and influence, 
to the good character of the Wyandottes for lenity towards their 
prisoners. He would not suffer them to be killed or ill-treated. 
This mercy to captives was an honorable distinction of character of 
the Wyandottes and was well understood by our first settlers, who, 
in case of captivity, thought it a fortunate circumstance to fall into 
their hands. 

It is consoling to the historians to find instances of these endow- 
ments of mind which constitute human greatness even among savages. 
The original stamina of these endowments or what is called genius, 

ADAM POE. 243 

are but thinly scattered over the earth, and there can be but little 
doubt but that the lower grades of society possess their equal propor- 
tion of the bases of moral greatness, or in other words, that there 
is as much of native genius in proportion to numbers, among sav- 
ages, as there is among civilized people. The difference between 
these two extremes of society is merely in the difference of education. 
This view of human nature, philosphically correct, is well calculated 
to increase the benevolence of even the good Samaritan himself, and 
encourage his endeavors for the instruction of the most ignorant, 
and the reformation of the most barbarous. 

Had the aboriginals of our country been possessed of science to 
enable them to commit to the faithful page of history the events of 
their intercourse with us since the discovery and settlement of their 
native land by the Europeans, what would be the contents of this 
history ! Not such as it is from the hands of our historians, who 
have presented nought but the worst features of the Indian charac- 
ter, as exhibited in the coarse of their wars against the invaders of 
their country, while the wrongs inflicted on them by civilized men 
have occupied but a very small portion of the record. Their suffer- 
ings, their private virtues, their bravery and magnanimity in war, 
together with their individual in.stances of greatness of mind, hero- 
ism, and clemency to captives in the midst of the cruelties of their 
barbarous warfare, must soon be buried with themselves in the tomb 
of their national existence. 





The following narrative goes to show that the long continuance 
of the Indian war had inspired even the young lads of our coun- 
try not only with ali the bravery, but all the subtility of the Indians 

In the fall of the 3-ear 1793, two boys by the name of John and 
Henry Johnson, the first thirteen and the latter eleven 3'ears old, 
whose parents lived in Carpenter's Station, a little distance from the 
mouth of Short Creek, on the east side of the Ohio River, were sent 
out in the evening to hunt the cows. At tne foot of a hill, at the 
back of the Bottom, they sat down under a hickory tree to crack 
some nuts. They soon saw two men coming towards them, one of 
whom had a bridle in his hand. Being dressed like white men, they 
mistook them for their father and an uncle in search of the horses. 
When they discovered their mistake and attempted to run off, the In- 
dians pointed their guns at them, told them to stop or they would 
kill them. They halted and were taken prisoners. 

The Indians, being in pursuit of horses, conducted the boys 
by a circuitous route over the Short Creek Hills in search of 
them, until late in the evening, when they halted at a spring in a 
hollow place, about three miles from the Fort. Here they kindled 
a small fire, cooked and ate some vitals, and prepared to repose for 
the night. 

Henry, the youngest of the boys, during the ramble had af- 
fected the greatest satisfaction at having been taken a prisoner. 
He said his father was a hard master, who kept him always at 
hard work, and allowed him no play ; but that for his part he 
wished to live in the woods and be a hunter. This deportment soon 
brought him into intimacy with one of the Indians, who could 
speak very good English. The Indians frequently asked the 
boys if they knew of any good horses running in the woods. 
Sometime before they halted, one of the Indians gave the largest of 
the boys a little bag, which he supposed contained money, and made 
him carry it. 

When night came on the fire was covered up, the boys pinioned, 
and made to lie down together. The Indians then placed their hop- 
pis straps over them, and laid down, one on each side of them, on 
the ends of the straps. 


Pretty late in the night the Indians fell asleep, and one of them 
becoming cold, caught hold of John in his arms, and turned him 
over on the outside. In this situation, the boy, who had kept awake, 
found means to get his hand loose. He then whispered to his 
brother, made him get up and untie his arms. This done, Henry 
thought of nothing but running off as fast as possible ; but when 
about to start, John caught hold of him, saying, "We must kill 
these Indians before we go." After some hesitation, Henrj^ agreed 
to make the attempt. John then took one of the rifles of the In- 
dians, and placed it on a log with the muzzle close to the head of 
one of them. He then cocked the gun, and placed his little brother 
at the britch, with his finger on the triger, with instructions to pull 
it as soon as he should strike the other Indian. 

He then took one of the Indian's tomahawks, and standing 
astraddle of one of the Indians, struck him with it. The blow, 
however, fell on the back of the neck and to one side, so as not to 
be fatal. The Indian then attempted to spring up ; but the little 
fellow repeated his blows with such force and rapidity on the 
skull, that as he expressed it, " the Indian laid still and began to 
quiver, ' ' 

At the moment of the first stroke given by the elder brother 
with the tomahawk, the younger one pulled the trigger, and shot 
away a considerable portion of the Indian's lower jaw. This In- 
dian, a moment after receiving the shot, began to flounce about and 
yell in the most frightful manner. The boys then made the best of 
their way to the Fort, and reached it a little before daybreak. On 
getting near the Fort they found the people all up and in great agi- 
tation on their account. On hearing a woman exclaim, " Poor little 
fellows, they are killed or taken prisoners!" the oldest one ans- 
wered, " No mother, we are here yet." 

Having brought nothing away with them from the Indian 
camp, their relation of what had taken place between them and the 
Indians was not fully credited. A small party was soon made up to 
go and ascertain the truth or falsehood of their report. This party 
the boys conducted to the spot by the shortest route. On arriving 
at the place, they found the Indian whom the oldest brother had 
tomahawked, lying dead in the camp ; the other had crawled away, 
and taken his gun and shot-pouch with him. After scalping the 
Indian, the party returned to the Fort, and the same day a larger 
party went out to look after the wounded Indian, who had crawled 
some distance from the camp and concealed himself in the top of a 
fallen tree, where, notwithstanding the severity of his wound, with 
a Spartan bravery he determined to sell his life as dearly as possible. 
Having fixed his gun for the purpose, on the approach of the men 
to a proper distance, he took aim at one of them, and pulled the 
trigger, but his gun missed fire. On hearing the snap of the lock, 
one of the men exclaimed, " I should not like to be killed b}- a dead 
Indian ! " The party concluded that the Indian would die at any 


rate, thought best to retreat, and return and look for him after some 
time. On returning, however, he could not be found, having crawled 
away and concealed himself in some other place. His skeleton and 
gun were found sometime afterwards. 

The Indians who were killed were great warriors, and very- 
wealthy. The bag, which was supposed to contain money, it was 
conjectured was got by one of the party, who went out first in the 
morning. On hearing the report of the boys, he slipped off by him- 
self, and reached the place before the party arrived. For some time 
afterwards he appeared to have a greater plenty of money than his 

The Indians themselves did honor to the bravery of these two 
boys. After their treaty with Gen. Wayne, a friend of the Indians 
who were killed made enquiry of a man from Short Creek, what had 
become of the boys, who killed the Indians? He was answered 
that they lived at the same place with their parents. The Indian 
replied, " You have not done right ; j^ou should have made kings of 
those boys." 




Having thus given to the reader, in the preceding pages, a con- 
nected history of the wars with the Indians, from the earliest settle- 
ment of the country until the treaty of peace made by Gen. Wayne, 
in 1794, I will go back to the year 1772, and trace the various steps 
by which our settlements advanced to their present vigorous state of 

The settlements on this side of the mountains commenced along 
the Monongahela, and between that River and the Laurel Ridge, in 
the year 1772. In the succeeding year they reached the Ohio River. 
The greater number of the first settlers came from the upper part of 
the then colonies of Maryland and Virginia. Braddock's trail, 
as it was called, was the route by which the greater number of them 
crossed the mountains. A less number of them came by the way of 
Bedford and Fort Ligonier. the military road from Eastern Pennsyl- 
vania to Pittsburg. They effected their removal on horses furnished 
with pack-saddles. This was the more easily done, as but few of 
these early adventurers into the wilderness were encumbered with 
much baggage. 

Land was the object which invited the greater number of these 
people to cross the mountain ; for as the saj'ing then was, " it was 
to be had here for the taking up." That is, building a cabin and 
raising a crop of grain, however small, of any kind, entitled the 
occupant to four hundred acres of land, and a pre-emption right to 
one thousand acres more adjoining, to be secured by a land office 
warrant. This right was to take effect if there happened to be so 
much vacant land, or any part thereof, adjoining the tract secured 
by the settlement right. 

At an early period the government of Virginia appointed three 
Commissioners to give certificates of settlement rights. These cer- 
tificates, together with the Surveyor's plat, was sent to the land 
office of the State, where they laid six months, to await any 
caveat which might be offered. If none was offered the patent then 

There was, at an early period of our settlements, an inferior 
kind of land title, dominated a "tomahawk right," which was made 
by deadening a few trees near the head of a spring, and marking the 
bark of some one or more of them with the initials of the name of 


tlie person who made the improvement. I remember having seen a 
number of those ' ' tomahawk rights ' ' when a boy. For a long time 
many of them bore the name of those who made them. I have no 
knowledge of the efhcacj^ of the tomahawk improvement, or whether 
it conferred anj' right whatever, unless followed by an actual settle- 
ment. These rights, however, were often bought and sold. Those 
who wished to make settlements on their favorite tracts of land, 
bought up the tomahawk improvemients, rather than enter into quar- 
rals with those who made them. Other improvers of the land with 
a view to actual settlement, and who happened to be stout 
veteran fellows, took a very different course from that of purchas- 
ing the tomahawk rights. When annoyed by the claimants under 
these rights, they deliberately cut a few good hickories, and gave 
them what was called in those days " a laced jacket " that is a sound 

Some of the earh' settlers took the precaution to come over the 
mountains in the spring (leaving their families behind), to raise a 
crop of corn, and then return and bring them out in the fall. This 
I should think was the better way. Others, especially those whose 
families were small, brought them with them in the spring. My 
father took the latter course. His family v^^ere but small, and he 
brought them with him. The Indian meal which he brought over 
the mountain was expended six weeks too soon, so for that length 
of time we had to live without bread. The lean vension and the 
breast of the wild turkeys we were taught to call bread, and the flesh 
of the bear was dominated as meat. This artifice did not succeed 
very well ; for after living in this way for some time we became 
sickly, the stomach seeming to be ahvays empty and tormented with 
a sense of hunger. I remember how narrowly the children watched 
the growth of the potatoe tops, pumpkin and squash vines, hoping 
from day to day to get something to answer in the place of bread. 
How delicious was the taste of the young potatoes when we got 
them ! What jubilee when we were permitted to pull the 5'oung 
corn for roasting ears ! still more so when it had acquired a sufficient 
hardness to be made) into johnny-cakes by the aid of a tin-grater ! 
We then became healthy, vigorous, and contented with our situa- 
tion, poor as it Avas. 

My father, with a small number of his neighbors, made their 
settlements in the spring of 1773. Though they were in a poor and 
destitute situation, they nevertheless lived in peace ; but their tran- 
quility was not of long continuance. Those most atrocious murders 
of the peaceable inoffensive Indians of Captina and Yellow Creek, 
brought on the war of L,ord Dunmore in the spring of the year 
1774. Our little settlement then broke up. The women and chil- 
dren were removed to Morris's Fort, in Sandy Creek Glade, some 
distance to the east of Uniontown. The Fort consisted of an assem- 
blage of small hovels, situated on the margin of a large and noxious 
marsh, the effluvia of which gave most of the women and children 


the fever and ague. The men were compelled by necessity to re- 
turn home, risking the tomahawk and scalping knife of the Indians, 
to raise corn to keep their families from starA^ation the succeeding 
winter. These sufferings, danger and losses, were the tribute we 
had to pay to that thirst for blood which actuated those veteran mur- 
ders who brought the war upon us ! The memory of the sufferers 
in this war, as well as that of their descendants, still looks back 
upon them with regret and abhorence and the page of history 
will consign their names to posterity with the full weight of infamy 
they deserve. 

A correct and detailed view of the origin of societies, and their 
progress from one condition or point of wealth, science and civiliza- 
tion, to another, is always highly interesting, even when received 
through the dusky mediums of histor}^ oftentimes but poorly and 
partially written ; but when this retrospect of things past and 
gone is drawn from the recollections of experience, the impres- 
sions which it makes on the heart are of the most vivid, deep and 
lasting kind. 

The following history of the state of societ}-, manners and cus- 
toms of our forefathers, is to be drawn from the latter source ; and 
it is given to the world with the recollection that many of my co- 
temporaries, still living, have, as well as myself, witnessed all the 
scenes and events herein described, and whose memories would speed- 
ily detect and expose any errors the w^ork may contain. 

The municipal, as well as ecclesiastical institutions of society, 
whether good or bad, in consequence of their long continued use, 
give a corresponding cast to the public character of society whose 
conduct they direct and the more so because in the lapse of time the 
observ^ance of them becomes a matter of conscience. 

This observation applies in full force to that influence of our 
early land laws which allowed four hundred acres and no more to a set- 
tlement right. Many of our early settlers seem to regard this 
amount of the surface of the earth as the allotment of Divine Provi- 
dence for one family, and believed that any attempt to get more 
would be sinful. Most of them, therefore, contented themselves 
with that amount, although thej' might have evaded the \sl\v, which 
allowed but one settlement right to any one individual, by taking 
out the title papers in the names of others, to be afterwards trans- 
ferred to them, as if by purchase. Some few indeed pursued this 
practice, but it was held in detestation. 

M3' father, like many others, believed, that having secured this 
legal allotment, the rest of the country belonged of right to those 
who choose to settle in it. There was a piece of vacant land adjoin- 
ing his tract, amounting to about two hundered acres. To this tract 
of land he had the pre-emption right, and accordingly secured it by 
w-arrant ; but his conscience would not permit him to retain it in 
his family ; he therefore gave it to an apprentice lad whom he raised 



in his house. This lad sold it to an uncle of mine for a cow and 
calf and a wool hat. 

Owing to the equal distribution of real property directed by our 
land laws, and the sterling integrity of our forefathers in their ob- 
servance of them, we have no districts of "sold land," as it is 
called, that is, large tracts of land in the hands of individuals and 
companies who neither sell nor improve them, as is the case of Lower 
Canada and the northwestern part of Pennsylvania. These unset- 
tled tracts make huge blanks in the population of the country where- 
ever they exist. 

The division lines between those whose lands adjoined, were 
generally made in an amicable manner by the parties concerned, 
before any survey of them was made. In doing this they were 
guided mainly by the tops of ridges and water courses, but particu- 
larly the former. Hence the greater number of farms in the west- 
ern parts of Pennsylvania and Virginia bear a striking resemblance to 
an amphitheater. The buildings occupy a low situation, and the 
tops of the surrounding hills are the boundaries of the tract to which 
the famil}' mansion belongs. 

Our forefathers were fond of farms of this description, because, 
as they said, they are attended with this convenience, "that every- 
thing comes to the house down hill." In the hilly parts of the state 
of Ohio, the land having been laid off in an arbitrary manner, by 
straight parallel lines, without regard to hill or dale, the farmers 
present a different aspect from those on the east side of the River oppo- 
site. There the building frequently occupy the tops of the hills as 
any other situation. 

Our people had become so accustomed to the mode of ' ' getting 
land for taking it up," that for along time it was generally be- 
lieved that the land on the west side of the Ohio would ultimately be 
disposed of in that way. 

Hence almost the whole tract of country between the Ohio and 
Muskingum was parceled out in tomahawk improvements ; but 
these latter improvers did not content themselves with a single four 
hundred acre tract apiece. Many of them owned a great number of 
tracts of the best land, and thus, in imagination, were as " wealthy 
as a South Sea dream." Many of the land-jobbers of this class did 
not content themselves with marking the trees, at the usual height, 
with the initials of their names ; butclimed up the large beech trees, 
and cut the letters in their bark, from twenty to forty feet from the 
ground. To enable them to identify those trees, at a future period, 
they made marks on other trees around them as references. 

Most of the early settlers considered their land of little value, 
from an apprehension that after a few years' cultivation it would 
lose its fertility, at least for a long time. I have often heard 
them say that such a field would bear so many crops, and another so 
many more or less than that. The ground of this belief concerning 
the short-lived fertility of the land in this country, was, the poverty 


of a great proportion of the land in the lower parts of Maryland and 
Virginia, which, after producing a few croDs, became unfit for use, 
and was thrown out into commons. 

In their unfavorable opinion of the nature of the soil of our 
country our forefathers were utterly mistaken. The native weeds 
were scarcely destroyed before the white clover and different kinds 
of grass made their appearance. These soon covered the ground, 
so as to afford pasture for the cattle by the time the wood range was 
eaten out, as well as protect the soil from being washed away by 
drenching rains, so often injurious in hilly countries. 

Judging from Virgil's* test of fruitful and barren soils, the 
greater part of this country must possess every requisity for fertili- 
ty. The test is this. Dig a hole of any reasonable dimensions and 
depth ; if the earth which was taken out, when thrown lightly back 
into it does not fill up the hole, the soil is fruitful ; but if it more 
than fills it up, the soil is barren. 

Whoever chooses to try this experiment will find the result in- 
dicative of the richness of our soil. Even our graves, notwith- 
standing the size of the vault, are seldom finished with the earth 
thrown out of them, and they soon sink below the surrounding 

* Ante locum capies oculis, alteque jubebis, 
In solido puteum, demitti, omnemque repones 
Rursus hnmum, et pedibus summas aequabis arenas. 
Si deerunt ; rarum, pecorique et vitibus almis 
Aptius uber erit. Sin in sua posse negabunt 
Ire loca, et scrobibus superabit terra repletis, 
Spissus ager : glebas cunctantes crassaque terga 
Expecta, et validis terrain proscinde juvencis. 

yir. Geo. lib. i, L zjo. 






The settlement of a new country in the immediate neighborhood 
of an old one, is not attended with much difhculty. because supplies 
can be obtained from the latter ; but the settlement of a country 
very remote from any cultivated region, is a very different thing ; be- 
cause at the outset, food, raiment, and the implements of husban- 
dry, are obtained only in small supplies and with great difficulty-. 
The task of making new establishments in a remote wilderness, in 
time of profound peace, is sufficiently difficult ; but when, in addi- 
tion to all the unavoidable hardships attendant on this business, 
those resting from an extensive and furious warfare with savages 
are superadded , toil, privations and sufferings, are then carried to 
the full extent of the capacity of men to endure them. 

Such was the wretched condition of our forefathers in making 
their settlements here. To all their difficulties and privations, the 
Indian war was a weighty addition. The destructive warfare they 
were compelled to sustain almost single-handed, because the revolu- 
tionary contest with England gave full employment for the military 
strength and resources on the east side of the mountains. 

The following history of the poverty, labors, sufferings, man- 
ners and customs, of our forefathers, will appear like a collection of 
" tales of olden times," without any garnish of language to spoil the 
original portraits, by giving them shades of coloring which they did 
not possess. 

I shall follow the order of things as they occurred during the 
period of time embraced in these narratives, beginning with those 
rude accommodations with which our first adventurers into this coun- 
try furnished themselves at the commencement of their establish- 
ments. It will be a homely narrative, yet valuable on the ground 
of its being real history. 

If my reader, when viewing, through the medium which I here 
present, the sufferings of human nature in one of its most depressed 
and dangerous conditions, should drop an involuntary tear, let him 
not blame me for the sentiment of sympathy which he feels. On 
the contrary, if he should sometimes meet with a recital calculated 
to excite a smile or a laugh, I claim no credit for his enjoy- 
ment. It is the subject matter of the history, and not the his- 


toriati, which makes those widely different impressions on the mind 
of the reader. 

In this chapter it is my design to give a brief account of the 
household furniture and articles of diet which were used by the 
first inhabitants of our country. A description of their cabins and 
half-faced camps, and their manner of building them, will be found 

The furniture for the table, for several years after the settle- 
ment of this country, consisted of a few pewter dishes, plates and 
spoons, but mostly of wooden bowls, trenchers and noggins. If 
these last were scarce, gourds and hard-shelled squashes made up the 

The iron pot, knives and forks, were brought from the east side 
of the mountains, along with the salt and iron, on pack-horses. 

These articles of furniture correspond very well with the arti- 
cles of diet on which they were employed. " Hog and homminy " 
were proverbial for the dishes of which they were competent parts. 
Journey-cake and pone were, at the outset of the settlements of the 
country, the only forms of bread in use for breakfast and din- 
ner. At supper, milk and mush were the standard dish. When 
milk was not plenty, which was often the case, owing to the scarci- 
ty of cattle or the want of proper pasture for them, the substantial 
dish of homminy had to supply the place of them. Mush was fre- 
quently eaten with sweetened water, molasses, bear's oil, or the 
gravey of fried meat. 

Every family, besides a little garden for the few vegetables 
which they cultivated, had another small enclosure containing from 
half an acre to an acre, which they called a "truck-patch," in 
which they raised corn for roasting-ears, pumpkins, squashes, beans 
and potatoes. These, in the latter part of the summer and fall, 
were cooked with their pork, venison and bear meat, for dinner, 
and made very wholesome and well-tasted dishes. The stand- 
ard dinner dish for every time log-rolling, or house-raising and 
harvest-day came, was a pot-pie, or what in other countries is 
called "sea-pie." This, besides answering for dinner, served 
for a part of the supper also, the remainder of it from dinner being 
eaten with milk in the evening, after the conclusion of the labor of 
the day. 

In our whole display of furniture, the delf, china, and silver 
were unknown. It did not then, as now, require contributions 
from the four quarters of the globe to furnish the breakfast table, 
viz : the silver from Mexico, the coffee from the West Indies, the 
tea from China, and the delf and porcelain from Europe or Asia. 
Yet our homely fare, and unsightly cabins and furniture, produced 
a hardy, veteran race, who planted the first footsteps of society and 
civilization in the immense regions of the west. Indeed to hardi- 
hood, bravery and labor, from their early youth, they sustained 
with manly fortitude the fatigue of the chase, the campaign and 


scout, and with strong arms "turned the wildness into fruitful 
fields," and have left to their descendants the rich inheritance of an 
immense empire blessed with peace and wealth. 

I well recollect the first time I ever saw a tea-cup and caucer, 
and tasted coffee. My mother died when I was about six or seven 
years old, and my father sent me to Maryland with a brother of my 
grandfather, Mr. Alexander Wells, to school. 

At Col. Brown's, in the mountains, (at Stony Creek Glades), I 
for the first time saw tame geese ; and by bantering a pet gander, I 
got a severe biting by his bill, and beaten by his wings. I won- 
dered very much that birds so large and strong should be so much 
tamer than the wild turkeys. At this place, however, all was right, 
excepting the large birds which they called geese. The cabin and 
its furniture were such as I had been accustomed to see in the back- 
woods, as my country was then called. 

At Bedford everything was changed. The tavern at which my 
uncle put up was a stone house, and to make the change more com- 
plete, it was plastered in the inside, both to the walls and ceiling. 
On going into the dining room I was struck with astonishment at 
the appearance of the house. I had no idea that there was any 
house in the world which was not built of logs ; but here I looked 
round the house and could see no logs, and above I could see no 
joists ; whether such things could be made by the hands of man, or 
had grown so of itself, I could not conjecture. I had not the cour- 
age to inquire anything about it. 

When supper came on, " my confusion was worse confounded." 
A little cup stood in a bigger one, with some brownish-looking stuff 
in it, which was neither milk homminy nor broth. What to do 
with these little cups and the little spoons belonging to them, I 
could not tell ; and I was afraid to ask anything concerning the use 
of them. 

It was in the time of the war, and the company were giving ac- 
counts of catching, whipping, and hanging the tories. The word 
jail frequently occurred. This word I had never heard before ; but 
I soon discovered its meaning, was much terrified, and supposed 
that we were in danger of the fate of the tories ; for I thought as we 
had come from the back woods, it was altogether likely that we 
must be tories too. For fear of being discovered I dare not utter a 
single word. I therefore watched attentively to see what the big 
folks would do with the little cups and spoons. I imitated them, 
and found the taste of the coffee nauseous beyond anything I ever 
had tasted in my life ; I continued to drink, as the rest of the com- 
pany did, with the tears streaming from my eyes, but when it was 
to end I was at a loss to know, as the little cups were filled immedi- 
ately after being emptied. This circumstance distressed me very 
much, as I dare not say I had enough. Looking attentively at the 
grown persons, I saw one man turn his cup bottom upwards and put 
his little spoon across it ; I observed that his cup was not filled 



again ; I followed his example, and to my great satisfaction, the 
result as to my cup was the same, 

The introduction of delf ware was considered by many of the 
backwoods people as a culpable innovation. It was too easily 
broken, and the plates of that ware dulled their scalping and clasp 
knives ; tea ware was too small for men, but might do for women 
and children. Tea and coffee were only slops, which in the adage 
of the day, " did not stick by the ribs." The idea was, they were 
designated only for persons of quality, who did not labor, or the 
sick. A genuine backwoodsman would have thought himself dis- 
graced by showing a fondness for these slops. Indeed, many of 
them have to to this day very little respect for them. 

256 DRESS. 



On the frontiers, and particularly among those who are much 
in the habit of hunting, and going on scouts and campaigns, 
the dress of the men was partly Indian and partly that of civilized 

The hunting shirt was universally worn. This was a kind of 
loose frock, reaching half way down the thighs, with large sleeves, 
open before, and so wide as to lap over a foot or more when belted. 
The cape was large, and sometimes handsomely fringed with a ravel- 
led piece of cloth of a different color from that of the hunting shirt it- 
self. The bosom of this dress served as a wallet to hold a chunk of 
bread, cakes, jerk, tow for wiping the barrel of the rifle, or any other 
necessary for the hunter or warrior. The belt, which was always 
tied behind, answered for several purposes besides that of holding 
the dress together. In cold weather, the mittens, and sometimes 
the bullet-bag, occupied the front part of it ; to the right side was 
suspended the tomahawk, and to the left the scalping knife in its 
leather sheath. The hunting shirt was generally made of linsey, 
sometimes of coarse linen, and a few of dressed deer skins. These 
last were very cold and uncomfortable in wet weather. The shirt 
and jacket were of the common fashion. A pair of drawers or 
breeches, and leggings, were the dress of the thighs and legs. A 
pair of moccasons answered for the feet much better than shoes. 
These were made of dressed deer skin. The}' were mostly made of 
a single piece, with a gathering seam along the top of the foot, and 
another from the bottom of the heel, with gaiters as high as the 
ankle joint or a little higher. Flaps were left on each side to reach 
some distance up the legs. These were nicely adapted to the ankles 
and lower part of the legs b}^ thongs of deer skin, so that no dust, 
gravel or snow, could get within the moccasons. 

The moccasons in ordinary use cost but a few hours labor to 
make them. This was done by an instrument denominated a moc- 
cason awl, which was made of the back spring of an old clasp knife. 
The awl, with its buckhorn handle, was an appendage of every shot 
pouch strap, together with a roll of buckskin for mending the moc- 
casons. This was the labor of almost every evening. They were 
sewed together and patched with deer skin thongs, or wangs as they 
were commonly called. 

DRESS. 257 

In cold weather the moccasoiis were well stuffed with deer's 
hair or dried leaves, so as to keep the feet comfortably warm ; but in 
wet weather it was usually said that wearing them was ' ' a decent 
way of going barefooted;" and such was the fact, owing to the 
spongy texture of the leather of which they were made. 

Owing to this defective covering of the feet, more than to any 
other circumstance, the greater number of our hunters and warriors 
were afflicted with rheumatism in their limbs. Of this disease they 
were all apprehensive in wet or cold weather, and therefore always 
slept with their feet to the fire to prevent or cure it as well as 
they could. This practice unquestionably had a very salutory effect, 
and prevented many of them from becoming confirmed cripples in 
early life. 

In the latter j-ears of the Indian war our j'onng men became 
more enamored of the Indian dress throughout, with the exception 
of the match coat. The drawers were laid aside and the leggins made 
longer, so as to reach the upper part of the thigh. The Indian 
breech clout was adopted. This was a piece of linen or cloth nearly 
a yard long, and eight or nine inches broad. This passed under the 
belt before and behind, leaving the ends for flaps, hanging before 
and behind over the belt. These belts were sometimes ornamented 
with some coarse kind of embroidery work. The same belts which 
secured the breech clout, strings which supported the long leggings 
were attached. When this belt, as was often the case, passed over 
the hunting shirt, the upper part of the thighs and part of the hips 
were naked. 

The young warrior, instead of being abashed by this nudity, 
was proud of his Indian-like dress. In some few instances I 
have seen them go into places of public worship in this dress. 
Their appearance, however, did not add much to the devotion of 
the young ladies. 

The linsey petticoat and bed gown, which were the universal 
dress of our women in early times, would make a strange figure in 
our days. A small home-made handkerchief, in point of elegance, 
would illy supply the place of that profusion of ruffles Vv^ith which the 
necks of our ladies are now ornamented. 

Thej' went bare footed in warm weather, and in the cold their 
feet were covered with moccasons, coarse shoes, or shoe-packs, which 
would make but a sorry figure besides the elegant morocco slippers 
often embossed with bullion, which at present ornament the feet of 
their daughters and granddaughters. 

The coats and bed gowns of the women, as well as the hunting 
shirts of the men, were hung in full display on wooden pegs around 
the walls of their cabins, so that while they answered in some degree 
the place of paper-hangings or tapestry, the}' announced to the 
stranger as well as neighbor the wealth or poverty of the family in 
the articles of clothing. This practice has not yet been wholly laid 
aside among the backwoods families. 




The historian would say to the ladies of the present time. Our 
ancestors of your sex knew nothing of the ruffles, leghorns, curls, 
combs, rings, and other jewels with which their fair daughters now 
decorated themselves. Such things were not then to be had. Many 
of the younger part of them were pretty well grown up before they 
ever saw the inside of a store room, or even knew there was such a 
thing in the world, unless by hearsay, and indeed scarcely that. 

Instead of the toilet, they had to handle the distaff or shuttle, 
the sickle or weeding hoe, contented if they could obtain their linsey 
clothing and cover their heads with a sun bonnet made of a six or 
seven hundred linen. 

THE FORT. 259 



My reader will understand by this term, not only a place of de- 
fense, but the residence of a small number of families belonging to 
the same neighborhood. As the Indian mode of warfare was an 
indiscriminate slaughter of all ages and both sexes, it was as requis- 
ite to provide for the safet}' of the women and children as for that 
of the men. 

The Forts consisted of cabins, block-houses and stockades. A 
range of cabins commonly formed one side at least of the Fort. 
Divisions, or partitions of logs, separated the cabins from each other. 
The walls on the outside were ten or twelve feet high, the slope of 
the roof being turned wholly inward. A very few of these cabins had 
puncheon floors ; the greater part were earthen. 

The block-houses were built at the angles of the Fort. They 
projected about two feet beyond the outer walls of the cabins and 
way stockades. Their upper stories were about eighteen inches every 
larger in dimensions than the under one, leaving an opening at the 
commencement of the second story, to prevent the enemj' from mak- 
ing a lodgment under their walls. In some Forts, instead of block- 
houses, the angles of the Forts v.'ere furnished with bastions. A 
large folding gate made of thick slabs, nearest the spring, closedthe 
Fort. The stockades, bastions, cabins and block-house walls, were 
furnished with port-holes at proper heights and distances. The 
whole of the outside was made completelj^ bullet-proof. 

It may be truly said that necessity is the mother of inven- 
tion, for the whole of this work was made without the aid of a 
single nail or spike of iron, and for this reason, such things were not 
to be had. 

In some places, less exposed, a single block-house with a cabin 
or two constituted the whole Fort. 

Such places of refuge may appear very trifling to those who 
have been in the habit of seeing the formidable military garrisons of 
Europe and America ; but they answered the purpose, as the In- 
dians had no artillery. They seldom attacked, and scarcely ever took 
one of them. 

The families belonging to these Forts were so attached to their 
own cabins on their farms, that tlie\' seldom moved into 
the Fort in the spring until compelled bj- some alarm, as the}- called 

26o THE FORT. 

it ; that is, when it was announced by some murder that the Indians 
were in the settlement. 

The Fort to which my father belonged, was, during the first 
year of the war, three-quarters of a mile from his farm ; but when 
this Fort went to decay, and became unfit for defense, a new one 
was built at his own house. I well remember that when a little boy 
the family where sometimes waked up in the dead of night by an 
express with a report that the Indians were at hand. The express 
came softly to the door or back window, and by a gentle tapping 
waked the family ; this was easily done, as an habitual fear made us 
ever watchful and sensible to the slightest alarm. The whole family 
were instantly in motion ; my father seized his gun and other imple- 
ments of war ; my step-mother waked up and dressed the children 
as well as she could ; and being myself the oldest of the children, I 
had to take my share of the burdens to be carried to the Fort. 
There was no possibility of getting a horse in the night to aid us 
in removing to the Fort ; besides the little children, we caught up 
what articles of clothing and provisions we could get hold of in the 
dark, for we dare not light a candle or even stir the fire. All this 
was done with the utmost dispatch and the silence of death ; the 
greatest care was taken not to awaken the 3^oungest child ; to the 
rest it was enough to say Indian, and not a whimper was heard after- 
wards. Thus it often happened that the whole number of families 
belonging to a Fort, who were in the evening at their homes, were 
all in their little fortress before the dawn of the next morning. In 
the course of the succeeding day, their household furniture was 
brought in by parties of the men under arms. 

Some families belonging to each Fort, were much less under the 
influence of fear than others, and who after an alarm had subsided, 
in spite of every remonstrance would move home, while their more 
prudent neighbors remained in the Fort. Such families were denom- 
inated •' fool-hardy," and gave no small amount of trouble by creat- 
ing such frequent necessities of sending runners to warn them of 
their danger, and sometimes parties of our men to protect them dur- 
ing their removal. 




The acquisition of the indispensible articles of salt, steel and 
castings, presented great difficulties to the first settles of the western 
country. They had no stores of any kind, no salt, iron, nor iron 
works ; nor had they money to make purchases were those articles 
were to be obtained. Peltry and furs were their only resources, 
before they had time to raise cattle and horses for sale in the At- 
lantic States. 

Every family collected what peltry and fur they could obtain 
throughout the year for the purpose of sending them over the moun- 
tains for barter. 

In the fall of the year, after seeding-time, every famil}'^ formed 
an association with some of their neighbors for starting the little 
caravan. A master driver was selected from among them, who was 
to be assisted by one or more young men, and sometimes a boy or 
two. The horses were fitted out with pack-saddles, to the hinder 
part of which was fastened a pair of hobbles made of hickor)^ withs ; 
a bell and collar ornamented his neck. The bags provided for the 
conveyance of the salt were filled with feed for the horses ; on the 
journej^ a part of this feed vv'as left at convenient stages on the way 
down, to support the return of the caravan. Large wallets, well- 
filled with bread, jerk, boiled ham and cheese, furnished provision 
for the drivers. At night, after feeding, the horses, whether put in 
pasture or turned out in the woods, were hobbled, and the bells 
were opened. The barter for salt and iron were made first at Balti- 
more. Frederick, Hagerstown, Old town and Cumberland in suc- 
cession, became the place of exchange. Each horse carried two 
bushels of alumn salt, weighing eighty-four pounds to the bushel. 
This, to be sure, was not a heavy load for the horses, but it was 
enough considering the scanty substance allowed them on their 

The common price of a bushel of alumn salt at an early period 
was a good cow and calf ; and until weight were introduced, the 
salt was measured into the half bushel by hand as lightly as possi- 
ble. No one was permitted to walk heavily over the floor while the 
operation was going on. 

The following anecdote will serve to show how little the native 
sons of the forest knew of the etiquette of the Atlantic cities. 


