\
/
HISTORY
OF
YELLOW FEVER.
QUITMAN KOHNKE, M. D.
BoRX IX 1857, AT Natchez, IMiss.
Died June 26, 1909, at Covington, La.
Dr. Kohnke was one of the pioneers and most forci-
ble expounders of the modern doctrine of the transmission
of yellow fever by the Stegoniyia Caljpus. He com-
menced teaching this do'fi ne in Louisiana and illustrated
his lectures by lantern slides immediately after the report
of the Reed Commission had been given publicity. Had
his indefatigable labors in this direction to educate public
opinion in the South received fuller recognition at the
time, the experience of 1905 would have been an impos-
sibility. He lived long enough to see the universal ac-
ceptance of this doctrine and quarantine practices modi-
fled in obedience to its teachings.
Requiescat in Pace.
HISTORY
OF
YELLOW FEVER
BY
GEORGE AUGUSTIN.
Assistant Secretary Louisiana State Medical Society; Assistant Secretary-Librarian Or-
leans Parish Medical Society, New Orleans; Author of "Romances of Xew Orleans"
and other Creole Stories.
TO WHICH ARK ADDED THE FOLLOWING ARTICLES:
MEDICAL.
KTIOLOCiV — (i. EARRAR PATTOX, Ex-Secretary Louisiana State Board of Health.
I'Rl>:VENTIOX— QVITMAX KOHXKE, Ex-President Xew Orleans Board of Health.
P.\THOLOGY— O. L, POTHIF;r, Pathologist to Charity Hospital, Xew Orleans.
DIAOXOSIS— HAMILTOX P. JOXES, Ph.\ sician-in-Chief Xew Orleans Yellow Pever
Hospital, Epidemic of 1V05.
TREATMEXT— LVCIEX F. SALOMON', Ex-Secretary Louisiana State Board of Health
PROGNOSIS— CHARLES CHASS.\IGNAC, Dean New Orleans Polyclinic.
THE LOUISIANA SYSTEM OF HYGIENIC EDUCATION— FRED. J. MAYER, Secre-
tary Louisiana Sanitary Commission.
history .vni) statistics,
the panama canal and yellow fever- col. w. c. gorgas, v. s. army.
pu'idemic of 190.5.
henry dickson bruxs, m. d.
cii.\rlf;s chass.\ignac, m. d.
LOUIS G. LeBEUF, M. D.
JULES LAZARD, M. D.
SIDNEY L. THEARD. M. D.
NEW ()RLP:.ANS:
Published for the .\uthor by
SEARCY & PFAFF Ltd.,
724-728 Perdido Street.
1909.
A
Copyright, 1909,
By GEORGE AUGUSTIN,
New Orleans, La.
Biomedical
Library
TO
THAT CHIVALROUS SOUTHERN GENTLEMAN,
DR. CHARLES CHASSAIGNAC,
OK
NEW ORLEANS,
THLS VOLUME LS DEDICATED,
As a Testimonial of the high esteem in which he is held in ,this com-
munity, and in recognition of valuable assistance rendered
in the compilation and classification of the
INIedical Part of this Work to
THE AUTHOR.
?
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS.
I specially desire to thank Major Walter D. McCaw, Sur-
geon, U. S. A., Librarian Surgeon-General's Office, for his un-
faltering courtesy in placing at my disposal the works contained
in the Surgeon-General's Library. During the long years con-
sumed in the compilation of this work, Dr. McCaw's promptness
in lending me books necessary for research work has greatly
facilitated my labors, and I desire to signify my heartfelt appre-
ciation of his kindness.
I desire also to thank Drs. W. C. Gorges, Henry Dickson
Bruns, Charles Chassaignac, Quitman Kohnke, Hamilton P.
Jones, Jules Lazard, Louis G. Le Beuf, Fred. J. Mayer, G.
Farrar Patton, Oliver L. Pothier, Lucien F. Salomon and Sidney
L. Theard for the valuable articles contributed to this volume.
THE AUTHOR.
June 30, 1909.
REMARKS BY THE AUTHOR.
The original intention of the writer was to pubhsh a bro-
chure on "The History of Yellow Fever in Louisiana," the idea
suggesting itself to him while acting as special stenographer in
the olhce of the United States Marine Hospital Service at New
Orleans during the Yellow Fever outbreak of 1897. The duty
of copying the reports made by the medical staff under Surgeon
Carter devolving upon him, the thought occurred to him that a
statistical and historical compilation of the many epidemics of
yellow fever which have afflicted our State would prove inter-
esting. With this end in view, the work of collecting data was
begun shortly after the mild epidemic of 1898. Such was the
nucleus of this work.
During the decade which has elapsed since the collection
of data for this volume was begun, the original scope was en-
larged, and as the years rolled by and the magnitude of the task
became more and more evident, the author found himself con-
strained to dodge around corners whenever he spied a medical
friend who had been assured that the book would be out "by
the end of December" the year previous; and the patient, good-
natured people of New Orleans, who had been told by compli-
mentary articles in the public press, from time to time, that the
work would "soon be issued," naturally reached the conclusion
that the end would arrive simultaneously with the Millennium.
No apology is made for the long-deferred appearance of
this volume. A glance is sufficient to show that it is a work of
love, for no amount of financial gain (should it meet with public
favor) could be adequate compensation for the time consumed
in its compilation. Not being possessed of independent means,
the author had to steal moments out of the busy work-a-day life
to complete his task, aided by his devoted wife, to whose valu-
able assistance is chiefly due the completion of a work whi:h,
until very recently, seemed unending.
It was the author's intentions also to include within these
pages a history of the ravages of Yellow Fever in the West
Indies and South America, but, judging by the time which has
been consumed in the compilation of what is included in this
volume, he has concluded that the span of life is too short for
the accomplishment of such a task, and humbly submits the re-
sult of his labors to the cynical public and to the judgment of
indulgent friends.
GEORGE AUGUSTIN.
New Orleans, June 30, 1909.
CONTENTS.
PART FIRST.
GENERAI, OBSERVATIONS.
CHAPTER I.
THINGS EVERYBODY OUGHT TO KNOW.
Definition of Teclinical Terms:
Epidemic 1
Endemic 2
Sporadic 2
What Fomites Are 2
The Difference Between Infection and Contagion 3
What a Pandemic Is 4
Brief Remarl^s on Quarantine 6
CHAPTER II.
THE RAVAGES OP PESTILENTIIAL DISEASE.
The Peculiar Pranlcs of Epidemics 7
Ancient Notions About the Origin of Pestilential Disease 9
Odd Beliefs and Practices of Superstitious Ages 10
An Extraordinary Historical Document 14
Historic Mortalities Caused by Pestilences in Ancient and Medieval
Times 17
The Great Plagues of London 21
CHAPTER III.
THE GREAT EPIDEMICS OF THE MIDDLE AGES.
The Inguinal Pestilence of the Sixth Century 22
The Black Plague 27
Le Mai des Ardents 30
The Eruptive Fevers of the Sixt'h Century — Variola, Measles,
Scarlatina 35
The Sweating Sickness 36
Scurvy 38
Xicprosy 39
CHAPTER 'IV.
INSECTS AS PROPAGATORS OF DISEASE.
How Pestilence is Spread by Flies, Mosquitoes, Fleas and Other
Insects. — Instances Where Disease Was Conveyed by Bed-
Bugs and Ants. — The Role Played by the Cattle-Tick and the
Tsetse-Fly. — ^Summary of the Mosquito Doctrine 44
IBibliography of Transmission of Disease by Insects 52
PART SECOND.
PRELIMINARY OBSERVATIONS ON YELLOW FEVER.
CHAPTER I.
PERTINENT POINTS ABOUT YELLOW FEVER.
Geographical Limits 62
Mortality in September, as Compared with Other Months 64
Historic Mortalities Caused by Yellow Fever 66
CHAPTER II.
NOMENCLATURE OF YELLOW FEVER.
Peculiar Names Giren the Disease by Medical Writers. — A List Con-
taining One Hundred and Fifty-two Synonyms 70
CHAPTER III.
HISTORICAL SUMMARY.
Wiere was the Cradle of Yellow Fever? 85
Critical Examinations of the Literature on the Origin of Yellow Fever:
American Origin 87
African Origin 100
Asiatic Origin 105
The Gulf Stream Theory 10&
First Recorded Outbreaks Ill
PART THIRD.
HISTORY OF YEI/I.OW F^VBR BY I,OCAI,ITI^S.
ASIA.
The Effect that the Completion of the Panama Canal will have upon
the Probable Extension of Yellow Fever to Asia — W. C.
Gorgas, U. S. A 135
Alleged Yellow Fever in Syria 144
AFRICA.
History cf Yellow Fever in Africa, Arranged Alphabetically, by
Localities 150 to 343
Chronology of Yellow Fever in Africa and the Islands off the Coast
thereof, from 1494 to 1997 344
Summary of Yellow Fever Years and Periods of Immunity 350
Chronology, by Localities 352
EUROPE.
Austria.
Trieste 356
Azores.
Historical Summary 357
Ponta Delgado 358
France.
Historical Summary 359
Chronology, 1694 to 1908 360
Aix 363
Bordeaux 364
Brest 370
Dunkirk 372
Havre 373
La Rochelle 375
Marseilles 375
Mindin 388
Montoirde-Bretagne 389
Montpellier 389
Nantes 390
Paris 390
Rochefort 396
Saint-Nazaire 400
Toulon 412
AIGISTIN S HISTORY UF YELLOW KKVER.
Great Britain.
Historical Summary 415
Chronology, 1713 to 1878 416
Cork 430
Dover 419
Dublin 430
Falmouth 419
Isle of Wright 419
Llanelly 432
London 420
Motherbank. (See Isle of Wight).
Newcastle-on-Tyne 421
Portsmouth 422
Salcombe 423
Southampton 423
Swansea 432
Woolwich 443
Italy.
Chronology, 1804 to 1883 447
Genoa 447
Leghorn 448
Naples 452
Pisa 453
Torre Annunziata 454
Varignana 456
Portugal.
Chronology, 1718 to 1880 460
Belem 460
Bom Successo 462
Ericeira 462
Lisbon 463
Olivaes 475
Oporto 475
Peniche 480
Spain.
Historical Summary 483
Geographical Description of Localities in Spain Where Yellow-
Fever has been Observed 484
Chronology, 1649 to 1S90 491
Summary of Yellow Fever Epidemics, by localities :
Aguilas 499
CONTENTS. 5
Alberca, Alcala de los Gazules, Alcala de los Panderos 500
Alcantarilla, Algerziras 501
Alhaurin-el-Grande, Alicante 502
Antequera 504
Arahal, Arcos de la Frontera 506
Avriata, Ayamonte 508
Badalona 509
Balearic Islands 509
Barcelona 516
Barcelonette 522
Barrios, Benaocaz 523
Borncs 524
Cadiz 524
Caneta-de-Mar 544
Caneta-la-Real, Carmona, Carraca, Carrana 545-
Cartagena 54&
Catalan Bay 548-
Chiclana, Chipiona 549'
Churriana, Coin 550
Conil, Cordova , 551
Coria, Cortes de la Frontera, Corunna, Dos Hermanos 552
Ecija 553
El Arahal, El Borge, El Palo, El Passajes, Eprezalena 554
Espejo 555
Espera, Estepa 556
Ferrol, Fraga 557
Gibraltar 557
Granada, Guardamar 566
Huelva, Isla de Leon 567
Jesus, Jiimilla 568
La Charlotta, La Rambla 569
Las Cabezas de San Juan, Las Palacios, Lebrixa 571
Lorca 573
Loyola 574
Madrid 574
Mairena del Alcor 576
Malaga 577
Malgrat 598
Mazarron, Medina-Sidonia 599
Mequinenza 600
Mijas, Monte Alegre, Montejague 601
Montilla 602
Mora, Moron de la Frontera, Murcia 603
Nonaspe, Ojos, Ol'.vera 604
Olot 605
AUGUSTIN S HISTORY OF YELI.OVV FEVER,
Palma (See Balearic Islands).
Palmar, Pasajes 605
Paterna de la Ribiera, Pedrara 607
Pedroches, Penacerrada 608
Port Mahon. (See Balearic Islands).
Puerto de Santa Maria 608
Puerto Real 609
Regans, Ricote 610-
Ronda 611
Roquetas, Rota, Saint Eloy 612
San Andero, Salou 613
San Gervaiso, San Juan del Porto, San Lucar de Baramaeda 614
San Roque, Sans, Sarria 615
Seville 618
Sitges 621
Tabarca, Tobarra, Torre del Mar, Torre Molino 622
Tortosa 623
Totana, Tribujena 625
Turriano, Ubrique, Utrera 626
Valencia, Vejer, Velez Malaga 627
Vera, Vigo 628
Villa Martin 629
Villanueva del Ariscal, Villaseca de la Sagua 630
Xeres de la Frontera 630
Ximena de la Frontera 633
Yecla, Zieza 634
HISTORY OF YEI.I.OW FEVER IN NORTH
AMERICA.
Proofs tliat Yellow Fever is an American Product and was Unknown
to Europeans before the time of Columbus QZB^
CANADA.
Historical Resume 650
Chronology, 1805 to 1880 652
Summary of Yellow Fever Outbreaks, by Localities:
Nova Scotia.
Halifax 652
Prince Edward Island.
Charlottetown 656
Quebec.
Quebec 656
Saint Pierre and IVIiquelon.
Saint-Pierre-deMiquelon 658
Bibliography of Yellow Fever in Canada 659
CENTRAL AlVIERICA.
Historical Resume 660
Chronology, 1596 to 1908 661
Summary of Yellow Fever Outbreaks, by Localities:
British Honduras.
Belize 666
Costa Rica.
Alajuela 668
Heredia, Liberia, Matina 669
Port Limon 670
Punta Arena. San Jose 678
San Juan 679
Zent 680
Guatemala.
Champerico, Chiquimula, Gualan 681
Livingston, Puerto Barrios 682
Tucara, Zucapa 683
Honduras.
Ceiba, Chamelicon 685
Cholona, Cienaguita, El Pariso, Nacaome, Pimenta 686
Puerto Cortez 687
San Pedro 689
Nicaragua.
Bluefields, Corinto 690
Granada, Jucunapa, Leon 691
Managua, San Francisco 692
Salvador.
Acajitla, La Libertad 693
San Salvador 693
Santiago de Maria " 696
Bibliography of Yellow Fever in Central America 696
O AUGUSTIN S HISTORY OF YELLOW KEVER.
MEXICO.
Historical Summary of Yellow Fever in Mexico:
Endemic Foci 700
Along the Pacific 'Coast 702
General Retrospect 705
The General Epidemic of 1883 707
Summary of Yellow Fever Epidemics in Mexico, by Localities:
Acapulco, Acayucan, Altata, Altamera 708
Alvardo, Amalco, Atai, Camarga, Campeche 709
Cardenas, Chilpanzingo 710
Cilas, Cinchapa, Clinidas, Coatzacoalcos, Colina 711
Caraco 712
Concordia 712
Cordova 715
Corrientes 715
Cosmaloapam, Cosala, Culican, Dofia Cecilia, El Higo, Equador,
Frontera 71&
Gualian, Guaymas, Guerrera, Guietihicori, Hermosilo 717
Hidalgo, Huachinango, Huimanguillo, Ixcallan, Jalapa, Jicaltepec,
Jico, Jiminez 718
Joltipan, Juchitan. Laguna del Carmen, La Junta, Lampasas, La
Paz 71i>
Las Animas, Linares, Mazanillo 720
Matamoras 720
Mazatlan 721
Merida 721
Mexico City —
Experiments Demonstrating that the Yellow Fever Mosquito
can Breed in Mexico City 723
Summary of Yellow Fever Importations to Mexico City 728
Micaltepec, Mier 728
Minatilpan, Misantla, Monclava, Monterey 729
Motul, Montzorongo, Naulta 730
Nicayuca, Xeuva Laredo, Ocus, Omealca 731
Orizaba 731
Papantla, Paraje Nuevo, Paso de Ovijas, Pinchucalco, Presidio 734
Progreso Peublo Vejo, jr^eurto Angel, Quantana Roo, Reata 735
Reynosa, Rosario, Salina Cruz, San Antonio, San Benito, San Bias.. 736
San Fernando, San Geromino, San Ignacio, San Juan Batista, San
Lorenzo, San Luis Potosi 737
Santa Cruz de los Rosales, Santa Lucretia. Santiago Acapemeta,
Soconusco 738
Tampico 738
CONTENTS. &
Tamuin, Tapachula, Tepee, Tehuantep.ee 74L
Teran, Texistopec 742
Tezonapa, Tierra Blanca, Tapona, Tlacoltipan, Tpislan, Tonala,
Tuxpan 743
Tuxtepee, Valladolid 744r
Vera Cruz (1509 to 1909) 744
Victoria, Xumpich, Yuki, Zonogolica, Zucatula 750
Bibliography of Yellow Fever in Mex'co, by Localities 750
UNITED STATES.
General Summary 767
Table Showing Years in which Yellow Fever has Invaded the Sea
board Cities of the United States. 1668 to 1893 769 to 78(>
History of Yellow Fever in the United States, by Localities:
A'abama 781
Arkansas 792
California 7E5-
Connecticut 798
Delaware 801
District of Columbia 804
Florida 805-
Georgia 821
Illinois 833
Indiana 838
Indian Territory 838^
Kentucky 839
Louisiana 844 to 902
Maine 915
Maryland 917
Massachusetts 5iJ&
Michigan 936
Mississippi 937 to 954
MisEouri 957
New Hampshire 962
New Jersey 96 J
New York 96&
North Carolini 982
Ohio 934
Pennsylvania ^^^
Rhode Island ^^^
South Carolina ^^^
Tennessee
Texas ....
.1001
.1009
Virginia ^"^^
Vermont
.1022
Washington 1^^"^
West Virginia
.1024
10
PART FOURTH
HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER EPIDEMIC OF 1S05.
I.
EXPERIENCES DURING THE YELLOW FEVER EPIDEMIC OF
1905.— HENRY DICKSON BRUNS, M. D 1027
II.
SOME LESSONS TAUGHT BY THE EPIDEMIC OF 1905.—
CHARLES CHASSAIGNAC, M. D.
I. Truth of Mosquito Propagation 1049
II. Infection in Proportion to Number of Bites 1052
III. Virulence Diminishes Pari Passu witli the Destruction
of Mosquitoes 1053
IV. Susceptibility of Negroes 1054
V. Quarantines Unintelligent 1055
VI. Prophylaxis in Place 1056
VII. Prophylaxis in Person 1057
VIII. Depopulation of Infected Places 1057
IX. Detention Camps 1058
X. The Great Lesson 1058
III.
THE WORK OF THE MEDICAL PROFESSION OF NEW OR-
LEANS DURING THE EPIDEMIC OF 1905.— LOUIS G.
LeBEUF, M. D.
I. Preliminary Remarks; Local Medical Organization. . .1060
II. Appeal for Early Notification 1069
III. Appeal for Immediate Screening of Suspected Cases,
and Fumigation 1071
IV. Appeal for an Educational Campaign lOTi;
V. A Warning to Beware of the Danger of Overlooking
the Less Obvious Breeding Places of the
Stegomyia 1073
VI. Appeal for a More Skilled Medical Body to Conduct
the Campaign 1074
VII. Letter Warning Medical Men not to Overlook the Mild
Type of Yellow Fever which may be Found in
the Native-Born lO'^S
VIII. Appeal to Householders to Delay "Moving Day" on
Account of Danger of Spreading Infection 1076
IX. Danger of Removal of Temporary Cistern Screens 1076
X. Concluding Remarks 10"7
CONTENTS, 1 1
. . IV.
STATISTICAL REVIEW OF THE YELLOW FEVER EPIDEMIC
OF 1905, NEW ORLEANS.— JULES LAZARD, M. D.
I. General Remarks 1078
II. "Suspicious" Deaths, 1905, Previous to Epidemic
Period 1079
III. Daily Record nf Cases and Deaths and Cases Under
Treatment 1081
IV. Deaths Classified According to Age 1083
V. Deaths by Months 1084
VI. Deaths According to Nationality 1084
VII. Comparative Mortality, 1904, 1905, 1906 1085
V.
ilEQUIREMENTS OF THE MOSQUITO DOCTRINE— S. L.
THEARD, M. D 1086
VI.
ISTEW ORLEANS YELLOW FEVER IN 1905.— S. L. THEARD,
M. D 1093
VII.
AiNTI-MOSQUITO ORDINANCES ADOPTED BY THE CITY
COUNCIL OF NEW ORLEANS IN 1905 1100
12
PART FIFTH
THE ACCEPTED MODERN THEORIES CONCERNING YELLOW-
FEVER.
ETIOLOGY OF YELLOW FEVER— G. FARRAR PATTON, M. D.
L First Definite Suggestion of the Truth liOT
The Yellow Fever Germ 1103
II. Views Formerly Held 1111
III. Tyranny of a False Doctrine 1116
IV. Convincing Object Lessons of 1905 1117
V. Etiological Role of the Mosquito 1118
VI. The Bacillus Icteroides 1124
VII. Dengue and Yellow Fever 112(>
II.
THE SANITARY PREVENTION OF YELLOW FEVER— QUITMAN
KOHNKE, M. D.
I. The Yellow Fever Mosquito 1127
II. Moral Responsibility for Epidemics 11 2S
in. The Sanitary Creed 1125^
IV. Mortality Statistics 1131
V. Destruction of Stegomyiae 1133
VI. Conditions Obtaining in New Orleans in 1905 llo4
VII. Conclusions 1136
Bibliography of Transmission of Yellow Fever by Mosquitoes 113S
III.
PATHOLOGY OF YELLOW FEVER.— O. L. POTHIER, M. D.
I. Difficulty of Pathc!ogical Diagno&Is 1147
II. Yellow Coior 1147
III. Hemorrhagic Spots 1148
IV. The Lungs 1148
V. The Heart 1148'
VI. The Liver 1149
VII. The Spleen 1149
VIII. The Kidneys 1150
IX. The Adrenals, Thyroids and Pancreas 1150-
CONTENTS. 13
X. The Stomach 125 )
XI. The Intestines 1151
XII. The Blood 1151
XIII. The Nervous System 1151
XIV. Adults More Susceptib'.e 1152
XV. General Steatosis the only Special Characteristic
Lesion 1152
IV.
DIAGNOSIS OF YELLOW FEVER.— HAMILTON P. JONES, M. D.
I. Preliminary Remarks 1154
II. First Stage 1156
III. Second Stage 1156
IV. The Blood 1157
V. Urine 1157
VI. Facial Expression •. 1157
VII. Jsundice 1158
VIII. Circulation 1158
IX. Temperature 1158
X. Pulse 1158
XI. Respiration 1159
XIL Blood Pressure 1159
XIII. Differential Diagnosis
Malaria 1160
Hemoglobinuric Fever 1161
Dengue 1161
La Grippe 1161
Typhoid Fever 1161
Acute Yellow Atrophy of the Liver 1162
Weil's Disease 1162
Catarrhal Jaundice 1162
Acute Peritonitis 1162
XIV. General Summary 1162
V.
PROGNOSIS OF YELLOW FEVER— CHARLES CHASSAIGNAC. M. D.
I. Preliminary Remarks 1164
IL Age 1165
III. Condition of the Vital Organs 1166
IV. Habits 1166
V. Amount of Poison 1166
14 augustin's history of yellow fever.
VI. Surroundings 1167
VII. Race 116?
VIII. Treatment 1167
IX. Temperature 1165^
X. Icterus 1168
XI. Urine 1165^
XII. Hemorrhage 1169
VI.
TREATMENT OF YELLOW FEVER— LUCIEX F. SOLOMON,
M. D 1171
VIL
THE LOUISIANA SYSTEM OF HYGIENIC EDUCATION— FRED.
J. MAYER, M. D 1176
PART I.
GENERAL
OBSERVATIONS.
PART FIRST.
CHAPTER I.
THINGS EVERYBODY OUGHT TO KNOW.
Definition of Technical Terms.— What is Meant by Epidemic,
Endemic and Sporadic— What Fomites Are.— The Difference Between
Contagion and Infection.— What a Pandemic Is.— Brief Remarlvs on
Quarantine.
As this work is not soldy for the use of physicians, but
also for the information and guidance of the public, we
wiU give a brief synopsis of the meaning of certain words
wluch have been used quite freely by the lay and medical
press recently, so that anyone who reads these pages will
be perfectly familiar Avith technical terms Avhich might
otherwise seem confusing.
Epidemic.
Tlie term Epidemic is applied to any disease which at-
taclcs a great many persons in a locality at any particular
period and spreads rapidly in every direction, although
every conceivable effort to check it or stamp it out is
resorted to.
The popular belief prevails among the laity that a
disease is epidemic when the deaths from any cause exceed
those from all other diseases occurring simultaneously in
any locality. Such is not the case. A disease may be
epidemic Avithout having an unusual rate of mortality.
This was illustrated by the epidemic of jaundice (some
say it was yellow fever in its mildest form) which pre-
vailed in Ifotherham, England, in 1862. There were over
three hundred cases, with only one death. And yet the
disease was decidedly epidemic.
WISTORY OF VELLOW FEVER.
Endemic.
A diseiise is said to be Endemic when it is permanently
established or is ordinarily i>revalent in a locality, and
dependent on local conditions.
Sporadic.
Sporadic means that a disease manifests itself by the
occurence of scattered or isolated cases, cropping- out here
and there, at irregular intervals, and easily amenable to
remedial measures.
FOMITES.
The word Fomitcs has been juggled with so much by
non-medical writers and by physicians who ought to have
known better, but who made use of the expression in a
hap-haxard way, that we desire to call special attention
to its true etymology. Fomitcs is the plural of Fames,
and is derived fi'om the ]>atin fomes, meaning touch-wood
or tinder, or something which spreads quickly. It is ap-
plied to any substance capable of absorbing, retaining and
transmitting contagicms or infectious germs. Such things
as woolen clotbes, mos.s, etc., are decidedly active Fomites,
but it is impossible for wood, stone, iron, cork, books,
newspapers or anything which does not retain germs, to
propagate them. As yellow fever can only be transmitted
by a certain species of mosfpiito, it cannot, under any con-
dition whatsoever, be propagated by Fomites. Even if
one wears the gannents of a person who has died of yellow
fever, he can never contract the disease and will never be
susceptilde to it, uidess he is bitten by a female Stcgomijia
Fasciata which has bitten a yellow fever sufferer during
the first three days of the attack.
Tlie only di.sea.ses believed to be capable of l^eing trans-
mitte<l by Fomltcs are cholera, typhoid fever, smallpox,
scarlatina, diphtheria, tuberculosis, measles and eruptive
and venereal affections.
I'rof. Beyer admirably sums up the question in the New
THINGS EVERYBODY OUGHT TO KNOW. 3
Orleans Harlequin as follows:^ "A quarantine against
any kind of freight is stupid. It is as silly as the disin-
fecting of crude carbolic acid and pig-iron which occurre^l
in Galveston during the last fever panic. Only the house
mosquito conveys the disease. You can take a thousand
people, all ill of yellow fever, into the most populous city,
and if there are no mosquitoes in that city not one case
will develop. ^Vith those thousand cases, the disease will
end. * * * The genius of the world cannot take any
ai'ticle of freight and make it the transmitting agent of
the disease."
Further comment is unnecessary. In conclusion, we
echo Prof. Beyer's sentiment, that this fact should be
driven home to the iutelligeuce of every communit}^
The Diffekence Between Infection and Contagion.
JnfcctioKs. The pathological definition of Infectious is
a disease capable of being communicated by contact, or
through the medium of air, water or fomites.
Contagious. Transmissible b^^ contact.
Infection is frequently confounded with Contagion, not
only by the laity, but even by medical men. The best
usage no^^' limits Contagion to diseases that are trans-
mitted by contact with the diseased person, either directly
by touch or indirectly by use of the same articles, by
breath, or by eating or drinking after a diseased person.
Infection, is applied to diseases produced by no known or
definite influence of one person upon another, but where
common climatic, malarious or other widespread condi-
tions are believed to be chiefly instrumental in their dis-
semination.
Yellow fever is neither contagious nor infectious. There
ai'e only two ways in which it can be transmitted :
1. By the bite of the female mosquito of the genus
Stegomgia Fasciata, which has previously fed upon the
blood of a person suffering from yellow fever during the
first three days of the attack.
2. By inoculation with the blood of a yellow fever
1 August 3, 1905.
HISTORY OF YEI.I-OW FtVER.
sufferer durininj tlie first three days of the attack; after the
third day, the disease cannot possibly be conimnnicated.
Pandemic.
A J'andcjnic is an epidemic which atta,cks the whole or
a greater part of the population of the world. ] t generally
follows the routes of commerce, but has been known to
ignore the by-ways of travel and to proceed by leaps and
bounds, crossing wastes of Avaters and covering miles and
miles of territory to reach a certain fated spot, without
leaving a trace of its influence between the ]>oint of de-
pai'ture and the locality it was destined to ravage.
One of the most noteworthy pandemic waves of modern
times began at the Cape of Good Hope in 1822 and ended
in the frigid zone seven yiars later, after luning covered
nearly the entire globe. Starting at the Cape, it traveled
along the southern coast of jMadagascar and ]-eached the
Island of ^Mauritius, in the Indian Ocean, in 1823. It was
next felt in Ceylon, India and in some parts of Eastern
Asia, after which it seems to have "doubled upon its
tracks," for it stopped when it reached China and travelled
>\x^tward, skirting the southern coast of Asia and enter-
ing tbe ^Mediterranean by Avay of Asia ■Minor, in the fall
of 1^21. It then successively invaded ^Malta, Cibraltar
and some of the islands off tlie west coast of Afri(*a. It
next sojourned towards the north, reaching Great Britain
the same year. 0)»servers have recorded tlu^ fact that dur-
ing the visitation of this ])aiid( iiiic, tlie admissions into
the fever hospitals of London, Dublin, (Jlasgow and Edin-
burg increased to an abnormal extent. Tlie wave then
crossed the Atlantic and was felt in the West Indies in
the Autumn of 1824, Avhere it caused a high rate (►f nnu'tal-
ity. Its influence seems to have lingwed in that locality,
for in 1825, Jamaica, in which had taken place the preced-
ing year a slight advances in the death rate, expe^rienced a
terrible epidemic. By one of those strange and unaccount-
able vagaries which often chiu-acterize the phenomena of
Nature, New Orleans was the only locality in the United
States ^^I)ich felt the influence of the wave; the mortality,
THINGS EVERYBODY OUGHT TO KNOW. 5
hoAve\'ea', Avas not very great, the deaths from yellow fever
in 1824 aggregatino- io8, against 808 in 1822.
Tlie pandemic then jumped, as it were, from the Gulf
of Mexico to Canada, where it caused much sickness and
mortality in 1825, especially in Nova Scotia and the
eastern provinces. The wave seems tO' have been loth to
leave the T^ritish Isles, for its baneful influence was felt
now and then throughout the United Kingdom from 1825
to 1828, during which manifestations the death-rate rose
to a noteworthy degree.
This remarkable pandemic finally spent itself on the
frozen shores of Iceland in 1829, leaving in its wake
throughout the island a series of epidemic diseases, in
which typhus played a prominent role.
LaAN'son, anIio minutely noted the occurrence and in-
fluences of pandemics, says:-
"These waves oecupy about two years in passing over
a given station; the mortality froiu fever, of Axhatever de-
scription it ma^^ be, increases during their passage,
subsiding again as they move onwards. They follow each
other at intervals of a few years, and may be traced from
the Cape of Good Hope, where tliey first iK^conie sensible,
to Iceland. Some embrace Ceyhm, in 80^ E. longitude,
and New Orleans, in 90^ W. longitude, or nearly half the
circumference of the earth. Were information for other
places aA'ailable, no doubt their passage might be demon-
strated still more extensive]}'."
xVgain :^
"The occurrences in the ]Medi terra nean in 1828 are
extremely int/ resting and im]iorlaut. There, under the
same pandemic wave, while yellow fever was causing such
mortality at Gibraltar as to induce many to think it an
imported disease, the remittent fever, the undoubted pro-
duct of (he locality, was causing a mncli higlier one at
Santa ]\faura, and other forms of i'ebrib' disease — petechial
typhus at Naples, and plague in Albania^ — were prevailing
on either side the latter. It must, therefore, be concluded
-Lawson: Trans. Epidemiological Society of London. Vol '^.
1862.
'' Ibid.
HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
that tlioiijrh the pandemic cause determines the occurrence
of febi'ih^ disease in places over whicli it passes, the
peculi.'ir form, and even the frequency, of the disease is
determined rather by the circumstances, whether motfo u-
log-ical, malarial, livgienic, or social, to Avhich each popula-
tion is snhjectetl. Tlie same local circumstanci s may exis^t
in other years, and, so far as can be estimated, to an equal
extent, but fevers do not become rife; but no sooner is the
pandemic cause added, than these seem to acquire a
potency which is almost inexplicable."
Quarantine.
Quarantine is derived from the Italian word quaruutUui.
which means a space of forty days, the period (originally
forty days) during wliicli a ship liavinii' a contagious
disease on boar<l, or coming from a port suspected of
being infected with pestilential disease, is forbidden in-
tercourse with t.lie place at which she arrives. The perio<l
of (|uarantiiie in this country is generally from six to
twenty days.
Quarantine is practically abolished in England and its
dependeaicies. If there is (widence or suspicion of in-
fectious disease on board a vesvsel arriving in a British
port, the customs officers report the occurrence to the
sanitary autlKirities of the port, whose decision in such
matters is final.
In the United States, by act of CongTess passed in 1888,
national «puuantine stations were establislu d. This
statute makes it a misdemeanor, i)uuisliab]e by fine or im-
prisonment, or both, for the master, pilot or owner of any
vessel entering a port of the TTnited States, without first
presenting a clean bill of health.
Pratique is pi^rmission given to a vessel to unload with-
out hindrance from quarantine laws. To do this, the 5
vessel must lu-esent a cbvin bill of health. h
A compi'chensive history of (piai-antine, from its earliest |
enforcement to the present day, will be found in the >%
medical part of this volume. '%
CHAPTER II.
THE RAVAGES OF PESTILENTIAL DISEASE.
The Peculiar Pranks of Epidemics. — Ancient Notions about the
Origin of Pestilences. — Full Text of the Extraordinary Document
Promulgated by the College of Physicians of Paris in 1665. — An Out-
line of the Appalling Mortality caused by Pandemics in Ancient and
Medieval Times. — The Great Plagues of London.
The Peculiar Pranks of Epidemics.
Fortiinatelj for the human race, it is seldom that two
diseases are epidemic at the same time in the same locality.
"When yellow fever raged with such violence at Gibraltar
in 1S04, it was remarked that all other diseases declined ;
and ^^'ell they might, for in that great epidemic, out of a
civil population of 14,000, only 28 escaped an attack.
A similar retreat of inferior diseases has been observed
to take place dui'ing the prevalence of the plague in
London, Holland and Germany, according to histories of
that disease by Sydenham, Diemerbrock, Sennertus and
Hildamus.
A modern instance of the malignity of yellow fever took
place at V»^oodvi]le, Miss., in 1844. When the fever broke
out, all those who could get away fled, and out of a total
remaining population of 500 some 495 were attacked by
the fever.
There have been notable exceptions to the rule that only
one epidemic can rage at the same time.
In 1830, both smallpox and measles were epidemic in
England and Wales.
Smallpox and scarlet fever were both epidemic in New
York in 1840, 1841, 1842 and 1843; and in 1840 and 1841,
measles was also epidemic, so that the three diseases were
epidemic at the same time in the last mentioned years.
In the year 1802, Charleston, S. C, was affected with
four epidemics — smallpox, measles^ yellow fever and
influenza.
It A^'as a common oecurrence, during the prevalence of
cholera at "New Orleans in the autumn of 1832, for a
O HISTORY OF YKLLOW FKVER.
person to be attacked with yellow fever, and before, or as
soon as the febrile excitement ceased, for the patient to
be destroyed by the cholera in its most marked and malig-
nant form.
The cholera Avhich was imported to New Orleans in
186G maintained its existence throughont the yellow fever
epidemic of 1807, diminishing in its intensity as the fever
advanced, and again becoming more malignant as the
fever subsided. Pint it was never entirely absent. In
Xovemlte]* of that year, 234 deaths occurred from choleja
and 103 from yellow fever; in December, Avhen the fever
had almost disappeared the mortalitv from cholera was
210.
In 1853, according to Fenner,^ there was a remark-
able series of epidemic disease. We call the following
from his report, p. 1 : "During the past 3'ear,- two of
the most terrible epidemic diseases that ever afflicted man-
kind have prevailed, to a greater or less extent, in parts
of the extensive region assigned to my notice.^ I mean
cholera and yellow fever. Smallpox has also appeared in
several places; and other epidemics, such as measles,
scarlatina and whooping cough, have made us their cus-
tomary annual visitations.''
^leasles and smallpox were also epidemic in Philadel-
phia in 1823 and 1824, and in 1835 and 1845, smallpox,
measles and scarlet fever were all epidemic.
Measles and scarlet fever were both epidemic in Balti-
more in 1837, and smallpox and scarlet fever in 1838, and
again in 1845.
In 1808, smallpox, cholera and yellow fever prevailed in
Cienfuegos, Cuba.
Other instances could be cited, but these suffice for the
purpose in view.
Epidemic diseases seem to be more fatal among the un-
civilized than the civilized. In an epidemic of rubeola
Tenner: Report of the Epidemics of Louisiana, Mississippi,
Arkansas and Texas in the Year 1853, by E. D. Fenner,
1853.
= 1S53.
' The four Slates mentioned in above title.
THE RAVAGES OF PESTrLKNTIAL DISEASE. 9
among the Crees (a tribe of North American Indians) in
the summer of 1846, as reported by Dr. Smellie in the
Monthly Journal of Medical Science for December, 1846,
of 145 cases treated in his camp, 40 were fatal.
Smallpox has sometimes swept off an entire tribe of
Indians, as A\'as the case with the Mandans (another North
American tribe), and has generally proved abnormally
fatal A\'hen it attacked the Ked Ilace.
It has been obseived by Oregory* that epidemics are
usually severe when they first appear in a country or are
reneAved after any long intervals of time. AA'hen cholera
first invaded India in 1817, it raged with an intensity
which may Imve been equalled, but never has been sur-
passed. When smallpox first nmde its appearance in
America (Mexico) in 1518 and gangrenous sorethroat
(diphtheria) first visited Naples in 1618, America in 1735
and London in 1747, the ravages of each disorder were
terrific. It seems, tlien, to be the law of animal economy
that the susceptibility to any morbid poison is great in
proportion as it has been little accustomed to the impres-
sion.
Ancient Notions about the Origin of Pestilential
Disease.
The works of Hipocrates contain many interesting ob-
servations upon the origin and nature of epidemics. He
states that disease, in general, nmy be said to arise either
from the food we oat or the air we breathe. AMien, tlu^re-
fore, a disease seizes upon a multitude of persons of dif-
ferent sexes, ages and habits, he infers that it must arise
from the latter cause.'' In his first book, fourteen
cases of disease are related, and in the beginning of the
third book, tAvelve, and sixteen in the end, thus making
forty-t\\o in all. It is worthy of remark that in twenty-
five of these the result was fatal. There is every reason
tlien to suppose that they Avere selected for a pur])ose, but
what that purpose was cannot now be easily deterndned.
^Gregory: A Treatise on Eruptive Fevers (1851), p. 35.
^Paulus Egineta (Adams' translation). Vol. 1, p. 274.
10 HISTORY OF YELLOW KEVER,
Tlie most natural result ^vould no doubt have bten to
illustrate the dififerent pestilential diseases which are
described as oecurriuj:: at the tiiue.^
(ialeu also attiibutes the orijiin of epidemics to the stiite
of the atmosphere, but holds that the nature of the country
may contribute. Lucretius accounts for the prevalence of
epidemics u[H)n similar principles, and Silius Italicus
refers au e])idemical fever to the same cause.
The purifyiui;- of the atmosi)here as a means of prevent-
inji' or limitini*' the spread of disease, is as old as the world
itself. It is reported of Hipi)Ocrates that he changed the
morbific state of the atmosphere of Athens by kindlinjr
fires. I'lu larch also makes mention of one Acron, of
Athens, a\ hen the great plague visited that city at the
commencement of the PeloponCvsiau war, and attrilmtes to
him the advice that was given to the Athenians to kindle
large fires throughout the streets, Avith the view of purify-
ing the air, which is the same plan as was adopted l)y the
priests of l"]gyj)t.'
Pliny also speaks of fires as a corrective of the state of
the atinos])here, and Herodotus relates that fumigation
with aromatics were recommended as a preventive of the
plague.^
Odd Beliefs and Practices of Supeustitious Ages.
The ancients attributed t/) their gods the authorship
of ejtidemics, and under this Itclief, religious sacrifices
were made to appease their anger. Terror-stricken and
demoralized, they abandoned all measures calculated to
give them ]»r<>te(tion and rdicf and relied solely upon
their offerings and their i)rayers at the f(M)t of the altar
for presei-vation. Cai'dan and Valesco de Tarente did
not fear to attribute the origin of disease to the in-
fluence of certain planets, while Xat. Webster, an Ameri-
can ])hysi(ia.n, gives also iiion* than fifty instances of the
concurrence of an e])idemic with some comnujtion of
"Hippocrates (Adams' translation). Vol. 1, p. 342.
• Histoire de Medecine (Leclerc), Vol. 1, p. 57.
* Paulus Egineta, Vol. 1, p. 174.
THE RAVAGES OF PESTILENTIAL DISEASE. 1 1
nature, such as earthquakes, volcanic eruptions and the
appearance of comets. Jackson, Joubert and others, have
dwelt upon tJie influence of tlie moon upon epidemic
disease; and during the plague that nearly depopulated
Paris in 1580, ^^'hen forty thousand people Avere swept
away, the sky was so clear and serene, that the stars were
looked to as the cause which could no-t be found in the
atmosphere.^
According to researches made by Eager,^" in the
earliest period, superstition and stellar influence took the
principal place in the confused ideas of etiology. Ill-
ordei^ed doctrines led to all sorts of irrational practices.
Among the Greeks, in the rites of Esculapius, the sick
wei'e not j)cj'mitted to enter the temples, where they un-
derwent tieatment, without first being purified by various
baths, frictions, and fumigations. All this was accom-
panied by ceremonies similar to those practiced within
the temples, namely, nmgical perfornmnces autl fervent
prayers recited in a loud voice, often with musical ac-
companiment. As an accessory to the purification prelim-
inary to being admitted, the ])atient was required to pass
the night sti'etched on the skin of a sheep that had been
offered as a sacrilice. Here he was ordered to eompose his
mind for sleep and await the arrival of the physician.
Throughout these ages as we^ll as in more recent times a
fanciful association between the phenomena of the
material world and the destinies of mankind closeh*
linked the doctrine of etiology \\iih astrology. Th<i per-
sistent belief of learned men in tin* I'elatiou of stellai' con-
ditions to epidemics is in part explained by the fact that
astrologers who predicted epidemics wrought charms
against the impending pesti](Mic(\ thus saA'ing their credit,
in event the disaster did not uiaterialize, by claiming that
it had been averted through their ettorts.
These primitive views of the origin of e|)idemics did not
necessarily place the cause of the disease outside the earth
and its immediate surroundings. Winds, thunder and
■'Chastant: Observations on Yellow Fever, 1879, p. 5.
'"Eager: The Early History of Quarantine (Yellow Fever
Bulletin No. 12, U. S. Treasury Dept), 1903, page 7.
12 HISTORY OK YELLOW FEVER.
lightiiiiii>-, fop;s, and even meteors were blamed for caus-
ing pestileuce, and the Hii>ht of l)irds and injects were
supposed to be dependent plienomena.
Xanaphanes, five hundred or six hundred years before
Clirist, expounded an idea that the sun was a torch and
tJie stars candles that were put out from time to time.
Accord iufj to his notion, which was seriously accepted,
the stars were not heavenly l)odies in tJie wider sense, but
meteors thrown off from the earth. So a belief in stellar
influence did not carry the mind (;utside Avorldly ranjies.
For this reason other practices than prayc^rs and sacrifices
were believed to be effective. They consisted cliiefly in
efforts to dissijiate the meteors, such as huiie and numer-
ous fires, and to avoid meteoric influence by confinement
in closed or oth.erwise protected places.
"Durinii the pe^riod under consideration/' concludes
Dr. Ea<ier, "the prom]»tiniis of superstition were para-
mount and the epidemioloiiists of the times confined them-
selves ])rincipally to iuterpretini*- the sij^ns of the heavens.
jNIore advanced vieAvs came as the result of reasoning]:, but
the path of discovery by experimental science was not
enterexl upon until after many centuries."
It was a common practice amoni>- the Phenicians to
immolate their children durini^- the ])revalence of epi-
d( lilies, ho])infi tliereby to a]>pease the anj^er of the gods
and put a stop to the pestilence.
Plutarch relates the manneM* of Esop's death. B. C. 581.
The famous fabulist went to Delphi with a great quantity
of gold and silver to offer, in the name of Cresus, a great
sacrifice to Apollo, and to give each inhabitant a con-
siderable sum. xV quarrel arose l>et.ween Eso]) and the
people of Del])hi, occasioning him afterwards to send back
the money to C'resus. The iK'ojjle of Del])lii caused him
to be condemned as guilty of sacrilege, and to be thrown
froui the loj) of a rock. The god, (tft'ended by this action,
punished them with a jjlague and famine, so that, to put
an end to these e^ils, the terrorizeel Delphians offered to
make reparation to any of the i-elatives of Esop. "At the
third generation,-' continues Plutarch, "a man presented
himself from Samos. The Delphians made this man re-
THE RAVAGES OF PESTILENTIAL DISEASE. 13
paration or satisfaction, and thereby delivered themselves
from pestilence and famine which distressed tliem."^^
Epidenjjc disease was frequent in Greece before the
Christian Era, The Athenians were wont to make annual
sacrilices to Toxaris, "the foreign physician," because
their city liad been delivered from the plague by his means,
or rather by a a\ oman who had dreamed that Toxaris, who
dwelt at Atliens, had told her that the pestilence would
cease if they ^^ ashed the streets with wine, "which they
did, and the plague ceased immediately."
In the year 665 B. C, T'haletes, the Milesian, is reputed
to have put a stop to an epidemic which had baffled the
skill of the most renowned physicians of the time, by the
influence of music. Had Thah tes lived in the present age,
he would uudouI)tedly have amassed a princely fortune by
stating what particular Diake of instrument he used. Un-
fortunately, history is silent on this point.
Tn the year B. C. 534, a terrible plague raged at Car-
thage. The devastation was so great, that the people sac-
rificed their children to appease the gods.
According to Xiebuhr,^- the eruption of Mount Etna,
which took jdace in the 81st. Olympiad, coincided exactly
with the ]iest Hence which devastated Rome about that
period. The same authority says that in the year 301,
the Northern Lights could be distinctly seen in Italy and
were •'•'eminently connected with the ferment in the bowels
of the earth." in the year 2IJ0, and also 295, the firma-
ment seemed to be on fire, "broken by flashes of lightning;
armies and tbe tumults of battles were seen in the sky and
Siounds A>ere heard which heightened the terror of this
phenomenon.'-
])r. Howe (quoting Nicbuhr) also speaks of another
phenomenon which is said t(^ have occurred iu the year
295, and observes that, however incredible it nmy seem,
"it ought not to be rejected as an idle tale." The para-
graph referred to reads as follows :
^'irlowe: Epidemic Diseases, 186-5, p. 21.
'-Niebuhr: Lectures on Roman Historic (Howe, loc. cit., p.
So).
!♦ HISTORY OF YEI^LOW FEVER.
"There fell, we are told, a shower of flakes like flesh,
^^ilich the birds devoured. W'liat remained on the ground
did not rot."
No explanation is made of this alleged phenomenon,
except in meta])lu)r.s, which, when carefully sifted, ex-
plain nothing, as is usually the case with metaphors.
In the Year of Eome 300, a ])lan was adopted to cause
the cessation of the plague which had alHicted Kome 350
years from its foundation. The Romans, by the advice
of their oracle, sent ten deputies to Epidaurus, a town in
ancient Greece, in the Peloponesus, celebrated for its
magniflcent temple of Esculapius. The delegation was
headed by (^uinctus Ogulnius, and the object was to bring
the statue of Esculapius to Kome, as a means of stopping
the ravages of the pest. On tlunr arrival at Ei)idaurus,
and A\hi]e they ^^'ere admiring the statute of Esculapius
for its extraordinary size, the Uomans perceived, emerg-
ing from the base of the statue, a serpent. This unexpect-
ed {ip])aritioi). instead of causing dread and consternation,
\\as regarded as a good omen by those present and im-
pressed upon their minds feelings of awe and veneration.
The ser[ient glided through the cix)wd, sped swiftly
through the streets of the town — followed by the populace
— and betook itself to the vessels of the Romans and went
straight to the.apai'tment of Ogulnius. The Romans im-
mediately erected a temple to Apollo, and the pestilence
ceased.^^
Ax ExTItAORDINAKY IIlSTOKICAL DOCI'MENT.
One of the most remarkable theories concerning the
origin of epidemic disease was solemnly promulgated by
the Faculty of Paris in 16G5, to account for the ravages
of the Black Plague, which was then devastating Europe.
The pestilence commenced in December, 1004, and ended in
January, 1G(>0, a period of thirteen months. The learned
medical men of France assembled at Paris in June, 1665,
in order to discover the cause of the epidemic and devise
"Leclerc: Histoire de Medecine.
THE RAVAGES OF PESTILENTIAL DISEASE. 15
sanitary measures to arrest its progress. After much
deliberation, the conchive tinallj- evolved the extraordin-
ary document copied below, whicli, at this day, would be
viewed in the light of a burlesque, but which was looked
upon as an oracular pronuuciamento by the superstitious
people of the time. We think the document possesses
&uch an element of quaintness and absurdity, that we pub-
lish it in full :
"We, the Members of the College of Physicians, of
Paris, have, after mature consideration and consultation
on the present mortality, collected the advice of our old
inasters in the art, and intend to make known the cause
of this pestilence, more clearly than could be done ac-
cording tp the rules and principles of astrology and
natural sciences ; we, therefore, declare as follows :
"It is known that in India, and the vicinity of the Great
Sea^, the constellations wliich combated the rays of the sun,
and the warmth of the heavenly fire, exerted their power
especially against that sea, and struggled violently with
its waters. ( Hence, vapours often originate which en-
velope the sun, and convert his light into darkness.)
These vapours alternately rose and fell for twenty-eight
days; but at last, sun and fire acted so powerfully upon
the sea, that they attracted a great portion of it to them-
selves, and the waters of the ocean arose in the form of
vapour; thereby the waters were, in some part, so cor-
rupted, that tlie fish which they contained, died. These
corrupted waters, however, the heat of the sun could not
consume; neither could other wholesome water, hail or
snow, and dew, originate therefrom. On the contrary,
this vapour spread itself through the air in many places
on the eartl), and enveloped them in fog.
"Such was the case all over Arabia ; in a part of India ;
in Crete; in the plains and valleys of ]Macedonia ; in
Hungary, Albania and Sicily. Slionld the same thing
occur in Sardinia, not a man will be left alive; and the
like will continue, so long as the sun remains in the sign
of Leo, on all the islands and adjoining countries to which
this corrupted sea-wind extends, or has already extendi^l
from India. If the inhabitants of those parts do nor
16 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
employ and adhere to the following, or similar means and
precej)t«, we announce to them inevitable death, except the
grace of Clirist ])reserve thc-ir lives:
"^\'e are of opinion, that the constellations, with the
aid of Nature, strive, by virtue of their divine might, to
protect and heal the human race; and to this end, in union
with the rays of the sun, acting through the power of
fire, endeavor to break through the mist. Accordingly,
within tlie next ten days, and until the 17th of this ensuing
month of July, this mist will be converted into a stinking
deleterious rain, Avhereby the air will be much purified.
Xow, as soon as the rain shall announce itself, by thunder,
or hail, every one of you should protect himself from the
air; and, as well before as after the rain, kindle a large
fire of vi]ie-\\-ood, gTeen laurel or other gi'een wood ; worm-
wood and chamomile should also be burnt in great quanti-
ty' in the market places, in other densely inhabited locali-
ties, and in the houses. lentil the earth is again com-
pletely dry, and for three days afterwards, no one ought
Lo go abroad in the fields. During this time, the diet
should be simple, and people should be cautious in avoid-
ing ex])osure in the cool of the evening, at night, and in
the morning. ]*oultry, and water foAvl, young pork, old
beef, and fat meat, in general, should not be eaten; but
on the contrary, meat of a proper age, of a warm and dry,
but on no account of a heating and exciting nature. Broth
should be taken, seasoned Avith ground pepper, ginger and
cloves, especially by those who are accustomcni to live
temperately, and ai'e yet choice in their diet. Sleep in the
day-time is detrimental ; it should be taken at night until
sunrise, or someA\hat longer. At breakfast, one should
drink little; supper should be taken an hour before sun-
set, when more may be drunk than in the morning. Clear
light Avine, mixed with a fifth or a sixth part of water,
should be used as a l)everage. Dried or fresh fruits, with
wine, are not injurious; but highly so without it. Beet
root or other vegetables, whether eaten pickled or fresh,
are hurtful; on the contrary S]»icy pot-herbs, as sage and
rosemary-, or wholesome. Cold, moist, watery food is in
general prejudicial. Going out at night, and even until
THE RAVAGES OF PESTILENTIAL DISEASE. 17
three o'clock iu the moruiug", is dangerous, on account of
tlie dew. Only small river fish should be used. Too much
exercise is hurtful. The body should be kept warmer
than usual, and thus protected from moisture and cold.
Bain water must not be emplo^-ed in cooking, and every
one should guard against exposure to wet weather. If it
rain, a little fine treacle should be taken after dinner. Fat
peO'i)le should not sit in the sunshine. Good clear wine
should be selected and drunk often, but in small quanti-
ties, by day. Olive oil as an article of food is fatal.
Equally injurious are fasting and excessive abstemious-
ness, anxiety of mind, anger, and immoderate drinking.
Young people, in autumn especially, must abstain from all
these things, if the,y do not wish to run a risk of dying of
dysentery. In order to keep the body properly opened, an
enejna, or some other simple means, should be employed,
wlien necessary. Bathing is injurious. Men must pre-
serve chastity as they value their lives. Everyone should
impress this on his recollection, but especially those who
reside on the coast, or upon an island into which the
noxious wind has penetrated."
Historic ^Iortalities Caused by Pestilence in Ancient
AND Medieval Times.
If ^^•e were to compute the total mortality from pestilen-
tial disease from the earlist times to the present day, the
figure would be appalling and almost beyond credulity.
Pandemics have played havoc; with the human race. At
times, half the population of the world was swept a,way
before an epidemic had run its course; it spared neither
man nor beast, but surged like an overcharged torrent
o^er leagues and leagues of country, overleaping the
highest mountain summits, swirling over miles of desert
laud, crossing rivers, lakes and i ven seas, and finally, like
a huge beast that has gorged itst^lf to suffocation, ceasing
its aA\ ful carnage for want of new material.
We shall cite only the most notable examples of gi-eat
mortality.
18
HISTORY OF VILLOW FEVER.
The greatest inortalitv caused by a single pestilence took
place in Egyiit in 1792, when 800,000 persons are reported
to liaA'e perished.
Tlie next greatest mortality on record occurred in
Naples and vicinity in 1656, where, in six months, 400,000
perished, almost depopulating that section of Italy.
From December, 1664, to January, 1666, a period of
thirteen months, the "Great Plague" of London caused a
mortality of 60,000.
Even "lionnie Scotland" comes in for a niche in the
iinnals of ei)idemiology, for it is of record that a pestilence
carried off 40,000 of liei' sons in A. D. 954.
Let us now take a peep into antiquity.
In the 1017 B. C, "David, being elated with success,
God sends a grievous pestilence, of which 70,000 died in
less than tliree days."
In 594 B. (\ a third of the inhabitants of Jerusalem
peri sliced by pestilence.
In 480 B. C, while the army of Xerxes was retreating
into Asia, after the battle of Salamis, 150,000 died from
jK'stileutial disease.
In 395 B. C., a terrible plague attacked Ilimilco's army,
which was on its Avav to sack and destrov S\Tacuse; 50,000
died.
In 878 B. C, according to Howe,^* immediately after
the arrival of the troops from Italy, Carthage had a most
terrible calamity to struggle with. "The plague broke out
afresh there and swept away an infinite number of in-
habitajits. 1'his seems to have raged with gTeater violence
than any distemper the city was ever visited with before,
for such vast multitudes were carried off b^- it, that the
counti'v A\as, in a manner, de:i)(ti)ulated."
In B. C. 188, a great plague raged in the Greek Islands,
Egypt and Syria, and destroyed 2,000 persons daily.
In the reign of the Echeopean king, ^licipsa (B. C. 125),
according to Orosius, a great part of Africa was covered
with locusts, which died by billions, causing a plague,
which swej)t away an incredible number of people. In
"Howe, loc. cit, p. 57.
THE RAVAGES OF PESTILENTIAL DISEASE. 19
Nuinidia alone perished. 800,000 persons, and in Africa
proper 200,000, and also 30,000 Roman soldiers quartered
about Utica. x\t Utica, particularly, the mortality raged
to such a degree that 1500 dead bodies were carried out by
one gate in one day.
In B. C. 22, Ivome was about depopulated by plague and
famine.
In A. D. 77 and 78 a most appalling pestilence raged in
Southern Europe; 10,000 persos perished daily.
In A. I). 717 an epidemic carried off 50,000 of the
inhabitants of the then known world.
In the Year of Eonie 066, ''all of a sudden the plague
manifested itself, but with such violence, that in a few
days it carried otf eleven thousand men."
