Presented to the
LIBRARY of the
UNIVERSITY OF TORONTO
by
Ontario
Legislative Library
DISCARDED
v >
HISTORY
WESTERN MASSACHUSETTS,
I
THB COUITTIKS OT
HAMPDEN, HAMPSHIRE, FRANKLIN, AND BERKSHIRE.
I \f BRACING AN OUTLINE, OR GENERAL HISTORY, OF THE SECTION, 1
ACCOUNT OF ITS SCIENTIFIC ASPECTS AND LEADING INTERESTS,
AND SEPARATE HISTORIES OF ITS ONE HUNDRED TOWNS.
JOSIAH GILBERT HOLLAND.
3n
VOL. I, Parts I and H.
SPRINGFIELD:
ITMI.I \\V\-.\. BOWLES AXD COMTANT.
,1855.
Entered accord \n% to Act of Congress in the year 1865, b/
SAMUEL BOWLES & COMPANY,
In the Clerk's OlF.ce of the District Court of the District of Massachusetts.
SAMUEL BOWLKS & COMPANY,
Printers and Stcrt-otv pi-rn.
PREFACE.
THE collection of the materials of this work, their composition, and
their publication in weekly numbers in the columns of the Springfield
Republican, originated in the wish to add value and interest to that
paper, and were simply regarded, at first, as a newspaper enterprise.
The initial number was issued during the first week of 1854, and but
a few numbers had been presented to the public, when letters began
to be received, from every quarter, expressive of the hope that the
papers would be placed in a form more accordant with the character
of a permanently valuable work. The writer had already become
aware of the richness of the field upon which he had entered, and
was only too happy to see that the importance of his undertaking was
popularly appreciated. To produce a work of permanent value, rather
than one of passing interest, became his leading motive, and the re-
sults are the two volumes here presented.
The plan of the work has its imperfections, as well as its marked
advantages. It seemed necessary to present, at first, a history of the
whole territory, to carry it through the period of settlement, the in-
ception of its industrial interests, the Indian, and French and Indian,
wars, the Revolution, through all those great processes, events and
epochs to which the whole territory was related alike, and in which
its components were intimately related to each other. Then, it seemed
necessary to exhibit those leading interests and physical characteris-
tics which, while they could hardly be introduced with propriety into
the general civil and political history of a number of counties, would
4 PREFACE.
be still more out of place in the history of separate townships. In
one case there would be loss of congruity and continuity; in the oth-
er, the sacrifice of that classification and grouping, absolutely neces-
sary to the proper development of the subjects presented. Then,
beyond all, there was the history of each town, of and within itself,
perhaps more important and interesting than all the rest.
Thus was the work naturally, and even necessarily, divided into
three parts, first, the outline history; second, the history of the !r;ul-
ing interests and the description of the scientific aspects; and third,
the history of the towns, of the region under historical treatment.
The disadvantages of this plan are principally in the facf that no town
history can be rendered complete in itself, without a repetition of cer-
tain facts stated in the two preceding parts of the work. This diffi-
culty is sought to be remedied by giving references, in each town his-
tory, to the pages in Parts I and II where other facts necessary to
complete the history of the town are stated.
It is hardly necessary to offer an apology for the division, historical
and geographical, of Massachusetts, indicated ifl the title of this work.
Old Hampshire County, extending originally from the uncertain East-
ern line of New York on the West, into the present territory of Wor-
cester County, on the East, and occupying, throughout that distance,
the entire width of the Massachusetts patent, was, at first, in almost
everything but the name, a colony of itself. The settlements were
planted in the wilderness, and the waste of woods that lay between
them and the seat of authority of the Massachusetts Bay, was hardly
less to be dreaded, or easier of passage, than the waste of waters that
interposed between the Bay and the Mother Country. Its interests
have been developed by themselves. Its institutions, habits and cus-
toms have sprung out of its own peculiar wants, circumstances and
spirit, and the history of Western Massachusetts is but the history of
the old mother county and her children.
In the execution of this work, the author has been assisted by hands
too numerous to be mentioned. Kind correspondents in each of the
one hundred towns embraced in the work, have copied records, gath-
ered statistics, and corrected mis-statements after their publication in
the newspaper. By far the larger part of the work is from entirely
new and original materials. That the labor of collecting these mate-
PREFACE. 5
rials, and arranging them In their present shape, has been arduous
and perplexing, does not need to be told to those accustomed to sim-
ilar efforts. But this labor would be well repaid, were the author not
conscious that it must have been accompanied by many mistakes.
Any one, in taking up the second volume of the work, will perceive
that it is composed almost entirely of names and dates. These are
presented in such numbers that a life-time would hardly suffice to
verify them all. All that the author can say, is, that he has spared no
practicable pains to make his work authentic, and that, although minor
errors may be found, he believes that it may be accepted by the pub-
lic as reliable in all essential points.
A few of the town histories have been published unaltered, as they
were furnished by correspondents. Among them are the excellent
histories of Brimfield, Greenfield, Stockbridge, and perhaps two or
three others. Some of them have been greatly condensed from their
manuscripts, while others have been drawn from every available
spurce. Wherever a^town history has been found in print, its pages
have been freely used. The town histories will be found of unequal
lengths, and of unequal importance and interest, in many instances.
The difference results from various causes, among which the unequal
manner in which the records of the towns have been kept, relative-
ly, is the most prominent.
la the Second Part of the work, other pens than the writer's have
done the more important office. The excellent paper on Geology is
furnished by DR. EDWARD HITCHCOCK JR., of Williston Seminary,
Easthampton; that on Agriculture by WILLIAM BACON ESQ., a prac-
tical farmer of Richmond, Berkshire County; and that on Education
by ARIEL PARISH, A. M., principal of the Public High School, in
Springfield. It is only justice to say that they have performed their
tasks with entire success. Without offense to the many to whose po-
liteness the author has been greatly indebted in the preparation of
this work, he begs leave to acknowledge that bestowed by Sylvester
Judd Esq. of Northampton, Hon. Oliver B. Morris of Springfield,
Hon. H. W. Cushman of Bernardston, Lucius M. Boltwood Esq. of
Amherst, Hon. William Hyde of Ware, Samuel Nash Esq. of Had-
ley, and Rev. Emerson Davis, D. D. of Westfleld. To these gentle-
men, and to the multitude of others, unnamed but not unremem-
1*
6 PREFACE.
bered, many thanks! In the Outline History, authorities have not
been given, a fact which renders it proper to say that the published
works to which the author is principally indebted are Hoit's Antiqui-
ties, Hubbard's Indian Wars, Dwight's Travels, Holmes' American
Annals, Mather's Magnalia, and Minot's History of the Shays Rebel-
lion. The principal published works consulted in the preparation of
the town histories have been Field's History of Berkshire County and
Packard's History of the Churches and Ministers in Franklin County.
Since the publication of the work in the Republican, it has been
thoroughly revised, and portions of it entirely re-written; and, hav-
ing honestly and laboriously endeavored to make it worthy of the
place which it assumes to fill, it is submitted to the people of Western
Massachusetts and all interested, with that strong confidence in their
kind judgments which their constant and cheering interest in the pro-
gress of the work has been so well calculated to inspire.
REPUBLICAN OFFICE,
Springfield, January 1, 1855.
CONTENTS OF PART FIRST.
CHAPTER I. INTRODUCTION A SKETCH OF EARLY COLONIAL HISTO-
KY. Removal of the Puritans from England to Holland, p. 16 ; Emigra-
tion to America, 16 ; Settlement of Massachusetts Bay, 17 ; First movements
towards emigration Westward, 20; The Roxbury people obtain liberty
to settle at Agawam, 21.
CHAPTER n. FIRST SETTLEMENT ON THE CONNECTICUT SPRINGFIELD.
Woodcock and Cable build the first house, 22; William Pynchon journey
from Roxbury, 23; Arrival of the emigrants their covenant, 24; First
Indian deed, 29; First minister, 30; Destruction of the Pequots, 31; First
local magistracy, 33; Agawam becomes Springfield first settlements in
Woronoco, 34; Saybrook Fort and its tolls, &>; Mr. Pynchon writes a
heretical book its consequences, 37; He returns to England, 38; Firstcaee
of witchcraft in New England, 40; New board of magistracy, 42; Settle-
ment of Rev. Pelatiah Glover the " old Pynchon house," 44.
CHAPTER m. SETTLEMENT OF NORTHAMPTON AND HAD LEY ERECTION
OF HAMPSHIRE COUNTY. Purchase and settlement of Nonotuck, 45 ; Set-
tlement of- Mr. Mather, 49; Northampton magistracy, united with that of
Springfield, 60; First birth, death and marriage in Northampton, 63;
Mounts Holyoke and Tom named settlement ofHadley, 64; Erection of
Hampshire County, 69.
CHAPTER rV. COMPLETION OF THE FIRST LINE OF SETTLEMENTS ON
THE CONNECTICUT RIVER INCIDENTS OF INTEREST. Town offices, 63;
New settlements around Springfield, 64; Grants and settlements at Woro-
noco, 65; Westfleld incorporated, early physicians, 66 ; Hadley asks for
more land, 68; Hatfield incorporated Deerfield settled, 69; Settlement of
Northfield, 71; Population in 1673,72; The Connecticut Valley Indians,
74 ; The early militia, 75
CHAPTER V. KINO PHILIP'S WAR THE CAMPAIGN OF 1675. Introduc-
tory events of the war, 77; Philip's conspiracy, 79; The first blood shed,
80; Burning of Brookfield, 81; Fight near Sugar-] oaf mountain, 84; Slaugh-
ter of Capt. Beers and his men at Northfield, 86; Massacre at Bloody
brook, 88; Celebration of the event, 91; Disaffection of Connecticut, 94;
The Springfield Indians become enemies, 95; Springfield burnt, 96; Major
Pynchon resigns his command, 99102; Attack upon Hatfield, 105; In-
dian murders at Longmcadow and Westfield, 107; Operations at the East,
109.
CHAPTER VI. THE CAMPAIGN OF 1676. KING PHILIP'S WAR CONTIN-
UED AND CONCLUDED. The mustering of forces, attack upon North-
8 CONTENTS.
ampton, 112; Order for the towns to come together, 113; Northampton and
Westfield object, 114; The collection of Indians at the North, 120; The
Falls Fi,-?ht, 121; New attack on Hatlield, 126; Arrival of reinforcements,
under MajorTalcot and Capt. llenchman. attack on Hadley, 127 ; Appear-
ance of Golle, the " Hepcide," 128; Retirement of the Indians from the
Connecticut, 130; Indian massacre at Stockbridge, 131; Death of King
Philip, 132.
CHAPTER VII. NEW INDIAN DIFFICULTIES, AND THEIR CLOSE. Terri-
ble massacre at Hat field seventeen captives taken, 184; Captures at Deer-
field, 135; The captives reclaimed peace, 136.
CHAPTER VIII. PEACE THE COURTS KINO WILLIAM'S WAR WITCH-
CRAFT GENERAL MATTERS OF INTEREST. Early attorneys, 138 ; Com-
mencement of French and Indian hostilities, 139; First demonstration at
Brookfield, the Indians at Deerfield, 141 ; Case of witchcraft at Hadley,
143; West Springfield settles a minister, 146; Settlement commenced at
Wilbraham incorj oration of theThitdParifih of Springfield Rev. Solo-
mon. Stoddurd of Korthampton, 147.
CHAPTER IX. QUEEN ANNE'S WAR. Deerfield attacked, 148; 108 cap-
tives taken, 150; Deajh of Mrs. Williams, 153; The party in Canada, 154;
Eunice Williams becomes a savage, 155 ; Return of the captives the old
Indian house, 156; Indian muiders, 157; Unsuccessful attack on Deerfield
six men killed in Brookneld, 159; Cessation of hostilities, 160.
CHAPTER X. NEW SETTLEMENTS ON THE CONNECTICUT FIRST SET-
TLEMENTS ON THE HOUSATONIC,. Re-settlement of Northfield, 161 ; Grant
and incorporation of Brimlield death of Major JohnPynchon, 162; Grant
of the Housatonic townships, 163; Their settlement, 164; The Stockbridge
Indians, 165; Four townships laid out, between the Connecticut and Hou-
satonic settlements, 169; Progress of settlements in the Western part of the
patent, 170 ; Establishment of Worcester County, 171.
CHAPTER XI. RESUMPTION OF FRENCH AND INDIAN HOSTILITIEH.
Establishment of border forts, 172; Attack on Bernardston affray near
Fort Massachusetts, 173; Gallant defence of Fort Massachusetts, 174; The
"Bars Fight," 176; Another affray near Fort Massachusetts, 177; Death
of Col. John Stoddard, 178; The " Hobbs Fight, ''Peace once more, 179.
CHAPTER XII. REVOLT OF THE CONNECTICUT TOWNS THE CROWN
PINES THE HAMPSHIRE BAR. The line between Massachusetts and Con-
necticut, and its incidental arrangements of jurisdiction the Connecticut
towns revolt from Massachusetts 181 ; The Pines reserved as masts for the
British Navy, 182; The Hampshire bar. 183.
CHAPTER XITL THE CONCLUDING FRENCH AND INDIAN WAR. Con-
vention at Albany, for the purpose of securing union between the colonies,
186 ; Indian outrageat Stockbridge, 187 ; New line of fortifications, 188 ;Cap-
ture of women and children at Bridgman's fort the Hampshire regiment
in the expedition to Crown point, 190; Fall of Col. Ephraim Williams-
sufferings of the Hampshire regiment, 191 ; Basis of Williams College,
CONTENTS. 9
192; Indian murders at Greenfield, 193; Close of the Indian, an^ French
and Indian wars, 194.
CHAPTER XIV. DIVISION or HAMPSHIRE COUNTY LAND SALES NE-
GRO SLAVERY ECCLESIASTICAL EXCITEMENT DISTRICTS. Berkshire
County erected, 196 ; Courts established ten townships sold at auction by
the General Court, 197; Negro slavery, 198; Rev. Robert Breck called to
settle in Springfield, 199; Incorporation of districts, 202.
CHAPTER XV. THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. Preliminary events, 204;
The Berkshire County Congress, 206; Pittsfield protests, 208 ; Hampshire
County Congress, 210; Minute men 212 and 220; The Lexington alarm
the news at Greenfield, 213; At New Salem, 214; Convention of the Com-
mittees of Safety, 216; The Tories, 224; Establishment of the National Ar-
mory at Springfield, 227 ; Declaration of peace. 228.
CHAPTER XVI. THE SHAYS REBELLION, ITS ORIGIN AND PROGRESS.
Conventions to consult upon grievances, 230; Samuel Ely the"mobber"
mob at Hatfield, 231; Mob at Springfield, 232; Position of the common-
wealth, 233 ; The " Tender Act," 234 ; Convention at Worcester, 236 ; Con-
vention at Hatfield, 237; Courts stopped at Northampton by a mob, 239;
Courts stopped at Worcester, 241 ; Convention at Lenox mob at Great
Barringtou Luke Day, 244; Daniel Shays another mob at Springfield,
245; Another mob at Great Barrington, 248; Another Convention and
mob at Worcester, 251 ; The court stopped at Springfield troops raised to
suppress the rebellion, 259.
CHAPTER XVTI. THE SHAYS REBELLION ITS DECLINE AND SUPPRES
SION. Preparations for attacking the Springfield arsenal, 261; Approach
of the rebels, 263; The rebels fired upon, their flight, 265; Day's flight
from West Springfield all the rebels retire to Pelham, 266; Capture at
Mlddlefield, 267; Flight of the rebels from Pelham to Petersham, 270; The
rebels routed and dispersed, 271 ; Operations in Berkshire, 273; Eli Par-
sons, 274; Action of the Legislature in regard to the rebels, 275; Murder
in Bemardston, 276; Plunder of Stockbridge, 277 ; Sharp fight in Berk-
shire County. 279; Commission of Indemnity, 283; Trial and sentences of
Use rebels, 284; Troops recalled and rebellion suppressed, 291.
CHAPTER XVIII. SKETCHES OF SHAYS AND DAY COMMENTS ON AND
INCIDENTS OF THE REBELLION. Sketch of Daniel Shays, 292; Luke Day,
295; Review of the rebellion, 297; Interesting incidents, 300.
CHAPTER XIX .INDUSTRIAL MOVEMENTS AND SOCIAL ASPECTS. Locks
and canals on Connecticut river, 304; South Hadley Canal finished, 305;
Dam at Turner's Falls completed, 309; Shad fishery, 310; Lotteries and
Bridges, 311; Turnpikes, 313 ; Life and manners, 316.
CHAPTER XX. THE WAR OF 1812 CONCLUSION OF THE OUTLINE HIS-
TORY. Events preliminary to the war, 318; Establishment of Franklin
and Hampden Counties grand convention at Northampton, 321; Gov-
ernor Strong and the federal authorities, 326 ; Militia ordered to Boston,
327; The Hartford Convention, 328; Conclusion, 329.
CONTENTS OF PART SECOND.
CHAPTER I. THE GEOLOGY or WESTERN MASSACHUSETTS. The Gneiss,
836; Bed sandstone formation, 388; Trap, 838; Mica slate, 839; Talcose
elate, Lime-stone, 340 ; Quartz formation Hematite, Serpentine, 341 ; Al-
luvium, 342 ; The changes the Connecticut Valley has undergone during its
formation, 343; Footmarks, 347; Fossil fishes, 350; Marine vegetables, 351;
Mineral products, granite, 853; The Marble and Limestone of Berkshire,
354; Marble quarries of Rice & Heebner, Lee Marble Company, Chester
Goodale, 356; of J. K. & N. Freedley and Andrew Fuarey,357; H. S.
Clark & Co., Mr. Platt, 358; Frederick Fitch,William Milligan,359; James
L. Barrett & Brothers, North Adams Marble and Lime Company, 360 ;
Statistics of Lime Iron, 362; Hudson Iron Works, 365; Lenox Furnace,
Stockbridge Iron Company, Briggs Iron Company, North Adams Iron
Company, 366; Richmond Iron Works, Berkshire Iron Works, 367;
Soapstone, 368; Quarry at Middlefield, 370 ; Firestone, 371 ; Cheshire glass
works, 372 ; Lenox glass works Berkshire glass company, 373 ; Lead mines.
374; Roman Cement, 377; Points of scenographical interest, 379-387.
CHAPTER II. THE AGRICULTURE, AND AGRICULTURAL SOCIETIES OP
WESTERN MASSACHUSETTS. Early agriculture, 388 ; Incorporation and
history of the Berkshire Agricultural society, 393 ; The Hampshire, Hamp-
den and Franklin do., 400; Housatonic do., 402; Hampden County do.,
403; Hampshire do., 404; The Franklin do., 405; Green Mountain do.
West Hampden do. East Hampden do., 406 ; North Stockbridge Farmers'
Club Sunderland do. Northampton ornamental tree society, 407 ; Berk-
shire Horticultural Society First National Exhibition of Horses, 408 ;
County statistics, 410.
CHAPTER in. THE RAILROADS OF WESTERN MASSACHUSETTS. His-
tory of the Western Railroad, 412; Connecticut River do., 422; Amherst
and Belchertown do., 426; New London, Willimantic and Palmer do.,
427; Hudson and Berkshire do., 428; Hampshire and Hampden do. Ware
River do., 429; Troy and Greenfield do., 430; Pittsfield and North Adams
do., 432 ; Pittsfield and Stockbridge do. , 433 ; Hartford and Springfield. 434.
CHAPTER IV. THE NEWSPAPERS OF WESTERN MASSACHUSETTS. The
press of Springfield, 436; Of Westfield, 448; Of Palmer of Chicopee,
451; Of Holyoke, 452; Of Northampton, 453; Of Amherst, 458; Of Ware
of Greenfield, 469; Of Pittafield, 465 ; Of Great Barrington, 469; Of North
Adams, 471.
CHAPTER V. THE EDUCATIONAL INSTITUTIONS OF WESTERN MASSA-
CHUSETTS. Early history of education in the state, 474 ; Educational in-
terests in Springfield, 478 ; In Northampton, 483; In Southampton, 485;
Williston Seminary, 486; Hopkins Academy, 487; Mount Holyoke Female
Seminary, 489; Westfield Academy, 492; Normal school, 493; Monson
Academy, 494; Wesleyan Academy, 495 ; Education in Berkshire County,
497 ; Pittsfield Young Ladies Institute Pittsfield Seminary for Young La-
diesBerkshire Medical College, 498; Lenox Academy, 499; Deerfield
Academy, 500 ; Greenfield Schools Shelburne Falls Academy, 501 ; New
Salem Academy Northfield Institute Goodale Academy Williams Col-
lege, 502; Schools of Ware, 607; Mt. Pleasant Classical Institution, Am
heret Amheret Academy Amheret College, 608; Family Schools, 618.
APPENDIX Meteorological Tables, 617
PART I.
OUTLINE HISTORY.
"
HISTORY
OP
WESTERN MASSACHUSETTS.
CHAPTER I.
INTRODUCTION A SKETCH OF EARLY COLONIAL
HISTORY.
AMONG the hills of Northern New Hampshire and the
mountains that abound on the Southern border of Lower
Canada, the " QUONEKTACUT RIVER" the Long River
has its source. Forming, for a long distance, the boundary
between Vermont and New Hampshire, it sweeps across
the Western portion of Massachusetts, and, passing through
the State to which it has given its name, discharges its pure
waters into the sea. Another natural feature the Green
Mountain range originates in the same Northern latitude,
and, giving its name to Vermont, traverses that State, and
rolling across Massachusetts still further West, passes into
Connecticut, and loses itself upon its seaward looking plains.
In their passage through Massachusetts, the river and the
mountain range have imparted to the section they traverse
the grandeur and beauty that characterize its surface. The
three counties of Hampden, Hampshire and Franklin are
strung upon the river as upon a silver cord. Fertile ami
2
14 INTRODUCTORY.
beautiful meadows spread out on either hand, until they
meet the Eastern and Western slopes that gather tribute
for the sea-bound stream. This river, these meadows,
these inward looking slopes, and these tributary streams,
have determined the character of the industry which has
appropriated them to the purposes of human life. There
is hardly a farm or a workshop, a dwelling or a church, a
road or a mill, but is connected in some way with Connec-
ticut River. Its waters feed the pride of local feeling, and
mingle with every local association. Thus, also, has the
Green Mountain range given its character to Berkshire
County, and thus shaped there the plastic forms of Indus-
try. The streams that gather on the mountain sides turn
the wheels of lonely or clustered manufactures, herds and
flocks feed upon the sweet grasses that grow among the
rocks and upon the smoother slopes, while many a favored
home-lot nestles down upon a broad interval, watered by a
stream that, has found a smooth path, and shut out from
bleak winds by the elevations that rise on every side.
The four counties that have thus received the impress of
two of the most beautiful of the natural features of New
England scenery, are spoken of in connection as " WEST-
ERN MASSACHUSETTS." But two brief centuries ago,
they were the home and hunting ground of the red man.
Where now the homestead spreads its well tilled acres, the
camp or the council fire sent its smoke up through the
trees. Where now the busy wheel drives the noisy loom,
the savage stalked alone, or gathered with rude strategem
his tribute from the flood. Where the church and the
school-house now stand, the Indian built his wigwam, and
planted his corn. This beautiful realm, thus won from a
wilderness by toil, and defended at the cost of much pre-
cious blood, has had, of course, an interesting history, -
which will be alike instructive and entertaining to all who
now dwell within its borders. The links of association that
bind our population to the past, though long, are strong.
Multitudes who now till the soil of the Valley, or pursue
the rougher husbandry of the Berkshire hills, bear the
names and the blood of the first settlers, while the streams,
hills, and meadows, from the Housatonic to the Connecti-
cut, and from Hoosac to Taghcoriic, are still called by
names first shaped by the Indian tongue.
THE PILGRIMS EMIGRATE. 15
" Ye say their cone-like cabins
That clustered o'er the vale,
Have disappeared as withered leaves
Before me Autumn's gale;
But their memory liveth on your hills,
Their Baptism on your shore,
Your everlasting rivers speak
Their dialect of yore,"
This region, thus beautiful in its natural scenery, and
thus interesting in its history ; thus varied in its industry,
and thus inhabited by the descendents of the noblest men
that ever founded a nation, must have a glorious destiny ;
and facts and statistics that will enable its inhabitants to
form an estimate of that destiny, material and moral, can-
not but be regarded with lively concern. It is the present
purpose to recount this history, and present these facts and
statistics.
The history of the first sixteen years of colonial life in
Massachusetts is familiar to every New Englander, but it
may not be inappropriate to introduce it, and pass it in brief
review. In 1602, a little band of Puritans, in the South
of England, moved alike by persecution and their own re-
ligious convictions, made a covenant " to walk with God
and one another in the enjoyment of the ordinances of God,
according to the primitive fashion." Among these was Mr.
Robinson, a learned and godly minister, who, with a large
number of his congregation, left England, and sought in
Holland for that freedom of religious worship which his
^own country denied him. First settling in Amsterdam,
they removed to Leyden in 1609, and there they lived,
thought, prayed, and worshiped, in accordance with the lib-
erality of their ideas and the straitness of their creed.
Though they had escaped one evil, they ran into another
scarcely less perplexing. The Dutch around, and on
pleasant terms with them, were dissolute, and corrupted
the morals and manners of the Puritan youth. So, in
1G17, Mr. Robinson's flock began to talk about removing to
America, thus securing the double object of religious lib-
erty and exclusive religious society. They had, too, un-
doubtedly, higher motives than these, motives which
reached forward to tin* establishment, in a corning empire,
of a simple, model cimn-h. that should grow, and be per-
16 EARLY COLONIAL HISTORY.
petual. It was a day of prayer, and solemn consultation,
and of hope, doubt, fear and faith, when, in 1619, a por-
tion of Mr. Robinson's congregation concluded to emigrate.
The arrangements were made, the Speedwell lay rocking
at Delft Haven, and the night previous to the embarkation
was spent in tears and prayers, with the good friends in
Amsterdam and Leyden who were to remain behind. They
embraced each other, they bestowed upon one another the
tender est expressions of Christain endearment, they com-
mended one another to God, and when, at last, came the
parting hour, such were the manifestations of friendship
that it " drew tears even from strangers who beheld the
scene." At Southampton, the most of them took tlie May-
flower, after several miscarriages with the other vessel, and
on the 6th of September, 1620, set sail, bidding farewell
to the shores of the old world, and turning their eyes to
the new. Long and boisterous was the passage, and when
at last, on the 9th of November, the Virginia-bound emi-
grants found themselves, through the treachery of their
Captain, confronted by the bleak shores of Cape Cod, it
may well be supposed that the tears and distresses which
the ocean winds had just swept away were renewed in all
their bitterness. But they all prayed, and prayed again,
and grew strong. And then they sat calmly down in their
vessel, and drew up their civil contract, and chose John
Carver for their Governor, giving utterance by their act
to that great principle which lies at the basis of the institu-
tions of a continent tjiat the will of the majority shall
govern. Born of such parentage, and rocked by the ocean
in the cradle of the Mayflower, it is no wonder that the
infant principle has grown gigantic, and shakes thrones and
thrall wherever it walks.
Qn the 21st of December, the Pilgrims disembarked,
and knelt on Plymouth Rock. It is not necessary to tell
the trials and terrors of that early settlement, to tell how
six of the number died during that very month, how their
storehouse was burnt, how sickness and death reigned in
every grief-stricken cabin during that terrible winter ; how,
in the following March, only fifty -five of the one hundred
that came in the Mayflower survived ; how Peregrine White
came shivering into the world as the first-born of the col-
ony, and how his mother Susanna was married in the
FIRST SETTLEMENTS. 17
Spring to Mr. Edward Winslow (her husband having died
meantime) and thus became first in every good work; and
how Governor Carver died, and Mr. William Bradford
hosen as his successor.
Other settlers soon followed the pioneers. In 1622, Mr.
Weston, a London merchant, sent out a couple of vessels
with fifty or sixty men to settle in Massachusetts Bay,
where he had secured a patent. They settled at "Wey-
moutli, having previously lived for a time at Plymouth.
Soon, either because they were a godless company, or be-
cause they were distressed by poverty, they stole from the
Indians, and in so doing brought a dangerous conspiracy
.ijrainst themselves, as well as the Plymouth colony, which
was most Providentially discovered and averted. Cotton
Mather did not think very highly of the " Westonians"
who, he says, were " Church of England men," and this
latter fact may account for the outspoken detraction with
which he visited them.
In 1624, a settlement was made at Cape Ann, of new
immigrants, and the same year the Plymouth colony, which
had, in the meantime, received considerable accessions to
its number, also received a good supply of clothing from
jib road, and a bull and three heifers, the first cattle that
had arrived in Jew England. In the year following, came
the news of the death of the good pastor Robinson, at
Leyden, and following closely this sad intelligence came
his wife, children, and the most of his congregation, and
the re-union of these old friends was rendered doubly ten-
der and touching by the trials through which all had passed
during their separation. Thus they went on together, until,
in 1630, when they numbered some three hundred persons,
they took out a patent covering a large extent of country,
whose boundaries need not be defined here, and under
their charter the colony governed itself until some seventy
later, Avhen it was incorporated with Massachusetts.
The rapid settlement of Massachusetts Bay, which had
thus far received but weak and scattered clusters of adven-
turers, commenced in 1628. In that year and the year fol-
lowing, a colony. of more than two hundred persons, with
four ministers attending them, planted themselves, their
church, and their corn, at Salem, under Mr. Endicott. In
this place, and by this people, the second church in New
2*
18 EAltLY COLONIAL HISTORY.
England was organized. Another year brought over sev-
enteen ships, with more than 1500 immigrants, comprising
men of gentle birth and life, men of learning and mark,
men of heroism and deep-toned piety, and women and
children. And now the work of settling the wilderness
went on apace. The immigrants planted themselves in
Charlestown, Cambridge, Dorchester, Roxbury and Bos-
ton.
In 1629, an event occurred of vast importance to the
colony, and one which, in its origin and development, pre-
sented a remarkable aspect. The directors of the corpo-
rate body created by royal patent in 1620, and called
" The Council established at Plymouth in the county of
Devon for planting, ruling, ordering and governing of New
England in America," met, and, yielding to the voice of
the more wealthy and important men who were anxious to
emigrate from the religious thralldom at home, agreed that
the company, its rights under the charter, and its govern-
ment should be transferred to New England. Thus, a
corporation which, by the terms of its charter, was to re-
side in London, transformed itself into an American com-
pany, and the King looked on, and found no fault. He was
evidently glad to get rid of the troublesome Puritans at
home, and supposed that he would have less trouble with
them abroad, if he allowed them to manage their own con-
cerns in their own way. However this might be, the event
was pregnant with good to the colony. Having achieved
this movement, they ordered a General Court for an elec-
ti^xi of officers, and chose John Winthrop, Governor; John
Humfrey, deputy Governor ; and a number of assistants.
Thomas Dudley, one of the assistants, was afterwards
chosen deputy Governor in place of Mr. Humfrey, and in
1630, the Governor and his deputy came over in the nu-
merous fleet that sailed for the new world during that year.
Thus the charter of Government, and the men to govern,
were planted on New England soil. The first General
Court of the colony was holden at Boston, and here the
freemen attended in person. Here it was enacted that the
freemen should in future choose the Assistants, who, in
in turn, should choose from their own number the Gov-
ernor and deputy Governor. This rule, however, stood
less than a yrear, when it was decided at the next meeting
CHURCH AND STATE. 19
of the Court that the freemen should choose not only the
assistants, but the higher officers. This method of holding
the General Court was not long persisted in. The num-
ber of freemen or voters had become so largely multiplied
that their meeting in a body was inconvenient, and, by the
general consent of the towns, the power of the freemen
was delegated to twenty-four deputies or representatives,
and to these representatives, the appellation of " General
Court" was transferred.
On this basis of population and government, the pros-
perity and wonderful development of New England was
established. It was such a population and such a govern-
ment as the world had never seen. But just escaped from
a country where toleration was an unknown word, deeply
imbued with the religious sentiment, regarding the relig-
ious doctrines they held with an importance proportioned
to the toils and sacrifices expended in their behalf, and
conscientious to a sensitive degree, it is not strange that the
religion and the religious doctrines of the Puritans were
so placed in the basis of, and so became complicated with,
the civil government, that their patriotism was tinged
with illiberality, their religion with bigotry, and their gov-
ernment with intolerance. One of the first acts of the
transplanted government was to make church membership
a condition in the qualification of voters. Thus, indirect-
ly, the whole power of the government was thrown into
the hands of the clergy. Such intolerance as this would,
at the present day, create a revolution in twenty-four hours,
yet this act was not a whit more objectionable than hun-
dreds of others passed in those days. But we judge a tree
by its fruits. New England of to-day is the fruit of the
tree then planted. It was planted in the love of God, and
watered by prayer ; and, in its vigorous growth, the defen-
ses of intolerance and bigotry that were blindly staked
around it, and chained to it for its protection against the
tusks of libertinism and the teeth of schism, were upheaved
by the swelling roots, and falling away, left only their scars
upon the healthy rind.
Previous to 1633,. nearly half a score of churches had
been established in the Massachusetts colony, and in 1636,
about twenty towns had been planted. In 1633, Britain
became alarmed at the v-rowd that was pressing toward the
20 EARLY COLONIAL HISTORY.
prosperous colony, and the King issued an order to pre-
vent further emigration. "There were many counter-
mands given to the passage of people that were now steer-
ing of this Westward course; and there was a sort of
uproar made among no small part of the nation that this
people should not be let go." Notwithstanding this, Messrs.
Cotton, Hooker, and Stone, ministers of note and high-
toned piety, with 200 emigrants, evaded the order, and ar-
rived at Boston, where Mr. Cotton remained, his two com-
panions going to Cambridge. The colony had at this time.
become so strong that the arm and the spirit of adventure.
began to reach out into the wilderness, and then was horn
that disposition which has been perpetuated in all the de-
scendants of the Puritans : to go further West a disposi-
tion that had a worthy birth, has since conquered a world,
and has worlds still to conauer. In the words of Cotton
Mather :
u It was not long before the Massachuset Colony was be-
come like an hive overstocked with bees, and many of the new
inhabitants entertained thoughts of swarming into plantations
extended further into the country. The colony might fetch
its own descriptions from the dispensations of the Great God
unto his ancient Israel, and say '0 God of Hosts! Thou
hast brought a ruin out of England; Thou hast cast out the
heathen and planted it ; Thou preparedst room before it, .and
didst cause it to take deep root, and it filled the land; the
hills were covered with the shadow of it, and the boughs
thereof were like the goodly cedars ; she sent out her boughs
unto the sea.' But still there was one stroak wanting for the
compleat accommodations of the description ; to wit, she sent
forth her branches unto the river, and this, therefore, is to be
next attended. The fame of Connecticut River, a long, fresh,
rich river, had made a little Nilus of it, in the expectation of
the good people about the Massachuset Bay, whereupon many
of the planters, belonging especially to the towns of Cam-
bridge, Dorchester, Watertown and Roxbury, took up resolu-
tions to travel an hundred miles Westward from those towns,
for a further settlement upon this famous river."
This " famous river" first became known to the English
in 1631, and early in the Autumn of 1633, John Oldlmm,
Samuel Hall and two others of Dorchester, journeyed
through the wilderness, on a visit to its banks, and were
probably the first white men who ever stood there. Pleased
REMOVAL TO THE CONNECTICUT RIVER. 2l
with the hospitality of the natives who entertained them,
pleased with the stream and the meadows through which it
ran, and pleased particularly with the beaver which they
had received from the Indians, their* report. was, of course,
a favorable one. Among other products of the Valley they
reported hemp as growing in large quantities and of an ex-
cellent quality. Corn was cultivated by the natives, fish
of the largest sort were stated to be in the river, such as
sturgeon, bass, shad and salmon, (all of which but the sal-
mon still remain,) while the woods were teeming with the
noblest and most useful game. A number of men in the
Plymouth colony now took the " Western fever," and in
October, 1 633, led by William Holmes, they made a water
passage, sailing as far up the Connecticut as the present
town of Windsor, Ct. Here they built the first dwelling
house ever erected by civilized hands in the Connecticut
Valley, though the Dutch from New Netherlands had a
few days before thrown up a fortification at Dutch Point,
Hartford, and from that point menaced the advancing ves-
sel of Holmes, who with cool contempt passed confidently
by, and received not a gun. Holmes enclosed his house
with a stockade, bought his building spot of the Indians,
and set up trade.
It was in 1634 that the people of the several towns to
which Mather alludes began to think seriously of removing
to the Connecticut River. In the month of July, of that
year, six men from Newtown (Cambridge) visited the river
to select a place for settlement, but the people were not
immediately successful in obtaining liberty from the Gen-
eral Court to remove. In 1635, however, such permission
was given, not only to the inhabitants of Cambridge, but to
those of Dorchester and Watertown. The people of Rox-
bury obtained a similar favor in May of that year, and
leave to emigrate was coupled with the condition, in each
case, that emigrants should not remove from under the ju-
risdiction of Massachusetts. The Dorchester people went
to Windsor, the Watertown people to Wetherstield, the
Cambridge people to Hartford, and the Roxbury people to
Agawam the Springfield of the present and with these
latter commences the history of the settlement of WESTERN
MASSACHUSETTS.
CHAPTER II.
FIRST SETTLEMENT ON THE CONNECTICUT SPRINGFIELD.
SOON, if not immediately after permission to remove
had been granted to the citizens of Roxbury, two men
John Cable and John Woodcock were sent forward to
build a house for the plantation, and ancient records and
manuscripts lead to the belief that William Pynchon, alike
the founder of Roxbury and Springfield, together with
Henry Smith his son-in-law, and Jehu Burr, had visited
the spot in 1634, and selected the location. Considering
the importance of the undertaking, and the leading position
of Mr. Pynchon, it seems probable, almost to certainty,
that the location of a plantation without his personal super-
vision and decision would never have been made. Wood-
cock and Cable built the house, and the first civil action
tried in Springfield grew out of their joint agency in this
structure, although they built it at the common charge of
the planters. This house was built on the West side of
the river, in the Agawam meadow, afterwards called
" Housemeadow," from this circumstance. The location is
incidentally described in the Registry of Deeds, in an en-
try by John Holyoke, in 1679, as "that meadow on the
South of Agawam River where the English did first build
a house," and where " the English kept their residence who
first came to settle and plant at Springfield, now so called."
They "kept their residence," (Cable and Woodcock) at
this house during the Summer, planted on grounds that had
been cultivated by the Indians, nearly opposite the present
city of Springfield, and returned to Roxbury in the Au-
tumn, probably, though it is not positively known that they
did not remain during the Winter. This was doubtless the
last of the occupation of the house, as the Indians, who
were friendly to the settlers, and who were as well aware
of the character of the ground as the present residents are,
informed the builders that the site was subject to overflows.
This intelligence, of course, caused a change to be made in
the location of the plantation, and it lias been stated that
WILLIAM PYNCHON. 23
the builders abandoned the house, and built another on the
East side of the river, "probably on the lot afterwards
owned by Mr. Pynchon, and still in the possession of his
descendants." No mention is made of this house in the
allotment of land to Mr. Pynchon subsequently, and the
statement seems to have no confirmation. In fact, the
original record of the trial of the Woodcock and Cable
case, above mentioned, speaks of their occupying the house
and cultivating the grounds near them " all that Sommer"
Mr. William Pynchon was the father of Springfield, and
was revered as such while he lived here, and mourned as
such when he departed. He had been connected with the
al'airs of the Massachusetts colony in England, having
one of the patentees named in the colony charter of
. When Governor Winthrop received his appoint-
ment, in 1C29, Mr. Pynchon was appointed a magistrate
:md assistant, arid accompanied the Governor in his pas-
sage to the^ colony, and settled at Roxbury. Mr. Pynchon
was a man of wealth, education, piety, and consideration,
and, from the first, exerted much influence in the colony.
Early after the opening of the Spring, in 163G, he and his
Roxbury associates packed up their goods at Roxbury, and
dispatched them by water, in Governor Winthrop's vessel
the " Blessing of the Bay" which sailed from Boston on
the 26th of April. Bidding farewell to the scenes that, by
the very hardships with which they had been associated,
had become dear, the pilgrimage of sturdy manhood, buoy-
ant youth, and tender but strong-hearted womanhood,
through a hundred miles of wilderness, commenced. The,
eye spontaneously fills with tears as it turns back to this
scene, of which imagination is the best and only painter.
The weary marches of the day through a pathless forest,
(lie fording of swollen streams, the camp-fires of the night,
at which the friendly red men gathered, and where first
they hoard the name of God as it arose from supplicating
iips, the rude couches upon which childhood and age threw
liiemselves with a faith that transformed the very boughs
Mli them into the arms of Providence, the morning
.-iinlight creeping in through the rude old trees, arousing
to the renewed march the aching limbs that had roamed all
night, iu dreams, in the busy streets or the quiet parks of
Old England ; the simple meal, blessed before the eating
24 SETTLEMENT OP SPRINGFIELD.
by a solemn and godly voice ; the kind offices extended
here and there to the weak and the fearful by noble hearts
and strong hands ; the pious conversation, mixed with sub-
jects of import to the colony and the enterprise, as two or
three wise ones trudged along together all these have
been unwritten, but, knowing the components of that little
band, the fancy is weak that lacks power to realize them
to itself in a large degree, or refuses to write them because
the records fail.
By subsequent allusions to the " Bay path," and the in-
cidental definition of its location, it is probable that the
emigrants entered the territory then known as Agawam,
(or Agaam as it was often spelled) upon the elevation now
known as Springfield Hill. There they came in view of
the " famous river," with which were associated their fu-
ture prospects. Where multitudes of pilgrims have since
paused to admire the beauty of the landscape, they paused,
and looked down upon the silent river then unbridged, and
off upon the Western hills, forest-crowned as now. There
were no homes opened to receive them, no hospitable voices
to bid them welcome. All was
" Noiseless as fear in a wide wilderness."
What wonder is it that such a band should be a pious
band ? Who doubts that, as they gazed around, and saw
no hand to help, they stood there upon the unquestioned
earth, and sent their silent aspirations on wings of faith to.
heaven ?
The date of the arrival of the emigrants upon the river
is not known, but it was probably among the first days of
May, and immediately, as did the Pilgrims before landing
at Plymouth, they set about the establishment of rules by
which they would govern themselves and be governed.
On the 14th of May, they drew up and signed an agree-
ment, the original of which is now in the first book of
records at the City Hall in Springfield. This document is
signed by eight individuals, while the allotments of land to
the settlers, which it disposes, are made to twelve. So an-
cient and important a record cannot be without interest,
and it follows entire :
< May the 14th, 1636. We whose names are underwritten,
being by God's Providence ingaged together to make a planta-
AGREEMENT OF THE SETTLERS. 25
tion, at and over against Agaam on Conecticot doe mutually
agree to certayne articles and orders to be observed and kept
by us and our successors, excpt wee and every of us, for our-
selves and in oure persons, shall think meet uppon better rea-
sons to alter our present resolutions.
" lly. Wee intend, by God's grace, as soon as we can, with
all convenient speede, to procure some Godly and faithfull
minister, with whome we propose to joyne in church covenant,
to walk in all the ways of Christ.
2ly. Wee intend that oure towne shall be composed of
fourty family's, or if wee think meete after, to alter our pur-
pose ; yet not to exceed the number of fifty family's, rich and
poore.
" Sly. That every inhabitant shall have a convenient propor-
tion for a house lott, as wee shall see meete for every ones
quality and estate.
4ly. That every one, that hath a house lott, shall have a
proportion of the Cow pasture to the north of End Brooke,
lying northward from the towne ; and also that every one shall
liave a share of the hasseky marish over against his lott, if it
be to be had, and every one to have his proportionable share
of all the woodland.
lt 5ly, That every one, shall have a share of the meddow,
or planting ground, over against him, as nigh as may be, on
Agaam side.
" 6ly. That the Long meddowe, called Masacksick, lying in
the way to Dorchester, [Windsor, Ct.,j shall be distributed to
every man, as wee shall think meete, excpt wee shall find
other conveniences, for some for theyre milch cattayle, and
other cattayle also.
" 7ly. That the meddowe and pasture called Nayas, towards
Patuckett, on ye side of Agaam, lyeinge about fourer miles
above in the ridge shall be distributed' 5 [erasure of six and a
half lines,] " as above said in the former order, and this was
altered and with consent before the hands were set to it.
" Sly. That all rates that shall arise upon this towne, shall
be layed upon lands, according to every ones proportion, aker
for aker, of house lotts, and aker for aker of meddowe, both
alike on this side, and both alike on the other side ; and for
farmes, that shall lye farther off, a less proportion, as wee
shall after agree except wee shall see meete to remitt one
half of the rate from land to other estate.
<: 9ly. That whereas Mr. William Pynchon, Jehue Burr,
and Henry Smith, have constantly continued to prosecute the
same, at greate charges, and at greate personal adventure,
therefore it is mutually agreed, that fourty akers of meddowe,
3
26 SETTLEMENT OF SPRINGFIELD.
lying on the south of End Brooke, under a hill side, shall be-
long to the said partys free from all charges forever. That is
to say twenty akers, to Mr. William Pynchon, and his heyres
and assigns for ever, and ten akers to Jehue Burr, and ten
akers to Henry Smith, and to their heyres and assigns for
ever; which said fourty akers is not disposed to them as any
allotment of towne lands ; but they are to have their accom-
modations in all other places notwithstanding.
" lOly. That whereas a house was built at a common charge
which cost 6 and also the Indians demand a grate some, to
bye their right, in the sayd lan^s, and also a greate shallope,
which was requisite for the first planting, the value of which
engagements, is to be borne by each inhabitant, at theyre first
entrance, as they shall be rated by us till the said disburse-
ments shall be satisfyed, or else in case the said house and
boat be not so satisfyed for ; then so much meddowe to be sett
out about the said house as may counter vayle the sayd extra-
ordinary charge.
il Illy. It is agreed that no man except Mr, William Pyn-
chon shall have above ten akers for his house lott.
" 12ly. Annulled.
" 13ly. Whereas there are two cowe pastures, the one lying
towards Dorchester, and the other Northward from End
Brooke. It is agreed that both these pastures shall not be fed
at once ; but that the time shall be ordered by us, in disposing
of it for tymes and seasons, till it be lotted out and fenced in
severalty.
** 14ly. May 16, 1636, It is agreed that after this day, wee
shall observe this rule, about dividing of planting ground and
meddowe, in all planting ground, to regard chiefly, persons
who are most apt to use such ground. And in all meddowe
and pasture, to regard chiefly cattel and estate, because estate
is like to be improved in cattel, and such ground is aptest for
their use. An yet wee agree that no person, that is master of
a lott, though he hath not cattel, shall have less than three
akers of planting ground, and none that have cowes, steeres,
or year olds, shall have under one aker apiece, and all horses
not less than four akers, and this order in dividing meddowe
by cattel, to take place the last of May next, so that all cat-
tayle that then appeare, and all estates that shall then truly
appeare at 20, a cowe shall have this proportion in the med-
dowe, on the Agawam side, and in the large meddowe Ma-
sacksick, and in the other long meddowe called Nayas, and in
the pasture at the north end of the towne called End Brooke.
" 15ly. It is ordered that for the disposinge of the hasseky
marish and the granting of home lotts, these five men under-
AGREEMENT OF THE SETTLERS. 27
named, or theyre Deputyes are appointed to have full power,
namely Mr. Pynchon, Mr. Michell, Jehue Burr, William Blake,
Henry Smith.
" It is ordered that William Blake shall have sixteen polle
in bredth for his home lott and all the marish in bredth abut-
tinge at the end of it to the next highland, and three ackers
more in some other place.
"Next the lott of William Blake northward lys the lott of
Thomas Woodford, being twelve polles broade and all the
marish before it to the upland. Next the lott of Thomas
Woodford, lys the lott of Thomas Ufford, beinge fourteen rod
broade, and all the marish before it to the upland. Next the
lott of Thomas Ufford, lys the lot! of Henry Smith, being
twenty rods in breadth and all the marish before it, and to run
up in the upland on the other side to make up his upland lott
ten akers.
u Next the lott of Henry Smith lyes the lott of Jehue Burr,
being twenty rods in bredih and all the marish in bredth abbut-
tinge at the end of it, and as much upland ground on the
other side as shall make up his lott ten akers. Next the lott
of Jehue Burr, lys the lott of Mr. William Pynchon, beinge
thirty rod in bredth and all the marish at the east end of it
and an addition at the further end of as much marish as shall
make the whole twenty four akers ; and as much upland ad-
joining as makes the former howse lott thirty akers, in all to-
gether fifty-foure akers.
" Next the lott of Mr. Pynchon lys the lott of John Cabel
fourteene rod in bredth and four akers and halfe of marish at
the end of the lott. Next the lott of John Cabel, lys the lott
of John Reader, beinge twelve rod in bredth, and four akers
and halfe of marish at the forend of his homelott
" The lotts of Mr. Matthew Mitchell, Samuel Butterfield,
Edmund Wood, and James Wood, are ordered to lye, adjoin-
ing to mill brooke, the whole being to the number of twenty-
Jive akers, to begin three of them, on the greate river and the
fourthe on the other side of the same river.
'' Tt is ordered that for all highways that shall be thought
necessary by the five men above named, they shall have lib-
erty and power, to lay them out when they shall see meete,
though it be at the end of mens lotts, giving them allowance
for so much ground.
' We testifie to the order above said, being all of the first
adventurers and undertakers ior this Plantation.
''William Pynchon, Nath. Michell, Henry Smith, The mark
/of Jehue Burr, William Blake. Edmund Wood, The mark
T of Thomas Ufford, John Cabel.''
28 SETTLEMENT OP SPRINGFIELD.
The absorbing and controlling character of the religious
faith of these men is witnessed in the opening terms of
their agreement. They were by " God's Providence in-
gaged together to make a plantation," and by the very first
article of their covenant they intended " by God's grace to
procure some godly and faithful minister," with whom to
join in church covenant, "to walk in all the ways of
Christ." The allotments of land were divided by lines
running from the river to and upon the Hill, each contain-
ing a home-lot bordering the river, each a portion of the
" hasseky marish," or meadow, lying between the home-lots
and the hill, while the latter constituted the wood-lots. Of
the immediate action of the settlers, in the erection of their
dwellings, there is no record. It was the season for plant-
ing, and, doubtless, the labor of the field was mingled with
the arrangement for temporary shelter. Before another
Winter arrived, they were housed. Probably no framed
dwellings were put up during the season, but the first one
ere*cted was by Mr. Pynchon, and the facts of his wealth
and importance favor the presumption that it was built at
an early date in the settlement.
It is a singular fact, in the history of the early settle-
ment of the Connecticut Valley, that not one of the twelve,
to whom were made the original allotments of land in
Springfield, died there. Blake, Ufford, Mitchell, the two
Woods, Reader, Butterfield and Cable, (or Cabel) gave up
or sold their allotments to the company. Burr remained but
a short time, and then removed to Connecticut. Pynchon
and Smith died in England, as will hereafter be more par-
ticularly noticed. The original allotments being so univer-
sally broken up, the actual settlement was made on a dif-
ferent basis. The lots, running as before, were reduced in
width, and the necessity of limiting the population to " fifty
families, rich and poore," was obviated. Allotments were
also made on the West side of the river to each man, as
nearly opposite as possible to his lot on the East side.
Immediately after the allotments were made, other settlers
arrived, though probably in no considerable numbers, and
then, as a measure of security to themselves and of justice
to the Indians, who held from Nature their unwritten title
to the lands in occupation, they set about a formal purchase
of the same. The deed conveying these lands was the first
FIRST INDIAN DEED. 29
ever executed in Western Massachusetts, and is now on
record at the Registry of Deeds in Hampden County. It
conveys the lands on both sides of the river to " William
Pynchon Esq., Mr. Henry Smith, (his son-in-law,) and
Jehu Burr, and their heirs and associates." It is as fol-
lows :
" AGUAM, alias AGAWAM : this fifteenth clay of July, 1636.
" It is agreed between Commucke and Matanchan, ancient
Indians of Aguam, for and in the name of all the other In-
dians, and in particular for and in ye name of Cuttonas, the
right owner of Aguam & Quana, and in the name of his
mother Kewenusk, the Tamasham or wife of Wenawis, &
Niarum, the wife of Coa, to and With William Pynchon.
Henry Smith and Jehu Burr, their heirs and associates foreverj
to trucke and sel al that ground and muckeosquittaj or medow
Accomsick, viz : on the other side of Quana ; & al the ground
& muckeosquittaj on the side of Aguam, except Cottinack-
eesh, or ground that is now planted, for ten fathom of Wam-
pum, Ten Coates, Ten howes, Ten hatchets and Ten knifes ;
and also the said ancient Indians, with the consent of the
rest, and in particular with the consent of Plenis & Wrutherna
& Napompenam do trucke and sel to William Pynchon.
Henry Smith and Jehu Burr and their successors forever, al
that ground on the East side of Quinnecticot River called
Vsquaiok & Nayasset, reaching: about four or five miles in
length from the North end of Massaksicke up to Chickuppe
River for four fathom of Wampum, four coates, four Howes,
four hatchets, four knifes : also the said ancient Indians doe
with the consent of the other Indians, & in particular with
the consent of Machetuhood, Wenepawin & Mohemoos, trucke
and sel the ground & muckeosquittaj & grounds adjoining,
called Masacksicke, for four fathom of wampum, four coates,
four hatchets & four howes & four knifes.
" And the said Pynchon hath in hand paid the said eight-
een fathom of Wampum, eighteen coates, 18 hatchets, 18
howes, 18 knifes, to the said Commucke & Matanchan, & doth
further condition with the s'd Indians that they shal have &
enjoy all that Cottinackeesh, or ground that is now planted ;
And have liberty to take Fish and Deer, ground-nuts, walnuts,
akornes & Sasachimosh, or a kind of pease. And also if any
ye cattle spoile their come, to pay as it is worth ; & that hogs
shall not goe on the side of Aguam but in akorne time : Also
the said Pynchon doth give to Wrutherna two coates over and
above the said particulars expressed, and in Witness hereof
the two said Indians & the rest, doe set to their hands, this
present 15th Day of July, 1636."
3*
30 SETTLEMENT OP SPRINGFIELD.
This deed is signed by thirteen Indians by their
" markes," which present a great variety of designs. The
names are as follow : Menis, Kemic, Messai, alias Nepi-
nam, Winnepawin, Machetuhood, Commuk, Macossak, We-
nawis, Cuttonus, Matanchan, Wrutherna, Coa : Kokuinek.
The witnesses to this deed are John Allen, Joseph Parsons,
Richard Everet, Thomas Horton, Faithful Thayeler, John
Cownes and A. Haughton. Everet, Cownes and Haughton
made their marks. It will be noticed that riot one of the
witnesses to the signatures of this deed were among those
who received the original allotments, thus demonstrating
the accession to the number of settlers, who, probably, took
the place of the majority of the first company, of whose
stay for any considerable length of time there is no evi-
dence. The land designated in the deed as Quana is
the middle meadow, adjoining Agawam meadow. Us-
quaiok is Mill River and the lands adjoining it. Nayasset
is " the three corner meadow and land adjoining, extending
Northerly to Chicopee River." Massaksicke is the " long
meadow," and now bears the latter name as a town.
In the excitements and perplexities of an early settle-
ment, the people did not forget the leading purpose of their
lives. In 1637, the year following the settlement, they se-
cured the services of Rev. George Moxon, and under him
was formed a church, although a meeting house was not
commenced until nine years later. Of Mr Moxon we have
no description, further than that he had received Episcopal
ordination in England, though Johnson, in his " Wonder-
working-Providence," touches poetically upon his personal
characteristics, in the following lines, commencing a horta-
tory apostrophe :
(f A's thou with strong and able parts art made,
Thy person stout, with toyl and labor shall, '
With help of Christ, through difficulties wade," &c.
In 1637, Mr. Moxon was made a freeman at Boston, and
the next year he was appointed a deputy to go to Hart-
ford, Agawam uniting in jurisdiction with the settlements
in Connecticut, for two or three years, until it was ascer-
tained that the plantation was, without doubt, within the
boundaries of the Massachusetts patent. In 1639, a house
was built for him by a voluntary assessment, and he en-
DESTRUCTION OP THE PEQUOTS. 81
joyed a salary, at first, of forty pounds a year. "Whether
he was " passing rich " on that sum, is doubtful.
In 1637, occurred the first of a series of difficulties with
the Indians that, in long subsequent years, resulted in the
destruction or banishment of all the tribes on the Connecti-
cut River. In the South-Eastern part of Connecticut,
lived the Pequots, a chivalrous and daring tribe, under
Sassacus, a fearless and implacable chief. Not participat-
ing in the friendly feelings which the Connecticut River
Indians exhibited towards the settlers, he looked upon them,
as intruders, and, stimulated by difficulties he had already
encountered from the authorities in Eastern Massachusetts,
he determined to drive every white settler from the Con-
necticut. The first hostilities were made in the vicinity of
the English fort at Saybrook, at the mouth of the river,
where they killed stragglers and kept the garrison in a con-
stant state of alarm. In the Spring of 1 637, a demonstra-
tion occurred further up the river, at Wethersfield, where
nine men, going to work in the fields, were killed, and two
women taken prisoners. The Connecticut settlers then
went into active preparation for war, and, with a force of
ninety men, and a large number of Indian allies, the ever
memorable expedition against the Pequots was made under
Capt. Mason of Windsor. The Massachusetts and Plym-
outh colonies ordered 250 men to be raised for their as-
sistance, but they did not arrive upon the ground in time
for the first decisive action. It was a movement of im-
mense moment to the settlers, for on its issue depended
their future destiny. With an intrepidity far beyond that
of their Indian allies, who forsook them as they entered
the Pequot country, the daring little band penetrated to
their fort on the Mystic River, and, on the morning of the
27th of May, surprised them. In one short hour the whole
encampment within the fort was a heap of smoking ruins,
and five or six hundred Pequots men, women and chil-
dren were shot, hewn down, or burnt to death. It was
one of the most terrible scenes ever enacted in border war-
fare. The loss on the English side was but trifling, only
two men having been killed. The expedition achieved a
safe return, and on arriving at their plantations, were re-
ceived with every possible demonstration of joy. Dr.
Trumbull says that "every family and every worship-
32 SETTLEMENT OF SPRINGFIELD.
ping assembly spake the language of praise and thanks-
giving."
Agawam was assessed with the towns in Connecticut for
its portion of the expenses of the Pequot war, to the
amount of 8G IGs., and required to furnish seven men.
Beyond the statement of Trumbull, to the effect that Aga-
wam did not furaish^the troops, but paid the assessment,
there is not a particle of evidence that either men or money
were furnished. The Springfield records make no allusion
to the fact whatever. The Winter following the expedition
was long and severe, and the diversion of such a number
of men, and such an amount of attention, from the duties
of the field, so reduced the- aggregate of production that
all the towns upon the river were in want. Mr. Pynchon
was applied to for assistance, but unsuccessfully, he being
neither able to furnish it from the Agawam plantation nor
from the Indians. Famine stared them in the face, and as
Spring opened, Capt. Mason, with two companions, set off
in search of food, and proved himself as efficient in com-
merce as in war. Passing up the Connecticut as far as
Pocomtuck,- (now Deerfield,) he there succeeded in pur-
chasing of the friendly 'Indians a large amount of corn, to
be delivered at the plantations. Such a fleet the waters of
the Connecticut never bore before shall never bear again.
A fleet of fifty canoes, each laden with corn, and propelled
by the red man's oar, passed down the silent stream. It
was a scene for the painter, as those crouching forms bent
to their labor, leaving behind them long lines of thread-like
wake, or paused upon their oars to exchange salutations
with, and explain their errand to, their dusky brethren,
who, with curiosity or apprehension, gathered here and
there upon the banks. They all arrived at their destina-
tion, and the joy with which they were received by the
half-starved settlers in Connecticut may easily be imagined.
Incidental allusion has been made to the political con-
nection of the settlement at Agawam with the new planta-
tions on the Connecticut, below. All these settlements
Wethersfield, Hartford, Windsor and Agawam being far
from the Colonial seat of Government, were united under
a joint commission, and at a Court holden at Hartford, in
November, 1636, Mr. Pynchon was present among the
magistrates. Mr. Pynchon was also present at the Court
Ort
THE FIRST LOCAL MAGISTRACY. 83
in 1637, and, in the following year, Rev. George Moxon
and Jehu Burr were appointed " Committys for the general
Court to be holden at Hartford." This was the last that
Agawam had to do with the settlements in Connecticut.
On the 14th of February, 1638, the Agawam settlers had
become satisfied that they were within Massachusetts, and
being without any government, they came to a voluntary
agreement, and chose Wm. Pynchon to be their magistrate.
This agreement occupies the second page of the Pynchon
Book of Records, in Mr. Pynchon's hand writing. The
book is still extant, and in good preservation ; and the pen-
manship, though ancient in style, is of the best execution.
The document follows :
"February the 14/&, 1638 Wee the inhabitants of Aguam,
uppon the Quinnectticot, taking into consideration the mani-
fould inconveniences that may tall uppon us for want of some
fit magistracy among us : Beinge nowe by God's Providence
fallen into the line of the Massachusette jurisdiction ; and it
being farr of to repayre thither in such cases of iustice as may
often fall out among us, doe therefore thinke it meett, by a
generall consent and vote, to ordaine (till we receive further
directions from the General Court in the Massachusett Bay)
Mr. Wm. Pynchon to execute the office of a magistrate in this
our plantation of Aguarn, viz : to give oaths to constables or
military officers, to direct warrants, both processes, executions
and attachments, to heare and examine misdemenors, to de-
pose witnesses and upon proof of misdemenor to inflict cor-
poral punishment as whipping, stockinge, byndinge to the
peace or good behavior, and in some cases to require sureties,
and, if the offence require it, to commit to prison, and in default
of a common prison, to commit delinquents to the charge of
some fit person or persons till iustice may be satisfied. Also
in the tryall of actions, for debt or trespass, to give oaths, di-
rect juries, depose witnesses, take verdicts, and keep records
of verdicts, judgments and executions, and whatever else may
tend to the kinge peace, and the manifestation of our fidelity
to the Bay jurisdiction, and the restraining of any that violate
God's laws, or lastly, whatever else may fall within the power
of an assistant in the Massachusett.
" It is also agreed uppon by a mutuall consent that in case
any action of dett or trespasse to be tryed, seeing a jury of
twelve fit persons cannot be had at present among us, that six
persons shall be esteemed a good and sufficient jury to try
any action under the sum of ten pounds, till we see cause to
the contrary, and by common consent shall alter this number
34 SETTLEMENT OP SPRINGFIELD.
of jurors, or shall be otherwise directed by the general court
in the Massachusetts."
The General Court subsequently approved of these pip-
ceedings,.and confirmed Mr. Pynchon in his office. Mr.
Pynchon, who, previous to his removal from Roxbury, had
been Treasurer of the Colony, and a magistrate during his
residence there, was re-chosen assistant in 1643, a position
which he held by annual election until 1650.
The settlement at Agawam was now more alone and
self-dependent than ever, but it had become stronger also,
and had given evidence of the wisdom of its councils by
the admirable act which has been recorded. On the 14th
of April, 1640, the inhabitants, being assembled in general
town meeting, changed the name of their plantation from
Agawam to Springfield, as a compliment to Mr. Pynchon,
who resided in a town of that name before his removal
from England; though the common idea, that the new
name originated in the plentifulness of springs with which
the place was favored, is a natural one. The date of its
incorporation, as a town, is not known. In fact, it is doubt-
ful whether it was ever incorporated. Felt, in his " Sta-
tistics," says that the common date of its incorporation was
March, 1645. There is nothing upon the records to indi-
cate this year, and the whole matter is left in uncertainty.
The place was recognized in the General Court as a town
by the name of Springfield, in 1641, and if any formalities
equivalent to incorporation were had in the case, it was
doubtless previous to that tune, or between that time and
the town vote alluded to. About this time, the people of
Connecticut purchased Woronoco, embracing probably all
of the present town of Westfield, and begun a plantation
there. Holmes says that Governor Hopkins of Connecti-
cut erected a trading house there, and had considerable in-
terest in the plantation. It was claimed as being within
the patent of Connecticut, and the claim in subsequent
years gave rise to a long and bitter controversy, the Massa-
chusetts General Court, in 1647, ordering Woronoco, in-
cluding portions of the towns of Suffield, Westfield and
Southwick, " to be a part of the town of Springfield, and
liable to pay charges there."
The people of young Springfield were not without sub-
jects of excitement. In 1635, John Winthrop, son of the
SAYBROOK FORT. 35
Governor of Massachusetts, arrived from England, bring-
ing a commission from Lord Say and Lord Brook and
others, to be Governor in Connecticut. He brought with
him the armament of a fort, and 2,000 sterling to build
it with. This fort, of which incidental mention has already
been made, was built, and named Saybrook Fort, after Lords
Say and Brook. This interfered with the possessions of
the Windsor, Wethersfield and Hartford settlers from Mas-
sachusetts Bay, but, for the sake of peace, they were not
disturbed. They were, however, with Springfield, laid un-
der contributions for the support of the fort, all vessels
l>aing up the river being required to pay toll. The set-
tlers in Connecticut who, perhaps, had some apprehensions
that, they might be disturbed in their possessions, if they
refused, paid the toll. Springfield would do no such thing,
and out of this refusal grew the most serious controversy
that ever occurred between the two Colonies. The Con-
necticut authorities becoming determined to enforce pay-
ment, Springfield appealed for protection to the General
Court of Massachusetts Bay, and the General Court sided
with them, and assumed their quarrel. During a series of
years, the Connecticut settlements on the river had gov-
erned themselves independently of the Saybrook govern-
ment, and when, in 1644, they purchased the fort, they
purchased with it the claim against Springfield for the tolls
that had accrued, and presented it for liquidation. This
claim was long the subject of discussion by the Commis-
sioners of the United Colonies, and when, at last, the Com-
missioners (those of Massachusetts not acting) decided that
the claim was just, Springfield again refused payment.
Then Massachusetts, as a measure of retaliation, or for the
purpose of giving a practical demonstration of the injustice
of the claim, tried the toll system upon all vessels of the
colonies entering the harbor of Boston. This measure cre-
ated immense disturbance, and came near breaking up the
union of the colonies. But common danger heals many
ilitliculties, as it did in this case. More serious matters ni-
tracted attention, and the claim of Connecticut upon the
town of Springfield, somewhat the worse for the wear of
two centuries, remains unadjusted to this day.
The boundaries of Springfield, indefinite from the first,
were enlarged from time to time, until thev included por-
86 SETTLEMENT OP SPRINGFIELD.
tions of Westfield and Southwick, the whole of West
Springfield, the present territory of Springfield, Chicopee,
Wilbraham, Ludlow and Longmeadow, and Enfield and
Somers in Connecticut, all of which were, in the progress
of settlement and growth, erected into separate towns.
Enfield, Somers and Suffield were adjudged to belong to
Connecticut by Commissioners appointed in 1713.
It is difficult to trace the course of justice during the
magistracy of Mr. Pynchon, through the ancient glyphics
contained in his book of records. He had a good many
grievances to adjust, and no one seems to have been in hot
water more frequently than "Jo. Woodcock," as he is
styled. It will be remembered that he was engaged in the
first case with Cable. Afterwards, Rev. Mr. Moxon com-
plained of him for slander, Woodcock having accused the
reverend gentleman of taking a false oath against him at
Hartford. Mr. Moxon claimed 9 19s damages, and
Woodcock being found guilty, 6 13s was awarded. We
next find him engaged in a long and somewhat complicated
suit, in which Henry Gregory was the party of the other
part, and in which a " pigge " and a " hogge " played prom-
inent accompaniments. Then John Woodcock commenced
an action against Henry Gregory for slander. Two or
three days after this, " John Searles, constable of Spring-
field," was required by the magistrate " to attach the body
of John Woodcock, uppon an execution granted to Mr.
George Moxon," the damages to whose reputation Wood-
cock had failed to satisfy, in accordance with the verdict of
the jury. Following this up closely, Robert Ashley com-
plained of John Woodcock for not delivering to him a
" gunn," which the plaintiff had purchased of him, and for
which he had paid 22s 6d. At the same time, Ashley
complained that Woodcock had not broken up a piece of
ground for him " according to bargaine." In short, John
Woodcock had rather a lively time of it, and had the op-
portunity of proving that human nature, two centuries ago,
was much the same as now. All or most of these cases
were tried by a jury of six men.
Mr. Pynchon, who was alike the ruling spirit and the
good genius of Springfield, was largely engaged in the
beaver trade, and, besides his duties as magistrate, was oc-
cupied in all the concerns of the settlement. Notwith-
MR. PYNCHON'S HERETICAL BOOK. 37
standing this, lie found time to write a book. It was a re-
ligious book, and in its fatal pages were contained the seeds
of sorrow and disturbance ; and in the movements that fol-
lowed its publication, are strikingly exemplified the promi-
nence given to religious doctrine by our well meaning
ancestors, and the small estimate placed upon a consistent
Christian life, when considered in connection with such
doctrine. Those movements exhibit also the perfect iden-
tification of church and State that then existed. The
union of religion and government was something more than
the union of individual systems it was an interfusion of
law and gospel, covenant and constitution, church and
chancery, magistracy and ministry. Mr. Pynchon, though
strict in the discharge of his magisterial, social and Chris-
tian duties, gave utterance in his book to some opinions
that were not considered orthodox by the authorities of
Massachusetts Bay. The book was published in England,
and in the Summer of 1650, copies were received in Bos-
ton, where they gave rise to the strongest feeling. Endi-
cott was then Governor of the Colony, and Dudley was his
second in authority. They were men of ultra soundness
of iith, and, with the other leading men of the colony, de-
nounced the doctrines of the book as heretical. The clergy
unitedly joined their denunciations, and declared the work
to be calculated to subvert the faith of the churches. The
General. Court took fire under this alarming state of things,
and summoned the old man who had dared to think, and
publish what he thought, before them, to answer for his
crime. He was deposed from the magistracy by that au-
gust body, and Mr. Norton of Ipswich was appointed to
write an answer to the book ; and then, still further to
carry out their ends, they ordered the book to be publicly
burnt in Boston Market, and the sentence was fully exe-
cuted ! Cotton Mather, in his account of the life of John
Norton, does not call Mr. Pynchon by name, but speaks of
him as " a gentleman of New England who had written a
book, entitled The Meritorious price of Man's Redemption^
wherein lie attempts to prove that Christ suffered not for
us those unutterable torments of God's wrath which are
commonly called hell-torments, to redeem our souls from
them ; and that Christ bore not our sins by God's impu-
tation, and therefore also did not bear the curse of the law
4
38 SETTLEMENT OF SPRINGFIELD.
for them." This gives the subject and the drift of Mr.
Pynchon's book.
The General Court were not content with the humilia-
tion they had visited upon the daring book-maker, in de-
posing him from his office, and by the aid of John Norton
and fire, annihilating his book ; but they earnestly requested
the ministers to labor with him, for the purpose of con-
vincing him of his error, and of bringing him to the act of
its recantation. The effect of this public condemnation
and humiliation, and the labors of the divines could not
but have an effect upon the conscientious mind of Pynchon ;
and, whether convinced against his will or otherwise, it is
recorded that the zealots accomplished their end, and that
he recanted. It is impossible, at this time, to look back
upon such proceedings with any degree of complacency.
They cannot but be regarded as the veriest exhibitions of
tyrannical bigotry. Here was a man who had left home
and friends for the sake of enjoying his religion, had been
among the foremost in the councils of the colony, had
planted two settlements the last one in the midst of
the wilderness had borne more than his share in the dan-
gers, toils and responsibilities of the Massachusetts colony,
and had, through all, maintained a Christian character se-
cure beyond the charge of inconsistency or taint, cut off
from influence and power, publicly condemned and publicly
insulted, for giving utterance to a doctrine in religion at
variance in nice points with the doctrines generaily held
by the churches and the General Court. Though Mr.
Pynchon recanted, it is not to be doubted that these facts
and considerations weighed upon his mind in all their in-
justice, and influenced him in his decision to return to Eng-
land, and there spend the remainder of his days a de-
cision which he carried into effect in 1652. This lesson of
intolerance, drawn from the history of the fathers of the
State, should be improved by their descendents. Unedu-
cated conscience and conscientious ignorance are the only
apology that can be offered for those who thus trampled
upon the very liberty for the acquisition and enjoyment of
which they had planted themselves in the wilderness.
That Mr. Pynchon was convinced of his alleged errors
against his will, and that one of his motives for returning
to England was that he might enjoy that freedom of reli-
MR. PYNCHON GOES TO ENGLAND. 89
gious opinion denied him here, is evident from his subse-
quent action. In 1655, his book was issued in a new
edition in London, by Thomas Newberry, with additions,
in which Mr. Norton's book was dissected " by William
Pynchon Esq., late of New England." The venerable
controversialist endeavored in his new edition to " clear
several Scriptures of the greatest note in these controver-
sies from Mr. Norton's corrupt exposition," and fully reiter-
ated all his former opinions. This book is very elaborate,
covering 440 pages quarto a favorite form in those days
and its leading doctrine, as stated on its title page, and as
given by Cotton Mather, is one which has been universally
adopted by the orthodox Christianity of later days. The
writer's sin consisted in being in advance of his age hap-
pily one of those sins which posterity does not consider
damnable beyond forgiveness. This antiquated volume, in
a most honorable binding, now reposes in the Harvard
College library, and pasted upon the inner side of the
cover are the following words : " Ex Dono Reverendi Ed-
vardi Holyoke Prcesidis Pronepotis Materni, Authoris
1764-69." The donor was a descendent of Elizur Hol-
yoke and of Mr. Pynchon, the former of whom, very prob-
ably, once owned the book, for, by the side of it, in the
same style of printing and binding, is another work by
William Pynchon, on "the Sabbath," containing "Elizur
Holyoke, his book" in his own excellent hand writing.
This book was presented by the donor of the other. The
second book covers nearly 300 pages, and both show the
author to have been a good writer and a very able theolo-
gian. One of the doctrines put forward by Mr. Pynchon
in regard to the Sabbath, is, " that the Lord's day doth be-
*. r in with the natural morning, and that the morning of the
natural day doth begin at midnight, and so consequently
that the Lord's Day must begin both with the natural
morning at midnight, and end with the natural evening at
midnight." In this he was even in advance of many of
the later dwellers of the Valley, who to this day observe
Saturday night as holy time.
Mr. Pynchon was accompanied on his return to Eng-
land by Mr. Moxon, the minister at Springfield, and by his
son-in-law, Henry Smith, who had, in the meantime, been
appointed to the magistracy in Pynchon's stead. Neither
40 SETTLEMENT OF SPRINGFIELD.
of the three ever returned to America. The causes of Mr.
Moxon's removal are not known, but they were doubtless
connected, in some measure, with Mr. Pynchon's adversi-
ties. It has been conjectured by some that he sympathized
with Mr. Pynchon's views, and was either disgusted or
alarmed at the treatment he had received. That these two
men were on the most intimate terms, is presumable from
their position the one the leader in civil matters, the
other in religious. That the book was written without Mr.
Moxon's knowledge is not probable. That it was sent off
for publication under his condemnation, is not likely. But
another cause for his removal has been assigned, which
carries upon its face a strong look of probability, and which
renders it necessary to return to somewhat earlier history.
Springfield, the first of all the towns of New England,
was visited by witchcraft. This occurred sometime during
the year 1645. The minister's family was, very naturally,
the object of the Devil's malice, and, accordingly, Mr. Mox-
on's children were "affected mysteriously by an unseen
hand." At that time, and in New England, almost every-
body believed in witchcraft, for the bigotry that produces
intolerance is the hot-bed of superstition. This case of
witchcraft was, of course, the constant theme of gossip and
speculation, and undoubtedly for it was in accordance
with the spirit of the times of public and private prayer.
It made an uncomfortable and suspicious neighborhood.
Friends suspected each other of having made a league with
the devil, and of tormenting the children. These children
were in a miserable plight. They were distressed with
fits, and all those torments which characterized the subse-
quent operations of witches in the Eastern part of the col-
ony, and which are connected with the blackest and blood-
iest page in the annals of New England delusions. The
case must have been sowing its poison in the settlement for
some years when, according to the Pynchon Record Book,
" the widdow Marshfield complained against Mary H., wife
of Hugh Parsons of Springfield, for reporting her to be
suspected for a witch, and she produced Jo. Matthews and
his wife for her witnesses." Goody Parsons had her trial
for this singular slander, was found guilty, and sentenced
to be " well whipped with 20 lashes by the Constable."
This Goody Parsons was a poor, nervous creature, and
ARREST FOR WITCHCRAFT. 41
subject to fits of insanity, and may have been instigated to
make the report against Mrs. Marshfield, from finding sus-
picion directed against herself; for subsequently, certainly,
if not before, she was publicly charged with afflicting Mr.
Moxon's children. In March, 1651, while in a state of
pnrtiul insanity, she murdered her infant child, and this
was enough, in the minds of the people of the town, to
confirm all their suspicions. The unfortunate creature was
arrested, conveyed to Boston, and imprisoned to await her
trial on the double charge of witchcraft and murder.
Previous to this, one poor woman, Margaret Jones of
Charlestown, had been tried for witchcralt, and executed.
Goody Parsons, on arriving at Boston, was found to be
so very sick that it was feared she would die in prison,
yet, notwithstanding this, she was brought into Court then
in session, and arraigned on the charge of having " made
a league with a familiar spirit to hurt Martha and Rebekah
Moxon." It is a pleasure to record that she had the sense
beyond some of the victims of her tunes, to plead not
guilty, and that she was acquitted. She plead guilty to
the charge of murdering her child, and received sentence
of death. Probably on account of her sickness, her exe-
cution was postponed to the last of May, and she doubtless
died in prison, as no further mention is made of her. But
this did not put an end to the matter. Hugh Parsons, her
husband, after all the trials arising from the infirmities of
his wife, and her sad end, w r as himself charged with witch-
craft in the following year, and found guilty by the jury
before which he was tried. The magistrate did not con-
sent to the verdict, and the matter being brought before the
General Court, that body found that he was " not legally
guilty," and discharged him.
It is not strange that Mr. Moxon, in view of the depart-
ure of Mr. Pynchon, and with a pair of bewitched children
on his hands, whose tormentors he was not able to bring to
justice, should conclude to leave the country, and return to
his home. His determination having been made known,
the town purchased his real estate, and appropriated it for
the use of the ministry. Mr. Moxon lived in England un-
til 1687, when he died, out of the ministry, and in poverty.
"With him and his children witchcraft departed from
Springfield. Mr. Pynchon died in England, Oct. 29th,
4*
42 SETTLEMENT OF SPRINGFIELD.
1661, at the age of 72 years, having survived his return
but about nine years ; but his memory will be held in high
honor here on the ground of his old trials, and the theater
of his efforts, where he won from wild men and the wilder-
ness the beautiful region of the Connecticut Valley. He
left behind liim in this country four children John Pyn-
chon, who was destined to play even a more important part
in the history of Western Massachusetts than his father,
the wife of Henry Smith ; Mary, the wife of Capt. Elizur
Holyoke, and Margaret, the wife of William Davis of Bos-
ton, who the very year that his father-in-law returned to
England, was elected, though a non-resident, as a deputy
to represent Springfield in the General Court. He was
repeatedly elected to the same office in after years, as were
also John Pynchon, Henry Smith and Elizur Holyoke, and
thus did Springfield honor the old man in the persons of
his children.
And now, the affairs of the still tender settlement opened
under new auspices. On the departure of Pynchon and
Smith for England, the General Court appointed John
Pynchon, Elizur Holyoke and Samuel Chapin the latter
being " the ancestor of all of that name in New England "
as a board of magistracy in Springfield. This board re-
mained without modification of constituents or authority
until, in 1658, further settlements on the river had made a
change necessary. A copy of the Commission issued to
these gentlemen is preserved in the Pynchon Book of
Records, as also a copy of their oath, in which they " swear
by ye Living God that they will truly endeavor to their
best abilitys, in the place, according to the laws of God
and this Commonwealth." The Commission gave them
authority to govern the inhabitants of Springfield, and to
hear and determine all cases, both civil and criminal, " that
reach not to life, limbs or banishment." This board intro-
duced system into its operations, and assumed the dignity
of an important legal tribunal. The first Thursday in
March and the first in September were appointed as regu-
lar Court days. The first cases considered by this board
will show somewhat the nature and spirit of the regulations
and laws which prevailed. Reice Bedortha and Benja.
Mun were presented by Richard Sikes, the town " pre-
senter," " ffor taking of tobacco on, (each) his hay-cock."
PUNISHMENT FOB LEWDNESS. 43
It seems that the fees of the presenter, and his incentive to
diligence, consisted of half of whatever fines should be
imposed in cases of conviction. In these cases, he re-
leased his proportion, and they were let off with a propor-
tionately small fine. Margarite Joanes was fined five
shillings for the breach of a town order. Deacon Chapin
and Widow Bliss, with others, were fined one shilling each
for a breach of town orders. In 1654, we come to the
record of more serious cases. One Samuel Wright Jr.,
was charged with the paternity of Mary Burt's illegitimate
child, and being tried, was found guilty, by a full jury of
twelve men. He was sentenced " for his evill behavior
therein, to be whipped with 12 strypes on the naked body,
well layd on, and to pay the charges of the Court, and to-
wards the mayntenance of the said child to pay after the
rate of one shilling four pence per week, making payment
every month during the term of seaven yeares, and at the
end of seaven yeares to pay fforty shillings towards the put-
ting forth of the said child to be an apprentice." Mary
Burt, also, " for her great wickedness," was " adjudged to
be whipped on ye naked body with 1 2 stripes well laid
on " a very questionable way, certainly, of punishing a
crime of that character. Poor Mary was sentenced to
receive 20 stripes more for another offense of the same
character, unless she should " redeem " her second whipping
by the payment of thirty shillings, which she managed to
do. But for the first crime, " she received her punish-
ment."
The place vacated by Mr. Moxon was not readily filled,
and for nine years the people were without a settled min-
ister. For brief periods during this time, they enjoyed
the ministrations respectively of Mr. Hosford, Mr. Thomp-
son and Mr. Hooker, son of Rev. Thomas Hooker of Hart-
ford, whom Cotton Mather denominates " the light of the
Western churches." In the intervals of their labors, men
were appointed by vote, in town meeting, from among their
own number, to lead every Sabbath in public worship.
Deacon Wright was voted fifty shillings per month for the
service. Deacon Chapin, Mr. Holyoke and Henry Burt,
also received payment for the performance of the same
duty, and Mr.. Pynchon occasionally instructed the people
on the Sabbath, " sometimes by reading notes, and some-
44 SETTLEMENT OP SPRINGFIELD.
times by his own meditations." In 1661, the inhabitants
succeeded in procuring the permanent settlement of Rev.
Pchitiah Glover, a man of fine talents,, fine attainments,
and ardent piety. His ministry was a long, and, in the
end, a prosperous one. He remained in Springfield more
than thirty years, and died March 29, 1692.
The incongruity of the ancient method of calling con-
gregations together on the Sabbath, with the spirit of the
day, is noticeable. John Matthews was hired by a vote of
the town to beat the drum half an hour before the com-
mencement of the morning service, beating it all the way
" from Mr. Moxon's to R. Stebbins' house," for which he
was to receive 4d. in wampum, from each family, or its
equivalent, a peck of Indian corn. How long this method
of announcing the hour for the solemn assembly continued,
does not appear, but it must have formed a unique sight
and sound for Sabbath morning. In 1660, the famous
" Pynchon House " was built by John Pynchon, and was
the first brick structure in the Valley. This building, after
surviving the perils of the Indian wars, and the changes of
nearly two centuries, was torn down in 1831 by his de-
scendants. Its picture is very appropriately preserved in
the seal of the city of Springfield.
CHAPTER III.
SETTLEMENT OP NORTHAMPTON AND HADLEY EREC-
TION OP HAMPSHIRE COUNTY.
It is not to be supposed that the fertile bottom lands on
the river North of Springfield remained unknown, or un-
appreciated. But population did not crowd, and adventure
was in a degree satisfied with the fields already won. In
1653, Nonotuck, a territory embracing the present towns
of Northampton, Southampton, Easthampton, Westhamp-
ton, and a part of Hatfield and Montgomery, was purchased
of the Indians, and conveyed by the deed of Wawhillowa,
Nenessahalant, Nassicohee and four other Indians, to John
Pynchon, Elizur Holyoke and Samuel Chapin, the Com-
missioners of Springfield. The settlement was commenced
in the following year, in the present town of Northamp-
ton, by twenty-one planters, principally from Springfield
and Windsor. The ancestors of those in the several
Hamptons who bear the names of Parsons, Wright, Steb-
bins, Burt, Bridgman, Edwards and Searle, were originally
from Springfield. The original petition for liberty to plant
and settle at Nonotuck was made by several planters who
represented to the General Court that " it was a place suit-
able to erect a town for the furtherance of the public weal,
and the propagating of the Gospel, and which promised,
in an ordinary way of God's Providence, a comfortable
subsistence whereby they might live and attend upon God
in his holy ordinances without distraction." At the same
time, the Springfield Commissioners presented a petition in
aid of this, stating that there was tillable ground sufficient
lor two large plantations. They declared that they had no
private ends to answer, but wished for liberty to erect the
plantations, " so that the glory of God might be furthered,
and the peace and happiness of the government not re-
tarded."
Liberty to plant was granted, and the purchase made as
stated. The territory sufficient for two large plantations,
indicated in the petition of the Springfield Commissioners,
46 SETTLEMENT OF NORTHAMPTON.
embraced the land on the opposite side of the river from
Northampton, now occupied by the town of Hadley. The
General Court appointed a committee to lay out both
plantations, but they reported when they had laid out but
one. This embraced the great meadow on the west side of
the river, and the little meadow " Capawonk," which they
described as lying about two miles above. The length on
the river was from the upper end of this little meadow,
" to the great falls down towards Springfield." Westward
from the river, the tract extended nine miles into the
woods. Rev. Solomon Williams, in a sermon delivered at
Northampton in 1815, mentions a tradition to the effect
that as early as 1652, an English family settled in that
town, on land which lies East of what is called Hawley-
street, a locality which the later inhabitants have but re-
cently come to regard as favorable for building spots, and
where new streets have been opened and elegant dwellings
erected. The entire price paid for this large and valuable
tract was 100 fathom of wampum, (strings of beads made
of shells and used by the Indians as money,) ten coats
some small gifts, " and ploughing up sixteen acres of land
on the East side of Quonnecticot river the ensuing Sum-
mer."
It is legitimately a matter of complacent reflection that,
as in Northampton and Springfield, so in all the early set-
tlements of New England, the right of the wild Indian to
his wild lands was recognized, and was always extinguished
by formal purchase. The price paid for the valuable lands
on the Connecticut was small, or, rather, seems small to
their present occupants and owners, but, when it is remem-
bered that they were made valuable to the settlers only by
patient cultivation, and that, with all the labor expended in
cultivation and defense, the owners were extremely poor
for many years, the price paid will appear to have been
sufficiently large. Subsequent to the purchase of Nono-
tuck, the Sachem Umpanchela complained that he had not
received his proportion of the proceeds, or, at least, as
much as he expected, and the inhabitants immediately
voted to satisfy him, and he executed a new deed of the
township.
The inhabitants of Northampton elected w r hat they de-
nominated "townsmen" in 1655 -one year after their set-
ALLOTMENTS OF LAND. 47
tlement officers answering to the present "selectmen,"
though probably clothed with somewhat more extended
powers. The town was probably incorporated the year
before. Springfield established and filled the same offices
some nine years previously, and, by a vote of the town,
their duties were " to direct in all the fundamental affairs
of the towne, to prevent everything which they shall judge
to be of damage to the towne, and to order anything which
they shall judge to be for the good of the towne. Also, to
hear complaints, to arbitrate controversies, to lay out high-
ways, to see to the scouring of the ditches and to the kill-
ing of wolves, and to the training up of the children in
their good ruling, or any other thing they shall judge to be
to the profit of the towne."
By a mutual agreement, made by the purchasers of
Nonotuck, in November, 1653, and, consequently, previous
to the permanent settlement, all who should go there to
settle should receive "every single man four acres of
meadow, besides the rest of his division, and every head of
a family six acres of meadow besides the rest of his divi-
sion." It was further agreed that the territory should be
allotted to the families according to their names, estates
and qualifications. It was also provided that the twenty
men who had paid for the land, and had borne its original
charges, should be entitled, in the aggregate, to one fourth
of the meadow, then estimated to be 800 acres. The
home-lots granted to the original settlers were located al-
most entirely on what now are known as Pleasant, King,
Market and Hawley streets. In the settlement at Nono-
tuck, as well as in that of Springfield, and, in fact, in all
the early settlements of the region, great value was at-
tached to meadow land, or interval. At that date, interval
was esteemed to be the only land that possessed more than
a nominal value. Particularly was this the case at North-
ampton, where meadow land abounded. Here, all other
land was very lightly esteemed, and this high estimate of
meadow land has been handed down from father to son,
until the present day; and no considerable farmer now
lives near the central portion of the town but is able to
boast of his meadow lots. Grants of house and meadow
lots were made to subsequent settlers, on condition that
they would occupy and cultivate them for four years ; and
48 SETTLEMENT OP NORTHAMPTON.
the fulfillment of this condition seems to have secured to
its observers rights equal to those of the original settlers.
The houses and barns built by the settlers were necessarily
of logs, and their cultivation was of those open patches
upon the meadow on which the Indians had planted their
corn and beans.
In the latter part of 1654, measures were instituted,
looking forward to the establishment of the Christian min-
istry, and for the meeting of Christian assemblies. This
was at a time when the families probably did not exceed
the number of twenty. William Holton, Joseph Lyman,
Joseph Parsons, John Lyman and Edward Elmore con-
tracted to build a meeting house, which was to be made of
" sawen timber," 26 feet long and 18 feet wide, for the sum
of 14 pounds sterling, to be paid in work or corn. The
contract designated the 15th of April, 1655, as the time
when the job was to be concluded. In this little edifice
meaner and more rude in its construction than any build-
ing now in the Valley the fathers of the town held their
solemn assemblies, offered up their united prayers, and put
forth their stern views of doctrine. Here, after the toils
of the week, in plain and carefully kept clothes, the saintly
heads of families, with their closely trained and solemn-
faced children, observed holy day. The imagination can-
not but revert to those occasions, with an admiration toned
down almost to holy reverence. There, in the midst of a
silent wilderness, the voice of prayer arose. The curious
Indian paused at the door, and was filled with awe as the
white man addressed the Great Spirit. Far away from
the busy haunts of men, they seemed, and felt nearer God
more alone with God than ever before. With rever-
ent joy they rejoiced in that blessed intimacy of com-
munion, and drew from it the strength they needed for the
trials and duties that formed the staple of their daily lives.
There not being a time-piece in the settlement, some mode
of calling worshipers together was rendered peculiarly
necessary. Whether the instrument used was a drum, as
in Springfield, or a more dignified instrument, is not known.
It may be stated that Rev. Rufus Pomeroy of Otis now
has in his possession a very large and sonorous " cow-bell,"
to which tradition assigns the honor of being the first in-
strument used in calling the settlers of Northampton to
CHUECH DISSENSIONS. 49
their worship. At a later date, Jedediah Strong had a
salary of eighteen shillings a year " for blowing the trump-
et." The purpose for which the trumpet was blown is not
stated in the record, but it is presumed that this was the
mode of announcing the hour of religious meetings. This
house was occupied for the purposes for which it was de-
signed, until about the year 1662, when a larger edifice
was erected, capable of accommodating an enlarged popu-
lation, and, in the following year, the old building was
probably converted into a school house.
There was disagreement, even in a church after this ul-
tra-primitive pattern. This disagreement afterwards pro-
ceeded so far that it was taken notice of by the General
Court. The difference of opinion touched particularly the
manner of conducting public worship, in the absence of a
minister. The Court decided " that, though some private
men may exercise their gifts, when there are such as are
known, able, approved and orthodox ; their best, safest, and
most peaceable way was to assemble all at one place, and
to spend their Sabbath together, besides praying and sing-
ing, in reading and repeating of known godly, orthodox
books and sermons." But the people did not long remain
without the regular ministrations of the Gospel. Their
destitute case and their want of a minister were made
known to the General Court, and the wish stated that Mr.
Eleazer Mather of Dorchester, (the term " Reverend " was
not much used in those days, and is often misapplied in the
present,) might become their spiritual leader. The Court
commended their condition to the reverend elders, and
their assistance was solicited in the matter. This was at
the May Court of 1658, and the Court subsequently
"judged it meet to declare that, in case God so inclined J;he
hearts of those who are concerned therein, and Mr. Mather
go unto Northampton, to minister unto the inhabitants
there in the things of God, they both approve thereof, and
shall be ready at all times to encourage him in that service,
as there shall be occasion, in whatsoever shall be rationally
and meetly expected." Mr. Mather accordingly went to
Northampton, and was ordained on the 18th of June, 1661,
about a month previous to the vote of the town to build a
new and more commodious meeting house. This gentle-
man, like a majority of the ministers of those days, was a
5
50 SETTLEMENT OF NORTHAMPTON.
man of learning. He was a graduate of Harvard College.
Cotton Mather says 'of him: "As he was a very zealous
preacher, and accordingly saw many seals of his ministry,
so also was he a very pious walker ; and as he grew near
the end of his days, he grew so remarkably ripe for heav-
en, that many observing persons did prognosticate his be-
ing not far from his end." He died on the 24th of June,
1669, at the early age of 32 ; and, as Mather says that he
labored at Northampton " eleven years in the vineyard of
our Lord," it would appear that he preached there three,
years before his ordination, or, from the date of the action
of the General Court concerning his settlement, already
recorded. The new meeting house, built at an early date
in his ministry, was erected near the site of the first one,
on what was known as " Meeting House Hill," and the
present large structure, now known as the " Old Church,"
is the fourth occupying the same locality.
At the May session of the General Court, 1655, and in
answer to a petition of the inhabitants of Northampton,
desiring ;the establishment of a Government among them,
William Holton, Thomas Bascom and Edward Elmore
were empowered to adjudicate all small causes, according
to law, being previously required to take their oaths of
office before Mr. Pynchon and Mr. Holyoke at Springfield.
Just three years later, it was ordered that there should be
two Courts held yearly by the Springfield and Northamp-
ton Commissioners, the Courts to be held alternately in
each place. The Court thus constituted had power to de-
termine " by jury or without, according to the liberty the
law allows in County Courts, all civil actions not exceed-
ing 20 damages, and all criminal Ceases not exceeding 5,
or corporeal punishment not exceeding ten stripes, reserv-
ing appeals in all such cases to the County Court at Bos-
ton." The Court were also empowered to grant licenses
for houses of public entertainment, and for the vending of
wine, cider and ardent spirits, to administer the freeman's
oath, to commit malefactors to prison, &c. Under this
commission, the first Court was held at Northampton, Sept.
28, 1658. Any four of this united Commission were com-
petent to hold a Court, and only Mr. Pynchon and Mr.
Holyoke were present from Springfield at the first session.
The next session was to be held at Springfield, and the
THE COURSE OF LAW. 51
Northampton Commissioners Mr. Holton, Arthur Wil-
liams and Richard Lyman accompanied by four jurymen
the largest number that could be called from one place
to another for service presented themselves, by certificate
of the Northampton constable, to be sworn. But it seems
that the people of Northampton were not satisfied of the
legal appointment of their Commissioners, and declared
that they were not even freemen in accordance with the
!a\vs of this Commonwealth. And, as the Pynchon Rec-
ord Book hath it, "therefore after the busyness was longe
debated, the result was that there could be no Corte Le-
gally kept here, without further orders from Superior Pow-
and soe the Assembly brake up."
It is a matter of amusement to look over the knotty
course of law in the cases that came before the authorities
at this period. Frequent among the complaints brought
forward was that of Sabbath breaking. Joseph Leonard
was complained of for misbehaving himself on the Sab-
bath day, playing, sporting and laughing, &c. In this case,
two witnesses testified that " last Sabbath day they saw
Joseph Leonard sporting and laughing in sermon tyme,
and that he did often formerly misbehave himselfe in the
same way." Another swore, " that on that Ld's day was
se'n-night, or Lord's day was fortnight, he saw Joseph
Leonard come to Sam Harmon at the meeting house dore*,
and beate of his hat, and then ran away, and afterwards
came to him again, and offered to kick at him, and run
away, and then S. Harmon ran after him." A female wit-
ness had seen Joseph and Sam " whip and whisk one an-
other with a stick before the meeting house, in sermon
tyme." Joseph was accordingly found in debt to the law
to the amount of five shillings. Daniel, a servant of
Thomas Merrick, of Springfield, for "idle watching about,
and not coming to the ordinances of the Lord," was ad-
< I to be worthy of stripes to the number of five, well
laid on. Actions for slander were not unfrequent. Abu-
sive or reproachful language was also a common cause of
complaint, while card-playing and keeping a house where
'nrd-plnyinj; was allowed, were offenses punished with con-
sideral)!' 1 lines. Kntire chastity by no means prevailed
among the early si -triers, as the records prove ; but oil
against this virtue were usually committed by the appren-
52 SETTLEMENT OF NORTHAMPTON.
tices or servants persons attached to all the New Eng-
land colonies, who were without position or character.
Still, these were not wholly in the blame. Robert Bart-
lett of Northampton, to whom the Springfield Commis-
sioners were authorized to administer the constable's oath
in 1655, was brought up the very next year for a shameful
assault upon the wife of one Smith.
"With the full complement of trials attached to an early
settlement in the wilderness, the first years of civilized life
in Northampton passed slowly away. The settlers secured
their meeting house and their minister. Soon after the
ordination of Mr. Mather, Mr. John Strong was appointed
ruling elder of the church, and Mr. Joseph Elliot was
elected to the office of teacher. The offices of pastor and
teacher were kept distinct in many of the New England
churches. The pastor's office was to administer a word of
wisdom ; the teacher's, a word of knowledge. The pastor
exhorted to works of personal devotion and obedience,
while the teacher expounded the weightier matters of doc-
trine. As in other places, so here, the distinction was not
long maintained. Mr. Elliot was never ordained, although
he assisted Mr. Mather for a year or two. Previous to
1659, upwards of forty planters had settled in the town,
some of whom were acquainted with mechanical trades,
but all relied principally upon husbandry for a livelihood.
These, with the families belonging to them, made a popu-
lation demanding no inconsiderable supplies. The dis-
tance from other and more advanced settlements was se-
verely felt in hardships of many kinds. The settlers
were, and felt themselves to be, very poor. They had no
mill at which to grind their corn, and, with their slender
means and conveniences, were obliged to build one. Their
weak and impoverished condition was fully set forth in a
petition to the General Court, to have their taxes remitted
for some years, dated Oct. 17, 1659. The reasons given
for asking this favor were that they had, in consequence
of their remote situation, been at heavy cost in getting
supplies, that they had commenced to build a mill which
had been a long time in building, had been very expen-
sive, and was not then finished, that God in his provi-
dence had cut off the greater part of their crops by a
dreadful storm, and that they had been at several pub-
THE FIRST BIRTH, MARRIAGE AND DEATH. 5jJ
lie charges for the " settling of the ordinances " among
them.
Tho first birth in Northampton occurred May 1, 1655.
The name of the " native American " was Ebenezer Par-
sons. James Bridgman was the first person who died.
His death occurred in the following January. David Burt
and Mary Holton began life in the- new settlement by get-
ting married, on the 18th of November, 1654. Marriages,
at that time, and for many years afterwards, were soleinn-
)/<><! only by magistrates. These great events of birth,
<l<-atli and marriage, so common in large communities as to
cause hardly a ripple on the surface of society, were in
that young settlement matters to be talked about for days.
The first child was doubtless received with a universal
flutter of delight, and the reverent and grateful feelings of
the mother found expression in the name bestowed upon
her offspring. And when David Burt and Mary Holton
I iclil one another by the hand, in pledge of life-long love
and companionship, were there no tears in view of the
t rials that surrounded them, and lay before ? There was
not a wild flower for the bride's hair, and very scanty and
rude must have been the marriage feast. But when death
first broke into the little band, and a grave was made in the
wilderness, how sad and solemn must have been the scene !
The rude coffin, by the door of a ruder cabin, was placed
out in the calm, cold light of a Winter morning. The
planters came one after another, with their wives and chil-
dren, and looked their last upon the pale face of their com-
panion. And when, after a fervent prayer from some
patriarchal voice, the sleeper was borne off by a half worn
path to the place of burial, on Meeting House Hill, what
tears and sobs made strange notes among the shivering
trees ! To all the natural feelings that spring everywhere
on such occasions, was added in these scenes that ever
prevalent reference to the providence of God which dis-
tinguished the men of that time, and clothed even their
errors and weaknesses with moral sublimity.
Northampton was named after Northampton in Eng-
land whether from the fact that some of the settlers were
originally from that place, or because it was the northern-
most town on the Connecticut, is not known. Possibly
both facts had something to do with the matter. The man-
5*
54 SETTLEMENT OF IIADLET.
ner in which the two prominent features in the landscape
in the vicinity of Northampton, viz. Mount Holyoke and
Mount Tom, received their names, is variously stated by
tradition. The most probable, and, certainly, the most po-
etical, account, is to the eifect that, some five or six years
after the settlement of Springfield, a company of the plant-
ers went Northward to explore the country. One party,
headed by Elizur Holyoke, went up on the East side of
the river, and another, headed by Rowland Thomas, went
up on the West side. The parties arriving abreast, at the
narrow place in the river below Hockanum, at what is now
called Rock Ferry, Holyoke and Thomas held a conversa-
tion with one another across the river, and each, then and
there, gave his own name to the mountain at whose feet he
stood. The name of Holyoke remains uncorrupted and
without abbreviation, while Mount Thomas has been cur-
tailed to simple and homely " Tom."
While the settlements on the Connecticut, under the ju-
risdiction of Massachusetts, were passing through their first
stages of progress, their stronger neighbors below them
found time to engage in a high religious controversy. The
subject of division and quarrel was Baptism, with particu-
lar reference to the qualifications for receiving that ordi-
nance, and church membership. Among those whose
feelings were strongly implicated in this business were
John Webster, the Governor of Connecticut, and Rev. John
Russell of Wethersfield. For the sake of peace, they,
with a number of respectable associates, determined on re-
moving, and planting themselves anew. On the 18th of
April, 1659, these individuals, to the number of sixty,
" met at Goodman Ward's house in Hartford," and signed
an agreement to remove from the jurisdiction of Connecti-
cut, into the jurisdiction of Massachusetts. The fertile
lands in the vicinity of Northampton had attracted their
attention, and they had presented a petition to the Massa-
chusetts General Court, representing their wishes, and
asking for a grant of land. The Court acceded to their
desires, and appointed Capt. Pynchon, Lieut. Holyoke and
Deacon Chapin of Springfield, and William Holton and
Richard Lyman of Northampton, " to lay out the bounds
of the new plantation, on either or both sides of the river,
as they shall see cause." This board attended to their duty
THE BOUNDARIES.
55
with dispatch, and reported the bounds of the plantation
as follows : " On the East side of the river their Southerly
bounds to be from the head of the falls above Springfield,
and so to run East and North the length of nine miles
from the said river ; and their Northerly bounds to be a
little brook called by the Indians Nepasoanege, up to a
mountain Quankwattchee, and so running Eastward from
the river the same length of nine miles ; from their North-
erly bounds to their Southerly bounds on the river is
about eleven or twelve miles. And on the West side of
the river, their bounds on the South are to join or meet
with Northampton bounds, (which said bounds of North-
ampton come to a little riverett running between two
pieces of land called Capawonke and Wequittayyagg,) and
on their North, their bounds to be a great mountain called
Wequomps ; and the North and South bounds are to run
West two miles from the great river, and from North to
South on that side the river is about six or seven miles."
The company in Connecticut having secured their grant,
employed Capt. Pynchon to extinguish the Indian title to
the lands they wished immediately to occupy. The pur-
chase included a tract North of Mount Holyoke, about
nine miles square. Mr. Pynchon also purchased for them
Capawonke meadow, belonging to Northampton, on the
West side of the river. This latter purchase comprised
800 acres, more or less, of rich bottom, in the present town
of Hatfield, and the price to be paid for it was ten pounds
sterling. There were certain conditions attached to the
sale which were not fulfilled by the purchasers, and a deed
was not given until March 11, 1659, when the price was
increased to thirty pounds sterling, and this was the sum
paid. The price given to the Indians for the land on the
East side was two hundred and twenty fathom of wam-
pum, and one large coat, " besides several gifts and other
good causes and considerations." The land on the West
side of the river, besides the tract purchased of Northamp-
ton, was bought of the Indians for three hundred fathom of
wampum, and other small considerations. All this land
was embraced under the general name of Nonotuck, or
" Nolwotogg," as it is spelt in the deed. The Indian deed
is dated Dec. 25, 1658 some months previous to the
agreement to remove, made at Hartford. A considerable
56 SETTLEMENT OF HADLEY.
number went up to fhe new plantation in 1659, to make
preparations for the general removal. Very few families
removed that year, though there is evidence that one family,
at least, lived there during the following winter. There
were doubtless more than one. And thus were the prelim-
inaries arranged for the settlement of Hadley. The terri-
tory enclosed within its bounds was very large, and in-
cluded the present towns of Hadley, South Hadley,
Granby, Amherst and Hatfield.
The projectors of the settlement at Hadley embraced a
larger number of men of means and character, than were
found in either Springfield or Northampton. Many, and,
probably, the most of them, had been residents of the Con-
necticut settlements for a period of twenty years. They
had prospered in worldly matters to a considerable degree,
and possessed that experience in new settlements which
enabled them to set about their enterprise with a perfect
understanding of all their wants. Accordingly, in the
agreement drawn up at Hartford, they decided that Wil-
liam Westwood, Richard Goodman, William Lewis, John
White and Nathaniel Dickinson, should precede the re-
moval of the settlers, lay out fifty-nine home-lots, allowing
eight acres for every home-lot, and leaving a street twenty
rods wide between the two Westernmost rows of home-lots.
On the 9th of November, 1659, seven townsmen were
chosen, those who had not removed as well as those who
had, participating in the election. The names of the indi-
viduals chosen were William Westwood, Nathaniel Dick-
inson, Lemuel Smith, Thomas Studlcy, John White, Rich-
ard Goodman, and Nathaniel Ward. The men appointed
to lay out the settlement attended to their duty, and the
Old Hadley street of to-day bears the impress of their la-
bors. The lots were laid out on either side of the " street
twenty rods broad," which extended across the neck of the
peninsula, formed by the bend of the river at that point.
But all those who agreed to remove to the new settlement
did not hold to their agreement. Only forty of them set-
tled in Hadley ; thirty-four of them took up their resi-
dence on the East side of the river, and six on the West.
Thirteen persons, unnamed in the original agreement,
joined the settlers on the East side, making in all forty-
seven, and to them the allotments of home-lots were made.
ALLOTMENTS OP LAND. 57
The manner of apportioning the meadow lands was in this
wise : a certain sum was placed against each settler's name,
representing what was denominated his estate. This sum
did not, in fact, represent his estate, but, in comparison
with the sums set opposite the names of the others, desig-
nated the relative amount of land to which, from a variety
of considerations, he was entitled. Thus, a young, unmar-
ried and poor man received what was called a 40 lot,
while a man of wealth and family, and who had probably-
borne a larger proportion of the charges, received a 200
lot. In fact, the settlers paid to Mr. Pynchon their pro-
portion of the purchase money, as well as their taxes for
several years, by rates based on the size of their lots re-
spectively. The majority of the planters were from Hart-
ford and Wethersfield, and a few of them came from
Windsor. One only went over from Northampton, and he,
probably, because he loved the daughter of William West-
wood, whom he married. His name was Aaron Cook Jr.