A neighbor of my father, some years after the settlement of the 
country, had collected a small drove of cattle for the Baltimore mar- 
ket. Among the hands employed to drive them was one who had 
never seen any condition of society but that of woodsmen. 

At one of their lodging places in the mountain, the landlord 
and his hired man, in the course of the night, stole two of the bells 
belonging to the drove, and hid them in a piece of woods. 

The drove had not gone far in the morning before the bells were 
missed, and a detachment went back to recover the stolen bells. 
The men were found reaping in the field of the landlord ; they were 
accused of the theft, but denied the charge. The torture of sweat- 
ing, according to the custom of that time, that is, of suspension by 
the arms pinioned behind their back, brought a confession. The 
bells were procured and hung around the necks of the thieves ; in 
this condition they were driven on foot before the detachment until 
they overtook the drove, which by this time had gone nine miles. 
A halt was called and a jury selected to try the culprits. They were 
condemned to receive a certain number of lashes on the bare back 
from the hand of each drover. The man above alluded to was the 
owner of one of the bells. When it came to his turn to use the 
hickory, "Now," says he to the thief, "You infernal scoundrel, 
I'll work your jacket nineteen to the dozen. Only think what a 
rascally figure I should make in the streets of Baltimore without a bell 
on my horse." The man was in earnest ; having seen no horse used 
without bells, he thought they were requisite in every situation. 





This was an important part of the employment of the earl}^ set- 
tlers of this country. For some years the woods supplied them with 
the great amount of their subsistence, and with regard to some 
families, in certain times, the whole of it ; for it was no uncommon 
thing for families to live several months without a mouthful of 
bread. It frequently happened that there was no breakfast until it 
was obtained from the woods. Fur and peltr}' was the people's money; 
they had nothing else to give in exchange for rifles, salt and iron, 
on this side of the mountains. 

The fall and early part of the winter was the season for hunt- 
ing the deer, and the whole of the winter, including part of the 
spring, for bears and skinned animals. It was a customary saying 
that fur is good during every month in the name of which the letter 
R occurs. 

The class of hunters with whom I was best acquainted were 
those whose hunting rangers were on the western side of the River 
and at the distance of eight or nine miles from it. As soon as the 
leaves were pretty well down, and the weather became rainy ac- 
companied with light snows, these men, after acting the part of 
husbandmen, so far as the state of warfare permitted them to do so, 
soon began to feel that they were hunters. They became uneasy at 
home ; everything about them became disagreeable ; the house was 
too warm, the feather bed too soft, and even the good wife was not 
thought for the time being a proper companion ; the mind of the 
hunter was wholly occupied with the camp and chase. 

I have often seen them get up early in the morning at this sea- 
son, walk hastily out and look anxiously at the woods, and snuff 
the autumnal winds with the highest rapture, then return into the 
house and cast a quick and attentive look at the rifle, which was 
always suspended to a joist by a couple of buck's horns or little 
forks ; his hunting dog understanding the intentions of his master, 
would wag his tail, and by every blandishment in his power express 
readiness to accompany him to the woods. 

A day was soon appointed for the march of the little cavalcade 
to the camp. Two or three horses furnished with pack-saddles were 
loaded with flour, Indian meal, blankets, and everything else requi- 
site for the use of the hunter. 


A hunting camp, or what was called a half-faced cabin, was of 
the following form ; the back part of it was sometimes a large log ; 
at the distance of eight or ten feet from this two stakes were set in 
the ground a few inches apart, and at the distance of eight or ten 
feet from these two more to receive the ends of the poles for the 
sides for the camp ; the whole slope of the roof was from the front 
to the back ; the covering was made of slabs, skin and blankets, or, 
if in the spring of the year, the bark of hickory or ash trees ; the 
front was left entirely open ; the fire was built directly before this 
opening ; the cracks between the logs were filled with moss, the dry 
leaves for a bed. It is thus that a couple of men in a few hours 
will construct for them.selves a temporary and tolerably comfortable 
defense from the inclemency of the weather; the beaver, otter, musk- 
rat and squirrel are scarcely their equals in dispatch in fabricating 
for themselves a covert from the tempest ! 

A little more pains would have made a hunting camp a defense 
against the Indians. A cabin ten feet square, bullet proof and furn- 
ished with port holes, would have enabled two or three hunters to 
hold twenty Indians at bay for any length of time ; but this precau- 
tion I believe was never attended to ; hence the hunters were often 
surprised and killed in their camps. 

The site for the camp was selected with all the sagacity of the 
woodsmen, so as to have it shelted by the surrounding hills from 
every wind, but more especially from those of the north and west. 

An uncle of mine, of the name of Samuel Teter, occupied the 
same camp for several years in succession. It was situated on one 
of the southern branches of Cross Creek. Although I have lived 
many years not more than fifteen miles from the place, it was not 
till within a few years that I discovered its situation, when it was 
shown to me by a gentleman living in the neighborhood. Viewing 
the hills round about it, I soon perceived the sagacity of the hunter 
in the site of his camp. Not a wind could touch him, and unless by 
the report of his gun or the sound of his axe, it would have been by 
mere accident if an Indian had discovered his concealment. 

Hunting was not a mere ramble in pursuit of game, in which 
there was nothing of skill andcalculation ; on the contrary, the hun- 
ter, before he set out in the morning was informed by the state of the 
weather in what situation he might reasonably expect to meet with 
his game, whether on the bottoms, sides or tops of the hills. In 
stormy weather the deer always seek the most sheltered places and 
the leeward sides of the hills. In rainy weather in which there 
is not much wind, they keep in the open woods on the highest 

In every situation it was requisite for the hunter to ascertain 
the course of the wind, so as to get to the leeward of the game. 
This he effected by putting his finger in his mouth and holding it 
there until it became warm ; then holding it above his head, the 
side which first becomes cold shows which way the wind blows. 


As it was requisite too for the hunter to know the cardinal 
points, he had only to observe the trees to ascertain them. The 
bark of an aged tree is thicker and much rougher on the north than 
on the south side. The same thing may be said of the moss, it is 
thicker and stronger on the north than on the south side of the 

The whole business of the hunter consists of a succession of in- 
trigues. From morning to night he was on the alert to gain the 
wind of his game, and approach them without being discovered. If 
he succeed in killing a deer, he skinned it and hung it up out of the 
reach of the wolves, and immediately resumed the chase till the 
close of the evening, when he bent his course towards his camp ; 
when arrived there, he kindled up his fire, and together his fellow 
hunters cooked their supper. The supper finished, the adventures 
of the day furnished the tales for the evening ; the spike buck, the 
two and three pronged buck, the doe and the barren doe, figured 
through their anecdotes with great advantage. It should seem that 
after hunting awhile on the same ground, the hunters became ac- 
quainted with nearly all the gangs of deer within their ranger, so as 
to know each flock of them when they saw them. Often some old 
buck, b}^ the means of his superior sagacity and watchfulness, saved 
his little gang from the hunter's skill, by giving timely notice of 
his approach. The cunning of the hunter and that of the old buck 
where staked against each other, and it frequently happened that 
at the conclusion of the hunting season, the old fellow was left the 
free uninjured tenant of his forest ; but if his rival succeeded in 
bringing him down, the victory was followed by no small amount 
of boasting on the part of the conqueror. 

When the weather was not suitable for hunting, the skins and 
carcasses ot the game were brought in and disposed of. 

Many of the hunters rested from their labors on the Sabbath 
day, some from a motive of piety, others said that whenever they 
hunted on Sunday, they were sure to have bad luck all the rest of 
the week. 





For a long time after the first settlement of this country the in- 
habitants in general married j'oung. There was no distinction of 
rank, and very little of fortune. On these accounts the first impres- 
sion of love resulted in marriage, and a family establishment cost 
but a little labor and nothing else. 

A description of a wedding, from the beginning to the end, will 
serve to show the manners of our forefathers, and mark the grade of 
civilization which has succeeded to their rude state of society in the 
course of a few years. 

At an early period the practice of celebrating the marriage at 
the house of the bride began, and it shouid seem with great pro- 
priety. She also had the choice of the priest to perform the 

In the first years of the settlement of this country, a weddinc 
engaged the attention of the whole neighorhood, and the frolic was 
anticipated by old and young with eager anticipation. This is not 
to be wondered at, when it is told that a wedding was almost 
the only gathering which was not accompanied with the labor of 
reaping, log-rolling, building a cabin, or planning some scout or 

In the morning of the wedding day, the groom and his attend- 
ants assembled at the house of his father, for the purpose of reach- 
ing the mansion of his bride by noon, which was the usual time 
for celebrating the nuptials, which for certain must take place before 

Let the reader imagine an assemblage of people, without a 
store, tailor or mantuamaker, within an hundred miles, and an as- 
semblage of horses, without a blacksmith or saddler within an equal 
distance. The gentlemen dressed in shoe-packs, moccasons, leather 
breeches, leggins, and linsey hunting shirts, all home-made. The 
ladies dressed in linsey petticoats, and linsey or linen bed-gowns, 
coarse shoes, stockings, handkerchiefs and buckskin gloves, if any ; 
if there were any buckles, rings, buttons or rufiies, they were the 
relics of old times, family pieces from parents or grandparents. 
The horses were caparisoned with old saddles, old bridles or halters, 
and pack-saddles, with a bag or blanket thrown over them ; a rope 
or string as often constituted the girth as a piece of leather. 


The march in double file, was often interrupted by the narrow- 
ness and obstructions of our horse-paths, as they were called, for we 
had no roads ; and these difficulties were often increased, sometimes 
by the good, and sometimes by the ill-will of neighbors, by falling 
trees and tying grape-vines across the way. Sometimes an ambus- 
cade was formed by the way side, an unexpected discharge of sev- 
eral guns took place, so as to cover the wedding company with 
smoke. Let the reader imagine the scene which followed this dis- 
charge, the sudden spring of the horses, the shrieks of the girls, and 
the chivalric bustle of their partners to save them from falling. Some- 
times, in spite all that could be done to prevent it, some were thrown 
to the ground ; if a wrist, elbow or ankle happened to be sprained, 
it was tied with a handkerchief, and little more was thought or said 
about it. 

Another ceremony took place before the party reached the house 
of the bride, after the practice of making whiskey began, which was 
at an early period. When the party was about a mile from the 
place of their destination, two young men would single out to run 
for the bottle ; the worse the path, the more logs, brush and deep 
hollows, the better, as these obstacles afforded an opportunity for 
the greatest display of intripidity and horsemanship. The English 
fox chase, in point of danger to their riders and their horses, was 
nothing to this race for the bottle. The start was announced by an 
Indian yell, when logs, brush, mud holes, hill and glen, were speed- 
ily passed by the rival ponies. The bottle was always filled for the 
occasion, so that there was no use for judges ; for the first who 
reached the door was presented with the prize, with which he re- 
turned in triumph to the company. On approaching them he an- 
nounced his victory over his rival by a shrill whoop. At the head 
of the troop he gave the bottle to the groom and his attendants, and 
then to each pair in succession, to the rear of the line, giving each 
a dram ; and then putting the bottle in the bosom of his hunting 
shirt, took his station in the company. 

The ceremony of the marriage preceded the dinner, which was 
a substantial backwoods feast of beef, pork, fowls, and sometimes 
vension and bear meat, roasted and boiled, with plenty of potatoes, 
cabbage and other vegetables. During the dinner the greatest hil- 
arity always prevailed, although the table might be a large slab of 
timber, hewed out with a broad-axe, supported by four sticks set in 
auger holes, and the furniture, some old pewter dishes and plates, 
the rest wooden bowls and trenchers. A few pewter spoons, much 
battered about the edges, were to be seen at some tables ; the rest 
were of horn. If knives were scarce, the deficiency was made up 
by the scalping knives, which were carried in sheathes suspended' to 
the belt of the hunting shirt. 

After dinner the dancing commenced, and generally lasted until 
the next morning. The figures of the dances were three and four 
handed reels, or square with sets and jigs. The commencement 


was always a square four, which was followed by what was called 
jigging it off, that is, two of the four would single out for a jig, and 
were followed by the remaining couple. The jigs were often accom- 
panied with what was called cutting out, that is, when any of the par- 
ties became tired of the dance, on intimation, the place was supplied 
by some of the company, without any interruption of the dance ; in 
this way a dance was often continued until the musician was heart- 
ily tired of his situation. Towards the latter part of the night, if 
any of the compan}^ through weariness attempted to conceal 
themselves for the purpose of sleeping, they were hunted up, 
paraded on the floor, and the fiddler ordered to pla}^ "hang out 
till morning." 

About nine or ten o'clock a deputation of young ladies stole off 
the bride and put her to bed. In doing this it frequently happened 
that they had to ascend a ladder instead of a pair of stairs, leading 
from the dining and ball-room to the loft, the floor of which was made 
of clapboards lying loose and without nails. This ascent one might 
think would put the bride and her attendants to the blush ; but as 
the foot of the ladder was commonly behind the door, which was 
purposely open for the occasion, and its rounds at the inner ends were 
well hung with hunting shirts, petticoats and other articles of cloth- 
ing, the candles being on the opposite side of the house, the exit of 
the bride was noticed but by a few. This done, a deputation of 
young men in like manner stole off the groom and placed him snugly 
by the side of his bride. The dance still continued, and if seats 
happened to be scarce, which was often the case, every young man 
when not engaged in the dance was obliged to offer his lap as a seat 
for one of the girls, and the offer was sure to be accepted. In the 
midst of this hilarity the bride and groom were not forgotten. 
Pretty late in the night some one would remind the company that 
the new couple must stand in need of some refreshments ; Black 
Betty, which was the name of the bottle, was called for and sent up 
the ladder. But sometimes Black Betty did not go alone. I have 
many times seen as much bread, beef, pork and cabbage, sent along 
with her, as would afford a meal for a half a dozen of hungry men. 
The young couple was compelled to eat more or less of whatever 
was offered them. 

In the course of the festivity, if any wanted to help himself to 
a dram and the young couple to a toast, he would call out, " Where 
is Black Betty? I want to kiss her sweet lips." Black Betty was 
soon handed to him, when, holding her up in his right hand, he 
would say, " Here's health to the groom, not forgetting myself, and 
here's to the bride, thumping luck and big children!" This, so 
far from being taken amiss, was considered as an expression of a 
very proper and friendly wish ; for big children, especially sons, 
were of great importance, as we were few in number and engaged in 
perpetual hostility with the Indians, and the end of which no one 
could foresee. Indeed, many of them seemed to suppose that 


war was the natural state of man, and therefore did not anticipate 
any conclusion of it ; every big son was therefore considered as a 
young soldier. 

But to return. It often happened that some neighbors or rela- 
tions, not being asked to the wedding, took offense ; and the mode 
of revenge adopted by them on such occasions, was that of cut- 
ting off the manes, foretops, and tails of the horses of tne wedding 

Another method of revenge, which was adopted when the chas- 
tit}^ of the bride was a little suspected, was that of setting up a pair 
of horns on poles or trees, on the route of the wedding company. 
This was a hint to the groom that he might expect to be compli- 
mented with a pair of horns himself. 

On returning to the infare, the order of procession and the race 
for Black Betty was the same as before. The feasting and dancing 
often lasted several days, at the end of which the whole company 
was so exhausted with loss of sleep, that several days' rest were re- 
quisite to fit them to return to their ordinary labors. 

Should I be asked why I have presented this unpleasant por- 
trait of the rude manners of our forefathers ? I in my turn would ask 
my reader, why are you pleased with the histories of the blood and 
carnage of battles ? Why are you delighted with the fictions of poe- 
try-, the novel and romance? I have related truth, and only truth, 
strange as it may seem. I have depicted a state of society and man- 
ners which are fast vanishing from the memory of man, with a view 
to give the youth of our country a knowledge of the advantage of 
civilization, and to give contentment to the aged by preventing them 
from saying, "that former times were better than the present." 




I will proceed to state the usual manner of settling a young 
couple in the world. 

A spot was selected on a piece of land of one of the parents for 
their habitation. A day was appointed shortly after their marriage 
for commencing the work of building their cabin. The fatigue 
party consisted of choppers, whose business it was to fall the trees 
and cut them off at proper lengths — a man with his team for haul- 
ing them to the place, and arranging them, properly assorted, at the 
sides and ends of the building — and a carpenter, if such he might be 
called, whose business it was to search the woods for a proper tree 
for making clapboards for the roof. The tree for this purpose must 
be straight-grained*, and from three to four feet in diameter. The 
boards were split four feet long, with a large frow, and as wide as 
the timber would allow. They were used without planing or shav- 
ing. Another division were employed in getting puncheons for the 
floor of the cabin ; this was done by splitting trees about eighteen 
inches in diameter, and hewing the faces of them with a broad-axe. 
They were half the length of the floor they were intended to make. 
The materials for the cabin was mostly prepared on the first day, 
and sometimes the foundations laid in the evening ; the second day 
was allotted for the raising. 

In the morning of the next day the neighbors collected for the 
raising. The first thing to be done was the election of four corner- 
men, whose business it was to notch and place the logs, the rest of 
the company' furnishing them with timbers. In the mean time the 
boards and puncheons were collected for the floor and roof, so that 
by the time the cabin was a few rounds high, the sleepers and floor 
began to be laid. The door was made by cutting or sawing the logs 
in one side so as to make an opening about three feet wide ; this 
opening was secured by upright pieces of timber about three inches 
thick, through which holes were bored into the ends of the logs for 
the purpose of pinning them fast. A similar opening, but wider, 
was made at the end for the chimney. This was built of logs, and 
made large, to admit of a back and jambs of stone. At the square 
two end logs projected a foot or eighteen inches beyond the wall, to 
receive the butting poles as they were called, against which the ends 
of the first row of clapboards was supported. The roof was formed 


by making the end logs shorter until a single log formed 
the comb of the roof. On these logs the clapboards were placed, 
the ranges of them lapping some distance over the next below 
them, and kept in their places by logs placed at proper distances 
from them. 

The roof and sometimes the floor were finished on the same day 
of the raising ; a third day was commonly spent by a few carpenters 
in levelling off the floor, making a clapboard door and a table. This 
last was made of a split slab, and supported by four round legs set in 
auger holes ; some three-legged stools were made in the same man- 
ner. Some pins, stuck in the logs at the back of the house, sup- 
ported some clapboards which ser\'ed for shelves for table furniture. 
A single fork, placed with its lower end in a hole in the floor, and 
the upper end fastened to a joist, ser\'ed for a bedstead, by placing 
a pole in the fork with one end through a crack between the logs in 
the wall. This front pole was crossed by a shorter one within the 
fork, with its outer end through another crack. From the front 
pole, through a crack between the logs of the end of the house, the 
boards were put on which formed the bottom of the bed. Some- 
times other poles were pinned to the fork a little distance between 
these, for the purpose of supporting the front and foot of the bed, 
while the walls were the support of its back and head. A few pegs 
around the walls, for the display of the coats of the w^omen and 
hunting shirts of the men, and two small forks of buck's horns to a 
joist for the rifle and shot pouch, completed the carpenter work. 

In the mean time masons were at work. With the heart pieces 
of the timber of which the clapboards were made, they made billets 
for chunking up the cracks between the logs of the cabin and chim- 
ney. A large bed of mortar was made for daubing up the cracks ; 
and a few stones formed the back and jambs of the chimney. 

The cabin being finished, the ceremony of house warming took 
place, before the young couple were permitted to move into it. 
This was a dance of the whole night's continuance, made up of the 
relations of the bride and groom and their neighbors. On the day 
following, the young couple took possession of their new mansion. 




The necessary labors of the farms along the frontiers were per- 
formed with every danger and difnciilty imaginable. The whole 
population of the frontiers, huddled together in their little Forts, 
the country with every appearance of a deserted region ; and such 
would have been the opinion of the traveler concerning it, if he had 
not seen here and there some small fields of corn or some other grain 
in a growing state. 

It is easy to imagine what losses must have been sustained by 
our first settlers owing to this deserted state of our farms. It was 
not the full measure of their trouble that they risked their lives, and 
often lost them, in subduing the forest and turning it into fruitful 
fields ; but compelled to leave them in a deserted state during the 
summer season, a great part of the fruits of their labors was lost by 
this untoward circumstance. The sheep and hogs were devoured by 
the wolves, panthers and bears. Horses and cattle were often let 
into their fields, through breeches made in their fences by the 
falling trees, and frequently almost the whole of a little crop of corn 
was destroyed by squirrels and raccoons, so that many famillies, even 
after an hazardous and laborious spring and summer, had but little 
left for the comfort of the dreary winter. 

The early settlers on the frontiers of this country were like 
Arabs of the desert of Africa, in at least two respects. Every man 
was a soldier, and from early in the spring till late in the fall was 
almost continually in arms. Their work was often carried on by 
parties, each one of whom had his rifle and everything else belong- 
ing to his war dress. These were deposited in some central place in 
the field. A sentinel was stationed on the outside of the fence, so 
that on the least alarm the whole company repaired to their arms, 
and were ready for combat in a moment. 

Here again the rashness of some families proved a source of 
difiiculty, instead of joining the working parties, they went out and 
attended their farms by themselves, and in case of alarm, an express 
was sent for them, and sometimes a party of men to guard them to 
the Fort. Those families, in some instances, could boast that they 
had better crops, and were every way better provided for in the win- 
ter than their neighbors ? in other instances their temerity cost them 
their lives. 



In military affairs, when eyery one concerned is left to his own 
will, matters were sure to be badly managed. The whole frontiers 
of Pennsylvania and Virginia presented a succession of military 
camps or forts. We had military officers, that is to say, captains 
and colonels ; but they in many respect were only nominally such. 
The could advise, but not command. Those who choose to follow 
their advice did so, to such an extent as suited their fancy or inter- 
est. Others were refractory and gave much trouble. These officers 
would leave a scout or campaign, while those who thought proper to 
accompany them did so, and those who did not remained at home. 
Public odium was the only punishment for their laziness or coward- 
ice. There was no compulsion to the performance of military duties, 
and no pecuniary reward when they were performed. 

It IS but doing justice to the first settlers of this country to say, 
that instances of disobedience of families and individuals to the ad- 
vice of our officers, were by no means numerous. The greater num- 
ber cheerfully submitted to the directions with a prompt and faith- 
ful obedience. 





In giving a history of the state of the mechanic arts, as they 
were exercised at an early period of the settlement of thi^ country, 
I shall present a people, driven by necessity to perform works of 
mechanical skill, far beyond what a person enjoying all the advan- 
tages of civilization, would expect from a population placed in such 
destitute circumstances. 

My readers will naturally ask where were their mills for 
grinding grain, where there tanners for making leather, where their 
smith shops for making and repairing their farming utensils ? Who 
were their carpenters, tailors, cabinet workmen, shoemakers and 
weavers ? The answer is, those manufacturers did not exist, nor 
had they any tradesmen who were professedly such. Every family 
were under the necessity of doing everything for themselves as well 
as they could. 

The hominy blocks and hand mills were used in most of our 
houses. The first was made of a large block of wood about three 
feet long, with an excavation burned in one end, wide at the top and 
narrow at the bottom, so that the action of the pestle on the bottom 
threw the corn up to the sides towards the top of it, from whence it 
continually fell down into the centre. In consequence of this 
movement, the whole mass of the grain was pretty equally subjected 
to the strokes of the pestle. In the fall of the year, whilst the In- 
dian corn was soft, the block and pestle did very well for making 
meal for journeycake and mush, but were rather slow when the corn 
became hard. 

The sweep was sometimes used to lessen the toil of pounding 
grain into meal. This was a pole of springy elastic wood, thirty 
feet long or more, the butt end of which was placed under the side 
of a house or large stump. The pole was supported by two forks, 
placed about one third of its length from its butt end, so as to ele- 
vate the small end about fifteen feet from the ground. To this was 
attached, by a large mortise, a piece of sapling about five or six 
inches in diameter, and eight or ten feet long, the lower end of 
which was shaped so as to answer for a pestle, and a pin of wood 
was put through it at a proper height, so that two persons could work 
at 'the sweeps. This simple machine very much lessened the labor 
and expedited the work. 


I remember that when a boy I put up an excellent sweep at 
my father's. It was made of a sugar tree sapling, and was kept 
gomg almost constantly from morning till night by our neighbors 
for several weeks. 

In the Greenbrier country, where they had a number of salt- 
petre caves, the first settlers made plenty of excellent gunpowder by 
means of these sweeps and mortars. 

A machine still more simple than the mortar and pestle was 
used for making meal when the corn was too soft to be beaten. It 
was called a grater. This was a half circular piece of tin, perforated 
with a punch from the concave side, and nailed by its edges to a 
block of wood. The ears of corn was rubbed on its rough edges 
of the holes, while the meal fell through them on the board or block 
to which the grater was nailed, which being in a slanting direction, 
discharged the meal into a cloth or bowl placed for its reception! 
This, to be sure, was a slow way of making meal, but necessity has 
no law. 

The hand mill was better than the mortar and grater. It was 
made of two circular stones, the lowest of which was called the bed 
stone, the upper one the runner. These were placed in a hoop, 
with a spout for discharging the meal. A staff was let into a hole 
m the upper surface of the runner, near the outer edge, and its 
upper end through a hole in a board fastened to a joist above, so 
that two persons could be employed in turning the mill at the same 
hme. The grain was put into the opening in the runner by hand. 
These mills are still in use in Palestine, the ancient country of the 
Jews. To a mill of this sort our Saviour alluded, when, with reference 
to the destruction of Jerusalem, he said, "Two women shall be 
grinding at a mill, one shall be taken and the other left." 

This mill is much preferrable to that used at present in upper 
Egj'pt for making the dhourra bread. It is a smooth stone, 
placed on an inclined plane, upon which the grain is spread, 
which is made into meal by rubbing another stone up and down 
upon it. 

Our first water mills was of that description denominated tub 
Hills. It consisted of a perpendicular shaft, to the lower end of 
.vhich a horizontal wheel of about four or five feet in diameter is at- 
:ached ; the upper end passes through the bed stone and carries the 
•unner, after the manner of a trundlehead. These mills were built 
vith very little expense, and many of them answered the purposes 
'ery well. Instead of bolting cloths, sifters were in general use. 
These were made of deer skins in the state of parchment, stretched 
•ver a hoop and perforated with a hot wire. 

Our clothing was all of domestic manufacture. We had no 
'ther resources for clothing, and this indeed was a poor one. The 
rops of flax often failed, and the sheep were destroyed bv the wolves, 
ansey, which is made of flax and wool, the former the chain, and 
he latter the filling, was the warmest and most substantial cloth we 


could make. Almost every house contained a loom and almost every 
woman was a weaver. 

Every family tanned their own leather. The tan vat was a 
large trough sunk to the upper end in the ground. A quanity of 
bark was easily obtained every spring in clearing and fencing 
land. This, after drying, was brought in, and in wet days was 
shaved and pounded on a block of wood with an axe or mallet. 
Ashes was used in place of lime for taking off the hair. Bear's oil, 
hog's lard and tallow, answered the place of fish oil. The leather, 
to be sure, was coarse ; but it was substantially good. The opera- 
tion of currying was performed by a drawing knife with its edge 
turned after the manner of a currying knife. The blacking for the 
leather was made of soot and hog's lard. 

Almost every family contained its own tailors and shoemak- 
ers. Those who could not make shoes could make shoe-packs. 
These, like moccasons, were made of a single piece of leather, with 
the exception of a tongue piece on the top of the foot, which was 
about two inches broad and circular at lower end, and to which the 
main piece of leather was sewed with a gathering stitch. The seam 
behind was like that of a moccason, and a sole was sometimes added. 
The women did the tailor work. They could all cut out and make 
hunting shirts, leggins and drawers. 

The state of society which existed in our country^ at an early 
period of its settlement, was well calculated to call into action 
every native mechanical genius. There was in almost every 
neighborhood, some one whose natural ingenuity enabled him to 
do many things for himself and neighbors, far above what could 
have been reasonably expected. With the very few tools which 
they brought with them into the country, they certainly performed 
wonders. Their plows, harrows with their wooden teeth, and 
sleds, were in many instances well made. Their cooper-ware, 
which comprehended everything for holding milk and water, 
was generally pretty well executed. The cedar- ware, by having 
alternately a white and red stave, was then thought beauti- 
ful. Many of their puncheon floors were very neat, their 
joints close, and the top even and smooth. Their looms, although 
heavy, did very well. Those who could not exercise the me- 
chanic arts were under the necessity of giving labor or barter to 
their neighbors in exchange for the use of them, so far as their ne- 
cessities required. 

An old man in my father's neighborhood had the art of turning 
bowls, from the knots of trees, particularly those of the ash. In 
what way he did it I do not know, or whether there was much mys- 
tery in his art. Be that as it may, the old man's skill was in great 
request, as well-turned wooden bowls were among our first-rate 
articles of household furniture. 

My brothers and myself once undertook to procure a fine suit of 
these bowls made of the best wood, the ash. We gathered all we 


could find on our father's land, and took them to the artist, who 
was to give, as the saying was, one-half for the other. He put the 
knots in a branch before the door, when a freshet came and swept 
them all away, not one of them being ever found. This was a 
dreadful misfortune. Our anticipation of an elegant display of new 
bowls was utterly blasted in a moment, as the poor old man was not 
able to repair our loss nor any part of it. 

My father possessed a mechanical genius of the highest order, 
and necessity, which is the mother of invention, occasioned the full 
exercise of his talents. His farming utensils were the best in the 
neighborhood. After making his loom he often used it as a weaver. 
All the shoes belonging to the family were made by himself. He 
always spun his own shoe-thread, saying that no woman could 
spin shoe-thread as well as he could. His cooper- ware was made by 
himself. I have seen him make a small, neat kind of wooden- ware, 
called set work, in which the staves were all attached to the bottom 
of the vessel, by means of a groove cut in them by a strong clasp- 
knife and small chisel, before a single hoop was put on. He was 
sufficiently the carpenter to build the best kind of houses then in 
use, that is to say, first a cabin, and afterwards the hewed log- 
house, with a shingled roof. In the latter years he became sickly, 
and not being able to labor, he amused himself with tolerably good 
imitations of cabinet work. 

Not possessing sufficient health for service on the scouts and 
campaigns, his duty was that of repairing the rifles of his neighbors 
when they needed it. In this business he manifested a high degree 
of ingenuity. A small depression on the surface of a stump or log, 
and a wooden mallet, were his instruments for straightening the 
gun barrel when crooked. Without the aid of a bow-string he could 
discover the smallest bend in a barrel, and wnth a bit of steel he 
could make a saw for deepening the furrows when requisite. A few 
shots determined whether the gun might be trusted. 

Although he never had been more than six week at school, he 
was nevertheless a first-rate penman and a good arithmetician. His 
penmanship was of great service to his neighbors in writing letters, 
bonds, deeds of conveyance, &c. 

Young as I was, I was possessed of an art which was of great 
use, viz ; that of weaving shot pouch straps, belts and garters. I 
could make my loom and weave my belt in less than one day. Having 
a piece of board about four feet long, an inch auger, spike gimlet, 
and a drawing knife, I needed no other tools or materials for making 
my loom. 

It frequently happened that my weaving proved serviceable to 
the family, as I often sold a belt for a day's work, or making an 
hundred rails ; so that although a boy, I could exchange my labor 
for that of a full grown person for an equal length of time. 




This among a rude and illiterate people consisted mostly of speci- 
fics. As far as I can recollect them, they shall be enumerated, to- 
gether with the diseases for which they were used. 

The diseases of children were mostly ascribed to worms ; for the 
expulsion of which a solution of common salt was given, and the 
dose ways always large. I well remember having been compelled 
to take half a table spoonful when quite small. To the best of my 
recollection it generally answered the purpose. 

Scrapings of pewter spoons was another remedy for the worms. 
This dose was also large, amounting, I should think, from twenty 
to forty grains. It was commonly given in sugar. 

Sulphate of iron, or green copperas, was a third remedy for the 
worms. The dose of this was also larger than we should venture to 
give at this time. 

For burns, a poultice of Indian meal was a common remedy. 
A poultice of scraped potatoes was also a favorite remedy with some 
people. Roasted turnips, made into a poultice, was used by 
others. Slippery elm bark was often used in the same way. I 
do not recollect that au}^ internal remedy or bleeding was ever used 
for burns. 

The croup, or what was then called the "bold hives," was a 
common disease among the children, many of them died of it. For 
the cure of this, the juice of roasted onions or garlic was given in 
large doses. Wall ink was also a favorite remedy with many of the 
old ladies. For fever, sweating was the general remedy. This 
was generally performed by means of a strong decoction of Virginia 
snake root. The dose was always very large. If a purge was used, 
it was about a half a pint of a strong decoction of walnut bark. 
This, when intended for a purge, was peeled downwards ; if for a 
vomit, it was peeled upwards. Indian physics, or bowman root, a 
species of ipecacuanha, was frequently used for a vomit, and some- 
times the pocoon or blood root. 

For the bite of a rattle or copper-snake, a great variety of speci- 
fics were used. I remember when a small boy to have seen a man, 
bitten by a rattle-snake, brought into the Fort on a man's back. 
One of the company dragged the snake after him b}'- a forked stick 
fastened to its head. The body of the snake was cut into pieces of 


about two inches in length, split open in succession, and laid on the 
wound to draw out the poison, as they expressed it. When this 
was over, a fire was kindled in the Fort and the whole of the serpent 
burnt to ashes, by way of revenge for the injury he had done. 
After this process was over, a large quantity of chestnut leaves was 
collected and boiled in a pot. The whole of the wounded man's leg 
and part of his thigh were placed in a piece of chestnut bark, fresh 
from the tree, and the decoction was poured on the leg so as to run 
down into the pot again. After continuing this process for some 
time, a quantity of the boiled leaves were bound to the leg. 
This was repeated several times a day. The man got well ; but 
whether owing to the treatment bestowed on his wound, is not so 

A number of native plants were used for the cure of snake 
bites. Among them the white planton held a high rank. This 
was boiled in milk, and the decoction given the patient in large 
quantities. A kind of fern, which, from its resemblance to the 
leaves of the walnut, was called walnut fern, was another remedy. 
A plant with fibrous roots, resembling the Seneca snake root, of a 
black color, and a strong but not disagreeable smell, was considered 
and relied on as the Indian specific for the cure of the sting of a 
snake. A decoction of this root was also used for the cure of colds. 
Another plant, which ver}' much resembles the one above mentioned, 
but which is violently poisonous, was sometimes mistaken for it and 
used in its place. I knew two young women, who, in consequence of 
being bitten by rattle-snakes, used the poisonous plant instead of 
the other, and nearl}^ lost their lives by the mistake. The roots 
were applied to the legs in the form of a poultice. The violent 
burning and swelling occasioned by the inflammation discovered the 
mistake in time to prevent them from taking any of the docoction, 
which, had they done, would have been instantly fatal. It was 
with difficulty that the part to which the poultice was applied 
was saved from mortification, so that the remed}' was worse than 
the disease. 

Cupping, sucking the wound, and making deep incisions which 
were filled with salt and gun-powder, were also among the reme- 
dies for snake bites. 

It does not appear to me that any of the internal remedies, 
used b}' the Indians and the first settlers of this country, were well 
adapted for the cure of the disease occasioned by the bite of a snake 
The poison of a snake, like that of a bee or a wasp, must consist of 
a highly concenerated and very poisonous acid, which instantly 
inflames the parts to which it is applied. That any substance what- 
ever can act as a specific for the decomposition of this poison, seems 
altogether doubtful. The cure of the fever occasioned by this ani- 
mal poison, must be effected with reference to those general indica- 
tions which are regarded in the cure of other fevers with equal 
force. The internal remedies alluded to, so far as I am acquainted 


with them, are possessed of little or no medical efficacy. They are 
not emetics, cathartics, or sudorifics. What then ? They are 
harmless substances, which do wonders in all those cases in which 
there is nothing to be done. 