In the year of Ivome 510, during the siege of Syracuse
by Marcellus (according to Catrou and Rouille, Histoire
Romaine, vol. 8, p. 152), it appears that Heaven took
pleasure to combine all the scourges of its anger against
unfortunate Syracuse. In addition to other calamities,
a pestilence supervened to afflict the city. At first, the
contagion commenced in the country, The heat of the
clinmte and the season had corrupted the air, and the filth
which the sea ordinarily leaves upon the shore when the
waters retire, had still further deteriorated it. The two
camps of Himilco and Crispiuusi were first attacked. Then
the malady communicated itself to the army of Marcellus,
from the inteixourse with that of Crispinus. So(m after
Acredina was attacked by the pestilence. Thus around
the city, and in the interior of it, nothing was seen but
the dead and dying. From the fear of catching the infec-
• tion by approaching the dead bodies, they a> ere left with-
out burial, to poison the place where they lay decompos-
ing. Hippocrates and Himilco died of the scourge.
The plague which broke out in the army of Sennacherib
(B. C. 709), is said to have caused a mortality of 185,-
000. This was regarded by the Jews as a punishment of
Divine Providence, meted out toi Sennacherib for having
invaded Judea.
During the plague of Rome (A. D. 256), 2,000 persons
were buried daily.
In the year 89 B. C, while Pompeius, a Roman general,
20
HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
was k'adiii;; an army a<j;aiiist Mariiis, the Carthagenian,
a i)la.«»ue broke out among tlio soldiers, which carried
away 11,000 men in a few days.
J'l-oiii A. I>. 74(1 rai»ed the great plagiie of Constanti-
nople, which destroyed nt^arly .*)00,()00 jjcople in that
historic city. In 1011, after a period of eight hundred
and fifty-two years, occurred the second "gTeat plague"
of Constantinople, when 200,000 persons are said to haye
perished.
In A. D. 772, an epidemic carried off 34,000 of the popu-
lation of Chichester, England.
In 1545, the "Trousse (Talante"' swept away 10,000 of
the fciieign population of Kcuilogne, France. The fatali-
ties among the uatiyes could not be ascertained.
"In 1445," says Sauyel, "from the month of August to
St. Andre's Day (Xoyember 30), 0,000 infants died in,
Paris from smallpox."^"'
The "Black I*lague" of the fourteenth century was one
of the most appalling pestilences which swept the earth.
In the space of four years, 42,83(),48() persons died. Asia,
exclusiyc <ff (Miina, lost 10,840,000. China alone lost 13,-
000,000 inhabitants. In Europe, the mortality leached
the ap])alling figure of 18,910,480, (lermany alone losing
12,000,000 souls.i*^
In 1773, Persia was deyastatcd by an awful ])estilence.
In the City of Jiussorah alone, SO, 000 ])erislu(l.
In 170'J,' the city of Fez, Africa, lost 247,000 of her
po])ulation by pestilence.
in 17i)0, 3,000 ])crsous died daily in Pombay, India.
Th(* f(ner which swept oyer the Coromandel Coast,
In<lia, in 1801), 1810 and 1811, caused the loss of 100,789
out of a j)o]»ulation of 1,828,()10.
The rayag(\s of the glandulas jdagiie wei-e enormous. In
London, in 1025, it carried off not less than 35,417 indi-
viduals; at Lyons, in ir»28-29, in a i)oi>ulation of 20(),000,
it is reported' that 50,000 died; at :Mai-seilles, in 1720, the
nuH'tiility was 40,000; at Cyprus, in 17(>0, the deaths were
"Sauvel: Histolre et Recherches des Antiquitees de la Ville
de Paris.
"Ozanam: Histoire Medicale, etc., des Maladies Epidemiques,
1883, vol. 4, p. 8(;.
THE RAVAGES OF PESTILENTIAL D.SEASE. 21
70,000; at Aleppo, 17Gl-()2, the plague carried off 21,800
and in 1790-97, in the same city, the mortality amounted
to 00,000.
In 1720-21, in the space of seven months, 60,000 persons
died of the plague at Marseilles, France.
The Great Plagues of London.
London shares the palm with Konie for having been the
nidus of the plague from nebulous times. As early as 207
A. D., when Severus invated Britian, 50,000 of his soldiers
perished from a pestilence which was then ravaging the
island. Not counting the lesser epidemics, in which the
mortality amounted ''only to a few thousands," the follow-
ing table will show the appal ing havoc wrought by pestil-
ence in London, without counting the balance of Britain,
in the short period of forty-four years :
Tabic of Deaths from\iU Diseases; and from Pestilence in
London, EnfjJand, from 1592 to 1030.
Year. Mortality from ^Mortality from
All Diseases. Plague Alone.
1592 25,886 11,503
1603 37,294 30,561
1625 51,758 35,403
1630 10,545 1,317
1636 23,359 10,400
Total mortalitv during
forty-four years. . . . 119,042 89,184
It is thus seen that out of a total mortality of 119,042
from all diseases, the ])lague carried off 89,184.
In December, 1664, twt nty-eight years after the terrible
visitation of 1636, began what is known to history as the
"(iT-eat Plague of London." From its inception to
January, 166(), a i)eriod of (vuly thirteen months, it caused
a mortality of 69,000. Some historians place the figures
as high as' 100,000.
In 16(56, also occurred the "Great Fire," A\hich spread
over 396 acres, destroying ovei- 13,2000 houses, ninety
churches and many public buildings.
CHAPTER III.
THE GREAT EPIDEMICS OF THE MIDDLE AGES.
The Inguinal Pestilence of the Sixth Century. — The Black Plague ot
the Fourteenth Century. — Le Mai des Ardents. — The Eruptive Fevers
of the Sixth Century. — The Sweating Sickness. — Notable Epidemics of
Scurvy. — Leprosy and its Attendant Horrors.
THE IXGUIXAL PESTILENCE OF THE SIXTH CENTURY.
(Up to the year 1831, when the "Fragments" of Ruff us were published,
the prevailing opinion had been that Procopius, the Greek historian,
was the first to give a description of the Glandular Plague of the East.
Even after the publication of this remarkable work, such distinguished
historians as Hecker, Rosenbaum, Fariset and Navman still gave the
honor to Procopius, claiming that the newly-discovered manuscript
was spurious. The passage referred to reads as follows: "The
buboes called pestilential are most fatal and acute, especially those
which are seen occurring about Lybia, Egypt and Syria, and which
are mentioned by Dionysius Curtus. Dioscorides and Posidonius make
much mention of the plague which occurred in their time in Lybia;
they saw it was accompanied by acute fever, pain and prostration o£
the whole body, delirium, and the appearance of large and hard
buboes, which did not suppurate, not only in the accustomed parts, but
also in the groins and armpits." According to Adams, the only thing
which detracts from the value of this paragraph is the difficulty of
determining exactly who the authorities are which are referred to in
it. Of Dionysius Surtus nothing is known; indeed, it is more than
probable that there is some mistake in the name. There are several
medical authors by the name of Dioscorides and Posidomius, and it
is difficult to determine to which of them reference is made. Still,
Adams finds no reason lor questioning the authenticity of the passage.
Ruffus flourished in the reign of Trajan, in the beginning of the
second Century. The graphic description of this terrible pestilence
and other epidemics of the Middle Ages, has been abstracted from the
masterly translation of Dr. Dupuy's "Le Moyen Age Medical," by Dr.
Thomas C Minor of Cincinnati These articles were originally pub-
lished in the Cicinnati "Lancet Clinic," of which Dr. Minor is associate
editor, and an abstract is published in this volume by special permis
sion. — G. A.)
In the sixth centiirT after Christ, occurred the terrible
epidemic known by the name of the ''Inj>ninal Pestilence,"
THE GREAT EPIDEMICS OF THE MIDDLE AGES. SS
which, after ravaging ^Constantinople spread into Liguria,
then into France and Spain.
According to I'rocopius/ it attacked the entire earth,
striking every race of people, sparing neither age nor sex ;
differences in habitation, diet, temperament or occupa-
tion of any nature did not stop its ravages; it prevailed
in summer and in winter — in fact, at every season of the
yeai'.
It commenced at the town of Pelusa, in Egypt, whence
it spread by two routes, one through Alexandria and the
rest of Eg^^pt, the other through Palestine. After this it
covered the whole world, progressing always by regular
intervals of time and force. In the springtime of 543 it
broke out in Constantinople and announced itself in the
following manner :
Many victims believed they saw the spirits of the de-
parted rehabilitated in human form. It appeared as
though these spirits appeared before the subject about to
be attacked and struck him on certain portions of the
body. These apparitions heralded the onset of the malady.
The commencement of the disease was not the same in all
cases. Some victims did not see the apparitions, but only
dreamed of them ; but all believed they heard a ghostly
voice announcing their inscription on the list of those
who were going to die.
The fever at the onset of the attack came on suddenly,
— some while sleeping, some Avhile waking, some while at
work. Their bodies exhibited no change of color, and the
temperature was not very high. Some indications of fewer
were perceptible, but no signs of acute inflammation. In
the morning and at night the fever was slight, and in-
.dicated nothing severe either to the patient or to the
^ Procopius, the Greek Historian, born at Caesarea in the year
500, left behind him numerous works, among which may
be enumerated L'Histoire de Son Temps, in eight volumes
(Procopii Caesariensis .Historian sui temporibus). This
history of the times by Procopius gives a full description
of the plague, and is one of the chef d'oeuyres of medical
literature, one that will never be excelled. In this work,
nothing being omitted, not even the different clinical
forms, it is truly classical.
24 HISTORY OF YELlOW FEVER.
])hysiciaii who eoiuitcMl the ]»nlso. .Most of those who
l)reseutiHl siicli symptoius showed uo iudicatioiis of ap-
proachiii«»- dissolution; but the first day ainonj'- some, the
second day in others, and after several days in many
cases, a bubo was observed on the lower portion of the
alxlomen, in the groin, or in the folds of the axilla, and
sometimes back of the ears or on the thighs.
Some ])atients were plunged into a condition of pro-
found drowsiness; others were victims to furious delirium.
Those who were drowsy remained in a. passive state, seem-
ing to have lost all memory of the things of ordinary life.
If they had any one to nurse them they took food when
ottered from time to time, and if they had no care, soon
died of inanition. The delirious ])atients, deprived of
sleep, Avere eternally pursued by their hallcinations; they
imagined themselves haunted by men ready to slay them,
and they sought flight from such fancied foes, uttering
dreadful screams.
A« nothing was known of this strange disease, certain
physicians tliought its origin was due to some source of
evil liidden in the buboes, and they accordingly opened
these glandular bodies. The dissection of the bubo
showed sub-adjaqent carbuncles, whose rapid malignity
brought on sudden death or an illness of but few days'
duration. In some instances the entire body was covered
by black spots the size of a bean. Such unfortunates
rarely lived a day, and generally expired in an houl'.
many cases died suddenly, vomiting blood.
As to treatment, the ett'ects weic variable, following
the condition of the victim. Procopius states that, as a
fact, no etticacious remedies were discovered that could
either prevent the onset of the disease or sliorten its dura-
tion. The victims could not tell why they were attacked,
nor how they wei*e cured.
The epidemic at C(mstantinople lasted four months, I
three months of which time it raged with gTcat violence. *
As the epidemic progrosed th(^ mortality rate increased (
from day to day, until it reached tlve ])oint of 5,(MK) deaths ?
per day, and on several occasions ran up to as high an ^
10,000 deaths in the twenty- four hours. ]
Evagre, the scholastic, ancither (Ji'cek historian of the . <
THE GREAT El'IDEMICS OF THE MIDDLE AGES. 25
sixth centni\v, recounts in lis works the story of the
phijiiie at Constantinople. He states that he frecinently
observed that persons recoverin,ii from a tirst and second
attaek subse<iuently died of a third attack; also that
persons fiyin^i* from an infected locality were often taken
sick after many days of an incubating- period, fallinj;- ill
in their places of rcfu,i2,(' in the midst of populations, free,
up to that time, from the pestilence.
In following: the projiress of this epidemic from the
Orient to the Occident, it was noticed that it always com-
menced at the sea-ports, and then traveled inland. The
disease was carried much more easily by ships than it
could be at the present time, inasmuch as there were no
quarantines and no pest houses for isolatini*' patients.
It entered France by the Mediterranean Sea. It was in
549 that the plaj^ue struck Oaul. ''During this time,"
says (iregory of Tours, "the malady known as the
inguinal disease ravaged many sections; the province of
Artcs was cruelly depctpulated."-
This illustrious historian wrote, in another passage:
"We learned this year that the town of Xarbonn(^ was
devasted by the groin disease, of so deadly a tyi)c that
when one was atacked he generally succumbed. Felix,
the Bishop of Nantes, was stricken down and ajipeared to
be desperately ill. The fever having ceased, the humor
broke out on his limbs, which were covered with ])ustulcs.
It was after the application of a plaster covered ^^•ith
cantharides that his limbs rotted off, and he ceased to live
in the seventieth year of his age.
"Before the plague reached Auvergne it had involved
most all the rest of the country. Here the epidemic at-
tacked the people in 5(;7, and so great was the mortality
that it is utterly impossible to give even the approximate
number of deaths. Po])ulations perished <ii iiinssc. On
a single Sunday morning three hundred bodies were
counted in St. Beter's (Miapel, at Clermont, awaiting
funeral service. Death came sinhh^dy; it struck the
axilla or the groin, forming a sore like a serpent that bit
-Georgius Florentinus Gregorlus, Historia Franeorum, de 417
a 591 A. D
26 HISTORY OK YELLOW FLYER.
SO cruelly that men rendered up their souls to God on the
second or third day of the attack, many being- so violent
as to lose their senses. At this time Lyons, Bourges,
Chalons, and Dijon were almost depopulated by the
pestilence."
In 590, the towns of Avignon and Viviers were cruelly
ravaged by the Inguinal Disease.
The i)lague reached Marseilles, however, in 587, being
carried there by a merchant vessel from Spain, which
entered the port as a center of infection. Eight persons
who bought goods from this trading vessel, and who all
lived in the same house, were carried off by this i)lague.
The spark of the epidemic did not burn very rapidly at
first, but after a certain time the smouldering fire of the
pest burst out in a l)laze that almost consumed Marseilles.
Bishop Theodorus isolated himself in a wing of the
cloister of Saint Victor, with a small number of persons,
who remained with him during the plague, and in the
midst of their general desolation 'continued to implore
Almighty God for mercy, with fasting until the end of
the epidemic. After two months of calm, the population
of the city commenced to drift back, but the plague reap-
peared anew and most of those who returned died.
Anglada,-^ who derives most of his citations from
Gregory of Tours, thinks that the i)lague that devasted
Strasbourg in 51)1 was only the same inguinal disease that
ravaged Christendom. He cites, in suj^port of his asser-
tion, that passage from the historian-poet Kleinlande,
translated by Dr. Boersch :
"In 51)1 there was a gi'eat mortality throughout our
'.MMiuti-y, so that men fell down dying in the streets, ex-
l>iring suddenly in their houses, or even at business.
When a person sneezed his soul was apt to fly the body;
hence the exi)rcssion on sneezing, 'Y/or/ hlrss j/oh.' And
wh(^n a ])('rson yawned tliey made the sign of the cross be-
fore their mouths.''
Such are the documents we possess on the great
epidemic of Inguinal Plague of the fourth century, docu-
ments furnished l»y historians, to whom nu'dical history
'Anglada: Etude sur les Maladies Eteintes et les Maladies
NouYelles.
THE GRKAT EPIDEMICS OF THE MIDDLE AGES. S7
is indebted, and not from medical authors, who left no
records of the pestilences of that period.
The Black Plague.
The Black Plague of the fourteenth century was more
destructive even than the bubonic pest of the sixth
century, and all other epidemics observed up to the
present day. In the space of four years, more than
twenty-five millions of human beings perished — one-half
the population of the Avorld.
Like all other pestilences, the Black Plague came from
the Orient — from India, and, perhaps, from China.
Europe was invaded from East to West, from South to
North.
After Constantinople, all the islands and shores of the
Mediterranean were attacked, and successively became so
many foci of disease, from which the pestilence radiated
inland. Constantinople lost two-thirds of its population.
Cyprus and Cairo counted 15,000 deaths. Florence paid
an awful tribute to the disease, so great being the mor-
tality, that the epidemic has often been called Peste de
Florence. According to Boccacio, 100,000 persons per-
ished. Venice lost 20,000 victims, Naples 60,000, Sicily
53,000 and Genoa 40,000. In Eome, the dead were innu-
merable.
In Spain, German}^, England, Poland and Russia, the
malady was as fatal as in Italy. In London they buried
100,000 persons. It was the same in I'rance. Avignon
lost 150,000 citizens in seven months, among whom
(1318) was the beautiful Laura de Noves, immortalized
by Petrarch. At Marseilles, 56,000 people died in one
month; at Montpellier, three-quarters of the population,
including all the physicians, went dcAvn in the epidemic.
Narbonne had 30,000 deaths and Strasbourg 16,000 in the
first year of the outbreak.
Paris was not spared. The Chronique de *S'f. Dviti.s in-
forms us that, "in the year of Grace 1318, commenced the
aforesaid mortality in the Kealms of France, the same
lasting about a year and a half, increasing more and more,
until Paris lost each day 800 inhabitants ; so that the
28
HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
imiuber who died there amounted to more thau 500,000,
while ill the town of St. Denis the niiiiiher readied 1(5,000."
Aiuonu the victims were Jeanne de Konruojiiie, wife of
rhilii> VI; Jeanne II, (jneeii of Navarre and lirandchild
of IMiilip the Beautiful. In Spain, died Alphonso XL,
of (^astille.
IIai)]»i]\' for tlie human race, diirinji* the years which
followed the jihii-ue, the births werc^ lireatly in excess of
the deaths, as though Nature desired to repair the ravages
wrought by the pestilence.
According to the records of that time, many i>ersons
died the first da^^ of their illness. These bad cases were
announced by a violent fever, with headaehe, vertigo,
drowsiness, incoherency in ideas, and loss of memory;
the tongue aiul palate were l>lack and browned, exhaling
an almost insupportable fetidity. Others were attacked
by violent iiitiammation of the lungs, with hemorrhage;
also gangrene, which manifested itself in blaek spots all
over the body; if, to the contrary, the Ixtdy was covered
by abscesses, the patients seemed to have some ehance for
recovery.
^Medicines were powerless, all r(Miiedies seeming to be
useless. The disease attacked rich and ]»<)or indiscrimin-
ately; it overpowered the robust .and (l('l)ilitated ; the
young and the old were its victims. On the tirst symptom
the jiatients fell into a prof((und melancholy and seemed
to abandon all hope of recovery. Ths moral prostration
aggravated th(ir i)hysical condition, and mental <lei>res-
si<ui hast(^ned the time of death. The f(^ar of contagion
was so gTeat tliat but few ]iers(>ns attended the sick.
The clei-gy, eii<-<)Uraged l>y the T*(»pe, visited the bed-
sides of tlie dying who b(M|ueathe(l all their wealth to the
Church. The ])lague was considered on all sides as a pun-
ishment intlicted by (lod, and it was this idea that in-
duced armies of penitents to assemble on the i)ublic streets
to do jtenance for their sins. Men and women \\( nt half
naked along the highways, tlagellatiiig each other with
whips, and, growing desperate with the fall of night, they
committed scandalous crimes. In certain ])laces the Jews
were accused of l)eing the authors of the plague by pois-
oning the wells; hence the Hebrews were prosecuted.
THE GREAT EIMDKMICS OF THE MinDLK AGES. 29
sometimes burned alive by the fanatical seets known as
Flaj»ellants, Bej;ardes and Turlnpius, who Avere eneonr-
a<.;ed in their acts of vioh'nce by the priests, notwithstand-
ini^' the intervention of Clement VI.
riiysicians were not only convinced of the cantagious
nature of the disease, but also believed that it could be
transmitted by look and word of mouth. Sucli doctors
oblij^ed their patients to cover their eyes and mouth with
a piece of cloth whenever the priest or physician visited
the bedside.
Guillaume de ^lacliant, ])oet and ralct dc cJuunhrc of
Philip the Beautiful, mentions this fact in one of his
poems :
"They did not. dare, in open air
To even speak by stealth,
Lest each one's breath might carry death
Bv poisoning the other's health."
And, in the preface of the ''Decameron," Boccacio re-
umrks in his turn : "Tlie plajiue communicated direct, as
fire to cond)Ustible matter. Tliey were often attacked
from simply touching the sick; indeed it was not even
necessary to touch them. The danjicr was the same when
you listened to their words (»r even if they ^azed at you."
One thinji; is certain — those who nursed tlie patients
surely contracted the disease.
Ali the authcuities of the Middle Ai>es concur in their
statements as to the coutaiiious nature of the ])hiiiue.
The rules and rei>idati()us enforced ai^aiiist the alllicted
were barbarous and inhunuin. "Persons sick and well, of
one family, when the pest developed," says Black"*, were
held, without distinction, in close confinement in their
home, while on the house-door, a red cross was traced,
bearing the sad and desperate epitaph:
Dien, aijez pitic iic nous!*
"No one was permitted to leave or enter the pla.niie-
stricken house, save the physician and nurse, or other
persons who might be authorized by the Gavernnuuit."
'Black: Histoiie de la Medecine et da la Chirurgie.
* Lord, have mercy on us!
30 HISTORY OF VEIXOW FEVER.
We can well judge of the terror inspired bv the pestil-
ence by the precautions which the physicians who attend-
ed the sick took. In his treatise on the plajiue, Mau«;et
describes the costumes worn h\ those who approached the
bedsides of patients :
"The costumes worn Avere of Levant morocco, the mask
haviuii ci-ystal eyes and a long- nose filled with subtle per-
fumes. The nose was in the form of a snout, with an
openinij;' on each side. These openings served as respira-
tory passages and were well-filled at the anterior portion
with drugs, so that at each breath they contained a medi-
cated air. Under a cloak, the doctor also wore buskin
made of morocco ; closely-sewed breeches were attached to
the bottines above the ankles; the shirt, the hat and the
gloves were also of soft morocco."
Thus accountered, the doctor resembled a modern diver
clad in a suit of leather.
All this sounds ridiculous at the present age, but it
must be understood that the great epidemics of plague
Avere of a nature to terrify ignorant poi)ulati()us. The nar-
ratives of historians (►f that epoch show them to be im-
bued with the superstitious ideas of antiquity. This at-
tack of an invisible enemy, whose blows fell right and left,
paralyzed and terrified every one. "In the midst of this
orgy of death," remarks Anglada, "the thought of self-
preservation absorbed every other sentiment. Dominated
l>y this selfish instinct the human mind shamelessly dis-
played its cowardice, egotism and superstition. Social
ties were rudely sundered, the att'ections of the heart laid
aside. The sick were deserted by their relatives; all flew
with horror from the plague-breathing air and contact
with the dreadful disease. The corpses of the A'ictims of
the epidemic, abandoned without sepulture, exhaled a hor-
ribly putrid odor, and became the starting point of new
infectious centres. The worse disorder overthrew all con-
ditions of existence. Human passions raged uncontrolled ;
the voice of authority Avas no longer respected; the Avheels
of civilization ceased to revohe.''
LE MAL DES ARDENTS.
Towards the end of the tenth century a ncAv epidemic
appeared in Europe, the ravages of which spread terror
I
THE GREAT EPIDEMICS OK THE MIDDLE AGES. 31
among the people of the Occident ; this disease was known
by the name of Alal des Ardent s, Sacred Fire, St. An-
thony's Fire, St. MarcelPs Fire, and Hell Fire.
This great epidemic of the Middle Ages is considered
by many modern writers as one of the forms of ergotism,
notwithstanding the contrary conclusions arrived at by
the Commission of ITTO, composed of such men as Jussieu,
Paulet, Saillant, and Teissier, who were ordered to report
as to the nature of the disease by the Ko^al Societ3\ Ac-
cording to the work of this Commission the Mai des Ar-
dent s was a variety of plague, Avith buboes, carbuncles
and ]3etechial spots, while St. Anthony's lire was only
gangrenous ergotism. This is a remarkable example of
the confusion into which scientific facts were allowed to
fall through the fault of careless authors. It is in such
instances that we may estimate the importance of history.
We find in the ''Chronicles of Frodoard,'' in the year
945^ the following :
"The year 945, in the history of Paris and its numerous
suburban villages, a disease called Ignis Phiya attacked
the limbs of many persons, and consumed them entirely,
so that death soon finished their sufferings. Some few
survived, thanks be to the intercession of the Saints; and
even a considerable nund)er were cured in the Church of
Notre Dame de Paris. Some of these, believing them-
selves out of danger, left the church; but the fires of the
plague Avere soon relighted, and they were only saved by
returning to Notre Dame.^'
Sauvel, the translator of Frodoard, remarks that at this
epoch the Church of Notre Dame served as a hospital for
the sick attacked by the epidemic, and sometimes con-
tained as high as six hundred patients.
Another historian of the time was liaoul Glaber,^ who
mentions that "in 993 a murderous malady ])revailed
among men. This was a sort of hidden fire, l<jnii^ Oc-
cult us, which attacked the limbs Jind detached them
from the trunk after having consumed the members.
'The "Chroniciue de Raoul Glaber," Benedictine of Cluny.
covers the period between the year 900 and 1046. It
may be found translated in the collection of memoirs on
the History of France by Guizot.
32
HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
Amoiiii' soino the devonriiic,' eftVct of this fire took place in
a single iiiiilit."
"In 103J)," coiitiinu's (uiv author, "divine Yenjieance
aj^aiu descended on the hnnian race with fearful etfect
and destroyed many inhabitants of the ^^'orld, striking
alike the ri<h and the ])oor, the aristocrat and the peasant.
.Many persons lost their limbs and draiiged themselves
around as an example to those who came after them."
In the Clironicle of France, from the" commencement of
the ^lonarch}^ up to 102!),'^ the monk Adhenmr speaks of
the epidemic in the foUowinj;- terms: "In these times a
pestilential tire {pcstilciitidi i(/iii.s\ attacked the popula-
tion of Limousin; an infinite number of persons of both
sexes were consumed by an invisible fire."'
^Michael Felibien, a Benedictinee friar of Saint Maur,
also left notes on the epidemic of jianiirene. He states
in his Hiatorjj of Furis: "In the same year, 1129, Paris,
as the rest of France, was afflicted by the nialadie des
(irdciiis. This disease, altliou,u,h known from the morality
it caused in the years 1)45 and lOll, was all the more ter-
rible inasmuch as it ai)peared to have no remedy. The
mass of blood, already corrupted by internal heat which
devoured the entire body, pushed its fluids outwards into
tumors, which deucncM-ated into incurable ulcers and thus
killed ofl" thousands of i)eople."
We could nmke many more citations, derived from
ancient writers, but we think Ave have (pioted enougjh to
prove that the Mai dr.s Ardcnts was only the ])laiiue con-
founded with the sym])toms known as iianiirenous ergot-
ism. Could it not have been a plague of a gangrenous
ty])v'f We cannot positively aifirm, however, that it had
no connection with poisoning by the sidiacclia developed
in grain, pai-ticularly on rye. Its onset was smlden and
often very ra])idly followed by a fatal termination.
The Eruptive Fevers of the Sixth Century — Variola,
Measles, SeARL.rriNA.
Before the sixth century, the terrible period of the
plague, one never heard of the eruptive fevers. Small-
" Nouvelle Bibliotheque des Manuscripts.
THE GREAT EPiDKMICS OF THE MIDDLE AGES. 33
pox, measles and scarlet fever were unknown to the an-
cients. Neither Hippocrates nor Galen nor any of the
Greek physicians who practiced in Rome make mention
of these diseases. The historians and poets of Greece and
Italy who have written largely on medical subjects remain
mute on these three great (piestious in pathology. Some
authors have endeavored to torture texts for the purpose
of throwing- light on the contagious exanthemata, but
they have not been repaid for their fresh imagination.^
It is admitted to-da^' that the eruptive fevers are compara-
tively new diseases, which made their appearance in the
Middle Ages.
The first document that the history of medicine pos-
sesses on this point is that left by Marius, Bishop of
Aventicum, in Switzerland, who says, in his chronicle,
''Ainio 570, inorhus validus cum profluvio vciitris ct vari-
ola, ItaJiam, GaUkunque cahle affecit.''^
Ten years later, Gregory of Tours described the symp-
toms of the new disease in the following terms :^
"The fifth year of the reign of Childcbert, 580, the re-
gion of Auvergne was inundated l)y a fiood and numerous
weather disasters, which were followed l)y a terrible epi-
demic that invaded the whole of Gaul. Those attacked
had violent fevers, accompanied by vomiting, great pain
in the neighborhood of the kidneys, and a heaviness in
the head and neck, flatter rejected by tlie stomach looked
yellowish and even green, many deeming this to be some
secret poison. The peasants called the pustules corals.^*^
Sometimes, after the application of cups to the shoulders
' Satirical writers would not have failed to have spoken of the
marlts left by small-pox. Such authors as Martial, who
frequented the public baths in order to write up the
phs sical infirmities of his fellow-townsmen, to the end of
divulging their deformities in biting epigram, would only
have been too happy to have mocked the faces of con-
temporaries marked by the cicatrices of small-pox.
'In the year 570, a violent disease, with running of the belly
and variola, cruelly afflicted Italy and France.
° Gregorii Turonensis, Opera Omnia, Liber V.
"Latin corallum, which signifies heart, lung, intestines, and by
extension of meaning, the interior of the body.
Si HISTORY OF YKLIOW FEVER.
or limbs, blisters were raised, wliieb, when br()keii, gave
issue to sanioiis matter, wliich oftentimes saved tlie pa-
tient. DrinlvS composed of simples to combat the effects
of the poison were also very efilcacioiis.
"This disease, wliich commenced in the month of Au-
gust, attacked .all the very young children and carried
them otf.
''In those days Chilperic was also seriously afllicted,
and as the King commenced to convalesce his youngest
sou was taken with the malady, and when his extremity
was perceived he was given baptism. Shortly afterwards
he was better, and his eldest })rother, named Chlodobert,
was attacked in his turn. They ])laced the prince in a lit-
ter and carried him to Soissons, in the chapel of Saint
^fedard ; there he was placed in contact Avith the good
Saint's tomb, and made v(;ws to him for recovery, but,
very weak and almost without breath, he rendered his
soul to God in the middle of the night.
"•In those days, Austi'echilde, wife of King Gontra, also
died of the disease; while Xantin, Count of Angouleme,
succum1)ed to the same malady, his Iwdj beconung so
black that it appeared as though calcined charcoal."
It will thus be seen that smallpox came from the Orient
— tliat etei'iial centre of pestilence and curses. From the
seventh century, the Saracen armies spread the malady
wherever they passed — in Syria, Egypt and Spain; in
th( ir turn, the ('rusriders, in returning from the Holy
Land, bronght the disease into France, England and Ger-
many; from these foci spread the great epidemics of the
twelfth and thirteenth centuries, after which smallpox be-
canu^ periodically epidemic, ajjpearing and disa])pearing
withcut causation, but always destroying myriads of vic-
tims.
"In 1445," says Sauvel, "from the month of August to
St. Andre's Day ( November .'*()) over (5,000 infants died
in I'aris from smallpox."" The ])hysi('ians knew neither
tlie nature nor the ticatnient of the disease.
The measles was tirst noted at the same time as the
=' Sauvel : Histoire et Recherches des Antiquites de la Vill^
de Paris.
THE GREAT EPIDEMICS OF THE MIDDLE AGES. 35
small-pox, niakiug- its first appt^arauee as au epidemic in
the sixth century.
It is more than probable that the measles originated in
Eiiypt, and, accordini^- to Rorsieri, it had snch an extension
throughout Western Europe that there were but few per-
sons who had not suffered attacks. The history of
measles, however, is less clearly defined than that of
small-pox, although Anglada says that it figured among
the spotted diseases, of which (Iregory of Tours speaks.
But it was only in the sixteenth century that Prosper
Martian exactly describes the disease.
Says jMartian, "It is a disease of a special type, peculiar
to children. It commences with a violent fever, folloAved,
towards the third day, by an eruption of small red spots,
which become elevated by degrees, making the skin feel
rough to the touch. The fever lasts until the fifth day,
and when it has ceased, the papules commence to disap-
pear."
Measles was designated in the ndddle ages under the
name MorJtilli, which signified a petty plague, the same
that Morbus meant a special ])lague. It is then fair to
l)resume that the type of disease was no more sej-icus than
it is at the present day.
It is probable that the measles of the sixth century in-
cluded at the same time small-pox, measles and scarlet
fever, of which the ancients made no differential diag-
nosis. Anglada affirms the co-existence of all forms of
eruptiv6 fevers and gives the following reasons :
''The contempoj-aneous appeaiance of variola and rube-
ola represents the first manifestation of an epidemic con-
stitution, resulting from a collection of unknown infiu-
ences as to their nature, but manifest by their effects.
The earth was thence prepared to receive scarlatina,
and it soon came to bear its baleful fruits. We do meet
some mention of scarlet fever in the writings of the Ara-
bian School, but it is merely suspected and only vaguely
indicated. But when we remember how ditlicult it often
is to diagnose at first between variola and measles, we are
not astonished at the indecision manifested in adding an-
other exanthematous arCection to the medical incognito.
It was only after innumerable observations and the ex-
36 HISTORY OF VELI OW FEVER.
perience of several centuries that tlie third new disease
received its nosological l)a})tisni. There is nothing" to
prove that it did not co-operate Nvith earlier ei)ideinics of
variola and niheola, remaining undistinguished as to
type, however."
What clearly proves that there was confusion hetween
the various fevers of exanthemata is that Ingrassias de-
scribes scarlatina in 1510, under the name of rosallia, add-
ing, "Some think the measles and rosaUia are the same
malady; as for me, I have "determined their ditferences on
many occasions."
These facts ajjpear conclusive enough to admit that
measles and scarlet fever are„ like variola, the products
of the epidemic constitution developed during the sixth
century, as contemporaries of the bubonic i)lague, all these
maladies representing, the medical constitution of the
first centuries of the Middle Ages.
The Sweating Sickness.
The name of l^iccdting ^Sickness was given to the great
epidemic of fever that appeared in England in the
fifteenth century, and thence extended over Continental
Europe. This epidemic broke out in the month of Septem-
ber, 148(), in the army of Henry VII., encamped in Wales,
and soon reached London, extending over the liritish Isles
with fi'ightful ra])idity. Its a])])carance was alarming
and while it lasted, which was only a month, it made
a considerable number of victims. "It was so terrible
and so acute that within the memory of man none had
seen its like."
This ei)i<h'mic ]ea])i)eared in England in 1518, 1517, and
1551. It was i)recede(l by very moist weather and violent
winds. The mortality was great, patients often dying in
the s])ace of two hours; in some instances half the ]»opula-
tion of a town being carried off. The epidemic of 1529
was surely murderous; King Henry VIII was attacked
and narrowly escaped death. Although flying from vil-
lage to village the nobility of England i)aid an enornnms
tribute to the King of Terrors. The Ambassador from
France to London, L. du Bellay, writing on the 21st of
THE GREAT EPIDEMICS OF THE MIDDLE AGES. 37
July, 1529, remarks: "The day I visited the Bishop of
Canterbury eiiihteen of the household died in a few
hours. I was about the only one left to tell the tale, and
am far from recovered yet."
This same year the sweatino- sickness spread all over
Europe. It made terrible ravages in Holland, (Termany,
and INslaud. At the famous synod of Luther and
Zwiugie, held at Marburg, the Keformed ministers seized
by fear of death prayed for relief from the pestilence. At
Angusl)urg in three months eighteen thousand people were
attacked and fourteen hundred died.
This epidemic did not extend as far as Paris, but it de-
veloped in the north of France and Belgium.
Kernel, physician to Henry II., who practiced in Paris,
likewise speaks of this sudorific sickness in one of his
works. ^-
It prevailed generally in summer and autumn, especial-
ly when the weather was moist and foggy. Contrary to
what is seen in other epidemics, it was observed that the
weak and poor and the old and infants were not attacked
as often as robust persons and those in affluent circum-
stances.
The symptoms noted by physicians, such as Kaye and
Bacon, may be classed into three distinct periods:
1. The period of chill, characterized by pains and
itching in the limbs, an extraordinary prostration of the
physical forces — a tremulous, shaky period.
2. The period of sweat, pre<-e<led by a burning heat all
over the body and an unciuenchable feverish thirst. The
patient was agitated, dis<iuieted by terror and despair.
]\[any comidained of spasms in the stouuich, followed
sometimes by nausea and vomiting, suttocation and lum-
bar pains, headache, with palpitation of the heart and
proecardial anxiety. This period was announced by a
high delirium, sometimes muttering, sometimes bxpia-
cious; a fetid sweaty odor, irregular ]>ulse, coma, and, in
the last named condition, death always occured.
3. The duration of the disease was most frequently but
a few hours, rarely exceedingly a day, whether the termin-
ation was favorable or fatal.
'- Ferneli : Universa Medico
38 HISTORY OF YEI,I.OVV FEVER.
Convalescence was always lonjj;-, often bcinii" complicated
by diarrhoea or dropsy. It lias been remarked in this con-
nection that the malady mioht be confounded with the
miliary sweat observed in Picardy and central France,
but in the lirst named disease no cutaneous eruption was
observed. Kernel clearly affirms this statement, as he
says: "In this affection there is no carbuncle, bubo, ex-
anthema or eczema, Init simply a hypersecretion of
sweat."
Such was the sweating sickness of the sixteenth cen-
tury, which made so few victims in France, but which de-
stroyed so many people in Enjjland and Germany.^^ The
orijiin of this disease has been often discussed, and also
its nature; l)ut all theories expounded by various authors
partake of the doctrines of other days and are too anti-
quated to be revamped.
The Scurvy.
It has been supposed by many that Hippocrates de-
scribed scurvy under the name of Enlarged ^Splcvii, an af-
fection attributed to the use of sta<inaut water and char-
acterized by tumefaction of the j»ums, foul breath, pale
face, and ulceration of the lower limbs. But the study of
the Ilippocratic passage leads us to think that these symp-
toms were more of the character of scrofula than of
scurvy. The recital by Pliny of the disease of the Koman
soldiers while on an expedition to Germany seems to in-
dicate scurvy, which Coelius Aurelianus, and after him
tlie Arabian ]»hysicians, claims presented only a slight
analogy to that atfecTion.
Springer thinks that we maj' find the first traces of
scurvy iu tlu^ expedition of the Normans to Wineland, in
'^According to the Climatologist, vol. 1, p. 63, 1888, the "Sweat-
ing Sickness" appeared in epidemic form in 1887. It
broke out in the Department of Vienne, Haute Vienne,
iu March of that year. The French Government prompt-
ly sent a commission of prominent sanitarions, with Prof.
Brouardel at their head, into the infected districts, with
power to take measures for the restriction of the disease.
Strict isolation and disinfection soon brought the out-
break to an end. — G. A.
THE GREAT EPIDEMICS OK THE MIDDLE AGES. 39
the first years of the eleventh century. In admitting that
the men commanded by Eric Thoisteiu were obliged to
winter on the western shores of Wineland and almost all
succombed to an epidemic malady of that country, proves
that it was nothini^ but scurvy, althoui>h the word's only
signification, in Danish, is ulceration of the mouth.
We have, besides, another document, which has great
authentic value, a proof transmitted to us bv our earliest
and best chronicler of the Middle Ages, Joinville, the
friend and companion of Saint Louis in liis Crusade into
Palestine. In liis memoirs he gives a very succinct re-
cital of the epidemic of famine and scurvy whicli attacked
the French ami}- on the banks of the Nile in 1248, just
after the battles of Mausourah.^'^
The relation of Joinville leaves no doubt as to the na-
ture of the epidemic that attacked the Crusaders. He
gives a minute pen picture of the debility, and hem-
orrhages, the livid ecchymosis of the skin, the fungous
tunu'faction and bleeding of the gums, which character-
ize the disease known as scurvy.
According to the writings of some German physicians
of the fifteenth century, this malady was endemic in the
septentrional portions of Europe upon the shores of the
Baltic Sea. In Holland numerous ei)idemics of scurvy
were observed among the lower classes of the population,
coinciding Avith bad conditions of public hygiene, such as
food consisting of salt and smoked meats, dwellings lo-
cated on marshy ground, cold atmosi)heres charged with
fogs, etc.
This was the same infection that attacked our colonies
in Canada, but at that time we had no knowledge of the
therapeutic indications in such emei-gencies. A proof of
this remarkable observation is inscribed on the registers
of Cartier on his vessels during his sojourn in Canada. ^^
Lkprosv.
Leprosy is a disease originating in the Orient; Egypt
and Judea were formerly the principal infected centres.
"Joinville: Histoire de Saint Louis.
''Cartier. Bref Recit et Siiccincte Narration de la Navigation
Faite aux Ysles de Canada. Paris, 1545.
40 HISTORY OK YELLOW FEVER.
It was tlie ri'tiiin of an expedition to Palestine, under
I'onipcy, that imported tlie malady to Italy. In tlie first
years of the Christian Era it is mentioned by Celsns, who
advised that it should be treated by sweating, aided by
vapor baths. Some years later Areteus used hellebore,
snlidmr baths, and the flesh of vipers taken as food, a
triatment adopted by others, as, for instance, ^Musa and
Arthiiienes.
In the second century tlie disease was in Gaul ; Soranus
treated the lepers of Acpiitaine, who were numerous.^^
According to Velley, lci)rosy was common in France in
the middle of the eighth century, when Nicholas, Abbot
of Corbeil, constructed a leper hospital, which was never
much frecpiented until after the Crusades of the eleventh
and fourteenth centuries. At this jjeriod the number of
lepers, or ladrcs, a name given to the unfortunates in re-
membrance of their patron saint, St. Lazarus, became so
great that every town and village was obliged to build a
le])er h(»use in order to isolate the altiicted. Under Louis
VIII. there were 2,000 of these hospitals; later the num-
ber of such asylums reached 19,000.
According to the historians of this time, when a man
was suspected to be a leper he could have no social rela-
tions without making full declaration as to what the real
nature of his complaint might be. Without this precau-
tion his acts were void, from the cai)itulary of Pepin,
which dissolved all marriage contracts with lepers, to the
law of Charlemagne, that forbade their associating with
healthy persons. The fear of contagion was such that in
places where no leprosy existed they built small houses
for any one who might be attacked; these houses were
called hordrs}'' A gray numtle, a hat and wallet, were
"Gregory of Tours says that in Paris they had a place ol
reluge, where they cleaned their bodies and dressed
their sores
" They designated by the name of horde, bordeau, bordell,
bordette, bourde, or bourdeau, a small house or cabin
built on the edge of town; a cabin intended to contain
lepers. The word bordell, a house of ill-fame, as used
even in modern days, takes its origin from horde, an
asyium for lepers
1
THE GREAT EPIDEMICS OF THE MIDDLE AGES. 41
also supplied the yictiiiis, also a tartareUe, a species of
rattle, or a small bell, with wliieh they warned all passers
near not to approach. The^- also had a cup placed on the
far side of the road, in which all persons might drop alms
without iioing near the lei)er.
Leper houses were enriched, little by little, by the liber-
ality of kings and nobles and the people, and to be a
leper became less inhuman and horrible than at the be-
ginning.
After entering a leper house the victim was considered
as dead under the civil law, and in order to make the pa-
tients better understand their position the clergy accom-
panied them to their asylum, the same as to their funeral,
throwing the cemetery dust on them while saying: "En-
ter no house save your asylum. AVhen you speak to an
outsider, stand to the windward. When you ask alms,
sound your rattle. You must not go far from the asylum
without your leper's robe. You must drink from no Avell
or spring save on your own grounds. You must pass no
I)lates or cups without first putting on your gloves. You
must not go barefotted, nor walk in narrow streets, nor
lean against walls, trees, or doors, nor sleep on the edge
of the road," etc.
When dead they were interred in the lepers' cemetery
by their fellow-sulferers.
It is true that each time that sanitary measures were
relaxed by the authorities — such, for instance, as the per-
fect isolation of the patients — an increase in the number
of lepers was noticeable, AYhen this was observed the
old-time ordinances were enforced again with vigor. It
was thus in 1371 the Provost of Paris issued an <'dict
enjoining the lepers to leave the Capital within fifteen
days, under heavy corporal and pecuniary jx-ualties; and
in 138.S, all lejjcrs were forbidden to enter Paris without
special permission; in 1102 this restriction was renewed,
"under penalty of being taken by the executioner and his
deputies and d( tained for a month on a diet of bread and
water, and afterwards perjjetual banisliment from the
kingdom." Finally, in Ai>ril, 1188, it was announced "all
persons attacked by tliat abominable, very dangerous and
contagious malady known as leprosy, must leave Paris
42 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
before Easter and retire to tlieir li()si)itals from the date
of issuance of this edict, under penalty of imprisonment
for a month on bread and water ; and, where they had
]>i()pei-tv, the se(iuestrati(>n of tlieir houses and jewels and
arbitrary corporal punishment; it was permitted them,
however, to send things to them by servants, the latter
being' in health."
AVe can understand from this how these poor wretches,
at different epochs, were accused of horrible criuies, among
other things, poisoning rivers, wells, and fountains. As
regards this accusation, says the author of the D'lsUon-
tiairc dcs Mociirs dcfs Franaiis, Philip le Long burned a
certain nund»er of these poor wretches at the stake aud
confiscated their wealth, giving it to tlie Oi-der of Malta
and St. Lazare.
A minute description of this disease will be found in the
works of Barbarin.^^
The i)hysicians of leper hospitals have left hebind a
great number of medical documents bearing on the char-
acteristics of the disease, but their observations are so
confused that we can only c(tnclude that they considered
all cutaneous maladies as belonging to the same constitu-
tional vice.
In 1543, leprosy was so widespread in France, as to be
beyond sanitary contnd, and th(» edict of Francois I., re-
establisliing leper hospitals, auiountcd to nothing. There
were too nuiny affected people. The Hospital of Lour-
cine, which was si)ecially devoted to these cases at Paris,
contained 000 patients in 1540, and in the wards of
Trinity Hospital and the Hotel Dieu there were many
more. H was Ihe sauie iu the Pi-ovinces, notably at Tou-
louse, which had the merit of creating the first hosjiital
of its kind ever instituted. IMnally, fifty years later, in
1000, for want of lepers, the leper asylums were otficially
'•^Etienne Barbazin, erudite and historian, born iu 1696, author
of a number of works on the History of France: "Recueil
Alphabetique de Pieces Historiques"; "Tableaux et
Contes Francais, des XII., XIII., XIV., et XV., Siecles";
"The Orders of Chivalry, etc." He also left numerous
manuscripts on the origin of the French language. See
"Bibliotheque de I'Arsenal."
THE GREAT EPIDEMICS OF THE MIDDLE AGES. 4S
closed. Henry IV., in a proclamation, gave those remain-
ing "to poor gentlemen and crippled soldiers."
Thus ended the epidemic of leprosy in France, which
had prevailed from the second century, observing the
same progress in other countries of Western Europe dur-
ing the same period of time.
CIIAPTEJ{ IV.
INSECTS AS PROPAGATORS OF DISEASE.
How Pestilence is Spread by Flies, Mosquitoes, Fleas and Other
Insects. — Instances Where Disease Was Conveyed by Bed-Bugs and
Ants. — The Role played by the Cattle-Tick and the Tsetse-Fly. — Sum-
mary of the Mosquito Doctrine. — Bibliography.
In the niedieal part of this vchiiuc will lie found a de-
taih^d scientific account of the mosquito tlieory. For the
heneflt of the lay reader, h(jwever, who is either too busy
to digest the views expressed in these instructive observa-
tions, or who does not care to tussle with medical phrase-
ology, we will give a short talk regarding the role played
by insects in the propagation of disease.
There is no novelty in the doctrine of insect or animal-
cular origin of disease. Many of the older writers, most
cons])icuous amongst whom are Linnaeus, Kircln^r and
Lyander, have pr(;mulgated such an oijinion, and it has
been vaguely presented to the notice of the medical pro-
fession in the past; but it was not until after the publica-
tion of Ebrenberg's great work on Infusoria (1S38) that
its bearings were fully appreciated.
It will no doubt be news to many to learn that the mos-
quito theory of the transmission of yellow fever came
very nearly being expounded over half a century ago. Dr.
Nctt, of .Mobile, in a paper published in 1848,^ reviews the
situation in a scholarly manner and attributes the speci-
fic cause of yellow fever to "some form of insect life." He
does not mention the mos(|uito as the active agent of
transmission, l»ut, in a long and caiTfully-prei)ared paper,
dwells upon the fact that "certain insects" are capable of
transmitting the disease.
Anwnig other things. Dr. Nott makes the following as-
sertion ( loc. cit. p. 40), which certainly is prophetic of
the theory fathered by Dr. I'inlay:
"It would certainly be (juite as philosoi)hical (as the
nmlarial tlieory) to suppose that some insect or an animal-
cule, hatched in the lowlands, like the mosquito,- after
*Nott: New Orleans Medical and Surgical Journal. 1848, vol.
4, p. 563.
- The emphasy is ours. G. A.
INSECTS AS PROPAGATORS OF DISEAj^E. 45
passing' through its iiietainorphoses, takes tlight, aud
either by preference for a different atmosphere, or im-
pelled b}^ one of those extraordinary instincts which many
are known to possess, wings its way to the hill top to ful-
fil its appointed destiny."
Twenty-two years later (1870), Dr. Nott was commis-
sioned by the Board of Health of the City of New York to
prepare and present to the Board a report upon the out-
break of yellow fever at Governor's Island that year. In
an elaborate paper, in which the Doctor touches upon the
causes of the outbreak and its progress, he comments at
length upon the insect hypothesis. The following extract
from Dr. Nott's paper is the nearest approach to the pres-
ent accepted doctrine of transmission we have yet seen
in opinions of the past:'^
"It is possible/' ol)serves Dr. Nott, "that even insects
uia}' exist a million times smaller than any the microscope
has yet reached. While the slow and steady progression
of yellow fever from a point, as I have described it, should
be received as an indisputable fact, on the other hand we
confess that the fact is at present inexplicable ; it must be
some form of living organism, which multiplies and ex-
tends by organic laws. If in insects form, it is easy to
understand its progress, and, if a fungus, we are not with-
out examples in the larger fungi, of a manner of progres-
sion from a given spot more rapid than that of yellow
fever. Moreover, it is the business of some insects to dis-
tribute certain seeds of plants far and wide; to carry the
pollen of one plant to another to fructify it; and it may
be the duty of others to disseminate diseases. It is well
known, on the authority of Murchison and others, that
the nuilignant pustule is taken by gnats from the animal
and communicated to man by its bite. So there are many
ways that diseases might be carried and communicated by
insects or fungi.
"I will here mention a fact which 1 have often noticed
myscdf with regard to mosquitoks/ but have never seen it
alluded to by others. These insects are so abundant in
^Nott: Annual Report of the Board of Health of the Health
Department of the City of New York, 1870, p. 363.
* The emphasy is ours. G. A.
4G HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
:Mobile, New Orleans, and other Southern cities, that it is
iiii]»()ssible to sk'e]) at nijiht Avitlioiit the pr(;tectiou of mos-
(luito nets. Fair-skinned persons from more northern
climates, and particularly .younji; children recently intro-
duced, sufTer iireatly from tlie hitfs of this insect, the bites
often intiaminjj;, and even makiiiu- tedious, troultksome
sores; Avhereas the children of parents who have lived a
iicneration or two in the climate suffer comparatively
little; they seem To become acclimatized against the
jKvison of these insects as they do against the poison of
yellow fever. On rising from my own bed in the morning
I have many times seen my little children lying in a trun-
dle-l)ed covered l)y mosquitoes, after, as Mrs. Jackson said,
'kicking the kivcr off.' The insects had been biting at
tliem for hours, and yet by br(ndvfast-time every mark had
disai)peartd. Sucli Y\ould not be the case with children of
fair-skinned parents recently brought into the clime.
Some Southern children, it is true, are more -susceptible
to the poison of mosquitoes than others, and so it is with
regard to susceptibility to yellow fever."
If Dr. Xott had simply gone a little further and directly
accused the mosquito of being the active agent of trans-
mission, yellow fever would have been eradicated from the
American Continent years ago and tlie illustrious Soutli-
erner would have occupied a place in the annals of fame
which would have endured for all time to come.
Tiktine, in an article entitled '^Contagion through the
Intluence of Insects, ''•'' relates facts of great interest. In
a review of this paper made in the BnUctin of the Pasteur
Institute for April, 1897, mention is made of an epidemic
of rela])sing fever which occurred in Odessa, Ixussia,
where the disease is almost unknown.'"' It seems that a
saib)r who came from Jaffa was suffering from this mal-
ady and was admitted. to the hospital. A week later an-
other patient was admitted, and soon after a tremendous
epidemic occurred, which affected more than ten thousand
individuals. !Most of these were sailors, living about the
harbor, who usually applied for admission after a de-
' Bulletin Medical (Paris), February 3, 1S97.
'This disease is exceedingly rare in the United States, but is
quite prevalent in Great Britain.
INSECTS AS PROPAGATORS OF DISEASE. 4?
baiicli. Dr. Tiktiiie weut to see a number of them, aud
was struck by the enormous number of bed-bugs, lice and
fleas with whicli they were covered. He tlien thoui»ht tliat
tlie {'(nitaiiion miiiht liave arisen from these parasites
g-oin<>- from one individual to the other. One of these in-
sects, passing from a sick man to a healthy one, might
inoculate the latter by its sting, still smeared with Wood,
or else the sleeper, abrading his skin by scratcliing, might
become infected by crushing the parasite, full of septic
blood, over the sore places.
The Doctor collected some bed-bugs and allowed them
to fast, after whicli he jdaced them upon the skin of pa-
tients sutferinu' from an attack of rela^jsing fever. Tliey
raiiidlv filled themselves with blood which, upon micro-
scropic examination, was found to contain large numbers
of spirilli s^'U in motion. He was able to show that tlieir
A'italitv persiKted, witiun the insect, for more than
eiiihteen In urs. Besides this, bed-bugs were fed u])on the
blotkl of a monkey that had been inoculated with s])iril-
lun'i fever. They were then placed upon a healthy monkey,
and the latter soon had a characteristic attack of the dis-
ease.
"We can therefore see what a preponderating place is
taken by insects in the spreading of contagious diseases,"
ccnchides the reviewer. ''We know that flies often carry
about the bacilli of tuberculosis, of cholera, of puruhuit
ophthalnua, and of anthrax. Finlay of Havana, believes
that flies are the principal agents in the dissemination of
yellow fever, and Hammond shares this view. Texas
fever, according to Smith and Kilborne, is i)ropagated by
ticks which spread about a h.Tmatozoa, belonging, like
that of the malarial infection, to the class of protozoa."
Howard, Avhcse great work on the natural life of the
mos(iuito is a standard, thus (Uscrilies liow typhoid fever
is i)ro])agated by the common house-fly :^
''The princii)al insect agent in this spread is the com
mon house fly and this insect is especially abuii<i:nit in
counti-y houses in the viciidty of stables in wliich horses
are kept. The reason for this is that the preferred food of
'Howard: Farmers' Bulletin No. 155, U. S. Department o£
Agriculture, 1902, p. 12.
48 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
the larvjp of house flies is horse manure. House flies
breed in incredible numbers in a manure pile lari^ely de-
rived from horses. Twelve hundred house flies, and per-
haps more, will issue from a pound of horse manure. Ten
days completes a generation of house flies in the summer.
The number of eggs laid by each female fly averages 120.
Thus, under favorable conditions, the offspring of a single
over-wintering house fly may in the course of a summer
reach a flgure almost beyond belief. With an uncared-for
pile of horse manure in the vicinity of a house, therefore,
flies are sure to swarm. Their number practically will
be limited only by breeding opportunities. They are at-
tracted to, and will lay their eggs in, human excrement.
Under favorable conditions thej' will breed, to some ex-
tent, in this excrement. They swarm in kitchens and
dining rooms where food supplies are exposed. They are
found commonly in box privies, which sometimes are not
distant friuu the kitchens and dining rooms. Therefore,
with an abundance of flies, with a box privy near by, or
with excremental desposit in the neighborhood, and with
a ])erhai)S unsuspected or not yet fully developed case of
typhoid in the immediate neighborhood, there is no reason
why, thrcHigli the agency of contaminated flies alighting
upon food supplies, the disease should not be spread to
healthy individuals. That it is so spread is not to be
questioned. That under the unusual conditions of the
aruiy concentration caui])S in the summer of 1S1)8 it was
so spread to a shocking extent has been deuionstrated by
the army typhoid fever commission. And the remedy is
plain. It consists of two courses of procedure : (1) Pro-
per care of excereta; (2) the destruction of flies."
The same authority says,^ that while in malaria and
tyi)hoid we have the two j»rincii)al diseases common to the
United States which may be conveyed by insects, the
agency of these little creatures in the transfer of disease
germs is much more widespread in warm countries, and it
is by no means conflned to human beings. In Egypt and
in the Fiji Islands there is a destructive eye disease of
human beings the germs of which are carried by the com-
»Loc. cit., p. 17.
INSECTS AS PROPAGATORS OF DISEASE. 49
mon house fly. In our Southern States an eye disease
known as piuk-eye is carried by certain very minute flies
of the genus Hippelates. In certain tropical countries a
disease known as filariasis, whicli somewhat resembles cer-
tain forms of leprosy, is transferred among human beings
by certain mosquitoes. There is good reason to suppose
that the germs of the bubonic plague may be transferred
from sick people to healthy people by the bites of fleas.
The so-called Texas fever of cattle is unquestionably
transferred by the common cattle tick and this was the
earliest of the clearly demonstrated cases of the transfer
of disease by insects. In AJfrica a similar disease of cattle
is trasferred by the bite of the famous biting fly known as
the tsetse fl}'. The germs of the disease of cattle known as
anthrax are carried by gadflies, or horse flies, and when
these flies subsequently bite human beings malignant pus-
tules ma3' result; and other discoveries of this nature are
constantly beiiig made. Even the common bedbug is
strongly suspected in this connection.
Jellitte, in speaking of flies as carriers of disease, gives
the following example:'^
To prove that flies as well as men and animals were able
to contract the plague, a certain number of insects were
allowed to feed on the crushed organs of an animal that
had died of it, while an equal number of flies were fed
on similar organs of a healthy animal. In several repeti-
tions of this experiment all the infected flies were dead at
the end of six or seven days, while nearly all the other flies
were alive. All the dead flies had the living germs of the
plague in their intestines. In plague stricken countries
where there are no sewers, no garbage laws, and no sani-
tation, where dead animals lie unburied, where families
live and eat and sleep in tlie same room, it is logical to
conclude that the flies, the only natural scavengers, should
become infected, and should, in the few days that elapse
before they die, infect all the food they light on.