He received no home-lot, and lived with his father-in-law.
No inconsiderable number of those who came from Con-
necticut were of those who, more than twenty years before,
removed thither from Watertown, Cambridge and Dorches-
ter, Mass., where they arrived from England. Some of
them were gray with years, and counted their grand-chil-
dren. The first settlers called the new plantation New-
town. This name was probably given by some of the old
settlers of Cambridge, which place originally had the same
name. It received the name of Hadley probably about
the commencement of the year 1661 written Hadleigh, at
first, after a town by the same name in Suffolk County,
England and, at the May term of the General Court in
that year, it was ordered that Hadley should be its name.
At the same time it was ordered " that for the better gov-
ernment of the people, and suppressing of sins there, some
meet persons, annually presented by the freemen, shall be
commissioned and empowered, * * * together with
the Commissioners of Springfield and Northampton, or the
greater part of them, to keep Courts appointed at Spring-
field and Northampton." They also had separate jurisdic-
tion in a certain class of cases, with the reservation of a
right of appeal to the Court at Springfield and Northamp-
ton. The first Commissioners of Hadley, under this order,
58 SETTLEMENT OF HADLEY.
were Andrew Bacon, Samuel Smith and Mr. William
Westwood. They were directed to take 'their oath before
Mr. Pynchon, who seemed to maintain for himself the
eminence formerly occupied by his father, in all the early
settlements of the Valley. Up to this date, and, in fact,
during his life through the long period when he was
spoken of as the " "Worshipful Major Pynchon " no trans-
actions of great importance were effected without his
agency.
The name of Mr. Russell, the minister, has already been
mentioned, as among the original signers of the agreement
to remove from Wethersfield, and he was also among the
earliest of the settlers. His appropriate ministrations
doubtless commenced with his residence, and it is asserted
that the church organized there was the second regularly
organized in Western Massachusetts, the church at North-
ampton having no regular organization until 1661. Here
Mr. Russell continued his pastoral labors for thirty-three
years, proving himself a faithful and godly man. But
neither the Commissioners of the General Court, nor the
Commissioner of Heaven, could entirely " suppress sins "
among the young people of Hadley ; and we find in a vote
passed by the town in 1671, more than ten years after both
had commenced to exercise the duties of their vocation
that it was adjudged necessary, in order to preserve order
in the sanctuary, that " there shall be some sticks set up in
the meeting house in several places, with some fitt persons
placed by them, and to use the same as occasion shall re-
quire, to keepe the youth from disorder." In December,
of the year 1661, the town voted to build the structure
which was the scene of this singular watchfulness. Its
dimensions were 45 feet in length and 24 in breadth, witli
a leanto's " on each side, that would make its entire breadth
36 feet. This was*the third house devoted to the service
of God in the Connecticut Valley.
In all three of the early settlements, the first years of
whose history have been briefly presented, prompt meas-
ures were taken for the education of youth the initiative
of the noblest system of common schools now existing in
the world. In each of the three, a military company was
established and officered, as a measure of defense against
the possible treachery of the Indians, with whom, thus far,
ERECTION OF HAMPSHIRE COUNTY. 59
they had maintained entire peace. The Indians seem to
have been on excellent terms with the settlers, notwith-
> landing the fact that they had absorbed their most valua-
ble lands. They had been treated with fairness, and their
numbers (much less than many suppose) as well as their
habits of life, did not allow them to feel the real magnitude
of the encroachments that had been made. Sometimes
they were brought before the magistrates for misdemeanors,
and fined. Ardent spirits and fire-arms were forbidden
articles in all traffic with them, and cases were not uncom-
mon in which whites were severely fined for selling to
them the former article. Those who received licences to
sell strong liquors were forbidden to sell to Indians a
-ure of mercy to the Indians, and safety to the whites.
In each of these places the ordinances of religion had been
established, and on every Sabbath day the voice of prayer
and the hymn of praise ascended from three rudely built
sanctuaries. Almost the entire variety of staple crops,
except potatoes, that now adorn the valley, had come to be
cultivated then. There were fields of wheat, Indian corn,
peas, barley, rye and oats. All these plantations were
weak, and yet they were strong strong in the excellence
of their soil, in force of will and purpose, in hardy const!
tutions. and in faith in God.
These settlements, united to each other by constant,
though still arduous, intercommunication, by common in-
terests and by subordinate jurisdiction, had grown to such
importance that, in the Spring of 1G62, the General Court
set them off, with a large extent of unsettled territory, into
a County, with the name of Hampshire. The act con-
stituting the County follows, in terms :
" Forasmuch as the inhabitants of this jurisdiction are
much increased, so that now they are planted far into the
country, upon Connecticut River, who by reason of their re-
moteness cannot conveniently be annexed to any of the Coun-
ties already settled ; and that public affairs may with more
facility be transacted according to laws now established : It is
ordered by the Court, and authority thereof, that henceforth
Springfield, Northampton and Hadley shall be, and hereby
are, constituted as a County, the bounds or limits on the South
to be the South line of the patent, the extent of other bounds
to be full 30 miles distant from any or either of the foresaid
towns : and what towns or villages soever shall hereafter be
60 HAMPSHIRE COUNTY.
erected within the foresaid limits to be and belong to the said
County. And further, that the said County shall be called
Hampshire, and shall have and enjoy the liberties and privi-
leges of any other County ; that Springfield shall be the shire
town there, and the Courts to be kept one time in Springfield
and another time at Northampton ; the like order to be ob-
served for their shire meetings, that is to say, one year at one
town and the next year at the other town, from time to time.
The Deputies have passed this, with reference to the consent
of the honored Magistrates.
16 (day) 3 (month) 1662.
WILLIAM TORREY, Clericus.
" The Magistrates do consent hereto, and do further order
that all the inhabitants of the shire shall pay their public rates
to the County Treasurer in fat cattle or young cattle, such as
are fit to be put off, that so, no unnecessary damage be put on
the County, and in case they make payment in corn, then to
be made at such prices as the same do commonly pass
amongst themselves, any other form or annual order, referring
to the price of corn, to the contrary notwithstanding. Their
brethren, the Deputies, hereto consenting.
EDWARD RAWSON, Se'c'y.
" Consented to by the Deputies,
WILLIAM TORRET, Cleric."
Thus roughly, and thus indefinitely, were the boundaries
of Hampshire County described. These boundaries were
not curtailed until many years later, when Worcester
County was formed, and still later when the County of
Berkshire was erected. The Court of Assistants in Bos-
ton held appellate jurisdiction in all cases brought before
the somewhat irregular Courts of the new County, and
primary jurisdiction in all criminal cases extending to
" life, member or banishment." The County Court, pos-
sessing no great degree of legal ability, were not likely to
be greatly troubled with attorneys more learned than them-
selves, for the General Court had enacted a rule which,
whether intended for that purpose or not, made, or tended
to make, the profession of law contemptible. No person
who was " a usual or common attorney " could hold a seat
in the House of Deputies. This rule was adopted in 1663,
about a year after the establishment of the County.
The payment of the County rates in cattle and corn
rendered necessary a more convenient method of trans-
portation than the upper plantations had hitherto enjoyed.
TRANSPORTATION OP PRODUCE. 61
Increasing ability to carry out works for facilitating inter-
course between the settlers, the advancing wants of a
rising population, and over-production, were all felt, and,
in 1663, a road was made between Hadley and Northamp-
ton, a distance of three miles. In the following year, a
road was laid out to Windsor from Northampton, upwards
of thirty miles, the expenses of which were borne by the
three towns in equitable proportions. Over this road was
transported the produce to the point where it could be
shipped for Boston. The freight from Windsor to Boston,
or Charlestown, amounted to the price of one-third of the
cargo, in an instance that is left on record, while the land
transport could not have amounted to much less. The
changes of two hundred years, in view of these facts, may
readily be appreciated by the present generation.
6
CHAPTER IV.
COMPLETION OF THE FIRST LINE OF SETTLEMENTS ON
THE CONNECTICUT RIVER INCIDENTS OF INTEREST.
There are some facts connected with the manner in
which New England was settled, in its earlier days, that
are worthy of mention in connection with the mode pur-
sued in later times, and still followed in the advancing set-
tlements of the West. In consequence of the isolated
condition of the settlements at that day, and the danger
from the surrounding savages, the settlers always planted
themselves together, in villages. "While this method an-
swered the immediate purpose for which it was designed,
the ends incidentally secured were of far greater impor-
tance than were then dreamed of. All the inhabitants
were, in that manner, brought under the immediate influ-
ence of the ordinances of religion, the children lived by
the side of the school house, and the social features of civ-
ilized life were retained and cultivated. The Connecticut
Valley now bears the marks of this ancient policy, not
only in the accumulation of its inhabitants at scattered
points, but in the morality, education and urbanity that, by
a natural consequence, prevail among them. The influ-
ence of this policy can only be fully appreciated when
standing by the side of the solitary settler's hut in the
West, where even an Eastern man has degenerated to a
boor in manners, where his children have grown up uned-
ucated, and where the Sabbath has become an unknown
day, and religion and its obligations have ceased to exer-
cise control upon the heart and life. The appearance pre-
sented at this day, by the towns first settled on the Con-
necticut River, is unique. All the towns containing at-
tractive interval lands are not occupied by farms, as the
word is popularly understood. The inhabitants live in vil-
lages, and have their home-lots, their meadow lots, their
upland lots, and their wood-land, while in the towns in
their vicinity more recently settled, the farmers generally
hold tracts undivided, and live upon them separately.
TOWN REGULATIONS. 63
This settlement in villages, however, in connection with
the want of operative general laws, produced a large
amount of local legislation, and created a great number of
offices. The rules and regulations of these early towns
were numerous and minute. In 1649, the inhabitants of
Springfield adopted a code of laws, or regulations, number-
ing twenty-eight, in which there was hardly a thing name-
able in the plantation that passed unmentioned. It de-
scended even to the regulation of wages, and the prescribing
the number of pence per day to be paid for every kind of
labor. During the Winter months, laborers were not al-
lowed to take above 16d. per day, and for the Summer
months, not more than 20d. per day. Mechanics had some-
what higher wages, and tailors the lowest of all 12d. per
day. One of the regulations made it a finable offense to
neglect attendance upon the annual town meetings, and
another imposed a high penalty on any one who should re-
fuse to accept an office to which he might be elected. The
town offices were many, but many of them are now obso-
lete, or are considered nominal. There was some variation
in the names and nature of the offices established in the
first towns. In Springfield, there was a general " swine-
ringer," whose business it was to " ring " all the swine in
the town, doubtless because they were allowed to run at
large. Hadley in after years had the same officer. Be-
sides the Commissioners " for the ending of small causes,"
and the " select townsmen," there were usually measurers
of land, constables, surveyors of highways, fence viewers,
meat packers, tythingmen, sealers of weights and measures,
liny wards (hog-reeves and field-drivers), sextons, in some
instances cow keepers and shepherds, and, at a later day,
deer-reeves. The latter were chosen to carry out a law of
the colony against killing deer at certain seasons of the
year. Springfield sent a deputy (Henry Smith,) to the
General Court as early as 1641. The first deputy from
Hartley was Lt. Samuel Smith, who was chosen in 1661.
Northampton sent her first deputy about the same year.
The uniform pay of a deputy seems to have been 4 per
session, and this sum did not come from the Colonial Treas-
ury, but from the towns themselves. The practice of send-
ing deputies to the General Court, who were non-residents,
was not confined to Springfield. Northampton and Had-
64 HAMPSHIRE COUNTY.
ley sometimes sent deputies belonging in Boston, or its
vicinity, for the purpose, doubtless, of saving expense. In
1663, Northampton chose deputies from Hadley, and the
latter town, in 1669, chose a deputy from Northampton.
At the date of the establishment of Hampshire County,
Springfield had made grants of land at Woronoco (West-
field), and Freshwater (Enfield, Ct.), and at each of those
places small settlements had been commenced. As early
as 1655, at least nine house lots were granted by Spring-
field on " Chicopee Plain," on the West side of the river,
in the present town of West Springfield. About 1660,
Thomas Cooper, Abel Leonard and Thomas Merrick, set-
tled on the South-west side of the Agawain river. At a
still earlier date about 1644 settlements were made at
Masacksick, or the " long meadow," in the present town of
Longmeadow. Benjamin Cooley, George Colton and John
Keep were among the first who planted themselves in that
locality, near the bank of the river. Their descendents in
this part of the country are numerous. All these settle-
ments were made within the recognized limits of Spring-
field, and were within its jurisdiction. Settlements were
also made in the vicinity of Chicopee River, and at the
October term of the General Court, " Richard Fellows pe-
titioned for a grant of 200 acres of land at Chicopee River,
upland and meadow, engaging in consideration thereof, to
build a house there for travelers, both horse room and
house, and lodgings for men, and provisions for both, with
beer and strong liquors." His petition was granted, on
condition that he should keep his engagements, and main-
tain his establishment for seven years. The latter fact
shows that considerable communication had been com-
menced between the settlements, and that it was so consid-
erable that the General Court deemed it important that it
should have road-side accommodations.
At the May Court, 1662, certain gentlemen who appear
to have belonged in Windsor and Dorchester, presented a
petition, representing themselves to be much in want of
land, and asking for a tract six miles square at Woronoco,
to be joined with the farms of " the late much honored
Maj. Gen. Atherton and Capt. Roger Clapp of Dorchester,"
to whom it appears grants had previously been made by
the Court. This petition was signed by fifteen individuals.
SETTLEMENT OF WESTFIELD. 65
The Deputies voted to grant the petition, and decreed that
the farms alluded to should belong to the plantation, in re-
spect to public charges, and that " the order for Woronoco
henceforth to lie to Springfield should be void," provided
the petitioners should settle themselves and a minister
within three years: otherwise the land was to belong to
Springfield until a plantation should be settled there. The
Deputies also appointed Capt. Pynchon, Capt. Edward
Johnson, David Wilton, Samuel Smith and Nathaniel
Dickinson, Sr., to set out the plantation, and order its
affairs until twelve inhabitants should be settled, of whom
six, at least, should be freemen. To this arrangement the
magistrates disagreed, who deemed it best to appoint a
Commission to view the territory, and report. But this
scheme seems to have entirely miscarried, as no considera-
ble settlement occurred there until 1G66, and among those
who held titles confirmed by a residence of five years,
thereafter, the name of but one of the petitioners can be
found, viz : George Phelps, who emigrated from Windsor.
The majority of the settlers were from Springfield, and
others were from Northampton. At a town meeting held
at Springfield, Feb. 7th, 1664, Capt. Pynchon, Elizur Hoi-
yoke and Messrs. Ely, Colton and Cooley were appointed
a standing committee " to have the sole power to order
matters concerning Woronoco, both for admitting of inhab-
itants and to grant lands, or for any other business that
in.'iv concern that place, and conduce to its becoming a
town of itself." By a vote of Springfield, Thomas Cooper
had a grant of land in Woronoco in 1658, but his settle-
ment on the Agawam River in 1660 indicates that he did
not occupy it, and, in fact, his name does not appear among
those who held confirmed land titles at a later date. Nei-
ther does the name of Dea. Samuel Chapin, to whom a
grant was made in 1660, of land adjoining Cooper's, appear
in this list. It is evident that neither occupied his grant
even temporarily. The first individual born in Woronoco
wsi-i Benjamin Saxton, in 1666, and he lived to the good
old age of 88 years. Meetings were first held on the
Sabbath in 1667. Among the early residents was Mr.
John Holyoke, son of Elizur Holyoke of Springfield, and
he conducted public worship. He was at that time twen-
ty-five years old. He was a graduate of Harvard College,
.
66 HAMPSHIRE COUNTY.
and had studied theology with a view to a life devoted to
the ministry. In this intention he did not persevere, and,
soon after the death of his father, in the Winter of 1675-6,
he returned to the old homestead in Springfield, where he
spent the remainder of a long life, in celibacy, and in de-
votion to the public service in the various offices of Town
Clerk, Register of Deeds for Hampshire county, and Mag-
istrate. Mr. Moses Fiske subsequently preached at Wo-
ronoco, as a candidate for settlement, but a church was not
organized until 1679, when Mr. Edward Taylor, the grand-
father of the late President Stiles of Yale College, was
ordained as pastor.
Woronoco was incorporated as a town, with the name of
Westfield, in 1669. The name originally proposed for the
new town was Streamfield, from its situation between two
streams, but from the fact that it was then the Westernmost
town in the colony, it received the name which it now
bears. From the fact that Westfield was one of the best,
if not the best, localities for leaver, known to the Indians
and the settlers, it was probably more abundantly fre-
quented by the Indians than any settlement in the Valley.
The skins of the beaver were almost the only things that
the Indians had to sell to the settlers. Being constantly in
want of articles obtainable for these skins, they naturally
sought out the resorts of their important game. More
skins came from Woronoco than any other locality, and
the occupation must have concentrated a large number of
Indians there. Mr. Pynchon of Springfield was largely
engaged in the trade, under license from the General Court,
and it all passed through his hands. The opinion in re-
gard to the plentifulness of the Indians at Woronoco is
confirmed by the manner in which the settlement was ar-
ranged. At first the settlers seem to have lived in com-
mons, although they cultivated each his separate tract of
land. They lodged in a fort every night, and fled to it by
day, in case of alarm. Around this fort, for a circuit of
two miles, the land was strongly inclosed, and within this
inclosure were afterwards erected all their dwellings.
Physicians, in the olden time, do not appear to have
been very plenty, and none of the settlements, thus far
made, seems to have enjoyed the services of one at so early
a date as Westfield. George Filer, who, in 1665, was al-
EARLY PHYSICIANS. 67
lowed by the County Court at Northampton, " to practice
as a chirurgeon," left Northampton soon afterwards, and in
1667 settled in Westfield. Here he lived a few years, and
then removed to Connecticut. Northampton had no sur-
geon within its limits, except during the temporary resi-
dence of 'Mr. Filer, from 1654 to 1730 a period of sev-
enty-six years. The reason_of this did not exist in the
exemption of the settlers from disease and accident, but in
the fact that no one settlement could support a surgeon,
and thus, such surgeons as were to be found had a wide
and not over-profitable circuit of practice. Dr. John West-
carr settled in Hadley in 1666, but eked out his living by
engaging in trade, and doubtless alternately sold knives to
the Indians and used them upon the whites. It is a matter
of regret that he did not confine his dispensation of medi-
cine to the whites, as a brace of fines for selling liquor to
the Indians must have interfered somewhat seriously with
ais profits as well as reputation. After his death, some
ten years subsequent to his settlement, Hadley had no
physician for thirty-two years. Notwithstanding the early
want and limited practice of physicians in these settle-
ments, a greater number arrived to an advanced age, in
proportion to the population, than at the present. The
cause may possibly lie in present mal-practice, but more
probably in the out-of-door pursuits and simple mode of
living that then prevailed, in contradistinction from the
high living and sedentary employments of later days.
The loose manner in which grants of land were made
by the General Court produced early disturbance at Had-
ley. Immediately after, or within a year or two of the
settlement of Hadley, the Court granted considerable tracts
of valuable land to Mr. Bradstreet and Major Dennison.
Mr. Bradstreet's grant embraced almost the whole of the
Northern meadow in the present town of Hatfield, then
belonging to Hadley. There is some evidence that Mr.
Bradstreet's grant was made previously to that made to the
settlers of Hadley, though, from the wording of a petition
presented to the Court by Hadley, the opposite opinion ap-
pears to have prevailed with its inhabitants. The people
of Hadley pleaded injustice on the part of the Court, and
that body requested the owners of these tracts to resign
their claims, with which request they complied ; and then
G8 HAMPSHIRi; COUNTY.
the Court changed the form of the grant by re-conveying
the land to them in farms, which made them ratable in the
payment of town charges. This was by no means satis-
factory, as Hadley wanted the ownership of the lands for
distribution to settlers. In this matter, they had the sym-
pathy of their Northampton neighbors, thirty-five of whom
petitioned the General Court in their behalf, representing
that they had a hard time, mean accommodations, and
ought to have more land. They also represented that
there was danger of the breaking up of the plantation, and
the consequent loss to the petitioners of Christian neigh-
borhood. The people of Hadley united in a most spirited
declaration to the Court, which breathed a tone of inde-
pendence, that, judging from the closing language of the
document, nearly frightened themselves. In this declara-
tion they referred to the grant of land made to them by
the Court, and their confidence in the integrity of that
body, as witnessed in their removal and settlement. They
stated that a committee of faithful men was employed to
lay out the plantation, who attended to their duty, and that
all they asked for w r as what that committee, with full pow-
er, awarded them. They professed their inability to see
how the Court could ta,ke from them what it had given
them, and asserted that the granting of a portion of their
lands to these two gentlemen had discouraged certain in-
dividuals in Connecticut from coming to settle, in accord-
ance with their intentions. Their declaration concludes in
these words : " Had the Honored Court told us, when we
first moved for a place, they looked upon us as not worthy
of it, or that they would not give it to us, or that there
should be such farms and we should have the remainder ;
or when it was given for farms that it must so remain and
there was no reason to alter it, we should have had no such
cause of hard thoughts, but having had such, so long con-
tinued, and successive encouragement, now to have it
taken from us, when it was under us, how hard is it to keep
out such thoughts, or to forbear supplicating to men and
crying in the ears of the Lord for pity and help in our
need." The two grantees were not dispossessed of their
lands, notwithstanding the urgency of this plea, and, in
1664, Hadley sent Lt. Samuel Smith to Boston to pur-
chase the meadow of Mr. Bradstreet, and he bought and
HATFIELD INCORPORATED, 69
paid 200 for it. Mr. Bradstreet still retained a thousand
acres, which, with Major Dennison's farm, were denomi-
nated " The Farms," for many years, and were ultimately
divided up and sold.
But the rich lands on the West side of the river did not
long remain hi a position to afford distress to the people of
Hadley. The original settlement on the West side em-
braced six of the first settlers of Hadley, and, as the allot-
ments of homesteads on the East side were perfected at
first, the new comers probably took up their residence on
the West side. The settlement in a few years became of
considerable strength and importance, and as the Connec-
ticut river was seen to form a natural town boundary, it
aspired to the dignity and advantage of incorporation. It
was accordingly incorporated in 1670, with the name of
Hatfield, and chose toSvn officers for the first time in 1671.
The commissioners for ending small causes were Thomas
Meekins, William Allis and John Cole. During the same
year, Rev. Hope Atherton, a graduate of Harvard Col-
lege in 1665, united with the inhabitants in requesting of
the County court liberty " to enter into Church estate,"
and leave was accordingly granted. Mr. Atherton was
the first minister, and fulfilled the duties of his office until
1677, when he died, at the early age of 33. In 1672,
Hatfield added to its territory in a Northerly direction by
purchasing of the Indians the tract now covered by the
town of Whately, the price paid being fifty fathom of
wampum. By the Indian deed conveying to John Pynchon
(who acted for the settlers at Hadley) a considerable part
of the territory now embraced in the bounds of Williams-
burg, that also belonged to Hatfield. Thus was a large
and important town erected, though we have no record of
its representation in the General court for a period of
twenty years after its incorporation.
During the process of the separation of Hatfield from
Hadley, an important settlement was in progress at a point
higher up, and on the same side of the river. Pocomtuck
was the Indian name of the region above Hatfield, and, of
this territory, the General court granted, in 1669, eight
thousand acres, to a number of individuals of Dedham, in
the Eastern part of the Massachusetts colony. This^lend
embraced a considerable portion of the valuable jptv.v.si
* > <
70 HAMPSHIRE COUNTY.
on the Pocomtuck (now Deerfield) river, and extended
Southward to the Northern bounds of Hatfield. Subse-
quent grants extended the Western limits of the planta-
tion nine miles from the Connecticut, co-incident with the
Western boundaries of Northampton and Hatfield, and
Northward to the Southern boundary of the present town
of Bernardston. Within this large tract are now contain-
ed the towns of Deerfield, Greenfield, Shelburne, Conway
and Gill. It is doubtful whether the Indian title to any
very large portion of this tract was ever extinguished.
The land on ^iich the settlement was made, with the
interval in the vicinity, was, however, purchased of the
Indians by John Pynchon of Springfield, " for the use and
behoof of Major Eleazer Lusher, Ensign Daniel Fisher
and other English at Dedham, their associates and succes-
ors." The deed was signed by Chauk, the sachem of the
Pocomtuck Indians, and his brother Wapahoale, and was
made in 1665, several years previous to the grant made
by the General court. In this deed there were, as, in fact,
was the case in most of the Indian deeds which had been
given on the river, certain privileges reserved by the
Indians, such as fishing and hunting on the territory as
before the sale, and "the gathering of walnuts, chestnuts
and other nuts and things on the commons." A considera-
ble number of settlers arrived at Pocomtuck in 1670, and,
within four years thereafter, several houses had been erect-
ed. At the session of the General court, May, 1673, the
territory was "allowed to be a township," but it was not
regularly incorporated until May 24th, 1682. The order-
ing of the affairs of the plantation* for the first few years
of its existence, was intrusted to a Committee, with which
Mr. Pynchon was associated, both as a voting member and
a counsellor in the laying out of lands and the general
conduct of affairs. Pocomtuck took the name of Deer-
field, and was the first town in the valley that could give a
good and sufficient reason for its name. The name chosen
by Westfield could only have a temporary significance,
while the four towns of Springfield, Northampton, Hadley
and Hatfield were named in honor of English towns. To
have retained the name " Pocomtuck," would have been in
better taste, but "Deerfield" holds a slight appreciable
connection with early local history. The settlement was
SETTLEMENT OP NORTHFIELD. 71
made on the site of the present " Old Deerfield-street," and
formed the scene hi subsequent years of some of the most
stirring and painful events of the Indian wars. There was
no settled minister in the town until 1686, when Mr. John
Williams assumed the duties of that office at a yearly sal-
ary of 60. The worthy minister lived a life of marvel-
lous vicissitudes (as will in the regular course of the nar-
rative appear,) until, in the forty-eighth year of his ministry,
he was laid to rest.
In 1672 two years after the settlement of Deerfield
Mr. Pynchon, with a number of associates, received the
grant of a township on the Connecticut River, covering a
tract known by the Indian name of Squakheag. The tract
was twelve miles in length, by six in breadth, lying on both
sides of the river, and, running Northward, passed by mis-
take over the line of the Massachusetts patent, and entered
the present States of Vermont and New Hampshire. The
brief record is that " the planters built small huts and cov-
ered them with thatch ; made a place for public worship,
and built a stockade and fort." The first settlement of
Squakheag was.made in 1673, by individuals from North-
ampton, Hadley and Hatfield, and the place received the
name of Northfield, from the fact that it was then the
Northern settlement on the Connecticut. The history of
this settlement, weak at the best, was brief, and its end dis-
astrous. At the time of the settlement of Northfield, the
Eastern colonists of Massachusetts Bay had pushed their
settlements Westward, and had advanced one into the wil-
derness, half way to the Connecticut River. This was at
Quaboag the present town of Brookfield and now be-
longing to the county of Worcester. That town was em-
braced within the original boundaries of Hampshire County.
The settlement was made in 1660, by planters from Ipswich,
who had a grant of territory six miles square. They, too,
took care to purchase their land of the natives, and dealt
with them honorably. In 1673, the town was incorporated.
From the settlement of Springfield in 1636, to that of
Northfield in 1673, a period of thirty-seven years had
passed away. During this long season of toil and hard-
ship, a string of settlements, extending along the Connec-
ticut River across the entire breadth of the Massachusetts
patent, had been made. Springfield sat astride the river
72 HAMPSHIRE COUNTY.
at the South, and Northfield was divided by the same stream
at the North, while intermediately, Northampton, Hatfield
and Deerfield occupied the western bank, and Hadley the
eastern. Westfield was alone, some eight miles west of
Springfield. From Springfield to Northampton, and the
neighbors who had settled within her sight, the distance
was twenty miles, and from Northfield and Deerfield it was
nearly the same distance to the central, trefoil cluster.
There are no data by which may be definitely estimated
the aggregate population of these towns at the date of the
settlement of Northfield. It is recorded that there were
71 qualified voters in Springfield, but as all who were of
the age to vote, according to present laws, were not " free-
men," or voters, then, any calculation based on this number
must be unsatisfactory. The town had not increased so
rapidly as Northampton, but it probably contained a greater
number of inhabitants. The number of settlers in North-
ampton was, according to the records, about one hundred,
and allowing three to the family of each settler, which
would seem to be a reasonably estimated average, that town
contained 400 inhabitants. Hatfield and Hadley probably
contained from 200 to 400 more, while Westfield, Deerfield
and Northfield contained an aggregate, perhaps, of two
hundred. Fifteen hundred would doubtless be an extrav-
agant estimate of the white population of the Valley at the
date stated, and the majority of these were dependents.
The Indian inhabitants, as has already been incidentally
stated, were not numerous, and calculation is entirely at
fault in giving even an approximate estimate of their num-
ber. All the land occupied by the settlers had been fairly
purchased of them, they were well treated, and found it
for their advantage, in the way of trade, to maintain amica-
ble relations with their new neighbors. Though allowed
to govern themselves in their small, independent commu-
nities, they did not hesitate to claim justice at the hands of
the magistrates, when they had received injury from the
whites, nor did they, as a body, demur to magisterial au-
thority when any of their number were detected in acts of
aggression upon the settlers, though the latter rarely used
violence in securing their persons. In some instances, the
magistrates, in issuing a warrant for the arrest of an In-
dian, gave special instructions to the constable to abstain
ME.' PTNCHON AND THE INDIANS. 73
from force. It will have been seen that Mr. Pynchon was
engaged in nearly every important transaction with the
Indians of the Valley, and it was doubtless clue to his just
and considerate policy that, for nearly forty years, the set-
tlers lived in perfect peace in the midst of an Indian pop-
ulation. In this policy, Mr. Pynchon took his first and
most important lessons from his father, of whose opinion
the General Court, in one remarkable instance, practically
testified their appreciation. In 1648, two or three of the
Quaboag tribe were murdered by several wandering sav-
ages, who repaired for refuge to the Nonotucks, in the re-
gion of Northampton. At the instance of the Nashua
Indians, acting for the Quaboags, the Massachusetts magis-
trates wrote to the elder Pynchon, directing him to cause
the arrest of the murderers, and to transmit them to Bos-
ton for trial. Mr. Pynchon disagreed to this policy, and
wrote a letter to the magistrates, of which the following is
an extract : " If things be well examined, I apprehend that
neither the murthered are your subjects, nor yet the mur-
therers within your jurisdiction. I grant they are within
the line of your patent, but yet, you cannot say that they
are therefore your subjects ; nor yet within your jurisdic-
tion, until they have fully subjected themselves to your
Government, (which I know they have not) and until you
have bought their land. Until this be done, they must be
esteemed an independent people, and so they of' Nonotuck
do all account themselves." The magistrates saw the force
of this reasoning, and declined all further action in the
matter.
The Indians were not only treated on these broad and
general principles of justice, but they were allowed re-
markable privileges upon the very territory that had been
purchased of them. They had their little villages of wig-
wams on land belonging to the towns, and held them undis-
turbed. There was one of these villages near Pecowsic
brook at the southern border of Springfield, and another on
the banks of the Agawam. On " long hill," a mile and a
half south of the settlement, they had a strong fortress.
During the earlier days of Northampton, they asked the
privilege of building a fort. Their request was granted,
on conditions looking so considerately to the good of the
Indians and the safety of the settlers, that they may not
7
74 HAMPSHIRE COUNTY.
pass unnoticed. The conditions were " that the Indians
do not work, game, or carry burdens within their town on
the Sabbath ; nor powow here nor anywhere else ; nor get
liquor, nor cider, nor get drunk ; nor admit Indians from
without the town ; nor break down the fences of the inhab-
itants ; nor let cattle or swine upon their fields, but go over
a stile at one place ; nor admit among them the murderers
Calawane, Wuttowhan and Pacquallant ; nor hunt, or kill
cattle, sheep, or swine with their dogs." This fort they
occupied for several years, and, as the settlements crowded
upon them, they removed to Pascommuck, (now Easthamp-
ton,) where they built another fort. They had a fort in
Hadley, of which " Fort River" and " Fort Meadow" are
to-day the abiding mementos, and about a mile above I lat-
field, they held another fortification.
The Indians who inhabited the Valley, in squads that
passed under different names, could not pretend to the dig-
nity of distinct tribes. They all spoke the same language,
and took their names from the localities they inhabited.
Thus, there were the Agawams at Springfield, the Woron-
okes at Westfield, the Nonotucks at Northampton and Had-
ley, the Pocomtucks at Deerfield, and the Squakheags at
Northfield. The settlement of the whites, at the very
points inhabited by these various hordes, simply shows that
both races knew where the best land existed. All these
Indians were sometimes called Pocomtucks, and the Po-
comtucks proper, according to Gookin, were under the
dominion of the sachem of the Massachusetts Nation.
However this may be, they seem to have operated subse-
quently with entire independence of superior authority.
The uniform policy of the settlers, from the first, was to
keep liquor and fire-arms from these savage clans. All
their laws were very strict upon the subject. Neverthe-
less, the frequent fines imposed upon those who engaged in
the liquor traffic with them show that their laws were of
but little avail. This was further evidenced in their drunk-
enness, and the moral debasement consequent upon it. The
heaviest penalties imposed upon the illegal traffic could
not check it. In some instances, offenders were fined 40,
and even 44 large sums for those days, and more than
were paid for whole townships of land yet, notwithstand-
ing this, drunkenness became fearfully prevalent. The
DRUNKENNESS OP THE INDIANS. 75
records of the Court of Hampshire County, in 1670, bear
these words : " The woful drunkenness of the Indians calls
aloud to use the most laudable means to prevent that sin
among them." They had somehow, too, become possessed
of fire-arms, though it is not obvious how. There are
always unprincipled men enough, anywhere, to engage in
:i contraband traffic, and an Indian would doubtless give
five times the value of a fire-arm in beaver skins, in order
to secure an implement so exactly adapted to his mode of
life. Under such a temptation as this, it is not strange that
cupidity should have found means to place within their
power an agency which rum, or a fancied provocation,
would render so dangerous to the settlers.
Though living in almost unrestrained intercourse with
the Indians, the planters knew the native treachery of their
character, and had provided for the possibility of its exhi-
bition, from the first. In every town, there were fortified
houses. There were three in Springfield, one of which,
built of brick by John Pynchon, in 1660, remained stand-
ing until 1831, as has been already stated. The manner
in which Westfield was fortified has already been described.
It was thus with every settlement. The fort and the meet-
ing house were the essentials in every plantation. On the
14th of November, 1639, among other orders and regula-
tions adopted at Springfield was the following : " It is or-
dered that the exercise of trayning shall be practised one
day in every month ; and if occasion doe sometimes hin-
der, then the like space of tyme shall be observed another
tyme, though it be two days after one another. And who-
soever shall absent himself without a lawful excuse shall
forfeit twelve pence, and all above fifteen years of age shall
be counted for soldiers, and the tyme to begin, the first
Thursday in December next," Henry Smith was appoint-
ed Sergeant of this company, with power to choose a cor-
poral. This was, of course, a military force comprising all
the available strength of the plantation. The Northamp-
ton planters probably had some kind of a military organi-
c-it ion before their first regular company of militia was
formed, which was in August, 1661 seven years after
their settlement. Hadley attended to this business earlier
in its history, and organized a company in 1663, choosing
Samuel Smith, Lieutenant, Aaron Cooke Jr. ensign bearer,
76 HAMPSHIRE COUNTY.
John Dickinson and Joseph Kellogg sergeants, and John
Russell, the father of the minister there, the clerk.
The earlier military organizations seem to have been
voluntary on the part of the towns, and without special
regulation on the part of the Colonial Government. In
1 643, the league or union of the New England Colonies
Massachusetts, Plymouth, Connecticut and New Haven
was effected, by which all wars, offensive or defensive,
were made chargeable upon the respective colonies in pro-
portion to their male inhabitants between sixteen and sixty
years of age. This arrangement, made for mutual defense
and assistance, naturally called for an efficient organiza-
tion of the militia, and, accordingly, in 1644, the Massa-
chusetts colorty enacted a series of regulations for the mili-
tia, and established an organization. At this time, there
were twenty-six training bands in the colony, who, by the
new laws, were ordered to be exercised and drilled eight
days in the year. The officers of the several companies
were made elective by the members. The companies of
each county comprised a regiment, over which was placed
a " Sergeant Major," and over the whole was placed a
" Sergeant Major General." The commander-in-chief and
the commanders of regiments were under appointment of
the General Court. "The first Major General was the
much honored Thomas Dudley Esquire, whose faithfulness,
and great zeal, and love to the truths of Christ, caused the
people to choose him to this office, although he were far
stricken in years." At this date, Hampshire County was
not in existence, but some years after its establishment, in
1671, Capt. John Pynchon, who had previously held the
command of the Springfield company, and also of the
" Hampshire Troop" a company of horse, having its mem-
bers in all parts of the county -was appointed commander
of the river regiment. In this command he received the
title of " Major," to which popular veneration subsequently
prefixed the word " Worshipful."
It was under this colonial league and this military organ-
ization that a new and most important era commenced with
the settlements on the Connecticut River a period of w r ar,
disaster and moral and physical distress a period during
which was shed much precious blood, and which resulted
in the banishment of the native tribes, and the peaceful
occupation of their lands by the settlers.
CHAPTER V.
KING PHILIP'S WAR THE CAMPAIGN OF 1675.
AFTER the destruction and reduction of the Pequot In-
dians, in 1637, the Narragansets, who were allies of the
En.irlish in the Pequot war, and whose territory was prin-
cipally in the present State of Rhode Island, became, from
not very obvious causes, inimical to them. Uncas, the
sachem of the Mohegans, had manifested his good will
towards the English, and had their confidence, in conse-
quence of which, Miantonomo, the chief of the Narragan-
sets, was undoubtedly affected with jealousy. Miantonomo
was also offended at the distribution of the Pequots among
the tribes after their reduction, he supposing that that mat-
ter would be left to him. The malice engendered by these
and other considerations expended itself, through a series
of years, in indignities upon the Mohegans. Miantonomo
endeavored, by every subtle stratagem, to destroy Uncas,
and the English always taking the part of the latter, he
began also to plot against them. In 1642, he was sus-
pected of having contrived a general conspiracy to cut off
all the English in the country. The conspiracy was dis-
covered through various sources, but the wily chief ap-
])'-an.:d before the magistrates at Boston, made smooth pro-
fessions, and signed a treaty in which he yielded all that
was asked. In "1643, making war upon Uncas, he was
taken prisoner, and, by the consent of the commissioners
of the four colonies, lost his head. This did not placate
his tribe, who became, in 1645 and 1646, so insolent that
the colonies determined to make war upon them, but suc-
ceeded, without shedding blood, in over-awing them.
Massasoit, the chief of the Wampanoags, and the high-
cst in authority among numerous petty tribes in his vicin-
ity, is immortalized in American history for having kept
his faith, originally pledged to the settlers at Plymouth, in
1621, for the long period of forty-one years, or until his
death which occurred in 1662. His principal residence
was at Mount Hope, in 1he present town of Bristol, Rhode
Island. Dying, he left two sons Alexander and Philip.
78 KING ruiLip'g WAR.
The former succeeded to the dignities of his father, but
died the same year, when Philip became the sachem. In
almost every quality of mind and property of constitution,
Philip was the antipodes of his father. Jealous, daring,
brave, indomitable, and possessing remarkable sagacity, he
formed the strongest possible contrast to the mild and
faithful old chieftain who, before his death, took both him
and his immediate predecessor before the English, and
expressed the desire that between them and the English
there might never be other than relations of amity. For
some eight or nine years after the accession of Philip to
the chieftainship, but little is heard of him, save in busi-
ness transactions with the English, involving the transfer
of his lands. During this time, however, and in those
very transactions, he saw 'with prophetic forecast, the scep-
ter departing from his hand, and his lands absorbed by
strangers. During this time, too, his power had been
increased by the acquisition of English arms, and by the
confirmation of friendly relations with the Narragansets,
established before the. death of Massasoit. The Narragan-
sets were powerful, and hated the English, a fact most
favorable to any schemes which Philip might devise
against the latter. And these schemes did not long slum-
ber. Skilled beyond savage diplomacy in deception, pos-
sessing a mental power that, among the various tribes,
carried with it great influence, brave even to ferocity,
jealous of the English, and ambitious in proportion to the
strength of his intellect, it is not strange that, trampling
upon treaties, he should conceive the design of annihilating
the English settlements in New England. In 1670, lu's
Indians were engaged in many suspicious movements.
They frequently held assemblies, and were engaged in
repairing their arms, and grinding their hatchets. There
was evidently a nursing of ill blood towards the English
among them, which found vent in occasional insults. The
Plymouth colony demanded of them the cause of such
proceedings, and at the same time informed Massachusetts
of the step they had taken. The latter dispatched three
messengers who, with the Governor and two other gentle-
men of Plymouth, met at Taunton, where, after considera-
ble difficulty, they succeeded in bringing Philip to negotia-
tions. After every possible equivocation, he confessed his
designs upon the English. Owing, doubtless, to the imper-
PHILIP IN INTRIGUE. 70
fection of his plans, he consented to deliver up his English
arms, numbering some seventy muskets, and signed an
acknowledgement of his breach of faith and a renewed
promise of fidelity. Once out of this troublesome pres-
ence, he forgot all his promises, and refused to come to
Plymouth when sent for. The policy of Plymouth, all
this time, was to^ go to war with him, but they were held
in check by the more moderate counsels of Massachusetts.
Philip took advantage of the evident dislike of Massachu-
setts to engage in war, and "happening to come to Bos-
ton" on the very day an impatient message was received
from Plymouth, he appeared before the Governor, and
represented affairs so favorably, and with such apparent
laim.'ss, that the Governor and Council wrote back to
Plymouth, urging that Government to refer the matter be-
tween it and Philip for amicable settlement. Philip, while
at Boston, promised not to enter into war with Plymouth
without the approval of Massachusetts. Very soon after
thisj he was drawn into another agreement, in which ho
pledged fidelity to the Plymouth government, and prom-
ised specific reparation of wrongs. Erom this time until
1674, Philip was busy with his schemes for uniting all the
various tribes for the purpose of exterminating the Eng-
lish. The Nonotucks acknowledged the existence of such
a plot. Suspicion was abroad, and this, by producing cau-
tion in furnishing the Indians with arms, made the Sa-
chem's preparations slow and difficult. Still the conspiracy
progressed, and reached and affected the most friendly
tribes, the Mohegans, who had been befriended by the
English in their troubles with the Narragansets, alone re-
maining true to their pledges. This latter tribe were, of
course, ripe and ready for a scheme which would so re-
venge them upon the whites, and they agreed to furnish
4,000 men. The entire preparations were not to be per-
fected before 1676, but the storm exploded prematurely.
John Sausaman, a "praying Indian," converted under
the labors of the missionary Eliot, at Natick, had fled to
Philip on the commission of some misdemeanor, and for
some years was his counsellor and confidant. He was then
prevailed upon to return to Natick. Subsequently, in an
interview with some of Philip's Indians, he discovered
their plots, and gave information of them. For this he
was murdered by Philip's command, and the authorities at
80 KING PHILIP'S AVAR.
Plymouth arrested the murderers and hung them. This
infuriated the restive chief, and, forgetting prudence in re-
venge, he precipitated the war for which his allies were
not yet prepared. After considerable angry bluster, and,
by mustering and inarching his men endeavoring to pro-
voke an attack, he entered Swanzey, killed the settlers'
cattle, and rifled some of their houses. On the 24th of
June, 1675, his Indians fired upon a citizen of Rehoboth.
On the same day, they entered Swanzey again, and com-
mitted several murders. This started out the Massachu-
setts forces. On the 26th, a foot and a horse company set
off from Boston, toward Mount Hope, and they were soon
overtaken by a volunteer company of 110 men under
Capt. Samuel Moseley, an old Jamaica bucanneer. They
met a Plymouth company at Swanzey, where a brush with
the Indians immediately ensued, in which one of the sol-
diers and half a dozen Indians were killed, and in conse-
quence of which, Philip was obliged to leave Mount Hope
in haste, with all his forces. After some further unimpor-
tant skirmishes, orders came from Massachusetts for its
companies to pass into the Narraganset country, and make
a treaty with that tribe. They made their treaty, (an easy
thing to do with Indians unwilling or not ready to fight,)
and, during their absence, the Plymouth forces, or a por-
tion of them, went to Pocasset on a similar errand, but
found themselves engaged in a different business, and one
which cost the Indians a number of lives. The Massa-
chusetts forces having concluded their treaty, returned to
Taunton on the 17th, where they were joined by those of
Plymouth in an attempt to dislodge Philip from a swamp
at Pocasset. This expedition was disastrous, fifteen of the
troops being killed, and Philip taking courage from their
ill success.
This sudden onset of war surprised the Indians in every
direction. They were not ready for it. Their hearts woro
in it, but their hands were not prepared. Some hesitated
between adherence to peace with the English, and keeping
faith with Philip, while others professed friendship, to gain
time for watching the current of events. But the war
spirit spread, and hostilities were commenced against the
English in other quarters. On the 14th of July, the Nip-
mucks, occupying central Massachusetts, killed four or five
BURNING OF BROOKFIELD. 81
people at Mendon. These Indians were in acknowledged
subjection to those of Mount Hope, and their co-operation
with them was not only natural, but had been anticipated
and feared. Messengers were sent to them from the Mas-
sachusetts authorities, to ascertain their state of feeling,
and they were found surly and insolent. On the 28th of
July, the Governor and Council sent Captains Hutchinson
and Wheeler, with twenty horsemen, for the purpose of
making some arrangement with these Indians. They were
to meet them at Brookfield, with the inhabitants of which,
the Indians had promised to make a treaty on the 2d of
August. On this promise the people of that lonely settle-
ment fully relied, and suspected no danger. This company
reached Brookfield without trouble, and without seeing
any Indians ; and then, with a number of the settlers, and
three Christian Indians, set out for the place agreed upon
by the Indians for making the treaty. They reached the
spot designated, but not an Indian was to be seen. Pass-
ing carelessly on, the Brookfield men being unarmed, they
proceeded some five or six miles in the direction of the
chief town of the tribe. Arriving at a narrow passage
between a hill and a heavy swamp, in the vicinity of Wick-
aboag Pond, they came suddenly upon an ambuscade, and
from two to three hundred Indians sprang to their feet, and
poured in upon them a deadly fire. Eight of the com-
pany fell dead, and three more received mortal wounds,
among whom was Capt. Hutchinson. The names of those
killed were Zachariah Phillips of Boston, Timothy Farley
of Billerica, Edward Colburn of Chelmsford, Samuel
Smedley of Concord, Sydrach Hapgood of Sudbury, and
('apt. Ayres, John Coye, and Joseph Pritchard of Brook-
field. Several others were badly wounded. Capt. Wheeler
was one of these. His horse fell under him, and he re-
ceived a ball through his body. His son, who formed one
of the expedition, leaped from his own horse, and, with
such assistance as he could give with one arm, the other
being shattered, placed his father upon him, and himself
mounting another whose rider had been killed, they gal-
loped off and escaped. . The first movement was, of course,
a precipitate retreat. They were several miles distant
from the settlement, and taking a by-path, pointed out by
one of tho Christian Indians, they at last reached homo
82 KING PHILIPS WAR.
without further damage, though hotly pursued. Before
their arrival, either from hearing the report of the mus-
ketry, or by the intermediation of a messenger, the town
had been alarmed, and the inhabitants, leaving their dwell-
ings, repaired, about seventy in number, to a house forti-
fied in the hurry of the occasion, and but poorly prepared
to resist a furious attack. Into this house the returning
remnant of the company rushed, panting with excitement
and effort, adding strength as well as terror to the affrighted
assemblage. They were hardly within the walls before
the savage host was around them. They poured in their
fire upon the house, and from every loop-hole received a
well aimed fire in return, which forced them to take a
more respectful distance. While this passage at arms was
m progress, the torch of the incendiary was busy with the
other dwellings, and the crackling of fierce flames, as
houses and barns were swallowed up in destruction, min-
gled with the yells of the assailants. The cattle of the
plantation, affrighted at the sounds and 1 the spectacle, fled.
After in a measure glutting themselves with destruction,
they surrounded the fortified house with redoubled fury,
determined to burn it, and thus put an end to the precious
lives it contained. Too near an approach was death to
them, and they were driven to every possible ingenuity of
stratagem. Arrows armed with fire were discharged at
the house, and long poles, tipped with torches, were thrust
toward the frail citadel, but without effect. A cart was
then filled with combustible stuffs, which on being set fire
to, was pushed toward the house by poles spliced upon one
another. As this fearful engine approached, destruction
seemed inevitable, but, by a most providentially opportune
shower of rain, the fire-bearer was disarmed.
Thus night closed down upon the besieged, and what
daylight would not permit, was sought to be effected under
cover of darkness. A quantity of combustibles was stealth-
ily conveyed to the side of the house, and then set fire to.
The building was so much endangered that some of the in-
mates were obliged to go out, and draw water from a well,
to quench the flames ; and, though fired upon continually,
they escaped without the loss of a man. The night passed,
and another day, when, on the 4th of August, Major Simon
Willard, at the head of a troop of forty horse, near Lan-
TROOPS COME TO THE RESCUE. 83
caster, and on a hostile expedition to the Indians near that
place, heard of the danger to which Brookfield was ex-
posed, and dashed off with all haste to its relief. The af-
frighted cattle which had remained away from the scenes
that have been described, after their stampede, fell into his
rear, and in the darkness of night followed him into the
village. An Indian guard ha^ been placed at the very
avenue through which he approached, but the dusky forms
that swept past them, horses and animals being counted
alike, appeared so numerous that they did not venture to
fire a gun. As soon as the company were within the gar-
rison, however, the Indians poured in upon the house a hot
fire. No damage being done, except in the killing of sev-
eral horses, they then set fire to such houses as remained
unharmed,, and retreated to the woods. The besiegers lost
eighty of their men, while only one man in the house was
killed. News of the attack on Brookfield by some means
found its way to Springfield, and a Springfield company
under Lieut. Thomas Cooper, comprising also thirty men
from Hartford, for whom Major Pynchon had sent, and a
number of professedly friendly Indians in all eighty
men immediately set out for the relief of that settlement,
but they arrived after the danger was past, and some days
afterwards returned home. Companies under the com-
mand of Captains Lathrop and Beers, from the Eastern
part of the colony, also arrived, but too late to render any
service. In the meantime, Philip, after remaining in the
swamp at Pocassst, and engaging in several skirmishes,
left those quarters, among the last days of July, and found
his way into the Nipmuck country unpursued, or pursued
with little efficiency. It appears from the narrative of a
Christian Indian, named George, who w.as taken prisoner
at the surprise of Capt. Hutchinson's party on the 2d of
August, that, on the 5th of that month, which must have
been within a few hours of the time when the Indians re-
tired from Brookfield, Philip, at the head of forty men and
a much larger number of women and children, made his
appearance in a swamp to which the besiegers had retired.
But thirty of his men had muskets, and ten of them were
wounded. The hunted chief was immediately a gratified
listener to the story of the massacre and the siege that had
just transpired, and, to signify his approbation, he distrib-
84 KINO PHILIP'S WAR.
uted, with royal munificence, a peck of unstrung wampum
each, to three of the Nijmiuck sagamores. But he was
poorer in men than in treasure. He started from Mount
Hope with 250 men. Some had left him, others were
killed, and at that time only forty of his men stood around
him. Philip acknowledged that if the English had fol-
lowed him a day or two longer in the swamp, or even if
he had been efficiently pursued when he left it, he must
have been taken, as his ammunition was nearly exhausted.
Major Willard and his force still remained at Brook-
field, and had, in company with the auxiliaries from Spring-
field and the East, scoured the forests around without find-
ing the enemy. The latter had fled Westward, towards
the Connecticut. In consequence of this movement prob-
ably, rather than from any specific suspicion of the inten-
tions of the Indians about Hadley, Captain Beers and
Lathrop, pushed on to that town, and there had, under their
command, 180 men. At last they became suspicious that
the Indians there were only waiting for an opportunity to
join in the schemes of Philip, of whose arrival among the
Pocomtuck Indians at Deerfield the event proved they
were aware. These suspicions were based on the facts
that they asked for no lands on which to plant corn as
usual, that one of them had said there would be war that
year, that they had withdrawn all their goods from the
possession of the settlers, with whom they had been in-
trusted, that " they gave eleven triumphant shouts after the
burning of Brookfield, as their manner was," that two of
Philip's Indians had been admitted into their fort, and va-.
rious other equally suggestive circumstances. Hubbard
says that these Indians first professed enmity to Philip,
and offered to assist in fighting him, and that their duplicity
was discovered by some friendly Mohegan Indians, allies
of the English. Accordingly, they were ordered to deliver
up their arms. Intimating their readiness to do this,
though after considerable manifest hesitation, they deferred
the matter until night, when, it being the 25th of August,
they secretly left their fort, and fled up the river. Their
flight was discovered, and the next day Beers and Lathrop
pursued them. Coming up with the fugitives near the base
of Sugarloaf Mountain, in what is now known as South
Deerfield, they fired upon them, and a hot engagement
FALL OF CAPT. BEERS. 85
followed, in which the Indians lost twenty-six killed, and
the English ten. The remainder fled, and made good
their escape to Philip, and, ceasing from the pursuit, La-
throp and Beers returned to Hadley. The names of nine
of the soldiers killed at Deerfield were as follow : Wil-
liam Cluff, Azariah Dickinson, James Levens, Richard
Fellows, Samuel Mason, John Plumer, Mathew Scales,
Mark Pitman and Joseph Person.
Hadley, by 4 its central position in the settlements, and,
from its location upon the neck of a peninsula, being less
exposed to sudden attacks than other neighboring points,
became the head-quarters of the English forces in the river
campaign. The presence of the Mohegans at Hadley has
been mentioned. They formed a portion of re-inforce-
ments sent to the spot by both Massachusetts and Connecti-
cut. Detachments from these new troops were stationed
in garrison at Northampton, Hatfield, Deerfield and North-
field. Preparations had been made for the worst, and the
worst was expected. Deerfield was in the very midst of
the hostile forces, and the exasperated Philip was on the
spot. The Squakheags, at Northfield, were one with the
Pocomtucks in intention and policy, and were doubtless in
daily communication with Philip, while he was probably
with them, more or less. These facts were apparent to
Major Treat (of Connecticut, then commanding at Hadley,)
and even while he was deliberating and determining, the
Indians had commenced their cruel work. A week had
elapsed after the action in Southern Deerfield, when they
fell upon the settlers at Deerfield, killed one of them, and
burnt the most of the village. This was on the first of
September, and but two or three days passed thereafter
when they attacked Northfield, killed nine or ten men, and
the remaining settlers barely escaped destruction by flying
to their fort. Before these disasters became known to
Major Treat, he dispatched Capt. Beers, with thirty-six
mounted men, to Northfield, to convoy provisions to the
garrison and settlers. His path was a long and tedious
one, through an unbroken forest, for about thirty miles.
He passed up through the territory now occupied by the
towns of Sunderland, Montague and Erving, going through
many dangerous places without seeing an Indian. At last,
his company dismounted, left their horses, and, retarded by
8
86 KING PHILIP'S AVAR.
the difficult progress of their baggage wagon, continued the
inarch on foot. The company arrived within two miles of
their destination, and were happily dreaming that their
toils and dangers were over, when, in crossing a swampy
ravine, they fell upon an ambuscade. The ravine opened
up upon their right for some distance, and here, .and in
front of the approaching victims, the savages lay con-
cealed. As soon as Capt. Beers and his men walked un-
suspectingly into the snare, they received a murderous fire
from the front and right, and many of them fell dead upon
the spot. The remainder scattered in wild confusion, and
turned in retreat, the Indians being in full pursuit. Gain-
ing the brow of a hill, at the distance of some three-quar-
ters of a mile from the scene of slaughter, Capt. Beers
rallied his men, or such as were in his vicinity, and there
bravely maintained his ground against overwhelming odds,
until he fell, fatally wounded. He fought to the last, and
the plain over which he retreated, and the hill where he
fell, now most appropriately bear his name. At his fall,
his gallant men fled, and took their way back to Hadley,
leaving their dead and wounded. Of the thirty-seven who
engaged in the expedition, only sixteen returned to tell of
the disaster. Of the tw r euty soldiers killed, the names of
only twelve have been preserved, which are as follow :
John Gatchell, Benjamin Crackbun, Ephraim Child, John
Wilson, George Dickens, Thomas Cornish, Robert Pepper,
John Genery, Jeremiah Morrell, Elisha Woodward, Wil-
liam Markham and James Mullard, or James Miller, as
it is otherwise written.
As soon as the fight was over, the savages gave them-
selves up to the infliction of the most revolting barbarities
upon the persons of the dead and dying. From some
they cut off the heads, and stuck them up upon poles by
the side of the traveled path. Upon one, the barbarity
inflicted was so cruel that it would seem that it must have
been visited upon a living subject. The hook of a chain
was fastened behind the lower jaw, and, by this fixture, he
was suspended to a tree. All this, Major Treat and a hun-
dred of his men saw two days afterwards, on arriving at
the spot, to bring aid to the sufferers at Northfield. One
object the Indians had in view was, doubtless, to terrify
those who might attempt revenge, and the effect seems to
THE BLOODY BROOK TRAGEDY. 87
have been secured, for the witnesses were appalled. They,
however, pushed on to Northfield, and brought away the
garrison and the inhabitants. In returning, Major Treat
met Capt. Samuel Appleton with another force. The lat-
ter was anxious to advance up the river, and chastise the
enemy, but Major Treat, as well as his command, either
from conscious inferiority of numbers, or in consequence of
the sickening impressions then upon them, were averse to
the proceeding, and all returned to Hadley. But a short
time after the departure of this last force from Northfield,
the Indians applied the torch to the fort, houses, and all
the property left behind, and thus brought to a sad conclu-
sion the first settlement at Northfield.
At this time, Capt. Moseley, who had distinguished him-
self in the Eastern part of the colony, commanded the
garrison at Deerfield. Reinforcements of the troops at
Hadley had taxed that and the adjacent towns beyond their
capacity for supplies* But around Deerfield, in the fields
of its inhabitants, was a large amount of wheat, in stack.
Ilubbard states the amount to have been 3,000 bushels,
but this seems like an exaggeration, considering the weak-
ness of the plantation. Whatever the amount may have
been, it was the nearest and most available resource in the
extremity, an extremity made the more apparent by the
rapid approach of winter. The wheat was a treasure, and
it was. within the power of the enemy to destroy it. Ac-
cordingly, Capt. Lathrop was detached from Hadley with
eighty young men, and a large number of teams. These
young soldiers were all from the Eastern part of the col-
ony, and, according to Hubbard, were " the very flower of
the county of Essex." Capt. Lathrop himself was from
Salem. Deerfield was distant from Hadley about fifteen
miles, and all arrived at their destination without disturb-
ance. There, after threshing the grain, the baggage
wagons were loaded, and on the 18th of September the
party set out on their return. During all their operations
at Deerfield, no Indians had been seen, and with but little
misgiving the return-march was commenced. But they
had been watched, and their march and mission known.
Arriving nearly opposite Sugarloaf Mountain, and in not
remote vicinity of the scene of the fight with the fugitive
Indians of Hadley, their path lay across a stream, on
88 KING PHILIP'S WAR.
which the events of that day conferred the name of
" Bloody Brook/' This stream was then overshadowed
with trees, over which the native grape had clambered,
and from which it displayed its tempting clusters. This
brook-side thicket, like that which had been the scene of
the successful ambuscade at Northfield, afforded the best
possible opportunity for the operations of the Indians, and
here, to the overwhelming number of seven hundred, they
planted themselves. No scout had been sent in advance
to look for danger, and no danger was suspected. The
company marched entirely or partly across the morass,
and then halted, either for rest, or to watch the passage of
the laboring teams. Here they paused, within the very
jaws of death, and tradition says that the soldiers climbed
the trees to feast themselves upon grapes. This tradition
has been commemorated in a rude painting that hung in
the dining room of the old " Pocomtuck House " at South
Deerfield, many years ago. Those who are deemed sound
authority, however, contradict the tradition, and attribute
the climbing of the trees to the teamsters. Traditions of
this character, on the very ground of the events they per-
petuate, always have a basis. Whether soldiers or team-
sters were thus careless or not, all had halted, and all were
off their guard.
Now was the moment for the murderous host. The im-
placable Philip was doubtless with them, and his was
probably the signal gun that brought from every bush, and
brake, and sheltering tree, the fiery shower. Among the
English, all was dire confusion. Many fell dead at the
first discharge, and leaping from their lurking places, the
savages rushed upon them with terrible slaughter. The
troops, broken by death and broken by surprise, scattered in
all directions. Capt. Lathrop fell early, but, following his
professed tactics to fight Indians in their own way the
remainder of his men took each his tree, and resolved to
sell his life at the dearest rate. One after another the In-
dians fell beneath their unerring aim, and one after another
themselves dropped away, each man the aim of a dozen
Indian marksmen. But the contest was decided, and such
of the English as could flee, fled. The wounded were
coldly butchered, and there, as the result of the terrible
massacre, lay ninety men, soldiers and teamsters, still warm
THE BLOODY BROOK TRAGEDY. 89
with the buoyant life that was theirs but an hour before, in
the ghastly sleep of death. Only seven or eight of their
companions escaped. The roar of the musketry rolled
across the silent woods, and reached the ears of the garri-
son at Deerfield. The valiant Capt, Moseley, with his
little company, was immediately on the march for the scene
of action, but when he arrived, the struggle was over, and
the savages were engaged in stripping the dead. The
whole body of Indians were together, and in a position
most favorable for Capt. Moseley's attack, which com-
menced with a spirited and splendid charge. In compact
order they cut their way through the enemy, inflicting ter-
rible slaughter on every side. Rapid in movement, and
always together, they charged back and forth, until the
savage host sought safety in flight. Reaching a swamp
near by, they rallied again, and the action went on for sev-
eral hours. But the ammunition of the Indians becoming
exhausted, they retreated, and left the gallant band of
English, masters of the field. It is not unlikely that the
arrival of Major Treat from Hadley, with a hundred men,
had its part in determining the savages to fly, for the rein-
forcement fell immediately in with the final pursuit. The
loss of the Indians was estimated at ninety-six, and the
large majority of these must have been slain by Capt.
Moseley and his men, who lost but two of their number
Peter Barren and John Gates. It was a gallant exploit,
and a befitting revenge for the most terrible massacre of
whites furnished by the annals of New England.
The shades of evening began to fall upon the bloody
field, and fancy only can call up the feelings of the tired
soldiers as they repaired to the spot where their old com-
panions in arms, and in the social circle, lay reposing in a
bloody death, their brows gashed with the tomahawk, their
hearts' blood steeping the ground, and their ghastly faces
looking still more ghastly in the dim light that fell through
the trees. A silent farewell taken of the murdered sleep-
ers, Treat and Moseley, with their men, proceeded to Deer-
i'n'ld. The command of Major Treat was composed partly
of Mohcjran and Pequot Indians, and all slept in the Deer-
field garrison that night. In the morning, they returned
to the scene of the previous day's action, but before they
arrived, a few Indians were on the ground, engaged in
8*
00 KING PHILIP'S WAR.
stripping the slain. These fled, at the approach of the
soldiers, and the latter proceeded to the melancholy task of
burying the dead. While about this work, one Robert
Dutch, of Ipswich, who was left for dead by both whites
and Indians on the previous day, and from whose person
every garment had been stripped, rose from the ground,
his head and face covered with contusions and blood, and
walked up to the soldiers, " to their no small amazement."
He was then clothed, probably from the bodies of his d>ad
companions, subsequently taken back to the garrison, and
survived his supposed death for several years. Hubbard,
in the religious spirit of his time, gives him this apostro-
phe : " May he be to the friends and relations of the rest
of the slain an emblem of their more perfect resurrection
at the last day, to receive their crowns among the rest of
the martyrs that have laid down and ventured their lives,
as a testimony to the truth of their religion, as well as
love to their country."
This same old writer, to whom almost every subsequent
historian has been indebted for the leading facts connected
with this terrible affair, takes occasion to bestow no incon-
siderable degree of blame upon Lathrop, and a propor-
tionate degree of praise upon Moseley. So far as Lathrop
was careless, and it is indisputable that he was so, he was
undoubtedly in the blame. But Hubbard discusses the
relative merits of the military policy of the two command-
ers. Lathrop's policy was to fight as the Indians fought
behind trees, and separately. To this policy the historian
attributes the terrible slaughter that was made, on this
occasion not only, but at the time Lathrop's action occurred
with the fugitives from Hadley, near the same spot. Mose-
ley's policy was that exhibited in his action fighting in
close order. The merits -of the two systems are contrasted
by the contrast of results. But it must be remembered
that Lathrop's men, whatever may have been their action
on the previous occasion alluded to, were, on this, crippled
at the first onset, and while the Indians were fully pre-
pared for action, they were entirely unprepared. Capt.
Moseley, on coming to the ground, was prepared, and the
enemy, in the very excitement of victory, and engaged in
their indignities upon the slain, in a measure off their
guard. That Moseley was the better soldier, is probable ;
HONORS TO THE FLOWER OP ESSEX. 91
and that his was the better system of policy, is more than
likely ; but censure applied to Capt. Lathrop for the scat-
tering of his company at Bloody Brook, seems unjust.
Hoyt, who writes critically of the military operations of
the times, is of this opinion, and Mr. Hubbard's censure
will find few indorsers.
According to Hoyt, the precise spot where the massacre
occurred was where the regular highway from South to
Old Deerfield crosses Bloody Brook. A rude monument
was erected near the spot some time after the occurrence,
but time crumbled it, and nothing stood for many years to
tell where fell the " Flower of Essex." But the residents
of the locality could not always forget the precious blood
in which their noble soil was baptized, and, accordingly, on
the 30th of September, 1835, the inhabitants of Deerfield,
Greenfield, Conway, Shelburne and Gill celebrated the
anniversary of the sad event. A committee had previously
been appointed to ascertain the precise spot, if possible,
where in one grave Major Treat and Capt. Moseley buried
the slain. This committee were successful in attaining the
object of their search. On digging down, the bones were
found. They " were much decayed, or rather changed to
terrene substances, still retaining their primitive forms, yet
easily crumbled to dust by pressure of the fingers." The
celebration of the day was signalized by the laying of the
corner stone of a marble monument, and by an eloquent
address by Hon. Edward Everett. The monument which
rose upon this corner stone is twenty-six feet high, and has
become a familiar object to passengers through the Con-
necticut Valley. It stands a few rods North of the grave,
on the East side of the road, and in the vicinity of the
brook. Gen. Hoyt of Deerfield, the able historian of the
Indian wars, was present at the laying of the corner stone,
and made a brief address. It was well that one whose
name will always be honorably associated with the Indian
history of the Valley should be a spectator of, and an artix <>,
participant in, the occasion. The scene presented on the
day of celebration was one of great interest. People
flocked in from all the towns around, and many came from
a great distance, to be witnesses of the ceremonials. But
the red men were not there the forest had passed away,
and peace, happiness, plenty and security reigned on every
92 KING PHILIP'S WAR.
hand. It was not marvelous that the orator, seeing and
feeling the change, and recalling the memory of those
brave men who won with blood the pleasant fields around,
and planted with noble toil the institutions enjoyed by
their successors, should, in his rapt peroration, have ex-
claimed :
" Oh that we could call them back to see the work of their
hands ! Oh, that our poor strains of gratitude could penetrate
their tombs ! Oh, that we could quicken into renewed con-
sciousness the brave and precious dust that moulders beneath
our feet ! Oh, that they could rise up in the midst of us the
hopeful, the valiant, the self-devoted and graciously accept
these humble offices of commemoration ! But. though they
tasted not the fruit, they shall not lose the praise of their sac-
rifice and toils. I read in your eyes that they shall not be de-
frauded of their renown. This mighty concourse bears wit-
ness to the emotions of a grateful posterity. Yon simple
monument shall rise, a renewed memorial of their names.
On this sacred spot, where the young, the brave, the patriotic,
poured out their life-blood in defense of that heritage which
has descended to us, we this day solemnly bring our tribute
of gratitude. Ages shall pass away ; the majestic tree which
overshadows us shall wither and sink before the blast, and we
who are now gathered beneath it^shall mingle with the hon-
ored dust we eulogize ; but the " Flower of Essex *' shall
bloom in undying remembrance ; and with every century
these rites of commemoration shall be repeated, as the lapse
of time shall continually develop, in richer abundance, the
fruits of what was done and suffered by our fathers."
The following is the inscription upon the tablet of the
monument at Bloody Brook :
< On this ground, Capt. THOMAS LATH R OP and eighty
men under his command, including eighteen teamsters from
Deerfield, conveying stores from that town to Hadley, were
ambushed by about 700 Indians, and the captain and seventy-
six men slain, September 18th, 1675, (old style.)
" The soldiers who fell were described by a cotemporary
historian as a choice company of young men, the very flower
of the County of Essex, none of whom were ashamed to
speak with the enemy in the gate. 5 '
1 And Sanguinetto tells you where the dead
Made the earth wet, and turned the unwilling waters red.'
" The grave of the slain is marked by a stone slab, 21 rods
South of this monument."
LIST OF THE SLAIN. 93
Above the inscription are engraved the following words :
" Erected, August, 1838." The slab referred to in the in-
scription bears the simple memorial: " Grave of Oapt.
Lathrop and men slain by the Indians, 1675." It is, per-
haps, a little singular, that only about sixty of the names
of those slain have been preserved in the archives of the
State, and that Dr. Increase Mather speaks of the burial
of " about sixty persons in one grave." This, in connec-
tion with the fact that so large a number as ninety men
were slain, seventy-six of whom were soldiers, is a remark-
able coincidence. It would seem not improbable that the
teamsters who were residents of the region were taken
home for burial, and a portion of the soldiers transported
to adjacent plantations. This, however, is conjecture.
The names of the slain, as recorded, are as follow :
Capt. Thomas Laythrop, Sergeant Thomas Smith, Sam-
uel Stevens, John Hobs, Ipswich ; Daniel Button, Salem ;
John Harriman, Thomas Bayley, Ezekiel Sawier, Salem ;
Jacob Kilborne, Thomas Manning, Ipswich ; Jacob Wayn-
writt, Ipswich ; Benjamin Roper do.; John Bennett, Man-
chester ; Thomas Menter, Caleb Kimball, Ipswich ; Thomas
Hobs, Ipswich; Robert Homes, Edward Traske, Salem;
Richard Lambert, Salem ; Josiah Dodge, Beverly ; Peter
Woodberry, Beverly; Joseph Balch, Beverly; Samuel
Whitteridge, Ipswich ; William Dew, Sergeant Samuel Ste-
vens, Samuel Crumpton, John Plum, Thomas Buckley,
Salem ; George Ropes, Salem ; Joseph King, Thomas Al-
ox under, Francis Friende, Abel Oseph, John Litheato,
Samuel Hudson, Adam Clarke, Ephraim Fearah, Robert
Wilson, Salem ; Stephen Wellman, Salem ; Benjamin Far-
nell, Solomon Alley, Lynn ; John Merrik, Robert Hins-
dall, Samuel Hinsdall, Barnabas Hinsdall, John Hinsdall,
Joseph Gilbert, John Allin, Manchester; Joshua Carter,
Manchester; John Barnard, James Tufts, Salem; Jona-
than Plympton, Philip Barsham, Thomas Weller, William
Smeade, Zebediah Williams, Eliakim Marshall, James
Madge, George Cole.
These names, mis-spelt in many instances, and clumsily
arranged, are the only record we have of those who thus
laid down their lives in the service of the early plantations
of the Connecticut Valley. Capt. Lathrop was one of the
early settlers of the colony, and was sixty-five years old
9-i KING PHILIP'S WAR.
when he died. His wife was one of the " eight persons
made widows " by the massacre, but he left no children.
The direction of military operations among the Con-
necticut River settlements was vested in the Commission-
ers of the United Colonies, who, being at a distance from
the scene of operations, indiscreetly left little to the dis-
cretion of the officers in command. This fact is evident
from the letters of the latter to the Governor of Massa-
chusetts, from which it appears that after the destruction
of Capt. Lathrop and his men at Bloody Brook, the com-
missioners ordered that the towns should be left without
garrison, in order to augment the field force. There grew
up at this time some disaffection in the Connecticut Gov-
ernment, in regard to certain matters connected with the
war, and a consequent embarrassment to the effective and
free movements of the troops from that colony. The
troops, in all, by the agreement of Massachusetts, Con-
necticut, and Plymouth, were to number 500. The latter
Government had failed to send any troops, and the entire
number was furnished by Massachusetts and Connecticut
alone. This was apparently the cause of the disaffection
of Connecticut, and as the whole number was insufficient
at best, that disaffection was the more severely felt. Ma-
jor Treat, who had had the direction of the Connecticut
troops at Hadley, and more or less, by courtesy, of the
Massachusetts troops, went down the river to Westfield,
for what special purpose does not appear. It is not appa-
rent that Major Pynchon, the commander of the Hamp-
shire regiment, had had thus far either much direction of, or
much participation in the campaign. In fact, the commis-
sioners seem to have exercised such a degree of authority,
that but little was left to the independent action of the
commanders. Major Pynchon, however, had the control
of military operations among the lower settlements, while
Treat generally directed affairs above.
After the departure of Major Treat from Hadley, either
under the order of the commissioners, or by the combined
decision of the Hadley commanders on the ground, and
Major Pynchon, it was determined to go out in force to
make a demonstration against the Indians, then supposed
to be hovering in large numbers around the frontier planta-
tions on the North. The policy of the Indians, thus far,
BURNING OF SPRINGFIELD. 95
apparently, to sweep the plantations from the North
downwards. Northfield and Deerfield had fallen, and Hat-
iidd, Iladley and Northampton were the next in course.
In the meantime, the Indians, with the cunning which
characterized them, took measures to surprise the settle-
ment which least 'expected it. In the meantime, too, the
Springfield Indians, who had thus far been at perfect peace
with the whites, stimulated by the course of events at the
North, and anticipating the final triumph of the tribes, be-
gan to manifest a treacherous tendency. One or two
buildings were burnt at Springfield, but the inhabitants,
who had lived so peaceably with the Indians for nearly
forty years, could not attribute the incendiarism to its real
source. Still, suspicion was awakened. The people of
the town repaired and strengthened their fortified houses
so as to be prepared for an emergency, and then questioned
the Indians, of whom they succeeded in obtaining hostages
for their good behavior, and these were sent to Hartford
for safe keeping. The Indians then, having laid their
plans, went secretly to Hartford, and enticed away the
hostages, who had not been guarded with sufficient strict-
ness. This was on the night of the 4th of October, and on
the same night, 300 of Philip's Indians who, shunning the
plantations, had made their way through the woods to
Springfield, from the North, were admitted into the fort at
Long Hill. On the morning of this day, the Springfield
soldiers, to the number of '45, left Springfield for Hadley,
to join in the demonstration contemplated at that point,
thus leaving the town unprotected by any sufficient force.
Living in the family of a Mr. TVolcott at Windsor, was an
Indian named Toto, and on the evening in which these
hostile preparations were in progress, he appeared much
agitated. By the passage of the Indians between Hartford
and Springfield, at the time the hostages were drawn away
from the former town, he had been made acquainted with
the designs of the Indians, and the possession of the terri-
ble secret made his emotions uncontrollable. He was
questioned, and discovered the fact that the Indians at
Springfield, with some of Philip's forces, were about to
burn that town and destroy its inhabitants. The dispatch
of a messenger to the doomed town was immediately
effected. He arrived at the dead hour of night, and gave
the alarm. The tidings were carried from house to house.
06 KING PHILIP'S WAR.
Men and women leaped from their beds, the children
were clothed with such haste as circumstances demanded,
and then all fled, with such valuables and necessaries as
they could carry, to the fortified houses. A post was dis-
patched to Major Pynchon, at Hadley, giving him informa-
tion of the plot, and requesting his immediate assistance.
Within the fortified houses, three in number, the terri-
fied inhabitants impatiently awaited the light of morning.
The morning came, but no Indians, and no apparent cause
of alarm. The sun rose higher, but disclosed no foe. The
inconvenience of their situation, and the terror of sus-
pense, at last induced Lieut. Thomas Cooper, whose name
has already become familiar in the history of the town,
and Thomas Miller, to mount their horses, and proceed to-
wards the Indian forti Both these men were in the de-
cline of life, and both were brave. Cooper, in the absence
of Major Pynchon, was the first in military command.
They reached the woods which then skirted the lower end
of Main street, when their course was stopped by the dis-
charge of musketry from the ambushed foe, and Miller
fell dead. Cooper, too, received a mortal wound, but being
a strong man, he clung to his horse, which wheeled and
galloped homeward, bearing his dying burden, until he
reached the first fortified house, where his rider fell at the
door and expired. Upon this confirmation of the worst
fears of the inhabitants, the warriors of Philip crowded
closely, and the town was immediately swarming with the
murderous horde. The buildings were rifled, and the
torches applied to them, and safe in their fortifications, the
inhabitants saw their hard-earned property, and their only
shelter from the approaching winter, consuming in fierce
flames, and smoking in ruin. About thirty dwelling houses
were burned down, and some twenty-five barns, with the
hay and grain which had been laid up for the Winter's
stores. The corn mill and saw mill of Mr. Pynchon were
also destroyed. But the Indians could produce but little
impression upon the fortified houses. In the course of the
day they managed to wound four or five persons, and killed
one woman Pentecost Matthews and during this period
the terrified villagers awaited the coming of the troops
from the North. About the middle of the day, Major
Treat, the'n at Westfield, appeared with his force on the
Western bank of the river. He, too, with the Hadley
BURNING OF SPRINGFIELD. 97
forces, had been reached by a night post. But the river
opposed his further progress. The inhabitants sent off
five men to take over a boat/ Their departure was per-
ceived, and four times their number of Indians instantly
pursued them. They reached their boat and pushed off,
under a hot fire from the enemy. One poor fellow David
Morgan received a shot through the neck. The boat
reached the opposite shore, and was filled with soldiers for
the return. But the Indians stood in force upon the East-
ern bank, ready to receive them, and amused themselves
by firing at them across the river. It was found impossible
to cross in this way, and with the small number of men
that must go at a time, and so all assistance was cut off
from this source, A few hours after this, Major Pynchon
and Capt. Appleton arrived from Hadley, with a force of
two hundred men, and found the town in ruins, with the
exception of a few houses, which were doubtless saved
from destruction by their arrival. As the troops came in,
the Indians retired, and then Major Treat and his com-
mand crossed the river, and the two forces occupied the
town during the night, with the exception of scouting par-
ties sent off to discover where the Indians lodged, and
what course they had taken a mission in which they were
unsuccessful. Subsequently, an old squaw was taken who
gave information that the Indians on retiring from Spring-
field lodged that night about six miles from the place, that
the exact number of Philip's Indians present on the occa-
sion was 270, and that the whole number of the enemy,
including the Springfield Indians, was 600. Men were
dispatched to the spot indicated as their camp. They
found twenty-four fires and some plunder, but the Indians
had gone, none knew whither.
The inhabitants were thus left houseless and almost pen-
niless. There were no mills to grind their corn, or to saw
stuffs for new dwellings, and in deep discouragement, they
came near abandoning the settlement, and leaving their
estates as the settlers at the North had done. Major Pyn-
rhon was much disheartened. The accumulations of a
life-time had been swept away, and it is not unlikely that
the graceless return which the Indians had made for all
his kindness had an effect upon his mind. His were the
buildings destroyed previous to the general conflagration.
9
98 KING PHILIP'S WAR.
He felt, too, the weight of the responsibility that was upon
him, in his position as the leading man of the town. Mr.
Glover, the minister, lost one of the most valuable private
libraries that New England then contained. Hubbard
calls it a " brave library." This he had but a short time
before removed from one of the fortified houses, to which
he had carried it for safety. But, " being impatient for
want of his books, he brought them back, to his great sor-
row, fit for the bonfire for the proud, insulting enemy."
Perhaps nothing will more perfectly exhibit the state of
feeling into which the disaster threw Major Pynchon, than
extracts from letters written by him at that time. The fol-
lowing is taken from his letter to Governor Leverett, writ-
ten from Springfield under date of October 8th :
" Our people are under great discouragement talk of leav-
ing the place. We need your orders and directions about it.
If it be deserted, how wofully do we yield to, and encourage,
our insolent enemy, and how doth it make way for the giving
up of all the towns above. If it be held, it must be by
strength and many soldiers, and how to have provision I
mean bread for want of a mill, is difficult. The soldiers
here already complain on that account, although we have
flesh enough. And this very strait I mean no meal, will
drive many of our inhabitants away, especially those that,
have no corn, and many of them no nouses, which fills and
throngs up every room of those that have, together with the
soldiers now (which yet we cannot be without,) increasing
our numbers, so that indeed it is very uncomfortable living
here, and for my own particular, it would be far better for me
to go away, because here I have not anything left, I mean
no corn, neither Indian nor English, and no means to keep
one beast here ; nor can I have release in this town because
so many are destitute. But I resolve to attend what God
calls me to, and to stick to it as long as I can, and though I
have such great loss of my comforts, yet to do what I can for
defending the place. I hope God will make up in himself
what is wanting in the creature, to me and to us all.
" This day a post is sent up from Hartford to call off Major
Treate, with a part of his soldiers, from intelligence they have
of a party of Indians lying at Wethersfield, on the East side
of the river, so that matters of action here do linger exceed-
ingly, which makes me wonder what the Lord intends with
his people. Strange providences, diverting us in all our
hopeful designs, and the Lord giving opportunity to the
enemy to do us mischief, and then hideing of them, and
MAJOR PYNCHON'S RESIGNATION. 99
answering all our prayers by terrible things in righteous-
ness.
" Sir. I am incapable of holding my command, being more
and more unfit, and almost confounded in my understanding.
The Lord direct you to pitch on a meeter person than ever I
was. According to liberty from the Council, I shall devolve
all upon Capt. Appleton, unless Major Treat shall return
again, when you shall give your orders as shall be most meet
to yourselves.
" To speak my thoughts, all these towns ought to be garri-
soned, as I have formerly hinted, and had I been left to my-
self, should, I think, have done that which might possibly
have prevented this damage, but the express order to do as I
did, was by the wise disposing hand of God, who knew it
best for us, and therein we must acquiesce. And truly to go
out after the Indians in the swamps and thickets, is to hazard
all our men, unless we knew where they keep, which is alto-
gether unknown to us, and God hides from us for e^ds best
known to himself. We are in great hazard, if we do but go
out for wood, to be shot down by some skulking Indians.''
The deep religious spirit with which Mr. Pynchon re-
garded his calamities is evidenced further in a letter writ-
ten on the 20th of October, to his son Joseph, in London.
It cannot be that the many descendants of this noble man,
now in New England, or the multitude in Western Massa-
chusetts who are reaping the reward of his toils and trials,
will regard with indifference a production so fatherly and
Christianly, and it is given entire.
" SPRINGFIELD, Oct. 20, 1675.
" Dear Son Joseph : The sore contending of God with us
for our sins, unthankfulness for former mercies, and unfaith-
fulness under our precious enjoyments, hath evidently dem-
onstrated that he is very angry with this country, God having
given the heathen a large commission to destroy. And ex-
ceeding havoc have they made in this country, destroying
two or three small places above Northampton and Hadley,
and lately they have fallen upon Springfield, and almost
ruined it by burning of houses. About 30 or 32 dwelling
houses are burnt down, and some twenty five barns, full of
corn and hay. The Lord hath spared my dwelling house,*
but my barns and out-housing are all burned down, and all
my corn and hay consumed ; and not anything have I left of
food, either for man or beast. All my mills, both com and
*The late old brick " fort/' or the " old Pynchon House." ,
100 KING PHILIP'S WAK.
saw mills, are burnt down. Those at home, in this town, and
also those I had in other places j and four of those houses
and bams to them, which were burnt in this towne, belongeth
to me also. So that God hath laid me low. My farmers are
also undone, and many in this towne that were in my debt,
utterly disabled, so that I am really reduced to greate straites.
" But it is the Lord's good pleasure it should be so, and He
is most just and righteous ; yea, in very faithfulness hath he
done it for the good of my soule. I have not the least cause
to murmur and repine at the wise dispose of a gracious God
and loving Father, but desire to acquiesce in his good pleas-
ure, and to lie at his foote in holy submission to his blessed
will.
" This Providence, and the state of this country in reference
to this Indian war, afford matter of consideration in reference
to your coming over, which I have much desired and wrote to
you for; but now shall leave you at your liberty, not having
ground or seeing cause to press you upon it, further than you
shall yourself see reason for it. Though I and your mother
should be exceeding glad to see you, yet, as tymes are, ques-
tion whether it be best to come over yet (I mean now) ; and
how God may dispose of us I know not. We are yet here at_
Springfield my house garrisoned with soldiers, and full of
troubles and hurrys. The Lord help us to remember our
peace and quietness, and truly to lament our abuse thereof,
and heartily and really to turn to himself by unfeigned re-
pentance. The Lord is in earnest with us, and truly he ex-
pects our being in earnest in returning to himselfe.
" Oh, dear Son ! How sweet is an interest in Christ Jesus
in these distracting tymes ! They are trying tymes, and it is
good, knowing in whom we have believed. Treasure in
heaven is abiding, when the greatest earthly enjoyments may
soon fail us, and come to nothing. Let us, therefore, while
we have them so use them, as using them sitting loose from
them, and being contented to part with all when God calls for
it. In the improving of the creature, to sit loose from it, is a
sweete and blessed frame, for I know it is a duty to look after,
and manage what God hath given us, and in that respect I
may call on you to doe your best, in a way of prudence, to
sell your estate in England, and in it advise with Mr. Wick-
ens and brother Smith [Henry Smith, Major Pynchon's broth-
er-in-law, who returned to England in 1652] who I know will
afford the best help they can, and doe as you are able. I am
not able to afford you any helpe, but by my prayers, which I
am always putting up for you ; and as God shall enable, I
shall be ready to do my utmost for you otherwise. The Lord
in mercy be good to you and us. How he may deal with ua
ALARM AT THE NORTH. 101
I know not. Where his providence may cast me, whether to
Boston or further, or whether I may live to get out of this
place, it is only with himself, and on that strong rod I desire
to depend for salvation, here and hereafter. I am in straits
and hurrys, and may only add mine and your mother's en-
deared love and affection to you, with hearty wishes and
prayers for you. I commend you to the grace of God in
Christ Jesus, and am your affectionately loving father,
JOHN PYNCHON
"(P S.) Dear Son. I would not have you troubled at
these sad losses which I have met with. There is no reason
for a child to be troubled when his father calls in that which
he lent him. It was the Lord that lent it to me, and he that
gave it hath taken it away, and blessed be the name of the
Lord. He hath done very well for me, and I acknowledge
his goodness, and desire to trust in Him and submit to Him
forever. And doe you, with me, acknowledge and justify
Him."
Admirable man ! Noble father ! Christ's grace-in-
formed disciple ! In thy distracted bosom, crushed by dis-
aMer ; in thy heart brimming with love to God, and tender
with sweetest affections ; in thy reverent spirit, bowed with
lowliest humiliation, yet strong in holiest trust; in thy
soul where every Christian grace sprang to new life by
the sweet nourishment of tears, thy wealth thy truest
wealth was left ; a better legacy to posterity than gold
or lands ; possessions more to be coveted than crowns and
empires !
The destruction of Springfield threw the towns above,
viz : Northampton, Iladley and Hatfield, into the most pro-
found distress and alarm. The plantations North of them
Ji;i<l been cut off, Springfield was in ashes, and they knew
that their turn must come next. Major Treat had been
recalled, the very flower of the colonial forces on the field
lia<l been cut off, Major Pynchon, the foremost man in the
settlements, and one in whose wisdom they had always
placed the greatest confidence, had resigned his command,
the Connecticut troops that remained hardly knew how
they had a ri^ht to act in the absence of their commander,
and all lacked confidence in the policy of the Commission-
ers. Rev. John Kussell of Iladley, wrote to Governor
Leverctt, representing the condition of things. He wrote
during the absence of the troops who had gone to Spring-
field, when he said the town was alone : " The men in
9*
102 KIXG PHILIP'S
these towns, who before trembled at the order that none
should be left in garrison when the army went put, are now
much more distressed at the thoughts of it as looking at
themselves, thereby exposed to inevitable ruin at their en-
emy's assault, which we might expect. Especially the
town of Hadley is now likely to drink next, if mercy pre-
vent not, of the same bitter cup. We are but about fifty
families, and now left solitary." Mr. Russell urged upon
the Governor the necessity of furnishing each town with a
sufficient garrison, and suggested that either Major Pyn-
chon or Capt. Appleton, or both, should be empowered to
direct the towns in their system of fortifications.
It is proper here to allude, in greater detail, to the cir-
cumstances under which Major Pynchon resigned his com-
mission, for they have generally been misunderstood. It
has been supposed that the affliction he met with in the de-
struction of his property, was the cause of his resignation.
Such is not the fact. From a letter of the Massachusetts
Council to him, written Sept. 15th, 1675, it appears that
he had resigned previous to that date. One of the causes
will appear in the following words of the Council : " You
are the chief military officer in the county where you have
your habitation, interest and concerns, and where by Di-
vine Providence, a considerable part of the stress of this
war is at present ; you have able and judicious persons un-
der you, that will assist you in Council and action. Your
plea concerning your sense of the lashes of the tongues of
men against you, and that spirit of opposing rulers which
much shows itself among us, it is matter of grief and dis-
couragement, but it is no otherwise than Aaron, David
and divers others of the servants of God have met with."
The Council did not accept his resignation. Gov. Lever-
ett wrote him a letter Sept. 24th, still declining to dis-
charge him. On the 30th of the same month, Major Pyn-
chon wrote to the Council again, entreating that he might
be discharged, giving as a reason the great anxieties of his
wife on his account, and it is by no means improbable that
those anxieties were the real basis of his entire course of
action in the premises. Another letter of Major Pynchon
has been preserved in the archives of the State, which,
bearing neither date nor signature, was evidently written
early after the destruction of his property. It was ad-
DEPARTURE OP THE TROOPS. 103
dressed to the Council, and in it he says : " My sad state of
ullairs at home will necessitate your discharging me, and
truly I am so full of trouble and overwhelmed with it, that
I cannot act business. I beseech you, do not ex-
pose me to those temptations which will overwhelm me if
you do not discharge me. I would not willingly sin against
God nor offend you, and entreat you to ease me of my
pressures." It is a singular fact that, " on account of his
importunity," he was discharged the very day Springfield
was burnt, and that while he was writing his letters after
that date, begging for his discharge, he was no longer in
office. The welcome bearer of the dispatch had not then
reached him.
Major Pynchon was thus relieved of his command, and
allowed to remain with his distressed flock at Springfield ;
and, after strengthening the garrisons of the place, Capt.
Samuel Appleton, upon whom the command was devolved,
returned to Hadley, with the most of the forces, on the
12th of October eight days after the sad disaster at
Springfield had transpired. On arriving at Hadley, two
days were spent in sending out scouts to discover the lurk-
ing-places of the enemy, but the scouts, with the fearful
memories of the locality upon them, were timid, and ac-
complished nothing. Perplexed with his orders to leave
no men in garrison, but to use all for a field army, embar-
rassed by the absence of Major Treat, and the responsibili-
ties of his new command, Capt. Appleton hardly knew
which way to turn. He finally concluded that he would
go forth in full force on a hostile expedition against the
enemy, and on the 14th, ordered Capt. Moseley, who, with
his company, was then at Hatfield, and Capt. Seeley,
stationed at Northampton with a company of Connecticut
troops, to repair forthwith to Head Quarters, and report
the i n -elves ready for service. Capt. Moseley and his men
were on the ground almost immediately, but Capt. Seeley,
after some delay, reported himself without his company,
declaring that he held no commission, and could not act.
Capt. Appleton dispatched a note to Hartford, and ex-
plained how everything was obstructed by the absence of
Major Treat. The reply to this missive was received on
the 16th, in which the Hartford Council referred to the ab-
sence of the Plymouth troops, which, by agreement, should
104 KING PHILIP'S AVAR.
be on the ground ; and for reasons connected with this
state of things, excused their inaction.
After dispatching his letter to Hartford, Capt. Appleton
drew forth his men, leaving a company of 60 in garrison
under Capt. Sill, intending to march to Northfield, but they
had hardly got out of Hadley before intelligence reached
them that the tracks of the enemy had been discovered in
great numbers on the opposite side of the river. The
force immediately crossed the river, but the day was past,
and they hardly succeeded in* getting out of Hatfield be-
fore nightfall. They started for Deerfield, and proceeded
several miles, when the discharge of a gun was heard, and
the noise of Indians. This brought the force to a halt, .and
the officers to consultation. Capt. Appleton was for pro-
ceeding, but Capt. Moseley was for returning, believing
that, as soon as they were fairly away, the Indians would
fall upon Hatfield and Hadley. Capt. Moseley's opinions
and a threatening storm decided the question, and the army
took the backward track. On the 17th, great numbers of
the enemy were reported at Deerfield, and some of them
much nearer, and, on the same day, a communication was
received from Hartford, making it very uncertain when the
Connecticut forces would again be available. In the even-
ing of the same day, the people of Northampton sent over
for help, in addition to Capt. Seeley and his fifty men, as
they were much in fear of being assaulted. The enemy
had then been discovered within a mile of Hatfield, and,
at midnight, the Hadley forces were pushed across the
river. But they " wearied themselves with a tedious night
and morning's march, without making any discovery of the
enemy."
Nothing can represent more fully the perplexity under
which Capt. Appleton labored, in consequence of the policy
and orders of the Commissioners, than his unsteady action
at this time. This policy was directly at war with the
common sense of every man on the field of operations.
" In very truth," says Capt. Appleton to Governor Lever-
ett, writing on the 17th, " I am in straits on every side.
To leave the towns without any help, is to leave them to
apparent ruin. To supply with any now in the absence of
Connecticut, is hardly reconcilable with the order of the
Commissioners.
ATTACK ON HATFIELD. 105
Whether the Council at Hartford reconsidered their ac-
tion, does not appear, but the fact is recorded that Major
Treat had arrived at Northampton on the 19th, with a con-
siderable force, for the protection of that town. At that
date, Capt. Appleton was at Hadley with one company,
Avhile, in consequence of the more exposed situation of the
place, Hatfield was garrisoned by two companies, respect-
ively under the command of Captain Moseley and Captain
Poole. At this date, too, when the forces were well ar-
v; in ired for resistance, the enemy came, to the number of
700 or 800, and fell upon Hatfield, being able by their
overwhelming numbers to make their attack in every quar-
ter. Previous to the onset, they had cut off the scouts
that had been sent out to communicate warning of their
approach, and it is probable that the attack was in some
i nra- ure a surprise. Poole and his men entered into a
spirited defense of one extremity, while the veteran Mose-
ley dealt death to the enemy in the center. Capt. Apple-
ton, with the Hadley forces, was soon on the ground, and
engaged the foe at the other extremity. The fight was a
desperate and spirited one, but numbers on the side of the
Indians proved no match for superior discipline, arms, and
skill on the part of the English. The enemy were re-
pulsed at every point. The engagement took place just at
the close of the day, and the enemy had been entertained
so hotly that they retired in great haste and confusion, only
having had time to burn a few barns and other out-build*
and drive oft' a number of cattle. Capt. Appleton's
sergeant Freegrace Norton was mortally wounded by
his side-, "another bullet passing through his own hair, by
that whisper telling him that death was very near." The
names of those killed were Thomas Meekins, Nathaniel
Collins, Ivirhanl Stone, Samuel Clarke, John Pocock,
Thomas Warner, Abram Quiddington, William Olverton,
and John Petts. The loss of the Indians must have been
considerable, though the fall of night upon their retreat,
and their scrupulous adherence to the custom of carrying
oil' their dead, made it impossible to ascertain how great.
Some were driven through Mill River, and in their at-
tempts to carry oft* their dead, either purposely or accident-
ally dropped their guns into tin- river, ami there left them,
with the hope, probably, of ultimately reclaiming them.
106 KING PHILIP'S WAR.
During all these secret movements and spirited opera-
tions of the Indians, it is a singular fact that Philip was
either never seen or never recognized. That he was the
reigning genius of the war, that he directed in all the im-
portant movements of the Indians, and that the malicious
policy of the savages had its source and center in him,
there was no doubt ; but the history of his daily life during
this eventful period is, and must forever be, unwritten.
The dread of the English and the right arm of their foes,
no bullet reached him, and no marksman's eye detected,
him, but his was the controlling voice at the council fire,
his the leading step in every night and forest-covered ex-
pedition, and his the signal for those terrific visitations of
savage force that devoted large bodies of the English to
slaughter, or laid in waste their helpless villages.
It was now among the last days of October quite No-
vember, in fact, reckoning time by the Gregorian calendar,
not then adopted, and an early Winter was coming rapidly
down upon the Valley. Discouraged by the poor success
attending their attack upon Hatfield, and furnished with
insignificant supplies, Philip's Wampanoags took their way
through the forest to the Narraganset country, and, during
all the Winter, Philip's presence was never ascertained to
be among them. Some imagined that he had gone West,
to engage allies in the region of the Hudson river. One
writer reports him to have been within forty miles of Al-
bany during the Winter, with 400 or 500 Indians, and
himself so disabled by sickness that the Hadley chief, who
was present, took the command of the force. But his di-
recting mind and implacable spirit were nevertheless ap-
parent. The river Indians mostly remained upon the
river, but, during the Winter, made no serious demonstra-
tions. Soon after the attack on Hatfield, a number of the
inhabitants of Northampton went into the field to secure
some of their corn, when, having left their arms under
their cart, they were surprised by the approach of a party
of Indians, but made good their escape. The alarm called
out Major Treat, but before he could come up with them,
they had succeeded in burning seven or eight buildings
that stood a little out of the town, and in getting beyond
his reach. A few days subsequently, Thomas Salmon, Jo-
seph Baker and Joseph Baker Jr., were killed in the
AFFAIR AT LONGMEADOW. 107
meadow, and the Indians attempted to bum the mill, " but
S; was too well guarded by two files of musketeers lodged
there for the purpose, who put them beside their intent."
Springfield, in consequence of the destruction of its corn
mill, was obliged to resort to the neighboring plantation of
Westfield, to get its corn ground. Rev. Mr. Taylor, the
minister at that place, says in the records kept by him :
" Our soil was moistened by the blood of three Springfield
men young Goodman Dumbleton and two sons of Good-
man Brooks, who came here to look for iron ore on land
bought of JVIi*. J. Pynchon, who accompanied them, but
they fell in the way by the. first assault of the enemy."
This occurred just after the murders at Northampton, and,
at the same time, the Indians burnt in Westfield the house
of a Mr. Cornish, and John Sackett's house and barn, with
their contents. A Mr. Granger was seriously wounded in
the same affair. Around Springfield, the Indians were
hovering in squads all the Winter, awaiting opportunity to
cut off such stragglers as might present themselves. Dur-
ing this period, the settlers at the Long Meadow were de-
prived of the privilege of attending meetings at their only
plaee of worship in Springfield, for the Indians were skulk-
ing in every quarter. On the last Sabbath of the follow-
ing March, it being the 2Gth of the month, they came to
the determination to attempt a visit to their much loved
sanctuary. They numbered eighteen men, women and
children and had proceeded as far as Pecowsic brook, ac-
companied by a small guard, when they were assaulted by
a band of fight savages, and John Keep, his wife, and their
infant child, were killed, and several others wounded. Mr.
Keep was at that time a prominent man in the town, and
held the office of selectman. Accounts of this affair differ
some what ..materially. 31aj. Savage, at that time having
his I lead Quarters at Hadley, wrote a letter to the Coun-
cil two days after the occurrence, in which he says the In-
dians "killed a man and a maid, wounded two men, and
carried away captive two women and two children." He
then goes on to say that he co-operated with Major Pyn-
chon in giving them chase, and their force of horse coming
up with them, the Indians immediately killed'the two chil-
dren, very badly wounded the women with their hatchets,
and escaped into the swamp. One of the women at that
108 KING PHILIP'S WAK.
time lay senseless with her wounds, and it is probable that
she was the wife of Mr. Keep, and that one of the chil-
dren killed belonged to her. The guard which accompa-
nied the party were openly flouted as cowards. The
Council in a letter to Major Savage declared it a great
shame, and " humbling to us," while a rhymester of the
day celebrated their lack of bravery in the following
couplet :
*' Seven Indians, and one without a gun,
Caused Capt Nixon and forty men to run.'
About this time, a Springfield man, going across the
river to look after his corn and his house, located there,
was shot down by the Indians, 'who then burnt his house.
Among the last days of Winter, Westfield suffered again.
Indians were discovered in the vicinity, and a scout was
sent out to ascertain their locality and numbers. Instead
of two or three individuals going out, to fulfill the inten-
tions of the scout, ten or twelve went out fully armed, and,
discovering the enemy, fell upon them, and received a fire
in return which killed Moses Cook, one of the planters,
and a soldier who was probably stationed in garrison there.
It will have been seen that the people of Springfield,
notwithstanding the deep distress into which they were
thrown by the burning of their town, still occupied their
settlement. That they did not break up, and retire to a
safer locality, was attributable to a positive order of the
General Court, which very wisely interfered to prevent a
step so disastrous in itself, and in its effects. The order
was a general one, but was uttered, doubtless, with refer-
ence to the particular case of Springfield. The Winter of
1675-76 was a very mild one, and providentially no suf-
fering was experienced from lack of food. Though the
organized and powerful hostilities of the Indians-were sus-
pended, the inhabitants of the river towns felt that the
storm had not yet passed away, and during the lull which
the Winter afforded, they busied themselves in the con-
struction of fortifications, about their plantations and houses.
These were necessarily rude, and consisted of posts of
cleft wood, set in the ground, forming little more than a
strong fence, and hardly a sufficient barrier against com-
mon musketry. Some of the towns or villages were en-
tirely inclosed by these palisades, and, weak as they were,
**
MOVEMENTS AT THE EAST. 109
they afterwards proved formidable to the enemy, for, though
easy to enter in case of an attack, they were hard to es-
cape from in the confusion of retreat. After the comple-
tion of these works, the troops at Hadley were called off
to Connecticut and the East, a sufficient number only being
left to garrison the several towns.
In the Eastern part of the colony, operations against the
Indians were continued. Captain Henchman was sent out
from Boston against some Indian lodges at Mendon, and
other places in the vicinity, but, besides recovering a cap-
tive, burning some corn, and proving the shame of cow-
ardice upon his company, he accomplished nothing, while
he lost two of his men. It had been ascertained that a
number of the Narragansets were present at the operations
on the Connecticut River, during the previous autumn, and
the professions of friendship received from the sachem
were known to be treacherous. Accordingly, the Commis-
sioners of the United Colonies determined upon attacking
them in their strong-hold, which occupied a swamp in the
present town of South Kingston, R. I. It was resolved to
raise a force of one thousand men, of which Massachusetts
was to furnish 527, Connecticut 315, and Plymouth 158,
the Massachusetts troops to be commanded by Major Sam-
uel Appleton, the Connecticut troops by Major Treat, and
the Plymouth troops by Governor Winslow, the latter be-
ing the coinmander-m-ehief. Captain Moseley was among
the Massachusetts Captains, and Captain Seeley, formerly
stationed at Northampton, commanded a Connecticut com-
pany. On the way to the enemy's country, Capt. Moseley
surprised and captured thirty-six of the enemy, and other
companies succeeded in killing and capturing several, and
in burning 150 cabins. Moseley's life was particularly
sought for by the desperate savages met upon the way, but
he escaped, and was placed forward in leading the way to
the fort. The army was exposed to great hardships, from
the snow and cold, and from the destruction by fire of
buildings they had intended to make their head quarters.
On the 19th, the fort was reached, and attacked, and after
a bloody siniirirle. captured. The slaughter of Indian
warriors was terrible, not less than 700 being slain, and
300 mortally Avounded. The wigwams, to the number of
several hundred, were fired, and in them, and among the
10
110 KING PHILIP'S WAR.
flames, miserably perished hundreds of women and chil-
dren, while the wounded warriors were seen broiling and
roasting in the fires. The whole number of Indians in the
fort at the commencement of the attack was about four
thousand, and those who were fortunate enough to escape
from the bullet and the fire, fled into the adjacent cedar
swamp, and passed the night as they could, and a terrible
night it must have been. Nearly two hundred troops were
killed and wounded, and many of the latter, who had not
received wounds necessarily mortal, died in consequence
of an immediate march of sixteen miles to Pettyquamscot,
in a snow-storm. The struggle was particularly fatal to
the captains, who necessarily led their men, and received
the first fatal fire from the enemy. Among the eight cap-
tains killed, or mortally wounded, was Capt. Seeley of
Connecticut.
The forces were not entirely drawn oif- from the Narra-
ganset country, but remained, and succeeded in cutting off
many stragglers, and in destroying the stores of the ene-
my. In the meantime, the principal part of the Narragan-
sets had fled, and joined themselves to the Nipmucks, the
Connecticut River Indians, and tije other allies of Philip
about Deerfield and Northfield. Still there were large
numbers of Indians at the East, and on the 10th of Feb-
ruary they fell upon Lancaster, and killed and captured 42
people, out of the fifty that the town contained. In the
latter part of February, Mendon was burnt, and twenty
inhabitants killed. Subsequently, several buildings were
burned in Weymouth, and soon afterwards Groton, Marl-
borough and Warwick (near Providence) were destroyed.
About this time, Capt. Pierce of Scituate, with his force of
fifty men, after slaying one hundred of the enemy, was cut
down with the loss of nearly every man. A short time
after this, seventy houses and barns were burnt at Reho-
both, and thirty houses at Providence. There was a mas-
sacre also of eleven persons at Plymouth. On the 18th
of April, Sudbury was partly burned, and a relief force
from Concord was ambushed and slain. Captains Wads-
worth and Brocklebank, with a considerable force, were at
this time on the march for the protection of Marlborough,
but turning from their route to look after the Indians about
Sudbury, fell into an ambuscade, and nearly their whole
MOVEMENTS AT THE EAST. Ill
force was massacred. Several towns in the Plymouth col-
ony then suffered more or less considerable ravages of the
enemy. On the 27th of March, a body composed of vol-
unteers from Connecticut, accompanied by a number of
friendly Indians, penetrated the Narraganset country, un-
der Captains Dennison and Avery. At this time, Conan-
chet, the sachem of the tribe, who, after the destruction of
his fort, had fled to Northfield, returned to secure some
seed-corn with which he proposed to plant the meadows on
the Connecticut that had been forsaken by the whites.
His party were fallen in with by the Connecticut volun-
teers, and himself captured. After rejecting the offer of
his life, if he would make peace with the English, he was
put to death, and died as worthily as his father, the impla-
cable Miantonomo, could have wished. This Connecticut
force did very important service to the frontier towns of
Massachusetts and Plymouth during their stay in the coun-
try, fairly driving the Indians out of the region. They
captured in all about two hundred and thirty Indians, took
fifty muskets, and one hundred and sixty bushels of corn,
and, during all these operations, lost hardly a man. It was
the best managed body of troops that had thus far engaged
in the war. The dispersion of the Indians in that quarter
became, of course, the cause of their concentration to a
considerable extent upon the Connecticut, and to this re-
gion the scene of war returns.
'
CHAPTER VI.