The truth is, the bite of the rattle or copper-snake, in a fleshy 
or tendinous part, where the blood-vessels are neither numerous 
or large, soon healed under any kind of treatment. But when 
the fangs of the serpent, whicn are hollow, and eject the poison 
through an orifice near the points, penetrate a blood-vessel of any 
considerable size, a malignant and incurable fever was generally 
the immediate consequence, and the patient often expired in the first 

The same observations apply to the effects of the bite of ser- 
j ents when inflicted on beasts. Horses were frequently killed by 
them, as they were commonly bitten somewhere about the nose, 
in which the blood-vessels are numerous and large. I once saw 
a horse die of the bite of a rattle-snake ; the blood for some time 
before he expired exuded in great quantities through the pores of 
the skin. 

Cattle were less frequently killed, because their noses are of a 
grizly texture, and less furnished with blood-vessels than those of a 
horse. Dogs were sometimes bitten, and being naturally physicians, 
they commonly scratched a hole in some damp place, and held the 
wounded part in the ground till the inflammation abated. Hogs, 
when in tolerable order, were never hurt by them, owing to the 
thick substratum of fat between the skin, muscular flesh, and blood- 
vessels. The hog generally took immediate revenge for the injury 
done him, by instantly tearing to pieces and devouring the serpent 
which inflicted it. 

The itch, which was a very common disease in early times, 
was commonly cured by an ointment made of brimstone and hog's 

Gun-shot and other wounds were treated with slippery-elm bark, 
flaxseed, and other such poultices. Many lost their lives from 
wounds which would now be considered trifling and easily cured. 
The use of the lancet, and other means of depletion, in the treat- 
ment of wounds, constituted no part of their cure in this country, in 
early times. 

My mother died in early life of a wound from the tread of a 
horse, which any person in the habit of letting blood might have 
cured by two or three bleedings, without any other remedy. The 
wound was poulticed with spikenard root, and soon terminated in an 
extensive mortification. 

Most of the men of the early settlers of the country were af- 
fected with the rheumatism. For relief from this disease the hun- 
ters generally slept with their feet to the fire. From this practice 
they certainly derived much advantage. The oil of rattle-snakes, 


geese, wolves, bears, raccoons, ground-hogs, and pole-cats, was ap- 
plied to the swelled joints, and bathed in before the fire. 

The pleurisy was the only disease which was supposed to re- 
quire blood letting? but in many cases a bleeder was not in the 

Coughs and pulmonary consumption, were treated with a 
great variety of syrups, the principal ingredients of which were 
spikenard and elecampane. The syrups certainly gave but little 

Charms and incantations were in use for the cure of many dis- 
eases. I learned, when young, the incantation, in German, for the 
cure of burns, stopping blood, tooth-ache, and the charm against 
bullets in battle ; but for the want of faith in their efficacy, I never 
used any of them. 

The erysipelas, or St. Anthony's fire, was circumscribed by the 
blood of a black cat. Hence there was scarcely a black cat to be 
seen, whose ears and tail had not been frequently cropped off for a 
contribution of blood. 

Whether the medical profession is productive of most good or 
harm, ma}' still be a matter of dispute with some philosophers, who 
never saw any condition of society in which there were no physi- 
cians, and therefore could not be furnished with a proper test for 
deciding the question. Had an unbeliever in the healing art been 
among the early inhabitants of this country, he would have been in 
a proper situation to witness the consequences of the want of the ex- 
ercises of the art. For many ^-ears in succession there was no per- 
son who bore even the name of a doctor within a considerable dis- 
tance of the residence of my father. 

For the honor of the medical profession I must give it as my 
opinion, that many of our people perished for want of medical skill 
and attention. 

The pleurisy was the only disease which was, in any consid- 
erable degree, understood by our people. A pain in the side 
called for the use of the lancet, if there was any to be had ; but 
owing to its sparing use, the patient was apt to be left with a 
spitting of blood, which sometimes ended in consumption. A 
great number of children died with the croup. Remittent and 
intermittent fevers were treated with warm drinks for the pur- 
pose of sweating, and the patients w'ere denied the use of cold 
water and fresh air ; consequently many of them died. Of those 
who escaped, not a few died afterwards of the drops}- or consump- 
tion, or were left with paralytic limbs. Deaths in childbed were 
not unfrequent. Many, no doubt, died of the bite of the serpent, in 
consequence of an improper reliance on specifics possessed of no 
medical virtue. 

My father died of an hepatic complaint, at the age of about 
forty-six. He had labored under it for thirteen years. The fever 




which accompanied it was called the "dumb ague," and the swel- 
ling in the region of the liver, ' ' the ague cake. ' ' The abscess 
burst, and discharged a large quantity of matter, which put a period 
to his life in about thirty hours after the discharge. 

Thus I, for one may say, that in all human probability I lost 
both my parents for want of medical aid. 






These were such as might be expected among a people, who, 
owing to their circumstances as well as education, set a higher value 
on physical than on mental endowments, and on skill in hunting and 
bravery in war, than on any polite accomplishments of fine arts. 

Amusements are, in many instances, either imitations of the 
business of life, or at least of some of its particular objects of pur- 
suits. On the part of young men belonging to nations in a state of 
warfare, many amusements are regarded as preparations for the 
military character which they are expected to sustain in future life. 
Thus the war-dance of savages is a pantomime of their stratagems 
and horrid deeds of cruelty in war, and the exhibition prepares the 
minds of their young men for a participation in the bloody trage- 
dies which they represent. Dancing, among civilized people, is 
regarded, not only as an amusement suited to the youthful period 
of human life, but as a means of inducing urbanity of manners 
and a good personal deportment in public. Horse racing is re- 
garded by the statesman as a preparation, in various ways, for 
the equestrian department of warfare ; it is said that the English 
government never possessed a good cavalry, until by the en- 
couragement given to public races, their breed of horses was im- 
proved. Games, in which there is a mixture of chance and skill, 
are said to improve the understanding in mathematical and other 

Many of the sports of the early settlers of this country were 
imitative of the exercises and stratagems of hunting and war. Boys 
are taught the use of the bow and arrow at an early age ; but al- 
though they acquired considerable adroitness in the use of them, so 
as to kill a bird or squirrel sometimes, yet it appears that in the 
hands of the white people, the bow and arrow could never be de- 
pended upon for warfare or hunting, unless made and managed in a 
different manner from any specimens of them which I ever saw. 

In ancient times, the bow and arrow must have been deadly in- 
struments in the hands of the barbarians of our country ; but I much 
doubt whether any of the present tribe of Indians could make much 
use of the flint arrow heads, which must have been so generally 
used by their forefathers. 

Firearms, wherever they can be obtained, soon put an end to 

284 SPORTS. 

the use of the bow and arrow ; but independently of this circum- 
stance, military, as well as other arts, sometimes grew out of date 
and vanish from the world. Many centuries have elapsed since the 
world has witnessed the destructiye accuracy of the Benjaminites 
in their use of the sling and stone ; nor does it appear to me 
that a dimination, in the size and strength of the aboriginals of 
this country, has occasioned a decrease of accuracy and effect in 
their use of the bow and arrow. From all the ancient skeletons 
which have come under my notice, it does not appear that this sec- 
tion of the globe was ever inhabited by a larger race of human 
beings than that which possessed it at the time of its discovery by 
the Europeans. 

One important pastime of our boys was that of imitating the 
noise of every bird and beast in the woods. This faculty was not 
merely a pastime, but a very necessary part of education, on account 
of its utility in certain circumstances. The imitations of the gob- 
bling and other sounds of wild turkeys, often brought those keen- 
eyed and ever watchful tenants of the forest within reach of the 
rifle. The bleating of the fawn, brought its dam to her death in the 
same way. The hunter often collected a company of mopish owls to 
the trees about his camp ; and while he amused himself with their 
hoarse screaming, his howl would raise and obtain responses from a 
pack of wolves, so as to inform him of their neighborhood, as well as 
guard him against their depredations. 

This imitative faculty was sometimes requisite as a measure of 
precaution in war. The Indians, when scattered about in a neigh- 
borhood, often collected together, by imitating the turkeys by day, 
and wolves or owls by night. In similar situations our people did 
the same. I have often witnessed the consternation of a whole 
neighborhood in consequence of a few screeches of owls. An early 
and correct use of this imitative faculty was considered as an indica- 
tion that its possessor would become in due time a good hunter and 
a valiant warrior. 

Throwing the tomahawk was another boyish sport, in which 
many acquired considerable skill. The tomahawk, with its handle 
of a certain length, will make a given number or turns in a given dis- 
tance. Say at five steps, it will strike with the edge, the handle 
downwards ; at the distance of seven and-a-half steps, it will strike 
with the edge, the handle upwards ; and so on. A little experience 
enabled the boy to measure the distance with his eye, when walking 
through the woods, and strike a tree with his tomahawk in any way 
he choose. 

The athletic sports of running, jumping and wrestling, were the 
pastime of boys, in common with the men. 

A well-grown boy, at the age of twelve or thirteen years, was 
furnished with a small rifle and shot pouch. He then became a 
Fort soldier, and had his port-hole assigned him. Hunting squirrels, 
turkeys and raccoons soon made him exj ert in the use of his gun. 

SPORTS. 285 

Dancing was the principal amusement of our 3-oung people of 
both sexes. Their dances, to be sure, were of the simplest forms — 
three and four handed reels and jigs. Contra-dances, cotilions and 
minuets, were unknown. I remember to have seen, once or twice, 
a dance which was called " The Irish Trot ;" but I have long since 
forgotten the figure. 

Shooting at marks was a common diversion among the men, 
when their stock of ammunition would allow it, which, however, 
was far from being always the case. The present mode of shooting 
off-hand was not then in practice ; it was not considered as an}' trial 
of the value of the gun, nor indeed as much a test of the skill of a 
marksman. Their shooting was from a rest, and at as great a dis- 
tance as the length and weight of a barrel of the gun would throw a 
ball on a horizontal level. Such was their regard to accuracy, in 
those sportive trials of their rifles, and of their own skill in the use 
of them, that they often put moss, or some other soft substance on a 
log or stump from which they shot, for fear of having the bullet 
thrown from the mark, by the spring of the barrel. When the rifle 
was held to the side of a tree for a rest, it was pressed against it as 
lightly as possible for the same reason. 

Rifles of former times were different from those of modern 
date ; few of them carried more than fortj'-five bullets to the pound, 
and bullets of a less size were not thought sufHciently heavy for 
huntmg or war. 

Dramatic narrations, chiefly concerning Jack and the Giant, 
furnished our 5-oung people with another source of amusement dur- 
ing their leisure hours. Many of those tales were lengthy, and em- 
braced a considerable range of incident. Jack, always the hero of 
the story, after encountering many difficulties, and performing many 
great achievements, came off conqueror of the Giant. Most of those 
stories were tales of knight-errantry, in which some captive virgin 
was released from captivity and restored to her lover. 

These dramatic narrations concerning Jack and the Giant bore 
a strong resemblance to the poems of Ossian, the story of the Cy- 
clops and Ulysses in the Odyssey of Homer, and the tale of the Giant 
and Great-heart in the Pilgrim's Progress, and were so arranged as 
to the different incidents of the narration, that they were easily com- 
mitted to memory. They certainly have been handed down from 
generation to generation from time immemorial. Civilization has 
indeed banished the use of these ancient tales of romantic heroism ; 
but what then ? It has substituted in their place the novel and 

It is thus that in every state of society the imagination of man 
is eternally at war with reason and truth. That fiction should be ac- 
ceptable to an unenlightened people is not to be wondered at, as the 
treasures ot truth has never been unfolded to their mind ; but that 
a civilized people themselves should, in so many instances, like 
barbarians, prefer the fairy regions of fiction to the august treasures 



of truth, developed in the sciences of theology, histor3% natural and 
moral philosopy, is truly a sarcasm on human nature. It is as much 
as to say, that it is essential to our amusement, that, for the time 
being, we must suspend the exercise of reason, and submit to a vol- 
untary deception. 

Singing was another but not very common amusement among 
our first settlers. The tunes were rude enough, to be sure. Robin 
Hood furnished a number of our songs ; the balance were mostly 
tragical, and were denominated "love songs about murder." As 
to cards, dice, backgammon, and other games of chance, we knew 
nothing about them. These are among the blessed gifts of 




I shall not be lengthy on this subject. The belief in Witch- 
craft was prevalent among the early settlers of the western country. 
To the witch was ascribed the tremendous power of inflicting strange 
and incurable diseases, particularly on children, of destroying cattle 
by shooting them with hair balls, and a great variety of other means 
of destruction, of inflicting spells and curses on guns and other 
things, and lastly, of changing men into horses, and often bridling 
and saddling them, riding them in full speed over hill and dale to 
their frolics and other places of rendezvous. More ample powers of 
mischief than these cannot be imagined. 

Wizards were men supposed to be possessed of the same mis- 
chievous powers as the witches ; but it was seldom exercised for bad 
purposes. The power of the wizards was exercised almost exclu- 
sively for the purpose of counteracting the malevolent influence of 
the witches of the other sex. I have known several of these witch- 
masters, as they were called, who made a public profession of 
curing these diseases inflicted by the influence of witches ; and I 
have known respectable physicians, who had no greater portion of 
business in their line of their professions, than many of those witch- 
masters had in theirs. 

The means by which the witch was supposed to inflict diseases, 
curses and spehs, I never could learn. They were occult sciences, 
which no one was supposed to understand excepting the witch her- 
self, and no wonder, as no such arts ever existed in any country. 

The diseases of children, supposed to be inflicted b}^ withcraft, 
were those of the internal dropsy of the brain, and the rickts. The 
symptoms and cure of these destructive diseases were utterly un- 
known in former times in this country. Diseases which neither 
could be accounted for nor cured, were usually ascribed to some 
supernatural agency of a malignant kind. 

For the cure of diseases inflicted by witchcraft, the picture of 
the supposed witch was drawn on a stump or piece of board, and 
shot at with a bullet containing a little bit of silver. This bullet 
transferred a painful and sometimes a mortal spell on that part of 
the witch corresponding with the part of the portrait struck by the 
bullet. Another method of cure was that of getting some of the 


child's water, which was closely corked up in a vial and hung up in 
a chimney. This complimented the witch with a stranguary, which 
lasted as long as the vial remained in the chimney. The witch had 
but one way of relieving herself from any spell inflicted on her in 
any way, which was that of borrowing something, no matter what, 
of the family to which the subject of the exercise of her witchcraft 

I have known several poor old women much surprised at being 
refused requests which had usually been granted without hesi- 
tation, and almost heart broken v;hen informed of the cause of the 

When cattle or dogs were supposed to be under the influ- 
ence of witchcraft, they were burned in the forehead by a branding 
iron, or when dead, burned wholly to ashes. This inflicted a spell 
upon the witch which could only be removed bj^ borrowing, as above 

Witches were often said to milk the cows of their neighbors. 
This they did by fixing a new pin in a new towel for each cow in- 
tended to be milked. This towel was hung over her own door, and 
by means of certain incantations, the milk was extracted from the 
fringes of the towel after the manner of milking a cow. This hap- 
pened when cows were too poor to give much milk. 

The first German glass-blower in this country drove the witches 
out of their furnaces by throwing living puppies into them. 

The greater or less amount of belief in witchcraft, necromancy 
and astrology, serves to show the relative amount of philosophical 
science in our countr}\ Ignorance is always associated with super- 
stition, which, when presented an endless variety of sources of 
hope and fear, with regard to the good and bad fortunes of life, keep 
the benighted mind continually harrassed with groundless and delu- 
siveness, but strong and often deeply distressing impressions of a 
false faith. For the disease of the mind there is no cure but that of 
philosophy. This science shows to the enlightened reason of man, 
that no effect whatever can be produced in the physical world with- 
out a corresponding cause. This science announces that the death 
bell is but a momentary morbid motion of the nerves of the ear, and 
the death watch, the noise of a bug in the wall, and that the howl- 
ing of the dog, and the croaking of the raven, are but the natural 
languages of the beast and fowl, and in no way prophetic of the 
death of the sick. The comet, which used to shake pestilence and 
war from its fiery train, is now viewed with as little emotion as the 
movements of Jupiter and Saturn in their respective orbits. 

An eclipse of the sun, and an unusual freshet at the Tiber, 
shortly after the assassination of Julius Csesar by Cassius and Brut- 
us, threw the whole of the Roman empire into consternation. It 
was supposed that all the gods of heaven and earth were enraged, 
and about to take revenge for the murder of the emperor ; but 
since the science of astronomy foretells in the calendar the time and 


extent of the eclipse, the phenomenon, is not viewed as a miraculous 
and portentous, but as a common and natural event. 

That the pythoness and wizard of the Hebrews, the monthly 
soothsayers, astrologers and prognosticators of the Chaldeans, and 
the sybils of the Greeks and Romans, were mercenary imposters, 
there can be no doubt. 

To say that the pythoness, and all others of her class, were 
aided in their operations by the intervention of familiar spirits, does 
not mend the matter ; for spirits, whether good or bad, possess not 
the power of life and death, health and disease, with regard to man 
and beast. Pre-science is an incommunicable attribute of God, and 
therefore spirits cannot foretell future events. 

The afflictions of Job, through the intervention of Satan, were 
miraculous. The possessions mentioned in the New Testament, in 
all human probability, were maniacal diseases, and if, at their cures, 
the supposed evil spirit spoke with an audible voice, these events 
were also miraculous, and effected for a special purpose. But from 
miracles, no general conclusion can be drawn with regard to the di- 
vine government of the world. 

The conclusion is, that the powers professed to be exercised by 
the occult science of necromancy and other arts of divination, were 
neither more nor less than impostures. 

Among the Hebrews, the profession of arts of divination was 
thought deserving of capital punishment, because the profession was 
of Pagan origin, and of course incompatible with the profession of 
theism, and a theocratic form of government. These jugglers per- 
petrated a debasing superstition among the people. They were also 
swindlers, who divested their neighbors of large sums of money and 
valuable presents without an equivalent. 

On the ground then of fraud alone, according to the genius of 
the criminal codes of the ancient governments, the offense deser^-ed 
capital punishment. 

But is the present time better than the past with regard to a 
superstitious belief in occult influences ? Do no trace of the poly- 
theism of our forefathers remain among their christian descendants ? 
The inquiry must be answered in the affirmative. Should an al- 
manac-maker venture to give out the christian calendar without the 
column containing the signs of the zodiac, the calendar would be 
condemned as totally deficient, and the whole impression would re- 
main on his hands. 

But what are those signs ? They are the constellations of the 
zodiac, that is, clusters of stars, twelve in number, within and in- 
cluding the tropics of Cancer and Capricon. These constellations 
resemble the animals after which they are named. But what influ- 
ence do these clusters of stars exert on the animal and the plant ? 
Certainly none at all ; and yet we have been taught that the north- 
em constellations govern the divisions of living bodies alternately 
from the head to the reins, and in like manner the southern from 



the reins to the feet. The sign then makes a skip from the feet to 
Aries, who again assumes the government of the head, and so on. 

About half these constellations are friendly divinities, and exert 
a salutary influence on the animal and the plant. The others are 
malignant in their temper, and govern only for evil purposes. They 
blast during their reign the seed sown in the earth, and render medi- 
cine and the operation of surgery unsuccessful. 

We have read of the Hebrew worshippers of the hosts of heaven 
whenever they relapsed into idolatar}^ ; and these same constellations 
were the hosts of heaven which they worshipped. We, it is true, 
make no offering to these hosts of heaven, but we give them our 
faith and confidence. We hope for physical benefits from those of 
them whose dominion is friendly to our interests, while the reign of 
the malignant ones is an object of dread and painful apprehension. 

lyCt us not boast very much of our science, civilization, or even 
Christianity, while this column of the relics of paganism still dis- 
graces the christian calendar. 

I have made these observations with a view to discredit the 
remnants of superstition still existing among us. While dreams, 
the howling of the dog, and the croaking of the raven, are prophetic 
of future events, we are not good christians. While we are dis- 
mayed at the signs of heaven, we are for the time being pagans. 
Life has real evils enough to contend with, without imaginary ones. 

MORALS. 291 



In the section of the country where my father lived, there was, 
for many years after the settlement of the country, " neither law nor 
gospel." Our want of legal government was owing to the uncer- 
tainty whether we belonged to the State of Virginia or Pennsyl- 
vania. The line which at present divides the two States, was not 
run until some time after the conclusion of the Revolutionary War. 
Thus it happened, that during a long period of time we knew 
nothing of courts, lawyers, magistrates, sheriffs or constables. 
Every one was therefore at liberty " to do whatsoever was right in 
his own eyes." 

As this is a state of society which few of my readers have ever 
witnessed, I shall describe it as minutely as I can, and give in detail 
those moral maxims which in a great degree answered the important 
purposes of municipal jurisprudence. 

In the first place let it be obser\^ed that in a sparse population, 
where all the members of the community are well-known to each 
other, and especially in a time of war, where every man capable of 
bearing arms is considered highly valuable as a defender of his 
country, public opinion has its full effect, and answers the purpose 
of legal government better than it would in a dense population in 
time of peace. 

Such was the situation of our people along the frontiers of our 
settlements. They had no civil, military or ecclesiastical laws, at 
leased none that were enforced; and yet, " they were a law unto 
themselves," as to all the leading obligations of our nature in all the 
relations in which they stood to each other. The turpitude of vice 
and the majesty of moral virtue was then as apparent as they are 
now, and they were then regarded with the same sentiments of aver- 
sion or respect which they inspire at the present time. Industry in 
working or hunting, bravery in war, candor, honesty, hospitality, 
and steadiness of deportment, received their full reward of public 
honor and public confidence among our rude forefathers, as well as 
among their better instructed and more polished descendants. The 
punishments which they inflicted upon offenders by the imperial 
court of public opinion, were well adapted for the reformation of the 
culprit, or his expulsion from the community. 

The punishment for idleness, lying, dishonesty, and ill-fame 

392 MORALS. 

generally, was that of " hating the offender out," as they expressed 
it. This mode of chastisement was like the atimea of the Greeks. 
It was public expression, in various ways, of a general sentiment of 
indignation against such as transgressed the moral maxims of 
the commuity or banishment of the person against whom it was 

At house-raising, log-rollings, and harvest-parties, every one 
was expected to do his duty faithfully. A person who did not per- 
form his share of labor on these occasions, was designated b}' the 
epithet of " Lawrence," or some other title still more opprobrious ; 
and when it came to his turn to require the like aid from his 
neighbors, the idler felt his punishment in their refusal to attend 
to his calls. 

Although there was no legal compulsion to the performance of 
military duty ; yet every man of full age and size was expected to 
do his full share of public service. If he did not do so, he was 
"hated out as a coward." Even the want of any article of war 
equipments, such as ammunition, a sharp flint, a priming wire, a 
scalping knife, or tomahawk, was thought highly disgraceful. A 
man, who, without a reasonable excuse failed to go on a scout or 
campaign when it came to his turn, met with a expression of indig- 
nation in the countenance of all his neighbors, and epithets of dis- 
honor were fastened upon him without mercy. 

Debts, which make such an uproar in civilized life were but 
little known among our forefathers at an early settlement of this 
country. After the depreciation of the continental paper, they had 
no money of any kind ; everything purchased was paid for in pro- 
duce or labor. A good cow and calf was often the price of a bashel 
of alum salt. If a contract was not faithfully fulfilled, the credit of 
the delinquent was at once ended. 

Any petty theft was punished with all the infamy that could be 
heaped on the offender. A man on a campaign stole from his com- 
rade a cake out of the ashes in which it was baking. He was im- 
mediately named " the Bread rounds, " This epithet of reproach 
was bandied about in this way. When he came in sight of a group 
of men, one of them would call, "Who comes there?" Another 
would answer, " The Bread rounds." If any one meant to be more 
serious about the matter, he would call out, " Who stole a cake out 
of the ashes ?" Another replied by giving the name of the man in 
full. To this a third would give confirmation by exclaiming, 
" That is true and no lie." This kind of " tongue lashing" he was 
doomed to hear for the rest of the campaign, as well as for years 
after his return home. 

If a thief was detected in any of the frontier settlements, a 
summary mode of punishment was always resorted to. The first 
settlers, so far as I knew of them, had a kind of innate or heredi- 
tary detestation of the crime of theft, in any shape or degree, and 
their maxim was that "a thief must be whipped." If the theft was 

MORALS. 293 

something of value, a kind of jury of the neighborhood, after hear- 
ing the testimony, would condemn the culprit to Moses's law, that 
is, to forty stripes save one. If the theft was of small articles, the 
effender was doomed to carry on his back the flag of the United 
States, which then consisted of thirteen stripes. In either case, 
some hands were selected to execute the sentence, so that the stripes 
were sure to be well laid on. 

This punishment was followed by a sentence of exile. He 
then was informed that he must decamp in so many days and be 
seen there no more on penalty of having the number of his stripes 

For many years after the law was put into operation in the 
western part of Virginia, the magistrates themselves were in the 
habit of giving those who were brought before them on charges of 
small thefts, the liberty of being sent to jail or taking a whipping. 
The latter was commonly chosen, and was immediately inflicted, 
after which the thief was ordered to clear out. 

In some instances stripes were inflicted ; not for the punishment 
of an offense, but for the purpose of extorting a confession from sus- 
pected persons. This was the torture of our earlj' times, and no 
doubt sometimes very unjustly inflicted. 

If a woman was given to tattling and slandering her neighbors, 
she was furnished by common consent with a kind of patent right 
to say whatever she pleased, without being believed. Her tongue 
was then said to be harmless, or to be no scandal. 

With all their rudeness, these people were given to hospitality, 
and freely divided their rough fare with a neighbor or a stranger, 
and would have been offended at the offer of pay. In their settle- 
ments and forts, they lived, they worked, they fought and feasted, 
or suffered together, in cordial harmony. They were warm and 
constant in their friendships. On the other hand they were re- 
vengeful in their resentments ; and the point of honor sometimes 
led to personal combats. If one man called another a liar, he was 
considered as having given a challenge which the person who received 
it must accept, or be deemed a coward, and the charge was gener- 
ally answered on the spot with a blow. If the injured person was 
decidedly unable to fight the aggressor, he might get a friend to do 
it for him. The same thing took place on a charge of cowardice, or 
any other dishonorable action. A battle must follow, and the per- 
son who made the charge must either fight the person against whom 
he made it, or any champion who choose to espouse his cause. Thus 
circumstanced, our people in early times were much more cautious 
of speaking evil of their neighbors than they are at present. 

Sometimes pitched battles occurred, in which time, place, and 
seconds were appointed beforehand. I remember having seen one 
of these pitched battles in my father's Fort, when a boy. One of 
the young men knew very well beforehand that he should get the 
worst of the battle, and no doubt repented the engagement to fight ; 

294 MORALS. 

but there was no getting over it. The point of honor demanded the 
risk of battle. He got his whipping ; they then shook hands, and 
were good friend afterwards. 

This mode of single combat in those days was dangerous in the 
extreme. Although no weapons were used, fists, teeth and feet 
were employed at will ; but above all, the detestable practice of 
gouging, by which eyes were sometimes put out, rendered the mode 
of fighting frightful indeed. It was not, however, so destructive as 
the stiletto of the Italian, the knife of the Spaniard, the small sword 
of the Frenchman, or the pistol of the American or English duelist. 

Instances of seduction and bastardy do not frequently happen 
in our early times. I remember one instance of the former, in which 
the life of the man was put in jeopardy by the resentment of the 
family to which the girl belonged. Indeed, considering the chival- 
rous temper of our people, this crime could not then take place without 
great personal danger from the brothers or other relations of the 
victim seduced, family honor being then estimated at a high rate. 

I do not recollect that profane language was much more preval- 
ent in our early times than at present. 

Among the people with whom I am conversant, there wias no 
other vestige of the christian religion than a faint observance of. 
Sunday, and that merely a day of rest for the aged and play-day for 
the young. 

The first christian service I ever heard was in the Garrison 
church, in Baltimore county, in Maryland, where my father had sent 
me to school. I was then about ten years old. The appearance of 
the church, the windows of which were Gothic, the white surplice 
of the minister, and the responses in the service, overwhelmed me 
with surprise. Among my school-fellows in that place, it was a 
matter of reproach to me that I was not baptized, and why? Be- 
cause, as they said, I had no name. Such was their notion of the 
eflficacy of baptism. 




The American Revolution was the commencement of a new era 
in the history of the world. The issue of that eventful contest 
snatched the sceptre from the hands of the monarch, and placed it 
where it ought to be, in the hands of the people. 

On the sacred altar of liberty it consecrated the rights of man, 
surrendered to him the right and power to govern himself, and 
placed in his hands the resources of his country, as munitions of war 
for his defense. The experiment was indeed bold and hazardous 
but success has hitherto more than justified the most sanguine an- 
ticipations of those who made it. The world has witnessed, with 
astonishment, the rapid growth and confirmation of our noble 
fabric of freedom. From our distant horizon, we have reflected a 
strong and steady blaze of light on ill-fated Europe, from time im- 
memoral involved in the fetters and gloom of slavery. Our history 
has excited a general and ardent spirit of inquiry into the nature of 
our civil institutions, and a strong wish on the part of the people in 
distant countries, to paticipate in our blessings. 

But will an example, so portentuous of evil to the chiefs of des- 
potic institutions, be viewed with indifference by those who now 
sway the scepter with unlimited power, over the many millions of 
their vassals ? Will they adopt no measures of defense against the 
influence of that freedom, so widely diffused and so rapidly gaining 
strength throughout their empires ? Will they make no effort to 
remove from the world those free governments, whose example 
gives them such annoyance? The measures of defence will be 
adopted, the effort will be made ; for power is never surrendered 
without a struggle. 

Already nations, which, from the earliest period of their his- 
tory, have constantly crimsoned the earth with each other's blood, 
have become a band of brothers for the destruction of every germ of 
human liberty. Every year witnesses an association of the mon- 
arch of those nations, in unhallowed conclave, for the purpose of 
concerting measures for effecting their dark designs. Hitherto 
the execution of those measures has been alas ? to fatally successful. 

It would be impolitic and unwise in us to calculate on escaping 
the hostile notice of the despots of continental Europe. Already 
we hear, like distant thunder, their expressions of indignation and 


threats of vengeance. We ought to anticipate the gathering storm 
without dismay, but not with indifference. In viewing the dark 
side of the prospect before us, one source of consolation, of much 
magnitude, presents itself. It is confidently expected, that the 
brave and potent nation, with whom we have common origin, will 
not risk the loss of that portion of liberty, which at the expense of 
so much blood and treasure, they have secured for themselves, by an 
unnatural association with despots, for the unholy purpose of mak- 
ing war on the few nations of the earth, which possess any consid- 
erable portion of that invaluable blessing ; on the contrary it is 
hoped by us that they will, if necessity should require, employ the 
bravery of their people, their immense resources, and the trident of 
the ocean, in defense of their own liberties, and by consequence 
those of others. 

Legislators, fathers of our country ! lose no time, spare no ex- 
pense in hastening on the requisite means of defense, for meeting 
with safety and with victory the impending storm, which sooner or 
later must fall upon us. 





The causes which led to the present state of civiHzation in the 
"western country, are subjects which deserve some consideration. 

The state of society and manners of the early settlers, as pre- 
sented in these notes, shows very clearly that their grade of civiliza- 
tion was indeed low enough. The descendents of the English caval- 
iers from Maryland and Virginia, who settled mostly along the rivers, 
and the descendents of the Irish, who settled in the interior parts of 
the country, were neither remarkable for science or urbanity of 
manners. The former were mostly illiterate, rough in their man- 
ners, and addicted to the rude diversions of horse racing, wrestling, 
shooting, dancing, &c. Their diversions were often accompanied 
with personal combats, which consisted of blows, kicking, biting, 
and gouging. This mode of fighting w^as what they called 
rough and tumble. Sometimes a previous stipulation was made 
to use the fists onl}'. Yet these people were industrious, enter- 
prising, generous in their hospitality, and brave in the defense of 
their country. 

These people, for the most part, formed the cordon along 
the Ohio River, on the frontiers of Pennsylvania, Virginia and Ken- 
tucky, which defended the countr}^ against the attacks of the In- 
dians during the Revolutionary War. They were the janizaries of 
the countr}', that is, they were soldiers when they choose to be so, 
and when they choose laid down their arms. Their military service 
was voluntary, and of course received no pay. 

With the descendant of the Irish I had but little acquaintance, 
although I lived near them. At an early period they were com- 
prehended in the Presbyterian church, and were more reserved in 
their deportment than their frontier neighbors, and from their 
situation being less exposed to the Indian warfare, took less part in 
that war. 

The patriot of the western region finds his love of country and 
national pride augmented to the highest grade, when he compares 
the political, moral, and religious character of his people, with 
that of the inhabitants of many large divisions of the old world. In 
Asia and Africa, generation after generation passes without any 
change in the moral and religious character or physical condition of 
the people. 



On the Barbary coast, the traveler, if a river lies in hiswa\- and 
happens to be too high, must either swim it or wait till it subsides. 
If the traveler is a christian, he must have a firman and a guard. 
Yet this was once the country of the famous Carthagenians. 

In Upper Egypt, the people grind meal for their dhourra bread, 
by rubbing it between two fiat stones. This is done by women. 

In Palestine, the grindmg of grain is still performed b}^ an 
ill-constructed hand-mill, as in the days of our Saviour. The roads 
to the famous City of Jerusalem are still almost in the rude state 
of nature. 

In Asiatic Turkejs merchandise is still carried on by caravans, 
which are attended with a military guard ; and the naked walls of the 
caravansera is their fortress and place of repose at nights, instead of 
a place of entertainment. The streets of Constantinople, instead of 
being paved, are in many places almost impassable from mud, filth, 
and the carcasses of dead beasts. Yet this is the metropolis of a 
great empire. 

Throughout the whole of the extensive regions of Asia and 
Africa, man, from his cradle to his grave, sees no change in the 
aspect of anything around him, unless from the desolations of war. 
His dress, his ordinar}' salutations with his neighbor, his diet and 
mode of eating it, are prescribed by his religious institutions ; and 
his rank in society, as well as his occupation, are determined by his 
birth. Steady and unvarying as the lapse of time in every depart- 
ment of life, generation after generation beats the dull monotonous 
round. The Hindoo would sooner die a martyr at the stake, than sit 
on a chair or eat with a knife or fork. 

The descendant of Ishmael is still "a wild man." Hungry, 
thirsty and half naked, beneath a burning sun, he traverses the im- 
mense and inhospitable desert of Zahara, apparently without any ob- 
ject, because his forefathers did before him. Throughout life he 
subsists on camel's milk and flesh, while his only covering from the 
inclemency of the weather is a flimsy tent of camel's hair. His 
Cringle, solitary virtue, is that of hospitality to strangers ; in every 
respect he is a thief and robber. 

The Chinese still retain their alphabet of thirty-six thousand 
heiroglyphics. They must never exchange it for one of twenty let- 
ters, which would answer an infinitely better purpose. 

Had we pursued the course of the greater number of the na- 
tions of the earth, we should have been this day treading in the foot- 
steps of our forefathers, from whose example in any respect we should 
have thought it criminal to depart in the slighest degree. 

Instead of a blind or superstitious imitation of the manners and 
customs of our forefathers, we have thought and acted for our- 
selves, and we have changed ourselves and everything around us. 