The following experiment is also i-elated by Jeliffe:
"Flies are not the only insects that carry the plague.
Ants and fleas are just as dangerous. In India, when a
"Jeliffe: Munsey's Magazine, 1901, Vol. 25, p. 707.
50 HISTORY OF YELLOW P'EVER.
rat dies of the pla.uue, liis body is pi'oiui)tly eaten by ants.
To prove that the insects contract the infection, an experi-
luenter dipped the point of a needle in their excreta, and
witli it ])ricked some livin<>' rats and mice, whicli he kept
carefully in cai^es. They in turn died of the plajiue.
That such a slight thing as a pin prick is enough to allow
the germs to enter the body of a human l)eing is shown by
the case of the two Japanese i)hysicians who scratched
themselves with the points of their instruments while
nuiking autopsies on plague patients, and immediately
took the disease.''
It will thus be seen that not only flies and mosquitoes,
but ''all insects that bite" should be looked upon with sus-
picion and destroyed.
The earliest reference to mosquitoes in connection with
yellow fever that we have been able to discover, is^ made
by Benjamin Rush in his Medical Incpiirics and Observa-
tions, (Vol. 5, p. 18), edition of 1T9S. In speaking of the
yellow fever epidemic at rhiladeli)hia in 1797, he says:
"In addition to the register of the weather, it may not
l)e iui]u-op(r to add, that mos<|uitoes were more uuuierous
during the prevaleuce of the fcAcr than in 1703. An un-
usual number of ants and cockroaches were also observed ;
and it was said that the martins and swallows disap-
peared froui the city and its neighb()i]i()(;(l."'
The presence of mosquitoes during the prevalence of
y(^llow fever was also noted by an early writer. Dr. John
Vauglian,^** in his observations on the ejjidemic at Wil-
nungton, Delaware, in 1S02. "Myriads of mosquitoes,"
says this wiiter, "infested the lower parts of the town
from July until frost, having gradually diffused them-
selves over the borough in September.' The eldest of our
inhabitants do not recollect this insect being so trouble-
some here in any previous season; while the unanimous
rci)ort of persons from the fenny counties of Kent and
Sussex, the annual haunts of these winged pests, Avas that
they were unusually free from theui."
It is also worthy of note that the fever did not spread
f
"Vauglian: Medical Repository, N. Y., 1803, vol. 6, p. 299.
INSECTS AS PROPAGATORS OF DISEASE. 51
to Kent and Sussex counties, but spent all its virulence
in the district where the mosquito was more abundant.^ ^
The idea that yellow fever could be transmitted by mos-
quitoes originated with Dr. Carlos Finla^', of Havana, in
1881. The doctor noticed a correspondence between the
abundance of mosquitoes and a period of increase of yel-
low fever in the autumn, while during the summer yellow
fever had not prevailed to any extent and mosquitoes had
also been less numerous. This set the doctor to thinking
and a suspicion lurked in his mind that these pestiferous
insects were probably responsible for the spread of the
dsease. He immediately began a series of experiments,
which resulted in the great discovery which has revcilu-
tionized the antiquated theories concerning the propaga-
tion of yellow fever and which are detailed in the medical
part of this volume.
We will end this summary' by giving the conclusions of
Keed, Carroll and Agramonte, taken from their masterly
essay on the etiology of yelloAV fever, which sums up the
whole situation in a nutshell '}^
1. The mosquito^ — C. fasciatus — serves as the inter-
mediate host for the parasite of yellow fever.
2. Yellow fever is transmitted to the non-immune in-
dividual by means of the bite of the mosquito that lias pre-
viously fed on the blood of those sick with this disease.
• 3. An interval of about twelve days or more after con-
tamination appears to be necessary before the mosquito is
capable of conveying the infection.
4. The bite of the mosquito at an earlier period after
contamination does not appear to confer any immunity
against a subsequent attack.
5. Yellow fever can also be experinu^ntally produced
by the subcutaneous injection of blood taken from the
general circulation during the first and second days of
this disease,
6. An attack of yellow fever, produced by the bite of
the mosquito, confers immunity against the subsequent
" See Chapter on "Yellow Fever in Maine," in this volufhe.
'- The Etiology of Yellow Fever, By Walter Reed, James
Carroll and Aristides Agramonte, 1901.
52 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
iujection of the blood of au individual suffering from the
uon-experiniental form of this disease.
7. The period of incubation in thirteen cases of ex-
perimental yellow fever has varied from forty-one hours
to five days and seventeen hours.
8. Yellow fever is not conveyed by fomites, and hence
disinfection of articles of clothing, bedding, or merchan-
dise, supposedly contaminated by contact with those sick
with this disease, is unnecessary.
9. A house may be said to be infected with yellow fever
only when there are present within its walls contamin-
ated mos(]uitoes capable of conveying the parasite of this
disease.
10. The spread of yellow fever can be most effectually
controlled by measures directed to the destruction of mos-
quitoes and the protection of the sick against the bites of
these insects.
11. While the mode of propagation of yellow fever has
now been definiteh' determined, the specific cause of this
disease remains to be discovered.
BIBLIOGRAPHY ON TRANSMISSION O** OIS«=ASE BY INS«^CTS.
NOTE BY THE AUTHOR.
As this work treats principally of yellow fpver, we give below only
a partial bibliography of the trausmissioT> of disease by insects. The
literature on the relation between the transmission of malaria and
the mosquito is enormous and can be found in the Index Medicus,
the Index Catalogue of the Surgeon-n'<n<^'-irs Office and medical
journals.
The bibliography of the transmission c* yellow fever by the mos-
quito will be found in another part c* tJ '•' volume.
BOOKS AND MOVOaRAPHS.
CORXOLDI (G. M.). La Mosca et il Colera. (Octavo.) Venice:
1S84.
HOWARD (L. O.). How insects affect health in rural districts.
U. S. Dept. of Agriculture: Farmers' Bulletin No. 155, 1902.
HEISE (J. G.). De insectorum noxio effectu in corpus humanum.
Halae Magdeb., 1757.
INSECTS AS PROPAGATORS OF DISEASE. 53
JOLY (R. A. p.). Importance du role des insectes dans la trans-
mission des maladies infectieuses et parasitaires. Du formol comme
insecticide. (Octavo.) Bordeaux, 1898. Also Abstract.
LAVERAN (A.). Traite du Paladisme. (Octavo.) Paris, 1898.
(See pages 123; 129.)
LEVRIER. (Translation into French of Nuttall's work below cited.)
2 vols. (Octavo.) Bordeaux, 1900.
MUHLING (P.). Die Uebertragung von Krankheitserregern durch
Wanze und Blutegel. (Octavo.) Konigsberg, i. p., 1899.
NUTTALL (G. H. F.). On the role of insects, arachnids, and
myriapods as carriers in the spread of bacterial and parasitic diseases
of man and animals; a critical and historical study. (Octavo.) Balti-
more (no date).
JOURNALS.
ABEL (R.). Einige Fraganzungen zu der in No. 5-12 dieser Zeit-
schrift Erschienenen Abhandlung von Nuttal uber die Rolle der In-
sekten u. se. w. bei der, etc. Thiere. Hyg. Rundschau, Berl., 1899, Vol.
9, p. 1065,.
ANOTHER tick-borne disease. Interstate M. J., St, Louis, 1902,
Vol. 9, p. 443.
BASTIANELLI (G.) and BIGNAMI (A.). Sullo sviluppo del para-
sitti della ternaza nell' Anopheles claviger. Bull. d. r. Acad Med. di
Roma, 1899, vol. 25, p. 277.
Ibid. Ann. d'Ig. Sper., Rome, 1899, vol. 9, p, 272.
Ibid. Malaria and Mosquitoes. Lancet, London, 1900, vol. 1, p. 79.
(See also other articles by the above authors, published in European
medical journals from 1896 to 1900.)
BEACH (C. C). Insects as etiological factors in disease. Proc.
Connect. M. Soc, Bridgeport, Conn., 1899, p. 95.
BEALE (A). Cholera, a fly-borne disease. Indian M. Rec, Cal-
cutta, 1897, Vol. 12, 76.
BRENNAN (T.). La mouche comme agent de propagation des
maladies et comme milieu de metamorphose microbienne. Rev. med.
du Canada, Montreal, 1902-3, Vol. 6, p. 33.
54 HISTORY OF YELLOW FKVIR.
BUCHANAN (W. J.). Cholera diffusion by flies. Indian M. Gaz.,
Calcutta, 1897, Vol. 32, p.. 86. Also: Dietet. & Hyg. Gaz., N. Y,. 1897,
Vol. 13, 377.
BURRAGE (S.). The transmission of disease by flies and other in-
sects. Proc. Indiana M. Soc, Indianap., 1900, p. 182.
CALMETTE (E.). Del rol de los insectos en la propogacion de las
enfermedades de los paises calidos. Rev. med. de Sevilla, 1899, Vol.
23, p. 35.
CAMPBELL (C). House flies and disease. Brit. M. J., Lond.,
1901, Vol. 2, p. 980.
CARTAZ (A.). La transmission des maladies par les Insectes.
Nature, Par., 1898-9, Vol. 27, p. 10.
CHAPMAN (C.) and JOHNSTON (J.). House flies and disease.
Brit. M. J., London, 1901, Vol. 2, p. 1267.
CHASSAIGNAC (CHARLES). The Role of the Mosquito in the
Propagation of Disease, Especially Malaria. (Annual Address, etc.).
N. O. Med. & Surg. Jl, 1905-06, vol. 58, p. 33.
CIAURI (R.). Gli insettinella transmissione delle malattie infettive.
Riforraa med., Palermo, 1898, vol. 14, pt. 4, p. 565.
CLEAVER (EMMA O.). The role of insects in transmission of dis-
ease; a resume. Penn. M. J., Pittsburg, 1900-1901, Vol. 4, p. 457.
COPLIN (W. M. L.). The propagation of disease by means of in-
sects, with special consideration of the common domestic types.
Pennsylvania Med. Jl., 1899-1900, Vol. 3, p. 241. Phila. M. J., 1899,
Vol. 3, p. 1303. Reprint.
CORREA (A.). Breve nocion de la perniciosa influencia que ejercen
los insectos en determinadas enfermedades. Siglo med. Madrid, 1892,
Vol. 39, pp. 386; 402.
CRAIG (C. F.). The transmission of disease by certain insects;
ticks, bedbugs, ants, etc. N. York M. J., 1898, Vol. 68, p. 593.
CRAIG (T. C). The transmission of the cholera spirillum by the
alimentary contents and intestinal dejecto of the common house-fly.
Med. Rec, N. Y., 1894, Vol. 46, p. 38.
INSECTS AS PROPAGATORS OF DISEASE. 55
DAWSON (C. F.). The dissemination of infectious diseases by in-
sects. Am. Vet. Rev., N. Y., 1901-2, Vol. 25, p. 266.
DESFOSSES (P.). Du role de certains insectes dans la transmis-
sion de quelques maladies. Presse med.. Par., 1898, Vol. 2, annexes,
182.
ELLIS (A. G.). Insects as a means of spreading infectious dis-
eatod. Medical Age. Detroit, 1899, Vol. 17, p. 641.
FINLAY (C. J.). Mosquitoes considered as transmitters of yellow
fever and malaria. Medical Record, N. Y., 1899, Vol. 55, p. 737.
FLIES as agents in the New York cholera epidemic. Boston M. &
S. J., 1893, Vol. 128, p. 170.
FLY (The) as a propagator of typhoid fever. Medical Record, N.
Y., 1898, Vol. 54, p. 486.
FRANCIS (C. R.). Cholera caused by a fly (?). Brit. M. J., Lond.,
1893, Vol. 2, p. 65.
FURNARI (S). Insectes producteurs du cholera. J. d. conn. Med.
prat., Par., 1836-7, Vol. 4, p. 25.
GALIPPE (V.). Transport par un insecte de parasites infectieux.
Compt. rend. Soc. de biol.. Par., 1889, 9. s.. Vol. 1, p. 558.
GOODALL (T. B.). On entomology as a sanitary science. Tr. San.
Inst., 1892, Lond., 1893, Vol. 13, p.. 272.
H. (J.). Les punaises et les moustiques comme agents de contagion.
Riv. sclent. Par., 1897, 4. s.. Vol. 7, p. 110. Also, Translation: Med,
Press & Circ, Lond., 1898, n. s.. Vol. 65, p. 6.
GRASSI (B.). La malaria propagee par le moyen de certain in-
sectes particuliers. Arch. Ital, de Biologic, Turin, 1899, Vol. 31, p. 143.
HEIM (F.). Du role de quelques coleopteres dans la dissemination de
certains cas de charbon. Comptes Rendu de la Societe Biologique de
Paris, 1894, Vol. 6, p. 58.
HELBIG. Kerbthiere als Krankheitsverbreiter. Pharm. Central-
halle, Dresd., 1901, n. F., Vol. 22, p. 729.
56 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
HELLER (C). Ueber septische Infection wahrscheinlich durch
Insecten vermittelt. Mitth. a. d. Tubing. Poliklin., Stuttgart, 1886, 1.
Hft., p. 1.
HERICOURT (J.). El contagio por medio de los insectos. Habaria
med., 1900, Vol. 3, p. 33.
HOMAN (G.). Insect agency in the spread of disease. St. Louis
M. Gaz., 1898, Vol. 1, p. 133.
HOMAN (G.)- On the agency of parasitic vermin and other insect
pests in the spread of disease. Am. Med., Phila., 1901, Vol. 2, p. 536.
HOWARD (I.. O.). Insects as carriers and spreaders of disease.
Yearbook U. S. Dep. Agric. 1901, Wash., 1902, p. 177.
HOWARD (L. O.). Experimental work with fungous diseases of
grasshoppers. Ibid., p. 459.
HUTCHINSON (J.). On flies, fleas, etc., as agents in the produc-
tion of disease. Arch. Surg., Lond., 1895, Vol. 6, p. 386.
JELLIFFE (S. E.). Insects as Carriers of Disease. Munsey's Maga-
zine, N. Y., 1901, Vol 25, p. 707.
JOLY (R. A. P.). Importance du role des iusectes dans la trans-
mission des maladies infectueus«s. (Abstract.) Gazette des Hopi-
taux, Paris, 1898, Vol. 71, p. 1202.
KELLY (H. A.). A historical note upon Diptera as carriers of dis-
eases; Pare; Declat. Johns Hopkins Hosp. Bull., Bait., 1901, Vol.
12, p. 240. Also, reprint.
LAVERAN (A.). Comment prend-on le paludisme? Revue d'Hy-
giene, Paris 1896, Vol. 18, p. 1049.
Ibid. Des mesures a prendre contre les moustiques. Revue Gen.
de Clin, et de Therap., Paris, 1899, Vol. 13, p. 257.
Ibid. Sur um anopheles provenant de Madagascar. Compte Rendu.
Soc. de' Biologie, Paris, 1900, II. Series, Vol. 2, p. 109.
LEIDY (J.). The common fly as a factor in the transmission of
disease germs. Phila. M. J., 1901, Vol. 7, p. 49.
MACRAE (R.). Flies and cholera diffusion. Indian M. Gaz., Cal-
cutta, 1894, Vol. 29, p. 407. 1 pi. Also, Reprint.
INSECTS AS PROPAGATORS OF DISEASE. ' 57
MADDOX (R. L.). Further experiments on feeding insects with the
curved or "comma" bacillus. J. Roy. Micr. Soc, Lond., 1885, 2d s.,
Vol. 5, p. 941.
MALARIA (A) conference in Rome. British Med. Jl., 1900, Vol. 1,
p. 323.
MALARIA (The) expedition to Sierra Leone. British Med. Jl.,
London, 1, 1899, Vol. 2, pp. 675; 746; 869; 1033.
MALARIA (The) expedition to West Africa, Lancet, London, 1899,
Vol. 2, p. 1041.
MANSON (PATRICK). The Goulstonian Lectures on the life-
history of the malaria germ outside the human body. British Med. Jl.,
London, 1896, Vol. 1, pp. 641; 712; 774.
Ibid. The mosquito and the malarial parasite. British Med. Jl.,
1898,. Vol. 2, p. 849.
Ibid. Surgeon-Major Donald Ross' recent investigations on the
mosquito-malarial theory. British Med. Jl., 1898, Vol. 1, p. 1575.
Ibid. The role of the mosquito in the evolution of the malarial
parasite; the recent research of Surgeon-Major Ronald Ross. Lancet,
London, 1898, Vol'. 2, p. 488.
Ibid. An exposition of the mosquito-malaria theory and its recent
developments. Jl. Tropical Med., London, 1898-99, Vol. 1, p. 4.
MARCHOUX. Au sujet de la transmission du paludisme par les
moustiques. Annals d"Hygiene et de Medecine Colonial, Paris, 1899,
Vol. 2, p. 22.
McCOLLOM (J. H.). The role of insects in the propagation of
disease. Am. J. Nursing, Phila., 1901-2, Vol, 2, p. 181.
McFARLAND (J.). Relation of insects to the spread of disease.
Medicine, Detroit, 1902, Vol. 8, p. 1.
MACKAIG (A.). Insects and cholera. Edinb. M. J., 1902, n. s.,
Vol. 12, p. 137.
MADDOX (R. L.). Experiments in feeding some insects with cul-
tures of comma or cholera bacilli. Tr. Am. Micr. Soc. 1898, Lincoln,
Neb., 1899, Vol. 20, p. 75. (1 Plate.)
58 HISTORY OF YKLLOW FEVER.
MANNING (J.). A preliminary report on the transmission of
pathogenic germs by the common house-fly. Am. J. Nursing, Phila.,
1901-2, Vol. 2, p. 920. Also: J. Am. M. Ass., Chicago, 1902, Vol. 38,
1291.
MARPMANN (G.). Ueber d'e Vernichtung von Bakterien durch
Fliegen und stechende Insekten und uber den Zusammenhang von
epidemischen Krankheiten mit dem Auftreten und der Entwicklung
von Stechfliegen, Mucken, etc., in den insektenreichen und insekten-
armen Jahren. Apoth. Ztg., Berl., 1S97, Vol. 12, p. 616.
MARPMANN (G.). Ueber den Zusammenhang von pathogenen
Bakterien mit Fliegen. Centralbl. f. Bakteriol., etc. 1. Abt.. Jena,
1897, Vol. 22, p. 127.
MONNIER (U.). Du role des insectes dans la propagation des
maladies infectieuses Gaz. med. de Nantes, 1898-9, Vol. 17, p. 179.
MUHLING (P.). Die Uebertragung von Krankheitserregern durch
Wanze und Blutegel. Centralbl. f. Bakteriol, etc. 1. Abt., Jena, 1899,
Vol. 25, 703.
NOTES on the part played by insects as carriers of infection. Brit.
M. J., Lond., 1900, Vol. 1, p. 328.
NUTTALL (G. H. F.). Zur Aufklarung der Rolle, welche stechende
Insekten bei der Verbreitung von Infektionskrankheiten spielen.
Cen tralbl. f. Bakteriol, etc. 1. Abt., Jena, 1898, Vol. 23, p. 625.
NUTTALL (G. H. F.). Remarks upon a paper by Dr. Calmette en-
titled: "Intertropical medicine; on the part played by insects in the
dissemination of the diseases of hot countries." J. Trop. M., Lond.,
1899-1900, Vol. 2, p. 182.
NUTTALL (G. H. F.). Die Mosquito-Malaria Theorie. Centralbl.
f. Bacteriol, 1. Abt., Jena 1899, vol. 25, pp. 161; 200; 245; 285; 387.
NUTTALL (G. H. F.). On the role of insects * * * in the spread
of bacterial and parasitical diseases. Johns Hopkins Hospital Re-
ports, Baltimore, 1890, Vol. 8, p. 1. (3 plates.)
Ibid. (Abstract.) British Med. Jl., London, 1899, Vol. 2, p. 642.
Ibid. (Abstract.) Journal of Tropical Medicine, London, 1899-1900,
Vol. 2, p. 107.
Ibid. (Abstract.) Lancet, London, 1899, Vol. 2, p. 775.
Ibid. (Translation.) Hyg. Rundsehau, Berlin, 1899, Vol. 9, pp.
209; 289; 393; 503; 606.
INSECTS AS 1 ROPAGATORS OF DISEASE. 59
PAULLINUS (C. F.). Musca dysenteriae genitrix. Acad. nat.
curios, ephem. 1687, Norimb., 1707, decuria 2, vi (ap.p. ), 30-34. Also,
trans. Abstr. Collect. Acad. d. mem., etc., Dijon, 1766, Vol. 7, 510.
RAMIREZ (R.). The diptera from a hygienic point of view. Am.
Pub. Health Ass. Rep., Columbus, 1898, Vol. 24, p. 257. Discussion,
p. 356.
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insectes, et sur leur traitement. Experience, Par., 1838, Vol. 1, pp.
425-429. Also: Ann. d med. beige, Brux., 1838, Vol. 2, 1-5.
RENDER. Curious instances of pestiferous insects. Boston M. &
S. J., 1832, Vol. 6, 53-56.
ROSS (RONALD). Some observations on the ci-escent sphere-
flagella metamorphosis of the malarial parasite within the mosquito,
Transactions South Indian Branch British Med. Ass'n, Madras, 1895,
Vol. 6, p. 334.
Ibid. Indian Lancet, Calcutta, 1896, Vol. 7, p. 227.
Ibi^. Life-history of the parasites of malaria. Nature, London,
1899, Vol. 60, p. 322.
(Dr. Ross also published numerous articles on this subject, which
will be found in the scientific journals from 1896 to 1900.)
S. (A. H.). Typhoid fever and flies. Medical Record, N. Y., 1898,
Vol. 44, p. 537.
SALISBURY-SHARPE (W.). The influence of dust and flies in
the contamination of food and the dissemination of disease. Lancet,
Lond., 1900, Vol. 1, 1613.
SANGREE (E. B.). Flies and typhoid fever. Medical Record, N.
Y., 1899, Vol. 55, p. 88.
SAUNDERS (J.). Is there a cholera fly, sui generis? Texas Health
J., Dallas, 1889-90, Vol. 2, p. 397.
SAVCHENKO (L G.). Materiali k etiologii choler'i; rol mukh v
rasprostranenii choler'noi zarazi. (Data on the etiology of cholera;
the role of flies in the diffusion of the contagion of cholera.) Vrach,
St. Petersb., 1892, Vol. 13, p. 1131. Also, transl.: Centralbl. f. Bakteriol.
u. Parasitenk., Jena, 1892, Vol. 12, p. 893.
60 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
SHEWAN (M.). Insects and infection. Indian M. Rec, Calcutta,
1897, Vol. 12, p. 203.
STILES (C. W.). Insects as disseminators of disease. Sanitarian,
N. Y., 1901, Vol. 47, p. 3. Also: Virginia M. Semi-Month., Richmond,
1901-2, Vol. 6, p. 53.
SUTTON (R. S). Typhoid Fever and Flies. Medical Record, N.
Y., 1898, Vol. 44, p. 610.
TRANSMISSION (La) des maladies infectieuses par les insectes,
les arachnides et les myriapodes. Med. Mod., Par., 1899, Vol. 10,
579.
VEEDER (M. A.). The relative importance of flies and water sup-
ply in spreading disease. Buffalo M. J., 1S98-9, n. s., Vol. 38, p. 663.
Also: Med. Rec, N. Y., 1899, Vol. 55, p. 10. Also, Reprint.
VEEDER (M. A.). Flies as spreaders of sickness in camps. Med.
Rec. N. Y., 1898, Vol. 54, p. 429. Also, Reprint.
VEEDER (M. A.). The spread of typhoid and dysenteric diseases
by flies. American Public Health Ass'n Reports, Columbus, 1898, Vol.
24, p. 260. (Discussion, p. 356.)
VON HOLUB (C). Insekten als lebendes Substrat fur Kultivierung
ansteckender Krankheiten des Menschen und der Tiere. Centralbl.
f. Bakteriol. (etc.) 1. Abt., Jena, 1901, Vol. 30, p. 284.
WEBER (L. W.). Die Stubenflige als Uebertragerin ansteckender
Krankheiten. Irrenpflege, Halle, a. S., 1898, Vol. 2, p. 191.
WIESNER (A.). O prenaseni zarodku nakazlivych chorob lidskych
i zvirecich cizopasniky koznimi, zejmena hmyzem. (The conveyance
of the germs of contagious diseases of man and animals by insects.)
Lek. rozhledy, Praha, 1899, Vol. 7, p. 129.
WILLIAMSON (G. A.). Contribution a I'etude du role pathogenique
des insectes dans les pays chauds. (Transl.) Ann. Soc de med. de
Gand, 1901, Vol. 80, p. 248.
WILLIAMSON (G. A.). The Cyprus sphalangi and its connection
with anthrax (called locally sphalangi bite). J. Trop. M., 1901, Vol.
4, pp. 34; 44.
PART SECOND.
YELLOW FEVER.
PRELIMINARY OBSERVATIONS.
CHAPTER I.
PERTINENT POINTS ABOUT YELLOW FEVER.
Geographical Limits of Yellow Fever and Other Pestilential Dis-
eases.— Mortality of Yellow Fever in September, Compared with
Other Months. — Historic Mortalities from Yellow Fever.
Geographical Limits of Yellow Fever.
No disease possessing" such pestiferous proclivities as
yellow fever is confined within such restricted limits. In
America, it has never prevailed further north than Quehec
(latitude 4(>° 50\) nor has it heen noticed further south
than Montevideo (latitude 34° 54'). In the Eastern
Hemisphere, Swansea, in Wales (latitude 51° 37') has
been its northernmost limit, while St. Paul de Loanda, in
Africa (about 9° S. ) has been the southernnu)st habitat.
Its western limits have been the shores of the Pacific from
]Montevideo to Lower California, except on one occasion
(1883) when an imported case died in San Francisco,
Cal. In Europe, it has never been seen fui-ther East than
Leghorn, in Italy (7° 5G'). In Africa, Egypt and ]Mada-
gascar are said to have been invaded by the disease, but
the report lacks authenticity. Tlie same may be said of
the alleged prevalence in Asia Elinor during the . cam-
paigns of Napoleon. ,
The present foci of yello^\' fever are still more restricted
than fonuerly. Juan Guiteras recognizes the following
three areas of infection :
1. The Focal Vjjuc, in which the diseases is never ab-
sent, including Havana, Vera Cruz, Rio Janeiro and
other South American ports.
2. The Perifocal Zo»r. or region of periodic epidemics,
including the ports of the troi)ical Atlantic in America
and Africa.
64 HISTORY OK YELLOW FEVER.
3. The VjOuc of Accidental Epidemics^ between the
parallels of 43° uortli aud 35° south.
To better understand the meaning of this eminent
authority, the reader is referred to the map of the world,
where he will observe three great regions of pestilential
disease: First, of the plague; secondly, of cholera;
thirdly, of yellow feyer.
These regions are distributed as follows :
From the equator to 20° North may be regarded as the
true yellow feyer region. This includes the West Indies,
the coast towns of Mexico, the Isthmus of Panama, Col-
umbia, Venezuela, the eastern shores of South America
as far south as the Eio de la Plata, and the western coast
of Africa, embracing Sierra Leone aud the Gold Coast.
From 30° to 40° North, in the Eastern Hemisphere, is
the region of the plague, including Arabia, Egypt, Turkey
and Asia Minor.
From 20° to 40° North, in the Eastern Hemisphere, is
theValky of the Ganges, the principal centre of the cholera
region.
Mortality of Yellow Fevkr in September.
A study of the statistics of yellow feyer demonstrates
the peculiar fact that the disease is connected in its epi-
demic appearance with certain seasons of the year. The
months of July, August and September are those in which
epidemics are more prevalent and the disease seems to at-
tain its greatest mortality in the latter month. A resume
of nine epidemics in New Orleans, made by Chaille, and
completed (so far as 1905 is concerned) bj' the compiler
of this work, shows that in six of these visitations, the
mortality was greatest in September, viz :
* Some Yellow Fever Data, by S. E. Chaille, New Orleans
Medical and Surgical Journal, 1905, vol. 58, p. 191.
PERTINENT POINTS ABOUT YELLOW FEVER.
65
Mortality in Nine Notable Epidemics in New
Orleans.
May
June
July
August
SEPTEMBER
October
November
December
MODtHsOaKDOWD..
74
965
laoo
198
12
10
445
4
33
200
467
126
20
22
31 2
1521 29
5:33 53 J
982 1234
147 490
28 131
4 7
5
382
1286
2
132
1140
3
II 26
255 1025
42
217
874 2204 1837 1780 III
97
19
137
1072
1065
61
224
103
147
6
15
26
3
0
TOTAL
2804 872 7848 24«5 2670 4854 3107 , 4046
A glance at the above figures proves that in only three
instances (1853, 1858 and 1905) August proved more
fatal than September. In 1853, the mortality reached the
appalling aggregate of 5133 in August, against 892 in
September and a grand total of 7848 for the entire year.
A search into the records of nearly every place where
yellow fever has been epidemic reveals the same state of
affairs, with the exception of Havana, wliere July seems
to be the most fatal montli.
Even as far back as 1793,'Currie,- in speaking of the
great epidemic at Philadelphia that year, sa^s :
''In September, the disease increased amazingly. In
the course of the month, about 1100 citizens were added
to the list of mortality; towards its close, from 50 to 90
were buried of a day, though the mercury now seldom rose
above 80°.''
"After the first of September, there was no disease to
be seen but yellow fever."^
-A Treatise on the Synochus Icterodes, etc., by William
Currie (1794), p. 15.
•'Epidemic at Philadelphia of 1797, Rush, vol. 5, p. 19.
66 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
In 1822, when New York was visited by the disease, the
deaths in September mounted up to 110, against 58 in
Aufiust and 1)0 in October.^
The excess in moitalit^^ in September over the other
months during the prevalence of yellow fever, has also
been noted in the following epidemics:
New York, 1799; Providence, 1\. I., 1797; Baltimore,
1819; AVilmiuoton, ( Del. I 1798; Charleston, ( S. C.) 1807,
1817, 1819, 1821, 1827 and 1838 ; Natchez, 1823 and 1825 ;
Mobile, 1839; New Haven, (Conn.), 1791; Xew Orleans,
1819, 1820, 1821 and 1833.
La Roche'' notes that the mortality has occasionally
been greatest in August, as was the case in Charleston in
1838 and in New Orleans in 1817, 1839 and 1853. But
these were isolated exceptions.
The apparent reason for the greater mortality in Sep-
tember seems to l)e that the disease, beginning early in
summer, has had time to spread and to attack a larger
number of persons; also, the virulence is greater because
by that period the infected mosquitoes are more numerous
and, everything else e(]ual, exposed persons receive more
bites and consequently a larger dose of poison.''
This did not follow in 1905, because by September the
effect of the active anti-mosquito campaign was showing
itself by diminishing number of cases as well as by lower
mortality.
lIisTouic MouTALiTiE.s Fuo:m Ykllow Fever.
Whenever yellow fever has spread its sombre nmntle
over a community, it has left in its wake countless heca-
tombs.
"The reack'r need scarcely be informed,"" says Lalv(jche,
in his monumental work on yellow fever, ''that the yellow
fever, wherever it has assumed the epidemic form, has
fully estaldished its claims to being classed among the
♦Proceedings Board of Health of the City of New York (1823),
p. 123.
' Vol. i, p. 545.
" See Article by Dr. Chassaignac, in the medical part of this
volume.
PERTINENT POINTS ABOUT YELLOW FEVER. 67
most formidable diseases to which tlie human body is
liable."
The island of St. Lueia, in the West Indies, furnishes
the earliest authentic example of iii-eat mortality from yel-
low fever. In 1(164, accordino to Keatingy it killed 1,411
out of a population of 1,500 soldiers, being- in the ratio
of 1.06 of the whole number. In 1665, in the same locali-
ty, out of 500 sailors, 200 died, being one in 2:5; and
again, in ir>66, the unfortunate island was invaded by the
disease, when every man, wonmn and child, 5,000 in all,
died.
In 1703^ in Grenada, West Indies, yellow fever appeared
among the sailors, the proportion of deaths in cases
amounting to 1 in 3 ; and of a total of 1,130 soldiers, 630
died.
In 1791, the disease attacked Sir Charles Gray's Army,
in the Windward and Leeward Islands, and of an esti-
mated population of 12,000, there was a mortalitv of
6,012.
In Guadeloupe, in 1796, out of an estimated population
of 20,000, there was a mortality of 13,807. That same
year, out or 367 artillerymen stationed jit the island, 129
died. In 1802, Guadeloupe was again decimated, 5,057
deaths occurring in a population of 16,363.
In 1802, at San Domingo, in a population estimated at
40,000 (principally soldiers), there were 27,000 cases and
20,000 deaths. The mortality among French troops in the
West Indies in 1802 amounted to 57 per cent.
Quebec, Canada, Avas invaded by yellow fever for the
first and last time in 1805. Of one company of 55, be-
longing to an English regiment, all but six died.
The greatest mortality ever recorded in Havana was
in 1819, when 5,162 died. As yellow fever had visited
Havana almost every year since 1620, this mortality is
especially worthy of note.
In 1852, at Barbadoes, West Indies, out of 1,380 sol-
diers, there were 879 cases and 173 deaths.
At Martinique, during a period of five years, 1802 to
Keating: History of the Yellow Fever of 1878, p. 77.
68
HISTOKY OF YELLOW FKVER.
1807, ill a poi»iilati(»ii of 11,085 soldiers, there were 8,673
eases and 2,891 deaths.
Aecordiui' to Joseph eJones,^ the total deaths from all
diseases iu New Orleans from 1838 to 1883, a period of
fort3'-five years, amoniited to 272,619, of Avhich 31,207
were from yellow fever, 10,009 from cholera aud (),136
from smallpox. It will thus he seen that of the 17,612
deaths from eontagii.ns aud infectious disease, the mor-
tality from yellow fever reached the appalliii<j,- figure of
31,207, or a yearly average of 693 for the period above
mentioned.
The greatest mortality from yellow fever iu a single
year in Xew Orleans took place in 1853, when 7,818 died.
From 1853 to 1858, a period of six yeai-s, the mortality
was as follows :
1853 7,818
1851 2,125
1855 2,670
1856 71
1857 200
1858 1,815
Total for six years 18,062
Since 1858, there have been only two great epidemics
in New Orhans: 1867, Avhen 3,107 died, aud 1878, when
the pestiknce made 4,016 victims.
The North also presents a melaneiioly record.
In his summary of the epidemics which devastated
lMiil;id( l]ihia iu the ])ast. La Koche states that during the
visitati<;ii of ir»99, wlicu the city was only 17 years old
and the jjopulation did not exceed 3,800, the mortality
from yellow fever was 220, or one in 17.3 of the entire
number of I'csidcuts. Ninety-four years later (1703),
wben the poi)ulation of lMiilad< li)hia aiuouuted to 60,000,
occurred the "gTcat e])idemic," commencing iu August
and ending in December, and causing a fearful total of
1,041 deaths. Four years later (1797), a severe epidemic
"Jones: "Medical and Surgical Memoirs, vol. 3, part 2, Table
='0."
PERTINENT POINTS ABOUT YELLOW FEVER. 69
visited the city, the mortality amounting" to 1,300. The
year following* (1798), yellow fever again assumed a
virulence which caused such a widespread terror, that
nearly the whole population fled. The epidemic of that
year made 3,(345 victims. It will thus be seen that in the
short space of five years (1793 to 1798), yellow fever
made the melanchol^^ rec(n-d of 8,98G victims in that
scourge-ridden city.
In New York, Boston, Baltimore, Portsmouth (Va. )
and on the North Atlantic seaboard, the disease has at
times assumed pestilential proportions, the details of
which will be found in that part of this volume devoted
to the history of yello^v fever.
Europe furnishes an appalling list of mortalities. Ac-
cording to LaKoche, Spain has been the principal sufferer
on occasions of this kind, experiencing, in the course of
nine epidemics— 1800, 1801, 1803, 1804, 1810, 1813, 1818,
1819 and 1821 — the immense loss, by jellow fever, of up-
wards of 130,000 individuals. During one single season —
that of 1800 — not less than thirty places in Andalusia
were visited, and in them the loss amounted to 61,303.
The year 1804, according to LaKoche, was another of
great calamity. On that occasion, twenty-five places in
Spain, with a combined population of 427,228, lost 52,559
souls, or one in 8.12.
The disease also prevailed epidemically in some parts
of France, England, Italy and Portugal during the
eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, but Spain seems to
have been the most fertile spot for the propagation of
yellow fever in the Old World.
70 HISTORY OF VKI.LOW FETER.
CHAPTER II.
NOMENCLAIURE OF YELLOW FEVER.
Peculiar Names given the Disease by Medical Writers. — A List con-
taining One liundred and Fifty-two Synonyms.
Xames in Vogue at the Present Day.
Eiiglisli: Yellow Fever.
Freiicli : Fievre Jaiiue.
Spanish : Fiebre Amarilla.
Portugese: Febre Amarella.
German : Gelbts Fielier.
Italian: Febbre Gialla.
Latin : Febris Flava.
Synonyms.
No disease under heaven has had more synonyms than
yellow fever. Beginning with 1494, when it was generally
designated by the name of Contof/ion, and ending with
the Year of Grace 1007, A\hen the term Mosijnito Fcrcr
seemed decidedly appro^jriate, the nomenclature of the dis-
ease has been stupendous. The subjoined list, which has
been carefully ])repared from the writings of American,
English, Si)anish, Italian, INirtugesc and Sp:inisli chron-
iclers, will convey an idea of the jKCuliar names which
were used in former times to designates the yellow
scourge, the nature and origin of which we are no wiser
to-day than Avere those worthy and illustrious observers.
1. Ami:ki(".vn liiLious ]Mali(;nant Feviok.
Moultrie, 1719.
2. American Fever.
Ceresa, 1829.
3. American Pestilence.
llaygarth, in a work published in 1801, theorizes
on the ''pi'evention of infectious fever, especially
the American l*estilence."
SYNONYMS OF YELLOW FEVER. 71
4. American Typhus.
Term used by the disciples of the school of Bally.
5. American Yellow Fever.
Lining, in his "Essays and Observations;" also
Jolivet, 1831, and others.
G. Ardent Fever.
Fermin thus mentions it in his Avork on "Traite
des Maladies les Plus Frequentes a Surinam,"
published in 1763.
7. Ardent Summer Fever.
English writers, middle of Eighteenth Century.
8. Ataxic TyphUvS.
Bally and his followers.
9. Autumnal Endeiniial Epidemic Fever.
Davidge, in a work published at Baltimore, in 1798.
10. Autumnal Epidemic Fever.
Shaw, 1801.
11. Autumnal Fever.
Yaughan, in his "Concise History," etc., 1802.
12. Barbadoes Distemper.
American and English wi-iters, in the beginning of
the Eighteenth Century.
13. Bari'.adoes Fever.
rhiladelphia, in 1()99, because the pestilence of that
year was imported from Barbadoes, West ludies.
11. Barcelona Fever.
Eochoux, 1822, and those who advocated the theory
that the epidemics which ravaged Spain in the
beginning of the last century, were endemic to
that country.
72 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
15. Bilious Fever.
Gamble, Eochefort, Hughes, Chanvalon, Bajon and
Fermin.
16. Bilious Epidemic Fever.
Yates, 1813.
17. Bilious Fever of Warm Climates.
Eiiolisli and American writers in the middle of the
last century.
18. Bilious Malignant Fever.
Joseph Brown, 1797.
19. Bilious Putrid Fever.
Hillary.
20. Bilious Kemittent Fever.
Arnold.
21. Bilious Remittent Putrid Fever.
Rush and his disciples.
• 22. Bilious Remittent Yellow Fever.
Rush and his school.
23. Bilious Remitting Fever.
Rush, 1793.
21. Bilious Yellow Fever.
Williams.
'25. Black Vo:\nT.
Popular name adopted by old English writers and
derived from the Spanish Vomito Negro.
26. Bronze John.
Chambers' Encyclopedia, article on "Yellow Fever."
27. Bulam Fever.
Pym, Chisolm, and their disciples, who propagated
the visionary doctrine that the fever had been
imported from the Island of Bulam, West Africa.
SYNONVMf! OF YELLOW FEVER. 73
'28. Calentura.
This name had its origin in the dogma that heat
was the prime cause of yellow fever. It was only
in the beginning of the nineteenth century that
this designation was abandoned by the Spaniards,
who substituted ''Fiebre Amarilla," a term which
is used to this day in Spain and in Central and
South America.
29. Calentura Amarilla.
Cibat, 1803.
30. Calentura Maligna Contagiosa.
Gonzales, in his dissertation on the yellow fever in
Cadiz, published in 1801.
31. Calentura Amarilla De America.
Jose Fernandez de Madrid, 1821.
32. Calenturas Putridos y Maligna.
Masterall, 1797.
33. Calenturas Tifoideas.
Burdin, 1820.
34. Calenturas Thermo-Adynamica y Thermo-
Ataxia.
Jose Fernando de Madrid, 1821.
35. Cardite Amarille.
Mentioned by Berenger-Feraud.
36. Causos or Ardent Fever.
Desperriere, Gillespie.
37. Causus.
Name used by Fermin, in his work above quoted,
and by Miller, McArthur and others.
38. Causus Malin D'Amerique.
Berenger-Feraud is authority for this expression.
74 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
39. Causus Tropicus Endemic us.
Moseley, in his ''Treatise on Tropical Diseases,"
etc., 1795.
' 40. Chapetonada.
Coreal and Ulloa. This name, which signifies
"brigand" in the Peruvian language, was origin-
ally given to the followers of Pizarro by the na-
tives and was sub8e(|uently adopted by the in-
habitants of Martinique to mean all Europeans
who landed on their shores. These unfortunate
colonists dying by the thousands from the
endemic fever of the country, the name was
tinally applied to the disease itself.
41. COCOLITZLE.
Herrera, in his famous work published in 1601,
says that this name was given by the Carib In-
dians to the disease.
42. Concentrated Endemic Fever.
Jackson, in a work published in Edinburg, 1789.
43. Contagion.
This name is quite prevalent in the writings of early
8])anish and French authors from 1494 to 1634.
After that date and up to the end of the Seven-
teenth Century, the diseas was designated as
Coup (Ic lidirc by the l^rench and <Utl< iitiira by
the Spanish.
44. CONTINUA PUTRIDA ICTERODES CaROLINIENSIS.
Macbride.
45. Contagious Fever.
Rochedort, Bajon, Fermin, Chanvalon, Hughes,
Schotte.
SYNONYMS OF YELLOW FEVER. 75
46. Coup De Bakre.
Labat aud other early Aiitillian chroniclers. The
literal meauiug of the word is: "I am struck
with a whij^-stock," aud is expressive of the
suddeuuess of the ouset of the malad}^ aud the
uiuscular paius Avhich accompany it.
47. Elodes Icterodes.
Vogel.
48. EXDEMIAL CAUSUS, OR BURNING FEVER.
Mentioned by Moseley in his treatise on Tropical
Diseases.
49. Epauotus Malignus Flavus.
Goode.
50. Epidemic.
Sahagun, Salgado, Salamanca and other early
writers.
51. Epidemical Distemper.
Sandiford.
52. Examthema Externum Contagiosa.
According to Jackson (1821), this name was ap-
plied to the disease by Spanish physicians during
the great epidemics in Aiidalusia in the begin-
ning of the last century.
53. Fep.p.re Gialla Pestilenziale D'Amerique.
Palloni and other Italian writers, in tlie beginning
of the nineteeuth century.
54. Febbre LivoRXO.
Palloni and Tonuisini, in their descrijjtions of the
epidemic at Leighorn in 1804.
55. Febre Endemica Indiarum Occidentalum.
Latin writers.
6 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
56. Febre Flava Indiae Occidextales.
Ciillen, 1778.
57. Febre Flava Regiorum Caijdarum.
Fisher, 1795.
58. Febre Hispanae Flava.
Fago, 1818.
59. Febre Ixdlie Occidentalis.
Mackittrick, 1766.
60. Febris Ardens Aestiva.
Rouppe, 1772.
61. Febris Ardens Biliosa.
Towne, 1726.
62. Febris Cum Xigro Vo:mito.
Name adopted by Dowell.
63. Febris Flavae Americaxae Causis.
Ferrello, 1825.
64. Febris Icterodes.
General term adapted by medical men from 1791 to
1815.
65. Ferris ^Ialigxa Biliosa.
Moultrie.
66. Febris Putrida Colloquativa.
Rouppe, 1772.
67. Febris Typhus Icterodes.
Dowell.
68. Fiebre Amarilla Hispanorum Et Hispano-
Americaxum.
Early Spanish writers.
SYNONYMS OF YELLOW FEVER. 77
69. FiEYRE Des Lacs.
Berenger-Feraud.
rO. FlEVRE Gastro-Adynamique.
Pinel.
71. FiEVRE Jaune.
Modern French writers.
72. Fievre Jaune D'Amerique.
Valentin.
73. Fievre Matelotte.
Early French writers. This expression owed its
origin to the belief that seamen were especially
susceptible to yellow fever.
74. Fievre Putride Continue.
Pugnet.
75. Fievre Spasmodico-Lypirienne Des Pays Chauda.
Chabert, 1821.
7G. Flava Febre Tropica.
Bartholomaei, 1822.
77. Flava Indiarum Febre.
Hunter, 1798.
78. Gastro-Cephalite.
Vatable, 1828.
79. Gastro-Enteritis.
LeRiveraud.
80. Gelbe Fieber.
Longermann, 1801, and German writers to the
present da}'.
81. Gibraltar Fever.
Term used by medical writers in the beginning of
the Nineteenth Century.
78
HISTOin ()!• ^ KI.I.OW FEVER.
82. Haemaga.stuic Pestilence.
Coplaud, "Dictionary of Practical Medicine."
83. Haemelitic Epidemic.
Nicholson.
84. Inflammatory Endemic.
Dickson, 1819.
85. Jail Feyer.
So called by the inhabitants of the island of Ber-
muda, West Indies, in 1779, because the feYer
first manifested itself among the prisoners of
war.
8G. Kendal's Feyer.
Humboldt and Hughes.
87. Maladie De La Saison.
Early Antillian writers, who propagated the theory
that the disease only occurred at certain seasons
of the Year.
88. ]Malai)ie Du Diable.
I'alligant. The word which means "The Devil's
Illness,'' was inspired by the terror it created.
^
89. Maladie Du Pays.
Early Antillian riironiclers. This signifies, liter-
ally, "■endemic disease,'' and is, in our opinion,
decidedly appropriate.
90. ^Maladie Matelotte.
Early French writers.
"FicYre Matelotte." •
Companion expression of
91. :M ALA DIE Si'ECIALE Du FOIE.
Bercnger-Feraud.
SYNONVyS OF YELLOW FEVER. 79
92. Mal De Siam.
So called because of the general belief in early col-
onial days that the disease had been imported
from Siam. It is mentioned by Labat, Chavalon,
Desportes, Morean de Saint-^Iery, and other
chroniclers of the period and was known by this
name in Martinique and' San Domingo near the
close of the seventeenth century. It is found
designated by this name in the old Government
and local records (if these islands.
93. Maladie Spasmodico-Lyperienne Des Pays
Chauds.
Chabert.
94. Malignant Fever.
Walsh.
95. 3IALIGNANT ATAXIC FEVER.
Disciples of the School of Bally.
9G. Malignant Contagious Fever.
Cathrall.
97. Malignant Fever.
AVarren, 1740; Blauchini, 1750.
98. Malignant and Nervous Fever.
Berenger- Feraud.
99. Malignant Pestilential Fever.
Chisolm, 1795.
100. Malignant Pi'trid Pestilential Fever.
Berenger-Feraud.
101. ^fALIGNANT REMITTENT FEVER.
AlcDiarmid, London Med. Gaz., vol. 2, p. 444.
102. ;Malignant Yellow Fever.
Berenger-Feraud.
80 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
103. ^Iatlazahuatl.
Humboldt says that the Aztecs thus called the dis-
ease and claims that their records speak of the
pestilence as ravaging Mexico even as far back
as the Eleventh Century.
10 J:. Meditteranean Fever.
Burnett, 181G.
105. Meningo-Cephalo-Gastrite.
Maher.
I
100. Mosquito Fever.
This expression was first used by New Orleans
newspapers in 1905, to commemorate the most
glorious victory over i^estilential diseases which
has ever been achieved.
107. Xautical Typhus.
Adouard, Faget, Gamgee, and adherents of the
ship origin of yellow fever.
108. XovAE Pestis Americae.
Eisner, 1805.
101). XER^'ous Gastric Fever.
Berenger-Feraud.
110. New Distemper of 1791.
American writers, beginning of Nineteenth Cen-
tury.
111. Occidental Pestilence.
Berenger- Feraud.
112. OCHROPYRA.
From '•'Ochre," yellow, and "Pyra," fire, meaning,
literally, a burning or ardent fever.
SYNONYMS OF YELLOW FEVER. 81
. 113. Palatine Fever.
Name originally given to the pestilence which
reigned at Philadelphia in 1741, owing to the
popular notion that it had been brought to the
City by some German emigrants from the Pala-
tinate.
111. Peste or Pestilenx'ia.
Early Spanish chroniclers.
115. Peste Caraibe.
Early French and Spanish writers.
116. Pestilential Fever.
Rochefort, Bajon, Hughes, Fermin, Chanvalon,
Chirac.
117. Pestis Tropicus.
Hosack.
118. Poulicantina.
Carib Indians.
119. Putrid Inflammatory Synocope.
Berenger-Feraud.
120. Putrid Fever.
Hughes, 1750.
121. Putrid Malignant Fever.
Berenger-Feraud.
122. Putrid Synocope.
Berenger- Feraud.
123. Ship Fever.
Audouard and his school.
124. Spanish Fever.
Cadet, 1822.
82 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
125. Strangers' Fever.
Simons, 1839. So called in Charleston, S. C, as
the disease was thought to attack only new-
comers.
126. Synochus.
Young.
127. Synochus Atrabiliosa.
Schotte, 1782.
128. Synochus Icterodes.
Currie, 1794.
129. Synochus Maligna.
Cathrall, 1794.
130. Tanardilla.
Moreau de Saint-Mery says this designation was
quite prevalent in San Domingo and Spanish
America. It is derived from the Spanish and
means a febrile illness followed by jaundice,
131. TiFus Icterodes.
Flores, 1813.
132. Tritopheia Americana.
Sauvages.
133. Tropical Fever.
Berenger-Feraud.
134. Tropical Continued Fever.
Lemprierre.
135. Tropical Endemic Fever.
Dickson; Belcher.
136. Typho-Icterode Animadversion es.
Leiblin, 1815.
SYNONYMS OF YELLOW FEVER. 83
137. Typhus.
According to Laroche, yellow fever has been re-
garded as a hybrid form of typhus by such emi-
nent authorities as Blane, Lempriere, Dickson
and Chisolm.
138. Typhus Accidentel Ou Igterique.
Savaresy.
139. Typhus Amarilla.
This term came into general use shortly after the
War of 1812. It was then that the great discus-
sion about the contagiousness of yellow fever
reached its zenith.
140. Typhus Icterodes Padecido.
Moreno, 1813.
141. Typhus Cum Flavedine Cutis.
Cullen.
142. Typhus D' Amerique.
Bally.
143. Typhus Icterodes.
Sauvages.
144. Typhus Tropicus.
English and American writers, beginning of last
century.
145. Typhus Miasmatique Ataxique Putride Jaune.
Bally.
146. Vomito.
From 1709 to 1790, Yellow Fever was popularly
known as "Vomito."
147. Vomito Amarilla.
According to Chambers' Encyclopedia, article on
Yellow Fever, the disease is designated by the
above name in Central America.
84
HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER
148. VoMiTO Negro Epidemico.
Gastiblondo, 1755.
149. Vo:mit() Negro.
Early colonial writers. The word is Spanish and
means "Black Vomit."
150. VOMITO Prieto.
Spanish writers. Same meaning as "Vomito Ne-
gro."
151. Yellow Fever.
At the present day the name Yellow Fever and
translations is used by all writers, to the exclu-
sion of all other names. The term was first used
by Griffith Hughes in 1750, in his "Natural His-
tory of Barbadoes."
152. Yelli)\v Jack.
A popular name for the disease in England and the
United States.
CHAPTER III.
HISTORCCAL SUMMARY.
Where was the Cradle of Yellow Fever? — The Theory of American
Origin.— The African Theory. — The Asiatic Theory. — The Gulf Stream
Theory. — Observations by the Author on the above Theories.
Where was the Cradle of Yellow Fever?
There is no subject in medicine ujjon which there has
been such a diversity of opinion as the origin of yellow
fever. From the time of Bally, in the seventeenth century,
when the controversy can really be said to have begun, to
the present day, medical writers and historians have been
theorizing and conjecturing on the matter, but nothing
has been adduced which can, in the remotest way, be said
to have thrown any new light on the vexed and seemingly
unending question. As soon as one writer would launch
a doctrine which, in his opinion, was plausible and in-
contestable, another Avould come to the front and adroitly
dissect it, laying bare its imperfections to the glaring
light of logic, and inaugurate a theory of his own, which,
in turn, would be mercilessly^ denuded of every semblance
of common sense by a third disputant, who would bring
columns of statistics and page after i)age of deuuci-
atory arg-uments to prove that no one but himself was
on the right track and that every previous writer hold-
ing a contrary view had either erred owing to gross ignor-
ance of what he was proclaiming or had intentionally
juggled with the facts.
Some authors assert that yellow fever has affected man-
kind from pre-Christian times, citing in support of their
contention the writings of ancient observers and philoso-
phers; others claim that it is a purely American product
and deny its existence before the discovery of America,
laying the blame for its importation into Europe and
Africa to the slave trade and indiscriminate commerce of
colonial days.
A careful search into the voluminous literature on the
origin of yellow fever naturally leads to the query:
Where was the cradle of vellow fever?
86 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
The problem is as difficult of solution as the Si/Uogismus
CrocodUus of Airistotle. After centuries of discussion, we
are no nearer the truth than our forefathers were. Such
eminent observers as Bancroft, Cornilliac, Bally, Moreau
de Jonnes, Phvsick, Chaille, Toner, Saint-Mery, Finlay,
Cullen, Sternberg, Ferreira, Rochefort, Audouard, Ber-
anger-Feraud, Valdez, Rush, La Roche, Jones, Faget and
others, have conjectured ah lihitum upon the origin of the
disease, but their conclusions have only left us a diver-
gence of opinion which no amount of conjecture can
bridge and which defies the most abstruse laws of com-
mon sense and logic.
That great American philosopher, Humbolt,^ admir-
ably sums up the situation in the following words :
''In all climates men appear to find some consolation
in the idea that a disease considered pestilential is of for-
eign origin. As malignant fevers easily originate in a
numerous crew cooped up in dirty vessels, the beginning
of an epidemic may be frequently traced to the period of
the arrival of a squadron; and then, instead of atribut-
ing the disease to the vitiated air contained in vessels de-
prived of ventilation, or to the effects of an ardent and
unhealthy climate on sailors newly lauded, they affirm
that it was imported from a neighboring port, where a
squadron or convoy touched at during its navigation from
Europe to America. Thus we frequently hear in Mexico
that the ship-of-war which brought such-or-such a viceroy
to Vera Cruz has introduced the yellow fever wliich for
several years had not prevailed here; and in this manner
during the season of greatest heat the Havana, Vera Cruz,
and the ports of the United States mutually accuse one
another of communicating the germ of the contagion. It
is with the yellow fever as with the nu)rtal typhus known
by the name of 'Oriental pest,' which tlie inhabitants of
Egypt attribute to the arrival of Greek vessels, while in
Greece and Constantinople the same pest is considered
as coming from Rosetta or Alexandria.''
Let us now consider these theories seriatim.
* Humboldt: Poltical Essay on the Kingdom of New Spain, vol.
1, 1). 219.
HISTORICAL SUMMARY. 87
1. The Origin of Yellow Fever.
A search through musty archives, time-yellowed tomes
and worm-eaten volumes two or more centuries old, re-
veals the fact that the first epidemic of yellow fever in the
New World, took place in the West Indies in 1647, the de-
tails of which are faithfully chronicled in Ligon's History
of Barbacloes. Outbreaks of the fever are noted by other
observers as having caused much mortality before this,
among which is the pestilence which mowed down the fol-
lowers of Columbus in 1494 and the series of epidemics
in Brazil which lasted from 1G88 to 1694.-
We shall now proceed to give the views of the best
authorities upon the subject, believing with Quiutilian that
"searching into every particular, we sometimes discover
truth where we least expected to find it."
The earliest authentic description of yellow fever is
that of the Portuguese physician Ferreira da Kosa, who
observed the epidemics which prevailed at Olinda, in
Brazil, from 1687 to 1694, shortly after the Portuguese
army had made the conquest of Pernambuco. Ilumboldt
notes the fact that it is known with certainty that in
1691 yellow fever manifested itself at the Island of Bar-
badoes, West Indies, where it went by the name of ''Ken-
dal's Fever," without the slightest proof that it Avas
brought tliere by vessels from Pernambuco. The natural
conclusion is that the disease must have been ei)idemic in
the locality at that time.
Ulloa,^ speaking of the Cliapctonadas, or fevers to
which Europeans were exposed on their arrival in the
West Indies, relates that according to the opinion of the
people of the country, the vouilto pricto was unknown at
Santa Martha before 1729 and at Carthugena previous to
1740. The first epidemic at Santa Martha is described by
de Gastilbondi,'* a Spanish i)hysician. Since that time,
the inroads of yellow fever have been almost universal
^'Ferreyra da Rosa: Traitado da Constitucion Pestilencial de
Pernambuco, by Joam Ferreira da Rosa (1694).
= Ulloa: Voyage, etc., pp. 41 and 149.
*Gastiblondi: Lazuriaga de la Calentura Biliosa, p. 7.
88
HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
and are given in detail under proper classifications in
other portions of this volume.
The Twentieth Century Fraefice, a, work which occu-
pies a foremost place in medical literature, in an article
on the history of yellow fever, says :"*
"It would afford the student of the disease a great deal
of satisfaction if he could locate its first habitat, but that
privilege is denied him. As far as we moderns are con-
cerned, we date the disease from the time of Columbus
and his followers. The disease, no doubt, existed in pre-
historic times, and is buried in that nebulous past that
envelopes so many infectious and contagious diseases."