THE CAMPAIGN OF 1676 KING PHILIP'S WAR CON-
TINUED AND CONCLUDED.
EARLY in the Spring of 1676, Major Thomas Savage,
with several new companies of Massachusetts troops, and
Major Treat of Connecticut, with a force from that colony,
joined at Brookfield, and after a few unimportant skirm-
ishes with the enemy, proceeded to Hadley, where the
presence of the former has already been incidentally al-
luded to. Their troops were distributed as follows : In
Hadley, one Connecticut company, and two Massachusetts
companies, respectively under the command of Capt.
Whipple, and Capt. Oilman, all being under Major Sav-
age ; at Northampton, two Connecticut companies, with
Capt. "William Turner's company of Massachusetts troops,
under Major Treat ; and at Hatfield, the indefatigable and
gallant Moseley, with his company and a company of Con-
necticut troops. Soon after taking up their quarters, evi-
dences were not lacking to show that active service was at
hand. In the morning twilight of the 14th of March, a
large body of Indians made a furious attack upon North-
ampton. The palisades that had been erected during the
Winter, offered but feeble resistance to them, and were
broken through in three places. But after they had suc-
ceeded in firing ten buildings, killing Robert Bartlett,
Thomas Holton, two other men, and two women, and
wounding several in addition, they were repulsed by the
spirited operations of Major Treat and his troops, and fled
in confusion into the woods. In a letter to the Council,
written March 28th, by Rev. John Russell of Hadley, the
Indians are said to have " burnt five houses and five barns
one within the fortification " and to have slain " five
persons and wounded five." The same authority states
that about a dozen Indians were found slain. Dissatisfied
with this adventure, they immediately went to Hatfield, but
were prevented from attacking it by the opportune arrival
of a re"-inforcement of troops from Hadley. Not willing
UNWELCOME ORDERS. 113
to give up the day thus, they returned to Northampton, but
the difficulty they had previously experienced, in their re-
treat through the openings they had made in the palisades,
appealed too strongly to their caution, and they withdrew.
Soon after this they appeared at Westfield, but, beyond
killing one man and taking a quantity of corn, they effect-
ed no damage.
Either from an abstract consideration of policy, or under
the suggestion of the attacks made upon the Longmeadow
cavalcade, upon Northampton, and other out-dwellers and
out -posts, the Council of Massachusetts transmitted to Ma-
jor Savage a letter of instructions, which created one of
those storms of local feeling which have not been uncom-
mon in more recent periods, and which then threatened
very serious disturbances. This letter was dated March
20th, and the following is the portion of it, in point :
" That those our towns on Connecticut River, do immedi-
ately consult and determine the putting themselves into such
a posture as may best accommodate their security and pro-
vision, which we judge must be by their gathering together
in such places and numbers that they may be able to defend
themselves, and some considerable part of each company be
improved in planting, &c., and, in case this cannot be in each
town, then the lesser towns must gather to the greater. To
remain in such a scattered state, is to expose lives and estates
to the merciless cmelty of the enemy, and is no less than
tempting divine providence; and to quit our plantations, one
after another, refusing to comply to the present humbling
hand of the Lord against us, is to be our own executioners,
and we fear will be. * * * Some that know those places
best, do apprehend that Springfield and Hadley are the fittest
places for their fortifying and planting."
At the same time, the Secretary of the Council trans-
mitted a letter to Major Pynchon, on the same subject, in
which he says : " there is no way that we can see, but to
come all together, into some convenient place in the town,
and take in so large a fort that the proprietors may live in
dUtinc.t houses or shelters; and "VVestfield must join with
you, and totally remove to you, for it is impossible to hold
both towns, the "enemy being so many in those parts, and
our army must remove from thence." The Secretary then
goes on to state that the most of the frontiers arc drawing
off, and that the present work is the securing of the princi-
10*
114 KING rmup's WAR.
pal towns on the sea coast. The drift of the letter was
that the cost of maintaining the scattered settlements on
the Connecticut was ^altogether too much, and it closed
with the following threat : " if your people be averse from
our advice, we must be necessitated to draw off our forces
from thence, for we cannot spare them, nor supply them
with ammunition."
These orders, or this " advice," became immediately the
cause of the most intense dissatisfaction. Rev. Solomon
Stoddard, the successor in 1672, of Mr. Mather, at North-
ampton, wrote a letter to the Council, on the 28th of
March, signed by himself, John Strong, Wm. Clarke, Da-
vid Wilton, John Lyman and John King, in which he
says : " The Lord has wonderfully appeared of late for our
preservation, and we fear it would be displeasing unto
Him if we should give up into the hands of our enemies,
by running away, that which the Lord has so eminently
delivered out of their hands when they did so violently as-
sault us." Mr. Stoddard then enlarged upon the impor-
tance of keeping up the place for the accommodation of
the army, and made the very practical proposition to re-
ceive into the Northampton garrison fifty soldiers, in addi-
tion to those who had been there all Winter, with the
promise, on the part of the town, " to diet them freely, and
pay their wages." The letter closes with the following al-
lusion to Springfield : " Whereas some have informed the
Council that Springfield is one of the most convenient
towns for others to repair to, your honors are much misled
therein, for the bulk of the town is burnt already, whereby
they are incapable to entertain others, and their land lies
remote most of it on the other side of the great river, so
that they are incapable, we fear, either to maintain them-
selves." Under the same date, Mr. Russell of Hadley
wrote to the Council, upon the same subject. He says :
"there appears something working towards a frustration
and disappointment of that good end aimed at, viz : an
inclination manifested in divers, especially at Westfield,
(which town I guess at as not like to hold together) in case
they be necessitated to pluck up, to remove out of the col-
ony to Windsor or Hartford, or some other towns in that
jurisdiction, whereby it may come to pass that a town, and
perhaps others in the same manner, may be broken." Mr.
EXCITEMENT IN WESTFIELD. 115
Russell suggested, in view of this state of things, an act,
or order, forbidding individuals to leave their plantations,
to remove into another jurisdiction, without a special
license.
It would appear from Mr. Russell's letter, that the state
of feeling that prevailed at Westfield was known among
the other towns on the river, before it was communicated
to the Council by the town itself; and from the subsequent
proceedings of the town, it is not improbable that they
were meant to be, and that the strongest reports of the dis-
satisfaction of the people were sought to be disseminated,
that they might have an effect upon the decisions of the
Council in regard to them. On the 2d of April, Isaac
Phelps, David Ashley, and Josiah Dewey, in behalf of the
town of Westfield, addressed a long letter to the Council.
The letter was written by Mr. Taylor, the minister, whose
style of literary labor seems to have been wonderfully dif-
fuse. It appears from the letter that a town meeting had
been held, at which it was decided that they could them-
selves accommodate between twenty and thirty families, if
so many would come and dwell among them. But the
project of removing to Springfield was altogether an offen-
sive one, " insomuch that there is not a man among us hav-
ing the least inclination to remove that way." Mr. Taylor
then, or, rather, the letter which he wrote, goes on to state
the grounds for entertaining a different opinion of Spring-
field, as a place of safety, from that stated by the Council,
in the following curious words :
" 1st. Its situation lying on both sides of the great river
Connecticut, whose East side is void of habitations^ being but
very few left, and those a great distance asunder ; those ori
the West side being scattered about a mile up and down,
some of which are hid with brambles ; and as for its tillage
ground, most is a great distance from the town, and not clear
from brush in some places of it and to it, insomuch as an in-
different person cannot but judge (as we suppose) that the
danger is double, in managing field employments; to what
ours is.
"2d. Ifs preparation It is a place (with grief of heart be it
spoken) most of the East side in ashes unbuilt and unforti-
fied, unless some lew houses.
lc 3d. Its providential dispensation It hath been sorely under
the blasting hand of God, so that it hath but in a lower de-
116 KING PHILIP'S WAR.
gree than _ ordinary answered the labor of the husbandman,
and sometime his labor upon it is wholly cast away.
"Now these thoughts are very discouraging unto all
thoughts of our removal thither, for to remove from habitations
to none, from fortifications to none, from a compact and plain
place to a scattered, from a place of less danger in the field
to more, from a place under the ordinary blessing upon our
labors to one usually blasted, seems to us such a strange thing
that we find not a man among us inclined thereto."
The letter incidentally refers to a note that had been ad-
dressed to the Hartford Council, requesting a re-inforce-
ment of their garrison, and the refusal of the request ; and
then goes on to state that they had proposed to fortify
themselves by contracting their line of defenses, and, while
asking for thirty more soldiers for their garrison, intimates
that if the inhabitants cannot have a safe convoy to some
place downwards, or the thirty soldiers asked for, they pre-
fer to abide by themselves and their town, rather than to
go to Springfield. "It grieves us," continues the letter,
" that we should object so much against Springfield, for the
Worshipful Major Pynchon's sake, but we judge there is a
better way for his safety than this, and although we would
do much for his sake, yet we cannot advantage on this
ground into such great hazard as appears." Finally, the
letter does away with all idea of removal in the following
concluding sentence : " Furthermore, we are altogether in-
capacitated for any removal, by reason of the awful hand
of God upon us, in personal visitations, for there came a
soldier sick of bloody flux, and, dying amongst us, in Capt.
Cook's family, hath infested the family therewith, insomuch
that he hath lost a son by it, his wife lies at the point of
death, his youngest son is very weak of it, and he himself
is almost brought to his bed by it, and there is another
family in the house hath it."
Three days after the dispatch of this communication,
another one was sent to the Hartford Council, which
proved that the inhabitants were either in a highly excited,
and even exasperated condition of mind, or that they meant
to accomplish their evident desire to remain on their planta-
tion, and secure a garrison to help them, by intrigue and
finesse. The letter is written by the same hand as the
other, and alludes in the first place to the order for them
to remove, their objections to removing to Springfield, and
LETTER TO THE HARTFORD COUNCIL. 117
the measures they had taken to fortify themselves. The
letter then proceeds :
'< If we must be gone from hence, many of us have estates
and friends calling of us elsewhere, and, thereupon, most of
us incline, in case we remove, to come downwards. But yet
the hand of God hath shut us up, so that we apprehend that
we are under the call of God to abide here at present, by
reason of the sore hand of God upon us, disenabling Capt.
Cook's family, and others, from a remove, who are low, and
Captain's wife at the point of death, under the bloody flux.
Wherefore, the ground of these lines is, in part, to intimate
unto you that if there should be any convoy allowed at the
present, by your honored selves, to any one, for the bringing
off their estate, the opportunity being so desirable to us all,
if our town were not under the circumstances by the hand of
God upon the persons of some amongst us, whereby it would
be their death to remove, (yet, we see that it being such a
desirable opportunity,) that we fear we should lay our hands
upon - - - - leaving our sick to look to themselves, and
liable to the rage of merciless enemies.
This we thought good to leave with you, that you might
not, against their wills, expose us to such a temptation as such
an opportunity might be. This, and not any respect of re-
suming the estate of any one with us, is the ground of this
intimation ; but the ground also of our lines, is, to desire this
favor that you would refresh us in this sad state that we are
in by letting us understand whether we may have any hopes
of such a favor, as may be a safety for us, in case the Lord
should put us in a personal state to remove, by removing his
afflicting hand, and whether or no you would advise us to ad-
venture to cast any seed into the land, if God doth detain us
at the present where we are. You know (we judge) how our
fields lie. We request not anything at your hands to lay you
under any temptation, and therefore we have ingeniously inti-
mated what the thoughts of the Bay gentlemen are concern-
ing us. But our danger is such as we cannot settle upon
anything, and if we are like to have no relief from yourselves,
it being knoicn, may be an occasion to force us into the fields.
The Lord shine forth, and show us our duty, and bring us to
a willing kissing of the rod. We shall not add, only desiring
the Almighty to be our shield."
This letter, whose precise drift and meaning it is some-
what difficult to arrive at, was answered April 7th, by a
note from the Hartford Council, scarcely less ambiguous,
and in which they say : " as circumstanced, were we capa-
ble to anything in way of supply for your continuance
118 KING PHILIP'S WAB.
there, we should do it; neither have we, nor will we, do
anything irregularly, to draw you from attendance of what
from your own authority is presented, if it be found for
their welfare and advantage ; or to draw off any part to
the hazard and discouragement of the rest, and shall for-
bear giving any such opportunity." This utterance of
declarations showing themselves to be beyond the reach of
all corruption was doubtless intended for " the gentlemen
of the Bay," while the whole was qualified to harmonize
with the tone of Westfield in the words " We cannot but
say that when God shall open the door with safety, both
for shelter to you and security to us, in reference to the
disease, we shall account it our duty, and accordingly be
ready to lend our assistance in your transport, and give
such entertainment as we are capable. In the meantime,
your patience a little longer will be advisable. If you
should venture while there to sow, it is somewhat possible
you may find opportunity of reaping. It is doing what we
can, and leaving the event with God."
The explanation of both the "Westfield letter and the re-
ply of the Hartford Council would appear to be, that the
Westfield people did not intend to remove at all, and that
the Connecticut Government did not wish to have them.
At the same time, the inhabitants of the disaffected town
wished to have " the gentlemen of the Bay," think there
was danger of their removal to Connecticut, in case they
were not humored and protected in their determination to
remain where they were, while their Connecticut friends,
taking care to disclaim all idea of any irregular proceed-
ings, apparently complied with their wishes, both to gain
time, and assist them in achieving their ends. There was
a good and sufficient reason for the Connecticut Council
not wishing the Westfield people to desert their town, for
the more the war could be confined to the upper towns on
the river, and the greater the number of towns in that
quarter, the less danger there would be to the towns in
Connecticut. They could not but see that if the towns
above them should be deserted, and thus become the plant-
ing grounds of the Indians, a power would be nursed that
would shortly endanger themselves. So, their promise to
bring off the Westfield people, under certain circumstances,
was intended only as a placebo to them, and a gentle irri-
INTRIGUES. 119
tant to the Massachusetts Council. This is very evident
from a letter written by the Connecticut Council to the
Council pf Massachusetts on the 27th of April. This let-
ter expresses disapproval of the order in regard to the re-
moval of 'certain towns in Hampshire County, and goes on
to say that the enemy will destroy the deserted places and
plant them, and thus, being provided with rich accommo-
dat ions, will continually annoy the larger towns that re-
main. They plead that thus one of the best granaries" of
the Massachusetts colony would be lost, and suggest as a
better course of policy the taking of men from " leaner
places," and planting them in the fertile towns upon the
Connecticut, thus enabling the towns to defend themselves.
By whatever motive the policy of Connecticut was gov-
erned, it was, without doubt, the best, and the Westfield
people were right in their determination not to remove,
though the extreme local feeling incidentally developed,
and the mode resorted to for compassing their ends, in
their attempt to engage the complicity of the Hartford
Council, form, a curious chapter in the history of the times.
The disaffected towns carried their point. In an order
of the Council of April 1st, which must have been issued
directly upon the receipt of the letters of Mr. Stoddard of
Northampton and Mr. Russell of Hadley, Major Savage
was commanded to return home, and " to leave Soldiers to
assist those towns, on those terms, [probably the terms of-
fered by Northampton to board them and pay their wages,]
not exceeding 180 men, choosing such as are the fittest for
that service." At this date, Major Treat and a portion, at
least, of his forces, had gone to Connecticut, and Major
Savage was ordered, in case they should return, to march,
if he should deem it best, against the Indians at Deerfield.
Previous to the departure of Major Savage, several inhab-
itants of Hadley went down the river to Hoccanum, ac-
companied by a small guard, to work in the meadows.
Carelessly separating themselves from the guard, and some
of them even ascending Mt. Holyoke, to obtain a view of
the surrounding country, they were fallen upon by the In-
dians, and three of them killed, one of them a prominent
citizen Dea. Goodman. Thomas Reed, a soldier, was
also taken prisoner. On the 27th of April, two citizens of
Springfield having occasion to go to Skipmuck, (now Chic-
120 KING PHILIP'S WAR.
opee Falls, in the town of Chicopee,) saw some Indians,
and, themselves unseen, hastened back to the town. Capt.
Samuel Holjoke, who had been elected to the Command
of the military company of the town, to succeed his father,
Elizur Holyoke, who died in the February previous, took
a number of men with him, and started in pursuit. The
Indians, only four in number, were found seated on the
river bank, and were entirely unsuspicious of danger.
They were fired upon, and all at first fell, but then jumped
up, and returned the fire without effect. The Indians then
took to the river, and were fired upon again. Two died in
the river, and two escaped to the opposite bank, where one
fell, and where the fourth was overtaken, captured, and
brought into Springfield, and there submitted to a close in-
quisition. He talked freely, and declared that the Indians
had three forts South of Northfield, that their number was
3,000, with 1,000 fighting men, the rest being women and
children, that there were no foreign Indians with them,
there being only the river Indians, Narragansets, Nip-
mucks, Quaboags, and such others as were well known to
be engaged in the war, that they were bare of clothing and
provisions, but were furnished with ammunition by the
Dutch, and that these Indians were so much inclined to
peace that, were the English to propose it, they would even
bring in the head of Philip. He further stated that many
of them were lurking about the towns for the purposes of
mischief. The statement of the Indian that there were no
fbreign Indians with them, was drawn out, doubtless, by
questions based on a suspicion that the Mohawks had been
induced to join them, through the machinations of Philip.
Suspicions were also afloat that the intriguing chief had
taken measures to secure the co-operation of the Canada
Indians. In regard to this matter, the Indian doubtless
told the truth.
On the 15th of May, Thomas Reed, the soldier who was
taken prisoner near Hoccanum, in the April previous,
came into Hadley, having escaped from the Indians, and
reported that the enemy were planting at Deerfield, and
had then been engaged in the business for several days ;
that they dwelt at the Falls, (between the present towns
of Gill and Montague,) on both sides of the river, and
that, though their number was considerable, they were
PHILIP ON THE GROUND. 121
mostly old men and women. They were, however, secure
and scornful, boasting of the great things they had done
against the English, and would do in the future. Two
days before the arrival of Reed at Hadley, they had vis-
ited Hatfield, and driven off many horses and cattle.
These, he saw at Deerfield, grazing in the meadow, the
fences being put up to keep them in. Two lads Stebbins
and Gilbert the latter a step-son of Samuel Marshfield of
Springfield had before this escaped from captivity, and
luul given full information of the position of the Indians at
the Falls. The Indians were short of provisions, and had
gathered here for the purpose of pursuing their fisheries,
for which there was no better place on the Connecticut,
while the stream itself had, at that day, probably, no supe-
rior in the world in the abundance of its finny stores.
Hoyt, who wrote in 1824, says that many people then liv-
ing could remember when upwards of 5,000 shad had been
taken in one day by dipping nets, at Burnam's rock, on the
falls. This was, of course, previous to the erection of the
dam now standing there.
At this time, Philip was known to be among his forces
in Northern Massachusetts, supposed to be scattered in
considerable parties from Wachuset Mountain, in the pres-
ent town of Princeton, to the Connecticut River. The In-
dians at the Falls were aware of the comparative weak-
ness of the English forces on the Connecticut, and were in
no fear of an attack. Under these circumstances, Capt.
Turner, who, on Maj. Savage's departure, had been left in
command, determined to attack them. Accordingly, he as-
sembled at Hatfield 180 men, drawn chiefly from that
town, Springfield, Northampton and Hadley, and, with
Capt. Samuel Holyoke of Sf^ingfield as his second in com-
mand, started on the 17th of May for the Falls. The ex-
pedition was undertaken on the evening of that day.
Their course lay up the West side of the river, across
Bloody Brook, and the forsaken plantation of Deerfield,
over Deerfield River at the village now known as Cheap-
side, and on to the West bank of Fall River, near the pres-
ent factory village in Greenfield. This ride of twenty
miles was entirely completed in the night. In passing
Deerfield River, they disturbed a lodge of Indians, and
came near being discovered, but the Indians finally con-
11
122 KING PHILIP'S VTAK.
eluded that it was a company of moose, and not horses,
that were wading the river, and returned to their slumbers.
The Indians at the Falls were enjoying their morning nap,
having the previous night regaled themselves upon the
milk and flesh of cows which they had stolen from the
English settlements. Not a scout was out, and all minor
sounds were unheard in the ceaseless roar of the waters of
the Falls. Here, on the bank of Fall River, the soldiers
tied their horses, and just as the day began to dawn, the
body resumed its progress on foot. Rushing boldly and
rapidly forward, through the intervening woods, they
reached the back of the camp, situated on high ground,
upon the river's bank. The word was given, and the ter-
rific roar of musketry that followed drowned for a moment
the roar of the waters. The bullets riddled the wigwams,
and, pouring forth from every hut, the savages rushed out,
in the wildest alarm. Their cry of " Mohawks !" " Mo-
hawks !" showed how little they dreamed of an attack from
the English, and how slight ground there was to suspect
that the Mohawks were their allies. In their confusion
and alarm, their only resort was the river. Shot down on
every hand, they rushed to their canoes. Some, in the
haste of the moment, threw themselves into their frail
boats, and pushed off without their paddles. These, of
course, went over the cataract, and were drowned. Others
were shot during their passage across the river, and their
canoes, one after another, disappeared beneath the tumbling
waters. Others met death in their cabins, while others,
still, took shelter under the rocks upon the river's bank,
where they were sought out, and put to death by the sword.
Capt. Holyoke, himself, killej five with his sword. Every
soldier was busy with the terrible work of death, and the
work was very brief. At its close, one hundred Indians
lay dead upon the ground, " and an hundred and forty were
seen to pass down the cataract, but one of whom escaped
drowning." Only one of the soldiers was killed, while it
was subsequently acknowledged by the Indians that they
lost, in killed and drowned, 300 men, some of whom were
their principal sachems.
Unfortunately for Capt, Turner, he was very feeble in
health, and but poorly able to sustain the excitement and
fatigue of such service, but, knowing his dangerous vicin-
THE RETREAT. 123
age to more powerful and better prepared bodies of sav-
ages, he ordered the wigwams to be destroyed, and then
commenced his march for his horses. In the meantime,
another lodge of Indians on the other side of the river had
become aware of the comparative weakness of his force,
and commenced to cross in their canoes, for an attack upon
him. A small force of volunteers against the daring sav-
ages was driven back, and the little army arrived at the
place where they had left their horses, just in time to res-
cue them from the hands of a body of Indians that had
approached from below. Mounting their horses, they im-
mediately commenced the return march, which, according
to every indication, was to be a difficult one. As the sun
came up, the day grew hot and sultry in the extreme, add-
ing still further to the indisposition of Capt. Turner, for
whom it soon became difficult to manage his horse. The
main body was led by Capt. Turner, while Holyoke, with
a small detachment, protected the rear. About a mile be-
low the Falls, on what is known as Smead's Island, there
was quite a large lodge of Indians. These being joined
by those on the left bank of the river, came over, and re-
peatedly attacked the force under Holyoke, and were re-
peatedly driven back. At length Capt. Holyoke's horse
was shot from under him, when several Indians rushed up
to dispatch him, but drawing his pistol, he shot the fore-
most, and then, by the aid of his men, got clear of them.
And now commenced the misfortunes of the little army.
Capt. Turner's weakness increased, and the troops per-
ceived that he must soon be unable to guide their move-
ments. At this unfortunate moment, an Indian captive
informed the troops that Philip was approaching, with a
thousand men, and an apparent confirmation of his state-
ment was seen in sudden attacks from various quarters.
A panic descended upon the troops, and the main body
without an efficient leader, divided into separate squads,
under different commanders. The route from Fall River
to Green River was flanked on the left by a morass, which
formed a most desirable cover to the enemy. During its
passage, one party was entirely destroyed, and another
taken prisoners, and reserved for the horrible fate of burn-
ing. At length, the main body reached Green River, and
bere Capt. Turner received a fatal shot from the enemy,
124 KING PHILIP'S WAR.
and his body was afterwards found by the English where
it fell, in Greenfield meadow, near the mouth of Green
River. The command now devolved upon Capt. Holyoke,
who had, thus far, been the life and the protecting genius
of the expedition. He conducted the retreat, hard pressed
by the numerous enemy, warding off or escaping from
warm attacks made at almost every step of his progress,
until, worn down by the heat and the terrible excitements
of the day, the shattered troop entered Hatfield, diminished
by the number of thirty-eight men.
The panic that assailed the troops in the first stage of
the retreat gave rise to one or two incidents of individual
suffering so extraordinary as to be worthy of mention.
Jonathan Wells of Hatfield, received a shot which frac-
tured his thigh. Just able to keep his horse, he attached
himself to two of the flying parties in turn, but at last they
left him behind, and he fell into the company of one Jones,
also wounded. Both became bewildered in the woods, and
finally separated. At length, Wells struck Green River,
and followed it up, until he arrived in the Northerly part
of the present town of Greenfield, at the place known as
the Country Farms, where he fell from his horse, exhausted.
After a swoon of entire unconsciousness, he commenced a
journey up the stream, in a direction opposite from his
home, dragging his broken limb, with the assistance of his
gun, which he used for a crutch ; and, as night approached,
he paused and struck a fire, which accidentally caught the
leaves around, and spread in all directions. Fearful that
he should thus attract the Indians, but overcome by fatigue,
he had just strength sufficient to bind up his limb with a
handkerchief, when he lay down, and fell into a sound
sleep. In that sleep, he had a dream, which admonished
him that he had been traveling in the wrong direction ; and
when he awoke he followed its indications. He went down
Green River, forded Deerfield River, and, while lying
down to rest, saw an Indian approaching him in a canoe.
He leveled his gun at him, then perfectly useless, and the
Indian leaped into the water to escape his harmless aim,
and soon disappeared. Knowing that he should be re-
ported to the Indians in the vicinity, he retired to a swamp,
and hid himself. The savages swarmed all around him,
but did not find him. From this point, he slowly pro-
REMARKABLE INCIDENTS. 125
gressed, sometimes giving up in despair, sometimes over-
come with hunger, and all the time in pain, until he ar-
rived at Hatfield, where he was received with every dem-
onstration of joy and gratitude, and where, after a few
months of confinement, he found himself able to resume
his employments, and continue them through a long and
useful life.
Rev. Hope Atherton, also of Hatfield, and a member of
the expedition, met with a most remarkable incident. He
was lost in the woods, and becoming convinced that he
could never find his way home, endeavored by signs to de-
liver himself to a party of Indians, but they, in some way,
were aware of the nature of his profession, and overcome
by their superstitious fears, would not touch him. At last,
he found the Connecticut River, and, guided by it, suc-
ceeded, after long days of hunger and suffering, in arriv-
ing at his home.
The " Falls Fight " has ever been a famous one in the
history of the Indian wars. A terrible slaughter was in-
flicted upon the Indians, and the retreat, though abundantly
disastrous to the soldiers, was conducted, after the first fatal
panic, with consummate skill and bravery. As an ac-
knowledgment of the importance of the services rendered,
the Massachusetts General Court, in 1736, granted to the
survivors of the day and the descendants of those who par-
ticipated in the fight in all 99 persons the whole of the
present town of Bernardston first called Falltown, in
commemoration of the services for which it was bestowed.
Capt. Turner w r as a brave man, and belonged in Boston,
where he left a wife, who was subsequently provided for,
to a certain extent, at least, by the Government. His
name is now, and will doubtless forever be associated with
the Falls that formed the scene of the terrific butchery
which has been described. But Capt. Holyoke was the
real hero of the day, and very sadly and fearfully did he
have to pay for the name he won. The intense heat of the
day, and the excessive exertions to which he was sub-
jected, induced a disease from which he never recovered.
He died in the following Autumn, at the early age of twen-
ty-eight years, and his dust reposed in the ancient grave-
yard in Springfield, until a few years since, when the spade
11*
126 KING rillLIP S WAR.
of improvement disturbed it to make a passage for the
iron horse.
The slaughter of the Indians at the Falls, on the morn-
ing of the 18th of May, involving as it did the loss of so
many able warriors and important sachems, was a blow se-
riously felt by Philip, for it broke up the fisheries on which
he had largely depended for supplies, and it has already
been seen that the scheme of Conanchet, for getting a sup-
ply of seed-corn, had failed. But the effect on his mind
was only to excite to greater intensity his desire for re-
venge. So, on the 30th of May, from six to seven hun-
dred Indians invaded Hatfield, their first work being to set
on fire twelve buildings without the fortification. At this
time, almost every man belonging to the plantation was at
work in the meadow, and, while the palisaded dwellings
were attacked at every point, and bravely defended by the
few who remained, and while a large number of the sav-
ages were busy in killing cattle, or driving them off, one
hundred and fifty Indians entered the meadow, to engage
the planters. The flames of the burning buildings were
seen at Hadley, and twenty-five young men left that town
immediately to render assistance to their neighbors, and
arrived in the meadow just in season to save the planters
from entire destruction. Rushing forward, the little body
came boldly upon the savage host, and killed five or six of
them at the first discharge. They then charged upon them,
drove them back to the town, and inflicted terrible slaugh-
ter upon them, without themselves losing a man, until they
arrived near the town, where five of their number fell
dead. Twenty-five Indians were killed, being one to each
man who went over from Hadley. The Indians were then
driven out of the village, preceded by a large body who
had succeeded in getting away the cattle. A letter written
by a Connecticut" officer at Northampton, to the Hartford
Council, on the day in which these events transpired, states
that besides the five killed of the Hadley company three
were wounded. Of the five killed two were Connecticut
men, viz : J. Smith and Richard Hall, while two other
Connecticut men John Stow and Roger Albis were
wounded in the foot. The three others killed were two
Massachusetts soldiers belonging to the Hadley garrison,
and John Smith, a citizen of Hadley. According to the
ATTACK ON UADLEY. 127
same authority, the Indians, after retiring from Hatfield, or
a portion of them, ambushed the way between Northamp-
ton and Hatfield, anticipating the approach of the North-
ampton troops. But this had been guarded against. The
Northampton troops, as soon as they became aware of the
attack upon Hatfield, crossed over to Hadley, but were un-
able to get over to Hatfield, in consequence of the Indians
lying so thick around the landing place. At what particu-
lar period of the affray their attempt to land occurred is
not very apparent, but it seems to have been after the fight,
and the retirement of the Indians from the town. The
explanation seems to be that the Indians who lay in am-
bush for them had become aware of their movements, and,
following up the river bank, menaced them from the Hat-
field shore, while the larger body of the savages had re-
tired Northward.
Finding so powerful and so mischievous a force of In-
dians upon the Connecticut, the Governments of Massa-
chusetts and Connecticut saw the necessity of changing
their course of policy, and of returning to the river towns
the force that had been withdrawn. Major Talcot of Con-
necticut was dispatched, with two hundred and fifty Eng-
lish troops, and two hundred Mohegan and Pequot Indians,
with the intention of joining a body of Massachusetts forces
under Capt. Henchman, at Brookfield. On his way thither,
he killed and captured a considerable number of Indians,
and destroyed their corn and cabins, but Capt. Henchman
not arriving in time to meet him at Brookfield, he pressed
on, and arrived at Northampton about the 8th of June,
having suffered severely on the route from lack of pro-
visions, so severely, in fact, that the march was memora-
ble as the " hungry march." At this tune, the force at
Hadley was under the command of Capt. Swain, and this
was the next point to receive the enemy. Endeavoring to
profit by the mode and time of attack adopted by Capt.
Turner at the Falls, about seven hundred Indians came
upon Hadley, early on the morning of the 12th of June.
The attack was made with a desperate determination to
succeed. On the preceding night, they laid an ambuscade
at the Southern extremity of the town, calculating to sweep
the place from the North, and by driving the inhabitants
Southward, to force them into the snare there set for them.
128 KING PHILIP'S WAR.
The enemy were warmly received at the palisades. At
one point on the North, the palisades were pierced, and
the Indians succeeded in gaining possession of a house, but
were, at last, forced out of it, and beaten back, with loss.
At this moment of extreme confusion and alarm, the
course of events was under the keen survey of a pair of
eyes that were strangers to all but one or two families in
the town. They were eyes practiced in military affairs,
and belonged to a man who held the stake of life in the
issue of the conflict. Unable longer to remain an idle
spectator of the struggle, he resolved to issue forth. Sud-
denly he stood in the midst of the affrighted villagers a
man marked in his dress, noble in his carriage, and ven-
erable in appearance. Self appointed, he, in a measure,
assumed the command, arranged and ordered the English
forces in the best military manner, encouraged here, com-
manded there, rallied the men everywhere, filled them with
hope and firmness on every hand, and, at last, succeeded
in repelling the overwhelming numbers that swarmed on
all sides. The discharge of a piece of ordnance put them
to flight, and Major Talcot going over from Northampton
with his forces, joined the victorious villagers and soldiers
of Hadley in chasing the Indians into the woods. This
feat was accomplished with the loss of only two or three
men, on the part of the English. But the mysterious
stranger, who had been partly if not mainly instrumental
in effecting this thorough rout, had retired from sight, as
suddenly as he -had made his advent. Whom he was, none
knew. That such a man could live upon a plantation, and
not be known, was not deemed possible, and it is not strange
that, in the superstitious spirit of the times, he should have
been regarded by the people as " an angel sent of God
upon that special occasion for their deliverance ;" and it is
recorded that for some time after, the people said and be-
lieved that they had been saved by an angel. They little
imagined then, what they afterwards ascertained, that their
guardian angel was Goffe, the " Regicide," and that Whal-
ley, his father-in-law and companion in exile at that time
superannuated then resided in the family of Mr. Russell,
the minister, and had, with Goffe, been there for nearly
twelve years. '
GOFFE AND WHALLEY. 129
Condemned with twenty-eight other judges, for passing
sentence of death upon Charles I, of England, these two
men escaped from their country in 1 660. Both had been
officers of high rank in Cromwell's army. Measures were
taken in England for their arrest, and they were obliged
to secrete themselves. For three or four years, they lived
in and about New Haven, but the place of their seclusion
having become in some degree notorious, they went to
lladley in 1664, where Mr. Russell received, secreted, and
provided for them. Here, unknown to the people of Had-
ley, undiscovered by the soldiers billeted upon the plant-
ers, and absolutely unseen by any but Mr. Russell's family,
Peter Tilton, and a Mr. Smith, they lived for fifteen or
sixteen years. Mr. Tilton, a man of character, a magis-
trate, and frequently a member of the General Court from
lladley, was the medium of communication between the
judges and their friends, and through him, contributions
were made for their support. In this retirement, Whalley
died, and his body was interred in a tomb, without the cel-
lar wall of Mr. Russell's house, and there his bones have
since been found. This was before 1679, and it was prob-
ably not long after his decease that Goffe, who had thus
far remained with him, bound to him alike by the ties of
his relationship and a noble sympathy, left Hadley, and the
remainder of his career is unknown. During the resi-
dence of these two men at Hadley, Gen. Dixwell, another
of the judges, joined them, and resided there for some
time, but soon removed to New Haven, married, raised a
family of children, bore the assumed name of Davids, and
dit'd in 1680, at the advanced age of 81. His grave-stone
still stands in the City of Elms, and is often visited by the
curious.
The power of Philip had for some time been on the
wane. His attacks upon the settlers on the Connecticut
had ceased to be formidable. The Indians did not fight
with spirit, and came to distrust themselves. Already,
every hope of assistance from other tribes had vanished.
The Mohawks, whom Philip had endeavored to gain over
to his cause by negotiation, had become his implacable en-
emies, through a bloody stratagem which he had executed
with the hope of exciting their hatred airainst the Kif^rlish.
Somewhere in the vicinity of the Connecticut^ riVgXg'ft
M
-
130 KING PHILIP'S WAR.
party of Mohawks were encountered by a number of Phil-
ip's Indians, and put to death. Philip then caused it to be
reported that they had been murdered by the English, but
it so happened that one of the victims was not completely
dispatched. Bearing the real facts to his tribe, they were
much incensed, and proceeding over the mountains into
Massachusetts, and falling upon a tribe in Philip's interest,
killed about fifty of them, and broke up their lodge. This
was previous to the Falls Fight, and it was with the mem-
ory of this visitation upon them, that the Indians doubted
not that they were assailed by the Mohawks, when Capt.
Turner came upon them. With no hope from the West,
worsted in every conflict, driven from their fisheries, at
odds among themselves, straitened for provisions, and
aware of the arrival of a large opposing force at North-
ampton, they only retired from their attack on Hadley to
retreat to more distant localities. Soon after the affair at
Hadley, Capt. Henchman arrived with his party of Massa-
chusetts troops, and in company with those under Talcot,
went Northward, to break up the haunts of the Indians
above, and destroy their stores. Both sides of the river
were swept in the upward march, as far as Turner's Falls,
but not an Indian was to be seen. The river was followed
further North, but with no success. The whole field was
forsaken. The fish, and such food as they had stored in
cellars, were destroyed. But sad scenes were witnessed
on the track of the retreating expedition of Turner. His
body was found upon the spot already described as the lo-
cality of his death, while the stakes to which the unfortu-
nate captives had been tied, and burnt to death, were still
standing, as dark in their associations as in their stark and
charred appearance.
The enemy having retired from the Connecticut River,
the presence of the large bodies of troops under Talcot
and Henchman was no longer necessary, and, accordingly,
Talcot left for the Narraganset country, inflicting severe
damage upon the Indians upon his route, while Henchman
was not less efficient as he swept the forests on his return.
At this time, broken and dispirited, large bodies of Indians
were returning to the Narraganset country and its vicinity,
where they were hunted down by parties of English who
had become so well acquainted with the ground, and so ac-
FUGITIVES CUT OFF. 131
customed to the warfare, that they killed and captured
them by scores, with hardly the loss of a man. But
Philip, though pressed on all sides, and forsaken by his
Northern allies, maintained his haughty and implacable
spirit, and so far as possible persevered in his hostilities.
Many of his allies, who found themselves nearly destroyed,
laid upon him the blame of their fate, and sought safety in
iliuht. Major Talcot, having returned to Connecticut from
the Narraganset country, took with him additional force,
and stationed his troops in Westfield, for the purpose of
cutting off such fugitives as might pass that way; and, as
the evil fortune of the poor savages would have it, two
hundred of them, bound for the Hudson, passed peaceably
by the town, and he discovered their trail. Three days
jitter this, he came up with them, in the present town of
Stockbridge, in Berkshire County, encamped on the banks
of the Housatonic River. He arrived in the night, and
made his preparations to attack them both in front and in
rear. A single Indian who had gone out to take fish de-
tected their movements, gave the alarm, and was immedi-
ately shot. The attack, thus precipitated, was made before
all the preparations were completed, and, upon the first fire
upon the camp, all that could fly, retreated to the woods,
and escaped. Twenty-five of the number were left dead
upon the ground, and twenty were captured. Among the
captives was the treacherous sachem of Quaboag. Hub-
bard says that " many of the rest were badly wounded,' as
appeared by many of the bushes being much besmeared
with blood, as was observed by those who followed them
further." It was subsequently ascertained that they lost
-sixty in all, killed and captured. Talcot lost but one man,
and he a Mohegan Indian. This act showed the Indians
in this quarter that, however much they might refrain from
hostilities, they had nothing to hope for in the returning
clemency of the colonial authorities, and all retired. The
Connecticut River Indians fled either West to the Hudson,
or North to Canada.
Philip, still indomitable, struggled still, and the Plym-
outh colony was largely the scene of his operations, but
his men were hewn down on every hand. Sometimes he
escaped death or capture as if by magic, or miracle. His
chief counsellors and captains were killed, but he evaded
132 KING PHILIP'S WAK.
both death and capture. Then his wife and children were
seized or killed, and still he eluded the grasp of his perse-
vering enemy. At last, the treachery of one of his own
men became the cause of his fall. A company under Cap-
tain Church of Plymouth, a commander whose marvellous
bravery and singular success in the war marked him more
than any other man as its hero, surrounded a swamp in the
vicinity of Mount Hope, to which Philip with ajbout two
hundred of his men had retired. Only sixty of these es-
caped. One hundred and thirty were killed and captured,
and among the former was Philip. He was shot by an In-
dian, and fell with his face in the mud. His head was
severed from his body, and his body left to the wild beasts.
Thus, on the 12th of August, closed the life of " King
Philip."
No man with a decent respect for bravery, indomitable
purpose, and true military genius, can reflect upon the fall
of this poor savage, there at his old home, his nation in
ruins, his wife and children torn from him, and all his am-
bitious schemes overthrown, without a sigh of genuine
commiseration. He needed but a whiter skin and a better
success to have made him a hero whose name should lin-
ger on men's lips, and whose praise should be celebrated
in song.
tl Even that he lived is for his conqueror's tongue ;
By foes alone his death-song must be sung;
No chronicles but theirs shall tell
His mournful doom to future times j
May these upon his virtues dwell,
And in his fate forget his crimes/'
The subsequent capture of Annawon, Philip's chief cap-
tain, by the renowned Capt. Church, brought to a close the
bloodiest war New England ever knew. About six hun-
dred whites had been killed, and probably a much larger
number of buildings, chiefly dwelling houses, had been
burned. Trumbull concludes that about one-eleventh of
the militia, and of all the buildings in the United Colonies,
were swept away. There was hardly a family but mourned
the loss of a member, or a relative. The Indians were
very much more seriously despoiled. Their loss in men,
women and children was counted by thousands, while their
strongholds were leveled, and their lodges and stores de-
PEACE ON THE CONNECTICUT. 133
stroyed. But what will really conquer a civilized man,
will not conquer an Indian. To be reduced to the life of
an Indian in his best estate and his worst differs little
from it would be to conquer a civilized foe. The Indians
had nothing but their lives to lose, and these were held at
a value proportionate to the low enjoyments and inferior
aims of their possessors. Warlike operations continued on
the sea coast still further East, until the Spring of 1678,
when a peace was concluded. In the meantime, the Con-
necticut River settlers, relieved of the presence of their
enemies, resumed their employments, and returned to their
plantations.
12
CHAPTER VII
NEW INDIAN DIFFICULTIES AND THEIR CLOSE.
THE planters of Deerfield returned to their town, at the
close of the war, though no order for its re-settlement was
passed until the May session of the General Court, 1682.
But their danger and their trials were not yet past. The
straggling parties of Eastern Indians that crossed the Val-
ley in their emigration to the West kept them in constant
fear, while predatory squads returned from their new.
homes at the North to visit vengeance upon the holders of
their old possessions. It became evident, at last, that the
suspicions, long previously aroused, that the French in
Canada were aiding the Indians in their movements, were
correct. Under this state of things, so insecure were the
settlers, that " they went about their ordinary business with
arms in their hands, and to their solemn assemblies as
when one goeth to the battle." No very serious demon-
stration was made, however, until the Autumn of 1677,
when, it being the 19th day of September, a party of about
fifty Indians from Canada, who had descended the Con-
necticut to Hatfield, fell upon that town, shot down three
men outside of the fortifications, and breaking through, in-
flicted terrible slaughter upon men, women and children,
and captured and took away a large number. The attack
occurred at eleven o'crock in the morning, and while the
principal part of the men were at work in the meadows.
The names of those killed were Sergeant Isaac Graves,
John Atchison, John Qaoper, the wife and child of Philip
Russell, the wife and jjhild of John Coleman, the wife of
Samuel Kellogg, the wjfe and child of Samuel Belding and
a child of John Wells in all, eleven. Seventeen were
carried away captives, whose names follow : two children
of John Coleman, " Goodwife " Waite and three children,
(not to mention one a short time subsequently born in
Canada,) Mrs. Foote and two children, (one of the latter
was subsequently killed by the Indians,) Mrs. Jennings
and two children, (one of the latter was put to death in
CAPTIVES TAKEN TO CANADA. 135
Canada,) Obadiah Dickinson and one child, a child of Sam-
uel Kellogg, a child of Wm. Bartholomew, and a child of
John Allis. The departing savages left six or seven others
wounded as they retired Northward.
At this time, the people of Deerfield were preparing for
Winter by re-building their houses. The Indians, with
their captives, proceeded as far as Deerfield before night,
and halted in the woods East of the 'town. At about sun-
set, they entered the place, and John Root, one of four
men who undertook to escape into a swamp, was taken and
put to death. They then captured Serjeant John Plymp-
ton, Quentin Stockwell and Benoni Stebbins, and joining
them with the company of Hatfield captives, pushed on
about three miles, and halted for the night. Crossing the
Connecticut twice during the next day's march, they spent
the second night at Northfield, West meadow. Pursuing
the march Northward, they re-crossed the river, thus be-
traying apprehensions of pursuit, but that not appearing,
they halted at about thirty miles above Northfield, built a
shelter for themselves, and remained some time, to await
the coming of a body of women and children, for whom a
detachment was sent to Wachuset Mountain. Benoni
Stebbins was detailed from the captives to accompany this
expedition, and, during its progress, managed to escape.
About eighty women and children arrived at last, and,
after a halt to allow them rest, the whole party pushed
Northward. After a cold and weary pilgrimage, the pris-
oners themselves being subjected to frequent indignities
and great hardships, all arrived aJ^Sorel, a small French
garrison in Canada, Serjeant Plympton of Deerfield, how-
ever, having been burnt at the stake near Chamblee, and
his fellow captive, Dickinson of Hatfield, having been
obliged to lead him to his terrible death.
The distress of those in Deerfield and Hatfield, thus be-
reft of neighbors, companions and children, was naturally
intense. At last, by some means, they ascertained the des-
tination of the captives, and Benjamin Waite and Stephen
Jennings, whose wives were among them, conceived the
idea of reclaiming them. Accordingly, provided with a
commission from the Governor of Massachusetts, they
started, among the last days of October, on their tedious
and hazardous expedition. They went to Albany, and
136 FURTHER INDIAN TROUBLES.
after escaping from troubles which the jealousy of the
Dutch brought upon them, placed themselves under an In-
dian guide. They proceeded with great difficulty, nj> the
Hudson, through Lake George, and down Lake Champlain,
until, late in December, they arrived at Chamblee, a small
French settlement. They found that Mrs. Jennings and
four other captives had been pawned to the French for
liquor, at Sorel, while the remainder of the captives were
among the Indians not far distant. Unable to secure all
the captives without the assistance of the French authori-
ties, they then pushed, on for Quebec, and succeeded, at
last, in getting the captives that survived, together, by the
payment to the Indians of 200. The progress homeward
was not undertaken until Spring, and was necessarily slow,
but on the 22d of May, Quentin Stockwell wrote a letter
from Albany, announcing to his wife his return to that
point, and the safety of all the captives save Plynipton,
Philip Russell's child, and a daughter of Mrs. Foote. On
the 23d, he wrote again, urging his friends to come on and
meet the party, and to " stay not for Sabbath or shoeing of
horses." The summons was promptly answered, but the
captives had progressed as far as Westfield when they
were met. The passage home was little else than a tri-
umphal procession. Every plantation shared in the joy,
and an enthusiastic participant in the general rejoicing, in
writing to the Governor a statement of their return, ac-
knowledged the insanity of pleasure which possessed him.
It was but a few days after the attacks upon Hatfield
and Deerfield, just related, that a party of Indians attacked
the mill at Hadley, but it was bravely defended, and they
withdrew. From these repeated attacks, the settlers at
Deerfield became discouraged, and again forsook their
plantation, but their troubles for the time were over. In
the latter part of 1677, the Indians indicated their readi-
ness to make peace, and a Commission convened at North-
ampton for the purpose of treating with them. Major
Treat of Connecticut, accompanied by a guard of forty
men, went up to join in the treaty. The Indians were
promised protection and the enjoyment, unmolested, of
such lands as they should re-occupy, provided they would
become, and remain, subject to the English Government,
and deliver up their English captives. The conference
FAILURE OF THE CONFERENCE. 137
amounted to but little besides the delivery of a few cap-
tives. The Indians could not humiliate themselves, upon
the scene of their old homes and hunting grounds, to the
sway of their conquerors, and so departed.
12*
CHAPTER VIII.
PEACE THE COURTS KING WILLIAM'S WAR
WITCHCRAFT GENERAL MATTERS OF INTEREST.
THUS left at peace, the settlements on the Connecticut
revived, confidence returned, Springfield and Deerfield,
and the other towns which had suffered from the torch of
the Indians were re-built, and again the planters looked
forward, in the anticipation of prosperous times. During
the progress of the war, nothing had advanced, but every-
thing had retrograded. A large amount of property had
been destroyed, field employments had been so difficult and
dangerous of pursuit that only the absolute necessaries of
life had been obtained, large numbers of cattle had been
killed or driven from the plantations by the Indians, the
most able of the business men had been crippled in their
operations by severe losses, and, saddest of all, the stay
and support of no inconsiderable number of families had
been cut off in the persons of those who fell the victims of
the war. The years that followed were busy years years
of planting and building years unaccompanied by extra-
ordinary incidents. The waste places again smiled with
cheerful dwellings, and the seasons came and passed peace-
fully. The people attended faithfully, as was their custom,
upon the ordinances of God, schooled their children, bought,
sold, and got gain ; and seed-time and harvest, Summer and
Winter, swept by in their annual succession, bearing peace
and comfort to the hearts, and plenty to the stores, of the
dwellers upon the Connecticut.
Beyond the regular holding of the Courts of Hampshire
County, no events appear to have transpired that come nat-
urally into a general history of the region. The first
formal admission of attorneys to "practice in the Courts of
the County, occurred at the session of September, 1686,
when John King of Northampton, and Samuel Marshfield
and Jonathan Burt, Senior, of Springfield, were " allowed of
this Court to be attorney's for this County's Courts, and
took the oath of attorneys for the faithful performance of
THE COURTS. 139
their office." One of the regulations of the period is no-
ticeable, in contrast with the rule which now obtains, in
regard to the taxation of the costs of litigation. The
Courts then obliged a party convicted of being grossly in
the fault, in any case, to pay all the costs of the suit, com-
prising the fees of his opponent's counsel, as well as his
own. Now, a man may recover a just claim, but his
debtor, through a spirit of private revenge, may be, and
often is, able to make him pay, in costs, double or quadru-
ple the sum implicated in the suit. This fact is so appa-
rent that in many cases it operates as a denial of right.
The new colony charter of 1691 produced a change in the
constitution of the Court, and somewhat in the nature of
the proceedings. Courts of Common Pleas were substi-
tuted for County Courts, and a Superior Court established
to take the place of the Court of Assistants, which had,
thus far in the history of the colony, fulfilled that office.
At first, no time was designated for the regular holding of
the Superior Court in Hampshire County, but, in 1699, it
was ordered to be holden once a year at Springfield. It
was as late as 1771, when an additional term of that Court
was ordered to be holden annuaUy at Northampton. Lib-
erty was given to plaintiffs, if they should choose so to do,
to institute all suits, in which the demand exceeded 10,
originally in the Superior Court. John Huggins and
Christopher J. Lawton were attorneys belonging to Spring-
field who had a large practice in the Court of Common
Pleas at this period. Huggins probably had the most ex-
tensive practice of any living in his day.
The year 1688 was signalized by the abdication of
James, King of England ; and the accession to the throne
of William and Mary early in the following year, was an
event which, though distant in locality, was destined
to have an important bearing upon the Connecticut River
towns. The change in the home Government was soon
followed by a war with France which breught into hostility
the French and English settlements in America. The
French in Canada had never borne good will towards the
English colonies, and needed but the slightest pretext to
give an open and bloody demonstration of their dislike.
In February, 1690, Count Frontenac, at the head of the
French provincial Government, detached three parties of
140
French and Indians from Canada, one of which, in the
course of its movements, destroyed Schenectady, in New
York, murdered sixty men, women and children, took
twenty-seven prisoners, and drove forth the remainder
naked into a terrible snow-storm, twenty-five of whom lost
their limbs by the frost. The second party fell upon Sal-
mon Falls, killed thirty persons, took fifty-four prisoners,
and burnt and plundered the village. Casco Fort was also
taken by two of the parties, in conjunction. These opera-
tions, with others of less note, could not fail to excite alarm.
A special assembly of the colony of Connecticut was con-
vened, before which letters from Massachusetts were
placed, expressing the urgent desire that Connecticut
would send soldiers up the river to guard the towns, par-
ticularly the Northern ones of Hampshire County, and re-
questing that there might be a meeting of the Commission-
ers of the colonies, to consult upon measures for the com-
mon defense. The neighboring colonies were also applied
to, and the result was the first Congress of the American
Colonies, on the first of May, 1690, at New York. The
measures devised by this Congress, and more particularly
those entered into by New. England, miscarried. The pro-
ject was -conceived, of reducing Canada to subjection. A
force of eight small vessels sailed from Boston for Port
Royal, captured the place without opposition, and then
went up the St. Lawrence to Quebec, but the place was too
strong, and the ill-starred fleet becoming separated by a
gale, returned to Boston, losing several vessels in the ex-
pedition. A land expedition of 1,000 Connecticut and
New York troops was even less successful, having made
its way but a little beyond Albany, when, from a combina-
tion of untoward circumstances, it was thought expedient
to return. Though these expeditions failed, the war spirit
was up, and measures were taken to protect the frontiers
from the incursions of the French, and the Indians in the.ir
interest, imminent now more than before.
It is not a matter of wonder that the blow intended,
though not dealt, against the integrity of the French
Provinces in Canada, should have provoked the wrath of
Count Frontenac. New England expected it, and was not
disappointed, for he immediately let slip his ranging war-
dogs in every direction. The first demonstration made in
3IURDERS AT BROOKFIELD. 141
"Western Massachusetts was at Brookfield. Among the
last days of July, or the first of August, 1692, a party of
Frontenac's Indians came upon the town. Entering the
house of Joseph Wolcott, while all the family were absent,
(Mrs. Wolcott with her children having gone to the field
with her husband, fearing to remain alone,) they rifled it
of its valuables. Returning at noon, Wolcott found his
gun stolen, and saw at once that Indians had been there.
He sent his wife and children out to secrete themselves in
the bushes, except a little boy which he kept with him.
Looking out of the window he saw an Indian approaching.
Taking his boy under his arm, and an axe in his hand, he
went out, and set his dog upon the Indian, who was so
worried by him that he had to discharge his gun at him.
As soon as the gun was discharged, Wolcott gave him
chase, the Indian loading his gun as he ran. Wolcott
heard the ball roll down the barrel, when he turned, caught
up his child, and escaped to a fort. His wife screamed,
and thus betrayed her hiding place, and she and her chil-
dren were coldly murdered. A party of savages at the
same time entered the house of a Mr. Mason, killed him
and two children, and captured his wife and an infant.
They also captured Thomas and Daniel Lawrence.
Thomas, they soon afterwards murdered. John Lawrence,
the brother of these men, immediately mounted a horse,
and rode to Springfield for help. Capt. Colton, then the
commander of the Springfield company, promptly an-
swered the call, and made a rapid march to Brookfield,
and then started in pursuit of the Indians. On the way,
they came upon Mrs. Mason's child, who had been mur-
dered and thrown into the bushes. Coming upon the en-
campment of the Indians, at break of day, they approached
so carefully that they were able to put their guns through
the brush which the Indians had disposed around them,
and to fire upon them sleeping. Fourteen were killed at
the first fire, and the rest precipitately fled, leaving blank-
ets, arms and ammunition behind them, as well as the two
prisoners, Daniel Lawrence and Mrs. Mason, who were
conducted back in safety.
No other important demonstrations were made in this
region until the Gth of June, 1693, when the Indians en-
tered Deerfield, then the Northern settlement, Northfield
142 KING WILLIAM'S WAR.
still remaining unsettled, and breaking into the houses of a
Mr. Wells and a Mr. Broughton, killed and wounded eight
persons. In the following October, Martin Smith of that
town was captured and taken to Canada. In the year
1694, a French and Indian force under McCastreen, made
an attack upon the fort at Deerfield, but beyond killing
Daniel Severance, a lad, in the meadows, and wounding
John Beamont and Richard Lyman in the garrison, were
able to do no damage. On the 18th of August, 1695,
while a party of settlers were traveling from Hatfield to
Deerfield, they were fired upon by a party of Indians, in
the South part of Deerfield meadow, and Joseph Barnard
received a mortal wound. In the Autumn of 1696, two
residents of Deerfield, named Gillet and Smead, were sur-
prised by Indians while out hunting, who succeeded in cap-
turing Gillet, and then, entering Deerfield village, they
killed the wife and three children of Daniel Belding, and
took him and two other children prisoners. While devoted
Deerfield was thus suifering under its annual decimation,
the operations of Count Frontenac were directed much
more fatally against other points of settlement, West and
East, and were thus continued, year after year. The
peace proclaimed between England and France, while it
checked the hostilities of the French, had no effect upon
their Indians, or those stragglers in New England who had
been in their employ. In the Summer of 1698, a party
of Indians attacked a man and a number of boys in Hat-
field meadow, killing the man and one boy, and taking two
boys prisoners. Taking the prisoners into their canoes,
they paddled up the river. They were intercepted, when
they had proceeded about twenty miles, by a pursuing
force, and both lads were rescued, though at the expense
of the life of Nathaniel Pomeroy one of their deliverers.
During a portion of these troublesome years, Connecticut
kept a company of troops at Deerfield, and her gallant and
liberal policy during this time, and, in fact, during the
whole of Philip's War, is a matter to be gratefully remem-
bered by every citizen of Massachusetts, and* particularly
by those of them who dwell upon the Connecticut.
It is a notable fact, and one not at all difficult of ex-
planation on philosophical principles, that during the con-
tinuance of Philip's War, nothing was heard of witchcraft.
WITCHCRAFT. . 143
Something else occupied the public mind. After the ex-
citement of the war had entirely died away, witchcraft re-
vived, and one of the most remarkable instances occurred
in Iladley. Hutchinson and Cotton Mather both notice it,
the latter somewhat in detail, and from their accounts the
following narrative is derived. Hutchinson, by the way,
prefaces his statement by saying that in 1683, "the de-
mons removed to Connecticut River again, where one Des-
borough's house was molested by an invisible hand, and a
fire kindled, nobody knew how, which burnt up a great
part of his estate." In what town on Connecticut River
this singular event occurred is not stated, though Mather
speaks of Nicholas Desborough of Hartford as being the
object of sundry mysteriously projected missiles, such as
stones, cobs of Indian corn, &c., and he is probably the
man alluded to by Hutchinson. The subject of " the de-
mons " in Hadley, was " a judge of the Court, a military
officer, and a representative of the town of Hadley." Mr.
Philip Smith, the bewitched man, is innocently alluded to
as " an hypochondriac person," and Mather adds to his re-
commendations to the public respect, by stating that he
was the " son of eminently virtuous parents, and a deacon
of the church in Hadley." He was also " a man, for devo-
tion, sanctity, gravity and all that was honest, exceedingly
exemplary." There seems to have been nothing lacking
in the chain of evidence to prove that he was in every re-
spect a good citizen, a devout Christian, and a proper man.
It appears that Mr. Smith was the almoner of the charities
of the town, and that a wretched old woman, who thought
she had cause to be dissatisfied with his dispensations, took
it into her head to bewitch him. At the commencement
of the Winter, he began to decline in health, and was
troubled with ischiatic pains a very common time of year
for such pains to possess a man, even when not bewitched.
Yet his mind was unclouded, and his religious experiences
were such that " the standers-by .could see in him one rip-
ening apace for another world, and filled with grace and joy
to an high degree." In this state or mind he did not hesi-
tate to utter his suspicions against the old woman who had
threatened him. He became, at last, profoundly impressed
with the idea that he was suffering from the enchantments
practiced by his feminine adversary. Under a premoni-
144 WITCHCRAFT.
tion that lie should lose his reason, he exclaimed to his
brother " be sure to have a care of me, for you shall see
strange things. There shall be a wonder in Hadley ! I
shall not be dead, when 'tis thought I am !" This charge
was often repeated, and when, at last, the delirium came,
he cried out in various languages. He was tormented with
pins sticking into various parts of his body, one of which
his attendants found. The case was, of course, well known
to all the inhabitants of the town, and excited much sym-
pathy for the victim, and a corresponding degree of indig-
nation toward his tormentor. Accordingly, some of the
young men of the place visited the old woman's habitation,
" dragged her out of the house, hung her up until she was
near dead, let her down, rolled her sometime in the snow,
and at last buried her in it ;" but she was not to be rid of
in that manner, and managed to make her way out, and get
into her house again. But it was noticed that when these
operations were in progress, Mr. Smith slept, and at this
time, and at other similar proceedings against the old wo-
man, he got the only quiet rest that he enjoyed during his
illness. The house where he lay sick was, at times, per-
vaded by a very strong smell of musk, which, on one occa-
sion, was so strong that an apple, roasting by the fire, be-
came impregnated with the odor to such a degree, that they
were obliged to throw it away. Little pots in his room,
containing medicines, were unaccountably emptied, and
scratchings were heard about the bed when his hands and
feet were still. Fire was seen upon the bed, which, when
the by-standers began to remark upon it, would vanish
away. Divers people felt something as large as a cat mov-
ing in the bed, but could never grasp it, and some, leaning
upon the head of the bed, would have their heads knocked
by the shaking, when the sick man lay entirely still. A
strong man could not stir the poor victim, to give him an
easier position. He was like his bulk in lead. At last
Mr. Smith died, and a jury sat upon him to determine the
cause of his melancholy end. They " found a swelling on
one breast, his privities wounded or burned, his back full
of bruises, and several holes that seemed made with awls."
Though he was pronounced dead, his prophecy made a
show, at least, of holding good. He died on Saturday
morning, but his lower jaw did not fall, his countenance
PARISHES AND MINISTERS. 145
was life-like, and when he was removed to his coffin, on
Sunday afternoon, he was found to be still warm, though
he had lain in a room of the temperature of a New Eng-
land "Winter of the olden time.
During the time he awaited burial, mysterious noises
were heard in the room. Chairs and stools clattered,
though no one touched them. But on Monday morning,
his face had changed to black and blue, and gave issue to
a sanguineous fluid that ran down upon his hair. So Mr.
Smith was buried, while the old woman who had the credit
of being his mediate murderess, was allowed to live a
most wise and sane disposition of her. This case, and the
one already recorded as having occurred in Springfield,
some forty years previously, are the only instances of the
delusion that occurred within the limits of old Hampshire
County. In neither instance were the supposed guilty
parties put to death, and there is no evidence that the
Hadley witch was subjected to trial.
During the continuance of King William's War, as that
was called which prevailed between the French and Eng-
lish colonies, Springfield was less exposed to the incursions
of the Indians than her Northern neighbors, and found
time and opportunity to extend her population and enlarge
her operations, aided at first as she was, by the peace that
followed the death of Philip. As early even as 1673, the
inhabitants of the Western shore of the Connecticut, in
Springfield, had become so considerable that they petitioned
that a boat might be built to ferry them over the river on
the Sabbath, to enable them to attend public worship more
conveniently. They were, doubtless, badly accommodated
in this respect, even at a later date, for in 1683, Reice and
John Bedortha, and Joseph Bedortha's wife, were drowned
by the upsetting of the boat, while making the passage.
In May, 1695, thirty-two families were residents of that
side of the river, comprising a population of more than
two hundred, and at this time they applied to the General
Court for the privilege of settling a minister. Their dis-
tance from the house of worship in Springfield, and the
dangers attending the crossing of the river, formed the ba-
sis of their petition, but they met the opposition of the
town, and the General Court appointed a Committee to in-
vestigate the matter, and report at a subsequent si
13
146 PARISHES AND MINISTERS.
The report was favorable to the petitioners, and the No-
vember Court of 1696 "ordered, that the said petitioners
be permitted and allowed to invite, procure and settle a
learned and orthodox minister, on the West side of Con-
necticut River, to dispense the "Word of God unto those
that dwell there, and that they be a distinct and separate
precinct for that purpose." Thus was established the sec-
ond parish of Springfield. Subsequent action of the Gen-
eral Court required the people on the East side of the
river to pay them 50 towards building their meeting
house. This order seems to have met with a reluctant ex-
ecution, for, as late as 1711, a portion of the sum was still
due, and a committee of the new parish was appointed to
demand the sum, and, if necessary, to institute a suit at
law for it. A church was formed in June, 1698, and Rev.
John Woodbridge was settled as the first pastor. The first
meeting house was built in 1702. Mr. Woodbridge con-
tinued his ministry for twenty years, and died at the age
of forty. The best description that can be given of him,
and a noble epitaph it is, may be drawn from the diary of
Rev. Dr. Williams of Longmeadow, recorded June 10,
1718, the day of his death: "I look upon this as a very
great frown upon us all in this town, and in this part of the
country ; for Mr. Woodbridge was a man of great learn-
ing, of pleasant conversation, of a very tender spirit, very
apt to communicate, one that had an excellent gift in giv-
ing advice and counsel, and so must be very much missed
by us."
Springfield built a new meeting house in 1674, and on
the 28th of March, 1692, as has already been stated, Mr.
Glover, the minister, died. After three unavailing at-
tempts to secure the settlement of Mr. John Haines in his
place, a call to settle was extended to Mr. Daniel Brewer,
which he accepted, and he became their minister, by ap-
propriate ceremonials, on the 16th of May, 1694, and con-
tinued in the exercise of the duties of his office for nearly
forty years. While these events were transpiring, the
Long Meadow was receiving an augmented population, and
preparing to follow the example of its neighbor on the
other side of the river. On the incorporation of the Sec-
ond Parish, the General Court ordered that there should
be a division of the land that had been set apart for the
PARISH KS AND MINISTERS. 147
use of the ministry, but no settlement of the matter seems
to have been arrived at, until several years afterwards,
when the division was effected through the agency of the
two ministers, themselves. Springfield had within its
boundaries a large amount of land, unappropriated and
undivided, which was denominated the "outward com-
mons." This land was located in the present towns of Wil-
braham, Ludlow, and West Springfield. It was concluded
to divide this body of land into five parts, three on the
East side of the river, and two on the West, and, by cut-
ting up these tracts, to give to each inhabitant his share.
In 1699, the lots were drawn, but the land was not all sur-
veyed, until more than forty years afterwards. In each
of the five divisions, lots were appropriated for schools and
for the ministry. Many disadvantages attended the man-
ner in which the outward commons were allotted. The
land was laid out into such long and narrow strips as to be
of comparatively little value to the farmer. Settlements
were not begun at Wilbraham until 1731, a delay princi-
pally attributable to this fact. In 1713, Longmeadow, con-
taining but little less than forty families, was incorporated
as the Third Parish of Springfield, and in 1716, Rev. Ste-
phen Williams was ordained, as the first minister. He
was the son of Rev. John Williams of Deerfield, and
preached in Longmeadow 65 years. Interesting events in
his early history remain to be narrated.
The settlement of Rev. Solomon Stoddard in Northamp-
ton, in 1672, has already been briefly noticed. He was
probably the most remarkable clergyman, in the points of
talent and influence, that had thus far been settled in the
Valley, and was regarded with a reverence that, possessing
thoroughly the hearts of his people, extended throughout
the colony, and even to the very hearts of the savages.
His life is declared to have been spared on the occasion
of his falling into an Indian ambuscade, by the exclama-
tion that he was "the Englishman's God," made by one
of the party of savages. He was noted particularly for
the liberality, not to say laxity, of his views in matters of
religion, maintaining that the Lord's table should IK- ac-
cessible to all persons not immoral in their lives, opposi-
tion to which doctrine in after years, cost his grandson and
worthy successor in the ministry, Jonathan Edwards, the
sacrifice of his office. Mr. Stoddard died in 1729.
CHAPTER IX.
QUEEN ANNE'S WAR.
THE Indian difficulties, which, at the declaration of
peace between England and France in 1697, it was hoped
were past, were to be resumed upon the Connecticut, ac-
companied, in some instances, with more severe hardships
than had hitherto been experienced. King William died
in 1702, and Queen Anne reigned in his stead, and follow-
ing closely upon the latter event, came another war be-
tween the two countries. This event, as in the reign of
William and Mary, renewed the hostilities between the
French and English colonies in America, and our history
now opens upon some of the most remarkable scenes and
adventures afforded by the whole series of trials that as-
sailed Western Massachusetts at almost every step of its
early progress.
At an early date of the renewed hostilities, the unfortu-
nate settlement at Deerfield was apprised that it was the
intention of the French to destroy it. Measures were
taken to strengthen the fortifications, and to prepare, so far
as possible, for the dreaded event. Small parties of In-
dians, who could not await the grand demonstration, haunt-
ed the region of the doomed town, and lay in wait to cut
off such stragglers as might present themselves. On the
8th of October, 1703, Zebediah Williams and John Nims
were captured in the meadow, at a small distance from the
village, and taken to Canada, where the former died.
Nims subsequently escaped and returned. No serious
demonstrations were made from this time until the night
of the 29th of February, when Major Hertel de Rouville,
with upwards of 340 French and Indians, arrived at a pine
bluff overlooking Deerfield meadow, about two miles North
of the village a locality now known as Petty's Plain.
Here he halted, to await the appropriate hour for an at-
tack, and it was not until nearly morning that, leaving
their packs upon the spot, his men started forward for their
work of destruction. Rouville took great pains not to
ATTACK ON DEERFIELD. 149
alarm the sentinels in his approach, but the precaution was
unnecessary, as the watch were unfaithful, and had retired
to rest Arriving at the fortifications, he found the snow
drifted nearly to the top of the palisades, and his entire
party entered the place undiscovered, while the whole pop-
ulation were in a profound sleep. Quietly distributing
themselves in parties, they broke in the doors of the
houses, dragged out the astonished inhabitants, killed such
as resisted, and took prisoners the majority of the remain-
der, only a few escaping from their hands into the woods.
The house of Rev. John Williams was assaulted at the
commencement of the attack. Awakened from sleep, Mr.
Williams leaped from his bed, and, running to the door,
found the enemy entering. Calling to two soldiers who
lodged in the house, he sprang back to his bed-room, seized
a pistol, cocked it, and presented it at the breast of an In-
dian who had followed him. It missed fire, and it was
well, for the room was thronged in an instant, and he was
seized, bound without being allowed the privilege of dress-
ing, and kept standing in the cold for an hour. In this dis-
tressing condition, the savages amused themselves with
taunting him, swinging their hatchets over him, and threat-
ening him. Two of his children and a negro woman were
then taken to the door and butchered. Mrs. Williams,
who had been confined in child-birth but a few weeks be-
fore, was allowed to dress, and herself and five children
were taken as captives. John Sheldon's house, which the
enemy found it hard to enter, was pierced by hatchets at
the door ; and a musket thrust through the opening, and
discharged, killed Mrs. Sheldon, who was dressing in an
adjoining room. The house was carried, and preserved
from destruction to accommodate the captives that were
taken, and brought in from the other parts of the village.
But the savage force did not gain their captives entirely
without struggle and cost. The fort was carried, at the
cost of eleven men. One house was defended by seven
men, for whom the women within cast bullets while the
fi-ht was in progress. Singling out their victims, these
brave fellows sent forth their impromptu bullets from every
window and loop-hole, and neither threat nor stratagem
could bring them to a surrender ; and, leaving the house,
the enemy paid it no attention further than to keep out of
13*
150 QUEEN ANNE'S WAR.
the way of it. Another house was defended with equal
bravery and equal success. One after another, the captive
families and individuals were brought into the depot, until,
when the sun was about an hour high, the work was com-
pleted. The buildings had been plundered, and setting
fire to such of them as could be approached, Rouville set
out on his return to Canada with his captives. But one
more touching scene, and that the slaughtered company of
young men at Bloody Brook, has ever been witnessed in
the Connecticut Valley, than that exhibited by this com-
pany of captives, as they turned out that morning, shiver-
ing with fear and cold, on their terrible pilgrimage over
the snows of mid-winter to Canada. There were the pas-
tor and his tender family ; the strong man, his heart bleed-
ing with sympathy, and his own trials forgotten in the dis-
tress of his bosom companion and his little ones ; the young
man and the maiden, the old man and the infant. In all,
one hundred and eight persons were taken, and marched
forth, guarded by their captors, upon the shining crust of
snow that then covered the ground. Passing the meadow,
they arrived at the point on Petty's Plain where Rouville
had left his packs and snow-shoes, and here the company
halted. Here the prisoners were deprived of their shoes,
and furnished with moccasins, to enable them to travel
more easily, and all the preparations made for the long
march through the Northern wilderness.
During the attack on Rev. Mr. Williams' house, one of
the lodgers, Capt. Stoddard, leaped from the window of his
room, and, seizing a cloak in his exit, made his escape.
Tearing up his cloak, and binding the pieces upon his feet,
he ran to Hatfield, and arrived there almost exhausted.
Capt. John Sheldon's son escaped in the same manner, and
reached Hatfield. A number of individuals in that town
started immediately, probably upon horses, for Deerfield.
On their arrival there, they found a number of those who
had managed to escape from the clutches of the enemy,
together with those left behind in the village, and joining
them, bravely pushed on in pursuit of the retreating force.
They overtook them while halting and making the prepara-
tion to march, already described. A sharp skirmish en-
sued, but becoming nearly surrounded by the enemy, they
were obliged to retreat with the loss of nine of their noble
THE KILLED AND CAPTIVE. 151
little number. This statement is circumstantially given by
Hoyt, but Rev. Mr. Williams, in his " Redeemed Captive,"
(a work from which most of these facts are drawn,) states
that a company of the enemy remained in the town, but
were beaten out and pursued by the English, until the
main force came to their rescue. The slaughter inflicted
in the taking of the town was a terrible one. No less than
thirty-eight were killed, making the whole number, includ-
ing those slain in the skirmish on the meadow, forty-seven.*
The loss of the enemy was upwards of forty. In a list of
the captivesf drawn up by Stephen Williams, the pastor's
*The following are the names of those slain at the taking of the
town: David Alexander, Thomas Carter, John Catlin, Jonathan
Catlin, Sarah Field, Jonathan Hawks Jr. and his wife, Thankful
Hawks, John Hawks, Martha Hawks, Samuel Hinsdale, Joseph In-
gersol, Jonathan Kellogg, Philip Mattoon's wife and child, Parthe-
na, (a negro,) Henry Nims, Mary Nims, Mehitable Nims, Sarah
Price, Mary Root, Thomas Shelden, Mercy Shelden. Samuel
Smead's wife and two children, Elizabeth Smead, Martin Smith,
Serg. Benoni Stebbins, Andrew Stevens, Mary Wells, John Wil-
liams Jr., Jerusha Williams. Those slain in the skirmish that took
place in the meadow were Samuel Allis, Serg. Boltwood, Robert
Boltwood, Joseph Catlin, Samuel Foot, David Hoit Jr., Jonathan In-
gram, Serg. Benjamin Waite, Nathaniel Warner.
fThe following is the list, those marked with an asterisk indicat-
ing those who were killed before getting far from the town : Mary
Alexander, Mary Alexander Jr., Joseph Alexander, (ran away the
first night,) Sarah Allen, Mary Allis, Thomas Baker, Simon Beau-
mont, Hepzibah Belding,* John Bridgman, (ran away in the mead-
ow,) Nathaniel Brooks, Mary Brooks,* Mary Brooks Jr., William
Brooks, Abigail Brown, Benjamin Burt, Hannah Carter,* Hannah
Carter Jr.,* Mercy Carter, Samuel Carter, John Carter, Ebenezer
Carter, Marah Carter,* John Catlin, Ruth Catlin, Elizabeth Corse,*
Elizabeth Corse Jr., Daniel Crowfoot, Abigail Denio, Sarah Dickin-
son, Joseph Eastman, Mary Field, John Field, Mary Field Jr., Mary
Frary,* Thomas French, Mary French,* Mary French Jr , Thomas
French Jr., Freedom French, Martha French, Abigail French, Mary
Harris, Samuel Hastings, Elizabeth Hawks, Mehuman Hinsdale,
Mary Hinsdale. Jacob Hicks, (died at Coos,) Deacon David Hoit,
fdied at Coos,) Abigail Hoit, Jonathan Hoit, Sarah Hoit, Ebenezer
Hoit, Abigail Hoit Jr., Elizabeth Hull, Thomas Hurst, Ebenezer
Hurst, Benoni Hurst,* Sarah Hurst, Sarah Hurst Jr., Elizabeth
Hurst, Hannah Hurst, Martin Kellogg, Martin Kellogg Jr., Joseph
Kellogg, Joanna Kellogg, Rebecca Kellogg, John Marsh, Sarah
Mattoon, Philip Mattoon, Frank,* a negro, Mehitable Nims, Ebene-
zer Nims, Abigail Nims, Joseph Petty, Sarah Petty, Joshua Pome-
roy, Esther Pomeroy,* Samuel Price, Jemima Richards, Josiah
152 QUEEN ANNE'S WAR.
son, and subsequently the minister at Longmeadow, it ap-
pears that fourteen of them were slain in the meadows
after they left town. These were not all slain near the
village, but probably during the first day's march, which
was not more than four miles. The victims consisted of
infants, and wounded and infirm persons. Two of the cap-
tives succeeded in escaping, and Mr. Williams was ordered
to inform the others that if any more escapes should take
place, death by fire would be visited upon those who re-
mained.
The first night's lodgings were provided for as comforta-
bly as circumstances would permit, and all the able bodied
among the prisoners were made to sleep in bonds. On the
second day's march, Mr. Williams was permitted to speak
with his poor wife, and to assist her on her journey. " On
the way," says Mr. Williams, in his book, " we discoursed
of the happiness of those who had a right to an house not
made with hands, eternal in the heavens ; and God for a
father and friend ; as also it was our reasonable duty qui-
etly to submit to the will of God, and to say, * The will of
the Lord be done.' " Thus imparting to one another their
heroic courage and Christian strength and consolation, they
pursued their painful way. At last, the poor woman an-
nounced the gradual failure of her strength, and during
the short time it was allowed her to remain with her hus-
band expressed good wishes and prayers for him and her
children. The narrative proceeds : " She never spake any
discontented word as to what had befallen us, but, with
suitable expressions, justified God in what had happened.
We soon made a halt, in which time my chief surviving
master came up, upon which I \vas put upon marching with
the foremost, and so made my last farewell of my dear
wife, the desire of my eyes, and companion in many mer-
cies and afflictions. Upon our separation from each other,
Rising, Hannah Shelden, Ebenezer Shelden, Remembrance Shelden,
Mary Shelden, John Stebbins, Dorothy Stebbins, John Stebbins Jr.,
Samuel Stebbins, Ebenezer Stebbins, Joseph Stebbins, Thankful
Stebbins, Elizabeth Stevens, Ebenezer Warner, Waitstill Warner
Jr.,* Sarah Warner, Rev. John Williams, Mrs. Eunice Williams,*
Samuel Williams, Eunice Williams Jr., Esther Williams, Warham
Williams, John Weston, Judah Wright. Also three Frenchmen
\vho had lived in Deerfield some time, and who came from Canada.
SUFFERINGS OF MRS. WILLIAMS. 153
we asked for each other grace sufficient for what God
should call us to." Mrs. Williams remained a short time
where he left her, and occupied the leisure in reading her
Bible. Her husband went on, and soon had to ford a small
and rapid stream, and climb a high mountain on its other
side. Reaching the top, and very much exhausted, he was
unburdened of his pack, and then his heart went down the
steep after his wife. He entreated his master to let him
go down and help her, but his desire was refused. As the
prisoners, one after another, came up, he inquired for
her, and the news of her death was told to him. In wad-
ing the river, she was thrown down by the water, and en-
tirely submerged, but succeeded in reaching the bank and
the foot of the mountain, where her master became dis-
couraged with the idea of her maintaining the march, and
burying his tomahawk in her head, left her dead. Mrs.
Williams was the daughter of Rev. Eleazer Mather, the
fir.st minister of Northampton an educated, refined and
noble woman, and the story of her sufferings is a most
touching one. It is pleasant to think that her body was
found, and brought back to Deerfield, where, in long years
after, her husband was laid by her side. There sleeps tho
dust of the pair, and stones still standing inform the
stranger of the interesting spot.
Others were killed upon the journey, as convenience re-
quired. One poor woman, with child, and near the time
of travail, was dispatched on the fourth day. Arriving
about thirty miles North of Deerfield, probably in the
Northern part of Brattleboro, Vt, those of the Indians
who had no captives became discontented, for some others
of the number had five or six. Accordingly a halt was
made, and a more equal distribution effected, and then
sledges were constructed for the better conveyance of chil-
dren, and those who were wounded. Stephen Williams,
flic pastor's son, was at that time eleven years old, but he
kept a journal which has recently been published, and
which Mates in an artless way: "They traveled (we
thought) as if they meant to kill us all, for they traveled
thirty-five or forty miles a day. * * * Their manner
was, if any loitered, to kill them. My feet were very sore,
so that I thought they would kill me also." When the
first Sabbath arrived, Mr. Williams was allowed to pi-each.
154 QUEEN ANNE'S WAR.
His text was taken from the Lamentations of Jeremiah-
the verse in which occurs the passage " my virgins and
my young men are gone into captivity." And thus they
progressed, the life of the captives dependent, in every
case, upon their ability to keep up with the party. Here
an innocent child would be knocked upon the head and left
in the snow, and there some poor woman, prostrated by a
miscarriage, dropped by the way, and died by the merciful
tomahawk, unmercifully dealt. Arriving at White River,
Rouville divided his forces, and the parties took separate
routes to Canada. The party to which Mr. Williams was
attached went up White River, and proceeded, with vari-
ous adventures, to Sorel in Canada, at which point some
of the captives had preceded him. The party with which
the most of Mr. Williams' children proceeded, kept on, up
the Connecticut, and barely escaped death from famine, a
fate which visited two of the captives.
Thus, those who survived had all arrived in Canada, and
all were treated by the French with great humanity, and
Mr. Williams with marked courtesy. He proceeded to
Chamblee, from thence to St. Francis, on the St. Law-
rence, afterwards to Quebec, and at last to Montreal, where
Governor Vaudreuil treated him with much kindness, and
redeemed him from savage hands. Mr. Williams' religious
experiences in Canada were characteristic of the times.
He was there thrown among Romanists, a sect against
which he entertained the most profound dislike profound
to an inflammatory conscientiousness, not to say bigotry.
His Indian master was determined he should go to church,
but he would not, and was once dragged there, where he
"saw a great confusion instead of any Gospel order."
The Jesuits assailed him on every hand, and gave him but
little peace. His master, at one time, tried to make him
kiss a crucifix, under the threat that he would dash out his
brains with a hatchet if he should refuse, but he did refuse,
and had the good fortune to save his head as well as his
conscience. Some of Mr. Williams' children were re-
deemed, and^ placed where he could see them, and all of
them were promised him by the Jesuits, accompanied with
a pension for his own and their support, if he would em-
brace the Romish faith, but the offensive offer met with a
most ungracious reception. In short, the Deerneld cap-
EUNICE WILLIAMS. 155
lives proved to be rather intractable fellows. One of the
Jesuits told the Governor that " he never saw such persons
ire taken from Deerfield," and added "the Macquas
will not suffer any of their prisoners to abide in their wig-
wams whilst they themselves are at mass, but carry them
with them to the church, and they cannot be prevailed
with to fall down on their knees; but no sooner are they
returned to their wigwams but they fall down on their
knees to prayer."
One of Mr. Williams' daughters, Eunice, only seven
years old at the time she was carried to Canada, he had
the privilege of once visiting. He talked with her about
an hour, and ascertained that she had not forgotten her cat-
echism. The little girl was very desirous to be set at lib-
erty, and bemoaned her hard lot. She was told to pray to
God every day, and she replied that she did, as she was
able, and God helped her. " But," said she, " they force
me to say some prayers in Latin, but I don't understand
one word of them." All possible efforts were afterwards
made by the Governor and his lady to effect her redemp-
tion, but without avail. The plastic little creature not
long afterwards forgot, not only her catechism but her lan-
guage, adopted the Indian habits of life, and became in
fact and feeling a savage. And there among them was she
li-tt at last, mid on arriving at womanhood, she married an
Indian by whom she had a family of children. A few
years after the war, she and her husband, with other In-
dians, visited Deerfield. She was dressed in Indian cos-
tume, and all the inducements held out to her to remain at
her old home were unavailing. She visited Longmeadow
twice subsequently, with her tawny companion, to see her
brother, and old fellow captive, who, since his return, had
jrrown up, and become the first pastor of the church in
L.inLTineadow. The General Court granted them a piece
of land on condition that they would remain in New Eng-
land, but she refused, on the ground that it would endanger
her soul. She lived and died in savage life, though nomi-
nally a convert to Romanism, and out of her singular fate
has grown another romance, which has been the marvel of
later times. From her descended Rev. Eleazer Williams,
late missionary to the Indians at Green Bay, Wisconsin,
the pretended Dauphin of France. In 1706, Mr. Wil-
156 QUEEN ANNE'S WAR.
liams and his remaining children, with other captives, rais-
ing the number to fifty-seven, embarked on board a ship
sent to Quebec by Governor Dudley, and sailed for Bos-
ton. Of those who were carried to Canada, twenty-eight
permanently remained, and these principally intermarried
with the French, became attached to the country, and
nearly all became Romanists. Their names and descend-
ants still live in Canada, and many now living in the Con-
necticut Valley would feel astonished in being brought face
to face with kindred blood, that now rattles bad French in
Canada, or sputters Indian in the North and Northwest.
It has already been said that Mr. Williams was laid by the
side of his wife at last; and Deerfield, after his return,
was his home until he died. A Committee from his peo-
ple met him on his landing at Boston, and invited him to
return to the charge, from which he had, nearly three
years before, been torn. And Mr. Williams had the cour-
age to do it, notwithstanding the war continued with una-
bated bitterness. In 1707, the town voted to build him a
house, " as big as Ensign Sheldon's, and a back room as
big as may be thought convenient." " Ensign Sheldon's
house," by the way, has been seen by nearly every one
who has traveled through the Connecticut Valley. It was
the " old Indian house in Deerfield," as it has been popu-
larly called, and stood at the Northern end of Deerfield
Common, exhibiting to its latest day the marks of the tom-
ahawk upon its door in the attack of 1704, and the perfo-
rations made by the balls inside. The house was torn
down recently, but the door is preserved, and should
ever be preserved as a valuable memento of the dangers
and trials of early times. Mr. Williams took a new wife
into his new house, had several children by her, and died
in 1729.
The inhabitants of Deerfield had abandoned their settle-
ment twice, but, notwithstanding the hard fare they had
experienced, and the dangers to which they must necessa-
rily be still exposed, they determined not to leave it again.
It was not long after the departure of the captives in 1704,
that two individuals John Allen and his wife were
killed about two miles South of Deerfield, at a place called
"the Bars." This was on the 10th of the following May,
and as the Indians killed Allen upon the spot, and took his
INDIAN MURDERS. 157
wife a mile or two away before dispatching her, they prob-
ably calculated to carry her also to Canada. A few days
afterwards, one Kindness, a friendly Indian, was killed at
Hatfield mill, but the enemy had no time to scalp him.
About the same time, Thomas Russell was killed North of
Deerfield. He was attached to the garrison at Deerfield,
mid was sent into the woods as a scout, but wandered from
his companions, and was cut off. He belonged in Hatfield.
John Hawks, while on the way from Deerfield to Hatfield,
i-ll into an ambuscade and was killed. The Indians in
small and unimportant parties at this time seem to have
hung around all the settlements on the river. Dr. Cross-
man, while riding in the night between Hadley and Spring-
field, was fired upon and wounded in the arm. A scout on
the way between Northampton and "VVestfield were attacked
by Indians, one of them killed and two taken captive.
These Indians fell in with another scout which killed three
of their number, and released the two prisoners. Scouts
at this time were kept out in every direction. Lieut. Ca-
leb Lyman, with the insignificant force of five friendly In-
dians, marched to Coos, on the Connecticut at the North,
where abode a remnant of the force that invaded Deerfield
in the preceding February, and coming to a cabin contain-
ing ten Indians, fired upon, and killed seven at the first
shot. The other three were wounded, but escaped. Lieut.
Lyman returned without the loss of a man. In 1705, no
movements worthy of note occurred. In July, 1706, Sam-
uel Chapin and his brother, of Springfield, went up to
their farm in the North part of the town, and on discover-
ing signs of Indians, fled back toward their homes, followed
by the foe that had calculated on entrapping them. One
shot was discharged, hitting Samuel Chapin in the side, but
not inflicting a fatal wound. About this time, Mary Mc-
Intosh Avas killed at Brookfield, while milking the cows.
Robert Grainger and John Clary were shot in the same
town, and Thomas Battis of that town, while riding post to
Hadley, was killed somewhere upon the present territory
of Belchertown. John Woolcott, a boy, was taken at
Brookfirld, and carried to Canada, where he remained
among the Indians so long as to lose his native language.
In 1708, a body of infantry and cavalry, commanded by
Col. Whiting, were sent up from Connecticut, to guard the
14
158 QUEEN ANNE'S WAR.
frontier towns upon the North, and a scout from his force
returning from White River, lost one of its number, named
Barber, and Martin Kellogg Jr. was taken prisoner. Dur-
ing this year, Samuel and Joseph Parsons of Northamp-
ton, sons of Capt. John Parsons, were killed by the Indians
while in the woods. On the 26th of July, that year, seven
or eight Indians attacked the house of Lieut. Wright at
Skipmuck, in Springfield, and killed " old Mr. Wright,"
and Aaron Parsons and Barijah Hubbard a couple of
soldiers knocked two children on the head, one of whom
died, and took Henry Wright's wife captive, and probably
killed her afterwards. Lieut. Wright and a daughter es-
caped.
In 1707, another expedition was fitted out from Massa-
chusetts against Port Royal, N. S. Two regiments under
the command of Col. March embarked at Nantasket, in
twenty-three vessels, and proceeded under the convoy of
two war-ships, but the whole affair miscarried. Thirty
lives were lost, and the expense to the colony was 22,000.
This expedition was followed, in the succeeding year, by
the fitting out of a large expedition of French and Indians
in Canada to go against the frontier settlements of New
England. This expedition fell upon other quarters than
the Connecticut, and had the effect to bring out another
English expedition in the following year against the
French provinces. This expedition was an extensive af-
fair, and contemplated nothing less than the complete re-
duction of the French in North America. Five regiments
of troops were to be sent from England. To these were
to be added twelve hundred troops, to be raised in Massa-
chusetts, New Hampshire and Rhode Island, and the com-
bined force was to go against Quebec. Fifteen hundred
troops, to ,be raised in the other colonies, were to proceed
by the way of the lakes, and attack Montreal. Complica-
tions with allied powers arose at the very moment of em-
barking the English troops for the Quebec expedition, and
they were sent in another direction. Thus, this part of
the enterprise failed. The force bound for Montreal as-
sembled at Albany, and made progress on their journey,
but a terrible sickness breaking out among the troops, and
the commander becoming aware of the failure of the other
wing of the enterprise, returned to Albauy, and disbanded
CAPTURE OF PORT ROYAL. 159
his army. While these movements, which looked formida-
ble, at least, were in progress, the French still kept out
their parties of savages upon the New England frontiers.
On the llth of April, 1701), while Mehuman Hinsdale was
returning with his team from Northampton, he was taken
prisoner by two Indians, who took him to Chamblee in
eleven days and a half. This was Mr. Hinsdale's second
experience, he having made one of the Deerfield company
of captives. He suffered much from imprisonment, being
obliged to run the gantlet, &c. At last, he was taken from
the Indians, sent to France, and, after an absence of three
\( :us and a half, found his way back to his family. Mr.
Hinsdale was the first male child born in Deerfield, a fact
which his grave stone, now standing in that town, duly
commemorates. In May, John Wells and John Burt, (be-
longing to a scouting party of ten which had penetrated to
Lake Champlain, and killed and wounded more than they
numbered themselves,) were killed in a skirmish on Onion
River, in Vermont. In June, another attack was arranged
by the enemy, to be made upon Deerfield. One of the
Rouvilles, (a brother of the leader of the previous expe-
dition against the town,) appeared at the head of 180
French and Indians, but this time the Deerfield people
were not asleep, and were so well prepared against an en-
emy, that Rouville withdrew. While his force lay in the
vicinity, Joseph Clesson and John Arms were captured,
and Lieut. Taylor and Isaac Mattoon killed. In 1710,
about the middle of July, six men of Brookfield, while
making hay in the meadows, were surprised by a party of
Indians, and all of them killed. Their names were Eben-
ezer Hayward, John White, Stephen and Benjamin Jen-
nings, John Grosvenor and Joseph Kellogg.
In 1710, an English fleet, with a regiment of marines,
and four regiments of provincial troops, proceeded against,
and captured Port Royal, and not long after this event,
Col. Nicholson, who commanded the land expedition on the
previous year, went to England to interest the Government
in another expedition against Canada, and effected his ob-
ject. On the 3()th of July, 1711, a large fleet left Boston
with a force of 7,000 regulars and provincials; but eight
or nine of their transports were lost, with about 1,000 men,
by being wrecked, and the expedition returned without
160 QUEEN ANNE'S WAK.
effecting anything. This was the fourth expedition made
against Canada. In the aggregate, they had involved an
immense cost, and had never accomplished anything ex-
cept the more complete exasperation of the French. At
the same time that the last fleet sailed from Boston, Col.
Nicholson started from Albany, with a force nearly as
large, but receiving news of the failure of the armament,
he again returned, and disbanded his troops. During this
year, no hostilities of importance were exhibited on the
Connecticut. In 1713, the long war in Europe ended, and
hostilities soon ceased between the belligerent colonies.
The next year Col. Stoddard of Northampton went to
Canada to make arrangements for an exchange of prison-
ers, and now the distressed and long suffering settlers upon
the Connecticut breathed freely again.
; ?-'; . r -. , : ..f^ .<...*;.
CHAPTER X.
NEW SETTLEMENTS ON THE CONNECTICUT FIRST
SETTLEMENTS ON THE HOUSATONIC.
DURING " Queen Anne's War," the settlers had again
suffered a period of retrogradation. Not an advance had
been made in any quarter, save, perhaps, in Springfield
and its immediate region. As soon as the war was over,
however, the owners of Northfield moved for a re-settle-
ment, and made an application to the General Court for
liberty to return. The Court, February 22d, 1714, ac-
cordingly passed an order, reviving the grant made in
1672, and appointed Samuel Partridge, John Pynchon,
(son of Maj. John Pynchon,) Samuel Porter, John Stod-
dard and Henry Dwight, a committee to examine all claims
of individuals to lands in the plantation, and to enter their
names, with such others as should join them in re-estab-
lishing the plantation, preference to be given in all cases to
the descendents of the original grantees. The town lots
were ordered to be small, so that they might be the more
easily defensible, and 250 acres to be reserved for the dis-
position of the Government. The conditions of the grant
were that forty families be settled within three years, and
that an orthodox minister be procured and encouraged to
settle with them. On the 14th of April, sixteen persons
appeared before the Committee, proved their claims, and
entered into articles of agreement. Among these articles
was one fixing the site of the village in its original loca-
tion. The Committee who had the general ordering of af-
f :iirs at first, two days after this appointed Deacon Ebene-
zer Wright to be the town clerk, and Capt. Benjamin
Wright, Lieut. John Lyman, Dea. Ebenezer Wright, Ju-
dah Hutchinson and Sergeant Thomas Taylor, to be meas-
urers of land, pro tempore. On the 1 1th of July, peace
was concluded with the Eastern Indians, and the old pro-
prietors of Northfield flocked back, rebuilt their houses,
and, with other settlers, established upon a permanent foot-
ing the town of Northfield. They built a church, and, in
14*
162 SETTLEMENT OP THE WILDERNESS.
1718, when the town contained about thirty families, they
settled for their minister Rev. Benjamin Doolittle of Wal-
lingford, Ct.
In 1701, John Pynchon, Capt. Thomas Colton, James
TVarriner, David Morgan and Joseph Stebbins were ap-
pointed by the General Court to lay out the town subse-
quently called Brimfield, and to have for five years the
ordering of the prudential affairs of the place. The traot
was originally eight miles square, and comprised the pres-
ent towns of Brimfield, Monson, Wales and Holland. The
Indian disturbances that followed, for many years, interfered
with the settlement of the plantation to any extent. It
had been growing in population until 1731, when, after
considerable discussion in the General Court, the grants
made by the original Committee were confirmed. The or-
dination of Rev. Richard Treat, the first minister, took
place in 1725.
About this time, settlements began to multiply in every
direction. Easthampton, then composing a part of the
town of Northampton, was settled as early, in fact, as 1700.
Southampton, in the same township, followed in 1732.
South Hadley, the second precinct of Hadley, was settled
as early as 1721. In 1732, Belchertown was settled. A
Scotch Presbyterian church was formed in Palmer about
1730, a few years after the place had been settled by a
company of emigrants from the North of Ireland. Sun-
derland, a township granted to inhabitants of Hadley in
1673, was incorporated in 1714. Thus, leaving for a while
the active movements in progress in the Connecticut Val-
ley, our history returns to notice appropriately a marked
event becoming buried in the retiring years, and then
passes on to new scenes and a wider field.
In 1703 died Maj. John Pynchon. His name has oc-
curred more frequently in these pages than any other. It
is because it was used during his life in connection with
every important enterprise on the Connecticut River. He
was on every commission and committee. The greater
part of his life was occupied in public service. He came
to Springfield when but ten years old. He lived in it
nearly one-third of the time that has transpired since its
settlement. He was a magistrate in the local Courts nearly
or quite all the time from the age of twenty-six to the time
DEATH OP MAJ. PTNCHON. 163
of his death, which took place when he had arrived at the
good old age of 76. He was, for a considerable period,
the chief in military command in the county, was repeat-
edly chosen an assistant of the colony, was of the Council
of New England in the time of Sir Edmund Andross, (a
place which he held from a desire to serve the people, and
not from sympathy with the arbitrary measures of the
day,) and a Councillor under the new colonial charter.
All the trusts reposed in him, and all the offices conferred
upon him, he discharged with remarkable ability, entire
faithfulness, and with wide acceptation. He was loved,
honored and revered in all the complicated relations of a
long, laborious and useful life, and when he was gathered
home, like a shock fully ripe, he was missed not by Spring-
field alone, nor alone by Hampshire County, but by New
England, in all parts of which his name was familiar.
On the 30th day of January, 1722, one hundred and
seventy-six inhabitants of Hampshire County petitioned
the General Court for two townships of land situated on
the Housatonic River, at the South Western corner of the
Massachusetts patent. The petition was granted, and the
townships ordered to contain seven miles square, each.
John Stoddard of Northampton, Henry Dwight of do.,
Luke Hitchcock of Springfield, John Ashley of Westfield.
Samuel Porter of Hadley, and Ebenezer Pomeroy of
Northampton, were appointed a committee for dividing the
tract, granting lots, admitting settlers, &c. The committee
were instructed to reserve lands for the first minister, for
the subsequent maintenance of the ordinances of the gos-
pel, and for the support of schools ; and to demand of each
man to whom they should make a grant, thirty shillings for
every hundred acres, to be expended in extinguishing the
Indian claims, paying expenses for laying out the lands,
and in building meeting houses in the townships. This
committee met in the following March, at Springfield, and
iifty-five settlers received grants, complying with the con-
ditions attached to them. Measures were taken to jmr-
ihe land contained in the grants, of the Indians, and,
on the 25th of April, 1724, a deed was executed by them,
conveying a tract bounded on the South by the divisional
line between Massachusetts and Connecticut, West by the
colony of New York, Eastward to a line four miles from
164 SETTLEMENT OF THE WILDERNESS.
the Housatonic River, " and in a general way so to ex-
tend ;" and North " to the great mountain." The Indians
made certain reservations of planting and other land, and
received in consideration the sum of 460 in money, three
barrels of cider and thirty quarts of rum. Saying nothing
of the liquor, this would seem to be the largest sum ever
paid in Western Massachusetts for the extinguishment of
an Indian title.
The deed thus given embraced the present towns of
Sheffield, Egremont, Mount Washington, Great Barring-
ton, Alford, a considerable part of Lee, and the larger part
of Stockbridge and West Stockbridge. These two town-
ships were known before their later division into towns, as
the " upper and lower Housatonic townships." On the In-
dian reservation, not more than four or five families re-
sided, and these remained only temporarily, removing sub-
sequently to Stockbridge, as will be hereafter more partic-
ularly noticed. In 1725, John Ashley and Ebenezer
Pomeroy, members of the, committee, divided the lower
township into lots for settlers, and, very soon afterwards,
settlers came in and planted themselves upon the river
bank, in the present town of Sheffield. The settlers were
mostly from Westfield, but were not long allowed to re-
main undisturbed in their possessions. At that time, the
division line between New York and Massachusetts was an
uncertain affair, and as the colonial authorities of New
York saw Massachusetts parceling out lands that they sup-
posed belonged to themselves, they made a grant of the
same lands to certain Dutchmen of their own. It would
seem, too, that Massachusetts was so uncertain in regard to
the matter that the Governor forbade any further settle-
ment, as well as the commencement of legal process against
the New Yorkers who had molested those already settled.
These troubles were not of long duration, and were soon
obviated. The original settlers numbered about sixty.
The first settler was Obadiah Noble of Westfield, who
spent one Winter there entirely alone, or, with no other
companions than the Indians. Returning to Westfield in
the Spring, he started in June to resume his residence upon
the Housatonic, taking with him his daughter, only sixteen
years of age. She went on horseback, taking her bed
upon the horse with her, and lodged one night in the wil-
FIRST SETTLER IN BERKSHIRE. 165
derness, while making the passage. And this was the be-
ginning of the settlement of Berkshire County, and occur-
red but a few years more than a century ago ! The settle-
ment had progressed so far in 1733, that it was incorporated
as a town by the name of Sheffield, the name probably
In -ing taken from Sheffield in England. The first town
inciting was held at the house of Obadiah Noble, on the
16th of January, in that year, and Hezekiah Noble was
chosen town clerk, and John Smith, Philip Callendar and
Daniel Kellogg, selectmen. At the same meeting it was
voted to erect a meeting house, forty-five by thirty-five feet
in dimensions. A minister was immediately and con-
stantly employed thereafter, and in 1735, the meeting house
was erected, a church organized, and Mr. Jonathan Hub-
bard of Sunderland ordained as its first minister. He con-
tinued to preach to the people for 29 years, when he was
dismissed.
Though the Indian settlement in lower Housatonic was
very small, it did not comprise all the natives within the
territory granted. The tribe, however, was very much re-
duced in numbers, and Konkapot, the chief, of whom the
land was bought, with eight or ten families, lived in that
part of the territory of upper Housatonic now covered by
Stockbridge. The minority lived on the reservation in
the lower township already alluded to, called by them
Skatehook. Among these families, in the Autumn of
1734, Mr. John Sergeant, then a candidate for the minis-
try, and Timothy Woodbridge, a school-master, commenced
the work of a Christian mission. The Board of Commis-
sioners for Indian affairs encouraged them, and they com-
menced their labor. But the division of the settlements,
being about ten miles apart, interfered with its efficient
progress, and to obviate the inconvenience, the Indians
came to an agreement to dwell together during the Winter
season, at a point half way between the settlements. Here
a house was erected for a church and a school, and around
it the Indians built their huts. Their separation in the
Spring, to pursue their planting, broke all up again, and as
it was supposed that other families of the tribe, living be-
yond the bounds of the patent, would be attracted by the
school, it was found advisable to devise some plan for their
dwelling permanently together. The General Court be-
166 SETTLEMENT OF THE WILDERNESS.
coming aware of the condition of things, made a grant to
the Indians, in 1735, of a township six miles square, to lie
upon the Housatonic River at the North of Monument
Mountain, provided the proprietors of upper Housatonic
would release their claims to such of the land granted as
had regularly come into their possession, and as would ne-
cessarily be embraced within the lines of the new town-
ship. To compass this latter end, a committee, consisting
of John Stoddard, Ebenezer Pomeroy and Thomas Inger-
soll, was appointed, to settle such preliminaries and diffi-
culties as presented themselves. They were directed to
confer with the Indians, and, if they should consent, to sell
their reservation in lower Housatonic, and apply the pro-
ceeds, so far as they would go, to the satisfaction of the
disturbed proprietors of the upper township, and to indem-
nify the settlers entirely by making" over to them other un-
granted lands in the province. If these matters could be
arranged, they were to proceed and lay out the plantation.
Two or three Dutchmen, who had settled above the mount-
ain, made some difficulty, but it was at last arranged, and
the township laid out for the Indians, one-sixtieth part be-
ing reserved for the missionary, another sixtieth for the
school-master, and another tract sufficient for the accom-
modation of four English families. The town was laid out
in an exact square, comprising 23,040 acres, of which
9,240 acres were taken from the upper Housatonic town-
ship. The survey included the present towns of Stock-
bridge and West Stockbridge. In May, 1736, the Indians
removed to their new home. Other families followed, so
that, in June, the population numbered ninety individuals.
In the following August, some of the Indians accompanied
Mr. Sergeant to Boston, on a visit to Gov. Belcher, ex-
pressed their thanks to- him for what had been done for
them, gave up their claim to a strip of land two miles
wide, extending from Westfield to the Housatonic town-
ships, and asked the assistance of the Government in build-
ing a meeting house and school house. In 1737, their
prayer was granted, and two years subsequently their town
was incorporated by the name of Stockbridge, and the
public houses alluded to were completed during the same
year. In 1829, the frame of the meeting house was still
standing, and was in use as a barn. Here the Indians
THE STOCKBRIDGE MISSION. 167
were increased by accessions to their numbers from with-
out, until they reached and probably surpassed the number
of 400 souls. At the close of 1785, they had all removed
to New Stockbridge, a town granted to them by the Onei-
das in New York, and subsequently they moved still fur-
ther West to Green Bay, on the Southern shore of Lake
Michigan.
The mission among the Stockbridge Indians was attend-
ed with good and useful results. It secured the friendship
of the Indians in the subsequent French wars, and not
only in these, but, in the war of the Revolution, were they
active in their sympathy with the settlers and the colonies,
sometimes acting as spies, sometimes as guides and inter-
preters, and sometimes as regular members of the Colonial
Militia. The school established by Mr. Woodbridge was
continued by him, and by his successor, John Sergeant, Jr.,
until the Indians left for New Stockbridge, and through its
instrumentality, all the Indian children of the settlement
had the privilege of acquiring, and probably did acquire, a
common education. Beyond and above this school, Mr.
Sergeant projected another, which attracted not only the
favorable notice of the Indian Commissioners at Boston,
but of prominent men abroad. The plan of Mr. Sergeant
was, " that a tract of land of about two hundred acres
should be set aside for the use of the school, and a house
erected upon it ; that a number of children and youth be-
tween the ages of ten and twenty should be received, and
placed under the care of two masters, one of whom should
take the oversight of them in their hours of labor, and the
other in their hours of study, and that their time should be
so divided between the hours of labor and study, as to
make one the diversion of the other ; that the fruits of
their labors should go towards their maintenance, &c."
Abroad, this project secured the warm approval of the
Prince of Wales, who headed a subscription for it with
twenty guineas. Mr. Isaac Hollis made an individual pro-
vision for the instruction of 24 Indian boys. This project
was the favorite child of Mr. Sergeant, and he labored for
it with spirit and assiduity. Troubles connected with the
French War, commenced hi 1744, delayed the establish-
ment of the school until 1749, when a house was built, and
Rev. Gideon Hawley, afterwards missionary at Marshpee,
168 SETTLEMENT OF THE WILDERNESS.
became the teacher ; and when he retired, it was instructed
for a time by Rev. Cotton Mather Smith. But the school,
owing to the disturbances occasioned by the last French
War, never accomplished the sanguine hopes of its pro-
jector and patrons. Still, by its aid, and by the steady op-
eration of the common school, a number of the Indians
received a really respectable education, were fitted for all
the ordinary transactions of business, and uniformly sus-
tained a portion of the town offices.