The linsey and coarse linen of the first settlers of the country, 
have been exchanged for the substantial and fine fabrics of Europe 
and Asia, the hunting-shirt for the fashionable coat of broad-cloth 


aud the moccason for boots and shoes of tanned leather. The 
dresses of the ladies are equal in beaut3% fineness and fashion, 
to those of the cities and countries of Europe and of the Atlantic 

It is not enough that persevering industry has enabled us to 
purchase the "purple and fine linen " from foreigners, and to use 
their porcelain and glassware, whether plain, engraved or gilt ; we 
have noblj' dared to fabricate those elegant, comfortable, and valu- 
able productions of art for ourselves. 

A well-founded prospect of large gains from useful arts and 
honest labor have drawn to our country a large number of the best 
artisans of other countries. Their mechanic arts, immensely im- 
proved by the American genius, have hitherto realized the hopeful 
prospect which induced their emigration to our infant country. 

The horse paths, along which our forefathers made their labori- 
ous journeys over the mountains for salt and iron, were soon suc- 
ceeded by wagon roads, and these again by substantial turnpikes, 
which, as if by magic enchantment, have brought the distant region, 
not many years ago denominated "the backwoods," into a close 
and lucrative connection with our great Atlantic cities. The jour- 
ney over the mountains, formerly considered so long, so expensive, 
and even perilous, is now made in a very fev/ days, and wath accom- 
modations not displeasing to the epicure himself. Those giants of 
North America, the different mountains composing the great chain 
of the Alleghany, formerly so frightful in their aspect, and present- 
ing so many difficulties in their passage, are now scarcely noticed by 
the traveler, in his journey along the graduated highways by which 
they are crossed. 

The rude sports of former times have been discontinued. Ath- 
letic trials of muscular strength and activity, in which there cer- 
tainly is not much of merit, have giv^en away to the more noble 
ambition for mental endowments and skill in useful arts. To the 
rude and often indecent songs, but roughly and unskillfuUy sung, 
have succeeded the psalm and hymn, and swelling anthem. To the 
clamorous boast, the provoking banter, the biting sarcasm, thehorid 
oath and imprecation, have succeeded urbanity and manners, and a 
coarse conversation enlightened by science and chastened by mental 
attention and respect. 

Above all, the direful spirit of revenge, the exercise of 
which so much approximated the character of many of the first 
settlers of our country to that of the worst of savages, is now un- 
known. The Indian might pass in safety among those, whose 
remembrance still bleeds at the recollection of the loss of their rela- 
tives, who have perished under the tomahawk and scalping knife of 
the savages. 

The Moravian brethren may dwell in safety on the sites of the 
villages desolated, and over the bones of their brethren and fore- 
fathers murdered, by the more than the savage ferocity of the 


whites. Nor let it be supposed that the return of peace produced 
this salutary change of feeling toward the tawney sons of the forest. 
The thirst for revenge was not wholly allayed by the balm of peace ; 
several Indians fell victims to the private vengeance of those who 
had recently lost their relations in the war, for some years after it 
had ceased 

If the state of society and manners, from the commencement of 
the settlements in this country, during the lapse of many years, 
owing to the sanguinary character of the Indian mode of warfare 
and other circumstances, was in a state of retrogression, as was 
evidently the case, if ignorance is more easily induced than science, 
if society more speedily deteriorates than improves, if it be much 
easier for the civilized man to become wild, than for the wild man 
to become civilized ; I ask, what means have arrested the progress 
of the early inhabitants of the western region towards the barbar- 
ism? What agents have directed their influence in favor of science, 
morals and piety ? 

The early introduction of commerce was among the first means 
of changing, in some degree, the existing aspect of the population 
of the country, and giving a new current to public feeling, and in- 
dividual pursuit. 

The huntsman and warrior, when he had exchanged his hun- 
ter's dress for that of a civilized man, soon lost sight of his former 
occupation, and assumed a new character and new line of life, like 
the soldier, who, when he receives his discharge and lays aside his 
regimentals, soon looses the feeling of a soldier, and even forgets in 
some degree his manual exercise. 

Had not commerce furnished the means of changing the dresses 
of our people and the furniture of their houses, had the hunting 
shirt, moccasons and leggins, continued to be the dress of men, had 
the three-legged stool, the noggin, the trencher and wooden bowl, 
continued to be the furniture of the houses, our progress towards 
science and civilization would have been much more slower. 

It may seem strange that so much importance is attached to 
the influence of dress in giving the moral and intellectual character 
of society. 

In all the institutions of despotic gevernments we discover evi- 
dent traces of the highest grade of human sagacity and foresight. 
It must have been the object of the founders of those governments 
to repress to genius of man, divest the mind of every sentiment of 
ambition, and prevent the cognizance of an}^ rule of life, excepting 
that of a blind obedience to the despot and his established institutions 
of religion and government ; hence the canonical law of religion, in 
all governments despotic in principle, have prescribed the costume of 
each class of society, their diet and the manner of eating it ; and 
even their household furniture is in like manner prescribed by law. 
In all these departments, no deviation from the law and custom is 
permitted or even though*^ of. The whole science of human nature, 


under such governments, is that of a knowledge of the duties of the 
station of life prescribed by parentage, and the whole duty of man 
that of a rigid performance of them ; while reason, having nothing 
to do with either the one or the other, is never cultivated. 

Even among christians, those founders of religious societies have 
succeeded best who have prescribed a professional costume for their 
followers, because every time the disciple looks at his dress he is put 
in mind of his obligations to the society to which he belongs, and he 
is therefore the less liable to wander into strange pastures. 

The English government could never subdue the esprit du coiir 
of the north of Scotland, until, after the rebellion of '45, the prohi- 
bition of wearing the tartan plaid, the kilt and the bonnet among 
the Highlanders, broke down the spirit to the clans. 

I have seen several of the Moravian Indians, and wandered that 
they were permitted to wear the Indian dress. Their conduct, when 
among the w^hite people, soon convinced me that the conversion of 
those whom I saw was far from being complete. 

There can be but little doubt but that, if permission should be 
given by the supreme power of the Mussulman faith, for a change, 
at the will of each individual, in dress, household furniture, and in 
eating and drinking, the whole Mohammedan system would be over- 
thrown in a few years. With a similar permission, the Hindoo 
superstition would share the same fate. 

We have some districts of country where the costume, cabins, 
and in some measure the household furniture of their ancestors, 
are still in use. The people of these districts are far behind their 
neighbors in every valuable endowment of human nature. Among 
them the virtues of chastity, temperance and industry, bear 
no great value, and schools and places of worship are but little 
regarded. In general, every one "does what is right in his own 
eyes. ' ' 

In short, why have we so soon forgotten our forefathers, and 
everything belonging to our former state ! The reason is, every- 
thing belonging to our former state has vanished from our view% 
and we meet with nothing in remembrance of them. The recent 
date of the settlement of our countrj^ is no longer a subject of re- 
flection. Its immense improvements present to the imagination 
the results of the labors of several centuries, instead of the work of 
a few years ; and we do not often take the trouble to correct the 
false impressions. 

The introduction of the mechanic arts has certainly contributed 
not a little to the morals and scientific improvement of the country. 

The carpenter, the joiner and mason, have displaced the rude, 
unsightly and uncomfortable cabins of our forefathers, by comforta- 
ble, and in many instances elegant mansions of stone, brick, hewen 
and sawed timbers. 

The ultimate objects of civilization are the moral and physical 


happiness of man. To the latter, the commodious mansion house, 
with its furniture, contributes essentially. The family mansion of 
the nations of the earth furnish the criteria of the different grades 
of their moral and mental condition. The savages universally live 
in tents, wigwams, or lodges covered with earth. Barbarians, next 
to these, may indeed have habitations something better, but of no 
value and indifferently furnished. Such are the inhabitant of the 
Russian Tartar and Turkish peasantry. 

Such is the effect of a large, elegant, and well furnished house, 
on the feelings and deportment of the family, that if you were to 
build one for a family of savages, by the occupancy of it they would 
loose their savage character ; or if they did not choose to make the 
exchange of that character for that of civilization, they would for- 
sake it for the wigwam and the woods. 

This was done by many of the early stock of backwoodsmen, 
even after they built comfortable houses for themselves. The)' no 
longer had the chance of " a fall hunt;" the woods pasture was 
eaten up ; they wanted "elbow room." They therefore sold out, 
and fled to the forest of the frontier settlements, choosing rather to 
encounter the toil of turning the wilderness into fruitful fields a 
second time, and even risk an Indian war, than endure the incon- 
veniences of a crowded settlement. Kentucky first offered a 
resting place for those pioneers, then Indiana, and now the Missouri ; 
and it cannot be long before the Pacific ocean will put a final stop to 
the westward march of those lovers of the wilderness. 

Substantial buildings have the effect of giving value to the soil 
and creating an attachment for the family residence. Those who 
have been accustomed to poetry, ancient or modern, need not be 
told how finely and how impressively the household gods, the blaz- 
ing hearth, the plentiful board, and the social fireside figure in 
poetical imagery. And this is not " tying up nonsense for a song." 
They are realities of life in its most polished state ; they are 
among its best and most rational enjoyments ; they associate the 
little family and community in parential and filial affection and 
duty, in which even the well clothed child feels its importance, claims 
and duties. 

The amount of attachment to the family mansion furnishes the 
criterion of the relative amount of virtue in the members of a 
family. If the head of the family should wander from the path of 
paternal duty, and become addicted to vicious habits, in proportion 
as his virtue suffers a declension, his love of his home and family 
abates, until, any place, however base and corrupting it may be, is 
more agreeable to him than the once dtilce dojmim. If a similar de- 
clension in virtue happens on the part of the maternal chief of the 
family mansion, the first effect of her deviation from the part of 
maternal virtue is, that " her feet abideth not in her own house." 
The same obsers^ations apply to children. When the young man or 
woman, instead of manifesting a strong attachment to the family 


mansion, is " given to outgoing," to places of licentious resort, their 
moral ruin may be said to be at no great distance. 

Architecture is of no use even in the important province of re- 
ligion. Those who build no houses for themselves, build no tem- 
ples for the servdce of God, and of course derive the less benefit from 
the institutions of religion. While our people lived in cabins, their 
places of worship were tents, as they were called, their seats logs, 
their communion tables rough slabs and hewen timber, and the cov- 
ering of the vv'orshippers the leaves of the forest trees. 

Churches have succeeded to tents with their rude accommoda- 
tions for public worship. The ver}- aspect of these sacred edifices 
fills the mind of the beholder with a religious awe, and as the most 
believing and sincere, it serves to increase the ferver of devotion. 
Patriotism is augmented by the sight of the majestic forum of jus- 
tice, the substantial public highway, and the bridge with its long 
succession of ponderous arches. 

Rome and Greece would no doubt have fallen much sooner, had 
it not been for the patriotism inspired by the magnificent public edi- 
fices. But for these, their histories would have been less complete 
and lasting than they have been. 

Emigration has brought to the western regions the wealth, 
science and arts of our eastern brethern, and even of Europe. 
These we hope have suffered no deterioration in the western coun- 
try. They have contributed much to the change which has been 
effected in the moral and scientic character of our country. 

The ministry of the gospel has contributed no doubt immensely 
to the happy change which has been effected in the state of our west- 
ern society. At an early period of our settlement three Presbyter- 
ian clergy-men commenced their clerical labors in our infant settle- 
ments, the Rev. Joseph Smith, the Rev. John McMillan and the 
Rev. Mr. Bowers, the two latter of whom are still living. They 
were pious, patient, laborious men, who collected their people into 
regular congregations, and did all for them which their circumstances 
would allow. It was no disparagement to them that their first 
churches were the shad}- grove, and their first pulpits a kind of tent, 
constructed of a few rough slabs, and covered with clapboards. 
"He who dwelleth not exclusively in temples made with hands," 
was propitious to their devotions. 

From the outset they prudently resolved to create a ministry in 
the country, and accordingly established little grammar schools at 
their own houses or in the immediate neighborhoods. The course 
of education which the}^ gave their pupils, were indeed not exten- 
sive ; but the piety of those who entered into the ministry more than 
made up the deficiency. They formed societies most of which are 
now large and respectable, and in point of education their ministry 
has much improved. 

About the 3-ear 1792, an Academy was established at Canons- 
burg, in Washington county, in the western part of Pennsylvania, 


which was afterwards incorporated under the name of Jefferson 

The means possessed by the society for the undertaking were in- 
deed but small ; but they not only erected a tolerable edifice for the 
Academy, but created a fund for the education of such pious young 
men as were desirous of entering into the ministry, but were unable 
to defray the expenses of their education. This institution has been 
remarkably successful in its operations. It has produced a large 
number of good scholars in all the literary professions, and added 
immensely to the science of the countr3\ 

Next to this, Washington College, situated in the county town 
of the county of that name, has been the means of diffusing much of 
the light of science through the western country. 

Too much praise cannot be bestowed on those good men who 
opened tnese fruitful sources of instruction for our infant country, 
at so early a period of the settlement. They have immensely im- 
proved the departments of theology, lavv, medicine and legislation 
in the western regions. 

At a later period the Methodist society began their labors in the 
western parts of Virginia and Pennsylvania. Their progress at first 
was slow, but their zeal and perseverance at length overcame every 
obstacle, so that they are now one of the most numerous and re- 
spectable societies in the country. The itinerant plan of the minis- 
try is well calculated to convey the gospel throughout a thinl}^ scat- 
tered population. Accordingly their ministry has kept pace with 
the extension of settlements. The little cabin was scarcely built, 
and the little field fenced in, before these evangelical teachers made 
their appearance among them, collected them into societies, and 
taught them the worship of God. 

Had it not been for the labors of these indefatigable men, our 
country, as to a great extent of its settlements, would have been at 
this day a semi-barbaric region. How many thousands and tens of 
thousands of the most ignorant and licentious of our population have 
they instructed and reclaimed from the error of their ways ! 
They have restored to society even the most worthless, and made 
them valuable and respectable as citizens, and useful in all the rela- 
tions of life. Their numerous and zealous ministry bids fair to carry 
on the good work to any extent which our settlements and popula- 
tion may require. 

With the Catholics I have but little acquaintance, but have 
every reason to believe, that in proportion to the extent of their 
flocks, they have done well. In this country they have received the 
episcopal visitations of their bishops. In Kentucky they have a 
cathedral, a college and a bishop. In Indiana they have a monas- 
tery of the order of St. Trap, which is also a college, and a bishop. 

Their clergy, with apostolic zeal, but in an unostentatious man- 
ner, have sought out and ministered to their scattered flocks through- 
out the country, and as far as I know with good success. 


The societies of Friends in the western country are numerous, 
and their establishments in good order. Although they are not 
much in favor of a classical education, they are nevertheless in the 
habit of giving their people a substantial English education. Their 
habits of industry, attention to useful arts and improvements are 
highly honorable to themselves are worthy of imitation. 

The Baptists in the state of Kentucky took the lead in the minis- 
try, and with great success. Their establishments are, as I have 
been informed, at present numerous and respectable in that state. 
A great and salutory revolution has taken place in this com- 
munity of people. Their ministry was formerly quite illiterate ; 
but they have turned their attention to science, and have already 
erected some very respectable literary establishments in different 
parts of America. 

The German Reformed and Lutheran churches in our countrj', 
as far as I know of them, are doing well. The number of the Luth- 
eran congregations is said to be at least one hundred ; that of the 
Reformed, it is presumed, is about the same amount. 

It is remarkable, that throughout the whole extent of the Unit- 
ed States, the Germans, in proportion to their wealth, have the best 
churches, organs and graveyards. It is a fortunate circumstance 
that those of our citizens who labor under the disadvantage of speak- 
ing a foreign language, are blessed with a ministry so evangelical 
as that of these very numerous and respectable communities. 

The Episcopalian church, which ought to have been foremost in 
gathering their scattered flocks, have been the last, and done the 
least of any christian community in the evangelical work. Taking 
the western country in its whole extent, at least one-half its popu- 
lation was originally of Episcopalian percentage ; but for want of a 
ministry of their own they have associated with other communities. 
They had no alternative but that of changing their Drofession or 
living or dying without the ordinances of religion. It can be no 
subject of regret that those ordinonces were placed within their 
reach by other hands, whilst they were withheld by those, by whom, 
as a matter of right and duty, they ought to have been given. One 
single chorea episcopus\ or suffragan bishop, of a faithful spirit, who, 
twenty years ago, should have "ordained them elders in every 
place " where the}' were needed, would have been the instrument of 
forming Episcopal congresrations over a great extent of country, and 
which by this time would have become large, numerous and respecta- 
ble ; but the opportunity was neglected, and the consequent loss to 
this church is irreparable. 

So total a neglect of the spiritual interests of so many valuable 
people, for so great a length of time, by a ministry so near at hand, 
is a singular and unprecedented fact in ecclesiastical history, the like 
of which never occurred before. 

It seems to me, that if the twentieth part of their number of 
christian people, of any other community, had been placed in Si- 



beria, and dependent upon any other ecclesiastical authority in this 
country, that that authority' would have reached them many j^ears 
ago with the ministration of the gospel. With the earliest and most 
numerous Episcopacy in America, not one of the eastern bishops has 
yet crossed the Alleghany Mountains although the dioceses of two 
of them comprehended large tracts of country on the western side 
of the mountains. It is hoped that the future diligence of this 
community will make up, in some degree, for the negligence of 
the past. 

There is still an immense void in this country which it is their 
duty to fill up. From their respectability, on the ground of antiqui- 
ty among the reformed churches, the science of their patriarchs, 
who have been the lights of the world, from their number of great 
resources, even in America, fshe ought to hasten to fulfill the just 
expectations of her own people, as well as those of other communi- 
ties, in contributing her full share to science, piety and civilization 
of our country. 

From the whole of the ecclesiastical history, it appears, that, 
with the exception of the Episcopal church, all our religious com- 
munities have done well for their country. 

The author begs that it ma}^ be understood, that with the 
distinguished tenets of our religious societies he has nothing to 
do, nor yet with the excellencies nor defects of the ecclesiastical 
institutions. They are noticed on no other ground than that of 
their respective contributions to the science and civilization of the 

The last but not the least, of the means of our present civiliza- 
tion, are our excellent forms of government and the administration 
of the law. 

In vain, as means of general information, are schools, colleges, 
and a ministry of the gospel of the best order. A land of liberty is 
a land of crime, as well as of virtue. 

It is often mentioned as a matter of reproach to England, that, 
in proportion to her population, they have more convictions, execu- 
tions, and transportations, than any other country in Europe. 
Should it be asked, what is the reason of the prevalence of crime in 
England? Is it, that human nature is worse there than elsewhere ? 
We answer, no. There is more liberty there than elsewhere in 
Europe, and that is the true and only solution of the matter in ques- 
tion. Where a people are at liberty to learn what they choose, 
to think and act as they please, and adopt any profession for a liv- 
ing or a fortune, they are much more liable to fall into the commis- 
sion of crimes, than people who from their infancy have been 
accustomed to the dull monotonous march of despotism, which 
chains each individual in the rank and profession of his forefathers, 
and does not permit him to wander into stranger and devious paths 
of hazardous experiments. 

In America, should a stranger read awhile our numerous publi- 


cations of a religious nature, the reports of missionary and Bible 
societies, at first blush he would look upon the Americans as a na- 
tion of saints ; let him lay these aside, and read the daily news- 
papers, he will change his opinion, and for the time being consider 
them as a nation abounding in crimes of the most atrocious dye. 
Both portraits are true. 

The greater the amount of freedom, the greater the necessity of 
a steady and faithful administration of justice, but more especially 
of criminal justice ; because a general diffusion of science, while it 
produces the most salutary effects, on a general scale, produces also 
the worst of crimes, by creating the greater capacity for their com- 
mission. There is scarcely any art of science, which is not in some 
hands and under certain circumstances made an instrument of the 
most atrocious vices. The arts of navigation and gunnery, so 
necessary for the wealth and defense of a nation, have often degen- 
erated into the crime of piracy. The beautiful art of engraving, 
and the more useful art of writing, have been used by the fraudu- 
lent for counterfeiting all kinds of public and private documents of 
credit. Were it not for the science and freedom, the impor- 
tant professions of theology and physic would not be so fre- 
quently assumed by the pseudo priest and the quack without previ- 
ous acquirements, without right, and for purposes wholly base and 

The truth is, the western country is the region of adventure. 
If we have derived some advantage from the importation of science, 
arts and wealth ; we have on the other hand been much annoyed 
and endangered, as to our moral and political state, by an immense 
importation of vice, associated with a high grade of science and the 
most consummate art in the pursuit of wealth by every description 
of unlawful means. The steady administration of justice has been 
our only safety from destruction, by the pestilential influence of so 
great an amount of moral depravity in our infant country. 

Still it may be asked whether facts warrant the belief that the 
scale is fairly turned in favor of science, piety and civilization, 
whether in regard to the important endowments of our nature, the 
present time is better than the past, whether we may safely consider 
our political institutions as matured and settled, that our personal 
liberty, property and sacred honor, are not only secured to us for 
the present, but likely to remain the inheritance of our children for 
generations yet to come. Society, in its best state, resembles the 
sleeping volcano, as the amount of the moral evil which it always 
contains. It is enough for public safety, and all that can reasona- 
bly be expected, that the good predominate over the evil. The 
moral and political means, which have been so successfully em- 
ployed for preventing a revolutionary explosion, have, as we 
trust, procrastinated the danger of such an event for a long time to 
come. If we have criminals, they are speedily pursued and brought 
to justice. 


The places of our country, which still remain in their native 
state of wilderness, do not, as in many countries, afford notorious 
lodgments for thieves. Our hills are not, as in the wilderness of 
Judea, " hills of robbers." The ministry of the holy gospel is en- 
lightening the minds of our people with the best of all sciences, that 
of God himself, his divine government and man's future state. 

Let it not be thought hard that our forums of justice are so 
numerous, the style of their architecture so imposing, and the busi- 
ness which occupies them so multifarious ; they are the price which 
freedom pays for its protection. Commerce, circulating through its 
million channels, will create an endless variety of litigating claims. 
Crimes of the deepest dye, spring from science and liberty them- 
selves, require constantly the vigilance and coercion of criminal jus- 
tice. Even the poorest of our people are solicitious for the educa- 
tion of their children. Thus the great supports of our moral and 
political state, resting on their finest bases, public opinion and at- 
tachment to our government and laws, promise stability for genera- 
tions yet to come. 





The author of the History of the Valley had intended to post- 
pone the subject of the following pages, and give the subject matter 
thereof in a second edition ; but at the request of a highly respecta- 
ble subscriber, and on consulting the printer, it is found that this 
addition to his work will not greatly increase the expense of the 
present volume. It is therefore deemed expedient to gratify public 
curiosity by giving the following sketches. If any one should be 
found incredulous enough to doubt the correctness of this statement, 
he can only say to such individuals, that they can have occular 
proof of the truth of each by taking the trouble to examine for 



That portion of the Valley lying between the Blue Ridge and 
Little North Mountain, is generallj' about an average of twenty-five 
miles wide, commencing on the Cohongoruton (Potomac) and run- 
ning from thence a southerly course to the commencement of the 
northern termination of Powell's Fort Mountain, a distance of about 
forty-five miles. 

This region, it has already been stated in a preceding chapter, 
when the country was first known to the white people, was one 
entire and beautiful prairie, with the exception of narrow fringes of 
timber immediately bordering on the water courses. The Opequon, 
(pronounced Opeckon) heads at the eastern base of the Little North 
Mountain, and thence passing through a fine tract of limestone 
country, seven or eight miles, enters into a region of slate. This 
tract of slate country commences at the northern termination of 
Powell's Fort Mountains, and is six or eight miles in width east and 
west, and continues to the Potomac, a distance or about forty-five 
miles. The Opequon continues its serpentine course through the 


slate region, and empties into the Potomac about fifteen or sixteen 
miles above Harpers-Ferry. It is thought by some individuals that 
this water course is susceptible of navigation for small craft, twenty- 
five miles from its mouth. This slate region of country is compara- 
tively poor unproductive land ; yet in the hands of industrious skill- 
ful farmers, many very valuable and beautiful farms are to be seen 
in it. About twenty years ago a scientific Frenchman suggested to 
the author the opinion " that this region of slate country was, at some 
remote period of the world, covered with a mountain, an abrasion of 
which had taken place by some great convulsion of nature. This he 
inferred from an examination of the base of the Fort Mountain, the 
stratum of the slate at the foot of which being precisely similar 
to that of the slate at the edges of the region of this slate 
country. ' ' The author will not venture an opinion of his own on 
this subject, but has given that of an individual who it was said 
at the time was a man of considerable philosophical and scientific 

East of this slate country commences another region of fine 
limestone land, averaging ten or twelve miles in width, and for its 
extent certainly unsurpassed in point of natural beauty, fertility and 
value, by any section of country in Virginia. 

Powell's Fort presents to the eye much grandeur and sublimity. 
Tradition informs us that an Englisman by the name of Powell, at 
the early settlement of our country, discovered silver ore in the 
West Fort Mountain, and commenced the business of money coin- 
age ; and when any attempt was made to arrest him, he would es- 
cape into the mountain and conceal himself. From this circum- 
stance it acquired the name of Powell's Fort. The late Capt. Isaac 
Bowman, about thirty years ago, pointed out to the author the site of 
Powell's shop, where it was said he wrought his metal, the ruins of 
which were to be seen. Capt. Bowman also informed the author 
that several crucibles and other instruments, which he had frequent- 
ly seen, had been found about the ruins of this shop, so that there 
is no doubt of the truth of the tradition that this man Powell was 
in the practice of melting down some sort of metal, if he did not ac- 
tually counterfeit money. 

The grandeur and sublimity of this extraordinary work of na- 
ture consist in its tremendous height and singular formation. On 
entering the mouth of the Fort, we are struck with the awful height 
of the mountains on each side, probably not less than a thousand feet. 
Through a very narrow passage, a bold and beautiful stream of water 
rushes, called Passage Creek, which a short distance below works 
several fine merchant mills. After traveling two or three miles, the 
valley gradually widens, and for upwards of twenty miles furnishes 
arable land, and affords settlements for eighty or ninety familes, 
several of whom own very valuable farms. The two mountains run 
parallel about twenty- four or twenty-five miles, and are called the 
East and West Fort Mountains, and are merged into one, anciently 


called the Masiiietto, now Massanutten mountain. The Massanut- 
ten continues its course about thirty-five or thirty-six miles souther- 
ly, and abruptly terminates nearly opposite Keiseltown^ in the Coun- 
ty of Rockingham. This range of mountain divides the two great 
branches of the Shenandoah River, called the South and North 
Forks. This mountain, upon the '.thole, presents to the eye some- 
thing of the shaj e of the letter Y, or perhaps more the shape of the 
houns and tongue of a wagon. 

The turnpike road from New Market, crossing Massanutten and 
Blue Ridge in the County of Culpeper, is held as private property. 
The dwelling-house where the toll is received stands on the summit 
of Massanutten, from which each of the valleys of the North and 
South Rivers present to the delightful vision of the traveler a most 
enchanting viev/ of the country for a vast distance. The little thrif- 
ty village of New Market, with a great number of farms and their 
various improvements are seen in full relief. On the east side of the 
mountain, on the River and Hawksbill Creek, are to be seen a num- 
ber of fine farms, many of them studded with handsome brick build- 
ings. Upon the whole, the traveler is amply rewarded, by the grati- 
fying sight, for his labor and fatigue in ascending the mountain, 
Vv'hich is said to be two miles from its base to its summit. There is a 
considerable depression where the road crosses at this place, called 
Massanutten Gap. 

From the East Fort Mountain, at a point nearly opposite Wood- 
stock, the South River present to the eye precisely the appearance of 
three distinct streams of water crossing the valley from the western 
base of the Blue Ridge to the foot of the Fort Mountain. At the 
northern end of the West Fort Mountain, from an eminence, Win- 
chester can be distinctly seen, at a distance of not less than sixteen 
miles, air measure, and a great portion of the Count}' of Frederick 
can be overlooked from this elevated point. There is also an elevat- 
ed point about five miles south of Front Royal, on the road leading 
from thence to Euraj^ from which there is a most ravishing 
view of the eastern section of the County of Frederick, and 
the tops of the mountains bordering on the north side of the 

After leaving this eminence, and proceeding southerl}^ towards 
Euray, from the undulating form of the country between the South 
River and Blue Ridge, for a distance of fourteen or fifteen miles, it 
appears constantly to the traveler as if he were nearly approaching 
the foot of a considerable mountain, and 3^et there is none to cross 
his way The South River, for seventy or eighty miles on each side, 
affords large propertions of fine alluvial lands, in many parts of it 
first-rate high lands, which are generally finely improved, and owned 
by many wealthy and highly respectable proprietors. The new 
County of Page, for its extent, contains as much intrinsic 
wealth as any county west of the Blue Ridge, with the exception of 


The valley of the North River, from the West Fort Mountain 
to the eastern base of the Little North Mountain, is generally fine 
limestone land, undulating and finely watered. It is also highly 
improved, with a density of population perhaps unequalled by any 
section of Virginia ; and it is believed there is more cash in 
the hands of its citizens than in any part of the state for the same 

It is hardly necessary to state that the three counties of Jeffer- 
son, Berkeley and Frederick, contain a greater proportion of fertile 
lands than any other section of the state ; but unfortunately, it may 
with truth be affirmed that it is a badly watered country. There are 
many neighborhoods in which nothing like a spring of water is to 
be seen. It is however true, there are many fine large limestone 
springs, remarkable for the great quantity of water which is dis- 
charged from them. But nature appears to have distributed her 
favor in this respect unequall}'. 

The counties of Morgan, Hampshire and Hardy, are remarka- 
ble for their mountains and fine freestone water. From the moun- 
tainous character of this section, it is but sparsely inhabited in many 
parts of it. The South and North Branches of the Cohongoruton 
(Potomac) afforded considerable quantities of as fine a fertile land 
as any part of the U. S. Patterson's Creek also furnishes a consid- 
erable body of fine land. Capon River, Lost River and Back Creek, 
furnished much fine land, and are all thickly populated. 

The western part of Frederick, Berkely and Shenandoah, in- 
clude considerable portions of mountainous country. The Little 
North Mountain commences near the Cohongoruton, having Back 
Creek Valley on the west, which extends about thirty-five miles into 
the interior, to the head waters of the Creek. This mountain runs 
a southerly course, parallel with the Great North Mountain, pass- 
ing through the three counties just mentioned. This tract of moun- 
tain land is comparative!}' poor and unproductive. It is, how- 
ever, pretty thickly populated, by a hardy race of people. In our 
mountains generally, wherever spots of arable land are to be found, 
(which are chiefly in the glens) , there scattered se*"tlers are to be 
found also. 

East of the Shenandoah River, the Blue Ridge is thickly popu- 
lated, and man}' fine productive farms are to be seen. The vast 
quanity of loose stone thickly scattered over the surface of the moun- 
tain, one would be ready to believe, would deter individuals from 
attempting its cultivation ; but it is a conmion saying among those 
people, that if they can only obtain as much earth as will cover their 
seed grain, they are always sure of good crops. 

The public road crosses the Blue Ridge, from the South River 
Valley into the county of Madison. From the western base of the 
mountain to the summit, it is said to be five miles. On the top of 
the mountain, at this place, there is a large body of level land, cov- 
ered almost exclusively with large chestnut timber, having the ap- 


pearance of an extensive swamp, and producing great quantities of 
the skunk cabbage. But little of it has been reclaimed and brought 
into cultivation. It produces fine crops of grass, rye, oats, pota- 
toes and turnips ; but it is said to be entirely too moist for the pro- 
duction of wheat, and too cool for the growth of Indian corn. The 
people in its neighborhood say that there is not a week throughout 
the spring, summer and autumn, without plentiful falls of rain, and 
abundant snows in the winter. In the time of long droughts on each 
side of the mountain, the elevated tract of country is abundantly 
supplied with rains. It is also said, that from this great height 
nearly the whole County of Madison can be seen, presenting to the 
eye a most fascinating and delightful view. 

On the summit of the West Fork Mountain, about fifteen miles 
south of Woodstock, there is also a small tract of land, remarkable 
for its depth of fine rich soil, but inaccessible to the approach of 
man with implements of husbandry. The tract produces immense 
quantities of the finest chestnut, though from the great difficulty of 
ascending the mountain, but little benefit is derived from it to the 
neighboring people. 

In our western mountains small bodies of limestone land are to 
be met with, one of the most remarkable of which is what is called 
the "Sugar Hills," pretty high up the Cedar Creek Valley. The 
tract is said to contain four or five hundred acres, and lies at the 
eastern base of Paddy's Mountain. It derives its name from two 
causes ; first, when discovered it was covered chiefly with the sugar 
maple ; and secondly, several of its knobs resemble in shape the 
sugar loaf. Its soil is peculiarly adapted to the production of wheat 
of the finest quality, of which, let the seasons be as they may, the 
land never fails to produce great crops, which generally commands 
seven or eight cents per bushel more than any other wheat grown in 
its neighborhood. The Hessian fly has not yet been known to in- 
jure the crops while growing. 

Paddy's Mountain is a branch of the great North Mountain, 
and is about eighteen or twenty miles long. It takes it name from 
an Irishman, whose name was Patrick Black, who first settled at 
what is now called Paddy's Gap in the mountain. This fact was 
communicated to the author by Moses Russell, Esq. 




It would require perhaps several volumes to give a minute dis- 
cription of all the natural and interesting curiosities of our country. 
The inquisitive individual can scarcely travel more than a mile or two 
in any direction among our mountains, but some sublime and grand 
work of nature presents itself to the eye, which excites his wonder 
and admiration. The author must content himself with a brief 
description of comparatively a few of the most remarkable. He will 
commence his narrative with Harpers-Ferry. The wonderful work 
of nature has been so accurately described by Mr. Jefferson, that it 
is deemed unnecessary to give a detailed description of it. Suffice it 
to say, that no stranger can look at the passage of the waters of the 
Potomac and Shenandoah, rushing through the yawning gap of the 
mountain, without feeling awe at the grandeur and sublimity of the 
scene, and ready to prostrate himself in adoration before the omnipo- 
tent God whose almighty arm hath made all things according to his 
own wisdom and power. 

It is much to be regretted that Capt. Henry, during the admin- 
istration of the elder Adams in 1799, when what was called the 
provisional army was raising, and a part of which was stationed at 
Harpers- Ferry, greatly injured one of the most interesting curiosi- 
ties of the place. A rock of extraordinary shape and of considerable 
size stands on the brink of a high hill, on the south side of the 
tongue or point of land immediately on the fork of the river. The 
apex of this rock was a broad flat table, supported on a pivot, on 
which Mr. Jefferson, during his visit to this place, inscribed his 
name, from which it took the name of Jefferson's rock. 

The years 1 798 and 1 799 were a period of extraordinary political 
excitement. The two great political parties, federal and democratic, 
of our country, were at this period completely organized, and an in- 
teresting struggle for which party should have the ascendancy was 
carried on. This same Capt. Henry, whether actuated by the same 
motive which impelled the Macadonian youth to murder Philip his 
king, or whether he hoped to acquire popularity with his party, (he 
called himself a federalist), or whether from motives purely hostile 
towards Mr. Jefferson and all the Democratic party, placed himself 
at the of a band of soldiers, and with the aid of his myrmidons, 
hurled off the apex of this rock, thus wantonly, and to say the least. 


unwisely destro3-ed the greatest beauty of this extraordinary work 
of nature. By this illiberal and unwise act, Capt. Henry has "con- 
demned his name to everlasting fame." 


About seven or eight miles above Harpers-Ferry, on the west 
side of the Shenandoah, nearly opposite the Shannondale Springs, 
from a quarter to a half mile from the river, a limestone cave has been 
discovered, which contains several beautiful incrustations of stalac- 
tities formed from the filtration of the water. 