La l\oche*^ adheres to the belief that the West Indies,
and part of the coast of North and South America, con-
stitute the proper soil of yellow fever.
Herrera, Oviedo and other early Spanish writers, relate
that shortly after the arrival of the Europeans in Ameri-
ca, they were decimated by a sudden and very fatal pestil-
ence, which committed fearful ravages. Columbus him-
self was stricken by the malady on his second voj^age-
while at the island of Moua, AVest Indies, and was in
great danger, escaping death b3' immediately sailing for
the high seas.
Berenger-Feraud,^ one of the ablest and most conscien-
tious authorities on the subject, tells us that the first at-
tempts to colonize Porto Eico were frustrated by the pre-
valence of tliis unknoAvn pestilence and notes the fact
that of the 1500 men which had been left by Columbus at
Monte Cristo in 1493, there remained, two j'cars after-
wards, only two hundred foot soldiers and twenty cavalry-
men. The attempts to colonize St. Domingo (1191: and
1504), Porto Rico (1508 and 1513), the Isthmus of
Darien (1509 and 1514), were also retarded by the rav-
ages of the saiiu' disease. So fatal was this malady, es-
l)ecially in Saint ])()ming(>, that the Spanish Government,
loth to lose this coveted possession, but not wishing to ex-
pose its soldiers to annihilation, sent as colonists to the
"Page 401,
"La Roche: Vol. 1, p. 219.
' Gazette des Hapitaux, 1S84, vol. 57, p. 660.
HISTORICAL SUMMARY. 89
island two hundred convicts. These criminals can be
said to have been the i)ioneer settlers of the island.
At Darien, in 1509, the expedition commanded by Da-
vila lost seven hundred men in a single month. Panama
had the same experience.*^
Fathers Breton and Dutertre,^ who describe the epi-
demic of 1635, in Guadeloupe, sa3^s that it was known
among the Caribs b^' the name of Poulicantlna, a word
which signifies "I am struck vdih. a switch," which meant
to describe the suddenness which characterized the onset
of the fever. These same observers say that the disease
was considered so infectious by the natives, that those
stricken were often abandoned to their fate and whole
villages were deserted when the first cases appeared, the
torch being applied by the terror-stricken Caribs, so as
to prevent the further spread of the infection.
Ziemssen's Cyclopedia of the Practice of Medicine ^^
that wonderful storehouse of medical lore, which is edited
with that careful attention to accuracy and to the
minutest details which characterize the German mind,
has the following observations on the subject:
"We are entirely without trustworthy information re-
garding the first appearance of yellow fever. It is highly
probable, that the communication of various authors,
which inform us of the prevalence of the disease in the
Antilles since the memory of man, really refer to yellow
fever. The theory is much more tenable that the disease
was first developed after the immigTation of Europeans
into the West India Islands; at least, it agrees better
with many facts, which have been since observed, to con-
sider yellow fever as an acclimation disease (of the
tropics), to which immigrants are liable, tlian to assume
that it originally prevailed as an epidemic disease among
the natives, and afterwards underwent a complete altera-
tion of its character. The Antilles were probably the
cradle of yellow fever; at least, accurate observations of
the disease in question were first made here."
The Board of Experts authorized by Congress to in-
Mbid.
^Du Teitre: Histoire General des Antilles, vol. 1, p. 30.
^"Vol. 1 (1S74,), p. 489.
90 HISTORY OF YELLOW FLVKR.
vestigate the ygIIow fever epidemic of 1878, after tliorough
and minute investigations, reached the following conclu-
sions :^^
"Yellow fever was not known to the people of the East-
ern Hemisphere until after the discovery of America by
Columbus. The earliest epidemics of which we have any
historical information occurred during the first half of
the seventeenth century, in the West India islands."
Joseph Jones, one of Louisiana's most distinguished
physicians, whose works on fevers are acknowledged
authorities, makes the following observations:^^
"After a critical examination of the works of Herod-
otus, Strabo, Justin, Cornelius, Nepos, Eutropius, Plu-
tarch, Titus, Linus, Thucidides, Homer, Sallust, Virgil,
Flores, Vallerius, Particulus, Caesar, Horace, Cicero,
Xenophon, and Tacitus, we have failed to recognize the
disease now called yellow fever, in any descriptions of
particular plagues or allusions to any pestilence; and in
like manner, while in the writings of the middle ages we
have descriptions of wide-spread and mortal plagues,
amongst which may be recognized the oriental glandular
plague, small-])ox, measles, typhus and typlioid fevers, the
sweating sickness, elephantiasis or leprosy, cholera,
dysentery, and cerebro-si)inal meningitis; yellow fever
finds no place in these annals of general history, or of
nu'dicine, previous to the discovery of Anuu-ica l)y Colum-
bus. As we have failed to find any history or record of
3'ellow fever before the voyage of Christopher Columbus,
the first question of importance which presents itself is,
whether yellow fever had ever prevailed among the
aboriginal inhabitants of North and South America and
the West Indies previous to the discovery of America and
the explorations of the Spanish adventurers, and the es-
tablishment of the Spanish, French, Portuguese, Dutch
and English colonies?"
Dr. Jones then goes on to say that the West India
Islands and certain portions of North and South Ajueri-
ca, as the Valley of the Mississippi, Mexico, Central
" See Report, p. —
"Jones: Proceedings Louisiana State Medical Society, 1879,
p. 54.
HISTORICAL SUMMARY. 91
America and Peru, appear to have been, at the time of
their discovery by Europeans, peopled with a suflflciently
dense population for the existence of those conditions
upon which the origin and spread of certain diseases de-
pend. The wholesale destruction of the native popula-
tion b}^ cruel wars, and by still more cruel slavery, and
by the introduction of certain diseases, as the small-pox,
as well as the wanton destruction of the pictorial works
by which the hieroglyphics of the more advanced nations
of America might have been deciphered, and the sudden
and utter subversion of the systems of religion and science
peculiar to these people, and the rapid disappearance of
the royal families and priests who were, as in ancient
Egypt, the custodians of the national science and art, have
involved in obscurity many subjects of gTeat and lasting
interest to the medical historian.
The medical historian has only imperfect and doubtful
data upon which to found any opinion as to the nature
of tiie epidemic and contagious diseases which afflicted
the aborigines previous to the discovery of the Western
Hemisphere.
That the more populous nations of America were not
exempt from diseases of an epidemic and pestilential na-
ture, has been well established.
The pestilence called by the Mexicans "Matlazahuatl"
desolated the cities of tlie Toltecs in the eleventh century,
and forced them to abandon Mexico, and to continue their
migrations southward, and to the west and northwest; it
invaded the populous cities of Central America, and a
similar disease committed great ravages amongst the In-
dian tribes which occupied the country between the
mountains and the Atlantic coast a few years before the
landing of the Pilgrim Fathers.
The Matlazahuatl, a disease closely resembling yellow
fever, but Avhich is said to be peculiar to the Indian race
of America, has seldom appeared more than once in a
century; it raged in the eleventh century amongst the
Toltecs, it made great ravages amongst the Mexicans in
1545, 157G, 1730, 1737, 17(3i and 1703, and amongst the
Indians of the Atlantic coast in 1018 and 1019.
According to Alexander Humboldt, the Matlazahuatl,
92
HISTORY OK YELLOW FEVER.
although pestilential in its nature, and attended with
htTMuorrhaue from the nose and stomach, was distinct from
the ^'omito l*iieto, and Avas peculiar to the aborigines
of America. The Spanish authors call this disease a
plague. The following j)iissage from Humboldt's "Politi-
cal Essay on New Spain"' appears to embody all that is
known with reference to the nature of the Matlazahuatl of
the Mexicans :
"The ]Matlazahuatl, a disease peculiar to the Indian
race, seldom api)ears more than once in a century'. It
raged in a particular manner in 1545, 157G and 1736. It
is called a plague by the Spanish authors. As the latest
epidemic took place at a time when medicine was not con-
sidered as a science, eyen in the cai)ital, we haye no exact
data as to the ^Matlazahuatl. It bears certainly some
analogy to the yellow feyer or black yomiting; but it
neyer attacks white people, whether Europeans or de-
scendants from the natiyes. The indiyiduals of the race
of Caucasus do not appear subject to this mortal typhus,
while, on the other hand, the yellow feyer or black yomit-
ing yery seldom attacks the Mexican Indians. The prin-
cipal site of the Vomito Prieto is the maritime region, of
wliich tlie climate is exeessiye^ly warm and humid; but the
Matlazahuatl carries terror and destruction into the yery
interior of the country, to the central table-land, and the
coldest and the most arid regions of the kingdom.
"Father Forribio, a Franciscan, better known by his
Mexican name of Motolina, asserts that the small-pox at
its introduction in 1520, by a negro slaye of Naryaez, car-
ried oft" half tlie inhabitants of ^Fexico. Tixpiemada ad-
yances the hazardous ()])iiii(>n that in tlic two Matlaza-
huatl epidemics of 1545 and 1576, 800,000 Indians died
in the former, and 2,000,000 in the latter. But when we
reflect on the difficulty with which we can at this day
estimate in tlie eastern parts of Europe the number of
those wlio fall yictims to the plague, we shall yery reas-
onably be inclined to doubt if the Viceroys Mendoza and
Almanaza, goyernors of a recently conquered country,
were able to ])ro(ure an enumeration of tTie Indians cut
off by the Matlazahuatl. I do not accuse the two monkish
historians of want of yeracity, but there is yery little
HISTORICAL SUMMARY. 93
probability that their calculation is founded on exact
data.
"A very interesting" problem remains to be resolved.
Was the pest which is said to have desolated from time
to time the Atlantic reij;ions of the United States before
the arrival of the Europeans, and which the celebrated
Kush and his followers look upon as the principle of the
yellow fever, identical with the Matlazahuatl of the
Mexican Indians? We may hope that this last disease,
should it ever reappear in New Spain, will be hereafter
carefully observed by the physicians."^-''
Humboldt further states that long before the arrival
of Cortez there had almost periodically prevailed in New
Spain an epidemical disease called by the natives Matlaza-
huatl, which several authors have confounded with the
Vomito or yellow fever. This plague was i)robably the
same as that which in the eleventh century forced the
Toltecs to continue their emigrations southwards. It
made great ravages amongst the Mexicans in 1545, 15TG,
1730, 1737, 1761, and 17()3 ; but as has already been ob-
served, it differed essentially from the Vomito of Vera
Cruz. It attacked few except the Indians or copper-col-
ored race, and raged in the interior of the country on the
central table-land, at twelve or thirteen hundred feet
above the level of the sea. It is true, no doubt, that the
Indians of the valley of 3Iexico who ])erished by the thou-
sands in 1701 of the Matlazahuatl, vomited blood at the
nose and mouth; but these hjenuitemeses frequently oc-
curred under the troi)ics, accom])anying bilious ataxical
((if(i.ri</itc.s) fevers; and they were also observed in the
epidemical disease which in 175!) prevailed over all South
Anu^rica, from Potosi and Oraso to C^uito and Po])azan,
and which, from the incomi)hte descri])tion of Tnh)a, was
a typlius peculiar to the eh'vated regions of the Cordil-
leras.
In summing up the result <^f his investigations. Dr.
Jones says:
"It is evident, therefore, that the origin of the American
plague or typhus {vomito prieto, fievre jaune, yellow
"Humboldt: Political Essay in the Kingdom of New Spain,
vol. 1, p. I'll.
94 HISTORV OF YELLOW FEVER.
fever) is involved in doubt, on account of the prevalence
in the tropical and sub-tropical regions and temperate
zones, both amongst the natives and foreigners, of some
forms of malarial fever, often attended with jaundice,
passive luemorrhages, and black vomit. If it could be de-
termined at what time this terrible disease was clearly
recognized by the medical profession and historical
writers as distinct from paroxsymal malarial fever, and
as dependent upon a specific cause or upon a combination
of causes peculiar to itself, a firm ground for the discus-
sion of its origin and of its relations to the native popula-
tion, as well as to the foreign elements, would be estab-
lished. But it is well known that many of the descrip-
tions given by various authors will apply as well to the
severer forms of paroxysmal malarial fever as to yellow
fever, and also that the distinction of the one from the
other has been the result of comparatively recent labors,
and even at the present time there are not a few physi-
cians who hold to the identity of both diseases in their
origin and essential nature."
Clemow-^* says that so far as a somewhat imperfect
knowledge of the history of the disease enables us to
judge, it seems certain that originally yellow fever was
essentially an American disorder, and that though the in-
fection has to some extent become domiciled on the African
shores, it is more than i)robable it was originally brought
there from South America or the West Indies. ''It is to
be noted," continues this author, "that some writers have
held exactly the contrary view and believed that yellow
fever was originally imported to the West Indies l)y means
of infected negroes from Africa. ^^ The facts of history
are, however, against this view, and there is much evi-
dence to show that this fever was known in those part of
America wliere it still prevails, even before the discovery
of the continent by Europeans, and long before the trans-
"Clemow: The Geography of Disease, by Frank J. Clemow,
(jS03), p 520.
"In 1699 an English vessel carrying slaves transported yellow
fever to Mexico from the Atlantic coast of Africa. Dot
the disease was already endemic along the shore of the
Gulf of Mexico. G A.
I
HISTORICAL SUMMARY. 95
port of negroes from Africa to the West Indies began to
be practised."
Toner believes that the conceded home of yellow fever
is the West Indies.^*^
Stille^" asserts that yellow fever unquestionably ori-
ginated in the West Indies, where it was observed at St.
Domingo at the end of the fifteenth century. It was then
carried to Mexico and other localities bordering on the
Gulf of Mexico, where it i^revailed to a great extent in the
seventeenth century.
Finlay,^^ in commenting on the history of the disease,
asserts that the remotest records about epidemic disease
in the Old World fail to show that yellow fever, or any
other malady presenting similar epidemiological features,
had ever been observed previous to the discovery of
America in 1402; while in the newly-discovered lands it
soon became apparent that every expedition of P^uropean
settlers that came to the Antilles or to the Spanish Main
had to pay a heavy tribute to an unknown pestilence, dur-
ing the first summers of their residence, suffering there-
after no further trouble from the climate.
About fifteen years ago, Drs. Finlay and Berenger-
Feraud,^^ independently of each other, undertook minute
historical researches regarding this "unknown pestilence,"
and came to the conclusion that the disease mentioned in
the old Spanish chronicles as the "peste," "coutagio" or
"epidemia," was no other than our modern yellow fever.
They also reached the conclusion that at the time of the
discovery of America the disease was endemic on the
coast of Mexico, at the present site of Vera Cruz, as well
as on the Atlantic site of the Isthmus of Panama, and on
the Spanish Main along the coast of Colombia and Ven-
ezuela, inhabited by the Carib Indians.
'« The Distribution and Natural History of Yellow Fever in the
United States, by J. M. Toner. American Public Health
Association Reports, 1873, vol. f, p. 359.
"Stille: Medical Record, N. Y., 1879, vol. 15, p. 193.
"Finlay: Reference Handbook of the Medical Sciences, Vol.
8, p. 322.
" Ibid.
96 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
This view is also concurred in by Anders,-'^ who states
that yellow fever lirst appeared at Barbadoes (West In-
dies) in 1G47 and was subsequently conveyed along the
channels of commerce, until it became widely dissemin-
ated.
Even the old stand-by of every American school-boy,
the venerated and verbose Xoah Webster,-^ has something-
to say on the subject. He tells us in all seriousness that
yellow fever prevailed among the Indians of Canada and
New England in 1G18, was again epidemic in 1740 and
nuide spasmodic appearances among the noble sous of the
forest at various stated periods.
According to the report of Beyer, Parker and Pothier,-^
yellow fever has been endemic in Vera Cruz since 1509.
Manson, Avhose work on Tropical Diseases is one of the
classics of medical literature, does not consider the mat-
ter of much importance, summing up the situation in a
few words, simply stating that it is impossible to deter-
mine from existing records whether it was originally an
African or a AVest Inelian disease.-^
One of the strange freaks of yellow fever visitations is
recorded by Stille,-^ who claims that the disease was in-
troduced into Dutch Guiana in ITJI.'i from the West In-
dies. For a i)eriod of 37 years after this, it never invaded
that province. At the end of this long period of immunity
the colony suffered from a new imjjortation of the disease,
which visited it annually thereafter for ten successive
years, when it ceaseel and for the six following years failed
to occur. It was then reintroduced by an infected vessel
and spread moie widely than before.
At the time s])<)ken of by Stille, Sjjain iK)ssessed by far
the best and largest jxjrtion of the American continent,
extending from the north of California to the Straits of
jNIagellan — a space between (),000 and 7,000 miles — and
-■"Practice of Medicine, by James M. Anders, (1899) p. 119.
-' History of Epidemic and Pestilential Diseases, by Noah
Webster, vol. 1, p. 177.
"Report of Yellow Fever Party No. 1, Yellow Fever Institute,
p. ]2.
=' Tropical Diseases, by Patrick Manson (1903), p. 187.
=' Medical Record, N. Y., 1879, vol. 15, p. 193.
HISTORICAL SUMMARY. 97
the systeiii of coiiinierce A\hi(li prevailed tlieii appeared
to be emiuentl}' favorable to tlie orii^iii and spread of yel-
low fever. The Spanish galleons (h.tted the seas and,
during times of peace (whieh were not frequent in that
age of buccaneering and aggressive colonization) visited
the principal ports of the Spanish Empire, where they
were always royalh^ entertained. It was therefore easy
for them to carry disease from one port to another, a fact
which is attested by the melancholic record of the fearful
epidemics which visited the New AA'orhl in the early days
of its history.
Joseph Jones-'^ thus interestingly describes the usual
programme followed by the galleons :
"They sailed from Cadiz to the Canaries, thence for the
Antilles, and after reaching this longitude they bore
away for Carthagena. As soon as they canu:' in sight be-
fore the mouth of Rio de la Haclia, after having double<l
Cape de la Vela, advice of their arrival A\as sent to all
parts, that everything might be prepared for their recep-
tion. They remained a month in the harbor of Cartha-
gena, and landed there whatever was designed for terra
firina. They tl.ien sailed to l*uerto Velo, where, liaving
stayed during the fair, which lasted five or six weeks,
they landed the merchandise intended for Peru, and re-
ceived tlie treasures and commodities sent from tlience.
The galleons then sailed back to Carthagena, and re-
mained tlure till their return to Spain, wliich usually hap-
l)ened within the space of two years. When orders for re-
turning home arrived, they sailed first to the Havana,
and having joined the fiota, and what other shii)S were
bound to Eui'ope, they steered uortliward as fai- as Caro-
lina, and then, taking the westei-ly winds, they sh:i])ed
their course to the Azores, when, having watered and
victualed afresh at Terceii-a, they thence contiinicd their
voyage to Cadiz."
What a glamour of romance and interest invariably
surrounds the writings of this great son of Louisiana!
The paragraph above cited almost carries one back to the
good old days when men lived only to fight, eat, drink
-"'Jones: Transaction Louisiana State Medical Society, 1879,
p. 64.
98 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
and write sonnets tO' their lady-loves and eared naught for
the morrow.
But mv enthusiasm makes me forget my task. Let us
return to our mutton.
In an interesting pajier read by LeBeuf before the Or-
leans Parish Medical Society, and published in the
Transactions of that Society for 1905 and also in the
New Orleans ^ledical and Surgical Journal for December,
1905, a thorough review of the history of yellow fever is
given. In commenting on the probable origin of the dis-
ease, the doctor says :
"The Aztecs called the disease AlatlazaJniatl and Hum-
boldt tells us that it existed as early as the eleventh cen-
tury. In 1545, 1576, 1736, 1737, 1761 and 1777, it greatly
deciminated the native Mexican race in a number of
places. Before the advent of the white colonists it was
not general. The natives travelled very little, on account
of the lack of roads and the high mountain ranges. They
had no vessels large enough to make the voyage to the
West Indies and did not have free communication with
outsiders. When the white colonists came, they were
more susceptible to the dangers of the disease, as they
were unacclimated, and were quickly the transmitting
agent of it through all the low austral regions. It was
also more fatal to them than to the natives, and it re-
tarded the settlement of many calonies on account of the
panics it caused.-'
The same Avriter, quoting Prescott, says that it seems
that Euro])ean civilization carried with it the germ of
the i)oison. The moment a town was founded or a com-
mercial centre created, it was certain to cause the ex-
plosion of the latent malignity of this poison in the air.
AVe will conclude this resume of tiie American origin of
yellow fever by quoting from that inexhaustible source of
information, Dr. Joseph Jones :-•'
''If it were possible to determine with accuracy the na-
ture of the severe and fatal forms of fever which afflicted
the first exi)lorers and colonists of the tropical and sub-
tropical regions of America, and even the very compan-
ions of Columbus, the question of the origin of yellow
="■ Trans. La. State Med. Society*, 1879, p. 63.
HISTORICAL SUMMARY. 09
fever would be relieved of much uncertainty and doubt.
If we are to credit the accounts of some authors, the first
trace of yellow fever was observed at the end of the fif-
teenth and beginning of the sixteenth century at San
Domingo and Porto Eico, in the Continent of South
America, and in the Gulf of Darien, at which latter place
it is said to have prevented the Spaniards from settling.
In November, 1493, Columbus landed at San Domingo
with 1500 Spaniards, in order to found the city of Isa-
bella. A severe and fatal fever carried off the greater part
of them within a year after their arrival, and the disease
is described as being 'yellow as saffron or gold.' From
1544 to 1568 there is no record of the disease having pre-
vailed as an epidemic until 1035, when it appeared in
Guadeloupe, and thenceforward it occurred at regular in-
tervals. Tn the seventeenth century it spread along the
Continent of South America to latitude 8° south, and
in North America to latitude 42°, but only on the eastern
coast of both. The first appearance of the disease in the
United States was at Boston in 1693, and in Charleston
and Philadelphia in 1699. It is said first to have appeared
in the Gulf of Mexico, at Biloxi Bay in 1702, and Mobile
in 1705 ; but Huml)oldt held that it had prevailed from
the very foundation of Vera Cruz, and was indigenous to
this city. It prevailed at Pensacola and Mobile in 1765.
"In the eighteenth century it ap[>eared on the west
coast of South America in latitude 2° south. On the
North American Continent it spread to latitude 42°; it
extended even to Eurctpe. and reached the Pacific and
Madagascar. At the beginning of the nineteenth century
it penetrated deeper into the North American Contin-
ent than formerly, reaching as high as latitude 47° north,
and in Europe it extended to latitude 48°, and prevailed
in the Canary Islands and Leghorn.
"Ever since yellow fever attracted attention it was
recognized as a distinct disease from the remitent autum-
nal fevers of the temperate zone. It 1ms prevailed as an
endemic in Havana, raging epidemically from April to
December, and occurring sporadically during the rest of
the 3^ear. From time immemorial it lias been endemic at
Vera Cruz, in the Gulf of Mexico, where its chief victims
100 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
are straugers who come from cold regions during the hot
season, as well as Europeans and those native who ex-
change the more elevated and cool regions of Mexico for
the coast."
African Ohkjin of Yellow Fever.
The doctrine that Africa was the original home of j'el-
low fever has been promulgated by many writers.
As early as 1815, Pyni, in his "Observations on Bulam,
or Yellow Fever,'' propagated the doctrine that yellow
fever was endemic to Africa, had always existed there and
that the world was indebted to that continent for the
spread of the disease to the four points of the compass.
This theory was warmly espoused by Audouard in the
Revue Mcdicalc (Paris, 1825), who thickened the plot by
fastening the onus on the slave trade of colonial days and
asserting that the disease also developed spontaneously
in the holds of ships packed with living cargoes of slaves,
reeking with tilth and germ-propagating material. These
views were seriously championed by many writers, one of
them being that distinguished Louisiana authority on yel-
low fever, Faget, who, in his work entitled Etudes Medi-
cales dc (Jiie.stions 1 iii porta iites pour la Louisianey pub-
lished in 1851), speaks in eulogistic terms of the views of
Pym and Audouard and gives as his opinion that the
theory advanced by these famous contagionists is the only
rational solution of the ])roblem.
In su]>])(Ht of his contention, Dr. Faget claims that
when the traffic in slaves was interfered with by the
United States government and the channels of this com-
merce changed to sub-troi)ical ports, yellow fever, for the
first time, broke out in Prazil. The learned doctor, in
making this assertion, evidently overlooked tlie great ei)i-
demic which broke out in Pernambuco in 1088 (according
to Ferreira da I\osa) and which ravaged the Prazilian
coast for several years afterwards.
In an interesting little book ])ublished in 181)8, Cole-
man (History of Yellow Fever, etc. ) revives the doctrine
enunciated by Audouard, citing many examples in an ef-
fort to prove that the l^'rench observer was correct, but
advances nothing decidedly novel or convincing.
HISTORICAL SUMMARY. 101
According to Byrd,-^ the disease was introduced into
Soutlierii Europe, the West India Ishinds and the con-
tinent of North and South America from the ^^'est coast
of Africa, "where it originally flourished." This author
blames the importation of the disease into Europe upon
the ambition for extended territory which dominated tlie
Caucasian race in the Middle Ages and holds the view that
if the avarice and cupidity of the New England slave-
trader had not tempted him to invade the jungles of West
Africa, to kidnap the unwary and guileless aborigines,
there is reason to believe that the hecatombs which have
marked the visitations of the pestilence in the West In-
dies and the shores of the American Continent, would
never have been known. The natives of those lands knew
nothing of the disease until brought to them by ships en-
gaged in a most unholy commerce.
Eochefort, one of the earliest writers on the subject, al-
luding to the West Indies, says: "This noxious air was
brought by vessels coming from the African Coast. "-^
Another disciple of the African origin of the disease is
found in Turpinseed,-^ who says that the gTeat difference
of temperature between day and night in the great desert,
the air being 174° by day and 24° by night, undoubtedly
had an influence in furnishing the embryonic conditions
necessary to the origin and propagation of the disease.
The infection was then carried by the desert winds to the
coast towns of W^st Africa and thence scattered to sus-
ceptible foci throughout the world.
Strobel,'^*^ who also blames Africa for having been the
original source of infection, furnishes considerable in-
formation concerning the origin and spread of yellow
fever, but his views are, unfortunately, too biased to be
of any reliable historical value. The learned essayist cites
only events which lend color to his rabid views on conta-
gion and he eludes facts which prove the contrary in such
"Philadelphia Medical Times, 1872, vol. 3, p. 726.
-* Ce mauvais air y avait ete apporte par des navires qui
venoient de la Coste d'Afrique. Histoire Naturelle et
Morale des Isles Antilles d'Amerique (1658), vol. 1, p. 3
="Turpinseed: Medical Record. N. Y.. 1878, vol. 14, p. 304.
'" Strobe! : An Essay on the Subject of Yellow Fever, 1840.
102 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
a tactful and unconcerned way, that it is a pity his efforts
should not have been directed to a better purpose. He
deplores the fact that the French Academy awarded Mon-
sieur Chervin a premium of 10,000 francs for his admir-
able (this is our word, not Strobel's) treatise on the non-
contagiousness of yellow fever, and holds up Dr. Bahi as
a martyr because the latter was chased out of Barcelona
for having' propagated the doctrine that the fever which
prevailed in that city in 1821 was contagious. "They ex-
ecrated and threatened with death those physicians sufli-
ciently well-informed to recognize this character of the
disease," continues Strobel ; "they called them, by way of
insult and derision, the authors of yellow fever: ''^'^ (The
italics are SStrobel's. j
But it is not our purpose to quarrel with the A'iews of
the respected and dei)arted disciple of Bally, who was, Ave
feel certain, honest in his opinion. We simply desire to
say, en passant, that Monsieur Chervin earned those
10,000 francs by a large margin, for it is of record that
he not only put on the linen of patients that had died of
yellow fever and slept in their beds, but that he also ate
of the black vomit and inoculated himself with it, in order
to prove the non-contagiousness of the disease.'^-
DowelP^ speaks in positive terms concerning the source
of yellow fever, giving Africa as the undoubted original
focus. He also states that it existed in Africa, Eastern
Asia, and Southern Europe, long before the establishment
of the Oreek and Roman Empires, even running back a
thousand years before Christ.
Chisoliii was an advocate of the African importation of
the disease, as will ai)pear by a perusal of his w(u*k pub-
lished in 1799."^
"'Ibid, p. 8.
"Lancet, 1849, vol. 2, p. 433.
"Dowell: Yellow Fever and Malarial Diseases, etc., 1876, p.
13.
"'Chisolni. An Essay on the Malignant Pestilential Fever iu-
trodiiced into the West India Island from Bouliam, etc.,
1799.
HISTORICAL SUMMARY. 103
Sternberg^^ saj-s that the early history of the disease is
involved in obscurity and it is not possible to determine
whether, as maintained by some, it was endemic at certain
points on the shores of the Gulf of Mexico at the time
of the discovery of the New World, or whether it Avas im-
ported to the West Indies from the African coast, as ad-
vanced by others.
In commenting on the African theory of the origin of
the disease, Sternberg adds that it seems very probable
that the jjestilential malady which prevailed for a time in
these usually healthy islands (the West Indies) and then
disappeared, was in fact .yellow fever, and that it was in-
troduced by ships from the west coast of Africa is not at
all incredible. "Indeed," continues this authority, '4t al-
most seems necessary to look for an endemic of the dis-
ease outside of the West Indies, for the reason that in the
comparativeh' few places in which it is now endemic,
there is historical evidence to show that there was first im-
portation and a previous period of exemption; while, on
the other hand, the conditions upon which endemicitj^ at
the present daj^ seems mainly to depend, were formerly
unknown — conditions arising from the aggTcgate of ])opu-
lation at seaport cities, as in Havana, Vera Cruz and Kio
Janeiro."^**
Elliott,^^ in commenting on the endemic diseases of
West Africa, saj's : "There is an old doctrine that yellow
fever had its original home on the West African coast, and
that its existence in the tropical regions of the American
continent and in the West Indies is the result of the
slave traffic. On the other hand, certain French authors,
notably Berenger-Feraud, contend that the disease was
first imported into Africa from America. However this
may be, there is no doubt about the fact that yellow fever
has frequently shown itself in epidemic form in Senegam-
bia, and that the British possessions on the ^^'est African
littoral are liable to outbreaks of a peculiar malignant
^= Sternl)erg: Reference Handbook of the Medical Sciences,
vol. 8, p. 5S3.
'"Ibid, p. 584.
"Elliott: .lournal of Tropical Medicine, London, 1899, vol. 1,
p. 317.
lO-t ilISTORY OF YELLOW KEVER.
form of fever which is confined to the European residents,
and which, after thinninj; their numbers to an appalling
degree, and within a l)rief period, suddenly disappears."
It is a matter of history, and cannot therefore he contra-
dicted with any degree of safety, that in December, 1493,
when Columbus reached St. Domingo, bringing with him
the first Europeans who had eyer set foot on American soil
f about fifteen hundred, according to rornilliac'^^) that
a pestilential disease broke out in the yillage of Ysabella
( then in process of construction ) , and nearly annihilated
the yenturesome little band that had brayed the terrors of
a long yoyage through unknown seas to colonize a strange
and wonderful land, where, according to the fabulous
stories then current, "gold grew on trees and diamonds
strewed the ground.''
Pouppe-Des-Portes,"^ a French surgeon, who practiced
at 8t. Domingo from 1732 to 1718, says that yellow feyer
was quite prevalent in the West Indies at that time and
was called Mai dc *S'?Vn//, from the tradition that it had
first been observed at St. Domingo during the visit of a
French man-of-war coming from the kingdom of Siam in
the seventeenth century.
No one who has read the works of Bally will dispute
the fact that he is generally reliable and accurate in his
statements, but his unalterable belief in the doctrine of
contagion and importation made him blind to the true
state of affairs in this particular instance. Even such an
eminent authority as LaKoche criticizes the great apostle
of contagion, observing that the course he pursued in the
controversies about his ])et theory was assuredly not com-
mendable.^'^
In this connection, it is oi>i)ortune to remark that up
to 1793, a majority of American i)hjsicians were believers
in the contagi(»usness of yellow fever, but during the epi-
demics occurring between that date and 1S2."), tlie practi-
cal experience so changed the mind of the medical world,
that, while five hundred and sixty-seven were against the
** Pierre Martyr, in his "Decades," says the number was 1200.
™ Histoire des Maladies de A. St. Domingue, vol. 1, p. 191.
*" Americ«\n Journal of the Medical Sciences, April, 1853, p. 317.
HISTORICAL SUMMARY. 105
doctrine of contagion, twenty-eight only remained in fa-
vor of it.^^
The physicians of two hundred years ago were just as
bitter and acrimonous when it came to discussing the
subject of yellow fever as those of our present enlightened
age. A glance over the pages of the Medical Repository,
the Edbiburg Medical Review, the British and' Foreign
Medico-Chirurgical Review, and other old-time medical
journals, reveals page after page of decidedly personal re-
marks directed by some venerable Esculapius against a
brother who held a contrary view to those which were, in
his opinion, the only tenable way of explaining certain
things. The amount of vituperative ammunition which
those ancient disputants possessed certainly puts all mod-
ern efforts in that line in the shade. The terms "medical
buccaneers," "malignant drivelers," "inexperienced and
transient practitioners," etc., were among the lukewarm
expressions used in these amiable diatribes.
Sometimes, finding discussions through the medical
press too tame or monotonous, the disputants abandoned
the quill for more strenuous modes of clinching an argu-
ment and we find mention here and there of violent per-
sonal encounters between opponents of contending theo-
ries. One of the most remarkable Avays of settling a dis-
pute concerning the diagnosis of yellow fever, took place
at Kingston, Jamaica, between Drs. Williams and 1km-
nett, who met on the lield of honor on the 29th of Decem-
ber, 1750, and fought so ferociously that they finally suc-
ceeded in killing each other.^-
Asiatic Origin of Yellow Fevkk.
An anonymous writer, more audacious and original
than his contemporaries or those who lived before him,
and whose identiy, unfortunately, we have been unable to
unravel, asserts that the ancient and malodorous city of
Smyrna, in Asia ^Minor, was the original focus whence
yellow fever infected the world, and cites in su])port of
his theory certain passages of history referring to the re-
" Dowell, p. 107.
*■■ Medical Repository, N. Y., 180.5-06, vol. 9, p. 187.
106 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
mittent fevers Avhieli devastated the Grecian Archipelago
and the shores of Asia Minor as far back as the age of
Pericles.
French writers of the seventeenth century^ adhered to
the theory that the Typhus miasmatique ataxique putride
jaiine, the name by which the disciples of Bally desig-
nated yellow fever, had its origin in Siam. Bally^^ as-
sures us that the disease was brought to the island of
Martinique by the ship of war rOriflaiiiine in 1682, in
which year "the French people who had settled in Siam
tied from the insurrection in that country and established
themselves at Fort Eoyal." Bally also States that the
OrifJdinuie stopped at some Brazilian port on its way to
Martinique. According to Ferreira and others, yellow
fever was epidemic in Brazil at the time spoken of by Bal-
ly, and if such was the case, how could the disease have
been imported from Siam, when it was already implanted
on American soil? There is certainly a historical faux-
pas somewhere.
Moreau de Saint-Mery, one of the most reliable and
learned chroniclers of his time, in commenting on the al-
leged Siamese importation, makes certain observations
which leave no doubt that the disease brought to Martin-
ique by the Onflamme was yellow fever, no matter Avhere
the original infection of the vessel took place. Ak^cord-
ing to this authority, the ship was a hotbed of disease
when it reached Martinique. Spotted fever {le jwiirpre,
to use his exact expression) and an unknown "pestilen-
tial fever had committed fearful ravages among the offi-
cers and crews of the ill-fated Oriflaiuiuc, the mortality
exceeding one hundred souls, among the victims being
]\rc«isieur de Lestrille, the commandant of the expedition.
Saint-^fery also speaks of the bloody uprising which took
place in the Siamese Empire and tlie tiiglit of the French
settlers on board the ships VOriflaiinnc, Le Loutrc and
the »S7. Nicholas, which set sail for France with all possi-
ble haste. When the miniature flotilla entered the Atlan-
•' Description Topographlque, Physique, etc., de I'lle de St.
Domingue, by Victor Bally (1814), p. 700.
^' The distinguished contagionist evidently got his dates mixed,
us the insurrection in Siam took place in 1688. G. A.
HISTORICAL SUMMARY'. 107
tic Ocean, it was diverted from its course by storms, com-
pelling the ships to make for the west. The OriflanituG
arrived safely at Fort Royal, Martinique, but the fate of
her sister ships is left in doubt. Nowhere does Saiut-
Mery speak of the vessel having touched at any port in
Brazil, as asserted by Bally and those cited by him. The
date given by Saint-Mery (1090) is certainly more accu-
rate than that stated by Bally (1682), as a reference to
the political history of Siam, reveals the fact that the mas-
sacre of the handful of Englishmen in the factory at
Ayuthia, then capital of the kingdom, which was the sig-
nal for the anti-foreign demonstration which put an end
to the intrigues of the French court, took place in 1G88.
Coi-nilliac^^ gives 1G90 as tlie date of the arrival of the
Oriflamme at Martinique.
Father Labat, a Dominican friar, who arrived in Mar-
tinique in January, loOl,^*^ tells of the ravages of the dis-
ease, which he claims was imported by the warship
VOrifldminc, which had touched at a Brazilian port on its
way from Siam.
AVhat led additional color to the story of the disease
having been imported from Siam, was the fact that, in
1G91, two vessels arriving from Pondichery, capital of the
French East Indian settlement of that name, in Siam,
were found to be nests of yellow fever, which caused an
appalling mortality among the crews of both vessels. It
was afterwards proved, however, that the infection had
been contracted at Fort Royal.
Whether or not the disease was imported to the West
Indies from Siam, or vice versa, is a point which we will
leave for others to dispute and theorize upon; but the
importation, if it ever ha])pened, certainly did not take
place for the first time either in 3082 or 1090, as the reli-
able and unassailable records of such historians as
Oviedo y Valdez, Goniora, Coreal, Humboldt, Ulloa, Cor-
nilliac, and Rochefort, give details of epidemics which de-
vastated the West India Islands as far back as the
« Recherches Chronologiques et Historiques sur I'Orlgine et la
Propagation de la Fievre Jaime dans les Antilles, by
Cornilliac (1867), vol. 2, p. 72.
"Ibid., p. 73.
108 HISTORY OK YELLOW FEVER.
fifteenth century. We are more inclined to lean to the
theory that the disease was first brought to the East from
the tropical coasts of America.
Moseley^" speaks at length of the ravages committed
by the fever at Martinique in IfiOo and the majority of
authors of the time concur in saying that, although yellow
fever prevailed in the West Indies ever since the voyages
of Columbus, there is no authentic instance of the disease
having been noticed on vessels previous to 1690, when the
Orifhimine incident set the whole medical world agog.
On the contrar}', these ancient writers agree in the opin-
ion that yellow fever prevailed as an endemic in the sev-
enteenth century in all the localities in the New World
bordering on the Gulf of Mexico and the Atlantic shores
of South America, almost as far South as the Kio de la
Plata.
We will conclude by quoting from Hillary (Observa-
tions on the Changes of the Air, etc., London, 1759), p.
144 : "We observe no trace of this scourge in the descrip-
tions given by ancient Avriters, not even by the Arabian
observers, who practiced in warm climates."
So far as history- informs us, yellow fever has never
been observed in Asia, althougli this vast continent is
studded with regions which i)()ssess all the requirements
for engendering and spreading the disease, including the
Stcgowi/ia. Let the Panama Canal be pierced, however,
thus reducing time of commercial intercourse between the
AVest Indies and the East to a few days, and we shall, in
all probability, see yellow fever transplanted to these
ancient shores and commit fearful ravages among its bil-
lions of souls.
This is not a fanciful fiight of the imagination, but
simply a "look forward,'' a calm, dispassionate prophecy,
based upon experiences of the past and whose ultimate
truth will thrill humanity with horror and despair when
the mists which veil the future have melted away.
The Gulf Stream Theory.
Professor P. Stille, of INIobile, differs from all the pre-
ceding authorities, and advances a novel theory to ac-
'-'A Treatise on Tropical Diseases, p. 421.
HISTORICAL SUMMARY. 109
couDt for the origin of yellow fever. He attributes it to
the Gulf Stream. Calling attention to the equable atmoa-
pheric conditions of the tropical lands of both hemi-
spheres, he says: "Coming up the south-east, across the
torrid zone, is an ocean current which, where it sweeps
around the north coast of South America, is called the
Guiana Current. It makes its way directly into the Gulf
of Mexico, where it takes the name of the Gulf Stream.
After washing the smaller islands of the West Indies, it
forces itself with great strength through the narrow chan-
nel between Cuba and Yucatan, and rushes all around
the shores of the gulf, taking its turn towards the east,
and (juitting the land immediately after passing the
soutliern point of Florida. Within the gulf its tempera-
ture stands at from 85° to 80°, but soon after having
passed Florida its temperature goes suddenly down to G5°,
and finally to 54°, and 50°. Now, if we examine every
part of. the sea we shall find no other spot where a warm
current washes the land at anything like so high a tem-
])erature as is exliil)ited in the (Julf of Mexico. A goodly
portion of the time the temperature of the water stands
entirely above that of the air, consequently a heavy mist
is taken up. In (;ther words, the atmosphere is com-
pletely saturated with moisture to such an extent as to
render it too heavy to rise in obedience to the usual laws
governing evaporation, the high temperature of the laud
preventing condensation. As a result, there lies upon tlie
surface of tlie low country a thin stratum of air so heavy
and so damp as to tempt us strongly into coining suba-
(puM)s as a designation by which to represent its condi-
tion. For proof that such conditions do arise in all
cases where the water stands at a temperature higher
than that of the air, we refer you to latches' Physical
Geography, page 152 ; and for proof that they exist in the
West India Islands, see Ilumboblt's Island of Cuba, page
172. And here, in my humbk^ judgment, we have arrived
at a knowledge of the main conditions necessary to the
propagation of the yellow fever: A stratum of atmos-
pliei-e saturated with moisture to such an extent as can
only occur urdtr li':(^ circumstances as exist in the West
Indies, and a tropical clime such as prevails there, and is
110 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
every now and then, as I contended, carried into regions
far above its natural lines. This thin stratum of heavy
atmosphere is carried from the ocean equator and thrown
upon our shores from the <i'ulf breezes, so called, but in
ordinary seasons the low temperature of the earth con-
denses the moisture permanently before it has passed far
inland. In seasons like the present, however, when there
have been two summers together, as it were, the earth with
us is too warm to admit of permanent condensation. A
portion of the moisture may fall as heavy as dew, but the
rising temperature of the morning will take it up again,
and hence it will be carried on, wave after wave, as it
were, until it has reached its final stopping place, possibly
many degrees above the shore of the Gulf of Mexico. The
immediate agent working in yellow fever (be it living
atom or fungus) is semi-aquatic in its nature, perhaps,
and therefore always finds itself a home in this peculiar
character of heavy and wet atmosphere; hence it flour-
ishes wherever a footing can be secured in it; and fattens
upon its human victims the more the further it gets from
its nursery bed and finds them the less acclimated against
its effects. This heavy atmosphere theory would explain
why yellow fever is mainly confined to the low grounds —
in all cases waves of heavy atmosphere, like currents of
water, find their ways through the depressions upon the
surface of the earth. If our (iulf breezes should drive
tliem inland, they would very naturally roll up the valleys
of our rivers."'
Prof. Btille was without doubt one of the South's fa-
mous sons and a scholar of recognized ability, but his
theory is decidedly untenable, especially when viewed
through twentieth century spectacles. A reference to the
medical part of this volume, where will be found practi-
cal and scientific arguments concerning the origin and
spread of yellow fever, will be sufficient to remove any
doubt which the skeptical reader may entertain in the
premises. We have given a. place in this work to Prof.
Stille's theory, not because we endorse or admire it, but
simply to put it on record among the many odd views ad-
vanced concerning the origin of yellow fever. It is a
HISTORICAL SUMMARY. Ill
close second to the views of the College of Physicians of
Paris, published in a preceding chapter.
Observations by the Author.
Emerging from the heterogenous avalanche of opinions
promulgated by sedate and learned chroniclers of ages
past and present, bewildered by the positiveness of each
and every argument advanced to prove that yellow fever
originated anj'^where except in the natal land of the ob-
server, we pause for a moment on the threshold of trepi-
dation before making a digest of the theories advanced in
the foregoing pages. We stop just to take a breath, rivet
the wobbling places in our armor, and then rush into the
fray with the satisfaction that we will at least make the
situation still more unintelligible.
The West Indian Theory. — We are free to confess
that we see much to admire and theorize upon in the doc-
trine that yellow fever is a West Indian product. Look
into the history of every notable epidemic and you will
see that "a ship from the West Indies'' carried the infec-
tion. Of course there are exceptions, but they are few.
A search through the works of Oviedo, Pierre Martyr
d'Anghiera, Fernand Columbus (a son of the great dis-
coverer), Herrera and other early writers, reveals the
fact that yellow fever attacked the Spaniards, English,
French, Dutch and Portugese wherever they tried to es-
tal)lisli themselves in the New World. In the following
table, we give the first four historic outbreaks of yellow
fever in the West Indies. We have purposely selected ex-
amples where the scourge manifested itself within a few
months after the landing of the colonists, as this is all
that is needed to illustrate the point we wish to em-
phasize :
112
HISTOR^ OF YELLOW FEVER.
Fiu.sT Kecorded Outbreaks of YELLO^y Fever ix the
West Indies.
San
Domingo
Ysabella was the first town established in the
Western Hemisphere bj- Europeans, beingr found-
ed by Christopher Columbus in December 14')3,
fourteen months after the discovery of America.
That same month the colonists were attacked by
a pestilential disease (now known as s-ellow fever)
which raged until 14%, when the town was aban-
doned.
Porto Rico Capara
1508 Capara, founded by Ponce de Leon in 1508, Was
abandoned the same year, owing to the ravages
of the " unknown pestilence."
Jamaica
Sevilla
•^ Mel ilia
^Oristan
Sevilla was founded by Diego, a son of Colum-
bus, in 1509. The Yellow Spectre soon invaded
the place and the inhabitants fled in terror to
the north of the island, where they built the town
of Melilla. The pestilence pursued the colonists
into their new abode and they again fled, this
time to the southern p rt of the island, where, for
a third time, they launched a new town Oristan).
Like its predecessors. Oristan wasso(m laid waste
bj- the same terrible disease which has to this
day been the curse of the Antilles.
Gaude- St. Pierre
loupe liGrande
Anse
In 11)35. L'Olive and Duplessis. agents of the
French (Jovernment. with a following of 550,
founded the towns nf St. Pierre and Grande Anse.
Three months after the arrival of the colonists,
yellow fever made its appearance, Duplessis him-
self dying of the scourge. The epidemic devasted
the island from 1035 to 1652, a period ol seventeen
years.
Some doubtful Thomas will probably slirui;' his
shoulders aud irouieally ask us to explain how it is that
Columbus and his intrepid sailors were not attaeked by
yellow fever when they set foot on the Island of San Sal-
vador, if the theory of Antillian endemicity of the dis-
ease is correct.
It is not necessary to call into action Kooseveltian low-
ers of reasoninjij to explain this.
Tlie discoverer of the New ^^'orld and his followers es-
ca])ed an attack on theii' tirst voyage for the reason tliat
they lauded on the Island of San Salvador duriui* the cool
season (October 12, 1492), at a time when mosquitoes
HISTORICAL SUMMARY. 1 1 3
were inactive ; tliat tliev did not mingle much with the na-
tives and, finally, that they confined their explorations to
the coasts and did not venture into the interior of the
"unknown country" which was destined to change the
whole political aspect of the then known world.
On the second voyage of Columbus things were differ-
ent. The Europeans landed hundreds of miles further
South (San Domingo), at a place where the breath of
Boreas is never felt, and found all the conditions neces-
sary to contract the disease, including the ^tcgomyia
CaJopus. Frequent intercourse with the natives,
fatigues, privations and exposure, rendered the new-
comers easily susceptible to the germs which were only
awaiting new fuel to kindle the fires of pestilence anew.
And, from that date, wherever the Spaniards went, the
jaundiced handmaiden of death — yellow fever — was
awaiting their arrival.
The African Theory. — It does not require a profuse
waste of gray matter to relegate the African theory of
the origin of yellow fever to the oblivion it richly deserves.
In looking over the literature on the subject, Ave notice
that even such a learned author as Berenger-Feraud was
nearly converted to the doctrine of African endemicity,
being somewhat inclined to believe that the epidemics in
Senegal were of spontaneous origin. But he guarded his
views with the statement that he was not totally convinced
and, in a later article, showed the absurdity of tliis doc-
trine.
We believe, like Berenger-Feraud, that tlie African
theory is untenable and easily disproved. The West
Coast of Africa has been known to Europeans ever since
the sixth century Before Christ, when, Hammo, a Car-
thagenian, nmde a voyage along that coast and is said to
have got as far as the Bight of Benin. The I*ortugese,
however, were the first i)eople of modern times to under-
take the ex])loration of the Dark Continent. In 1433,
they doubled Cape Bojador, in 1441 reached Cape Jihinco,
in 1442, Cape de Yerde, and in 1462 discovered Sierra
Leone. In 1484, Diego Cam, an audacious • Portugese
navigator, discovered the moutli of tlie Congo. That
same nation established the first European settlement in
I 14 HISTORY OF YEM.OW FltVER.
Africa at Angola about the year 150(), eight j-ears after
the discover}^ of xVmerica by Columbus.
From the inception of its colonization, the commerce
between Africa and Europe was an active one, and had
A'ellow fever been endemic in the Dark Continent at the
time it was first visited by Europeans, the disease would
certainly have been imported by the ill- ventilated and un-
sanitary craft engaged in this primitive intercourse and
woiihl have caused memorable epidemics in Europe, which
would have been noted by the historians of the period,
who had a knack of writing about everything and every-
body, no matter how trivial or private. It is a matter of
history, clKi'onicled by many writers, that it was only after
the discovery of America that yellow fever was observed
in Africa. The first authentic account is that of the voy-
agers ^Mndham and Piuteado, Avho speak of having ob-
served yellow fever on vessels off the coast of Benin in
1558. This is not at all improbable, as slave-hunters from
the ^>panish colonies in the Xew AVorld frequented the
coast of Africa as early as the middle of the sixteenth
century, to replace Avith negroes the dearth of labor caused
by their massacres of the Indians in Cuba, ^Mexico and
South America. After stealing the gold which the Aztecs
and Incas had taken centuries to amass, the Spaniards
forced their victims to work their mines and till their
]>lautations. Unused to such toil, Avhicli was rendered
still more onerous by the cruelties practiced upon them by
their conquerors, the Indians perished by millions. His-
torians tells us that more than half the population of
Peru were consumed in the mines.
A\'afer, an English surgeon (according to Aloseley"*^),
says that he and some others landed at Vermejo, in I'eru,
in 1()87, and marched four miles up a sandy bay, "all of
which,'' he says, "we found covered with bodies of men,
women and children, Avhich lay so thick, that a man
miglit, if he would, have walked half a mile and never trod
a step off a dead human body. These bodies, to appear-
ance, seemed as if they had not been above a week dead;
but if you handled them, they proved as dry and light as
a sponge, or i)iece of cork." The* voyagers soon came upon
''Moseley: A Treatise on Tropical Diseases, 1792, p. 155.
HISTORICAL SUMMARY. 115
a Spanish Indian, wlio Avas picking np dried soa-weed, and
asked liini how those dead bodies came there? To which
he answered that, in his father's time the soil, "which
now yielded nothing, was green, well-cultivated and fruit-
ful ; that the city of Worniia had been well inbabited by
Indians; and that they were so numerous, that they
could have handed a tisli, from hand to hand, twenty
leagues from the sea, until it had come to the Inca's
hands ; and that the reason of those dead bodies was,
that when the Spaniards came and blocked up and laid
seige to the city, the Indians, rather than lie at the
Spaniards' mercy, dug holes in the sand and buried them-
selves alive/'
AVhen the Spaniards saw that the natives were about
to become extinct, and that the majority of those that
were left had Hed to caverns and mountain fastnesses,
they had recourse to Africa, and negroes Avere imported
by the thousands to take the places of the ^Mexicans, Peru-
vians and West Indians. This was the beginning of the
slave trade, and the constant voyages to and from Africa
in (piest of new victims, gave a semblance of truth to the
theory that yellow fever had been imported from Africa
to America.
Let us now juggle with dates and obtain some poignant
conclusions :
A glance at the table on page 112 will show that the first
epid(Miiic of yellow fever in the w(u-ld of which there is
any record took place at Ysabella, San Donungo, in De-
cember, 1193, fourteen months after the discovery of
America. According to Lind, the first outbreak of yellow
fever on the mainland of Africa took place in Senegal in
175!!, two hundred and sixty-six years after the Ysabella
incident. As the mainland of Africa was colonized b\
Euroi)eans about the year 1500, and yellow fever was
never observed i)rior to 1751), or two liundnMl and fifty-
nine years after its colonization, it is not necessary to in-
dicate with a pointer on the map of the world where the
natural home of yellow fever was, is and will continue to
be for all time to come — unless our Southern neighbors
stop long- enough launching new revolutions and attend to
116 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
intelligent preventive measures against a disease which
science has proved can be conquered.
A!nother noteworthy fact before we conclude:
The ei)ideiiiics of yellow fever in the West Indies fol-
lowed one another in rapid succession and hardly a year
has passed since 1493 without the disease manifesting
itself, either sporadically or as an epidemic, in one of the
Antilles. In Africa, the record is different.
Let us take Senegal to illustrate our point :
From 1759 to 1882, a period of one hundred and twenty-
three years, there were six ei)idemics in iSenegal. Be-
tween the tirst and second epidemics (1759-1778), nine-
teen years elapsed; between the second and third (1778-
1830), fifty-two years; between the third and fourth
(1830-1807), thirty-seven years; between the fourth and
fifth (1807-1878), eleven years; between the fifth and
sixth (1878-1882), four 3'ears.
By reference to the chronological tables in another
part of this volume, it will be seen that during this same
period of one hundred and twenty-three years, there is a
record of nearly two hundred outbreaks of yellow fever in
the AVest Indies.
A soil which can produce yellow fever will do so annu-
ally; the long intervals between the epidemics in Africa
gives the palm to the West Indies.
The Ship Theory. — The theory that yellow fever
originates on shipboard was based on the fact that, in sev-
eral noteworthy instances — such as the outbreaks at St.
Nazaire, ]>i'(^st, Falmoutb, etc. — it was noticed that so
long as the hatches remained closed, the disease did not
manifest itself, but as soon as the scuttles and hatches
were opened, tlu^ fever invaded the vessel and often spread
to the port wliere she was riding at anchor.
This is easily cx]>lained: The infected mosquitoes,
which had fed on yellow fever patients at the port of sail-
ing, had been imprisoned in the hatches during the long
voyage across the seas, Avith no chance of gaining access
to the upper i)arts of the ship. AMieu the vessel reached
her destination and the hatches were opened, the insects
were liberated and swarmed with famished haste all over
the vessel, inoculating with the poison of yellow fever
HISTORICAL SUMMARY. 117
every susceptible person they bit. Tliese persons, in turn,
were so inan^' new foci of infection and served to spread
the disease.
In the present liiilit of the mosquito transmission of
yellow fever, nothing can be more simple; but, when we
come to think over the matter, we can hardly blame
Audouard and his dintinguished champions for having
blundered, as they were groping in the dark and launched
the theory which seemed, under the circumstances, the
most plausible and intelligent.
The Gulf Stream Theory. — This doctrine cannot for
a moment be seriously entertained and does not need to
be dissected here to lay bare its imperfections. It ex-
plains nothing and is dismissed without further comment.
The Asiatic Theory.
There is a theory, however, which takes our fancy and
which we are prone to espouse — the opinion that yellow
fever originated on the western shores of Asia centuries
before the advent of Christianity. The city of Smyrna,
in Asia Minor, is just the sort of place where a pestiferous
disease could originate de iioi^o. Since the date of its
foundation, in prehistoric times, it has been renowned
for its filthiness and pestilences, a fame which clings to
it to tliis day.
Smyrna occupies the unique position in history of
being the only great city of the west coast of Asia ]Minor
which has survived to the present day. Unlike good wine,
however, it does not seem to have imi)roved with age, from
a sanitarian point of view. It is as insalubrious to-day
as it was in distant past, when it cradled Homer and was
the glorious capital of Antigonus. The appearance of
the city at the present day is very attractive when viewed
from the harbor, l)ut a closer inspection dis])els the illu-
sion. The houses, mostly built of wood, are mean and
fragile looking; the streets Jose and filthy and tilled with
intolerable stenches, proceeding from illy-constructed
sewers and drains. ITaving thus all the necessary condi-
tions present to harl>or and propagate pestilence, it is
within the reasonable bounds of probability that it could
118 HISTORY OF YELIOW FKVER.
have beeii the original nidus of yellow fever. How yellow
fever was engendered there, what special atmosphere con-
stitutions precipitated its origin or how it sj^rung spon-
taneously into existence, our feeble powers of imagination
cannot conjecture, but, for the purpose of propping up the
doctrine we advance, we shall admit that it did spring
from somewhere within the walls of the malodorous ori-
ental town — in fact, grew, like the immortal Topsy — and
was thence disseminated by the mosquito-infected vessels
of the Pheuicians and other ancient adventurers through-
out the then known world.
The immigration of the Phenicians to the Mediter-
ranean coast of Asia took place in remote antiquity.
When the Children of Israel settled in Canaan, they found
the Phenicians already established in the country, and
history tells us that the tribes of Naphtali, Asher and
Dan, to which that section of Syria was assigned, did
not conquer Phenicia, but occupied only a small portion
of it. The Phenicians were a commercial and not a war-
like race and their policy from the onset towarcls the
Chosen People was one of conciliation and the two races
afterwards became stalwart friends.