From first to last, of the continuance of the mission,
about one hundred Indians became professors of Christian-
ity. At first, ignorant of their language, Mr. Sergeant in-
structed them by the aid of an interpreter, but this was
working at a disadvantage, and three years after his settle-
ment among them, he began to speak to them of religion
in their own language. At about this time, the settlement
had an accession to its number of the four English settlers
for whom provision had been made in the laying out of the
town. Three of them Qol. Ephraim Williams, Josiah
Jones and Ephraim Brown came from the Eastern or
central portion of the Colony, while Joseph Woodbridge,
the brother of the school-master, went from Springfield, on
the West side of the river. This accession, while it bene-
fited the mission and the missionaries in many ways, in-
creased very materially the labors of Mr. Sergeant, who
then became obliged to preach in both languages. And,
indeed, his life was one of great and varied labor. He
translated the more important portions of the Bible into
the Indian language, carried on an extensive correspond-
ence with the friends and patrons of the mission, and
maintained intimate personal relations with his flock. This
arduous work he carried on until 1749, when he died, at
the comparatively early age of 39. The effect of his la-
bors upon his savage pastorate was marked and happy, in
all the features of the civilization that sprang up beneath
his assiduous hand. Following him as the pastor of this
interesting church came Rev. Jonathan Edwards, of North-
ampton. Here this learned and remarkable man attended
most acceptably to the duties of the ministry, and found
time to complete his great work, ' The Inquiry concerning
the freedom of the Will,' to compose his treatise on Origi-
nal Sin, and to carry forward -and complete other works
THE STOCKBRIDGE MISSION. 169
that subsequently appeared. In 1758, he accepted the
Presidency of Princeton College, but he died soon after
: i --tuning the duties of his new station. President Ed-
wards won a name as a metaphysician and theologian, sec-
ond to none in America, of which his works, read with
increasing interest, for their vigor, wonderful clearness,
and marvellous exhibitions of familiarity with the opera-
tions of the human heart, are the abiding monument.
Rev. Dr. Stephen West succeeded Pres. Edwards in Stock-
bridge, in 1759, but in 1775, the white inhabitants of the
town having increased very much meanwhile, he relin-
quished his charge of the Indians to Mr. Sergeant, the son
of the original missionary already alluded to as the suc-
cessor of Mr. Woodbridge in the school, and preached only
to the English. Mr. Sergeant maintained the relation of
pastor to the Indians while they remained in Stockbridge,
and subsequently removed to their new home, where he
continued until his death in 1824. It is a singular fact in
the history of Dr. West that, by reading the writings of
his predecessor, and by conversations with his friend, Rev.
Samuel Hopkins of Great Barrington, he became con-
vinced of his lack of Christianity, gave up his Christian
hope, and became the subject of a new, and as he trusted,
genuine religious experience, after he had been for some
time instructing his Stockbridge flock in the things of re-
ligion.
In 1735, the communication between the Connecticut
River settlements and the lower Housatonic township be-
came so considerable, that it was found necessary to cut a
road from Westfield to the new settlement at the West.
This road divided the gift of land subsequently made by
the Stockbridge Indians to the Government, and on the
15th of January, in the year above mentioned, the General
Court ordered that four townships should be laid out upon
the road between Westfield and Sheffield, contiguous in
position, and either joining Sheffield, or the township
granted in 1732 to proprietors of common and undivided
lands in Suffield, Ct., as an equivalent for lands taken from
them in establishing the dividing line between Massachu-
setts and Connecticut, a territory now occupied by the
town of Blandford. These towns were to be " six miles
square, to contain each sixty-three home-lots, laid out in
15
170 SETTLEMENT OF THE WILDERNESS.
compact and defensible form, one of which was to be for
the first settled minister, one for the second settled minis-
ter, one for schools, and one for each grantee, which shall
draw equal shares in all future divisions." It was further
provided that the grantees should be such petitioners as
had not been grantees and settlers for the seven years pre-
ceding, and as should give security in 40 each for the
performance of the usual Conditions. Ebenezer Burrill
and Edmund Quincy, of the upper House, and John Ash-
ley, Capt. Stephen Skiffe and John Fisher of the Assem-
bly, were appointed a Committee to open these townships ;
and lay out and grant the lands. The townships were
numbered 1, 2, 3 and 4, No. 1 being the town of Ty ring-
ham ; 2, New Maryborough ; 3, Sandisfield ; and 4, Becket.
Thus was completed a string of contiguous townships from
the Connecticut to the Western boundary of the patent.
The Indian title to the lands contained in the new town-
ships was extinguished, the purchase also embracing lands
known afterwards as the North and South Eleven Thou-
sand acres, and the Tyringham Equivalent, or lands grant-
ed to proprietors of Tyringham for certain losses sustained
by the interference of private grants, and the encroach-
ment made by the survey of the upper Housatonic town-
ship. This increase of territory induced the General
Court to increase the proprietors in each township to 67,
and between the four townships the North Eleven Thou-
sand acres, called Bethlehem, and the South Eleven Thou-
sand acres, called SoutMeld, were divided. Bethlehem
and Loudon, (the name given to the Tyringham equiva-
lent,) now constitute the town of Otis, while Southfield is
embraced within the present bounds of Sandisfield.
Tyringham and New Marlboro received their first set-
tlers in 1739. A saw-mill was erected by a few individu-
als in Becket in 1740, but from fear of the Indians the
settlement was abandoned, and not until 1755, was a per-
manent settlement made. Sandisfield received its first
English population in 1750. The present town of Great
Barrington, formed of portions of both the upper and
lower Housatonic townships, was settled as early as 1730,
and in 1740, was established as the second parish of Shef-
field. Egremont, on the boundary line between M:i-. ; :i-
ehusetts aod New York, and composed of territory takwu
RECORD OK NEW SETTLEMENTS. 171
from the lower Housatonic township, the original Indian
reservation in that township extending through the town,
ettled about 1730, though it is supposed to have been
settled at an earlier period by individuals from New York,
who considered themselves within the boundaries of that
colony. There were probably some inhabitants in the
town of Alford* taken subsequently from the Housatonic
township, to a large extent, as early as 1740.
The rapid settlement of these Western townships, shows
how the strength and population of the colonies had in-
creased from the days when the settlements in the Con-
necticut Valley were in their infancy. A difficult road
was cut from the new settlements to the more populous
towns of the Connecticut Valley almost at once. Prelim-
inaries were arranged with rapidity, settlers were abun-
dant, private means were not wanting, and the long century
of struggle through which the towns upon the Connecticut
passed was contracted upon the Housatonic, to a brief and
comparatively unimportant space of time. In 1731, the
inhabitants of that part of Hampshire County bordering
its Eastern boundary, with those on the territory adjoining,
had become so considerable in numbers, that they were set
off into a distinct county by the name of Worcester. In
the Autumn of 1735, the first settlement was made at
Blandford. Settlements were commenced in the present
towns of Colerain and Charlernont not far from this time,
and all was progressing prosperously, when another period
of disturbance and war broke in upon the peaceful and
prosperous labors of the inhabitants.
CHAPTER XI.
RESUMPTION OP FRENCH AND INDIAN HOSTILITIES.
*
IN 1744, war was declared between England and France,
and again, as on every previous occasion, the American
Colonies of the two Governments were thrown into imme-
diate hostility. Though a number of Indians had returned
to the region of the Connecticut, and had not only lived at
peace with the inhabitants, but professed for them the firm-
est friendship, the first scent of war set them wild, and
transformed them into the most pitiless of enemies. Leav-
ing their lodges, they all started for Canada, even dis-
charging their guns upon the houses of the frontier settlers,
as they retired into the Northern wilderness, to place
themselves at the service of the French. The Massachu-
setts General Court, in consequence of the onset of war,
ordered the establishment of a line of forts, to protect the
North Western frontiers of the colony, or, rather, to inter-
cept the descent upon the settlements of such of the ene-
my as might choose that passage, while Fort Dummer,
built some twenty years earlier, in the present town of
Vernon, Vt., was relied upon to guard the more favorite
route down the Connecticut. Accordingly, a fort was es-
tablished at Hoosac, now Adams, and called Fort Massa-
chusetts; another in the present town of Heath, called
Fort Shirley ; and another in Howe, called Fort Pelham.
These forts were, of course, built at the expense of the
colony, while the Government made grants as a return for
the erection of minor works at the more exposed points of
settlement. There was a small fort at Blandford, as well
for the protection of the settlers, as a road-station for the
safety and accommodation of the travel between the Con-
necticut and the Hudson rivers. For the new forts, and
for the replenishment of the forces in the old, five hundred
men were raised, two-fifths of the number being designed
for the Western part of the colony, and powder in large
quantities was sent out to the frontier towns to be sold at
first cost.
RENEWAL OF INDIAN TROUBLES. 173
At this time, Col. John Stoddard, of Northampton, a
man of mark, decision, and large influence, was the Com-
mander of the Hampshire regiment, and to him was in-
trusted the defense of the Western frontiers. The West-
ern forts were under the immediate supervision of Capt.
Kphraim Williams, who had his head quarters at Fort
Massachusetts, and who managed affairs with great indus-
try and efficiency. Scouts, assisted by companies of
trained dogs, were kept constantly passing from fort to
fort, to detect any trail of Indians, and to see that no body
of the enemy passed their line of survey without their
knowledge. Scouts were induced to enter into this ar-
duous work by a bounty of 30 offered by the province
for every Indian scalp. But no Indians made their ap-
pearance during the year 1744, and though they made
some not very important demonstrations beyond the reach
of the forts, in 1745, the vigilance of the scouts during the
entire year was rewarded with no discovery of, or collision
with,' the enemy. In the following year, numerous petty
visitations of savage cruelty were made upon the frontier
settlements of New Hampshire. An attack was made
upon a fortified house in Bernardston, but the Indians
Avere repulsed by three men, who killed two of the enemy.
John Burke, one of the first settlers of the town, a man
who, subsequently, won a high reputation in the field, was
one of the defenders of the house, and received a slight
wound. This attack was followed up with small demon-
strations, in various quarters, though they were chiefly
made upon the frontier settlements of New Hampshire.
The Indians, on retiring from Bernardston, passed through
the territory of Colerain, and Mathew Clark, his wife and
daughter, with a guard of two soldiers, fell into an ambus-
cade prepared by them, and Mr. Clark was killed ; but the
soldiers returned the fire, and succeeding in killing one of
the enemy, so far checked them that they managed to get
into an adjacent fort with their charge. John Hawks
and John Mills were wounded near Fort Massachusetts, on
the same day, but succeeded in getting within the walls
without losing their lives. In fact, the attack was m:ul
by only two Indians, and Hawks continuing the fight after
Mills had retreated, might have taken both the enemy
prisoners, as they asked for quarter, but he did not under-
15*
174 WAR WITH FRANCE.
stand their language. In July, Benjamin Wright received
a mortal wound at Northfield, and a man named Bliss was
killed at Greenfield. During the same month, Elisha
Nims and Gershom Hawks, belonging to a reconnoitering
party sent out from Fort Massachusetts, were wounded
badly, and Benjamin Tenter taken captive.
No attacks of importance took place, from this time un-
til the 20th of August, when an army of French and In-
dians, under Gen. De Vaudreuil, their numbers variously
stated at 800 (Hoyt) and 900 (Rev. John Taylor, in his
appendix to Williams' "Redeemed Captive,") appeared
before Fort Massachusetts. A more unfortunate time for
the garrison could not have been chosen, as its ammunition
was nearly exhausted, and there were but 22 able men in
the fort. The French General made propositions to Serg.
John Hawks, then in command of the fort, to surrender,
but he declined, thinking, perhaps, that succor might reach
him during the time which he might be able to delay his
surrender. The attack was accordingly commenced, and
the brave little garrison defended the fort against forty
times their number, for twenty-eight hours. During all this
time, the enemy were kept at a respectful distance, and
some of them were shot, at the long reach of sixty rods,
when they supposed themselves entirely beyond the arm
of danger. At the end of this long and most gallant de-
fense, the ammunition of the garrison became exhausted,
and no choice but surrender was left, and even then the
commander of the garrison made his terms. One of the
conditions was that none of the prisoners, numbering 33
men, women and children, should be delivered to the In-
dians. Vaudreuil made the pledge, and the very next day,
under the pretense that the Indians were mutinous in con-
sequence of withholding prisoners from them, one half of
the number were delivered over to them, and one of the
number was immediately killed, in consequence of being
too sick to travel. The garrison lost but one man in the
attack, while the enemy lost, in killed and mortally wounded,
forty-five. The captives were treated as humanely as cir-
cumstances would allow, and all but the murdered man ar-
rived in Canada. Twelve of them, however, were taken
sick and died there, but the remainder, with other prison-
ers, arrived at Boston on the 16th of August, 1747, nearly
THE "BARS FIGIIT." 175
a year after their capture, under a flag of truce, and were
redeemed. This affair, one of the most gallant in the
whole history of the frontier wars, has invested the locality
of old Fort Massachusetts with patriotic associations, such
as attach to few of the points made interesting by having
been the scene of border struggles, and is regarded and
spoken of with affectionate pride by those living in its vi-
cinity. That Serg. Hawks would never have surrendered
if his ammunition had not failed him, is very certain, and,
as it was, the victory won by Vaudreuil was no subject of
boasting.
About fifty of VaudreuiPs Indians separated from the
main body, after the surrender of Fort Massachusetts, for
another visit to the old scene of their depredations, at
Deerfield. They arrived in the vicinity of the town on
Sunday, the 24th of August, and reconnoitered the mead-
ows to find a feasible point for securing captives, as the
people should go to work on Monday. A quantity of hay
in the South Meadow led them to suppose that men would
be there to gather it. This was at a point known as " The
Bars," and concealing themselves in the brush and under-
wood that covered the bordering hills, they awaited their
prey. Near the ground were two houses, occupied re-
spectively by families of the name of Amsden and Allen.
The laborers of these families, accompanied by several
children, and numbering some ten or twelve in all, went
out in the morning to labor in the meadow, the men, ac-
cording to their custom, taking their arms. They com-
menced their labor in the immediate vicinity of the In-
dians. At this moment, Eleazer Hawks of Deerfield, who
was hunting partridges in the woods very near the Indians,
caught sight of a bird, and discharged his piece. The In-
dians supposing themselves to be discovered, turned upon
him, killed and scalped him, and then sprang forward to
attack the workmen. At the discharge of musketry, the
workmen, with the children, fled towards a mill, not far dis-
tant, under fierce pursuit. Simeon Amsden, a lad, was
killed and scalped, and then Samuel Allen, John Sadler
and Adonijah Gillet made a brave stand against their sav-
age pursuers. Allen fought desperately for his own life
and the lives of his three children. At the last, he was
obliged to fight with the breech of his musket, and thus
176 WAR WITH FRANCE.
struggling, he fell by a shot. The shirt which he wore
that day, torn by the tomahawk and bullet, is still pre-
served by his descendants, as a memento of his bravery.
Gillet also fell, but Sadler escaped across the river under
a continued fire from the enemy. Leaving the spot, the
Indians pushed after those who, in the delay, had managed
to escape towards Deerfield. Oliver Amsden was over-
taken, and after a noble struggle, fell. Eunice Allen, one
of the children of Samuel Allen, was knocked down, but
escaped scalping, and though left for dead, she afterwards
recovered, and lived to be very old, always retaining a
vivid memory of the event. Samuel, her brother, was
captured, while Caleb escaped by dodging through a field
of corn. Alarmed by the firing, a small company under
Lieut. Clesson started from Deerfield for the scene of ac-
tion, but only had occasion to engage in a fruitless pursuit
of the retiring enemy. Another party pushed on to
Charlemont, to intercept the march of the Indians, but the
latter had marched too rapidly, and succeeded in escaping
with young Allen. This boy remained in captivity a year
and nine months, when he was redeemed by Col. John
Hawks, the gallant defender of Fort ^Massachusetts. Col.
Hawks was the boy's uncle, and though the young captive
was miserably dressed and fed, and covered with vermin,
he had become so much attached to the Indian life, that he
was very reluctant to see his uncle ; and when he came into
his presence, he refused to speak the English language,
pretending to have forgotten it. He was only made to
leave the Indians by force, and to the day of his death lie
maintained his admiration of the savage life, and his recol-
lections of its transcendant pleasures.
These latter demonstrations closed up the operations of
the French for the year, for they had something more im-
portant to think of. Shirley, Governor of Massachusetts,
had revived the old and often defeated project of invading
Canada, and conquering all the French provinces in Amer-
ica, and made the representation of his plan to the Brit-
ish Government. His plan was approved, and the colo
nies, as far South as Virginia, were called upon to furnish
their quota of men for the expedition, to be joined by a
large naval and land force from England. But this latter
force did not arrive, and while some independent opera-
INDIANS STILL ACTIVE. 177
tions were progressing at the West, news was received of
the arrival at Nova Scotia of a very large fleet from
France the most powerful that had ever visited the shores
of America. This immense force was under the command
of the Duke d' Anville, whose orders were to destroy Bos-
ton, range along the coast of America, and effect other
specified objects. The arrival of this fleet threw the coun-
try into the utmost consternation, and concentrated the
attention of the colonies upon the single subject of self de-
fense. A few weeks of intense " activity and preparation
followed, when news came that, by one of the most re-
markable series of disasters recorded in history, the fleet
and force were broken in pieces, and their objects aban-
doned. The fleet that appeared so formidable, returned
shattered, and singly, to France.
Following an unsuccessful attack on the fort at Charles-
town, New Hampshire, in the latter part of March, 1747,
by a large body of French and Indians under M. Debe-
line, in which Capt, Stevens, with 30 men, defended the
work with a gallantry only equaled by that of the garri-
son in Fort Massachusetts the previous year, that com-
mander's forces distributed themselves at various points
upon the frontiers, and did such damage as opportunity al-
lowed. On the loth of April, Asahel Burt and Nathaniel
Dickinson of Northfield, were killed and scalped a short
distance from the town, and the Indians in retiring burnt
the deserted settlements in Winchester and Lower Ashue-
lot, N. II. During this year, the Massachusetts Govern-
ment decided to rebuild Fort Massachusetts, and sent a
force to the spot to effect that purpose. On the 25th of
May, while this work was in progress, and while several
hundred people were present, the Indians had assembled
in the woods near it for the purpose of intercepting the
progress of the enterprise. At this time, one hundred
men were on the march from Albany, whither they had
been to procure stores and ammunition. The vaniruanl
of this force, in approaching the fort, came upon the In-
dians, and commenced an attack. A few issued from the
fort to their assistance, and after a brief and tame skirmish
the Indians retired, probably because they were a ware that
larger forces were in the vicinity. The charge of coward-
ice has been made against those who remained in the fort,
178 WAR WITH FRANCE.
as well as the individual in command of the convoy of the
baggage-wagons. In the following July, Eliakim Sheldon
of Bernardston, and John Mills of Colerain, were killed
by Indians. On the 26th of August, Elijah Clark was
killed at Southampton, while at work in his barn. On the
first of October, Peter Burvee was taken near Fort Mas-
sachusetts, and went into his second captivity from the
same spot, having been one of the number under Hawks,
at the surrender to Vaudreuil. About this time John
Smead was killed and scalped while on his way from
Northfield to Sunderland, near the mouth of Miller's River,
and a party of colonial troops from the Northfield garri-
son, while on a scouting expedition, wounded Pierre Ram-
bout, a French officer, who surrendered himself, and hav-
ing been cured, was sent to Boston, from whence he was
taken to Canada the next year, in charge of Col. Hawks,
the hero of Fort Massachusetts, who exchanged him for
young Allen of Deerfield, the particulars of whose deliv-
erance have already been stated.
The policy of Connecticut, in protecting itself by assist-
ing the settlers upon the river above them, was imitated by
Massachusetts, in the assistance afforded to the settlers
upon the Connecticut, within the province of New Hamp-
shire. In 1748, Massachusetts took measures to man the
fort at Charlestown, with an efficient force under the gal-
lant Captain Stevens. The principal movements of the
enemy this year had connection with this point, and but
little of interest occurred upon the Connecticut. In May,
Southampton was visited again by Indians, and Noah Pix-
ley murdered. At this time Col. Stoddard of Northamp-
ton was at Boston, in attendance at the General Court,
where he died. Hampshire County lost in him an efficient
officer, and a most reliable and useful man. He had ful-
filled many offices of public trust, and his loss was deeply
felt. Col. Israel Williams of Hatfield was appointed to
succeed him in the command of the Western forces of the
colony. About this time a skirmish took place in Marl-
borough, Vt., which has so many associations with persons
and localities coming within the range of this history, as
to claim a notice. A detachment of 42 soldiers, under
Captain Humphrey Hobbs of Springfield and Lieut. Alex-
ander of Northfield, left the fort at Charlestown for Fort
THE " IIOBBS FIGHT." 179
Shirley in Heath. Hobbs had halted in a low piece of
ground, to allow his men opportunity to eat, leaving in the
rear a small guard. Previously, one Sackett, a half-blood-
ed Indian chief, supposed to be the descendant of a captive
taken at Westfield, had discovered the passage of the party,
and, with about 300 Indians, followed the trail, and com-
ing upon the guard, drove them in. Hobbs did not know
the strength of the enemy, but instantly commanded every
man to take his tree, and fight. Confident in the power
of his numbers, Sackett rushed in, and his men received a
murderous fire, which killed a number, and immediately
put the remainder upon their caution and their best be-
havior; and there the two parties fought for four hours,
and Sackett were old acquaintances, and the latter
called upon the former to surrender, and threat-
ened, in case of a refusal, to close in and finish the work
witli the tomahawk. Hobbs always returned a defiant an-
swer, and bade him put his threats into execution. The
determination of Hobbs was too much, and Sackett re-
treated, taking with him his dead and wounded a large
number. His force was at least six tunes that of Hobbs,
while the latter lost but three men, and only three more
we iv wounded.
On the 23d of July, Aaron Belding was killed in North-
field Street, and on the 2d of August a body of two hun-
dred Indians made a demonstration of their presence at
Fort Massachusetts, at that time garrisoned by 100 men
under Capt., afterwards Col., Ephraim Williams. A scout
of four men, at some distance from the fort, were fired
upon, when Captain "Williams sallied with thirty men, and
driving the enemy a little distance, fell into an ambuscade
<>t' lit'ty Indians, who attempted to intercept his retreat to
the fort, but his movements were too rapid for the enemy,
and he regained the fort with the loss of one man, named
Abbot. The enemy, to the number of 300, then appeared,
and opened a spirited fire upon the fort, which was re-
turned with such success that at the end of two hours they
despaired of effecting anything, and withdrew, taking with
them their dead and wounded. The treaty of peace be-
tween England and France, signed at Aix la Chapelle on
the 7th of October, though it did not produce an immedi-
ate effect upon the movements of the Indians, dated the
180 RETURN OF PEACE.
cessation of hostilities in Western Massachusetts for the
time and occasion, and again settlements were established
on every side, and a few years of peace gave old Hamp-
shire another step in her slowly graduated progress.
CHAPTER XII.
REVOLT OF THE CONNECTICUT TOWNS THE CROWN
PINES THE HAMPSHIRE BAR.
INCIDENTAL and very brief mention has been made of
the result of the line established in 1713, between Con-
necticut and Massachusetts, throwing, as it did, several
towns previously supposed to be within the Massachusetts
patent, and actually under the Massachusetts jurisdiction,
into the territory of its Southern neighbor. When this
line was established, it was agreed between the two colo-
nies that, although the towns of Woodstock, Somers, Suf-
field and Enfield came within Connecticut, those towns
should remain under the jurisdiction of Massachusetts;
and, as an equivalent for this, the latter colony granted to
Connecticut certain lands. These lands were contained
mostly in the present towns of Belchertown, Ware and
Pelham, and they were sold by Connecticut, and the pro-
ceeds appropriated by that colony for the benefit of Yale
College. From the date of this arrangement until 1750,
the people in these Massachusetts towns in Connecticut
had remained contentedly under the Massachusetts Gov-
ernment, but the series of wars which have been narrated
had borne so unequally upon the respective colonies that
the peace of Aix la Chapelle found Massachusetts bur-
dened with taxes, and a large debt, while Connecticut stood
comparatively easy in these respects. The towns alluded
to, being embraced in lines of colonial boundary where the
taxes were comparatively light, and seeing themselves lia-
ble to bear an increase in consequence of the debt remain-
ing upon their parent State, conceived the project of re-
volting from their Government, and attaching themselves
to Connecticut. They refused to pay the taxes assessed
upon them, and the Massachusetts Government acting with
but little spirit in the matter, the Connecticut Legislature
resolved to receive the towns into that jurisdiction. The
Massachusetts Government did not acknowledge this trans-
fer, and made unsuccessful attempts to compel the inhab-
16
182 CIVIL AFFAIRS.
itants to submission. For twenty years following the re-
volt, the towns were regularly assessed in Massachusetts,
though the taxes were not levied. There was something
extremely trickish about this operation of Connecticut, and
something having very much the look of imbecility and
cowardice in the manner in which it was treated by Massa-
chusetts. Connecticut had received from Massachusetts
an equivalent in land for these towns. She had sold this
land, every acre of it, and appropriated the money to her
own uses. Yet, in less than forty years, she encouraged
the towns in question to revolt, received them under her
wing, and justified herself in the theft, without offering
any equivalent. Many a Government has made war on a
slighter pretext than this matter furnished to Massachu-
setts, but, judging from the action of Massachusetts in the
premises, she either did not consider the towns worth fight-
ing for, or was willing to sacrifice them in order to escape
an unpleasant controversy.
To make operative a provision of the colonial charter
of 1691, the Massachusetts General Court passed a law in
1743, forbidding the cutting of all pine trees on ungranted
land, of the diameter of 24 inches at the distance of- 12
feet above the ground. These were reserved by the Brit-
ish Government, as masts for the Navy. A Surveyor
General of the woods of America was appointed by the
British Government, at a high salary, to look after these
trees, who operated through his deputies at various points.
The law was a very unpopular one, and very generally
disregarded. Massachusetts was not, to any large extent,
a pine-growing region, but the Surveyor General had his
local officers to look after the pine trees upon the Connecti-
cut. Many logs were seized at Springfield, and points
above, that had been floated down from New Hampshire,
and though the transgressors of the law implicated in these
seizures were taken to Boston, and tried by a kind of na-
val court, nothing effectual or material seems to have been
accomplished. The contempt in which the law was held,
in the Connecticut River towns, is made abundantly evi-
dent by a piteously complaining letter, written from North-
ampton by Eleazer Burt and Elijah Lyman, as late as the
Spring of 1764, to Governor Bernard. They allude to
their appointment by Benning Wentworth, the Surveyor
THE HAMPSHIRE BAR. 183
appointed by the crown, to seize and mark such trees as
should come within the specified provisions, with the figure
of the broad arrow, and secure them in some safe place ;
and then they state that, though they began their work
they found it very hard to hire hands, " almost every one
being against it." They proceed: "Yet we marked for
his majesty's use 363 trees and logs in Northampton, but
they were all taken away from us but thirty-seven, some
in the night, and some in the day-time, in open defiance of
law, and no officer appeared in our behalf. We are threat-
ened, if we pursue our orders, of being beat, knocked down
and killed. We applied to Samuel Mather Esq., a justice
of the peace, for his assistance, but he utterly refused to
aid us. He utterly refused to read your proclamation of
July 9th, 1763, though he said he had not seen it. He
said the Governor did not understand the affair ; if he had,
he would not have put out such a proclamation. We then
applied to Israel Williams Esq., [appointed commander of
the Hampshire regiment of militia in 1748,] for assistance.
He read the proclamation, and said he did not see as he
was obliged to give us a warrant to press men for our as-
sistance." This letter shows how entirely offensive the
law was to the people upon the Connecticut, and with how
little efficiency it was enforced.
For many years after the establishment of Courts in
Hampshire County, the bar was not distinguished by high
intelligence, or exact and extensive legal knowledge. It
was not until twenty-five or thirty years after the com-
mencement of the 18th century that an improvement be-
gan to be witnessed, which advanced until the Hampshire
bar was one of the most respectable, not to say brilliant, in
the colony. According to the admirable address delivered
before the Hampshire bar in 1826, by Hon. George Bliss,
this improvement was attributable mainly to three men,
viz : Phinehas Lyman of Suffield, John Worthington of
Springfield, and Joseph Hawley of Northampton. Mr. '
Lyman commenced practice in Suffield in 1743, became a
distinguished advocate, and acquired an extensive practice.
Worthington and Hawley were both his pupils, and, on the
admission of the former to the bar, he immediately took a
high stand, and Lyman, doubtless, saw in the promise of
the young man, something that might rival and overshadow
184 CIVIL AFFAIRS.
himself. Whether this fact had any effect upon Mr. Ly-
man's mind, it is r of course, impossible to say, but he be-
came the prime mover of the revolt of the town of his
residence and its affiliated neighbors to Connecticut. No
apparent motive existed for this action, and it has been at-
tributed, whether justly or otherwise, to jealousies which
cautioned him to forsake a field that was soon to be dis-
puted with him, and seek a new one. It would seem not
altogether improbable that a man who could engage in the
work of cheating a colony out of its fairly purchased ter-
ritory, might have an unmanly motive at the basis of his
action. At the time Worthington and Hawley came to the
bar, the practice was characterized with that illiberality,
and that arbitrary folly which, based on nice technicalities,
crushes right beneath the heel of a word, and strangles
equity in the embrace of form. But this state of things
broke gradually down under the influence of these larger
and more liberal minds. While these men were in active
life, a number of rules of practice were established, one
of which produced a much needed uniformity, in requiring
all students to read law three years before they could re-
ceive a recommendation for admission to the bar. Worth-
ington and Hawley became so eminent, that they were em-
ployed in all the important trials. Worthington occupied
an important military position as well as legal. After the
military division of the county, into two regiments, he was
chosen the commander of the Southern regiment, and was
ever afterwards known as Colonel Worthington. He was
a man of liberal attainments, and, as an advocate, nervous,
brilliant and effective, possessing withal a good degree of
that " popular talent " which gave him influence and fame.
Hawley was a grave, solemn, conscientious and noble man,
a man whose opinions always carried great weight, for
his integrity and soundness were proverbial. So profound
was his conscientiousness, that it is said that he would not
engage in a case in which he believed his client's cause
was not on the side of justice. After he had engaged, he
sometimes would drop his case, if it became apparent to
him that he was on the wrong side. This was carrying
things to extremes, and becoming judge and jury as well
as attorney, but it illustrates the character of the man his
strength as well as his weakness. He was deeply versed
THE HAMPSHIRE BAH. 185
in the old legal authors, and attached to the ancient forms
of English practice, while Worthington, less profound and
more facile and liberal, was better versed in more modern
authors, and those intermediate modifications of commercial
and mercantile law which had given to the latter their
freer spirit and more extended survey. Worthington was
a scholar and a gentleman, accustomed to the usages of po-
lite society ; Hawley was a Puritan in the staid style of
his deportment, as well as in the religious complexion of
his mind and life. Both were honorable, both upright,
both powerful, and both industrious. Hawley died at the
age of 64, and Worthington lived to be upwards of 80.
During the early part of their professional lives, their co-
temporaries in legal practice were Oliver Partridge of Hat-
field, Charles Phelps of Hadley, Josiah Dwight of West-
field, John Ashley of Lower Housatonic, and Cornelius
Jones of Springfield, the latter a brilliant pettifogger, who
commenced his career in Springfield as a tailor, and doubt-
less slid naturally from suits in linsey, to suits at law.
16*
CHAPTER XIII.
THE CONCLUDING FRENCH AND INDIAN WAR.
THE peace procured by the treaty of Aix la Chapelle
was but temporary, and appears to have been intended as
an opportunity for maturing further plans for prosecuting
the war. The French were striving to repair the disad-
vantages they labored under in being excluded from the
Atlantic coast, by extending their possessions from the
mouth of the St. Lawrence, on the North, to the mouth of
the Mississippi on the South, through the intermediate
lakes and rivers. The first collisions occurred on the
Ohio, where the Ohio Company, under an English charter,
were making their surveys, and the French erecting their
forts. Actual hostilities being thus precipitated, orders
came from England to dislodge the French from their posts
on the Ohio, with a recommendation for the several Eng-
lish colonies in America to form some plan of union for
defense. In accordance with this recommendation, a con-
vention was held at Albany, on the 14th of June, 1754,
consisting of delegates from Massachusetts, New Hamp-
shire, Rhode Island, Connecticut, Pennsylvania and Mary-
land, with the Governor and Council of New York ; and
a plan of union was proposed and adopted, Connecticut
only dissenting. But the plan was rejected by the several
Colonial Assemblies, as well as by the King's Council, and
thus the colonies entered into the chances of the war, di-
vided as before, in fact and force.
Previous to the commencement of these difficulties, set-
tlements had been somewhat extended in the Western part
of old Hampshire. In 1752, Solomon Deming removed to
Pontoosuc, the present town of Pittsfield, from Weth-
ersfield, Ct., and built his house in the Eastern part of the
town. In the following year, a company of men, of whom
Mr. Deming was one, were incorporated as the proprietors
of the new township, and a small settlement was made.
The townships of East and West Hoosac, containing the
present towns of Adams and Willianistown, were surveyed
TROUBLE IN THE WESTERN TOWNS. 187
by a committee appointed by the General Court. West
Hoosac received a small settlement in 1751. Lenox re-
ceived its first settler, Mr. Jonathan Hinsdale, in 1750.
Lanesborough, called at first Richfield, and afterwards New
Framingham, was granted to inhabitants of Framingham
in 1741, and settled in 1754. The settlement of these
towns increased the facilities for mischief, which the In-
dians in the interest of the French had always availed
themselves of so largely, in time of war. The first dem-
onstration that apprised the people of Western Massachu-
setts that the Indians were again upon them was made at
Dutch Hoosac, about ten miles West of Fort Massachu-
setts, and now embraced within New York. Here they
killed Samuel Bowen, and burnt seven dwelling houses,
fourteen barns and a large quantity of wheat. This and a
similarly destructive descent upon St. Coick, on the follow-
ing day, were effected by the descendants of the Indians
who left the Connecticut River some seventy-five years
previously, at; the close of Philip's War, known as the
Schaghticokes. A small party of these Indians, soon after
these occurrences, went down to Stockbridge, where two
of them attacked the family of Joshua Chamberlain, on
Sunday, while the people of the place were mostly in the
church. The hired man of Mr. Chamberlain one Owen
defended the house with much bravery, and while Mr.
Chamberlain and his wife escaped, paid the forfeit of his
life for his efforts in their behalf. He was scalped, and the
Indians then killed and scalped a child, and captured an-
other which they killed on discovering that they were pur-
sued. At the time of this occurrence, the people of Pitts-
field and Lenox were flying to Stockbridge for safety,
having been either violently driven from their plantations,
or become aware of the approach of a large force. Dur-
ing this flight, a man named Stephens, of Lenox, was shot
from his horse, while a young woman of the name of
Piercey, riding behind him, escaped. The affair at Stock-
bridge brought the resident Indians somewhat into suspi-
cion, but, doubtless, with entire injustice. Many of the
new settlers in the Western towns were emigrants from
Connecticut, and, by settling where they did, established
out-posts for Connecticut, breaking the path of the Indians
from the North, as the Massachusetts settlements on the
188 THE LAST FRENCH WAR.
Connecticut had done in former years. Immediately after
the events just recorded had transpired, that province sent
troops to the more exposed towns in the region, a company
of them being posted at Pontoosuc.
These hostilities, which began with so serious a promise
of evil in the Western part of the colony, received the im-
mediate attention of the Government. Col. Israel Wil-
liams of Hatfield, then commanding the Northern regi-
ment of Hampshire County, communicated to the Gov-
ernor a plan for defense, based on his intimate knowledge
of the territory, and on his own sound military ideas,
which, on being presented to the General Court, was
adopted with hardly the exception of a particular. He
proposed the abandonment of Forts Shirley and Pelham,
and the erection of a line of small fortifications, extending
through the valley of the Deerfield River. Besides these
new works, he proposed the strengthening of Forts Massa-
chusetts and Dummer, and the old works at Northfield,
Bernardston, Colerain, Greenfield and Deerfield. Small
works he also recommended to be erected in Stockbridge,
Pontoosuc and Blandford, and at other minor points. Col.
Williams recommended that the fort at Charlestown should
be abandoned, but the General Court did not approve of
this. Upon the adoption of this plan, a force was raised,
to be placed at different points upon the Western frontier,
at the discretion of the commander. Forts Dummer and
Massachusetts were furnished with artillery. Capt. Eph-
raim Williams, who had, in the preceding war, so ably
managed the cordon of forts then established, was appoint-
ed to the same duty in connection with the new establish-
ment, with the rank of Major. In the following year,
however, he was relieved of this command, and appointed
by Governor Shirley to the command of a regiment raised
in Hampshire County for the purpose of carrying into ef-
fect the renewed project of wresting from the French their
colonial possessions in America. Capt. Isaac Wyman was
appointed to his place, with his head quarters at Fort Mas-
sachusetts. This Hampshire regiment composed a portion
of the army of nearly five thousand New England and
New York troops raised to go against Crown Point.
The Expedition against Crown Point, as well as those
devised at the same time against Niagara and Fort Du
THE SCOUTS. 189
Quesne, were very popular with the colony, and the fron-
tier towns, especially, took courage and hope. But the
formidable preparations in progress against the French did
not lead them to relax their hostilities, and from the fre-
quent and almost uniform failures of similar operations in
former times, it was not strange that they had begun to
look upon such affairs as being not particularly formidable.
In June of this year (1755) a party of Indians attacked a
number of men at work in the fields near Rice's fort, in
Charlemont, (one of the new works,) and killed Capt. Rice
and Phineas Arms, and captured and conveyed to Canada
Asa Rice and Titus King, the latter a native of Northamp-
ton, who, after being sent to France, returned home by the
way of England. Determined to give greater strength
and efficiency to the forces in the frontier towns, the Gov-
ernment increased the force in the garrisons, required the
inhabitants to go armed, even to their houses of public
worship, and established the policy, followed in the pre-
vious war, of traversing the path along the entire cordon
of fortifications, by scouts who were incited to the utmost
vigilance by the offer of bounties for Indian scalps, which
were to be equally divided among the soldiers, without re-
gard to rank. A hardier body of men than composed
these scouting parties probably never existed in New Eng-
land. Lodging in the open air, exposed to every inclem-
ent breeze and storm, they were obliged to carry, besides
their arms, a thirty days store of provisions, and to keep
every sense on the alert for the detection of danger, and
the opportunity to gather from the Indian head the valua-
ble prize which grew there. The history of the watchful
nights, the daring feats, the tedious marches and the almost
unexampled toils of these men, may not be written, but
the imagination may conceive something of the almost fe-
rocious hardihood which characterized and sustained them.
The Indians, with their accustomed sagacity, took pains to
shun the ground thus made so dangerous to them, and com-
mitted their depredations above this formidable line of op-
erations. The frontier towns of New Hampshire suffered
extremely. At New Hopkinton, Keene, Walpole, Hins-
dale and Charlestown, in that province, the enemy ap-
peared, and did various damage. One of their more seri-
ous demonstrations occurred just North of the Massachu-
190 THE LAST FRENCH WAR.
setts line, at Bridgman's fort, in Vernon, a short distance
below Fort Dummer. A number of Indians, having pre~
viously cut off a party at work in the meadow, killing Ca-
leb Howe and taking his two sons prisoners, proceeded to
the fort at night, knocked at the door, in a manner that
they had learned to imitate from the residents, by watch-
ing them, and were unsuspectingly admitted by the women
who had heard the firing, and were impatiently awaiting
the return of their protectors. The Indians thus admitted
made Mrs. Jemima Howe, Mrs. Submit Grout and Mrs.
Eunice Garfield, with their eleven children, their prison-
ers. They were all taken to Canada, and their subsequent
vicissitudes were not among the least interesting and ro-
mantic of which the early border wars were so prolific.
The people of New Hampshire were obliged to call upon
Massachusetts for more assistance, their own province
granting none, and they received it.
The expedition to Crown Point was under the command
of Col. Johnson, and it is proper to follow the Hampshire
regiment in its connection with this enterprise. The
army having advanced as far as the Southern extremity
of Lake George, in the latter part of August, awaited the
arrival, or construction, of batteaux, to give them a pass-
age to Crown Point. In the meantime, Baron Dieskau,
with a large force of French regulars, Canadians and In-
dians, becoming aware of Johnson's movements, advanced
with the intention of attacking Fort Edward, a work erect-
ed by the English, and garrisoned by Col. Blanchard's
regiment of New Hampshire troops. Arriving in the vi-
cinity of the fort, his Canadian and Indian force was found
to be afraid of Blanchard's artillery, and to be in favor of
proceeding to Lake George, and attacking the main army.
The arrival of the French force near Fort Edward was
ascertained by Johnson, and, without any idea that they
had changed their purpose in order to march against him-
self, he dispatched one thousand men, with 200 Mohawks,
under Col. Ephraim Williams, to intercept the path of the
force, as it should retire from Fort Edward, without regard
to what might have been their success there. This was on
the 8th of September, and, at this moment, Dieskau was
within a few miles of Johnson's camp, and had discovered
the advance of the body under Col. Williams. The path
DEATH OF COL. WILLIAMS. 191
of the latter lay through a ravine peculiarly favorable to
an ambuscade, and the French commander seized the op-
portunity, and laid his plans and made his arrangements
admirably. Into this ambuscade, at the distance of only
three and a half miles from Johnson's camp, the force un-
der Williams, led by the Mohawks, marched, and although
by the imprudence of some of Dieskau's Indians the attack
was precipitated, the English and Mohawks received a ter-
rific fire, and under the worst possible disadvantages for
defense. In the endeavor to reach a more elevated posi-
tion for his troops, Col. Williams was killed by a shot
through the head. His fall produced alarm and confusion,
and the whole body broke into a disorderly retreat, pur-
sued and cut down by the closely following foe. The lat-
ter part of the retreat was covered by a small force sent
out from Johnson's camp. Dieskau was now determined
to follow up the impression thus made, by an attack on
Johnson's camp, which had been rudely fortified by a
breastwork of logs. Johnson's force was the heaviest, but
Dieskau's confidence in his regular troops overcame his
caution, and he pressed on, and commenced the attack.
The exaggerated accounts brought to the camp, of the
power and ferocity of the French force, intimidated the
colonial troops, but they soon entered into the fight with
the most gallant and determined spirit, remaining firmly at
their posts, and inflicting terrible carnage upon the enemy
at every point of attack, until the latter turned in retreat,
when Johnson's troops leaped over their breastworks, and
pursued them. The fight lasted four hours, and in the
pursuit, Baron Dieskau was wounded, and taken prisoner.
The loss in both engagements, on the English side, was
216 killed and 96 wounded. The Hampshire regiment
suffered the most severely of all. Forty-six of the regi-
ment were killed, and twenty-four wounded. The officers
killed besides Col. Williams, were Major Noah Ashley,
Captains Moses Porter, Jonathan Ingersol and Elisha
Hawley, Lieutenants Daniel Pomeroy, Simon Cobb and
Nathaniel Burt, and Ensigns John Stratton and Reuben
Wait. Lieut. Burt was an inhabitant of Longmeadow,
and a deacon of the church there. The news of this vic-
tory, while it spread a general joy throughout New Eng-
land, was accompanied with deep personal sorrow and
192 THE LAST FRENCH WAR.
mourning, to the hearts of the dwellers upon the Connecti-
cut, for it had been more costly to them in blood than to
any other section. Nearly one-fourth of all the killed and
wounded belonged to the Hampshire regiment. The stand-
ing of Col. Williams in the army is indicated by the im-
portant command intrusted to him at the time he fell. He
stood high, in his character for bravery, humanity and in-
telligence, and was but forty-two years old when he died.
His name would have been safe in the hands of his coun-
try, but he has associated it with a higher cause than war
the crowning glory of peace. Before he left Albany, in
the campaign that proved fatal to him, he made his will, in
which, after assigning to several of his relatives and friends
appropriate bequests, he directed " that the remainder of
his land should be sold, at the discretion of his executors,
within five years after an established peace ; and that the
interest of moneys arising from the sale, and also the in-
terest of his notes and bonds, should be applied to the
support of a free school in a township West of Fort Mas-
sachusetts, [the locality of his old command,] forever;
provided said township fall within Massachusetts, upon
running the line between Massachusetts and New York,
and provided the said township, when incorporated, shall
be called Williamstown." On this basis arose Williams
College, one of the noblest and most useful literary insti-
tutions of New England. Thus giving his life for his
country's defense, and thus leaving his treasure for her
good and glory, the laurels won by Col. Williams in war
grow brighter in the recollection of his beneficence, while
his beneficence appears with unwonted beauty beneath the
hero's crown. In 1790, the fund meantime having been
augmented by State aid, and a donation of the people of
Williamstown, a brick building was put up, the free School
was opened in 1791, and two years afterwards, the institu-
tion was erected into a College. But the spot where the
hero and the benefactor fell has remained unhonored by a
monumental designation until the present year. In the
Autumn of 1853, however, a movement was made by the
Alumni of the institution to purchase the rock which is
believed to mark the place of his death, and an acre of
ground around it, on which to erect a monument. A debt
BO justly owed, and so long unpaid, has thus been nobly
THE CAMPAIGN OF 1756. 193
acknowledged. Within a year or two, Dr. Stephen "W.
Williams of Deerfield has presented to the College the
watch worn by Col. Williams at the date of his fall, with
the dress sword that belonged to him at the time.
The expedition to Fort Du Quesne, under Gen. Brad-
dock, fell into an ambuscade of French and Indians, and
was totally defeated, while that under Shirley, against the
French post at Niagara, though unaccompanied by disas-
ter, was equally unproductive. This closed the operations
of 1755, and the next year opened in May by a formal de-
claration of war on the part of England ; and France fol-
lowed in June with the same declaration. Great Britain
made extraordinary preparations for prosecuting her pur-
pose of conquering the French colonies, and, in the mean-
time, the Indians returned to carry on their depredations
upon the New England frontiers, commencing as usual in
New Hampshire. In June, 1756, five men were attacked
in the Northerly part of Greenfield, while at their labor in
the fields. These men had deposited their arms, from
which the enemy cut them off, and all endeavored to es-
cape, but only two Benjamin Graves and John Hastings
succeeded. Shubael Atherton was shot and scalped, and
Daniel Graves and Nathaniel Broods were captured.
Graves, being old and unable to travel, was killed before
proceeding far, and Brooks never returned, his fate re-
maining in uncertainty. Zebediah Stebbins and Reuben
Wright of Northfield were attacked on the 20th of June.
The latter was wounded, but both being on horseback, ef-
fected their escape. Three days previously, Benjamin
King and William Meach were ambuscaded and killed
near Fort Massachusetts. On the 26th, thirteen men, on
their way from the Western army under Winslow, were
surprised by a large body of Indians, eight killed, and the
remainder captured. This occurred about thirteen miles
from Fort Massachusetts. Capt. Elisha Chapin, the com-
mander at Fort Massachusetts in 1754, Sergeant Chidestre
and his son James were killed at West Hoosac, (Williams-
town,) on the 11 th of July.
The general operations of 1757 were disastrous, and
filled the colonies with despondency and alarm, and the en-
ergetic Montcalm, who had been successful in capturing
the English posts at Lake George, was expected to con-
194 THE LAST FRENCH WAR.
tinue his operations by extending his efforts Eastward.
Pownal, then Governor of Massachusetts, ordered all the
cavalry of the province, with a large body of militia, to
Springfield, under the Lieut. General of the province, Sir
William Pepperell. This latter was a new officer, created
for the occasion. Orders had previously been given for
the establishment of a magazine of provisions and military
stores at the same point. A train of artillery was also or-
dered to be provided, and a regiment of artillery raised.
Sir William Pepperell was ordered, in case of the advance
of .-the enemy, to have the wheels struck off all the wagons
West of the Connecticut, to drive in the cattle and horses,
and make a stand upon the East side. The similar order
given eighty years before, for the inhabitants of the West
side to repair to the East, will show how comparatively
slow and painful had been the progress of settlement dur-
ing this long and disturbed period. The garrisons at Fort
Massachusetts and West Hoosac were strengthened, and
preparations made in every quarter for defense, against a
foe which never came. When it was found that Montcalm
was content with the advantages he had gained, and had
retired to Ticonderoga and Crown Point, the troops were
recalled, and the usual garrisons reduced to their ordinary
force. From this time, until the surrender of the Cana-
dian province to Great Britain in 1760, no events of spe-
cial interest occurred in the Western part of the Massa-
chusetts colony, except the closing acts of Indian hostility,
that took place on the 20th and 21st of March, 1758. The
first day, John Morrison and John Henry of Colerain were
fired upon and wounded, and Morrison's barn was burnt
and his cattle killed. The next, Joseph McCown and his
wife were captured, and the latter being unable to travel,
was killed.
This closed the long and terrible tragedy of the Indian,
and French and Indian, wars. From the first settlement
at Springfield, until the conquest of Canada in 1760, a se-
ries of one hundred and twenty-four years had passed
away, and by far the larger part of this time the inhab-
itants of the territory embraced in old Hampshire had
been exposed to the dangers, the fears, the toils and trials
of Indian wars, or border depredations. Children had
been born, had grown up to manhood, and descended to old
PEACE AT LAST. 195
age, knowing little or nothing of peace and tranquillity.
Hundreds had been killed, and large numbers carried into
captivity. Men, women and children had been butchered
by scores. There is hardly a square acre, certainly not a
square mile, in the Connecticut Valley, that has not been
tracked by the flying feet of fear, resounded with the
groan of the dying, drunk the blood of the dead, or served
as the scene of' toils made doubly toilsome by an appre-
hension of danger that never slept. It was among such
scenes and such trials as these that the settlements of
Western Massachusetts were planted. It was by these
scenes and trials that their sinews were knit to that degree
of strength that, when the incubus of war and fear was
lifted, they sprang to those enterprises of peace, which in
less than one century, have transformed the Valley and
the Berkshire lulls into a garden of beauty, a home of
luxury and refinement, an abode of plenty, and a seat of
free education and free religion. The joy of victory that
spread everywhere over the colonies was great, but the joy
of peace was greater. The relief felt on every hand can
hardly be imagined now. The long clogged wheels of en-
terprise moved again, and settlements that had been for-
saken were reclaimed, while new ones were commenced.
The ax resounded in the forests, and smiling harvests re-
turned once more to be gathered rejoicingly beneath the
reign of peace.
.
CHAPTER XIV.
DIVISION OF HAMPSHIRE COUNTY LAND SALES
NEGRO SLAVERY ECCLESIASTICAL EXCITE-
MENT DISTRICTS.
AT the session of the General Court in May, 1761, the
Western part of the old County of Hampshire was set off,
and incorporated as a distinct County, with the name of
Berkshire. At this time, it contained only the incorpora-
ted towns of Sheffield, Stockbridge, New Marlboro' and
Egremont, and plantations in the present towns of Pitts-
field, Lanesborough, Williamstown, Tyringham, Sandisfield
and Becket. On three sides, the County was bounded by
the adjoining provinces of New Hampshire on the North,
(now Vermont,) Connecticut on the South, and New York
on the West, at that time an uncertain limit. The line
separating it from its parent County was run as follows :
" Beginning at the Western line of Granville, w r here it
touches the Connecticut line, to run Northerly as far as
said West line of Granville runs, then Easterly to the
Southwest corner of Blandford, and to run by the West
line of the same town to the Northwestern corner thereof:
from thence Northerly, in a direct line to the Southeast
corner of No. 4, (Becket,) and so running by the Easterly
line of No. 4 to the Northeast corner thereof; and thence
in a direct course to the Southwest corner of Charlemont,
and so Northerly in the West line of the same town till it
comes to the North bound of the province." After a long
dispute, the line between Massachusetts and New York
was settled in 1787. The Eastern line of Berkshire
County has been subjected to several modifications. Near-
ly all of Middlefield, in the present County of Hampshire,
was taken from Berkshire. Windsor, in Berkshire, has
received an addition from Hampshire; and Hawley, in
Franklin County, has been enlarged from Berkshire.
Monroe, in Franklin County, was entirely embraced with-
in the original boundary of Berkshire. The present area
of the County is about 950 square miles.
BERKSHIRE COUNTY COURTS. 197
At the time of the formation of the County, it was en-
acted that an Inferior Court of Common Pleas, and a
Court of General Sessions of the Peace, should be held
at the North parish in Sheffield, which, on the 30th of June
following, (1761,) was incorporated as a town with the
name of Great Barrington, and at Pontoosuc, now Pitts-
field. The Supreme Courts for the new County were held
in Hampshire until 1783, when, by order of the General
Court, the Supreme Judicial Court was established in Berk-
shire. The County buildings were erected in Great Bar-
rington, but the settlement of the Northern part of the
County soon destroyed its centrality, and the Courts were
ordered, in 1784, to be holden in Lenox; but measures
taken in opposition to the removal delayed the event until
1786. Strong efforts were made in 1784 to have the
Courts held alternately in Great Barrington and Lanes-
borough, and, in 1785, still more powerful efforts were
made to have them held alternately at Stockbridge and
Pittsfield, which would be nearly equivalent to keeping
them where they were first established. But both efforts
miscarried, and the Jail and Court House were erected at
Lenox, between the years 1790 and 1792. And there,
notwithstanding numerous efforts to change the County
seat, since made, from time to time, they still remain.
As the finances of the colony were embarrassed, and
money became accumulated in individual hands, private
enterprise found more extended fields of operation, and
land speculations came to mingle in the schemes of those
who had the means to engage in them. The peace which
followed the events of 1760 gave opportunity for these op-
erations, and the General Court ordered ten townships in
the Western part of the colony, on the 2d of June, 1762,
to be sold at Boston, by auction, to the highest bidder.
They were sold by their numbers, in order, as follows :
No. 1. East lloosac, now Adams, to Nathan Jones, for
3,200.
No. 2. A tract embracing the present towns of Peru
and Hinsdale, to Elisha Jones, for 1,460.
No. 3. The present town of Worthington, to Aaron
Wilhird, for 1,860.
No. 4. The present town of Windsor, called Gageboro',
at first, to Noah Nash, for 1,430.
198 GENERAL AFFAIRS OF INTEREST.
No. 5. The present town of Cummington, to John
Cummings, for 1,800.
No. 6. The present town of Savoy, to Abel Lawrence,
for 1,350.
No. 7. The present town of Hawley, to Moses Par-
sons, for 875.
No. 8. The present towns of Lenox and Richmond, to
Josiah Dean, for 2,550.
No. 9. The present town of Chester, at first called
Murrayfield, to William Williams, for 1,500.
No. 10. The present town of Rowe, to Cornelius Jones,
for 380.
These sales amounted to the grand total of 1G,405.
Although this sum appears very insignificant, as an equiv-
alent for such immense tracts of land, it was more than
they were worth at the time, for such was the loose man-
ner practiced by the General Court, in making grants, that
the best lands, in nearly all these townships, were pre-oc-
cupied by private claimants. In consequence of this, and,
in some cases owing to other causes, several of the pur-
chasers petitioned the General Court for a remission of
a part of the purchase money.
It has incidentally appeared that at an early date in the
history of the Western portion of the colony, negroes were
numbered among the inhabitants. These were all Slaves,
and were held as such by the first and best men in the set-
tlements by the ancestors of those, too, who now deem
slave-holding entirely inconsistent with the Christian char-
acter. The earliest record of the presence of negroes, in
the Connecticut River settlements, is found in the register
of marriages, solemnized by Maj. John Pynchon, in these
words : " Dec. 1st, 1687, Roco and Sue, my negroes, joined
in marriage." " My negroes " were slaves, but their slav-
ery was mild in form and fact, and the institution did not
thrive as in later times, in more Southern localities. They
were probably owned by those only who were able to keep
servants, and had use for menials. The majority of the
population were working men and women, who did their
own service. Rev. John Williams of Deerfield had two
negroes, at least, as appears in the work in which he re-
lates the story of his captivity. His negro woman was
killed at the time the Indians attacked his house in 1704,
,__*^fe>~fr""
ECCLESIASTICAL QUARREL. 199
and the night after this event, as he says, " some of the en-
emy who brought drink with them from the town, fell to
drinking, and, in their drunken fit, they killed my negro
man." Rev. Roger Newton, D. D., who became the sec-
ond minister of Greenfield in 1761, was the owner of
slaves, one of whom was called " Old Tenor." She was a
very good old woman, and on the occasion of her- death,
Dr. Newton preached a funeral sermon, in which he be-
stowed upon her the negative praise of being " no pilferer."
Col. Moore of the same town had a negro named Jack who
became violently enamoured with the charms of Old Ten-
or's daughter Phillis, but whose course of love found but a
rough and tortuous channel. " Phillis afterwards married
Caesar Finnemur, the son of Romus and Rose, and had
thirteen children." The mention of these names will show
that slaves were by no means an unusual form of property,
in former times. There were probably a few slaves on
every plantation, where the wealth of individual settlers
would permit, and negroes were held in bondage in the
Connecticut Valley during nearly or quite an entire cen-
tury of its history.
Notwithstanding the pressure of war from without, dur-
ing the first half of the 18th century, and the large drafts
made on physical force to overcome it, the spiritual leaders
of the flocks scattered along the Valley found abundant
time for high ecclesiastical feuds. The most remarkable
instance of this kind occurred in Springfield in 1736.
Rev. Robert Breck was invited to take the place made va-
cant in 1734, by the death of Rev. Mr. Brewer. A coun-
cil of neighboring ministers, according to the custom of
that day and this, Avas called together, to examine the can-
didate, and decide upon his eligibility to the pastoral office,
with special reference to his settlement in Springfield. Mr.
B reek's reputation had preceded him, and under the im-
pression that he was not soundly orthodox, a portion of the
people themselves had already taken side against him.
The majority admired and loved him. It appears that the
council came together prejudiced against him, and their
examination confirmed them in their opinion of his hereti-
cal notions. They refused to ordain him, and the people
were denied the ministrations of the man of their choice.
The excitement caused by this action was intense, both in
200 GENERAL AFFAIRS OP INTEREST.
the town and the county. Mr. Breck, meanwhile, con-
ducted himself with the utmost moderation and prudence,
and was the least excited of all concerned. The people
felt that he and they had been wronged, and sent to the
Eastern part of the colony for another council, though only
four of the seven who actually appear to have come to-
gether, came from that quarter. The remaining three
were clergymen of the county.
The calling of the second council created the greatest
excitement. It was, in fact, an ecclesiastical convulsion.
Mr. Breck was a young man only twenty-two years old,
his sentiments had been denounced by many of the minis-
ters of the county as heretical, and the danger of having
their decision over-ruled, and of having him forced upon
their society, wrought upon them a very high degree of
exasperation. Co-operating with Mr. Breck's enemies
among the people of the town, they determined that he
should not be ordained, if a forcible interference could pre-
vent. They accordingly applied to a magistrate for a war-
rant for his arrest, and the warrant was placed in the hands
of the sheriff. The charge on which the warrant was is-
sued was that of heresy, contained in words uttered by Mr.
Breck in a sermon preached at New London, Ct., and those
words were the following: "What will become of the
heathen who never heard of the Gospel, I do not pretend
to say, but I cannot but indulge a hope that God in his
boundless benevolence will find out a way whereby those
heathen who act up to the light they have, may be saved."
The heresy of this charitable wish was doubtless found in
Mr. Breck's admission of the possibility of salvation to
any man without a knowledge of Christ. The ordaining
council consisted of the following gentlemen : Rev. Messrs.
William Cooper, William Welsteed and Samuel Mather
of Boston, William Cook of Sudbury, Isaac Chauncey of
Hadley, Ebenezer Devotion of Suffield, and William Hand
of Sunderland. After they had assembled, the sheriff,
with his posse, marched to the house where they were in
session, surrounded it with his force, and then, witli a
drawn sword in his hand, entered the room where the
Council were examining the candidate. There, in his
majesty's name, he arrested Mr. Breck, and ordered him to
prepare himself immediately for a journey to New London.
SETTLEMENT OP ME. BRECK. 201
Mr. Breck was young, perplexed and distressed, and not
being acquainted with the law, sent for legal counsel, and
was advised to offer bail. This he did, but the sheriff re-
fiisi-d to allow it, on the ground that the offense charged
against him was high treason, not only against the King
of England, but against the King of Heaven. Mr. Breck's
counsel told the sheriff that the King of Heaven would
unquestionably take care of his own traitors, and, as he
had nothing to do but to execute the laws of the land, if
he persisted in refusing bail, he would do it at his peril.
Thus menaced, the sheriff receded, and Mr. Breck was ad-
mitted to bail, and subsequently appeared at New London,
and had his trial. His examination, at Springfield, by the
council, was satisfactory, but in consequence of the ex-
treme excitement that prevailed, his ordination was defer-
red. Mr. Breck was ordained on the 26th of January,
1736. His trial amounted to nothing, save his acquittal
of the charges brought against him. A great war of
words grew out of the affair. Two pamphlets were issued
by the association which rejected him, and one was written
and issued by the ordaining council. Both bodies wrote
in justification of the course they had respectively pursued.
The ordination sermon was preached by Rev. William
Cooper of Boston. In this sermon, the preacher directly
addressed Mr. Breck in the following words: "If you
should meet with injuries and hard dealing, (real or appre-
hended,) have a strict guard upon your own temper and
conduct. If deeper thrusts should be still given to your
reputation, and any methods taken to have those things
which the charity that the Gospel teaches would have cov-
ered and buried, exposed to thousands that would not else
have heard of them, and transmitted to those that shall
come after us ; if, I say, such methods should be taken
against you, labor for a forgiving spirit ; and don't go about
to wound the reputation of others, farther than self defense
may make it necessary. We bless God for that prudence,
patience and meekness, which he has enabled you to exer-
cise under your uncommon trials. I think myself particu-
larly bound to testify on this occasion that, in all this time,
I never heard one hard word drop from you, respecting
any person, of any order. I have seen your tears, admired
your silence, and hope God has heard your prayers. May
202 GENERAL AFFAIRS OF INTEREST.
the fruit of all be to humble you, to prove you, and to do
you good in your latter end ; to purify and refine you, to
be a vessel unto honor, more meet for the Master's service,
and a greater blessing to this church and people !" Never
was advice more conscientiously followed, or prayer more
fully answered. Under Mr. Breck's beautiful life and no-
ble spirit, opposition against him began to give way, and
by degrees, his people all became his warm friends, as well
as his fellow pastors in the neighborhood, who, in a few
years, received him into their fellowship. Mr. Cooper's
sermon on the occasion of the ordination was printed and
is still extant. It was accompanied in its issue by Mr.
Breck's confession of faith, which was publicly delivered
by him at his ordination. This document, though much
too nice in its details for a general creed, is a model of fine
English, and one of the most clear and intelligent state-
ments of Christian doctrine, as held by Orthodoxy, ever
written. Mr. Breck died in the 49th year of his ministry,
April 23d, 1784, at the age of 70.
At a date prior to 1753, the Governor of Massachusetts
received instructions from the home Government which, in
a strong light, exhibited the growing jealousy of the Crown
of the popular element in the Government of the colony.
The increase of the number of towns in the colony, by in-
creasing in the same ratio the representation in the Legis-
lature, was seen to present formidable encroachments upon
the authority of the parent power. To put a stop to this,
the Governor was instructed to consent to no act for estab-
lishing a new town in the province, unless, by a special
clause, it should place a restraint upon the power of send-
ing representatives. After this, for many years, new towns
were, consequently, incorporated as districts, possessing all
the powers of towns, except the power of sending repre-
sentatives to the General Court. They had the privilege
of joining with other towns in this function. "Wilbrahani
is recorded to have been incorporated as a district in 1763,
and Granville, in 1754. Monson was incorporated as a
district in 1760, Southwick in 1770, Egremont in 1760,
Lenox in 1767, New Ashford in 1781, Greenfield, Monta-
gue and New Salem in 1753, Shelburne in 1768, Orange
in 1783, and Leyden in 1784. On the 23d of March,
1786, it was enacted that all districts incorporated before
INCORPORATION OP DISTRICTS. 203
January 1st, 1777, should be towns, or, in other words,
those towns which, by being incorporated as districts, had
not possessed the privilege of individual representation,
should have that privilege thereafter. Many individuals
have looked in vain for the special act incorporating sev-
eral towns. If those towns were districts before 1777, this
act is the only one which affected their incorporation, and
it applied to a large number.
CHAPTEE XV.
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
THE attempt described in the preceding chapter, to limit
the popular voice in the government of the province, was
among the first of a series of acts which produced those
subsequent convulsions that became necessary to confirm
the possession of the good which had been so nobly won
during the period of colonial adolescence, and which re-
sulted in independence to the State and a federal Republic
to the country. From 1764 to 1775, the efforts of the
British Parliament were directed, in a multitude of offen-
sive and arbitrary ways, to the end of depriving the prov-
ince of its liberties and privileges, and of making it con-
tribute to the revenues of the British Crown. The stamp
act was passed in 1775, and though, owing to the opposi-
tion it met with in Massachusetts, principally, it was re-
pealed on the following year, Parliament took the occasion
to declare " that they had a right to tax the colonies, and
to legislate for them in all cases whatever." This declara-
tion, carrying with it a most daring and arbitrary assump-
tion of power, increased the discontent which the repeal of
the offensive and unproductive act was intended to allay.
It was a direct overthrow of the powers granted by the
provincial charter, and always exercised without serious
question. Thus alarmed, the people of the province were
on the alert, and, while professing loyalty to the crown,
determined to question, step by step, every encroachment
upon their liberties, and pleaded for their justification that
fundamental principle in the British Constitution, " that the
subject could not be taxed without the consent of his rep-
resentative." Among the early active participants in the
controversy that commenced and progressed between the
representatives of the Crown and the champions of colo-
nial right, was Joseph Hawley of Northampton, whose
name will descend to posterity in most honorable compan-
ionship with those of James Otis, Samuel Adams, John
Adams, Josiah Quincy and Samuel Dexter. Col. John
OPENING EVENTS. 205
Worthington of Springfield, who divided with Hawley the
higher legal honors of old Hampshire County, was a mem-
ber of the first Committee appointed by the House of Rep-
resentatives to consider what should be done with reference
to the oppressive acts of Parliament. This Committee
reported the project of a Congress made up of committees
from the popular branch of each of the colonial legisla-
tures, to be held at New York, in October, 1765. The
report was adopted, and a committee of three appointed,
two of whom Col. Worthington and Oliver Partridge
(the latter of Hatfielo!) were from Hampshire County.
Col. Worthington declined the appointment, and T. Rug-
gles, (unfortunately for the province, for he behaved dishon-
orably in the matter,) was appointed in his stead. The
determination on the part of the new British Cabinet, or-
ganized in July, 1767, to carry out to the extent the outra-
geous doctrine propounded on the repeal of the stamp act,
that Parliament had a right to bind the colonies, in all
cases whatever, induced a spirit of deep anxiety and con-
cern throughout the colony. Following the recommenda-
tions of a most respectable popular meeting in Boston,
many families throughout the province, by an example of
noble self denial, abandoned the use of foreign luxuries,
and supplied their necessities with articles of home growth
and manufacture. The events which followed the arbi-
trary measures of Governor Bernard, the arrival of mili-
tary force, the misrepresentation of the colonists abroad,
the refusal to hear their petitions, the popular combinations
against importing British goods, the struggle between pa-
triotism and Governmental policy in the British Parlia-
ment, the ever memorable and ever glorious protests against
oppression by the General Assembly of the colony, the
collisions of the soldiery with the people of Boston, the
firm and persistent opposition to the usurpations of char-
tered rights, the traitorous conduct of Gov. Hutchinson in
his capacity as the tool of the British ministry, the destruc-
tion of tea in Boston Harbor, the holding of County meet-
ings and conventions, the institution of Committees of safe-
ty and correspondence all these events, in which civil
liberty and National glory were taking root, prepared the
way for that first demonstration which sealed in blood, oa
18
206 THE REVOLUTION.
the soil of Massachusetts, the doom of British rule in the
American Colonies.
The people of the Western counties of the colony were
no whit behind their Eastern brothers in patriotic impul-
ses, or in their attachment to liberty, and the determination
to defend their rights. Committees of safety and corres-
pondence were established in nearly every town. The
records of nearly every town then in existence in Western
Massachusetts, tell of the public meetings there held to
consult upon the public safety, and to devise measures of
co-operation with their brethren in the East, and in the
other colonies. From the close of the concluding French
War until the revolution, the subjects connected with the
encroachments of arbitrary power led the public mind
not, however, to the neglect of business and the reparation
of the injuries that had been experienced through so long
a period of disturbance, for settlements progressed in every
direction.
On the 6th of July, 1774, a Congress, as it was then
called, of deputies from all the towns in Berkshire County,
was held at Stockbridge, and took a noble and decisive
stand, with respect to the evils that threatened the prov-
ince. The towns represented were, Sheffield, Great Bar-
rington, Egremont, Stockbridge, Lenox, West Stockbridge,
Alford, Richmond, Pittsfield, Lanesborough, Hancock,
(then Jericho) Williamstown, Adams, (then East Hoosac)
Sandisfield, Peru, (then Partridgefield) Washington, (then
Hartwood) Becket, New Marlborough and Tyringham.
The proceedings of this convention were dignified and
firm, and were participated in by the first and best men of
the county. Among the first votes of the Congress was
one recommending to the several towns of the county that
the 14th of July should be observed as a day of fasting
and prayer, " to implore the Divine assistance that lie
would interpose, and in mercy avert those evils with which
we are threatened." Among other important votes was
one that the several members of a Committee " be desired
to recommend to the charity of the inhabitants of the sev-
eral towns in the County, the distressed circumstances of
the poor of the towns of Charlestown and Boston, and that
the same be remitted to them in fat cattle in the fall." A
committee, consisting of Timothy Edwards, Dr. William
NON-CONSUMPTION AGREEMENT. 207
"\Vliitinjr, Dr. Lemuel Barnard, Dr. Erastus Sergeant, and
DC: i. James Eason, was appointed to take into considera-
tion, and report the draught of an agreement, to be recom-
incudod to the towns in the county, for the non-consumption
of British manufactures. This committee reported a series
of resolves which were ordered to be transmitted to the
Committee of Correspondence in Boston. They follow :
' WHEREAS, the Parliament of Great Britain have, of late,
undertaken to give and grant away our money without our
knowledge or consent ; and in order to compel us to a servile
submission to the above measures have proceeded to block
up the harbor of Boston ; also, have, or are about to vacate
the charter, and repeal certain laws of this province, heretofore
enacted by the General Court, and confirmed to us by the
King and his predecessors therefore, as a means to obtain a
speedy redress of the above grievances, we do solemnly, and
in good faith, covenant and engage with each other :
" 1st. That we will not import, purchase, or consume, or
suffer any person for, by, or under us, to import, purchase, or
consume, in any manner whatever, any goods, wares or man-
ufactures which shall arrive in America from Great Britain,
from and after the first day of October next, or such other
time as shall be agreed upon by the American Congress ; nor
any goods which shall be ordered from thence from and after
this day, until our charter and Constitutional rights shall be
restored ; or until it shall be determined by the major part of
our brethren, in this and the neighboring colonies, that a non-
importation or non-consumption agreement will not have a
tendency to effect the desired end, and until it shall be appa-
rent that a non-importation or non-consumption agreement
will not be entered into by the majority of this and the neigh-
boring colonies, except such articles as the said General Con-
gress of North America shall advise to import and consume.
"2dly. We do further covenant and agree that we will ob-
serve the most strict obedience to all constitutional laws and
authority ; and will, at all times, exert ourselves to the utmost
for the discouragement of all licentiousness, and suppressing
all disorderly mobs and riots.
" 3dly. We will exert ourselves, as far as in us lies, in pro-
moting peace, love and unanimity among each other ; and for
that end, we engage to avoid all unnecessary lawsuits what-
ever.
" 4thly. As a strict and proper adherence to the non-impor-
tation and non-consumption agreement will, if not seasonably
provided against, involve us in many difficulties and incon-
veniences, we do promise and agree that we will take the
208 THE REVOLUTION.
most prudent care for the raising of sheep, and for the manu-
facturing of all such clothes as shall be most useful and nec-
essary ; and, also, for the raising of flax and the manufactur-
ing of linen ; further, that we will, by every prudent method,
endeavor to guard against all those inconveniences which
might otherwise arise from the foregoing agreement.
"5thly. That if any person shall refuse to sign this, or a
similar covenant, or after having signed it, shall not adhere to
the real intent and meaning thereof, he or they shall be treat-
ed by us with all the neglect they shall justly deserve par-
ticularly by omitting all commercial dealings with them.
"6thly. That if this, or a similar covenant, shall after the
first day of August next, be offered to any trader or shop-
keeper of this county, and he or they shall refuse to sign the
same, for the space of 48 hours, we will from thenceforth pur-
chase no article of British manufacture, or East India goods
from him or them until such time as he or they shall sign this
or a similar covenant."
The delegates to this convention were chosen, pursuant
to advice in circular letters from Boston, the head quarters
of the popular movement, and it was in accordance with
these letters that committees of safety and correspondence
were chosen in every town. Pittsfield was one of the first
towns, if not the first town in the colony, that offered oppo-
sition to the King's courts. At its meeting held on the 15th
of August, 1774, Timothy Childs and Capt. John Strong
were chosen a Committee to petition the Inferior Court of
Common Pleas for the County of Berkshire, " not to trans-
act any business that term," and they did it in a very pe-
remptory manner. Their petition was nothing less than
an open declaration of resistance. They alluded to two par-
ticular acts of Parliament superseding the Charter of the
Province, and then declared that they viewed it of the
greatest importance to the well being of the Province that
the people of it utterly refuse the least submission to the
said acts, and on no consideration to yield obedience to them,
or directly or indirectly to countenance their taking place of
those acts among us, but resist them to the last extremity."
After stating the case somewhat more at length, they gave
their reasons in detail for opposing the holding of Courts
until the unconstitutional acts alluded to, should be repealed.
They were as follow :
44 1. If they (the courts) are now held in the ancient form,
REBELLION IN PITTSFIELD. 209
this will bo in direct violation of those laws {the new ones)
and in defiance of them.
" 2. Whatever business shall be transacted in the ancient
form, now those laws are in force, will be illegal, and liable
afterwards to be wholly set aside.
" 3. The Honorable Judges will expose themselves by not
submitting to the new acts by transacting business in the old
form, or agreeable to our charter, to an immediate loss of their
Commissions.
" 4. It will be much greater contempt of those laws, to
transact business in the ancient form, or agreeable to our
charter, than to do none at all.
" 5. This course of procedure will tend to bring matters to
a more unhappy crisis, which we would choose by all means
to avoid, than to neglect to do any business."
These reasons, it will be seen, are given principally to
show why the Courts could not be held in their ancient
form. A list of reasons why no Court should be held
wen; subjoined. They were, in effect, that there was no
doubt that the offensive acts had passed the Royal assent,
that they had arrived in Boston, that they probably were
then published by the Governor, and that the town " ought
to bear the most early testimony against those acts, and set
a good example for the rest of the Province to copy after."
The acts to which the town alluded, it may be stated, con-
ferred upon the Royal Governor the power of appointing
and removing all judges of the Inferior Courts of the Com-
mon Pleas, as well as other important legal officers, and
expressly forbade the Jiolding of town meetings without
leave obtained of the Governor, and the transaction of any
business in those meetings except such as the Governor
should mention in his written permission. It will there-
fore appear that the Pittsfield town meeting, according to
the declaration of its voice, was held in direct opposition
to the laws which it took such particular pains to inform
the Court had arrived in Boston. They persisted in trans-
.".(tinnr business after the "ancient forms," and closed their
bold demonstration in these words : " The honorable Court
has good grounds to neglect to do business in the law, and
the people just occasion to petition for it, and insist upon
it, without admitting a refusal"
The County Congress held in Stockbridge in July was
preceded or followed by similar conventions, promulgating
18*
210 THE REVOLUTION.
similar declarations, in all the counties of the State. A
Congress of Committees from every town and district in
Hampshire County, except Charlemont and Southwick,
was held at Northampton on the 22d and 23d of Septem-
ber, " to consult upon measures to be taken in this time of
general distress in the province, occasioned by the late at-
tacks of the British Parliament upon the constitution of
said province," &c. Timothy Danielson of Brimfield was
Chairman of the Convention, and Ebenezer Hunt, Jr., of
Northampton, Clerk. After a long and animated debate,
a Committee of nine reported a series of resolutions simi-
lar to those adopted by other County Congresses, and they
were passed with great unanimity. In substance, the res-
olutions were, that the County did not intend to withdraw
from allegiance to the King ; that the charter of the prov-
ince ought to be kept inviolate, and that the inhabitants
had not violated it ; that the subversive acts of the British
Parliament, being before the Continental Congress, (it had
assembled at Philadelphia during the first part of the
month,) they would not act with regard to them ; that the
acts of Gov. Gage were destructive of their rights, and
that it was doubtful whether he was the constitutional Gov-
ernor, and whether his acts ought to be of any validity,
especially his writs f6r convening the General Court at
Salem ; and that a provincial Congress was necessary to
be holden at Concord on the 2d of October following, to
which the different towns of the County were recommend-
ed to send delegates. The resolutions further recommended
to constables, collectors, &c., " to pay no money to H. Gray,
treasurer, but to deposit the same in town treasuries ;"
urged all to refrain from engaging in riots and spoliations
of personal property ; declared that town meetings ought
to be called in accordance with ancient usage, and exhorted
all the inhabitants of the County to be diligent to acquaint
themselves with the military art, under the direction of
such persons as they might choose, and to furnish them-
selves with arms and ammunition.
Thus, while the people adhered to the rights conveyed
in their charter, and professed loyalty to their sovereign,
they foresaw that the effect of their action would be to
bring them into direct collision with the power whose acts
they condemned ; and they unhesitatingly prepared them-
A LESSON OP PROVIDENCE. 211
selves for the worst that could happen. To the man whose
kindly faith permits him to trace by the side of the foot-
prints of History, the parallel path of the angel of God's
providence, the events of this period will explain and jus-
tify that mysterious series of afflictions, which formed so
large a part of the marked events in the early life of the
colony. He will see a young people struggling through a
long series of wars with savage tribes, and hardly more
civilized Canadian colonists, until the thoughts of danger
and death are as familiar as the thoughts of God ; until
every man knows the use of his gun as well as he does the
most common implement of husbandry, and until peace,
without those rights which can only make it truly valua-
ble, shall be regarded as worthless. He will see that this
long tutelage was necessary as a preparation for those high
duties which were destined to cut the colony loose from for-
eign dependency, and to erect a free State in which the
great problems of free religion, free education, and self
government, were to be wrought out for the benefit of man-
kind. He will see that the people were armed by the In-
dian wars, taught the use of arms by them, inured to
hardship by them, made prudent and resolute by them, and
taught to estimate properly the value of their rights and
soil by them ; and he will also see, in the few years that
followed the close of the French wars, and preceded the
Revolution, a period of rest for the gathering of resources,
for calm discussion of great questions, and the perfection
of that association of purpose and power that was neces-
sary in carrying to a successful issue the noblest and most
momentous struggle that the history of the world affords.
He will see that not only the soil upon which we live, but
the liberty which we enjoy, is the purchase of those early
conflicts, and that the " war of the revolution" commenced
long before the soil of Lexington drank revolutionary
blood. He will find, too, that the immense influence which
the clergy had exerted, from the first planting of the colo-
ny, in all civil affairs, found its use in effecting the grand
result, for they were, as a body, the earliest and best de-
fenders of the principles for which their people fought, and
accomplished more than their part in the resulting achieve-
ment of independence.
It is not within the scope of this work to notice even the
212 THE REVOLUTION.
leading events of the revolutionary struggle. None of
them occurred in this locality, and it only remains to re-
count something of those trials which the people expe-
rienced in common with all others. Regiments of minute
men were formed and trained in the art of war, and when
they caught the echo of the guns of Lexington, marched
immediately to Boston, and formed a portion of that large
body of troops which blocked up the British forces in the
peninsula of the town, after they had made their way back
from Concord and Lexington. Side by side with the votes
which are abundant on the town records of this period, ap-
propriating money for the payment of soldiers, are votes
for the establishment of committees to procure sustenance
for the " industrious poor" of Boston, w r hose labors were
suspended by the military occupation of the town. As an
instance of the liberality with which the towns appropria-
ted money for the support of soldiers and minute men, it
may be stated that Springfield, in town meeting Nov. 14th,
1775, granted for the payment of the minute men, for ex-
ercising expenses, &c., with another account connected
therewith, the sum of 52, 14s. 6d. At a town meeting in
the following year, grants were made which will illustrate
the course pursued in the procurement of arms for the sol-
diers sent out : " To Ariel Collins, for 43 cartouch-boxes,
1. Is. Gd. ; to Thomas Bates, for a gun and bayonet, 2.
10s. ; to Luke Bliss, for a gun and bayonet, 2. 8s. ; to
Capt. Thomas Stebbins, for the use of a gun, 6s. ; to Tim-
othy Bliss, for a large homespun blanket, 15s. ; to John
Burt, for a blanket, 9s. ; to Oliver Burt, for a gun delivered
Sylvanus Hale, 2 ; to John Warner, for exercising as a
minute man, 9s. ; to Seth Storer Cobourn, for a horse to
assist the minute men when they marched from this town
to Head Quarters near Boston, in April, 1775, 13s.; to
George Cotton, Jr., for a blanket and knapsack delivered
Benoni Barrister, 13s. 6d." Eight pounds were also
granted to procure drums for the several companies raised
in the town, and the selectmen were instructed to procure,
in addition to the stock already possessed by the town, 150
pounds of gunpowder, 2,000 flints, and 400 pounds of lead.
The appropriation above mentioned, for the owner of the
horse that was used in getting the minute men on their
way to Boston in April, gives an intimation of the move-
THE LEXINGTON ALARM. 213
ment which followed the announcement that blood had
been shed at Lexington, and no better illustration of the
spirit which animated this region of country at the time,
can be given, than the spirited account of the effect of the
event in Greenfield, as related by Mr. "VVillard, in his his-
tory of that town :
" Immediately after the battle of Lexington, the towns re-
ceived circulars by express, or otherwise, and the people of
this town assembled instanter, on the afternoon of the day on
which the intelligence was received. It is related of one in-
dividual, Mr. Elijah Mitchell, that being in the village at the
time, he went home on foot, a mile or more West, and returned
with his equipments, ready to march, in fifteen minutes from
the time he started. The suddenness of the gathering reminds
us of Scott's beautiful description of the gathering of a Scot-
tish clan, summoned in the hour of danger, by the rapid pas-
sage over hill and dale of the cross of fire, sending far around
its beacon light. There were two military companies, one of
which, under Capt. Agrippa Wells, met in the village, and tho
other at the North meeting house, under Capt. Ebenezer
Wells. A great number assembled at the meeting house.
With few exceptions, this assembled throng, the bowed with
age, and the stripling with scarce the down upon his cheek,
were ardent in the patriot cause ; the ardor spread from heart
to heart, as the story was told that American blood had been
shed by the British soldiery.
" It was immediately proposed that Thomas Loveland, the
drummer, should take a station on the horse-block, under an
elm at the South side of the common, and beat the long roll
for volunteers. It was accordingly done, and sounded far and
wide among the woods and fields. The officers of the com-
pany Capt E. Wells, Lt. Allen, and Ensign J. Severance
were there, but stood aloof, dissuading from the adventure, as
savoring of treason and rebellion against the Government.
They had not made up their minds to join the patriot cause.
But the long roll of Thomas Loveland had done its work.
Theie was an overwhelming majority for the contest. The
cautious advice of their respected and beloved officers, hith-
erto listened to with respect, and obediently followed, was
now no more regarded than the passing breeze. Upon the
first beating of the long roll, first and foremost stood out that
hardy, industrious and bold yeoman, Benjamin Hastings, a
William Wallace in intrepidity and determined bravery. Who
so daring as to come next and risk the halter'? It were diffi-
cult to say; the whole mass was in motion on that bleak and
barren old common, Trap Plain. The assembled townsmen
214 THE REVOLUTION.
volunteered almost to a man. The long roll of Tom Loveland
was electric and contagious."
The company thus formed was on the march the next
morning for the East under Capt. Timothy Childs. This
is one of those stirring and interesting scenes of which the
revolutionary war was so prolific, and the following is an-
other, the description being taken from the Barre Gazette :
" When the intelligence reached New Salem, the people
were hastily assembled on the village green by the notes of
alarm. Every man came with his gun, and other hasty pre-
parations for a short march. The militia of the town were
then divided into two companies, one of which was com-
manded by Capt G. This company was paraded, before
much consultation had been had upon the proper steps to be
taken in the emergency, and while determination was ex-
pressed on almost every countenance, the men stood silently-
leaning on their muskets, awaiting the movement of the spirit
in the officers. The Captain was supposed to be tinctured
with toryism, and his present indecision and backwardness
were ample proof, if not of his attachment to royalty, at least
of his unfitness to lead a patriot band. Some murmurs began
to be heard, when the first Lieutenant, William Stacy, took off
his hat. and addressed them. He was a man of stout heart,
but of few words. Pulling his commission from his pocket,
he said : ' Fellow soldiers, I don't know exactly how it is with
the rest of you, but for one, I will no longer serve a King that
murders my own countrymen' ; and tearing the paper in a
hundred pieces, he trod it under his foot. Sober as were the
people by nature, they could not restrain a loud, wild hurra,
as he stepped forward, and took his place in the ranks. G.
still faltered, and made a feeble endeavor to restore order ;
but they heeded it as little as the wind. The company was
summarily disbanded, and a re-organization begun on the
spot. The gallant Stacy was unanimously chosen Captain,
and with a prouder commission than was ever borne on parch-
ment, he led a small but efficient band to Cambridge. He
continued in service during the war, reaching before its close,
the rank of Lieutenant Colonel, under the command of Put-
nam."
William Leavitt, one of the earliest emigrants from this
region to the Western Reserve, Ohio, was at the time of
the Lexington alarm, a boy of sixteen, residing in Suffield,
Ct. A meeting of the militia was held in that town, and
volunteers called for. He with others took his knapsack
REQUISITIONS FOB MEN AND MEANS. 215
upon his back, and his gun in his hand, and ran every step
of the way to Springfield on foot, to join the patriot forces.
But this early tax, voluntarily rendered, upon the forces
of the region, was far from being the last or most serious.
Requisition followed requisition in the troublous years that
succeeded, drawing as well upon industrial resources as
industrious men. On the 25th of June, 1776, the General
Court ordered 5,000 men to be raised. Those going from
six counties were destined for Canada ; from four counties,
for New York, where Gen. Washington had established his
head quarters. The troops ordered to be raised in Hamp-
shire County were to -march to Canada, and were offered
each 7 bounty. The proportion to be raised in the
County was 754. Of these, 44 were assigned to Spring-
field, 17 to Brimfield, 24 to Wilbraham, to Northampton
47, Southampton 17, Hadley 13, South Hadley 12, Am-
IKT.-I 27, Granby 9, Hatfield 16, Con way 13, Sunderland
9, Chesterfield 10, West Springfield 48, Whately 9, Wil-
liamsburg 9, Westfield 31, Deerfield 18, and the other
towns in proportion to their population, though the estimate
rough one, as the above assignments will show. The
Hampshire troops furnished exactly a battalion. This or-
der was followed on the 10th of July, just after the decla-
ration of independence, by an order for the enlistment of
every 25th man in the State, to re-inforce the Northern
army.
Shut out from the advantages of commerce by the war,
and exceedingly limited in manufactures, the means resort-
ed to for obtaining supplies for the army clothes, blankets
and food were characteristic of the times. Orders were
passed for the raising within the State of a specified num-
ber of blankets, shoes and stockings, &c. These were not
obtainable in any one place, as they would be now. They
were only to be produced and found hi families. When an
order to raise these articles was issued, each town had its
share in the work assigned to it, and receivers, or commit-
tees, were appointed to look up and account for the goods.
These articles were paid for, in the paper money of the
day. The mode was, for the committee to go to a house,
make up their minds upon the question whether the house
was good for one, two, or three blankets, and then inform
the householder that he must produce the articles, and take
216 THE REVOLUTION.
his pay for them. In many instances, blankets were taken
directly from beds in use, and were often given up with a
cheerfulness that showed how hearty was the sympathy
felt in the cause which called for the sacrifice. On the
4th of January, 1776, an order was passed for the raising
of 4,000 blankets, the proportion of Hampshire County
being 300, divided as follows: Springfield 12, Wilbraham
6, Northampton 7, Hadley 10, Southampton 6, Amherst 8,
Granby 7, Hatfield 11, Whately 7, Westfield 32, Deerfield
10, Greenfield 10, Sunderland 10, Belchertown 7, &c. On
the llth of December, an order was passed "that one-
fourth of the Berkshire militia, and one-eighth of the
Hampshire militia, ordered by a late act to enforce the
army near New York, be forthwith marched to Albany, to
be under Gen. Schuyler's order." On the 23d of April,
1777, two battalions, of 750 men each, were ordered from
Hampshire County to Ticonderoga, to be there two months.
On the 5th of February, of that year, a Convention of
the Committees of Safety, in the several towns of Hamp-
shire County was held at Northampton. Robert Breck, a
Northampton trader, (son of the Springfield minister of
the same name,) was chosen Clerk, and Nathaniel Dwight,
President. Delegates were present from Monson, Brim-
field, Ludlow, South Hadley, Granby, Hadley, Amherst,
Belchertown, Pelham, Greenwich, Ware, Shutesbury, Sun-
derland, Warwick, Bernardston, Colerain, Shelburne,
Springfield, Hatfield, Whately, Williamsburg, Chesterfield,
Southwick, Charlemont, Deerfield, South Brimfield, (now
Wales,) Conway, Ashfield, Murrayfield, (now Chester,)
Norwich, Southampton, Westfield, Northampton, Bland-
ford, Leverett, West Springfield, Granville and Palmer.
The Convention was called for the purpose of taking into
consideration the suffering condition of the Northern Ar-
my, and it proceeded at once to advise the Committee of
Supplies to forward such supplies as were necessary for
the comfort of the army, " not doubting that the General
Court will approve thereof." A petition then came before
the Convention from Jonathan Mosely, who prayed that
his son, then confined in jail for refusing to go into the
army, might be liberated. The spirit and the necessities
of the times are indicated in the fact that the petition was
dismissed. The next action was the approval of the order
COUNTY CONVENTION. 217
of the General Court for setting up Courts of the General
. >ns of the Peace for the County, and this was fol-
lowed by an incongruous, but characteristic vote, recom-
mending to all innholders the importance of refusing to
entertain persons traveling unnecessarily on the Sabbath.
Then followed the recommendation of a plan for securing
uniformity of prices throughout the County. A Commit-
tee, appointed for the purpose, reported the following peti
tion to the General Court, and it was adopted :
" The petition of the Convention of the Committees of Safety .
Humbly sheweth that it is the humble opinion of this Conven-
tion that it is highly necessary for the public safety of the United
States in general, and this State in particular, that your hon-
ors take under consideration the conduct of inimical persons,
inhabitants of the County of Hampshire, which are daily in-
creasing, and has been proved to the satisfaction of the Con-
vention. A few particulars we humbly beg leave to lay
before your honors :
" 1st. Ever since our army retreated from New York, and
the inhumane ravage of the British troops in the Jersies, our
inimical brethren have appeared with an insulting air, and
have exerted themselves to intimidate weak minds by threat-
ening speeches, saying that the day was over with us.
" 2d. Their reflections on the General Court, openly declar-
ing that our Honorable Court of this State had made acts that
were unjust, respecting the last raised recruits, declaring that
the Committees or Selectmen dare as well be damned as to
draught them for the army, and that, if they were draughted,
they would rather fight against our own men than against our
enemies.
" 3d. Their using their utmost endeavors to destroy the cur-
rency of our paper money, counterfeiting the same, strength-
ening the hands of our enemies, discouraging our friends,
paying no regard to the Committees of Safety, frequently
meeting, and holding a correspondence from town to town,
endeavoring to prevent the raising a new levy of men, which
is of the utmost consequence to our safety in this critical day ;
and we cannot put any other construction upon the conduct
of those that appear inimical to us, but that they are plotting
our ruin."
The petition closes with a request that these matters be
taken into consideration, and such remedies devised as may
seem proper. On the 20th of April, 1778, 2,000 men
were ordered to be raised to fill up the fifteen continental
19
218 THH REVOLUTION.
battalions, which the State had been required to furnish,
of which Hampshire was ordered to furnish 242. Spring-
field and Northampton furnished 13 each. The fine for
refusing to go was 20. The term of service was nine
months, and each man was to hare 6d. a mile for travel, and
six dollars for blanket, &c. On the same day, an order
was passed for raising 1,300 men for North River, and
200 for Rhode Island, of which Hampshire County was
required to furnish 182. During the same year, by anoth-
er order, 1800 men were to be raised for Rhode Island, of
which 199 were to come from Hampshire, and 102 from
Berkshire. This last order was subsequently so altered
that 100 men were to go to Rhode Island from the South
part of Hampshire, while the remainder of the troops, with
those from Berkshire, should proceed to Albany to join
Gen. Stark. June 23d, of the same year, 1,000 men were
ordered to guard the prisoners of the convention entered
into by Gates and Burgoyne. During the same year, too,
an order was passed for collecting shirts, shoes and stock-
ings, equal in number each, to one-seventh of the males.
Wm. Scott of Palmer was the collecting agent for Hamp-
shire County. June 1st, 1779, an order was passed for
raising a large number of shirts, shoes and stockings for
the army, the proportion of Springfield being 66, and
Northampton 64. On the 8th of the same month, 800
men were ordered to be raised, to serve in Rhode Island,
the term of service to extend to Jan. 1st, 1780. Of these,
102 were to come from Hampshire. They were to have
16 per month, in addition to the continental pay. On the
same day, 2,000 men were ordered to be raised, to fill up
the 15 continental battalions of the State. They were or-
dered to meet at Springfield, and Justin Ely of that town
was appointed to receive them, and deliver them over to
the continental officers. The term of service was nine
months, and the fine for refusing to go, when draughted,
was 45. Of these troops, Hampshire was ordered to
raise 228. On the 9th of October following, 2,000 men
were ordered to be raised, to co-operate with the French
allies, of which 450 were to be from Hampshire, and 200
from Berkshire. The fine for refusing to serve was fixed
at 50. The troops from these two counties were to form
one regiment, each soldier receiving 1G per month, in
COMMITTEES OF SAFETY. 219
at I Jit ion to his regular continental pay, to receive a bonus
<!' t'.'jO from the towns they shoulJ go from, and to draw
l\\o shillings mileage. On the 4th of May, another order
for the collection of shirts, shoes, stockings and blankets
was passed. The number of blankets to be collected was
just half that of the other articles. The proportion of
Springfield was forty-two shirts, shoes and stockings, arid
twenty-one blankets, while the number required from the
other towns was approximately in the ratio of their popu-
lation.
These statistics show what immense draughts were made
upon the physical resources of Western Massachusetts, in
common with other sections of the state and country, in
order to effect that revolution whose fruits are now so
abundant and so widely enjoyed. So weak became the
towns, after two or three years had passed away, so neces-
sary was it to remain at home for the maintenance of wives
and children, that many of these requisitions were not com-
plied with, the draughted men paying their fines, and re-
fusing to leave their homes. It is recorded in a journal
kept by the minister in Westfield, at that time, that when,
on the 13th of May, 1778, a requisition was made for men
from that town, " Noah Cobley and Paul Noble went, and
David Fowler, Roger Bagg, Enoch Holcomb, Joseph
Dewey, Simeon Stiles, Jacob Noble, Benjamin Sexton,
John Moxley, Martin Root, Stephen Fowler, Eli Granger,
Roger Noble and Daniel Fowler paid their fines."
The administration of civil affairs in the Western coun-
ties, during the early period of the Revolutionary strug-
gle, presented some eccentricities which are worthy of
notice. It will have been observed that the Convention of
the Committees of Safety at Northampton received a peti-
tion that one Mosely be released from jail. This petition,
of itself, indicates the power which the Safety Committees
of the time possessed. They differed from the " Vigilance
Committees" that were established during the municipal
infamy of the new settlements on the Pacific coast, in
tlicii- existence by the consent or connivance of the State
:iml continental authorities. They formed, in fact, one of
the most powerful auxiliaries of both. The recognition of
cominitUM.'s was practiced by the Courts themselves, a
fact well illustrated by an occurrence that took place in
THE REVOLUTION.
Greenfield. People in the vicinity of a thick forest on the
East side of Fall river, in that town, had noticed a smoke
rising above the trees. The Safety Committee of the town
were notified of the fact, and, repairing to the spot, found
a man named Harrington, who inhabited a kind of cave,
in which he had gathered all the tools necessary for coun-
terfeiting. They took him and conveyed him to North-
ampton, where they brought him before Judge Joseph
Hawley. The judge told the Committee that the jail was
so full of tories that it would hold no more, and advised
them to take him into the pine woods, North of the town,
and give him as many lashes as they thought best, and let
him go. The sentence was executed, three of the Com-
mittee giving him light blows, but the fourth believed that,
in whipping, the lashes should be " well laid on," and
brought blood at every stroke. They then bathed his
wounds with spirits, gave him to drink of the same, and,
after exacting of him a promise not to be seen in those
parts again, let him go. He thanked them for their lenity,
and kept his pledge.
At this day, it is impossible to find such an abundance
of incidents connected with the Revolution in this region,
as will serve to impregnate with life and interest the dry
statistics to which the narrator is confined. The tongues
that could have related them are now silent, or falter with
the weakness or the indistinct memories of age. Such let-
ters as might aid the historian are buried in the unexplored
lumber of private garrets and public halls. It is difficult
to follow the men of Hampshire and Berkshire who en-
listed in the war, and participated in its reverses and vic-
tories. In many cases it is impossible. The companies
of minute men which went promptly from both counties to
Boston were there mostly re-organized, having enlisted for
eight months, and served in different regiments. Besides
the company from Greenfield, under Capt. Childs, many
other companies from Hampshire County marched, upon
the Lexington alarm, and all, or nearly all, did eight
months' service. Col. Timothy Danielson of Brimfield,
the President of the County Congress at Northampton in
1775, had the command of a regiment. To this regiment
belonged a company of Gl men i'rom Springfield, of which
Gideon Burt was Captain, Walter Pynchon 1st Lieuten-
THE MINUTE MEN. 221
rml. mid Aaron Steel 2d do. A company from tho towns
<>!' lirlchrrtown, Ware, Greenwich and Hardwick went,
under the command of Capt. Jonathan Bardwell, whose
Lu-utrnant.s were William Gilmore of Ware, and Moses
Howe of Belchertown. The Northampton company of
minute men numbered 69, and were commanded by Capt.
Jonathan Allen, whose Lieutenants were Oliver Lyman
and James Shepherd. West Springfield sent 53 men, un-
di-r Capt. Enoch Chapin, whose Lieutenants were Samuel
Flowers and Luke Day, the latter of whom must be sub-
jected to less honorable mention in connection with the no-
torious rebellion of 178G-87. Capt. Reuben Dickinson
of Amherst commanded a company of 61 men from Am-
herst, Shutesbury and Leverett, and had for his Lieuten-
ants Zaccheus Crocker of Shutesbury, and Joseph Dickin-
son of Amherst. Blandford and Murrayfield, (now
Chester,) -sent a company of 36 men, under Capt. John
Ferguson.
On the Lexington alarm, ten men left Williamsburg,
under Capt. Abel Thayer, who seems to have been too
impatient to wait for 21 others who followed him, and at-
tached themselves to his prompt little corps. Westfield
turned out a noble company of 70 men, under Capt. War-
ham Parks, whose Lieutenants were John Shepard and
Kirhard Falley. Every man in this company was from
Westfield. Forty-six men went from Southampton, under
the command of Capt. Lemuel Pomeroy. A few of these
seem to have belonged in Northampton and Norwich, and
Jonathan Wales of the former town was 1st Lieutenant.
I'd ham and Greenwich sent 58 men, under Capt. Isaac
(I ray. His 1st Lieutenant was Thomas Willington, and
he appears to have belonged in Watertown. His 2d
Lieutenant was Josiah Wilcox of Greenwich. Capt. Seth
Murray of Hatfield, commanded a company of 49 men
from that town, while his first Lieutenant was Samuel
Cook of JIadley. Worthington and Ashfield formed a
noble company of 71 men, under Capt. Ebenezer Webber
of the former town, whose Lieutenants were Samuel Bart-
lett and Samuel Allen, both of Ashfield. The company
from Grauville numbered 60 men, under Capt. Lebbeus
Ball, whose 1st Lieutenant was Lemuel Bancroft of South-
wick. A second company was formed in Greenfield, con-
19*
222 THE REVOLUTION.
sisting of 64 men, under Capt. Agrippa Wells, or " Capt.
Grip," as he was termed in the familiar style of his asso-
ciates.
Col. Danielson of Brimfield has already been mentioned
as the commander of a regiment. His Lieutenant Col.
was William Shepherd of AVestfield, and the Major of the
regiment was David Leonard. Col. Woodbridge of South
Hadley had also the command of a regiment. Two regi-
ments of minute men were formed in Berkshire County,
one made up from the middle and Northern parts of the
county under Colonel (afterwards General,) Patterson of
Lenox, and the other formed in the Southern part of the
County, under Colonel (afterwards General) Fellows of
Sheffield. The privates in these regiments became mostly
" eight months men," while some of them enlisted for the
war. The news of the battle of Lexington arrived in the
county two days after its occurrence, at about mid-day,
and the next morning Col. Patterson's regiment were on
their way to Boston, completely armed and equipped, and
mostly in uniform. After the re-organization of Col. Pat-
terson's Regiment, Jeremiah Cady of Dalton (then Ashue-
lot Equivalent,) was constituted Major, and among the
Captains were Charles Dibble of Lenox, Nathan Watkins
of Peru, (then Partridgefield) Thomas Williams of Stock-
bridge, David Noble of Pittsfield, and Samuel Sloane of
Williamstown. General Fellows' regiment numbered
among its Captains, William King and Peter Ingersoll cf
Great Barrington, William Bacon of Sheffield, Ebenezer
Smith of New Marlborough, Soule of Sandisfield,
William Goodrich of Stockbridge, and Noah Allen of Ty-
ringham. A company of Indians from Stockbridge, under
Capt. Abraham Nimham, one of the tribe, was among
those that enlisted in Berkshire, and at the battle of White
Plains, four of them were killed in the service of the
country. Others served honorably elsewhere, and in so
high esteem were they held by General Washington, that
at the close of the war, a feast was given them by his com-
mand, in Stockbridge, of which the whole tribe partook.
On the day of the ever memorable battle of Bunker
Hill, Col. Patterson's regiment defended Fort No. 3, in
Charlestown, a work of their own construction. Both of
the Berkshire regiments remained in the vicinity of Bos-
MOVEMENTS OP THE TROOPS. 223
ton, until the place was evacuated, in March, 1776, some
of tin-ni, however, being connected with the terrible expe-
dition of Gen. Arnold to Quebec, and sharing in all its
hardships. After the evacuation, Col. Patterson's regi-
ment proceeded to New York, and thence to Canada, for
the purpose of joining Arnold. Owing to the news of his
failure at Quebec, they did not proceed to that city, but
some of them engaged in the disastrous battle at The Ce-
dars. Retreating from Canada, their route led them to
Crown Point and Ticonderoga. Crossing the bay, they
fortified Mount Independence, from which point, in No-
vember, they marched to Albany. Proceeding thence to
Esopus, they passed through the Minisink country, and
joined Gen. Washington's forces at Newtown, Pa., in time
to cross the Delaware with him, and participate in the bat-
tles of Trenton and Princeton. This regiment was also
active in the capture of Burgoyne. The extent of the
sufferings of the regiment between the dates of its depart-
ure from New York, and its arrival at Newtown, may be
gathered from the fact that when they left New York they
numbered over 600, and when they joined Gen. Washing-
ton, there were only 220 of them. Death in battle, dis-
ease and capture had nearly destroyed them. The battle
of Bennington was fought on the 16th of August, and on
the 13th of September following, Gen. Lincoln detached
Col. Brown of - Pittsfield, with a body of 500 men, many
of whom belonged in Berkshire, for the purpose of recov-
ering Ticouderoga and other posts that had fallen into the
possession of the royal army, in its passage from the North.
Though it was found impracticable to reduce either Ticon-
deroga or Mount Independence, the gallant body took
Mount Defiance and Mount Hope^ 200 batteaux, several
gun-boats, an armed sloop and 290 prisoners. They also
released 100 Americans. Col. Brown was a man of great
shrewdness and prudence, and was among the first, if not
the first, to read the real character of the traitor Arnold.
Two years before Arnold's treason, Brown declared that
such was his " baseness of heart his love of gold that if
the British should find out the man, he would prove a traitor
to his country." Col. Brown was chosen for the delicate
and dangerous enterprise of going to Canada to excite the
province against the rule of the mother country, and-attach
224 THE REVOLUTION.
it to the cause of the Revolution. It was while there that
he sounded the character of Arnold, whom he. charged in
a handbill with levying contributions on the inhabitants of
Canada, for his own private use and benefit. lie was then
but a young man, and was only 36 years old, when, on the
19th day of October, 1780, he, having made a sally with
his men from Fort Paris, to assist Gen. Van Rensellaer in
heading off Johnson with his tories and savages, fell in an
ambuscade, at Stone Arabia, in Palatine, N. Y.
Gen. Fellows was at the battle of White Plains, and
both he and General Patterson were survivors of the war.
Rev. Cornelius Jones, the first minister of Sandisfield, and
subsequently a wealthy farmer in Rome, N. Y., command-
ed a company of militia from the latter town, at the cap-
ture of Burgoyne. Col. Oliver Root of Pittsfield was u
survivor of the ambuscade at Stone Arabia, where Col.
Brown fell, and lived to an advanced age. Dr. Timothy
Childs of Pittsfield was a surgeon in the Army, and
marched with Capt. Noble's company of minute men, to
Cambridge, in 1775. Rev. Whitman Welch of Williams-
town, a chaplain in the Army, died near Quebec in 1776.
Col. Mark Hopkins, of Great Barrington, died at White
Plains.
The tories in Western Massachusetts were few in num-
ber, and occupied everywhere a very uncomfortable posi-
tion. After the opening of hostilities, those who favored
the cause of the King, at heart, were very chary in the
expression of their sentiments. That there were a few
brawlers, is evident, from the petition of the county con-
vention assembled at Northampton in 1777. The clergy,
as has already been stated, were almost unanimously in
favor of the patriot cause. Among those who were in
reality opposed to it were Rev. Mr. Ashley of Deerfield,
who had married a relative of Gov. Hutchinson, and Rev.
Mr. Newton of Greenfield, over whom Mr. Ashley was
supposed to exercise considerable influence. On one occa-
sion, these two clergymen made an exchange, and Mr. Ash-
ley was informed by Mr. Newton that he might take the
occasion to treat upon the subject of the Revolution, " by
way of caution to the people." Mr. Ashley somewhat en-
larged upon the liberty granted him, and seriously offended
the congregation. During the intermission of service, at
THE TORIES. 225
noon, the friends of the patriot cause assembled, and talked
the matter over. They finally resolved themselves into a
meeting, and chose a committee to take measures in rela-
tion to the afternoon preaching, which they did by fasten-
ing up the meeting house. When Mr. Ashley came to
commence the afternoon service, he was met at the door by
one of his Deerfield parishioners, who gave him a signifi-
cant nudge with his elbow. After repeating this form of
salutation, Mr. Ashley asked him the reason of the attack,
and admonished him that he " should not rebuke an elder."