Near Mecklenburg, (Shepherdstown), another cave has been 
found, out of which considerable quantities of hydraulic limestone is 
taken, and when calcined or reduced to lime, is found to make a 
cement, little of any inferior to plaster of paris. Out of this cave a 
concreted limestone was taken, which the author savv^ in the posses- 
sion of Dr. Boteler, of Sheperdstown, which at first view presents to 
the eye, in shape, a striking resemblance to that of a fish of consid- 
erable size. A smaller one was found at the same time, which has a 
strong resemblance to a mink. Several intelligent individuals were 
inclined to believe they were genuine putrifactions. 


In the County of Frederick are to be seen five or six of these 
caves. Zane's cave, now on the lands owned by the heirs of the 
late Maj. James Bean, is one described by the late Mr. Jefferson, in 
his " Notes on Virginia." This cave the author partially explored 
about eighteen months ago, but found it too fatiguing to pursue his 
examination to any extent. The natural beauty of this place has of 
late years been greatly injured from the smoke of the numerous pine 
torches used to light it. All the incrustations and spare are greatly 
darkened, giving the cave a. sombre and dull appearance. The au- 
thor was informed, on his visit to that place, that Major Bean, 
shortly before his death, cut out several of the spars, reduced them 
to lime, sprinkled it over some of his growing crops, and found that it 
produced all the effects of gypsum. 

On the lands, late the residence of Capt. Edward McGuire, de- 
ceased, is another cave of some considerable extent ; but its incrus- 
tations and spars are of a muddy yellowish color, and not considered 
a very interesting curiosity. 

Adjoining the lands of Mr. James Way, the former residence 
of the late Col. CM. Thurston, an extensive cave of very singular 
and curious formation was discovered many years ago. On explor- 
ing it with the aid of a pocket compass, the needle was found run- 
ning to every part of it. 

On the east side of the Shenandoah River, some two or three 
miles below Berry's Ferry, at the base of the Blue Ridge, a cave of 


considerable extent has been discovered, containing several curiosi- 
ties. About tv/o miles below this cave on the same side of the river, 
is to be seen what was anciently called Redmian's fishery. At the 
base of the rock a large subterraneous streamx of water is discharged 
into the river. At the approach of winter myriads of fish make 
their way into the subterraneous stream, and take up their winter 
quarters. In the spring they returned in the river. By placing a 
fish-basket in the mouth of the cavern, great quanties of fine fresh- 
water fish are taken, both in the autumn and spring of the year. 
The author recollects being at this place upwards of fifty years ago, 
just after Mr. had taken up his fish-basket, and can safely 
afiirm, that he drew out of the Vv'ater from two to three bushels of 
fish at a single haul. 

On Crooked Run, near Bethel meeting-house, on the lands now 
owned by Mr. Stephen Grubb, is a limestone cave, which the author 
has more than once been in. It does not exceed one hundred yards 
in length, and is remarkable only for its production of saltpetre, and 
preserving fresh meats in hot weather. 

The Panther Cave, on the north bank of Cedar Creek, owned by 
Major Isaac Hite, about a half or three-fourths of a mile west of the 
great highwaj^ from Winchester to Staunton, is a remarkable curi- 
osity. Nature here has formed a most beautiful and solid upright 
wall of a gray limestone rock, of about one hundred yards in length, 
near the west end of which is to be seen an elegant arch, of about 
sixty feet in front, ten or tvrelve feet high in the center, and ex- 
tending twent3'-five or thirty feet under the body of the wall. 
There are two circular aperatures running into the body of the rock' 
from the arch, one about twelve inches in diameter, the other some- 
what smaller. Whether these openings do or do not lead into large 
apartments or caverns in the body of the rock, is not and probably 
never will be known. Tradition relates that at the early settlement 
of the county this place was known to be the haunt and habitation 
of the panther, from which it derives its name. 

We have two natural wells in this county ; one at what is called 
the Dry Marsh, a drain of the Opequon, about two miles east of the 
Creek, not more than a quarter of a mile north of the road leading 
from Winchester to Berryville. This natural well in dry seasons 
furnishes several contiguous families wath water. It is formed by a 
natural circular opening in an apparently solid limestone rock. Its 
walls are undulating, and in times of dry seasons the water sinks 
some sixteen or eighteen feet below the surface, but at all times fur- 
nishes abundant supplies. In the winter, no matter how great the 
degree of cold, small fish are frequentl}' drawn up with the water 
from the well. In times of freshets, the water rises above the sur- 
face, and discharges a most beautiful current for several weeks at a 
time. Tradition relates that this well was discovered at the first 
settlement of the neighborhood. 

The other natural well is the one described by Mr. Jefferson. 


This natural curiosity first made its appearance on the breaking up 
of the hard winter of 1789-90. All the old people of our country- 
doubtless recollect the great falls of snow and severity of this re- 
markable winter. The author was born, and lived with his father's 
family until he was about thirteen years of age, within one and-a- 
half miles of this natural well. The land at that period was owned 
by the late Fielding Lewis, of Fredericksburg, Va., but is now the 
property of the heirs of the late Mr. Thomas Castleman, in the 
neighborhood of Berryville. Nature had here formed a circular 
sink of a depth of some fourteen or fifteen feet, and fifty or sixty 
feet in diameter at the surface. In the spring of the year 1790, the 
earth at the bottom of this sink suddenly gave way and fell into the 
cavity below, forming a circular aperature about the ordinary cir- 
cumference of a common artificial well. It was soon discovered that 
a subterraneous stream of water passed under the bottom. There 
being no artificial or natural means to prevent the earth immediate- 
ly about the well from falling in, the aperature is greatly enlarged, 
forming a sloping bank, by which a man on foot can easily descend 
within eight or ten feet of the water. The current of water is quite 
perceptable to the eye. The whole depth of the cavity is thirty or 
thirty-five feet. 


Within two or three miles of Woodstock, on the lands of the late 
William Payne, Esq., is an extensive cavern, which it is said has 
never yet been explored to its termination. It contains many curi- 
ous incrustations, stalactities, &c. From the mouth of this cave a 
constant current of cold air is discharged, and the cavern is used by 
its owners as a place to preserve their fresh meats in the hottest sea- 
sons of the year. 

On the east side of the South Fork of the Shenandoah River, 
three or four miles south of Front Royal, there are two caves but a 
short distance apart, which, like all other caves, contain beautiful 
curiosities. One of them many years ago was visited and explored 
by the late celebrated John Randolph, of Roanoke ; but the author 
has never been able to learn whether he committed to writing his 
observations upon it. One of its greatest curiosities is an excellent 
representation of the hatter's kettle. 

Within about three miles northwest of Mt. Jackson, Shaffer's 
cave is situated. It has been explored about half a mile. It is not 
very remarkable for its production of natural curiosities. Tradition 
relates an amusing story in connection with it. A large human 
skeleton was many years ago found in this cavern, the skull bone 
of which a neighboring man had the curiosity to take to his dwelling 
house. This aroused the ghost of the dead man, who, not being 
pleased with the removal of his head, very soon appeared to the de- 
predator and harrassed him until he became glad to return the skull 


to its former habitation. The ghost then became appeased and 
ceased his visits. It is said there are many persons to his day 
in the neighborhood, who most religiously believe that the ghost 
did really and truly compel the offender to return his skull. The 
author saw in the possession of Dr. Witherall, of Mt. Jackson, 
one of the arm bones of the skeleton, that part extending from the 
shoulder to the elbow, which was remarkable for its thickness, but 
was not of very uncommon length. At that time he had not been 
visited by the ghost to demand his arm ; but perhaps he was not so 
tenacious of it as he was of his head. 

In the County of Paee, within about three miles of Luray, a 
cave, but little inferior to Weyer's cave, was some years ago dis- 
covered, a graphic description of which was written by W. A. Harris, 
Esq., and published in the Woodstock Sentinel of the Valley, and 
copied pretty generally throughout the Union. 


Pretty high up Cedar Creek there is a beautiful spring of clear 
mountain water, issuing from the western side of Little North 
Mountain, in a glen, which ebbs and flows twice in every twenty- 
four hours. It rises at ten o'clock in the morning, and ebbs at four 
in the evening. It is in a perfect state of nature, has considerable 
fall immediately from its mouth, so that it cannot conveniently be 
ascertained precisely what is its greatest rise and fall. When the 
author saw it it was down, and he could not conveniently spare the 
time to wait and see it rise. But the author's informant (Mr. J. 
Bond) went with him to the spring, and assured him that he had 
repeatedly seen it rise. The author is also informed that there is a 
salt sulphur spring on the land, late the propert)' of Mr. John Eee, 
but a short distance from where the Staunton stage road crosses 
Cedar Creek, which has a dairy erected over it. The respectable 
widow of Mr. Eee informed the author that this spring ebbs and 
flows twice in every twenty-four hours, and that if care is not prop- 
erly taken at every flow, its current is so strong as to overset the 
vessels of milk placed in the water. 


Some thirteen or fourteen miles southwest of Winchester, and 
within about two miles of the residence of Moses Russell, Esq., in 
the County of Frederick, is to be seen what is called the Falling 
Run. Between what the neighboring people call Falling Ridge 
(the commencement of Paddy's Mountain) and the Great North 
Mountain, pretty near the summit, on the east side of the mountain, 
a fine large spring rises, forming a beautiful lively stream of suffi- 
cient force to work a grist mill. This stream pursues its serpentine 
course through a glen several hundred yards in width, of gradual 



descent, between the mountain and Falling Ridge. Pursuing its 
course in a northerly direction from its fountain, for about one and- 
a-half miles, it makes a prett}' sudden turn to the east, and shoots 
over a solid granite rock probably not less than one hundred feet 
high. The first eighteen or twenty feet of the rock over which the 
water passes is a little sloping, over which the water spreads and 
covers a surface of fifteen or sixteen feet, from which the fall is en- 
tirely perpendicular, and strikes on a mass of solid rock ; it then 
forms an angle of forty-five degrees, rushing and foaming over an 
undulating surface of about ninety or one hundred feet ; from thence 
is a third fall of about the same length, and then pitches into a 
hole of considerable depth ; from thence it escapes down a more 
gradual descent, and suddenly becomes a gentle, smooth, placid cur- 
rent, as if it is pleased to rest from the violent agitations and tur- 
moils through which it had just passed. At the first base reached 
by the water, a perpetual mist arises, which, viewed on a clear sun- 
shiny day, presents to the eye a most interesting and beautiful 
sight. The whole fall is little if any less than three hundred feet. 
A short distance from the south of this place, at the junction of 
the Falling Ridge with the North Mountain, is to be seen what the 
neighboring people call " the Pinnacle." The apex of this pinacle 
is a flat, broad table, supported on a pivot, and can be set in motion 
by the hands of a man, and will continue to vibrate for several min- 
utes. There are several small caverns in this rock, and is known 
to be the abode of the turkey buzzards in the winter, where they 
remain in a state of torpitude. Mr. Ru.ssell informed the author 
that he once took out a torpid buzzard in the winter, laid it 
on the sunny side of the rock, and it very soon regained life and 


In the County of Hardy, about eight or nine miles south of the 
late residence of James Sterrett, Esq., deceased, and a little east of 
Thornbottom, is situated a most beautiful minature lake, called the 
Trout Pond. A large spring rises near the summit of the Great 
North Mountain, descending on the west side into a deep glen, be- 
tween the mountain and a very high ridge immediately east of 
Thornbottom, in which glen nature has formed a receptacle of un- 
known depth for this stream of water. This stream forms an area of 
about one and-a-half acres, nearl}' an oblong square. Nature never 
presented to the eye a more perfectly beautiful sheet of water. It 
is as transparent as crystal, and abounds with fine trout fish. 

The late Col. Taverner Beale, upwards of forty years ago, de- 
scribed this place to the author, and stated that he could safely 
afiirm that he believed he had seen ten thousand trout at a single 
view in this pond. Col. Beale also informed the author that him- 
self and a friend of his once made a raft, and floated to the center of 


the pond, where they let down a plumb and line, (the author does 
not now recollect the length of the line, though, it was certainlj' 
not less than forty feet,) but did not succeed in reaching the bottom. 
A Mr. Gochenour, who resides near this place, informed the author 
that he had heard it was fathomed many years ago, and was found 
to be sixty feet deep, but did not know the certainty or truth of 
this report. The water is discharged at the north-east corner of the 
pond, and after descending about two miles, works a saw mill, and 
thirty or forty yards from the mill falls into a sink and entirely dis- 
appears. This sink is in the edge of Thornbottom, a pretty narrow 
strip of limestone land, which affords between the mountains a 
residence for four or five families, each of whom has a fine spring 
of water, all which, after running a short distance, also disappear. 
The stream of water from the pond, doubtless considerably increas- 
ed by the waters of Thornbottom, again appears at the northern 
termination of a very high ridge called "the Devil's garden." It 
bursts out in one of the largest springs the author has ever seen. It 
is said that this subterranean passage of the water is fully eight 
miles in length. This spring is within about one-quarter of a mile 
from Mt. Sterrett's dwelling-house, and forms a beautiful stream of 
water called Trout run, which is a valuable tributary of the Capon 

"The Devil's Garden," is truly a wonderful work of nature. 
Between two lofty ridges of the Sandy Ridge and North Mountain 
a strip of ground about a mile in width, commences rising gently 
from the head of Trout Run, and pursued its regular ascent for three 
miles, when it abrutly terminates, at its southern extremity, in a 
vast pile of granite rocks, having a perpendicular height of some 
four or five hundred feet. This immense pile is entirely separated 
from and independent of its neighboring mountains, having a vast 
chasm on its two sides and southern termination. At its south end 
it is covered with nearly level rocks, forming a floor of about an acre. 
This floor is curiously marked with fissures on the surface of various 
distances apart. On the eastern side stands a statue, or perhaps 
it may more appropriately be called a bust, about seven feet high ; 
the head, neck and shoulders bear strong resemblance to those of a 
man, and from the breast downwards it gradually enlarges in size 
from two and-a-half to three feet in diameter. It is without arms. 
It stands on a level table of rock, is of a dark color, and presents to 
the eye a frowning terrific appearance. When this singular curiosi- 
ty was first discovered, some superstitious people concluded it was 
the image of the Devil ; and hence the name of " The Devil's Gar- 
den." Near his satanic majesty anciently stood a four-square stone 
pillar, about two and-a-half feet in diameter, and ten or twelve feet 
high. This pillar is broken off at its base, crosses a chasm, 
and reclines, something in the form of an arch against the oppo- 
site rock. 

About one hundred feet below the stand of the statue, a door 


lets into the numerous caverns in the rock, the first of which forms 
a handsome room of moderate size, the floors above and below being 
tolerably smooth and level. From this room there is a handsome 
flight of stone steps ascending into a room of larger size, until twelve 
different apartments are passed through, and then reaches the top of 
the rocks. The late Mr. Sterrett, in riding with the author to view 
this extraordinary work of nature, said that it was difficult for an 
old man to get access to the inlet, of course I did not attempt it. 
Mr. Babb, who resides into its neighborhood, informed the author 
that he had frequently explored the cavern ; and the young people 
of the neighborhood, male and female, frequently, in parties of 
pleasure, visit and pass through its various apartments. 


Here again the eye is presented with another evidence of the 
all-powerful arm of God ! This river heads in several small springs, 
on a ridge of land on Brock's Gap, which divides the waters of the 
North Fork of the Shenandoah from the waters of the Lost River. 
This water courses meanders through a beautiful valley of fine allu- 
vial land, a distance of about twenty-five miles. On the west side, 
some ten or twelve miles below its head spring, is a cavern at the 
eastern base of " Lost River Mountain," which has been explored 
about one hundred yards (some say more) from its mouth. Over 
the inlet is a handsomely turned arch twelve or fourteen feet wide, 
and six or seven high. From this cavern is discharged a stream of 
beautiful water, remarkable for its degree of coldness. It is called 
' ' the cold spring cave. ' ' The mouth of this cave effectually preserves 
fresh meats of every kind from injury in the hottest seasons. This 
cave exhibits but few curiosities. 

Some ten or twelve miles further down, the river comes in con- 
tact with Lost River Mountain, (which is of considerable magni- 
tude), has cut its way through the mountain, and about two miles 
further down has to encounter a second mountain called Timber 
Ridge, through which it has forced its way, and one and-a-half or 
two miles further has to contend with Sand}' Ridge, a mountain of 
considerable height and width. Here the water and mountain appear 
to have a mighty struggle for the ascendency. In flood times, Mrs. 
River, despising all obstructions, forces her way through a yawning, 
frowning chasm. But at times of low water, when her ladyship is 
less powerful, his giantship, the mountain, defies all her power to 
remove a large mass of adamantine rocks, which obstructs her pas- 
sage in the gap ; but to remedy this evil, Mrs. Rivers has adroitly 
and cunningly undermined the mountain, formed for herself a sub- 
terraneous passage, and generously supplied her sister Capon with 
all the water she has to spare. It is impossible for the inquisitive 
eye to view this mighty work of nature without being struck with 
the idea of the great obstruction and mighty difficulty this water had 


to contend with in forcing a passage through this huge mountain. 
The author viewed this place with intense interest and curiosity. 
At the western base of the mountain, the water has found various 
aperatures, one of which is under the point of a rock, of seven or 
eight feet wide, which appears to be the largest inlet. For the dis- 
tance of about a quarter of a mile from the sink, not a drop of 
water is to be seen in times of drought. There are several large 
springs which issue from the mountain in the gap, forming a small 
stream, which always runs through it. The water of the river has 
a subterraneous passage of full three miles, and is discharged in 
several very large sprmgs at the eastern base of the mountain. 
These several springs from the great fountain head of Capon River. 

An old man and his son, (their names not recollected), whose 
dwelling is very near the sink, related a very singular occurrence 
which they represented as having happened a few days before the 
author's visit to this place. They stated that several dogs were in 
pursuit of a deer on the mountain, that the deer ran to the brink of 
a rock, at least one hundred feet high, which is very near the sink, 
and the poor animal being pretty closely pursued, leaped from the 
rock, and falling on a very rough, stony surface, was terribly 
crushed and bruised by the fall, and instantly expired. They im- 
mediately ran to it and opened the large veins in the neck, but little 
blood was discharged. They took off the skin and cut up the flesh ; 
but most parts of it were so much bruised and mangled as to be un- 
fit for use. 

Capon River exhibits several great natural curiosities. Near 
its head waters is a rock called " The Alum Rock," from which 
exudes native alum, and forms a beautiful incrustation on 
its face, which the neighboring people collect in rather small 
quantities, but often sufficient for their domestic purposes of stain- 
ing their clothes. 

About two miles above the Forks of this River is situated 
"Caudy's Castle," a most stupendous work of nature. It is said 
by tradition that in the time of the wars between the white and red 
people, a man by the name of James Caudy, more than once took 
shelter on the rock from the pursuit of the Indians, from whence its 
name. It consists of a fragment of the mountain, separated and in- 
dependent of the neighboring mountains, forming, as it were, a half 
cone, and surrounded with a yawning chasm. Its eastern base, 
washed by the Capon River, rises to the majestic height of four hun- 
dred and fifty to five hundred feet, while its eastern side is a solid 
mass of granite, directly perpendicular. A line drawn round its 
base probably would not exceed one thousand or twelve hundred 
yards. From its western side it may be ascended by man on foot to 
within about ninety or one hundred feet of its summit. From thence 
the rock suddenly shoots up something in the form of a comb, which 
is about ninety or one hundred feet in length, eight or ten feet in 
thickness, and runs about north and south. On the eastern face of 


the rock, from where the comb is approached, a very narrow undu- 
lating path is formed, by pursuing which, active persons can ascend 
to its summit. The author called on Mr. John Largent, (from 
whom he received much kindness and attention) and requested Mr. 
Largent to be his pilot, which request was readily acceded to. Mr, 
Largent's residence is less than a half a mile from the spot. In his 
companj^ the author undertook to ascend this awful precipice. 
Along the path a few laurel shrubs have grown out of the fissures of 
the rock. With the aid of the shrubber}-, the author succeeded in 
following Mr Largent until they reached within twenty' or twenty- 
five feet of the summit, where they found a flat table, four or five 
feet square, on which a pine tree of five or six inches in diameter 
has grown some ten or twelve feet high. This afforded a convenient 
resting place. By supporting myself with one arm around the body 
of the tree, and a cane in the other hand, I ventured several times to 
look down the precipice, but it produced a disagreeable giddiness 
and painful sensation of the eyes. From this elevated situation an 
extensive view of what is called the White Mountain presents it- 
self for a considerable distance, on the east side of Capon River. 
The beautiful whiteness of this mountain is produced by a consider- 
able intermixture of fine white sand with rocks, which almost 
exclusively form the west side of the Capon Mountain for several 

Nine or ten miles below this place, in a deep rugged glen three 
or four miles east of Capon, on the west side of the mountain, the 
"Tea Table" is to be seen, than which nature in her most sportive 
mood has seldom performed a more beautiful work. This table pre- 
sents the form of a man's hat, with the crown turned downwards. 
The stem (if it may be so termed) is about four feet in diameter and 
about four feet high. An oval brim, some seven or eight feet in 
diameter, and seven or eight inches thick, is formed around 
the top of the stem, through which a circular tube rises twelve 
or fourteen inches in diameter. Through this tube a beautiful 
stream of transparent water arises, and regularly flows over the 
whole surface of this large brim, presenting to the eye one of the 
most beautiful fountains in nature's work. 


This most extraordinary and wonderful work of God's creation 
certainly deserves the highest rank in the history of the natural curi- 
osities of our country. This mountain is washed at its western base 
by the North River, a branch of the Capon. It is not more than a 
quarter of a mile north of the residence of Christopher Heiskell, 
Esq., at North River Mills, in the County of Hampshire, twenty- 
six miles northwest of Winchester. The west side of this mountain, 
for about one mile, is covered with loose stone of various size, many 
of which are of a diamond shape. It is probably six or seven hun- 


dred feet high, very steep, and presents to the eye a most grand and 
sublime spectacle. 

At the base of the mountain, on the western side, for a distance 
of about one hundred }'ards. and ascending some twenty-five or 
thirty feet, on removing the loose stone, which is easily done with a 
small prise, the most perfectly pure and crystal looking ice, at all sea- 
sons of the year, is to be found, in blocks from one or two pounds to 
fifteen or twenty in weight. * At the base of this bed of ice a beau- 
ful spring of pure water is discharged, which is by many degrees 
colder than any natural spring water the author has ever seen. It 
is believed that its natural temperature is not man}^ degree sabove 
freezing. Near this spring the owner of the property has removed the 
stone, and erected a small log dairy, for the preservation of his milk, 
butter and fresh meats. When the author saw this little building, 
which was late in the month of April, the openings between the logs 
(on the side next the cavity from which the stone had been taken 
out), for eighteen inches or two feet from the floor was completely 
filled with ice, and above, one-half the floor was covered with ice 
several inches thick. This is the most remarkable from^ its being a 
known fact that the sun shines with all its force from eight or nine 
o'clock in the morning until late in the evening, on the surface cov- 
ering the ice, but the latter defies its power. Mr. Deevers, who is 
the owner of the property, informed the author that milk, butter, or 
fresh meats of ever}^ kind, are perfectly safe from injurj^ for almost 
any length of time in the hottest weather. If a fly ventured in, he 
is immediately stiffened with the cold and becomes torpid. If a 
snake in his rambles happens to pass over the rocks covering the ice, 
he soon looses all his motion, and dies. Christopher Heiskell, Esq., 
informed the author that several instances had occurred of the snakes 
being found dead among the rocks covering the ice. An intelligent 
young lady at the same time stated that she had seen instances of 
this character. In, truth it was upon her first suggesting the fact, 
that the author was led to make inquiry of Mr. Heiskill. Mr. 
Deevers stated that he had several times removed torpid flies from 
his dairy into a more temperate atmosphere, when they soon recov- 
ered life and motion and flew off. 

Nature certainly never formed a better situation for a fine dairy 
establishment. But it will probably be asked by some persons, 
where is the milk to come from to furnish it ? The time will proba- 
bly come, and perhaps it is not very distant, when our mountains 

* The neighboring people assert, that at the setting in of the winter sea- 
son, the ice commences melting, and soon disappears, not a particle of 
which is to be found while the winter remains. If this be true, it renders 
this place still more remarkable and extraordinary-. The order of nature, 
in this immediate locality, seenis to be reversed ; for, when it is summer all 
around this singular spot, here it is covered with the ice of winter, and vice 
versa. We cannot account for this effect, except the cause be some chemi- 
cal laboratory under the surface, operating from the influence of the extern- 
al atmosphere, but in opposition to it. 


will be turned to good account. Their sources of wealth are not yet 
known ; but the sfirit of enterprise and industry is abroad, and the 
present generation will hardly pass away before most astonishing 
changes will be seen in every part of our liapp^^ country. 


These, or, as they are sometimes called, "Blue's Rocks," are 
another wonderful work of nature. They are situated on the Wap- 
patomaka, about four miles north of Romney, the seat of justice for 
the County of Hampshire. The author has several times viewed 
this place with excited feelings and admiration. The river has cut 
its way through a mountain probably not less than five hundred feet 
high. By what extraordinary agency it has been able to do this, it 
is impossible to conceive, unless we look to that almighty power whose 
arm effects all his great objects at pleasure. On the east of the river 
is a huge mass of rocks which forms a perpendicular wall several 
yards in length, and not less than three hundred feet high. The 
opposite point of the mountain is more sloping, and may be ascended 
by a man on foot. On the top of the mountain is a level bench of 
land, pretty clear of stone, and fine rich soil, upwards of one hun- 
dred 5'ards in width ; but, from the difficulty of approaching it, it 
remains in a state of nature. It would, if it could be brought into 
cultivation, doubtless well reward the husbandman for his labors. 

The public road, leading from Romney into the great western 
highwa}^ passes betvv'een the margin of the river and the great 
natural wall formed by the rocks. The center of the rocks for about 
eighty or one hundred yards, is composed of fine gray limestone, 
while on each side are the common granite mountain stone. 

The reader will recollect that this is the place where a most 
bloody battle was fought between contending parties of the Ca- 
tawba and Delaware Indians, noticed in a preceding chapter of this 

One other natural curiosity remains to be noticed, and that is, 
what is called the " Butterfly Rocks." These rocks are to be seen 
in Fry's Cap, on Cedar Creek, in the County of Frederick. The 
whole mass of rocks are intermixed with petrified flies, of various 
sizes. The entire shape of the wings, body, legs, head, and even 
the eyes of the flies, are distinctly to be discovered. The rocks are 
of deep brown color, and of the slate species. 

The author will conclude this section with a brief notice of an 
avalanche or mountain slide, which he has omitted to notice in its 
proper place. In the month of June, in the remarkable wet spring 
and summer of the year 1804, during a most tremendous and awful 
flood of rain, near the summit of the I^ittle North Mountain, a vast 
volume of water suddenly gushed from the eastern side, and rapidly 
descending, with its tremendous current, tore away every tree, of 
whatever size, rocks of eight or ten tons weight, hurling them into 



the level lands below, and threatening desolation and destruction to 
everything which was within the limits of the vortex. In its pas- 
sage down the mountain it opened a chasm from ten to fifteen 3'ards 
in width, and from eight or ten to twelve or fifteen feet in depth. 
The farm of Mr. David Funkhouser, which the flood took in 
its course, was greatly injured, and a beautiful meadow covered over 
vvith the wood, stone, and other rubbish. The flood ran into the 
lower floor of his dwelling-house, the foundation of which is elevat- 
ed at least three feet above the surface of the ground. This rent in 
the side of the mountain, at the distance of five or six miles, pre- 
sented for many years the appearance of a very wide road. It is 
now grown up thickly with 3-oung pine timber, and so crowded that 
there is scarcely room for a man to pass between them. 





Our country abounds in medicinal waters. Numerous Sulphur 
Springs exist, particularly in the slate lands and mountains. 
Springs, of various qualities of water, are also to be seen, several of 
which are remarkable for their superior virtues in the cure of the 
various disorders of the human body. 

It is not within the plan of this work to notice all the medicinal 
springs which the author has seen and heard of. He will content 
himself with a brief account of those deemed most valuable, begin- 
ning with Bath in the County of Morgan. 

This is doubtless the most ancient watering place in the Valley, 
Tradition relates that those springs were known to the Indians as 
possessing valuable medical properties, and were much frequented by 
them. They were anciently called the " Berkeley Warm Springs," 
and have aiways kept their character for their medical virtues. They 
are much resorted to, not only for their value as medical waters, but 
as a place (in the season) of recreation and pleasure. Bath has be- 
come a considerable village, is the seat of justice for Morgan coun- 
ty, and nas several stores and boarding houses. It is too publicly 
known to require furtlier notice in this work. 


It is not more than twelve or fourteen years since this spring 
was first resorted to as a watering place, though it was known for 
some years before to possess some peculiar medicinal qualities. A 
few extraordinary cures were effected by the use of the water, of ob- 
stinate scorbutic complaints, and it suddenly acquired a high repu- 
tation. A company of gentlemen in its neighborhood joined and 
purchased the site, and forthwith erected a large brick boarding- 
house, and ten or twelve small buildings for the accommodation 
of visitors. For several years it held a high rank among our water- 
ing places. 


These are situated between the Little North Mountain and 
Paddy's Mountain, forming the head fountain of Cedar Creek, and 


about twenty-eight or thirty miles southwest of Winchester, and 
seven or eight miles northwest of Woodstock. These springs are 
acquiring a high character for their valuable medical qualities, though 
it is only four or five years since they have been resorted to. It is 
well ascertained that the water from at least one of them has the 
powerful quality of expelling the bots from the horse. 

Another of the springs is called " The Poison Spring," and it is 
asserted by the people of the neighborhood that by drinking the 
water freely, and bathing the part wounded, it will immediately cure 
the bite of any poisonous snake. 

There are five or six beautiful transparent springs within a cir- 
cumference of one hundred and fifty or two hundred yards.vseveral 
of which are yet unimproved. Nature has seldom done more for an 
advantageous watering-place than she has exhibited at these springs. 
No place the author has ever seen presents more conveniences for the 
construction of baths. One of the springs is discharged from an ele- 
vated point of a ridge, and has fall and water enough to construct 
any reasonable number of shower baths. It is asserted by those 
who attend the springs, that several great cures of obstinate scor- 
butic complaints have been made by the use of the water. One 
remarkable instance was related to the author. A little boy, of 
eight or nine years of age, had become dreadfully disordered by 
eruptions all over his body, which formed large running ulcers. 
The complaint baffled all the efforts of the most skillful physicians 
in the neighborhood, and continued for about twelve months, when 
the child's life was dispaired of. An uncle of the child, w^ho was 
acquainted with the valuable quality of these w^aters, took him to 
the springs, and by repeatedly washing his body with the water of 
the poison spring, and also has freely drinking it, in ten or twelve 
days the child was perfectly cured, and has ever since remained in 
fine health. Within one and-a-quarter miles from this place there 
is a fine white sulphur spring, which is said to possess very active 
cathartic qualities. It is also said that the water has a sweetish 
taste, and is by some called the sweet sulphur spring. The water 
has a pure crystal look, and is discharged from a spring at the base 
of Paddy's Moimtain. Plunging baths may be multiplied at pleas- 
ure. The waters are pretty cool ; a handsome bath-house is erected, 
and the visitors use it freely. 

Sixteen neat looking dwelling-houses have been erected by as 
many proprietors within the last four or five years ; but unfortun- 
ately there is no regular boarding-house established, which has here- 
tofore prevented much resort to this place. In the hands of a man 
of capital and enterprise, it doubtless might be made one of the 
most charming rural summer retreats west of the Blue Ridge. It 
has the advantage of a most beautiful summer road much the greater 
part of the whole route from Winchester ; what is called Frye's 
Gap, within twelve miles of Winchester, being by far the worst part 
of it ; and an excellent road can be made at inconsiderable expense 



across the Little North Mountain. Travelers passing up and down 
the Valley, would in the summer season find this a delightful rest- 
ing place, if it was put in a proper state of improvement for their 
accommodation, nor is it more than seven or eight miles out of the 
direct road. The present buildings are arranged so as to leave in the 
center a beautiful grove of young oak and other timber, which af- 
fords a lovely shade in hot weather. Near Capt. J. Bond's dv/elling- 
house, within three hundred yards of the mineral springs, there is 
fine large limestone spring. 



These Springs are near the head waters of Stony Creek, about 
seventeen or eighteen miles southwest of Woodstock. The waters 
are composed of several lively springs, are strong chalybeate, and 
probabl)^ impregnated with some other mineral besides iron. Every 
thing the water passes through or over is beautifully lined with a 
bright yellov,' fringe of moss. The use of this water is found very 
beneficial for the cure of several complaints. There are ten or twelve 
small buildings erected by the neighboring people for their private 

The author visited this watering place about four years ago. 
A Mr. Kaufman had brought with him, the day preceding, the 
material for a small framed dwelling-house. He reached the 
place early in the day, raised his house, and the shingles and 
weatherboarding nailed on, the floor laid, and doors hung, and 
ate his dinner in it the next day at one o'clock. The author had 
the pleasure of dining with the old gentlemen and lad}^ when they 
both communicated the foregoing statement of facts to him. A 
free use of this water acts as a most powerful cathartic, as does 
also a small quantity of the fringe or moss mixed with any other 
kind of water. 


The late Henry Frye, of Capon, upwards of fort}' years ago, 
informed the author that he was the first discoverer of the valuable 
properties of this celebrated watering place. He stated that he was 
hvuiting, and killed a large bear on the side of the mountain near the 
springs, and becoming dry, he descended the glen in search of water, 
where he found a large spring, but it was thickly covered with moss 
and other rubbage ; on removing which, he drank of the water, and 
found it disagreeably warm. It at once occurred that it possessed 
some valuable medical qualities. The next summer his wife got into 
bad health, and was afflicted with rheumatic and probably other de- 
bilitating disorders. He went and cleared out the spring, erected a 
small cabin, removed his wife there, and remained four or five 
weeks, when the use of the waters had restored his wife to a state 


of fine health. From this occurrence it took the name of " Frye's 
Springs," and was called b}- that name for man}^ years. By what 
whim or caprice the name was changed to that of "Capon," the 
author cannot explain. It is situated four miles east of Capon River, 
and with what propriety it has taken the name of that River, the 
reader can as readily determine as the author. This place is too 
publicly known to require a minute description in this work ; suffice 
it to say, that it is located in a deep narrow glen, on the west side 
of the Great North Mountain. The road across the mountain is 
rugged and disagreeable to travel, but money is now raising by lot- 
tery to improve it. The trustees for several years past have imposed 
a pretty heavy tax upon visitors for the use of the waters. This 
tax is intended to raise funds for keeping the baths, &c. , in 
repair. There are seventeen or eighteen houses erected without 
much regard to regularity', and a boarding establishment capable 
of accommodating some fifty or sixty visitors, which is kept in ex- 
cellent style. 