From the earliest period the Phenicians occupied them-
selves in distant voyages and their skill in shipbuilding is
a matter of history. Lebanon supplied them with abun-
dance of timber and Cyprus gave them all necessary tiaval
equi])ments, from the keel to the topsails. In the reign
of IMiaraoh-Necho, these daring navigators even circum-
navigated Africa. The commerce of Tyre extended all
over the ancient world, from India to England, and the
maritime knowledge and experience of the IMienicians led
to the founding of numerous colonies in Cyprus, Kliodes,
Sicily, Sardinia and even in distant Spain, where they
founded the famous city of Gaddier, now known as Cadiz,
eleven centuries before the Christian Era.
With Smyrna as a nidus, yellow fever could thus easily
have been imported to the seaports of the Mediterranean
by the active commerce in which these remarkable people ^
were engaged in. ]Mosquitoes are plentiful in Western J|
Asia and Southern Euro])e and the great jdagues which
history recounts as having almost depopulated the world
HISTORICAL SUMMARY. 119
at certain epochs in the distant past, were possibly yellow
fever epidemics, spread far and wide through the medium
of mosquito-infected ships, which sailed from infected
points to countries free from the disease. These countries,
in their turn, proved so many foci of infection, whence yel-
low fever radiated to susceptible localities. In course of
time, the disease was imported to America b}' the early
voyagers who visited this country centuries before the
time of Columbus and gradually spread over the con-
tinent, until it found a home suited to its permanent
hibernation in what is now known as the yellow fever
zone. Simple, is it not? We shall undoubtedly find scof-
fers and unbelievers, but Ave advance the theory with the
same assurance that all i^revious theories have been pro-
mulgated and can safely challenge auA'one to prove the
contrary. This is the beauty of theories. You may not be
able to prove what you say by what lawyers call ''docu-
mentary evidence," but the burden of proving the con-
trary is on the other fellow, and he is generally in the
same fix when it comes to trotting out facts to prove that
you are talking through your chapeau.
"Admitting your theory to be correct," observes my
astute friend, Mr. Doubting Thomas, "why has yellow
fever ceased to visit Smyrna?"
For the same reason that it is no longer prevalent in
Spain, Philadelphia, Boston, New York,* and scores of
other places Avhere it was, at some time or other, consid-
ered endemic.
What has brouglit about this change? ''The disappear-
ance of the Stcgomyia Calopus from these localities,"
Avould be the logical answer. But smh is not the case.
The yellow fever moscpiito has been banislicd from New
York, Boston, Philadelphia and other Northern places,
* See the very interesting theory advanced by Col. W. C.
Gorgas concerning the disappearance of the Stegomyia
from Philadelphia, New York and other Northern locali-
ties, published in another part of this volume, under
the caption "The Effect that the Completion of the
Panama Canal Will Have Upon the Probable Extension
of Yellow Fever to Asia."
120 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
but, according to Theobald,^^ these insects are still to be
found in Spain at the present da.y. And yet, yellow feyer,
except in a few isolated instances, has been unknown in
that kiniidom since the great epidemics which rayaged
it in the beginning of the last century.
Theobald does not designate Smyrna as one of the habi-
tats of the Stego)ui/ia CuJopu.s, but mentions the tact that
the insects are preyalent in Tjre, Sidon and Palestine,
neighboring localities. "Where the climate is not too
dry," obseryes Howard,'''^ '"Sfegoinj/Ui Fasciata will, with
little doubt, upon close search, be found.*' The climate of
Smyrna is an ideal one for the propagation of the insect
under discussion and it has no doubt been domiciliated
there from time immemorial.
But here comes the clincher : "If Stcgomi/iae flourished
in Smyrna ages j^ast and yellow feyer was an endemic,
how is it that, with all the conditions which were then
present existing at the present day, the disease no longer
manifests itself?''
The only way to get rid of this Gordian Knot is to
treat it a-la-Alexander :
Let us suppose that the great pestilences which deyas-
tated Europe, Asia and Africa centuries before the Chris-
tian Era were yellow feyer epidemics. History tells us
that these outbreaks caused fearful mortalities and that
at times "nearly half the population of the world" was
swept away. As the years went by, new generations were
attacked by the disease, which became milder and less
murderous for want of fresh material, until it came to
pass that those who remained became immune through
acclimatization or because they had withstood a preyious
attack, and the disease gradually disappeared from its
old-time haunts. Immigration, one of the most fertile
feeders of endemic disease, was no longer a factor in the
Old A\'orld after the twelfth century of the Christian Era,
for the nomads of that period had penetrated as far as
they dared to go, and with the whole population of the
"Theobald: A Monograph of the Culicidae of the World, 1891.
'* Howard: Concerning the GeograpJiic Distribution of the
Yellow Fever Mosquito, 1905.
HISTORICAL SUMMARY. 121
world iiiiinime from yellow fever, it is natural that the
scourge should cease to manifest itself.
It is a remarkable truth that persons born in a com-
munity' where a disease is endemic, seldom, if ever, experi-
ence an attack. Humboldt notes the fact that a person
born and brought up in Vera Cruz is not subject to the
disease. The same observation has been nmde in regard
to Havana. And yet, the natives of Havana are often at-
tacked with yellow fever when they visit Vera Cruz in
August and September ; Avhile, on the contrary, natives of
Vera Cruz, who were known to have passed unscathed
through violent epidemics in their natal place, have died
of yellow fever in Havana, Jamaica and the United States.
"New sources of disease are developed by civilization,"
observes Gouverneur Smitli,-^^ "new measures of prophy-
laxis germinate simultaneously with each genesis. Many
of the poisons with Avliich we are familiar, and which were
known to our ancestors, are not as yet to be extinguished,
but are to continue to harass posterity. Posterity will en-
counter ills which have not afflicted us, and the medical
literature of future centuries will relate the outcrops of
novel disorders, and record the successful means by which
they were held in abeyance. If the chemists are capable
of producing new compounds, it can be inferred by anal-
ogy, and even inferred from a study of past ages, that in
the mutations of society new forms of aerial contamina-
tions and new zymotic affections will be developed by
reason of the overcrowdings of population, by the influ-
ences of new occupations and of new relations of life.
The opening of new territories to civilization will be at-
tended with its dangers. Indigenous germs of disease may
exist in unexplored Africa and in other secluded parts of
the globe, which are in time to be conveyed to marts of
commerce, and thence to be still more widely diffused."
Gouverneur Smith's observations, made thirty years
ago, upholds the point we Avish to elucidate.
What has kept alive the fires of pestilence in tlie West
Indies? War and the S]janish soldiery. For hundreds of
years, Spain was engaged in putting down insurrections in
" Trans. N. Y. Academy of Medicine, vol. 2, 1876, p. 362.
122 . HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVCR.
Cuba, and for liimdreds of years has yellow fever mowed
down her soldiers by the thousands.
During the period of ten years, from 1870 to 1879,
there arrived, at the port of Havana, 151,423 Spanish sol-
diers. During that same period, out of a total death-rate
of 92,231 from all diseases in Havana, there were 11,837
fatalities from yellow fever alone, of which 4,139 were
newh'-arrived soldiers, or nearly half the total mortality
from yellow fever.
Look over the long list of epidemics in the West Indies
since the beginning of the last century, and you will see
that in almost every instance the disease was either im-
ported or attacked the newly-arrived. The natives (that
is, descendants of the original settlers of the islands), if
they had not been contaminated I)}- this susceptible ele-
ment from a foreign clime, would never have contracted
the disease.
According to the views of the Havana Yellow Fever
Commission,^- the pure-blooded American red Indian an-
nually proves at Vera Cruz his present susceptibility to
3^ellow fever; hence there is no reason to disbelieve that
the aborigines of San Domingo and other Antilles were
susceptible, but had, in 1492, acquired immunity from the
disease by the same process and to tlie same general extent ,
now enjoyed b^^ the white, black, and yellow or red natives
of habitually infected localities in Cuba and elsewhere.
The same reasoning holds good for Smyrna, Spain and
other old-world localities. Natives of susceptible climes
not having emigrated to these countries for centuries past,
the occasional visitor of to-day is safe from attack, as the
infected mosquitoes and their immediate posterity have
long since "passed in their checks" and their descendants
content themselves in disseminating malaria and kindred
transmissibh' diseases. I>iit let a single case of yellow
fever be imported into the heart of Spain, Smyrna or any
presunmbly former habitat of the disease, and the world
will witness a repetition of the terrible ravages of the
past.
Previous to 1793 yellow fever was unknown in Dem-
^- Annual Report National Board of Health, 1880.
HISTORICAL SUMMARY. 123
erara, Britisli Giiiaiia, wliich is noted for its low, swampy
soil, aboundiug iu vegetable matter iu a state of decom-
position, the whole constituting a true hot-bed of pollu-
tion, where ^tcfjomykic breed by millions. Yellow fever
could not, and never would have, developed itself in that
region; but, according to Bally,^^ it was introduced by
the schooner Futifan, in the ^^ear above mentioned, and
finding an habitat suited for its propagation, became es-
tablished there, and Demerara is to-day one of its focal
points.
Diseases, like fashions, have their whims. A locality
may for years — aye, even centuries — be afflicted with a
certain ailment and then, souu^times suddenly, sometimes
with such gradual decadence as to be scarcely noticeable,
,the endemic disappears, to manifest itself in places where
it was unknown before and create the same havoc, inspire
the same terrors and display the identical idios^^ncrasies
whiclr characterized it iu its old habitat.
According to Muhrj',^^ if we except the admirable and
accurate descriptions of diseases contained in the writings
of the Arabian physicians, we have scarcely any of an
earlier date than the beginning of the sixteenth centurj^,
sufficiently full and correct to enable us, by comparing
the phenomena of the diseases which now prevail with
those by which the same diseases were accomi)anied at
former periods, to detect their points of i'eseud)lance or
discrepanc} . Judging, however, from the few and imper-
fect details furnished us by medical writings of former
daA's, we believe that there are good reasons for conclud-
ing that the more prominent diseases to which the human
organism is now liable, are essentially tlie same, in all
their leading features, with those to which it was subject
as far back as medical histoi-y leads us.
Muhry further asks if it is true, however, that diseases
which formerly prevailed have entirely disai)peared?
This is by no means improbable. The history of endemics
proves very clearly that certain forms of disease depend
upon cases of a sti-ictly local character, and no longer
occur when these local causes are removed. It is cMiually
"^ Bally: Typhus d'Amerique, p. 60.
"Muhry: Historical Immutability of Nature and Disease, 1844.
194 HISTORY OK YELLOW FEVER.
reasonable to suppose that morbitic causes of wider extent
may become extinct either spontaneously or through the
agency of nuin, and with their extinction would, of course,
cease the diseases i)r(;duccd by them. ]>ut it is not so very
certain, that among the diseases to which the human or-
ganism is still subject, some at least of those which are
presumed to have disapeared are not to be included, but
in a form so far modified that the resemblance between
them and their prototypes is overlooked. It is, also, prob-
able that disease^ which formerly prevailed as endemics
or epidemics, still occur sporadically; isolated cases ap-
])earing occasionally and at long intervals, and hence at-
tracting little attention, being viewed as anomalous forms
of some one of the more prevalent att'ections.
Muhry's masterly diagnosis is admirably suited to the
subject under discussion in these pages. Take away the
Stcgonn/ia Calopiis and you take away yellow fever. The
experience of New Orleans in 1905 is incontestible proof
of the truth of this assertion. Although all the conditions
which prevailed in 1905 existed in 1900 ( with the excep-
tion, of course, of the millions of Stegomyia), not a case
of yelllow fever occurred among the vast cosmopolitan
population of the ^letropolis of the South, and only a
single case, undoubtedly imported, is known to have oc-
curred throughout the entire State of Louisiana. And
this, thanks to the untiring work of the eminent sanitari-
ans in whose hands were the destinies of the State and
City Boards of Health, was soon rendered inocuous.
Let us again look into the fascinating question of
Asiatic origin of yellow fever.
Without desiring to be irreverent to the shades of
Audouard, Bally, Chisolm and others, we think that there
is more in the theory of Asiatic origin than appeai-s on
the surface, when one comes to weigh it in the balance of
conjecture. How do we know that the pestilential ardent
fevers, or can. si, of whicli rei)eated mention is made in
the works of ancient writers, were not yellow fever mani-
festations? In reading descriptions or the can si, not only
in the Epidemics of Hippocrates, but also in the writings
of his contemporaries, Thucy<lides and Isocrates, one is
struck by the similaritv of the diajinosis iriven and the
HISTORICAL SUMMARY. 125
present accepted symptoms of yellow fever. The writings
of Galen, Pauhis Egineta, Aretus, Avicenna, Hippocrates
(First and Third Books on Epidemics), Procopiiis {rHis-
toire de Son Temps), Gregorius (Histora Franconun, de
417 a 591 A. D.), Anglada {Etudes sur les Maladies
Eteintes et les Maladies Nouvelles), Black {Histolre de
la Medicine et de la Chirur<jle), and others, also lead to
the presumption that a disease posessing all the peculiari-
ties of yellow fever was epidemical long before the Chris-
tian Era.
"In the works attributed to Hipprocates," saj^s Ban-
croft, ''mention is made of violent febrile disorders, which
sometimes proved fatal on the fourth day, and even
sooner,'''^ and were attended with incessant vomiting,
sometimes of black matters, yellowness of skin, and other
affections so similar to those which are frequently ob-
served in the Yellow Fever, that I am disposed to believe
that tliey could be no other disease.'-
Lyons,'"'^ commenting on the above, says : ' "At Avhat his-
toric i)erio(l yellow fever became an established epidemic,
it may perhajis be not possible now to determine. Some
writers, and amongst them Bancroft, seem to think that
certain of the fevers described by Hippocrates as being
attended with black vomiting and yellowness of the skin,
were of the same nature as the yellow fever of later times.
I doubt much that the question admits of absolute solu-
tion, so meagre are the accounts left us in the fragments
of the works of the great Father of ^Medicine.'-
Had Hii)i)ocrates an3' knowledge of yellow fever? At
first thought, this looks like a startling and foolhardy
(juestion, but a careful perusal of the works of the Fatlier
of .Alcdicine certainly leads to the conclusion that yellow
fever, or some distemper possessing almost the identical
symptoms of the disease, prevailed among the Greeks and
their neighbors in the nebulous past. According to that
learned and wellqtosted observer, Dr. Samuel Latham
Mitchel, who edited the New York Medical J{ej)osllorij in
the beginning of the last century, this inference is readily
"' This fact is noted by Alcee Chastant, of New Orleans, in his
Observations on Yellow Fever, published in 1878.
""Lyons: A Treatise on Fever, 1861, p. 249.
126 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
drawn from the (jbscrvatious wliicli Hippocrates makes of
the pestilential (listem])ers of Persia and Greece. Dr.
]\[itchell holds the o])inion that it is mncli to be lamented
that the (Jrecian sai^e has not left to posterity an account
of this distemper, and of the methods he took to nuard
against it. AVe mijilit, in all probability, have derived
some information that would be of priceless value to us
at the i)resent time. However, althouiih he has not left
us the history of the disease which afflicted the Persian
arnn^ ,and which gave so much concern to the Greeks,
there are several passages in his works which show that
the southern parts of Europe and the western countries
of Asia were visited by disorders marked by yellow skin
and black vomiting, at least four hundred years before
the Christian era. One cannot help noticing" that the
writings of Hippocrates contain (nidence enough of mor-
bid yellowness; and that, although the different kinds are
meant by the same word, the yellow suffusion incidental
to fevers is clearly- distinguishable from the yellow tinc-
ture caused by an absorption of bile when the liver is
obstructed.
Black Aomit is also alluded to in the works of the
Father of IMiysics. Hi the twelfth section of his Proif-
nosticH, he affirms that if the matter vomited be of a livid
or black color, it betokens ill. In the first section of the
first book of his (Joun PrognosticOy he enumerates black
vomiting among a number of the most desperate symp-
toms. Hi the fourth section of the same book, he considers
leek-green, livid and black vomiting as omens of sad im-
port. The ])assage in the eleventh ])aragra])h of the first
book of his i*redictioiis, indicates strongly the unfavorable
issue of a fever after black vomiting. The connection be-
tween black vomiting and death is notieed likewise in the
third paragiai)h (if tlie second section of the Coan, Pioy-
nostico. The same sym])1<)m is mentioned in the first
])ai'agraph of the first s( ctictn of the same book. And the
like will be found to recur in the fourth paragraph of the
tliird scM'tion of the same book.
From the above, it will be seen that this alarming sym])-
toni was frecpient among the ancient Greeks laboring un-
HISTORICAL SUMMARY. 127
der fevers, was well-known to their physicians, and was
noticed by Hippocrates as a familiar occnrrence.
It ninst not be forj^otten, however, that this symptom
frequently occurs in the late stages of other dangerous
septic conditions.
Littre, whose famous work is one of the classics of
medical literature, denies that Hippocrates had any
knowledge of yellow fever and asserts that the vausi were
merely remittent fevers, the same as is observed in our
days in the countries bordering on the Mediterranean.
But Littre, in our liuml)le opinion, is not infallible. It
is a matter of history that yellow fever was unknown by
that name previous to 1G94, when Ferreira da Ifosa pub-
lished his admirable treatise on the pestilential diseases
of rernambuco. The fact that the disease was not men-
tioned in ancient times by the name we now know it, how-
ever, does not mean that it did not prevail throughout the
world then or at any other time. The works of noted
chroniclers, from the time of Aretus'^'^ to Guyzot,"*^ abound
with accounts of pestilences which ravaged Euroi)e, Asia
and Africa at specified epochs, depopulating cities, deci-
nmting armies and creating widespread terror and demor-
alization.
Even as far back as 1184 B. C, during the Trojan war,
it is said that INulalirius, a sou of Esculapius, was invited
by the Greeks to their camj) "to stop a pestilence which
had ballied the skill of the physicians.'''''^ This disease is
said to have resembled yellow fever.
Certain authors, among them Marius de Bamberg, as-
sert that the plague of Athens described by Thucidides
and Lucretius, was nothing less than yellow fever. Ber-
enger-l*\'raud tries to dispose of this theory by saying that
although the malady which afflicted the ancient Greeks
duiing the Peloponesean wars was characterized by a
sudden onset, great i)ain in the head, injection of the eyes,
rai)id res])iration, etc., sym])toms which nmy appear to
denote yellow fever, it is also woi*thy of notice that
Thucydides speaks of the red appearance of the facies of
those affected, black and putrid ulcers, gangrene of the ex-
" Adams' translation.
'"See his "History of France.'
"" Lepriere's Classical Dictionary, p. 543.
128 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
tremities and the cicatrices which reiiiaiued after the pa-
tients had been cured. These latter characteristics seem
to indicate that the Greeks were either attacked by the
plaiiue or ])\ nialii>uant smallpox, or, at all events, a
malady totally dittereut from yellow fcyer.
Sydenliam, the ij;reatest epidemiologist of modern times,
describes the Plague of London, in the summer and
autumn of 16G5, as haying been ushered in by a malignant
feyer, and also alludes to a disease similar to yellow feyer
which prevailed in Moscow in 1771, where it destroyed
80,000 persons. Alccording to Merlins, one of the physi-
cians appointed by the Empress of liussia to attend the
infected, the pestilence was introduced in Moscow by
Turkish prisoners.
In Hume's Histonj of Eiujland (page 33), occurs the
following passage: ^'The reign of Oswy was rendered
memorable by a most destructive pestilence called the
YcJloir Phif/uc, which, commencing in GG4, ravaged the
whok' island during twenty years, with the exception of
the liighlunds of Scotland.''
A fever similar to yellow fever has been observed in
England and Ireland. Dr. Hamilton describes its appear-
ance at Norfolk and Drs. Graves and Stokes''''^ speak of
its prevalence in Dublin in 1826, though the latter ex-
presses some doubts as to the disease being yellow fever.
Dr. Graves, however, avers that the symptoms and ana-
tomical cliaracters were the same as those laid down in
cases of ycHow fever by the best authorities.
Anstie/'^ in comparing English epidemical disease with
yelbtw fever, says: "In trutli, it is diflicult to read care-
fully the histories of West Indian epidemics of yellow
fever without being tempted to believe that the disease has
strong affinities with our English ty]ihus; and the ])ecu-
liar symptoms (jaundice and Itlack vomit) of wliich so
mucli has been made, are in truth phenomena which are
not infrequently witnessed in typhus and relapsing fever
""Lectures on Fever, by Wm. Stokes (1876). p. 37,
""Notes on Epidemics, by Francis Edmund Anstie (1866), p. 86.
HISTORICAL SUMMARY. 129
ill Britain/'- So often has this been the case, that one can
hardly avoid thinking that, were these latter fevers trans-
ported to the peculiar tropical regions which liave been
mentioned, tliev would develop these features with con-
stancy, instead of occasionally, and would then be indis-
tinguishable from true yellow fever."
The great American historian and philosopher. Hum-
bolt, makes the following observations: "It is certain
that the voinito, which is endemic at Vera Cruz, Cartha-
gena, and Havana, is the same disease as the yellow fever,
whicli, since the year 1793, has never ceased to afflict the
people of the United States. This identity, against which
a very small number of physicians in Europe have started
doubts, is generallv acknowledged by those of the Faculty
who have visited the Island of Cuba and Vera Cruz, as
well as the coast of the United States, and by those who
have carefully studied the excellent nosological descrip-
tions of M. M. Makittrick, Kush, Valentin, and Luzuriaga.
We shall not decide whetlier the yellow fever is percepti-
ble in the caiisus of Hippocrates, which is followed, like
several remittent bilious fevers, by a vomiting of black
matter ; but we think that the yellow fever has been spor-
adical in the tAvo continents since men born under a cold
zone have exposed themselves in the low regions of the
torrid zone to an air infected with miasmata. Wherever
the exciting causes and the irritability of the organs are
the same, the disorders which originate from a disorder in
the vital functions ought to assume the same aijpear-
ances."
Conclusion.
As previously observed, we lean to the doctrine of
Asiatic origin of yellow fever, but we are in no wise unal-
terably wedded to the hypothesis. We have tried hard to
be convinced, but the bewildering mass of evidence, pro
et con, has raised a lingering doubt in our mind, which
no amount of reasoning has been able to eradicate.
The diffai'ential diagnosis between typlius and yellow fever
in this country is too well established to need comment-
ing upon. — G. A.
ISO HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER,
We now bring this historical summary to an end, think-
ing it uuuecessary to burden these pages with further
quotations and observations. We feel we have proved
nothing new concerning the origin of yellow fever and,
taking you into our contideuce, patient reader, we must
confess we never had the remotest idea of launching a new
theory. AVe simply culled from the best observers and
trust to the iutelli<^ence of the reader to make whatever
deductions may seem proper or reasonable in the premises.
So far as we are personally concerned, we beg to express
our opinion of the whole business by the following quota-
tion from Peisse, taken from his great work. La Medecine
et Lcs Medccins :
"Quand, par Vohservation directe da regne animal,
etiid'iG dans son organization intcriciirc la jjZms delicate,
Curicr eat fini son traca'il, il trouca qwil etait arrive a
pen pres aux memes dimsions qii/Aristote avadt etahlies,
il y a- plus de deux mille ans."
To paraphrase the above: After carefully sifting the
opinions of the most noted writers on the origin of 3'ellow
fever, we have arrived at the same conclusions reached by
all of them — that the disease either was endemic in
America centuries before the arrival of Columbus, or was
imported from some transatlantic country hy the hordes
of nondescript personages who swarmed to the New
World in search of riches and adventure. But where the
invaders primarily contracted the disease, is a question
which reminds us of the immortal (piestiou of the small
boy, ])ropounded ages ago to his preceptor:
"\\ liich was born first, the egg or the chicken?"
AV'e find no record of the learned gentleman's explana-
tion, and the problem will undoubtedly remain forever
unsolved. We cheerfully relegate the jellow fever brain-
racker to the same fate.
PART THIRD.
HISTORY
OF
YELLOW FEVER,
BY LOCALITIES.
I
YELLOW FEVER
AS IT
CONCERNS ASIA
THE EFFECT THAT THE COMPLETION OF THE
PANAMA CANAL WILL HAVE UPON THE
PROBABLE EXTENSION OF YELLOW
FEVER TO ASIA.
By Col. W. C. Gorgas.
Assistant Surgeon-General, U. S. Army; Chief Sanitary
Officer, Panama Canal Zone.
To get a basis for the discussion as to what will be the
probable effect of commerce through the Panama Canal
upon the introduction of yellow fever into Asia, it will be
necessary to review roughly the past and present habitat
of yellow fever, and its method of extension in the past.
Yellow fever has only been recognized as a disease since
the discovery of America, and its principal habitat since
that time has been the West India Islands, and the main
lands of both North and South America bordering the
Gulf of Mexico and the Caribbean Sea. It has, however,
extended at time very widely from these localities, on the
eastern and western coast of North and South America,
and the western coast of Africa, and the southwestern
coast of Europe. It seems to have had its widest exten-
sion during the latter part of the eighteenth century and
the earlier part of the nineteenth. It has been as far
North as Quebec in North America and as far South as
Montevideo in South America. There have been several
epidemics in Spain, and minor epidemics in France and
Wales. In Europe a few cases have originated as far
east as Genoa, Italy. It has never extended farther east
in Europe than Genoa, nor has it a;t any time affected
Asia, or the islands of the Pacific.
With our present knowledge of its means of propaga-
tion one can readily understand why it has not spread
beyond these limits. The great road of travel during the
old days of sailing ships, between Europe and America
on the one hand, and Asia on the other, was around the
Cape of Good Hope. This took four or five months. The
only possibility of such a ship transmitting yellow fever
would be that the ship itself would become infected, and
156 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
continue to have a snecessiou of ca^es, and thus keep alive
infected mosquitoes during the whole voyage. She would
have to be breeding stegomyia mosquitoes aboard and
have a case of yellow fever introduced, and infect these
mosquitoes, and then have a succession of cases of yellow
fever among her non-immunes that would keep up the dis-
ease for several months. The probabilities are greatly
against this. The probabilities are that within the first
two months all the nonimmunes aboard would contract
the fever, and at the end of a couple of months, we would
have a ship peopled by immunes. Every probability is
that the infected mosquitoes left at the end of two months
would die from natural causes within the following three
months, and by the time the ship reached India, she would
be entirely free from infection. Another gTeat means of
protection was the fact that the vessel was exposed to
freezing weather for several weeks in jiassing the Cape.
Before the days of the Suez Canal there was not a great
deal of traffic through the ^Mediterranean Sea to Asia, and
what there Avas, was carried on by means of pack trains
of various kinds. One can readily understand the im-
probability of transmitting yellow fever in this way. I
think our experience points to the fact that yellow fever
is nearly always transmitted from place to place by a sick
person going from an infected point, and infecting the
mosquitoes in an uninfected place. It apparently takes
pretty frequent communication to transmit the disease.
In tlie earlier days of yellow fever in the United States
it was almost entirely confined to tlie littoral and was
looked upon as a disease of the sea coast. As the country
became settled up and river traffic became great, it was
found that it would spread up the rivers, but it was still
looked upon as a disease confined to the sea coast and
large rivers. AVhen railroads were introduced, it was
found that it spread with equal facility along railroad
routes.
The small amount of commerce and the great length
of time that it took for a sailing vessel to cross the Pacific
would readily account for yellow fever not having spread
across the Pacific. With the introduction of steam ves-
sels one would have expected that yellow fever would
ASIA. 1S7
have been more likely to spread to Asia, but a steam ves-
sel breeds many less mosquitoes than a sailing vessel. The
sailing vessel, for her long- voyage, had to carry large quan-
tities of fresh water, which were prolific breeding places
for the stegomyia. A| steam vessel, while she can and does
breed mosquitoes, does not do so to anywhere near the ex-
tent that the sailing vessel does. Her expenses being
large, she cannot afford to spend such length of time in
port as the sailing vessel does, and is, therefore, less likely
to become infected. And then again, the routes of com-
merce do not extend directly from infected ports to Asia.
It is very seldom that a vessel goes directly from Havana
or Kio de Janeiro to Asia. The exchange is almost en-
tirely carried on by means of London or Hamburg, or
some other European port.
The effect that the Suez Canal has had as a means of the
introduction of infectious and contagious diseases from
Asia to Europe, would be some indication of what effect
the Panama Canal will have upon the introduction of
such diseases from America to Asia. The probabilit.y,
while remote, of the introduction of j^ellow fever from
America to Asia, was certainly increased by the opening
of the Suez Canal. The city of Para, in Brazil, is the port
in America nearest to Asia going east by the Suez Canal,
which is at present permanently infected with yellow
fever. The time by steamer from Para to India has been
reduced by the Suez Canal more than half. The whole
route via the Suez Canal lays in tropical and subtropical
latitudes. The likelihood of the introduction of yellow
fever from Para to India via the Suez Canal is at present
just about the same as it is for the transfer of the same
disease from Guayaquil to Hong Kong. Both Guayaquil
and Para are permanently infected with yellow fever and
have been for years. The steaming distance from Para
east through the Suez Canal to India is about the same as
that west from (juayaquil over the Pacific to Hong Kong.
While we would have to acknowledge the possibility of
the conveyance of yellow fever to Asia by either of these
routes, it is evidently extremely improbable. The Suez
route has been in use for a generation, and the Pacific
route for some three centuries, with never a single in-
138 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVEH.
stance of jellow fever getting to Asia. But it is probable
that in that time there has never been a single instance
of a vessel going directly from either Para or Guayaquil
to Asia. As commerce goes on increasing they may, how-
ever, occur.
A very good example of a large commerce between ports
infected with 3'ellow fever, without the transmission of
the disease, is that between the i)orts of Rio de Janeiro
and Para, infected ports on the eastern coast of South
America, and England. Also that between Guayaquil, an
infected port on the west coast of South America and
San Francisco. Commerce is very intimate between these
infected ports south of the equator and the non-infected
regions mentioned north of the equator. Vessels sail
between these ports oftener than weekly, and the steam-
ing time is less than a month, yet, to my knowledge, yel-
low fever has never been carried either to England or
San Francisco from these sources.* But, before the open-
ing of the Suez Canal, one, in discussing the probable
dangers, would have thought that plague and cholera
would be much more likely" to be introduced from Asia to
Europe than yellow fever from Europe to Asia. The com-
merce is large and the trip not more than three weeks,
infection from this source. Europe has, however, taken
Yet there has been little, if any, trouble in Europe with
the precaution to establish an International Board of
Health which has sanitary supervision over the Canal and
guards this route very carefully'.
I think the above fairly satisfactory reasons why yel-
low fever in the past has not spread to Asia. It is inter-
esting here to note the fact that tlie yellow fever zone had
greatly decreased before we knew that it was transmitted
* In one isolated in-stance (1883), yellow fever was imported
into San Francisco, but did not spread. In 1897, 1898,
1902 and 1903, vessels coming from South American
ports infected with yellow fever, or on which cases had
had developed, died or convalesced, were detained at
the San Francisco Quarantine Station, but no new cases
developed while the ships were in the harbor. For full
particulars, see detailed account under "California," in
another part of this volume. G. A.
fl
ASIA. 139
by the mosquito, and before any general measures of any
kind were taken for its extinction. It extended most
widely about the beginning of the nineteenth century. At
this time, Philadelphia, New York, Boston, Baltimore
and Charleston were all liable to yellow fever and had fre-
quent epidemics. From this time it has become less and
less frequent on the Atlantic Seaboard of the United
States and in the United States itself. At present, I do
not think the stegomyia is found fartlier north than Nor-
folk, and she proba]>ly had the same habitat a hundred
years ago, and it is hard to understand how New Yorli
and Philadelphia could have ever had yellow fever. But
the probable explanation is that before they had water
supplies they used Avells and cisterns generally as a means
of storing water and thus had excellent means of breeding
stegomyia. Sailing vessels frequently came in with num-
bers of stegomyia aboard. When these arrived in the
summer time, the ships continued to breed mosquitoes for
weeks at a time while they were tied up to the wharves.
Many of these mosquitoes wandered otf to the neighboring
houses where they fouud ready means of breeding, and
thus, in a few weeks, the town became well stocked with
stegomyia. Quarantines were very lax and a case would
be introduced from an infected ship and find a good
ground for spreading the disease" through the city. As
the cold weather came on all the stegomyia would be
killed, but in some other year the same thing would occur
over again. At present in Philadelphia thev have no
tanks or cisterns and very few places where the stegomyia
would breed, but communication with ports where
stegomyia breed is almost altogether through steamers
which are not likely to bring many stegomyia, and she
has a good quarantine which stops the large majority of
yellow fever cases. These are the causes, I think, that
have led to the contraction of tlie zone of yellow fever.
The samie statements would apply to Spain and Eng-
land. They are not countries where the stegomyia breed,
and these mosquitoes couhl only flourish there when in-
troduced during the summer time, and when the condi-
140 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
tions as to water receptacles were favorable to their breed-
inu,*
In our Southern Gulf States the stegomyia has its
natural ha]>itat. The weather duriniLi' the winter is not
sufficiently cold to kill otf all tlie adults, so that we are
still liable to an occasional epidemic when the disease is
introduced from the neij^^hborinj^' West Indian ports. But
even in these localities the winters are so cold that the
mosquito becomes dormant and yellow fever disajjpears,
even no sanitary measures are taken. As we go farther
south and get into the tropics we find that the stegomyia
breeds as well, as far as temperature is concerned, in one
season as in another, and Aaries principally according to
rain fall, or conditions that give more or less numerous
breeding places.
Now let us consider a moment the distribution of yel-
low fever at the present time and the possibility of its
transmission to Asia. It is at present in Cuba, ^Mexico,
Central America, and on the east and west coast of South
America. At present I do not think there is any direct
communication between an infected port and Asia. The
West Indies and the eastern coast of South America ex-
change their wealth with the wealth of Asia principally
through the European ports, and Guayaquil, which is the
only infected port of auj- consequence on the west coast,
carries on whatever commerce she has with Asia through
San Francisco.
In Southern Asia and the Philippines the stegomyia is
a very common mosquito. The population in China and
India is very dense and non-immune; the Cliinaman and
Coolie being just as liable to yellow fever as tlie European,
and as far as we can see, it will only require the introduc-
tion of a case of yellow fever to cause a very devastating
e])idemic, wliich, in the state of civilization existing in
Asia, would be entirely unconti'ollaltlc.
If the Canal were opened to-morrow I do not think the
chances of carrying j-ellow fever to Asia would be one
whit increased over what they are to-day. At the present
* According to Theobald (Monograph of the Culicidae of the
World, published in 1891), stegomyia have been found
in Spain. G. A.
ASIA. 141
time sucli danger is very remote. It is only a possibility.
On the Pacific side we have only one infected port, Guaya-
quil. It is within the bounds of possibility^ for a steamer,
to sail directly from Guayaquil to an Asiatic port, be-
come infected at the time of leaving Guayaquil, continue
the infection h\ means of a succession of cases during the
two months it would take her to reach an Asiatic port and
implant the infection at such port. But it is extremely
improbable. If a weekly steamer sailed from Guayaquil
to a tropical Asiatic port the probabilities would be in-
creased. The chances of a ship remaining infected for
two months are snmll. Take, for instance, the relations
between Cuba and Spain. For the twenty years befoi'e
the Auun-ican occupation of Cuba frequent steamers sailed
from Havana to the ports of Spain. They were crowded
with i)assengers, civil and military. Havana, during
these years, always had yellow fever, summer and winter.
Spain, as previous history has shown, Avas capable of be-
coming infected. But such intimate commerce ccmld go
on for twenty years without establishing yellow fever in
the country. Small local epidemics have been established
two or three times in Spain by this commerce since the in-
troduction of the steamship. But it is rare. Now if the
time of transit were made eight weeks, instead of two, the
probabilities of carrying the disease would be greatly de-
creased. I think that if such had been the case, Europe
would have remained as free from yellow fever as has
Asia.
The Commission which was appointed by the United
States to examine and report upon routes across the
Isthmus, and which finally recommended the Panama
route, discussed at considerable length as to what would
be the probable amount of ccnimerce through the Canal
and as to where it would conu^ from. They (juote the
commerce of the great canals of the world at present in
operation and its rate of increase yearly from the open-
ing of these canals. From this data they conclude that
ten millions tons per year, will be a large touage for the
first ten years.
Assuming that commerce will always follow the short-
est and quickest routes between two points, they show
142 HISTORY OK VELLOW FEVER.
that almost all European ports are nearer Asiatic ports
via the Suez Canal than via the I'anania Canal, and that,
therefore, l*anama will get very little trade from Europe.
They conclude that the traffic through the Suez Canal
will not be interfered with by the Panama Canal; that
this traffic will come principally from the United States;
some from the West Indies and South America and a very
little from England. Accepting this as a basis for discus-
sion, we see, that, if yellow fever infection is distributed,
at the time of the opening of the Canal, as it is at present,
ships passing through the Canal and going to Asia from
Vera Cruz, Havana and Rio de Janeiro, would be the
only ones which could possibly carry infection. A half
a dozen ships a year Avould be a large average for these
ports. The other ports at present infected will probably
never send a ship through the Canal to Asia.
How will the opening of the Panama Canal affect the
chances of this introduction? It will, no doubt, increase
somewhat the commerce between infected ports and Asia,
and vastly increase the commerce between Xorth America
and Europe, on the one hand, with Asia on the other.
Ships in passing through the Canal will touch at Panama
and Colon and be some twelve or fifteen hours crossing
the Isthmus. If this territory is infected with yellow
fever at this time it will greatly increase the chances of
some of these numerous vessels becoming infected, and
therefore, the possibility of yellow fever spreading to Asia.
If we could bring about such conditions, therefore, that
no vessel in passing through the Isthmus would be liable
to become infected witli yellow fever, and so that no ves-
sel from an infected port would be alloAved to go through
the Canal, with am' possibility of her carrying infection,
Asia would be no more liable to get yellow fever from us
than she is at present.
To bring this happy condition about, we would have to
keep the Isthmus itself free from yellow fever, and to
guarantee, by means of rigid quarantines, that no infect-
ed vessel ])assed through the Canal. Both these things
are p(;ssible of acc(;m])lishment. 31odern sanitary meas-
ures liJive demonstrated the fact that even in the tropics
it is possible to rid a locality of yellow fever and keep it
ASIA. 143
free. This has already been done at Panama. It has been
over a jear since a case of yellow fever has occurred in
the city of Panama, and only one case has occurred on
the Isthmus in the year 190G. There is a much larger non-
immune population on the Isthmus at present that was
ever here before, and that probably ever will be here after
the construction of the Canal,
The same system of quarantine that has kept yellow
fever for the past three years from being introduced by
shipping from the neighboring infected ports, into the
Zone, Avill also in the future prevent an infected ship
from passing through the Canal.
Whether the Panama Canal, when completed, will be
a menace to the health of Asia all depends upon the effi-
ciency of the government which controls the Zone through
which it passes. If the Zone remains an endemic focus,
as in years past, the probabilities of transmittina- yellow
fever to Asia, by the largely increased direct traffic, will
be augmented. If the Zone is kept free from yellow fever,
and the last three years of sanitary work by the United
States Government at Panama has shown that this is
entirely possible, then the liability of the introduction of
yellow fever into Asia will not be at all increased by the
opening of the Canal.
SYRIA.
Geographical and Historical.
Syria forms part of Asiatic Turkey, south aud south-
east of Arabia aud borders ou the Mcditerraueau. It has
a popuhitiou of about 1,500,000, aud area of about 70,000
square miles. In ancient times, Syria formed a part of
the Byzautine Empire, aud was successively conquered by
the Persians, the Greeks and the Komans, Siuce then,
its political history has been varied and sensational. It
was taken hy the Arabs in 63G A. D,, by the Sedjuk Turks
in 1078, by the Crusaders, by the Mamelukes and by the
Ottoman Turks, who added it to their empire in 1517. In
1833, it was couipiered by Mehemet Ali aud annexed to
Egypt, but was restored to Turkcn- in 1810 by the interven-
tion of the great powers of Europe. Bethlehem, the birth-
place of our Savior, is located in Syria.
Alleged Oiitbrcah of Yellow Fever in 1800.
Yellow fever has never invaded Asia, so far as history
informs us. The probability of the disease being carried
to the Ancient Continent is ably and compveheusiveh' dis-
cussed by Col. Gorgas in the preceding Chapter. We do
not believe that the incident related below was an out-
break of yellow fever, but gi\e it a i)lace in this volume to
complete our rec<u-ds of reported eruptions of the disease.
According to Dr. Larrey, who was Surgeon-in-Chief in
the Army of Napoleon during the cauipaigus in Egypt and
Syria, yellow fever j)revailed in ^Vi'steru <V.sia auiong the
troo])s under (Jeueral Kochler, in tlie f-ummcr and autumn
of 1800. Dr. Larrey gathered his facts from the medical
journal of Dr. Witnum, a physician who was with the
English military (•(Jiiiuiission. AVc cuil the following from
Dr. l.arrcy's observations:'
Dr. Witman relates that, in the autumn of 1800, while
^ Memoirs of Military Surgery and Campaigns of the French
Armies, etc., by D. J. Larrey (Hall's Translation), 1814,
p. 234.
SYRIA 145
the military commissiou remained on the coast of Jaffa —
a maritime town of Palestine, 31 miles northwest of Jeru-
salem— where it was encamped Avith the army of the
Grand Vizier, a malignant Inlions remittent fever made
its appearance. It commenced abont the middle of Au-
gust, and continued with much severity through the
months of September and October, lasting until Decem-
ber. The weather was foggy, and very warm, the tempera-
ture ranging from 90° to 98°. The nights, however, were
cool and moist. The first victims of this disease were two
of the artificers attached to the English forces ; the malady
soon extended to the camp of the Turks, where it caused
great mortality.
The symptoms that appeared in this disease, according
to Dr. Witman, were at first chilliness, pains in the head
and prostration of strength; after these a lurniug pain of
the stomach and abdomen, nausea, a bitter taste in the
mouth, and copious vomiting of bloody and bilious matter,
with a diarrhea of the same appearance; the tongue of a
yellowish Idack, an ardent thirst, the pulse quick and
strong, the skin yellow and hot, the respiration hurried.
When the fever assumed an unfavorable character, it was
attended by delirium ; the eyes were inflamed, and the skin
often affected with dark colored spots. This disease ad-
vanced with more or less rapidity, according to the state
of the mind and body, age, and particular regiment ; also
with nmny circumstances connected with the ]>]ace and
the atmosphere.
The wife of General Kochler, commandant of the Eng-
lish forces, was the first to be stricken with the disease
after the artificers had been attacked, and died' on the
seventh day. The general, who had faithfully nursed his
consort during her illness, also contracted the disease. He
died on the third day after being taken ill.
The disease caused much mortality among the soldiers.
In the months of November and December it subsided
and was replaced by the i)lague, Avhiih was brought into
Egy])t by the invading armies and raged with unusual
violence in that already much afflicted country.
It is to be regTetted that Dr. Larrey could not collect
146
HISTORY OF VE. LOW FEVER.
irioio oircumstantial details relative to this outbreak, os-
Ijecially as reoards the ])atliolo<iY of the disease. The
results of the dissections which were undoubtedly made by
Dr. Witman and his fellow physicians would have proved
a Valuable addition to the history of this epidemic.
I
HISTORY
OF
YELLOW FEVER
X
AFRICA.
ANGOLA.
Description.
Angola is a Portugese colonT ou the >vest coa»t of Africa,
south of tlie Cougo Free State. It consists of four dis-
tricts— Cougo, Loauda, Beuguela and Mossamedos. An-
gola was for a long time the radiating point of the slave-
trade. Capital, St. Paul de Loanda.
YELLOW FEVER YEARS.
1860 ; 18(32 ; 18C3 ; 1SC5.
SUMMARY OF EPIDEMICS.
18C0.
Although the coast of Angola was discovere] h\ the
Portugese in 148(1 and colonized soon after, we find no
mention of yellow fever having prevailed in that locality
previous to 18(50. As Angola was the most active centre
of the slave-trade in the past, there is no douht that the dis-
ease was iin]»oi't(<l and flourished there ofteU; although
official contirmation is lacking on this score Rut we
come across the same hiatus almost everywhere in Africa.
All the <'olonies along the Atlantic seahoard are controlled
by I]uvo])eau governments, whose policy of conceahnent
and sui)})ression has been instruuu'utal in closing every
avenue of research in that direction, so as to throw dust
in the eyes of their own i)eople and put down the bars to
imuiigration.
The outbreak of 18(10, according to R( renger-Feraud*
(page 13()) was (piite severe; but, beyond the mere men-
tion of this fact, the noted epidemiologist is as silent as
the proverbial bivalve.
♦Berenger-Feraud: Traite Theoriquc et Clinique de la Fievre
Jaime, Paris, 1891.
i
ANGOLA. 151
1802.
St. Paul de Loanda was ai»ain visited by yellow fever
ill 1862 (Berenger-Feraud, page 139). No detaiJs are ob-
tainable.
18G3.
The epidemic which had its inception in i8C2, continued
in 1803 ( Berenger-Ferand, page 140 >. It was brought
that year from Angola to Grand Bassam \{\. v.).
1805.
The year 1805 furnishes the last record of jellow fever
in Angola. According to IMackay (cited by Berenger-
Feraud, page 111), it was quite severe at St Paul de
Loanda.
ASCENSION ISLAND.
Description.
The Island of Ascension is a mere speck near the middle
of the South Atlantic Ocean, about 750 miles northwest
of the historic Island of St. Helena, and belongs to Great
Britain, It is only 36 miles in circumference;, 8 miles at
its widest part, is of volcanic origin, and is chiefly cele-
brated for its turtle, which are the finest in the world.
The capital, George Town, located on the west side, has a
population of about 150, and is governed under the admir-
alty by a naval officer. The total jjopulation of the colony
is about 400.
YELLOW FEVER YEARS.
1818; 1823; 1838; 1847; 1859; 1873.
SUMMARY OF EPIDEMICS.
1818.
According to the Second Report on Quarantine,^ page
197, a fever called "bilious remittent," but which was, no
doubt, yellow fever, prevailed on the Island of Ascension
in 1818. The fever attacked "every man on the island," but
the mortality was small. In the journal kept by Mr.
Robert ^Falcolm, who was stationed at George Town in
1818, api)ears the history of a case of the disease, which
commenced on the first day of June and '^as terminated
by death the next day, "with all the symptoms of yellow
fuffusion and black vomit,"
The fever was, no doubt, imported from America by
* Second Report on Quarantine : Yellow Fever, with Appen-
dixes, by the General Board of Health; Presented to
Both Houses of Parliament by Command of Her Majesty.
London, 1852. The First Report is a general treatise on
epidemic disease's; the Second Report deals principally
with yellow fever.
ASCENSION ISLAND. 1'5S
some of the many trading ships v^hich stopped at Ascen-
sion on their way to African ports, but the framers of the
"Second Eeport'- vehemeutl}' deny this, claiming that the
fever was engendered "b^^ an unusually wet turtle season,
when the men are much exposed by watching at night to
turn these animals."
This explanation seems amusing and absurd when
viewed in the light of our present knowledge of the trans-
mission of yellow fever, but the statement was undoubted-
ly acceiJted as gospel truth by the learned men of the
period. It must also be remembered that the "Second Re-
port" was written under direction of the British Govern-
ment, and as England's merchant marine dotted the seas
at that time, the interests of her vast commerce demanded
that the theory of importation be tabooed and ridiculed,
even at the sacrifice of truth. According to an old saying
of the ante-bellum Louisiana negro, Ravct pa (jdif/niii
raiso)i divan poulij- and the astute and narrow-minded
compilers of this "Report" resort to all sorts of ingenious
metaphors in their attempt to refute every proved instance
of importation of ^'cllow fever, twisting facts with amaz-
ing cold-l)loodeduess and striving with every fiber of their
prejudiced minds to prove that everybody but themselves
are falsifiers.
We regret not l)eing able to give a detailed account of
this outbreak, the first on record in tlie epidemiological
history of Ascension. Even our old reliable friend, Ber-
enger-Feraud, disposes of the subject >vitli barely two lines,
referring the reader to the unsatisfactory account con-
tained in the "Second Report on Quarantine," which, as
we have seen, is historicall}^ incomp>( to.
An Heirloom in the Annals of Medicine. — 77/ r Case of the
''Bann."
In 1823, the diminutive islet of As^cension, whi<li looks
like a pin-head in the vast wastes of wpters which surround
* The roach has no voice in an argument with chickens.
154 HISTORY OF YKI.L W FEVER.
it, assumed tlic iiiai>nitu(le of a cont ?i(Mit in tli'.* iiiiagiiia-
(ion of the lioar.v-headed cln-oiiielM's wlio cjiteied to public
opinion in tlie heiiinninu of the last centurv. Tlii.s anomal-
ous state of tliinjis was broui»ht about by an oecurrence
wliieli led the medical men of the period into a renewal of
the aci'imonious and endless controversies concerning the
contaiiiousuess or non-contagiousness of yellow fever — a
war of words which had been waged with more or less
fierceness since 1793, and which furnished material for dis-
cussion in tlie lay and medical press for fifty years after-
ward.^. This noteworthy event ^\as the arrival, on April
25, 1823, of the British sloop lianii in the harbor of George
Town, the lava-fringed capital of the Islai.d.
The case of the Bunn is an heirloom in the annals of
epidemiology. To publish all that has been said, dis-
cussed and written about this "celebrated case," would
take, at least, half a dozen volumes of several hundred
pages each-; so we will merely confine ourselves to a recital
of the incidents wliich led to the infection of the Island of
Ascension, as abstracted from the report of Sir William
Burnett, in his comprehensive work published in 1819.^
Owing to the universal interest which was evinced in
the case of the Baun during the last c.'ntury, we have seen
fit to go into details which will d(5ubtless seem unimi)or-
tant — and, iiiaylia]), tirescjuu^ — to the lay nader, but
which are absolutely essential to a faithful narration of
the historic event.
The Bi'itish sbjop Batiu a;ichor(Ml in the Sierra Leone
river, AVtst Africa, on the 11th of J^niuary, 1823, after
having cruiscMl in the Bight of Benin. She remained at
Sierra Leone until the 25th of ^larcli, part of her crew be-
ing employed in her tender, the Kmi RuphdiL The men
were greatly (\\]»osed in refitting Ihe i-igging of both ves-
sels, and the schooner having been sent up the river to
Bounce Island to have her bottom repaired, she was there
laid on the beach, and the men ex])os(Hl (in shore in one of
the raost unheal tliy s])ots in the colony.
On the 1st of Mardi, Mr. Higgon was seized with fever
while on the t<<ut NapJuicI, where he had been for some
'Burnett: A Report upon the Diseasps of the African Coast,
1S49.
ASCENSION ISLAND. 155
days with a party of men actively employed gettinji,- her
ready for sea. Ou the moruiug of the second he was better,
but became worse in the evening. He had mo^'e fever,
which increased until the ord, when in the evening he re-
mitted. On the Jrth and ."ith it appears to have been moder-
ate, and on the 6th he was free from all complaint but de-
bility. Plis eyes were sliglitly yellow.
On the 10th of March four cases occurred in the same
vessel, the Sou RaphaeJ, wliile at sea. In only one of the
cas:es, which is detailed at length, there were slight remis-
.uons, as in the preceding. On the loth the skin assumed
a yelb)\v tinge, but the i)atieut recovered, and Avas dis-
charged to duty on the 21th. On the 25tli another man
was attacked in the tender, which had returned to the
anchorage of Freetown. Re had l(e(^n onlv thrte days on
board. On the 2()th there was a slight remission, followed
l)y an accession of fever. On the 27th there was a second
remissioji, folh.wed by an accession. On Hie 29th he be-
gan to sink, and died early on the 30tli. The integuments,
wliicli were slightly yellow, assumed a very deep color aft(n'
death. This was the first fat-J case that occurred amongst
the crew of the Bami. Three men, two on the San Raphael
and one on the Haiui. were attacked on the 26th, but they
all recovered.
The Ha nil sailed on the 27th of March, but remained
about the mouth of the river until the 29th. Three cases
occurred on the 27th, but they were all of an ephemeral
nature, the whole of the men having returned to duty
within a w(>ek. On the -Slst there was a case of more
sT'vcritv, the patient having been on the sick list for nine-
teen days. On the 3rd of April, there were four attacks.
These, with one exception, were all slight cases. On the
7th of A])i'il, eleven days after the Ha mi left Sierra Leone,
there was a severe case, which terminated fatally on the
12th. I-'rom this time the disease assumed a greater de-
gr(M' of malignity and tlie (b atlis IxM-ame more frcipient.
Only one of the cases which occurred about this period
is detailed in the surgeon's journal. The patient was at-
t;\cked on tbe 11th, but ba<l felt uriwll foi- a few days
previously. He had the usual symptoms of fe^er, wbicli
156 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
were relieved by bleeding. Early on the 15tli, he suffered
less from pain, tbe skin was hot, but moist and the pulse
was full and (luiclc. At 1) a. m. he was again bled, whicli
seemed to relieve him, but at noon the bad symptoms re-
turned. The skin became A'ery hot. the pulse 120 and
strong. There was, in fact, an accession of fever. On the
evening of the Kith slight stup(!r siipervened, and the fever
continued to be high. On the 17th the symptoms were
more favorable and there was a decrease of pyrexia, but
on the 18th, about noon, the patient became suddenly
worse and died almost immediately afterwards. Neither
black vomit nor yellowness of skin is mentioned.
It was intended to proceed witli the vessel to the Island
of St. Thomas, in the Bight of Biafra, but on account of
the ra])id increase of the fever and the bad state of the
weather, a run was made for the Island of Ascension,
which was reached on the 25th of April, the Bonn having
lost thirteen men by fever up to that per'od. The viru-
lence of the fever was most marked about the third week
in Ai)ri], a few days after the vess(^l crossed the ecpiator,
and when within a few hundred miles of Ascension. On
April 22d eight men were attacked, not one of whom sur-
vived ; three died on the 20111, two on the 27th, two on the
20th and one on the third of May. The total number of
cases on board the Barm was 99 and the mortality 34.
The fever was carried by the officers and crew of the
Ba)!)} to the detachments of Royal ^farines stationed at
George Town, the capital of Ascension, and spread
throughout the island. There were altogether 28 cases
and 15 deaths, a mortality of over fifty per cent.
Tlie theory of importation in the above instance is
viciously assailed by the "Second Keport on (Quarantine,''
pages 89 and 19(5, but the .irguirients advance;! are de-
cidedly vapid and irreconciliable with strict veracit}' and
common sense.
1838.
The Case of the ''Etna/'
From 1823 to 1838, the Island of Ascension was free
from yellow fever. In 1837. there was a severe epidemic
ASCENSION ISLAND. I 57
in Sierra Leone and the infection avrs finally bronf^ht to
the island in 1838 by one of the many English war vessels
which were constantly cruising about the South Atlantic
waters, ready to pounce upon the enemy and annex every-
thing reachable. The source of infection was finally
. traced to three vessels, l)ut which one of the three was the
active cause of the epidemic is a mooted question to this
day.
The facts, according to the literature of the period, are
as follows :^
The ship Etna arrived from Gibraltar in the roads off
Sierra Leone in November, 1837. The fever at the time
was committing great ravages among the prize crews and
merchnnt seanun. On the 3rd of December, the Etna,_
having watered, and taken on board some African boys
and Kroomen, sailed from Sierra Leone. On the 8th, one
of the African boys was taken ill with a slight feverish
attack, which did not attract any attentioij., On the 10th
( December) two serious cases of vellow fever occurred in
two Europeans, who had been on shore and much exposed.
On the 12th two more cases occurred, and of these four
coses, three died of black vomit On the 20th two other
cases occurred and five on the 21st. The disease then at-
tacked officers and men indiscriminately. On the 20th of
January, when the vessel anchored at Ascension, 99 cases
had occurred and 25 deaths. Only five of the ship's crew
entirely escaped.
Shortly after the departure of the Etna, the Forester
left Sierra Leone for Ascension, with the fever raging on
board. On the Avay to Ascension, she fell in with the
li()nctta, bound also for Ascension, and sent on board a
])rize crew. Immediately after this, yellow fever api)eared
on board the Botictta and was extremely fatal. Both ves-
sels arrived at Ascension simultaneously and shortly after-
wards yellow fever apjx'ared among tlie rcsich-nls of the
Island. Now, whether the infection was l)rought by the
Etna, the Bonctta, or the Forester, or by all three vessels,
which arrived at Ascension about the same time, is a
problem which nearlv made driveling idiots of the honor-
* British and Foreign Medico-Chirurgical Review, 1849, vol. 4,
p. 467.
158 HISTORY OK VEI.LOW FEVER.
able medical men who fought over the momentous ques-
tion, and wliich tlie writer is too modet-t to presume to un-
ravel.
The evidence further <ioes to s]\()\v tiiat the Watenritch,
arrivinji; at xVscension from a healtliv port, with a healthy
crew, contracted yellow fever at Ascension and carried it
to sea. losin<> 15 men out of (50 within a period (»f 40 days.
But, to the credit of the astute disputants of the period,
the Waterwitch was never accused (^f liaving brought the
pest to Ascension,
1847.
Importation J)i/ tJic "'Edaii'.'"
Eiglit years elapsed without a single case of yellow
fever being noticed at Ascension, but an epidemic was nar-
rowly averted in the beginning of 1847, when tAVO cases
developed on board the British ship Rosumo)id, formerly
the Eclair, which vessel had played such a sensational role
in the transmission of yellow fever to Boa Vista, Cape
Verd Islands, in 1845, and to Woolwich, England, the
following year (1840). The history of the inception and
progress of the disease on board the Eclair is interesting.
To avoid repetition, we refer the reader to the compre-
hensive account given elsewhere in this volume of the
memorable ei)idemic which devastated Boa Vista in 1845.''
The facts of the outbreak of 1847 are as follow? :
From the account given by the i^ecoud Report on Quar-
antine, page J)8, the Eclair was completely overhauled and
fitted out anew at ^Voohvich. where she was commissioned
for the Cape of (Jood lloi)e on November 5, 184G, under
the new name of Rosamond, as the old name was looked
upon as a "hoodoo." It is of record that during the time
of fitting out, four cases of typlius f<ver occurred on the
shi]) and were sent to the hos])ital, where two of them died;
but it is also known that ty])hus prevailed at Woolwich
at that time. The steamer left England for the Cape on
February 28, 1847. Three (hiys after sailing, one of the
men was altVcted with slight febrile symptoms and he con-
tinued more or less indisi)osed for a nund)er of days, but
' See "Cape Verd Islands."