" An elder ? an elder ?" replied his tormentor, " if you had
not said you was an elder, I should have thought you was
a poison sumach." Mr. Ashley had to retire without en-
tering the church. But this was not the last of the rev-
erend gentleman's troubles. Returning to his own parish,
at Deerfield, he soon after preached a sermon in which he
spoke against the patriot cause, and gave his opinion that
those Americans who fell at Lexington had met with a,
fearful doom in the next world. On the following Sab-
bath, he undertook to enter his pulpit, but found it spiked
up. After ineffectual attempts to enter, he turned to one
of his deacons, and requested him to go and get his ham-
mer, and force for him an entrance. The deacon was a
blacksmith, but informed his pastor that he did not work on
the Sabbat h. At last, an axe was procured, and the pul-
pit entered.
Capt. Agrippa Wells, of Greenfield, (who, with his com-
pany, was present at the capture of Burgoyne,) was at one
time at home on a furlough, and Rev. Mr. Newton, who,
with all his leanings to toryism, had managed to keep a ju-
dicious seat upon the fence, called at the house of the offi-
cer to learn the news. He found the family at a meal,
and, in the course of the conversation, either sportively or
in earnest, asked the Captain what they intended to do with
the tories. " What do with them ?" shouted Capt. Wells,
bringing his fist down upon the table with a force that
made the table furniture ring and dance, " do with 'em,
damn Ym, we intend to hang the devils." Mr. Newton
probably did not indulge in any greater freedom of expres-
sion after this than lie had before.
There was in Lenox a notorious tory, who stubbornly
resisted all moral suasion plied by his Whig neighbors, to
226 THE REVOLUTION.
induce him to support the continental cause, Tho Vigi-
lance Committee of the town finally took his case into se-
rious consideration, and agreed to arrest and scare his
toryism out of him. Accordingly, one day, on his appear-
ance in the village for business, he was arrested and taken
before the Committee, and told that he must either sur-
render his allegiance to King George, or dangle at the end
of a rope from the sign-post. He told them to " hang, and
be d d," for he should continue a subject of his lawful
king as long as he had life to serve him. The alternative
was immediately proceeded with, and having fastened a
halter about his neck, he was attended with due solemnity
to the sign-post, pulled up, and suffered to remain until
nearly defunct. They then let him down, and suffering
him to revive, asked him if he was willing to hurra for the
Continental Congress. Though somewhat tamed, he still
refused, and was suspended a second time, until his situa-
tion became decidedly uncomfortable, and his executioners
feared they had finished him. Being lowered again and
plied with restoratives, he was brought to once more, and
then informed that he must renounce his opposition, or
hang in earnest a third time. The experiment proved suc-
cessful, and he agreed to swing his hat in favor of the col-
onial cause. He was then taken into the tavern and
favored with a glass of toddy, when he remarked " Gen-
tlemen, this is one way to make Whigs, but, by thunder, it'll
do it."
An aged lady still survives in Springfield, who receives
a regular pension from the British Government, for ser-
vices rendered that Government by her husband, who was
on the tory side in the Revolution. She has probably re-
ceived an aggregate of $10,000, in the course of her life.
Re?. Abraham Hill of Shutesbury was among those who
were opposed to the patriot cause. His sentiments on this
subject alienated him from his people so far that his con-
nection with them was finally broken up, his church hav-
ing become reduced to a solitary member. While it does
not appear that any considerable number of the clergymen
of Hampshire County served as chaplains in the revolu-
tionary army, there were many of them who warmly es-
poused the American cause, among whom Rev. Dr. Joseph
Lyman of Hatfield was conspicuous. Among those who
THE NATIONAL ARMORY. 227
served as chaplains in the army, from Berkshire, were Rev.
George Throop of Otis, Rev. Daniel Avery of Windsor,
and Uev. Thomas Allen of Pittsfield, who was a partici-
pator in the battle of Bennington. One of the chaplains
from Hampshire County, Rev. Jonathan Smith of Chico-
pee, still survives, and his silver hair and venerable form
are familiar to all in the region of his home, who attend
the annual celebrations of the National birthday.
It was during the period of the Revolutionary war that
those steps were taken which subsequently led to the es-
tablishment of one. of the national armories in Springfield.
The town became, at first, a recruiting post and rendezvous
for soldiers. Then, in consequence of its inland and cen-
tral situation, and its distance from points subject to sud-
den attacks of the enemy, it was fixed upon as a depot for
military stores, and a place for repairing arms, &c. At
that time the repairing shops were on Main street, and the
mechanics employed lived in the same locality. No pub-
lic buildings were erected then, and a laboratory for
cartridges, and such other fireworks as were used, occupied
a barn. A few cannon were also cast at this point, and the
late Gen. Mattoon of Amherst, one of Hampshire's bravest
and most energetic spirits in the Revolution, used to tell
of an order that he received from Gen. Gates, to proceed
to Springfield, and convey a number of cannon from that
point to the field of operations in New York. The Gen-
eral rode from Amherst to Springfield on Sunday, and with
a small body of men, accomplished the task, " and those
cannon told at Saratoga." In the course of two or three
years, during 1778 and 1779, the works were moved to the
1 1 ill, where, modeled and amplified to an extent that rivals
the armories of the old world, they still remain. The
works in their earlier days were protected by a guard, and
aitrr the close of the war, in 1784, sixty troops came from
West Point, under the command of Major J. Williams, and
" were stationed there for the Winter, as a guard to the
magazine and other military stores on Continental Hill."
The scarcity of money in the army during the Revolu-
tion, is very strikingly illustrated by an incident which oc-
curred in West Springfield. After the capture of Bur-
goyne, a detachment of the American army arrived at that
town, on their way Eastward. "While there, the paymaster
228 THE REVOLUTION.
was taken sick, and was attended faithfully for several
days by Dr. Chauncey Brewer of Springfield. At the
close of his sickness, he informed the Doctor that he had
no money, and insisted that he should take for his fee the
money box. This he accepted, and it is still preserved by
Mr. James Brewer of Springfield, as a precious memorial
of " the times that tried men's souls."
The definitive treaty of peace between Great Britain
and the United States, signed on the 3d of September,
1783, was duly celebrated by such public demonstrations
of joy, in many of the towns of Western Massachusetts,
as the impoverished condition of the people would permit.
The extent of these demonstrations was, however, no indi-
cation of the deep sense of relief and gratification arising
from the fact that the many sacrifices that had been of-
fered, of life and treasure, had purchased that freedom for
which they had been so nobly made. There was a public
celebration of the event at Westfield. The "morning. was
ushered in," by the report of cannon, and a flag of the
United States, then a new ensign, was displayed at the top
of a pole erected on the green. At noon, thirteen cannon
were fired in honor of the states then composing the con-
federacy. The assembly then proceeded to the church,
and listened to an appropriate sermon from Rev. Noah At-
water, the pastor of the Westfield church, " and an excel-
lent anthem was sung, suited to the occasion." After the
exercises closed, the majority of the leading citizens, with
a number of gentlemen from Springfield and the neighbor-
ing towns, sat down to a dinner. The toasts which followed
were " each accompanied by a discharge of cannon." The
company drank to the United States, to lieace, to the gen-
erous and faithful allies of the states, to the Continental
Congress, to Gen. Washington, to the memory of those who
had fallen, to oblivion to all distinction of whig and tory
among the people, and they drank
" Success to the lover, honor to the brave,
Health to the sick and freedom to the slave."
The evening exercises consisted of a brilliant display of
fireworks. The Hampshire Herald, from which this ac-
count is taken, follows its report with the statement that
during the preceding week about 700 or 800 troops, on
CELEBBATION OP PEACE. 229
their way home from the wars, had passed through the
town, and testifies to the decency and good order of their
behavior. Northampton also celebrated the event. A ser-
inon was preached on the occasion by Rev. Mr. Spring, and
the proclamation of peace was read from the court house
steps, by the sheriff of the county, before the militia under
arms, and a large concourse of gentlemen ; " and the even-
ing was concluded with decent mirth and hilarity." The
ladies of the town, who had been as deeply engaged in the
cause of the Revolution as their fathers, husbands and
brothers, were much offended because they were allowed
no part in the matter, and, on the next day, met and had
a celebration by themselves. After drinking to Lady
Washington and Congress, the following toasts and senti-
ments were given : " Reformation to our husbands," " May
the gentlemen and ladies ever unite on joyful occasions,"
" Happiness and prosperity to our families," " Reformation
to the men in general," and " May reformed husbands ever
find obedient wives." Some miserable rhymester of the
day caricatured their movements, in the public prints, and
described their procession as follows :
u The presidentess, spry to leap,
Led first as shepherd leads the sheep,
The rest pushed on with sturdy straddle,
With each in hand a pudding paddle.
By neat tow strings all at their backs,
Hung thirteen pretty little sacks j
All tied tight they did conceal
Just thirteen quarts of Indian meal.
Each had a spoon of white-wood metal,
Each at her side a nice tin kettle.
Thus fixed, they marched right through the town,
Nor would be stopped by spark or clown.
Old Dido with her Tyrian band
Ne'er cut a flash one half so grand,
While they moved on with pomp and show,
To take some tea and pudding too,"
20
CHAPTER XVI.
THE SHAYS REBELLION ITS ORIGIN AND PROGRESS.
The joy of peace and the exultation of freedom were
destined to give early place to an apprehension of evil,
springing not from foreign foes, for they were vanquished,
but from internal dissensions and lawless outbreaks of pop-
ular force. The expenses of the war, the depreciation of
the paper issues of money, the heavy taxation, and the ex-
tent of town and individual debts, began, some two or three
years previous to the close of the war, to awaken a spirit of
popular discontent in Massachusetts, that, in the course of a
few years, ripened into a most unhappy and disgraceful
rebellion. More than any other cause more than taxa-
tion or deterioration of money the wide existence of pri-
vate indebtedness, and the legal efforts made for the
collection of claims, operated to bring about the uneasiness
and its shameful and disastrous results. It is a common
fault that, in times of pecuniary distress, the people attrib-
ute to the government the evils from which they suffer,
and it is not a subject of marvel that when a proportion of
the people felt themselves helplessly within the power of
their creditors, they should grow restive, and seek in un-
tried channels the relief which common means failed to
command ; nor is it new that at such times demagogues
should be found ready to take advantage of popular dis-
content, to win notoriety to themselves, and advance their
own interests. Conventions began to be held in Western
Massachusetts, as early as 1781, to consult upon the sub-
ject of grievances. These Conventions were made up of
delegates from several towns, and, based on their action,
demagogism took early occasion to excite the spirit of re-
bellion. The earliest and most inveterate demagogue in
the field was Samuel Ely. He was a cast-off, irregular
preacher, who had acted as a minister of the Gospel sev-
eral years at Somers, Ct. He was a vehement, brazen-
faced declaimer, abounding in his hypocritical pretensions
to piety, and an industrious sower of discord ; and he de-
SAMUEL ELY, THE " MOBBER." 231
lighted in nothing more than in arousing jealousies between
the poor and the rich. He brought his misguided parish-
ioners at Somers to such a deplorable condition in a few
years that they were constrained to call a Council of the
neighboring ministers, who, upon submitting to an exami-
nation his moral and literary qualifications, unhesitatingly
pronounced him unfit for the desk, and he was compelled
t" leave, and Hampshire County became his subsequent
home, and the scene of his operations. Here he soon
found his place, and his tools. No field could have been
better prepared for his seditious spirit. He promoted the
culling of Conventions, and then used their action as a pre-
text for rebellion and riot, and was but too successful. In
the month of April, 1782, he succeeded in raising a mob
of sufficient force to disturb the holding of the Supreme
Judicial Court and the Court of Common Pleas at North-
ampton. For his connection with this affair, he was ar-
iv -ted, and pleading guilty to the indictment against him,
was condemned to a term of imprisonment in Springfield.
While under sentence, and at a time when the people were
withdrawn from the town, a mob assembled and released
him. Three persons, supposed to be ringleaders in the
rescue, were arrested and committed to jail in Northamp
ton. These were Capt. Dinsmore, Lieut. Paul King, and
Lieut. P. Bardwell, and they were held as hostages for the
delivery of Ely. Another mob then gathered for the re-
lease of the ringleaders. They assembled in Hatfield to
the number of 300 persons, under Capt. Reuben Dickin-
son, while the Sheriff of the County, Gen. Elihu Porter
of Hadley, called out the militia to the number of 1,200,
for the protection of the jail. On the 15th of June, Capt.
Dickinson dispatched three men to Northampton, with a
proposition to the Sheriff for a committee to meet the riot-
ers one mile from Northampton, in two hours and a half
from the delivery of the message. Gen. Porter declined,
and the next morning received the following note from
Dickinson: "The demands of our body are as follows:
that you bring the prisoners that are now in jail, viz. Capt.
Dinsmore, Lt. King and Lt. Bardwell, forthwith. That
you deliver up Dea. Wells' bonds, and any other that may
be given in consequence of the recent disturbance. The
above men to be delivered on the parade, now in our pos-
232 THE SHAYS REBELLION.
session the return to be made in half an hour." This
insulting demand was considered, and so far yielded to that
the three men were released on their parole of honor,
agreeing to deliver up the body of Samuel Ely to the
Sheriff, or in default thereof, their own bodies, on the order
of the General Court. Nothing could have been more
contemptibly pusillanimous than the conduct of Gen. Por-
ter on this occasion. That the leniency of the General
Court in the treatment of this breach of the peace was the
cause of the subsequent disturbances is not now to be said,
but the fact that all the notice they took of it was, at their
session in the November following, to pardon every man
concerned in the riot, except Ely, would naturally lead to
that opinion.
This action of the General Court, if it was intended for
good, failed entirely of its end, for the " mobbers," as they
were called, placed the construction of fear and weakness
upon their leniency. The very next year, on the last day
of the holding of the Court of Common Pleas and the
Court of the General Sessions of the Peace, at Springfield,
it being in the month of May, a mob collected from differ-
ent parts of the county to the number of about sixty, to
prevent the session. In the forenoon, they showed no dis-
position to oppose the Courts, but at two o'clock in the af-
ternoon, they assembled at a tavern, resolved themselves
into a Convention of the County for the redress of griev-
ances, and then, after passing a series of resolves, adjourned
to an elm tree near the Court House, armed with blud-
geons. At length, the bell rang for the assembling of the
Court, when the Judges, headed by the Sheriff, appeared,
and were opposed as they endeavored to enter the build-
ing. The Sheriff calmly expostulated, but without effect,
save upon the inhabitants who had assembled, and who
immediately commenced an action upon the mob, and suc-
ceeded in repulsing them. Those who could retire were
glad to get off with broken heads and contused faces, while
several were taken and committed to prison. Afterwards,
by a regular procedure, they were brought before the
Court of Sessions for examination, and were bound to ap-
pear for trial before the Supreme Court.
On the 29th of September following, a meeting of the
Committees of seven towns was held at Deerfield, "to
CONVENTIONS. 233
take into consideration the deplorable situation the people
of the County and the Commonwealth are in, and the
more deplorable situation they are soon like to be in, by
reason of the very great scarcity of a circulating medium."
The Convention professed to see before them a general
and awful bankruptcy, and, while they did not assume to
point out the measures of relief, they thought something
should be done. Among the grievances complained of by
tiiis Convention was the burden placed upon them by
their location in the Northern part of the County, being
thus distant from the Courts of Justice and the offices of
the Register and Treasurer, and, in consequence, subject
to much more expense than those living in the middle and
Southern parts of the County. This trouble they pro-
posed to remedy by petitioning the General Court for a
division of the County, or for the removal of the Courts
wholly from Springfield to Northampton. The Conven-
tion deemed it of importance that a Convention of the
County, should be held to take these and other matters
into consideration, and requested delegates from the seve-
ral towns to meet at Hatfield on the 20th of October, at
the house of Seth Marsh, for that purpose. Accordingly,
on that day, delegates from twenty-seven towns in the
County assembled, and discussed the subjects of the
National and -State debts, and the necessity of their pay-
ment. This body was moderate and judicious in the
expression of its views, but while it recommended the
good people of the County to acquire, by industry in their
several callings, the money necessary for the payment of
their taxes, they expressed the opinion that it was impos-
sible for them to do so at so rapid a rate as the Govern-
ment demanded.
At the close of the war, the people of the Common-
wealth had the opportunity of seeing just how far they
had become involved, and what burdens rested upon them.
The State" debt amounted to more than 1,300,000, and
there was due the Massachusetts officers and soldiers no
than 250,000, while the proportion of the federal
(Ifht, for which the State was responsible, was, at lra>t.
1,500,000. Every town was also in debt for the supplies
it had furnished its soldiers. AVhen it is remembered that,
for nearly nine years, the expenditures that created this
20*
234 THE SHAT3 REBELLION.
debt had been in progress, and that a large portion of the
productive forces of the State had been diverted into the
channel of war, it can readily be imagined that a people
never rich, must have become extremely poor. The im-
post and excise duties could only partially relieve the tax-
ation upon polls and estates. Legislation became difficult.
The people complained of the policy of paying only the
interest on the debt of the State, as not lightening them of
their burdens, and then they complained when, in 1784,
the Legislature issued a tax of 140,000 towards the re-
demption of the debt, as well as when, two years subse-
quently, 100,000 was assessed for the same purpose.
At this time, and consequent upon the loose morals to
which war so inevitably leads, there had sprung up a love
of luxury and indolence. The thrifty and staid habits of
earlier days had been broken in upon by the excitements
of the Revolution, and the whole public mind and morals
suffered. Credit abroad was good, and a ruinous super-
fluity of importation followed. The opposition of policy
between private debtors and creditors was not greater than
that between rival interests in the Legislature. Those
who represented the landed interest were in favor of rais-
ing the whole revenue by impost duties, while those repre-
senting the commercial interest protested against the policy
as unjust.
On the third of July, 1782, the "Tender Act" was
passed, for the benefit of private debtors. This made neat
cattle and other articles a legal tender, and by its retro-
spective operation only tended to suspend lawsuits, and
thus increase the very evil it was intended to obviate.
This law did not last long, but it lived long enough to set
a high example of injustice to creditors, which lawlessness
too readily followed. Congress having promised half pay
for life to such officers as should remain in the service, by
a resolve of the 22d of March, 1782, commuted the sum
to five years' full pay, which latter act, though involving a
change extremely favorable to the States, raised a great
outcry. This matter of commutation was one of the
grievances complained of at the Deerfield and Hatfield
Conventions, though the army officers had but little for the
outcry raised on their -account, the paper promises they
received even being insufficient to make up the losses they
CONVENTIONS AND MOBS. 235
had experienced on the nearly worthless money they had
received for their regular pay. Their securities then
passed into the hands of speculators, when the shameless
cry was raised that the Commonwealth was not in honor
bound to pay a man more for them than they had cost
him, and should avail itself of the depreciation of its secu-
rities for its own benefit.
It has already been seen that the machinery which pop-
ular discontent proposed for the relief of its difficulties
was Conventions and mobs, and this was the machinery
used from first to last. The Conventions were at first re-
spectable, and disclaimed all connection with mobs. Sub-
sequently they became the abettors of violence. The
mobs themselves had originally one object, and that, the
stoppage of the Inferior Courts, so that debts might not be
collected, and subsequently the destruction of the Superior
Courts, so that themselves might not be in danger of trial
for their crimes. In this was found the real motive which
actuated the rioters, while their pretended motives were
based upon the action of the Conventions, which published
their lists of grievances, declaring them to be attributable
to a defective Constitution, a badly framed Government,
and oppressive legislation. The bold charges of the Con-
ventions carried with them a moral power which, while it
weakened the Government and drew to them the sympa-
thies of many who at first would have shrunk from all
thoughts of treasonable violence, gave decided countenance
to the rioters, and strengthened the hands of the dema-
gogues who led them. It was undoubtedly the fact, too,
that, as the Conventions grew stronger and more denun-
ciatory, better men with better motives appeared among
the leaders of the mob, insomuch that whereas, at first, the
mob was composed of a set of unprincipled scoundrels,
who were willing to follow the lead of Ely, it finally be-
came a larger and far more respectable body, with more
respectable leaders. It thus proved that the more the
Conventions increased in magnitude and decreased in
character, the larger became the mob and more elevated,
until, at last, they stood on even ground, and played into
each others' hands. Between the Conventions and the
mobs, everything became a grievance. Lawyers were a
grievance because they assisted in the administration of
236 TflE SHAYS REBELLION.
justice. This prejudice -went so far that by popular voice
they were excluded alike from the House of Representa-
tives and the Senate. In the scarcity of a circulating
medium, there was a loud popular call for an emission of
paper money. The Legislature refused, and that was a
grievance. In short, the grievances were nearly number-
less, as will hereafter be seen.
On the 15th of August, 1786, a Convention of thirty-
seven towns in Worcester County assembled in the town
of Worcester, and voted, to start with, that it was " a law-
ful and constitutional body." It then entered into a dis-
cussion of the causes of discontent among the people, and
at last agreed upon the following enumeration of them :
" 1. The sitting of the General Court in Boston; 2d, The
want of a circulating medium ; 3d, The abuses in the prac-
tice of the law and the exorbitance of the fee-table ; 4th,
The existence of the Courts of Common Pleas in f heir
present mode of administration ; 5th, The appropriating
the revenues arising from the impost and excise to the
payment of the interest of the State securities ; 6th, The
unreasonable and unnecessary grants made by our Gene-
ral Court to the Attorney General and others ; 7th, The
servants of the Government being too numerous and hav-
ing too great salaries ; 8th, This Commonwealth granting
aid or paying moneys to Congress while our public ac-
counts remain unsettled." This was a formidable list of
grievances, and the Convention only proposed that they
should be redressjed by lawful and constitutional means,
and bore particular testimony against all riots, mobs and
unconstitutional combinations. The Convention voted to
correspond with its sister counties in Convention, and
peaceably adjourned.
The tendency of this and similar Conventions was
plainly seen and pointed out by the more judicious corres-
pondents of the public prints of the period. These wri-
ters attributed the prevailing pressures to extravagance in
living and dress, and to the large consumption of British
fabrics. One says : " How much soever we may be op-
pressed, yet thus much is certain ; we cannot be oppressed
without justice. Why then should we wish to stop its
execution ? If we have honestly involved ourselves in
public or private debts, let us as honestly discharge the
THE HATFIELD CONVENTION. 237
ions we have voluntarily contracted. We have
nobly bled for our liberty, and finally obtained the victory.
But at the rate we are about to use it, God knows it can-
not be much preferable to slavery." Another says " "We
see them assembling in Conventions to concert measures
to defraud their own and the public creditors." Still
another declares that " these Conventions naturally tend to
weaken and subvert the Government." The Conventions
came also under the lashing pen of satire, which, following
their mode of procedure, declared it " a grievance that
money is scarce and a greater grievance that honesty is
scarcer ; a grievance that one knave leads ten fools by the
nose ; a grievance that those who have done the most to
make the times bad should complain most of the bad-
ness of them ; a grievance that men who cry and bawl,
merely to make themselves popular, should be regarded,
and a grievance that we should be so ungrateful to Heav-
en for the salvations and blessings we have received, as to
murmur at difficulties necessarily incurred in order to ob-
tain them."
The Worcester Convention was followed, on the 22d of
August, by a Convention of delegates, from fifty towns in
Hampshire County, at Hatfield. This Convention was
called together by circular letters from a minor Convention
previously held in Pelham. The Hatfield Convention was
in session for three days, and, following the example of the
Worcester body, proceeded at first to vote itself a consti-
tutional assembly. It then decided upon a full score of
grievances, and put forth its grievances and votes in nume-
ral order, as follows :
1st. The existence of the Senate.
2d. The present mode of Representation.
3d. The officers of the Government not being annually de-
pendent on the representatives of the people, in General
Court assembled, for their salaries.
4th. All the civil officers of Government, not being annually
elected by the representatives of the people in General Court
assembled.
5th. The existence of the Courts of Common Pleas and
General Sessions of the Peace.
6th. The fee table as it now stands.
7th. The present mode of appropriating the impost and ex-
cise.
238 THE SHAYS REBELLION.
8th. The unreasonable grants made to some of the officers
of Government.
9th. The Supplementary aid.
10th. The present mode of paying the governmental secu-
rities.
llth. The present mode adopted for the payment and
speedy collection of the last tax.
12th. The present mode of taxation, as it operates unequally
between the polls and estates, and between landed and mer-
cantile interests.
13th. The present method of practice of the attorneys at
law.
14th. The want of a sufficient medium of trade, to remedy
the mischiefs arising from a scarcity of money.
15th. The General Court sitting in the town of Boston.
16th. The present embarrassments on the press.
17th. The neglect of the settlement of important matters
depending between the Commonwealth and Congress, rela-
ting to moneys and averages.
18th. Voted: This Convention recommend to the several
towns in this county, that they instruct their representatives
to use their influence in the next General Court, to have emit-
ted a bank of paper money, subject to a depreciation ; making
it a tender in all payments, equal to silver and gold, to be is-
sued in order to call in the Commonwealth's securities.
19th. Voted, That whereas, several of the above articles of
grievances arise from defects in the Constitution j therefore a
revision of the same ought to take place.
20th. Voted, That it be recommended by this convention,
to the several towns in this county, that they petition the Gen-
eral Court immediately to come together, in order that the
other grievances complained of may, by the Legislature, be
redressed.
21st. Voted, That this Convention recommend it to the in-
habitants of this county, that they abstain from all mobs and
unlawful assemblies, until a constitutional method of redress
can be obtained.
22d. Voted, That Mr. Caleb West be desired to transmit a
copy of the proceedings of this Convention to the Conventions
of the Counties of Worcester and Berkshire.
After further votes, giving the chairman power to call
the Convention together again when sufficient cause might
be represented to him, and to publish the proceedings in
the Springfield prints, the Convention adjourned. A more
terrible list of grievances than they conjured into existence
was probably never collected together, and, as they were
MOB AT NORTHAMPTON. 29
put forth by a body of delegates from fifty towns, and sent
into other counties, they could not but exert a very pow-
erful influence in stirring up the riotous spirit which the
body professed to deprecate. They had done all they pos-
sibly could to make the Government appear contemptible
and even execrable. It was not strange, therefore, that
violence should immediately follow. On the 29th of Au-
gust, four days after the rising of the Convention, the
day appointed by law for the sitting of the Court of Com-
mon Pleas and the General Sessions of the Peace at
Northampton there assembled in the town, from different
parts of the county, a large mob, some of them armed with
swords and muskets, and some with bludgeons, with the.
professed intention of stopping the session of the Courts,
and preventing the transaction of business. The newspa-
pers of the day and region estimated their numbers at
400 or 500, while Minot, who probably was guided by the
representations of the judges themselves, estimates the
number to have been nearly 1,500. The mob took pos-
session of the ground adjoining the Court House, and
dispatched a messenger to the justices, and the other gen-
tlemen of the Court who had already assembled, with the
not over-impolite statement that, as the people labored un-
der divers grievances, it was "inconvenient" that the
Court should sit for the dispatch of business, until there
was an opportunity for redress. The Court, of course,
saw the whole drift and meaning of the message. If they
had any doubts, based on the smoothness of the language
used, the bludgeons and muskets displayed without, the
threats of violence openly uttered, and the shrieking of
fifes and the beating of drums left nothing to be misunder-
stood. The answer of the justices was necessarily what
the rioters would have it. No Court was held, and the
mob, after holding possession of the Court House until 12
o'clock at night, " retired and dispersed, having conducted
from first to last with less insolence and violence, and with
more sobriety and good order than is commonly to be ex-
pected in such a large and promiscuous assembly, collected
in so ilh'iral a manner, and for so unwarrantable a pur-
pose." The adjournment of the Court was without day,
and it is facetiously recorded that one of the most sensible
240 THE SHAYS REBELLION.
of the rioters was not satisfied with the form of language
used, as, under it, " the Court might sit in the night."
Bowdoin, then Governor of the State, issued a procla-
mation, in which he called upon " all judges, justices, sher-
iffs, grand jurors, constables and other officers, civil and
military, to suppress all such riotous proceedings" as those
at Northampton. The proclamation closed with a beauti-
ful and spirited appeal to patriotism, personal honor and
State pride, and a direction to the Attorney General to
prosecute and bring to condign punishment, not only the
ringleaders and abettors of the Northampton mob, but the
ringleaders and abettors of any subsequent riot. Owing
to the threatening aspect of affairs, the Governor pro-
claimed the assembling of the General Court on the 18th
of October. Subsequent events induced him to revoke the
order, and to hasten the opening of the session, by pro-
claiming it for the 27th of September.
The newspapers of "Western Massachusetts not over
numerous, to be sure were, without an exception, on the
side of law and order, although their proprietors had more
cause of complaint than any of their neighbors. So great
was the pressure upon them, in consequence of the duties
upon paper and advertisements, that they were with great
difficulty kept in existence. The Hampshire Herald, pub-
lished in Springfield, after two or three years' existence,
Was obliged to suspend publication, in September, 1786.
All the ablest public correspondence of the period was
against conventions and the mobs. Every week gave is-
sue to some calm discussion of the agitating subjects of the
day, some noble appeal, or some well conceived satirical
criticism. One writer, after stating that " too much praise
cannot be given to that numerous band of patriots who, by
neglecting their farms, crops and manufactures, have ex-
pended more, in time and money, than their whole quota
of the national debt," very apply quotes from McFingal
the following lines :
"And when by clamors and confusions
Your freedom's grown a public nuisance.
Cry " liberty" with powerful yearning
j(As he doth " fire" whose house is burning,)
Though he already has much more
Than he can find occasion for.
THE PEESS AND CLERGY. 241
While every dunce that turns the plains,
Though bankrupt in estate and brains,
By this new light transformed to traitor,
Forsakes his plough to turn dictator,
Starts an haranguing chief of whigs,
And drags you by the ears like pigs.
All bluster, armed with factious license,
Transformed at once to politicians,
Each leather aproned clown, grown wise,
Presents his forward face to advise,
And tattered legislators meet
From every workshop in the street.
His goose the taiJor finds new use in
To patch and turn the Constitution.
The blacksmith comes with sledge and grate
To iron-bind the wheels of State,
The quack forbears his patients souse
To purge the Council and the House,
The tinker quits his moulds and boxes
To cast assembly men at proxies."
Nor were the clergy behind the press in their opposition
to the seditious movements of the day. Both had battled
bravely, side by side, for liberty and right, during the long
years of the Revolutionary War, and both were on the
side of law in the troubled years that followed. The peo-
ple of Boston were so far moved by the evils that threat-
ened, that they issued a circular letter to all the towns irf
the Commonwealth, of which the following extract will
exhibit the aim and spirit : " Fellow citizens we now
entreat you, by the mutual ties of friendship and affection,
by the sacred compact which holds us in one society, by
the blood of brethren shed to obtain our freedom, by the
tender regard we feel for our rising offspring, claiming
freedom from our hands as their inheritance by the grant
of Heaven, to use your endeavor that redress of grievan-
ces be sought for in a Constitutional and orderly way, and
we pledge ourselves to join our exertions with yours in the
same way, to obtain redress of such as do really exist."
But the spirit of discontent and rebellion had taken deep
root, and, nourished as it was by the assiduous culture of
demagogism, extended its branches upward and abroad.
On the week succeeding the Northampton demonstration
occurred the day for opening the Courts of Common Pleas
and General Sessions of the Peace at Worcester, and a
21
242 THE SHAYS REBELLION.
mob of at least 300 men were on the ground to stop the
proceedings. They were under the command of Capt.
Adam Wheeler of Hubbardston, though, when charged
with being their leader, he disclaimed both the office and
the responsibility. His Lieutenant was Benjamin Con-
verse of Hardwick. Other principal officers were Capt.
Hazeltine of Hardwick, and a Capt. Smith of Shirley.
Only 100 of the men were under arms. The remainder
carried bludgeons. The members of the Court had arrived
in the town, and had assembled at a public house. They
issued forth, at the hour appointed for opening the Court,
and walked through the crowd without molestation, until
they arrived at the foot of the Court House steps, when
they were stopped by the presentation of bayonets. Judge
Ward, a man of spirit, had no intention of being thus dis-
posed of. He expostulated, but it was of no avail. He
then told the commander of the mob that he wished to ad-
dress the people. This he was allowed to do from the
steps, and he gave them a speech two hours long, in which
he informed the crowd that they were committing treason,
and that their punishment would be the gallows. Allu-
ding to the request that had been made by the mob, that
the Courts should be adjourned without day, he told them
that it was against the law thus to adjourn. But his speech
^ r as without effect. The mob insisted on the adjournment,
and re-inforcements coming in, and the militia being known
to be so far infected as not to be depended upon, the
Judges at last gave way. The Court of Common Pleas
adjourned sine die, and the Court of Sessions to the 21st
of November.
On the llth of September, a hundred armed men as-
sembled at Concord, under the command of Job Shattuck
of Groton, and the afore-mentioned Capt. Smith. This
was one of the shabbiest mobs that had thus far appeared.
On the following day, they took possession of the ground
opposite the Court House, and there they wantonly out-
raged such men and horses as passed over a space which
they pretended to guard. They had plenty of rum to
drink, and hay to lie on. In the afternoon, they were re-
inforced by a company of 90 men from the counties of
Hampshire and Worcester, under the command of Adam
Wheeler and Benjamin Converse. Others scattered in,
FURTHER DEMONSTRATIONS. 243
and rallied to the standard of the mobbers, until the whole
body numbered 300 men. At this time, a Convention was
sitting in the town, and, for the first time in the history of
the convention movement, direct communications were
opened between the deliberative and the armed bodies, and
they acted in concert. It was the day appointed for hold-
ing the Courts of Middlesex County, and the Convention
and the mob joined in a message to the justices, informing
them of their determination to resist any attempt to pro-
ceed to business. The Court was intimidated, and the ob-
ject of the mob accomplished. Two thirds, at least, of the
rioters, got drunk that night, and all appeared indifferent
to the object that had brought them together. In fact,
they were only kept . together by the commanders whose
names have been mentioned, with one or two other lead-
ers. This mob had been emboldened by the previous ac-
tion of the Governor, who, after having issued a positive
order for the assembling of the militia to protect the Courts,
countermanded his order, on representations that the peo-
ple of Concord would open pacific negotiations with the
rioters. At that time, too, the Governor had but little
faith in the loyalty of the militia, for multitudes who would
take no open part in the rebellion were known secretly to
favor its cause and councils.
While these operations were in progress in Hampshire
and the middle and Eastern Counties, sedition was equally
busy in Berkshire. It will be remembered that the first
demonstration against the King's Courts, at the opening of
the Revolution, occurred in that County. Having suc-
ceeded in that measure, they were tardy in becoming will-
ing that the Courts should resume their functions. No
Probate Courts were held from 1774 until 1778. At a
County Convention held during the latter year, it was
found that several towns which had been consulted as to
their desire for the opening of Courts of Common Pleas
and Sessions of the Peace had decided against the project,
by large majorities. It was not until 1779 that the County
miiM-nted, by a small majority in Convention, that these
Courts might be opened. No business was done by them
until 1780, and during this long period, cases had accumu-
lated to a most burdensome extent. The agitation of the
subject of grievances commenced almost immediately of-
244 THE SHATS REBELLION.
terwards, and when the commotions of 1786 came on,
Berkshire was no whit behind her sister Counties in the
materials of rebellion. During the last week in August,
and nearly contemporaneously with the Convention at Hat-
field, a County Convention came together at Lenox, and,
though the body was more temperate and judicious than
other Conventions whose action has been recorded, it had
a reformatory voice, although that voice was respectful to
the Government. The Convention approved of many acts
and sundry schemes of governmental policy that had been
condemned by other Conventions, and solemnly engaged,
so far as their influence would go, to support the Courts of
Justice, in the legal exercise of their powers, and to allay
the popular excitement that prevailed, both against the
Courts and the Government. The event proved that their
influence was small. At the opening of the Court of Com-
mon Pleas, at Great Barrington, a few days subsequently,
a mob assembled, to the number of eight hundred, and not
only prevented a session of the Court, but abused the jus-
tices, three of whom they compelled to sign an obligation
that they would not act under their commissions, until the
grievances complained of should be redressed. The fourth
justice, who was also a member of the Senate, refused to
sign, and did not sign, the obligation. Whether this fact
exhibits the pusillanimity of the others, or the leniency of
the mob towards one from whom, as a legislator, they
might look for favor, does not appear. But they were not
content with these outrages, and so proceeded to break
open the jail, and release the debtors confined there.
The whole State was now in a ferment. Rebellion was
everywhere, and anarchy stared the people boldly in the
face. Other and more powerful spirits were entering into
the conflict. One of the strongest and most dangerous and
persistent of these, was Luke Day of West Springfield.
Day was commissioned as a Captain at the opening of the
Revolution, and served his country with honor in the Con-
tinental army, for seven years, when he returned home
poor, and a major by brevet. During the early part of
the Autumn in which the principal riots. occurred, he was
busy in exciting discontent and rebellion. Frequent meet-
ings were held at the old Stebbins Tavern, in his native
town, in whose heated councils he was always first and
LUKE DAY AND DANIEL SHAYS. 245
foremost. His leading companions were Adjt. Elijah Day,
JM'iijumin Ely, Dan Ludington, and others who had suf-
fered from the depreciation of the circulating medium.
Day was a good declaimer, and his bar-room harangues
were powerful and effective. He succeeded in drawing
quite a large company to his standard, and proceeded to
drilling them daily on the West Springfield Common. At
first, his men were armed with hickory clubs, while they
wore in their hats a sprig of hemlock. At the same time,
Daniel Shays of Pelham, who had also been a Captain in
the Continental army, was carrying on operations, similar
to those of Day. Shays had not served through the war,
but left the army in 1780. Judging from what is known
of these two men, it was more the result of accident, than
any other cause, that Shays had the precedence, and the
fortune to make his name infamous by association with the
rebellion in which he was engaged. Day was the stronger
man, in mind and will, the equal of Shays in military tal-
ent, and his superior in the gift of speech. The two were
the leading spirits, and co-operated with each other.
Thus far, the demonstrations in Western Massachusetts
had been made against the Inferior Courts. In doing
this, the rioters had made themselves liable to indictment
for high misdemeanor. Having progressed thus far, the
next step was, of course, to stop the Supreme Judicial
Courts, and, at this point, the rebellion changed its footing,
and became plainly and unmistakably treasonable. The
Supreme Judicial Court was to open at Springfield on
Tuesday, Sept. 26th. The Government had anticipated a
disturbance, and determined to act promptly, and meet
force with force. On the Saturday evening preceding the
session, 120 men, on the side of the Government, took pos-
session of the Court House, and, with increasing numbers,
held it during Sunday, Monday and Tuesday. They were
umli'i* the command of Major General William Shepard
of Westfield, and were determined, at all risks, to protect
the Court in the exercise of its* functions during the ses-
sion. On Tuesday, their numbers had risen to 300, or
more. The insurgents, thus anticipated, began to muster
on Sunday, and when Tuesday morning came, their num-
bers fully equaled those of the Government party. Both
Shays and Day were on the ground, acting together, and
246 THE SHAYS REBELLION.
passed the time in drilling and haranguing their troops.
The insurgents, as a body, were apparently, and, perhaps,
really, desirous of a battle, for the purpose of gaining pos-
session of the Court House. But their principals knew
better than this, for the militia were made up of the best
men in the county, were perfectly equipped and well offi-
cered, while, except in numbers, the mob were inferior to
them in every respect. The Court was opened at the ap-
pointed time, but the Grand Jury did not appear, and was,
in fact, under arms, at the door, for the protection of the
Court that could do no business without them. During the
day, the insurgents occupied ground about three quarters
of a mile North of the Court House, in the vicinity of the
present Ferry Street. Throughout the day, numbers
flocked in from the towns around, and attached themselves
to either standard, a company of militia not unfrequently
marching in a body to join the insurgents, after they had
been ordered from abroad to support the Government.
The Government party wore a strip of white paper in
their hats, to distinguish themselves from the hemlock
bearers, and spies were traversing the space between the
two bodies, alternately using the paper and hemlock badge,
as they approached and mingled in the respective camps.
In the course of the day, the insurgents sent a message
to the Court, proposing the conditions on which they would
consent to disband and retire. These conditions were that
the people should not be indicted for rising in arms to pre-
vent the Courts from sitting at Northampton, or for appear-
ing at that time to stop the proceedings of the Supreme
Judicial Court ; that no civil causes should be tried, except
those in which both parties were ready and willing ; that
the militia embodied by the Government should not receive
payment for their services, with several others of smaller
moment. The Court refused these conditions, promptly
and decidedly, and declared that they should execute the
laws ~in accordance with their oaths. This produced the
greatest uneasiness and excitement among the insurgents.
They then complained to the Court that they had received
insulting messages from the Government party, who had
declared that they should not pass over the ground occu-
pied by them. They were so far exasperated as to threat-
en an attack on the militia. At this time, Gen. Shepard
FORMIDABLE MOB AT SPRINGFIELD. 247
had, for some purpose, gone to Northampton, and the com-
mand devolved upon Col. Burt of Longmeadow. To ob-
viate this cause of dissatisfaction, they were told that they
might pass over the ground occupied by the militia, if it
would be any gratification to them, and they would behave
themselves properly. Accordingly, Shays marched his
men down, and back and forth, before the Government
troops, thus taking an opportunity to show their strength,
in numbers and arms. On Wednesday evening, both par-
ties had been re-inforced, and were going through their
exercises, each body preserving its lines and its sentry
posts. On Thursday, a little before noon, the Court ad-
journed. This was the third day of the session, but it had
accomplished nothing, the panel of jurors not having been
tilled. Previous to the adjournment, the Court decided
not to go to Berkshire, according to appointment, as the
same scenes were anticipated there. The militia, howev-
er, still remained upon the spot, and the insurgents became
more turbulent than ever, and threatened again to march
down and take the position which the militia had so firmly
and persistently held. Gen. Shepard, who had then re-
turned, drew his men all up in order, to receive them, and
down they came. But in coming opposite the well armed
lines, the mob was intimidated. At this time, there were
2,000 men on the ground, 1,200 of whom belonged to the
insurgents, but only about one half of these had muskets,
and but a few had bayonets. The remainder were armed
with nothing but bludgeons. Passing by the Government
troops, without daring to make a demonstration, they were
not disturbed, and after parading their forces to their
hearts' content, they retired to their former stand.
The Court room being vacant, its protection became a
matter of no moment, and as threats had been issued in
regard to the capture of the arsenal, Gen. Shepard with-
drew his troops, and occupied ground upon the Hill, when
the insurgents again marched down, and took possession of
the ground so long coveted, and then so valueless. Anoth-
er day passed, and then the insurgents, having become sat-
isfied with what they had accomplished, or satisfied that
they could accomplish nothing more, separated and retired,
in which act they were immediately imitated by the militia.
For four days the people of the town were thus kept in
248 THE SHAYS REBELLION.
the most distressed condition, and were in hourly appre-
hension that a collision would take place that would fill
their houses with the dead, wounded and dying, or lay
them in ashes. Immediate neighbors were in opposite
camps, and intimate friends were in arms against each oth-
er. The female portion of the population were subjects
of great anxiety and distress, and it was with feelings of
the greatest relief that they saw the forces evacuating the
town, and welcomed their husbands and brothers to their
homes. The intelligence of these operations was diffused
in every part of the Commonwealth. The disaffected in-
dividuals in Berkshire either did not, or pretended they
did not, believe that the Supreme Court had relinquished
its intention to hold a session in that county. Accordingly,
a formidable mob assembled at Great Barrington, on the
day on which the Court should have assembled, and having
found nothing upon which to vent their power, became
riotous and turbulent, from sheer malice and mischief.
Several individuals who were opposed to them in princi-
ple and policy, %ere obliged to flee from the place, and one
gentleman who held an important office under the Govern-
ment, was pursued in various directions, by armed men.
Houses were entered and searched by the lawless rioters,
and inoffensive citizens were fired upon. The whole pro-
ceedings were marked with that dastardly cowardice,
which distinguishes a mob that has lost sight of all claims
to respectability, or a respectable object, and seeks only for
opportunities for revenge and insult.
On the 27th of September, the Legislature assembled
according to proclamation, and immediately listened to the
Governor's statement of the affairs that have been narra-
ted. His speech was strong and decided, and forcible in
its condemnation of the course pursued by the disaffected,
even were the grievances of which they complained in ex-
istence. In his opinions, touching the treatment which the
insurgents should receive at the hands of the Government,
he was supported by the Senate, but the House was more
or less affected by the sentiments of popular discontent,
and while its members condemned the rebellion, they sym-
pathized with its professed objects, and were really anxious
that the tumult which had been raised should have an in-
fluence in effecting reforms that they felt to be necessary.
;
DOINGS OP THE LEGISLATURE. 249
The joint Committee on the Governor's speech reported an
approval of the Governor's conduct in raising the militia,
and a promise to pay those who had been, or should be,
called into service to defend the State, a ^ determination to
look into and redress all grievances, and* a provision that
the privileges of the writ of Habeas Corpus should be sus-
pended for a limited time. The Senate agreed to the re-
port at once, and the House, after a long discussion, agreed
to all but the Habeas Corpus clause. This, after a long
debate, was recommitted. Petitions for the abatement of
grievances came in from every quarter from County Con-
ventions and towns. At last, a list of grievances was sing-
led out for consideration and action. These were : " the
sitting of the General Court in the town of Boston ; the
institution and regulation of the Courts of Common Pleas
and General Sessions of the Peace, with the mode of hold-
ing the Probate Courts ; the burdens of the people arising
from the scarcity of money, and the difficulties thereby ac-
cruing in the payment of back taxes and private debts ;
the fee-bill and the salaries of the officers of the Govern-
ment." In the meantime, and while the House were busy
in preparing a radically reformatory bill, the time ap-
proached for holding the Supreme Judicial Court at Taun-
ton. The Senate and House concurred in a message to
the Governor, requesting his serious attention to the pro-
tection of that Court, and the Governor responded, by in-
forming the Legislature of the measures he had taken.
The two iiouses again joined in a message to his Excellen-
cy, in which they promised support to the measures he had
deemed necessary for the maintainance of order, and ex-
pressed the hope that the Governor would persevere in the
exercise of his appropriate powers for enforcing obedience
to the laws. In addition to the message, the Legislature
passed a riot act. This act visited upon all offenders, who
should continue, for the space of an hour, their combina-
tions, after the act was read to them, with the confiscation
of their property, the infliction of thirty-nine stripes, and
imprisonment not more than one year, with thirty-nine
stripes every three months during the term of imprison-
ment. The measures taken to protect the Court at Taun-
ton were successful, the insurgents appearing at a distance
only. The following week, the Court held its session at
250 THE SHAYS REBELLION.
Cambridge, supported by an army under Major General
Brooks, whose force was so overwhelmingly large as to put
the insurgents beyond all idea of resistance. At about
this time, the Governor communicated to the Legislature
the fact that a circular letter had been issued to the select-
men of the towns in Hampshire county, by the chief of the
insurgents. This letter explains itself, and is as follows :
PELHAM, Oct. 23, 1786.
Gentlemen: By information from the General Court, they
are determined to call all those who appeared to stop the
Court, to condign punishment. Therefore, I request you to
assemble your men together, to see that they are well armed
and equipped, with sixty rounds each man, and to be ready to
turn out at a minute's warning ; likewise to be properly or-
ganized with officers. . DANIEL SHAYS.
The Governor's communication was referred to a com-
mittee, which reported a bill suspending the writ of Habeas
Corpus, providing for trying traitors in any county, and for
the pardon of all persons concerned in the previous acts of
insurrection on taking their oath of allegiance previous to
the first day of January, and not persevering in their
crimes after the passage of the act. In the meantime, the
House gave but too melancholy evidence that it was under
the influence of lawless councils. Not that there was not
evidence in that body of a disposition to support the Gov-
ernment, in case of open rebellion, but the members were
infected with the idea that the grievances under which the
people believed themselves to be suffering were such a pal-
liation of their action, as to call for tender treatment.
Outsiders looked on with apprehension, especially such as
were decidedly on the side of order and good government.
They knew the temper of the rebellion, and did not believe
that mild measures were the proper remedy for it. But
the circular letter of Shays, and the announcement that
another Convention was to be held at Hadley, with other
bold and insulting measures instituted by the revolutionists,
brought them, in a measure, to their senses, and acts equiv-
alent to those recommended by the Committee on the Gov-
ernor's Message were passed. In partial conformity with
that clause recommending the suspension of the privilege
of the writ of Habeas Corpus, a bill was framed which
empowered the Governor and Council to imprison with-
*
FUBTIIEB DISTURBANCE IN WOBCE3TEB. 251
out bail or mainprise such persons as the safety of the
Commonwealth might require. On the 18th of November,
the Legislature adjourned. Besides such acts as have
been incidentally mentioned, they had passed acts for col-
lecting arrear taxes in specific articles, for making real and
personal estate a tender in discharge of executions and ac-
tions commenced in law, for rendering law processes less
expensive, for appropriating one-third of the proceeds of
the impost and excise duties for the exigencies of the gov-
ernment, and had given utterance to an address, instructing
the citizens in their duties, &c.
But the Legislature had reckoned without their host.
Rebellion had gone too far, and its agents and abettors had
iv:nl an unmistakable timidity in the action of the General
Court. The exercise of lawless power had debauched the
minds of those who had engaged in it, and, although the
popular cry still sounded upon the popular subject of pop-
ular grievances, the real motives that became predominant
had connection as well with the overthrow of the Constitu-
tion as the advancement of private schemes of ambition
and personal security. The leniency of the Government
was stamped by the mob as an evidence of weakness and
cowardice, and hardly a single individual, out of the thou-
sands who had engaged in the insurrection, availed himself
of the act of indemnity passed for his benefit. The legis-
lators were hardly out of their chairs before a convention
commenced its sessions in Worcester. This convention
adopted an address to the people, in which they maintained
the right of the people to examine and condemn the con-
duct of their rulers, declared the course of the rulers of
Massachusetts to have been a mistaken one, and, at the
same time, condemned the action of the insurgents in stop-
ping the Courts, and begged the people not to obstruct
ihrni again. The proceedings of the convention, in the
broad view, were characterized by calmness, impudence
:i;id t-ool assumption. On the 21st of November, two days
before the address was issued, the Court of Sessions was,
hy adjournment, to be held at "Worcester, but when the
Court entered the town, they found not only a convention
but a mob to receive them. No measures had been taken
by the very conciliatory and pacific Legislature to defend
the Court, and it was, of course, helpless. Here, as on
252 THE SHAYS REBELLION.
some previous occasions, the mob assumed the title of
" regulators." When the members of the Court, led by
the Sheriff, arrived at the court house, they were met by a
triple row of bayonets. The Sheriff, Col. William Green-
leaf of Lancaster, addressed the crowd, telling them of the
evil and danger of their course, and reading to them the
Governor's proclamation and the riot act. But this availed
nothing. During the Sheriff's address, he was interrupted
by one of the leaders, who told him the people sought re-
lief from grievances, that among the most intolerable was
the Sheriff himself, and that next to his person in offen-
srveness were his fees, particularly in criminal executions.
" If you consider my fees for criminal executions as op-
pressive," replied the Sheriff, " you need not wait long for
redress, for I will hang every one of you, gentlemen, with
the greatest pleasure, and without charge." For this sharp
reply, some one in the mob revenged himself, by sticking a
pine twig in the back of the Sheriff's hat, and as he retired
with the judges, bearing unwittingly the rebel's badge, his
appearance gave rise to jeering merriment that could not
be repressed. They effectually dispersed the Court, and
then the mob, which was in force in the region, undertook
to co-operate with the insurgents at Concord and Cam-
bridge. In the meantime, the Governor had not been idle,
but had issued his orders to the Major Generals to hold
their divisions in readiness for service, and his warrants
for the arrest of the leaders, three of whom Shattuck,
Parker and Page were arrested, the first making a des-
perate resistance, and receiving serious wounds in the cap-
ture. On the 5th of December, the Court of Common
Pleas was to assemble at Worcester. Previous to this
time, four hundred insurgents, from Hampshire and Wor-
cester Counties, rendezvoused at Shrewsbury. While
here, twenty horsemen from Boston, all men of large for-
tunes, went after them with the determination to arrest
their leaders, but news of their approach preceded them,
and the insurgents got out of the way, by proceeding to
Holden. On the report that the horsemen had wounded a
man at Shrewsbury, a party went back to give them fight,
but the fear-inspiring score had retired, and the party pro-
ceeded to Grafton. Capt. Shays, with his party from
Hampshire^ marched to Rutland, and took up his quarters
FURTHER DISTURBANCE IN WORCESTER. 253
there, and, from that point, issued his orders to many towns
in Hampshire and Worcester Counties, to join him. These
movements all transpired during the week previous to the
appointed session of the Court, and, on the Sunday even-
ning that intervened, the Grafton party entered Worcester,
and took possession of the Court House. During the
night, they were joined by several other parties. On Mon-
day morning, the Worcester training band and alarm list
paraded with 170 men, and marched down Main street to-
wards the rebels. Advancing slowly, Capt. Howe sent for-
ward an officer, to demand by what authority the highways
were obstructed. He was told that " he might come and
see." He then addressed his troops in a spirited manner,
and gave them the order to charge bayonets and advance.
Before their determined carriage the line of insurgents
wavered, and breaking up by a rapid wheel, they gained
an eminence before the Court House. The militia passed
them, and then returned and were dismissed.
On Monday evening, the insurgents beat to arms, on an
alarm that a company of light horse from Boston were ap-
proaching, and though the alarm proved to be a false one,
they were so much startled by it that they lay upon their
arms all night. About sunset, on Monday, there came on
a very violent snow storm, yet intelligence came in that
several companies of insurgents were on the march for
Worcester, from Leominster, Brookfield, &c. The storm
continued with unabated fury on Tuesday, yet a number
of men had made their way in from Holden. This was
the day for opening the Court, whose members, on seeing
the large body of insurgents already present, and knowing
that larger bodies were in the vicinity, adjourned the ses-
sion of their body in accordance with orders from the
Governor, until the 23d of January. On Tuesday even-
ing, a serious alarm was raised among the insurgents from
tin- fact that several of them had been seized with violent
sickness, and they came to the belief that they had imbibed
poison with their water. A quack doctor by the name of
Samuel Stearns, belonging in Paxton, confirmed their fears
by discovering a sediment in their glasses, which he de-
clared to be a compound of arsenic and antimony. This
increased the alarm, and then the mob remembered that
they had purchased the sugar for their grog of an anti-
22
254 THE SHAYS BEBELLION.
Shays merchant, in Worcester. He was, therefore, charged
with the attempt to poison them. An intelligent physician
appearing at this juncture, allayed their fears by pronoun-
cing the sediment to be genuine Scotch snuff, and the mer-
chant's clerk acknowledged that he had accidentally spilled
a portion of that article into the sugar. The merchant re-
stored entire peace and tranquillity by making the crowd a
present of a few gallons of old Santa Cruz rum.
On "Wednesday morning, the insurgents were joined by
eighty men from Belchertown, and in the afternoon, Shays
came in with 350 more. It would seem, from the move-
ment of such large bodies of insurgents, that either they
had been misinformed as to the intentions of the Govern-
ment, or were determined to make a demonstration which
should intimidate the authorities, the Legislature having
adjourned. Capt. Luke Day of West Springfield had
answered the call which Shays issued at Rutland, and,
with 100 men and boys from Westfield, West Springfield
and Longmeadow, started on the Saturday previous to the
Worcester demonstration, for the East, and a company of
fifty others followed him. But the storm of Tuesday was
too much for their valor, and drove them all back to their
homes. But Day had made rapid progress, and gone as
far as Leicester. It is said that while there, he called at
the house of a Mr. Sargeant to get some refreshments.
Mr. Sargeant was an ardent government man, and on
learning Day's character, he took him by the collar, thrust
him out of the door, and, while he administered a parting
kick, bade him give his respects to Shays, and tell him if
he would call upon him he would treat him to the same
compliment. Shays, on reaching Worcester, immediately
billeted his soldiers upon the citizens of the town, and
Wednesday found the place occupied by at least 1,000 in-
surgents. And then came on conferences between the
members of the late Convention and the mob, and together
they agreed upon a hypocritical petition to the Governor,
copies of which were sent to all the towns in the three
Western Counties. In this document, they complained of
the suspension of the writ of Habeas Corpus, pleaded in
justification of their conduct, the movements of the peo-
ple in the Revolution, and prayed that their friends in con-
finement, out of the counties to which they belonged,
PETITION TO THE GOVERNOR. 255
might, with the petitioners, have the benefits of the act of
indemnity, and that they and the petitioners might, so long
as they should behave themselves in an orderly manner,
be safe in their persons and properties. The petitioners
assured the Governor that they did not rise on account of
their disaffection towards the Commonwealth, but because
they could not provide for their wives and children, and
pay their debts. They also prayed that the Courts in
Berkshire, Hampshire and Worcester might be adjourned
until after the May session of the General Court. The
insurgents made no acknowledgment of error, and only
promised to go home and preserve peace, on conditions
that were impossible to be fulfilled by the Governor, were
he disposed to accede to them. On Thursday, the insur-
gents retired from Worcester, though but a few of them
disbanded and dispersed, for, at this very time, Gen. Shep-
ard had 1200 men ready for the field, awaiting orders, and
the leaders of the rebellion had begun to feel that their
only safety was in keeping their men around them.
Among the insurgents were a number of men from Berk-
shire, who, in returning through Northampton, were as-
sailed by a volley of jokes from six or eight unarmed
inhabitants. The regulators were over-sensitive, and re-
torted with foul abuse and insult, and, at last, became so
infuriated as to make an attack on the crowd that gathered
around, with their guns and swords. The inhabitants col-
lected immediately, under proper officers, and escorted
them Out of the town. Wm. Hartly, one of the insurgents
who belonged in Williamsburgh, was frozen to death before
he reached home.
Thus, the Legislature had scarcely been adjourned two
weeks, when the session of two Courts in Worcester had
been broken up in - consequence of the threats of the mob.
The next point at which a Court was to be holden was in
the County of Hampshire, and for the projected demonstra-
tion there, the insurgents instituted their preparations.
Daniel Gray, the chairman of a Committee appointed by
the leaders of the insurrection, issued the following address
to the people of Hampshire County, which was published
in the Hampshire Gazette :
" Gentlemen : We have thought proper to inform you of
some of the principal causes of the late risings of the people,
and also of their present movement, viz. :
256 THE SHAYS REBELLION.
"1st. The present expensive mode of collecting debts,
which, by reason of the great scarcity of cash, will, of neces-
sity, fill our jails with unhappy debtors, and thereby a respect-
able body of people rendered incapable of being serviceable
either to themselves or the community.
" 2d. The moneys raised by impost and excise being appro-
priated to discharge the interest of governmental securities,
and not the foreign debt, when these securities are not sub-
ject to taxation.
" 3d. A suspension of the writ of Habeas Corpus, by
which those persons who have stepped forth to assert and
maintain the rights of the people are liable to be taken and
conveyed even to the most distant part of the Commonwealth,
and thereby subjected to unjust punishment.
"4th. The unlimited power granted to justices of the peace
and Sheriffs, deputy Sheriffs and Constables, by the Riot Act,
indemnifying them to the prosecution thereof; when, perhaps,
wholly actuated from a principle of revenge, hatred and envy.
" Furthermore, be assured that this body, now at arms, de-
spise the idea of being instigated by British emissaries, which
is so strenuously propagated by the enemies of our liberties ;
and also wish the most proper and speedy measures may be
taken to discharge both our foreign and domestic debt."
At this date, the Hampshire Herald, published in Spring-
field, seems to have had a resurrection, for an address from
a leader of the insurgents Thomas Grover of Montague
dated at Worcester, is recorded to have appeared in it,
who opened with a declaration that it had " fallen to his
lot to be employed in a more conspicuous manner than
some others of his fellow citizens, in stepping forth in de-
fense of the rights and privileges of the people, more
especially of the County of Hampshire." Mr. Grover re-
ferred to the list of grievances published by Daniel Gray,
and added to it very materially, by putting forth a list of
reforms, which the insurgents were determined to " con-
tend for." The more important of these were the revision
of the Constitution, the total abolition of the Courts of
Common Pleas and General Sessions of the Peace, the
removal of the General Court from the town of Boston,
the abolition of the office of deputy sheriff, and certain
other offices connected with the management of the finan-
cial affairs of the State.
While these efforts were in progress, to keep the public
mind agitated on the subject of grievances, measures were
CONVENTION AT HAJ5LEY.
taken by the leaders of the insurgents to raise and organ-
ize a formidable band of troops in the county, and a com-
mittee of seventeen was appointed to carry those measures
into effect. This Committee was requested to write to
the respective towns assigned it, directing them to meet
and organize their companies, and to call them together for
regimental organization. The Committee was constituted
as follows : Capt. Fisk of South Brimfield, and Capt. Col-
ton of Longmeadow for the 1st Regiment; Capt. Sackett
of Westfield, and Capt, Day tf West Springfield for the
2d Regiment ; Capt. Jewell of Chesterfield, Capt. Brown
of Whately, and Mr. Samuel Morse of Worthington, for
the 3d Regiment ; Capt. Shays of Pelham, Capt. Joseph
Hinds of Greenwich, and Capt. Billings of Amherst, for
the 4th Regiment ; Capt. Foot of 'Greenfield, Capt. Dins-
more of Con way, Capt. Clarke of Colerain, and Capt.
Hill of Charlemont, for the 5th Regiment ; Capt. Grover
of Montague, and Capt. Powers of Shutesbury, for the 6th
Regiment.
Notwithstanding these demonstrations, which had a de-
termined aspect, there was evident trepidation in the camps
and councils of the regulators. The respectable constitu-
ents of Conventions had withdrawn from those bodies.
The measures adopted by the Government plainly showed
those who had trusted for reforms to the effect upon the
Government of violent assemblages of the people, that
they had been mistaken. A Convention assembled at Had-
ley on the 2d of January, under a most illiterate president,
and with contemptibly small numbers. Its temper may be
gathered from the fact that it advised the people to lay
aside their arms, and resort to the more laudable mode of
petition for redress. So dispirited and weak was the dem-
onstration, that the newspaper wags of the time could not
refrain from the utterance of their lampoons, one of which
represented the " Robin Hood Club" to have made its
exit at Hadley, a corpse, and then went on to describe the
procession :
" The corpse was preceded by the little man in the East,
with a long white wand to clear the streets of little boys, who
collected in great numbers, gazing at the wondrous novelty.
At his right hand, the great and only remaining member of
the Council of War, weeping over the petition of the men at
22*
258 THE SHAYS REBELLION.
arms, addressed to the Governor and Council, which he car-
ried open in his left hand.
PALL HOLDERS.
Earl of Greenfield. Earl of Chesterfield.
Duke of Hamilton. Earl of Southwick.
(i It was argued as their number was so very small they
must dispense with two of the usual number of pall holders,
as otherwise they would make a very contemptible figure in
the rear. The club being composed of members attached to
an ancient custom in this country, the bier was therefore sup-
ported by four of their eldest sons, viz. : Gen. Pelham, Col.
Luke Trumps, Col. Montague, and Capt. Amherst. The
chairman followed the corpse as chief mourner, with his cap
under his arm, and his venerable locks covered with a white
cap, suggesting of what death he expected soon to die. Par-
son Montague at his left hand carrying before him a humble
request to the inhabitants of the several towns in the County,
(said to be draughted by the deceased in his last moments,)
to lay aside their arms and petition the Legislature for a re-
dress of their grievances, at the same time giving the chair-
man good consolation, and advising him to a preparation for
his own hastening dissolution. The few remaining members
closed the procession."
Even Shays himself had become secretly sick of the
position he occupied, and without faith in his prospects.
But a short time after he retired from Worcester, he had
a conversation with a confidential officer of the Govern-
ment, who put him the question (premising that he might
answer it or not, at his option,) " Whether, if he had an
opportunity, he would accept of a pardon, and leave his
people to themselves." " Yes, in a moment," replied Shays.
This reply was communicated to the Governor and Coun-
cil, who empowered an officer to tell him that if he would
immediately leave the insurgents, and engage to conduct
in future as a good citizen, he should be protected, and in
case he should be convicted in any Judicial Court, he
should be pardoned. This Commission, owing to an early
complication of events, was never executed.
But matters had now gone too far for sudden retraction.
Some of the leaders were already in prison, and the oth-
ers knew themselves to be in danger. They therefore re-
mained in force, while the Government, willing to give
them one more trial, and hoping that the addresses it had
issued and the orders it had uttered, would, together with
MILITIA CALLED OUT. 259
the evident decline of the popularity of the rebellion, bring
them to their senses, took no measures to protect the Court,
which by an adjournment by order of the Legislature, was
to open at Springfield on the 26th of December. But
this, like every show of lenity that had been made by the
Government, was dishonored. On the day on which the
Court was to open, Shays, with 300 armed men, marched
into the town, and took possession of the Court House.
Their respect for the Court led them to announce their
business respectfully. A Committee consisting of Daniel
Shays, Luke Day and Thomas Grover, sent a note to the
justices, in the humble form of a petition, requesting them
not to proceed to business. The justices had seen too
much of the business not to understand the petition, and
replied that, in consequence of the opposition, no business
would be done. The insurgents then peaceably retired.
News of these proceedings reached the Governor, and it
settled the question of policy at once. He and his Coun-
cil, in the absence of the Legislature, were determined to
employ their full Constitutional powers in suppressing the
Rebellion. The next Court was to be holden at Worces-
ter. Accordingly, 700 men were ordered to be raised in
the County of Suffolk, 500 in Essex, 800 in Middlesex,
1200 in Hampshire, and 1200 in Worcester, the whole
amounting to 4,400 men, rank and file. The troops from
Suffolk, Essex and Middlesex were ordered to rendezvous
in the vicinity of Boston, on the 19th of January, those
from Hampshire at Springfield, and those from Worcester
were to join those from the Eastern Counties, at the town
of Worcester. The command was intrusted to Major
General Benjamin Lincoln. The supplies for this body
were raised by a voluntary loan, offered by citizens of
Boston, depending (and they did not depend in vain) on
the Legislature to repay them when it should assemble.
In the meantime, the Governor issued an address to the
people, informing them of the measures he had taken for
the protection of the Judicial Courts at Worcester, the re-
pression of all insurgents against the Government, and the
apprehension of all disturbers of the public peace ; and he
conjured the people, by everything valuable in life, to co-
operate with him in every necessary exertion for restoring
to the Commonwealth that order, harmony and peace upon
260 THE SHAYS REBELLION.
which its happiness and character so much depended.
The orders issued by the Governor to Gen. Lincoln, di-
rected him to consider himself, at all times, under the
direction of the civil officer, save where an armed force
should appear to hinder the execution of his orders, and to
call for further aid if he should need it. He was further
ordered to apprehend, disarm and secure all who, in a hos-
tile manner, should attempt the destruction, invasion, det-
riment, or annoyance of the Commonwealth, and particu-
larly those in arms in Worcester, Hampshire and Berkshire
Counties.
That part of the army designed to act at Worcester,
reached that town on the 22d of January, the day prece-
ding the session of the Courts of Common Pleas and Gen-
eral Sessions of the Peace, and, protected as they were by
an overwhelming force, there was no attempt to disturb
them.
.
CHAPTER XVII.
THE SHAYS REBELLION ITS DECLINE AND SUPPRES-
SION.
THE Government was so strongly in force in the East-
ern and middle parts of the State that the cause of the
insurgents there became hopeless, and they foresaw that
whatever advantage they hoped to win, was to be won in
the Western part of the State, and that, by a decided
movement. Luke Day at this time had at his command,
in West Springfield, 400 men, who showed as many bayo-
nets. These he had billeted upon the inhabitants, and
was exercising daily, in preparation for assisting Shays in
an attack upon the Springfield Arsenal. This depot of
arms was greatly coveted by the insurgents, and they were
determined to take it, before the arrival of Gen. Lincoln
and his forces from the East. In accordance with orders
from Head Quarters, Gen. Shepard took possession of the
post, with a force of 900 men, and was afterwards re-in-
forced with 200 more, all from the militia of the County
of Hampshire. This army was furnished from the Arse-
nal with such field pieces and equipments as were neces-
sary. This was the moment for the insurgents. O'n car-
rying this point, and gaining possession of the arms depos-
ited there, before the arrival of Gen. Lincoln, was seen to
depend everything like a formidable continuance of their
operations. A failure undeniably involved the explosion
and destruction of the insurrectionary movement. To
this point, therefore, the insurgents moved. Day with his
400 men, as has been stated, was already in West Spring-
field. A force of 400 men, from Berkshire County, under
the command of Eli Parsons, had taken a position in the
North part of Springfield, in the present town of Chico-
pee, while Shays, having consolidated his forces at the
East, approached the Arsenal on the Boston road. Of all
the leaders of the insurrection at this time, Day caaried
the boldest and most determined spirit. He instituted
martial law on his own account, and stopped and examined
263 THB 8HAYS REBELLION.
all passengers. Two individuals, -who submitted to hia
outrages with reluctance, were badly wounded. The late
Hon. Ezra Starkweather of Worthington, in Hampshire
County, was imprisoned by him for two or three days.
The forces thus at the command of Shays numbered, in
the aggregate, 1,900 men, an army nearly twice as large
as that under Gen. Shepard, while the large number of
old continental soldiers which it contained, gave it an ap-
pearance of courage and power which the event proved
did not inhere in it.
On the 24th of January, Shays forwarded a message to
Day, stating that he proposed to attack Shepard on the
next day, and desiring his co-operation. Day immediately
returned reply that he could not assist him on the 25th,
but would do so on the day following. What induced him
to make this reply, it is not easy to determine, but it was
probably to gain time to get the general management of
affairs into his own hands. His message, by whatever
policy dictated, was fortunately intercepted by Gen. Shep-
ard, who thus learned the intentions of both commanders,
and made his preparations accordingly. It appears that
the messenger, while on his way back to Shays, stopped at
the tavern in Springfield to warm himself. He entered
the bar room very cold, and exciting the suspicions of a
company of young men present, they urged him to drink,
and took care to give him a very heavy draught of liquor.
In a few minutes, he was snoring in his chair, Day's letter
taken from his pocket, and himself placed where there was
no danger of his reaching Shays, who, not hearing from
Day, took it for granted that he would co-operate with
him, while Day, supposing that his message had been
safely delivered, commenced the part of dictator which he
intended to play, by sending an insolent message to Gen.
Shepard, of which the following is a copy :
HEAD QUARTERS, West Springfield,
Jan. 25, 1787.
" The body of the people, assembled in arms, adhering to
the first principles of nature self-preservation do, in the
most peremptory manner, demand :
<* 1st. That the troops in Springfield lay down their arms.
' 2d. That their arms be deposited in the public stores, un-
ADVANCE OF THE INSURGENTS. 263
der the care of the proper officers, to be returned to the own-
ers at the termination of the present contest.
" 3d. That the troops return to their homes on parole."
This ridiculously arrogant document was signed by
Day, and bore upon the back " by Col. Eli Parsons."
While Day was thus playing king, Shays was playing pe-
titioner. The latter dated his note at Wilbraham, and
forwarded it Eastward to Gen. Lincoln, who was, at that
time, two days march from Springfield. In this docu-
ment, Shays stated that, from his unwillingness to being
accessory to the shedding of blood, and from his desire for
the promotion of peace, he was led to propose that all the
insurgents should be indemnified until the next session of
the Legislature, when a hearing of the complaints of the
people might be had ; that the persons arrested by the
Government should be released, without punishment, and
that these conditions should be confirmed to the people by
a proclamation from the Governor. If these conditions
should be complied with, he promised that the insurgents
should return home, and wait for relief from their bur-
dens, through a constitutional channel. But this petition
was doubtless a sham, the object which Shays wished to
accomplish being to keep Lincoln back, or induce him to
believe that haste was not necessary in his movements,
while, without waiting for a reply, he intended to push on
his operations. But Gen. Lincoln had seen too much of
the rebellion to be easily misled. He deemed Gen. Shep-
ard to be in great danger, and appreciated the importance
of the juncture as fully as did the insurgents. The season
was very, cold, but he crowded on his troops, and, to guard
against all possibility of defeat, he despatched an order to
Gen. Brooks to march with the Middlesex Militia to
Springfield as early as possible.
Shays reached Wilbraham on the evening of the 24th,
and quartered his troops upon the inhabitants. But he
was among the friends of the Government, and Asaph
King, at that time deputy sheriff, Col. Abel King, Dr.
Samuel F. Merrick and Dea. Noah Warriner met, to de-
vise a way of conveying to Gen. Shepard intelligence of
the proximity of the force. It was at last decided that the
job belonged to the sheriff. On the 25th, Shays moved
towards Springfield, when King mounted a splendid young
264 THE SHAYS REBELLION.
horse that stood saddled in his barn, and started him across
the fields, to the "stony hill road." The snow, knee deep
to his horse, was covered with a crust, and he was obliged,
in some instances, not only to break a path for his horse,
but to pull down or leap fences. When he came out upon
the road, the legs of his horse were streaming with blood.
He was far ahead of Shays, and spurring on, reached the
arsenal in forty-five minutes from the time he left Wilbra-
ham. From him, Shepard learned all the particulars
which he had not before known, and ascertained that the
force of 'Shays was on the march. Forewarned, though
not altogether confident of results, Gen. Shepard made his
preparations for the reception of the insurgents, but it was
not until four o'clock in the afternoon that Shays and his
force, (who had probably delayed their progress in order
to hear something from Day) made their appearance upon
the Boston road, approaching the arsenal. Determined on
not acting with rashness, Gen. Shepard sent out one of his
aids, with two other gentlemen, to inquire of Shays his
intentions, and to warn him to desist from an attack. The
purport of his answer was that he would have possession
of the arsenal, and of the barracks. As he continued his
approach, Gen. Shepard repeatedly sent messages to him,
stating that if he persisted he should assuredly fire upon
his troops. To this threat, one of the leaders, standing by,
remarked that "that was all they wanted." One of the
messengers sent out had been a fellow officer with Shays
in the Continental army, and, in his conversation with the
rebel, told him that he (the messenger) was engaged in the
defense of his country. Shays replied, "then we are on
the same side." "We shall take very different parts, I
imagine," responded the messenger. Shays sportively re-
joined that " the part he should take was the hill on which
the arsenal stood." Shays told another messenger that he
should lodge in the barracks that night. The messenger
replied that if he undertook it, he would lodge in heaven
or hell, he did not know which he hoped it would be
heaven. This parleying was rapidly carried on, the insur-
gents all the time advancing. At last, it became too appa-
rent to Gen. Shepard that blood must be shed, and even
then his humanity did not forsake him. He directed a
discharge of cannon to their right and left, and then over
THE BETEEAT OP THE REBELS. 265
~*m
their heads. The report of these pieces was heard through-
out the village, and excited the most intense emotions of
pain and apprehension. Horsemen had been traversing
the space between Main street and the Hill, to note and
report the progress of events. But the insurgents still
advanced, with an unbroken front. They had arrived
within fifty rods of Shepard's battery, when he ordered
his cannon to be discharged upon the center of the column.
The smoke rolled up, and exhibited to the Government
troops a most pitiable scene of cowardice and confusion.
Three of the insurgents lay dead upon the fielcl, and a
fourth was mortally wounded. Their names were Ezekiel
Root and Ariel Webster of Gill, Jabez Spicer of
Leyden, and John Hunter of Shelburne, the latter dying
the following day. Breaking up with the cry of " mur-
der," the cowardly host turned in retreat, and an attempt
of Shays to display his column was entirely abortive. He
had no power to stay his men, and that night they slept at
Ludlow, ten miles distant. The humanity that had thus
far governed Gn. Shepard did not forsake him in the
moment of triumph. He might easily have followed up
his great advantage, and cut them down by hundreds, but
his object was accomplished. The enemy was routed and
terrified, and he, in a moment, saw that the rebellion was
no longer formidable. The bodies of the slain were taken
to a stable, and there were suffered to lie for several days
until they were stiffly frozen before they were claimed
by friends.
During these proceedings, Day had remained with his
corps at West Springfield, entirely inactive, and the report
of the cannon had not sufficed to move him. Lincoln's
army was still a day's march distant, but was making as
rapid progress as possible. The day following his retreat,
Shays, perceiving himself altogether too near the path of
Lincoln's army, proceeded to Chicopee, to form a junction
with the Berkshire insurgents under Eli Parsons, and in
this brief march he lost 200 men by desertion. This
movement, and the knowledge that Day still remained
with his force in West Springfield, gave Gen. Shepard,
notwithstanding the cowardly behavior of Shays' men, ap-
prehension that a more serious attack was impending, but
the arrival of Gen. Lincoln and his troops, on the 27th,
23
266 THE SHAYS REBELLION.
dissipated all fears on that point. Day, in the meantime,
had established a guard at the ferry house, and Gen. Lin-
coln, so soon as he had arrived, and learned the position
of affairs, determined on a new line of policy that of
pursuit and aggression. The moment was favorable, and
his weary soldiers were put upon the march for West
Springfield, while the Hampshire troops, under Gen.
Shepard, were sent up the river upon the East side, to
prevent a junction of the forces of Shays and Day, and to
cut off the retreat of the latter. The army of Gen. Lin-
coln crossed the river upon the ice. Upon its appearance
there, the guard at the ferry house turned out, but, after
making an insignificant show of resistance, they fled.
The infantry passed up " Shad Lane," while the cavalry,
under Major Buffington, a gallant officer of the Revolution,
went up the middle of the river, to prevent the crossing
of Day's force.
The retreat of Day's guard from the ferry house, and
their arrival at his head quarters, was the signal for a gen-
eral stampede of liis frightened troops. The people of the
town were no less frightened than the insurgents. In fact,
on the day previous to the arrival of Lincoln's army, they
had removed their most valuable effects to the localities
then known as Tatham," Piper" and Amos Town,"
and remained there themselves to avoid the consequences
of a collision which they deemed inevitable. Day's men
made not the slightest show of resistance, but left their
bread and their pork and beans baking in the ovens of the
inhabitants, and fled by the way of Southampton to North-
ampton, often casting away all impediments to their pro-
gress, and strewing their path with muskets, knapsacks and
ammunition. Day and his men did not pause until they
had arrived at Northampton, which they reached that night,
with the exception of a few who were overtaken and cap-
tured by the light horse. Shays heard of the retreat of
Day's forces, and then put his own troops in motion for the
North, and passing through South Hadley, reached Am-
herst before the next morning. His forces had now be-
come as reckless as they were frightened. One man, an
adjutant in the party, was killed in consequence of the
army mistaking its own rear guard for the advance guard
of Lincoln's party. They plundered the house of Major
IMPORTANT CAPTURE. 267
Goodman of South Hadley, of two barrels of rum, his ac-
count books and divers articles of household furniture, and
stripped the beds, broke the windows, &c. They also broke
open the house of Col. Woodbridge, and took such articles
as they wished for, and treated other houses in the neigh-
borhood in the same manner. Shays endeavored in vain
to prevent these outrages. The party had not long left
Chicopee behind them, when Gen. Lincoln and his army
were in full pursuit. Before the latter arrived at Amherst,
however, Shays had pushed forward, for Pelham, his home,
and to those bleak hills Lincoln declined following him.
On looking about in Amherst, it was found that most of
the male inhabitants had left, to follow the insurgents, and
that ten sleigh-loads of provisions from Berkshire had gone
forward for their use. An interdict upon the co-operation
of the remaining inhabitants was uttered, and then Gen.
Lincoln passed over to Hadley, to secure a cover for his
chilled and wearied troops. Day had already left North-
ampton, and, passing through Amherst, had preceded Shays
at Pelham. His numbers had decreased from 400 to 240
men.
On the day following Gen. Lincoln's arrival at Hadley,
news came in that a small party of Gen. Shepard's men
had been captured at Southampton, and that the agents in
the capture still remained at that point. The Brookfield
volunteers under Col. Baldwin, numbering 50 men, with
100 horse, under Col. Crafts, were dispatched in pursuit,
the former in sleighs. This pursuing force were soon on
the track of the insurgents, whom they found to consist of
80 men in ten sleighs. They came up with them in the
night, at Middlefield. The insurgent force was under the
command of Capt. Ludington, of Southampton, and among
the Government volunteers was General Tupper, under
whom Ludington had acted as corporal in the Revolution-
ary war. The house in which Ludington was quartered
>vas first surrounded, and General Tupper, without know-
ing that his old corporal was within, summoned him to sur-
render. The corporal knew the voice at once, and made
but few words before he surrendered. The remainder of
the insurgents paraded under arms, but were intimidated
by the representation of the number of the government
forces, when they laid down their arms, and the conquerors
268 THE SBAifS REBELLION.
had the pleasure and pride of returning with 59 prisoners,
and nine sleigh-loads of provisions, without shedding a
drop of blood.
The next day after the dispatch of this expedition, (Jan.
30) General Lincoln sent a letter to Capt. Shays and his
associate leaders, of which the following is a copy :
" Whether you are convinced or not, of your error in flying
to arms, I am fully persuaded that, before this hour, you must
have the fullest conviction upon your own minds that you are
not able to execute your original purposes. Your resources
are few, your force inconsiderable, and hourly decreasing
from the disaffection of your men ; you are in a post where
you have neither cover nor supplies, and in a situation in
which you can neither give aid to your friends, nor discom-
fort to the supporters of good order and government. Under
these circumstances, you cannot hesitate for a moment to dis-
band your deluded followers. If you should not, I must ap-
proach and apprehend the most influential characters among
you. Should you attempt to fire upon the troops of Govern-
ment, the consequences must be fatal to many of your men,
the least guilty. To prevent bloodshed, you will communi-
cate to your privates, that if they will instantly lay down their
arms, surrender themselves to Government, and take and sub-
scribe the oath of allegiance to this Commonwealth, they shall
be recommended to the General Court for mercy. If you
should either withhold this information from them, or suffer
your people to fire upon our approach, you must be answera-
ble for all the ills which may exist in consequence thereof."
To this letter, Shays returned a reply on the same day,
as follows :
PELHAM, Jan. 30th, 1787.
" To Gen. Lincoln, commanding the Government troops at
Iladley,
Sir: The people assembled in arms, from the counties of
Middlesex, Worcester, Hampshire and Berkshire, taking into
serious consideration the purport of the flag just received, re-
turn for answer that, however unjustifiable the measures may
be which the people have adopted, in having recourse to arms,
various circumstances have induced them thereto. We are
sensible of the embarrassments the people are under ; but
that virtue which truly characterizes the citizens of a repub-
lican government hath hitherto marked our paths with a de-
gree of innocence ; and we wish and trust it will still be the
case. At the same time, the people are willing to lay down
their arms ; on the condition of a general pardon and return
SHAYS AT PELHAM. 269
to their respective homes, as they are unwilling to stain the
land, which we, in the late war, purchased at so dear a rate,
with the blood of our brethren and neighbors. Therefore, we
pray that hostilities may cease on your part, until our united
prayers may be presented to the General Court, and we re-
ceive an answer, as a person is gone for that purpose. If this
request may be complied with, government shall meet with no
resistance from the people, but let each army occupy the post
where they now are. "DANIEL SHAYS, Captain."
On the next day, three insurgent leaders visited Had-
ley, bringing a note to Gen. Lincoln, signed by Francis
Stone, Daniel Shays and Adam Wheeler, repeating the
request made in Shays' note, that, as they had sent a peti-
tion to the General Court, hostilities might cease on both
sides, until the decision of the Legislature should be known.
To this, Gen. Lincoln replied that the request was totally
inadmissible, as he had no power to treat in that manner.
He again warned the insurgents against maintaining their
hostile position, and again threw upon them the responsi-
bility of such evils as might follow the dishonor of his
caution.
That the insurgents had become entirely satisfied that
their cause was hopeless, was evident alike from their ac-
tion and the petition which they had forwarded to the
Legislature. The latter document was very humble in its
terms. They acknowledged their error in having recourse
to arms, and not seeking redress in a constitutional way,
and prayed that, as the General Court had already shown
its appreciation of the causes of uneasiness among the peo-
ple, by redressing a number of their grievances, they would
overlook the mis-step they had taken. They professed a
strong desire to prevent the shedding of blood, a calamity
which they deemed impending, if a " reconciliation" should
not soon take place, and solemnly promised to lay down
their arms, and repair to their respective homes, provided
a general pardon should be granted. The policy was, un-
doubtedly, to remain in force while the result of their peti-
tion was pending, for the purpose, as well of self-protection,
and the protection, particularly, of the officers, as of ob-
taining advantageous terms. The insurgent force at Pel-
haiu, did not, at this time, embrace, by any means, all under
arms against the Government. Squads were collected in
various quarters. On th> 3d of February, a party of
23*
270 THE SHATS REBELLION.
twenty horse and 150 troops in sleighs were sent from
Worcester to New Braintree, to look after a company of
rebels posted there. On seeing the Government party ap-
proach, the insurgents left their quarters, and took a posi-
tion behind a stone wall, from which they fired upon their
pursuers, seriously wounding two men. They then turned
and escaped by flight.
Upon the dispersion of the insurgents at Springfield,
2,000 of the militia which had been raised to go against
them were discharged, as it was supposed that the rebel-
lion would not be formidable thereafter, but, upon their
making a stand at Pelham, the Governor, fearful of still
further difficulty, issued his orders for 2,600 of the militia
in the middle counties to take the field. But this was a
useless precaution, for Shays, finding himself and his cause
growing weaker every day, determined on a movement
which should place his men, in a measure, beyond the
temptation of desertion, which the proximity of their com-
fortable homes, the promise of safety, and their waning
fortunes, were so thoroughly calculated to excite. He de-
termined to withdraw from Pelham, and, by a stratagem,
to accomplish his purpose without Gen. Lincoln's knowl-
edge. Accordingly, one of his leaders was dispatched to
obtain a private interview with an officer of the army, and
while the attention of the government troops was attracted
by this interview, which occurred on the 3d of February,
Shays drew off his entire force from Pelham, and marched
to Petersham, in the county of Worcester. News of the
motion of Shays' army was brought to Gen. Lincoln at
noon, but he supposed the insurgents were only shifting
their position. Still, to be ready for anything that might
occur, he issued orders to his army to provide themselves
with provisions for three days, and be ready to march at a
moment's warning. At six o'clock, he received news that
convinced him that the insurgents had retired, and at eight
his army were on their way in pursuit. The weather was
extremely cold, and hardly any part of New England
could produce a path more bleak and drear than that
which lay before them. At two o'clock the next morning,
the army, passing through Shutesbury, had reached New
Salem, and here came on a violent snow storm, which, ad-
ded to the prevailing cold, rendered their march one of
LEGISLATIVE ACTION. 271
extreme suffering. Their only safety lay in keeping up
their motion. In the mean time, the insurgents had com-
pleted their march, and were snugly quartered upon the
inhabitants of Petersham. At nine o'clock in the morn-
ing, the advanced guard of light horse entered the town,
giving to Shays and his party the first intimation of the
approach of the government troops. No surprise could have
been more complete. The storminess and coldness of the
night, and the long distance of thirty miles which lay be-
tween Hadley and Petersham, were considerations that
lulled them to a sense of perfect security. They had
hardly time to snatch their arms and provisions for a hasty
retreat, when the whole of Lincoln's army cavalry, artil-
lery and infantry came pouring into the town. The
frightened rebels instantly evacuated their houses, and
thronged into a back road leading to Athol, scarcely dis-
charging a gun. Gen. Lincoln might have slain them in
great numbers, but this was not his policy. He contented
himself with routing them, and taking 150 of them prison-
ers, whom, after administering to them the oath of alle-
giance, he dismissed, with passports, to their homes. But
Shays and the other leaders succeeded in making their es-
cape, with so rapid a movement, that they could not be
traced. Two or three days subsequently, he was at Win-
chester, N. H., with 300 men, and the others fled mostly
to that State, Vermont and New York.
The Legislature convened on the very day that Shays
marched from Pelham. By adjournment, it should have
met four days earlier, but such was the state of popular
excitement in the Commonwealth, that a sufficient number
of members had not come together. The first business
was to listen to the Governor's narrative of events con-
nected with the insurrection, and the measures he had in-
stituted for its suppression. On the next day, a declaration
of rebellion was adopted by both houses, as well as an ap-
proval of Gen. Lincoln's offer of clemency to all privates
and non-commissioned officers among the insurgents, on
condition of their surrendering their arms, and subscribing
the oath of allegiance as prescribed by the Governor.
They also sent an answer to the Governor's speech, entire-
ly approving the measures he had taken, desiring him to
continue them, persistently and vigorously, and promising
272 THE SHAYS REBELLION.
him such support as it was in their province to render*
In the fulfillment of this promise, they made an appropria-
tion of 40,000 for the re-inibursement of the money bor-
rowed of the citizens of Boston, and passed a resolve ap-
proving of the spirited conduct of Gen. Shepard, in
defending the Springfield arsenal. They then took up the
petition which had been forwarded by the insurgents from
Pelham, and voted that the paper could not be sustained,
for sundry reasons. Some of these, as stated, were tech-
nical, but the first and most important was that those con-
cerned in the petition were avowedly in arms, and in a
state of hostility against the government, a position which
they determined to maintain until all should be pardoned.
The last reason given was that, if the petition had been a
proper one, and properly subscribed by all who desired
pardon, their cause had been supported by so many false-
hoods that no dependence could be placed on their prom-
ises of amendment. On the Gth of February, the Governor
communicated to the Legislature the intelligence connected
with the routing of the insurgents at Petersham. After
some hesitation, in regard to the best policy of procedure, it
was decided, in view of the new aspect of affairs, to counter-
mand the order issued by the Governor for raising 2,600
men, and a resolve was passed that an army, not exceeding
1,500 men, should be enlisted to serve four months. They
also requested the Governor to issue a proclamation, offer*
ing a reward not exceeding 150 for the apprehension of
either of the leaders of the rebellion, and to request the
Governors of other States to issue similar proclamations.
They also took appropriate notice of the action of Gen.
Lincoln and his troops, and of "their march from Hadley to
Petersham, than which a more remarkable one was never
performed in America.
The dispersion of the rebels at Petersham served to
scatter numbers of them over the Western part of the
State, who took frequent occasion to vent, in a small way,
the spite which their aggregated impotence had served to
engender. While Lincoln was at Petersham, he heard of
the gathering of a portion of the fugitives near Northfield,
and would hare proceeded to that point, but for an express
that reached him from General Patterson, of Berkshire
County, requiring his presence in that quarter. So, dis-
FURTHER TROUBLES IN BERKSHIRE. 273
missing three companies of artillery, and ordering two reg-
iments to Worcester, he left Petersham with a body of his
troops, on the 7th of February, and marched to Amherst
the same day, a distance of 25 miles. The next day's
march was through old Hadley to Northampton, 8 miles.
From this point, they passed in nearly a direct line through
Chesterfield, Worthington, Peru, Hinsdale and Dalton, to
Pittsfield. In Berkshire County, the insurgents had as-
sembled, during the pursuit of Shays, for the purpose of
diverting or dividing the attention of the Government, and
with the ulterior object of joining his forces, should they
be driven Westward. But the friends of good order in
Berkshire would not then tolerate rebellion on their soil.
They accordingly volunteered, to the number of 500 men,
some of the first men in the County taking their places in
the ranks. At the intersection of three roads in the town
of West Stockbridge, the insurgents collected, to the num-
ber of 150 or 200 men, under one Hubbard, and it became,
or appeared, important, to disperse this party before it
should grow stronger. To effect this purpose, the volun-
teers for the Government turned out in a body, and
marched for the spot. On the approach of their advanced
corps, consisting of thirty-seven infantry, they received a
fire from Hubbard's sentries, and the insurgents were in-
stantly drawn up in good order and commanded to fire,
but they hesitated. Theodore Sedgwick, subsequently
judjre of the Supreme Court, appreciating the cause of
tln-ir apprehension, immediately rode up to them, and ad-
dressing them as old acquaintances, directed them to lay
down their arms. Many of them complied with his com-
mand, while others turned and fled. Eighty-four of them,
including Hubbard himself, were taken prisoners, the ma-
jority of whom were allowed to take the oath of allegiance,
and return home. Two of the insurgents had been wound-
ed by some scattered firing that had taken place. Subse-
quently, a number collected in the town of Adams, but
dispersed on the approach of Gen. Patterson, re-appearing
at \Yilliainstown, where they were dispersed in the same
manner. These events all transpired before the arrival of
Gen. Lincoln's troops in the County, and, together with tho
continuance of the disposition of the insurgents to embody,
were the cause of Gen. Patterson's application for assist-
274 THE SHAYS REBELLION.
ancc. While Lincoln was on the march, 250 insurgents
collected in the town of Lee, to stop the Courts, and were
met and opposed by 300 citizens. The two bodies finally
entered into an arrangement, the conditions being that the
insurgents should disperse, and that the commander of the
militia should, in case the insurgents were taken, use his
personal endeavors to have them tried within their own
County. The rebels were enabled to secure these terms
by obtaining a yarn beam from the house of a Mrs. Perry,
mounting it as a cannon, and thus deceiving the militia.
As soon as the army arrived at Pittsfield, a party were de-
tached in sleighs directly back to the town of Dalton, in
pursuit of one Major Wiley, who had a party of insurgents
in command, and another body of troops proceeded to Wil-
liamstown, to look after the rebels in that quarter. The
Dalton company took six prisoners, among whom was
Wiley's son, but Wiley himself succeeded in escaping.
The Williamstown detachment took fourteen prisoners, and
had one of their men wounded in the struggle ihat attended
the capture.
The exasperation that took possession of the baffled
leaders of the insurrection, at this juncture, was great.
Shays was defeated, and the government army was in
Berkshire, which then had become the stronghold of the
rebellious movement. The following letter, from one of
the leaders whose name has been previously mentioned,
will sufficiently illustrate the extreme bitterness which pre-
vailed :
"BERKSHIRE, February 15, 1787.
" Friend* and fellow sufferers : Will you now tamely suf-
fer your arms to be taken from you, your estates to be confis-
cated, and even swear to support a constitution and form of
government, and likewise a code of laws, which common
sense and your consciences declare to be iniquitous and cruel ?
And can you bear to see and hear of the yeomanry of this
Commonwealth being patched and cut to pieces by the cruel
and merciless tools of tyrannical power, and not resent it even
unto relentless bloodshed? Would to God I had the tongue of a
ready writer, that I might impress upon your minds the idea
of the obligation you, as citizens of a republican government,
are under, to support those rights and privileges that the God
of Nature hath entitled you to. Let me now persuade you,
by all the sacred ties of friendship, which natural affection
CONDITIONS OP INDEMNITY. 275
inspires the human heart with, immediately to turn out, and
assert your rights.
" The first step that I would recommend is to destroy Shep-
ard's army, then proceed to the County of Berkshire, as we
are now collecting at New Lebanon, in York State, and Pow-
nal, in Vermont State, with a determination to carry our point,
ifjire, blood and carnage will effect it. Therefore, we beg
that every friend will immediately proceed to the County of
Berkshire, and help us to Burgoyne Lincoln and his army. I
beg this may immediately circulate through your County.
" I am, gentlemen, in behalf of myself and other officers,
Your humble servant, ELI PARSONS."
On the 16th of February, the Legislature closed its de-
liberations in regard to the political disqualifications which
should be the conditions of indemnity to the insurgents.
It was a subject of immense importance to the State, and
called for the exercise of the most judicious counsels.
The conditions instituted were, " that the offenders, having
laid down their arms, and taken the oath of allegiance to
the Commonwealth, should keep the peace for three years,
and, during that term, should not serve as jurors, be eligi-
ble to any town office, or any other office under the gov-
ernment, should not hold or exercise the employment of
school masters, innkeepers, or retailers of spirituous liquors,
or give their votes for the same term of time for any offi-
cer, civil or military, within the Commonwealth, unless
they should, after the 1st day of May, 1788, exhibit ple-
nary evidence of their having returned to their allegiance
and kept the peace, and of their possessing such an une-
quivocal attachment to the Government, as should appear
to the General Court a sufficient ground to discharge them
from all or any of these disqualifications." To such of the
privates among the rebels as had taken up arms on the
side of the Government before the 1st of February, the
( Jtivi'rnor was empowered to extend the release of any or
all of these conditions, as also to certain others designated,
while those absolutely excepted from the indemnity were
" such as were not citizens of the State, such as had been
im-mbers of any General Court in the State, or of any
State or County Convention, or had been employed in any
commissioned office, civil or military ; such as, after deliv-
ering up their arms, and taking the oath of allegiance
during the rebellion, had again taken and borne arms
276 THE SHAYS REBELLION.
against the Government ; such as had fired upon, or wound-
ed, any of the loyal subjects of the Commonwealth ; such
as had acted as committees, counsellors or advisers to the
rebels ; and such as, in former years, had been in arms
against the Government in the capacity of commissioned
officers, and were afterwards pardoned and had been con-
cerned in the rebellion." The law appeared stringent to
the advocates of lenient measures in the House, and, had
it not appeared that the rebels were still malignantly pur-
suing their measures in the Western part of the State, to
such an extent as to shame the faces and shut the mouths
of their friends and advocates, it would have been carried
in that branch of the Legislature with much difficulty.
A few days after the insurgents were routed at Peters-
ham, Gen. Shepard took his position at Northfield, a point
lying so near to the adjoining line of New Hampshire as
to be desirable to the rebels. From this place, on the 1 6th
of February, he dispatched Capt. Samuel Bumngton, with
a company of horse, for the purpose of apprehending cer-
tain refugees abiding in Vermont. Having procured a
warrant from a Vermont magistrate, they undertook their
work, but they found the Vermonters opposed to them, and
so far sympathetic with the refugees, as to render it impos-
sible to prosecute the pursuit, when they returned to North-
field. On the evening of the same day, a small party was
dispatched to Bernardston, for the purpose of arresting
Capt. Jacob Parmenter, a leader of the rebels. One of
the Government party was Jacob Walker of Whately,
and, unfortunately for him, Parmenter was overtaken in
the Eastern part of Bernardston, accompanied by two oth-
ers, riding in a sleigh. The sleighs of the respective par-
ties unexpectedly came in collision with each other, when
Parmenter hailed the other party, and receiving no an-
swer, ordered his men to fire. This they essayed to do,
but their priming was wet, and their guns unserviceable.
Instantly Parmenter and Walker raised their guns, took
deliberate aim at each other, and fired simultaneously, when
Walker fell, with a mortal wound. Parmenter and his
associates escaped unharmed, but they were captured the
next day, in Vermont, and secured in the jail at North-
ampton.
On the 26th of February, a large body of insurgents
STOCKBEIDGE PLUNDERED. 277
under Capt. Hamlin, entered Berkshire County from the
State of New York, and proceeded to the town of Stock-
bridge, arriving there on the morning of the 27th. Halt-
ing at a house kept by Mrs. Bingham, they divided them-
selves into parties, for the purpose of pillaging the village.
One of these parties found Jahleel Woodbridge in bed,
made him captive, and plundered the house of all its val-
uables. Entering the house of Deacon Ingersoll, they
found the good man at prayer. Mrs. Ingersoll, understand-
ing the weak points of the mob, went to the door and
handed them a bottle of brandy, with which they content-
edly marched off. Ira Seymour was a character peculiarly
offensive to them, and several houses were passed in their
anxiety to reach him, but he escaped, though without shoes
to protect his feet from the snow. From Capt. Jones, they
stole a large quantity of " military stores," and, what he
esteemed more highly than aught else, and never recov-
ered, a belt of wampum, given him by the Indians, in token
of friendship. They also took, as prisoners, him and his
sons Josiah and William, an old negro woman who was
laboring in the family, and the hired man, who at once de-
clared himself to be a Shays man, and ready and anxious
to join the insurgents, but he was not believed, and was
driven off with the others. Passing to the house of Dr.
Sergeant, they, broke open the chamber of Mercy Scott, a
seamstress, and stole her silver shoe-buckles. They then
secured Dr. S., two medical students of the name of Hop-
kins and Catlin, and Dr. Partridge, Moses Lynch and a
hired man, and marched them off as prisoners. They then
proceeded to the house of Gen. Ashley, and took him.
One band entered the store of a Mr. Edwards to get spir-
ituous liquors. From the office of Theodore Sedgwick,
they took Ephraim Williams and Henry Hopkins prison-
ers, and stole a quantity of linen from the drawers. At
the house of Mr. Sedgwick, they met with their match.
Tli'-y found there Elizabeth Freeman, popularly known as
' k Mum Bett," a woman of color. She armed herself with
llu- kitchen tire-shovel, and escorted the gentlemen over
the house and into the cellar, forbidding all wanton destruc-
tion of property, under penalty of a blow from the shovel.
On reaching her own chest, in which she had secreted the
family silver, the robbers asked her what it contained.
24
278 THE SHAYS REBELLION.
" Oh, you had better search that" she replied, " an old
nigger's chest !" And thus she succeeded in shaming them
out of it. One of the robbers stole Mr. Sedgwick's horse,
a favorite of " Mum Bett," but after mounting him was
thrown to the ground. Bett seized the horse, and giving
him a furious blow, supposed she had sent him beyond the
reach of the thievish clan, but he was retaken by them,
and never returned. At the house of Asa Bement, Jr.,
they were very violent, and fired upon a boy who endeav-
ored to escape on horseback, with a white paper in his
hat. The boy leaped from the horse, and escaped to the
house of the elder Mr. Bement, but before the scoundrels
could reach that house, they were recalled in order to com-
mence their march.
When the prisoners had been brought in, they were pa-
raded in front of a locality now occupied by the new
grave-yard. At this moment, Nathaniel Lynch, Asa Be-
ment, Jr., George Kirkland and Ned Monday, a colored
man, rode up, threatened to fire upon, the robbers, and ac-
cordingly discharged their pieces. They were immediately
pursued. Kirkland's horse leaped the fence, and carried
his rider to the house of a Mr. Tucker. He was met at
the door by a young woman who told him that there was a
Shays man within. The Shays man proved to be a Ger-
man soldier, known as " Little Pete," and' belonging in
West Stockbridge. Rushing out, he seized Kirkland's
horse by the bridle, and, pointing a pistol at his breast, or-
dered him to surrender. There was no resisting such an
argument, and Kirkland was led back, into the line of pris-
oners. Little Pete mounted his horse, and, content with
his share in the spoils, struck a fast gait for Vermont or
Canada, from whence he did not return for twenty years.
Lynch and Bement were pursued to a swamp, and fired
upon, but not injured. A portion of Hamlin's party had
become so drunk as to be unable to proceed, but the re-
mainder, after sending Gen. Ashley, whom Hamlin had
recognized as a fellow officer in the Revolution, back to his
home, marched with their prisoners for Great Barrington.
In the meantime, messengers had gone in every direction,
announcing the presence of the insurgents.
On reaching Great Barrington, Hamlin's party stopped
for liquor at the house of a Mr. Bement, and then they
DEFEAT OP THE ROBBERS. 279
called upon Mrs. Bement to show them the jail, which was
attached to the house, in order, as they said, to see if it
was strong enough to hold their prisoners, when they should
get ready to store them there. There was but one way for
the lady, who went around, unlocking the cells, and sing-
ing with charming unconcern and mischievous pleasantry :
" Ye living men come view the ground,
Where you must shortly lie !"
The debtors in the jail were all released, but, as the peo-
ple of the town had taken the alarm, and information of
their approach had been forwarded to Sheffield, there was
little chance for plunder, and the robbers began to take
measures for their safety.
The militia of Sheffield had been collected under Lieut.
Goodrich, and were joined by* a company from Great Bar-
rington, raising the whole number to 80 men. A report
was then received, that the insurgents were beating a re-
treat through Egremont to New York, when the Govern-
ment party, under the command of Col. John Ashley, took
a back road, and, in their sleighs, drove for the residence
of Francis Hare Jr., in Egremont. They had not pro-
ceeded far, when they found that the insurgents were in the
rear in pursuit. A halt was made, the sleighs drawn aside,
and the party, amid considerable confusion, attempted to form.
Lieut. Goodrich then, took his Sheffield company through
a lot of girdled trees on the West side of the road, while
C:|>t. Ingersoll, with the Great Barrington company, ad-
vanced through a wood on the Eastern side, engaging in a
scattering fire during their progress, being first fired upon
by the insurgents. Quite a hot engagement of a few brief
minutes ensued, when the rebels turned in flight. Other
parties of government forces soon came in, one being from
Lenox, under Capt. William Walker. A number of pris-
oners, variously stated, from 25 to 60, were taken. Col.
A.-hk'y, in his official dispatch to Gen. Lincoln, gives the
f inner number, while Minot multiplies the number by two.
Thirty of the insurgents were wounded, among whom was
Hainlin himself. Two were killed outright, and a third,
one Rathbun, died some time afterwards of his wounds.
In the melee, Solomon Gleazen, the village schoolmaster
of Stockbridge, one of Hanilin's prisoners, was shot dead.
t
280 THE SHAYS REBELLION.
A Mr. Porter, of the Great Barrington militia, was shot
dead, and carried home to his wife before she was aware
of his fall. Dr. Burghardt of Richmond was wounded.
After securing the prisoners, and ordering those members
of the Stockbridge militia, who had been released from
captivity by Hamlin's flight, into the ranks, a council of
war was held, and the troops marched from the field. The
prisoners were first taken to Great Barrington, but the
jail was not large enough to hold them, and they were
taken to Lenox, under an escort of a line of sleighs a mile
in length, and with such demonstrations of mock pomp,
and grotesque hilarity as the occasion was calculated to in-
spire. Half an hour previous to the action, Hamlin pa-
roled a number of his prisoners, on the condition that they
should proceed to Egremont, under an insignificant guard
of four men. These were relieved by a party of horse,
and sent back to their homes.
The plunder of Stockbridge by the insurgents under
Hamlin, was the last important demonstration made during
the rebellion, and the action that took place between them
and the volunteers under Col. Ashley was, in fact, the only
fight that occurred from first to last. It was the first and
only instance in which a considerable body of the rebels^ /
exhibited the slightest courage, and, from the quantity of
liquor they had stolen and drunk during the day, it is not
uncharitable to suppose that their ephemeral bravery was
more properly attributable to artificial excitement than
genuine courage. The insurrection had now degenerated
into nothing better than a wholesale system of robbery,
which no decent man, and no man holding the smallest
stake in the peace and good order of the community, could
apologize for, or attempt to justify.
It will have been noticed that this band came from New
York, as, also, that upon the dispersion of the rebels at
Petersham, they fled to adjoining States. In those States,
they were not content with finding a refuge from pursuit,
and an opportunity for revenging themselves by passing
over the border, as occasion permitted, and committing
their outrages in Massachusetts, but they sought to diffuse
their seditious principles among those who afforded them a
shelter. Already a spirit of insurrection had appeared in
several of the adjacent States. So wide was this spirit in
CO-OPERATION OF OTHER STATES. 281
its power and prevalence, and so strongly was the move-
ment in Massachusetts regarded as the central and decisive
lie Id of operations, that "Hurra for Shays!" was as famil-
iar a watchword in Connecticut, Vermont and New Hamp-
shire, as in Western Massachusetts. The safety which the
rebel refugees enjoyed, in their retreats beyond the lines
of home jurisdiction, presented a difficulty which the Gen-
eral Court sought to obviate, by requesting the Governor
to write to the Governors of the neighboring States, asking
them to take measures for the apprehension of the rebels,
and for preventing them from the acquisition of supplies.
The States applied to were, for reasons rather to be strong-
ly suspected than boldly asserted, very slow .and tame in
their responses, llhode Island responded first, and, after
promising what was desired, contented herself with allow-
ing the refugees to roam throughout the State at their will.
The Governor of Connecticut promised aid, issued a pro-
clamation offering a reward for the apprehension of Tithe
rebels, and, assisted by a resolution of" the Legislature of
that State, showed his sincerity by his works. New Hamp-
shire acted honorably and efficiently.
After the news of the Stockbridge incursion reached the
Legislature, that body requested the Governor to write
again to the Governor of New York, from whom, as well
as from the Governor of Vermont, no reply had been re-
ceived, urging him to take measures for the apprehension
of such rebels as had taken refuge in that State, founding
his plea for such action on the articles of confederation lit-
erally interpreted. Unknown to the General Court, Gen.