The waters at this place are a few degrees cooler than the 
waters of Bath ; but it is believed by many that they possess some 
qualities far more powerful. There is no fact better known, than 
that exclusive use of the water for five or six daj's, (like the waters 
of Salus) , will expel the bots from horses. The place is twenty-two 
miles southwest of Winchester, 


This fine White Sulphur Spring lies about four miles west of 
Lost River, in a most romantic retired glen in the mountains. It is 
almost wholly in a state of nature, the nearest dwelling-house to it 
being about two miles, and is but little known and resorted to as a 
watering place. The spring has been cleaned out, and a small cri- 
cular wall placed around it, and a beautiful lively stream of water 
discharged. It would probably require a tube of one and-a-half 
inches diameter to vent the water. Ever}- thing the water passes 
over or touches is pretty thickly incrusted with pure white sulphur. 
The water is highly impregnated as to be quite unpleasant to the 
taste, and can be smelled thirty or forty feet from the spring. The 
use of the water is found very efficacious in several complaints, par- 
ticularly in autumnal bilious fevers. The people in the neighbor- 
hood say, that persons attacked with bilious complaints, by a single 
dose of Epsom Salts, worked off with this water, in three or four 
days are entirel}' relieved and restored to health. The author can- 
not pretend to express his own opinion of the valuable properties of 
this water, merely having seen it as a transient passenger. But he 
has no hesitation in saying that it presents to the eye the appearance 
of by far the most valuable sulphur water he has ever yet seen. 
There is level land enough around it for the erection of buildings 
sufficient for the accommodation of a great many visitors. A fine 


and convenient road can be had to it from Lost River, a gap in the 
mountain leading to it being generally quite level, and wide enough 
for the purpose. It is probably twenty-three or twenty-four miles 
southwest of Capon Springs. 

paddy's gap, or maurer's white sulphur spring. 

This is a small pure White Sulphur Spring, and is said to pos- 
sess valuable medicinal qualities, It lies in Paddy's Gap, about half 
way between Capon and Salus Springs. 


These are situated about one mile south of the residence of 
Moses Russell, Esq., seventeen miles northwest of Winchester. The 
water are considered too cool to bathe in. A bath house has been 
erected, but it is little used. The waters are pure and salubrious, 
discharged from the base of the North Mountain, and if good accom- 
modations were kept, it would doubtless become a resting place for 
travelers in the season for visiting the Capon Springs. Mr. George 
Ritenour has lately erected a tannery at this place, and it will proba- 
bly become a place of business. 


These are situated about six miles northeast of Winchester. A 
commodious boarding-house has been erected by Mr. Williams, who 
is going on yearly with additional improvement, to meet the increas- 
ing popularity of the establishment. 

There are three or four other sulphur springs which were form- 
erly places of considerable resort, but they have fallen into disre- 
pute. The author therefore considers it unnecessary to give them 
any particular notice in this work. Many chalybeate springs are to 
be met with in our mountains, but it is not deemed necessary to 
describe them. 


The author will conclude with a brief notice of a light gray 
earth of singular texture, and probably containing some highly 
valuable properties. A considerable bank of this earth or clay is to 
be seen about two miles below Salus Springs. When dissolved in 
water it makes a beautiful whitewash, and is said to be more adhe- 
sive than lime. It is remarkably soft, being easily cut with a knife, 
has an unctuous or rather soapy feel when pressed between the fing- 
ers, and when mixed with a small quantity of water, forms a tough 
adhesive consistence, very much resembling dough made of wheat 



The author, when he first heard of this bank of earth, conclud- 
ed it was probably Fuller's Earth, so highly prized by the manufac- 
turers of cloth, &c., in England ; but upon an examination of it, it 
does not appear to answer the description given by chemists of that 
earth. It is highly probable that it would be found a most valuable 
manure, and in all likelihood would on trial make a beautiful ware 
of the pottery kind for domestic use. It would in the opinion of the 
writer, be well worth while for manufactures and others to visit 
this place, and examine for themselves. The author has no preten- 
sions to a knowledge of chemistry, and therefore cannot give any- 
thing like an analytical description of the singular and curious kind 
of earth. 




BY R. L. COOKE, A. M. 

Weyer's Cave is situated near the northern extremity of Augus- 
ta county, Va., seventeen miles northeast of Staunton, on the east- 
ern side of the ridge running nearly north and east parallel to the 
Blue Ridge, and some what more than two miles distant from it. 

The v\'estern declivity of this ridge is very gradual, and the visi- 
tor, as he approaches from the direction, little imagines from its ap- 
pearance that it embowels one of Nature's masterpieces. The 
eastern declivity, hovv^ever, is quite precipitous and difficult of 

The Guide's house is situated on the northern extremity of 
this ridge, and is distant eight hundred 5'ards from the mouth of 
the Cave. In going from the house to the Cave, you pass the en- 
trance of Madison's Cave, which is two hundred and twenty yards 
from the other. Madison's Cave was known and visited as a curi- 
osity, long before the discovery of Weyer's, but it is now passed by 
and neglected,' as unworthy of notice, compared with its more im- 
posing rival, although it had had the pen of a Jefferson of describe 
its beauties. 

Let me remark here, that the incurious visitor, who goes because 
others go, and is but slightly interested in the mysteries of Nature, 
may retain his usual dress when he enters the Cave which I am at- 
tempting to describe ; but if he is desirous of prying into every re- 
cess, climbing every accessible precipice, and seeing all the beauties 
of this subterranean- wonder, I would advise him to provide himself 
with such habiliments as w^ill w'ithstand cragg>- projections, or re- 
ceive no detriment from a generous coating Of mud. 

The ascent from the bottom of the hill to the mouth of the Cave 
is steep, but is rendered less fatiguing, by the zigzag course of the 
path, which is one hundred yards in length. 

Before entering the Cave, let us rest ourselves on the benches 
before the door, that we may become perfectly cool, while the 
Guide unlocks the door, strikes a light and tells the story of its first 

It seems that about the year 1804, one Bernard Weyer ranged 
these hill as a hunter. While pursuing his daily vocation, he found 


his match in a lawless Ground Hog, which not only eluded all his 
efforts, but eventually succeeded in carrying off the traps which had 
been set for his capture. Enraged at the loss of his traps he 
made an assault upon the domicil of the depredator, with spade and 

A few moments labor brought him to the ante-chamber of this 
stupenduous Cavern, wdiere he found his traps safely deposited. 

The entrance originally was small and difficult of access ; but 
the enterprise of the proprietor has obviated these inconveniences ; 
it is now enclosed by a wooden wall, having a door in the center, 
which admits you to the Ante-Chamber. 

At first it is about eight feet in height, but after proceeding a 
few yards, in a S. W. direction, it becomes contracted to the space 
of three or four feet square. 

At the distance of twenty- four feet from the entrance, descend- 
ing at an angle of nineteen degrees, you reach the Dragon's Room, 
so called from a stalactitic concretion, which the nomenclator un- 
doubtedly supposed to resemble that nondescript animal. 

Above the Dragon's Room there is an opening of considerable 
beauty, but of small size, called the Devil's Gallery. 

Eeaving this room, which is not ver}^ interesting, you proceed 
in a more southerly direction, to the entrance of Solomon's Temple, 
through a high but narrow passage, sixty-six feet in length, which 
is by no means difficult of access. Here you make a perpendicular 
descent of thirteen feet, by means of an artificial bank of earth and 
rock, and j-ou find yourself into one of the finest rooms in the whole 
cave. It is irregular in shape, being thirty feet long and forty-five 
broad, running at nearly right angles to the main course of the cave. 
As you raise you eyes, after descending the bank before mentioned, 
they rest upon an elevated seat, surrounded by sparry incrustations, 
which sparkle beautifully in the light of your candles. 

This is not unaptly styled Solomon's Throne. Every thing in 
this room, receives its name from the Wise Man, immediately to the 
left of the steps, as you descend, you will find his meat-house, and 
at the eastern extremity of the room, is a beautiful pillar of white 
stalactitic, somewhat defaced by the smoke of candles, called by his 
name. With strange inconsistency, an incrustation resembling fall- 
ing water, at the right of the steps, has obtained the name of the 
Falls of Niagara. 

Passing Solomon's Pillar here, you enter another room, more 
irregular than the first, but still more beautiful. It would be im- 
possible adequately to describe the magnificence of this room. I 
shall therefore merely observe, that it is thickly studded with beau- 
tiful stalactities, resembling, in form and color, the roots of radishes, 
which have given the appellation of Radish Room to this delight- 
ful place. 

I cannot refrain from reprobatnig here, the vandal spirit of 
some visitors, who regardless of all prohibitions, will persist in 



breaking off and defacing, these splendid specimens of nature's 
workmanship, forgetting that a single blow may destroy the work of 

The main passage to the rest of the Cavern is immediately oppo- 
site the entrance to Solomon's Temple, and you reach it by an ascent 
of twelve feet, to what is called the Porter's Lodge, From this 
place, pursuing the same coarse, you pass along a passage varying 
from ten to thirty feet in height, from ten to fifteen in breadth, and 
fifty-eight in length, until 3'ou reach Barney's Hall, which receives 
its name from the fancied resemblance of a prostrate stalactite, at the 
base of one that is upright, to old Com. Barney, and the cannon that 
he used at the " Bladensburgh races." 

Near the center of the room, which is small and scarcely de- 
serves the name, an upright board points out to the visitor the main 
path of the Cave, which runs to the right. Two passages run off to 
the left, the first one to a large, irregular room, called the Lawyer's 
Office, in w^hich is a fine spring, or rather reservoir where the drop- 
pings from the ceiling have collected ; the other, through a passage 
to what is called The Armory, from an incrustation that has received 
the name of Ajax's Shield. Between the lawyer's office and the 
armory, and communicating with both, is another large, irregular 
apartment, which is named Weyer's Hall, after the original dis- 
coverer of the Cave, who together with his dog, stands immortalized 
in one corner. 

Before we get bewildered and lost in this part of the Cave, 
which is more intricate than any other, let us return to the guide 
board in Barney's Hall, and pursue the route usually taken by visi- 
tors. Following the right hand opening mentioned above, which is 
rather low, being not more than five feet high, you pass into the 
Twin Room, taking heed lest you fall into the Devil's Bake Oven, 
which yawns close by your feet. This room is small, and communi- 
cates directly with the Bannister Room, which is fifty-nine feet from 
the guide board. The arch here suddenly expands, and becomes 
elevated to the height of thirty feet, and by dint of hard climbing 
you may return to the Porter's Lodge, through a passage directly 
over the one which you have just passed. 

A descent of thirty-nine feet due west from the twin room, 
brings you to the Tanyard, which contains many beauties. The 
floor is irregular ; in some places sinking into holes somewhat re- 
sembling tan vats, which together with several hanging stalactities 
resembling hides, have given a name to this immense apartment. 
On the southeast side of the room, immediatety to the left of 
the main path, is a large opening, which admits you at once into the 

It may be well to remark here, that a notice of many beautiful 
appearances in the different rooms has been omitted, because they 
are noted upon the map of the cave, lately published by the author 
of this sketch. 


Changing your course to the N. W. , you leave the tanyard by 
a rough but not difficult ascent of twenty feet, at an angle of eigh- 
teen degrees, into what may be considered an elevated continuation 
of the same room, but which has been desevedly dignified with a 
distinct appellation. 

To 3'our right, as you step upon level ground you will observe 
a perpendicular wall of rock, rising with great regularity ; if you 
strike upon it with your hand, it sends forth a deep mellow sound, 
strongly resembling the tones of a bass drum, whence the room has 
received the name of the Drum Room. Upon a close examination, 
this apparent wall will be found to be only a thin stalactic partition, 
extending from the ceiling to the floor. 

You leave the drum room by a flight of natural steps, seven feet 
in perpendicular height. A large opening now presents itself, which 
expands to an extensive apartment, to reach which it is necessary to 
make a nearly perpendicular descent of ten feet, by means of sub- 
stantial stone steps. This apartment is the far-famed Ball Room. 
It is one hundred feet long, thirty-six wide, and about twenty-five 
high, running at right angles to the path by which you entered it. 
The general course of this room is from N. to S., but the northern 
extremity, there is a gradual ascent, bearing round to the east, until 
j^ou reach a precipice of tw^enty or thirty feet, from which you can 
look down into the tanyard. 

Near the center of the ball room, is a large calcareous deposit, 
that has received the name of Paganini's Statue, from the circum- 
stance that it furnishes a good position for the music, whenever balls 
are given in these submundane regions. The floor is sufficient level 
to admit of dancing upon it, and it was formerly common to have 
balls here The ladies are accommodated with a convenient dress- 
ing room, the only opening to which communicates directly with the 
ball room. 

You leave this room by a gradual ascent of forty-five feet at the 
southern extremity. This acclivity is called the Frenchman's Hill, 
from the following circumstances : Some years since, a French gen- 
tleman visited the cave, accompanied only by the guide ; they had 
safely gone through, and returning, had reached this hill, when by 
accident both their lights were extinguished, and they were left in 
Egyptian darkness without the means of relighting them. Fortun- 
ately, the guide, from his accurate knowledge of localities, con- 
ducted him safely to the entrance, a distance of more than five hun- 
dred feet. 

Another gentleman by the name of Patterson, has immortalized 
his name by attempting the same feat, although it was a complete 
failure. Hearing of the Frenchman's adventure, he sent his com- 
pany ahead, and undertook to find his way back without a light, 
from the ball room to the entrance. He succeeded in ascending the 
steps, but had proceeded only a few paces further, when his feet 
slipped from under him, and he was laid prostrate in an aperature, 


where he lay unhurt until his companions, alarmed at his protracted 
absence, returned for him. His resting place is called Patterson's 
grave to this day. 

From the French Hill, a long, irregular passage extends, in a 
N. W. direction, which is denominated the Narrow Passage. This 
passage is fifty-two feet long, from three to five feet wide, and from 
four to eight high. It leads you to the brink of a precipice twelve 
feet high. 

Natural indentations in the face of this precipice, afford a con- 
venient means of descent, and these natural steps have received the 
name of Jacob's Ladder. To correspond with this name, as in Solo- 
man's Temple, everything is named after the Patriarch ; a flat rock 
opposite to the end of the Narrow Passage, is Jacob's Tea Table ! 
and a deep, inaccessible perforation in the rock by its side, is Jacob's 
Ice House ! Descending the Ladder, you turn to the left, and pass 
through a narrow opening, still continuing to descend though 
less perpendicularly to the center of a small apartment called the 

This room communicates immediately with the Senate Chamber, 
over nearly half of which stretches a thin flat rock, at the height of 
six or eight feet from the floor, forming a sort of gallery, which 
probably suggested the name which has been given to the room. 

The senate chamber communicates with a high, broad opening, 
with a much larger apartment, called Congress Hall, an appellation 
bestowed rather on account of its proximity to the last mentioned 
room than from anything particularly appropriate in the room it- 
self. It is long, and like the Ball Room runs at right angles 
to the main path, which winds to the left, as you enter. Its course 
is nearly north and south, and a wall, perforated in many places, 
runs through its whole length. Instead of pursuing the customary 
route, we will turn to the right and explore the dark recess that pre- 
sents itself. 

The floor of Congress Hall is very uneven, and at the northern 
extremity rises somewhat abruptl}'. If you climb this ascent, 
and pass through one of the perforations in the wall above mention- 
ed, you can see through the whole extent of the other half of the 
room, but cannot traverse it, on account of two or three deep pits 
that occupy the whole space between the western side of the room 
and the wall. 

Turning to the right of the opening through which you just 
passed, your eye vainly attempts to penetrate the deep, dark abyss 
that is presented to view, and you hesitate to descend. Its name, 
The Infernal Regions ! does not offer many inducements to enter it; 
in addition to this, the suspicion that it contained fixed air, for 
many years deterred the curious from visiting it, and consequently it 
has not until recently, been throughly explored. 

In the spring of 1833, I determined at all hazards to explore 
this room, for I doubt the existence of any bad air, as I had never 


detected any in the course of extensive researches in almost every 
part of the cave. My brother and the guide accompanied me, each 
carrying two candles, and thus prepared we descended twenty feet 
before we reached a landing place. Here our candles burned dimly 
and great care was necessary to prevent them from going out entire- 
ly ; yet we experienced no difficulty of breathing, or any other ind- 
cation of the presence of this much dreaded gas. The floor is not 
horizontal, but inclined to an angle of fifteen or twenty degrees, and 
when we emerged from the pit into which we first entered, our can- 
dles shone brightly, and displayed to our view a room more exten- 
sive than any that I have as yet described. Its greatest length was 
from W. to E. , and it seemed to run nearly parallel to the path over 
which have just traveled. From its length we are induced to be- 
lieve that it approached very near the ball room with which it might 
communicate by some yet undiscovered passage. So strongly were 
we impressed Vvith this idea, that we determined, if practicable, to 
ascertain how far we were correct. For this purpose I set my watch 
exactly with my brother's, and requested him to go to the ballroom 
and pursue, as far as possible, a low passage that leads to the right, 
from the foot of the Frenchman's hill, while I went to the eastern 
extremity of this immense apartment. At an appointed moment I 
fired a pistol, but the only answer was a deafening reverberations of 
the sound rolling like thunder along the lofty arches. I shouted, 
but no return met my ear save the hollow echo of my own voice, and 
I began to think we had been hasty in our opinion. At this mo- 
ment a beautiful stalactite sparkled in the light of the candle, and I 
forgot my desire to discover an unknown passage, in my anxiety to 
secure this prize. Taking the butt of the pistol, I hammered gently 
upon it to disengage it from the rock where it hung. I was sur- 
prised to hear the taps distinctly answered appearently from the 
center of the solid rock, and a repetition of the blow brought a repe- 
tition of the answer. After comparing our impressions, we were 
satisfied there could be but little space between the tw^o rooms. 

We have lingered so long in these Infernal Regions, * that we 
must hasten back to the spot whence we diverged in the center of 
Congress Hall. Our course now lies to S. W., up a perpendicular 
ascent of seventeen feet to what is called the Lobby. From this 
place, an expert climber may pass through secret passages and 
bye rooms to the end of the cave, without once entering the main 
path. You have ascended to the lobby only to descend again on the 
other side, when you reach the most magnificent apartment in the 
whole cave. 

This is Washington's Hall, so-called, in token of respect for the 
memory of our Country's Father, and is worthy of bearing his 
name. Its length is two hundred and fifty-seven feet, its breadth 

* For an accouut of some recent interesting discoveries in this room, 
see note on page 347. 



from ten to twenty, its height thirty-three,, and it is remarkably 
level and straight through the whole length. Not far from the 
center of this room, is an immense deposit of calcareous matter ris- 
ing to the hight of six or seven feet, which strikingly resembles a 
statue clothed in drapery. This is Washington's Statue, and few can 
look upon it as seen by the dim light of two or three candles which 
rather stimulate than repress the imagination, without experiencing 
a sensation of solemnity and awe, as if they were actually in the 
presence of the mighty dead. 

By ascending a bank, near the entrance, of five or six feet per- 
pendicular height, you enter another room called the Theatre, from 
the fact that different parts of it correspond to the stage, gallery and 
pit. I notice this room, which is otherwise uninteresting, for the 
purpose of mentioning a circumstance, related to me by Mr. Bryan, 
a former guide, which confirms an opinion that I have long enter- 
tained, that the whole cave is thoroughly ventilated by some un- 
known communication with the upper air. About six years 
since, during a heavy protracted rain which raised the waters of the 
South River that flows at the bottom of the cave-hill, to an unprese- 
dented height, Mr. Bryan conducted a company through the cave. 
As he ascended the stairs that led to the lobby, he heard the rush of 
water ; fearing that the cave was flooding, he directed the visitors 
to remain in Congress Hall, while he investigated the cause of the 
unusual and alarming noise. Cautiously descending into Washing- 
ton's Hall, he followed the sound until he arrived opposite to the 
entrance to the Theatre, in which he saw a column of water pouring 
from the ceiling in the pit, and losing itself in the numerous crevices 
that abound. When the rain ceased, the flood was stayed, and it 
has never been repeated ; but even at the present time, small 
pebbles and gravel, resembling that found on the top of the hill, 
may be seen in the theatre. No aperature is visible from within, 
neither has any perforation been discovered on the surface of the 
hill, yet beyond a doubt, some communication with the exterior 
does exist. 

I have said that the breadth of Washington's Hall is from ten 
to twenty feet ; this must be understood as applying to the lower 
part of the room, for the arch stretches over arocktwent}^ feet high, 
which forms the left wall, and embraces another room called Lady 
Washington's room. The entrance to this apartment is opposite to 
the Statue, and is on a level with the hall. The wall that separates the 
two rooms is ten feet thick, and is named The Rock of Gibralter. 
One or two candles placed upon this rock, produce a fine effect, par- 
ticularly if every other light is extinguished ; for it shows you the 
arch, spreading out with beautiful regularity, until it is lost in the 
surrounding darkness, and imagination, supplying the deficiency of 
vision, peoples the dark recesses with hosts of matterless phantoms. 
You leave this splendid apartment at the S. W. extremity, by a 
rough and narrow, but high passage, running at the foot of the 


Pyramids of Egypt and Cleopatra's Needle ! At the end of this 
passage, in a recess to the right is another spring or reservoir, simi- 
lar to the one in the lawyer's office. A descent of eight or ten feet 
brings you into the Diamond Room, which may be considered as 
forming a part of The Church, a long, irregular room more lofty 
than any that we have yet entered. Its length is one hundred and 
fifty-two feet, its breadth from ten to fifteen, and its height fifty ! 
At the farthest extremity, a beautifui white spire shoot up to a con- 
siderable height, which is appropriately styled The Steeple, and has 
no doubt suggested the name of the room. Nearly opposite to the 
center of the church, is a recess of considerable extent and elevation, 
which forms a very good galley ; in the rear of the gallery and in 
full view from below, is a great number of pendant stalactities, sev- 
eral feet long and of various sizes, ranging like the pipes of an organ 
and bearing a striking resemblance to them. If these stalactities are 
struck by any hard substance, they send forth sounds of various 
pitches, according to their sizes, and a stick be rapidly run along sev- 
eral of them at once, a pleasing variety of notes is produced. This 
formation is called the organ. 

Passing under the steeple, which rests on an arch elevated not 
more than ten feet, you enter the Dining Room. This room is 
named from a long natural table, that stands on the left, and is not 
quite so large as the church, though its height is sixty feet. But 
for the sort of wall which the steeple makes, it might be considered 
as a continuation of the church. A little to the left of the table, 
you will see a small uninviting opening ; if you are not deterred by its 
unpromising appearance, we will enter and see whether it will lead 
us. Proceeding only a few paces you will suddenly find yourself in 
an immense apartment, parallel to the dining room, extending to the 
gallery in the church, with which it communicates. This is Jack- 
son's Room, and is uninteresting on account of its irregularity, but 
leads to one that deserves notice. Directly opposite to the little pas- 
sage which conducted you thither, is a large opening ; passing this, 
the walls contract until only a narrow pass a few feet long, is left, 
which conduct you, if not to the most magnificent, at least to one of 
the most beautiful and interesting portions of the whole cavern. 
There is but one apartment, and that is small, but the Garden of 
Eden, for so it is called, derives its beauty from the singular ar- 
rangement of the immense stalactities, that hung from the roof, and 
unite with the stalactities which have ascended from the floor to 
meet them ; or in few words, it seems as if at some former period, 
a sheet of water had poured down from the roof and by some won- 
derful operation of nature had become suddenly petrified. This 
sheet is not continuous, but strongly resembles the fold of heavy 
drapery, and j'ou may pass among its windings as through the mazes 
of a labyrinth, and the light of a candle shines distinctly through 
any part of it. A large portion of the floor of this room is com- 
posed of beautiful fine yellow sand ; the floor of most, if not all 


other portions of the cave, is a stiff clay, with very few indications 
of sand. 

"We must now retrace our steps to the dining room, for there is 
no other place of egress ; but as we return let us make a short di- 
gression to the left into a small passage, that does not appear to ex- 
tend very far. Be careful ! there is a deep hole just before you ! 
now hold your candle above your head and look through the opening, 
which is large enough to admit the body of a man ; you will see a 
deep unexplored abyss, 

" Where the footstep of mortal had never trod." 

No man as 3-et ever ventured into this forbidding place, for it 
can be entered only by means of a rope ladder, but it is my intention 
if my courage does not fail me, to attempt at no distant period, to 
explore the hidden mysteries of the apartment. 

Once more in the dining room, let us hasten to the completion 
of our task. The main path pursues the same course from this 
room, that it has done ever since you entered Washington's Hall ; 
but your wa)^ now lies up a sort of a hill, in the side of which, is the 
opening through which you are to pass. If you are adventurous, 
you will follow me abov^e the opening, up the nearly perpendicular 
face of the rock, to the height of fifty feet, where a ledge of rock ex- 
tends itself, forming the left side of the dining room. From this 
eminence, called the Giant's Causewa}^ you can look down into the 
dining room on one side, and Jackson's room on the other. 

Great caution is necessary in climbing this height, lest too much 
confidence be reposed in the projecting stalagmites, that offer a con- 
venient and seemingly a secure foothold to the incautious adventur- 
er. It must be remembered that they are formed from droppings 
from the roof, and are generally based on the mud. By cautiously 
descending the ledge a few feet on the opposite side to that which 
we ascended, we shall be enabled to reach with ease, the room which 
has already been attained by the'restof the company, who have been 
less adventurous than ourselves and passed through tne opening 
already pointed out, in ascending the Causeway. 

This room, or perhaps it should be called passage, is denomin- 
ated The Wilderness, from the roughness of the pathway, and is 
only ten feet wide, but it rises to the immense height of ninety or one 
hundred feet ! As we come along the Causeway, we look down 
upon our right, we shall see our company forty or fifty feet below 
us, while our eyes can scarcely penetrate through the darkness, 
to the ceiling above our heads. Upon the very verge of the rock on 
which we are standing, are several beautiful white stalagmites, or 
rather columns, grouped together,[among which one stands pre-emin- 
ent. This is Bonaparte with his body-guard, crossing the Alps ! 
The effect is peculiarly fine when viewed from below. 

Without descending from our dangerous elevation, we will go 
on our way a little further. Proceeding only a few paces from the 


Emperor, j-ou find yourself upon an arch under which your com- 
pany is passing, which is very appropriately called The Natural 
Bridge ; but it should be crossed with great caution, if at all, for 
foothold is insecure, and danger of being precipitated to the floor be- 
neath. Retracing our steps near to Bonaparte's statue, we will de- 
send an inclined plane on the left, and by a jump of six feet, rejoin 
our friends at the end of the Wilderness. 

You are now upon the lowest level of the cave, and at the en- 
trance of the farthest room. This is Jefferson's Hall, an extensive 
and level but not a very elevated apartment. Before I describe this 
room, we must diverge a little and visit one or two rooms that branch 
off from the main path. Directly to your right, as you emerge from 
the Wilderness, there rises an immense mass, apparently of solid 
stalagmite, thirty-six feet long, thirty feet broad, and thirty feet 
high ; this mass is beautiful beyond description ; very much re- 
sembling successive stories, and is called the Tower of Babel ! The 
most magnificent portion of the Tower is on the back or northern 
part, but it is difficult of access, for it is necessary to climb up the 
surface of the rock to the height of fifteen or twenty feet ; the view 
however amply repays you for the labor. For a few moments, you 
can scarcely convince yourself that an immense body of water is not 
pouring over the precipice, in a foaming torrent — so white, so 
dazzling is the effulgence of the rock, and when this impression 
is effaced, the words of the pious Bard rush into the mind, where 
he describes the awful effects that will follow the consummation of 
all things : 

" The Cataract, that like a Giaut wroth. 
Rushed down impetuously, as seized at once 
By sudden frost, with all his hoary locks, 
Stood still! " 

One might almost imagine that Pollock had visited this wonder, 
and caught the idea so forcibly expressed above, from viewing this 
magnificent scene. 

We have already so much exceeded our intended limits, that we 
can only look into the large apartment that occupies the space be- 
hind the Tower, which is called Sir Walter Scott's Room, and then 
hasten back to the main path. 

Jefferson's room, that we left some time since, is very irregular 
in shape, and is two hundred and thirty-five feet long, following the 
various windings. What is commonly called the end of the cave, is 
distinguished by two singular, thin, lamellar rocks, five or six feet 
in diameter, united at their bases, but spreading out so that the 
outer edges are several feet apart, this is called the Fly Trap ! To 
the left of the fly trap, is a large recess, where you will find a fine 
spring of water, at which the weary visitor is glad to slake his 
thirst, after the fatigues of his arduous undertaking. 

Very many visitors have their curiosity satisfied long before 



they have gone over the ground that we have, but I am writing for 
those only, who like me, are not satisfied until everything is seen 
that is worthy of notice. Such v^^ould not excuse me, did I not 
mention one more curiosity, that few are inclined to visit. A few 
yards beyond the fly trap, there is an opening in the solid wall, at 
the height of about twelve feet, through which you are admitted by 
a temporary ladder. By hard climbing, you soon penetrate to end 
of the recess, where you find the source of the Nile ! This is a beau- 
tiful, limpid spring, covered over with a then pellicle of stalagmite, 
yet sufficiently strong to bear your weight ; in this crust, their is a 
perforation that gives you access to the water beneath. 

I have thus very curiously described, as far as it is practicable, 
this wonderful cavern, but I feel convinced that no pen can ade- 
quately describe an object so extensive, so magnificent, and so varied 
in its beauties. I shall only add a few remarks in explanation of 
the motives that induced me to prepare this sketch, and some gen- 
eral facts that could not, with propriety, have been stated in the 
description of individual portions of the cave. To settle a dispute 
relative to its depth, I was induced to make a full and accurate sur- 
vey of the whole cavern , which I found had never been done. This 
was undertaken solely for my own gratification, but the solicitations 
of the proprietor, and others, have induced me to construct a sort 
of Map, which is now before the public. This description there- 
fore, may be depended upon, as being as accurate as possible, for 
the distances, heights, elevations, &c. , are given from actual meas- 
urement. The dotted line in the map, represents what has so often 
been called the " main path," and if we measure this line the length 
of the cave is one thousand six hundred alid fifty feet. By follow- 
ing its windings, the distance may be more than doubled. 

At all times, the air of the cave is damp, but the dampness of 
the floor depends much upon the seasons ; if you except a moist 
place near the fly trap, there is no standing water in all the cave. 
The temperature remains invariably at fifty-six degrees, in all parts, 
from which it follows that the air feels quite warm, to a visitor in 
winter, and directly the reverse in summer, and it is therefore im- 
portant that in the summer he should become perfectly cool before 
he enters, and in winter, before he leaves it. The spring and fall 
are the best seasons for visiting the cave, for then the atmosphere 
without, is nearly of the same temperature with that within, and it 
is more dry at these times. 

The question is often asked, which of the two great curiosties 
of Virginia is the greatest, Weyer's Cave or the Natural Bridge? 
This is not a fair question, neither can it be easily answered ; for they 
are totally different in themselves, and in their effects upon observ- 
ers. You visit the Natural Bridge in the full blaze of noon-day, 
and when you reach the object of your curiosity, it bursts upon your 
view, in all its magnificence and grandeur, you comprehend at once 
the magnitude of the scene, and you turn away, overpowered with 


a sense of the majesty of Him who has spanned that gulf, and 
thrown His arch across it. Visit it as often as 3^011 please, this feel- 
ing return upon you with unabated force, but no new impressions 
are made, you have seen the whole. 

You visit the cave by the dim light of a few candles, of course 
no impression will at first be produced, or if any an unfavorable one. 
As successive portions of the cavern are presented to view, they pro- 
duce successive and varied emotions. Now you are filled with de- 
light at the beauty of the sparkling ceilings ; again, this feeling is 
mingled with admiration, as some object of more than ordinary 
beauty presents itself , and anon you are filled with awe at the magni- 
tude of the immense chambers, the hollow reverberations of the 
lofty arches, and the profuse display of the operations of an omnipo- 
tent hand. Indistinctness of vision, allows free scope to the imagi- 
nation, and consequently greatly enhances your pleasure. 

Many persons go away from the cave disappointed, they hear of 
rooms and ceilings, and if they do not expect to see them plastered 
and white-washed, they think at least that they will be mathemati- 
cally regular in form, and that they will be able to walk in them 
with as much ease and see as many wonders as they would in a visit 
to Aladin's palace. A visit to the cave is not unattended with fati- 
gue, but the pleasure you derive from it, is ample compensation. 

[The author of this pamphlet has omited to notice what I con- 
sider one of the greatest and most beautiful of nature's curiosities 
in this grand work of nature, i. e., what is called the rising sun. In 
a dark recess, on the eastern side of the cave, this curiosity appears 
in full relief. It is a very natural representation of the moon in her 
last quarter, rising in the morning.] 

(NOTE A). 

Since the publication of the first edition of this description, a 
discovery of great interest has been made in the Infernal Regions, 
which deserves notice, on account of its extraordinary richness and 
rarity. The floor of this apartment, until recently, has been sup- 
posed to be solid rock, but it is now ascertained to be a rich mine of 
calcareous deposits, unsurpassing in beauty anything ever yet dis- 
covered in this or any other cavern. By perforating the floor with 
a crow bar, it was found to consist of successive layers of brilliant 
white crystal, to the depth of three feet, the layers being often in- 
terrupted, and varying in width. 

The crystals are usually pendent from the lower surfaces of the 
layers, though very many of them serve as pillars to support the 
superincumbent mass. After penetrating through the layers, a 
large geode or hollow space was discovered, extending many yards 
horizontally, but only three feet deep, which was half full of limpid 
water. In this cavity the crystals assume the form of well-defined 
dog-tooth spar, and are unrivalled in brilliancy and beauty. In the 


course of extensive and minute explorations in different caves in 
this and other States, I have never met with a similar formation, or 
with crystals of such transcendant beauty. By the kindness of the 
proprietor, I have been enabled to make a choice collection of speci- 
mens, embracing almost every variety. For one of these I have re- 
fused $ioo. 

(NOTE B). 

Much has been said of late, of another cave that has been dis- 
covered within two years, in the immediate vicinity of Weyer's. A 
few words respecting it may not be uninteresting. You gain admit- 
ance by a long flight of steps, and immediately find yourself in a 
large apartment, the first view of which, (under the circumstances 
in which I first saw it, by the light of several hundred candles) is 
very imposing. 

Pillars and enormous pendant stalactities impart an air of wild- 
ness and irregularity to the scene, that is not observed in the other 
cave. There are few narrow passages ; the, cavern seems to be com- 
prised in one immense room, its floor however being so uneven and 
rugged, and the view so much curtailed by pillars and stalactities that 
extend nearly to the floor, that the effect which otherwise would be 
produced by its vastness, is very sensibly diminished. I have not 
space to describe this cave more minutely, but will briefly give my 
impressions of the comparative merits of these rival claimants of our 
admiration. We are immediately struck with astonishment and 
pleasure, at the general view that is presented tons in Weast'sCave, 
as long as we look at it at a little distance, but our emotions are not 
very varied ; and when we examine closely the objects of our ad- 
miration, our emotions subside, for their beauty is gone. 

As we enter Weyer's Cave, we are not transported with those 
violent yet agreeable emotions, but as we proceed, new and richer 
beauties rise successively before us, and our feelings rise with them, 
until they reach an almost painful degree of intenseness, nor is the 
effect lessened by the most minute examination of the objects of our 
admiration. Weast's Cave richly deserves a visit from all who love 
to contemplete the works of nature, but in variety, in beauty, and 
in general effect, it must yield the palm to Weyer's. 




The great reputation which the Mineral Springs of Virginia 
have of late years acquired, causes them to be resort to, in great num- 
bers, not only by invalids from every section of the United States 
and foreign parts, but also by individuals of leisure and fashion, 
whose principal object is, to pass the summer in an agreeable man- 
ner. The properties of the Warm, Hot, Sweet, White Sulphur, 
Salt Sulphur, and Red Sulphur Springs, are generally known. 
Those of the Grey Sulphur having been ascertained only within 
the two last j^ears, have yet to be made public, and in order to do so, 
we are induced to give, in this form, an account of the situation and 
rnedical properties, together with a statement of some of the cases 
benefitted by the use of the waters. 