ASCENSION ISLAND. 159
occasionally felt so well that he retiuued to his work.
After the ship entered the tropics, however, the disease
began to assume a new and alarminji,- character; and when
oft" the Island of St. Nicholas, and almost in sight of Boa
Vista, the man died, having had for two days previous
black vomit and other characteristic symptoms of yellow
fever. Within a few days afterwards, the Rosamond ar-
rived at Ascension, where two other cases develo])ed. The
infection did not spread to the inhabitants of the Island,
and no mention is made in the Report of any additional
cases on board the ship, so we take it for granted that there
were none.
The great point of interest, however, is the persistence
with which the spectre of yellow fever hovered over the
Eclair, and the only explanation which we can make at
this latter day, is that infected mosquitoes were impris-
oned in the hold of the vessel and were the active agents in
the distribution of the poison wliich caused the sporadic
outbreaks which followed in the wake of the vessel.
1S59.
Yellow fever was carried to Ascension by the British
war vessels Trident and Sharpshooter , in 1859, under the
following circumstances i*^
Yellow fever was ([uite severe at Sierra Leone in 1859.
In the middle of ^lay, the war- vessel Trident was infected
at Freetown. The disease spread rapidly to the officers
and men and the ship was put to sea, with a view of ar-
resting the progress of the maladv, but witl'out tlie Avished-
f(U* result. She returned to Sierra Leone oii June 10 and
sailed for Ascension on June IT, where she arrived on
June 27, having lost 17 men since tlie eruption of the
fever. Fifty-two cases were then on the sick list, 31 of
which w( re sent on slioi^e to the gari'ison hospital, and the
remainch'r to the convalescent hosjiital on the (Jreen Moun-
tain. The remaining part of the ci'ew wa.s landed and
])Iace(l under canvass in a small bay al)out two miles from
the garrison, with which all communicati(.n was inter-
" statistical Report of the Health of the Navy of Great Britain
for 1859 (London, 1862), p. 83.
160 HISTORY OK YELLOW FEVER.
(licttHl. Tlie disease coiiliinied to txteud anion^- the crew
ou sliore iiutil the middle of July, when it eutirely ceased.
Of 143 of all ranks and ratings on board, nainely, 110
Europeans and 33 Africans, 100 were attacked and 14
died.
Eleven cast^5 of yellow fever occurred on the Sharp-
shooter, which lay otf Sierra Leone from the 0th to the
16tli of December. Disease is said to have originated thus :
On December 12 the WmrpHliooter was taken alongside a
schooner for a sui)})ly of coal ; in this vessel the bod^' of a
seaman, who had died on the ^Surprise of yellow fever, was
deposited previous to interment ; and though the fever was
su])])osed to have ceased in tlie town it was still prevalent
in merchant vessels. The Shurpshooters men, who were
employed in the coal vessel, complained of the eMuvium
of bilge watei', and said it gave them headache. On De-
cember 21 the Sharpshooter i-ailed, and on that day a boj^
who had been com])laining the day before of severe head-
ache was attacked ; the fever ran a rapid course, and he
died (tn the morning of the 22nd. Other cases followed
rajndly. The ship then stood out to sea for a few days
and kept about 00 miles from land. This -seemed to check
the progress of the fever. On D(>cember 27 several new
cases occurred and the ship sailed for the Island of Ascen-
sion. In neither of the above instances was the disease
communicated to the inhabitants of Ascension.
1873.
The Case rjf the '-'Amethyst:'
For fourteen years, Ascension had a respite from yellow
fever, and would have enjoyed innnunity to this day, had
not importation again threatened tc kindle anew the dor-
mant tires of i)estilence. It does not ai)peai' that any cases
of yellow fever were observed among (he British war ves-
sels or the land forces in the vicinity of the Island, yet the
ship Amethj/st is accused of having brought the fever to
Ascension from Cape Coast, Africa.
ASCENSION ISLAND. 161
This war steamer, accordiut'- to Smart,^ was despatched
from the coast with a large number of invalids, many of
whom were from Elmina. After five days at sea, she
reached Ascension on the 20th of December, and landed
her invalids. Among these there was a case of continued
fever with great nervous tremor^ who died on the seventh
day after landing. Another case was moribund when sent
ashore, dying in thirty-six hours. The symptoms were
great anxiety, intense headache yvitli deafness, epigastric
pains, dry red cylindrical tongue rapid pulse and respira-
tion, injected eyes, a yellow surface, ecchymosed as deatli
approached, relaxed boAvels, vomiting of dark tar-like
fluid, and suppression of urine — symptoms closely allied
to those of yellow fever.
On the third day after being landed, one of the invalids,
after a few hours of slight discomfort, fell down almost
lifeless, and vomited and purged at the same moment a
dark tar-like fluid mixed with pure blood; the features
were deathlike, the surface cold and of a dii'ty yellow color,
pulse scarcely perceptible, respiration slow and sighing.
Under treatment by stimulants, with opiates, he rallied,
vomiting ceasing after a few hours, when a typhous
state supervened, lasting to the end of the second day, after
which he convalesced.
Another case was similarly attacked on the fourth day
after landing, went through an analogous course of symp-
toms, convalescing from the end of the following day.
The train of symptoms and events in the above cases,
according to Dr. Smart, were sufficiently diagnostic of
severe bilious remittent fever of the English nosology, and
of the gastroenteric type of algide pernicious fever of the
French nosology; from which tlie Doctor infers that the
disease carried from Cape Coast to Ascension in the
Amethyst was of the remittent, and not of the yellow fever
type. Be that as it may, we think the cases sufficiently
diagnostic of yellow fever to class them as such and place
this outbreak amonff our records.
'Smart: Transactions Epidemiological Society of London,
vol. 3, p. 508.
BANANA ISLANDS.
Description.
The Banana Islands are a i»roiip of small islands off the
coast of Sierra Leone, Africa. They are seldom visited by
white men, which no doubt accounts for the fact that only
a single outbreak of yellow fever is recorded as having
taken place there.
. YELLOW FEVER YEAR.
1847.
SUMMARY OF EPIDEMIC.
Our authority^ does not give the Kjurce of infection, but
relates the folhnving facts :' On the 2Gth of eTuly, 1847, the
British brig ^ijren detached a party of three officers and
twenty seven men to the Banana Isla*jds, for the purf)ose
of blockading the Sherbo River. On August 14, a case
of fever occurred, and, sul)sequently, scattered cases ap-
peared till September 20tli, when the blockade was aban-
doned. The first cases were said to be of a purely endemi-
cal character. The disease then assumed a worse form,
until it merged into yellow fever, witli its characteristic
symptom, black vomit.
The number of cases and deaths is not oiven.^
*Bryson: British and Foreign Medico-Chirurgical Review,
1849, vol. 4, p. 470,
° This is unfortunately the case in about every account of
yellow fever in Africa.
BENIN.
Description.
Benin i« a nei>To kingdom of West Africa, in Upper
Guinea, on the Bight of Benin, extending along the coast
on both sides of the Benin Biver, west of the Lower Niger,
and some distance inland. It Jias no political unity and
has no commercial importance. Benin, the principal town,
has a population of about 15,000. In the days gone by, it
was the great slave emporium of the district. The religion
is fetichism. Human sacritices are numerous and cruelty,
in its most atrocious forms, is characteristic of the people.
YELLOW FEVER YEARS.
1520; 1553; 1558; 158S; 1828; 1852; 1853; 1851; 1855;
1850; 1857; 1862; 1873.
SUMMARY OF EPIDEMICS.
1520.
Berenger-Feraud/^ quoting Valkanaer,^^ gives an ac-
count of an epidemic, said to be yellow fever, which at-
tacked the crews of the Portugese explorers in the Gulf of
Benin in 1520. No information as to the origin of the dis-
ease is given.
1553.
In August, 1553, an Englishman named Windham and
a Portugese, Antoine Pinteado sailed from Plymouth,
England, for the West Coast of Africa, to exi)lore and
colonize the country. The ex])edit^*on consisted of two
ships, manned by a crew of 140 men. Shortly after reach-
ing the Gulf of Benin, the vessels were attacked by a malig-
nant fever, which proved so fatal that it was found neces-
" Berenger-Feraud : Traite Theorique et Pratique de la Fievre
Jaune (Paris, 1890), p. 27.
"Vol. 1, p. 370.
IGi HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
sary to bni-ii the ships, there uot being enough men left
to man them. Only 39 of these adventurers returned to
Plymouth, making a death-rate of 70 per cent. This
"malignant fever" is said to have been yellow fever, but
how, where and by what means the infeoticn was contract-
ed, oui source of information^- does not say. As AVind-
ham's vessels originally sailed from a port where fever has
never prevailed de novo, communication Avas evidently had
with some of the slcive-ships which then did quite an ex-
tensive business between Africa and Cuba^ Alexico and
t^outh America — for even at that early period the Span-
iards stole negroes by the thousands to work their planta-
tions in the New World — and the sturdy sons of a north-
ern clime proved easily susceptible to the bites of the
stegomyia.
1558.
In 1558, an explorer named Torwson and his compani-
ons were stricken with yellow fever while in the Gulf of
Benin. ^'^ The data as to this outbreak are very meagre.
1588.
Bird and Xewton,^^ intrepid voyagers in search of ad-
venture and wealth, and their companions are said to have
experienced vellow fever while in the Gulf of Benin in
1588.
1828.
From 1588 to 1828, a period of two hundred and forty
years, there is no record of any yellow fever outbreak in
the (iulf of l^enin. This seems almost incredible, but even
such a careful observer as Berenger-Feraud has failed to
find any data for these "silent years." In 1828, however,
the disease broke out afresh,^'* being imported from Sierra
Leone by the ship La JionJclaisr, and ravaged all the coast
*owns from the Gulf of Benin to Gambia.
^- Gazette des Hopitaux, Paris, vol. 57, p. 661.
"Berenger-Feraud, loc. cit., p. 27.
•■■ Berenger-Feraud, loc. cit. p. 27.
'=* Berenger-Feraud, loc. cit., p. 105.
I
BENIN. 165
1852 to 1857.
After an iiiterral of twenty-four years, yellow fever
was ao-ain imported to the Gulf of Benin in 1852 nnd cases
occurred sporadically^ every year from that date until 1857.
Our authority^^ does not give any details.
1862.
In 18G2, yellow fever was imported to Benin and other
countries on the West Coast of Africa (presumably from
Havana or South America) by some of the nondescript
craft engaged in the slave-ti'ade between Africa and the
Spanish-American countries. Early in ^lay, the fever
l)roke out among the natives huddled in the towns and
liaudets located along the banks of the Bonny T?iver, and
spread ra])idly to the officers and white porti( i«s of the
crews of the palm-oil vessels in the river. The contagion
then successively attacked the crews of vessels lying at
anchor in the numerous rivers flowing into the Gulf of
Biaffra/" more especially tlie Okl and New Calabar and
Brass rivers. It was particularly fatal at Bonny, then a
notorious slave-mart, where it mowed down natives and
Europeans alike. The epidemic, although of a vicious
and generally fatal type, was of short duration, disappear-
ing from all the rivers and bordering villages by the end
of June.
The source of this epidemic has never been clearly estab-
lished. That section of Africa was then one of tlie most
active centres of the slave trade and, although British war
vessels blockaded the coast and were on the lookout for
slave-traders, the high rate of speed possessed by the ves-
sels engaged in this nefarious trade and the thorough
knowledge the marauders had of the many inlels where
they could find a safe hiding place Avhen the scout-ships
were sighted, enabled them to navigate the mar.y rivers
of that section almost unmolested. As most of these slave-
ships came from Cuba or South America, where yellow
'" Berenger-Feraiid, loc. cit., p. 122.
" Statistical Report of the Healtli of the Navy for the Year
1862 (London, 1865), p. 157.
166 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
fever reigns at almost any season of the 3'ear, the yellow
fever mosquitoes could easily be imported. The only mat-
ter of surprise is that tlie disease has not been more fre-
quently propagated by these vessels.
1873.
In 1873, yellow fever was imported to the island of
Sal, one of the Cape Verds, from Brazil, and tl'ence to
Benin. Small vessels, laden with grain from South Ameri-
ca were then in the habit of first stopping at tlie Cape
Verd Islands on their way to West Africa, and as yellow
fever has been epidemic in Brazil almost every 3-ear since
1819, this visitation can surely be attributed to importa-
tion from that country.
The first knowledge at Cape Coast Castle of the pres-
ence of yellow fever in the Bights was late in November,
on the arrival of the mail packet Anihri::, having the dis-
ease among her crew.^^ The vessel was at once quaran-
tined, her mails being put on board the Biafra and both
vessels steamed off. The Amhriz lost thirteen of her crew
before she reached the Cape Verds, and the Biafra six.
From the meagre report furnished, this outbreak does not
appear to have been either extensive or attended with much
mortality.
BOA VISTA.
(See Cape Verd Inlands.)
" Smart: Trans. Epidemiological Society of London, vol. 3,
p. 507.
BONNY.
Description.
Bonny is a town of West Africa, on the Bonny Eiver.
Jt is surrounded by a pestilential swamp and is inhabited
by degraded savages. It does a good exporting business in
palm oil. It was once the most notorious slave-port in
Africa.
YELLOW FEVER YEARS.
1862; 1891.
SUMMARY OP EPIDEMICS.
1802.
The epidemic of 1862 almost deciminated Bonny and
was as fatal among the blacks as among the few white
settlers of the colony. The fever was originally intro-
duced by some of the trading vessels plying between Bonny
and the Cape Verd Islands. Two-thirds of the inhabitants
of Bonny are said to have perished. Out of a population
of 140 Europeans, 70 were attacked in the space of a
month. In one day, as many as twenty bodies were taken
out of the same house.
The mortality in the shipping was heavy. The bark
PhrcnoJof/ist lost its captain, pilot, first mate and two
sailors. The ship G^ra*i Bonny lost four men. Between
April 4 and ^May 5, there were 62 deaths among the crews
of vessels at Bonny. ^^
"Landa: La Espana Medica, 1863, vol. 8, p. 427; also: Statisti-
cal Report of the Health of the Navy for the Year 1862
(London, 1865), p. 157.
168 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
1891.
The second recorded outbreak of yellow fever at Bonny
occurred in 1891. The epidemic histed from February to
April. -^ Cases and deaths are not given. As this is the
only locality in Africa where the fever prevailed in 1891,
it was probably imported from that prolific source of in-
fection— Brazil. A glance at the consular reports and re-
ports of quarantine officers published in the Weeklt/ Ab-
stracts of Sanitarij Reports for 1891, brings out the fact
that almost every vessel reported as "infected with yellow
fever'- during that year originally sailed either from Bahia,
Eio de Janeiro, Santos, Para, Pernambuco, or other in-
fected Brazilian i^orts. It is surprising that, owing to the
lax quarantine methods then in vogue in Africa, that tlie
whole coast was not infected. An explanation will no
doubt be found in the absence of the festive Calopus from
the localities which escaped a visitation.
=» Weekly Abstracts of Sanitary Reports, U. S. P. H. & M. H.
S., 1891, vol. 6, p.p. 266, 298.
4
BULAM.
Description.
Biilani or Boullam (now called Biilam or Bolama), is
one of the Bisagos, a group of about thirty islands near
the west coast of Africa, opposite the mouth of the Rio
Grande, between lat. 10° and 12° N. The largest of the
archipelago, Orango, is about 25 miles in length, and most
of the islets are inhabited by a rude negro race, with whom
some desultory trade is carried on. Most of the islands
are under native chiefs, nonunally vassals of Portugal.
At Bulama, once a British settlement, but abandoned as
unhealthy in 1793, there is a Portuguese town, a thriving)
and pleasant x)lace, the seat of government for the I'ortu-
guese possessions in this quartero
The, earliest description of Bulam is given b}' the Che-
valier de Marchais, in Father Labat's Voyages du Cheva-
lier de Marchais en Quince ct au.x Ties Voisincs. vol. 1, p.
68, of which the following is a translation : ''The bed of
that river (Sierra Leone) contains a quantity of islands,
densely wooded; the soil is rich and produces all that is
necessary to life. The air is very jjure and one is not sub-
ject to those violent and dangerous diseases which prevail
on the Coast of Guinea and which are so fatal to Euro-
peans." ,
Dr. Lind, in his Diseases of Hot Climates^ ]}. 5G, also
speaks favorably of these islands.
According to Chisolm,-^ the most correct description of
the Island of Bulam can l)e found in the African Plot, a
paper published by Capt. Norris in 1796 (or thereabouts),
in which it is stated that "Boullam" is located in "latitude
11° N. and longitude 3° W. from Farro, almost in the
moutli of the Rio Grande, having Hen Island between it
and tlie ocean. It appears to be nearly circular, about
15 miles long and 15 broad; and, consequently^ about 45
round."
-'An Essay on the Malignant Pestilential Fever introduced into
the West India Islands from Boullam, etc., by C. Chisolm
(1799), p. 85.
170 HISTORY OF ^TEXtOW *>eVE«.
YELLOW FEVER YEAR.
1792.
. A VENERABLE MEDICAL HEIRLOOM.
The alleoecl importation of 3'ellow fever by the British
ship Hankcij from Biihuii to the ishind of Greuada, West
Indies, in 1793, is one of the mustiest heirlooms in the
annals of medical history. Tooethcr with the case of the
Bann (Island of Ascension, 1823) and that of the Eclair
(Boa Vista, 1815-6), it forms a triumvirate which, for
nearly a century, was the cause of most acrimonious con-
flicts between medical men and gave rise to controversies
which remain unsettled to this day. The believers in the
specific nature of yellow fever, headed by Sir William
Pym, and the "other side,-' composed of men who upheld
the theory that the disease should be placed in the same
category as malarious fevers, wrote books and brochures
by the score and burdened the columns of the medical
press of the i)eriod with articles which are brimful with
personalities of the most volcanic type. When, through
sheer exhaustion, partisans abandoned the fray, fresh re-
cruits would take up the gauntlet and, imbued with seem-
inglv ii'repressible liatred, would '"sail in" with fiendish
fury and renew hostilities, scattering vituperation right
and left, without the least regard for age, official position
or facts.
A specimen of this mode of warfare will prove interest-
ing. According to the British and Foreign Medico-Chir-
urgical Rcrieu-f- we find Sir William Pym stating that
Sir William Burnett and Dr. Bryson, his antagonists,
''have gone unnecessarily and wantonly out of their way,
to make unfounded and malicious statements," and giving
utterance to a pious wish that these gentlemen may profit
by the information he has given them, and may "pray for-
giveness for their inconsistencies and misrepresentations."
He informs us that lie has been induced to take up the
gauntlet again, by the "wanton, false, abusive, and un-
founded attack" made by Sir William Burnett upon him
=-Vol. 4, 1849, p. 459.
BULAM. 171
in reference to the Eclair. On the other side, Dr. Bryson
accuses Sir William Pjni of attacking him "in inost un-
justifiable and unprofessional languai-e ;" of making use
"of garbled and unfair extracts;" of ''disingenuously mix-
ing up facts and statements in a confused manner, for the
purpose of making out charges of inconsistency," and he
regrets that Sir William Pyni's review of his "Heport of
the Diseases of the African Station" "is written in a style
which prevents his replying to it with the respect due to
a man of Sir William Pym's age and position in society."
Other equally amiable diatribes are of record, but we
will pass them by and revert to the fossilized case under
discussion.
HOW bula:*! became famous.
Up to 1792, Bulani was an unknown quantit3^ m the af-
fairs of men. It is true that it occupied a ])lace in the
charts of the bold, but cautious navigators of the time,
but insofar as its climate and the people which inhabited
it were concerned, it was as deep a mystei-y as the North
Pole is to us at the present writing. How it suddenly
sprang into world-wide prominence and a<hieved a jioto-
riety which clings to it to this day, and which gave the
name of ''Bulam Fever" to the nomenclature of yellow
fever, is faithfully chronicled in Dr. Chisolni's immortal
work, from which the information which follows is ex-
cerpted.
SUMMARY OF EPIDEMIC.
According to Dr. Chisolni,-^ the Hankey sailed from
P^ngland, in company with the Cah/pso, both chartered by
the Sierra Leone Company, loaded with stores and adven-
turers for the projected colony at Boullam, about the be-
ginning of the month of April, 1792. When these ships
saile.l, the crews and passengers were all healthy and con-
tinued so until they reached their destination. These ad-
venturers, who were mostly the well-to-do mid'lle class,
had been induced to settle in this "new country" more
^Chisolm: loc. cit., p. 83.
172 HISTORY OF YELLOW VFEER.
from the delusive prospect of wealth held out to them and,
the faijatie enthusiasm for the abolition of the slave trade,
than by any deprivation of the means of subsistence in
their own country. Boullam had been depicted to them
as an ideal place. Wlien the Haukeji arri\ed ott' the
island, it was found to be nnhabitatef,! and lurid tales were
told by some of the sailors who had l)ecn in the neighbor-
hood before concerning the aborigines who inhabited the
mainland. They were pictured as being ferocious to an
extraordinary degree and some were even said to be rabid
cannibals. These rumors unnerved the prospective settlers
and hindered them from making a permanent landing on
the island. For nine months they lived on board the
Haukcij. ''The rainj^ season coming on almost immedi-
ately after their arrival,'' observes Dr. Chisolm,-^ "and the
heat being at the same time excessively great, tliej' en-
deavored to shelter themselves from both by raising the
sides of the ship several feet, and covering her Avith a
wooden roof."
Amid such cramped and unsanitary surroundings, it is
not surprising that the worst forms of disease should be
engendered. We shall continue the recital of this famous
case, as culled from the Second Report on Quarantine,
pages 71 to 83 :
According to the estimate of Dr. Chisolm. the settlers
and crew, numbered in all upwards of 200 j.eople, includ-
ing women and children. These persons, he says, con-
fined in a sultry, moist atmosphere, inattentive to cleanli-
ness, and neglecting to sweeten the ship and to destroy
the clothes, bedding, etc., of those that died, were seized
with a malignant fever which produced such havoc among
them that when the time for which the Hanlcey was char-
tered had ex])ired, there Avere no seamen left to navigate
the ship; and conseciuently they were obliged to proceed
to sea. having on board only the captain, who was sick, the
mate, one of the settlers (^Ir. Paiba ), and two seamen. It
is stated that with much difliculty they arrived at St.
Jago^ where they found the Charon and Scorpion, ships
of war, from each of which they received two men to as-
sist them in navigating their vessel; that with this aid
"' Loc. cit., p. 85.
BALUM. 173
they proceeded to the West Indies — a voyage to England
being impracticable in their state; and thnt on the third
day after leaving St. Jago, the fonr men transferred to
them from the ships of war^ were themselves seized with
the fever, two of whom died, and the remaining two were
put on shore at Grt nada, "in the most wretched state pos-
sible."
Dr. Chisolm further states that Captain Dodd of the
CJiaroii, having occasion al)Out that time to come to
Orenada, and hearing of the mischief of which the Hankey
had been the cause, mentioned that several of the Charon's
and ^corpiois people were sent on board the Hanlccij at
St. Jago to repair her rigging, etc. ; that from this circum-
stance and the communication which his barge's crew had
with tlie ship, the pestilence Avas brought on board both
ships; and that of tlie Charon s crew thirty died; and of
t\i(i\SvQr plonks about fifteen.
Tlie Hankcif arrived at the port of St. Oeorge on the
IDtli of February. The first person who visited the ship
after her arrival in St. George's Bay was Captain Reming-
ton an intimate acquaintance of Captain Coxe, the captain
of the Hankci/. Tliis person went on board of her in the
evening after she anchored, and remained three days, at
the end of which time he left St. George's and proceeded
in a drogher (a coasting vessel) to Grenville Bay, where
his shipj the Adventure lay. He was seized with the pes-
tilential fever on the passage, and the violence of the
syiui)t()ms increased so rapidly as on the third day to put
an end to his existence. The crew of the Defiance, in
Blytlie Port near Newcastle, were the next who suffered
by visiting this ship; the mate, boatswain, and four sailors
went on l)oard the day after her arrival ; the nmte re-
mained either on deck or in the cabin, but the rest went
below and stayed all night there. All of them were imme-
diately seized with the fever, and died in tliree days. The
mate was also taken ill but recovered. Tlie crew of the
ship liaillie.s were the nc^xt who suffered; these communi-
cated the infection to the ships nearest them, and so it
gradually spread from those nearest the mouth of the
carenage, where the Hankey for some time lay, to those at
174 HISTORY OF YELLOW FtVER.
the bottom of it, not one escaping in succession whatever
means the captains took to prevent it.
About the middle of April the disease began to appear
on shore. The first house it showed itself in was that of
Messrs. Stowewood and Co., situated close to the wharf;
and the infection was evidently introduced bv a negro
wench who took in sailor's clothes to wash. The whole of
the family were successively afflicted with it; and by them
communicated to all those Avith whom they had any inter-
course. All who from friendship, business^ or duty, com-
municated with the diseased were themselves infected, and
no instance occurred wherein the contagion could not be
traced to its particular source. A few who seduloiisly
avoided the houses Avhere the infected actually were, es-
caped.
That part. of the garrison quartered nearest to where
the Haiikci/ lay, were the first of this class of men who re-
ceived the infection. A barrack containing nearly one-half
of the 4r)tli regiment, was situated exactly to leeward of
the Ha like 1/ and distant from her about 200 yards. One
of the officers visited the Hankeij, and with two or three
soldiers who rowed his boat, remained on board some time.
The C(mse(iuence of this imprudence was fatal to himself
almost immediately after, and in a little tiiue, tc many of
the men. All the officers and men were successively seized
with the disease; but it proved fatal C'ul^^ to recruits who
had lately joined.
About the beginning of ^Iny the disease made its ap-
pearance in the detacliment of Royal Artillery; a circum-
stance rather extraordinary, as that corps were quartered
in a situation far removed from the focus of infection. 5t
was evidently ])roduc('d, however by the commiuiication
wliicli the gunners, doing duty in l-'ort George, had with
the Jroih regiment. Of S4 people Itelonging to the ordin-
ance department at that time, about 56 were seized with
Hie disease before the 1st of July, and of these 5 died; a
ti-itling mortality, considering the nature of the complaint.
All these men, however, luul ]»een about three jears in the
country, and consequently suffered less from the disease,
than about 27 recruits who joined the artillery in July.
BUL4M. 175
Of 26 of these unfortunate men who were iufected, 21 died
before the middle of August.
About the 1st of June, the disease began to appear
among the negroes of the estates in the neighborhood of
the toAvn, but it did not spread much among them, nor was
it marked with the fatality which attended it, when it ap-
peared among the whites.
About the middle of June, the disease broke out in the
67th regiment, and among the artificers and laborers on
Richmond Hill. The infection was communicated by some
of the latter, who had visited their friends in town labor-
ing under it. All were successively seized with it; but it
fell heavier on the officers than the men, several of the
former being young men lately arrived from Europe.
The disease in the course of the months of May, June,
and July, appeared in several distinct and distant parts
of the country, where the infection was carried by per-
sons--^ who had imprudently visited infected houses in
town.
But the infection Avas not confined to Grenada alone;
from this, as a focus, it spread to the other islands; to
Jamaica, St. Domingo, and Philadelphia, by means of ves-
sels on board of which the infection was retained by the
clothes, more especially the woollen jackets of the deceased
sailors.-*^
Sucli are the facts of this celebrated legend, on which
whole libraries have been written. That tlie Hunkci/ was
ravaged by yellow fever, there is not the slightest doubt;
but the disease did not and could not originate at Bulam,
for the simple reason that it had never prevailed there be-
fore and has never been observed there since. As yellow
fever was epidemic at Fernando-Po in 1792^ the Hankey
was in all probability visited by the commanders and
crews of the innumerable tramp and senii-piratic ships
which then infested these waters and, once contaminated,
acted as firebrands in ])r(!i)agating the pest.
The statement made by the veneral)le Chisolm that the
disease which raged on the Haulci/ Avliile the ship was in
^ It is needless to add that we dissent from this view.
^Dr. Chisolm evidently had not been introduced to the
Stegomyia Calopus. G. A.
176 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
the liarl)or of George Town was "uiikuown in tliis coun-
try"-' is easily refuted b}^ history. A reference to our
chronokjgical tables and also to the history of yellow
fever at the island of Grenada, will show that the saffron
scourge made its first appearance among the inhabitants
of that island in 1094, antedating by almost a hundred
years the alleged importation so graphically outlined by
Chisolm.
"Chisolm: Loc. cit., p. 89,
CALABAR.
Descriptiou.
Calabar is a maritime district of West Africa, in Upper
Guinea, betAveen the bights of Benin ai^jd Biaffra. The
native population consists principally of slaves. The cli-
mate is extremeh' unhealthy and, with the exception of
missionaries, there are no Avhite men in the district.
1862
YELLOW FEVEE YEAK.
SUMMARY OF EPIDEMIC.
There is a solitary instance of yellow fever having vis-
ited Calabar. In 1802, according to Berenger-Feraud,-^
the disease was introduced into the district, but no details
are given. As the fever ravaged the whole African coast
that year, from the Congo to Sierra Leone, it was no doubt
imported into Calabar by the palm-oil vessels trading
along the coast.
^ Berenger-Feraud, loc. cit., p. 139.
CANARY ISLANDS.
Description.
Canary Islands, or Canaries, are a cluster of islands in
the Atlantic Ocean, about 00 milts northwest of the Afri-
can coast, and belong to Spain. They are thirteen in num-
ber, seven of which are of considerable size, namely, Palma,
Ferro, Goiaera, Teneriffe, Grand Canary, Fuerteventura
and Lancerota. The other six are very small : Graciosa,
Roca, Allegranza, Santa Clara, Inferno and Lebos. The
population of the islands, which is a mixture of Portugese
and Spanish, is estimated at 300,000. Santa Cruz de Ten-
eritfC; Avith a population estimated at 46,000, is tlie capital
of the group. Las Palmas, with a population of about
12,512, is the next city in importance.
Historical ^iinnnariL
Two years after the discovery of America, or, to be more
explicit, in 1191, yellow fever is said to have made its
debut in the Canaries. No previous record of the appear-
ance of the disease among the Gua aches, the mysterious
tribe which originally peopled the islands, is in existence.
This, of itself, is sufficient to forever set at I'est the theory
that yellow fever is an African product, for were this the
case, tlie Canaries, whicli are only about 00 mile.-; from the
mainbnid and directly in the path of vessels plying be-
tween A\'esteru Africa and Europe, and were no iloubt vis-
ited by the mediaeval freebooters using this route, would
certainly have been infected long before 1191.
The Canaries, which are supposed to be the "Fortunate
Islands'' of the ancients, Avere known to Europeans from
time immemorial. The elder Pliny s])eaks of them, but, by
one of these strange freaks which characterize history, they
were lost sight of for many centuries and not rediscov-
ered until 1313, when they were invaded by the Spaniards,
who retained possession of the islands until 1334, when
they passed into the hands of the Portugese. In 1102, tlie
Xorman adventurer, Jean de Eethencourt, fitted out an
CANARY ISLANDS, 179
expedition for the purpose of conquering the archipelago.
He was assisted by the Spanish Crown and succeeded in
mastering four of the group. After his death, his suc-
cessor sokl all his rights to Spain. In 1477, the King of
Spain sent out a large force to subdue the Guanches, but
the natives put up such a brave and stubborn fight, that it
was net until 1495 that the islands were completely sub-
jugated. The aborigines were nearly extirpated by the
conquerors and have long ceased to exist tis a separate
people. Of this mysterious race, little is known. They
are supposed to have been of Lybian or Berber stock, but
this is only a conjecture. They are said to have been a
brave, intelligent race, of large stature, and comparatively
fair and to have been proficient in the making of pottery
ware. Specimens of their craft are preserved in the
Britisli museums.
It is a significant fact that the first recorded introduc-
tion of yellow fever into the Canaries sliould be coincident
with the exodus of the panic-stricken Spaniards from the
"New World," fleeing from a nova pestis, engendering a
dread which even overshadowed their innate greed, for gold
and conquest. The terror which the new hemisphere in-
spired began to be manifest about 1494 and not only
caused hundreds of the adventurers to return to their na-
tive land, but hindered others from attempting the voyage.
"Not a single vessel," says Oviedo,-^ "left Spain during
the third voyage of Columbus,^^ because the men who had
returned with him from San Domingo were of such a sick-
ly hue, that they resembled corpses."
Such was the curse of God in atonement for the atroci-
ties perpetrated by these merciless conquerors upon an in-
offensive and peace-abiding race, whose only crime was
that they defended their native land. What the poor
Guanches could not do, however, was wrought by the pes-
tilence, and tlie countless hecatombs whicli mark the ad-
vent of the Spaniards in the New W^orld, bear silent wit-
ness to the merciless work of the avenging spirit.
"' Goncalo Oviedo: La Historia General de las Indias, 1547, vol.
2, chap. 4.
'^ March. 1496.
180 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
YELLOW FEVER YEARS.
1494 ; 1495 ; 149G ; 1512 ; 1531 ; 1582 ; 1599 ; ICOl ; IGOG ;
1707; 1771; 1772; 1773; 1810; 1811; 1828; 184G; 1847;
1862; 1888; 1905.
SUMMARY OF EPIDEMICS.
1494,
Aceording to Finlay,'''^ a pestileiilial disease, said to be
yellow fever, appears to have been carried froDi Hispauola
(San Domingo) to the Canary Islands in 1494, either by
the vessels of Antonio Torres, or, more probaldy, by the
three Avhicli returned to Spain after having landed Don
Bartolome Colon at Ysabella, San Domingo. What makes
this assertion seem still more plausible, is the faoi, record-
ed by Humboldt'^- and Bonpland,'^'' that Avhat remained of
the (iuanches on tlie island of TeneriftV perirdieJ mostly in
1494, in the terrible epidemic called the "•Mordora."
1495.
Oviedo^^ informs ns that the island of ToneritTe, one of
the Canaries, was visited by a great pestilence in 1495, pre-
sumed to have been imported from Hispanola by the flee-
ing Spaniards, who stopped at tlie island on tlicir home-
ward voyage. This epidemic was uudoiiLtedly yellow
fever, for the adventurers who returned home were of a
^'sickly saffron color"^*' and were so p(?rmeated with terror-
*^Finlay: Reference Handbook of the Medical Sciences (New
York, 1904), p. 323.
=-Ibid.
^Aime Bonpland, French botanist, 1773-1858. While pursuing
his studies in Paris, he made the acquaintance of Alex-
ander von Humboldt, the famous historian, and agreed
to accompany him in his celebrated expedition to the
New World. During this expedition, he made many valu-
able botanical discoveries.
" Goncalo Oviedo: La Historia General de las Indias, 1547,
vol. 2, chapter 15.
^Oviedo: Loc. cit., vol. 2, chap. 4.
I
CANARY ISLANDS. 181
that neither promises of gold nor assurances of lordly
power in the "New World" could tempt them to cross the
seas again.
149G.
Teneriffe seems to have been again infected in 1496, ac-
cording to Cornilliac,^'' but wliether it was a recrudescence
of the epidemic of 1495 or a new importation, is left to
conjecture.
1512.
Berenger-Feraud is of the opinion that the epidemic
which reigned in the Canaries in 1512, and Avhich was
designated b}" the name of pcstc. was an invasion of yellow
fever.^'
1531.
This year was also characterized by an outbreak of the
peste in the archipelago. The autliority (luoted in the
preceding paragraph thinks it Avas yellow fever.^^
1582.
Half a centur^^ elapsed without ^^ellow fever being ob-
served in the Canaries. It was introduced that year, pre-
sumably from the West Indies, and is designated by the
name of peste by the Spanish chroniclers. Berenger-
Feraud, however, says it was undoubtedly yellow fever.^^
1599.
In 1599, a pestilential disease, designated By the Span-
iards by the name of ealcntura, ravaged the Canaries.
Towards the end of 1599,^^ the squadron commanded by
'° Cornilliac: Recherches Chronologiques et Historiques sur
rOrigine et la Propagation de la Flevre Jaune dans les
Antilles (Fort-de-France, 1867).
"Berenger-Feraud, loc. cit., page 38.
^ Ibid.
''• Ibid.
*'Cop: Histoire de la Medecine Navale Ho'landaii-e.
182 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
Admiral Van der Docs, of the Dutch Navy, consisting of
75 vessels and 8,000 men, made an attack on th? Spanish
vessels at Coruuna, Spain, but meetinij^ with poor success,
set sail for the West Indies. Tlie vessels stopped at the
Canaries to harass the Spanish colonists located on the
islands and were soon afterwards infected by the disease
then rai>ins- in the archipelago. On tlie admiral's flag-ship
alone, 15 died. The fever is said to have been brought to
the Canaries by Spanish vessels returning from San
Domingo.'*^
IGOl.
The year 1601 witnessed another outbreak of pestilential
disease in the Canaries. Some chroniclers says it was the
plague, but Berenger-Feraud^- is of the opinion that it
was yellow fever.
1006.
The Canaries were again afflicted in 1606. Opinions
are divided as to whether this epidemic was yellow fever
or the Oriental plague, but Berenger-Feraud thinks it was
yellow fever."*^
1701.
For nearly one hundred years— 1606 to 1701 — the
Canaries were free from yellow fever. No explanation of
this extraordinary immunity for such a long period is
given by historians, even our old stand-by, Berenger-
Feraud, whose writings we always consult when ''up a
tree," being as mum as the proverbial clam. Of course,
we could venture an opinion, but as same could not be
based upon even a scintilla of fact, it would be valueless.
In 1701, yellow fever was c])idemic in Havana, Barba-
does, Martini(pie and the English Antilles, and according
to Arejula,^^ was brought from Havana to the Canaries, i\
" Berenger-Feraud, loc cit., p. 27.
*- Berenger-Feraud, loc. cit., p. 38.
" Berenger-Feraud, loc. cit., p. 38.
■"Arejula: Archives de Medecine Navale, Paris, Vv>l. 7, p. 251.
CANARY ISLANDS. 18S
where it caused a great mortality. As is the case with
every meution of epidemics of yellow fever during colonial
days, no details are given. In speaking of this outbreak,
Berenger-Feraud informs us that elle fit dc grands
ravagcs,^^ but says nothing of the number of victims nor
of the extent of the disease.
As will be seen b}^ consulting our Chronology, yellow
fever was also present in Spain in 1701.
1771.
Another prolonged lapse of time took place before yel-
low fever again visited the Canaries In 1771, a vessel
from the West Indies, where yellow fever prevailed, in-
fected the islands.^*^. The outbreak was attended with
much mortality.
1772.
A Spanish regiment is said to have brought j-ellow fever
from Havana to the Canaries in 1772. Though not as gen-
eral as the year previous, the epidemic was quite severe.^"^
1773.
A mild epidemic of yellow fever prevaikd in the Cana-
ries in 1773.^^ The source of infection couid not be ascer-
tained.
ISIO.
The year 1810 witnessed another murderous eruption
of yelh)w fever on the island of Teneriffe.
The history of this outbreak is interesting, and goes to
show how steadily and treacherous is the advent of this
terrible disease. What makes the circumstance i-^till more
remarkable, is the fact that tlie Canaries escaped un-
scathed during the great epidemics which devastated Spain
*" "It caused great mortality."
"Berenger-Feraud, loc. cit., p. 55.
" Berenger-Feraud, loc. cit., p. 55.
•" Berenger-Feraud, loc. cit, p. 56.
184 HISTORY OK YELLOW FEVER,
in 1800 and 1804 — an immunity wliicli one can only
ascribe to Divine Providence, for communication between
the islands and their Mother Country was free and fre-
quent during- the above mentioned years.
To Spain belongs the credit of having imported the
fever to Teneriffe in 1810. The disease was almost general
in Andalusia, causing much mortality in Cadiz, Barce-
lona, Carthagena, Seville and (libra] tar. In the beginning
of October of that year,'*^ a panto nc, or prison-ship, sailed
from Cadiz with French prisoners on board and landed
at Santa Cruz de Teneriffe. where the human cargo was
disembarked and lodged in the town barracks. It is said
that the prison-ship was a hot-bed of yellow fever, but this
fact was withheld from the port authorities, and as the
disease had not been observed on the island since 1773,
they were lulled by a false sense of security. About the
middle of October, the practitioners of Santa Cruz de
Teneriffe noticed that there was an unusual number of
cases of malignant bilious fever and the fact was reported
to the health authorities. The warning was at first un-
heeded, but the malady soon became so widesiiread, that
an investigation was ordered and it was found by ex-
perts— men who had already gone through epilemics of
yellow fever — that the prevailing sickness presented the
identical symptoms whicli had characterized tlie disor-
ders of Andalusia in 1800 and 1801. The authorities
awoke from their lethargy, but it was too late. The disease
had spread indiscriminately to several quarters of the
town and ])reventive measures were unable to ch^^ck its de-
structive progress. To prevent the pestilence from
being carried to the other towns of the island, a sanitary
cordon was established around Santa Cruz de Teneriffe
and intructions were sent to the other islands of the archi-
pelago to take the necessary precautions to prevent the in-
troduction of the fever. These jjrompt and rigid measures
limited the epidemic to its original <iite.
This is the first epidemic in the Canaries where definite
details could be obtained. In each of the other instances,
chroniclers speak of "the great mortality" caused by the
"Fellowes: Reports of the Pestilential Disorders of Andalusia
(London, 1815), p. 230.
CANARY ISLANDS. 185
disease or that the inhabitants "died by thousands," but
here we have cold-blooded statistics, carefully compiled,
which give an intelligent and comprehensive resume of
the visitation.
The total number of cases in the epidemic of 1810 at
f^anta Cruz de Teneritf e is said to have been 5,000 ; deaths,
1,450. The estimated population uf the town at the time
of the outbreais. was 12,000.
1811.
The epidemic of 1811 was still more disastrous than
that of 1810. How the disease originated, our j (.urces of
information (Moreau de Jonnes,^*^ Fellowes"^ and Beren-
ger-Feraud''-) fail to enlighten us, but the mortality is
said to have been great. In San Juan Orotava, on the
island ot Teneriffe, which had then a population of 3,000,
there were 500 fatalities. In the island of Grand Canary,
there were over 3,000 deaths.
1828.
During the summer of 1828. yellow fever was brought
from Spain to the Canaries.'^'^ The outbreak was not gen-
eral, but it claimed many victims.
1817.
In 1847, we must look to America for importation of
yellow fever to the Canaries. The outbreak does not ap-
pear to have been virulent, however, for out of a total of
5,000 cases, a mortality of only 60 is recorded.^*
We doubt that this was yellow fever.
'•Morea de Jonnes: Monographie Historiqiie et Medicale de
la Fievre Jaune des Antilles (Paris, 1820), p. 342.
"Fellowes: Loc. cit,
'"' Berenger-Feraud : Loc. cit., p. 83.
"' Berenger-Feraud, loc. cit., p. 106.
"Ibid., p. 116.
186 HISTORY OF VELIOW FEVER.
1862.
The Spanisl:: frigate Niraria sailed from Havana on
June 30, 1802, after being in port thirty days. The vessel
arrived at Vigo, Spain, in the beginning of July. The
authorities were informed that there had been a death
from yellow fever on the frigate shortly after her depart-
ure from Havana, and as the disease was known to be epi-
demic at that port and it was feared that other cases
would break out, the captain was ordered to proceed to
the quarantine station, where the vess^el was thoroughly
fumigated and retained eight days. She was then per-
mitted to proceed to her destination and arrived at Santa
Cruz de Tenerift'e, where she wa.s imi)rudently admitted
to free pratique. There had been no new cases since the
death on the way from Havana and the health aiithorities
of the island thought that all danger was over. The crew
had hardly started discharging the cargo, when two of
them were taken ill and died shortly afterwards, with all
the symptoms of yellow fever. Stringent precautions were
taken, and, for some time, no other cases manifested them-
selves ; but on October 2, Valentin Zamora, who had com-
municated with the vessel, was stricken and died after an
illness of seven days. Cases began to show themselves here
and there in the immediate neighborhood of the shipping
and then suddenly spread throughout the town. A panic
ensued. Almost the entire population fled to the interior
of the island, onl^^ about 3,000 remaining. The epidemic
lasted until the beginning of 1803, resulting in 2,000 cases
and 380 deaths.^^
The Nivaria was engaged in transporting arms to Cuba.
1863.
The epidemic which began in 1802 did not subside until
the beginning of 1803, after which the public health re-
sumed its normal state.
"Landa: Espana Medica, Madrid, 1863, vol. 8, pp. 377, 395,
411, 427, 442, 475, 491.
CANARY ISLANDS. 187
Interesting accounts of this epidemic are given by Do
Vailc/'*^ Berenger-FeraucP^ and Landa.""^
18S8.
In 1888, Santa Cruz de las Palmas, capital of the island
of Palma, experienced a stubborn epidemic of yellow
fever, which, though not attended with much mortality,
caused great uneasiness throughout the archipelago, owing
to the difficultly which the authorities encountered in their
attempts to stamp out the disease. Even as late as De-
cember 17, 1888, the island of Palma was still un^ier strict
quarantine, having been totally isolated from the rest of
the group by the Spanish Government.^^ These precau-
tionary measures confined the disease to Palma, We have
been unable to obtain more definite details concerning this
outbreak.
1905.
The melancholy history of yellow fever in the Canaries,
extending over a period of four hundr«rd and eleven years,,
closes with a case of the disease on board the Spanish
steamship Montevideo, June 30; 1905, in the harbor of
Santa Cruz de Teneriffe.^'' Fortunately for the islanders,
who had paid dearly in the past for neglecting precaution-
ary measures, the vessel was not allowed to communicate
with the shore, not even her mails being landed, but was
remanded to Port ]Mahon quarantine station, where she
remained until all danger of contamination was past.
The ])atieut recovered and no other cases developed on
board the steamship. The Montevideo had been infected
at Colon, Isthmus of Panama, from Avhich port she ori-
ginally sailed.
""Do Valle: Echoliaste Medicale, Lisbon, 1S64, vol. 15, p. 6.
" Berenger-Feraud, p. 139.
"'Landa: Siglo Medical, Madrid, 1863, vol. 10, pp. 339, 375,
403, 418, 434, 451.
""Weekly Abstracts of Sanitary Reports, 18S8, vol. 3, p. 296;
Ibid., 1889, vol. 4, p. 2.
■^U. S. Public Health Reports, 1905, vol. 20, pp. 1511, 2770.
188
HISTORY OK YELLOW FETER.
Another infected vessel arrived at Santa Cruz de Ten-
eriffe on November 1, 1905.^^ The captain reported the
death from yeUow fever of a passcn<»er who had taken
passage for Spain at Sabanilla, Colombia, and who was
buried at sea three days after the vessel had left San
Juan, Porto Rico. On arrival at Teneriffe, the steamer
was not admitted to pratique, but proceeded to Spain for
quarantine and fumigation. No other cases occurred on
board.
Ibid., p. 2628.
CAPE VERD ISLANDS.
Descrij^tion.
The Cape Verd Islands (Portugese Ilhos Yerdes, i. e.,
"green islands") are a group of fourteen volcanic islands
and rocks, situated off the coast of Africa, in the Atlantic
Ocean, 320 miles west of Cape Verd. The archipelago con-
sists of the following islands : Sal, Boa Vista, Mayo, San-
tiago, Fogo, Brava, Grando, Bombo, Sao Xicolao, Santa
Luzia, Branco, Bazo, Sao Vincente and Santo Antonio;
also, several smaller islets. Area, 1680 square miles. The
group belongs to Portugal and together witli the Portugese
possessions on the mainland of Africa, constitute the pro-
vince of Cape Verde, the capital of which is Porto Praya.
Historical Stoiur.arjf.
The Cape Verd Islands were discovered in 1441 by the
Portugese, who colonized them. The populatioii is quiet
and docile, but extremely indolent. The first invasion of
yellow fever is said to have taken place in 1510, and to
have lasted for several years after that date; but the re-
port does not bear the seal of authenticity. Although
within the geographical limits of yellow fever, the archi-
pelago has been visited by the disease onlv at infrequent
intervals, and but for the epidemic of 1845, would have
been sufficiently disposed of with lialf a dozen lines. It
has been thought very extraordinary by observers that
these islands, situated in the direct path of vessels coming
from localities where yellow fe\er is pereniall> present,
should not have been frequently ravaged by the scourge;
but, with the exception of the islands of San lago and Boa
Vista, the group has been remarkably free from tlie disease.
YELLOW FEVER YEARS.
1510; 1511; 1512; 1513; 1514; 1515; 1639; 1807; 1821;
1822; 1827; 1837; 1838; 1845; 1847; 1862; 1864; 1868;
1873.
190 HISTORY OF YCLLOW FEVER.
SUMMARY OP EPIDEMICS.
1510 to 1515.
Berenger-Feraiid,®- quoting Yalkenaer (vol. 1, p. 370),
says that yellow fever prevailed at the Cape Verd Islands
from 1510 to 1511. No details as to how the disease was
brought to the islands or the extent of the invasit>n, could
be obtained. The mortality is said to have been consider-
able on the vessels stopping at the archipelago during
these years, on their way from Europe to the West Indies
and vice-versa.
1639.
One hundred and twenty-four years elapsed without yel
low fever being noticed at the Cape Verd islands. In 1639,
the Spanish fleet, on its way to Brazil, stopped at the
islands and is said to have been contaminated by a pestil-
ential disease, which carried off 3,000 soldiers. (Berenger-
Feraud, p. 27.) The disease is said to have been yellow
fever, but how it reached the Cape Verds, history does not
informs us. It is worthy of note, however, that yellow
fever made its initial appearance in Brazil in 1640 and it
is plausible to incriminate the Cape Yerds in this out-
break.
According to Boudin, yellow fever prevailed in the
island of Santiago in 1778. He gives the testimony of Dr.
Bochard, surgeon of the French frigate Coitsolantc, who
states that his ship stopped for a week at Santiago in the
latter part of 1778. He was told by the inhabitants that
they were just recovering fr(»m an invasion of yellow
fever. AVhat gives additional creden e to this statement,
is the fact that, a few days after leaving the island, yelloAV
fever broke out on board the Consolante, resulting in the
death of 150 seamen in the short space of five weeks.^^
"- Berenger-Feraud, loc. cit., p. 26.
•"Boudin: Traite de Geographie et de Statistique Medicales
des Maladies Endemiques, Paris, 1857; Cornilliac, La
Fievre Jaune Dans le Antilles, 1886, p. 445.
CAPE VERD ISLANDS. 191
The report does not state how and whence the disease
came to Santiago, but as j^ellow fever was epidemic in
Senegal, Sierra Leone, the Gold Coast and Gambia in 1778,
we can safely incriminate Africa.
1821.
From 1778 to 1821 the islands were free from epidemic
disease. In 1821, according to M'Williams,'^"^ an outbreak
of the fever took place, but was not attended with much
mortality.
1822.
In 1822, another mild outbreak took place.^^ No details
are obtainable.
1827.
YelloAv fever was imported to Santiago in 1827, pre-
sumably by a ship from America. The mortality was
very great. Among the victims were the British Consul
and some of the members of his family. The American
Consul, who was then just recovering from an attack of
the fever, took charge of both consulates The British
ship Tweed, which was on its way to the Cape of Good
Hope Station, touched at San Jago and a part}^ of junior
officers went on sliore. These were all attacked with fever
and, with one exception, died. The Portugese troops were
decemated.^^
1833.
There was a mild outbreak in 18n3.^"
1837.
In 1837, yellow fever ravaged the whole coast of Guinea
and was imported to the Cape Yerds,^^ where it caused
mucli mortalitv.
"Second Report on Quarantine (1852), p.. 110.
" McWilliams : Second Report on Quarantine, p. 110.
"*Ibid.; also: Lancet, London, 1848, vol. 1, p. 52.
" Berenger-Feraud, p. 108.
•^Ibid., p. 109.
I
192 HISTORY OF YBLLOW FEVER.
18^5.
The Famous Case of the "Eclair."
The epidemic of 1845 fiiruislies the first iutelligent and
coniprc^liensive report of yellow fever in the Cape Verd
archipelago. This outbreak, Avhich was confined to the
island of Boa Yista, was considered at the time the car-
dinal point in the discussion of the contagiousiLess of yel-
low fever. All the acrimony which had been smouldering
broke out afresh and the honorable and dignified medical
men airayed on both sides renewed the conflict with
greater frenzy and venom. The controversy, -svhich had
begun with the epidemic of Philadelphia in 1793, had
bo])l>ed up again when the Spanish disorders of 1800-1804
took i)]ace, had been once wiuve rejuvenated by the Bann
episode at Ascension in 1823, was gone all over again and
made still wider the breach between the rabM contagionists
and their opponents.
As this is another cause cclchre in the annals of epi-
demiology, we will give it generous s]>ace. The facts are
as follows •.^'■^
On July 23, 1845, the British ship Eclair sailed from
Sierra Leone, which seems to have been the natural source
of infection during the last century, and reached Boa
Vista in August of the same year. During; the voyage, 60
of the crew died of yellow fever. According to the testi-
mony of Dr. Xavier de Almeida, who went to practice
medicine in Boa Vista in 1809 and was the only resident
j)hysician of the island for tliirty-eight years, yellow fever
had not been seen in the vicinity for nearly fifty years pre-
vious to the arrival of the Eclair. The disease was, there-
fore, undeniably imported by the infected ship-
While at Boa Vista the ofticers and crew of the Eclair
mingled freely with the inhabitants and when the ship
finally weighed anchor, she left the nucleus of the epi-
demic in the towns of Eabil and Porto Sal Key. Of the
three soldiers who constituted the guard at the fort when
the vessel left the island, two, a corporal and a private,
*" British and Foreign Medico-Chirurgical Review, 1848, vol. 2,
p. 164.
CAPE VERD ISLANDS. 193
were stricken Avitli tlie disea.se. Thev died on September
22d, after an illness of five or six days. The surviving
private of this guard, being attacked Avitli a high fever
some days after this, was removed, togetter Avith a sick
comrade, to a small hut at Pao de VereUa. Here the
stricken men were visited and nursed by a woman named
Anna (lalinha, who also contracted the disease and died
on the 10th of October. The scourge subsequently spread
through the town and committed much havoc.
The case of Louis Pathi, a laborer of Rabil, who was
taken ill after having worked for two da^^s on board the
Eclair is of pathetic interest, even at this late date, sixty-
three years after the occurrence. We quote the following
from the report of Dr. ^McWilliams, who was sent by the
Bi'itish Government to investigate the origin and cause of
the epidemic '?'^
Tcsiiiiioiiij of Louis Pathi.
il. llow long were you employed on bonrd the Eclair?
A. About eight days.
<}. AVhat family have 3'ou?
A. 1 have none left.
Q. What family had you?
A. I had a wife and three children.
Q. Did they all die of fever?
A. Yes, all of them.
(i. AVere you attacked?
A. Yes; I was first attacked.
(^ When were you attacked?
A. Three days after I went to Rabil from the ship.
Q. You were with vour family wlien you were taken
sick?
A. No ; I was at Moradinha.
Q. How long did you stay at Moradinha?
A. I was there eight days, sick.
Q. What did you complain of?
A. I had general fever, headache, pain of back and
limbs ; very sick.
"Report on the Fever at Boa Vista, by J. O. McWilliam, Lon-
don, 1847. *
194 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
Q. How long were you sick after returu to your owd
house?
A. Kearl}^ three weeks.
Q. Who, after yourself, was first takeu ill?
A. My daughter, 12 years of age.
Q. How long after your return from the Eclair?
A. It was in the beginning of October.
Q. AYho Avas next attacked?
A. Another girl, 7 years of age, four days after the first
died.
Q. AVho was next?
A. My boy, 11 years of age. He was taken ill eiglit
days after the second girl died.
Q. And your wife last?
A. Yes ; my wife was taken ill the same day as the last
of the children died.
A melancholy sequel to the above happened in the home
of iNlanoel Fachina, who lived next door to Pathi and who,
together with his wife, nursed the stricken family. After
the death of Pathi's wife, the Fachinas were taken sick
with the fever, but recovered. Their child caught the dis-
ease and died in three days.
We find the Eclair again playing tbe role of importa-
tionisf in 181(1 After the melancholy experience she had
undergone in 1815, the ship was sent to the navy-yard at
Plymouth, England, where she Avas thoroughly cleaned
and repainted and given the name of Kosamond.^^ She
was put in commission and left England for the Cape of
Good Hope in Februar}-, 181G.
1817.
Yellow fever is said to have prevailed at the Cape Verds
in 1817, but whether it was a recrudoscence of the previ-
ous visitation or a new importation, our source of informa-
" For fuller details, see notice of epidemic at Island of Ascen-
sion in 1846, page 152 of this volume.
1
I
CAPE VERD ISLANDS. 195
tion'^^ does not say. It is claimed that the British ship
Grotcltr was contamiuated at the Cape Verds and brought
the disease to Barbadoes.
1862.
18G2 was a disastrous yellow fever year in Africa. Al-
most the entire coast, from Senegal to St. Paul de Loanda
and the Cape Verd and Canary Islands, suffered from the
disease.^^ The outbreak was not verv severe at tlie Cape
Verds.
1864.
The Cape Verds were again invaded in 1864,'^^ but no
details are obtainable.
18G8.
In 1868, yellow fever was imported to the Cape Verds
from French colonies of the West Coast of Africa, Goree
and Senegal, and made its first appearance in Bissam.''^^
The epidemic was most severe in the city of Praia, in the
island of Santiago. Commencing in the middle of July,
1868, the disease spread with such rapidity that a very
large proportion of the European inhabitants became suc-
cessively or simultaneously affected, so much so, that dur-
ing the month of August there were received into the
Military Hospital at Misericordia no less than 285 cases,
of which, by September 1, 41 had proved fatal. During
the month of October, there was a considerable decline of
the epidemic, the affected persons being those who came
from the interior of the island of Santiago or other
points. The disease, however, spread to the island of
Braza. one of the first victims being the medical officer,
Theophilio .Toa(|uim Vieiria. There were also ,^oine cases
in individuals who had fled from the city of Praia to other
" Berenger-Feraud, p. 118.
" Ibid., p. 139.
"Ibid., p. 141.
" Medical Times and Gazette, London, 1869, vol. 1, p. 119.