Lincoln had anticipated their action, and immediately after
the Stockbridge demonstration, sent a dispatch to the Gov-
ernor of New York, giving the origin and history of that
event. The New York Legislature was then in session,
and, after listening to the communication, resolved to re-
commend it to the Governor to repair to the spot where
tin- insurgents might be, call out the militia to his support,
mid to take all necessary measures for the apprehension of
such insurgents as might be found within the bounds of
the State. The Governor immediately issued orders for
raising a brigade and three regiments of militia, to hold
themselves ready for motion at a moment's warning, and
took his measures with sucli promptness and efficiency, that
24*
282 THE BHAYS REBELLION.
the refugees were obliged to flee to Vermont, the only ad-
joining State that was not, nominally, at least, shut against
them. A singular incident was connected with the flight
which the insurgents found it necessary to make from New
York. On the 3d of March, Levi Bullock of Lanesbor-
ough, a young man, and one of those engaged in plunder-
ing Stockbridge, returned home. He was so fearful of
apprehension that he dared not show himself, except to a
boy named Thomas Mayo, whom he persuaded to go out
with him and lodge in what is popularly called a " potato
hole" a place dug out for the storage of vegetables in the
winter. They took a bed, and a small pot of live coals.
Closing the entrance to their cave, and lying down upon
their bed, they were both found dead the following day.
Finally, Vermont, after wavering for some time in the
fear of stirring up rebellion at home, where the popular
feeling was strongly sympathetic with the Massachusetts
insurgents, came into the line of judicious and neighborly
policy, and, on the 27th of February, the Governor issued
his proclamation for the apprehension of the rebels ; and
in communicating the same to the Governor of Massachu-
setts, he assured him of his co-operation in the measures
instituted for checking the intestine broils in the sister
Commonwealth. The Legislature of Pennsylvania also
showed a generous compliance with the Governor's re-
quest, and made an addition to the reward offered by him
for the apprehension of the leaders of the rebellion.
Thus, measures having been effectually taken to subdue
and keep under subjection the rebellion within the State,
and to place it under ban in the adjacent jurisdictions, the
Legislature turned its attention to the trial of those already
in the custody of the law. It was decided that the Su-
preme Judicial Court should hold a special session in each
of the disaffected Counties of Berkshire, Hampshire and
Middlesex, leaving the Court to hold its regular session in
Worcester, on the last Tuesday in April. A law was
enacted at the same time, excluding from juries those who
had in any manner been guilty of favoring the rebellion,
with the provision that a subsequent vote of the town
might restore their names to the jury box. But this law
was not of very generally operative application, for, in
some towns, the sympathy in favor of the rebellion had
COMMISSION OF INDEMNITY. 283
been so pervasive that hardly a sufficient number of fflen
was left to fill the necessary town offices. This .-tat' 1 <>t'
things called for a legislative remedy, and it was instituted
by the appointment of -three Commissioners, who were
empowered to grant indemnity to all who had been con-
cerned in the rebellion in that indirect manner that placed
them beyond the cover of the act of indemnity, on their
subscribing the oath of allegiance, and furnishing satisfac-
tory evidence of their return to faithful citizenship. This
indemnity was to be granted with the remission of any or
all of the conditional disqualifications attached to the gen-
eral act of indemnity. The Commissioners were also author-
ized to remit the disqualifying conditions to those who had
taken the benefit of the act of indemnity, provided that
satisfactory evidence of their repentance and amendment
should be adduced, excluding, however, from their protec-
tion, Daniel Shays, Luke Day, Eli Parsons and Adam
Wheeler, all those persons who had fired upon or killed
citizens in the peace of the Commonwealth, with the com-
mander of their party ; and, also, the members of the rebel
Council of War, and all those against whom the Governor
and Council had issued a warrant, unless liberated on bail.
The Commission consisted of Gen. Lincoln, Samuel Phil-
lips, Jr., President of the Senate, and Samuel Allyne
Otis, Speaker of the House of Representatives. In order
to protect the places of trust from feigned converts to the
Government, a resolution was passed, directing that Se-
lectmen and other town officers should take and subscribe
the oath of allegiance.
While providing thus, in the most judicious manner, for
the trial of the principal criminals, and for restoring the
masses that had been in rebellion to relations of peace with
the Commonwealth, the Legislature did not forget to con-
tinue the reformatory progress it had commenced at the
previous session. It reduced the number of terms of
holding the sessions of the Courts of Common Pleas and
< nt-ral Sessions of the Peace, enacted a new fee-bill con-
siderably diminishing the fees of attorneys and public offi-
e is, and appointed a committee to inquire whether there
were any real public grievances under which the people
suffered. This Committee reported three, viz : " That
suitable provision had not been made for the seasonable
284 THE SHAYS REBELLION.
and punctual payment of the interest due on public secu-
rities ;" " that the Treasurer had not been laid under great-
er restrictions with regard to the drawing of orders," and
" That the salary established by law for the support of the
first Magistrate of the Commonwealth, was higher than
was reasonable."
A bill was passed for the redress of this latter grievance,
reducing the Governor's salary from 1,100 to 800.
This bill the Governor returned with objections, based on
Constitutional provisions, stating, in connection, that, al-
though his expenditures far exceeded his income, he would
consent to the reduction so far as he was personally con-
cerned, but it was neither in his power, nor in consonance
with his inclination, to diminish or render precarious the
salary of his successors. The necessary two-thirds of the
Legislature could not be obtained for over-riding the veto,
and the measure consequently fell to the ground. The
Legislature was then, on the 10th of March, prorogued to
the ensuing annual election.
The Commission for granting indemnity to persons con-
cerned in the rebellion went busily to work, and not less
than 790 persons availed themselves of its offices. In the
meantime, the trials of those under arrest came on in
Berkshire, Hampshire, "Worcester and Middlesex. These
trials, of course, excited the widest popular attention and
interest. The Supreme Judicial Court, sitting in Great
Barrington, for the County of Berkshire, found six persons
guilty of high treason, and condemned them to death, viz :
Samuel Rust of Pittsfield, Peter Williams, Jr., of Lee,
Nathaniel Austin of Sheffield, Aaron Knap of West
Stockbridge, Enoch Tyler of Egremont, and Joseph Wil-
liams of New Marlboro. The following were sentenced to
various grades of punishment for seditious words and prac-
tices : William Whiting of Great Barrington 100 fine,
imprisonment for seven months, and recognizance in the
sum of 300 to keep the peace for five years ; John Dem-
ing of West Stockbridge a fine of 60, and recognizance
in 100 to keep the peace for three years ; John Hubbard
of Sheffield a fine of 100 and recognizance in 200 to
keep the peace for four years ; Daniel Sackett of Pittsfield
a fine of 60, and recognizance in 100 to keep the
peace for three years. Six were also convicted at the
SENTENCES OP THE REBELS. 285
Court held in Northampton, and condemned to death, viz :
Jason Parmenter of Bernardston, Daniel Ludington of
Southampton, Alpheus Colton of Longmeadow, James
White of Colerain, John Wheeler of Hardwick, and Henry
McCulloch of Pelham. Those convicted of treasonable
words and practices, and sentenced to lower grades of pun-
ishment were : Joseph Jones (his crime being an assault
upon and firing a pistol at the Deputy Sheriff in the exe-
cution of his office,) one hour on the gallows, and recog-
nizance in 80 to keep the peace for two years ; Silas
Hamilton, Esq., of Whitingham, Vt., (for stirring up sedi-
tion in this Commonwealth,) to stand one hour in the pil-
lory, and be publicly whipped on the naked back with
twenty stripes ; Moses Harvey, a fine of 50, to sit on the
gallows with a rope around his neck for one hour, and re-
cognizance in 200 to keep the peace for five years ; John
Severance, a fine of 30 and recognizance in 100 to
keep the peace for three years ; Abner Fowler, a fine of
50, imprisonment for twelve months, and bonds to keep
the peace for five years ; Thomas Killam a fine of 20,
and recognizance in 50 to keep the peace for three years ;
and Samuel Rose, an hour in the pillory, and a public
whipping, with twenty stripes.
Henry Gale of Princeton was tried and condemned to
death in Worcester, and Job Shattuck of Groton, at Con-
cord. Fourteen individuals were thus under sentence of
death for leadership and acts of criminal violence in the
rebellion, and a large number under milder sentences, for
acting minor parts in the same revolt. One convict, (Mo-
ses Harvey) a member of the House of Representatives,
who was sentenced to an hour's occupation of the gallows
with a rope around his neck, the payment of a fine of 50
and bonds to keep the peace and be of good behavior for
five years, received his punishment, and this sentence, as
will hereafter be seen, was the only one-, of all those pro-
nounced, that was ever executed.
The movements of the insurgents during this time, and
subsequently, were not particularly note-worthy. One
night, towards the last of April, some twenty-five insur-
gents assembled under arms on the West side of the river
at Northfield, and beat their drums and fired their guns.
They were, probably, a company who had come down from
286 THE SHAYS REBELLION.
Vermont and New Hampshire to reconnolter,' and they
quickly fled before the troops stationed there, under Gen.
Shepard. Among the last days of May, Capt. Bingham
of Partridgefield was arrested for his participation in the
rebellion, and committed to jail in Northampton. About
the same time, four men engaged in sowing seditious senti-
ments in Connecticut were taken into custody by the au-
thorities of that State, in accordance with the proclamation
of the Governor and the action of the Legislature. On
the 29th of the same month, Lieut. Bullard of Orange was
arrested in Swahzey, N. H., while enlisting men for Shays,
and committed to jail in Northampton, with two accompli-
ces. At a later date, three guns were discharged upon the
dwelling house of Joshua Healey of Chesterfield, the balls
entering the house. This was in consequence of Mr Hea-
ley's commencement of a suit for damages, previously in-
flicted by the insurgents. Still, the insurgents were busy.
Their leaders, they saw, were under the extremest sen-
tence of the law, and although they could not hope to suc-
ceed in their schemes of rebellion, they were extremely
anxious to rescue the convicts from the punishment to
which they were sentenced. They threatened and bullied,
and declared that their predatory incursions were only pre-
liminary to a general invasion. Some of them even went
to Canada to solicit the aid of that Government, but with-
out success. In the meantime, the Governor and Council,
in the exercise of that remarkable lenity that had ever
marked their policy, on the 30th of April extended a free
pardon to eight of those sentenced to death in the Western
Counties, leaving only two to be hung in each County, and
these were to be hung in the latter part of May. Prepa-
rations were accordingly made at the proper time for their
execution. Gen. Shepard moved down from Northfield to
Northampton with his troops, to protect the officers of the
law in the execution of their duty. A gallows had been
erected, and all the preparations made for the solemn event.
When all was ready, and it had been demonstrated to those
who had declared that these convicts should not be hung,
that the Government was abundantly able to carry out the
execution of the laws, the Sheriff opened a reprieve of the
sentence to the 21st of June following, which had been
granted by the Governor on the 17th of May, and read it
THE LEGISLATURE AGAIN CONVENED. 287
to the assembled multitude. Yet, notwithstanding the len-
ient course pursued by the Government, the malignant
remnants of the broken rebellion still took occasion to vent
their spite. Scarcely had Gen. Shepard with his troops
left Northfield to attend the execution, when a party of rebel
officers, with a number of the inhabitants of New Hamp-
shire, under the command of Col. Smith of New Salem,
proceeded to Warwick, and made Dr. Medad Pomeroy and
Joseph Metcalf prisoners. These were both highly re-
spectable and well known men, and a paper left in the house
of Dr. Pomeroy stated that they were to be reserved as
hostages to secure the lives of Jason Parmenter and Hen-
ry McCulloch, then under sentence of death. The paper
declared that if those two convicts should be executed, the
prisoners should also be put to death. Both were, howev-
er, soon afterwards allowed to escape, probably in conse-
quence of the fact that the convicts had been reprieved,
though the consciousness that they would find it difficult to
hold them doubtless had its effect.
The Governor was unexpectedly called upon, by the
death of the Treasurer of the Commonwealth, to call the
Legislature together again making the fourth session of
the year. This was subsequent to the annual election
which had resulted in removing Gov. Bowdoin from the
Chief Magistracy, and bestowing that office upon John
Hancock, and in such changes in the Legislature as showed
that the rebellion had been more widely sympathized in
than the Government had ever dreamed. On meeting for
the last time the out-going Legislature, Gov. Bowdoin ex-
pressed his gratification that he was about to retire from
office, and nobly declared that he should have expressed
liis wish for retirement earlier, could he have done it with-
out the imputation of deserting the people while their af-
fairs were in a critical situation. In taking his leave of
the Court, he conferred his best wishes upon the Common-
wealth, and expressed the hope " that the people might have
just ideas of liberty, and not lose it in licentiousness, and
in despotism, its natural consequence." During the session
of the Court, the Commissioners for granting pardon to
offenders made their report, in which they declared that,
beyond the obvious and well known causes of the rebel-
lion, a delusion in regard to the action and position of the
288 THE SHAYS KEBELLION.
General Court had been a powerful cause in sowing discord
and discontent, and that this delusion had, in too many in-
stances, been excited and fostered by the members of the
General Court themselves. For this, the General Court
were disposed to make amends, and before they rose, they
passed a reply to the Governor's address, in which they
accorded to him the warmest praise for the measures he
had adopted, declared their sincere confidence in his char-
acter, expressed regret for his retirement from office, and
gave utterance to their wish that he might receive from a
grateful people those marks of affection and esteem which
were the proper reward for his services and merits.
The rebels and their sympathizers had now a Governor
and Legislature of their own choosing, but that Governor
and that Legislature, in their very first acts, set aside the
most unjust verdict which the people had rendered against
Gov. Bowdoin, and endorsed his conduct by following his
policy. Gov. Hancock, in his opening speech from the
chair, communicated the intelligence of the incursions that
had been made, and submitted whether it would not be ab-
solutely necessary to continue in service the troops then
stationed in Hampshire and Berkshire, so long as it might
be judged necessary to secure safety and tranquillity to
those counties. The Committee on the Governor's Mes-
sage reported a resolution requesting him to raise 800 men
for the protection of the Western Counties, to continue in
service for six months, unless discharged earlier. The
Senate assented to this, but, after the House had debated
it, they sent down an order for the appointment of a Com-
mittee to consider the expediency of repealing the act of
disqualifications (under certain restrictions) to those who,
within a specified tune, should take the oath of allegiance
to the Commonwealth. In the subsequent debates in the
House, the feeling of a portion of the members became
discoverable 'in their wish that the indemnity should be
indiscriminate and entire. The final decision was, that not
less than 500 nor more than 800 men should be raised for
the Western Counties, and that, with the exception of nine
persons, all who would take and subscribe the oath of alle-
giance before the 12th day of the ensuing September,
should be pardoned. In the House, the measure for a gen-
eral pardon was decided in the negative by a vote of 120
GOVERNOR BOWDOIN JUSTIFIED. 289
to 94. Thus did the Governor and the Legislature con-
demn the policy and the sentiments which had placed them
in office, and thus did they indorse and confirm the policy
of Gov. Bowdoin.
Still, it was necessary that the new Legislature should
do something to justify the grounds on which it was elect-
ed. So, while, in every important particular, they endorsed
the acts of the previous administration, they took such oc-
casion as they could, to cast blame and dishonor upon it.
The bill for suspending the privilege of .the writ of Habeas
Corpus, passed by the previous Legislature, was to expire
by the limitation of its own provisions, on the first of July ;
yet, on the 14th of June, a Committee was raised to bring
in a bill for the repeal of the offensive law. The motives
that led to this action are too evident to call for statement,
or admit of apology. The repeal could hardly have been
carried through its various stages before the law would
have expired of itself. It is not wonderful that the pro-
ject should afterwards have miscarried, and that its advo-
cates should hare become so heartily ashamed of it as
openly to renounce it The Legislature then turned its
eye to the execution of those reforms that had been called
for by the people, the prominent one being the reduction
of the salary of the Governor. In the election which had
placed the noble Hancock in office, the unwillingness of
Gov. Bowdoin to have his salary reduced was made the
most of, in the electioneering efforts instituted to prejudice
the people against him. At the commencement of the ag-
itation of this subject, Gov. Hancock sent hi a message,
voluntarily offering 300 of his salary for the benefit of
the State, at the same time expressing the hope that when
the finances of the State should arrive at a better condi-
tion, his action might not operate to the prejudice of any
of his successors, nor be considered as anything else than
a personal contribution for the relief of the burdens of the
people. The Legislature accepted the donation, praised
the Governor, declared their intention at some future time
to consider the constitutionality of reducing the Governor's
salary, of which his predecessor had expressed doubts,
and dropped the subject. Thus again did the Governor
and the Legislature indorse and confirm the policy and
principles of Gov. Bowdoin and the previous General
25
290 THE SHAYS REBELLION.
Court. They then indorsed and continued the tender act
passed by their predecessors, condemned, like them, the
project of an issue of paper money, complied with the
usual conditions of coercive measures for the suppression
of the rebellion, and voted supplies for the troops. That
their proceedings were watched with intense interest by
their constituents may readily -be imagined. Such a rebuke
to the prejudices of a popular constituency has no parallel
in the legislation of the State. The policy of the previous
administration was triumphantly vindicated, by the very
men chosen to modify or overthrow it, and the last blow
given to one of the most disgraceful rebellions that ever
stained the annals of a free Commonwealth. It should be
added that, previous to the close of the session, the Legis-
lature took appropriate notice of the friendly acts of the
Governments of the adjoining States, in assisting in the
suppression of the rebellion, and requested the Governor
to gain permission to march the troops of Massachusetts
into those States for the purpose of destroying or conquer-
ing the rebels if necessary ; and they declared that no fur-
ther acts of clemency could be passed for the benefit of
those who might be in arms against the Commonwealth,
consisting with the dignity of the State, and the safety and
protection of its citizens.
The great sea of rebellion that had so recently been at
high tide, had now receded to low ebb. Only pitiful bands
of marauders hung upon the borders of the State, the
prime leaders of the rebellion were in concealed exile, the
mob-elected Legislature had declared a conservative poli-
cy, a new army had taken the field, and the Commonwealth
was entirely safe. It thus became a matter of serious con-
sideration with the Governor and Council, whether the
sentence of the law should be visited upon the convicts, all
of whom had played secondary parts in the insurrectionary
movement. The Governor finally concluded to grant a
second reprieve to the convicts until the 2d of August, thus
holding them as hostages for the good behavior of the re-
maining malcontents. Subsequently, a reprieve was grant-
ed to the 20th of September, when all received a full par-
don, save one in Berkshire, who was convicted in the
previous October, and whose sentence was commuted to
hard labor for seven years, his two companions in the
THE LAST OP THE REBELLION. 291
Berkshire jail having, in the meantime, escaped from con-
finement
But, as if the approval of the measures which had been
instituted for the suppression of the rebellion by the ad-
ministration of Governor Bowdoin, on the part of its suc-
cessor, was not sufficient, the rebels themselves brought in
their testimony, with penitence and promise on their lips,
and doubtless in their hearts. At last, Shays and Parsons
sent in a petition for pardon. They declared the enter-
tainment of a penitent sense of their errors, and pleaded
in their own behalf the hardships which had come upon
them in consequence of their conduct While extenuating,
they did not presume to justify their course, a course which
they should ne^er cease to regret. They urged as motives
for their pardon the multiplied misfortunes that had befall-
en them, and the sufferings of their innocent families.
On the 13th of August, the State had become so quiet
that the Governor reduced the number of troops in service
to 200, and on the 12th of September he discharged the
remainder, thus declaring the entire reduction of the in-
surrection, and the restoration of peace and safety to the
Commonwealth. On the 13th of June, 1788, the Legisla-
ture adopted a resolution, justifying all officers and others
who had apprehended persons engaged in the use of the
property of others, such as quartering insurrectionary
troops in houses, &c., for the purpose of suppressing the
rebellion, and indemnifying jailors and sheriffs from whom
prisoners had escaped, or who had been prevented from
fulfilling the legitimate duties of their office by the rebel-
lion. They then closed up legislation upon the subject by
indemnifying all who had been engaged in the rebellion,
and not convicted, except against private suits for damages
done to individuals, on condition of their taking and sub-
scribing the oath of allegiance within six months from the
passage of the act, save the nine persons excepted from
the act of indemnity passed just a year previously, whose
pardon was qualified with the condition that they should
never hold any office, civil or military, within the Com-
monwealth. This act called back the exiles to their homes,
who had long previously returned to their senses, and the
rebellion became history, and a lesson in Government
which may never be forgotten.
CHAPTER XVIII
SKETCHES OP SHAYS AND DAT COMMENTS ON AND
INCIDENTS OP THE REBELLION.
It will not be inappropriate, before briefly commenting
on the remarkable insurrection whose leading events have
been narrated, to pass in review the character and history
of the two men who were its leading spirits, viz. : Daniel
Shays and Luke Day. Daniel Shays was born in Hop-
kinton, in the County of Middlesex, in the year 1747.
An old gentleman still living, and retaining a vivid recol-
lection of his youth, says that the parents of Shays were
very poor, so poor, in fact, as, in some instances, to have
depended upon their neighbors for the necessaries of life.
When young, he worked for a farmer in Framingham, and
the necessities which poverty forced upon him prevented
him from the acquisition of even a respectable education.
Previous to the commencement of the Revolutionary war,
lie became a resident of Great Barrington, but, having re-
mained there a short time, he removed to Pelham, which
became his home and the scene of many of his movements
connected with the rebellion with which he has associated
his name. He had arrived at the age of twenty-eight,
when, on the breaking out of the war of the Revolution,
he entered the service of his country, with the rank of en-
sign. He was plausible, ambitious, of good address and
appearance, and possessed undoubted courage, but, with
all these qualities, he lacked that essential element in a
worthy and symmetrical character principle. In 1776,
he was appointed a Lieutenant, in Col. Varnum's regi-
ment, and, doubtless, owing to his gallant carriage and
pleasant address, was detached on recruiting service, with
the promise of an appropriate reward for enlisting twenty
men. He came to Massachusetts, and abundantly suc-
ceeded. But he was as ambitious of rank as of money,
and his easy success in this enterprise, suggested a plan
for carrying out his projects for self-advancement, which
he proceeded to put in practice. He went again into the
SKETCH OP DANIEL SHAYS. 293
recruiting service, and enlisted a handsome company, whose
i-n^Mjjement to serve was based on the condition that he
should be their Captain. He took his company to West
Point, and when the men were about to be apportioned to
the various corps where they were needed, the terms of
their enlistment were made known. The leading officers
indignantly remonstrated, but the army was suffering for
men, and they felt themselves obliged to pocket the indig-
nity, and yield to his most unsoldierlike demands. A Cap-
tain's Commission was promised him, but it was not issued
until 1779, though he was allowed the pay of a Captain
from January, 1777. He was in Col. Putnam's regiment
at Newark, N. J., when, in October, 1780, he was dis-
charged from service.
To a mind in the slightest degree sensitive to motives
of honor, the means he instituted to effect his promotion,
and the position which he consequently held in the army,
would have been distasteful even to disgust, and an anec-
dote of a remarkable character is preserved which shows
still more fully, perhaps, how entirely he was lacking in
those nicer sensibilities which mark a high nature and a
noble man. In the year 1780, Gen. Lafayette made to
each of the officers under his immediate command the
present of a sword. Instead of prizing the gift as one above
all price as something to be handed down in his family
as a proud momento of a noble struggle and a noble man,
he took his gift and sold it for a few paltry dollars. But
Shays was brave, nevertheless. At the battle of Bunker
Hill, at the storming of Stony Point and the capture of
Burgoyne, he did gallant and unflinching service, and car-
ried to his grave an honorable scar received in fighting the
battles of his country. Notwithstanding his bravery, it
may readily be seen why Shays did not retire from the
army with an honorable name, and as he was bankrupt in
1'>rt u IK -, like nearly all of the officers who had been in ser-
vice, as well as unfitted for the peaceful pursuits of indus-
try, he was ready to embark in any congenial enterprise
for retrieving his fortunes, or brightening his prospects.
The seditious spirit that seized a portion of the people of
M:i:ielin.--i'tts at the close of the Revolution, found in him
a tool subservient to its ends. He played desperately, for
a desperate stake, and lost. Of the motives that induced
25*
294 THE SHAYS REBELLION,
him to take the leadership of the rebellion, Shays gave his
own account after his return from exile, to a young clergy-
man whom he found in occupation of the pulpit in Pelham
at that time. This clergyman, one Sabbath morning, no-
ticed the entrance into the church of a gentleman of a
somewhat distinguished bearing, and straightway every
eye was on him, and every pew-door was opened to give
him a seat. At the close of the service, he learned the
name of his hearer, who had just returned to his home
with the pardon of the Government. On the following
day, Shays called on the clergyman, and held a long con-
versation with him upon his labors and his sufferings. He
declared to him that he had been entirely deceived in re-
gard to the feelings of the people on the subject of rebel-
lion against the Government. He said that he was assured
that if he would collect one hundred men, and march in
any direction, multitudes would flock to his standard, but
he found to his extreme chagrin that he produced but lit-
tle sensation, and that few comparatively joined his forces
and fortunes. That he would have forsaken his project in
mid-passage, could he have done it with the assurance of
personal safety, has already been shown in his reply to a
confidential officer of the Government, who put the ques-
tion to him.
Of the military genius of Shays, perhaps enough has
already been written in the history of his bungling move-
ments. He had absolutely no qualifications for high mili-
tary command. His soldiers, whom it is charity to sup-
pose were made cowards by the consciousness of being
engaged in a bad cause, rather than from moral infirmity,
neither respected nor feared him. According to his own
confessions he had but little authority in his army. On
one occasion, he thought it necessary, in order to preserve
the appearance of a military organization, to command a man
to stand guard. " No, I won't," replied the independent
individual addressed. " Let that man, (pointing to anoth-
er) he is not so sick as I am." But the other man refused
in the same decided manner, and desired the " commander-
in-chief ' to fix upon some one who was stronger. No man
can fail to see, in these brief incidents of his life, that
while he had no lack of personal bravery, he was, so far
as the rebellion was concerned,; an adventurer, glad to
SKETCH OF LUKE DAY.
295
lead it while it promised success ; anxious to leave it when
he found success doubtful. He was bound to the insurrec-
tionary movement by no tie of principle, no active convic-
tion of right, no controlling motive of love for the public
good. Strictly speaking, Shays was not a demagogue, but
he was the willing tool of demagogues. Easy, reckless,
somewhat ambitious of notoriety, mistakenly confident of
his military talent, ungoverned by principle, fond of the
excitements of the camp, readily influenced through his
vanity, and poor, it is not strange that he was easily led
into a course which had so many abettors among the cooler
heads that kept themselves safely within the pale of non-
cornmitalism. Like the majority of the leaders in the re-
bellion, Shays never prospered after it. After remaining
in Massachusetts awhile, he removed to Sparta, N. Y. In
1820, he received a pension from the U. S. Government,
and, at that time, his family consisted only of an aged
wife. His schedule of personal effects at that date was
meager in the extreme, footing up only &40 62. He died
in September, 1825, at the age of 78 years.
Of the history and character of Luke Day, something
has already been said. He was born in West Springfield,
July 25th, 1743, and was, consequently, four years the sen-
ior of Shays. His father was the proprietor of an exten-
sive landed estate, which, for some reason, was inherited
by a younger brother. His service in the Revolution was
longer than that of Shays, and much more soldierly and
honorable. Day was a demagogue, and a braggadocio.
When Shepard's army was in Springfield, his tongue,
though abundantly accustomed to the language of boasting
and bravado, could hardly express the contempt he felt for
the government forces. He talked wildly of braving
Shepard's men, and of spilling " the last drop of blood that
ran in his veins," but he never embraced the opportunity
oi' making the sacrifice. Day was not, like Shays, a tool
of the rebellion, but an active agent. He raised his own
men, and drilled and commanded them. He maintained
authority among his troops. He was an inveterate speech-
maker, and the shallowness of his principle, and the liber-
tinism which stained his estimate of political freedom, are
abundantly illustrated in an extract from one of his
speeches which has been preserved. A few days orevious
296 THE SHAYS REBELLION.
to the attack of Shays upon the arsenal, Day, in haranguing
his men, said : " My boys, you are going to jiglit for li/HTfy.
If you wish to know what liberty is, I will tell you. It is for
every man to do what he pleases, to make other folks do as
you please to have them, and to keep folks from serving the
devil"
Day was not insensitive to the good opinion of those
whom he respected, and, on one occasion, went to Rev.
Dr. Lathrop, the well known minister at West Springfield
at that time, and, after a somewhat difficult introduction of
the subject, informed the Doctor that he and Shays had
determined to attack the Arsenal, asking him if he thought
they should succeed. The reverend gentleman told him
most decidedly that he thought he would not, and gave for
his reasons that his questioner was engaged in a bad cause,
and that he and all his men knew it. He then told him
that a resort to arms to obtain redress for supposed griev-
ances was not justifiable, and that the measures he was
taking would involve him in difficulty, and bring distress
and ruin upon his family ; and he advised him to disperse
his men immediately. After the defeat of Shays, Day fled
to New York. While in exile, he wrote to Dr. Lathrop,
and quoted with no little plausible shrewdness and mean-
ing the following opening passage of the 4th chapter of
Ecclesiastes : " So I returned, and considered all the op-
pressions that are done under the sun, and behold the tears
of such as were oppressed, and they had no comforter ;
and on the side of the oppressors there was power, but
they had no comforter. Wherefore, I praised the dead
which were already dead, more than the living which are
yet alive. Yea, better is he than both they which hath not
yet been, who hath not seen the evil work that is done un-
der the sun. Again I considered all travail and every
right work, that for this a man is envied by his neighbor.
This is also vanity and vexation of spirit." It would ap-
pear by a mittimus issued by the Clerk of the Suffolk
County Court, on the 3d of April, 1788, that he was, at a
late day, under arrest. How, or when, he was arrested,
does not appear, but, from the fact of his durance in the
Suffolk County jail, and his arraignment there on the charge
of treason, his arrest was probably effected by the agency
of the New York authorities. This mittimus is now pre-
COMMENTS ON THE REBELLION. 297
served in the archives of Hampshire County, to which
county, by his own request, he was transferred for trial.
The mittimus directed the Sheriff and Jailer of the county
to keep him until he should be discharged by due course
of law. Two months afterwards, he was discharged by
the operation of the general pardon. After his pardon, he
returned to West Springfield, where, after suffering ex-
tremely for several years with the gout, he died in poverty,
in 1801, at the age of fifty-eight years. In his movements
in the insurrection, Day had far more earnestness, though
no more principle than Shays. He believed that he had
been wronged, and it infuriated him, and his own heated
words excited himself as much as they did those to whom
they were addressed.
In reviewing the rebellion in which these two men
played the most prominent parts, it is admitted, at the out-
set, that the people of Massachusetts labored under serious
burdens, but they were relieved, so far as legislation could
do it, by the very Government which put down the rebel-
lion, and by a Government which, in its lenient and most
-humane treatment of the rebels, demonstrated its suscepti-
bility to moral influences so thoroughly, as to prove that
its reformatory measures would have been better effected
through the power of the popular will, and through consid-
erations connected with the public good, than by the intim-
idation of brute force. And when the materials of the
rebellion are taken into consideration, their entire lack
of moral power, their utter cowardice, their boastings and
their threatenings, their insolence and malice, their outra-
id robberies apology for them stammers with awk-
ward qualifications, and justification stumbles with the
weight it carries. That there were some good and honest
men among the rebels, is no apology for the rebellion.
They were good men deceived by bad men, or misled by
their falsely-sprung impulses. The leadership of the
movement was exclusively confined to men who would
come legitimately under the denomination of one of three
elu-.-es, viz : adventurers, demagogues and desperadoes.
Such were Shays, Day, Shattuck, Parsons, Ely, Wheeler,
Ilamlin and their associates. There was not a high and
honorable character among them, and that these men were
allowed to rise in arms against the State authorities, that
298 THE SHATS REBELLION.
they found their secret and disguised friends even in the
Legislature itself, and were widely sympathized with
among the people, who, while ashamed or afraid to join
them, gave them covert support for the purpose of influ-
encing legislation, is a shame to the Commonwealth which
offered the first blood on the altar of American freedom.
The policy of the rebellion was even more contemptible
than its materials. It cannot have escaped notice that the
first acts of the rebellion were to stop the Courts, for the
purpose of hindering the collection of just debts. The
very basis was therefore dishonesty, made doubly dishonest
by the lying pretense that the violence instituted was based
on the action and declarations of conventions. The second
step was the stopping of the Superior Courts that the reb-
els might not be convicted of their crimes ; and still they
based their violence on the action of Conventions, some of
which had deprecated, most emphatically, all violence.
The third step was open rebellion against a Government
which, in their petitions, they pretended to wish to conciliate ;
and while their leading motive of conduct became personal
safety, they still tried to deceive the public by harping
upon the discordant strings of popular grievances. The
fourth step was robbery and murder, revenge and malice.
It will have been seen, too, that originally, at least, the mob
had no idea of fighting, and that, even later, they had no
settled determination to fight. Their sympathizers did not
believe they would fight, and did not intend they should.
Their policy was to intimidate the Government, and, by
appearing in arms, to gain such advantages as should, in
the first place, secure the redress of their alleged grievan-
ces, and, in the second, ensure their safety. It was the
play of brag and bully, a grand sham and show, a hollow
pretense a thousand times more insulting to the Govern-
ment and the Legislature than downright treason and up-
right insurrection. The hollow-heartedness and insincerity
of the rebellion was exhibited on every occasion where its
courage and pretensions were put to the test. The first
drop of blood scattered them like frightened sheep, and
they fled before the Government troops with disgraceful
precipitation, even when best prepared to make a stand.
The measures taken to suppress the rebellion claim, at this
day, the warmest tribute of the pen of praise. To Gov-
COMMENTS ON THE REBELLION. 299
ernor JAMES BowDOiN,more than any other man, belongs
the credit of preserving the State from anarchy, and of so
meting out justice with mercy, severity with prudence,
force with discretion, and law with Christian humanity, as
to reconcile a discontented people with their Government,
restore peace where all was discord, and put down a wide
rebellion against the constituted authorities, with less blood-
shed than had often resulted from an insignificant border
conflict of the old province. He did this in the face of a
people steeped with seditious sentiments. He did it
against the prejudices of a reluctant and infected Legisla-
ture, and it seems almost a miracle of moral power that he
was enabled to conceive and carry out a policy which even
a Governor and a Legislature elected by the mob and their
sympathizers, the latter having in its composition a portion
of the mob itself, were obliged to indorse and approve.
His name must be enrolled among the highest benefac-
tors of Massachusetts, and be held in grateful remem-
brance while love for the old Commonwealth, respect for
good government, and loyalty to free institutions, shall en-
dure.
The indirect effect of the rebellion was to hasten the
adoption of a federal government. It exhibited to the
country the gateway of political perdition, and, in itself,
ami in its affiliated movements in the neighboring States,
showed what multitudes were ready to press into it. But
it sowed also the seeds of bitterness. It broke the chain
of family affection. It planted thickly springing and long
enduring prejudices in neighborhoods. It divided church-
es, and thrust loved and revered ministers from their pul-
pits. It strewed, the path of legislation with thorny jeal-
ousies. It wasted precious time, and misapplied scanty
means. It increased the indebtedness of the State. If it
meliorated legislation, it disgraced and vitiated it in the
.-a ino proportion. If it intimidated the Government, as it
intended to do, it dishonored it in the same degree. Jf it
produced one good effect, in any way, or by any means,
that good effect was purchased by a sacrifice of honor that
would have been dearly parted with at a thousand fold the
price received. But it taught a lesson, and let that lesson
be remembered : That the rebellion of a people against a
government established by themselves is not justifiable, <ivenr
A. ; !
800 THE BHAYS REBELLION.
in an extreme case, and can only result in dishonor to the
State, and calamity and disgrace to those who participate
in it.
The rebellion was accompanied by incidents almost num-
berless, which, if they could be collected and properly re-
corded, would form, of themselves, an interesting chapter.
In the early part of the movement, a wag met a gentleman
from Hampshire, and addressed him as follows : " I find
your Convention (alluding to the Hatfield Convention)
and the devil think alike in some things." " How so ?"
inquired he of Hampshire. " Why," responded the wag,
" your Convention has voted that the Court of the General
Sessions of the Peace is a grievance. The devil thinks so
too, because that Court punishes thieves, whores, drunk-
ards, liars, breakers of the peace and profane swearers,
who are his favorite children." During the last days of
September,- 1786, at the time when the large mob was as-
sembled in Springfield to stop the session of the Supreme
Judicial Court, Shays was quartered in a house in the vi-
cinity of Ferry Street. At that time. Dr. Chauncey Brew-
er, a resident of Springfield, had been out in the night to
attend a patient. The Doctor was a decided anti-Shays
man, and openly, and at all times wore the slip of white
paper in his hat. He was arrested by the sentinels, and
brought before Shays. With entire unconcern, he told the
rebel leader that he was perfectly easy in regard to the
matter, and if he would give him a place to sleep, he
would retire. Shays did not feel easy, and told him that
if he would take off his paper badge he might go. " No,
Sir" said the Doctor, " I shall not do it -just give me a
place to sleep." " Doctor, you must take off that badge,"
responded Shays. "No, Captain Shays', that badge will
stay there," persisted the Doctor, good naturedly, " and
now," added he, " let me give you a bit of information. I
have got a number of patients to see in the morning. The
people are not inclined to disturb you now, but if they are
deprived of their physician, and find out where I am, you
will have war about your ears." " Well, Doctor," replied
Shays, take off that badge and go." " Captain Shays, I
shall not do it," said the Doctor. " Well, go along, you
rebel," said Shays, and the Doctor picked his way home,
and kept the paper to write prescriptions on. As illustra-
INCIDENTS OP THE REBELLION. 301
tive of the extent to which public feeling was excited, two
members of the church in Whately brought up a child, re-
spectively, to be baptized, on a Sabbath in August, 1787.
One of them received the name of " Benjamin Lincoln ;"
the other that of " Daniel Shays."
After the repulse of Shays, at the time he made, or at-
tempted to make, the attack upon the Springfield Arsenal,
a number of men deserted, and made their way home-
wards. In passing the houses on their route, they gave
the customary " Hurra for Shays !" In one instance, a
horse, attached to a wagon, and about a quarter of a mile
distant from them, broke from his fastenings by the side of
the road, and, running away, was killed. An action was
brought by the owner of the horse against the Shays men
for the recovery of the value of the animal, on the ground
that they were primarily the cause of his death. The de-
fendants engaged a lawyer in their behalf whose weakness
was occasional over-draughts of brandy, and who, when
under the influence of liquor, was not particularly choice
in his language, even in the Court room. He managed to
get through with his evidence, and, with marvellous con-
ciseness, made his plea in the following words, which, bar-
ring its profanity, is a model : " May it please the Court,
and Gentlemen of the Jury ! If ' Hurra for Shays' will
kill a horse at eighty rods, then we've lost our case : if not,
then by we've won it." The jury coincided with
this opinion, and returned a verdict for the defendants.
The newspaper wags were, of course, in their element,
and the following epigram, from the pen of one of them, is
decidedly pointed and witty :
" SayS sober Bill, 'well, Shays has fled,
And peace returns to bless our days !'
1 Indeed/ cries Ned, 1 1 always said
He'd prove at last a fall-back Shays;
And those turned over and undone
Call him a worthless Shays, to run I J "
At the time of the action near the Arsenal, one of
the Government troops named Chaloner, a citizen of
Greenfield, had both arms shot off while loading a can-
non. When it was seen, Deacon Harroun of Colerain
26
302 THE SHAYS REBELLION.
immediately took his place, and, as the swab had been lost
with the arms, he thrust a mitten down the cannon to the
length of his arm, and thus successfully swabbed the
piece.
. .
CHAPTER XIX
INDUSTRIAL MOVEMENTS AND SOCIAL ASPECTS.
IT may readily be imagined that the excitements of the
Revolutionary War and those of the Shays Rebellion,
which, together, had occupied the minds of the people of
Western Massachusetts for more than twelve years, had
left but little opportunity for the development of the re-
sources of the region. The natural increase of popula-
tion, and the accumulation of families at new points had
called some new town corporations into existence, but no
new walks of industry had been projected, and no new
fields of enterprise opened. The discontents of those
times were manifested not unfrequently in attempts to pro-
cure changes of county lines which, when entire peace had
returned, and labor had purchased freedom from debts and
difficulties, were dropped, until later years and an increased
population made them necessary. In 1784 and 1785, an
attempt was made, by a petition to the Legislature, to have
a new county formed of the towns of Warwick, Wendell,
New Salem, and Shutesbury, and the districts of Green-
wich and Orange, in old Hampshire County, and the towns
of Hanhvick. liarrc, Hubbardston, Petersham, Templeton,
AViiu-lirster, Athol and Royalston in Worcester county,
with Petersham for the County seat. The remoteness of
these towns from the county seats, and the overwhelming
amount of business which the existing Courts had on hand,
were alleged as the basis of the petition.
The means of transportation in the Connecticut Valley
had always been limited and difficult. As enterprise sprang
into new life upon the close of the long decade of war and
disturbance, this lack of means for the transportation of
merchandise, lumber, &c., was severely felt, and the lead-
ing men, not only of Hampshire, but Berkshire, joined in
the project of increasing them, by one of the most remark-
able enterprises that had, at that day, been planned in
America, viz : the construction of a canal around the falls
at South Hadley, and around Turner's Falls at Montague.
304 INDUSTRIAL ENTERPRISES.
On the 23d of February, 1792, the Legislature passed
" An act, incorporating the Honorable John Worthington
Esquire, 'and others therein named, for the purpose of ren-
dering Connecticut River passable for boats and other
things, from the mouth of Chicopee River Northward
throughout this Commonwealth, by the name of the Pro-
prietors, of the Locks and Canals on Connecticut River."
Besides John Worthington, (who was a resident of Spring-
field) the other individuals named in the act of incorpora-
tion were Caleb Strong, Robert Breck, Samuel Henshaw,
Ebenezer Lane, Ebenezer Hunt, Benjamin Prescott and
Levi Shepard of Northampton, Samuel Lyman, Jonathan
Dwight, Thomas Dwight, John Hooker and William Smith
of Springfield, Theodore Sedgwick of Stockbridge, David
Sexton and John Williams of Deerfield, Samuel Fowler
of Westfield, Justin Ely of West Springfield, Dwight Fos-
ter of Brookfield, Simeon Strong of Amherst, and William
Moore.
The toll established by law for passage through the Ca-
nal at South Hadley was, for every tun weight in boats,
four shillings and sixpence, and the same sum for every
thousand feet of boards. Five shillings and sixpence per
tun was the toll established for the Canal at Montague, and
two shillings and sixpence for every thousand feet of
boards, while every boat passing through the locks and ca-
nals was to be tolled at the rate of one shilling for every tun
which the boat was capable of carrying, over and above the
freight it had on'board. The capacity of the locks, as pre-
scribed, was to be equal to the transport of boats or rafts
twenty feet wide, and sixty feet long. The act of incorpo-
ration was to be void, unless the works at South Hadley
were completed in four, and those at Montague, in six,
years.
Soon after their incorporation, the company commenced
operations at South Hadley, Benjamin Prescott of North-
ampton, subsequently the Superintendent of the U. S. Ar-
mory in Springfield, being the engineer. In the planning
and execution of this work, he had no precedent, it is be-
lieved, in this country. It is supposed that this was the
first canal, of any importance, at least, attempted to be
built in the United States. The Middlesex Canal Co. was
not incorporated until a year or more afterwards. On the
THE LOWER CANAL COMPLETED. 305
25th of February, 1793, the company, by an act of the
Legislature, were empowered to assess the proprietors in
such sums as were necessary for carrying on the work,
and, in case the assessments were not paid, to sell the
shares of delinquents. The shares were made transfera-
ble, and were established as personal estate. The difficul-
ties which called for this enactment gave early threat of
breaking up the undertaking. Money was scarce, and the
cost of the enterprise had evidently been under-estimated.
From subsequent events, it is evident that the new powers
of the company did not give the necessary funds, for, soon
afterwards, an agent was sent to Holland, then the money-
lending country of the world, to engage the interest of the
Dutch in the undertaking. The agent succeeded in getting
a considerable amount of stock taken, and returned with
his money. In the meantime, the practical difficulties that
stood in the way of the enterprise had been comprehended,
and, by an act passed on the 21st of June, 1793, the pro-
prietors were released from the obligation to build their
canals and locks of the capacity already stated, that capac-
ity being reduced to the reception of boats and rafts forty
feet in length, and sixteen feet in width. The work in-
creased in the minds and upon the hands of its projectors,
until they saw that it was all that one corporation could
do, to finish and take care of the South Hadley enterprise.
Accordingly, on the 27th of February, 1794, two years
ai'ter the act of incorporation, an act Avas passed for divi-
ding and separating the interest in the Upper and Lower
Canals. It was enacted that the proprietors of the latter
should remain a corporation, and that Samuel Henshaw
and Benjamin Prescott of Northampton, and Jonathan
Dwight of Springfield, and their associates, should be a
distinct corporation, by the name of " The proprietors of
the Upper Locks and Canals on Connecticut River," vest-
al with all the powers incident to corporations. The in-
terest in this new enterprise was divided into five hundred
and four shares.
The lower canal was at last finished, and was two and a
half miles long, much of it dug through solid rock. But
its bed was not low enough to take the water from the riv-
er, and this difficulty was sought to be obviated by the con-
struction of a dam. It was accordingly commenced, at
26*
306 INDUSTRIAL ENTERPRISES.
the head of the canal, and run obliquely up and across the
river to a narrow point in the stream, when its course was
changed, and run directly across, to the opposite shore.
This operation gave early rise to difficulties, and to law-
suits that followed up the movements of the company for
several years. The dam set the water back for several
miles, flowing the Northampton meadows and inflicting some
intermittent fever and more excitement upon the people of
that town, who immediately got the company indicted for
the maintenance of a nuisance. The complainants won
their case, when it came on for trial, and the dam, save its
oblique section, was ordered to be torn down. This affair
frightened off the Dutchmen, interested in both the lower
and the upper enterprise, who took early occasion to sell
off their shares at a large sacrifice, and retire from the
field, when the stock soon came to be held by few hands.
The oblique dam answered the purposes of the company
but indifferently, but it was all they had for several years.
The style of the locks, and the machinery used at that
time, are worthy of description, and show how little was
then known of the proper structure of canals. At the
point where boats were to be lowered and elevated, was a
long, inclined plane, traversed by an immense car of the
width of the canal and of sufficient length to take in a
boat, or a section of a raft. At the top of this inclined
plane, were two large water wheels, one on either side of
the canal, which furnished, by the aid of the water of the
canal, the power for elevating the car, and for balancing
and controlling it in its descent. At the foot of the inclined
plane, the car descended into the water of the canal, be-
coming entirely submerged. A boat ascending the river,
and passing into the canal, would be floated directly over
and into the car, the brim of the latter, of course, being
gauged to a water level by its elevation aft in proportion
to the angle of inclination of the traverse way. The boat
being secure in the car, the water was let upon the water
wheels, which, by their common shaft, were attached to the
car through two immense cables, and thus, winding the ca-
bles, the car was drawn up to a proper point, when the
boat passed out into the canal above. The reverse of this
operation, readily comprehended by the reader, transfered
a boat, or the section of a raft, from above downwards.
ALTERATIONS AND IMPROVEMENTS. 807
The demand for more water in the canal at last became
imperative, but the money for effecting the necessary
changes was wanting. Finally, the proprietors resorted to
an expedient for " raising the wind," as well as the water,
not uncommon in those days, and in accordance with their
petition, the Legislature, on the 25th of February, 1802,
granted them a lottery for raising $20,000, for the purpose
of rendering the locks and canal passable without the aid
of a dam across the river, by lowering the bed of the ca-
nal four feet throughout its entire extent. Thomas Dwight,
Justin Ely, Jonathan Dwight, Joseph Lyman Jr., and John
Williams were appointed as the managers of this lottery,
each of whom was bound in the sum of $5,000 for the
faithful discharge of his trust. They were directed to
publish the schemes they should arrange in the newspapers
of the county. The grant was to be operative for four
years. This plan succeeded, and, at the end of 1804, or
the commencement of 1805, the lowering of the canal was
completed. The engineer in this operation was Ariel Cool-
ey, a man of a great deal of native force and ingenuity,
who pushed aside the car and cables, and introduced the
simple lock, like those now in use on all important works.
After he had completed his work, he made a contract with
the proprietors to keep the canal in repair, survey the
craft that should pass through the canal, and take the tolls,
for fifty years, for the consideration of one-quarter of the
tolls. This arrangement relieved the corporation of near-
ly all its care in connection with the enterprise, and Mr.
Cooley probably did not suppose that any great expense
would ever be necessary, in keeping the canal in operative
order. In 1814, however, he found it necessary, in order
to increase the facilities of navigation, to run another dam
across the river. This was only partly completed when
the Winter came on, and the Spring freshet swept it all
away. In 1815, he completed a dam directly across the
river from the head of the canal, where it stood until 1824,
when it was swept away. In the meantime, Mr. Cooley
Lad died, and the administrators of the estate rebuilt the
dam, which still stands, and is marked by a slight ripple
where the water joins with the dead water set back by the
great dam of the Hadley Falls Company. Both dams
were indicted as nuisances, on complaint of those interested
308 INDUSTRIAL ENTERPRISES.
in the shad fisheries above, but the indictment of the first
was stopped by the agreement of Mr. Cooley to build a
.fish-way, by which the shad eould ascend the river. This,
by a proper knowledge of the habits and power of the fish,
he was enabled to do. Directly below the dam, he ran
out from the Eastern shore an oblique darn, a part of the
way across the river. The water, as it passed over the
main dam, was arrested by the oblique dam, forming an
eddy into which the shad could run from the rapids below.
At a point opposite this oblique dam, and fronting the eddy
made by it, he cut down, for the width of a plank or two,
and to a limited length, the main dam, making a passage
through which the powerful fish could dart ; and the event
proved that he had calculated upon their powers correctly.
The second indictment gave rise to an extended lawsuit, in
which nearly all the lawyers in the County were engaged,
on one side or the other. The matter resulted in the re-
building of the fish-way. The contract of Mr. Cooley was
ultimately given up, by an arrangement between his admin-
istrators and the proprietors, and the canal thus remained,
used more or less for manufacturing purposes, as naviga-
tion declined, until it was purchased by the Hadley Falls
Co., who were empowered to build their present dam, sub-
ject to an equitable indemnification of the fishing rights
above.
The construction of the dam at Montague was first at-
tempted some two miles below the falls, at Smead's Island,
by Capt. Elisha Mack of Montague, who operated either
as engineer for the Corporation, or a contractor for its
work. After a season of unsuccessful effort, the point was
abandoned, chiefly on account of the depth of the water.
In this connection, an incident may be mentioned, going to
prove that the sub-marine armor of later times is " nothing
new under the sun." While Capt. Mack was operating at
Smead's Island, an itinerant Scotchman made his appear-
ance, who undertook to construct a sort of leathern case
for the body, with a long tube attached for the purpose of
respiration, and glass about the face for the use of vision.
He succeeded in worming his way into the Captain's favor,
worked steadily at the curious armor, and, on a Saturday
night, pronounced it complete, and appointed Monday for
an experimental test. After closing work, he obtained the
THE UPPER CANAL COMPLETED. 309
loan of Capt. Mack's gray mare, a valuable animal, for the
purpose of visiting a lady, a somewhat attractive fair of
tin- times and the locality. Capt. Mack conferred the fa-
vor gladly, and would have been rejoiced to see the inge-
nious Scotchman again, but he never did, both mare and
rider mysteriously disappearing.
In 1793, Capt. Mack succeeded in constructing a dam
at Turner's Falls. It stood one year on trial, as it was
doubted whether it would be able to withstand the Spring
freshets, but it sustained the test. In the course of the
following year, the canal was commenced, but it was not
completed for the passage of rafts and boats until two or
three years afterwards. In the meantime, the lumbermen
were obliged to " draw by," or take their raft boxes in
pieces above the dam, and cart them to a point below,
where they were again committed to the river, and re-con-
structed for the remaining passage downwards. This ca-
nal is three miles in length.
The Falls at South Hadley have ever been an interest-
ing feature in the natural scenery of the Connecticut Val-
ley. It was around them, as well as around Turner's Falls,
that the aboriginal inhabitants of the valley gathered in
large numbers, to pursue their fisheries. The land now
covered by the village at South Hadley Falls was origin-
ally granted to Major John Pynchon, being half of one
thousand acres granted him by the General Court, after
his severe losses by the Springfield fire, during King Phil-
ip's War. The original Indian name of both falls was,
doubtless, Patucket ; or Pawtucket, Patuxet, &c., as the
word was otherwise spelled. This was the general Indian
name for water-falls, and there is a single evidence on re-
cord that the falls at South Hadley were known by that
name. This occurs in the seventh article of the original
agreement made by the inhabitants of Springfield, in the
words : " that the meddowe and pasture called Nayas, to-
wards Patucket" &c. Nayassett or Nayas was defined in
the record of an early deed as " the three corner meadow
and land adjoining, extending Northerly to Chicopee river."
This tract, then, was " towards Patucket," and that being
the general name for falls, was, doubtless, the one by which
the Indians knew the locality. In early times, the river
was a great resort for salmon, a fish now driven out of the
310 INDUSTRIAL ENTERPRISES.
river by the erection of the obstructions to their ascent of
the stream, already noticed. They remained in the stream
until some years after the erection of the dam at Monta-
gue. The first season after the construction of this dam,
they were very plenty at Turner's Falls, and were caught
in immense numbers, as they could not get beyond there,
but after this, they declined rapidly, from year to year, un-
til, at last, they entirely forsook the stream. They were
caught at South Hadley as late as the year 1800. An eye
witness describes, from memory, the mode of their capture.
In hauling in a seine, in the shad fishery, they not unfre-
quently formed a portion of the prey, and manifested their
presence by commotions well understood by the fishermen.
The common seine could not withstand their powerful
struggles, and the fishermen were obliged to wade out, and
get behind the net, and, by kicking it, and striking upon
the water, drive them into the shallow water near shore,
where they were grasped by the skillful, and rendered
powerless by certain deftly delivered raps upon the head.
At that time, as many as 2,000 shad were sometimes taken
at a haul. The shad fishery has gradually declined since,
owing partly, doubtless, to an actual diminution of the
number of shad entering the river, and partly to the in-
crease of the number of gill-nets in the lower part of the
river, which have become so prevalent as to operate almost
as an absolute bar to their progress up the stream. The
shad fisheries at South Hadley Falls were formerly con-
sidered common property, and were participated in by all
who had a taste for the business. But in these days, shad
are held in much higher repute than then, and command a
much larger price. Under this state of things, the owners
of the land upon the fishing grounds a few years since
availed themselves of the law, giving to the owners of land
on unnavigable streams the exclusive right to fish on them,
expelled the old fishermen from their annual haunts, and
took possession of the fish-rights. Under the law which
effected this change, a stream is defined to be unnavigable
above tide water. The owners of the land are, therefore,
now making a profitable thing of it. In 1853, they took
out from 40,000 to 50,000 shad, which, at a shilling apiece,
a reasonable average, amounted in productive value to
more than $8,000.
BRIDGES. 811
The question of the future occupation of the river by
these noble fish is one of great interest and importance,
and one not to be decided by precedent. Since the con-
struction of the dam by the Hadley Falls Co., no shad
ascended beyond that point, and yet, no perceptible
diminution of the fish has occurred. That it is not so im-
portant for them to ascend to the sources of the stream for
spawning, as it is for salmon, has already been proved. In
fact, it is by rib means certain, although it is highly proba-
ble, that the shad caught in the river are the same that are
bred in it. In 1812, shad were caught in large numbers
in Medford, below a dam in Mystic river, only a mile re-
moved from tide-water, and they had been caught there
thus for years. It is hardly to be supposed that they bred
there at all. "Whether they did, or did not, the fact is an
important one in connection with the question of the con-
tinuance of the shad in the Connecticut.
The lottery system, in the construction of important
works of improvement, was much in vogue during the last
part of the 18th and the first of the 19th centuries. On
the 6th of March, 1782, a lottery was granted " for erect-
ing a bridge over Chikabee river, on the road leading from
Springfield to Hadley." On the first of November, of the
same year, a lottery was granted for repairing and support-
ing a bridge over Agawam River, in West Springfield.
On the 18th of June, 1783, a lottery was granted for the
purpose of rebuilding a bridge across Westfield river, in
the town of Westfield, near a place called Weller's Mills.
On the llth of February, 1789, an act was passed grant-
ing a lottery " for the purpose of erecting a suitable build-
ing for the use of the free school in Williamstown." This
was granted for the purpose of raising a sum not exceed-
ing 1,200.
Bridges over the smaller streams, now built and sup-
ported by towns, were formerly owned by incorporated
companies, and supported by tolls. On the 16th of March,
1805, George Blake, Pitt Bliss, Jonathan Dwight, Jr.,
James S. Dwight, Joshua Frost, Charles Leonard, Daniel
Lombard, Edward Pynchon, William Smith, Gad Warri-
ner, Solomon Warriner, Eleazer Williams, John Worth-
ington and Amos Worthington, were incorporated as " The
proprietors of Aggawauni Bridge," for the purpose of
312 INDUSTRIAL ENTERPRISES.
building a bridge over that river, in West Springfield.
On the 18th of June, 1795, Jonathan Leavitt and Eliel
Gilbert and their associates were incorporated for the pur-
pose of building a bridge over Connecticut river, between
Greenfield and Montague. This still remains a toll bridge.
On the 22d of June, 1797, Jonathan Hoit and David
Smead were incorporated as the proprietors of the Deer-
field River Bridge, in the town of Deerfield, at the point
where Williams' Ferry was then kept. As early as July
7, 1786, Jonathan Hoit was also associated in an act of in-
corporation with John Williams, for the purpose of build-
ing a bridge over the same river, at a place then called
Rocky Mountain. On the 8th of March, 1803, Lemuel
Dickinson and 74 others were incorporated for the purpose
of building a bridge over the Connecticut River, between
the towns of Hadley and Hatfield, a bridge that is not
maintained at the present day. On the 6th of March,
1792, David Sexton, David Smead, Lyman Taft, Elisha
Mack, and their associates, were incorporated for the pur-
pose of erecting a bridge over Connecticut River between
Montague and Greenfield, " at the place called the Great
Falls." On the 2d of March, 1803, Ebenezer Hunt, Levi
Shepard, Joseph Lyman, Jr., Asahel Pomeroy, John Tay-
lor, and a large number of others, were named in an act
of incorporation, for building the bridge over the Connec-
ticut, between Northampton and Hadley. On the 22d of
February, of the same year, John Hooker, George Bliss,
Joseph Williams, Samuel Fowler, Jonathan Dwight,
Thomas Dwight, Justin Ely, and their associates, were in-
corporated as the proprietors of the bridge connecting
Springfield with West Springfield. The toll established
was for each foot passenger, 3 cents ; for each horse and
rider, 7 cents; for each horse and chaise, chair or sulkey, 16
cents; for each coach, chariot, phaeton, or other four
wheeled carriage for passengers, 33 cents ; curricle, 25 cents ;
horse and sleigh, 10 cents ; neat cattle, 3 cents each ; sheep
and swine, 1 cent. On the 10th of February, David Mor-
ley was authorized to build a toll bridge across Westfield
river, "near the late dwelling house of Stephen Noble,
deceased." He was authorized to collect of foot passen-
gers 1 cent toll, for a horse and rider, 4 cents, horse and
chaise, 10 cents, &c. On the 17th of June, 1800, the town
TURNPIKES. 313
of Westfield was authorized to build a toll bridge, " over
Westfield Great River, near Park's Mills."
Turnpikes were largely multiplied after the close of the
Revolutionary War and the Shays Rebellion, to meet the
exigencies of increasing business and population, and the
general poverty of the towns and counties. On the 8th of
March, 1797, Asaph White, Jesse King and their associ-
ates were incorporated as "The Second Massachusetts
Turnpike Corporation," for the purpose of laying out and
making a turnpike road from the west line of Charlemont,
to the west foot of Hoosac Mountain in Adams, with the
privilege of collecting tolls of passengers. On the 19th
of June, 1801, Ezra Marvin, Elihu Stow and a hundred
others, more or less, were incorporated as " The Eleventh
Massachusetts Turnpike Corporation," for the purpose of
building a road, " to begin at the south line of Massachu-
setts, at or near the ending of the turnpike road lately es-
tablished by the Legislature of the State of Connecticut ;
thence into and through the East parish of Granville to
Blandford meeting house, and from thence through the
town street in Blandford, by the usual Pittsfield road, so
called, and into the town of Becket by the same road, un-
til it connects with the road of the Eighth Turnpike Cor-
poration." This latter corporation was established on the
v24th of February, 1800, Joseph Stebbins, James S. Dwight,
and George Bliss, being the leading names in the act.
The road began at the line between Westfield and Russell,
near Westfield River, running near the river through parts
of the towns of Russell and Blandford, to a point then
known as Falley's store ; thence by the West Branch of
the river through parts of Blandford and Chester, until
it reached what was known as the Government road, by
which it ran to Becket, connecting with the road from
Blandford to Pittsfield; thence by the usual road from
Becket meeting house to Pittsfield line. The Third Mas-
sachusetts Turnpike Corporation was established March
9th, 1797. The leading names in the act of incorporation
were Jonah Brewster, Elisha Brewster, Jonathan Brewster,
Samuel Buifington and Tristram Browning, and their road
commenced on the East side of Roberts' Hill in North-
ampton, and ran to the Eastern line of Pjttsfield, passing
27
314 INDUSTRIAL ENTERPRISES.
through Westhampton, Chesterfield, Worthington, Peru
(then Partridgefield) and Dalton.
There never was a Fourth Massachusetts Turnpike Cor-
poration, but the Williamstown Turnpike Corporation le-
gitimately comes in its place. This was established on the
1st of March, 1799, for the purpose of building and keep-
ing in repair a road from the West side of Hoosac moun-
tain, commencing at the termination of the road of the 2d
Corporation, (from Charlemont over the mountain) and
running thence through Adams and Williamstown to the
line of Petersburg, Rensselaer County, N. Y. The Fifth
Corporation was established on the 1st of March, 1799.
This was for the building of a road from Northfield 7
through Warwick and Orange to Athol, and also from
Greenfield through Montague and unimproved lands to
Athol, where the roads were to join, and proceed through
Templeton, Gardner, Westminster and Fitchburg, to Leo-
minster. The Sixth Massachusetts Turnpike Corporation
was established on the 22d of June, 1799, their road com-
mencing on the East line of Amherst, and passing through
Pelham, Greenwich, Hardwick, New Braintree, Oakham,
Rutland, Holden and Worcester, "to the great road in
Shrewsbury, leading from New York to Boston." The
road was ordered to be not less than four rods wide, and
the traveled path not less than eighteen feet wide, in any
place. The Tenth Turnpike Corporation was established
on the 16th of June, 1800, for the purpose of laying out,
making and keeping in repair a road from the point where
the Farmington river crosses the line between Massachu-
setts and Connecticut, by the side of the river through
Sandisfield, Bethlehem, (now a part of Otis) Becket and
Lee, to Lenox Court House ; thence over the mountain,
through Richmond and Hancock, to the New York State
line. The Twelfth Turnpike Corporation received its
charter on the 19th of June, 1801. Its road commenced
on the Connecticut line, in Sheffield, at the termination of
a turnpike leading to Hartford, and ran Northwesterly to
meet the Hudson River Turnpike, at the line of New
York. The Thirteenth Corporation, established June 19th,
1801, built a road from the Connecticut line through Gran-
ville, to the Northwestern part of London, now a portion
of the town of Otis. The Fourteenth Corporation was
TURNPIKES. . 315
chartered on the llth of March, 1802, to build a road from
the West end of the Fifth Turnpike in Greenfield, through
that town, Shelburne, Buckland and Charlemont, to the
K:iM-rn terminus of the Second Turnpike, leading over
II MOS: ic Mountain. The Fifteenth Turnpike Corporation
was established on the 12th of February, 1803, for the
purpose of building a road from the Connecticut line in
Southfield (now a part of Sandisfield) to connect with a
turnpike from New Haven ; thence through Sandisfield,
New Marlboro and Great Barrington, to the Southern line
of Stockbridge. The Sixteenth Corporation was chartered
on the 14th of February, 1803, to build a road from the
West line of West Springfield, through Southwick, Gran-
vine, Tolland and Sandisfield, to the turnpike route pass-
ing through Sheffield, from Hartford, Ct, to Hudson,
N.Y.
The Petersham and Monson Corporation was established
February 29th, 1804, its road leading from the Fifth Turn-
pike in Athol, through the towns of Athol, Petersham,
Dana, Greenwich, Ware, Palmer and Monson, to connect
with the turnpike leading to Stafford in Connecticut. The
Becket Turnpike Corporation received its charter on the
22d of June, 1803, for building a road from Becket, con-
necting the turnpike from Hartford to Lenox with the
turnpike leading from Pittsfield to Westfield. The Spring-
field and Longmeadow Corporation was established on the
7th of March, 1804, for the purpose of building a road
from the Southern extremity of Main Street, by a direct
route through Longmeadow to the Connecticut line. The
Tyringham and Lee Corporation, established on the 15th
of March, 1805, built a road between specified points in
those towns, and the Williamsburg and Windsor Corpora-
tion, established on the 16th of March, 1805, built a road
through Williamsburg, Goshen, Cummington and Windsor
to the East line of Cheshire. Besides these, there were
the Belchertown and Greenwich, the Blandford and Rus-
sell, the Chester, and, perhaps, a few other minor turn-
pike corporations. In fact, nearly all the turnpikes estab-
li-hrd by the Legislature were located in the Western part
of the State.
The tedious list of turnpike corporations which has been
enumerated, the list of bridge corporations given, and the
316 LIFE AND MANNERS.
statements in connection with the construction of the locks
and canals for the purpose of rendering Connecticut River
navigable, will show the nature of the enterprises that en-
gaged the attention of the people in the years of peace,
industry and enterprise that followed the Shays Rebellion.
The turnpike fever was equal to the railroad fever of later
times. Turnpikes were everywhere, and the taxation of
transport was universal, but that taxation was not, for many
years, felt to be a grievance. The turnpike roads greatly
facilitated access to markets, and, in the same degree, in-
creased the value of real estate on every route through
which they passed. It is, comparatively, but a few years
since the towns, made competent and populous through
their assistance, took the large majority of them from the
hands of their proprietors, and assumed their support at
the public charge. That they had a decided effect in the
development of the resources, the healthy stimulation of
the industry, and the establishment upon the soundest basis,
of the prosperity of Western Massachusetts, is evident
alike from their popularity as investments, the regions
through which they passed, and the points of production
and exchange which they connected.
The style of life, manners and dress, at the commence-
ment of the 19th century, is a subject of interest to the
present dwellers upon the soil, and will be still more so to
their successors. A venerable native of Northampton
an absentee from his birth-place for half a century in a
communication to the Hampshire Gazette, has described it
minutely, and that town will serve as a truthful type of the
style of the region and the times. It was not the custom
then to warm the churches. Rev. Solomon Williams was
pastor of the church in Northampton, and he used to
preach in a blue great coat, with a bandanna handkerchief
about his neck, and woolen mittens on his hands. The
boys in the church were accustomed to warm their feet by
pounding them against the benches, the women performing
the same office for themselves, through the more silent
agency of foot-stoves. The deacons were ranged in a line
at the foot of the pulpit. At that time, prayer meetings
were deemed somewhat fanatical, but the children were
taught the catechism, and were catechized quarterly, at the
school-house, by the minister. The Lord's Supper was re-
HABITS AND CUSTOMS. 317
garded as a converting ordinance, and it was not uncom-
mon for mothers, just before the birth of their first child,
to join the church, in order that their first infants might
have the right to, and benefit of, baptism.
The gallows, whipping-post and pillory stood in front of
the school-house, and, on Saturday, the Sheriff of the Coun-
ty executed such sentences as called into exercise the of-
fice of those instructive instruments. Whether it was
supposed that whipping on the bare back, cropping the
ears, branding the forehead with a hot iron, standing on
the pillory, and sitting on the gallows, were suitable modes
of impressing lessons of obedience upon the children, does
not appear, but the proximity of those scenes to the school-
house would seem to show that their effect was deemed
anything but demoralizing. Judicial dignity was main-
tained by the old methods. The judges walked from their
lodgings to the Court House in a line, wearing cocked hats
that covered powdered heads of hair. They were preced-
ed by the high sheriff, who also wore a cocked hat, and
carried a long rod or wand in his hand, the Court House
bell ringing while they were walking from their lodgings
to the scene of their proceedings.
In social life, ardent spirits played an important part.
Respectable traders dealt out the article to very misera-
ble topers, respectable men assembled, even on Sunday
evenings, in the parlor of the village tavern, to drink
flip and smoke their pipes, respectable young men
went forth in sleighing parties, stopping at every tavern
for their flip, and boys drank flip by the hour in the bar-
rooms of respectable members of the church. Then, Sun-
day night was the night for play among the children, Sat-
urday night being observed as holy time. They pursued
their noisy games in the street, or assembled in neighbor-
ing houses to play blind-man's-buff, and tell stories. Then
there was nof an umbrella in town. The old men all
wore cocked hats and long queues, while the more genteel
and stylish wore ruffles at their wrists. This description
would seem almost to belong to another age, but only a
brief half century has made the changes that give to it
its strangeness and antiquity, and many an active memory
now recalls what the pen depicts and perpetuates.
CHAPTER XX.
THE WAR OF 1812 CONCLUSION OF THE OUTLINE
HISTORY.
THE prosperity growing out of the extensive public en-
terprises, instituted for the purpose of increasing the facil-
ities of intercourse and transport in Western Massachu-
setts, was sadly interrupted by the second war with Great
Britain, familiarly known as "The War of 1812." The
events which brought about this war are still in the mem-
ory of many now living, while the policy on which it was
based, and by which it was managed, has been so long, and
so unjustly, connected with party politics and associated
with party names, that it still remains to the historian to
render full justice to, and impartial judgment upon, the
motives, the policy, the measures, and the men, whose
fierce collisions and bitter animosities made so strong an
impression upon the public mind that it has resisted the
obliterating influences of forty peaceful and prosperous
years. A very brief recital of the events which led to
the war, and a statement of the principal movements in
Western Massachusetts connected with its progress, are all
that will be attempted here.
Scarcely a dozen years had passed after the treaty of
1783, when England, engaged in her terrible struggle with
Napoleon, was driven by the necessities of her immense
navy to the impressment of her own subjects for seamen.
This necessity pressed so sternly, and was so little governed
by motives of national honor, that, passing beyond her own
bounds, her cruisers boarded American merchantmen on
the pretense of searching for British deserters, and im-
pressed American sailors who were known to be otherwise.
In nine months of the years 1796 and 1797, the American
Minister at London had made application for the release
of 271 seamen, the majority of whom were American cit-
izens. Nor did she stop here, but claimed the right to im-
press, on American vessels, British seamen and British
subjects. American merchantmen were boarded and
EVENTS LEADING TO THE WAR. 319
American seamen impressed, in American waters. An
American merchantman lying in the harbor of New York
was boarded by the British frigate Cambria in 1804, and
several of her seamen were carried off. American ves-
sels, passing from port to port, of the United States, were
fired into. In 1806, the British Orders in Council and
Napoleon's Berlin and Milan Decrees wefe issued. Eng-
land declared France and the whole continent in a state
of blockade, and France retaliated in kind. Under the
operation of these orders and decrees, American ships be-
came the prey of both England and France. England
declared all ships sailing from the harbors of France and
her allies to be lawful prizes, save those that first touched
at, or sailed from, English ports ; and France adopted the
same unjust and destructive policy with regard to ships
that had touched at an English port, or allowed themselves
to be searched by British cruisers. Between both powers,
American commerce was in danger, almost, of annihilation.
The American nation was in distress, and on fire with ex-
citement, and, in retaliation for the mischiefs and injustice
imposed by the French Decrees and the British Orders in
Council, an embargo was laid in 1807 upon all American
vessels and merchandise. This embargo prohibited all
American vessels from sailing from foreign ports, and for-
bade foreign ships taking cargoes from American ports,
while all coasting vessels were obliged to give bonds to
land their cargoes in the United States. This measure,
while it doubtless saved multitudes of American ships, in-
flicted on the people generally, by its arrest of the tide of
commerce, more distress than their loss would have done.
The measure weighed very heavily upon New England,
and under the pressure of the loud complaint raised in this
section, the law was repealed in 1809, and a law substitu-
ted, prohibiting commercial intercouse with France and
England. In 1810, this law was modified, so as to exclude
only British and armed vessels from the waters of the
United States, with the provision that it should be fully
restored in the event that England and France did not re-
cede from their edicts.
Passing by the action and debates of the Twelfth Con-
gress, the negotiations between the American and British
Governments, and a recapitulation of the events that oc-
320 THE WAR OP 1812.
curred in the progress of diplomacy, we come to the decla*
ration of war proclaimed by the President on the 19th of
June, 1812. The declaration was received in New Eng-
land generally, and in Massachusetts particularly, with ut-
ter condemnation. The country was then divided into two
parties, the Democratic and Federal, who traced their ori-
gin to the date of the formation of the Federal Constitu-
tion, the Federalists being those who were in favor of
consolidation and concentration of power in the federal
head, while the Democrats advocated the preservation of
more extended powers in the Governments of the several
States. The one was doubtless too conservative ; the oth-
er, too radical ; and the Constitution was a happy compro-
mise of these extreme views. Under the Constitution, the
parties were continued, and exhibited their proclivities by
respectively bestowing upon that instrument a strict and a
latitudinarian construction. At the time war was declared,
Madison was President, with a Democratic Congress at his
back, and the Democratic party, then largely in the major-
ity, in favor of the war, while the Federalists were bitterly
against it. The sympathies of the latter, so far as her
quarrel with France was concerned, were on the side of
Great Britain, while the Democrats favored the French, to
the disparagement of the British cause. The Federalists
regarded Great Britain as struggling for her very exist-
ence, against the power of a monster of political iniquity.
They believed that England was not inimical to America,
and that she had only resorted to impressment of Ameri-
can seamen, and her Orders in Council, to save herself
from the grasp of one whose success they regarded as the
greatest of possible evils. They deemed it as much the
duty of the Government to declare war against France as
against England, as she stood on the same ground, and
was, as they believed, in the wrong in her struggle with
England. It may safely be said that party feeling ran so
high, and party lines were so closely drawn, that neither
party, save by pure accident, could have been wholly right.
In Massachusetts, the war became the theme of pulpit de-
nunciation, the subject of consideration and condemnation
in town meetings, and the target of full quivers of resolu-
tions from the taught-strung bows of conventions. Berk-
shire was somewhat more Democratic than the river region,
CONVENTION AT NORTHAMPTON. 821
but the latter was very thoroughly Federal, and hated the
war with entire heartiness.
It will be necessary, in noticing the movements in this
region, to refer to changes in the old county of Hampshire
that occurred at a briefly anterior date. On the 24th of
June, 1811, the Northern portion of the county succeeded
in its endeavors to be set off into a distinct county, with
the name of Franklin, and with Greenfield as its shire
town, though Cheapside, in Deerfield, was the favorite lo-
cation for the county houses, among the majority of the
towns. The existence of county buildings in both Spring-
field and Northampton, and the increase of legal business
in consequence of the increase of population, soon after-
wards excited a movement in the Southern part of Hamp-
shire, for still another division, and on February 25, 1812,
the division was effected, by the establishment of the pres-
ent County of Hampden, with Springfield as the county
seat. Old Hampshire was thus divided into three coun-
ties, the middle county, with Northampton as the shire
town, retaining the time-honored name by which the whole
of Western Massachusetts was originally known.
Immediately after the declaration of war, nearly all the
towns in Western Massachusetts possessing Federal ma-
jorities, passed resolutions condemning it, and, by concert
of action, the towns of the three river counties, in legal
town meetings, appointed delegates to a grand convention
to be holden at Northampton on the 14th of July, 1812, to
consult upon the war. Accordingly, on that day, delegates
from 57 towns in the three counties assembled at the
Northampton Court House. In 53 of these towns, the
delegates were regularly appointed, and appeared witli the
certificates of their respective town clerks, while the re-
maining four sent representatives of federal minorities.
The most of these delegates are now deceased, but a few
still survive. Their names were as follow :
Springfield John Hooker, Chauncey Brewer, Justin Lom-
bard, -Joseph Pease; Northampton Joseph Lyman, Isaac
Clark, Elijah H. Mills, Lewis Strong; Hadley Charles Phelps,
Samuel Porter; Hatfield Isaac Maltby, Israel Billings;
Deerfield Ephraim Williams, Epaphras Hoit, Pliny Arms ;
Sunderland Simeon Ballard ; B landlord Jedediah Smith,
AlansonKnox; Pelham Isaac Abercrombie; Palmer Amos
322 THE WAR OF 1812.
Hamilton, Alpheus Converse; Southampton Luther Edwards,
John Lyman ; South Hadiey Mark Doolittle, Bezaleel Al-
vord; Greenfield Richard E. Newcomb, Samuel Wells;
New Salem Samuel C. Allen ; Montague Henry Wells ;
Granville David Curtis ; Greenwich Robert Field, Joseph
Williams ; Amherst Ebenezer Mattoon, Samuel F. Dickin-
son, Simeon Strong; Monson Deodatus Dutton ; Belcher-
town Joseph Bridgnan, Justus Forward, Phineas Blair; Cole-
rain John Drury; Shutesbury William Ward; Ware
William Paige ; Chesterfield Asa White, Spencer Phelps ;
South Brimfield Darius Munger ; Warwick Caleb Mayo ;
Wilbraham Robert Sessions, Aaron Woodward ; Ashfield
Henry Bassett; Charlemont Stephen Bates ; Chester Asa-
hel Wright: Conway Elisha Billings, John Bannister; Gran-
by Eli Dickinson, Levi Smith; Shelburne William Wells;
Worthington Ezra Starkweather, Jonathan Brewster; Whate-
ly Phineas Frary ; Williamsburg William Bodman, John
Wells ; Norwich William Fobes, Jesse Joy ; Westhampton
Sylvester Judd, Aaron Fisher, Jonathan Clarke ; Buckland
Levi White; Cummington Peter Bryant; Montgomery
Edward Taylor ; Wendell Joshua Green ; Goshen Oliver
Taylor ; Middlefield Erastus Ingham ; Rowe John Wells ;
Heath Roger Leavitt; Hawley Thomas Longley; Gill
Gilbert Stacy; Plainfield Nehemiah Joy; Easthampton
Thaddeus Clapp : Holland John Polley ; Tolland Eleazer
Slocomb. The irregular delegates were Rufus Stratton from
Northfield, Hezekiah Newcomb and Caleb Chapin from Ber-
nardston, Peletiah Bliss and Timothy Burbank from West
Springfield, and Rufus Graves from Leverett.
In all, there were 88 delegates, composed of the best and
most influential citizens in the three counties, many of
whom were in high civil and military office. The conven-
tion organized by the choice of John Hooker of Spring-
field for President, and Isaac C. Bates of Northampton for
Secretary. The proceedings were opened with prayer by
Rev. Mr. Williams of Northampton. An address to the
people, previously issued by the anti-war minority in Con-
gress, was then read, when Elijah H. Mills, Ephraim Wil-
liams, Lewis Strong, Samuel Hills, Joseph Lyman, Ezra
Starkweather, John Hooker, Samuel C. Allen, and
Samuel F. Dickinson were appointed a committee to
report in regard to the proper action of the Conven-
tion, concerning public affairs, after which the Conven-
tion adjourned until the 15th. On that day, the Committee
reported that it was expedient to present a respectful me-
CONVENTION AT NORTHAMPTON. 323
morial to the President of the United States, praying that
Commissioners might be forthwith appointed to negotiate a
peace with Great Britain, upon safe and honorable terms,
and a memorial to that effect was therewith submitted, with
a series of resolutions for the consideration of the Conven-
tion. The Committee also reported that it was expedient
to appoint four delegates from each county, to meet in
Suit (.-. Convention, provided the measure should be adopted
in other parts of the Commonwealth, and, also, that Com-
mittees of Safety and Correspondence be appointed in each
County, and that it be recommended to each town to choose
similar Committees, in its corporate capacity. The entire
report, with a few amendments of the memorial, was
adopted, and the Committees recommended were appoint-
ed. The following were chosen delegates to the State
Convention from
Hampden William Shepard, George Bliss, Samuel La-
throp and Amos Hamilton.
Hampshire Joseph Lyman, Eli P. Ashmun, William
Bodman, and Samuel F. Dickinson.
Franklin Ephraim Williams, Richard E. Newcomb,
Rufus Graves and Roger Leavitt.
The Committees of Safety and Correspondence were,
for Hampden, Jacob Bliss, John Hooker, Oliver B. Morris
and Jonathan Dwight Jr.; for Hampshire, Jonathan H.
Lyman, Lewis Strong, Isaac C. Bates and William Ed-
wards; for Franklin, Jonathan Leavitt, Samuel Wells,
Elijah Alvord 2d, and George Grennell Jr.
At the time of holding this Convention, Caleb Strong of
Northampton was Governor of Massachusetts. That the
memorial and the resolutions adopted represented his views,
is to be presumed, a presumption receiving additional
force from the fact that Lewis Strong, his son, was a mem-
ber of the Committee that reported them, and had the
credit of being the able author of the memorial. By con-
di-nsation of the expression of opinion and sentiment con-
tained in these documents, it is proposed to exhibit the
Massachusetts view of the war, and to develop such facts
of importance in connection with it as may be deemed de-
sirable.
The memorial claims to represent to the President the
views of 80,000 souls, that being the aggregate constituen-
324 . THE WAR OF 1812.
cy of the Convention. It declares that it is requisite to
the proper administration of the Government that it be
guided and governed in its operations by public opinion, in
its deliberate voice upon subjects correctly understood and
appreciated by the popular mind, and that the " substitutes
and agents" of the people in public office should give that
opinion heed. A common interest, the memorialists de-
clare, was the basis of the federal Union, and whenever
any section should consider its own interests sacrificed, to
aid the ambition, or appease the- jealousies of another, it
was not to be concealed that the indulgence in those feel-
ings which partial measures were calculated to produce
would endanger the Union.
Having premised thus much, and more of like bearing,
the memorialists state that, for many years after the estab-
lishment of the present government, the prosperity and
happiness of the people were great beyond example, but
since the attempts on the part of the Government, in
1807, to protect commerce by withdrawing it from the
ocean, enterprise had lost its activity and labor its hope of
reward, until, such was the commercial distress in New
England, that the people had come to regard their rulers
rather as enemies than friends. They endorsed the ad-
dress of the Congressional minority, and said that it was
not necessary for them to go over, in detail, the ground
covered by that document, to*prove the war to be " neither
just, necessary nor expedient." In reference to the Ber-
lin and Milan Decrees, they say that those decrees were al-
leged to have been repealed in November, 1810, but Great
Britain, in justification of her refusal to withdraw her Or-
ders in Council, had invariably considered the promise of
repeal, made in the month of August preceding, as depend-
ent on the determination of the American Government to
cause its rights to be respected, by the commencement of
hostilities against the English. In vain did the people of
the Union wait, for more than eighteen months, to see the
repealing decree, and they did not see it until within thirty
days after the declaration of war, when it appeared, bear-
ing the date of April, 1811, (more than a year previous to
its formal promulgation) notwithstanding that, in the mean-
time, the existence of those decrees in full force was dem-
onstrated by the indiscriminate capture of American prop-
THE MEMORIAL. 325
erty by the French, and by the fact that French ministe-
rial officers were in total ignorance of their revocation.
In brief, the memorialists regarded the alleged repeal of
the French decrees, before the declaration of war, as a
mere pretense, as a deception in which our own and the
French Governments were complicated, and in which the
American Government had become the tool of France, for
embarrassing the affairs and crippling the power of Eng-
land, with which power there would not have been the
slightest pretense for war, had France really repealed her
decrees, as England had agreed to withdraw her Orders in
Council when those decrees should be revoked.
The memorial then states the conviction of the Con-
vention that measures should immediately be taken, in the
event of the repeal of the British Orders in Council, [an
event early realized] to bring the war, in its infancy, to
an honorable termination, and that a persistence in hostili-
ties, after the removal of that, the only leading and recent
ground of war against Great Britain, would be viewed as
deeply alarming to the liberties and independence of the
United States. Whatever course Great Britain might
pursue, in consequence of the fraudulent attempt that had
been made to bind America to the cause of France, they
did not consider the war as required by the interest, secu-
rity or honor of the American people. " If war has been
declared to cleanse the honor of the Government, should
not that power have been selected, as our enemy, which
inflicted the stain ? which, while it has declared the Amer-
icans to be * more dependant than Jamaica, which, at least,
has its Assembly of Representatives and its privileges/
has practically expressed her contempt of our Govern-
ment, and her disregard of National law, by seizing, scut-
tling and burning our merchant vessels, without even the
forms of regular adjudication ?" The memorialists could
not see how affairs were to be mended, even if Great
liritain had given cause for war, by the necessary change
of impressment for imprisonment, and unauthorized for
authorized seizure of American ships and merchandise.
They closed by a prayer to the President that Commission-
ers might be forthwith appointed, on the part of the Gov-
ernment, to negotiate a treaty with Great Britain, on safe,
just and honorable terms.
28
326 THE WAR OF 1812.
The resolutions passed by the Convention cover the
entire ground represented in the memorial, and descend
still further into particulars. They accuse the Government
of studiously deviating from the course pursued by Wash-
ington in intercourse with foreign nations, of prostituting
the national character and sacrificing vital interests, of
partiality for one nation and hostility to another, wholly
inconsistent with the maintenance of an honorable neutral-
ity, of aggravating and emblazoning the wrongs received
from Great Britain, and palliating and concealing those
committed by France, and of declaring an unjust and un-
necessary war, in opposition to the opinions, wishes and
interests of a vast majority of the commercial States.
They deprecated, " as the vengeance of Heaven," an al-
liance with the Emperor of France, renounced further
confidence in rulers who had abused their trust, declared
that they had yet to learn that Congress had any power for
calling out the militia, except " to execute the laws of the
Union, suppress insurrections and repel invasions," and
that the Convention had no knowledge of any opposition
to the laws, the existence of any insurrection, or of any
actual or impending invasion. The last resolution, of the
twenty-one adopted, is quoted entire :
" That, although we do not consider ourselves bound, vol-
untarily, to aid in the prosecution of an offensive war, which
we believe to be neither just, necessary nor expedient, we
will submit, like good citizens, to the requisitions of the Con-
stitution, and promptly repel all hostile attacks upon our coun-
try. That, collecting fortitude from the perils of the crisis,
and appealing to the searcher of hearts for the purity of our
motives, we will exert ourselves, by all constitutional means,
to avert the dangers which surround us ; and that, while we
discountenance all forcible opposition to the laws, we will ex-
pose ourselves to every hazard and every sacrifice to prevent
a ruinous alliance with the tyrant of France, to restore a
speedy, just and honorable peace, to preserve inviolate the
Union of the States, in the true spirit of the Constitution,
and to perpetuate the safety, honor and liberties of our coun-
try."
The authorities of the United States and the Govern-
ment of Massachusetts came early in collision. Governor
Strong was disposed to a strict construction of the Consti-
tution, and as he, like the Northampton Convention, could
GOVERNOR STRONG. 327
not see In the occasion any laws of the Union to be execu-
ted, insurrections to be suppressed, or invasions to be re-
pelled, he declined accession to the requisition made for
Massachusetts troops, to be placed at the command of the
President. His refusal involved grave questions touching
the power of the federal Government to call out the militia
of the States, to decide on the exigency for calling them
into service, and to place them in command of United
States officers after they were called out. In all these
points, Governor Strong was opposed to the President,
and was supported in his position by the written opinion
of the Supreme Court of the State ; and thus, the federal
party, the strongest at first in the advocacy of the concen-
tration of power in the federal head, became the first to
oppose what was deemed a usurpation of the rights of the
State. The Governor did not believe that the mere act of
declaring war, on the part of the President of the United
States, gave him any right to call the militia of the several
States into service. During the year, therefore, the militia
of Massachusetts remained unemployed, though they were
directed to hold themselves in readiness to repel invasion
of the territory of the State.
"With the exception of the purchase of fourteen acres of
land at Pittsfield, by the U. S. Government, on which to
erect barracks and a hospital for the troops, no event of
importance in connection with the war occurred in West-
ern Massachusetts, until a call for troops was issued by
Governor Strong, in the Autumn of 1814. At this time,
England had become, in a measure, released from the pres-
sures of war at home, and, with a large disposable force
at her command, she blockaded (on paper) the whole At-
lantic coast of the United States, and declared her inten-
tion to lay waste the whole coast, from Maine to Georgia.
On the 1st of September, the British forces took peaceable
possession of Castine, on the Penobscot, then within the
jurisdiction of Massachusetts.
The U. S. troops being withdrawn from the coast, and
an invasion apprehended, the Governor made a requisition
for troops, to be draughted from the militia companies in the
State, with orders to march to Boston. One regiment of
infantry was made up from the companies in the Northern
part of bid Hampshire County, under the command of
328 THE WAR OF 1812.
Col. Thomas Longley of Hawley. A regiment of infantry
also went from the Southern part of old Hampshire, under
the command of Col. Enos Foot of Southwick. A regi-
ment of artillery was also made up within the old County
bounds, consisting of an entire company from Springfield, un-
der Capt. Quartus Stebbins, another company from North-
ampton under Capt. Asahel Strong, one from Belchertown
under Capt. Bridgman, and one from Northfield, under
Capt. Mattoon, the regiment being under the command of
Col. William Edwards. An entire regiment of infantry
went from Berkshire. The higher officers of the Western
Massachusetts troops were Major General Whiton of New
Marlborough, in Berkshire County, whose aids were Col.
Henry W. Dwight of Stockbridge, and Col. Sloane of
Lanesborough ; and Brigadier General Jacob Bliss of
Springfield. The troops marched about the middle of Oc-
tober. The Springfield artillery left on a Sabbath morn-
ing; and the prayer offered by Rev. Dr. Osgood, then
young in his pastoral office, in the presence of the troops,
before they left, is still fresh in the memories of no incon-
siderable number of the citizens of the town.
On the arrival of the troops at Boston, the regiments
from the river counties were stationed at Dorchester, on the
spot then known as Commercial Point, and the Berkshire
regiment, between which and its neighbors there was no
great cordiality of feeling, was stationed at Cambridgeport.
They spent some forty days in camp, had an extremely
pleasant time, were reviewed by the Governor on the Com-
mon, and then were dismissed to their homes ; and thus
ended what was known, in the language of the day, as
" Governor Strong's war."
The famous Hartford Convention assembled on the 15th
of the following December. It consisted of twelve dele-
gates appointed by the Legislature of Massachusetts, seven
by the Legislature of Connecticut, and four by that of
Rhode Island, with one from Vermont and two from New
Hampshire, who appeared as delegates appointed by local
Conventions. The delegates from Western Massachusetts
were George Bliss of Springfield and Joseph Lyman of
Northampton. The body was one of the most respectable,
in the points of talent, acquirements, patriotism, statesman-
ship and high moral and social worth, ever assembled, on
HARTFORD CONVENTION. 329
any occasion, within the United States. Congress, imme-
diately after the adjournment of the Convention, passed a
law which was signed by the President, following out, to
the letter, its principal recommendations, which recommend-
ations accorded fully with the principles and policy on
which Gov. Strong had acted from the first. The recom-
mendations of the Convention were that the States take
measures to protect their citizens from " forcible draughts,
conscriptions or impressments, not authorized by the Con-
stitution of the United States," and that an earnest appli-
cation be made to the General Government, requesting its
consent to some arrangement whereby the States separate-
ly, or in concert, might assume upon themselves the de-
fense of their territory against the enemy ; and that a reas-
onable portion of the taxes collected within the State
might be appropriated to that object. The law passed by
Congress, three weeks afterwards, authorized and required
the President to " receive into the service of the United
States any corps of troops which may have been, or may
be, raised, organized and officered under the authority of
any of the States, to be employed in the State raising
the same, or an adjoining State, and not elsewhere except
with the consent of the executive of the State raising the
same." The treaty of peace, which had already been
signed at Ghent, and which arrived soon after the passage
of the law, put a stop to all further proceedings, and the
second war with England was at an end.
With the close of this war, it is proposed to conclude
the outline history of Western Massachusetts, which has
been extended over a period of nearly one hundred and
eighty years. We have seen the little prayerful band of
pilgrims from Roxbury, as they planted their feet and for-
tunes in the Connecticut Valley when that " Eden was a
wild ;" we have seen them establishing their plantations
along the banks of the stream, and building their forts and
their churches ; we have witnessed that long scene of fear
and blood through which they passed, in their struggle
with perfidious native tribes ; we have seen the savage life
of the region fade away to blank extinction, as in a dis-
solving view, before the advancing scene of civilization ;
we have marked the tide of emigration as it flowed West-
ward, across the mountains, into the valley of the Housti-
28*
330 CONCLUSION.
tonic, and swelled Northward among the rivulets and hills
of that region ; the scenes of the series of French and In-
dian wars, with all their doubts and dangers, their trials
and conflicts, have passed before us, followed by that long
and glorious struggle which terminated in National inde-
pendence ; we have beheld the wild excitements of civil
discord, the peaceful labors of enterprise, and the unwel-
come front of war again looming in the prospect, to mar
the work of bloody and toilsome years, yet everywhere,
among all these features, we have seen the angel of pro-
gress, sometimes soaring often bound always hoping,
and never despairing, moving joyously, or smiling encour-
agingly, and pointing onward. The venerable shades of
our fathers have been summoned before us. "We have
seen them as they knelt in prayer by their rude hearth-
stones, and sung their godly hymns in their cheerless sanc-
tuaries ; we have seen them in their tireless watches and
border-wars, brave, indomitable, patient, enduring, daring
and dying. We have watched them in their daily life
honest, upright, uncompromising, noble and generous men
who loved God, hated the devil, and feared not the face
of man. We have seen them as they fell, and worthy
sons, our fathers still, strode sturdily on in the path made
sacred by their footsteps.
But this moving panorama of life and event has not
been the pastime of an idle evening. The present age is
painted upon the same canvas, which is rolling still, and
waiting only the index of a future delineator. The pres-
ent is bound to the past by its very existence, and the
highway of progress in which the generation of to-day
walk, is but the continuation of the first path trod by pil-
grim feet. The past is our past. Its noble lessons, its
high experience, its glories and its honors are ours by le-
gitimate inheritance ; and, while we exult in them and are
proud of them, we should poorly do them honor did we
fail to recognize and act upon the principles from which
they sprung. History is but the demonstrator of Chris-
tianity and the register of Providence, and could the
shades of those who have gone before, return to the scene
of their former toils and trials, they would see, (what they
have already seen in a brighter light,) in the churches, the
schools, the railways, the manufactories, the fertile valleys
CONCLUSION. 331
and hills, and, above all, in the prosperity and happiness
of an educated and progressive community, such an expla-
nation and justification of all their adversities and afflic-
tions, as would crown their kingly old faith with a never
dying joy. With a vision thus informed, there -would not
be a page of their history on which they could not see the
print of God's finger, and not a leaf even the most bloody
that was not illuminated by the seal of providential
mercy. For they would see that to-day is but the child
of yesterday, that the present is but the daughter of the
past, and that pain is only, though evermore, the incident
of maternity. They would see that the wealth of bles-
sings enjoyed by their large posterity is, in God's great
economy, but the legitimate result of the trials they en-
dured, the toils they sustained, the blood they shed, and the
painful struggles they put forth ; and that, without those
sacrifices, there now would be effeminacy in the place of
manhood, darkness in the place of light, vice in the place
of virtue, poverty in the place of prosperity, and contempt
for God and Christianity where now, even Sabbath silence
is eloquent with the language of honor and veneration.
What the fathers would thus see, every true son cannot
fail to see, and seeing, he cannot but do honor to the mem-
ory t)f the past by adding to its glories, day by day, and
thus blessing the future with a past in harmony with itself.
Each man's thread of life forms a portion of the warp of
history, and as the shuttles of the flying days throw across
it their woof of circumstance, event, influence, interest,
love and common weal, the fabric should grow stronger
and more beautiful, until, when the end approaches, it shall
be all gold, fit to form the crown of a Colossal Past, draped
in the harmoniously descending folds of a history com-
plete.
PART II.
THE GEOLOGY,
AGRICULTURE, RAILROADS, NEWSPAPERS,
AND
EDUCATIONAL INSTITUTIONS
OF
WESTERN MASSACHUSETTS,
*#
CHAPTER I.
THE GEOLOGY OP WESTERN MASSACHUSETTS.
IN looking at the geology of Western Massachusetts, we
at once divide it into two portions, as has been done in the
outline history that of the Connecticut Valley, and Berk-
shire County, This seems a natural division, since the
geplogical characteristics of each are so decidedly differ-
ent, and since the mineral products are so much more ex-
tensive in the one than in the other. But this is not abso-
lutely correct ; for in neither of these sections can we
fail to find objects of scientific interest, and in each are
found mines, quarries, and other mineral products, of no
small value and extent. Instead, therefore, of adopting
this more comprehensive and general plan, it is proposed
to substitute one which will bring to notice the more inter-
esting facts in a concise form, and one more easily under-
stood. This is as follows :
First. AN OUTLINE OF THE GEOLOGICAL FORMATIONS
IN THIS PART OF THE STATE.
Second. THEORETICAL GEOLOGY.
Third. MATTERS OF ECONOMICAL' VALUE.
Fourth. PLACES OF SCENOGRAPHICAL BEAUTY AND
SUBLIMITY.
The prevailing and almost the only rock found in the
Eastern portions of Franklin, Hampshire and Hampden
counties, is the Gneiss, or, as it is sometimes wrongly
called, Granite. This, in its composition, is the same as
Granite, although the arrangement of its ingredients is
quite different ; they being arranged in strata, or layers, in
Gneiss, while they are confusedly mixed together in Gran-
ite. Its color is generally a light gray, although, at one
locality, in this valley, it has a peculiar reddish tint. Ex-
amples of this kind of rock, which is very much used as a
building material, may be seen in the so-called " Monson
Granite," in the new Library Building at Amherst Col-
lege, or in the piers of the railroad bridge over the Deer-
field river, in the town of Deerfield. The quarries of the
336 GEOLOGT.
Monson stone are mostly in the town of Monson, although
formerly it was dug to some extent in Palmer. That of
which the Amherst College Library Building is construct-
ed, was found at Pelham, where it exists in great quanti-
ties, and of a most excellent quality. But that of which
the Connecticut River railroad bridge at Deerfield is built,
was quarried at Northfield, which, it is safe to predict, will
be in great demand when the taste and means to construct
stone edifices in greater abundance than at present shall
require its use. This rock is found in great abundance in
the central portions of Massachusetts, and is really a beau-
tiful building stone, which cannot fail to attract the eye of
an ordinary observer, if it be merely in the fresh surfaces
that are exposed in a newly-laid stone fence.
The most plausible theory proposed to account for the
formation of this rock, is, that it is a metamorphic rock, or,
in other words, one that has been altered or changed from
another condition, by heat. This supposes that the Gneiss
was originally deposited as a sand-stone of course, much
earlier than the now existing sand-stone of the Connecti-
cut Valley which contained fossils, both animals and plants,
but which, owing to an intense heat, has b_een so nearly
melted as to destroy its organic remains, but not all marks
of stratification. And this, cooling from such a tempera-
ture, and under so great pressure, would, when completely
cooled down, become a crystalline, instead of a sedimen-
tary rock. We find the Gneiss as far West as the towns
which constitute the proper Eastern boundary of the Con-
necticut valley, and then we lose sight of it, until we have
passed fairly to the Western border of this valley, when it
again appears. The width of this valley, interposed be-
tween the walls of the Gneiss, is from fifteen to twenty
miles, the nearest portions being between Wilbraham and
Granville, which are about twenty miles apart.
If we follow the general direction of the Connecticut
River through Massachusetts, and allow a space of from
four to eight miles on each side of the river through its
whole course, save from Northfield into New Hampshire,
where the width is not more than one mile we shall have
a very general outline of the area occupied by the New
Red Sand-stone Formation. The average thickness of
this formation is fourteen thousand feet, being four thou-
GEOLOGY. 837
sand more than at the mouth of Miller's river, where it
has been lately measured by President Hitchcock. It is,
for the most part, of a dark, red color, is "stratified, and
consists in some places of fine sand hardened into rock,
and in others of coarse gravel and boulders, with a diame-
ter of four feet, as may be seen in many places through
the whole valley, but especially at a place a few miles
South of the village of Montague. It is also of a much
later age than the Gneiss, and was probably entirely de-
posited from water, while the Gneiss belongs to the class
of metamorphic rocks, as already mentioned.
Although the new red sandstone of the Connecticut Val-
ley has been, and still is, regarded by most Geologists as
only one distinct formation, yet recent researches are lead-
ing others to adopt the opinion that it is made up of at
least two formations, as they are regarded by European
Geologists. These are the Permian and Triassic, and pos-
sibly the Carboniferous Systems. If this is the case, then
the lowest portion of the sandstone about 7000 feet con-
stitutes the Permian or Carboniferous system, while the
remainder very nearly resembles the Triassic as found in
Europe. The reasons for this division, are, from the fact
that the beds of the lowest sand-stones are overlaid by the
Trap, and are composed, for the most part, of very coarse
materials derived from other rocks, as may be seen in Gill,
Mt. Mettawampe, the mouth of Miller's River, and Dur-
ham, Ct. The upper part is distinguished by the predom-
inance of very fine ingredients, making what are denomi-
nated shales, and these of the colors black, red, and gray,
and even almost white ; and in this portion of the sand-
stone are found the tracks and other fossils. It is, howev-
er, still a matter of doubt whether this division be a cor-
rect one, since during the last summer the writer has dis-
covered in the sandstone of this valley, a fossil plant, a
species of clathropteris perhaps a new one which is
described as a characteristic fossil of the Lias Sandstone
of Europe. If this be the case, then it is possible that,
after all, the sand-stone of this valley may yet be classed
as high up in the series as the Lias, which lies immediate-
ly above the Trias.
The sand-stone of the Connecticut Valley is considera-
bly used as a building material, both on account of its du-
29
338 GEOLOGY.
rability, and the fact that it is worked with more ease than
Granite or Gneiss. It is also interesting and important to
know, that it works very much easier when it is frozen
quite hard. The quality of this rock, that at present has
been found in Massachusetts, is for the most part of too
coarse a nature to be used in ornamental structures, and
is used mainly in constructing foundations for buildings and
heavy masonry. Some qualities, however, such as the
rock that is dug at a quarry in Easthampton, have been
hammered, and used as window caps, water tables, and
rustics, which show that this rock is not only a durable
stone, but also a very handsome one. But in Portland,
Ct., this stone is quarried to an immense extent, and sent
to the principal cities of this country, to be used both as
an ornamental and useful building material ; and so soft
and easily worked is it, that, when designed for elegant ed-
ifices, it is, by a curious machine, as easily brought to a
smooth and even surface, as marble may be, by the tedious
process of sawing and coarse polishing. These interesting
machines will well repay a visit to any of the stone-dress-
ing yards in New York city.
But, although we now can find no quarries of this rock
of the finest quality in this part of the Connecticut Val-
ley, we do not hesitate to predict that when Springfield and
Holyoke shall have so increased as to demand this hand-
some rock for public and private buildings, abundant local-
ities will be discovered, and that within a short distance
from the cities where they will be needed. At present,
the only localities where this rock is dug to any considera-
ble extent, is one quarry at Easthampton, one on the
Northeast side of Mt. Torn, from which immense quan-
tities have been carried to Holyoke, and one at Long-
meadow.
In the midst of the new red sand-stone, running in a
Northerly and Southerly direction, there exists a very re-
markable formation, quite interesting to the Geologist, al-
though of but little practical value in this part of the coun-
try at the present time. This is the Greenstone, or, as it is
more generally known, Trap, or Basalt. It consists, for
the most part, of a somewhat interrupted range of hills or
mountains, commencing at the Northern part of Massa-
chusetts, and extending as far as New Haven, East and
GEOLOGY. 339
West Rock being its most Southern place of appearance.
This rock is mainly composed of crystals of Pyroxene,
J'c Id-jiar. and Hornblende, is of a very dark color, and is
often found of a columnar structure. It also has a peculiar
ringing sound when a fragment of it is struck by the ham-
mer, and is intensely hard, being one of the most difficult
of all rocks to remove in railroad and other excavations.
As yet, no practical use is made of the Greenstone in por-
tions of Massachusetts where it is found, probably because
other rocks, which are sufficiently durable, are wrought at
a much less expense, and are abundant. In other parts
of the world, however, it is extensively used for macada-
mizing roads, and, to some extent, for. buildings ; an in-
stance of which is an Episcopal church in New Haven,
Conn.
If, now, we construct upon the map of the State, a tri-
angle, with a base of a portion of the Northern boundary
of Massachusetts, from the Western boundary of Monroe
to the center of Bernardston, and its opposite angle in the
South-eastern corner of Granville, we shall inclose the
greater portion of the Mica Slate in the Western part of
Massachusetts, as well as a belt of Talcose Slate, running
from Howe, in a Southerly direction, as far as the South-
west part of Chester. Mica Slate is composed of Mica and
Quartz, the former predominating, and giving to it a glis-
tening appearance, while the quartz acts the part of a base,
or ground work, in the composition. It is for the most
part pf a dark gray or brown color, and frequently studded
with crystals of Garnet, and Staurotide, to such an extent
that varieties of it are named garnetiferous and stauroti-
tliferous slate. Its hardness is below that of Granite and
Syenite, and yet it is but little affected by the atmosphere,
water, or frost. No great use is made of it for building,
save the heavy work on railroad piers and embankments,
:is \vell as ordinary foundations. It is of considerable use,
however, as a flagging stone, and especially so, since slabs
of it fifteen feet square may be easily quarried. The great
far ility of getting out these stones, is mainly owing to the
position of the strata nearly vertical. Hence the method
of quarrying them consists simply in laying bare as large
t\ .surface of the rock as desirable, and then driving wedges
340 GEOLOGY.
between two adjacent strata, over as large a surface as the
size of the slab requires.
The Talcose Slate the boundaries of which have al-
ready been given is not found in so great abundance as
the Mica Slate, although it extends more than half way
across the State in a Northerly and Southerly direction,
with a width of about four miles. It is composed of talc,
mixed with quartz, and mica, and sometimes hornblende,
and is generally softer than mica slate. The color is ordi-
narily a light gray, and in the United States, is usually as-
sociated with mica slate, though rarely with gneiss. This
rock is of but little practical value, save in wide stone
walls and foundations, although the softer varieties answer
very well for ordinary fire stones, such as the linings for
common furnaces, and the sides of blacksmiths' forges.
The bed of Gneiss lying West of the Connecticut River
may be easily, though imperfectly, pointed out, by another
triangle, having for its base the Southern boundary of Mas-
sachusetts, from Sheffield to the Eastern limit of South-
wick, and its apex at the Northwestern part of Florida.
In the remaining towns in the Western part of Massa-
chusetts, are found no less than three distinct geological
formations, the Quartz, Talcose Slate, and Limestone, to-
gether with some small amounts of Mica Slate, Gneiss, and
Alluvial. Of these, however, the Limestone is the most
important and abundant, occurring in every one of the
towns mentioned, not excepting that extreme portion of
Massachusetts, Boston Corner which has limestone for
its foundation, being the continuation of a bed which ex-
tends from Connecticut into this State.