The Grey Sulphur Springs are situated near the line, dividing 
the Counties of Giles and Monroe, Va. , on the main road leading 
from the court-house of the one to that of the other. They are 
three- fourths of a mile from Peterstown, nine miles from Red Sul- 
phur, and by the county road, and twenty and a quarter miles from 
the Salt Sulphur Spring. In traveling to the Virginia Springs, by 
either the Main Tennessee or Goodspur Gap Road, and crossing the 
country from Newbern, by the stage road to the Sulphur Springs, 
che Grey Sulphur are the first arrived at. They are thirty miles 
distant from Newburn. The location is such as to admit of 
many and varied improvements, which, when completed, will ren- 
der their spot an elegant and desirable resort during the summer 
months, independent of the high medicinal properties of the Mineral 

The present improvement consist of a Brick Hotel ninety feet 
long and thirty-two wide ; two ranges of cabins one hundred and 
sixty-two feet long each, which, with other buildings in connection, 
afford accommodation for from ninety to one hundred visitors. 

There are two springs at this establishment, situated within five 
feet of each other and inclosed in one building. Although rising so 
near to each other, yet they differ most materially in their action on 
the system. Both appear to be peculiarly serviceable in dyspeptic 
cases, and in such as originate in a disordered state of the stomach, 
the one in those, in which inflammation exists, the other in such as 


proceed from torpidity. They have hiterto been known as Large 
and Small Springs ; but having succeeded towards the close of the 
last season in procuring a much larger supply of water at the Small 
Spring than is afforded by the Large, a change of names became 
necessary. The large will hereafter be known as the Anti-Dyspep- 
tic, and the small as the Aperient, which name will serve to point 
out their peculiar characteristics. 

The Springs have been classed by Professor Shepard, as " Alka- 
lino Sulphurous," a variety so rarel)^ met with, that another is not 
known in the United States. The waters are beautifully clear, and 
highly charged with gas, wnich render them light and extremely 
pleasant, especially that of the Anti- Dyspeptic Spring, which pro- 
duces none of those unpleasant sensations so frequently felt on the 
first drinking of Mineral Waters. 

When first purchased some of the water was submitted to a 
chemist for analysis ; the quantity, however, was too small for him 
to ascertain all its ingredients. A more recent examination has 
been made by Professor C. U. Shepard, who has furnished us with 
the following abstract of an article which appears in the April Num- 
ber (1836) of Prof. Silliman's Journal of Science and Arts. 

' ' The following is the most satisfactory view which my experi- 
ments enable me to present of the condition of these waters : 

Specific gravity, 1,003. 



Hydro-Sulphuric Acid, 

Bi-Carbonate of Soda, * 

A Superb Carbonate of Lime, 

Chloride of Calcium, 

Chloride of Sodium, 

Sulphate of Soda, 

An Alkaline or earthly Crenate, or both, 

Silicic Acid. 


Sulphuret of Iron, 

Crenate of Per Oxide of Iron, 

Silicic Acid, 


Selicate of Iron. 

My experiments do not permit me to point out the differences 
between the two Springs with precision. The new Spring appears 

* It cannot be determined whether free carbonic acid exist in these 
waters, without going into a quantitative analysis. — C. U. S. 


to give rise to a greater amount of hj-dro-sulphuric acid, as well as 
of iron and silicic acid. Probably it may differ in still other respects. 
I have not examined it for Iodine or Bromine." 

As no regular analysis was attempted the quantities in which 
these several ingredients exist, still remain undetermined. That 
they are in different proportions in the two Springs, is evident not 
only from their deposits, but also from their action on the system. 
The action of the Anti- Dyspeptic Spring is diuretic and gently aperi- 
ent, tending to restore the healthy performance of the functions, and 
reduce or diffuse the local irritation of disease. The Aperient Spring 
while it possesses all the alkaline properties of the other, has an 
aperient and alterative action. Possessing more iron, (of which the 
other has but a trace), it acts more powerfully as a tonic, whilst 
its other ingredients causes it to act in some cases as a very powerful 

As these Springs have been visited by invalids, only during the 
two last seasons, it is reasonable to suppose that all their properties 
have not 3'et been discovered, nor all the cases ascertained in which 
they can be beneficially used. In fact, owing to the small quantity 
of water furnished hitherto by the Aperient Spring, its qualities 
have been but little tested, and there can be no doubt, (judging from 
its constituents) that it will be found equally salubrious as the Anti- 
Dyspeptic Spring, only better adapted to another class of cases. To 
give a general idea of the properties of these waters, we might say 
that they are peculiarly serviceable in these diseases which originate 
in a disordered state of the stomach and bowels, and also in hepatic 
affections. It is proper, however, to enter more into details, and we 
therefore submit the following synopsis of the medical properties of 
the Anti-Dyspeptic Spring. 


1. It relieves nausia and headaches, arising from disordered 

2. Neutralizes acidity, and if taken at meals, or immediately 
after, it has a tendency to prevent those unpleasant sensations so 
often experienced by invalids, from indiscretion in dieting. 

3. Is an excellent tonic, exciting appetite and imparting 
strength to digestion. 

4. Quiets irritation to the alimentary canal. 

5. Controls and lessons the force of the circulation when un- 
naturally excited by disease, and often in this way, is remedial in 
internal inflammation of the organs. 

6. It tranquilizes nervous irritability. 

7. Is a mild and certain expectorant, often allaying dyspnoae, 
and promoting recovery from chronic ailments of the chest and 


8. It alters the action of the liver, where this has been previ- 
ously deranged, in a manner peculiar to itself, and under circum- 
stances in which the ordinarj^ alteratives are forbidden by reason of 
their excitive or'otherwise irrelevent properties. 

9, It is also sudorific or diaphoretic ; and 

ID. When taken at bedtime, often proves itself soporific ; ap- 
parently stilling that indescribable, but too well understood in- 
quietude which so frequently and unhappily interrupts or prevents 
the repose of the invalid, and especially of the dyspeptic. 

Having thus briefly stated the properties of this Spring, we sub- 
mit the following statement of cases, treated at the Grey Sulphur, 
illustrative of the effect of the waters, and in corroboration of what 
has been advanced. Except those which are noticed in their proper 
places, all are either directly from the pen of the sufferers them- 
selves, or were immediately dictated by them in the form in which 
they appear in the notes. The original are in our possession, signed 
by the individuals whose cases are referred to. 

No. I. 

Dear Sir, — I take pleasure in stating that the waters of the 
Grey Sulphur have proved quite beneficial, during a visit of ten 
days, both to Mrs. S. and myself. We have both been suffering 
with that distressing malady, Dyspepsia, for a long time, and in my 
case with a general nervous debility, a weak and torpid state of the 
stomach and bowels, and at times great distress of the head and 
mind, and nervous excitement, even to spasms. After drinking 
freely of the Anti- Dyspeptic Spring, even at meals, the water pro- 
duced a fine glow and perspiration, suspended the nervous irritation 
and distress, and acted as a tonie for the stomach, created a strong 
appetite and enabled me to partake, with impunity, of any or all the 
solid and delicate dishes with which your table abounded. The 
water of the Anti-Despeptic Spring, corrected and prevented acidity 
of the stomach, and seemed to give activity and strength to that 
organ, but we required a free use of the Aperient Spring, in the 
mornings, to prevent a constipation of the bowls, which the Anti- 
Dyspeptic Spring seemed to produce.* A glass or two of the Anti- 
Dyspeptic Spring, on retiring, produced a glow, allayed nervous irri- 
tation, and induced a fine night's sleep ; and we have, as well as 
our servant woman, who was in a debilitated state of health, ex- 
perienced more benefit here than from any of the waters we have as 
yet visited. 

Respectfully yours, &c., 

* In a few instances this effect was complained of, but we found it was 
only in those cases where habitual costiveness existed, and this was easily 
remedied by making use of the Aperient Spring before breakfast. 


No. 2. 

Dear Sir, — It gives me great pleasure to inform you of the 
general effects of j'our Anti-Dyspeptic Spring, in my case. During 
the three daj^'s trial of the waters, I am conv^inced of its diuretic 
and diaphoretic qualities, and in one instance it acted as an altera- 
tive on my liver, producing a free discharge of billions matter. My 
general health has improved, the symptoms of my disease (Neural- 
gia) have mitigated, my appetite increased, my pulse has become 
more tranquil and regular, and my sleep more continual and refresh- 
ing. I have also gained strength and weight, (three pounds in 
three daj's), during my short sojourn with you. 

Yours respectfully, 

No. 3. 

On the 6th of August, 1835, I arrived at the Grey Sulphur 
Springs, in a state of much depression, accompanied by a fever and 
rapid pulse, both arising from a complication of disorders belonging 
to the throat, the stomach and bowels. In the afternoon I drank of 
the Anti-Dyspeptic Spring, and immediate effect was to produce a 
gentle moisture of the skin, and to reduce the pulse from an hundred 
beats in a minute to about eighty. In the evening, my system gen- 
erally was relieved. On going to bed I drank of the same spring, 
and on the following morning felt a continuance of the same agree- 
able influence, and an improved appetite. In the afternoon there 
was a further reduction of pulse, and my fever entirely subsided, 
but partially returned in the night, with quickness of pulse, but by 
no means accelerated as it was when I came. In the course of the 
second day, the pulse beat sixty per minute, but quickened again. 
The first twenty-four or thirty-six hours experience was followed by 
similar effects, the two following days, one of which I confined my- 
self to the Aperient spring, and perceived no difference. Neither of 
them had the effect to move my bowels, but on the contrary to con- 
stipate them. I am much inclined to believe, that a continuance of 
these waters might have a salutary influence upon my very singular, 
very troublesome, and very obstinate case, if I can judge of their 
agreeable effect upon my skin, my spirits and system generally, in so 
short a time as three days. There was a continued reduction of the 

pulse from accelerated action, produced at the Sulphur 

Spring, by drinking its waters ; but it varied, being considerably 
quickened in the evening and during the night. The appetite was 
much improved and continued uniform. I regret that I could not 
remain long enough at the Grey Sulphur to test its effects upon my 
chronic complaints. 

No. 4. 

Mr. H had had frequent hemorrhages, accompanied with a 



pain in the chest ; his cough was slight, but he suffered much from 
phlegm. Twenty-four hours after being at the Grey Sulphur, on 
examining his pulse, it was found to be about one hundred. Made 
use of the Anti-Dyspeptic Spring, taking about three tumblers per 
diem. Three days after, (about the same hour of the day), his 
pulse was again examined and found to be reduced to seventy-six 
beats per minute, and he felt much better. Having left home for 

Spring, he thought it is duty to go there. About a month 

after, he returned. He had gradually improved in health, and 
looked much better, and was evidently so. His pulse, however, v»^as 
much too frequent, and he could not get it lowered. After leaving 
the Grey Sulphur, it had risen up, from eighty-five to ninety', and 
in the afternoon was frequently at one hundred. In the afternoon 
of the day he arrived, his pulse was counted, and found to be one 

hundred. After remaining five days, he again left for the 

Spring, his pulse varied, during his stay at the Grey, from seventy- 
five to ninet}^ but never reached as high as one hundred. His com- 
plexion became clearer, his spirits better, and his cough entirely left 

him. It had been gradually lessening at the Spring, but he 

could not get rid of it altogether, and was, moreover, very annoying 
to him early in the mornings. In reply to an enquiry, he stated, 
after a little reflection, "that he had not coughed once, that he could 
recollect, since his (recent) arrival at the Grey, and expectorated 
with more ease the phlegm which collected in his throat." 

Note. — The above is extracted from notes we kept of a few 
cases during last summer. Not intending, at first, to publish them, 
we did not ask the consent of Mr. H., and we hope he will pardon 
the liberty we have taken. 

The three following cases, which occurred in 1834, we give 
from notes made soon after, and while the circumstances were fresh 
in our memory, and for the correctness of which we hold ourselves 

No. 5. 

Mr. A. W., of Baltimore, arrived at the Grey Sulphur, in i^ug., 
1834. His health had been feeble for some time, though in appear- 
ance he looked but little like an invalid. On the morning of the 
second day after his arrival at the Grey Sulphur, he had, whilst 
standing at the Spring house a considerable hemorrhage — a half 
pint of blood, at least, was spit up in a very short time. A little 
common salt was administered, which had the effect of stopping it. 
It being deemed improper for him to move immediately, he was in- 
duced to lie down on one of the benches. About half an hour after 
this occurrence, his pulse was felt for the first time. It then beat 
one hundred and eighteen per minute ; nor did it vary for the next 
half hour. He was persuaded to take some of the water of the Anti- 
Dyspeptic Spring, which he was loth at first to do, lest a recurrence 


of the hemorrhage should take place. He took about a half pint of 
water, in small quantities at a time, with intervals of from fifteen to 
twenty minutes between each. In about an hour from the drinking 
of this portion of the water, his pulse was reduced to ninety-eight 
beats per minute. Soon after, he was assisted up to his room and 
put to bed. His pulse was not again examined until about four 
o'clock in the afternoon, (the hemorrhage had occurred about ten 
o'clock a. m.), it was then found to have fallen to eighty-six. In 
the course of the day, he had taken about a pint of water, in quan- 
tities of about a half tumbler at a time. The next morning his 
pulse was again examined, and found to have fallen to eighty-four 
beats per minute. In the course of the day, he left his bed and came 
down stairs, and the day following, he left the Grey for the Red 
Sulphur, to obtain medical advice. His pulse was not examined 
after he left his bed. 

No. 6. 

Mr, M., of South Carolina, had been long a dyspeptic, and had 
suffered, for many years, from Chronic Diarrhcea. Early in the 
season of 1834, he visited the Saratoga Spring, the water proved in- 
jurious to him. From thence he visited the White Sulphur, Salt 
Sulphur, and Red Sulphur Springs, without experiencing material 
benefit. When he arrived at the Grey Sulphur Spring, he was ex- 
ceedingly feeble and had to be assisted about, and for several days 
scarce ever left his chamber, except at meal times. His passages 
were very frequent, from eight to ten during the night, and about 
the same number during the day. He had entirely lost the power 
of secreting urine, and all liquids which he drank passed through 
his bowels mixed up with undigested food. His passages were thin 
and of a whitish clay color, apparently made up of water and undi- 
gested food, the latter so little changed as to be easily recognized. 
In three days, his passages were reduced to from two to three each 
night, and about the same number during the day, the consistency 
and color also changed. In a week's time the change was still 
greater. The number of passages were about the same, but they 
became of a bright yellow color, and similar to a child's in consist- 
ency. He moreover secreted urine free, and one occasion he in- 
formed us, that he had passed a large quantity of " pure bile." His 
bowels remained nearly in this state, during the time he remained at 
the Spring, (about a fortnight), but he improved greatly in bodily 
health, walked out, was cheerful, and in every respect appeared bet- 
ter. The intended stoppage of the stage hurried him off earlier than 
he wished. He left the Grey Sulphur with the belief that he had 
derived considerable benefit from the use of the waters. It is proper 
to remark, that his appetite was enormous, and that he did not re- 
strict himself in his diet. 

Note. — There was several other cases of Diarrhoea at the Grey 


Sulphur in 1834 ; all were materially benefitted by the use of the 
Anti-Dyspeptic Spring. 

No. 7. 

Mr. L., arrived at the Grey Sulphur Spring about four o'clock 
in the afternoon. He had been for some time in a delicate state of 
health and had suffered much during the day. Early in the morn- 
ing he had been seized with nausea, which brought on vomiting. 
The irritation increased during the day, and the vomiting became 
frequent and easily excited ; all food was immediately rejected, and 
so irritable became the stomach, that two mouthfuls of water, taken 
a short time before reaching the Grey Sulphur, were thrown up 
before he could recline back in his carriage. He was very much ex- 
hausted when he arrived, but without sitting down, requested to be 
shown to the Spring. We accompanied him down. He took a glass 
of the Anti-Dyspeptic Spring, paused for a few seconds, then took 
another. A minute or two elapsed, and he then drank several in 
quick succession. The precise properties of the water had not then 
been ascertained, and we felt bound to caution him against making 
such free use of an untried water, although we then knew nothing 
of his case. He laid down the glass and walked up to the house 
with us. On the way, he mentioned the particulars already given, 
in continuation, he stated, that on drinking the first tumble of water, 
he experienced a slight nausea, as the first of it reached the coat of 
the stomach, but that this wore off almost instantaneously. Being 
much exhausted and exceedingly thirsty, he detennined to venture 
a second, although he firmly believed that both would be thrown 
up. Not the slightest nausea was experienced on drinking the 
second tumbler of water. Surprised at this effect he determined to 
ascertain what would be the effect of taking it in large quantities, 
and for this purpose he drank about four tumbles more, when he 
was prevented from proceeding further by our remarks. The great 
quantity he had taken, not only produced no unpleasant sensations, 
but on the contrary, removed those he had previously experienced, 
and served to revive him. In the course of the afternoon, he took 
two or three glasses more of the water. About seven o'clock, supper 
was served, of which he partook freely, making choice of substan- 
tial food, such as broiled chicken, bread, rice, &c. Not the slight- 
est nausea was produced. Fearing a reccurrence the next morning, 
he was advised to take some of the water before he left his bed. We 
were informed, that a slight nausea was felt, but it immediately wore 
off on drinking a glass of water. In similar attacks, which this gen- 
tleman had previously had, each was succeeded by such costiveness 
that medicine had to be resorted to. In the present one, there was 
no occasion for medicine ; the evacuations were large and the bowels 
continued regular during the time he remained ; nor did he at any 
time experience any nausea, with which we were made acquainted. 


No. 8. 

Extract of a Letter, dated New Vork, Jan. zr, 1S36. 

' ' It gives me great pleasure to inform you, that I fully realized all 
the benefit I had been led to anticipate from the use of the waters 
of the Grey Sulphur (Anti-Despeptic) Spring, with which you so 
kindly provided me. On Monday morning, I was very sea sick, so 
that I could not leave my berth without vomiting, but on taking a 
half a tumbler of the water, I was sensibly relieved. I continued to 
use it agreeably to your directions, taking half a tumbler at inter- 
vals of fifteen minutes, till the bottle was exhausted. By that time, 
I had so far recovered as to be able to go about the deck with great 
comfort, and took a hearty meal, both at dinner and supper. The 
next morning, however, the weather having become more boistrous, 
and the sea running high, I was again very sick, but my resources 
had failed me, and I had only to yield myself quietly to the influ- 
ence of that most distressing affection. From the result of the ex- 
periment, I am satisfied that it is the best remedy for sea sickness 
that I have ever heard of, and that, had not not the supply of water 
failed, I should not have lost one meal during the voyage. 

The following note which has been kindly furnished us, refers 
to the same subject : 

Dear Sir, — The following is an extract of a letter received by 
me, from Mr. J. H., who went passenger by the steamboat Wm. 
Gibbons, in January last, showing the very beneficial effects of the 
Grey Sulphur Water, in relieving him from sea sickness. 

" The effect of the water on me, were most beneficial, and while 
the supply lasted, relieved me entirely of nausea, so that I was en- 
abled to eat heartily." 

Having been at sea with Mr. H. , I bear testimony that he is a 
complete victim to sea sickness, and I do not know any one on whom 
the effects of the water could be better tested. 

No. 9. 

Sir, — It affords me pleasure to bear testimony to the efficacy of 
the waters of the Grey Sulphur Springs in my case. I have been 
suffering from Dyspepsia, for at least fifteen years, during which 
time it has made fearful inroads on a naturally delicate constitution. 
The disease had progressed so far (a few years ago) that the slight 
stimulus of food, produced an immediate evacuation after every meal. 
The state of things could not last, and a most violent inflammation 
of the bowels ensued, which brought me to the borders of the grave, 
and evenuated in the formation of a.Jistala in anno. The sinusses 
spread so far, and became so numerous, that I was forced to have 
some of them laid open, but having a predisposition to pulmonary 
affections, it was not deemed prudent to operate on all of them. My 
digestive organs had not recovered their strength, and the irrita- 


tion of undigested food, (though I had lived extremely low), kept 
up the inflammation, and at last extended to the neck of the blad- 
der, and became extremely distressing. To remove the inflamma- 
tion and obtain relief, I had recourse to mustard poultices and 
opiates, but the relief was very temporary. Whilst suffering much 
from this cause, I was induced to set off for the Virginia Springs. 
At that time my bodily health was so much impaired, that I was al- 
most incapable of transacting business ; all employment, even read- 
ing, was irksome to me. My digestion was so bad that I scarcely 
knew what to live on ; every thing, however plain, appeared to dis- 
agree with me, and I was at times truly wearied of life, for I looked 
forward only to a life of pain and suffering. Such was my situation, 
when in 1834, I left my home for the Springs. On my journe3^ I 
did not improve in health, but on the contrary, had a slight attack 
of diarrhoea. The irritation around the bladder continued, or rather 
increased, so that I was obliged to make use of the opiates daily, and 
sometimes, two or three times in the course of the day. The first 
Spring I arrived at, was the Grey Sulphur. This I consider fortun- 
ate, as I found on trial, that all the others were too stimulating for 
me, with the exception of the Red Sulphur, and from that, I am not 
aware of experiencing any material benefit. Be this as it may, it 
enabled me satisfactorily to ascertain that the waters of the Grey 
Sulphur Spring was decidedly beneficial in my case. I can scarcely 
describe my situation when I arrived at your Spring. I was weak, 
feverish, and laboring under a kind of nervous excitement, whilst 
the inflammation had evidently increased, and I suffered much from 
it, especially towards evening. I have been thus particular, that the 
action of the water may be more distinctly understood. The first 
day of my arrival, I drank freely of the Anti-Dyspeptic Spring. I 
took no note of the quantity, but drank whenever I felt thirsty, or 
had an inclination, and I must confess, but with little expectation of 
finding relief, or at least, not immediate, for your Spring had not 
then obtained that celebrity, which I am glad to find it has since 
acquired. Judge, then, of my very agreeable surprise, at finding in 
the evening, (the time when the paroxysms of pain were unsually the 
most violent), that they were so slight that I had no need of medi- 
cine. I retired to rest and slept soundly. The next day I was not 
at all annoyed, and at the usual time, I scarcely perceived that-there 
was any irritation at all. The third day I was entirely relieved, and 
had no return during my stay at the Spring, nor had I occasion once 
to use any medicine. 

Other changes not less important, also took place. . The diar- 
rhoea ceased on the second day, and in the course of the week the 
evacuations, from being thin and of a whitish clay color, became of 
an orange color, and acquired considerable firmness, and in a short 
time afterwards, acquired all the characteristics of healthy passages. 
It is needless to say that my digestion had improved. One thing is 
worthy of remark, and that is, that I found myself able to digest, 


not onl}^ plain food, but also the richer kinds, and even desserts ; 
and this without suffering, and even without experiencing any un- 
pleasant feeling after meals. I should here state, however, that I 
invariably took from one to two tumblers of the water after each meal, 
and I found this peculiarl}^ serviceable after breakfast, when the 
tea, or coffee, became (almost invariably at first) acid. During my 
sojourn with you, I improv-ed in every respect, and even the dis- 
charge from the fistulas ceased nearly altogether, and returned home 
in, comparativeh', excellent health, which I enjo3'ed, until unfor- 
tunately I was attacked with the influenza during the last winter. 
From that time I began to retrograde, and when summer arrived, I 
was in almost as bad condition as the year previous. The inflam- 
mation and irritation were quite as violent, and my digestion had 
again become disordered. I had experienced too much relief at the 
Grey Sulphur, to hesitate long as to the course proper to be pursued, 
and again I' had the pleasure of visiting them the last season. I 
have only to say, that the same happy effects were produced, the 
only difference I observed was, that these were not so immediate as 
the year previous, but I amply compensated for this by their per- 
manency. And I have now the pleasure of staging to you, that I 
have enjoyed, and am now enjoying (February 12th) better health 
than I have known for the last ten or twelve years, and most happy 
am I to state to you, that I have not had the slightest indication of 
inflammation in those regions where I had suffered so much. 

I remain, Dear Sir, yours, &c., 

No. 10. 

Mr. B. has had a bronchial affection for many years, which at 
times were so distressing as to compel him to remain propped up in 
a sitting posture, in bed, the whole night, and in this mode obtain 
some sleep. To obtain relief from this affection, he now traveled. 
When he first arrived at the Grey Sulphur, the cough was very 
troublesome. Made use of the Anti- Dyspeptic Spring, which had 
the effect of producing a gentle perspiration, especiall}^ at night, and 
which effect was continued whenever the water was taken, during 
the whole time of his stay. The cough gradually diminished, until 
it almost disappeared altogether. At first there was considerable 
difficulty in getting up the phlegm, but after drinking the water a 
short time, it was expectorated with ease. During the time he was 
at Grey Sulphur, he slept well, had an excellent appetite, and could 
easily digest whatever he partook of. B. 

The above statement of cases, was submitted to Professors Jas. 
Moultrie, Jr., and S. Henry Dickson, of the Medical College of the 
State of South Carolina. The following letters will show the opin- 
ion entertained by these gentlemen relative to the medical properties 
of these waters. 


Charleston, Feb. nth, 1836. 

Dear Sir, — I have overlooked j-our intended publication to- 
gether with the accompanying documents. I think the statements 
furnished by the latter, fully authorizes you to put forth what you 
propose. The amount of experience with the waters is very small, to 
be sure, but such as it is, it is calculated to excite strong presumption 
in their favor. Indeed, considering their analysis, jointly with the 
facts furnished by your documents, I have confident expectations 
that they will prove among the most useful discoveries of that sort, 
yet made in our country'. All thus early known to them, encour- 
ages us to look for future corroberation of the impressions you have 
imbibed respecting their virtues. Considering their elements, they 
cannot be nugatory, and must therefore, be productive of benefit or 
mischief. Reasoning from what we already know, the evidence ap- 
pears to be altogether in favor of a salutary result. 

Very truly yours, 

J AS. Moultrie, Jr., M.D. 

J. D. Legare, Esq. 

Charleston, Feb. nth, 1836. 

Dear Sir, — I have perused with attention and interest the papers 
sent me, containing reports of cases in which the Water of your Vir- 
ginia Spring have been tried ; and do not hesitate to express the 
opinion, that they fully justify the statements made in your proposed 
publication. Prof. Shepard's analysis exhibits a singular combina- 
tion of ingredients, and prepare us to anticipate striking and grati- 
fying results from the use of Waters containing remedies of such 
obvious efficiency. I confess, I am led to entertain sanguine expec- 
tations of benefit to a large class of patients, from these fountains, and 
shall be much disappointed if the "Grey Sulphur Springs " do not 
soon attain a high rank among the summer resorts of invalids, and 
of the fashionable world. 

With great regard, I remain, Dear Sir, yours faithfully, 

S. Henry Dickson, M.D. 

J. D. Legare, Esq. 

We here close for the present, our account of the medical prop- 
erties of the Grey Sulphur Springs. The report of cases might have 
been more extended, had we applied to all of the individuals, who 
have been benefitted by the use of these waters. It was not deemed 
necessary to do so. Invalids, with strongly marked cases, will in all 
probability visit these Springs, during the next and succeeding sea- 
sons, and it is our intention to preserve a record of such as may be 
communitated to us. John D. L,egare. 




The reader will doubtless recollect that this flourishing town 
was established by law in the year 1752. In 1738, there were but 
tw^o cabins erected near the run. It is now a very wealthy corpor- 
ate town, has its own court of justice, is the seat of justice for the 
County of Frederick, is the place where the Supreme Courts of 
Chancery and Law are held for the county, the residence of many 
distinguished lawyers and physicians, has a flourishing academy and 
numerous Classical and English Schools, many mechanical estab- 
lishments of first order, some thirty or forty retail stores, a number 
of taverns kept in the best style, several confectionary shops, several 
merchant tailors, and almost every variety of business done in our 
seaport cities. Its buildings are many of brick of superior order. 
Taylor's hotel is conspicuous for its great size and elegance oj 
structure. Its front on Loudon street is ninety feet and runs its 
wings one hundred and thirty feet back, contains seventy rooms, 
is calculated to entertain numerous companies of visitors and 
boarders, and is kept in superb style. This building is three 
stories ; the basement story is divided into cellars and several rooms 
furnished in the neatest manner ; the attic is divided into lodging 
rooms, which are also furnished in neat style. It commands an im- 
mense business. 

Within the last five or six 3'ears a railroad has been constructed 
from Winchester to Harper's Ferry, on the Baltimore highway ; six 
or seven spacious warehouses erected at the commencement of the 
road, and is the place of deposit of vast quantities of merchandise 
and produce of every variety. It now contains upwards of 4,000 
inhabitants, and is a place of great business. Several gentleman, 
descended from German ancestors, who have accumulated consider- 
able wealth, are among them. It has two Presbyterian edifices, 
handsomely built, as places of public worship ; one Catholic chapel ; 
two Methodist meeting houses, and a splendid Episcopal church 
lately erected ; the Baptists have a meeting house, as also the Ger- 
man Lutherans ; and the Friends have a neat brick building. The 
people are divided into various religious sects, and it is believed 
much piety prevails. It is doubtless one of the finest watered towns 
in the valley, and a place of general good health. Fine water is 
convej'ed through iron pipes to almost every part of the town ; there 



are many hydrants erected in the streets ; and many of the citizens 
have the water conveyed into their yards. This water is taken 
from a fine limestone spring about half a mile west of the town. 
There is a regular organized Fire Company, remarkable for their 
excellent discipline and activit}'. But few houses have ever been des- 
troyed by fire. The author recollects seeing an old house on Lou- 
don street destroyed by fire upwards of thirt}' years ago ; the wind 
blew a strong gale from the N. W., and notwithstanding the oppo- 
site side of the street was closely built with wooden houses, such 
was the activity of the fire company and other citizens, that every 
building was saved except the one which first took fire. Several 
years afterwards, a fire broke out in a wooden building at the north 
end of the town, and the flames spread with great rapidity. It was 
.said that twenty-two buildings took fire at the same time, and but 
two small buildings consumed ; those two beloneed to an old gentle- 
man by the name of Benjamin Rutherford, and stood about one 
hundred and fifty yards apart. The astonishing exertions and ac- 
tivity of the fire company, together with the aid of every citizen, 
and even ladies, saved twenty buildings on fire at the same 
time ; and what was remakable, but little damage was done the 
buildings were saved. A few years ago, there were three old 
wooden buildings on Loudon street burned down, but the flames 
were so kept under, that no other damage were done. About sixty 
years ago, a framed building on Loudon street, which was called the 
"Long Ordinary," was destroyed by fire, and an old building on 
the west side of the town, called " The Brewery," was destroyed by 
fire. The author recollects seeing this building on fire. It is be- 
lieved that the foregoing statements contains a true account of 
all the houses destroyed by fire for the last sixty or seventy years. 
So that it may truly be said, that Winchester has heretofore been 
very fortunate. 


This town may with truth be said to be classical ground. In 
the war of the Revolution, the Legislature had assembled at Rich- 
mond ; the enemy had advanced to the seat of government, and the 
assembly adjourned and met at Charlottesville, Tarlton pursued 
them thither, and they again adjourned and met at Staunton, 
here they finished their session, Tarlton did not dare interrupt 
them there, for the best of all reasons ; the people of Augusta and 
adjoining counties were a brave, hardy, and active race, well ac- 
quainted with the use of the rifle ; and if Tarlton had ventured to 
pursue them to Staunton, he would in all probability have met with 
another " Cowpen defeat." The citizens turned out manfully, well 
armed, and determined to contest his march to that place, and pi-p- 
tect their legislators in their deliberationst 

Staunton^ like Winchester, has incorporated privileges, its own 


court of justice, is the seat of justice for Augusta county, and the 
place for holding Superior Courts of Law and Chancery for the 
county, is the residence of several distinguished lawyers and physi- 
cians, and is the site of a Lunatic Hospital of great reputation. It 
has several beautiful edifices erected for public worship, and fif- 
teen or twenty retail stores, with four or five taverns kept in a good 
style. It is surrounded by many valuable farms, and a considerable 
number of elegant brick dwelling houses, has several turnpik.e roads 
leading to East and West, North and South, from which it derives 
great advantages, and of course is a place of extensive business. 
In all human probability, it is destined at some future day to become 
the site of our State government. Its central situation, the fine 
health of the country, its contiguity to the numerous mineral 
springs, its safety from danger of invasion from a foreign enemy in 
time of war, present most cogent arguments in its favor, and when- 
ever our western counties shall be filled with population, we will 
have a considerable majority of the free white population west of 
the Blue Ridge, and it appears to the mind of the author, that the 
people of the west will not rest satisfied with their seat of govern- 
ment in its present situation. 

Staunton has become conspicuous in the history of our State 
for other important reasons. It is the place where two large con- 
ventions of citizens were held some years ago, for deliberating on 
the great question of reforming our State Constitution. The last of 
which conventions was held in the month of July, 1825. In this 
convention upwards of one hundred members attended. Their pro- 
ceedings were characterized by great temperance, but much energy. 
A most solemn appeal was made to the Legislature on this vital 
question, and at the ensuing session, an act passed submitting this 
question to the lawful voters of the State, which resulted in a ma- 
jority of the citizens in favor of the necessity of calling a conven- 
tion for the purpose of revising and amending the organic law of our 
State. This body was elected in the spring of 1826, and assembled 
at the capital in the city of Richmond, the ensuing autumn, and 
drew up certain amendments to the original constitution, which 
were submitted to the people for their first ratification or rejection. 
There were many of our ablest statesmen opposed to its ratification, 
but a majority of our citizens voted for its adoption. 


This is a thriving village in the County of Greenbrier, west of 
the Alleghany Mountains. It is yet but a small village, but the 
seat of justice for the county. There is a Superior Court of Law 
and Chancery and a Court of Appeals. It has become conspicuous 
in the history of the State, from the circumstance, that a conven- 
tion was lately held there of the citizens of the western common- 
wealth, by which resolutions were passed, recommending a further 


amendment to the State Constitution so as to give a more 
equal representation of the two great divisions of the State in the 
General Assembly. Neither is it undeserving of celebrity on account 
of its several religious edifices, among which the Presbyterian de- 
serves first to be named from its size and commodious internal ar- 
rangements. The Methodists and Baptists respectively, have also 
chaste and convenient houses for public worship. There are sever- 
al elegant brick dwelling houses in the village, from six to seven 
retail stores, and two public hotels, under excellent management. 
From the locality of the village, situated in the midst of a produc- 
tive country, steadily increasing in population and wealth, it is des- 
tined to become a place of considerable business and importance. 
The face of the country contiguous to and surrounding the village, 
is beautifully diversified by hills and valleys, woods and fertile fields, 
and the town, with the whole of the circumjacent region, is remark- 
able for the salubrity and healthiness of climate. 


From the youth of our Commonwealth, and the character of 
our people, devoted almost exclusively, as they have been, to agri- 
culture and its collateral pursuits, we cannot as yet, nor is it yet 
expected that we can, produce before the world, any Masters in the 
fine arts comparable with the old Masters of Europe. Yet, notwith- 
standing the fact that we have as yet no representatives in sculpture 
to stand by the side of Canova, nor in painting, a champion to com- 
pete with a Titian, a Guido, a Stuart, yet we have not yet been 
wholly denied the genius of the pencil. Some ten years since, in 

the County of Berkeley, a young man of the name of McCau- 

try, with the intuitive perception only exhibited by true genius, 
commenced, first in playful sketches, and shortly after in more seri- 
ous efforts, the divine art of painting. Encouraged by this rapid 
advancement, he subsequently took a trip to the hallowed ground of 
Italy, there to perfect himself in the business of his choice. He 
promised much from improvement ; but shortly after his return to his 
native country, he died, and with him the hopes of his friends. 