196 HISTORY OF YELLOW FKVKR.
points of the island of Santiago. Nearly the whole med-
ical stall' stationed on the island suffered, Senor Pimenta,
of the Pharinaceutical Branch, succumbing from the
disease.
1873.
In 1873, yellow fever was imported to the Cape Verds,
presumably from Brazil.^'"' The invasion vras confined to
the island of Sal, where the fever ran a mild cour,<e during
the summer months. Sal was put under strict (piarantinCj
the authorities prohibiting any communication whatever^
with the rest of the archi])elago, and ta this sanitary pre-
caution is no doubt due the snuill extent of the outbreak.
The mortality was small.
There is no other record of any inva;>ion of yellow fever
in the Cape Verd archipelago after 1873. The geiieral use
of steam-power and the strict attenth)n given ta ventila-
tion and hygiene in the construction of vessels at present,
has done much to destroy the breeding places of the mos-
quitoes in the holds of sea-going craft and thus given a
quietus to the importation of the saff'ron pcstilenie.
"Smart: Transactions Epidemiological Society of London, voK)r
3, p. 508.
I
£•
U
CONGO COAST.
Descript'tGn.
Tlie ConjiO Coast was formerly iinderstcod t > embrace
all the countries ou the West coast of Africa behveen the
equator and latitude 18° South, but is now restricted to
the northernmost district of the Portugese colony of An-
gola. Cabinda, with a population of 8,000, is the capital.
YELLOW FEVER YFAES.
1816; 1860; 1862; 1000.
SUMMARY OF EPIDE:^[IC?.
1816. ,
.1 Mcniorahic J-J.r/xdifioii and its Disa's1rou,j End.
Tiie history of the tirst invasion of the C')ni>o by yellow
fever I'cads like, a romance. We have been much interested
in the quaint account of the famous Tuckey expedition,
l)ublished in an old hybrid French medical journal hmu;
since defunct and f<;r,ii((tten, and iiive in the followiuijj
lines a faithful translation. ^"^
In the bejiinninjj;- of 1816, the British Government fitted
out an expedition to explore the Con<i;o River, under the
leadership of Fa])tain J. K. Tuckey, an experienred navi-
j;ator. Anion*;' tliose who cast their fortunes witli the un-
dertaking;, were Dr. Tudor, Messrs. Smith, Lockhart and
Crancli, naturalists, a few less noted i^entlemen in search
of adventure, and a crew of twenty ])ir-l.:ed men.
The expedition consisted of the schooner Congo and
the transport Doroilica, and left England about the. middle
of March, 1816. On account of contrary winds, slow pro-
gress was nmde. The A-essels touched at Porto-Praya, one
of the Fape Verd Islands, where they remained a few
" Moreau de Jonnes: Nouveau .Tournal de Medecine, Chirurgie,
Pharmacie, etc., Paris, 1822, vol. 44, p. 330.
198 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
days, and then proceeded to the mouth of the Congo, where
they anchored in the beginning of July, three months and
a half after their departure from England.
On July 8, 1816, the explorers entered the Congo. Pro-
gress was slow, as the current was rapid and treacherous
and when about 30 miles up the stream, the Dorothea,
being found too unwieldy to attempt the ascent unassist-
ed, was taken in tow by the Co)i go. When the village of
Embomma was reached, about 75 miles from the mouth of
the river, Captain Tuckey concluded that this mode of
voyaging was too slow and dangerous aud decided to leave
the vessels at anchorage near the town, and to pioceed by
row-boat or by foot in quest of the source of the river.
On August 5, the little party left Embomma. They
were in fine spirits and splendid health and for the first
eleven days of the arduous journey experienced no mis-
hap. On August 9, they reached the cataract of Yellala,
which extends across the entire bed of the river, aud the
boats had to be abandoned. It was then that the explorers
encountered their first set-back. Dr. Tudor, the youngest
member of the party, was taken ill witli fever. He insisted
on going on, but had to l)e carried by his C(mipanions. On
the 16th the naturalist Cranch and several other members
of the party having been attacked by fever, Captain
Tuckey sent all the sick, including Dr. Tudor, back to
Embomma, which place they reached on August 22, or
fourteen days after the doctor had experienced the first
symptoms of his illness. With only a handful of men left,
Captain Tuckey bravely persevered in his quest, but on
September 9th, when about 160 miles from the mouth of
the river, he was forced to turn back, as nearly every mem-
ber of the little hand was sick with fever and further
progress was impossible. When the footsore travelers
finally reached Embomma, they found that Dr. Tudor had
died on August 29 and that the balance of their com-
panions had either perished or were in a dying condition.
When the epidemic had subsided, it was found that out of
sixty-one robust men who had left Englaud on this fnteful
expedition, only forty were left alive, tweuty-on: having
fallen victims to the terrible maladv, including Cajjtaiu
Tuckey, Dr. Tudor and the three naturalists who had
CONGO COAST. 199
braved the dangers of a tropical climate in the interest of
science.
Thus came to an end the historic Tuckey expedition, on
which England had counted so much and which cast such
a gloom over the civilized world, that fifty years elapsed
before the Congo was again navigated by white raen.'^
An interesting question presents itself: Was the sick-
ness which made such ravages among the little band of
adventurers led by Captain Tuckey yellow fever, or the
endomic pernicious fever of the Congo region?
Let us analyze the situation : When the Dorothea and
the Coufjo anchored off the mouth of the great African
river, there was no sickness on either vessel; the health of
the party was also excellent on August 5, nearly a month
afterwards, when the vessels were ieft at anchorage at
Embomma. Some historians claim that the vessels were
infected at Porta-Praya.'^ Admitthig, for the sake of
argument, that an epidemic disease was raging at the
Cape Yerd Islands when the vessels stopped at Porto-
Praya, the long period which elapsed between that time
and the day youug Tudor was taken ill (almost four
months), precludes beyond doubt the theory of infection
from these islands.
Dr. Tudor, the first of the party to be attacked, was
taken ill on August 9 and died on the 29tl- of the same
month. Admitting that the young man dieJ of the disease
which showed its first symptoms on the 9th, it will be seen
that he fought against its insidious inroads for twenty
days, which is far beyond the usual run of the violent
tropical fevers endemic to West Africa; but if we simply
admit that he was originally attacked by the local fever
on 'the 9th and that, while still weak and prostrated, con-
tracted the pestilential fever which t'^en reigned at the
mouth of the Congo on his arrival there on August 22d, it
will be seen that only seven days elapsed between his ar-
rival.on board the Congo, where several deaths had already
occurred from a disease resembling yellow fever, and his
'* Livingstone, 1867.
"According to the various autliors. vi^e have consulted, yellow
fever was never observed in the Cape Verd Islands from
1516 to 1821.— G. A.
200 HISTORY OF VELIOW FEVER.
death, Auj^ust 29tli. As yellcw fever is geuerallv fatal on
the sixth day, it does not re(iuire volumes of argument to
arrive at the conclusion that the pestilential fever which
almost annihilated the intrepid explorers, was yellow
fever.
''But,'" we hear some astute disputant observer, ''as it
has never been proved that yellow fever ever originated in
Africa, but was always imported to its shores, whence the
infection in this particular instance?"
The services of a medical Sherlock Holmes are not
needed to solve this problem.
The theory of infection from the Cape Verd Islands
has already been disposed of. We must look elsewhere,
and experience leads us to that natural hot-bed of yellow
fever, the West Indies. Let us see what were the hygienic
conditions of the Antilles in 181C :
A cursory reference to the Avorks of Moreau dt Jonnes,
Amic, Berenger-Feraud, ]Musgrave Keating, and numer-
ous otlier chroniclers who have written on the subject,
shows that yellow fever was quite prevalent in the West
Indies in 1810. It prevailed with much severity at Mar-
tiui<|ue and also ravaged Antigua, Barbadoes, Guadeloupe,
and St. Thomas.
Here we Imve a repetition of whit has happened again
and again since the discovery of America.
Tbe traffic in slaves was quite extensive in 1816, the
agents of the Spanish Government making bold arid fre-
quent raids on the African coast in quest of unfortunate
blacks to work their plantations in tbe West Indies and
Soutli America. In si)ite of the vigilance of the English
scout-ships, these marauders, coming from countries in-
fested with yellow fever, sailed up tlu^ many wide estu-
aries wliich indent the coast and acted as a firebrand in
disseminating the seeds of pestilence.
A\'e have spoken of tliis in relating the histories of the
epidemics of the Canary and Cape Verd islands and
hope the reader will pai'don us if we prove irksome in our
efforts to take advantage of every fact we can gather to
prove that yellow fever is not an African product, but has
always been imported to that continent.
Let us now return to the unfortunate adventurers:
CONGO COAST.
W\
It will be remembered that the explorers finally reached
the Coniio in the beoinninjj;- of July. Aecor cling to Moreau
de Jonues,^^ seven persons on board the Dorothea and one
or two on the Comjo Avere ill Avith fever during the long
journeA from England to the Congo Coast, due to expos-
ure. No serious after-effects ensued and the health of the
A'oyagers continued excellent.
\Ve Imve read every line of the exhaustive a: tide by
Moreau de Jonnes in the Journal de Medecinc above cited
— scA-enteen pages — but noAvhere find mention that the ex-
plorers met Avith any vessel, stopped at any port or mingled
Avith any strangers from the time they left England until
they entered the Congo, save the solitary instance of tht-
brief stay at Port:-Praya. As the vessels could possibly
not haA'e been infe-ted at that port, we Avere at a loss to
locate the original focus, Avhen Ave came across a short
account of the epidemic in the scholarly Avork cf Berenger-
Ferau(l,~Avhich clears the mystery. It is certainlv jjeculiar
that such a close observer as Moreau de Jonnes makes no
mention of this fact, but as the authorities quoted are un-
assailable, it deserves a tardy, but merited place in history.
A perusal of the article by Berenger-Feraud^^ rcA-eals
the fact that Avhile riding at anchor at the mouth of the
Congo, Captain Tuckey's A'essels Avere in frequent com-
munication Avith the officers and crcAV of a foreign A'essel
flying the American flag, but Avhich Avas afterA\'ards found
to be a Spanish slave-ship from Brazil. There ^^ere some
s\is])ici()us cases of fcA'er on board the stranger, but, being
informed that the craft had come direct from the United
States, Captain Tuckey had no suspicion of the nature
of the illness preAailing on board and alh Aved free com-
munication l)etween the comi)lement of the three A'essels,
as he Avas anxious to obtain all the information he could
about the mysterious riA'er he AA'as about to explore and
did not Avish to offend the ncAVComers^ Avho seemed to be
Avell-v(>rs('d in the topogra])hv of the country. Alas for
hunuin short-sightedness and ambition! This Avant of
caution undoubtedly pa\'ed the an'Rv for the terrible afflic-
tion Avhich afterAvards annihilated the I'ttle baud of
""Loc. cit., p. 332.
" Berenger-Feraud, loc. cit., p. 87.
202 HISTORY 0¥ YELLOW KKVER.
pioneer explorers and deprived science of some of its most
enthusiastic devotees.
18G0.
Yellow fever i)revailed quite extensively along the Congo
Coast in 18G0 and was particularly severe at Angola and
St. Paul de Loanda.^^ The source of importation is not
given.
1862.
In 18(32, yellow fever invaded almost the entire African
coast from Sierra Leona to ^>aiut Paul de Loanda. (Ber-
enger-Feraud, p. 139.) The epidemic, though widespread,
was not very severe.
18G5.
The epidemic of 1-865 was mild and was not attended
with much mortality. Berenger Ferand (page 111) only
makes a hrief mention of the incident.
1900.
In 1900 yellow fever was imported from Senegal to the
French Congo. ^^
On May 26, the steamship VilJe dc Pernamhiico, plying
hetween France, West Africa and Brazil, stopped at
Dakar where yellow fever was prevailing. While riding
at anchor, three sisters of charity who were on board the
vessel exchanged greetings with members of their order
who had come to the wharf to see them. It is claimed that
no other communication was had with the inhabitants of
Dakar, but the statement must be taken cum r/ratiis sails.
The vessel left Senegal for the usual voyage down the coast
and arrived at Loango, one of the ports of tht Fi-ench
Congo, on June 15th, wliere the sisters disembarked. They
were all successively taken ill. One of the sisters died on
June 20th and another on July 2d. The third recovered.
" Berenger-Feraud, ix 136.
"Kermorganl: Receuil des Trav. du Com. Con. d'Hyg. Pub. de
France, 1901 (Paris, 1903), vol. 33, p. 394.
CONGO COAST. 205
Autopsies revealed the fact that the two deaths bad been
caused by yellow fever.
The fourth case at Loanj^o mauifested itself iu the per-
son of a young negress aged 16; who had nursed the sister
of charity that recovered. The patient died a few days
later, with black vomit. The port physician took extra-
ordinary precautions to prevent a spread of the disease,
which was contiued to the cases above mentioned.
A' remarkable feature of this invasion, is that the only
person infected by the sisters was a native African and
that the few whites in the town escaped an attack. The
natives of Western Africa are generally immune and the
rare occurrence of a case among them certainly deserves
special mention.
This is the fifth and last authentic instance of yellow
fever on the Congo Coast ; but other visitations of the dis-
ease no doubt took place before, between and after the
dates chronicled in this history, for it is a notorious fact
that St. Paul de Loanda was one of the most infamous cen-
tres of the slave-trade in by-gone days and was frequented
by the worst class of trans-oceanic freebooters.
DAHOMEY.
Description.
Dahomey is a ne^TO kingdom of WestoMi Afj'ica, in
Guinea, with a coast-line only 35 miles in leng;th, nearly
the whole of wliieh is composed of islands and swamps.
The natives are all pa<ians and their worship fetishism.
Population, 250,000, of which 230;00 are said to be slaves.
YELLOW FEVER YEARS.
1905 ; 190G ; 1907.
SUM:\rARY OF EPIDE^MIC-i.
1905.
Yellow fever had never been observed in Dahomey pre-
vious to 1905. The immunity of this negro kingdom from
the disease is easily understood, when one reflects that it
is hardly ever visited by white men. How the fever was
imported, we were unable to ascertain, owing to tli'e diffi-
culty of obtaining information from a region governed by
savages and ouly exploited by white men when in quest of
wihl aniuials for circuses and zoological gardens. Com-
munication between the Euro])ean settlements on the coast-
line of Dahomey and other African ports are frequent and
uninterrupted. The fact that the first cases were observed
in the persons of custoudiouse employes at Orand-Popo,
gives weight to the hypothesis tliat tlie disease was con-
tracted on shii)board, as the duties of these officers also in-
clude the sanitation of vessels coming from foreign ports.
They were thus com])elb'd to spend much (tf their time on
"sus])i(i(;us vessels" and wei-e thus exposed to infection.
According to the report of the ".Gouverneuient Oeueral
de I'Afrique Occidentale Francaise," published in the
Annalc!^ d'Hi/f/iciif ct de Medeeine Colon idlest. Paris, 1907,
vol. 10, page 449, the first case erujjted at Grand-Popo in
January, 1905, in the person of an old customhouse in-
DAMOHEY. 205
spector. The patient died four days after tlie onset of the
fever.
Fifteen da^s later, another customhouse inspector, a
young' man aged 28, Avho had recently arrived from France,
was stricken. Death ensued in a few days.
The third case, a nun, also ended fatally.
The bislio]) of the colony, who had nursed the nun, was
next attacked and furnished the fourth victim. His death
occurred at Ouidah, where he had gone when he felt indis-
posed.
In less than a month, nine additional cases erupted in
(irand-Popo, six of whom died.
Thrown into consternation by the rapid and malignant
nature of the fever which was decimating their ranks in
such a short space of tiuie (six weeks), the handful of
Europeans which had been spared by the scourge (about
14), lied to France. Only six or seven whites, whose offi-
cial duties prevented them from deserting their posts re-
mained in the town. Great precautions were taken by this
little band against infection. The Odonial Government
had their living apartments thoroughly screened and they
were especially instructed to wage an incessant warfare
against mosquitoes. Tliese precautionary' measures put an
end to the epidemic, as no other cases erupted after the
exodus of the colonists.
If one takes into consideration the comparatively lim-
ited population of Grand-Popo and its environs (30 or
35), the number of cases (13, followed by 10 deaths),
sliows that the fever was decidedly malignant and would
certainly have been more fatal had the segregation of the
population not taken place.
1906.
One of the strange characteristics of yellow fever is the
fact that when an epidemic is especially severe in a locali-
ty, it is almost certain to recrudesce the following year.
We were therefctre not surjjrised to note, in the report
above cited (page 451), that the disease under discussion
re-appeared in Dahomey in 1006.
The first case erupted at Ouidah, April 12. The patient,
206 HISTORY OK YELLOW FEVER.
the wife of a German subject, died a few days after being
attacked.
Between April 23 and ^lay 3, 4 deaths were reported
from Togo.
^lay 5, 2 cases were observed in Grand- Popo. One of the
victims died. The patient recovering was the husband of
the German bidy, mentioned above.
On May 10, a fatal case was observed at Ouidah. This
was followed, on May 20, by another case, which termin-
ated fatally on June 3.
Maj' 21. Cotonou, until then immune, became infected.
One case, followed by_ death on the 29th, is recorded.
May 29. One case at Grand-Popo. Recovered.
June 5. One case, a nun, at Ouidah. Died June 8. An-
other case at Ouidah on the 5th, imported from Toffo,
where unconfirmed cases had been observed. Eecovered.
June 16. One death at Ouidah.
June 23. One case at Ouidah, followed bv death on
25th.
This was the last case of the epidemic. There were alto-
gether 15 cases, with 12 deaths, distributed as follows:
Locality. Cases. Deaths.
Cottonou 1 1
Grand-Popo 3 1
Ouidah 7 fi
Togo 4 4
Total 15 12
The origin of the epidemic is unknown.
1907.
In January, 1907,^^ Dahomey was still under the ban of
quarantine, yellow fever having made its appearance at
Grand INipo in the })eginning of the year. Up to the time
of tlie <l(»sing of this report, no details could be obtained.
'* Kermorgant : Annales d'Hygiene et de Medecine Colonialos,
1907, vol. 10, p. 299.
EGYPT.
Description.
Eojpt is a country in the northeastern part of Africa,
governed by a viceroy (khedive), who pays tribute to the
Sultan of Turkey, but is otherwise independent. Egypt
is bounded on the north by the Mediterranean Sea, on the
east by Arabia and the Red Sea, on the south by Abyssinia
and other unimportant countries; and on .he west by the
Desert of Sahara. Capital, Cairo.
"THE PLAGUE SPOT OF THE WORLD."
According to the opinion of medical writers, we have to
accept Egypt as the country whence pestilence most fre-
quently originated and extended itself. This is why that
ancient land has been christ'^ned "The Plague Spot of the
World." From time immemorial, the terrible Oriental
Plague and epidemic cholera were, in almost '.very in-
stance, first observed in Egypt before they began their
journey of death and desolation.. Cairo and the villages
of the Delta were generally attacked first; thence the
whole civilized Avorld Avas infected.
HOW MEHEMET ALI REDEEMED EGYPT.
A little historical causerie, to relieve the mind from the
array of cold-blooded statistics whioh are part and parcel
of a work of this kind, will be found refreshing and inter-
esting.
The Egyptians are the earliest people known to us as a
nation. When Abraham entered the Deltn from Canaan,
they liad long been enjoying the advantages of a settled
government. They had built cities, invented hieroglyphic
signs, and improved them into syllabic writing, and almost
into an alphabet. They had invented records, and wrote
tlie names of their rulers and their heroic actions on the
massive tenii)les which they raised. INlore than 2000 years
B. C, the Egyptians had duodecimal as well as decimal
numbers, and weights and measures. The masonry of the
208 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
passajies in the Great Pyramid has not been surpassed at
any aj»e. In mechanical arts, the carpenter, boai-builder,
potter, leather-cutter, glass-blower and others, are often
represented on their ancient monuments. They were also
adepts in other arts too numerous to mention. The social
and domestic life of the ancient Ejryptians is depicted on
the walls of their temples and tombs.
Cairo, the capital of Modern Euypt, is situated on the
right bank of the Nile, 12 miles above the apex of its delta,
and 150 miles by rail from Alexandria, and has a popula-
tion of 374,838 souls. The character of the tov.n is still
!uaiuly Arabic, though in modern times the European
.style (;f aichitecture land other matters has become more
and more prevalent. The city is partly surrounded by a
fortified wall, and it is intersected by seven or eight great
streets, from which runs a labyrinth of narrow crooked
streets and lanes. There are several large squares, or
places, the principal being the Ezbekiyeh. To the south-
east of the town is a citadel, on the last spur of the Mo-
kattam Hills, overlooking the city. It contains the fine
mosque of Mehemet Ali, a well 270 feet deep called
Joseph's Well, cut in the rock, the palace of the Viceroy,
and other things of interest to tourists. There are up-
wards of 100 mosques. The finest is that of Sultan Has-
san. There are also some forty Christian churches, Jew-
ish synagogues and other denominations. The tombs in
the burying-grounds outside of the city also deserve men-
tion, es})ecially those known as the tombs of tlu Caliphs.
The trade of Cairo is large, and the bazaars and markets
are numerous. Of these tlie Khan el Khalili. in the north-
east of the town, consists of a series of covered streets and
courts in whicli all kinds of eastern merchandise are dis-
played in open stalls. Cairo has railway communication
with Alexandria, Suez, and Siout.
Before the watering and sweeping of the streets of
EGYPT. 209
Cairo was introduced by the Yicc-voy, Mohoniet Ali/*^'^ in
the beginnini^' of the hist century, they were full of filth.
A canal runniug through the city v-eceived all kinds of
refuse, and was much neglected; its borders had always
been considered as most unhealthy, and most fre(iuented
by the plague. Moreoyer, Cairo was surrounded with an
almost complete circle of hills, one hundr,^d and tifty to
three hundred feet in height, and where these ceased, by a
projection of the ]Mokattam mountains. Thus purifying
winds were cut off from tlie r-ity. The disease always ap-
peared after the receding waters of the Nile had left much
animal and yegetable nuitter decaying, producing uias-
mata under the combined influence and moisture, and
after raging seyeral months, disappeared with tlie nucta
(a lieayy dew) and the scorching rays of the June sun.
Mehemet Ali gaye orders to clean the city, and to water
and sweep the streets eyery morning, but the state of
health did not materially improye. It had already been
*^ Mehemet Ali, Viceroy of Egypt, born at Kavala, in Mace-
donia, in 1769. He entered the Turltish army, and served
in Egypt against the F'rench; rose rapidly in military
and political importance; became Pasha of Cairo, Alex-
andria, and subsequently of all Egypt. In 1811 he mas-
sacred the Mamelukes to the number of 470 in Cairo,
and about 1200 over the country. He then commenced,
by the orders of the Porte, a war of six years' duration
against the yv^ahabees of Arabia, which was brought to
a successful conclusion by his son Ibrahim, and secured
him the possession of Hejaz. Ibrahim also aided in
bringing a large part of the Soudan under Egyptian rule.
By means of a vigorous domestic policy Mehemet re-
duced the finances to order; organized an army and a
navy; stimulated agriculture, and encouraged manufac-
tures. In 1824-27 he assisted the Sultan in endeavoring
to reduce the Morea, which led to the destruction of his
fleet by the allied European powers at Navarino (1827).
Subsequently he turned his arms against the Sultan, and
in his efforts to secure dominion over Syria by armed
invasion, he was so far successful that the European
powers had to interfere and compel him to sign a treaty
in 1839, which gave him the hereditary pashalic of Egypt
in lieu of Syria, Candia, and Hejaz. This remarkable
personage died in 1S49 at the age of eighty.
210 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
remarked by pliTsicians of the army, at tbe time of the
Freiich-EiiYptiau expedition, that the encircled position
of the city, combined with other nnfayorablt circum-
stances, must be Aery unhealthy. Adyiseis of Mehemet
All repeated the renmrk, and the Viceroy, who was a
tyrant, but seldom shrinkinu,' from the extent of an enter-
jji'ise, took the bold resolution of carrying down a large
portion of the hill into the fields, \yhich, atter having suf-
ficiently eleyated, he intended to water artificially and to
conyert into beautiful gardens. As once the Pharaohs
dragged thousands of men to the erection of temples and
pyramids, so Mehemet Ali forced thousands of fellahs
(Egyptian peasants) to execute his plans. Many died un-
der the excessiye labor, but the ranks Ayere filled by others,
and the work itself Avas always adyaucing. Thus a long
chain of hills Ayas carried doAyn. and miasmatic marshes
conyerted into charming oliye and fruit gardens. And
as the Avork progressed the health of Cairo impr^.ved.
The disease, no longer brought from Egypt to other
parts of the Turkish Empire, disai)])eared. Mehemet Ali
has proyed Ayhat can be done, eyen under the most unfayor-
able circumstances, by his grand and energetic measures,
in improying the health of one city; and In- thus desti-oy-
ing the germ of this most destructive of all diseases, he has
unconsciously sayed the lives of millions.^^
ALLEGED YELLOW FEVER YEAR.
1800.
SUMMARY OF EPIDEMIC.
Wiih the exce]>tion of the alleged epidemic de])icted by
Dr. Larrey,''^ Ave fail to find anywhere any mentk n of j'el-
low fcA'er in Egypt. We have ransacked the works of
ancient, medieval and modern Avriters on epidemiology,
but oidy find tbe solitai-y instance narrated by Baron
Larrey. In our opinion, this Avas not yellow ityer, for
**Dowell: Yellow Fever and Malarial Diseases (1876), p. 25.
"Larrey: Memoirs of Military Surgery and Campaigns of the
French Armies, etc., (Hall's Translation), 1814, p. 230.
EGYPT. ;2 I 1
that disease could uot originate in Egypt, and nowhere in
Larrey's account do we find any mention of importation.
We would have passed this account by without giving it
any attention had the author been an irresponsible or less
distinguished personage, but Baron Larrey was one of the
most noted surgeons of his day, holding the post of Sur-
geon-in-Chicf of the Army of Napoleon in his foolhardy
invasion of Egypt, and was the author of notable surgical
works His post naturally afforded him abund:?.nt oppor-
tunities for practical study and a careful perusal of his
writings shows that he studiously availed himse-f of his
astute powers of observation and (1 eduction by collecting
numberless important and interesting facts.
Dr. Larrey was a close and intelligent observei, and his
descriptions of the several jjliases of the disease he had to
deal with, even if antagonistic to the tenets of this en-
lightened age, are so replete with interesting dv^ail, that
we Avill quote at length from his views on the cause, path-
ology and treatment of the maladv which decimated the
ar:sny of the great Xapoleon in the campaigns wlii( h proved
so disastrous to the French arms.
"The fatal consequences which took place in a great
number of our men who Avere wounded in the battle of
Heliopolis,-' observes Dr. Larrey, "and at the siege of
Cairo in 1800, led our soldiers to belitve that th(^ balls of
our enemy were poisoned. It was not difficult to unde-
ceive them; but not so easily could we arrest the progress
of the disease."
This eminent authority further asserts that the malady
presented all the symptoms of the yellow fpver observed in
America during the caniiiaigns of the French armies in
the West Indies and which, according to the re])ort of Dr.
(xilbert, his former colleague, Avhu Avas pliysician-general
of the army of St. Domingo, reappeared among the French
troops during the expedition to that island in tb-f" last de-
cade of the eighteenth century.
A peculiarity noted by Dr Larrey in Egypt Avas that the
fever attacked none luit the Avounded. ami more particu-
larly those Avho had been injured in tlie articulations, or
had fractured bones, Avith injuries of the nerAX-s, of the
head, of the abdomen or thorax. The disease appeared
212 HISTORY OF YELLOW PEVKR.
about the 5th of April, 1800. and d'saj.peaced alout the
last of 31ay. Dr. Larrey skives th': followinji details of
the principal symptoms which tlie malad}'' presented:
''The wcmnded had scarcely received the jirst assistance,
or submitted to an operation, when they f(^ll into a state
of faintntrss and anxiety; rigors were felt over 'he whole
bod}', and esi)eeially in the inferior extremities. At the
first attack the eyes were heayy, the eonjunctiya yellow,
the yisaiie copper eolortd, and the pulse slow and eon-
tracted. The patient felt pain in his right hypochondrium,
and his wounds were dry, or diseharged a red serum.
These syni])t()ms were followed by much general heat,
burning thirst, yiolent pains of the intestines and head,
sometimes aceompanied by delii-inm, frenzy, op^)ression,
and frequent sighing.'-
Speaking of the causes of the epidemic, Di. Larrey
says :
"T think that many causes coneurr«Ml in producing the
yellow feyer among our wounded The tirst was, crowd-
ing the hospitals; as insurmountable difficulties opposed
the formation of other estal)lishments, we could not reme-
dy this. Besides, the wounded occTi])ied th(^ wards on the
ground lioor, the moisture of which increased the disease,,
It did not appear in the elevated and airy A\ards to any
considerable extent. ^Nloreoyer. the troops, of which these
wounded \yere formerly a ])arr. wei'e encam])ed on the west
of Cairo, between this city and Boula(i, in a situation low
and moist, more espeeially after the waters of the Nile
had recech d from a ])lace where they had undergone de-
composition, by remaining long expos«^d to the heat. The
sudden ti-ansition from the scorching heat of the day t(»
the moisture of the night, to which the troops were ex-
posed, necessarily tended to weaken them and predispose
to the disease. The atmosplu re, in the s(as(,n of khamsyn,
is hot and moist, and consecpiently injnrious to health. At
this time also the ])lague prevails, and we might say that
the yellow fever, from the sinularity of its effeets. and its
speedy termination, bears some analogy to this scourge.
"To the causes already enumerated, we might add the
excessive fatigue of the soldiers, the deficiency of good ali-
EGYPT. 213
luent: of cooliufi: remedies and acid drinks, and the want
of cloaks to cover them during tlie night,"
The surrender of Cairo having re-established coniniuni-
cation with the outside world, the French were enabled
to establish new hospitals, and to procure good aliment,
medicines, linen and bed furniture. Tiiey removLd a great
part of their sick to more sanitary quarters. These cir-
cumstances, and the return of the wind to the north, in
the judgment of Dr. Larrev, soon caused the disease to
disappear.
The following mode of treatment followed by Dr. Larrey
is certainly unique:
"When yellow fever was acute, and presented the symp-
toms of an inflammatory fever with jaundice, spasmodic
vomiting, delirium, etc., dry scarifications of the liga-
mentum nuchae and on the iiypochondria, produced very
good etfects, or in lieu of them, a small quantity of blood
was taken from the arm. But copious blood letting was
fatal, and it was even necessary to use the greatest cir-
cumspection in the first detraction of blood. Nitrated
tanuirind water, sweetened with honey or sugar, or a few
glasses of nitrated and anodyne camphorated emulsions
taken at night, relieved thirst and moderated intestinal ir-
ritation. If, in conjunction with these remedies, the
bowels were moved in the first t^^enty four hour^-^., Ave had
hopes. We then continued the use of cooling medicines, of
anodynes, of antispasmodics, followed by laxatives of
neutral salts, and calomel, tonics, and antise])ti<-s by de-
grees. Emetics would have been pernicious. But if in an
opposition to these means the symptoms increased, the
disease terminated fatally. When, on the contrary, the
disease commenced with ataxic symptoms, such as pros-
tration of strength, faintness, chillhic^s, blackish tinge of
the tongue, and constipation, emetics in gruel removed the
spasm, re-established the powers of the stoma/^h, and
facilitated the actions of the tonics and antiseptics; we
then exhibited these latter with some success; chinchona,
camphor combined with opium, Hoffmann's mineral
licpior. and l)itters in suitable doses. The cortex appeared
to be less effectual than jiood wine brewed with sweetened
214 HISTORY OF YELLOW FiJVER.
lemonade, and to wliicli a portion of ether ^vas a^ierwards
ad led
"CoftYe was to ns liiglilv useful, and we employed it to
great advantage when the disease had passed tie second
stage, Avlien suppuration was re-established in the wounds,
and the patient was about to recover. It expedited in these
cases the return of the vital powers and gave nourishment.
These means were persevered in, and their use modified at
every stage of the disease. Spurge-laurel and mustard,
pounded with vinegar, and applied to the hypochondria or
back, co-operated greatly with these remedies. In this dis-
ease, I remarked the injurious effects of cantharides;
therefore, I seldom used them.
''Wounds complicated witli bilic.us fevers, Avere dressed
according to the particular indicrtion They were
sprinkled with camphor and bark, wlicn they were threat-
ened with gangrene, and we used the vegetable acids,
L'hiefiy of the lemon, which is abundant in thi« country.
If they assumed the symptoms of putridity, I also ordered
lotions of vinegar strongly camphorated, to be nsed on
the head and over the surface of the body.
"Those who survived the \ellow fever, had a tedious
convalescence; some even had rela])ses and died in a few
days. The yellow fever did not si)are the Turks who were
wounded. Being requested by the commander-in-chief,
after the surrender of Cairo, to afford them assistance, I
had them all collected in a mosfpie, to dress V\oni more
conveniently.
"■A large proportion of the Turks who were attacked by
this disease fell victims to it. We nm.v attribute these un-
fortuiuite results to the bad treatment to wliich tliey were
subjected, and to the privations v.iiich tley u'iderwent
during the siege."
The following remarks on the pathology of tlie disease
are interesting :
"The effects of this disease appeared on opening the
dead bodies. We found a reddish serum in the cavities of
the chest and abdomen, inflation and ■.nflammation of the
intestines; obstruction of th{> liver and spleen; Ihe gall
bladder contained but little bile, and this was thick and
of a black color: gangrenous affections were seen in differ-
EGYl'T. 215
ent parts of the body, and csY)ecially in tlie ad* pose sub-
stance. The organs of the thorax presented notlung re-
markable; all the soft parts of the wounded limb were
ganjirenous, and emitted a nauseous and fetid odor. Two
hundred and sixty out of six hundred, who were wounded
at the seige of Cairo and the taking of Boulaci, died with
a eomijlication of this disease." '
An exhaustive review of Ur Larrey's work is given in
the I'Jdiiihiirg Medical Bci'icic^^ and the epidemic de-
scribed by him is commented upon by Gamgee in his
treatise on yellow feA'er.^"-^ AVe find 'no mention of the in-
cident in other works on epidemiolcgy.
A curious passage occurs in Dr. Larrey's book, which
throws some light upon the peculiar beliefs of the time. It
seems that before Napoleon's army left Syria, a great
numb(>r of the soldiers were attacked by the plr.gue. "It
seldom attacked the wounded men," observes the doctor,
"and scarcely an instance occurred of anyone bemg affect-
ed by it whilst the wounds were in a state of su])puration,
though man}' were infected as soon as the wonnds were
healed."
According to the Edlnhurff Medical Journal of 1804
(page 217), the above observation was made by all .writers
on the plague, and it was currently reported at the time
that Europeans Avho were established in Egypt and Syria
guarded themselves from this pest, or at least seemed to be
less disposed to be affected by it, by means of ha))itual ill-
ness.
Whether the sporadic outbreak depicted by Baron Lar-
rey was yellow fever or not, we cannot say, as no corrobo-
rative evidence can be found to sustain the eminent
Frenchman's views; but if the disease was yellow fever, it
certainly could not have sprung from the soil or from
climatic conditions, but must have been imported by the
French war vessels, either from Spain, whore the disease
was widespread in 1800, or from Mexico or the West In-
dies, where yellow fever was ever present in the past.
From the West Indies or Mexico to Egypt is a long jour-
*U804, p. 213.
*" Gamgee: Yellow Fever a Nautical Diseases, 1879, p. 105.
?16
HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
noy, to ])(' sure, Inii Slcf/fjiiij/ia have been known to live for
months in tlio holds of vessels and to be just as active in
ino(iilatin«i" tlie liernis of yellow fever on being liberated
as if tliev were fresh from the nidus of infection.
I
FERNANDO-PO.
Description.
Feniaudo-Po forms one of a group of four ii-hmds in
the Bight of Biaffra, West Africa, 20 miles off the coast of
Guinea. Tlie other islands of this group are Annobon,
Princess Island and St. Thomas. The two last named be-
long to England; the others to Spain. Fernando Po and
Annobon were discovered bv the Portugese navigator,
Fernao de Poo, in 149(5, and annexed to the croAvn of Por-
tugal. The islands were ccdonized by that country in
1592, but proving an unprofitable venture, were ceded to
Spain in 1777. In 1827, the islands had become merely a
nominal Spanish possession. English intrigue having al-
most absorbed them ; but Spain suddenly woke up to the
state of things and filed a vigorcms protest against the
machinations of the English court. Tlie British Govern-
men, balked in its scheme to surreptitiously annex the
islands, offered to purchase them for 1300 000. This
proposition, after being considered ami debated for nearly
fourteen years, was finally rejected by the Corte- in 1841.
Eniiland reluctantly disgctrged the prize, recalled its gov-
ernor-general and tlu^ Spanish flag has been floating over
the islands to this day. But John Bull, wh(»'^e hind-
grabbing policy has Avon for him a niche in the hall of
di])lomatic intrigue, no doubt still looks with covetous
eyes upon those two islets and Ave may Avake u]) one of tlu^se
fine mornings and read of England being sole )wner and
dictator of this quartette of islands nestling like huge
rocks deep in the Bight of Binffra.
The population of Fernando Po is about 20,000, being
a mixture of negroes, Portugese and other Europeans.
The capital is Clarence Town
YELLOW FEVER YEABS.
1792; 1812; 1829; 1839; 1857: l.%0 ; 18G2; 1804; 18G0;
1868; 18G9.
218 HISTORY OF YKLLOW FEVKR.
NUMMARY OF EPIDE?.nCS.
1792.
Th3 first recorded invasiou of yellow fever at Fernaudo
Po took place iu 1792, Xo details are given bj our
authoritv."^"^'
1812.
In the bejiinning of the year 1812, the disease was im-
ported by three vessels, the Carldad^ the Isabel aud the
Perla. We have becu unable, beyond ascertaining- the
i5ames of the vessels, to cull any data concerning this out-
break, as our authority'-^'^ has unfortunately neglected to
touch upon this important detail. The ferer was either
imported from the West Indies, as the names of the ves-
sels suggest that they sailed under the Spanish flag and
the commercial relations between Fernando Po and the
West Indies Avere frequent aud extensive; or, which is no
doubt still more probable, these vessels came from Spain
or Portugal, stopped on their way to Fernand(» Po at
Sierra Leone, aud were infected while at anchor in one of
the harbors of that notorious focus of yellow fe*. er propa-
gation.
Xo mention is made in the account of this outbreak of
the cas(^s of mortality at the island, but the statement is
given that the total luortality on board the three vessels
aggregated 42, including the surgeou-in-chief of the Pcrla.
' In this connection, it is to be dei)b>red that such an
authority as Dr. Pey, who writes so minutely and inter-
estingly of the history, climate, topography and natural
resources of Fernando Po, did not take the trouble to give
the details of this "epidemic" — as he terms it and thus
add additional historical value to his v\-ork. Put he little
dreamed that this infornuition would be of immense value
to the compiler of this history and overlooked the impor-
tant function. This is only one of the million illustrations
of that trite Americanism, "everv little bit Li-lps."
"" Berenger-Feraud, loc. cit., p. 60.
"Rev: Archives de Medecine Navale, Paris, 1878, vol. 29,
• p. 407.
FERNANDO-PO. 219
1829.
After a lull of fifteen j^ears, yellow fever again made its
appearance at Fernando Po. This time, the infection is
indisputably traced to Sierra Leone. Tlie facti* are as
follows:'-'- "'
At the inception of the epidemic of yell(.>w fever which
decimated Sierra Leone in 1829, the British ship Ed€)i
was anchored in the roads, off Freetown, and, as was the
usual custom in those days, her officers were occasionally
on shore. On the 3d of iMay, a man, who two days previ-
ously had come aboard the IJdcn from Freetown, was
taken ill with yellow fever and died on the Tth. On
May 5, two days after this man had been taken ill, a mid-
shijjman, who had been on board a detained vessel of which
lie had charge, returned on 1)oard tlie Edcii. He had been
taken ill on April 29th and died the da}- following his re-
moval to the Eden. On May 12, some other cases occurred
among the ship's crew, and on the 20ih of ^lay the Eden
left for Fernando Po. She arrived at her destination on
the 11th of June, having lost during this period 25 officers
and men. She was thoroughly cleaned, fumigated, and
whitewashed at Fernando Po, and then, re-embarking her
coiivalescents, sailed for Princess Island on the 9th of
July. After the departure of the Eden, the disease broke
out at Fernando Po, where it prevailed with great severity.
The mortality Avas not very great.
During the voyage from Fernando Po to Princess
Island, the fever reappeared aboard the Eden, and the mor-
tality was considerable. The fever continued to rage till
August, and the Eden lost, between the months of May
and December, 110 persons out of a complement of IGO.
At the same time that tlie Eden carried the disease to
Fernando Po, the C/utnipion sailed from Sifrra Ltone with
several bad cases of fever on board and arrived at Clarence
Town three days after the Eden. As on board the Eden,
the fever which was ravaging the Champion was of a most
malignant type and the landing of her sick at the little
"^Bryson: Report on the Climate and Principal Diseases of
the African Stations, p. 39.
220 HISTORY OF VELT.OVV FEVER.
town added fuel to the dormaut fires of pestileuce already'
kindled by the Eden.
Aecoi'din<i' to Brvson,'^^ from the time it was first occu-
pied by Europeans, Fernando Po proved a perpetual hot-
bed of disease. Most of the people who were located at Clar-
ence Cove during the years 1827 and 1828, were attacked
with fever or ulcer, and cut off in the course of a few
months after their arrival. But as the medical returns
only commence subsequently to the {'.rrival of the Eden
and Champion, the accounts respecting the fevers which
pri^-ailed ]»revi(;usly, can only ])e «»leaned from other
sources, which, althouj^h sufliciently authentic us to their
fatality, do not give the information requisite to follow
them out in full detail. That it had acquired the charac-
ter of l)einii' a most unhealthy locality, the nundx-r of medi-
cal officers wlio accompanied the marines and mechanics
sent out in the Champion, sufficiently attests; and it is a
melancholy reflection that only two out of the three
reached the auchorame in time to have their bones deposited
in that desolate grave-yard.
1839.
Yellow fever was again brought to Fernando-Po in
1839 and was ([uite severe.^^
1857.
In 1857, yellow fever again invaded Fernando Po.^"*
1800.
A sliij) from the West Indies is incriminated in the in-
fection of Fernando-Po in 1860. The epidemic was quite
severe. '"^^
" Bryson : Loc. cit., p. '49.
"^Bryson: Loc. cit., p. ..
"'Huard: Theses de Montpollier, 1868.
»*Yglesias y Pardo (Ferrco), 1874, p. 12.
i
I
FERNANUO-PO. 221
1862.
In the early days of July, 18(52^ yello\y feyer broke ont
at Feriiando-lV) aiiioiii;'8t the vSpanisli population. The
disease was first obseryed in one oi' two conyict hulks in
Clarence Eay and spread rapidly to the conyicts and sail-
ors in the otlier hulk, ^yhenee it attacked the soldiers coni-
posiUi> the small juarrison and the mechanics on shore.
In a yery short time, 7G, out of 200 composing the entire
purely Spanish population, were carried away by the dis-
ease. A remarkable phase of this epidemic is that it Ayas
confined exclu?iyely to the Spaniards of unmixed blood
and did not attack the colored (^'uban settlers {cinanci-
/>«Jo.s'), althouii'li the latter nursed the sick and yisited
freely all the foci of infection. This proyi^s conclusiyely
I hat the disease was the genuine West Indian yellow
feyer,^ lor the cniaiicipados, who cyi(hntly had experi-
enced an attack in their own country, escaped unscathed.
The .scsurce of importation is dispuicd. Some authori-
ties claim that the inter-colonial mail steamer Jxctricrcr
brought the disease from Bonny, Af]'ica, while Bourru,
Berenger-Feraud and Yglesias y Pardo^" assert that the
English ship Fcrrol, wliich left Hayana on June 10, 1802,
with 200 eiiKiiiciixKJo.s, should be looked upcui as the nidus
of infection.
The French ship La Zclcc was infected at Fernando-Po
in 1802 and brought the disease to Grand Bassam (q. y. ),
1864.
Another outbreak of yellow feyer occurred at Fernando-
Po in 1861. No details are giyen.'''*
180G.
The ei)idemic of 1866 c(»ntinues the cliain of importa-
tion.
On August 2, 18()6, the sliip Rosa (hi Turia, having on
"Bourru: Geographie des Epidemics de Fievre Jaune, p. 7;
Berenger-Feraud, p. 139; Yglesias y Pardo, loc. cit., p. 12.
"' Berenger-Feraud, loc. cit., p. 141.
22? HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
board about 200 couvicts, sailed from Havana for Fernan-
do-Po, wbich Avas theu a penal settlement, arriving at her
destination on October 3 of the same year. During the
two months the vessel took to make ti^e trip, yellow fever
prevailed to a more or less extent among Ler crew and
living cargo, but this did not deter those in conanand of
the vessel from landing the 200 convicts on the island. A
disastrous epidemic broke out shortly aftervrards, which
caused much mortality on the island and lasted until the
end of November.
Again we find occasion to criticize the excellent and
astute Dr. Eey,^^ to whom we are indebted for the above
narration of the epidemic of ISO'G. The genial doctor de-
cries the attempts made by certain chroniclers of the
period to hide the true nature of this epidemic under the
name of bilious pernicious fever, but overlooks the most
important information, the statistics ot the outbreak. He
informs us that the Perle lost ten of her crew, but is mute
as to what happened to the uufortuimie inhabitants of the
island.
18CS.
On September 24, 1808, the ship General Alia arrived
at Fernando-l*o from Havana. '^'^ A few days after the
vessel'^' arrival, yellow fever broke out on the inland, but
was not very severe.
1869.
On ^NFay 22, 1809, the transport San Franeisco dc Borja
arrived at Fernando-Po witli 250 men deported from Ha-
vana.^"^'"^ Yellow fever prevailed to some extent en board
the vessel, but no mention is made of the disease having
reached shore.
*Rey: Archives de Medecine Xavale, Paris, 1878, vol. 29,
p. 407.
""Bourru: Geographie des Epidemies de Fievre Jaune (Bor-
deaux, 1883), p. 7.
^°* Penard and Boye: Annales d'Hygiene et de Medecine Col-
oniales, 1904, vol. 7, p. 509,
FRENCH GUINEA.
Description.
Freucli Guinea, as the name implies, is a French col-
onial possession on the west coast of Africa, bounded on
the north by Seneiiambia, on the east by the Ivory Coast,
on the soutli by Liberia and bierra Leone and on the west
by the Atlantic Ocean. Capital. Conakry, situated on the
Tombo Peninsula, Conakry is of recent ori«iin. It was
founded in 1889 and has at present a population of about
12,000, principally natives. The European population is
about 350, but is hardly 275 during' the sickly season,
YELLOW FEVER YEAR,
1901.
SUM^IARY,
French Guinea was in imminent danger of being invaded
by vellow fever during the epidemics at Senegal in 1900
aiid 1901 and at Grand Bassam in 1902 and 1^03 ; but save
for a single case, observed December 21, 1901, at {'ouakry,
tlie territory seems to have been exempt fvoui tlie disease.
It is not known definitely whethei' or net isiegoiiii/ia
Calopus breed at Conakry, as no special observations
Iiave been made in that direction, but tlie fact that this
solitary instance of the appearame of yellow fevei- iri the
locality did not cause a general eruption, may be taken as
a tentative proof of the non-existence of tlie in,s;'ct there.
The case mentioned above was pjob^ddy iinjjorled from
Senee:al.
GAMBIA.
Dcscripticn.
■riui.ihia is a British colony of Western Africr, consist-
i''o- (..[• the ishmd of St. ^lary, the town of IJatLnrst (the
caj it.'] ) and other minor dependencies. Area; \>J square
Mih.'s ropulation about 15,000.
YELLOW fp:vek YEAKS.
170;^; 17()4; 1700; 1708; 1700; 1778; 1825; 1828; 1837;
1850; 1800; 1805; 1800; 1878; 1884; i:)00.
SUMMARY or EPIDEMICS.
1703.
Tlie first outbreak of velloAV fever in Gambia (17G3) is
coincident with the tirt-t appearance of tie di-ease in
Si( ri-a Lecnie and was no doultt importevl fr <m thut colony,
wliich since then has ])layed such a notorious role in radi-
ating the scouroe to the otlierwise lieaitliy stations of the
West African coast and the near-by insular colonies. In
iieaily every instance, tlie cliain of imitoi-tatioii iias been
the sauie: Sierra Leone, infected by ships from the West
Indies or South America, lias contaminated (Jambia;
(lamltia has sent tlie disease to Sene.i.»al, and the- latter
colonv has ]tro])a.iiate(l the pestih nee to other African set-
tb'meiits.
It is unfortunate that no detailed accounts exist of these
first outbreaks on the African coast. Our authority^ iy
(h'])h;r;ibh' unc(;miiiuuic;iti\'e on thi*^ score.
1704.
Yellow fever aj:;ain invaded Gambi;' in 1701. Only a
mere mention of tlie fact is made by our source of in-
forination."-
' Berenger-Feraud, p. 53.
Mbid., p. 53.
GAMBIA. S25
liOO.
Anotlier eruption in Gambia,^ No details cljtainable.
17G8.
The outbreak of 17G8 furnishes us with tlie first intelli-
gent account of yellow fever in Gambia. According to
Lind,^ in August, 1708, the British ship McrVm, while in
the Gambia l\iver, lost several of Ler crew from yellow
fever. Lind would have us believe that the fever was
caused by effluvia rising from freshly cut timber, but as
yellow fever was then reiguiug at Batliurst, the capital of
Gambia, where the Merlin stopped on its voyage up the
Gambia, the source of infection is clearly established.
How the fever got to Batliurst, is left to conjecture.
17C9.
Yellow fever prevailed in Gambia in July. 1769. In the
mouth of August following, the British warships Weasel
and Hon lid were contaminated at Batliurst and Ljst many
of their crews. The disease is sa-id to have been severe.*"
1778.
In 1778, yellow^ fever was almost general on the western
coast of Africa.*^ The memorable ep deuilc of Senegal,
about which so much has been written, occurred that year.
Gambia was infected by Sierra Leone and sutff^red cou-
siderablv.
1825.
A lull of nearly fifty years took place before yellow^ fever
again manifested itself in Gambia. Although t^ie disease
prevailed in Sierra Leone in 1815, 1816 and 1823, it does
not appear to have reached Gambia ; but, in 1825, it was no
nbid., p. 54; Schotte.
*Lind: Diseases of Hot Climates, vol. 1, p. 250.
" Berenger-Feraud, p. 55.
' Berenger-Feraud, p. 56; Schotte.
226 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
doubt imported from Sierra Leone. The diseas;' caused
mucli mortality at Bathurst and the surrounding country,
three- fourths of the cases terminating; fatally." Bryson
(pao-e 33) informs us that a detachment of one hundred
and eight men landed at Gambia in 1825; in the course
of four months seventy-four died of fever, and thirteen
of other diseases, leaving only twenty-one alive
1826.
The fever re-appeared in Gambia in 1826 and was very
severe. As in 1825, the majority of those attacked died.^
182S.
The epidemic of 1828 ravaged the whole African coast
from Benin to Gambia.^ It was not severe in Gambia.
1837.
After an absence of nearly ten year«!, yellow fever made
its appearance with renewed virulence in Gambia in 1837.
The epidemic was attended with a high death-rate.^*'
1859.
Yellow fever prevailed at McCarthy Island, in the
Gambia River, in 1859, according to Berenirer-Feraud
(page 136).
1860.
Yellow fever re-appeared in Gambia in 18G0. The dis-
ease does not seem to have manifested itself on Hie main-
land, but prevailed on ^McCarthy I;-larid,^^ in the Gambia
Eiver, 127 miles from its mouth, inhabited i^rincipally by
liberated slaves.
'Second Report on Quarantine (1S52), p. 288.
* Second Report on Quarantine, p. 288.
* Berenger-Feraud, p. 105.
" Berenger-Feraud, p. 105,
" Berenger-Feraud, p. 136.
CAMBIA 227
1885.
Another outbreak of yellow fever caused much mortality
in Gambia in 1865. Our authority^^ does not furnish any
details.
18o6.
Yellow fever reigned with much virulence at Bathurst
in 186G. One-half of the European population perished.^^
No official account of this epidemic exists, as tbe facts
were suppressed by the British GovernmeLt, for commer-
cial reasons, and only reached the public through a private
letter published in the London Times. An investigation
was demanded by the public, but dilat(!ry measures by the
authorities soon caused the episode to be forgotten.
1872.
In 1872 yellow fever was quite severe at Bathurst. Out
of a white population of 31, there were 13 deaths.^'*
1878.
The yellow fever epidemic of 1878 may truly be called
a pandemic. A reference to our chrorological tables will
show that it prevailed on both sides of the Atlantic, on the
Pacific coast and, for the first and last time in the history
of the disease, a case was imported to London and died.
The official records of Gambia are silent regarding the
prevalence of yellow fever in that colony in 1878, but
Berenger-Feraud*^ claims that the facts were suppressed
and that the disease was present that year, in a mild form.
The noted author takes issue with Lejemble, who tries to
prove that the lever could not have been in Gambia in
1878, because that country maintained a strict (|uarantine
against Senegal and that the oflficial reports do not men-
tion yellow fever at all. Berenger-Fevaud cites :n refuta-
" Berenger-Feraud, p. 141.
"London Lancet (New York), 1867, p. 60.
"Lejemble: Theses de Paris, 1882, No. U, p. 22.
^° Berenger-Feraud, p. 154.
228
HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
tion of this ass^rtiou the faot that in 1872 yellow fever
raged tiercely iu Sierra Leone and GaiMbia, yet the official
records of the colony are a i)erfect blank regarding this
outbreak, ^^'e can verily concur Avlth this eminent chron-
icler, for, by referring to our own account of the epidemic
in Gand)ia in 18()(>, it will be seen that tlie authorities sup-
pressed the fact that a virulent eruption of yellow fever
was causing great mortality at Bathurst and ihe sur-
rounding country and it was only when the LoniJoii Times
received private information concerning the state of affairs
and gave the matter ]»nblicity, that an "investigation'' was
ordered by the British Government. ^'^
18S4.
In June, 1884, yellow fever Avas present in Sierra Leone;
in August, it invaded Gambia ^" Here we And the same
old story of importation from Sierra Leone. The outbreak
does not appear to ha^e been severe.
1900.
The year 1900 furnishes the last recorded appearance
of yelloAV fever in Gaud)ia. A s])oradic outbreak occurred
at Bathurst, but the disease did not gain a very disastrous
footing, as the white settlers fl<?d at the first signs of the
feA'er, seeking refuge on board flie iTrt-sj^^t^atf? bound for
European ports.^'^ As usual, no offi(-ial records of tht out-
break could be obtained.
^"London Lancet (New York edition), 1867, p. 60.
" Berenger-Feraud, p. 190.
" U. S. Public Health Reports, 1900, vol. 15, p. 2025.
GOLD COAST.
Description
Gold Coast is a British crown-eolony in West Africa,
between the Slave Coast and the Ivory Coast, nnd com-
prises that part of the coast of Guinea which extends
from 50° W. to 20° E. loni^itiide, stretching inland to an
averaj>e distance of fifty miles The climite is very un-
healthy. The chief forts and settlements are Cape Coast
Castle, Elmina, Accra, Axim, Dixcove and Arnamabee.
Estimated population, 1,500,000, of whom only about 200
are Europeans.
YELLOW FEVER YEARS.
1778; 1786; 1822; 1823; 1824; 1852; 1853; 1854; 1855;
1856; 1857; 1862; 1898.
SUM^IARY OF EPIDE^nCS.
1778.
Althouj2,h the Gold Coast was colonized by tl e Portu-
gese in the early years of the seventeenth century, the first
recorded invasion of the territory by yellow fever took
])lace in 1778, when an epidemic wave of the disease swept
almost the whole West African coast occupied by Europe-
ans. No details of the epidemic are i]i;iven.^''
1786.
Another outbreak of yellow fevi r took place in 1786,
but the original source of infectioji i^ not given. It is
stated, however, that the ship E.vperiment, v/liich had been
sent by the British Government to assist in the establish-
ment of trading places, lost many of her men by a "malig-
nant fever."^^
" Berenger-Feraud, p. 56.
^ Berenger-Feraud.p. 58; Valentin, p. 77.
230 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
1822 to 1824.
No mentiou of yellow fever havinia; prevailed along the
Gold Coast is made from 1786 to 1S22. According to
BrysoD,-^ the mortality was great among the detachments
which arrived at Cape Coast Castle in 1822, 1823 and 1821.
1852 to 1857.
In 1852 yellow fever was imported to the GoM Coast
and sporadic cases were observed e\'ery year from. 1852 to
1857. The Government records, following the nsual cus-
tom, give no detail of this series of outbreaks, and
Berenger-Feraud-- disposes of the matter ?n a few words
only.
1862.
Yellow fever was almost general along the T\cst coast
of Africa in 1862. The Gold Coast suffered considerably.
(Berenger-Feraud, page 139.)
GOREE.
{See Senegal.)
GUINEA.
{See Benin, Dahomey, French Guinea, Gold Coast, Grand
Basani, Ivory Coast, Lagos, and Sierra Leone.)
"Bryson, loc. cit., p. 33.
"= Page 122.
IVORY COAST.
Description.
The lYory Coast is a part of the coast of Gumea, be-
tween Cape Appolonia and Cape Palmas, West Africa,
Its western portion belongs to Liberia; its eastern half,
now counted as part of the Gold Coast (q. v.), ?s shared
between England and France. The French colony com-
prises three fortified centres : Grand Bassam, Assinie and
Dabou. The first two are situated at the mouth of the
Grand Basam Eiver, on a narrow tongue of land between
the sea and a shallow lagoon. Dabou is sixty miles from
Grand Bassam. Since the date of their establish-
ment, these colonial towns have been visited nine times
by yellow fever. In every instance, the disease was im-
ported.
YELLOW FEVEE YEAKS.
1852; 1857; 1862; 1863; 1899; 1902: 1903; 1901; 1905.
SUMMARY OF EPIDE:\[ICS.
1852.