Limestone, which is composed of carbonic acid, pure
Lime, and a small amount of Silica, is of various color?,
from a pure white to a jet black, and is a stone very easily
wrought, softer than any other building stone unless it be
Soapstone, and very readily receives a high polish, which,
for a long time, resists the action of air and water. In
fact, it is one of the most durable of materials, since most
of the very ancient temples and public buildings of the
Greeks, Romans and Egyptians which still exist as the
pyramids of Egypt, the Parthenon, the temple of the Ac-
ropolis, and a multitude of others are constructed of
Limestone. And we cannot go through the cities of mod-
GEOLOGY. 341
rrn Europe without appreciating the importance of Lime-
stone or Marble for Marble i- always Limestone, though
Limestone is not always Marble in the construction of
buildings.
Another important use of this rock is to produce lime.
This may be obtained from the poorest limestone by burn-
ing, or driving off the carbonic acid by heat, after which
caustic lime remains though usually contaminated more
or less by Silica for the various purposes of cement, a
cleansing agent, a fertilizer of soils, &c. So that, when we
know the multitude of purposes for which it is used, we
no longer have cause to wonder why the Creator has
ion ued one-seventh of the earth's crust of this material.
In these same towns we also have valuable beds of Iron
the hematite ore, a hydrous peroxyd which, in all
probability, is derived from the Limestone, though it is now
regarded as belonging to the Tertiary. These beds are of
no inconsiderable extent, as may be seen when we find that
they extend with some interruptions from Canada to
Alabama, although they are the most productive in Ver-
mont, Massachusetts, Connecticut and New York. Their
value is also very great, and has much increased within a
few years, since the means of transportation by railroad
are now so extensively employed in that section of coun-
try.
The Quartz Formation exists in greater abundance in
Berkshire County than in any other part of Massachu-
setts. It occurs in this place associated with Mica Slate,
although in other places in this State in company with
Gneiss, and Argillaceous Slate. For the most part it is
of a very light color nearly white and generally of an
arenaceous or granular character, though sometimes it is
found somewhat stratified. It is very hard, but can be
much more readily drilled than the Trap, and, of course,
more readily removed in excavations. Almost the only
u>e. of any special importance, that is made of this rock,
is to form fire-stones, which arc much more durable than
i h>e of Talcose Slate. Some varieties are used as hearths
in Iron Furnaces, which require the very best of this arti-
cle, since nearly every kind gives way, or crumbles, by the
very intense heat.
Serpentine is .another formation that desorvos a passing
20*
342 GEOLOGY.
notice, at least. This is " a mottled rock, the predominant
color green, and containing about forty per cent, of mag-
nesia." It generally occurs in connection with hornblende
slate, and in many of the largest soapstone quarries in
New England, is found immediately above or below the
soapstone. In some places, it bears marks of stratifica-
tion, and hence is regarded as one of the metamorphic
rocks. Serpentine has been quarried and worked to some
extent as an ornamental rock for mantles, table and coun-
ter tops, and other similar uses. Its hardness is from 3 to
4, while marble is from 2 to 3 ; but, as it receives an ex-
cellent polish, and is more enduring than marble, it fully
compensates for its greater hardness and difficulty of work-
ing. At Cavendish Proctorsville Vt., this rock was
once quarried, and the business of polishing carried on to
a considerable extent, and for a time it was in very good re-
pute ; but, for several years, the quarries have lain un-
worked, the mill gone to decay, and the property all dis-
posed of for a mere trifle, owing to the slight demand for
the material. But it is impossible to see why this stone is
not extensively used for ornamental purposes, for surely it
is of a much richer color, and far more attractive than
many kinds of marble, which are used for the same pur-
poses. And it is no vain prediction to assert that, sooner
or later, it will be used, not merely as a fancy stone to
please the eye when polished and carefully wrought, but
also as a substantial rock for many economical purposes.
It is also possible that a caution of some value may be sug-
gested to those who have beds of this rock in their posses-
sion, and that is, not to dispose of, or rent, any quarries of
Serpentine at too cheap a rate, merely because hereto-
fore it has not been worked at an advantage and with
profit.
Besides the formations just described, we find several
others on the Geological Map of Western Massachusetts,,
although most of them are of small extent, and of but lit-
tle economical importance. With the exception of soap-
stone and argillaceous slate, to be mentioned in another
place, the formation Alluvium will be the only other one
mentioned here. This we are familiar with, as loam, or
rich, fertile soil. It lies above all the other formations,
and hence it is the most recent of all the rocks belonging
GEOLOGY. 843
to the Historic Period of Geology. Alluvium exists
in several places along the banks of the larger rivers,
producing the splendid meadows of Hadley, Northampton,
Deerfield, Sheffield, Great Barrington and Stockbridge.
In most cases, these have been produced by the deposition
of fine mud and vegetable mould, at the bottom of some
large pond or lake, which once stood over what are now
these meadows, but which was drained by the breaking
away of some barrier, or the rise of the continent by some
mighty upheaval.
THEORETICAL GEOLOGY.
Among the various objects of scientific interest in the
Western part of Massachusetts, The changes which the
Connecticut Valley has undergone during its formation,
occupy an important place. -Far back in Geological peri-
ods, (for the Geologist can assign dates only by periods,
and not by single years,) this valley was only a long and
narrow estuary, extending from the Southern part of Con-
necticut, to the Northern part of Massachusetts, with an
average width of eight miles. At that time, this part of
the continent, at least, was more under the ocean than at
present for, otherwise, we cannot sec how the ocean could
flow inland so far and probably the ocean gradually with-
drew, or the continent arose, during the deposition of the
whole of the sandstone. The bottom and the shores of
this estuary were mostly made up of the non-fossiliferous
rocks gneiss, and mica slate, the former making the East-
ern shore, and the latter the Western, while both together
made the floor or foundation, they dipping so as to meet
deep beneath the sandstone. At this time, in the forma-
tion of the sandstone, the Trap, or Holyoke range, had not
erupted, as we find it at a later period of this history.
The questions that now very naturally meet us, are : how
was this immense bed of sandstone formed, from whence
were the materials obtained, and how came they to be de-
posited to the depth of many thousand feet, in the well ar-
ranged order that we find them ? Without doubt the time
required to effect all this must have been immense ; for the
rock was probably formed by the slow wearing away of the
surrounding non-fossiliferous rocks, by the action of frost,
ice, and water, and carried by the streams into this quiet
estuary, to be there deposited and ultimately hardened into
344 GEOLOGY.
the new red sandstone. This formation bears no evidence
of any violent action except in limited portions such as
that of glaciers, and icebergs, but was all produced by the
bringing in^ of sand and gravel, by the agency of small
streams and rivers, although some of its materials might
have been made by former glaciers" and icebergs.
Thus slowly went on the filling up of this valley. At
one time, the shore was covered to some extent with veg-
etation ; again, fishes swam in its waters, and left their
bodies embalmed in the solid rock, to be the admiration of
the Naturalist, and to adorn the shelves of public and pri-
vate cabinets ; while, at other periods, birds innumerable,
grotesque and various in size, from the Brontozooum gi<ran-
teum, whose stride was from three to six feet, to the Fla-
typtenna delicatula, whose step was only three inches, peo-
pled these shores, accompanied by Lizards and Batrachi-
ans, some of which, and especially one biped frog, could
make a track more than twenty inches in length, while
others were distinguished not so much by the size of the
track, as by their peculiar shape ; leaving the Naturalist
to conjecture whether the animal which made it could be
classed under the lizards, birds, or tortoises.
During the latter part of the period occupied in the de-
position of the sandstone, another formation intruded itself,
and that, not by the means of quiet deposition from water,
but through the agency of intense heat, assisted by an im-
mense earthquake, or a mighty volcanic eruption. This
was the formation of the Trap, exhibiting itself in mural
precipices, but not a continuous range of hills, from North-
field, Massachusetts, to New Haven, Ct. It is a difficult
question to decide whether this was the lava, or melted
matter, ejected by some mighty eruption, of which the out-
let was an immense fissure, extending the whole length of
this formation, or whether it was melted rock, spread out
under the ocean, which was erupted in some other manner,
and from some different crater, or outlet. There are one
or two localities, however, which, by the peculiar charac-
ter of the rock, seem conclusively to show, that it was
formed by melted matter, poured out under water, upon
the sandstone. An example of this peculiar kind of rock,
which is termed " volcanic grit," may be seen near the
Northeastern part of Mt. Tom, and close by the Connecti-
GEOLOGY. 345
cut River railroad, which is precisely the same product
that we should expect, were we to pour a mass of melted
rock upon sandstone under water, which did not entirely
melt the pebbles, and coarse grains of sand.
The general direction of the strata of the Connecticut
River sandstone, is Northeast, and Southwest, with a dip
varying from 20 to 50 deg. East, in its Northern portions.
The dip of the whole formation, also, is found to be at a
much higher angle on the Western, than the Eastern side
of the valley. The question, then, that naturally forces it-
self upon us, is : what has produced any inclination in these
strata, and why is the greater dip on the Western side?
it lias already been mentioned that the mica slate on the
\\Yst, and the gneiss on the East, dip under the sandstone,
and probably meet beneath it, somewhere near the middle
of the formation. It is also found that the mica slate dips
under the sandstone at a greater angle than does the gneiss
on the opposite side. If, now, it can be supposed as some
maintain that the sandstone might have been deposited
upon the mica slate as it now exists, a steep inclined
plane then it is easy to see, that this estuary which has
been mentioned, could deposit its sand and mud upon this
rion-fossiliferous rock, (which dips at an angle ranging from
45 to 90 deg.) though at a smaller angle than the mica
slate, as is found to be the case when the dip has been
measured. Were this the true state of the case, v.'hy
should we not also find the sandstone on the Eastern side
dipping AVesterly, although it would be at a much smaller
angle ? A more plausible theory supposes that at the pe-
riod of the deposition of the sandstone, the mica slate and
gneiss were much more nearly horizontal in their layers
than at present, and after the whole formation was depos-
ited, some powerful agency, acting, for the most part, from
the West, bent upwards the mica slate and the sandstone,
which produced the Easterly dip. This theory derives
strength from the fact that we have evidence of some
mighty power, which has acted either Easterly or Wester-
ly, or possibly in both directions through the whole of the
L nitcd States, forming an immense plication or folded axis
of all the strata, being the greatest part of the Apalachian
d min of Mountains, which run in a Northeasertly and South-
westerly direction through the Eastern portion of the
346 GEOLOGY.
United States. Since, then, we have evidence that some
mighty power has acted in the Western part of Massachu-
setts, with such lateral force as -to double the strata upon
themselves, and form the Green Mountain range, may we
not plainly infer that the Eastern dip of the mica slate and
sandstone was effected by the same cause? And especially
does this seem probable, when we know that the strike, or
direction of the strata of both these rocks, is the same as
the general direction of the Apalachian chain.
If we have thus far intelligibly explained some of the
earlier important changes that have taken place -in this val-
ley, we now come to consider another of its great changes,
which has occurred subsequently to those already men-
tioned. This is one that has, geologically 'speaking, taken
place very recently, although ages before man begun his
existence on the earth. At that time, instead of a valley,
such as now exists, the sandstone filled up this whole area,
at least to the present height of Mt. Mettawampe and
Sugar Loaf, while the hills of Pelham and Leverett on the
one hand, and Chesterfield on the other, only slightly lifted
themselves up, to show the limits of this valley, as it exists
at the present time. At the same time, the Northern part
of this continent was covered with water to the depth of
about five thousand feet, as is seen by the grooves and
markings on the rocks of the White Mountains ; they be-
ing visible up to the hight of about five thousand feet, but no
higher, thus making at that time, the summit of Mt. Wash-
ington, a solitary island in the midst of this immense ocean
of ice and water. About the same time, probably by a
change in the climate, this ocean was almost entirely con-
verted into ice, or, at least, so large a portion of it, that
immense icebergs and glaciers were formed, which were
swept over the surface by a power which as yet is unac-
counted for, grinding and rasping it up, and urging forward
the fragments. This force acted almost without exception
in a direction from North to South, as is proved by the
marks and striae found on most of the rocks of this valley,
which do not readily decompose ])y exposure to the air
and moisture, and also because we find the Northern sides
of all the hills and mountains in New England with a
very few exceptions rounded and smoothed, while the
Southern slopes are generally more or less uneven, or, as
GEOLOGY. 347
they would appear, had no such agency acted upon them
since their original formation.
Thus, then, it probably was, that the whole of this val-
ley was hollowed out, and prepared for the residence of
man. For years, decades, and ages, this force must have
progressed tearing, grinding, and pulverizing the solid
rocks, until it had smoothed away some of the rugged
hills, and covered them, as well as filled up the valleys,
with a soil upon which might live the last and most per-
fect creation of vegetable and animal existence.
But Mt. Holyoke and its range of hills effectually resist-
ed this violence. They seemed to exist as if in defiance
of this power, (although they show symptoms of most tre-
mendous grinding and wearing,) for their upper portions
are made of that most invincible and unyielding of all
rocks the Trap which Engineers always strive to their
utmost to avoid, in making excavations for railroads and
other public works.
The last geological change which has taken place in this
valley (besides the ordinary action of water, frost and air,
which arc reckoned as geological changes,) previous to the
existence of the present fauna and flora, was the emerg-
ence;, and gradual rise of it, as well as a large part of this
continent from the ocean. The evidence of such a change
exists in the deposits of soil and sand beds in those places
Avliere we know they could not have been deposited by the
drift agency, and, above all, by the beautiful alluvial ter-
whicli we see upon the banks of many rivers,
throughout the United States, which were probably pro-
duced by the wearing or bursting away of successive bar-
riers, as the continent gradually arose from the ocean.
Another object of scientific interest may be found in the
.mrks of the Connecticut Valley. These are pecu-
liarly interesting, since they open a new field in Geology,
and lead to the establishment of great principles, which
would appear incredible from so trivial and apparently un-
important circunir-tances. This interesting class of fossils
is found in the upper portions of the sandstone of the Con-
ut Valley, in nearly thirty localities, from the town
of Gill in Massachusetts, to Middletown, Ct, a distance of
eiuliiy miles, and generally in localities near the river.
They are almost always in the finer qualities of the sand-
348 GEOLOGY.
stone, and hence in the Trias, and in certain layers of the
rock, several feet frequently intervening between these
layers.
In a description of these foot-marks by President Hitch-
cock of Araherst, and published as a part of the proceed-
ings of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences for
1848, he reckoned forty-nine species as then discovered ;
but since that time six or eight new ones have been dis-
covered, but not described, making in all, at present, about
fifty-seven, which number will doubtless be greatly in-
creased, as new quarries are opened, and their contents
examined by other scientific inquirers on this subject.
Most of these tracks were made by birds, and hence the
name given to this branch of Natural History when first
brought to notice was Ornithicnites, or Bird Tracks. But
further researches have shown that, although most of them
were by birds, yet Quadrupeds, Frogs, and Salamanders,
also left their indelible traces on the mud of the primeval
Connecticut Valley, as well as other animals who made
their footprints, to the great wonder and amazement of
Naturalists, as to what division of the animal kingdom they
could belong. An attempt to describe the animals who
have immortalized themselves on the everlasting monu-
ments of this valley, should be made only by one well ac-
quainted with comparative anatomy ; and yet, with little
of the imaginative, and still less of the scientific, we may,
with tolerable certainty, make out a description that will
give us a general outline of the early inhabitants of this
valley. This has already been done by Dr. pitchcock, in
his history of these footmarks :
" Now I have seen, in scientific vision, an apterous bird,
some twelve or fifteen feet high nay large flocks of them
walking over the muddy surface, followed by many others of
an analogous character, but of smaller size. Next comes a
biped animal, a bird, perhaps, with a foot and heel nearly two
feet long. Then a host of lesser bipeds, formed on the same
general type ; and among them several quadrupeds with dis-
proportioned feet, yet many of them stilted high, while others
are crawling along the surface, with sprawling limbs. Next
succeeds the huge Polemarch, leading along a tribe of lesser
followers, with heels of great length, and armed with spurs.
But the greatest wonder of all comes in the shape of a biped
batrachian, with feet twenty inches long. We have heard of
GEOLOGY. 849
the Labyrinthodon of Europe a frog as large a* an ox, but
his feet were only six or eight inches long a mere pigmy
compared with the Otozoum of New England. Behind him
there trips along, on unequal feet, a group of small lizards and
SalamandridcR) with trifid, or quadrifid feet. Beyond, half
seen amid the darkness, there move along animals so strange
that they can hardly be brought within the types of existing
organization. Strange, indeed, is this menagerie of remote
sandstone days; and the privilege of gazing upon it, and of
bringing into view one lost form after another, has been an
ample recompense for my efforts, though they should be re-
warded by no other fruit.' 7
One or two very instructive lessons present themselves
so strikingly upon a consideration of this subject, that it is
impossible to forbear their mention. One is, the value of
trifles ; for what can seem of more trivial importance than
the impression of a foot in mud, or wet sand, liable to be
effaced by the smallest wave, or the pattering of a shower ?
And yet, these fossils aid us to arrive at conclusions which
are of immense importance in deciding the position of the
sandstone, and especially the upper portions of it, and also
in fixing on the earliest period of the existence of birds on
the earth. They also teach humility. For, while man
has been striving, ever since he has had an existence, to
write his name so indelibly that posterity may see and read
it, these birds, these reptiles, nay these very worms, with-
out even a thought, have left more enduring mementoes of
themselves, than chisel could ever imprint upon marble, or
monuments of brass and iron.
"Reptiles and birds, a problem ye have solved
Man never has to leave a trace on earth
Too deep for time and fate to wear away."
( )(' tin- fossils in Massachusetts, -aside from the tracks hi
llu' Connecticut Valley, this State has but little to boast.
And even the bones of the animals which made these
tracks, as vet, are nowhere to be found, leaving quite an
eniuma to tli<' geologist for solution. Several years airo,
however, a few fossil bones were found in the sandstone,
which were helieved by those who saw them to be those
of birds, hut, before their characters were determined, by
a sad accident they were lost, and naturali>(s are still in
the same darkness with regard to them. It was reported,
30
350 GEOLOGY.
a few years since, while the dam was being constructed
across the Connecticut at Holyoke, that a skeleton of a
large animal was found in a tolerable state of preservation.
But examination proved it to be only ripple marks instead
of ribs remains of old ocean on the sandy shores of this
valley, and not of a saurian, one of its inhabitants. But,
although the remains of birds and reptiles are so extreme-
ly rare save in their tracks yet the fishes are left in a
most perfect state of preservation. At Sunderland, Deer-
field, Chicopee, West Springfield and South Hadley, these
fossils have been found, in a black shale, which is, possibly,
the Trias. And so closely do these specimens resemble
similar fossils of a famous locality in Germany, that when
some of our specimens were sent to European naturalists,
they firmly believed that they must originally have been
sent from Germany, and, either by accident or design, re-
turned again across the ocean. But two genera as yet
have been described, the Paloconiscus, and Eurynotus, of
which Agassiz describes about a dozen species, although
many more remain, to be described. These fossils are very
rare, not being even so abundant as the tracks, for unfor-
tunately they have been found in but a few localities, and
these have not been in quarries where the rock is dug out
for economical purposes ; and at Sunderland, the most pro-
ductive locality, they occur on the banks of the river
so low down in the strata, that they can be got out only at
very low water. But, fortunately for science, a large
amount of these fishes, as well as the tracks of this valley,
were collected by the late Dexter Marsh of Greenfield,
Mass., and these in the best state of preservation. This
collection has been visited, during the few years past, by a
great number of persons from different parts of this coun-
try, as well as from abroad. On account of the death of
its proprietor, it was sold at auction in September, 1853,
and hence distributed to various parts of the country, al-
though mostly to public collections. The loss of this man
to science was very great, since he combined in him,-rii'
the rare qualities of ^ persevering and untiring laborer in
whatever he undertook, a very respectable acquaintance
with science for a man of his circumstances, and the skill
to remove from the quarry, and prepare for examination,
GEOLOGY. 351
large slabs of rock containing tracks and fishes, which
are the most difficult specimens to collect for a cabinet.
In the lower beds of the new red sandstone, a great
abundance of marine vegetables has been discovered, and
a few in the upper beds, along with the terrestrial plants.
They are, however, mostly of that low type of the fu-
coids, which are only made out with considerable difficulty.
One remarkable locality of large specimens of these plants,
is in the Northern part of the village of Greenfield, where
they may be found six or eight inches in diameter, and
from five to six feet in length. These plants have not been
studied very carefully, as yet, so that we may hope at some
future time to have more perfect knowledge concerning
them. At Bernardston, also, some marine fossils (ani-
mals) called Encrinites, have, been discovered in a small
bed of limestone, which throws important light upon the
position of the bed, proving it metamorphic and compara-
tively receipt, although lying beneath the sandstone.
The Western portion of Massachusetts is more abund-
antly supplied with minerals than with fossils, from the
abundance of non-fbssiliferous rocks in this quarter. They
are, however, of no pecuniary value, excepting some of
the ores, nor always the most splendid and attractive, al-
though many of them are extremely rare. Of the valua-
ble gems, we are not aware that this part of the State pos-
sesses any worthy of notice. In Worcester County, how-
ever, just over the line, in Royalston, we find small, but
beautiful aqua-marine beryls, the locality being, in fact,
one of the most interesting in the United States ; and in
St Hi-bridge, pyrope garnets are found in considerable quan-
tifies, some of which are of a most beautiful red, when
handsomely cut, and set in gold. In this part of the
State, however, quartz and agates are sometimes found in
the Trap, which, when polished, make very handsome spe-
cimens lor a cabinet, and it is possible that some of them
actually been used as u r i'nis. The town which is the
most abundantly supplied \vith minerals in Western Mas-
sachusetts, is, without doubt, Chesterfield. This, it will be
M-eu, by reference to the geological map, lies upon granite
and mica slate, the minerals being found in the former.
There are no less than seventeen different species of well
characterized, and many of them rare species, found here,
352 GEOLOGY.
among which are blue and red tourmaline, rose beryl, gar-
net, smoky quartz, staurotide, spodumene, tin ore, colum-
bite, and uranite.
In Goshen, also, which we shall see lies geologically in
the same position as the last mentioned place, we find a
large number of interesting species, most of which are the
same as in Chesterfield which we should expect from the
similarity of the geological position. And, from the fact
that tin has been found in these two localities, and in sev-
eral others in the same vicinity, we do not at all hesitate to
predict that, ultimately, this valuable metal will be found
in the mica slate, or granite, which compose the matrix in
many mines where it is now worked. The most noted tin
mine in the world at Cornwall, England is worked in
the granite.
At Southampton, in the workings carried on for lead, a
large number of rare minerals have been found, most of
which are ores of lead or some other metal, and the recent
discovery of quite good crystals of fluor spar seems to
give encouragement to pursue excavations for lead to a
still greater extent, since, in mines of the older countries
of Europe, this mineral is found in connection with lead in
many instances. In the towns of Chester and Blandford,
the chromite of iron is found in considerable quantities,
from which the oxyd of chrome can be readily extracted.
As this is used very extensively as a pigment, these local-
ities will doubtless, in the future, yield no inconsiderable
amount of profit to their owners.
At Norwich, some minerals have been found of excel-
lence and rarity, and the locality is quite remarkable, as
being the only one in the world where certain minerals are
found crystalized. These minerals are the spodumene and
triplite. They are not new species, but their crystalline
form, which is a very important characteristic of minerals,
could never before this be made out. When one of the
spodumenes was shown to the curator of mineralogy in the
British Museum, at London, he was at first incredulous as
to its genuineness, thinking that its faces were fabricated
by the saw, or emery wheel, though it was given him by a
gentleman of strict integrity. These doubts, however, soon
vanished, for, after giving it a careful examination, he was
at once ready to make an offer of a guinea for the single
GEOLOGY. 353
crystal in the hands of the Professor. Both of these min-
erals are of a very ordinary appearance, and would not at-
tract in the least, the eye of a common observer. It is
much to be regretted that the locality is now nearly or
quite exhausted ; although it is reasonable to hope, that as
;ine rocks extend into adjoining towns, further exam-
ination may yet bring to light other localities of these in-
teivsting minerals.
The above mentioned localities are the most important
in tliis portion of Massachusetts, although in at least one-
liall' of these towns, one or more interesting species of
minerals have been at one time or another described, the
exact locality in many instances being unknown, or forgot-
ten. But considering how small an amount of this terri-
tory has been carefully examined, we can at once imagine
and hope for the acquisition, at some time, of a large
amount of mineral wealth in this part of our State.
ECONOMICAL GEOLOGY.
The mineral products of Massachusetts are mainly
Granite and Sienite, Marble and Iron. Besides these,
however, Gneiss and Sandstone are quarried to a consider-
able extent, Coal is dug in one portion of the state, Lead
promises an abundant quantity, Soapstone exists very
abundantly, and Quartz, for lire stones and making glass, is
found in considerable quantities. The Granite and Sienite
are, in most instances, confounded together, in the popular
understanding of them : as, for instance, the rock so gen-
erally known as Quincy Granite is, in geological terms,
Sienite diHering from Granite by the absence of Horn-
blende, or the presence of mica in its place. These rocks
occur, lor the most part, in the Eastern portions of Massa-
chusetts, although, as has already been mentioned, the
Granite is found on the Western borders of the Connec-
ticut Valley, and, without doubt, the stone will be worked
as the demand for it increases.
One of the best quarries of Granite in Massachusetts is
in Kiichlmri2.li, of which the Fitchburgh Railroad Station
House at Ho.-ton is built. Another nf equally liiu 1 stone is
at Chelmsford, of which the stone work of the addition to
tin 1 Massachusetts State House is constructed. Sienite is
(married in many localities in Eastern Massachusetts, and,
ainonir them all, exists pre-eminently the quarry, or the
30*
354 GEOLOGY.
sienitic mountains, of Quincy. The quantity which has
been taken from this place is absolutely immense, and the
locality cannot be exhausted for centuries to come. Ex-
amples of this rock will be found in abundance in nearly
all the maritime cities of this country.
Coming to the Connecticut Valley, we find the Gneiss
abundant, and of great beauty. This gneiss formation,
extending from Monson through Pelham to the northern
boundaries of the state, will, for an immense number of
years, supply all the demands for this building stone
throughout the whole country. And it may well be a mat-
ter of discussion among connoisseurs of architecture which
shall be styled the handsomest building stone, the Granite
and Sienite of Chelmsford and Quincy, or the Gneiss of
Monson and Pelham.
One of the principal sources of mineral wealth in West-
ern Massachusetts is Limestone. For it is this rock which
produces the beautiful marble of Berkshire county, which
is exported in such immense quantities, arid the Lime, the
supply of which can probably never fail.
The geological position is the same as the Limestone of
Vermont, and a part of Connecticut, which extends from
this latter state into Canada. Upon the origin, however,
of the primary Limestone of which these rocks are ex-
amples much obscurity has always existed. But, from
the fact that the skeletons and bony coverings of all class-
es of animals are composed, to a very large extent, of
lime in some of its forms, Geologists are led to believe
that this, rock is of organic origin. This, however, could
not be gained from the skeletons of the vertebrate animals,
for they had not begun their existence at the period when
Limestone was formed, but must have been derived from
Polyparia, or coral animals, the same as those which now
live in such infinite profusion in tropical seas, and construct
the immense coral reefs in those bodies of water. If,
then, after these immense coral islands and reefs were cov-
ered with soil to a great depth, or, by some mighty convul-
sion, sunk again beneath a deep ocean, they should be ex-
posed to such an intense heat as to most thoroughly fuse
them without losing the carbonic acid, we could easily
account for the destruction of all traces of animal life, and
the production of a perfectly homogeneous structure to
GEOLOGY. 355
the rock ; and the crystalline structure would be produced
by the slow cooling under an immense pressure. These
causes, therefore, an immense pressure by superincum-
bent matter, heat sufficient to produce perfect fusion, and
a gradual cooling under pressure, are sufficient to change
the skeletons of all animals into the beautiful variety of
marble which we find so abundant over the whole surface
of the earth.
Such being the theory, how grand and how sublime are
the thoughts forced upon our attention ! The lofty monu-
mental pile, the immense temple, the huge pyramid, and
many of the proudest structures of man's ingenuity, have
not always been the dull, motionless rock that they now
are, but were once portions of living, and active creatures.
The sculptor, too, producing with his chisel forms of
beauty, seeming almost superhuman, and with features and
expression of countenance that almost draw life and ani-
mation from the unfeeling rock, does not, for the first time
give even an apparent vitality to these particles, for ages
before him these same elements were portions of living
beings, who enjoyed life to the fullest extent of their ca-
pacity.
The popular definition of marble, is limestone of a crys-
talline structure, while Limestone is merely the Lime rock,
in a granular, or uncrystallized state. This, however, is
only a partial definition : for marble is always Limestone,
but Limestone is not always marble ; and though almost
all kinds of marble are crystalline in their structure, yet
some of the handsomest ones want this structure. The
best of Limestones for producing lime are generally the
handsomest marble, although a quality which is of but lit-
tle value for marble, answers perfectly well in the process
of burning for lime.
In the following statistics, the amount of capital invest-
ed in the marble business, the amount of marble that is
quarried, and the value realized from the sales, are only
approximate to the truth, for the reason that most of the
quarries are owned by a single individual, or by two or
three, at most, and, hence, the items of the business are
not so accurately recorded as if it were carried on by a
joint-stock company. The quantities, too, that an- export-
ed, vary considerably, from the fact that marble is not kept
356 GEOLOGY.
on hand to any great amount, but is only quarried where
an actual demand exists for it, as in the case of a contract
for a building, or a large number of buildings.
The marble quarry in which the largest amount of money
is invested is in the town of Lee, and belongs to the firm
known as Rice & Heebner. The capital invested by them
is $50,000, and the quarry has been worked for two years
past, with receipts for stone amounting to $200,000. The
marble is all of it sent away in " the rough," as it is termed,
or just as it is taken from the quarry, without labor ex-
pended upoii it by the chisel, or saw. The quantity that
has been exported to gain these receipts, is 150,000 feet,
or 15,000 tuns, fifteen cubic feet weighing a tun. The
market, for the present, is chiefly at Washington, D. C., of
which the extension to the Capitol is being built, although
some is sent no farther than Philadelphia. This company
also own another quarry in the north part of Lee, which
has been worked somewhat extensively, although it is not
of so good a quality as that from which the stone for the
Capitol is being extracted. The quarry lies very near the
Housatonic Railway, so that cars can be loaded from the
quarry at once, without the trouble of loading the marble
upon and from the common wagons drawn by horses or
cattle. About seventy men were employed in this quarry
during the last season.
In the town of Lee, another company, called the Lee
Marble Company, has been organized, with a capital
of $30,000. The stock is owned mostly in New York,
and, in 1854, the company proceeded to the work of quar-
rying with vigor, and carried it on quite extensively.
Marble, to any very large amount, has not yet been
quarried, but it has been so- examined and experimented
with, that it proves itself to be a firm, enduring and pure
white marble, almost exactly like that of the quarry from
which the addition to the Capitol is being constructed.
Mr. Chester Goodale of Egremont, one of the pioneers
in the marble business, still owns and works three of four
quarries in Sheffield, of pure white marble. The money
invested in the quarry, mills and other appurtenances, is
about $25,000, and the receipts for the last year, as well
as several years past, amounted to $8,000. The marble of
GEOLOGY. 857
all these quarries is very fine and white, and is quite trans-
lucent in thin pieces, resembling, in this respect, the cheap-
er varieties of alabaster. It was from these quarries that
the larger part of the material used in the construction of
Girard College, Philadelphia, was obtained, including the
immense marble pillars of the middle edifice, or main
building. The marble from these quarries, as a building
material, is still unsurpassed, and the demand is still con-
stant, and slightly on the increase. Here, also, as in most
marble localities, the stone grows firmer as excavations are
carried deeper into the earth.
Messrs. J. K. & N. Freedley are now carrying on
the marble business very extensively. Their quarry is in
the town of West Stockbridge, and directly upon the Hud-
son and Berkshire Railway. -Their mill for sawing is also
upon the same railway, so that the marble can, by means
of derricks, be placed directly upon the rail-cars, and by
the same means taken from them and placed in the mill
where it is to be sawed. This quarry, as well as the last
mentioned one in Sheffield, has been worked for more than
forty years, although the present owners have carried on
the business at this place but nine years. During the first
six years, the annual receipts were $10,000, but during the
last three years they have increased to $23,000. The
capital invested is $25,000. All the marble that is export-
ed from this quarry is sent away as sawn marble, and not
in the rough. The principal market is at Philadelphia,
where the fronts of many dwellings are made of it. In
quantity, about 1,400 tuns are sent away each year. This
is also the pure white marble.
In the South East part of the town of West Stockbridge,
about two miles from the " Freedley quarry," is the quarry
which has been worked for thirty-nine years by Mr. An-
drew Fuarey, who is the oldest marble worker now living
in Berkshire county. The amount of money invested by
him in the business is $15,000, and the annual receipts
about $12,600. During the years of 1836-7 and 8, the
amount quarried, sawn and sent to market was thirty tuns
the week, but, at the present time, an average of 450 tuns
per year, with a price of $28 per tun, is sent from the
quarry. The principal market has been, and still is, Phil-
358 GEOLOGY.
adelpliia, in which city no less than seventy-eight buildings
are faced with this stone. Of these, are nearly all the
Girard buildings the college an exception and many
others on Girard and Chestnut streets. The inside of the
Exchange, in the same city, is also mainly made from this
stone, as well as the monument to John Grouff, the archi-
tect of the Fairmount Water Works. Besides these
buildings and monuments just mentioned, another monu-
ment, constructed of marble from Fuarey's quarry, has
been erected in Mt. Auburn, to the memory of the four
officers who died while connected with the United States
Exploring Expedition, under Captain Wilkes.
H. S. Clark & Co., in the Southwestern part of Pitts-
field, own a clouded marble quarry, in which is invested
$7,000. During the working season of 1853 530 tuns in
the rough were quarried, from which were worked 3,000
feet. For this year, and also for two years previous, the
net receipts were $16,000 the year, more than double the
amount of capital. This firm have owned the quarry for
nine years, and the same locality was worked ten years pre-
vious to their possession of it. The principal use to which
this stone is 'put, is the construction of head stones and
monuments, a market for them being readily found in Al-
bany and Troy. Considerable business is also done by
them in Connecticut.
In the Northern part of Lanesborough is a marble quar-
ry that has been worked for forty years, and which is now
known as Platt's Quarry capital $7,000. The marble
is variegated, and is all sawn before it is sent away from
the place, the receipts for which average $1,000 the year.
The market is mainly Westward, in New York State, al-
though some of it is sent to the East, and especially to
Rhode Island. In 1842 and 3, marble to the value of
$20,000 each year was sent from this place ; but as now
the same quality can be obtained in the Southern parts of
the county, and nearer to a Railway, the demand is not so
great for it as formerly. And yet, the demand for 1854
was much greater than that of the previous year. A few
houses in Albany have fronts constructed of this Marble,
although its main use is for head-stones and monuments.
In the town of Alford, near the Southwestern corner of
GEOLOGY.
859
the state, are two marble quarries which are worked at the
present time. One of these is worked by Mr. William
Million, with a capital of $6,000, which, in 1853, yield-
ed $1,200. This quarry was worked fifty years ago, and
it has been in its present hands twenty-three years. The
quality of the marble is the variegated, and in years past
has been used very extensively for buildings and public
works. At present, the principal market is Albany, where
examples of it may be seen in 'the Albany Market, the
Law Buildings, the greater part of the Museum, and the
inside of the State House. Owing to the horizontal posi-
tion of the strata, very large slabs can be quarried here
with great ease : for instance, the platforms, or large slabs
which constitute the dome of the Albany State House, are
sixteen and a half feet by six feet ; and slabs twelve feet
square, and one foot in thickness, are very often got out
by Mr. Milligan. Probably there is no place in Berkshire
county where this rock can be more easily quarried than
at this place : for it occurs on a high ridge, and, of course,
needs no excavating to remove the marble ; and, besides,
watrr cannot accumulate to prevent or render expensive
the working.
TJie other quarry of Marble that is worked in Alford
belongs to Mr. Frederick Fitch. This lies nearly South
of Milligan's quarry, and is on the same range of rock as
that quarry. The value of this quarry, as estimated by
Mr. Fitch, is only $2,000, although, when compared with
other marble quarries in Berkshire county, we can see no
reason why the amount should not be trebled. This quar-
ry has been worked for at least fifty years, although only
eight years by its present owner. During this period, as
nearly as can be estimated, the receipts have been $2,000
the year. The marble here quarried is variegated, and
may be seen in the City Hall, New York, which is for the
im>.-t part built of stone from this quarry. The principal
market of Fitch's quarry is New York city, and the stone
is only used for building purposes.
In Lenox, Marble has been worked since the year 1800.
At first, however, the stone was not taken from quarries,
but from boulders, or loose rocks that were quite abundant
in that place. The first mill for sawing marble was built
in 181 G, by Mr. Nathan Barrett, and the business earned
360 GEOLOGY.
on by him until 1837, when his sons, James L. Barrett &
Brothers, undertook the same business, and have carried
it on quite extensively up to the present time. Their cap-
ital is $3,000, and the amount yearly quarried is 5000 feet,
or 200 tuns. The marble at this quarry is of both the
white and variegated quality, and is mainly used for mon-
uments and headstones, and a market for it is readily found
at the mill. Considerable business is done by these gen-
tlemen in getting out building stone, caps, sills, and step-
stones from the variegated marble, and it answers admira-
bly for these purposes. This quarry is situated within
one mile of a station on the Pittsfield and Stockbridge
Railway. .
In the town of North Adams, is an incorporated compa-
ny known as the North Adams Marble and Lime Com-
pany. The amount of capital invested in this business is
$75,000, and the receipts for 1853 were $25,000. The
quarry has been worked since 1837, and, in the hands of
its present owners, since 1838. In quality, this marble is
mainly pure white, although the blue clouded is dug to a
considerable extent. It is all sawn, and generally cut and
finished, for building purposes, and fronts of dwelling and
other houses ; examples of which may be seen in Hudson
St., N. Y., and in a building erected on the site of the old
Bible House, in the same city. Besides New York, a
market is readily found in Philadelphia for this stone, to
be used for building purposes. This quarry is not at pres-
ent worked to its fullest capacity, but when the demand for
the stone shall require it, the marble can be quarried al-
most to an indefinite extent.
The statistics of the Lime produced at this place have
already been given in another part of this paper, although
it is proper to add, that the quality of this lime is decided-
ly superior ; and if a Railway shall ever be constructed
from Greenfield to Troy it will probably so lessen the
cost of transportation, that Lime from this kiln will be
in much greater demand than it is at the present time.
And if this Railway be ever completed, it will also greatly
enhance the value of all the mineral products already men-
tioned as occurring in this town, and give them a fair com-
petition with those of any other market.
The quarries that have been enumerated are the only
GEOLOGY. 361
ones that were worked during 1853, although there are at
least ten or twelve others which have been worked in past
years, and are now unworked, not because they are ex-
hausted, but because the owners of them fail to secure
large contracts, or from a vague notion, in the minds of
some purchasers, that a new quarry must, of necessity
like a new hat be better than an old one. This, however,
is known to be incorrect to those acquainted with the geo-
logical position, or the quarrying of marble ; and we do
not hesitate to affirm that the quarries of Sheffield are, at
this day, as well able to yield beautiful marble, as when, in
1837 and 8, they furnished the columns to the Girard col-
lege at Philadelphia. The same may probably be said
with regard to all the other marble quarries in Western
Massachusetts, although it by- no means prevents us from
predicting that other quarries of marble, equally good, may
be found and worked on that great line of Marble and
Limestone which extends from about New Milford, Ct., into
the Canadas.
The following table is made out in order to ascertain at
a glance the capital invested in each marble quarry, and
the receipts of each for the year 1853, as well as the whole
amount invested in the marble business in Western Mas-
sachusetts, and the net receipts on the same, during 1853.
Capital Receipts
Name of quarry. Location. invested. for 1853
North Adams Marble Co.,
North Adams,
174000
ISSdOOO
Rice & Heebner,
Lee,
50 000
[aSjSn
Lee Marble Co,,
J K. &N.l>reedley,
Chester Goodale,
Andrew Fuarey,
H. 8. Clark & Co,
Lee!
\V. Stockbridge,
Sheffield,
W. Stockbridge,
Pittsfield,
30,000
25,000
25,000
15,000
7000
28,000
8,000
12.000
16,000
Platt's Quarry,
Milltgan's Quarry,
Barrett's Quarry,
Fitch's Quarry,
Lancsbo rough,
Alford,
Lenox,
Altonl,
7,000
6,000
3,000
2,000
1,000
1,200
5,000
2,000
Savage's Quarry,
W. Sheffield.
2,000
1,000
1247,000 $199,800
Showing that, in round numbers, there are nearly $250,-
000 invested in the marble business in Massachusetts, and
about $200,000 was received on this capital during the
year 1853.
It will be a difficult thing to give a very accurate esti-
mate of the Lime that is procured from Berkshire Lime-
stone and Marble, from the fact that it is made in so many
places, and that imperfect accounts are kept of the quan-
31
362 GEOLOGT.
tity produced at the kilns made for burning. The theory
of obtaining it is very simple. All Limestones, and con-
sequently all marble, whether crystalline or granular, are
composed of carbonic acid a colorless gas and Lime y
with often a small per cent, of Magnesia. Hence, all that
is necessary to obtain lime, is to separate the lime from the
carbonic acid, without, at the same time, causing it to unite
with any other substance. This is done by burning, or
subjecting the limestone to intense heat, which causes the
carbonic acid to escape into the atmosphere, and the lime
to remain behind as a white, dry solid. Although Lime-
stones, as just stated, are composed of carbonic acid and
Lime, yet they are often contaminated with other substan-
ces, such as Silica or pure sand, and magnesia, which, of
course, add impurities to the Lime, and thus injure its
value. Therefore, as a general rule, the pure white and
fine grained marble is the best for producing Lime, al-
though some Limestones, which are not thought fit to be
used as marble, yield a very large per cent, of Lime.
But, as a general thing, Lime-kilns are built in the imme-
diate vicinity of Marble quarries, for the reason that there
the rock is the best to obtain the Lime from, and especially
because the refuse stone of the quarry is in perfect readi-
ness for the kiln, except the larger pieces, which must be
somewhat broken up before they can be well burned.
The following estimate of the Lime burned and sold in
Berkshire county for 1853, has been furnished by the kind-
ness of J. L. Barrett, Esq., of Lenox, the products of
whose quarry in 1853 for this article, were $ 3,000. In
the town of Adams, 5,000 bushels; Hinsdale, 5,000;
Lanesborough, 5,000; Lenox, 70,000 ; Pittsfield, 12,000;
Richmond, 30,000 ; making a total of 127,000 bushels.
This, at the average of $0,28 the bushel, will give an
amount of $35,560. which is certainly a low estimate, from
the reasons given above.
Iron is one of the metals that have been known from
remotest antiquity. It is recorded in the fourth chapter of
Genesis, that " Tubal Cain was an instructor of every ar-
tificer in Brass and Iron." In Job, also, we find these pas-
sages: "The bow of steel shall strike him through;"
" Iron is taken out of the earth ;" " His bones are like bars
of Iron," which, together with many others in the Old
CfEOLOGT. 363
J .-lament, show a knowledge of the existence of this most
valuable metal in some of its properties, as far as the his-
tory of man extends. In later times, we find mention
made of this metal, although only as a rarity, for, in
some of the Grecian Games proposed by Achilles in
honor of Patroclus, an Iron Ball was the reward offered to
the successful victor. Later yet, we learn that one of the
Roman Emperors commanded money to be made of this
::i< tal, that he might by these means check the covetous
spirit of -his people.
The process of reducing the ores of Iron to the metal-
lic state was probably imperfectly known in the time that
the Romans held possession of England, although it was
not until the 17th century that the method of smelting by
mineral or pit coal was discovered.
The process of smelting the ores of Iron consists in sep-
arating the pure metal from the earthy substances with
which it is in combination. These substances, in the ores
of Iron that are generally worked, are Sulphur and
Quartz, or their compounds with Oxygen. Native Iron
has never been found, except as a cabinet curiosity. If
Sulphur be the ingredient that must be driven off, even
though it be in very minute proportions, it is a somewhat
difficult and complicated process. But if it be the Silica,
as is the case with Massachusetts Iron, the process is car-
ried on by mixing in proper proportions with the ore, and
the coal, Lime or Limestone, called the * flux' ; this unites
with the Silica, forming the 'slag/ which is a rude and
imperfect glass, and is always seen in abundance as waste
.Miatrrial, in the vicinity of Iron furnaces, leaving the Iron
in its pure, metallic state.
These substances the Ore, the Coal, and the Lime
are generally imperfectly mixed together, about in the pro-
portion of one third of each, and put in at the top of the
furnace, which very much resembles a large and tall chim-
ney, the capacity growing less at the bottom, and forming
-A- hut is called the crucible, which receives the metal as
I'aM as it is reduced from the ore, from its high specific
gravity. A powerful current of air is constantly forced
into the furnace by machinery, just above the crucible,
which is termed the blast, and this current it is, which
keeps up this intense heat above 3,200 degrees Fahren-
364 GEOLOGY.
heit without which it is impossible to reduce the ores of
Iron to the metallic state. When the furnace is once in
'full blast/ it is kept in this state until some portion of it
needs repairing, or the supply of coal fails, or something
equally important demands a ' blowing out,' or cessation
of operations for a while. Of course, such labor requires
two sets of operatives, one for day and another for night,
neither of them stopping their work for the Sabbath ; for
if the fire be allowed to go out, even for a single day, it
requires a whole week to heat up the furnace again to the
point necessary for reducing the iron. The metal is gen-
erally " cast," or drawn off, by puncturing the crucible in
its lowest portion, which permits the iron to run in a gut-
ter to a bed of sand, where are a large number of short
trenches that at once fill with the melted metal, which,
when cooled, makes what is well known as " pig iron."
This opening is readily closed by forcing into it, with a
long iron rod, a lump of moistened clay, which, by the
heat is immediately hardened into a very impenetrable
kind of earthern ware, that completely closes the orifice,
until it shall again be necessary to open it for a similar
purpose. In the same manner, all little openings that are
constantly made by the heat and pressure, are at once ef-
fectually closed. Most furnaces blow out, upon an aver-
age, in about six or eight months, and yet, occasionally,
one runs from nine to thirteen months.
Great Britain and the United States, without doubt, pro-
duce a large portion of all the iron that is used in the
world, and, according to Seaman the author of the " Pro-
gress of Nations" England and Wales, at the present
day, produce nearly half of the iron that is made in the
world. According to the returns of the last census, the
amount of pig iron made annually in the United States is
564,755 tuns, of which 12,287 tuns are made in jVIas-a-
chusetts, being about one forty-fifth of the whole amount.
The amount reduced in 1837 was 2,617 tuns.
All the furnaces in Berkshire county, without exception,
work the ore known as the Brown Hematite, or, in chemi-
cal language, the hydrous peroxyd of Iron. Geologically
considered, it belongs, in all probability, to the Tertiary
Formation, which extends from Canada to Georgia, and
is accompanied by what is known in Europe as the Lig-
GEOLOGY. 365
nite, or Brown Coal Formation. The Spathic Iron, or
"Carbonate of Iron, occurs in small quantities in this coun-
ty, l)ii t never has been worked to any extent, more than
''<>r an experiment.
The Hudson Iron Works, whose furnaces are in Hud-
son, New York, own the largest iron bed in Massachu-
setts. This is in West Stockbridge. It lies in a vein run-
ning Northeast and Southwest, is underlaid by the Ocher,
resting on limestone, and is covered with the variegated
<-lays, conclusively showing that all the iron be<ls of Berk-
shire belong to the Tertiary deposit. The vein luis been
traced for 1,300 feet, ami varies in width from 40 to 100
feet. The present excavation is more than 500 feet in
length, and 100 feet in depth. The whole capital of this
company is $235,000, of which $50,000 are invested in
this mine, and the receipts for ore during the year 1853
were $5,000. The existence of iron has been known in
this place for more than ten years, but it has not been con-
sidered of sufficient value to allow much outlay, or to re-
quire extensive working, until 1851, when it came into the
hands of its present owners. During these three years,
00,000 tuns of ore have been sent to Hudson. A descrip-
tion of the method of transportation of the ore to the fur-
nace deserves a moment's attention. A branch of the
Hudson and Berkshire Railway, five-eighths of a mile in
length, is built up to the very limits of the ore-bed, and
by means of an embankment, considerably higher than
the top of the cars, the horse carts, or wheelbarrows load-
ed with the ore are, in the easiest manner possible, emptied
at once into the cars, so that, in a few minutes, a hundred
tuns are loaded, which is the amount usually drawn by one
locomotive. By means of a switch, the ore is carried from
the main trunk of the Railway directly to the furnace
yard, thus saving a great expense (to many Iron-workers,)
in loading and unloading the ore several times. The ore
is valued at $2 50 the tun at the mine, and when reduced
gives 45 per cent, of pure metal. Besides taking the ore
from the top of the ground, or rather, at the open pit al-
ready mentioned, a horizontal adit has been driven east-
erly from the pit, communicating with a perpendicular
>hait 150 feet in depth, in order to drain the water from
31*
366 GKOLOGT.
the workings, and also that other drifts may be sent in dif-
ferent directions from it.
At Lenox Furnace a village in the Southern part of
Lenox is situated the furnace of the Lenox Iron Works.
This company, incorporated in 1848, has a capital of $100,-
000, which is owned in Lenox. Its site has been used for
a long time for the reduction of iron from its ores, since
hollow ware was cast at this place nearly seventy-five years
ago.
The Stockbridge Iron Company, with a capital of $125,-
000, which is mostly owned in Boston, are at the present
time working two beds of ore, which are, with the furnace,
in the town of Stockbridge. During the years 18512,
the amount of metal produced was 63 1-4 tuns per week,
with both of their furnaces in operation. This ore yields
50 per cent, of metal, and is made, (it is very encoura-
ging to know,) to yield four to five per cent, more when an-
thracite is used instead of charcoal. The average receipts
per tun, of the latest sales, is $35, the market principally
Boston and vicinity. Three beds of ore in Lenox are now
worked by this company, and besides these, five more are
their property, some of which are in West Stockbridge.
Five thousand tuns of ore are used here every year, val-
ued at $2 25 the tun, from which is made 2,000 tuns of
metal. This sold in 1853 at $40 the tun, making the gross
receipts $80,000. The per cent, yield of the ore is 45.
The markets for this furnace are chiefly at Springfield,
Holyoke and Worcester, where it is principally used for
machinery.
North of Pittsfield, in Lanesborough, is the furnace of
the Briggs Iron Company. Their capital is owned in Sa-
lem, and amounts to $100,000. The Company was incor-
porated in 1847, and works up about 4,000 tuns of ore
yearly, making 1,800 tuns of metal, which readily sells at
$40 per tun. During the year 1853, 2,000 tuns of metal
were made, of course increasing considerably the receipts.
The per cent, of metal from this furnace averages 45.
During the year 1848, a bed of iron ore~in North Adams
was purchased and opened by the North Adams Iron Com-
pany, with a capital of $64,000. At the same time, or
immediately afterwards, beds were secured to them in
GEOLOGY. 367
Pittsfield, Cheshire, and Copake, New York. During the
iir>t years of operation, the company reduced about 1,200
tuns of metal, but in 1853 nearly 1,700 tuns, which, at
the price of $40 the tun, makes a yearly receipt of $68,-
000. The ore yields 40 per cent, of metal. The great
advantage which this company possesses for working iron,
consists in the fact that, from North Adams to Brattleboro,
the country is nearly an unbroken forest, which, for years
to come, will furnish all the charcoal necessary to reduce
the iron. The principal, and very ready market for this
iron is at Albany and Troy, to which a railway will proba-
bly be completed, that will enhance the value of this proper-
ty, and render a supply of the metal more abundant.
The Richmond Iron Works -have located one furnace in
Van Deusenville, a portion of Great Barrington, and an-
other in Richmond, with a joint capital of $54,000. The
owners are John H. Coffing, Charles and George Coffing,
and the heirs of Holly & Coffing, of Salisbury, Ct., as
this was formerly connected with the Salisbury Iron Works
in Connecticut. As early as the year 1829, this company
owned a furnace in Richmond for " blooming" iron, as it
is termed, and in 1834, the present furnace in Van Deusen-
ville was built, and the company incorporated in 1842.
The majority of the beds, however, that are are now
worked, have ' been discovered since that period, and, al-
though fourteen distinct localities of ore belong to this
company, yet but seven are worked at the present time.
These are all situated in Richmond and West Stockbridge.
This ore yields about 40 per cent, of metal, and each fur-
nace now produces 42 tuns per week, although, in 1843-4,
both of them produced only 60 tuns the week. The
amount of ore used yearly is 9,000 tuns, and the metal
procured from it about 3,200 tuns. Its average price
per tun is $43, which is somewhat higher than many other
furnaces in the Western part of Massachusetts.
In the village of West Stockbridge, a few rods South of
the Railway Station, is an iron furnace which promises to
be one of the best and largest in Massachusetts. The
company owning it is known as the Berkshire Iron Works.
The furnace has been in operation only since the last of
February, 1854, and is now hardly in full working order,
although from ten to eleven tuns of iron are made by it
368 GEOLOGY.
daily, with the expectation that when in its Lost working
state, fifteen tuns the day will be the product. Sixty thou-
sand dollars have already been invested in quarries, build-
ings, and other outlays, and forty thousand more will be
laid out as fast as time will permit. And this addition will
be to make the largest furnace in Massachusetts, with
boshes of twenty feet, the largest now in existence being
from 13 to 14 feet. The ore at this furnace is reduced en-
tirely by hard coal, although it was formerly thought to be
an impossibility to make good iron without charcoal. And
under the superintendence of Mr. Robert Ralston, a Scotch
founder, the very best of iron has been sent from this fur-
nace. An improvement has been made in the furnace, by
which the blast is heated about 612 sufficient to melt
lead by conveying a portion of the spent gases of the
chimney, through large chambers, containing the blast, in
iron pipes, which, of course, greatly facilitates the reduc-
tion of the ore. The greater portion of the ore yields -10
per cent, of metal, and some of it even as high as 45 per
cent. Six beds have already been opened by this compa-
ny, and five or six more yet remain to be worked.
The annexed table gives us, at one view, statistics con-
cerning the amount of capital invested in the iron business
in Western Massachusetts, the receipts for the year or
working season of 1853, the per cent, of metal, and, as far
as ascertained, the average sales per tun of the metal, or
ore, when the' iron is manufactured out of the State.
Capital Receipts Average per Av. price
Name of Company. Location. invested. for 1853. cent, of metal, per tun.
Stockbridge Iron Co.,
Lenox Iron Works,
Stockbridge, $125,000
Lenox, ~ KXMXK)
$72,800
80,000
50
40
$35,00
4000
Briffgs Iron Co.,
Lanesborough, ]0o,000
7:.',000
45
40,00
N. Adams Iron Works,
North Adams, W 0(K)
68,000
40
40,00
Berkshire Iron Works,
W. Stockbridge, 00,000
40
40.00
Richmond Iron Works,
Hudson Iron Works,
Union Iron Works,
Great Barrington, 54,000
W. Stockbridge, 50,000
Cheshire. 79,000
137',600
5,dOO
63,800
40
45
42
4800
86,00
39,00
Total, $032,000 $510,400 423-4 $39,00
From the Union Iron Works in Cheshire, no returns
have been made, and the statistics given are made out by
taking the average of the seven other furnaces in Berk-
shire County, which, of course, is only an approximate re-
sult.
In the Geological Report of Dr. Hitchcock, we find con-
siderable said about the existence and the probable future
value of Soapstone in Massachusetts. This is from the
GEOLOGY. 369
fact that it is quite abundant in Western Massachusetts,
that it is so easily worked, and so completely resists the
action of heat. If we draw a line across Massachusetts in
a Northerly direction, commencing with Blandford, and
passing through Middlefield, and thence through Vermont,
we shall probably pass within ten miles of a larger part
of the principal soapstone quarries West of the Connecti-
cut river in New England. These lie, for the most part,
at the junction of the Hornblende and Talcose, or Horn-
blende and Mica Slates, the beds lying coarsely stratified
with the same direction and dip as the rock on which they
recline. These beds are in general of not very great
width and extent, a few yards at most, but occurring fre-
quently along the line already mentioned, perhaps existing
rather as protuberances, and. not as the same continuous
bed.
In some places, this rock is quite hard, almost equal to
marble in hardness, while, in others, it is^so soft that it is
readily cut with the knife. Often it is so thickly filled with
calcareous spar, dolomite, or other minerals, that it is not
considered of value sufficient for quarrying; and in other
places large blocks are taken out that are almost entirely
free from foreign substances. It is heavier than the ma-
jority of rocks, its specific gravity being 2.85, while mar-
ble is from 2 to 2.50. One of the most remarkable pro-
perties of this rock, is its power to retain heat for a great
length of time. In this property, it differs from, and ex-
cels all other known substances. It is also an excellent
substance to withstand the effects of heat, far surpassing
fire-bricks; and, although much more expensive than
these, yet its greater durability more than compensates for
its high value. For while fire bricks, that line Kusshi
iron stoves, at the most, last but two seasons, the best soap-
stones will endure heat of this amount for ten years. An-
other instance of its durability may be seen in the furnace
doors of the Collins Steamers. They were formerly made
of iron, and lasted but one trip, always being destroyed by
the intense heat. Recently, however, these doors were
made of soapstone, with an iron casing the iron not meet-
ing directly the strong heat and they have lasted during
four trips, and yet seem just as good as when first put in.
The fact of the power in soapstones to retain heat for such
370 GEOLOGY.
a length of time, has led to quite an extensive use of them,
especially in the country, for keeping hands and feet
warm, when riding for a considerable distance in a cold
day.
Soapstone is used in making registers to furnace open-
ings, in the manufacture of porcelain, as a polishing mate-
rial, a substance that in powder easily removes oil and
grease stains from cloth, forms a body for fancy soaps, and
is also used for making fire-proof paints, and, when mixed
with oil, is an excellent and economical substance for lubri-
cating the axles and pivots of heavy machinery. The only
other use of this rock, necessary to be mentioned, is for
facing the fronts of buildings, in the same manner as mar-
ble and sandstone are employed. Although it is so soft
that it can be cut by the knife, yet it is abundantly solid,
and sufficiently strong to sustain the necessary pressure
from above. It is of a very light gray color, and does not
become tarnished by exposure to the action of air or water.
One great excellence of it is that cornices and window
caps can be carved from it to a great extent, and yet with
very little expense. The cost of this material for building
purposes, is about the same as of marble and sandstone,
for, although the expense of working is very trifling, yet
the original cost of the stone is nearly double that of other
building materials.
One of the largest and most important soapstone quar-
ries in the United States, is in Middlefield. It has been
known and worked for several years by several companies,
all with more or less profit, and to a considerable extent
During 1853 it was purchased by a New York company,
chartered as the Metropolitan Soapstone Company, with a
capital of $300,000. General Charles B. Stuart is the
President of the company. This Company are now quarry-
ing this rock in immense quantities, and conducting opera-
tions in a more systematic and scientific manner, than has
ever been done before at this quarry. The bed is several
hundred feet in length, and has an average width of thirty
feet, and, in most parts of it, is of an uniform gray color,
although, in some places, it is slightly variegated, which
is the best and handsomest quality for building purposes.
There are two mills at Middlefield for sawing this stone,
and grinding a portion of it into powder, and a yard in
GEOLOGY. 371
New York city, at No. 260, West 13th Street, occupying
an acre of ground, with a steam engine, an iron building,
and machinery necessary for the working of the stone.
During the year 1853, 1000 tuns of this stone were quar-
ried at Middlefield, 600 tuns of which were taken to the
New York market, and there sold for firestones in coal fur- .
naces, at an average price of $12 the tun. During 1854,
the Company quarried and worked up at least 100 tuns the
week.
Farmers and other holders of land in Western Massa-
chusetts cannot be too strongly urged to attend to the mat-
ter of ascertaining whether soapstone exists on any part
of their land ; for it is now very valuable, and, without
doubt, will increase in value for sometime to come, since
experiments have shown that the variety which is abso-
lutely pure is not the only one that will answer for build-
ing and fire purposes. Even if it be infested, in some de-
gree, with dolomite and calc spar, it can be used for a great
many valuable purposes. Examples of soapstone used as
a building material can be seen in a house on Concord
street, and another on Clarke street, Brooklyn, N. Y.
Also one in loth street, New York.
Soapstone has also been found and quarried to some ex-
tent in the towns of Blandford, Chester, Windsor, New
Lebanon, Hinsdale, Savoy, Granville and Howe, and prob-
ably will be found in as many more towns in the Western
part of Massachusetts.
Closely connected with soapstone is the granular quartz
rock, known as Firestone. The only locality of this that
is worked to any considerable extent, is in the Southeast
part of Great Barriugton, near Tyringham. It is owned
by John Devenney, Esq., and the stone is used in making
li earths for iron furnaces. For this purpose, it is sold at
SI the cubic foot, unless very large blocks are required,
,. hen the price is somewhat increased. During 1853 the
nveipt.s of this quarry were $3,000. This locality has
been worked for the last eight years, and was at first owned
and worked by John C. Briggs, Esq., and the stone known
as " Briggs' stoned
The manufacture of glass has been carried on quite ex-
tensively for a few years past in Berkshire County. This
872 GEOLOGY.
is for the simple reason that there is such an abundance
of pure quartz, or glass sand, the most essential constituent
of glass, in this section of country. Quartz rock, howev-
er, is a very abundant rock in New England ; but it will
not in all instances answer for glass manufacture, because
it contains coloring matter, or other impurities, which will
not produce transparent and colorless glass. Glass is a
variable compound of the silicates of potash, soda, alumi-
na, or lime, with some metallic oxyd for a coloring mate-
rial, according to the purpose for which it is needed. Win-
dow glass, and all other kinds of glass that are simply
intended for the ready transmission of the rays of light,
and no exposure to intense heat, are made of the whitest
of lime, the purest soda-ash, and the most transparent of
silica or glass sand, in the proportions (average) of 3 of
sand, 1 of soda-ash, and nearly 1 of lime, although the
proportion varies according to the purity of the ingredi-
ents. At present, there are three manufactories of glass
in Berkshire County : one in Cheshire, one in Lanesbo-
rough, and another in Lenox.
The Cheshire Glass Works carry on their business with
a capital of $80,000, which is mostly owned in New York,
and have now been in operation two years. During the
first part of 1854, they manufactured window glass only,
but they have since made rough plate-glass for floors
and roofs. For this purpose, the glass is cast instead of
blown, and rolled out under immense pressure, and when
finished, is about one-half an inch in thickness, although
some of it is, for a few particular uses, made an inch thick.
The amount of sand used daily is 2,800 pounds, of soda-
ash 500 pounds, and lime 800 pounds, and from this is
made 600 feet of half-inch glass each day. This, at the
factory, will readily sell for 50 cents per foot, yielding
about $300 the day for nine months in the year. The re-
maining three months are necessary for renewing the ma-
terials of the furnace.
This company are now making experiments upon pol-
ished plate glass, and are confident of soon being able to
furnish a good article for the market, in abundance, since
the sand is of such an admirable quality, and can be so
cheaply furnished, the locality being within a few rods of
the manufactory.
GEOLOGY. 373
In the town of Lenox, within a few rods of the Lenox
Iron Works, are located the Lenox Glass Works. The
amount at present invested in this branch of manufacture
is ^ I < >.<)<><>. although, as soon as the second furnace is con-
structed, the amount invested will be $60,000. This stock
is principally owned by the same persons that own the
Lenox Iron Works. The sand that is used here is from
Cheshire, although it occurs in Lenox of as good a quality
as that in Cheshire, and will soon be dug there, instead of
importing it from other parts of the county. At present,
window glass is the sole product of the furnace, although
experiments are soon to be made on rough and smooth
plate glass. The amount of glass daily made is 4,500
feet, bringing from 85 to $6 the 100 feet, in the market.
About one tun and a half of sand is daily used here,
which costs at the Cheshire bed $2 50 the tun; 1000
pounds of soda-ash at 2 7-8 cents the pound, and 900
pounds of lime, at four cents the pound. The heating ma-
terial is the softer kinds of wood, hemlock and spruce,
which are partially charred before heating the glass, and
can be obtained in this section of country in great quanti-
ties, since it is the hard and not soft wood which furnishes
the best charcoal for smelting iron.
A Glass Furnace is established at Lanesborough, with
Albert R. Fox, as superintendent. The stock of this
company, known as the Berkshire Glass Company, is val-
ued at $80,000. This corporation was chartered in 1847,
although it was not until the spring of 1853 that active
operations were commenced. About the first, of Novem-
ber, in the same year, the first products were manufactured
for the market, and S8,000 worth were disposed of previous
to January, 1854. White cylinder glass is the sole pro-
duct o!' this furnace, of which 3,000 feet are manufactured
daily. The sand beds from which the glass sand is pro-
cured, are in the town of Lanesborough, being on the same
ran*:!' of quartz rock as the Cheshire beds. The erection
of this furnace lias led to the building up of an enterpris-
ing village, and the establishment of a new Post Office,
known as Berkshire, situated upon the North Adams and
1'ittsfield railway.
At Cheshire, in the immediate vicinity of the Cheshire
32
374 GEOLOGY.
Glass Works, is the bed from which is dug an immense
amount of sand, that is sent to different parts of this coun-
try, and also exported in considerable quantities to Eng-
land and France. The price of the sand, when laden in
the cars at Cheshire, is $5 50 the tun, and the amount
shipped in 1853 was 4,300 tuns, yielding receipts to the
amount of $23,650. This locality will probably remain
unexhausted for a great length of time, even if worked at
its present rate, and should this particular bed give out, an
abundance of others can be found in the range of the
quartz rock extending in a Northerly and Southerly direc-
tion through Berkshire County.
The localities of Lead in Massachusetts, that are of any
importance, are all situated in the Connecticut Valley.
They are not, as yet, productive, but a few of them
have been worked, with the hope that the vein would be
reached, and the mines made to yield a large amount of
ore. In the nine different towns in this valley in which
lead is found, it is either in the granite or mica slate, or at
their junction with each other; but the only localities
which are expected ever to be profitable are in granite.
The ore in, these localities is invariably the sulphuret, or
galena, and is associated with blende, or an ore of zinc,
called " black jack" by the miners. This ore, the galena,
is reduced to the metallic state by heat alone, the heat
driving off the sulphur in the form of sulphurous acid.
At present, there is no locality of lead in Massachusetts
where the ore is raised and the metal smelted, although it
was known to exist in Northampton as early as 1767, and
bullets were made at that place during the American Rev-
olution. This locality, since that period, has been un-
opened and unworked until when, quite recently, a compa-
ny known as the Northampton Silver Lead Company was
started, who have excavated quite extensively, prepar-
atory to working the ore. The vein has been struck
by a perpendicular shaft, and a horizontal adit has been
forced into the vein for the purpose of drainage, &c. Ac-
cording to Dr. C. T. Jackson, who has examined the local-
ity, appearances indicate a productive mine, as he says :
" The whole character of the lode is such as to impress all
miners who visit it, with the fact that the vein is a true
GEOLOGY. 375
one, and that it will become rich as it penetrates down-
ward." It is quite probable that copper will also be ex-
ti-nsively mined in the same spot, since it increases in
abundance very fast, as the perpendicular shaft is sunk,
and to sueh an extent that Dr. Jackson is not decided in
his own mind which will ultimately predominate, the lead
or the copper. The vein, as at present known, is about six
feet wide, which is the width of the shaft; and, as only
one of the walls of it has been found, it is believed that
the vein is much wider than where it is now partly seen.
The ore when washed will yield 70 per cent, of metallic
lead, and, according to an analysis made by Dr. Chilton of
New York, silver also, to the amount of 30 oz. 2 dwts. to the
tun, from which the name of the company is derived.
At Southampton, mining operations for lead have been
carried on, though somewhat intermittingly, for the last
twenty years. About the year 1830, a perpendicular shaft
was sunk sixty feet, directly upon the vein, which was 6
or 8 feet wide ; but, as the water ran in very fast, it was
determined to strike the vein by a horizontal adit from the
hill below, a distance of 180 rods. This was commenced,
and the vein nearly reached, when the discovery of lead
in Missouri caused a fall of more than one hundred per
cent, in its value, so that all operations at this place were
at that x time discontinued. Within a few years, operations
have been renewed, and the horizontal drift carried on still
farther, nearly to the vein. Both of these localities men-
tioned, as well as two others on the same vein, are owned
by the Hampshire Consolidated Mining Co. The latest
intelligence from this company is a total suspension of op-
erations. This is owing to the fact that assistance has been
expected from English capitalists ; but now all the surplus
capital is turned towards another direction than American
mines.
Upon the comparative value of this mine with the one
just mentioned, in Northampton, nothing can be said, since,
in all probability, they are both upon the same great vein,
which may be traced in a Northeast direction, from Mont-
gomery to Hatliehl although there may be local circum-
stances to favor the one rather than the other. Many inter-
esting minerals have been found in both these localities,
which lead the mineralogist, at least, to hope that opera-
376 GEOLOGY.
tions will be carried on to a very considerable extent.
And the recent discovery of fluor spar leads all acquainted
with the matter to expect a large supply of lead, since, in
all the lead-bearing countries of Europe, this mineral, dis-
tinctly crystallized, occurs in considerable quantities. And
if this vein be indeed a " leader," then we may confidently
expect that, in the course of a few years, many mines will
be discovered and worked along the course already indi-
cated.
Table showing the amount of capital in Western Mas-
sachusetts invested in mineral products, and the net receipts
for 1853, as far as can be ascertained :
Capital. Receipts for 1853.
Iron, $632,000 $510,400
Marble, 247,000 199,800
Soapstone, 300,000 12,000
Glass, 200,000 161,900
Firestone, 3,000
Lime, 35,560
Glass Sand, 23,650
$1,379,000 $1,146,310
The mineral products which have just been described
are the only kinds which are, at present, of any pecuniary
value. Since this part of the State has been settled, how-
ever, several other sources of mineral wealth have yielded
no inconsiderable amounts of profit to their owners. In
Hatfield, within a few years, Sulphate of Baryta, or Bary-
tes, has been dug and carried away in immense quantities,
as a substance for adulterating white lead, as well as an
independent pigment, which is used where painted surfa-
ces are exposed to acid vapors, sulphuretted hydrogen, and
other corrosive gasses, since they produce no effect at all
upon it. It, however, only answers for such places, and is
not an economical or enduring pigment. The same sub-
stance is now dug at Cheshire, Ct.
In several places in the Western part of Massachusetts,
Serpentine or Magnesian Marble has been quarried and
worked to some extent, as a beautiful ornamental stone, in
the place of marble. When this is associated and mingled
with limestone, it constitutes verd-antique marble, and
GEOLOGY. 377
when worked in its pure state, it makes a most beautiful
green, clouded stone, that answers admirably for table tops,
mantles, vases, &c. And it is not a little surprising that
Americans, who, of late, seem so anxious to follow the cus-
toms of Europe, should allow a rock equally handsome
with European varieties to lie in the quarries, while in
Spain, and other parts of Continental Europe, churches
and private dwellings are decorated with it to a very con-
siderable extent. The most extensive quarry in New Eng-
land is in Middlefield, while the handsomest variety is from
Newbury in this State.
If, now, we turn our attention to the mineral resources
which as yet lie useless, and almost unknown, we have an
immense field before us. For, Avithout doubt, in variety,
Massachusetts takes the lead of all the New England
States. In the first place, every source of mineral wealth
that is now known and worked, can be made to yield double
its present amount, if the capital be only invested in it,
and the business be properly managed. For example, not
one half of the iron beds that have been discovered are
now worked, and but a very little labor and expense have
been laid out in searching for new localities. And should
every other marble quarry, save those in Massachusetts,
fail, Berkshire alone would satisfy the wants of American
marble for many years to come. Soapstone, too, which is
gradually, but surely, coming into the market, lies in im-
mense but unknown quantities in Western Massachusetts,
needing only to have its beds exposed to the sunlight, to
give a most excellent quality, and abundant quantity to the
whole world. Sand for the manufacture of glass, is now
exported in no inconsiderable quantities to France and
England, but were pains only taken to show its beauty and
abundance, the demand would be much beyond the present,
lint another reason why the mineral wealth of Massachu-
setts yields so small a revenue, is the ignorance of its citi-
zens as to what her territory contains, and the little pains
taken to know it. Within four miles of one of the most
prosperous and growing cities in this Commonwealth, are
two localities of 'Roman Cement, or hydraulic lime. These
two localities are Chicopee and West Springfield, where
the substance is found as concretions in the new sandstone.
Some years since, a manufactory of this cement was estab-
32*
878 GEOLOQY.
lislied in the Northern part of West Springfield, and a very
good article made, although the operation is at present
given up.
In the West part of Chester is a locality of Chromite
of Iron, which is the ore that very readily produces chro-
mic acid, the basis of valuable pigments, such as chrome
green, and chrome yellow. This is the same ore that is
found in Maryland, and from which these pigments are at
the present time manufactured.
Magnetic Iron Ore is described in .Dr. Hitchcock's Geo-
logical report as occurring in considerable abundance in
the Northern part of Franklin County. This is a very
rich ore, yielding from 50 to 90 per cent, of pure metal,
and is the same as the iron mountain of Missouri, and the
iron mines on the South coast of Lake Superior.
The Oxyd of Manganese has been found in Sheffield,
and some other places in Berkshire County. In Ver-
mont, it has been worked, on a continuation of the same
range.
Tin will ultimately be found in a workable quantity in
Western Massachusetts. The reasons for such a statement
are, that the rocks are of the proper character, (the oldest,)
and the oxyd of this metal has been found crystallized in
several places ; and according to an English Geologist, " it
is generally in the vicinity of a vein of tin ore, that dis-
seminated grains of tinstone are found in the rock." Be-
sides this, veins of tin are always quite small, and conse-
quently easily overlooked, and especially so, since the rocks
in which they are to be found, are in those portions of the
State that are very thinly settled.
SCENO GRAPHICAL GEOLOGY.
In the three preceding sections of the Geology of West-
ern Massachusetts, the labor has been comparatively easy,
merely to collect facts and state them, or, at most, to give
theories to account for the geological condition of this por-
tion of Massachusetts. But when an attempt is made to
describe scenery, and that of so enchanting a spot as the
one before us, the mind almost shrinks from the task. Ac-
cordingly, the only end of this effort will be a simple set-
ting forth of the facts, and, very possibly, inciting in the
mind of the reader a desire to visit the localities men-
GEOLOGY. 879
tioned, so that these beauties of nature may be most fully
appreciated.
For a starting point, let us place ourselves in imagina-
tion upon the highest portion of land in Massachusetts,
Saddle Mountain, or Greylock. This towers above all the
other mountains in Western Massachusetts, at least 200
feet, being 3,600 feet above tide-water. Nowhere in this
whole State do we gain such ideas of vastness and immen-
sity, as we may derive from this spot. Here the eye rests
upon the lofty summits of the Taghconic and Hoosac moun-
tains, with the green valleys intervening, and finally gazes
on the peaks of the distant mountain tops in New York
and Vermont, until they are blended with the blue horizon
of the distant sky. Then the attention is drawn to objects
lying nearer the mountain, the first of which is the village
of Williamstown, reposing in a beautiful valley, with a
Southeastern slope, and handsomely adorned with the Col-
lege buildings and Observatory. From this the eye is in-
sensibly drawn upwards and beyond, to the vast slope of
the Hoosac range, stretching away into Vermont ; while
the next objects that attract the attention are the mountains
of Northern New York, upon the Western shore of Lake
Champlain.
The " Hopper" is what no one can forget who has
climbed Greylock. This is an immense gulf upon the
Southwestern portion of the mountain, which does, indeed,
bear some resemblance to the article designated by the
name, the bottom of it seeming to be a mere point, although
a near approach shows it to be far otherwise. It is, how-
ever, a chasm at least 1,000 feet deep, and, as one ap-
proaches to its edge upon the naked summit of Bald Moun-
tain a portion of Greylock the sight at once makes him
grow dizzy, and he willingly shrinks from so dangerous a
precipice.
Of late years, the ascent of this mountain has become
quite popular, owing to the construction of a tolerably
good road for a large part of the distance upon its side,
which can be readily reached from the village of North
Adams. Any one, however, who intends making this as-
cent, cannot expect to do it in less time than one day, or
reach the foot of the mountain at night without such a
condition of body, as will readily induce sound and healthy
880 GEOLOGY.
sleep. Several years since, an Observatory was built
upon Greylock, and well fitted up with instruments, de-
signed for making accurate astronomical observations.
But, either from malice, or utter wantonness, the building
was broken open, and the apparatus most shamefully de-
stroyed. And, still later, this same outrage has been per-
petrated upon another set of instruments, furnished by the
inhabitants and students of Williamstown, reflecting most
sadly upon the character of some human beings, and ex-
hibiting, to say the least, a most striking exemplification of
moral depravity, if not of barbarity.
Almost directly South of the mountain, in the adjoining
Southwest corner of Massachusetts, stands another grand
and imposing pile, Mt. Washington, the highest peak of
which is named Mt. Everett. Nearly 2,000 feet above the
base of this mountain is situated the township and village
of Mt. Washington, having, probably, the highest location
of any town in the state, while 600 feet higher towers the
eminence Mt. Everett, named in honor of the Ex- Govern-
or, and late United States Senator, Hon. Edward Everett.
The effect produced on the mind, in approaching this moun-
tain from a distance, is much more grand and imposing
than when coming in sight of Greylock. For Mt. Everett
seems to rise more abruptly from the valley below, and is
not placed in the midst of so many surrounding mountains.
And when one, riding in the Housatonic cars, has once
fixed his eyes upon this most grand and noble of Massa-
chusetts' mountains, he seems compelled, by an irresistible
attraction, to gaze, and fill his soul with its grandeur and
magnificence, until some intervening object suddenly cuts
off his view, and he can only enjoy the lesser mountains
and the meadows of the Housatonic valley, probably the
easiest ascent of this mountain is made from Egremont,
upon the Northern side of the mountain, although the way
is somewhat traveled upon the Southern side, from North-
east, New York. This latter journey carries one by the
very romantic spot known as Bashpish Falls. In ascend-
ing from Egremont, the traveler passes up a rather dreary
slope, for the most part untenanted, either by plant or ani-
mal, to the hight of 2,000 feet, when he reaches the vil-
lage of Mt. Washington, lying in the broad and shallow
valley, bounded on the West by the Taghconic range, and
GEOLOGY. 381
on the East by Mt. Everett, with its lower connecting
])c:iks. When the traveller has at length reached the sum-
mit of Mt. Everett, he then has a view % spread before him,
j ic i-l iaps not the most beautiful, but certainly the grandest
and noblest in all Massachusetts. For " you feel yourself
to be standing above everything around you ; and feel the
proud consciousness of literally looking down upon all ter-
restrial scenes. Before, on the East, the valley through
which the Housatonic meanders, stretches far Northward
in Massachusetts, and Southward into Connecticut; sprinkled
over with copse and glebe, with small sheets of water, and
beautiful villages. To the Southeast, especially, a large
sheet of water appears, I believe in Canaan, of surpassing
beauty. In the Southwest, the gigantic Alender, Riga,
and other mountains more remote, seem to bear the blue
heavens' on their heads in calm majesty ; while, stretching
across the far distant West, .the Catskills hang, like cur-
tains of the sky. O, what a glorious display of mountains
all around you ! and how does one in such a spot turn
round and round, and drink in new glories, and feel his
heart swelling more and more with emotions of sublimity,
until the tired optic nerve shrinks from its office.
c Ah, that such beauty, varying in the light
Of living nature, cannot be portrayed
By words, nor by the pencil's silent skill,
But is the property of him alone
Who hath beheld it, noted it with care,
And in his mind recorded it with love !>
" This certainly is the grandest prospect in Massachu-
setts ; though others are more beautiful. And the first
hour that one spends in such a spot, is among the richest
treasures that memory lays up in her storehouse."
The lover of nature will not leave Berkshire County
without bestowing a glance upon, if not actually visiting,
one other remarkable eminence, " Monument Mountain,"
in Great Barrington. It stands in the Northeast part of
this town, on the highway leading to Stockbridge, and rises
only 500 feet above the plain, although its Eastern side is
mainly a perpendicular wall of White Quartz Rock. The
chief objects of interest in ascending this mountain, are, a
very beautiful view of the villages of Stockbridge and Cur-
382 GEOLOGY.
tisville, with two ponds of water, and, on all sides, mountain
rising above mountain to meet the dim and distant horizon.
Among these may be distinctly recognized on the North,
Saddle and the Green Mountains, and, on the South, Mt.
Washington and the Catskill range, together with the de-
lightful village of Great Barrington. Another object of
thrilling interest on this mountain, is to walk, or creep to
the edge of one of the precipices, and there to try the
nerves by looking into the chasm 200 feet below. This,
every person is not able to perform. For, as he sees the
immense number of fragments lying below, which have, in
past time, fallen from the cliffs, and also sees cracks and
crevices almost directly underneath the rock on which he
lies, the thought cannot be driven from his mind that pos-
sibly the mass on which he rests may be ready to fall, and
needs but his weight to give it a sufficient startirfg force,
and with it, hurl him with terrific violence upon the sharp
rocks below. Upon the highest part of this cliff, a portion
has been separated from the top of the mountain by some
violent agency, and now stands insulated from the" parent
rock, 80 to 100 feet in hight. This, from its peculiar
shape, is called the " pulpit rock."
If, in imagination, we now take to ourselves wings, and
fly across the high ranges of the " hill towns" in Western
Hampshire County, we shall find the mountains to be much
inferior in hight to those in Berkshire County, but not in
beauty of prospect; for, although, from these summits the
eye cannot gain such extensive views, yet all this is mainly
compensated for, by the exquisite beauty of the Connecti-
cut River landscapes. And first, let us perch upon the
highest pile of Sandstones in all Massachusetts Mt. Met-
tawampe, or, as it was formerly called, Mt. Toby, which is
upon the boundary between the towns of Sunderland and
Leverett. Here we rest our feet upon the highest moun-
tain in the Connecticut Valley, 1,100 feet above the river,
and 1,200 feet above the level of the ocean, and gain a
view from 30 to 50 miles in all directions, overlooking all
mountains lying near. We also have a distinct view of no
less than seven villages : Sunderland, Amherst, Northamp-
ton, Hadley, Easthampton, Hatfield and Whately, while, in
a very clear day, we can recognize the village of Belcher-
town. It is, indeed, a pity, that to gain the whole of this
GEOLOGY. 883
view at once, it is necessary to climb a large tree, which
Las been made into a stairway ladder ; but we trust that
the same spirit which led one class in Amherst College to
build a road to its summit, and there construct a tree lad-
der, will induce another class of that same institution, or
some other body of people in that vicinity equally public
spirited, to clear away a portion of trees on its summit,
and repair and improve the road by which the ascent is
made. The ascent of this mountain can be made either
through Sunderland or Leverett ; and visitors can ascend
the first half of the mountain in a carriage, and the latter
half upon horseback, to its very summit.
Norwottuck is the name given to a peak of the Holyoke
range, about four miles South of the village of Amherst.
It is a summit very easily reached on horseback, and, when
reached, gives a charming view, although of no very great
extent, nor by any means of the beauty of Holyoke. But
from this summit, the visitor gains a near prospect of very
wild scenery, while the villages of South Deerfield, Sun-
derland, Amherst, Whately, Hatfield, Northampton, South
Hadley, Hadley, and Granby, seem to lie only a little be-
low his feet. A'good path was made, some years since, up
the side of this mountain, but lately it has become over-
grown with bushes, which somewhat obscure the direction
of the path ; but with a little perseverance and hard labor,
the top can readily be reached. And to those who love to
see flowers or vegetation in their native state, we would
offer the advice, to visit this mountain in May or June,
when they are in their most perfect vigor.
Mt. Tom, a Greenstone summit, bursting up through the
Sandstone of the Connecticut Valley, will also well repay
a \ !>it, to every lover of nature. It constitutes a portion
of the boundary between Northampton and Easthampton,
running in a Northerly and Southerly direction, the South-
urn peak being the highest, about 1,000 feet above the Con-
necticut at its base. The view from this summit is con-
siderably more extensive than from Mt. Holyoke, although
by no means so beautiful, since the main objects of interest
are the abundance of hills and mountains on the West,
with the village of Easthampton and its Seminary build-
ings almost directly under the feet, and the winding course
of the Connecticut upon the South, together with the vil-
884 GEOLOGY.
lages of South Hadley, Holyoke and Granby on the East.
An ascent of this mountain is now very easily made, since
the county road leading from Holyoke to Easthampton
will take the traveler on his right course for ascending the
mountain, nearly one half of its perpendicular hight. The
other portion may easily be accomplished, either on foot or
on horseback.
But the gem of Massachusetts mountains, the one which
affords the most splendid view, and the one more frequent-
ly visited than all the others in the state, is Mt. Holyoke,
on the boundary line between Hadley and South Hadley,
and rising 830 feet above the Connecticut, flowing between
it and Mt. Tom on the West. The rock of this mountain
is the same as that of Tom, being the commencement of
the Holyoke range which runs Southward as far as Long
Island Sound. The view from Holyoke is indeed splendid
and captivating. By the construction of the road to its
summit, and the thickly branched trees which cover its
side, one does not catch anything but mere glimpses of the
scenery until he fairly reaches the top, when the view is
all at once at his feet. The placid and beautiful Connec-
ticut will, to most people, present itself as the first object
of attraction. Immediately we trace the course of the
river as it first appears between Mettawampe and Sugar
Loaf, until it disappears, where it has cut its way through
the trap of the Holyoke range, and as soon as it again ap-
pears, we follow it in the dim horizon of Springfield and
its vicinity. While we are attempting to trace the course
in the extreme Southern horizon, the question is very nat-
urally asked, " what are those two curious looking moun-
tains with so steep a Western declivity ?" These are East
and West Rock, near New Haven no cousins german, but
bonafide sisters to Holyoke and Tom, of the same geolog-
ical age and of the same mother earth.
Northampton, perhaps, will impress us with its beauty
next, seeming so delightful for a home or a summer resi-
dence, its streets so beautifully shaded with grand elms, and
the whole village environed with green meadows and for-
est trees. Then the carpet of nature's own coloring, in
the meadows of Northampton and Hadley, seem to us not
like any manufacture of velvet, or ingrain tapestry of
Brussels, and almost impress us with the belief that we are
GEOLOGY.
385
fairies ourselves, and inhabitants of an enchanted land.
The distant mountains of Greylock and Monadnock, how-
rvrr, soon fill the soul with more purely sublime and glo-
rious thoughts, so that involuntarily the lips repeat :
" Oh, Nature ! how in all thy charms, supreme !
Whose votaries feast on raptures ever new !
Oh for the voice and lire of seraphim,
To sing thy glories with devotion due !"
The last objects deserving of particular attention, to be
noticed from this eminence, are the smaller villages scat-
tered through the vallev, among which may be mentioned
Holyoke with its immense mills, South lladley with its
world-known Female Seminary, Easthampton with its Wil-
liston Seminary, and Amherst with its Cabinet, Library,
and other College buildings, standing high on its eminence
on the Eastern shore of the Connecticut Valley.
There is, however, one fact, which deserves a brief no-
tice, and one which forms a sad contrast to the purity and
loveliness of this enchanting spot. This is, the fencing off
the summit, where the finest view may be obtained, and,
with no outlay of money save the construction of the picket
fence and the original price of "the land, to exact the pal-
try sum of twenty -five cents from every mortal who treads
the treasured inclosure. This is unexampled in this coun-
try, and we feel quite confident that it is equally so in Europe.
This objection does not, however, apply to the building
of the house, or the charge for using the appurtenances of
it for the charges for these luxuries might be greater, and
then reasonable but only the consecration of a portion of
Mother Earth (in precisely the same condition that she
was left by violent geological changes,) to that insatiable
aiul heartless God Mammon.
From this description, let no one suppose that these are
the only eminences that deserve attention, or a visit from
lovers of nature, for these are only the leading points, the
ones that urc popular places of resort, and not the only
ones where the soul and body can gain refreshing recrea-
tion by the purity and loveliness of the objects of contem-
plation.
But let him who really loves nature, who loves rural
scenery, and would see natural objects in their simplest
03
386 GEOLOGY.
state, cxcnange a visit on one of those mountains so uni-
versally known as places of resort, upon whose sides are
well constructed roads, and on whose summits are comfort-
able houses, for a mountain where he must clamber up the
sides, with no path but the one found by the sun or com-
pass, through forest trees and moss grown rocks, and per-
chance, at the last, climb a tree to gain the prospect !
Such an excursion is heartily enjoying nature, and gaining
real if not too exhausting recreation of both body and
mind. A few such places, however, are only left now in
all Massachusetts, for the demands of railroads and iron fur-
naces, and the growing prosperity of the commonwealth,
are, to the lower of nature, making sad havoc upon the
wild forest trees, and, in one case, at least, expect to assail
the vitals of the everlasting hills themselves.
There are ^pther places from which magnificent views
can be obtained, and that, when merely riding in a car-
riage upon the highway path, without alighting or climbing
up any hillside. From the villages of Pelham and Shutes-
bury, towns not espedially noted in the State, are some of
the most magnificent views in all Massachusetts. For here
the traveler stands nearly on the same level with all emi-
nences within fifty miles, and gains a more comprehensive
view of the Connecticut Valley than can be obtained on
any other mountains in the vicinity. In Chesterfield, Con-
way, Blandford and many other towns on the hills of
"Western Hampshire, Franklin and Hampden Counties,
similar views may be obtained, and, in some respects, su-
perior to those derived from higher mountain tops, at a
much less expense of time and labor, giving thereby to the
invalid an opportunity to enjoy natural scenery to a great
extent.
But time and space forbid us to do anything more with
the waterfalls and gorges of Western Massachusetts, than
merely to give their localities, and then leave the reader to
gain further information by an actual visit to the places
themselves.
When the traveler visits Mt. Washington, he should, by
no means, fail to go to the Southwest part of that town,
and there visit Bashpish Falls, which, though only upon a
small stream of water, are in a very wild and romantic
GEOLOGY. 387
ppot, and make a delightful excursion to those who love
tlic wild and romantic in nature. Mitteneaque Falls, upon
the Westfield River, Shelburne Falls on the Deerfield, and
the falls on the Chicopee at Indian Orchard, together with
the most splendid falls on the Connecticut, at Holyoke and
Montague, are places that will be visited by those who love
tin.- wild and the grand in nature. The gorge, or glen % at
Leyden, the cave at Sunderland, the purgatory at Great
]);irrington, the ghor at Shelburne, on the Deerfield river,
and the many limestone caverns in Berkshire county are,
by no means, objects that will be slighted by those who are
fond of sight-seeing.
CHAPTER II.
THE AGRICULTURE AND AGRICULTURAL SOCIETIES OF
WESTERN MASSACHUSETTS.-
As an agricultural district, Western Massachusetts pos-
sesses many marked characteristics. The geological for-
mations, in which are blended many of the rocks whose
disintegration contributes largely to the fertility of the
soil ; all her mountains yielding timber, adapted. to all the
wants which attend civilized life, and, at the same time
pouring out their ten thousand streams of pure and health-
ful waters, to supply the hill-sides and enrich the valleys ;
her sloping hills, yielding abundant harvests under the
influence of cultivation, or furnishing substantial and
healthful pasturage to the beautiful flocks and Jierds that
roam over them ; her valleys opening to the genial influ-
ence of " the warm Southwest" ; her veriest swamps and
lowlands once so fertile in miasma, now turned to a val-
uable account, all these show conclusively that, in the
getting up of this beautiful region, of varied landscape, un-
told varieties of soil scattered to meet the conveniences of
cultivation, and elevations, varying from GO to 3.500 feet
above the level of the ocean, the Creator worked on a
stupendous and magnificent scale, uniting these and many
more attractive features on a smaller area of territory than
in almost any other region ; as if He designed it as the
ground work on which man, in his most enlightened and
exalted state, could concentrate his happiest efforts, to ren-
der it the beautiful, attractive, and productive garden of
the North.
In the first essays of rural improvement in this district^
obstacles unknown, even in the most remote regions of the
unsettled portions of our country, at the present day, arose
to damp the ardor and check the progress of the pioneers.
They were on a new and unexplored continent, where the
settlements were confined mainly to the coast that belts its
Eastern boundary, or scattered with sparseness along a
few of the streams whose richer soil attracted the more
AGRICULTURE. 889
daring settler to their banks. To the inhabitants of East-
ern Massachusetts, he who saw fit to locate himself in the
Valley of the Connecticut, was looked upon as one whose
doom was almost sealed, by casting himself into the forests
and among the dangers of the " far west," while the equally
daring son of Connecticut, who pushed his progress into
the same valley, or into the more remote forests of Berk-
shire, was regarded as an adventurer to the chill and icy
regions of a too far-off northern home ; and so great were
the supposed dangers of these earliest settlers, from the
natives of the forest, and the wild beasts that dwelt among
them, that but few of the sparse populations from which
they came, were willing to risk their destiny in so fearful
an enterprise.
The sparseness of population hindered the introduction
of the arts allied to agriculture ; consequently, the first
implements used in clearing the forest, and subduing the
soil, had to be procured mainly from the older settlements.
Those thus obtained, owing to the then existing state of
manufactures, were of a rude, inefficient character, requir-
ing a great amount of animal strength to give them even
passable operation. The skill and ingenuity of the farmer
sometimes prompted him to the bitter necessity of making
or repairing his own implements of husbandry, and these,
from his want of proper tools and experienced skill, may
be supposed to have been still more rude and cumbersome
than those that came from the hand of the almost untrained
and inexperienced artizan. One great advantage, howev-
er, attended their labors. Whenever the sun sent its warm
rays upon the stirred earth, or the seed was cast upon its
LH'Mcrous bosom, abundant harvests sprang up and ma-
tured, to reward the excessive toil of the cultivator.
Wheat, oats, barley, and Indian corn, produced highly re-
munerative crops, while the grasses came in almost spon-
taneously. Flax, too, was soon found to be a remunerative
crop, and was raised in quantities sufficient to clothe the
population with linen, fill the stout chests of the matrons
of those early days with ample supplies for all household
comfort, ami furnish a liberal surplus for market.
The cultivation of fruit was early attended to, though
confined principally to the apple, and was introduce^-.inr
most instances, by the emigrants bringing the seedfe with
33* $ r
390 AGRICULTURE.
them from the far-off hills of Connecticut, or the equally
distant regions of Eastern Massachusetts. These were
sown with great care, and the climate and soil favorable to
their growth brought them into early maturity. Many of
the trees thus originated, and others introduced from the
same source in the earliest part of the settlement, are yet
living in various sections of the territory, and exhibit strong
and enduring constitutional habits ; and though, for the
most part, they produce only natural fruit, unimproved by
grafting on choice varieties, many of them give annual
specimens that would in no way disgrace a horticultural ex-
hibition.
The apple and the currant appear to have been the
principal fruits of those early days, though the peach, the
pear, the quince, and the grape, were soon introduced, in
very modest numbers, into the gardens of the more aspir-
ing.
The earliest animals were such as could conveniently be
obtained from the then settled portions of the continent.
They traced their origin through no aristocratic pedigree,
nor answered to the call of their owners through any of
those euphonious names so liberally dispensed to their
species in the present age. They were just such animals
as an infant country afforded, the very best that could
then be obtained, and if we may judge from some of their
representatives which descended to grace the early part of
the present century, they were ring-streaked, speckled,
grizzled, of jiearly every variety of form and color that
the imagination can picture. Yet they were a hardy, en-
during race, or they never could have survived the expos-
ures which they suffered from the almost universal want
of shelter, the searching winds and pitiless storms. Then,
too, in the earliest times, they were often pinched for food,
and were driven, to supply the deficiency, to feed upon the
browse of the forests.
The early agriculture of this region had other difficul-
ties to meet than those we have mentioned. The natives
of the forest, jealous of the encroachments of the white man,
looked with suspicious, and often malignant eyes on his
advances, and frequently encroached upon his premises, and
bore away the result of his labors. The settlers could not
then, as now, look to a powerful government for protection,
AGRICULTURE. 391
for the strong arm of civil power, as it now exists, was in
embryo. Then, at last, came the long and trying period
of the revolution, when the battles of freedom must be
fought, or all be forever lost. And who could fight them
but the cultivators of the soil, whom their result would en-
slave, or forever emancipate? During those long and
gloomy years, the plough was often left to rot in the furrow,
and faint and few were the encroachments made upon the
forest. The fattest of the herd and the finest of the wheat
were brought forth, too often without expectation of pecu-
niary recompense, to be sacrificed on the altar of political
liberty.
There were many other incidents to retard the progress
of the rural arts in those early days, but history has rela-
ted them in their more appropriate places. At the com-
mencement of the present century, we find unwieldly tools
in use upon the farm and around the homestead, but slight-
ly improved from the primitive type. Many of the fields
which, in early cultivation, yielded heavy harvests, began
to show tokens of exhaustion, and where wheat once grew
luxuriantly, rye was considered the only safe and remune-
rative winter crop. Spring wheat was introduced to take
the place of winter, but refused to yield acceptable har-
vests, unless the land was carefully prepared for its recep-
tion. Corn, which had flourished in luxuriance on the
natural food provided by the soil, required the stimulating
aid of manures and more thorough tillage, in order to fill
the golden ear to fullness ; and grass, once the almost nat-
ural product of the soil, soon ran out, and brought upon
the farmer the necessity of ploughing and new seeding the
old meadows.
There were exceptions to this deplorable state of things.
There were farmers, from the beginning, who carefully
saved and applied their manures to the soil, and whose
whole course of tillage showed a provident care for the
future. Then, again, there were soils so richly endowed
by nut ure, that, in spite of the system of severe cropping
to which they were subjected, " held their own," as though
they were determined not to be injured by the wrongs of
mismanagement. But these were exceptions to the gene-
nil features which the country presented.
But the present century had scarcely commenced, before
392 AGRICULTURE.
the evils of the previous system of farming, and the de-
fects in the tools employed to carry on the system in the
manner it had been pursued, were discovered, and noble
efforts were made to provide the remedy. The old plough,
composed almost entirely of wood, and of clumsy construc-
tion of itself almost heavy enough for a single team, and
admirably adapted to load itself with earth, until its in-
fluence upon the soil was but little more than would result
from drawing a log across it, unless it was frequently re-
lieved of its load by the wooden shovel which the plough-
man always had at hand for the purpose, became the sub-
ject of remodeling. The mould-board, at first almost with-
out curve or wind, was brought into more suitable shape
for raising the furrow with ease, and depositing it in its
proper position, the cumbersome " chip," as it was called,
also of wood, and answering to the present " land-side," was
reduced from its stately dimensions to a more convenient
size, and secured from wear by an iron plate provided for
its protection, and, finally, as the acme of perfection of the
wooden plough, the bulk of timber was eminently reduced,
the mould-board took a scientific form, and iron plates were
stretched across it for the double purpose of saving wear,
and preventing the continual clogging to which it had been
forever subject. The result of these improvements in the
old, wooden plough, led to deeper ploughings, with less
amount of team, and these ploughings resulted, as deeper
ploughings always must, in an increased fertility of the
soil.
Another improvement of the times, was the introduction
of plaster, which was found to be highly beneficial on cer-
tain soils and to particular crops the grain crops in gen-
eral. But the high price it bore, and the cost of transpor-
tation, prevented its being extensively used.
The animals of the farm, up to this time, had not been
subject to any material improvement. Many choice ones
were raised, and early disposed of, the farmer permitting
his farm to be deprived of such as would command the
best prices in market, and contenting himself with keeping
and breeding from ordinary animals an evil which has
not been entirely overcome at the present day.
The country was abundantly stocked with orchards of
the apple, mainly of tingrafted varieties, and many of them
AGRICULTURE. 393
worthless for all purposes excepting the manufacture of
cider, and of an ordinary quality for that. Other fruits
received but little attention, and the garden, especially the
farmer's garden, if it contained anything vegetable beyond
potatoes, beans, and perhaps a few carrots, onions, and
such common essentials for the table, was looked upon as
the repository of superfluities, and the time speat in its
cultivation as foolishly thrown away.
Before the close of the first decade of the present cen-
tury, a new and more progressive spirit began to manifest
itself among the people of Berkshire, and some of the
master spirits of the time were aroused to see the neglect-
ed condition of agriculture, and devise means for its
advancement and elevation. In 1807, Hon. Elkanah Wat-
son, then a resident of Pittsfield, obtained for his farm a
pair of Merino sheep, the first introduced into Berkshire,
and so great was the curiosity excited by these animals,
that he was induced to exhibit them for a day, under the
great elm tree on the public square in that town. The
novelty of the thing attracted many spectators of both
sexes, from that and some of the neighboring towns, and,
from this exhibition is said to have originated the idea of
our annual cattle shows and fairs that have attracted, with
unimpaired interest, the attention of the vast crowds which
have yearly attended those anniversaries, for almost half a
century. It does not appear, however, from any authority
within our reach, that any effectual measures were taken
in the formation of this society, until 1810. In August of
that year, Samuel II. Wheeler, an intelligent and independ-
ent farmer of Lanesborough, with twenty-six other farmers
of the County, issued an invitation to farmers in general to
an exhibition of stock, in the village of Pittsfield, on the
first of October, from 9 to 3 o'clock. With regard to this
exhibition, the Pittsfield Sun, of a subsequent' date, says :
" The display of fine animals, and the numbers, exceeded
the most sanguine hopes of its promoters, and a large col-
lection of people participated in the display."
February 25, 1811, an act of the Legislature was passed,
incorporating the association as " The Berkshire Agricul-
tural Society, for the promotion of Agriculture and Man-
ufactures." The petitioners named in this act, were Elka-
nah Watson, Ezekiel Bacon, John B. Root and John
394 AGRICULTURE.
Churchill of Pittsficld ; Caleb Hyde of Lenox, and Sam-
uel II. Wheeler of Lanesborough, who was authorized by
the act to appoint the time and place of the first meeting
in Pittsfield. At this meeting, Hon. Elkanah Watson, who
had exerted much influence in bringing the Society into
existence, was elected President. In October, of that
year, another exhibition was held on the public square in
Pittsfield, and premiums were paid to the amount of thirty-
one dollars. At this gathering, says Mr. Watson, in his
history of the Society, " the number assembled was estima-
ted at three or four thousand." An address was given by
the President, after which a procession was formed, con-
sisting of a team " of sixty yoke of prime oxen, drawing
a plough, which was held by Charles Goodrich, Esq., Mr.
Nathaniel Fairfield and Mr. Sackett, three of the oldest
and earliest settlers of Pittsfield ; a band of music, mem-
bers of the Society, each with a badge of wheat in his hat ;
a stage, drawn by oxen, having a broadcloth loom and spin-
ning jenny, both in operation by English artists ; mechan-
ics with appropriate flags, and another stage filled with
American manufactures." This procession was led by
four marshals, headed by Simon Larned, Sheriff of the
County. It appears from the records of the Society, that
another meeting was held in January, 1812, at which pre-
miums to the amount of thirty dollars were awarded,
making the whole amount awarded by it, in the first year
of its corporate existence, sixty-one dollars. This winter
exhibition, it appears, was the first on which the ladies of
Berkshire, who had long been eminent for their industry
and thrift, had ever assembled to display the triumphs of
their ingenuity and skill ; and so reluctant were they to
contribute to this display, as an intelligent lady now living,
who, at the time, resided in Pittsfield, testifies, that the
President, Mr. Watson, actually went around the village,,
after the hour of meeting had arrived, and urged many to
come in and bring such articles of home production as
they saw fit ; but by all means to bring something. Under
such laborious and discouraging circumstances passed the
first year of the existence of the Berkshire Agricultural
Society. .
In 1812, an important acquisition was made to the asso-
ciation by the arrival of Major Thomas Melville, a native.
AGRICULTUEE. 395
we believe, of Boston, but more recently a resident of
France, in Pittsfield. Maj. Melville, during his residence
in France, had become acquainted with the operations of
similar institutions in that country, and, fully impressed
with the valuable effects which were resulting from them
tin -re, and must attend their existence everywhere, when
properly conducted, came at the very moment when his
services were needed to give new life and energy to this
infant and feeble institution. In that year, a subscription
was circulated in Boston, on which, through his influence,
one hundred and eighty dollars were realized to the benefit
of the Society, and which so far augmented their funds
that premiums to the amount of $243 were awarded in
October of that year, and seventy-one dollars in the Janu-
ary following. In October,- 1813, the exhibition of the
Society was open two days. The animals were arranged
in pens around the great elm, from which an appropriate
Hag waved in the Autumn breeze, while articles of domes-
tic manufacture were arranged for exhibition in the upper
room of the town house a room of modest dimensions,
compared with the spacious hall now occupied by the So-
ciety but amply sufficient for those days. Agricultural
implements were deposited in the East, and vegetable pro-
ductions in the West, lower rooms of the same building.
That year the Society received additional aid from Boston,
through the agency of Allen Melville, to the amount of
and a donation from T. Storm, Esq., -of New York,
of $50, which enabled them to award premiums on the
second day to the amount of $3GG. These premiums were
awarded and delivered to successful candidates in the first
congregational church, after appropriate religious exercises,
and the President's address, all which tended to give in-
terest to the occasion, and introduce it to more favor with
all classes.
In 1814, the Society, through the agency of T. Melville,
Jr., was again favored with a liberal donation, amounting
to $125, from citizens of Boston, which, with the increasing
funds from membership, enabled the Society to award pre-
miums on an increased number of articles that year, to
the amount of five hundred and twenty-three dollars.
The Society was now out of shoal water, and under en-
couraging headway on the sea of usefulness. Although
896 AGRICULTURE.
many of the farmers still looked upon its operations wich
jealous eyes, and stood apart from its general proceedings,
the increasing numbers which, from year to year, attended
its anniversaries, showed conclusively that it was attracting
more general favor, while the improved animals, imple-
ments of husbandry, and better system of cultivation,
which were distributed through the county, placed their
utility within the inspection of all observers. And how-
ever little the prejudiced part of the community might be
willing to attribute them to the influence of the associa-
tion, they were each and all coming within the sphere of
its benefits.
Encouraged by the increasing success attending their
labors, the Society, in addition to their usual premium list,
offered the following prizes, to be awarded in 1819 : For
the best and second best young Apple Orchard of grafted
fruit, $30 ; for the best and 2d best young Maple Orchard,
$30; for the best Grasses, $30 ; for the best Farm, $35;
for the best and most economical method of recovering
worn out fields, $30 Total, $155.