Six years ago, a Mr. Henry Bowen, of Frederick county, a self- 
taught artist, commenced the business of a portrait painter, and 
such was his proficiency in the art that it may be almost said of him 
he was accomplished in it from the outset. He has since devoted 
himself assidiously to his employment, and has earned thereby, from 
the striking fidelity of his sketches to truth and nature, a well-mer- 
ited reputation. The author can bear the safest testimony to his 
character, from the specimens of Mr, Bowen which he has seen. 


The excellent lady of Mr. Amos I^upton, residing within two 


and-a-half mies of Winchester, has met with very encouraging suc- 
cess in her efforts at producing silk from the cultivation of the trees 
and the domestication of all the worm. She exhibited to the au- 
thor several pair of hose she had manufactured from this silk, and 
stating her intention of having the residue of the raw material spun, 
and wove into articles of wearing apparel. A hired woman, mean- 
time, was employed in spinning the silk from the cocoons upon the 
common flax-wheel, and really made considerable headway in her 
delicate task. We hope that Mrs. Lupton will persevere in the en- 
terprise ; for we cannot but believe that our soil and climate are 
both well adapted for the culture of silk. Mr. Lupton has been 
completely successful in the raising of the Morus Multicaulis, the 
plants having grown very thrifty. • 


An animal was begotten between a buck and a young cow 
about twenty years ago. The extraordinary and beautiful animal 
was produced in the neighborhood of Zane's Old Furnace. The 
owner intended selling it to a butcher to make a veal of it ; but the 
late Maj. Bean purchased it, and intended to raise it by hand. He 
kept it several weeks, but it died, and with it the hopes of Mr. Bean 
and many of the neighbors. Mr. Bean flattered himself with high 
expectations of having in his possession one of the most rare, beauti- 
ful, and extraordinary curiosities in nature's work. The author did 
not get the opportunity of seeing this singular creature, but several 
of his neighbors visited Mr. Bean for the express purpose of viewing 
it, who reported the facts to the writer of this narrative. It was 
said to exhibit the head, neck, shoulders and forelegs of its sire, and 
hinder parts that of the dam, and promised to grow to pretty good 
size. It was a male. 

The author saw the skin of a double calf in the neighborhood 
of Luray. The hide was carefully taken off and stuffed. It had a 
double body, two distinct heads, and two tails, four perfect eyes, and 
but four legs. This singular extra natural production was in pos- 
session of Capt. John Gate wood, jr. 


Fifteen or sixteen 3'ears ago the late Samuel G. S5'dnor owned 
a cow with six perfectly formed legs, which the author frequently 
saw. It had two extra legs formed on the shoulders, and when it 
walked these legs made regular motions. They hung over on each 
side, and were much smaller than the other legs. 


Bushrod B. Washington, Esq., a few years ago erected a very 


large brick dwelling house, in the neighborhood of Charlestown, 
Jefferson county, with all the necessary offices. This building with 
other improvements cost upwards of thirty thousand dollars. 

The building was finished in the most tasteful style of modern 
architecture ; but unfortunately, some two or three years ago, it ac- 
cidentally took fire ; and all theinteriorworks were consumed. But 
the writer is informed Mr. Washington has lately rebuilt it. The 
author obtained a sketch of its dimensions, but has unfortunately 
mislaid the memorandum. Sufhce it to say, it is one of the largest 
and most elegant edifices in our country. 

Judge Henry St. G. Tucker has erected in the neighborhood of 
Leetown a most splendid stone building, rough cast, finished in 
beautiful style, three stories high ; but the writer does not recollect 
the exact size of the edifice, but it is a very large building. Jeft'er- 
son county contains a great number of fine large dwelling houses, 
with other capital improvements. In the County of Clarke, David 
H. Allen, Esq., has lately erected a brick dwelling on a beautiful 
eminence, from which there is a most enchanting view of the Blue 
Ridge and adjacent country. It is sixty-six feet by fifty, with a 
splendid portico, supported by a beautiful colonade twenty-five feet 
high of solid pine pillars. 

In front of the house is an extended lawn, partly covered with 
a sheet of transparent water, which adds greatly to the novelty and 
beauty of the scenery. Mr. Allen informed the writer, that some 
years ago the water course contained much dark alluvian mud, on 
each side, very miry and difficult to cross. He hauled out six thou- 
sand wagon loads of the mud upon the adjoining high lands, which 
so increased the fertility, that, for several years it was too rich for 
the production of wheat. 

Mr. Allen is pretty extensively engaged in the stock way. A 
few years ago, he ai one time owned one hundred and twenty head 
of horses, and a large stock of imprm^ed black cattle, sheep and hogs. 
Mr. Allen was bred to the law, but having married the daughter of 
the late Col. Griffin Taylor, got this fine estate by her ; and his father 
being also wealthy, he also abandoned the practice, and lived a re- 
tired and private life ever since. 

Edward Jaquline Smith, Esq., has built a fine brick dwelling 
house, large and tastefully finished, on an extensive farm in the 
same neighborhood. He is a most judicious and successful farmer. 

Col. J. W. Ware has erected a fine large brick building near 
Mr. Smith's, is also a successful farmer, is remarkable for breeding 
the very finest cattle ; and his stable has been the stand for several 
years, of the very finest horses which have been imported into our 

Col. Joseph Tuly, in the County of Clarke, has built a most 
splendid and expensive mansion on his beautiful farm in the neigh- 
borhood of Millwood, which he has named "Tulyries." To give a 
detailed account of this fine building would be tedious and perhaps 


tiresome to the reader. It is sufficient to say that this edifice is 
sixty feet by forty, of the best of brick, finished from the base to the 
attic in the most elegant style of modern architecture, and is covered 
with tin. A spacious portico, supported underneath with massive 
slabs, with pillars of solid pine, twenty-eight feet high, supporting 
the roof, forming a most beautiful colonade, based on square marble 
blocks ; the porch floor laid with white marble, and marble steps ; a 
spacious entry ; a spiral stairway running from the passage to the 
summit, on which there is a handsome cupola with a large brass ball 
erected ; the fire-places decorated with the finest marble mantles ; 
his doors and windows of the best mahogany ; with a green house 
in which there is sheltered a great variety of the richest exotic 
plants and flowers ; the yard decorated with a great variety of native 
and imported trees and shrubbery, with several orange trees which 
bear fruit handsomely. Adjoining the yard, an extensive park is 
enclosed in the forest, within which enclosure there are a large num- 
ber of native elks and deer. The old buck elk will not suffer any 
stranger to intrude on his premises. Col. Tuly's father was born 
and raised in the State of New Jersey, learned the trade of tanner, 
came to Virginia a young man. commenced business on a small capi- 
tal, and amassed a very considerable estate, the greater part of which 
he devised to his only son Joseph. The Col. carries on the tanning 
business extensively, and has added considerably to the estate left 
him by his father. He farms extensively and successfully, and 
largely in the stock way. 

Mr. John Kerfoot, twenty-five or thirty years ago, built a large, 
comfortable brick dwelling, finished in plain style, with most of his 
offices and all his slaves' houses of the same material. In approach- 
ing his residence it strikes the eye of the stranger as a sprightly vil- 
lage. Mr. Kerfoot is beyond question one of the most enterprising, 
judicious, and successful farmers in our section of country. He has 
acquired more wealth by his agricultural pursuits, than any indi- 
vidual with the author's knowledge ; has raised a large family of 
sons and daughters, and provided handsomely for them all ; has 
given each of his sons fine farms and every necessary to commence 
business. His daughters as they have married and left him have 
each of them been handsomely portioned off. Mr. Kerfoot is, and 
has been for many years a member of the Baptist church, a liberal, 
consistent and most worthy member. He is rigidly punctual in his 
pecuniary engagements ; it is said of him that he was never known 
to fail in a single instance to pay or fulfill an}' engagement he has 
entered into. Thus coming up to the golden gospel rule of "doing 
to others as he would they should do unto him." 

Mr. John Richardson is now the owner of the fine tract of land 
formerly owned bj', and the residence of the late. Col. Warner Wash- 
ington, called " Fairfield," on which he has established an exten- 
sive distillery. The house is built of brick, attached to which a 
large j^ard is enclosed and nicely floored with the same material, for 


the purpose of raising and fattening pork. About every two months 
he scuds off to the Baltimore market from eighty to one hundred 
head of finely fattened hogs. Mr. Richardson is a man of great in- 
dustry and enterprise, farms extensively, and raises a fine stock of 
improved cattle. He, like many of our citizens, is the builder of his 
ovi'n fortune, having commenced on a very small capital. 

The Rev. Thomas Kennerly has lately erected a beautiful, plain, 
extensive brick mansion at " Greenway Court," the ancient resi- 
dence of the late Lord Fairfax, now in the County of Clarke, near 
the White Post village. James Madison Hite, Esq., resides in an 
elegant brick mansion, contiguous to the stone bridge. 

Doctor James Hay has lately built in the same neighborhood a 
truly splendid edifice of considerable size and finished in the most 
elegant manner. 

Doctor Berkeley, previous to his death, was engaged in erect- 
ing a brick house near the Shenandoah, of very extensive dimen- 
sions, but before he had finished it he was most cruelly murdered by 
his slaves, and his body consumed in a most tremendous fire. He 
was robbed of a large sum of money by them, which they scattered 
about among their confederates, part of which was found ; but it 
was said at the time, that a considerable part of it was lost. John 
Rust, Esq., has lately purchased a part of Doctor Berkeley's estate, 
including this fine building, which he has had finished in plain neat 

Doctor Berkelej' was killed in 1818. Three of his slaves, one 
female and tw^o males, were tried and convicted of the murder, in 
Frederick court, and all three executed at Winchester, in the month 
of July, 1 8 18. The representatives of the Doctor obtained an act of 
assembly, authorizing them to sell off a number of the slaves who 
were suspected with being concerned in the murder, and they 
were sent to the South and sold. The estate now lies in the County 
of Warren. 

Capt. Roberto. Burwell, just before the late war, erected an ele- 
gant brick mansion in the neighborhood of Millwood. At the com- 
mencement of the war he commanded a company of the militia, and 
marched at the head of his company, and joined the standard of 
his country at Norfolk. He fell a sacrifice to that unhealthy climate 
and died. 

Previously to leaving home, he provided his last will, which he 
devised his fine estate to Philip Nelson, Esq., who married his sis- 
ter, and now owns this elegant property. 

The late Col, Charles Magill commenced, shortly before his 
death, on his fine farm about five miles south of Winchester, a very 
large brick dwelling, but died before it was finished. Since his 
death it has been finished, and now is the residence of John S. Ma- 
gill, Esq., one of his sons. 

Mr. William A, Carter is now erecting a splendid brick dwell- 
ing, about two miles west of Newtown, Stephensburg, on a beauti- 


ful eminence which commands a most fasinating view of this village, 
the adjacent country and mountains east and west, for a vast dis- 
tance. It is covered with English slate. 

Joseph Neill, Esq., has erected a beautiful brick dwelling at the 
north end of N. T. Stephensburg, plastered and neatly whitened on 
the outside. His neat little farm on which the buildings are erected 
adjoins the village. 

Mr. Isaac Hollingsworth has erected a splendid brick dwelling 
near Winchester, contiguous to his fine mills, his yard and curtilages 
handsomely enclosed with first rate stone walls. 

There are a number of other brick dwelling houses in the several 
counties named, exclusivel}' of those particularly mentioned ; and 
there are a considerable number of fine large stone buildings. 

The residence of George H. Burwell, Esq., is most splendidl}^ 
improved with stone buildings. It adjoins the village of Millwood, 
called ' ' Carter Hall. ' ' The main building is sixty-six feet by thirty, 
three stories ; with a wing at each end, twenty-one feet long, two 
stories high ; the whole building finished in the most tasteful style 
of modern architecture. This was the former residence of the late 
Col. Nathaniel Burwell, a gentleman of great wealth. The build- 
ing stands on a beautiful eminence, and conmiand a delightful view 
of the Blue Ridge and the adjacent neighborhood. The water is 
conveyed by force pumps from a fine spring to the dwelling house, 
yards and stable, at a distance of about three hundred yards. This 
fine farm ma)^ with truth be said to be among the most elegantly im- 
proved estates west of the Blue Ridge. 

Maj. Seth Mason has lately built a spacious stone dwelling, 
stone barn and stable, on the waters of Crooked Run, in the Coun- 
ty of Frederick. The buildings are erected on a beautiful eminence, 
and command a fine view of the Blue Ridge a vast distance. From 
the Major's yard about one hundred farms are to be seen in full re- 
lief on the west side of the mountain. 

Capt. Phenias Bowen has lately erected a stone dwelling, three 
stores high, near the Opequon, in Clarke county. The writer never 
obtained ^he exact dimensions of this building ; but it is very large, 
and covered with tin. It is not finished. 

The late Maj. Isaac Hite, on his fine large farm, about the year 
1792, built a stone dwelling, near the great highway from Winches- 
ter to Staunton ; a most spacious and elegant building west of the 
Blue Ridge. In point of taste, and beauty of symmetry, it is cer- 
tainly not exceeded by any country building the author has ever 
seen. It still stands to be admired by every beholder. 

In the Count}^ of Shenandoah, the late Messrs. Isaac Bowman, 
Joseph Stover and Anthony Spengler, severally built large brick 
dwellings, but a short distance from Strasburg, each on a fine large 
farm. It is hardly deemed necessary for the author to proceed with 
a further detail of particular dwelling houses. It would require a 
large volume to contain an account of all the fine dwellings in our val- 



ley. It is presumed that a sufficient number has been described to 
enable the reader to from an estimate of the vast improvement of 
our country within the last forty years. It is sufficient to say that 
many counties in the valley are equally well improved. 

The great number of first rate merchant mills and factories de- 
serve some particular notice, but it would swell this publication far 
beyond all reasonable limits to attempt a detail. The author will 
therefore content himself, and he hopes the reader will be content to 
have a brief description of Mr. Valentine Rhode's mill on Cedar 
Creek, the dividing line been Frederick and Shenandoah counties. 
The author is induced to give a passing notice to the building from 
the extraordinary and unparalleled labor perform.ed by Rhodes, with 
the assistance of one of his sons, a youth of about twelve or fourteen 
years of age, in its construction and erection. Mr. Rhodes informed 
the author, that when he had purchased and paid for the site, in- 
cluding a small tract of land, for which he paid in advance, he had 
no more than ten dollars left. Mr. Rhodes is an ingenious me- 
chanic and first rate mill-v/right. He determined, however, on 
building his mill ; to enable himself to go on with it, that he would 
undertake every job at his trade that he could engage, and if he 
earned eighty or one hundred dollars, he would proceed with his 
own building until his money gave out ; he would then engage in 
work as opportunity afforded until he could gather one or two hun- 
dred dollars more, and so proceeded on, until he got his mill to run- 
ning. It was six years from the time he commenced until he got it 
to grinding. 

But the most extraordinary, and the writer may truly say, won- 
derful circumstance attending this building, is the immense weight 
of stone and timbers used in its construction. The first story is built 
of stone of enormous size and weight, several of which are seven or 
eight feet long and fifteen or eighteen inches thick, doubtless weigh- 
ing several tons each, all of which Mr. Rhodes worked into the 
walls with his own personal labor. The only machine he used was 
the mill screw. The wall on the west side is at least five feet thick, 
and no part less than three. The first part of the mill-house was 
twenty-eight feet square, or perhaps thirty, to which he added an- 
other building fifty feet in length and thirt}' in width, stretching 
across the entire stream, excepting a small arm of the water-course 
forming a small island, on which the first building is erected. The 
south end of the building juts against a solid perpendicular limestone 
rock twenty-five or thirty feet high, which form one of the walls ; 
nature has formed niches in this, which receive the ends of timbers 
fifty feet long and from ten to twelve inches square, which Mr. 
Rhodes raised and put into place with the aid of his son and mill- 
screw, one end resting on the wall of the first building and the other 
inserted in the natural niches in the stone wall. These powerful 
timbers are elevated about ten feet above the waters. He receives 
his customers' grain, at each end of his mill ; so that it may be said 


it stands in the two counties. It is doubtful whether a similar in- 
stance of extraordinary exertion, enterprise and successful persever- 
ance can be found in our country. 

Mr. Rhodes certainly deserves a premium for his wonderful 
diligence and successful enterprise and perseverance in the construc- 
tion of this extraordinary building. There have been several floods 
in the Creek since the mill was erected ; but the immense strength 
of the dam and walls has heretofore resisted the force of the waters, 
and the mill sustained no injury. 


The Episcopal societj^ have within a few years past erected 
several beautiful houses of worship ; one at Berryville, one at Mill- 
wood, one in Winchester, (the latter a truly splendid building, with 
first-rate organ), and another at Middletovv'n, which is also a beauti- 
ful and chaste structure, and is truly creditable to the societ3% The 
writer heard a minister of the gospel express the opinion, that it 
presented to the eye precisely what a church edifice ought to ex- 
hibit, i. e., a ray of truth. The Roman Catholic Society hav^e 
erected several chapels in several places. They have built a superb 
edifice at Harper's Ferry, with a beautiful pulpit, with the image of 
the Virgin Mary with the infant Jesus in her lap. 

harper's ferry. 

It is scarcely necessary to inform the reader that this is the lo- 
cation of the United States armory, and in the several shops are 
generally employed about three hundred first-rate mechanics, en- 
gaged in the manufacture of arms for the purpose of war. There 
are annually made about six or seven thousand muskets, two or 
three thousand rifles, besides an immense number of swords, pistols, 
and other side arms. The government employs at this establishment 
a superintendent-general, a paymaster and a number of clerks. The 
quantity of iron, steel, brass and other materials annually wrought 
up, is immense. A vast number of strangers annually visit this 
place to gratify their curiosity in seeing and inspecting the public 
w^orks and great mechanical operations, so extensively carried 
on. The machinery of the musket factory is wrought by the waters 
of the Potomac, and that of the rifle factory by the waters of the 

This site for the public works it is said was first marked out 
or recommended by the immortal Washington, and is certainly evi- 
dence of his superior skill and judgment in all military matters. 

A railroad from Winchester to Harper's Ferry has been lately 
constructed, which has rendered Winchester a place of deposit for 
the vast products of our valley, but little inferior to some of our sea- 


port towns. A turnpike road from Winchester to Parkersburg, on 
the Ohio River, a distance of about two hundred and eightj^ miles, 
has lately been finished ; and another McAdamized turnpike road 
from Winchester to Staunton, has just been put into operation, and 
it is almost inconceivable what vast quantities of produce, now find 
a ready way to Baltimore from the increased facilities of our im- 
proved roads to that market. 

An improved road from Staunton across the Alleghany Moun- 
tains, is now going on to Parkersburg, which will still add great 
facilities to valley trade to greatly enchance the value of real estate in 
Western Virginia. There is also a turnpike from Harrisonburg by 
way of the Warm Springs, Hot Springs and White Sulphur, across 
the Alleghany and Whyandotte, by way of Kanawha. These sev- 
eral turnpikes are passable at all seasons of the 5'ear, and greatly ex- 
pedited the passenger's journey from east to west. These several 
turnpikes have been made at vast expense to the State and Stock- 
holders, notwithstanding which, improvements are still going on. 
A few 3^ears more and Western Virginia will vie with our northern 
and sister States with her vast improvements. Our valley is mak- 
ing great improvement and very great improvements of ever>' agri- 
cultural pursuit. Copying after our great and good countryman, 
Washington, immense improvements have already been made, and 
are still making, in the rearing of fine animals of every variety. 
Stage coaches travel allour turnpike roads, drawn b}' the most splen- 
did horses ; and most of our substantial farmers rare the finest cattle, 
sheep and hogs, and are greatly improving the fertility of their lands. 
Our valley furnishes the several markets with vast quantities of su- 
perior beef, pork, mutton, butter and the finest of breadstuffs. The 
quantities of oats annually raised for market are incalculable. Im- 
mense crops of the finest timothy, clover, and orchard grass hay, and 
corn fodder are annually consumed by our farmer's stock ; and not- 
withstanding the vast quantities raised, once in awhile there are sea- 
sons of great scarcity of provender for sustaining the vast stock of 
animals kept on hand. 

Our winters are frequently of great length and extremely 
severe. The author will here notice one winter which was re- 
markable for its long and excessive severity. When a youth, 
he frequently met with individuals who well recollected the hard 
winter in the year of 1740. It was said that that remarkable 
winter produced the greatest depth of snow ever known in our 
climate. The snow fell to such an immense depth as to smother 
vast numbers of horned cattle, sheep, hogs, deer, and many other 
wild animals. 

The author believes that it will not be uninteresting to the 
reader to have a brief description of several remarkable works of 
nature in our valley, together with a notice of some elegant build- 
ings and improvements on the farms of 'private individuals. He 
will begin with 



Washington's Masonic Cave. — About two and-a-half miles 
southeast of Charlestown in this county is to be seen in this cavern. 
Tradition informs us that Gen. Washington and a number of other 
gentlemen formed themselves into a Masonic Society and held their 
lodges in this cavern. The writer saw and partially explored it. It 
is not an extensive cavern, and is more remarkable from the fact of 
its having been used as a lodge room by Washington and members. 
It however has several different departments. The author was not 
able to get into the lodge room. The entrance to which is quite 
low and narrow. The proprietor, Mr. Clark, informed the author 
that Washington's name, with the names of several others of the 
lodge, is inscribed in the face of the rocks in the lodge room. A rock 
of very hard stone, which lies near a very fine lime spring conveni- 
ent to the cave, has several inscriptions on it. The letters are the 
plain Roman character ; but the author could not explain the mean- 
ing. They are probably masonic enigmas. 

Having introduced the name "Washington," through a digres- 
sion from the general subject, it will be well enough to notice sever- 
al important anecdotes in the history of that great, heaven protected 
man, which the writer has heard from respectable authority. 

The late Maj. Lawrence Lewis, a favorite nephew of Washing- 
ton's, and who resided with him at " Mount Vernon," for several 
years, related the following remarkable anecdote of his uncle. In 
the battle fought between Braddock and the Indians, it is well 
known. Washington acted as one of Braddock 's aids. After the 
battle, Daniel Craig, then of Winchester, but afterwards settled in 
Alexandria, became acquainted with Redhawk, a distinguished 
young Indian warror. In a conversation v;ith the Doct., Redhawk 
inquired what young officer (who was mounted on a fine young 
horse) it was, who rode with great rapidity from post to post, dur- 
ing the action. The Doct. replied Col. Washington. Redhawk 
immediately .stated, " I fired eleven deliberate shots at that man, but 
could not touch him. I gave over any further attempt, believing he 
was protected by the great Spirit, and could not be killed by a bul- 
let." Redhawk further added, that is gun was never known to miss 
its aim before. 

We have another tradition in this neighborhood in relation to 
this great man. It is stated that when he was retreating before the 
British army in New Jersey, he at once expressed to some of his 
officers his determination, if he was still pursued, and unable to make 
a stand, to continue his retreat until he reached Powell's Fort, 
which he would fortify and defy all their forces. * This tradition 

* Powell's Fort is in facta natural fortress. The mountains on each side 
are of immense hight, and covered with loose stone ; at the entrance, they 
come so close together that a few hundred men placed on the heights could 
destroy ten times their number, by hurlins stone down on the enemy. If 


was communicated to the author by a highly respectable gentleman 
of this vicinity. 

There was another tradition related to the author by an old lady, 
Mrs. Elizabeth Mason, on Roanoke River, of great respectability. 
She stated the following fact : Several old Indian chiefs had offered 
considerable premiums to any warrior or set of warriors, who would 
bring out Washington's scalp. Seven Indians who were living in 
the neighborhood of Roanoke, got to hear that Washington was on 
his way out to inspect the Fort very near the Roanoke River. There 
were two roads leading to the Fort ; one across the point of the 
mountain, and the other on level land. The one across the moun- 
tain was the shorter way ; the other on the level land the better. 
The seven Indians placed themselves in ambush close to the side of 
level road, and lay concealed two days and nights ; but Washington 
did not pass. They grew impatient, and their chief, the third day, 
stated that he would go to the other road and ascertain whether 
Washington had taken that route to the Fort, the two roads being 
only one mile apart. He gave his men positive orders not to fire at 
any person that might pass in his absence. While he was gone, 
Col. Washington, Col. Eewis and Col. Preston, all three passed close 
by the enemy without being molested. 

Another tradition informs us that Eord Fairfax appointed W^ash- 
ington one of his surveyors. He boarded with Capt. Charles Smith, 
within half a mile of Battletown. He kept his office in an upper 
room in the spring house. This small log building is on the farm 
owned by John B. Taylor, Esq., the only son of the late Col. Grif- 
fin Taylor, now in Clarke county. 


This is said to be a most grand work of nature. It is a spaci- 
ous and beautiful cavern, in a high rock, about four miles west of 
Watkins' Ferry, on the Virginia side of the Cohongoruton (Poto- 
mac). It is a circular dome of considerable height, with a most ex- 
traordinary spiral opening in the arch, resembling the steeple of a 
church. Seats are formed all around the interior ; the inlet is by a 
large door. Tradition informs us that the Indians, when in posses- 
sion of the country, used to assemble in considerable numbers in 
this place. For what particular object is not known ; but it is 
probable they used it as a place of worship, or for holding their 


This splendid work of nature is in the county of Morgan, about 

the enemy had attempted by a counter route to enter the Fort, a few hun- 
dred active and brave riflemen, from the mountainous character of the coun- 
try, conld cut to pieces an army of almost any force. 


three miles S. W. of Bath, immediately on the bank of Capon River. 
It is certainl}^ not less than one thousand feet perpendicular height. 
Capon River viewed from this immense height presents to the e^'e a 
most curious and interesting sight. The River running to consider- 
able distance to the west, makes a gradual turn around a point of 
level land, thence returning an easterly course to the base of the 
mountain, enclosing some two or tnree hundred acres of fine, fertile, 
alluvial land, constituting a most valuable farm. The River viewed 
from this rock appears to the eye not to exceed fifteen or twenty 
feet in wadth, and forms, as it vvere, the shape of a horse shoe. It 
is at this place, not less than fifty or sixty yards in width. The 
two points of the water are but a few poles apart at the base of the 
mountain. There is an extensive view of the valley up the River ; 
some say fifteen miles. The top of the Alleghany mountain can be 
distinct!}^ seen from it. 


This is seen in the County of Hardy, about twenty miles S. W. 
of Romney, and is too, a most tremendous work of nature. The 
author viewed this place with considerable awe and tripidation. 
The passage is quite narrow, between two mountains of stupendous 
height, probably from fifteen hundred to two thousand feet high. 
The points of the mountains are covered with numerous rocks, and 
appears to be hanging over the travelers head. Through this pas- 
sage is a fine, lively stream of water, which, after leaving the moun- 
tian, forms Patterson's Creek. At the west side of the mountain 
there are two streams, one from the south and the other from the 
north, which meet at the gap and unite their waters, and run through 
the gap directly an east course. About midway the gap is seen 
what is called the "spouting spring." This spring, it is said, is 
formed by a stream of water which runs to the northern base of the 
mountain, and has formed a subterraneous passway under the 
mountain, and bursts out in a large spring in the gap. Near the 
eastern termination of the gap, nature has formed a natural dam of 
solid rock, quite across the cavity, twenty-five or thirty feet high. 
By the aid of this dam, Messrs. Harness & Turley convey the water 
to their iron works on Patterson's Creek. 


Near the mouth of the Opequon, in the County of Berkeley, 

exists a large cave. In the year 1813, a man named , called 

in the evening at old Mrs. Furman's, staid till next morning, and after 
breakfast, told the lady he would gojintothe cave andjexamine it, in 
order to ascertain whether he could or not obtain saltpetre clay, for 
the making of powder. The old lady furnished him with candles, 
and he left her house aloue, promising to return in the evening. He 


entered the cave, and was not seen or heard of that daj'. The 
second day passed over, and no tidings was heard of him. The old 
lady grew uneasy, apprehended he had lost himself in the cave, and 
would perhaps perish. The third day his absence continued, and 
the old lady proposed to tv.o of her grown sons and another 
young man who happened to be at her house, to go in search of him. 
They at first objected, suggesting it was probable he had gone down 
the Potomac in some of the trading boats to Georgetown. She de- 
clared if they would not go, she would go herself and make the 
search. The young men then agreed to go, furnished themselves 
with sufficient lights, and forthwith proceeded to make search. They 
had not proceeded far before they found the poor fellow's hat, which 
satisfied them that he was in the cave. They continued the search 
and at length found him in a most perilous and distressing condi- 
tion. He stated to them, that he had not proceeded far into the 
cave before his candle, by accident, became extinguished, and he 
was left in more than " Egyptian darkness." The second day he 
became distressed with thirst, but could fine no water. He con- 
tinued scrambling in the cave, in the hope of getting out, but instead 
of finding the entrance, got farther from it. At length he heard the 
dropping of water, and groping his wa}^ he found the water was 
dropping into a deep cavern. He contrived to get into the cavity, 
and after reaching the bottom, the only chance he had to get the 
water into his mouth, was by laying himself down on his back, and 
letting the water drop into it. But after his thirst was assuaged, 
he could not get out of the sink, and he had given out all hope of 
relief, and reconciled himself to his fate, expecting to die in a very 
little time. 

The young men, in searching for him, frequently called aloud ; 
he could hear them, but was so exhausted and weakened, that he 
could not make himself heard by them untii they approached very 
near his place of seclusion. They succeded in raising him out of his 
confinement ; he soon recovered his strength, and lived some fifteen 
or eighteen years after this perilous experiment. 

There is an amusing tradition related in connection with this 
cavern. An old German, by the name of Bidinger, had ascertained 
that by building a fire in the mouth of the cave, the smoke would 
ascend and pass out at the small aperature in the rocks on the top 
of the hill, about three hundred yards from the entrance. This 
shrewd old man persuaded several young men that he could raise oid 
Nick out of the cave, and invited them in the morning to go with 
him, and see his experiment. He directed a negro man to go to the 
mouth of the cave and raise a large pine fire. The old gentleman 
had ascertained about what time it would take for the smoke to 
show at the top of the hill ; they assembled near the aperature, and 
he engaged in many incantations and juglings whilst watching for 
the smoke to appear. The young men waited with trepidation and 
fear. When the smoke burst out, the old man exclaimed, "See, 


there he comes ! See his smoke ! " It was enough for the young 
men ; they saw the devil's smoke, and precipitately took to flight, 
leaving the old gentleman to make the best terms he could with his 
Satanic majesty. 

There is a most extraordinary cave a short distance from Shep- 
herdstown. The Rev. Mr. Hill informed the author, that he once 
explored this cavern about one mile ; it passes under the Potomac 
River, and reaching into the State of Maryland, contains a great 
variety of stalactite formations and beautiful curiosities. 


This cave is on Apple Ridge, in the County of . It is 

remarkable for its vast depth and has a pretty good room near its 
entrance. It is said this cave is not less than six hundred feet deep. 
At its termination a most delightful stream of cold water runs across 
its bottom. The author, several years ago, visited this place, and 
partially explored it ; descending about one hundred feet into it. 
Two young men descended about one hundred feet below where the 
author stopped. 

In the County of Frederick exists a cave, on the land now 
owned by Dr. Walker M. Hite, near the waters of Cedar Creek. It 
is not so remarkable for its size as for its production of natural curi- 
osities. Several years ago the author explored this cavern, but had 
abundant cause to regret his undertaking. He became so exces- 
sively fatigued that it was with great difficulty he was enabled to 
get out. He was reminded of an anecdote of a Dutch woman : Two 
men in the County of Shenandoah had missed their wa)' in the night 
and got into the enclosure of a farmer, found the house, and asked 
the way out. The woman of the house replied, " So you come in 
so you can got out acain. ' ' There are several other caves the author 
has heard of, but has not seen. There is one on the land of George 
F. Hupp, Esq., the former residence of Mr. Joseph Stover, near 
Strasburg. This is said to be pretty extensive, and contains much 
stalactite matter. 

On the land of Mr. Israel Allen, in the County of Shenandoah, 
exists a most valuable cavity, forming one of the finest dairies the 
author has ever seen. At the early settlement of the country, it 
was discovered that a small cavity in the rocks, on a pretty high 
hill, led to a charming stream of delightful water. But it was at- 
tended with some difficulty to descend and ascend the aperature to 
get water. Mr. Allen built a handsome brick dwelling near the 
mouth of the cavity, then dug a well so as to strike the stream of 
water. At the depth of thirty-two feet below the surface, he came 
upon a bed of black alluvian mud, in removing which he found a 
very large human skeleton, which was greatly above the common 
size of the human frame. Mr. Allen himself was rather upwards of 
six feet high ; he stated that he placed one of the leg bones and 


measured it b}' his own leg. It was between two and three inches 
longer than his own leg. From this data, is is probable the indivi- 
dual owner of this skeleton was little under, if not full eight feet 
high. Mr. Allen opened and improved the mouth of the cavern, 
and constructed one among the most valuable places for preserving 
milk, butter and fresh meats, in our country. The aperature from 
the milk house to the water is still open, and in warm weather dis- 
charges a constant current of cool air into the dairy, and keeps it 
perfectly cool. In winter the current of air is tipid and protects 
everything in the dairy from freezing. 


In the County of Rockingham, on the land of Mr. Har- 
rison, on the turnpike road leading from Winchester to Staunton, is 
to be seen a most beautiful cave, seven miles north of Harrisonburg, 
the seat of justice for the county. Mr. Harrison has improved the 
entrance in the cave with steps, so that it is very convenient to 
enter it. This cave, which the author explored, presents several 
most interesting works of nature. Near the center, a splendid 
column of about twent3'-five feet high, stalactite formation, stands 
as if designed to support the arch. Pretty near this column is set- 
ting the bust of a ver)' large old woman, covered over -with beauti- 
ful white drapery, in numerous folds ; the walls generally covered 
stalactite formations, several of which have a strong resemblance to 
pipes of an organ. The whole length does not exceed three hun- 
dred yards. The floor is pretty level, and convenient to walk upon. 
It is generally above twenty-five feet high from the floor to the arch, 
and thirty-five or forty wide. The author heard of several other 
caves in Rockingham, but did not visit them. 

At the head of the South Branch a man by the name of Ruth- 
ledge, was shot through the body by an Indian ; the ball penetrated 
the left breast and passed out within an inch of the spine. This 
man recovered and lived man}- years after. There were two female 
children, daughters of John Moore, taken by the Indians and grew 
up with them. The elder had two children by a white trader ; the 
younger became the wife of the distinguished war chief Blue Jacket. 
She left an Indian son with his father, was enceinte, when brought 
home, and brought forth a daughter, who grew up and married a 
man by the name of John Stuart. Her father. Blue Jacket, secured 
her a tract of land on the waters of Lake Erie, to which Stuart re- 
moved and settled. 

Two of John Cartmell's daughters were taken by the Indians 
and remained with them several years. Their brother went to the 
Indian country, obtained their release and brought them home. 

James Stuart was shot while crossing the Greenbrier River, 


reached the opposite shore, and died immediately. Several others 
were killed the same summer, whose names are not recollected. 

A few years ago, there was found on the banks of Greenbrier 
River, in the cavity of a rock, a very large human skeleton, his bow 
and arrovv-s, mat and tomahawk, and a deerskin was deposited with 
the body at the time of its burial ; it was about ten feet below the 

Human skeletons have been frequently discovered on the mar- 
gin of the water courses. About thirty years ago, Samuel McDon- 
ald discovered a human skull on the bank of the Cowpasture River. 
It was remarkable for its great size and thickness, had a visible 
mark of a tomahawk wound on it, supposed to be head of a giant- 
like warrior. A walnut tree of immense size, which grew on the 
bank of the Cowpasture River, was blown down in a violent gale of 
wind, and a number of human bones were discovered in the cavity. 
The author was informed that the body of thi?i tree