In 1817 and 1818, the Society received a grant from the
Legislature of $200 each year, amounting to $400. The
latter year, the anniversary in October was rendered mem-
orable by the first ploughing match that was ever witnessed
in Berkshire. The brightness of the morning and the
novelty of the scene brought thousands, many of them
from a distance, at an early hour, to witness the spirit and
rivalry of the occasion. There were but two premiums
offered, and only four competitors, three of whom resided
in Pittsfield. There was but one cast iron plough, three
with wooden mould-boards, wrought iron shares with
steel points. In December of that year, a committee was
appointed in each town in the county, to solicit, in their
respective towns, aid for the Society, and in January, 1819,
a memorial was presented to the Legislature, asking for
additional aid to its funds. Up to this time, it appears the
Society had dispensed $3,647 92, to advance its objects,
and were then indebted to the amount of $600. There
were, of original subscribers, who yearly paid $5 each, 56 ;
of those who paid $2 each, 12 making the number of
actual members only 68, and the amount received from
them $204. The whole number of applicants for premi-
AGRICULTURE. 397
urns on crops that year was only 24; of these 15 were in
Pittsiicld, 4 in Lanesboro, 2 in Richmond, 1 in Dalton, 1
in Lee, and 1 in Great Barrington. The crops entered
were as follows : on corn 17 entries, winter wheat 2, on
spring wheat 10, on rye 8, on peas 5, on potatoes 2, maple
orchard 1. As an inducement to farmers from more re-
mote parts of the county to bring in their animals for ex-
hibition, Mr. Melville, the President of the Society, an-
nounced through the papers, some days previous to the
exhibition, that he would furnish good pasturage, gratis, on
the day previous, and the two days of the fair, at his farm,
near the village, for all animals intended for show, premi-
um, or ploughing match.
At this early period, a decline in the potato crop was
noticed in the report on agriculture, and the committee
called the attention of farmers to raising " other roots."
Improvements in the condition of barns, yards, &c., were
spoken of, as also increasing efforts in the saving and appli-
cation of manures, and the more general and successful use
of plaster. At this year's anniversary, only three competitors
entered for the ploughing match, and the ploughs used were,
" one made after the model of Mr. Melville's celebrated
Berkshire plough," one " an imported iron plough," (called
the Scotch plough we think,) and the third, " the common
Shaker plough." The time occupied in ploughing one
quarter acre was, 32 minutes by the first, 34 by the sec-
ond, and 36 minutes by the third team, "each with one
yoke of oxen ; the latter only had a driver." The funds
appropriated for maple and apple orchards met, in the for-
mer but one, and in the latter no applicant. The one entry
for maples, was for those set by the wayside, a very com-
mendable practice, but as the committee did not consider
the trees thus set as " an orchard," no premium was given.
Of the fifteen premiums awarded on domestic animals,
eighteen were from Pittsfield, and one each from Dalton,
Lanesboro, Lenox, Becket and Richmond the latter for
the then celebrated ox "Berkshire," fattened by Warren
Beebe of Richmond, the ox weighing 2,548 Ibs !
The premiums on domestic manufactures were destined to
a wider circulation, and that for the largest quantity of man-
ufactured articles in her family made within the year, was
awarded to Mrs. Sarah Perkins of Becket, for the fourth
84
398 AGRICULTURE.
time. As it may interest the ladies of this age to know
the extent to which this art was carried in families at that
early day, we subjoin the amount manufactured by Mrs.
Perkins' household, consisting of herself and four girls, in
1818, which is as follows : " four hundred and forty-eight
yards of fulled cloth, one hundred and seventy-one and
one-fourth yards of flannel, fifty-three yards of carpeting,
one hundred and forty-two and three-fourths yards of table
linens , and linen cloths, making in all eight hundred and
four and one-half yards of cloth." In 1820, -the Society
invited the plough-makers to an exhibition and trial of
ploughs, but we do not learn from the record that any
ploughs were exhibited, or the invitation in any way heed-
ed. This year, also, the committees on agriculture recom-
mended the cultivation of hops, and the use of home
brewed beer for the drink of the farm, instead of " perni-
cious, poison, ardent spirits." In 1822, we find the num-
ber of members of the Society increased to 1 65, inhabiting
the extreme North and South ends, and, with the excep-
tion of some of the mountain towns, the intervening por-
tions of the county. Better animals are spread over its
surface, both in herds and flocks, the latter having been
essentially improved by the enterprise of Messrs. Merrick
& Colts, and J. Allen of Pittsfield, with many in other
towns. We find the premium list on animals extended to
thirty-four specifications ; that on crops to thirty-one ; and
on domestic manufactures to seventeen, the proposed awards
amounting to five hundred and twenty-five dollars.
Leaving the Society in this flourishing condition, enjoy-
ing the patronage of the State, the co-operation of the
intelligent and enterprising of both sexes throughout the
county, and the blessing of Heaven on its labors, we now
pass over the glorious results of its annual labors and fest-
ive joys for ten years, to compare the results which
show its triumph. We here find an extended premium
list, embracing among its novelties the offers of premiums
on the kitchen garden, the mulberry orchard and sewing
silk and cocoons, while for the ploughing match six premiums
of $35 are offered, when at our last glance only three com-
petitors entered the arena of contest ; and eight ox and
four horse teams enter and contend for the prizes, in a
damp, uncomfortable day, and at an early hour. We find
AGRICULTURE. 399
too, in the ball of manufactures, that the useful does not
occupy the whole time and skill of the daughters of Berk-
s-Inn-, but, that improving taste and growing skill invite
them to the ornamental arts which are brought forth to
grace the festivities of the farmer's holiday.
Ten years more 1842. What changes it exhibits, what
triumphs it proclaims, what hopes it encourages! The
farmers' granaries are all filled, so that there can be no lack
of bread in the land. New and more convenient buildings
have arisen, and refreshing shades protect them from the
suns of summer and the wintry blast. Pharaoh's lean kine
no longer devour the land, but have given place to trim,
sleek, docile animals, which feed to the full, and gambol in
luxuriant pastures. Flocks of the finest fleece range in
fatness upon all the hills. The church and the school room
assume new and attractive features, and every thing de-
monstrates the upward and onward tendency of man. Go
with us to the farmers' holiday. Those pens which once
occupied a small position around the "big elm" are no
longer to be found, but have increased in number and cap-
acity until they cover a broad field ! The old town hall
has passed away, and a new and spacious structure covers
its site, and its high r broad and noble hall is filled to over-
flowing with the workings of art and offerings of nature.
The plowing match ! Twenty-one teams enter in compe-
tition, and thousands, embracing those who attended at the
first similar occasion, the young and the fair, all with buoy-
ant hopes and joyful reminiscences all are there to witness
the struggle and the triumphs. The old church ! It stands
crowds gather round its portals, its bell sends forth its
merry peals, soft music floats upon the breeze, and the ban-
ners of peace and rural festivity unfurl in the mellow air.
The old church drinks in from the multitude until its ca-
pacity is filled to overflowing, and thousands have been
obliged to turn away in disappointment, from the scenes to
be enacted there. The organ swells forth its sweet anthem,
and responsive voices catch its thrilling notes. The voice
of primer and thanksgiving is heard there, and all the ser-
vices go on as of yore, only that hearts now made strong
by success engage in more decisive action.
The Berkshire Agricultural Society, at its anniversary
in 18o3, consisted of about 400 members who were enti-
400 AGRICULTURE.
tied to the privileges of tlie association by the payment of
one dollar a year. Persons not members, have, from the
commencement, been required to pay two dollars to enable
them to compete for premiums. Ladies, however, are ex-
cepted. Any one can compete in domestic manufactures
without cost, and this is a wise arrangement, for the inter-
est they give to the exhibitions is more than equivalent to
all they receive. The Society has a respectable fund, and
draws annually from the State $600, which is applied for
premiums. In 1853, there were twelve entries of winter
wheat ; nineteen of spring wheat ; twenty-three of rye ;
thirty-seven of corn ; forty-one of oats ; ten of meslins,
and a creditable number of barley, peas, buckwheat, pota-
toes, carrots, rutabagas and apple orchards, and the amount
of premiums awarded on them was $207. Twelve dollars
were awarded on fruit, and nine dollars on garden vegeta-
bles. There were forty lots of butter and eleven of cheese,
on which $28 were awarded. Sixteen dollars were given
on agricultural implements. There were more than twenty
entries for ploughing, and premiums awarded to the amount
of $54. The exhibition of domestic animals was large,
and drew premiums to the amount of $389, while the
countless array of domestic manufactures drew $94, mak-
ing a total of $80D, which, according to ancient usage, was
mostly paid in silver plate.
We have devoted a large space to the origin and pro-
gress of this Society, from the fact of its being one of the
earliest and oldest institutions of the kind in our country.
Although this Society claims date among the earliest of
the kind with fearful prejudices to contend with, and many
other serious obstacles to meet it was not long pursuing its
wearisome course alone. The enterprise, intelligence and
wealth which had been accumulating in the fertile valley
of the Connecticut from its earliest settlement, saw the
beautiful tree which had sprung up in the more unpropi-
tious soil of Berkshire, and admired its spreading branches
and the fair fruit it had already begun to mature ; and
sought to see so graceful and good a tree casting its fhadow
over their own favored territory. Accordingly, an associ-
ation was formed and incorporated in 1818, as "The
Hampshire, Hampden, and Franklin Agricultural Society,"
covering the territory of those three counties. Since the
AGRICULTURE. 401
the formation of the latter Society, the two have derived
].<]!< iits from each other's experience, and, for the earlier
period of their existence, each was discouraged by simiKr
difficulties. . But enterprising men East of the Green
Mountains were as numerous, and as stout hearted as those
of Berkshire, and for the thirty years succeeding its form-
ation, the Society East of the mountains probably accom-
plished more than did that on the West. There was a
larger population to sustain it, and consequently, more
wealth. The fine valley that lies across their territory
from North to South, gave them a precedence in soil which
must have operated to their advantage. Especially in
grazing, and in the fattening of animals, they became pre-
eminent. More general attention was paid to the culture
of the finer fruits there than in the Western county.
The growing of the mulberry and feeding of silkworms
were commended to more general attention in the four
Western Counties as early as 1835, and, although much
ground was sown to these trees in Berkshire, the principal
transactions in the business were in the river towns of the
Connecticut. From climatic "difficulties and other causes,
the excitement soon passed away. In 1847, the exhibition
was manifestly a great improvement on that of former
years. There were 300 head of horned cattle exhibited,
very many of them of the choicest and best varieties.
In this region, earlier attention was given to rearing fine
horses than in any other section of the Commonwealth, so
that when the young "Justin Morgan" emigrated to Ver-
mont in 1798, the valley was in no way deficient in fine
horses. At the Society's Exhibition in 1847, there were
ninety-six horses on exhibition, or nearly one-fifth as many
as there were of horned animals, while the yokes of work-
ing oxen present numbered 172. The exhibition of fruit
this year appears to have been of an increased quantity and
. ujtcrior quality. Grapes, peaches and pears were pre-
sented in such numbers as to give assurance of the
adaptation of the soil and climate to their growth, in suf-
iu-icnt quantities, at least, for home consumption, while ap-
ples " as plenty as blackberries," graced the festival.
In 1848, the exhibition was pronounced as in some
things falling short, while, in others, it was ahead of all
former shows. The number of fine horses exceeded 150,
34*
402 AGRICULTURE.
while the show of fine fruits was magnificent. All subse-
quent exhibitions of the Society up to the present time, go
to show the increasing interest in behalf of (he objects it
was designed to promote. Each year extends the sphere
of aid and encouragement, by liberal offers of premiums
on new and necessary articles, calculated to promote the
general thrift and prosperity of the circle of its labors.
This Society was the earliest in Western Massachusetts
that distributed any portion of its premiums in agricultural
publications, a practice which cannot be too soon or too
generally adopted by all similar institutions.
This Society and the Berkshire covered too large and in-
convenient a tract of territory, successfully to bring in all
the population they contained, and the various products with
which they abounded. Especially, farmers remote from the
exhibition, found it both difficult and expensive to exhibit
their fine animals, which, in many instances, would occupy
four days, including those of shows, to effect the object.
Consequently, when the utility of the thing was fairly test-
ed beyond a doubt, it was very natural that similar institu-
tions should spring up within the territory over which those
societies extended their patronage.
Southern Berkshire, with a large population, and a ter-
ritory whose productive resources were rapidly advancing,
whose herds exhibited the most successful results from
thorough breeding, and whose flocks were clothed in gar-
ments of delicate fineness, as early as 1841 felt the incon-
venience from which they suffered by their distance from
the County Show, and in the autumn of that year, Joshua
B. Lawton, Hon. Increase Sunnier and others in Great
Barrington, considered the propriety of forming a society
in that section, not with a view to interfere, in any way,
with the parent society, but to point out its objects, and se-
cure its benefits, by a more general development of its sys-
tem of operation.
Such were some of the arguments which led to the
formation of the Housatonic Agricultural Society. The
following winter a meeting was called, a constitution adopt-
ed, and two hundred and fifty members, at an annual tax
of SI each, enrolled their names, and the " Housatonic
Agricultural Society " had entered upon a promising exist-
ence. The first exhibition was, throughout, such as would
AGRICULTURE. 403
have honored an older and more mature institution. Some
slight feelings of jealousy for a while existed, and fears
were indulged that this Society would operate to
the injury of the parent ,one, but these doubts were
groundless and were soon buried; and the two societies
now advance in harmonious brotherhood, the younger hav-
ing increased the number of members and funds of the
elder, which, in turn, furnishes members from central Berk-
shire to aid the other. This Society was incorporated in
1848, since which its course has been prosperous, making
jLrlad all that come within its influence. It has a fund of
$6,000, three hundred and seventy-five members, and an-
nually pays out premiums to the amount of nearly $900.
The Harnpden County Agricultural Society, was incor-
porated in 1844, and the first meeting was called by Hon.
W. B. Calhoun, to be held on the 9th of April that year.
This meeting was numerously attended by people from all
sections of the county. The following persons were cho-
sen officers of the Society under the Constitution : Hon.
Wni. B. Calhoun, President: thirteen Vice Presidents;
James R. Crooks, Treasurer ; and D. M. Bryant, Secreta-
ry. At a meeting of the society the following June, it was
voted to hold the first cattle show and fair in Springfield,
the ICth and 17th days of the following October, provided
the citizens of Springfield should before that time contrib-
ute $600 to the Society's funds. The first exhibition drew
together a large concourse, and the number of beautiful
animals fully showed forth its promise of future usefulness.
In 1845, the amount paid in premiums was $269. In
1852, it was $485, though about double that sum was of-
fered. The Society has now more than five hundred
members, and a permanent fund of $4,860. The
following persons have presided over this Society: Wm.
1>. Calhoun, John Mills, Josiah Hooker, Thomas J. Shep-
ard, and Francis Brewer. Secretaries : D. M. Bryant, S.
L. Parsons, Henry Yose and A. A. Allen. Its present
prospects are of a flattering nature.
Some eight or ten years since, a few spirited individuals
in Amherst got up a Society, and held a show and fair
which was then designated as the Amherst Cattle Show.
Not liking that the good people of that town should have
all the glory of the enterprise, the farmers of the neigh-
40-i AGRICULTURE.
boring towns soon came in, bringing their herds, their
flocks, and manufactures. Committees of inspection and
award were appointed, though no premiums were paid in
the early history of the Society. This state of things,
however, did not long continue. The funds of the Society
increased liberally, and so did its ranks, until it numbered
its adjuncts in all parts of the County, and took the name
of, and was incorporated in 1850, as " The Hampshire Ag-
ricultural Society." The amount of premiums given out
by it the first year of its corporate existence was about
$350. The amount now paid is something over %?r>00.
This Society's premiums cover a large variety of articles,
and its encouragement has brought out new efforts in all
branches of rural industry and economy, especially in
raising fruits, composting manures, and reclaiming swamps.
The Hampshire Agricultural Society has thus far nobly
realized the expectations of its founders. They earnestly
sought to increase the surplus products of the farms, and to
improve the stock of Hampshire County. They estab-
lished this Society as an efficient means to this end. They
had not failed to observe that the Massachusetts farmers
might sell all they could raise, under the old methods of
farming. Yet the markets of the State, made easy of ac-
cess by railroads, could not be supplied by Massachusetts
farmers alone. So rapid was the increase of population,
that vast quantities of corn, wheat, rye, cattle and horses
were annually brought to Massachusetts markets from oth-
er States. Massachusetts farmers might increase their
products by improved methods of cultivating the soH.
They might raise and sell better stock. Science and ex-
periment would slowly determine the most gainful meth-
ods. Any considerable increase in surplus farm products
and in the number and value of cattle, would add to the
wealth of the State. Hampshire County might largely
share in this increase of wealth.
To increase the agricultural wealth of the County much
new information was indispensible. Addresses, lectures
and books on farming, manures, stock and kindred topics,
must be procured. That which was beyond the power of
individual enterprise, was within the means of an agricul-
tural association, co-operating with other associations of a
kindred character. A society with annual exhibitions
AGRICULTURE. 405
might, encourage skillful farming and stock raising by pre-
mium*. Such were some of the leading views of the
founders of the Hampshire Agricultural Society. To Al-
fred Baker of Amherst belongs the honor of heading the
petition for the act of incorporation, and of being foremost
in procuring permanent funds by enlisting life members,
lie lias served as President since its organization. J. W.
Boyden of Amherst has, from the start, given his best ef-
forts as Secretary, to promote the success of the exhibi-
tions, and enhance the value of the publications of the So-
ciety. The permanent fund is $3,522, and the number of
life members 800. The annual addresses have been deliv-
ered by Hon. M. P. Wilder of Dorchester, Prof. W. C.
Fowler of Amherst, W. C. Goldthwait of Westfield, and
Rev. F. D. Huntington of Boston. An admirable course
of lectures before the Society was delivered in the winter
of 1850-1, by Prof. J. A. Nash of Amherst, editor of the
Connecticut Valley Farmer. The publications of the So-
ciety have been extensively useful.
The Franklin County Agricultural Society was incorpo-
rated March 20, 1850, and the Society was organized un-
der the act, on the 22d of May, in that year. The persons
named in the act of incorporation were H. G. Newcomb,
Daniel 11. Waite and W. T. Davis. Henry W. Clapp was
chosen President for that year, and was succeeded by Hon.
Henry W. Cushman, who held the office in 1851, 1852
and 1853. This Society commenced in 1850 with about
250 members, and, at the present time, numbers nearly
700, about 30 of whom are females. They are all life
members, and, taking the two latter facts into account, we
havo no doubt that the Society is well based, and will go
on prospering and to prosper, until it has remodeled that
beautiful and productive county. At its last anniversary,
the Society distributed over two hundred and twenty pre-
miums upon the various articles exhibited, among which
were a. large number of fruits. The terms of life member-
ship in this Society are the payment of five dollars by
males, ami two dollars and fifty cents by females, at the
time of joining the Society. The payment of ten dollars
at one time constitutes an honorary life member, and
twenty-live dollars an honorary life trustee, with :i freo
ticket to the annual dinner. These arrangements may up-
406 AGRICULTURE.
pear to the reader rather novel, but they are most com-
mendable. Some will think it an innovation unheard of
and unjust to tax the ladies, but in these days of women's
rights, what can be more appropriate, or better calculated
to promote success ? If some of our older sister societies
will adopt the same course, they will lose nothing in suc-
cess by the operation.
In 1852, a number of spirited individuals in Worthing-
ton formed an association called the Worthington Agricul-
tural Society, of which E. H. Brewster was chosen Presi-
dent, and John Adams, Secretary. There were five vice
presidents and five directors. The Society numbered
about one hundred and fifty members the first year of its
existence, and the Show and Fair of that year gave full
assurance of triumphant success. In March, 1853, the
limits of the Society were extended to the neighboring
towns, and the name changed to that of the " Green Moun-
tain Agricultural Society," and its members are found in
Cummington. Peru, Middlefield, Chester, Norwich, Ches-
terfield and Worthington, and it at present numbers two
hundred and fifty members. Although the Society, thus
far, has awarded no premiums, it is evident from the ex-
tension of its limits and increase of its members, that it is
a favorite with the intelligent farmers in that region, and
is accomplishing desirable and satisfactory results. Weekly
meetings of the members are held at some seasons of the
year, for the discussion of the subjects connected with its
prosperity.
A similar association exists in Westfield, known as the
" West Hampden Agricultural Society," which, it appears,
originated in that town some ten years since, as simply a
cattle show, when the farmers brought in their fine animals
for exhibition, had a dinner and good cheer, and went home
happier and wiser for the gathering. For the last six
years, the exhibition has been extended to the products of
the farm, mechanical skill, works of art, &c. The associ-
ation is said to have arisen under the direct influence of
Silas Root, Esq., and the members meet occasionally dur-
ing the winter, for discussion.
A similar Society has Palmer for its nucleus, and it is
called the East Hampden Agricultural Society, which,
AGRICULTURE. 407
based on similar grounds with the last named, is accom-
plishing much for the interests of all classes.
intimately connected with Agricultural Societies, and
operating to produce the most successful results, we find
the Fanners' Clubs." The earliest of these was organ-
i/ed in Stockbridge and Lenox, in 184G, and is denomina-
ted the North Stockbridge Farmers' Club. It commenced
by holding meetings once in two weeks, at the houses of
the members, for the discussion of subjects relating to the
limn and the garden. As early as 1849, committees were
appointed to view crops and report thereon, and a day was
?et apart in October for the exhibition of animals, fruit,
vegetables and domestic manufactures. These meetings
have been annually held in October, since that time, and
in each year the meetings for discussion are kept up from
October to April. The results of the club have thus far
fully realized the expectations of its warmest friends.
A similar association was organized in Sunderland, in
the County of Franklin, in January, 1833. We cannot
better illustrate its object than by quoting from its consti-
tution:
"ART. 2. The object of the club shall be tha circulation
of general intelligence and practical instruction in all the
branches of agriculture, horticulture and floriculture:
" 1st. By the establishment of discussions, lectures, exhibi-
tions, experiments and other means, for the general cultiva-
tion of knowledge on subjects embraced by the club.
" 2d. By procuring the most rare and valuable kinds of seeds,
scions, plants, shrubs and trees.
" 3d. By the establishment of a correspondence and ex-
change with other bodies interested in the same object.
" 4th. By planting shade trees on all the avenues of the
town."
This association was formed with twenty-four members,
yet the number, as we may well suppose, is rapidly increas-
ing.
early as 1846, an association was formed in North-
ampton, called the Ornamental Tree Society, which has
<lone much to beautify the spacious streets of that town.
With its progress in late years we are unacquainted, but
suppose it is incorporated with the Horticultural Society
4:08 AGRICULTURE.
of that place, whose widening influence has accomplished
so much in the last few years.
The Berkshire Horticultural Society was formed in
1847, and at present consists of about 120 members : one-
third, at least, ladies. The exhibitions have thus far been
of a creditable character, and have fully attested the
adaptation of our soil and climate, not only to the most
delicious fruits, but to fine vegetables and beautiful flow-
ers.
In the pursuit of other objects, the improvement in the
breeds of the useful and beautiful horse had met with un-
due neglect from the mass, even of our more enterprising
farmers, until the Spring of 1853, when public attention
was called up in its behalf. In May of that year, George
M. Atvvater and others of Springfield, took the merits and
neglects of this animal into more earnest consideration,
and formed an association whose fruits were realized in
the " First National Exhibition of Horses," in that city,
on the 19th, 20th and 21st days of the following October.
As Herculean as were the labors of getting up this splen-
did fete, every obstacle was removed almost as soon as it
appeared, and the whole affair, to its minutest arrange-
ment, succeeded to the entire satisfaction of the public, and
the honorable triumph of the association. More than four
hundred horses, from eleven different States of the Union,
and from the provinces of Canada, were on exhibition, and
a finer display of fine animals was never witnessed in our
country, if in the world. It of course follows that the
merits of this exhibition created a sensation through the
nation, and, in consequence, among the large concourse
who assembled to witness the pleasing spectacle, people
from nearly every State in the Union were found; and
there cannot be a doubt that the advantages of this show
will continue to develop themselves more fully as long as
the merits of the animal whose improvement it was de-
signed to promote, are known and appreciated by our
race.
We have thus noticed some of the associations which
have arisen and are to-day in vigorous operation in West-
ern Massachusetts, for the advancement of agriculture and
its associate arts. May their number and influence nobly
increase until their object is fully realized !
AGRICULTURE. 409
The changes which have arisen, giving present agricul-
tural prospects an entirely different aspect from those of
carl}- times, are such as to entitle them to notice in this
place. In our early history, the markets were distant, dif-
ficult to approach, and, compared with those of our day,
unremunerative when reached. From the valley of the
Connecticut, the surplus of produce, wheat, rye, corn and
beef which constitute the principal products for sale, were
taken to Connecticut River, thence to Hartford, and there
shipped for the Boston, sometimes for the New York, mar-
ket. In Berkshire no better state of things existed. There
the produce of the grain field, and the beef and pork, were
drawn over the high hills and ill-wrought roads to the Hud-
son, and thence shipped to New York, from which distant
port, now reached in a few hours, no returns were expected
under from five to six weeks. The railroads which now
extend through almost every town give to every farmer a
proximity to these markets, while the numerous manufac-
turing villages, springing up by every waterfall, or where
steam offers its aid in competition with water power, give
to many a better market than cities or seaports can afford,
at their own doors. With these facilities, who can wonder
that our farmers are becoming a successful and an inde-
pendent class of people ?
In the changes which have taken, and are taking place,
we find that wheat, once a staple, is raised by comparatively
lew farmers, and that rye is much less sown that formerly,
while, eorn, always a favorite crop, promises for a long
time to retain the confidence of the cultivator. Oats, from
the ever ready market, are largely sown, too often to the
injury of the farm, if not the farmer. Buckwheat, from
the increa-in:: 'Vinaiid for it, as a breadstuff, is receiving
increasing attention, especially in the mountain towns, and
West of them. A rotation of crops, attended by
deeper plniiifhings, is doing for the earth what shallow
plniiirhinirs and continued croppings of the same crop had
iimlmis'. giving it new strength and greater productiveness.
Swamp lands arc being reclaimed into beautiful and pro-
ductive meadows and cornfields. The compost heap, on
many farms, i< aiding the scanty manure heap in its fertil-
izing influence. New articles of cultivation are being in-
troduced, and giving assurance of success which will lead
35
410 AGRICULTURE.
to their more general adoption. Tobacco, once the crop
of the South, is now successfully cultivated all along the
valley of the Connecticut, and its range of climate is each
year extending, while the broom corn, so important in
household matters, is a profitable and very successful
crop.
The increasing attention paid to fruit growing, and the
success attending it, give assurance that it will ere long be
one of the main occupations of the farmer. With a soil
easily made favorable, and a climate just the thing, success
must ultimately give it a high position in the catalogue of
our products.
This paper cannot be more fitly closed than by an exhi-
bition of the agricultural wealth and resources of Western
Massachusetts, as given by the State valuation tables of
1850. The facts here given will furnish a standing point
from which to view the past, and a landmark for reference
in the promising future, as well as a general standard of
comparison between the several counties. It will be
remembered that these tables are annual averages, and not
the records of a definite year. Hampden County had
13,151 acres of meadow land, and cut from the same
11,830 tuns of hay; 87,588 acres of pasturage, capable,
with the after-feed of the farm, of keeping 21,917 cows ;
48,386 acres of woodland exclusive of pasture land in-
closed; 70,854 acres of unimproved land, 39,440 acres
unimprovable; 70,017 acres of tillage land ; 7,931 acres
of land in roads ; 5,126 horses, 4,005 oxen 4 years old
and upwards, 10,319 cows, 8,149 steers and heifers, 13,700
sheep, 5,058 swine. The county produced 2,264 bushels
of wheat, 101,487 bushels of rye, 121,572 bushels of oats,
222,536 bushels of Indian corn, 2,422 bushels of barley,
23 tuns of broom corn, and 33,404 tuns of hay from ol,-
575 acres of upland mowing.
The County of Hampshire possessed 4,790 horses, 3,555
oxen, 10,495 cows, 8,345 steers and heifers, 29,760 sheep,
5,068 swine, 10,988 acres of meadow land, from which
were cut 10,195 tuns of hay, 105,900 acres of pasturage
capable of pasturing 22,100 cows, 52,539 acres of wood-
land, 45,098 acres of unimproved land, 25,036 acres un-
improvable, 8,491 acres of land used for roads, and 26,978
acres of tillage land. The annual production of the land
AGRICULTURE. 411
was 4,083 bushels of wheat, 61,855 bushels of rye, 229,-
OL'O bushels of Indian corn, 4,576 bushels of barley, 1,512
Ihs. of hops, 10 5-8 tuns of tobacco, 622 tuns of broom
corn, and 39,437 tuns of hay, from 40,308 acres of upland
mowing.
Franklin County possessed 4,377 horses, 4,715 oxen,
10,764 cows, 11,461 steers and heifers, 24,973 sheep, 4,216
swine, 13,591 acres of meadow land, yielding 12,270 tuns
of hay, 13,753 acres of pasturage, capable (with the after-
feed of the whole farm,) of supporting 25,818 cows; 72,-
of woodland, 67,415 acres of unimproved land,
and 47,214 acres unimprovable ; 7,662 acres used for roads,
''* acres of tillage land, including orchards tilled.
The production was 3,099 bushels of wheat, 43,304 bush-
els of rye, 99,296 bushds of oats, 242,245 bushels of In-
dian corn, 7. 091 bushels of barley, 40,100 pounds of hops,
330 tuns of broom corn, and 38,336 tuns of hay from 36,-
780 acres of upland mowing.
Berkshire County had 7,031 horses, 4,084 oxen, 18,142
cows, 11,970 steers and heifers, 74,042 sheep, 6, 150 swine,
9,321 acres of meadow, producing 10,880 tuns of hay,
151,522 acres of pasturage, capable of supporting, with
the after-feed of the farm, 39,242 cows; 104,397 acres of
wi Midland, 113,068 acres of unimproved land, of which
63,321 acres are unimprovable ; 10,668 acres of land in
roads, and 68,993 acres of upland mowing, which produced
a yearly amount of 69,115 tuns of hay. The product of
')<>.!) 15 acres of tillage land was 5,874 bushels of wheat,
53,548 bushels of rye, 312,611 bushels of oats, 219,948
bushels of Indian corn, 10,868 bushels of barley, and 20
tuns of broom corn.
.
CHAPTER III.
THE RAILROADS OP WESTERN MASSACHUSETTS.
No agency has tended so generally and so powerfully to
the development of the resources and prosperity of West-
orn Massachusetts as railroads. They have opened mar-
kets to the farmer, easy transportation to the manufactur-
er, and facilities of communication to men of business.
Every producing and business interest has felt their influ-
ence for good, and now leans upon them as the right arm
of its strength. Were all that has been done for Western
Massachusetts by railroads struck out of existence, the
section would relatively be thrown back a century in the
path of its progress. The necessity for a channel of com-
munication between Boston and the opening West, was
fully appreciated many years ago, and many years before
that channel was completed. It is sixty-four years since
the project was broached of connecting the Eastern coast
of Massachusetts with the waters of the Hudson, by means
of a canal. During the same year of the incorporation of
the Proprietors of the Locks and Canals on Connecticut
River, 1792, Henry Knox and his associates were incorpo-
rated for the purpose of constructing a canal from Boston
Harbor to Connecticut River, but the people were exhaust-
ed by the Revolutionary struggle, the State was indebted
and would not aid in the undertaking, and, after the neces-
sarily unavailing efforts of the projectors, the scheme was
abandoned, not to be revived again until the passage of
nearly a third of a century. In February, 1825, the Le-
gislature adopted Resolves for ascertaining the practica-
bility of constructing a canal from Boston to the Connec-
ticut River, and for extending an avenue of trade in some
form from that point to the Hudson. A Board of Com-
missioners was appointed, and Loammi Baldwin employed
as engineer. After a survey, the project was declared
feasible, and a report w r as made, strongly urging the con-
struction of the work un_on the State. But the State again
allowed the matter to drop very fortunately as the result
EAILEOADS. 413
has proved for, soon afterwards, the advantage of the
railway over the canal became obvious, and measures were
intituled that resulted, after a long period of struggle and
discouragement, in the construction of the Western Rail-
road, two hundred miles in length, uniting the cities of
Boston and Albany, and now constituting one of the most
important lines of travel and transportation in the United
States.
On the 14th of June, 1827, a Board of Commissioners
was appointed, for the survey of one or more routes for a
railway between the points last named. The Board had
comparatively a short space of time to perform so large a
work, before the meeting of the succeeding Legislature,
but they worked diligently, and were able in their report,
made on the 29th of January, 1828, to give the project a
form, decide on its feasibility^roughly estimate its cost, and
review the exigencies and interests which demanded its
completion. The Board examined two routes denomina-
ted respectively the Northern and the Southern the for-
mer crossing the Connecticut at Northampton ; the Litter
at Springfield. While both routes were examined, a sur-
vey of the Southern route was alone attempted, and with
the exception of two short sections, the attempt was con-
fined to the West side of the Connecticut. On that side
the survey was perfected from West Springfield to Green-
bush. The Commissioners presented a table of inclina-
tions, being at no point more than 80 feet to the mile, and
then went on to discuss the capacities of horse power, for
steam was then only in the stage of early development.
By a careful collection of statistics, it was estimated that
for 4 3-4 miles of the road from the Connecticut to the
Hudson, it would require either two horses, or the full ex-
ertion of one, to draw eight tuns, while for 8 miles it
-.YOU Id require the exertion which one horse is capable of
making during half of his working hours. Twenty-seven
miles were within the limits of easy exertion for a horse,
and tli'- remaining 02 1-2 miles would require only a frac-
tion varying from nothing to 80 pounds. One important
item embraced in the report is the amount of transporta-
tion between several towns on the route, and the several
markets of Boston, Albany and Hartford. Becket had
270 tuns; at an average cost for transportation of $10;
414 RAILROADS.
Dalton 114 tuns, at $7,50; Chester 290 tuns at $20;
Springfield 12,000 tuns; Northampton 9,200 tuns, the cost
of transportation between both towns and Boston being
$17 50 to $18 per tun. The conclusion, in a rough esti-
mate, is, that the way-freight business of a road from Bos-
ton to Albany would be 84,360 tuns annually. The num-
ber of stage coach passengers on the route is given at
30,000 annually, which the Commissioners thought would
be very much increased on the railroad. The report is
very favorable on the whole, and is signed by Nahum
Mitchell and Samuel McKay, Commissioners ; and James
F. Baldwin, Engineer. -
The Legislature seems to have done nothing more with
the subject than to submit it to the Board of Directors of
Internal Improvements, consisting of Levi Lincoln, Na-
than Hale, Stephen White, David Henshaw, Thomas TV.
Ward, Royal Makepeace, George Bond, William Foster
and Edward IT. Robbins, Jr., who submitted a full report
to the Legislature on the 16th of January, 1829. Their
ideas of the proper construction of a railway may be giv-
en in their own words : " It is found that the cost of a con-
tinuous stone wall, laid so deep in the ground as not to be
moved by the effect of frost, and surmounted by a rail of
split granite of about a foot in thickness and depth, with a
bar of iron placed on the top of it, of sufficient thickness
to form the track on which the carriage wheels shall run,
is much less than that of the English iron rail, and that
rails of this construction, so far as can be judged by exper-
iments which have yet been made, possess all the advan-
tages of durability, solidity and strength." This board
also went into a discussion and measurement of horse
power, and having examined the routes proposed, declared
that passing through Worcester and Springfield to be the
one which could be constructed at the smallest cost, be
traveled with the greatest ease, and would accommodate
the largest population. The estimated average cost per
mile "under all probable contingencies" was $16,434 77,
at which rate the whole road from Boston to Albany would
cost $3,254,876 46. The cost for the transportation of a
tun of freight from Boston to Albany was figured at $1 97,
which was declared to be lower than the rates of any canals
in the country, and which would effectually take the transpor-
RAILROADS. 415
tation of flour, from Albany to Boston, out of the hands
of sloop navigation. The cost of 'taking 20 passengers
from Boston, the road being provided with stationary pow-
ers, \vas estimated at $16 50 or 82 1-2 cents apiece ; with-
out stationary powers, S21, or $1 05 apiece. Adding $2
for toll it would make $2 82 or S3 05 apiece, " for con-
veyance from Boston to Albany in 22 hours." The Board
also took up the discussion of steam, which had then been
introduced into England to some extent, and, basing their
reasoning on the relative cost of coal in that country and
this locality, decided in favor of the horses.
In 1827, the amount exported from Albany to Boston
was 16,861 tuns; from Troy 3,850 tuns; imported at Al-
bany from Boston, 6,091 tuns ; at Troy, 2,100 tuns, making
an amount of 28,902 tuns. In giving an estimate of the
amount of travel on the line, the Board say that there are
six lines of stages running between Boston and Albany,
on which eighteen stages, exclusive of extra coaches, gen-
erally well loaded, run through from Boston to Albany and
return the same number of times weekly. Forty-five pas-
sengers per day traveled on the route, who would probably
take the railway when built, while the way passengers
numbered 30. This would raise the daily number to 75,
or 23,475 per annum. These, at a toll of one cent per
mile, or $2 for the whole distance, would pay towards the
support of the road $46,950. On this amount, however,
the Board calculated a large increase. The grand sum of
the annual receipts of the road was estimated at $203,000.
This embraces the estimated amount of increase that would
follow the introduction of railway travel and transporta-
tion, although the Board acknowledge that " these amounts
are not assumed with entire confidence." One result of
the building of the road was foreseen and foretold with en-
tire correctness, viz : the increase of the value of real es-
tate along the line of the road, sufficient to cover its cost.
Jn deciding upon the Southern route as the best, the Board
had three lines in consideration, instead of two. By the
Southern route, the distance from Boston to Albany was
198 miles, the elevation of the Worcester ridge being 918
fei-t. that of the Berkshire ridge 1,440 feet, and that West
of the Housatonic 166 feet. By the middle route, which
had Troy for its Western terminus, the distance from Bos-
416 RAILROADS.
ton was 210 miles, the Light of the Worcester ridge being
967 feet, the Berkshire ridge at Savoy 1,903 feet, and the
New York ridge, 414. By the Northern route the; dis-
tance was 190 miles, the elevation of the Worcester ridge
being 1,051 feet, the Berkshire ridge, at Florida or Savoy,
1,886 feet, and the New York ridge 414 feet. The amount
of these several elevations doubled, so as to include the
descent, shows that the Southern route would embrace a
change of level 1,520 feet less than the middle route, and
1,654 less than the Northern. This Board also closed with
a recommendation to the Legislature to build the road with
funds raised by loans in the name of the State, on stocks
bearing 41-2 per cent, interest, payable quarterly, and re-
imbursable at any time that might be decided upon. Ap-
pended to their report was a very full report, with maps,
by the engineer, James F. Baldwin, embracing, in detail,
the items of the several surveys.
The policy of constructing railways under the direction
and with the money of the State, became, of course, a
prominent topic of discussion. One of the foremost cham-
pions of this policy was Theodore Sedgwick of Stockbridge.
A pamphlet appeared from his pen, covering twenty-one
pages, in which his views were strongly set forth. The
following is a quotation from that document :
" The question is, whether such a road shall become private
or public property, and no question can be plainer. The pres-
ent is a crisis in the fortunes of our State. Let us not take a
false course. It is the first step that too often directs the last
What is there worse in monopoly, than giving things to people
to whom they do not belong? What right have individuals
to arms of the sea, great rivers, bridges intended for general
use, long lines of canal, and roads which every body must
pass over? What would be worse than for the State to mo-
nopolize its mines of coal, the steam engine or the magnet?
Individuals make the best use of these. Roads, however,
belong to the- community, and the railroad, so far as public use
is designed by it, is a gift of the arts to States. It is among
the few improvements that a State can most successfully man-
age. What is intended for the beneficent use of the great
public should never be placed in private hands. This is indeed
half the essence of our Republican government."
But the Legislature did not agree with Mr. Sedgwick,
and that class of economists whom he represented, and
RAILROADS. 417
took no measures beyond the early incorporation of the
J>oston and Worcester Railroad Company, to effect the
object contemplated hi the surveys i had completed. On
the 15th of March, 1833, Nathan Hale, David Henshaw,
George Bond, Henry Williams, Daniel Denny, Joshua
Clappand Eliphalet Williams and their associates, received
a charter with the name of the WESTERN RAILROAD
CORPORATION, for the purpose of constructing a road from
Worcester, the terminus of the Boston and Worcester Rail-
road, to the line of the State of New York, with a capital
limited to $2,000,000. The stock was taken by over 2,200
subscribers, averaging less than $1,000 each, with the con-
dition that a part of the Eastern and Western portions of
the road should be finished at the same time. The corpo-
ration was not organized until January, 1836, when the
following gentlemen were elected Directors: John B.
Wales, Edmund Dwight, George Bliss, William Lawrence,
Henry Rice, John Henshaw, Francis Jackson, Josiah
Quincy, Jr., and Justice Willard. Major William Gibbs
McNeil was engaged as chief engineer, and Capt. Win.
H. Swift as resident engineer of the company. George
Bliss of Springfield was appointed General Agent of the
Corporation. The organization of the Directors was:
President, Thomas B. Wales ; Treasurer, Josiah Quincy,
Jr. ; and Ellis Gray Loring was appointed Clerk. On the
Kith of January we find these gentlemen before the Leg-
islature in a petition ibr an increase of capital, and aid
from the State. They assert that another million of dol-
lars will be necessary to complete the work, that the stock
hail been taken with a certainty of no direct profit to the
stockholders, and had been procured only after great labor
and repeated efforts, and that " no hope now remains but
by an appeal to the liberality, justice and patriotism of the
lature." They plead the policy and example of New
York, Pennsylvania and Ohio, but, without proposing that
Massachusetts should follow in the same track, they pray
for an act of incorporation as a bank, to be called " The
Wi-stcrn Railroad Bank," to be located in Boston, with a
eapital of five millions of dollars, the usual bank tax of
which should be paid to the Western Railroad Corporation
for twenty years. Tliis plan, they say, will require no
grant from the treasury, and furnish to the community
418 RAILROADS.
bank capital which it needs. The new estimate of the
cost of the road, from Worcester to the State line, was
$30,000 a mile, including all appendages, fit for use. The
Legislature did not grant the bank, but it passed an act in-
creasing the capital of the road to $3,000,000, and direct-
ing the Treasurer of the State to subscribe $1,000,000 to
the stock of the road. The act also embraced a provision
for the choice of nine Directors, of which number three
should be annually chosen by the Legislature, by. joint bal-
lot of the two Houses, and the residue by the stockholders
at their annual meeting.
The surveys of the corporation commenced in April,
1836. Twenty miles of the road, commencing at Worces-
ter, were put under contract in January, 1837, and work
was commenced on that section in the month following.
In June of the same year, the road from East Brookfield
to Springfield was put under contract, and work commenced
upon the section in July. The length of road from Wor-
cester was 54 miles, and the highest grade (for a short dis-
tance only,) 50 feet per mile. On the first of January,
1838, twenty-seven miles had been fully graded, and stood
ready for the superstructure, and the contracts had thus
far been executed within the estimates. The route decided
upon, West of the Connecticut, was 62 1-2 miles in length,
the highest grade being 79 to 80 feet to the mile, making
the whole distance 116 1-2 miles. The entire route was
pronounced feasible for locomotive power, for the horse
power project had for some years been counted among the
things of the past. At the commencement of 1838, the
Hartford and New Haven Railroad was in process of con-
struction, and a charter had been granted to extend it to a
connection with the Western Railroad at Springfield. The
first two assessments on the stock of the Western Railroad
were collected before the work commenced, and in 1837,
the greater part of the third assessment was collected.
The fourth assessment w r as due April 16, 1837, but the
pressures of that disastrous year were such that it was sus-
pended until the following September, and the three-quar-
ters of the assessments on private stockholders, necessary
to secure that of the State, was only secured then, after
great and persevering labor. It was deemed impossible to
collect the necessary amount from private stockholders, on
RAILROADS. 419
the next assessment, and the directors resolved that unless
they could get further aid from the State, they would
suspend the work. Under these circumstances, they
came again before the Legislature, declaring that if the
work should be suspended for the lack of funds, it would
re -u It in the virtual annihilation of the S 600,000 capital
already expended, and, " in accordance with the voice of a
special meeting of the stockholders held on the 23d of the
previous November," praying for a loan of the credit of
the State to the corporation " for eighty per cent, of the
stock, by a State scrip having 30 years to run, bearing in-
terest at 5 per cent, per annum, semi-annually, principal
and interest payable in London to bearer, with warrants
for the interest," and pledging for security the franchise
of the road, together with the road and its appurtenances.
On the 21st of February, 1838, their prayer was granted,
by an act authorizing the issue of the scrip of the State to
the amount of two millions one hundred thousand dollars.
In the third annual report of the directors, made January
1, 1839, the estimated cost of the whole work had risen to
^1.11)1,171 73. The crippled condition of the private
stockholders rendered it impossible to collect of them any
large proportion of their indebtedness, and there remained
a sum, to be provided for, of nearly a million and a half.
Under these circumstances, the corporation, in 1839, came
before the Legislature for still further aid, the sum speci-
lie<l being $1,200,000. The aid was granted, with a pro-
vision that thereafter four of the directors of the corpora-
tion should be chosen by the Legislature.
On the first day of October, 1839, the road was opened
to travel between Worcester and Springfield, and, on the
23d of that month, regular merchandise trains were estab-
lished. The total cost of this part of the road, as stated in
the Fourth Annual Report, was $1,97-2,985, or $36,135
per mile. The Fifth Annual Report, made after running
i he cars upon this part of the road during the season, and
utter experience had pointed out and secured other neces-
sary expenditures, gave the whole actual cost as $2,016,-
1)70 a considerable advance. Meanwhile, the construc-
tion of the Western portion of the road was in progress,
ami here, too, the expenditures were outgrowing the esti-
mates, so that, in 1841, the corporation was again before
420 RAILROADS.
the Legislature for a loan of a million of dollars. The
estimated balance wanting was $1,247,830 77, and the odd
figures were to be filled by the stockholders. Again the
Legislature answered the call, by the passage of an act
authorizing the issue of the scrip of the State to the
amount of $700,000, secured by a mortgage On the road,
as in the previous loans.
At the commencement of 1842, the whole line of the
road between Worcester and the Hudson River had been
so far completed as to be opened for use, with the excep-
tion of 15 miles within the State of New York, which was
run on the track of the Hudson and Berkshire Railroad.
From the State line to Albany the road was nominally, at
least, under the conduct of a New York corporation, with
the name of the Albany and West Stockbridge Railway.
This section was finished and opened for travel on the 12th
of September of that year, and on that day the struggle
and the toil of years had accomplished the long-sought ob-
ject. In the Seventh Annual Report of the directors, the
statistics of construction were given in detail. From the
point of the junction of the road with the Boston and Wor-
cester Road to the East abutment of the Connecticut Riv-
er Bridge, the distance was 54 miles and 3,680 feet ; from
thence to the line of New York, 63 miles and 568 feet;
from the State line to Greenbush dock, 38 miles and 1,180
feet, making the total of both roads 156 miles, and 148
feet. From the Boston depot to the Albany shore, the
distance was 200 miles and 1,883 feet. Assuming that
portion of the Boston and Worcester road in the immedi-
ate vicinity of Boston, as the base line, the following are
the principal elevations, the fractions of a foot being omit-
ted: Charlton summit, 906 feet; the depot at Springfield,
71 ; Washington summit, 1,456 ; the track at the State
line, 916. The road embraced 142 planes, of which 12
were level, 83 ascending West, and 47 descending West.
The whole length of bridges on the road was one mile and
812 feet, the bridge over the Connecticut the longest on
the route being 1,264 feet long, of 7 spans, and of the
structure of Howe's patent. The total cost of the road,
with the amount estimated for future additions, was $5,814,-
807 52 ; that of the Albany and West Stockbridge Road
$1,751,984 05, making a grand total of $7,566,791 57.
fc RAILROADS. 421
The report of the business of the road will do well to com-
pare with the early estimates. The through passengers
amounted to 18,570; way passengers 171,866; total, 190,-
436. The amount of merchandise was equal to 39,820
tuns. The total receipts of the year for freight and pas-
sengers, were So 12,688.
Only twelve years have passed since the report was
made, and the revolution which has been wrought in the
entire business interests of the line through which it pass-
es, is apparent to every one, and justifies the anticipations
and predictions of its early friends.
The following table will represent the to- The following table represents the num-
tal receipts and expenses and total number her of barrels of flour transported from Al-
of passengers of the Western and Albany bany and Troy to Boston and Intermediate
and West Stockbridgc Railroads, from 1842 points, from 1H12 to 1853 inclusive :
to 1853 inclusive :
Receipts.
Expenses.
Passengers. To Boston. Other points. Total.
1842
*512,S8
200,019
1842
85,986
86,124
172,110
1843
803,973
200,965
1843
US38fl
120,873
244,2.39
1844
75.3,7.52
814,074
220.257
1844
154,413
142,990
297,403
1845
813,480
370,621
223,633
1845
181,797
14C^86
328,183
llmonthi
Jin
11 months in
1840
878,417
412,679
26.5,664
1846
209,634
151,711
361,345
1,S25,'6
888311
1847
518,861
188649
702500
1H48
1,332,008
r,L',:'.-,r
405,014
1848
;i71,2.',9
200.776
578,01/5
1,343,810
688428
435,804
1MB
Si^^W
,262,471
1800
90TJHl
531,317
1800
30l\275
9B6319
1851
lV>.VW4
.v.ir.r.io
479.000
MM
207,073
189^70
4.VI,*) 1M
1852
80669
4117293
1852
SHI ,546
254,710
1853
1,525,223
778,487
050,194
153
264,474
207,330
471,804
The 19th annual report of the Directors represents that
the cost of the whole line from Worcester to Greenbush up
to Nov. 30, 1853, was $9,953,758 84. The equipment of
the road consisted of 59 engines, 43 passenger cars, 9 bag-
gage cars, 618 eight-wheel covered freight cars, 162 eight-
wheel platform cars, 86 four-wheel covered freight cars, 20
gravel cars, and 46 hand-cars.
There are two sinking funds connected with the Western
Railroad : The Western Railroad Stock Sinking Fund, and
the Western Railroad Loan Sinking Fund. The first is
the property of the Commonwealth, and is for the future
purchase, or final redemption, of the scrip issued by the
St ut<> for the payment of its original subscription of $1,000,-
000 to the stock of the road, and for meeting the accruing
iiunvst on that stock. The sources of this fund are the
bonus originally paid on the scrip which was sold in Lon-
don, the dividends of the road, and one-half of all moneys
received for sales of the State's lands in Maine. In 1844,
$75,000 of the moneys received under the provisions of
422 BAILKOADS.
the Treaty of Washington was added to the fund. The
Western Railroad Loan Sinking Fund is the property of
the Western Railroad Corporation, and is deposited with
the Commonwealth as collateral security for the ultimate
payment, by the corporation, of the $4,000,000 of State
scrip issued to aid its operations. This fund is based on
the amount of the premiums on the sales of the scrip, and
one per cent, annually on the amount of the scrip, to be
paid out of the earnings of the road, or, $40,000 a year.
At the same time, the corporation pays annually the inter-
est on the scrip. Both these funds, it is calculated, will
fully answer their end in the accumulation of such an
amount as shall redeem the respective orders of scrip to
which they belong, at maturity.
The road was originally laid with one track, provision
being made in the cuts and smaller bridges for two. The
second track has been laid down the entire distance from
Worcester to Springfield, with the exception of the section
between Palmer and Warren.
It is but justice to preserve the names of those who
were most efficient in carrying forward the road in the va-
rious early stages of the enterprise, and to whose efforts is
now owed the incalculable good which the road has be-
stowed upon this portion of the State. The more promi-
nent among these were George Bliss, Charles Stearns and
Justice Willard of Springfield, Theodore Sedgwick of
Stockbridge, Lemuel Pomeroy of Pittsfield, Nathan Hale,
P. P. F. Degrand and Josiah Quincy, Jr., of Boston.
The Connecticut River Railroad divides the State
from North to South, as the Western , does from West to
East, On the 1st of March, 1842, John Clarke, Samuel
L. Hinckley, Stephen Brewer, Jonathan H. Butler, Win-
throp Hillyer and their associates, received a charter as
the NORTHAMPTON AND SPRINGFIELD RAILROAD COR-
PORATION, for the purpose of building a road " commenc-
ing within one mile of the Court House, (Northampton),
crossing Connecticut River near Mt. Holyoke, and passing
down the valley of said river on the East side thereof,
through a portion of Hadley, South Hadley and Spring-
field, to meet the track of the Hartford and Springfield
corporation at Cabotville, or diverging from said line, at
or near Stony Brook in South Hadley, and passing over
RAILROADS. 423
the plain, and crossing the Chicopee River near the Falls,
uniting with the Western Railroad, Easterly of the depot
in Springfield." The -capital stock was limited to $400,-
000. On the 23d of February, 1844, the capital stock was
increased by act of the Legislature to $500,000. On the
2.">th of January, 1845, Henry W. Clapp, Ralph Williams,
Henry W. Cushman and their associates, were incorpora-
ted as the GREENFIELD AND NORTHAMPTON RAILROAD
COMPANY, and were authorized to build a road over the
route now traversed by the Connecticut River Railroad,
North of Northampton. The capital stock was limited to
half a million of dollars. The 8th section of the act of
incorporation authorized the two corporations to unite in
such a manner as could be Agreed upon between them v and
when united, to take the name of the CONNECTICUT RIV-
ER RAILROAD COMPANY. The two companies were ac-
coVdingly united- on equal terms, in the following July, and
thus was formed the Connecticut River Railroad Compa-
ny. On the 21st of March, 1845, an act was passed, au-
thorizing the Northampton and Springfield Company to
change their route to its present location, viz : through
parts of Easthampton, Northampton, (South Farms), and
West Springfield, crossing the Connecticut at Williman-
sett. On the IGth of April, 1846, the Connecticut River
Railroad Company were authorized to extend their road
northward from Greenfield, to the Vermont State line.
The Company was also authorized to increase its stock by
an amount not exceeding $500,000.
The Connecticut River Road was opened from Spring-
field to Cabotville, four miles, on the 28th of February,
1845, and, from Springfield to Northampton, December
13, of the same year. The total receipts of the road, from
freight and passengers, up to Jan. 1, 1846, were $13,521 ;
expenditures, $5,519; net receipts, $8,001. On the 17th
day of August, 1846, the road was opened from North-
nhipion to South Deerfield, and on the 23d of the succeed-
ing November, cars ran through from Springfield to
Greenfield. The branch road from Cabotville to Chicopee
Falls was completed and opened for use on the 8th of
September, of the same year. The total receipts of the
road for 1846 were $58,246 99 ; expenses, $21,752 43 ;
Met receipts, $36,494 56. The gross receipts of the year
424 RAILROADS.
1847, from January 1st to December 31st, were $123,-
951 61. On the first day of January, 1849, the road \va.s
completed to the South line of the State of Vermont, a
distance of 52 miles from Springfield. During the year
1848, the entire receipts of the road were $165,242 13
an increase over those of the preceding year of $41,290 52.
The number of passengers carried was 299,865, and thn
number of tuns of merchandise, 101,314. The earnings
over expenses were $86,797 45. The total cost of the
road was $1,798,825.
The road felt the necessity of an extension still further
Northward, to form a connection with the lines converging
at Bellows Falls, Yt., and on the 7th of December, 1841),
entered into an agreement with the Ashuelot Railroad
Corporation a New Hampshire company chartered to
construct a road from the Cheshire Railroad in Keene to
the Western shore of the Connecticut river, to form a
junction there with the Connecticut River road, by which
the Ashuelot road should be operated for ten years by the
Connecticut River Company, the latter paying 7 per cent,
per annum interest on the cost of the road. Difficulties
subsequently rose between the two companies which ended
in fixing the annual rent of the Ashuelot road at $30,000,
and the Connecticut River Company commenced running
its cars over the road on the 27th of January, 1851. The
Vermont Valley Railroad, extending from Brattleboro to
Bellows Falls, was opened during the Summer of the
same year, and as the Vermont and Massachusetts road
supplied the missing link between the terminus of the Con-
necticut River Road and Brattleboro, Northern travel was
immediately diverted from the Ashuelot route to this new
channel. This unlocked for embarrassment, while, to some
extent retarding the prosperity of the road, is temporary,
by its own terms, and. at no distant day, it cannot fail to
be one of the best paying, as it is now one of the best con-
ducted lines of railroad in the country. It has become the
favorite line of travel from New York and the South to
the White Mountains, and the travel upon it is constantly
increasing.
The Connecticut River Road has properly 15 stations,
the Springfield station, however, being that of the Western
Railroad, which it occupies in common with the Hartford,
RAILROADS. 425
New Haven and Springfield Road. The remaining sta-
1 ions, as they extend Northward, are Cabotville, Willim-
ansett, Holyoke, Smith's Ferry, Northampton, HatiieK,
Whately, South Deerfield, Deerfield, Greenfield, Bernards-
ton and South Vernon. Besides these, there is a station
in Cabotville, on the Chicopee Falls branch, and one at
Chieopee. Falls.
The directorship of the road has been as follows :
Northampton and Springfield Company. Elected May
30, 1844, and again June 4th, 1845 Erastus Hopkins and
Eliphalet Williams of Northampton, John Chase, Spring-
field ; Phillip Ripley, Hartford ; Samuel Henshaw, E. H.
Robbins and James K. Mills, Boston.
Greenfield and Northampton Company. Elected July
s, l.sio Henry W. Clapp' and Cephas Root of Green-
field ; Samuel Henshaw and James K. Mills of Boston ;
Phillip Ripley, Hartford; Erastus Hopkins, Northampton ;
IJ. W. Cushman, Bernardston.
Connecticut River Railroad Company. (After the con-
solidation). Elected July 18, 1845 Erastus Hopkins,
Samuel Henshaw, E. II. Robbins, James K. Mills, John
Chase, Phillip Ripley, H. W. Clapp, all of whom were re-
elected in 1846 and 1847. Those elected in 1&48 were
E. Hopkins, II. W. Clapp, Samuel Henshaw, E. H. Rob-
bins, Lemuel Pope, and Nathaniel II. Emmons, the two
latter of Boston. The number of Directors and the time
of choice having been changed, the following board was
elected in January, 1849 : E. Hopkins, E. H. Robbins,
Samuel Henshaw, J. K. Mills, N. H. Emmons, Lemuel
Pope, Ignatius Sargent, H. W. Clapp and J. S. Morgan,
the latter of Hartford. In 1850, the same board was
I, with the exception of Gorham Brooks, in the place
of E. H. Robbins, deceased. In 1851, the following board
was chosen : Chester W. Chapin, Samuel Henshaw, James
K. Mills, Lemuel Pope, I. Sargent, Gorham Brooks, E.
( i. Howe, II. W. Clapp, C. E. Forbes. In 1852, the same
board, with the exception of Wm. Dwight in place of
Lemuel Pope, deceased. In 1853, the same board with
the exception of J. S. Morgan in place of Gorliam
Brooks, who declined re-election. In 1854, C. P. Hunt-
ington was elected in place of C. E. Forbes, who declined
re-election, and the board stood as follows : C. W. Chapin,
36*
426 RAILROADS.
Samuel Henshaw, Ignatius Sargent, "NVilliam Dwight, J.
S. Morgan, E. G. Howe, II. W. Clapp, C. P. Hunting-
ton.
THE AMHERST AND BELCHERTOWN RAILROAD COM-
PANY was incorporated in 1851, with authority to construct
a road from the depot of the New London, Willimantic
and Palmer Railroad, crossing the Western Railroad at.
Palmer, and extending Northerly through the towns of
Belchertown, Amherst, Leverett, Sunderland and Monta-
gue to the Vermont and Massachusetts Railroad, at a point
the most convenient to intersect the same in Montague.
For the purposes of construction, the company were au-
thorized to divide their road into two sections one extend-
ing from Palmer to the village of Amherst, and the other
from Amherst to Montague, and to commence the con-
struction of the first section when one-half of their capi-
tal stock had been subscribed, and twenty per cent, there-
on had been paid into their treasury. The company was
organized June 30th, 1851. Luke Sweetser, Edward
Dickinson, Ithamar Conkey, Myron Lawrence, Joseph
Brown, Thomas H. Williams and Andrew C. Lippitt were
chosen Directors, of whom Luke Sweetser was elected
President. John S. Adams was chosen Clerk and Treas-
urer. The certificate stating that the requisite amount of
capital had been subscribed and paid in, was filed in the
office of the Secretary of the Commonwealth, April 23d,
1852, and the work of grading the first section of the road
was then commenced. The road from Palmer to Amherst
was opened for use on the 9th day of May, 1853, and was
operated by the New London, Willimantic and Palmer
Railroad Company, under a lease to that company made
for the term of ten years. This arrangement having
proved unsatisfactory to both parties, the contract was dis-
solved on the 5th day of November, 1853, from which
time the road has been operated by the Amherst and Bel-
chertown company.
The road thus completed from Palmer to Amherst is a
fraction less than twenty miles in length. The total cost
of its construction, including land damages, fences and
equipments, was $280,000. Two trains each way are now
run over it, in connection with the Western Road. The
Directors in 1854 were Willis Phelps, President; James
RAILROADS. A'll
II. Clapp, Edward Dickinson, John Leland, Leonard M.
Hills, Charles Adams and Thomas W. Williams. The
Clerk and Treasurer remained the same. The road has
now" been in operation about three years ; its business has
been constantly increasing, both in freight arid passen^-rs ;
and, under the management of its present Superintendent,
Mr. N. D. Potter, it is daily growing in favor with the
public, and encouraging the hopes of its stockholders. A
in rt her act was granted the company, by the Legislature
of 1854, extending by two years the time in which they,
may locate and construct their second section.
In May, 1847, the Connecticut Legislature chartered
the NEW LONDON, WILLIMANTIC AND SPRINGFIELD
KAIL ROAD COMPANY, "to locate, construct and finally
complete a single, double or treble railroad, or way, in the
city of New London, thence on the Westerly side of the
river Thames to the city of Norwich, and thence to Wil-
limantic and the North line of the State towards Spring-
field, in the State of Massachusetts." The original desti-
nation of the Northern terminus was subsequently changed
to Palmer. In 1848, the company was chartered by the
Massachusetts Legislature for continuing the road from the
State line, a distance of nine miles, to the Western Rail-
road at Palmer depot. On the 13th of November, 1849,
the road was opened from New London to Willimantic, a
distance of 30 miles; in March, 1850, as far as Stafford
Springs, about 50 miles, and on the 20th of September,
1850, through to Palmer, a distance of 66 miles, the length
of road in Connecticut being 57 miles. The income of
the company, from the commencement of the running of
the trains to the 1st of November, 1851, was $168,459 81 ;
expenditures, $86,200 22; net income, 82,259 51). The
tuial cost of the road, on the 1st of November, 1853, was
?!."; .14,329 66, and the total receipts of the road for the
y.ar ending on that day were $128,715 93, those from
fn-ijrht. being $54,164. The cost of the portion of the road
within the State of Massachusetts was $207,201 53. The
bonus paid to the Amherst and Belchertown Railroad Co.,
for the relinquishment of the lease, (already alluded to in
the history of that road) was $3,447.
The first officers of the road were Thomas W. Wil-
liams, President ; John Dickinson, Secretary and Treasu-
428 RAILROADS.
rer ; James N. Palmer, Superintendent and Engineer.
The board of Directors in 1854 were Gordon L. Ford,
President; Thomas Fitch, 2d, Vice President; Andrew
M. Frink, Acors Barns, Henry P. Haven, Francis Allyn,
Lyman Allyn, N. Shaw Perkins, Jr., Joseph Smith, Ed-
ward Crane and Daniel J. Willets.
THE HUDSON AND BERKSHIRE RAILROAD COMPANY
was incorporated in 1832, to build a road from Hudson,
N. Y., to the State line at West Stockbridge, a distance of
31 miles. Under the usual arrangements where State lines
are crossed, the road was continued over the line into West
Stockbridge, a distance of three miles, making the wholo
road 34 miles long. The whole line was constructed dur~
ing the years 1836-7-8. The cost of the road with relay-
ing, stands at about $850,000. The income from passen-
gers in 1853 was, in round numbers, $18,000; from freight,
$40,000. November 21, 1854, the road was purchased by
the Western Railroad Co. for $150,000. It will be called
the Boston and Hudson Railroad, and will only be run
separately from Chatham Four Corners to Hudson.
In 1823, companies were incorporated in Massachusetts
and Connecticut for the construction of a canal from New
Haven, in the latter State, to Northampton, in the former.
The Connecticut company was called the FARMINGTON
CANAL Co., and the Massachusetts, the HAMPSHIRE AND
HAMPDEN CANAL Co. The capital stock in this State
was $300,000. The entire work from New Haven to
Northampton cost $2,000,000. The canal was finished
from New Haven to Westfield in 1830 ; to Northampton
in 1834. The business on the canal proved far less profit-
able than was anticipated, and the stock came to be regard-
ed as nearly worthless. The stock was finally transferred
in both States to a new company, called the NEW HAVEN
AND NORTHAMPTON CANAL Co., for the sum total of
$300,000. This company was chartered in both States in
183G, and continued business in this State, more or less,
until 1847, and would have done well, in the opinion of
those who live on its line, had it not been for the competi-
tion of the railroads built along the line of the Connecti-
cut river. This cause, or the fact that the canal is not
adapted to the business wants of New England, threw it
entirely into disuse.
RAILROADS. 429
In 184G, leave was granted by the Connecticut Legisla-
ture to the Canal Company, to build a railroad " on or
near the line of the canal to the State line." The coin-
]i:my intended a connection with Springfield, and on the
Northern part of the route diverged from the Canal to
connect with a road to be constructed from that point.
This was in 1849, and in 1850, parties interested in its
continuance on the line of the canal, procured an injunc-
tion on the progress of the road, based on the strict terms
of the charter. The Connecticut Legislature, at its next
.--I'-- ion, gave liberty to continue the road in the direction
of Springfield, but the charter was not obtained in Massa-
chusetts for its continuation, and that project mis-carried.
The HAMPDEN RAILROAD COMPANY was chartered in
1852, with a capital of $175,000, for the purpose of build-
ing a road from Westfield to the State line in Granby, Ct.
The NORTHAMPTON AND WESTFLELD RAILROAD COM-
i-\\ v was chartered during the same year, with a capital
of $200,000, for the purpose of continuing the road from
"Westfield to Northampton, the Northern terminus of the
old canal. In 1853, the two roads were united by the
name of the HAMPSPIRE AND HAMPDEN RAILROAD COR-
PORATION, the combined capital being $375,000. The
road is twenty-five miles long, is nearly graded, and is to
be finished at an early day. Leave was given the New
Haven and Northampton Canal Company to sell corporate
property in Massachusetts, to the Hampshire and Hamp-
den Railroad Co., in 1853. The road passes through the
towns of Southwick, Westfield, Southampton, Easthamp-
ton and Northampton. Its grades are easy, and the hard-
est are not over 40 feet to the mile.
THE WARE RIVER RAILROAD COMPANY was incor-
porated May 24th, 1851, for the purpose of constructing a
road from Palmer to'Templeton. The present 1'oanl of
Directors are Orrin Sage, President; A. L. Dennis,
Charles A. Stevens, P. F. Goff, Wm. Hyde, Otis Lane,
Joel Rice, Addison Sanford, Samuel II. Phelps, W. S.
Hrakonridge, of Ware; and Win. Mixtcr of Ilardwick.
The route has been surveyed from Palmer to l>arre. and,
while there is some prospect of the road being built from
Palmer to Ware, the enterprise, as a whole, is not regard-
ed as promising success.
430 RAILROADS.
The BOSTON AND FITCHBURG RAILROAD is the com-
mencement of a route from Boston Westward, which it
has been the intention for some years to continue to the
Hudson River. The Vermont and Massachusetts Rail-
road continues the line Westward, and has its terminus in
Brattleboro, Vt. This road reached the line of Franklin
County in July, 1848, at the town of Orange. From Or-
ange, the road, continues through Wendell, Erving, Mon-
tague and Northfield, where it crosses the Connecticut into
Vernon, Vt. From Grant's Corner, in Montague, a branch
was finished in February, 1851, under a- charter to a com-
pany called the Greenfield and Fitchburg Railroad Com-
pany, a distance of eight miles, to Greenfield, where it
strikes the Connecticut River Railroad. Thus far, the
line has been completed Westward from Boston. From
Troy, the Troy and Boston Railroad has been built to the
line of the State of Vermont at Pownal, occupying the
Southwestern corner of that State ; and across that town
to the Massachusetts line runs the Southern Vermont Rail-
road, a distance of six miles. Between this point and
Greenfield, the terminus of the branch of the Vermont
and Massachusetts, the distance is 34 miles. A railroad
-of this length will therefore fill the gap, and complete an-
other route from Boston, opening into the great West.
The towns intervening between Greenfield and the Ver-
mont line at Pownal, are Shelburne, Chaiiemont, Florida,
Adams (North Adams) and Williamstown.
To construct this link of the chain, a company was in-
corporated in 1848, by the name of the TROY AND
GREENFIELD RAILROAD COMPANY, with a capital of
$3,500,000. The persons named in the act of incorpora-
tion were George Grennell, Roger H. Leavitt, Samuel H.
Read, James E. Marshall, Henry Chapman, Alyah Crock-
er, Jonas C. Heartt, Franklin Ripley, Abel Phelps, Asa-
hel Foote, Ebenezer G. Lamson and D. W. Alvord. The
route over which it is proposed to construct the road is one
of peculiar interest, as it involves the project of piercing
Hoosac Mountain with a tunnel, about four and one-half
miles in length. The uncertainty attached to this unpar-
alleled enterprise, hindered any considerable subscription
to the stock, and, in 1851, application was made by the
corporation to the Legislature for a loan of two millions of
RAILROADS. 431
dollars, for the purpose of securing the construction of the
tunnel. The application was not successful, and in 1853
it was renewed, when the petitioners again failed of secur-
ing their object. In 1854, however, the application was
airain made, and the loan of two millions was granted.
Thr leading conditions of the loan are that a subscription
to the stock of $600,000 shall be first secured, on which
shall be paid in 20 per cent. ; that then, seven miles of
the road shall be built, and the tunnel be bored to the ex-
tent of 1,000 lineal feet, when the company will become
entitled to SI 00,000 of the loan. When another seven
miles of the road shall have been constructed, and another
1,000 feet advanced into the mountain, the company will
be entitled to another $100,000 of the loan. The remain-
ing conditions are necessarily somewhat varied from this
formula, but the policy indicated is followed throughout
the work.
The road has been nearly graded from North Adams to
the Vermont State line, but no work has been done upon
it for the past two years. In the report of the company
to the Legislature, for 1853, the total amount given ashav-
'en expended in graduation and masonry v&s $75,-
5o2 24. The proposed route has some note-worthy char-
Mcteristics. The center of the proposed tunnel is the
highest point of the road, and from that point, the road
declines the entire distance to Greenfield and the entire
distance to Hoosac Falls, N. Y., at a grade of about 31
feet to the mile, so that if a car were started from the cen-
ter, in either direction, it would, in one instance, run of
itself to Greenfield, and, in the other, to Hoosac Falls.
The proposed tunnel is to enter the mountain on the East-
ern side of the bank of the Deerfield river, and will
emerge on the Western side, on the bank of the Hoosac
river, and it is ascertained that these two rivers occupy
precisely, or very nearly the same, level. Above the pro-
1 I,-. ,1 tunnel, the mountain rises at its highest elevation
1,300 feet, while at no place, except at the ends, does it
rise less than 800 feet. The project itself is one of the
boldest and most magnificent ever conceived in America.
That its consummation is within the bounds of possibility
is doubtless true, and those who are reputed competent en-
gineers declare it to be feasible, and within the limits of
432 RAILROADS
expense indicated by the amount of the State loan. Oth-
er authority, that has been, and is, deemed good, in the
railroad world, has no faith in the project, or, at least, in
its practicability as an investment. One or two boring
machines have been invented with reference to facilitating
the work, and one has been on trial on the spot, which has,
to some extent, demonstrated the practicability of doing the
whole work by machinery. Under the most favorable cir-
cumstances, the boring of 4 1-2 miles of solid rock must
be the work of years, and if it shall ever be accomplished,
old Hoosac will stand above it, an appropriate monument
of one of the most stupendous works ever achieved by
human hands.
The Directors of the company in 1854 were Otis Clapp,
President ; George Millard, John Porter, E. G. Lamson,
Erastus Rice, D. N. Carpenter, R. H. Leavitt, and J. V.
C. Smith, the latter being the present Mayor of Boston.
THE PITTSFIELD AND NORTH ADAMS RAILROAD
COMPANY was chartered in 1843. No progress was mado
at first, and in 1846, the charter was revived, and the road
constructed during that year. The road was constructed
under tke direction of the Western Railroad Corporation,
through an arrangement made with the government of tho
Pittsfield and North Adams Company. The stock was
subscribed, and the road leased by the Western Railroad
on certain terms and conditions. The citizens of North
Adams raised a fund of S3 1,000. The road cost $450,000,
and the Western road took a lease of it for thirty years,
agreeing to pay 6 per cent, on its cost annually to the
stockholders, while the North Adams fund of $ 3 1,000 was
to be drawn upon, to make up to the Western road any
deficiencies in its earnings. Thus, if the road should earn
but 5 per cent., the North Adams guaranty fund was to be
drawn upon to the amount of one per cent, on the cost of
the road, to save the Western road from loss. Another
condition of the lease is that at the end of the thirty years,
the Western Railroad has the privilege of buying the road
at its cost, or of renewing the lease for ninety-nine years
at 5 per cent. The North Adams guaranty fund has be-
come nearly or quite exhausted in making up the deficien-
cies of past years, but has proved sufficient for sustaining
the road in its infancy, as it is now nearly earning its C
RAILROADS. 433
per cent. The arrangement is one that shows the enter-
prise and far-sighted policy of the capitalists of North
Adams, and indicates a method of procedure to those pla-
ces wishing for branch roads, worthy of imitation. The
road is operated by Western Railroad power and carriages,
and all that it has cost the town of Adams to open for it-
self a communication with a great railroad line is $31,000,
an amount which has doubtless already . been saved in
transportation, while the rise in the value of real estate is
probably quadruple the sum sunk in the fund. The road
is 21 miles long, and passes through the towns of Lanes-
borough, Cheshire and Adams, to the village of North
Adams, in that town. The direction in 1854 was in the
names of William H. Swift,, Josiah Stocking and Stephen
Fairbanks. The miles run by passenger and freight trains
in 1853 were 24,880 ; number of passengers, 52,659 ;
merchandise, 24,699 tuns. The total income of the road
was $47,332 81 ; net earnings after deducting expenses,
$26,208 81. The 6 per cent, dividend amounted to $27,-
000, showing a loss of nearly $800.
The PlTTSFIELD AND SlOCKBRIDGE RAILROAD COM-
PANY was incorporated in 1848. The ground was broken
the next year, and, on the first of January, 1850, the road
was opened for traffic and travel. The road is twenty-two
miles long, and was built at a cost of $440,000. The
Housatonic Railroad Co., whose road extends from Bridge-
port, Ct., to the Massachusetts State line, hold a perpetual
lease of the road at 7 per cent, on its cost. The road
passes from Pittsfield to Van Deusenville, a village in
Great Barrington, where it is connected, through the me-
dium of the Berkshire Railroad, with the Housatonic. A
branch also passes from Van Deusenville to the New York
State line, as a part of the continuation of the Housatonic
line to Albany. The gentlemen through whose efforts,
mainly, the Pittsfield and Stockbridge Railway enterprise
was consummated, were John Z. Goodrich, Thomas F.
Plunkett and Samuel A. Hurlbut. The government of
the road consisted in 1854 of Thomas H. Plunkett, Pres-
ident ; Daniel R. Williams, Samuel A. Hurlbut, Harrison
< iarlield, James D. Colt, 2d, George W. Platner, Thomas
Srdr\virk, Directors* John Z. Goodrich, Secretary; J. D.
Adams, Treasurer.
37
434 RAILROADS.
The Housatonic Railroad, of which this road is a con-
tinuation, has not been a successful enterprise. The com-
petition of two parallel lines the Hudson River and the
New York and Harlem has operated against it. A por-
tion of the stockholders are discontented with the terms of
lease of the Massachusetts lines, and a committee has been
appointed to confer with the directors of tho.se roads for
the purpose of bringing about a consolidation of the stock,
while two individuals have offered to take the Stockbridge
and Pittsfield road off the hands of the Housatonic Com-
pany. The business on the line of the road, from Pitts-
field to Bridgeport, is increasing, and the opening of new
marble quarries, and the establishment of new manufacto-
ries, promise much for future increase of business. The
total income of the Housatonic Railroad, for the year 1853,
was $324,990 35 ; expenses, $203,492 41 ; net earnings,
$121,497 94. Deducting rents and interest, the net earn-
ings stand at $15,909 70. The increase of receipts over
those of 1852 were $37,208 98.
THE HARTFORD AND SPRINGFIELD RAILROAD is the
continuation of the Hartford and New Haven Railroad,
from the Connecticut State line to Springfield. It is five
miles and about nine tenths in length, and is owned and
run by the Connecticut company, under the usual arrange-
ments in such cases. It was opened to traffic and travel
on the 9th of December, 1844, and is now laid with a
double track. There is a station on the road at Long-
meadow.
CHAPTER IV.
THE NEWSPAPERS OF WESTERN MASSACHUSETTS.
THE foremost of the agencies now moulding, swaying,
educating, impelling and leading the American mind is the
newspaper. From being a simple incident of freedom of
government, thought and pursuit, it has grown to the dig-
nity and importance of a gigantic institution the safeguard
of liberty, its expositor and defender. This has not been
the work of centuries. It has been the work, mainly, of
the present century ; now but a little more than half ex-
pired. Its influence at the present day is incalculable. It
forms in the United States the daily intellectual food of
millions. In the broad and general view, its importance
is appreciated to a great degree by the public, but there is
a view in which it is rarely, if ever, regarded, and this is
its influence in moulding the business interests of a people
in fixing its centers of trade, in associating the intelli-
gence, will and force of its enterprise, and in bringing be-
fore the popular mind those schemes of economical policy
that often shape the industry and form the basis of the
prosperity of large communities. A newspaper press is
always a center, as a star is a center. Some may be suns
and others satellites, but they are all centers, nevertheless,
of light and influence. They attract attention to the point
which they occupy, advertise the trade and business inter-
ests of the localities with which they are associated, and
do far more than the public have ever dreamed towards
collecting populations, establishing markets, and building
TIM the material interests of the points from which their
influence emanates. In this view, comparatively unimpor-
tant, it may be, it is a great industrial engine, the medi-
um between production and consumption the right arm of
trade by which the seller is brought face to face with the
purchaser; the attractive force that brings convergent
streams of prosperity to the center; the conveying power
that pours back upon an indefinite circumference the re-
ward for its productions. It is with this view in mind, as
436 NEWSPAPERS.
well as that higher and more obvious one to which allusion
has already been made, that we notice in brief detail the
history of the press of Western Massachusetts. And this
view is exposed for the purpose of showing how intimate-
ly connected with the material, as well as the moral and
intellectual interests of any place that is blessed with a
newspaper, is the enterprise of its healthy sustentation.
The local newspaper, whether it be high or humble, pro-
vided only that it be conducted by principle, is an institu-
tion which no town possessing it, can afford to see go down,
or languish from an insufficient support.
THE PRESS OF SPRINGFIELD.
Springfield was first in the publication of a newspaper,
as she was in settlement, among the towns of Western
Massachusetts. The first printing office was established
by Babcock & Haswell. The office was located on Main
street, near the place where Dr. William Bridgman's house
now stands. Anthony Haswell, one of- the members of
the firm, was from Worcester, where, in 1777, he leased
the publication of the Spy of Isaiah Thomas, its founder.
He left the Spy the next year. Elisha Babcock was born
in Milton, and was, by trade, a paper maker. They com-
menced the publication of the MASSACHUSETTS GAZETTE,
OR THE GENERAL ADVERTISER, in Springfield, in May,
1782. The motto of the paper was : " 'Tis not in mortals
to command success, but we'll do more we'll deserve it."
In 1784, it appears that Mr. Haswell had retired, the pa-
per being continued by Mr. Babcock, and printed better,
upon better paper. Mr. Haswell went to Vermont, and
published a democratic paper there for several years. The
printing office was removed by Mr. Babcock to " the next
door South of the Court House," which must have been
in the immediate vicinity of the present site of H. & J.
Brewer's drug store, corner of Main and Sanford streets.
In the spring of 1784, Mr. Babcock sold out to Brooks &
Russell, and removed to Hartford, Ct., where he commenced
the American Mercury, July 4, 1784, in partnership with
Joel Barlow. He continued the Mercury for many years,
but it languished during the latter part of his life. His
death occurred in April, 1821, when he had arrived at the
age of 67. His paper passed into the hands of his son
NEWSPAPERS. 437
Charles, and was continued until 1835, when it "died out,"
at the age of 51 years.
John Russell, of the firm of Brooks & Russell, was an
elder brother of the famous Boston editor, Major Benjamin
Russell. On the first of January, 1785, the name of the
" Massachusetts Gazette" was exchanged for the HAMP-
SHIRE HERALD AND WEEKLY ADVERTISER. In June,
1785, the Herald appears with the name of John Russell
only, Mr. Brooks either having died, or left the concern.
In August, 1786, the Herald appeared with the imprint of
Stebbins & Russell. The Herald, having had a brief sus-
pension during the State stamp act, at the time of the
Shays Rebellion, was permanently discontinued on the
first of January, 1787. The Hampshire Chronicle was
commenced on the succeeding first of March by John Rus-
sell, probably with the old printing materials of the Her-
ald. His printing office was then near " The Great Fer-
ry," on or near what is now known as Ferry street. On
the first of January, 1788, the Chronicle passed into the
hands of Weld & Thomas. Mr. Thomas no other than
the celebrated Isaiah Thomas of Worcester was the real
purchaser of the establishment, and Mr. Weld had been
his apprentice. There seems to have been an intermediate
proprietorship, for Mr. Thomas bought; of Zephaniah
Webster. Mr. Russell left Springfield for Boston, where
he published the Boston Gazette for many years. He
died in Maine about the year 1829. The office of Weld
& Thomas stood " opposite the Court House," the locality
now occupied by the Chicopee Bank, on the corner of
Main and Elm streets. In December, 1790, the Chronicle
appeared with the imprint of Mr. Weld alone. In 1792,
Mr. Weld appeared still to be the proprietor of the paper,
but the name of the sheet was altered to the HAMPSHIRE
AND BERKSHIRE CHRONICLE. In January, 1793, a
rli:iHL r e of proprietorship had taken place, and Edward
Grey was tin- publisher.
At this time, a competitor rose in the field, and Spring-
field for the first time had two newspapers within its lim-
its. The FEDERAL SPY was started in January, 1793,
by James R. Hutchins, an apprentice and son-in-law of
l.-aiah Thomas, who furnished him with his printing mate-
rials. This killed the Chronicle, which survived the en-
37*
438 NEWSPAPERS.
counter of interests but a very short time. It is proper to
insert here the notice of a newspaper enterprise undertaken
on the other side of the river, soon after this time. In
August, 1795, Richard Davidson, an Englishman, came
from Boston, and established a paper in West Springfield,
" a few rods AVest of the (first) Meeting House." The
paper was endowed with the somewhat ambitious name of
the AMERICAN INTELLIGENCER. He either failed to sup-
port the paper, or the paper to support him, and soon sold
out to Edward Grey, on whose hands the Chronicle had
previously died. He continued the paper weekly until it
was about three years old, when it .was discontinued for
lack of support. Grey at first took his types to Suffield,
and afterwards to Hartford, where it is to be hoped he ex-
perienced a better success.
Hutchins, the founder of the Federal Spy, is said to
have absconded a year or two after the commencement of
his enterprise, and was succeeded by John Worthington
Hooker and Francis Stebbins. In May, 1796, Mr. Hook-
er sold out his share to Mr. Stebbins, who became the
" sole editor and proprietor," and who continued the Spy
until September 26, 1799, when he sold to Timothy Ash-
ley, who continued it until the Spring of 1801. At that
time, he took into the establishment, as his partner, Mr.
Henry Brewer, a much respected citizen of Springfield,
who still survives. In 1803, Mr. Brewer, who was a
printer by trade, published the Spy alone, and continued it
until 1806, when he sold out to Mr. Thomas Dickman, a
native of Boston, and an apprentice of Benjamin Edes &
Sons. Mr. Dickman had been a resident of Greenfield,
where for twelve years previous to his removal, he had
published a paper. He at once changed the name of the
paper from the Federal Spy to the HAMPSHIRE FEDER-
ALIST, the name denoting its political character, and the
character of the paper fully agreeing with its name. Mr.
Dickman continued the paper until 1819, a much longer
period than any previous printer had continued business in
Springfield. He then sold out to Frederick A. Packard,
a lawyer. About this time, Mr. Abraham G. Tannatt, a
printer, came from Boston, and became a partner of Mr.
Packard, and the paper was published with the imprint of
A. G. Tannatt & Co. It should be mentioned that, in the
NEWSPAPERS. 439
meantime, the name of the paper had been changed, to ac-
commodate the change of county lines, to the HAMPDEN
FEDERALIST.
In 1818, a competitor came into the field. In that year,
a physician named Ira Daniels, established the HAMPDEN
PATRIOT. In politics, it opposed the Federalist, and was
continued for about two years by Dr. Daniels, when it fell
into the hands of a company of gentlemen, for whom Jus-
tice Willard, Esq., still a resident of Springfield, acted as
editor. In 1822, Mr. Tannatt left the Federalist office,
and became proprietor and publisher of the Patriot, which
he continued to publish for about two years, when the pa-
per was discontinued. From this office, Mr. Tannatt went
back to that of the Federalist, carrying with him his print-
ing materials, and becoming in that establishment joint
proprietor with Mr. Packard, who, in the meantime, had
sold it to Wood & Lyman, and taken it back again upon
their failure, after the brief operation of six months.
During the management of Wood & Lyman, the name of
the paper was changed to the HAMPDEN JOURNAL, for the
reason that the name of Federalist had become " obnox-
ious."
On the 1st of January, 1829, Mr. Tannatt bought out
Mr. Packard, and continued the Journal in his own name
for six years, until January 1, 1835, when he relinquished
the establishment to Mr. Packard. In the meantime, an-
other competitor appeared, which was destined to swallow
up the Journal. On the 8th of September, 1824, the
SPRINGFIELD REPUBLICAN was commenced, by Mr. Sam-
uel Bowles, who came to Springfield from Hartford. Mr.
Uowles brought with him the first lever press ever put up
in the town. Soon afterwards, he introduced the use of
the " composition roller," an important improvement in
the mode of inking the type. The Republican was com-
menced under the auspices of the old Republican party,
but soon after its establishment, the old party lines faded
away, with the expiration of the causes which had institu-
ted :uul sustained them. In 1825, the Federal party iravc
up its distinct organization, and joined in the support of
Levi Lincoln for Governor, who was chosen without oppo-
sition. The Journal came to be poorly supported, and af-
ter the retirement of Mr. Tannatt, whose embarrassments
440 NEWSPAPERS.
were the cause of the change, its continuance was not con-
sidered an object, and the concern was purchased by Mr.
Bowles, and merged in the Republican, the combined issue
being styled the REPUBLICAN AND JOURNAL. From the
time when Mr. Dickman bought the Journal, to the date
of its incorporation with the Republican, in 1835, the period
elapsed had been 29 years.
Belonging to the Journal establishment, when it was
broken up, was an English printing press, that was either
brought to Springfield by Haswell, in 1782, for the print-
ing of the first paper, or by Hutchins, in 1793, eleven
years afterwards. Its history, through the hands of the
various printers, can be traced back as far as Mr. Hutchins.
In either case, the pre$s was probably owned by Isaiah
Thomas before it came to Springfield, as he furnished (as
is believed) the printing materials of both concerns. This
press, in fragments, is still in existence, and belongs to Mr.
Tannatt. In one of the late newspaper offices of Spring-
field, the bed of it was used as an imposing stone. It is an
interesting relic, and should be preserved, as being, with
very little doubt, the first newspaper printing press worked
in Western Massachusetts.
On the 24th of February, 1830, John B. Eldridge, a
printer, commenced the publication of the HAMPDEN WHIG.
The paper supported the administration of General Jack-
son. In February, 1835, Mr. Eldridge sold his establish-
ment to E. D. Beach, a lawyer, who became editor as well
as proprietor. David F. Ashley, a printer bred to the
business, in that office, soon afterwards became his partner,
and the paper was continued by them under the title of the
HAMPDEN POST, and the firm of D. F. Ashley & Co., until
July 1, 1843, when the establishment was purchased by
ALANSON HAWLEY.
On the 26th of May, 1841, the INDEPENDENT DEMO-
CRAT was commenced as a weekly newspaper, by Apollos
Munn. It was published on Springfield Hill. Mr. Munn
was a printer, a native of Springfield, and served a portion
of his apprenticeship in the Hampden Journal office, under
Mr. Tannatt. Mr. Munn having obtained a clerkship in
the Boston Custom House, sold his paper to Elijah Ash-
ley, a botanic physician, in September, 1843. Dr. Ashley
moved the establishment down to Elm street, and contin-
NEWSPAPERS. 441
lied the paper until November, 1844, when it was merged
in the ILimpdcn Post. At this time, too, Mr. Hawley sold
the Post to Mr. Ashley, who remained sole proprietor until
it was discontinued.
Mr. Munn, having been discharged from the Custom
House by Collector Marcus Morton, returned to Spring-
field, and, August 2d, 1845, started a new paper which he
called the HAMPDEN STATESMAN. This he continued until
February 1, 1847, when it was merged in the Hampden
Post, for which paper Mr. Munn was then engaged to
write. In September, 1847, he was succeeded as editor by
Wm. L. Smith of Boston.
AVhen Mr. Munn announced the Independent Democrat,
he supported John Tyler and his administration, in a style
of devotion which won that somewhat distinguished gen-
tlemen's regards, and a place in the Custom House, then
under Robert Rantoul, Jr. While he published the States-
man, he received the appointment of publisher of the U. S.
laws, but his paper was, or was not, appreciated by the
public, and he was soon obliged to give up the paper and
his enterprise to the Post.
In September, 1831, the SPRINGFIELD GAZETTE was
commenced by George W. Callender, Henry Kirkham
and Lewis Briggs, the latter being the printer of the
paper. William Hyde, a lawyer, and now a resident of
Ware, was its editor. The object of the Gazette, as an-
nounced, was to sustain the interests of education, of mis-
sions and of temperance, keeping entirely aloof from party
politics. The basis not proving sufficiently remunerative,
the character of the paper was changed to that of a Whig
newspaper, in the course of a few years. In September,
. just one year from its commencement, Mr. Brigga
and Josiah Hooker, a lawyer, bought out Callender and
Kirkham, and became the joint publishers of the paper,
Mr. Briggs continuing the printer, and Mr Hooker acting
as editor. In 1837, Josiah Taylor, a printer, bought out
.Mi-^srs Hooker and Briggs, and became the publisher, and
on the 1st of July, 1840, was succeeded by William Stowe,
who became the editor and proprietor of the Gazette, and
continued thus until the paper was merged in the Repub-
lican.
THE HAMFDEN INTELLIGENCER was commenced on the
442 NEWSPAPERS.
25th of August, 1831, by J. B. Clapp, as an organ of the
Anti-Masonic party. It was published about one year, and
then discontinued.
In January, 1842, Mr. Tannatt, the former publisher of
the Journal, commenced a temperance paper, called the
HAMPDEN WASHINGTONIAN. It was a small, weekly
sheet, published at SI a year. On the first of January,
1848, it was discontinued for want of support.
On the 1st of January, 1847, the BAY STATE WEEKLY
COURIER, a literary newspaper, was commenced by J. G.
Holland, a physician, as a refuge from uncongenial pills,
and a still more uncongenial lack of opportunity for dis-
pensing them. At the end of about three months, he re-
linquished the proprietorship of the paper to Horace S.
Taylor, its printer, he still remaining its editor. At the
end of about six months, the paper was discontinued for
lack of support. The publication was nominally simulta-
neous in Springfield and Cabotville. The list was sold to
the Republican.
THE PALMER SENTINEL was commenced at Palmer
Depot, by Whittemore & Tenney, as a weekly paper, neu-
tral in politics, on the 1st of January, 1846, and continued
there until February 4, 1847. The concern was then re-
moved to Springfield, and its name changed to that of the
SPRINGFIELD SENTINEL. Mr. Hawley, who had just be-
fore left the Hampden Post, joined the Sentinel with Mr.
Tenney as partner and editor. The Sentinel was started in
Springfield as a semi-weekly and weekly, and supported the
administration of Mr. Polk. In July, 1848, after starting in
support of the nomination, by the democratic national con-
vention, of Cass and Butler, the Sentinel bolted from their
support, on the slavery question, and subsequently support-
ed the Barnburner and Free Soil nomination of Martin
Van Buren. When the election was decided, Mr. Hawley
sold out to George W. Myrick and Mr. Tenney, the latter
having previously left the concern in the hands of Mr.
Hawley. Mr. Tenney again retired, and the paper was
continued for a year or two, when the subscription list was
sold out to the Northampton Courier.
Thus far we have spoken only of weekly papers. The
Republican was the first to issue a daily. On the first of
April, 1844, the first number of the SPRINGFIELD DAILY
NEWSPAPERS. 443
REPUBLICAN appeared. It had not a subscriber, and was
started in the face of strong discouragements. Men of
business who were consulted declared that the time had not
arrived for a daily paper in Springfield. It was the first
daily establishment in Massachusetts out of Boston, and
presented but 1 6 columns of matter, all told. The first and
second years of its existence, the circulation was very
small, but by economical management, the publisher, Mr.
Bowles, sustained for the first year a loss of only $150 or
$200. The circulation, if it increased slowly, still in-
creased steadily, until, at the end of the fourth year, its
subscription list reached 800, with sufficient advertising
patronage to ensure its support, and place it on a perma-
nent footing. The Daily Republican was commenced as
an evening paper, but it was changed to a morning paper
on the first of December, 1845. In April, 1846, it was
enlarged to a sheet 21 by 28 inches. Previous to that
time, its circulation had not exceeded 300. On the 1st of
September, 1848, the size of the paper was increased to 23
by 32 inches. Its regular circulation was then full 1,000.
On the 1st of July, 1851, the paper was again enlarged to
the ample dimensions of seven columns to the page.
In April, 184G, the Gazette issued the first number of a
daily evening paper, on a sheet nearly of the size of the
Republican at that time. Added to the usual stimulus of
competition in such cases, opposition to the Republican on
certain local questions operated as a cause for bringing the
Daily Gazette into existence. The phase of public feel-
ing, or of the feeling of certain individuals which formed
the basis of this latter incentive, underwent a modification
in the course of a few years, and, as one "Whig daily was
really enough fbr the wants of the people, it became an
object with Mr. Stowe, in the Summer of 1848, to offer
the sale of his establishment to Mr. Bowles, for the pur-
pose of merging the two establishments in one. On the
1st of July, of that year, an arrangement was completed,
and the Gazette was sold to the Republican for 82,250.
The printing materials were worth probably from $500 to
$700. The remainder was given for the good will of the
paper. By the arrangement, about 200 daily subscribers
were added to the list of the Republican, and 600 to the
weekly. The union of the papers was generally acqui-
444 NEWSPAPERS.
esced in by the public with cheerfulness, the old subscri-
bers to the Gazette being mostly retained, and the prosper-
ity of the Republican since having been such as is rarely
attained by country newspapers.
Samuel Bowles continued the publication of the Repub-
lican until the first of February, 1850, when his son, Sam-
uel Bowles, Jr., who had, for several years, been largely
the manager of the editorial department, and whose energy
and enterprise, in co-operation with his father, had contrib-
uted much to the success of the paper, became joint pro-
prietor of the concern, under the firm of Samuel Bowles
& Son. In May, 1849, J. G. Holland became associate
editor of the Republican, with Samuel Bowles, Jr. At
the end of two years, he purchased a portion of the
establishment, and the firm was changed to that of
Samuel Bowles & Co. On the 8th of September, 1851,
Samuel Bowles, Sr. died, and his portion of the establish-
ment remained in the hands of the estate, until the 1st of
September, 1853, when Clark W. Bryan, a printer by
trade, and formerly the editor of the Great Barrington
Courier, purchased the larger part of it, and became a
partner in the concern, the firm, consisting of Sam-
uel Bowles, J. G. Holland and Mr. Bryan, remaining
Samuels Bowles & Co. The Republican has now a regu-
lar daily circulation of 3,400 copies, 2,300 of which are
sent out of Springfield, on the early morning trains, to all
the adjacent villages, and by mail to more distant localities.
The weekly has a circulation of nearly 4,000 -copies, with
a constantly growing subscription list. On the 1st of Jan-
uary, 1854, it undertook an enterprise of which this pres-
ent article forms a part, the writing and the publication
of an original History of Western Massachusetts, equal in
extent to 1,000 12mo pages, whose actual cash cost is not
less than $2,000. In Feb. 1855, the weekly was enlarged,
and changed to the quarto form, and it is now the largest
paper in New England.
After Mr Hawley sold the Post to Mr. Ashley, that gen-
tleman commenced the issue of a tri-weekly. This was in
July, 1846, and Mr. Hawley continued in the editorial
department. The tri-weekly was just half the size of the
Weekly Post. On the 1st of June, 1848, Mr Ashley
commenced the issue of the DAILY POST, in place of the
NEWSPAPERS. 445
tri- weekly, with William L. Smith, whose name has already
been mentioned, as editor. On the 1st of August, 1851,
William Trench leased the office of the Post, and took in
as partner Henry W. Dwight of Stockbridge. Mr. Dwight
retired at the end of about 8 months, and Mr. Trench re-
linquished his lease on the 1st of February, 1853. The
establishment then went back into the hands of Mr. Ashley
who continued to publish the Daily until July 10, 1854, and
the Weekly until August 9th, the following month, when
they were respectively discontinued.
During the period which has been covered by the history
of the press of Springfield, many ephemeral publications,
of no very ambitious pretensions, have been issued, of
which no account has been .given. The CONSTELLATION
was the name of a paper published by William B. Brock-
ett, which had a brief existence. The SPIRIT MESSENGER,
published by R. P. Ambler, was among the first of the lit-
erary offspring of the spiritual rapping excitement. This
lived for a year or two, and expired. Rev. Mr. Russell,
formerly the pastor of the Congregational Church on the
Hill, was a publisher, for a time, of sermons, in monthly
numbers, we believe. The Health Insurance Companies
that ran their brief and disastrous course here, within the
last five or six years, had their organs, the more ambitious
and respectable of which was the Mechanics' Reporter, the
organ of the Mechanics' Mutual Benefit Association. These
papers all died out with the interests which gave them
birth.
The last of the periodical issues of the Springfield press
was the CONNECTICUT VALLEY FARMER. This paper was
started in May, 1853, as the CONNECTICUT VALLEY FAR-
MER AND MECHANIC, under the auspices, and guaranty
of support for one year, of the Hampden County Agricul-
tural Society. The paper was printed and published by
Samuel Bowles & Co., at the Republican office. The edi-
tor was Hon. William B. Calhoun. It was issued as a
monthly, in quarto form, at the price of 50 cents a year.
During the first year, Mr. Calhoun received the appoint-
ment of Bank Commissioner, and, at the end of the year,
retired from the paper, and Prof. J. A. Nash of Amherst
assumed the editorial charge in his place, and curtailed the
name of the paper to its present term The Connecticut
38
446
NEWSPAPERS.
Valley Farmer. January 1, 1855, it was removed to Am-
herst where Prof Nash became publisher as well as editor.
The following recapitulation presents in one view the
origin and resolution, or present position, of the Spring-
field press, from the commencement of its existence in
1782, to the present time, covering a period of 72 years.
RECAPITULATION.
NAME OF PAPEH. TTHEJf 9TAETED. WHAT BECAME OF IT.
Massachusetts Gaz. & General Advertiser,
Hampshire Herald and Weekly Advertiser,
Hampshire Chronicle,
Hampshire & Berkshire Chronicle,
The Federal Spy,
Hampshire Federalist,
May, 1782, changed to the
Jan. 1,1785, discontinued\T:in. 17N7.
March 1, 1787, changed to the
171)2, (probably) discontinued 17!V5.
Jan. 1793, changed to the
1806, changed to the
Hampden Federalist,
Feb. 1812, changed to the
Hampden Journal,
about 1823, merged in Rep. \x\r,.
Hampden Patriot,
1818,' discontinued 1 *-!.
Springfield Republican, (Weekly)
Sept. 3, 1824, still extant,
Springfield Republican, (Daily)
llampden Whig,
April 1, 1844, still extant.
Feb. 1850. changed to the
Hampden Post, (Weekly,)
Feb. 1835. discontinued 1854
Hampden Post, (Daily)
Independent Democrat,
June 1, 1848, discontinued ls.-,4.
May 26, 1841, merged in Post, Nov. 1S44.
Hampden Statesman,
Springfield Gazette, (Weekly)
Springfield Gazette, (Daily)
Hampden Intelligencer,
Aug. 2, 1845, merged in Post, Feb. 1, IK 17.
Sept. 183], merged in Rep. July 1 , Is4.s.
April 1846, mergedin Rep. July 1, IMS.
Aug. 2.5, 1831, discontinued >3i
Hampden Wnshingtonian,
Jan. 1842, discontinued Jan. 1H4M.
Bay State Courier,
Springfield S-entinel,
Connecticut Valley Farmer & Mechanic,
Connecticut Valley Farmer,
American Intelligencer, (West Springfield)
Jan. 1847, list sold Rep. July 1847.
Feb. 184/ , list sold Northampton Cour.
May 1853, changed to the
May 1854, removed to Amherst ]\",.
Aug. 1795, discontinued 1708.
In the early days of country newspapers, editorial labor
was very light. Space was limited, and the editors them-
selves were necessarily printers. Still, a man of char-
acter made a paper of character. His tone of thought,
his religious principles, and his politics, were manifested in
his selections, and these gave him an influence which one
at this day would hardly deem possible. Thomas Dickman
was probably the first editor in Springfield to make his
mark upon the public mind, and yet, it is asserted by Mr.
Buckingham, in his "Croaker" papers, that he rarely wrote
a line beyond the common details of strictly local news.
As a man, he was much esteemed. He bore an unassum-
ing deportment, was a very agreeable companion, and was
a welcome visitor in every circle. Mr. Buckingham was
an apprentice to Mr. Dickman at the time he lived in
Greenfield. He was a native of Boston, and served his
apprenticeship with Benjamin Edes <fc Sons. In 1792, he
commenced at Greenfield the " Impartial Intelligencer, "
and was postmaster in that town under the elder Adams.
After publishing the Intelligencer 12 years, he removed to
NEWSPAPERS. 447
Springfield. After relinquishing the Hampden Federal-
ist, h<> kept a bookstore, and still later a reading room. On
the 9th of December, 1841, while on a visit to his daughter
in Greenfield, he died at the age of 73, and was buried in
that town. As is too often the case with printers, he died
poor.
Samuel Bowles, the founder of the Republican, was
born in Hartford, on the 8th day of June, 1797. His pa-
rents were not rich in worldly goods, and, in some memo-
randa of his early life, he has chronicled the fact that all
he received, of any importance, from his father's estate, was
his gold watch and the family Bible. In the obituary
notice of him, from the pen of Hon. William B. Calhoun,
this fact is shaped into a beautiful tribute, in the words:
" few have been the men, who have fallen in our way, who
have kept truer time, and been more loyal to the Bible
than Samuel Bowles." His early education was limited.
At the age of 15 he was placed in his father's store. On
the death of his father, a year afterwards, he commenced
an apprenticeship to the business of printing. At the ex-
piration of his apprenticeship, he acted for six years as
foreman and journeyman in several Hartford and New Ha-
ven offices. A portion of this time he was also a proprie-
tor and publisher, but he did not succeed, and came to
Springfield and established the Republican. The rest has
already been told. He died on the 8th of September, 1851,
at the age of 54 years. Yet as one who knew him well,
and who, in a brief business connection, had occasion to
Irani the principles which guided him, and the considerate
kindness which actuated him, the writer would be ingrate
to refuse to record a tribute to the honor, candor, honesty,
probity, and thorough Christian principle that character-
ized his daily walk. Of his ability, let his success tell.. Of
his habits of observation, his industry and method, this
article is evidence, nearly every fact contained in it being
drawn from his carefully collected notes, which form a por-
tion of a large mass of manuscripts that he had written
while engaged in the cares of business, with the intention
of ultimately publishing a history of printing. Among
these notes there is a touching memorandum in pencil,
which states the object of the collection, the fact that busi-
ness cares had multiplied so greatly that he could do noth-
448 NEWSPAPERS.
ing with it then, and that he had reserved the completion
of the book " as an amusement for old age." But old age
never came, and his dust sleeps in the cemetery, the granite
tells us where.
Apollus Munn, during a brief life, figured somewhat
largely in the editorial way in Springfield. He was a
Springfield boy, and learned his trade of A. G. Tannatt,
as has already been stated. His first editorial labor, we be-
lieve, was in connection with the Northampton Democrat,
He was a man of decided ability, a fluent writer, a flippant
speaker, and a well read politician. But he lacked the one
thing needful principle. He often descended to coarse
personal abus0, and editorial blackguardism. Towards the
latter part of his life, he became attached to the new doc-
trines of the spiritualists, and with all the ardor and enthu-
siam of his nature, devoted himself to their exposition.
He wrote for the Spirit Messenger as one of its editors.
At that time, if never before in his life, we believe he was
an honest writer. No man could pass through a greater
change of character than his new belief wrought within
him, so far as appearances would indicate. He became
mild, peaceful, brotherly and charitable, gave up politics,
and talked and wrote of morals. Once a lion in disputa-
tion, he became a lamb. A pulmonary disease terminated
his life three or four years since.
THE PRESS OF WESTFIELD.
The first newspaper ever issued in Westfield, made its
appearance, on the 18th of February, 1824. The paper
bore the name of the HAMPDEN REGISTER, and was pub-
lished by Maj. Joseph Root. It contained five columns to
the page. In politics, the Register was Republican, and
supported the election and administration of John Quincy
Adams. On the 8th of March, 1826, Dr. Job Clark be-
came the editor of the Register, Maj. Root devoting him-
self exclusively to the publishing department. On the
25th of April, 1827, the Register passed into the hands of
V. W. Smith and John B. Eldridge, the latter being the
original publisher of the Hampden Whig, in Springfield.
These gentlemen, somewhat to the surprise of their pa-
trons, soon began -to betray their partialities for Gen. Jack-
son, and gradually became violent opponents of Mr. Adams.
Subscribers dropped off so rapidly in consequence, that Mr.
NEWSPAPERS.
449
Smith left the paper in the following September, and Mr.
Eldridge relinquished it to the old proprietor on the 12th
of November, 1828. Maj. Root immediately sold out to
J. D. Huntingdon, who changed the name of the paper to
the WESTFIELD REGISTER, and the politics to Whig. With
(his name and these politics, the paper lived until Novem-
ber 29, 1831, when it was discontinued.
In 1828 and 1829, a periodical called the SCHOLAR'S
JOURNAL was published by Emerson Davis, then principal
of the Academy.
On the 10th of September, 1833, Joseph Bull com-
menced the publication of the WESTFIELD JOURNAL, neu-
tral in politics. In April, 1835, N. T. Leonard became
the proprietor of the paper,- who changed its name to the
DEMOCRATIC HERALD. The political character of the
paper corresponded with its title. The paper lived about
a year under" this management, and was then discontinued.
On the 9th of April, 1836, THE TALISMAN appeared, in
the form of a quarto. It was edited by H. B. Smith, was
neutral in politics, and lived three months, though it is re-
corded that it did not die for want of patronage. In April,
1839, Calvin Torrey commenced the publication of the
WESTFIELD SPECTATOR, with democratic politics. The
paper, during its first year, was largely patronized by both
parties. In October, 1841, Dr. William O. Bell bought
the Spectator establishment, and, on the 1st of December
following, changed the name to the WORONOCO PALLA-
DIUM. D 