In 1852, many localities on tlie CJulf of Guinea were in-
vaded by yellow fever.-^ At Grand Bassam the mortality
was over fifty per cent, among the French troops stationed
at that post.
1857.
Grand Bassam.
Sporadic cases of yellof fever began to be observed at
Grand Bassam in February, 1857. The disease pursued
an uneventful course until April, when it seemed to have
died out. About the middle of April, the >;+eamship
^ Berenger-Feraud, p. 122.
232 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
P(in(ir,fa arrived from France, having on board many col-
onist*^ Avlio liad been employed to work at the town factory.
One man came on shore on April 15, was taken sick the
next day, and died on the 19th. Fifteen days later, three
more colonists landed. They were all taken ill and died
between the 12th and IGth of ^Nlay. At abont the same
time, a soldier arrived from Dabou, was taken ill and died.
These new cases revived the epidemic and many who had
previously l)een spared were attacked and died.
During the revival of the epidi'mic, the gunboat La
Tourmcnte arrived near Grand Bitssam, but could not
reach the town on account of shallow water. The Cap-
tain was rowed to shore, contracted the disease and died
during the first days of June.
AVe have no data concerning the mortality among the
natives, but the fatalities among the Avhite colonists was
excessive, for, out of a population of GG, there were 22
deaths.2^
The disease did not spread to the other ports of the
Ivory Coast, with the exception of two imported cases at
Dabou.
Dahou.
In IS.")", two employes of a comr;ierc:al house at Grand
Bassam went on a mission t> Dab;.u. Shortly after their
arrival, the men were almost simuUaneously at acked by
yellovr fever and died. Xo new cases resulted.
1802.
The Epidemic on Board the Dispatch-Boat V Archer, at
(I rand Basisam.
In ]iis account of the epidemic of 18G2, Sarrouille gives
more elal>orate details.-^ A r-efereuce to ou" chronological
tables will show that yellow fever was widespread along
the west coast of Africa in 1862. Rumors of the existence
"Salis: Archives des Hopitaux du Senegal; Sarrouille, Theses
de Paris, 1869, No. 150, p. 14.
=° Sarrouille: Theses de Paris, 1869, No. 150, p. 21.
IVORY COAST. 233
of the disease reached Giaud Bassam as early as the mid-
dle of the year, but it was not until November that the first
case was observed in the dependency. On the IGth of that
month, the French dispatch l)oat V Archer, which had been
infected at Saint Paul de Loanda, by communicating Avith
the Diulniath^ arrived at Grand Bassam and lai-ded one
white and ten native sailors. The white sailor was taken
ill on the 17th and died on the 20th, with unmistakable
symptoms of yellow fever. None of the blacks who were
put on shore at the same time contracted the disease.
The fever did not spread immediately to the mainland,
but soon broke out on the vessel. On November 26 the
second steersman was strickeri. The *:*ever spread rapidly,
five deaths occurring: between November 28 and J>ecember
5. Dr. Sarrouille himself was attacked. On December 7
the commandant, thinking tliat VArdwr had been infected
at (irand Bassam, took on board all the white inhabitants
of the post Avliich could be si)ared, and sailed foi- Dabou.
But the disease continued to lage ow board and l)y the time
the A'essel reached Oabou, December 12, three more sailors
had succumbed. The men who had ])een taken on board
at Grand Bassam were landed at ^)abou and; strange as
it may seem, not a single case developed among (hem, the
pestilence being confined exclusively to the sailois. This
immunity, in our opinion, can onh^ be explained on the
ground that the landsmen slept on d« ck, where the in-
fected mos(|uitoes had no access, wliile tlie poor sailors
were com])Llled, in the performance of their duties, to re-
main below decks most of the time, A\here they were un-
protected from the bites of the insects.
On Deceml)er 12tli, when tlie ship's mechanic died, only
three of the eleven men who com])rised the comiih-ment of
V Archer on NoA'ember 2(1, when the first case broke out, re-
mained, namely, the captain. Dr. Sarrouille and a sailor.
It was thought that the e])idemic had ceased witli the death
on the 12th, but on the 18th tlie \\(-V(y.c captain, whc; liad
nursed his comrades throughout the terrible ordeal and
had seen them die one after the other, was takrr. ill and
was soon added to the list of victims. It will tin s be seen
that, out of a crew of eleven, we have <he ao]>;dliug record
of ten attacks and nine deaths, Dr. Sarrouille beiuj? the
234 HISTORY OP" YELLOW FEVER.
only one who survived an attack and the sailor ahove men-
tioned being- the only member of the crew who proved im-
mune to the pestilence.
Grand Bassarn.
Cases begin to appear at Grand Eassam shortly after the
death of the sailor landed from V Archer. The outbreak
was quite severe, resulting in twelve cases and s*x deaths,
out of a white population of eighteen.
Assinie.
The European population at Assinie in 1802 consisted
of (n\\\ five persons — the governor, the resident surgeon
and three soldiers.-*^ About 'he lOtli of December, two of
the soldiers were taken ill and the symptoms diagnosed
tis yellow fever. Both died s few days later. The gov-
ernor and the surgeon were then sacce'sively attacked, the
latter dying on the 27th. The former recovered. The na-
tives of the villages contiguous to Assinie suffered severe-
ly, but in the town proper there were only four deaths
among the blacks, making a total mortality of eight.
General Summary of the Epidemic of lS6i.
The epidemic which began at Grand Bas.sam lu Novem-
ber, 1S()2, was one of the most virulent on record, for out
of 27 Europeans attacked, 18 died. The cases and deaths
were as follows:
Locality. Cases. Deaths.
On boiu-d the V Archer 10 ' 9
Grand Bassam 12 (\
Assinie (white population only 5) 10 8
32 23
The combined white population of Grand Bassam and
Assinie amounted to 23. As will be seen, this small num-
" Sarrouille, loc. cit., p. 35.
IVORY COAST. 235
ber furnisbed IT cases and 9 deatbs. "'^be most appalling
mortality, however, was ou board of V Archer^ y.here ten
cases were followed by nine fatalities.
The disease did not spread to Dabou.-^ •,
18C3.
Sporadic cases of yellow fever appeared at Assinie and
Grand Bassam in 1863, but almost entirely among the
natives. We find the record of only one death among the
Europeans at Grand Bassam, an agent sent by a French
commercial house to est/iblish a factory at this post. He
arrived at the '"unhealthy season*' and remaiued three
months on board a vessel in the harbor. During the
month of February, thinking that a 1 danger was past,
he went on shore. Fifteen days later, he wa« stricken with
yellow fever and died eight days after the onset of the
maladv.^^
1809.
Through some source which is not given, yellow fever
was brought to Grand Bassam in 1899 and for a time
threatened to assume epidemical proportions. Strict sani-
tary measures were adopted, however, and the disease
was restricted to the vicinity of the original outbreak, re-
sulting in six cases and five deaths. The infected terri-
tory extended from the Gold Coast up to and including
Half Jack on the west,^® The other African stations were
not affected.
1902.
The epidemic of 1C02 broke out .suddenly and. 'although
it lasted hardly a month, was characterized by nearly one
hundred per cent, mortality.
On July 14, 1902, a sergeant of infantry, who had only
been at Grand Bassam two or three weeks, was taken ill
-'Huard: Theses de Montpellier, 1868.
. ^ Sarrouille, loc. cit., p. 41.
^'U. S. Public Health Reports, 1899, vol. 14, pp. 1336, 1812;
Annales d'Hygiene et de Medecine Coloniales, 1903, vol.
6, p. 325.
236 HISTORY OF YkLLOW FEVER.
with fever. He died on the 19th v^ith "suspicious symp-
toius," but as yellow fever had not been observed in the
colony since 1899, the case was diagnosed as "pernicious
fever'' by the attending physician
On July 20, an Australian prospector, aged 30, who, to-
gether with three other prospectors, had landed at Grand
liassam June 27, died with ))lack vouiit, and the authori-
ties concluded that they were face to face with an invasion
of yellow fever and cabled the facts to the colonia' officials.
Orders were received to take ininitdiale sanitary measures
and to nuike war against mosquitoes.
The three other prospectors, room-mates of the case
above mentioned, were successively atracked, on the 23d,
25th, and 26th of Julv; one recovered, thf' others died on
the 30th.
In the four last cases above noted, bla-k vjmit was
present.
On July 24, a white servant, aged 34, who had been in
the colony two months, died at the infirmary, a iter four
days' illness.
On July 24, a notary's clerk, also a new arrival, died
after tliree days' illness. A young cor.plc who occupie<l
the same residence as this young clerl , and who nursed
him through his illness, proved immune, although they
had arrived from France onlj' six weeks previously.
Two custondiouse officers v.ere taken ill on July 23; one
died on the 27th and the othei' on the 28th.
An Englishman, aged 26, who had arrived at Grand
Bassam on June 26, furnislied the tenth case. He was
taken ill on July 25th. He «'ontinued to attend to his
duties until the 28th, when he was f:uud in a coma by
one of his fellow-clerks. Death, preceded by black vomit,
took ])lace shortly afterwards. His companion ^^as taken
sick in a few days, but suffered only a slight attack, which
resulted in an uneventful recovery.
The twelfth case was an Alsatian who had arrived at
Grand Bassam on June 27. On the morning of July 27
he left town to "iscdate" himself at tin village of Abidjan,
where he died on July 31 with black v mit.
A second death took place outside o^ the town limits, at
Eloca, a native village near Grand Bassam. This was an
. IVORY COAST. iiSl
EuropcaD, aged 33, who liad spent a fevr lionrs in tJie liouse
where (he Australians liad died. He was taken ill a few
days after his return to Eloea and died on August 2.
The fourteenth case was furnished l»y a priest who had
been doing missionarv work along the west eoast of Africa
for six or seven years, lie was taken ill Aui-ust 2 and died
on the 12th.
The last case, a mulatto, had been a resident of Grand
Bassani since 181)4 and had gone through the epidemic of
3899. He was taken ill on .Vugust 12th and died on the
19th. This is one of the few instances in which a ])erson
with African blood has died of yellow fever on African
soil. The disease is generally fatal a:nong the Mhite col-
onists, but the mulattoes are generally immune while the
blacks, despite their unsanitary and I)arbarous mode of
living, rarely contract the disease. Such has beer the case
in almost every epidemic, not only at Grand BaBsam, but
along the entire coast of the Dark Continent ,\here the
saffron scourge has manifested itself.
The epidemic of 1902 may be summarized as follows:
Grand Bassam, 13 cases; 11 deatlis.
Abidjah, 1 case, resulting in deatlr. Imported liom
Grand Bassam.
Eloca, 1 case, resulting in death. Imporl(^l fritm (Jiand
B^asam.
(Jtand total, 15 cases; 13 deaths.
The Bource of the ei)idemic has never been definitely es-
tablished. Some claim it Avas imported from ihe Gold
Goast; others incriminate Senegal. Dr. Kousselot-
Benaud,'^^ frbm whose account this resume is luade, be-
lieves that the xliseat^e was not im])orted, biit wa-s due to
extensive excavations made in a lago< n where the debris
of the epidemic of 1899 had been thrown and left undis-
turbed since that tiii^e. It is needless to explain why this
hypothesis is untenable.
1903.
The epidemic of 1903, following so closely upon the out-
bT<i«ilv of 1902, caused widespread paiiic throughout tlie
*Rousselot-Benaucl: Annales d'Hygiene et de Medecine Col-
oniales, 1903, vol. 6, p. 319.
238 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER,
colony. According to Gouzien and liC Hardy^^^ the first
suspicious cases occurred in January. On the 2J:lh of that
month, a Syrian, who had landed at Gj*and Bassam in De-
cember, 1902, and who lived in the native section of the
town with seven or eight of his countrymen, died with
black vomit. The corpse was burned by the authorities
and the dead man's compatriots were isolated for nine
days, during which time a strict watch was kept over
them.
On January 29 another case was observed, followed by
death in a rew days. A third case occurred about the same
time in the person of a customhouse employe.
The outbreak seemed to subside, no cases being ob-
served during February, On March 8, a sergeant of in-
fantry died at the infirmary. This death was followed by
another on March 11, in the same room where tin sergeant
had succumbed.
The reappearance of the disease caused consternation in
the town. The cabin where the tv.o deaths occurred was
burned, as was also the clothes and bed linen of the unfor-
tunates.
On March 11, a fatal case was observed, followed short-
ly by two cases, which recovered.
On March 15, a sister of charity died.
About that time, the Government oidered the isolation
of the white inhabitants of Grand Bassam. To avoid
spreading tlie contagion, this was done by groups of two
or three, until the town was nearly depopulated. On
July 17, only 23 Europeans were present.
The fever soon began to show itself at the places where
the refugees had been sent. On July 19, a death occurred
at Adjeo, followed by two fatalities at Tmperie on the 23rd.
On the 27th a death was registered at Arriounna.
Tlie sixtb deatli at Grand Bassam was furnished by a
city official who had been two months in ihe coiony.
On July 28, a Catholic priest died after an illness of
onlv forty-eight hours.
On August 1, the white population amounted to 13,
'^ Gouzien and Le Hardy: Annales d'Hygiene et de Medecine
Coloniale's, Paris, 1904, vol. 7, p. 558.
IVORY' COAST. 239
On August 3, case occurred at Schneider Plantation, in
the person of a refugee from Grand Bassam, followed by
death on the 4:th.
The last case at Grand Bassam occurred on August 7th,
resulting in recovery.
The cases and deaths may be summarized as follows:
Cases. Deaths.
Grand Bassam 10 7
Adjeo 1 1
Imperie 2 2
Arriounna 1 1
Schneider 1 1
Total 15 12
The, epidemic was probably a recrudesceDce of that of
1902, caused by the renewed activitx of the infected
Stegomyia.
1901-1905.
Yellow fever was brought to the very doors of the colony
in 1901 and 1905.
The steamship Tibet arrived at Dabou towards the end
of October, 1904. Her physician had just died trom an
attack of "pernicious fever," but subserjuont events justify
tlie assertion that it was probablv a cai^e of yelhnv fever.
On the next trip of the vessel to the colony, Jaiiuary 20,
1905, while in the harbor of Grand Ba«jsam, a case of "sus-
picious fever" was reported on board. This proved to be
the ship's physician, who had taken the place left vacant
by his comrade's death. The patient was well enough to
be on deck that evening, but fell into a coma on the 28th
and died on the 29th. lie vras buried on shore.
A few days later, while the T!J)et was in the harbor of
Cotonou, the hospital steward was attackctl by wliat was
pronounced a typical manifestation of yellow fever. The
case was a mild one and the patient recovered.
The Tihft was then given fi'ee pratique and left for
Grand Bassam, where she arrived Februarv 21th, and took
1
;240
HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
a passono;er for France. The man was an invali'l, of dis-
sipated habits, Avlio had been in the iiospital foi about a
month and was weak from fever. That same night, while
at Dabou, he fell into a" comatose state and died the day
followiuo- ( February 2f)th) with black vomlt.^^
A perplexing (jnestion now ])resents itself: Wiiere did
this man contract yelloAV fever? Xo '-poradic case had
been seen at Grand Bassam before the erui;tion of this
fatal one, and none were observed during the balance of
the year. The patient came directly from the hospital to
the ship, did not communicate with anyone, and had not
left his ro(un for nearly a montli The rapid evolution of
the disease precludes the possibility of the patient having
been infected on board on the 24tlL and as he presented all
the symptoms of yellow fever, even the black von it, there
is no gainsaying the fact thut he was contauiinatcd sonie-
wJicre. But to take down the map of the world and point
out that "somewhere"' is the piece <lc rei-istancc. The only
loop-hole we see, is the assumi)tion flat, when the Tibet
was in the harbor of (Jrand Bassam on her first visit (Jan-
uary 20th), the unfortunate Frenchman was bitlen by an
infected iii(ts(iuit(> either at the whr.rf ;.r on board the ves-
sel and afterward had a mild attack of yellow fe\er. Be-
ing convalescent when transferred to the Tibet, the excite-
ment incidental to his removal brought on a relapse, which
terminated as above set forth.
This circuitous mode of infection may seem a little far-
fetched, but it is plausible, and^ in the absence of proof to
the contrary, is just as good as any other theory.
'^Vivie: Annales d'Hygiene et de Medecine Coloniales (Paris),
1907, vol. 10, p. 121.
JOHANNA ISLANDS.
Dcscrijdion.
Jolianua is one of the Coiuore Islands, in the ^Nfozam-
bi(ine Channel, between Mada.uasrar a ad tlie maiiilaud of
Africa. Its capital is the walled town cf Johanna.
ALLEGED YELLOW FEVER YEAR.
1801.
SUMMARY OF ALLEGED OUTBREAK.
Bancroft, in his t^c</Hel to An E-s.^aij on Ye/.'^wc Fever
(1817: pao-e 132), tells of an outhvcak of "Bnlaiii Fever"
on board a sloop of war whi'h had stopped at Ji lianna in
1801 for provisions, water and fuel. Soon after sailing;,
symptoms of a fever ''of an nnnsiipJ kind" ai)pearcd anionj;-
those of the crew that had l)een on the island. The iicneral
symptoms were: An oppressed ])iilse, -pnn'^cnt lu at on the
surface, bloated countenance, a dull, heavy, inflamed eye,
violent headach(% pain at the epii>astric re«i;ion, and an in-
vincible irritability of the stomacli; t!ie vomitini;, in all
cases, beinii,- of a bilious nature and a yellow-ureenish as-
pect, which, towards the fatal teripination of the disease,
assumed a dark-brown olive or clu <()l»te crdor In none
of the bad cases were remissions well mark«nl, and in most
of those who died, a yellow suffusi(tu of tl.e skin of a
lemon hue, was conspicuous i-nly a shr.it time pr-jvious to
death; in all, however, after death th\< appearance was
common. The discharges by stool manifested a similar
variety, but they were so hiiihly corrosive and acid as to
excoriate the anus and natex, and to excit*^ tlie ji<'neral
dread in the patient on the apjiroach of the evacutition.
Out of twelve men attacked, six dicl ; those wlio recov-
ered did not have the dark colored von itin^ and their <-on-
valescence was extremely tardy.
With the exception of the alletied oi'tbre.'^k at ^ladagas-
car (q. v.), this is the only record o" yellow ffver, or a
242 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
disease simulatiu*:: that seoiiri?e, on the eastern sliores of
Africa. Bancroft says that this sloop of war car.ie direct
from England, which precludes the thr-cry of inijortation.
We arc prone to believe that it was simply a vir\:lent out-
break of paludial fever, aggravated by exposure and
fatigue.
f
LAGOS.
Description.
Lajoos is a British colony in Upper Guinea, on the Gulf
of Benin. The capital, Lai»os, the largest port in Western
Africa, has a population of about 40,000. The population
of the colony is about 100,000, mostly negroes. Lagos was
once a noted slave mart.
YELLOW FEVEE YEAR.
1864.
SUMMARY OF EPIDEMIC.
There is a solitary record of yellow fi ver having invaded
Lagos (Berenger-Feraud, p. 141). In 1864, the disease
was in Sierra Leone and was brought to Lagos by trading
vessels. The outbreak does not appear to have been of
much consequence, as it is barely mentioned in the official
reports.
MADAGASCAR.
Description.
Madagascar, the third largest island iu the wor-d, is sit-
uated iu the Indian Ocean, 210 miles from the ^^^st coast
of Africa, from which it is separated by the ^lozandnque
Channel. It is about 1,000 mile« loni; and has an aver-
age breadth of 250 miles. ro])ulation, 3,520,000. Capital,
Tananarive. Chief port, Tamatave. The island is under
French protectorate.
YELLOW FEVi:i{ AS IT COXCERXS MADAGASCAK.
Berenger-Feraud, in the (razctte Medical dc Xanfcs* and
Joseph Jones, in the Transactions of ihc Loiiisiaua State
Medical Society for 1879 (page 63), make brief mention
of yellow fever having been observed in .Madagascar in
1790, but a search through the litei'ature of that a ear and
a careful perusal of the principal works on Madagascar,
fails to throw any light on ^he subjcL Bancroft, in his
Sequel of Yellow Fever (page 135) claims that an English
warship contracte'l a pestilential disease at Madagnscar
in 1800, but makes no mentiiai of +he alleged outbreak of
1790. Bancroft's account is as follows:
In the year 1800, a seventy-fonr gun ship of th- British
navy st<)i)ped at Madagascar for the ])nr])ose of obtaining
fresh l)eef, vegetabU^s, fruit, wood and water. In conduct-
ing these duties it was necessary to em])l()y mai]y of the
men; and of all the parties thus employed, none remained
on shore during the night, (^\cei)t ;i guard of marines, sent
in the evening on i)urp()se for the i)r()tection of Avate|r
casks, etc.; and it was so arranged thai no man bad occa-
sion to be out of the ship more than one night. Notwith-
standing these ])recauti()ns, a fever of malignant nature ap-
peared among the marines, and of twenty-four attacked
in a violent degree, six fell victin)s to the disease. The
symptoms here were not exactly similar to those wit-
* 1S83-4, vol. 2, p. 6.
f
MADAGASCAR. 245
nessed in Joliauna ;^"'' death in several cases v.as sudden
and unexpected, preceded by a vi<;]ent buininii sensation
at the epigastrium, which was only a precursor of death
by a few hours, and in one case by a few minutes. In
these cases neither was a yellow suffusion of the skin con-
stant, nor the eyes so hij^hly inflamed, nor the countenance
so much flushed as in the fever of Johanna; but a sallow,
dingy, disagreeable aspect of the countenance prevailed.
In some of these cases the ship's surgeon was inclined to
think the individuals in a state of intoxication, from the
very great degree of vertigo and staggering present; but
a siiort time served to convince him of his error. This
variety of appearance in the two diseases thi^ officer
ascribed to peculiarity of constitu.tion only, and not to any
difference of climate; those who were alTected at Johanna
were young and recently arrived from their nativ^^ climate;
whereas the people subjected to the Madagascar fever had
been some length of tinu^ in India, and had but lately ar-
rived from a long cruise of four months, tlie greater part
of which they had subsisted on salt provisions, and symp-
toms of scurvy had appeared among them for s<»me time
before their arrival at jMadagascar.
This outbreak Avas certainly not yellow fever. Nowhere
can we discover in Bancroft's account any mention of
previous contamination of the wai'ship, and unless the
vessel stopi)ed at some infected port on its way f'/om Eng-
land to Madagascar, the contagion which prevailed on
board was not, and could not have been, undef the wildest
stretch of the imagination, yellow fever. The mode of
propagation of this disease is now too well established to
need elucidation, and, unless the mosijuitoes of Mada-
gascar were imbued with the venom of infection simply for
this special occasion, the incident can positivelv and for-
ever be dismissed as being ])uerile jmkI <'himerical. It is a
well known fact, however, tliat i)alndial fever reigns with
great intensity in the litoral of the island and commits
fearful ravages among the whites. In this conne; tion, the
historic words of liadama, King of the Hovas, ^^hen con-
fronted with invasions by tlie FreLch, "I have at my ser-
vice the great General Tago (fever) and in his hands I'll
^'■' See article on Johanna Island, in this volume.
I
246
HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
leave tlie whites for a while; I have no fear of the results,"
proved terribly prophetic, for the shores of the great
island are so thickly studded with the gTavestones of the
invading French, that Madagascar h?s been christened
Le Tombcau des Francais.
I
MADEIRA ISLANDS.
Description.
The Madeiras are located in the Atlantic Ocean, about
440 miles off the west coast of Africa and consist of the
islands of Madeira and Porto Santo aiul th.ree islets called
the Desertas. The group belongs to Portugal. Popula-
tion, 123,841. Capital, Funchal^, on the island of Madeira.
1738.
YELLOW FEVER YT:AK.
SUMMAPiY OF EPIDEMIC.
Altliough the Madeiras hav-e been Iviiown to Europeans
for four hundred and seventv-six .year>, only once has yel-
low fever invaded the group. Like the Canary and Cape
Verd islands, the Madeiras are directly in the path of com-
merce between Europe and Africa and were no doubt the
rendezvous of the delightfully unsanitary galeons, buc-
caneers, slave-traders and gentlemanly cut-throats of by-
gone days; but, strange and inex])licable as the ^.tatement
may seem, the dreaded pcste, altlKuigli it devastated the
other islands off the African coast, only found lodgment
once on the shores of this salubrious Portugese possession.
This solitary record of tlie ap])earMnce of the "Ameri-
can Pestilence" in the Madeira Islands nuiv be found in
an old Portugese Avork published nearly two hund'ed years
ago, by Jose Rodriguez de Avreu,^^ phvskian to King
Juan V, of Portugal. No details are given of this inva-
sion, beyond the statement that it caused much mortality
in the city or Funchal.
From 1738 to this day, yellow fever has never been ob-
served at the Madeira archipelago.
How can this immunity be explained? Only by
hypothesis, and as hypotheses are generally concocted of
such volatile ingredients that they collapse of their own
weight, we shall not indulge in any, but will sum up the
"Jose Rodriquez de Avreu; Historiologfa Medica, vol. 1. p. 620.
248 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
whole matter in five little "words: The abscnc'^ of the
Stegoiiiijia. This, in our opinion, is the true explanation.
It is not a liyi)oth('sis, bnt a fact, that the HiajOiiniia CaJ-
opus, the only active a<>eut in .the transmission of yellow
fever, does not flourish in the ^ladeira group. The insect
was imported once to the islands and that solitary instance
furnished the delijihtfnl little city of Fnnclial the only epi-
demic of yellow fevei^ Avliich ha.s ever invaded that locality;
and, as soon as* the climatic conditions k f the island proved
hostile to the propagation of the mosquito and the im-
ported insects died, the pestilence wLivh they liad pro-
duced ceased and the old-time health con^litions of the
country re-established themselves and ]iave endured to the
present day.
t
I
MOROCCO.
Description
Morocco is a country occupying- the uortlnvest pxtremity
of Africa. Area, about 200,000 s<iiiare miles. Population,
6,000,000. The empire has three capiials — Fez, with au
estimated population of 100,000: Morocco, with 40,000
souls, r.nd Tangier (the diplomatic sea!:), estimated to con-
tain about 14,200 inhabitants.
YELLOW FEVER YEARS.
1804 ; 1881.
SUMMARY OF EPIDEMIC^.
1804.
Peiioih dc Velez.
The only recorded epidemic of yellov- fever in northwest
Africa took place in 1804, at Penon de Velez, a fortified
Spanish fortress situated on a lofty reck in the ^lediter-
ranean, 80 miles southeast of Cev.ta. ^lorocco. In the
last years of the eighteenth century, this islet was used as
a prison for refractory presidarios, or Jja-ley slaves. It
is now a Spanish penal colony.
In 1804, yellow fever was epidemic, almost throuiijhout
Spain and the infection was cari-ied to Penon de Velez by
tradespeople and soldiers from Malaga, between which
port and Morocco there was constant and uninterrupted
commnnication. No detailed account could be fonnd of
this epidemic. Fellowes"'' and Moreau de Jonnes'''' inform
us that the disease was imported fi'on^. Malaga and was
widespread among the garrison and galley slavvs which
formed the sole po])ulation of the islet, but give no in-
formation regarding the nu miter of cases or the fatalities.
^Fellowes: Reports of the Pestilential Disorders of Andulasia
which appeared at Cadiz in the years ISOO, 1S04, 1810 and
1813(London, 1815), p. 101.
^Moreau de Jonnes: Monographic Historique et Medicale de
la Fievre Jaune des Antilles (Paris. 1817), p. 341,
250
HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
1881.
Tangier.
Thfc second and last invasion of Morocco by yellow feyer
took place in 1881, at Tangier, one of the capitals of the
empire, situated at the entrance to the Strait of Gibraltar,
which had then an estimated population of 15,000. It is
unfortunate that only a bare mention :s made of this out-
break in the consular reports. Tliere were only a few
sporadic cases and no deaths. ■" The source of importation
is not itiven.
=' National Board of Health Bulletin, 1881-1882, vol. 3, p. 337.
SAINT HELENA.
Description.
Saint Helena is a volcanic rock in the South Atlantic
Ocean, 700 miles south-east of the Isla^-d of Ascension, and
1400 miles west of the west coast of Africa. It is 10 1-2
miles in length, 7 miles in breadth and belongs to Great
Britain. Population, 4,116. Capital, James Town, on
the north-west shore. Saint Helena i>: famous in history
as having been the living tomb of the Great Napoleon from
the date of his banishment, 1815, to his death. 1821.
YELLOW FEVER YEAR.
1830.
SUMMARY OF EPIDEMIC.
It is surprising that yellow fever has never invaded
Saint Helena, for, previous to the cutting of the Suez
Canal, the island was a favorite port of call f^^r vessels
bound to and from India by way of the Cape of Good
Hope and the inhabitants did a large trade in furnishing
these vessels with provisions and other supplies. The only
explanation is found in the absence of the Stegomijia Col-
opus from this lonely rock, as A'cssels infected with yellow
fever no doubt stopped long enough a<^ James Town in its
palmy days to communicate the disease to the inhabitants.
The outbreak of 1830 was solely in the harbor and did
not spread to the shore. It took place cu board tht British
ship Sybille, under the follov>'ing circumstances (Bryson,
loc. cit., p. 57) :
The HijhiUe was infected by some vessel attached to the
British South Atlantic squadron in 1820 and suffered
much from the ravages of yellow fcve/'. On September 1,
1821), she arrived at Saint Helena. The epidemic had ceased
and no one was on the sick list. She shortly sailed on a
cruise and met with the Black Joke, with which she com-
252
HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
iimnicatcd. Tliis v( ssol had just recovered from a severe
visiiatiou of vcllow fever. The disease a<iam broke out
on board the SijhiJIc. She returned to Saint Helena and
anchored in the harl)or of James Town on ]\[arch 22, 1830.
The disease was widespread amonii; the crew, there being
26 cases and 6 deaths while the ship was at Saint Helena.
The fever was confined to the ^^i/hiUe.
SAINT THOMAS.
Haiut Thomas is an island iu the Gulf of (iiiluea, belong-
ing- to Portugal. Area, 145 square miles. Capitnl, Chaves.
Population, 20,441.
YELLOW FEVER YEARS.
1558; 1588.
SUMMARY Oi' EPIDEMICS.
155S.
We find only two instances of the a.-pearanee ot j^ellow
fever on the island of Saint Thomas. There is no doubt
that the disease has prevailed there oa numerous occa-
sions, as the Portugese have never been over-strict in en-
forcing quarantines in their colonial Mossession.s and the
locality has always been a nest-egg of smugglers and lax
maritime transactions. But the available sources of in-
formation, as is always the case when the cohjuies of
Western Africa are concerned, are eitbc^r stei-ile or untrust-
worthy, so we shall confine our observations to the two
outbreaks herein noted.
According to R(n'enger-l-'(vtaud (I'oc. fit., p. 27), yellow
fever was observed among the Y\iiite settlers of the island
in 1558. Be.yond this mere inentioii, i>o details are given.
1588.
The same authority ( ]). 27) also informs us tliat Bird
and Newton, English explor-rs, and their crew.s, were at-
tacked by yellow fever at Saint Thoiuj-s in 1~8S. Where
the disease was contracted, whether it was lla'u pievailing
on the island or was brought there by the explorers, our
source of information does not reveal.
SENEGAL.
Description.
Senegal is a French colonial dependency in West Afri-
ca, in Senegambia, comprising the island and to\yn of
Saint-Louis, at the mouth of the Senegal River, the island
and town of Goree, Albunda on the Gambia, and other
stations south of Cape Verd. It was first settled by the
French in the beginning of 1600. taken by the Fnglish in
1756, retaken by the French in 1759 ar^d 1779, and subse-
quently held by the English until 18 j 4, when it again
came under control of the French, who have retained pos-
session to this day. Capital, Saint-Louis. Other towns
and stations: Goree, Dakar, llufisque, Thies.
Senegal being one of the most important colonial pos-
sessions on the West Coast of Africa, having extensive
trade relations with America and Europe, v, description of ^
its principal centres of popuLition will not be out of place
in this volume. The reader Avill thus be in a better posi-
tion tc understand the radiations of ihe many epidemics
which have ravaged this distant' land.
Saint-Louis.
Saint-Louis, capital of the French possessions in Sene-
gambia, was founded in 1626, It is situated on an island
of the same name, at the mouth of the Senegal River. It
has tine public buildings and mission schools. The white
population occupies the centre of the is'and, whik the huts
of the natives are located at both extremities. The streets
are large and macadamized in the business section, but the
houses, with few exceptions, are of ancient construction.
Several bridges over the small arm of the Senegal connect
the island with the peninsula of Barbary, a narrow sand-
bar, on Avhich are located the native villages of Guet N'Dar
and N'dar Toute. The cemeteries are located at Sorb, on
the mainland and separated from the island by (he great
arm of the Senegal. A single bridge connects Sorb with
the capital.
SENEGAL. 255
The natives are exceedingly filthy in their habiis*. Those
residing- in the Enropean section of the city occupy the
basements, where they operate small stores. In the small
court-yards attached to these houses, they keep chickens,
hogs, sheep and often cows, and when the yards become
overcrowded, which is a common occurrence^ tiiese ani-
mals are often quartered in the living ;ipartment-ji Under
such conditions, it is not surprising that the lieairh of the
city is always on the wrong side of thc^ balance
Saint-Lotiis has a population of 15,758, mostly natives.
The white population is transient and licnerally ;eaA'es for
Europe at the beginning of the rainy season.
Gorce.
The rocky island of Goree, which Is entirely occupied
by the town of the same name, lic;s in the Atlantic Ocean,
south of the Cape Verd Peninsula It is directly opposite
Dakar, with which town it is so closfiy allied that the
name Goree-Dakar is now generally used when alluding to
the twin cities. It is claimed to be tie healthiest place in
West Africa. The native quarter is composed of grass
huts, but the houses of the Europeans are of fair construc-
tion and decorated with tine flowering plants and shrubs.
The elevation of Goree above the sea level varies from 2
metres on the northwest to 31 on the southeast
Goree was for years the pi'incipal port of the colony,
making rapid strides in population <ind commercial im-
])ortance, but it is now being outstrijqied by Dakar and
l{utis(|ue.
Population, 2,452, mostly natives. The wliire mer-
chants, as is the case everywhere throiighout Senegal, gen-
erally sail for Euroi)e every .year at tlie beginning of the
warm season. i
Dakar is situated on the continent, almost at the ex-
trenie point of Cape Verd, and is 1 1-2 miles from Goree,
from which it is separated by an arm of the Atlantic
Ocean. Up to very recent years Dakar was an obscure
negro village and was simply a vast uecrophile, having
256 HISTORY OK VEI.l.OW FEVER.
been used as a l)nrviii«»- i»Toiind for tlie inhabitants of
(Toiee from time immemorial. In tlie ci<i,ht!es. its natural
advantaj;es bej^an to be reeoi^uized and European eommer-
cial houses established agencies there. The building of
modern lesideiices followed and to-dav the town occupies
a foremost ])lace in the affairs of the .-olorv. It is 103
miles from Saint-Louis, with which it is connected by rail.
IN)pulation, 3,417, of which only a few hundreds are
Europeans.
, Rufisque.
liutis(iue, the second city m Seufgai from a point of
po})ulation, is situated on the Atlantic Ocean, opposite
Goree, about ten miles from Dakar, and is the principal
statioji on the Dakar-Saint-].,oui> ra-'road. Population.
5,280.
YELLOW FEVER YEARS.
1759; 17()(); 17«)9: 1778; 1779: 1828; 1829' 1S30; 1837;
1859; 1800; 1807; 1872; 1878; 1879; 1880; 1881; 1882:
1900; 1901; 1905.
SUMMARY OF EPIDE]MICS.
1759.
The tirst aj^jjcarance of yellow fc'ver on the mainland of
Africa, according to Lind,^^ occurred at Senegal in 1759.
We can find no details of this invasi(^n. It would cer-
tainly ])rove interesting to be abl" to trace tlie origin of
this outbreak, which planted the seeds of a disease hereto-
fore^ unobseryed on the continent (»f Africa, and wiiich was
destined to commit such fearful ravages among tlie unfor-
tunate pioneers sent to colonize its slujjes.
1700.
Oorrr (dhI Sainl-Loiiis.
The second a])pearance of yellow fever on continental
Africa took i)lace in Senegal in 1700, when the iowns of
^^Lind: An Essay on Diseases Incidental to Europeans in Hot j
Climates, vol. 1, p. 51.
SENKGAL. 2.57
GorcG and Saint-Louis lost nearly their entire wli'te popu-
lation, composed of Freneli soldiv'is and traders. No de-
tailed accounts of this e])ilenii.: aie obtainable, our
autliorities (Lind and l?eren!j;er-I''eTaiul ) being deplorably
uncommunicative on this score.
1709.
Berenoer-Feraud (page 55) goes into more explicit de-
tails concerning the outbreak of IKiO, but is certainly not
prolix. We could obtain no statistics, but learn from his
account that the French troops sent U> capture Galam, on
the Senegal IJiver, were so decimatrd hy yellow fever, that
there were not enough men left to undertake tlie task.
1778.
Saint-Louis.
The epidemic of 1778, which is the first on African soil
where details are obtainable, was murderous in its inten-
sity and almost depopulated the d-^pendency of its white
settlers. Senegal was then in the turmoil of war, the
English having wrested the <-olony fr(>m the French. Tlie
fever first appeared on the (iold Coast, Avhence it was
brought to Sierra Leone, which, in its turn, infected Gam-
bia. From Gambia, it s])read to Goree and thence, accord-
ing to Hirsch,'^'^ to Saint-Louis.
The i)rogress of the disease in the town of Saint-Louis
is one of the saddest pages in the history of the colony.
We cull our information from an old work ]»ublish( d by
Schotte in 1782, Avhich gives a compichensive account of
the rise and fall of the epideuiic."^'^ Srhotte, wh(f was sur-
geon-in-chief of the British garrison at Sainl-Loui. in 1778,
lirst wi'ote this treatise in Latin, but .vas finally ])revailed
to i)ublish it in English. The work was considered of such
^"Hirsch: Handbusch der Historich Georgraphischen Path-
ologie, Stuttgart, 1881.
*" Schotte; A Treatise on the Synochus Atrabiliosa, London,
1782.
258 , HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
importaiue at the time, that it was trar^slated into French
and German.
The first case in Saint-Lonis was imported from Goree-
Dakar and was observed in tlie hospital on August 3, ter-
minating fatally on the 7th. The last death was that of
Governor Clarke, the commandant of the island, on Sep-
tember 18th.
Schotte observes that up to the end of July 1778, the
garrison and the inhabitants of Senegal were, for that time
of Ihe year, remarkably healthy. Ii; the beginning of
August, "a sudden and most dreadful disease broke out,"
which, raging until the middle of Se] tember, carried off
the greatest part of the Europeans and a great number of
the native mulattoes and blacks. The whites suffered
much more, in proportion, than the mulattoes and the
latter much more than the blacks. The few who had es-
caped the fury of the pestilence were not attached after
September 18th; but those who had recovered were seized
with rela])se during the following month and some died
as late as December,
The course of the disease was frightfully rapid. There
was hardly a day between the 9th of August and the 18th
of September without one or two deaths. Out of so small
a pojjulation as 02 Europeans, we find tlie melancholy
record of four deaths on August 28d, four on the 26th,
three on the 27th and five on September 5th.
The total number of deaths reached 59. Eigl t of the
convalescents were still too feeble to walk when the French
took possession of the island on January 28, 17'^0.
Schotte, who was a valorous champ'cn of African ende-
micity of yellow fever, believes thot the disease originated
spontaneously on the Gold Coast and was then spread by
contagion to the localities mentioned in this account. As
the French and English were at loggerheads, however, and
probably drew on their West Indian tleets for transports
and l)lockade runners, it does not require a gigantic stretch
of the powers of observation to see ho^v easily the disease
could liave been imported to the w?Rt cnast of Africa.
Si,
SENEGA I-. 2.59
Saint-Louis.
The French, undaunted by the many reverses and the
ravaj>es of disease whicli had marked their attempts to
colonize Senegal, determined to recapture Saint-Louis,
and, in 1779, sent a force of about 200 men, headed by the
Due de Lauzun, to dislodge the British. The soldiers were
recruited from the crack Walsh Regiment, the Queen's
Regiment and volunteers and were a fine body of men, vig-
orous and healthy. The invading force arrived afc their
destination January 29, 1779, in the dead of nighi, intend-
ing to take the garrison by surprise, but they found that
not even a solitary sentry guarded the place, and the 33
Englishmen who had survived the terrible epidemic which
had just come to a close, too Aveak aud disheartened to
offer any resistance, surrendered unconditionaUy, and
were sent to France as prisoners of war. Two were
drowned by the upsetting of a boat at the mouth of the
Senegal and three died in transit, so ihat out of 99 men
whicli originally comprised the garrison, only 28 reached
Europe alive.
But the bloodless victory achieved by the French was
destined to have a terrible .^e<iuel. TJie landing of these
unaccli mated soldiers in this charncl house of disease acted
like oil upon a smoldering tire and the pestilence soon
broke out with renewed fury. In the space of a few
months, the expedition, Avhich had started out «o auspi-
ciously, was almost annihilated. The exact number of the
invading force is not given, but Lejemb'e'^^ informs us that
on the mortuary register of Saint Louis for 1779, kept at
that time by the parisli priest; appear the names of one
Imndred and cigJiti/ aoldiersl A melancholy record, to be
sure, but what of it? Senegal was oncf* more a French pos-
session, and wlien the news of the ctipture of the place from
the hated Englislimen reached Pai-is, there was much re-
joicing over the glorious deed. Such is the egoism of the
people. Life is short, glory imperishable, and it mat-
tered not if a hundred or so brave men laid down their
Lejemble: Theses de Paris, 1882, No. 91, p. 19.
2 GO
HISTOR^ OK YELLOW FKVER.
lives for the honor of tlicir codiiti-v, so long as their mission
was crowned with the laurel of triiinijih.
1828.
(jorec-L)<ik(u\
For tifty rears, Senegal was fr(H' fr-nn yellow fever. In
1828, the Freueh shij) La Bonhlaisc, infeeted at Sierra
Leone, bronglit the disease to Goret-Dakar ( Hereuger-
Feraud, p. 105). ^Fany soldiers attached to the garrison
were attacked, Init the outbreak was of short dura lion and
was not followed by much mortality. On the BordcJuisv,
out of a crew of 50, there resulted .34 cases. The number
of fatalities is not stated.
1S29.
Goree-Dakar.
In the beginning of 1821), a slave-ship and a ])ii'ate were
ca])tured by the Frendi otf the Gold Coast and bvought to
Goree-Dakar.^- The sailois from the pirate ship were
taken sick and died at the military hoxj»ital at Goree.
The disease soon manifested itself in the town. In
three inonths, out of 113 Euro])oan residents, 14 died.
IS^iO.
Oorcc-Ddldr.
The epidemic which radiated from (Joroe-Dakar in 1830,
without any previous warnini?;, in a mosc remark-
annei-, as will be seen from tlif account of the out-
given Ix^low, taken from the writings of three emi-
'rench authors, Berenger-l-'erai-.d, Duval and Le-
The facts are as follows
began
able m
break
nent !•
jemble,
On -Tune 13, 1830, a religious festival was in progress at
4:?
'- Berenger-Feraud, p. 107.
*^ Berenger-Feraud, p. 107; Ruval, La Fievre Jaune a Goree
(Bordeaux), 1883, p. 16; Lejemble, Theses de Paris, 1882,
No. 91, p. 20.
$
SENEGAL 1830. 261
Goree and a jireat number of people tlironged tlio streets.
AYliile the jollification was at its lieicht, a nnniber of Sis-
ters of Charity were taken ill and soon gave unmistakable
evidences of yellow fever infection. Jv. a few days, the
epidemic was in full sway and between its inception and
the first days of August, when the last cases were ob-
served, out of a white population of ir^O, there resulted 144
cases and 85 deaths.
From Goree, the fever spread to the . adjoining negro
villages in the Gape Yerd p^^ninsula ;md was especially
severe at Gandiole and Guet N'dar.
Saint-Louiy.
During the first days of August, a whitG woman resid-
ing at Saint-Louis visited the market-place t^t Guet N'dar,
where a fair was in progress, and retui-ned home the same
da.^^ On August 4, she was taken ill with fever and died
in a few days. A young mnlattress v ho had nursed this
woman was taken ill and succuml)ed. A notary's clerk,
who assisted in taking an inventory of the possessions of
the white w-onian, furnished the next victim. From these
cases, the disease pro]>agated itself throughout tlie town.
Saint-Louis, which had a white population of OoO, suf-
fered cruelly, for out of 600 cases, tliere resulted 32S fatali-
ties. Out of ten physicians, eight were attacked and six
died.^-*
Probable Cause of the Epidemic.
For a long time epidemiologists were at a loss to account
for the cause of this fulininating outbreak, which seemed
to have si)rung from the ground. No suspicious vessels
had been observed in the harl)or of Goree at that period
and the entire colony was in a perfect sanitary condition.
Some tried to prove that it was a reawakening of the
''germs" of the epidemic of the previous season and even
" Berenger-Feraud's statistics say that out of 12 physicians 10
were attacked and 6 died; but Duval and Lejemble attest
to the correctness of the figures given in the above ac-
count.
262 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
Berentjer-Feraud half-lieartedly espoused that theory.
This view was no doubt plausible years ago, but its ludi
crousness at the present age is too apparent to need com-
menting upon. The elusive yellow fever germ may be
eaten for breakfast, lunch and supiier, j-et no iH results
will follow; you can take it by its caudal appendage and
toy with it from sunrise till moonset, smear it all over
your body, bite its head off or swallow it in your milk or
pousse-cafe — you .may do all this and set remain healthy
and frisky. But let a Stegomyia which has taken a
draught of blood from a yellow fever sufferer in the first
stages of the disease bite you, and if yt>u are not an im-
mune, it's a chance out of a thousand that you will con-
tract the disease.
The outbreak at Goree in 1830 can easily and satisfac-
torily be elucidated. All we have to do, is to take a peep
into the past and see what was happening in that far-ott'
land at the time of the outbreak. As we ha\e already seen, ,
-the inhabitants were celebrating a religious feast, and, as
is usually the case with celebration;.- of the Catholic
church, the whole zeal of the people Avas concentrated in
making the event as gay as the solemn rites of the Church
AvouJcl permit. Flags, decorations and bunting were uSed
with profusion. Berenger-Feraud anri Lejemble inform
us that, for some days previous to the «;elebration, the Sis-
ters of Charity were busy making odds and ends with a
lot of bunting which had been stored in an out of-the-way
room since the epidemic of the year before. The room had
never been aired since the rags were jdaced tliert. When
the good sisters removed tiie lot, the mosquitoes, which
had been hibernating during the wirier, v/ere liberated |i'
and, famished after such a long fast, fed eagei'ly apon the
blood of the ]>(>])ulace, ])ropagating the germs of the terri-
ble disease far and wide.
1S3T.
(Jorce-Dalar. 1
The epidemic of 1837 was the result of flagi'aut neglect
on the part of the authorities of Goree-Dakar. Since the
begin7iing of June, rumors of the existi nee of yellow fever
SENEGAL. 26S
at Batliurst, iu Gambia, reached the town. In the be-
ginning of July, the Britisli Government sent to Goree-
Dakar for medical assistance and the surgeon-in-chief of
the colony. Dr. Dupuis, was sent to the afllicted locality.
He returned on July 21 and rei)ortel that the fever had
subsided at Bathurst, but advised that strict qiiarantine
be maintained. On August 12, a coaster arrived at Goree
from Bathurst, having on board three Europeans. In
spite of the warning of the colonial surgeon, the vessel was
allowed free pratique and two of thj white passengers,
AA'ho were ill, were admitted into the liospital. The third
passenger was next attacked and a)l t) ree died with un-
mistakable symptoms of j^ellow fever. The disease soon
manifested itself in the town and lasted until November
23, during which time, out cf a white population of 160,
there were 80 cases and 46 deaths.'^'''
The French ship Malouine,^*^ which ^ad been sent by the
French Government to found a town at the mouth of the
Casamanza Eiver, in Senegambia, wis contaminated at
Goree and experienced a severe epideiuic. Out ( f a crew
of 57, there Avere 42 cases.
Saint Lot! ifi.
The fever was introduced from Goree into Saint-Louis
late in the year, but did not become epidemic. About a
dozen cases were observed.^"
1859.
For twenty-two years Goree guarded itself against yel-
low fever invasion. On August 9^ 185t), the dis])atch boat
Le Ruhi,s arrived at Goree from Bathurst, where the fever
was prevailing, with two sick passengt rs, the vicai-general
and a merchant. The vessel was allowed free pratique
and the patients transferred to the hospital. The mer-
chant recovered, but the priest died on the 12tl). I'rom
that date to Septend)er 30, no otlu^r cases were observed,
"Dupont: Archives de Medecine Navale, 1880, vol. 34, p. 262.
** Duval: La Fievre Jaune a Goree (Bordeaux, 1883), p. 17.
■" Berenger-Feraud, p. 111.
264 HISTORY OP' YELLOW FEVER.
whou the death of a niercliaut was? recorded. TL's- was fol-
lowed by anotlier death on Octol>er li't. The physician
who attended these two cases contracted the disease and
died on October 12. The dis< as'- ther became A\idespread
and there were 54 deaths in October, 25 in November and
G in December. Ont of a wliite population of 267, there
were in all 244 casese and 102 deatlis.^^
Haint-Loiiis
The infection spread from Goree to Saint Lou-s, result-
ing in 41 cases and 11 deaths.^^
1SC6.
Go7^ee.
The epidemic of 1800 is dhecth' traceable to Gambia.
News of the existence of yellow fever along the coasts of
Sierra Leone and Gambia reached Goree early in ^lay and
measures were at once taken to prevent importation of
the disease. On August 3, a coastinj.: vessel, the Marie
Antoinette, arrived from Bathurst and, tlirough false
representations, was admitted to pra^icpie. It v, as after-
wards discovered that tlie vessel did n< t have a cb'an bill
of Ileal th. The captain was arrested and lined heavily, but ^
the evil had already been done. On September 15, a case i
of yellow fever erupted in the town, followed l>y sj^oradic
cases. The ei)idemic lasted until January 27, 1807, re-
sulting in 241) cases and 110 deaths. •''•*^
The civil population of Goree in 1800 was as follows:
** Berenger-Feraud ; Duval; Lejemble. x
*^ Berenger-Feraud, p. 135.
""Cedont: Archives de Medecine Navale, Paris, 1868, vol. 9,
p. 334.
SENEGAL— 1866. 2G5
Natives (blacks) 2,500
Miilattoes, JMales . 3*55
Mulattoes, Females „ , . 4;]!
Europeans (whites), ]Males 55
Eiiropeaus (whites), Females iS
'GG
103
3,309
Miiitar^^ population (white) 105
Total , 3,534
The cases and deaths were disti'lbut h1 as follows:
Whites . .
Mulattoes
Blacks . . .
Cases.
Deaths
242
107
4
•)
3
1
T<;tal 249 110
It will thus he seen tliat out of a total white ix/pulation
of 268, there resulted 242 cases and 107 deaths. The mulat-
toes, numherino- 7()(), furnished 4 cases, foHowul by 3
deaths, while tlie l)hicks, 2,500 strong, had onlv 3 cases,
with 1 death. Tliis remarkable immuTiity has always ])re-
vailed among the blacks, not only in Africi', but through-
out the world.
Dakar.
The ]m)ximity of Dakar to Goree and tlx' unrestrained
communication between the two towns, could not fail from
resulting in the infection of (he latter.
The first case in Dakar was observed on O^'tober ]2tlT,
followed by death on the 14tli. From that date until the
end of the e])idemic, there resulted 80 cases and 30 deaths,
distributed as follows:
("ases. Deaths.
Civilian population 24 11
INfilitary population 50 25
80 36
266 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
Tho last death at Dakar oeciuTcd on January 21, 1807.
Oil the Snrpri'^e.
The gunboat ^Sur prise was the only vessel which did not
take any i)iv('autions a<;ainst infe< t'on and it was also the
only one to experience a visitation of the disease. On
November 5th, while in the harbor of Dakar, the first case
manifested itself on board". Nearly the entire crew was
attacked, resulting in 14 deaths.
Rupsque and i^icdhninn.
From Dakar, the fever spread to Rufisque and Sedhnion,
but was not severe. It will be seen below how the infection
was carried from Eufisque to Gorte ihe following- year
(1867).
^aiut-Louis
Thaidvs to the rigid quarantine ob.^erved by tlie health
otticers, not a single case was observed at Saint-Louis.
18GT.
In October, 18(>(), a clerk emplcytd in Rutisque who had
gone on a visit to Dakar, Avas taken ill on his return home
and died in a few days. His employer sent to France for
a new clerk, who arrived in January 1867. Tlie new-comer
was given the same room which liis predecessor had occu-
l)ied and soon shared the same fate. In April, another
tlerk arrived from France, was given the same living
room as the two employes who had died of fever. A few
days aftei- his arrival, he was taken ill and died. A third
unfortunate shared the same fate. A friend i>i the latter,
who had been his room-mate on board the ship which
brought him from h^rance, visited him while he Avas in the
first stages of the disease, and, taking pity upon his lone-
liness, resolved to nurse him. He soon contracted the sick-
ness, and, together with his companion, was transported
to the Hospital of Goree, where both oatients died a day
or two after. The news of the reappearance of yellow
SENEGAL. 267
fever in the town created profound consteriiatiou and the
governor ordered the embarkation of i\\\ the troo])S on
board the Crocodile and VEtoile and tcausjiorted them to
Saint Louis. Shortly afterwards, the disease broke out in
Saint-Louis and histed until the cool season.
The disease spread to Leybar^ Lam],gar and other mili-
tary posts of the colony, whore many cases and deaths oe-
curred.
The cases and deaths in the localitie.?! affected by the epi-
demic of 18()7 are not given by Berenger-Feraud, Lejemble
nor Duval, from whose works the above resume is made.
1868.
According to the London Medical Times and (kizettcj^^
yellow fever was present in Senegal in 1868 and was im-
jtorted to the Cape Verd Islands (q. v.) by trading vessels
from (joree-Dakar. The French authors deny th;it the dis-
ease Avas in Senegal that year and implicate Sierra Leone
in the importation.
1872.
Ooree-Dalvar.
On October 5, 1872, the ship Baal arrived at Gioree-
Dakar from Bathurst, where yellow fever was raging, with
three European passengers, and ap])liecl for pratique.
This was refused l)y the liealth officer in charge. Dr. Ber-
enger-Feraud. The merclunits uf tlie town {protested
against what they considered harsh measures, asserting
that there was no sickness on board the Baal^ but their ob-
jections were overruled and tlie vessel ordered to tlie
quarantine station at Dakar, ^Much pj'essui'c was brought
to have the order revoked and the govf^'nor was about to
yield, when the quarantine officer reported that one of the
white passengers had been taken ill with fever. The pa-
tient was at once taken to the lazaretto, where lie expii-ed
on the 0th. A second passenger was taken ill and died
on the lOth. The third, a Spaniard, who had had yellow
fever at Buenos Ayres the year before, was not alTected.^-
" Medical Times and Gazette, London, 1869, vol. 1, p. 119.
'" Berenger-Feraud, p. 147.
268 HISTORY OK YELLOW FEVER.
Sliortly afterward, another vessel f?"(>m Bathurst fur-
nished a tliird ease, whicli also res\dt^^d in death at the
lazaretto. Only one inhabitant of Dakar was attaeked, a
soldier who had been one of the henlth-jiuards around the
lazarLito, and who died in a ^ew days after the onset.
It will thus be S(^''n that of the four j^orsons attaeked, all
died, and tlie salvation of tlie eohuiy v.as no doubt due to
the energetic measures taken by the eoinnuindirg health
offtetr.
1S78.
Gotrc-Dalar.
We must look to (Taml)ia auvl Sierra Leone for the seeds
of the terrible epidemic which decin-.at''d Seneg'al in 1878.''^
During the first five months of 1878, the public health
was excellent throughout Senegal. A J<nv eases of dengue
were observed here and there, but otlierwise tlifre were
no febrile disorders. Yellow fever was in Sierra Leone
and (xambia and precautions were taken at Goree to pre-
vent its imi)ortation, but these sanitary measures were un-
doubtedly elastic, for nine Enro])ean r^'fugees fi'om a little
settlement near Bathurst were ])ermitted to land at Goree
in the beginning of July and mingle with the population.
At about the same time, an English vessel arrived at Goree
from Sierra Leone and was given pratique.
The ci'iminal im])i'iidence of the authorities in harbor-
ing these refugees from localities whicli had infected Goree
again and again in the past, soon bore fruit. On July 11,
the chief nmgistrate of the t<)wn was taken ill and died on
the 18th. A few days later, othei* » asev^ were observed, one
terminating in death at the hospital on July 22. Another
death occurred on the 24th, one on the 2(>th and three on
the 27tli. The state of affairs was ^a ell-known to the
authorities, who were day by day informed of the progress
In compiling the history of this memorable epidemic, we
have consulted the writings of the following eminent
French writers: Berenger-Feraud, Lejemble, Duval,
Dupont, Daril, Forne, Kermorgant, and Vincent. The
full title of these works will be found in the Bibliography
at the end of this volume.
I
SENEGAL — 1878. 269
of the outbreak, but the facts were suppressed from the
general i)ublic and it was only on July 30, when it was
seen that the ei)ide]uic was gettinji- beu«nd coiiti'ol, that a
proelaniation announcing the existence of tlic disease was
published in the 3Ionitenr Officicl du Senegal.
Saint-Louis was thrown into a panic. Strict (juai-antine
Avas maintained against (Joi-c^e and tlu pest was tempora-
rily kei)t away from its doors.
The epidemic made rapid progress at Goree and soon
spread to its suburb, Dakar, At the end of July, the bar-
racks were evacuated, as a sanitai-y precaution, and the
sohli(a-s dispersed to minor posts of the colony, being; (piar-
tered at Ilann, ^rBidgen, Bel- Air arid Thies. But this
exodus did not sto]) the ravages of the disease Between
tlie 1st and 15th of August, 30 deaths occurred at (ioree-
Dakar; between the 15t'h and 30th, 20. The epidemic then
seemed to be on the wane, for only 12 deaths occurred in
tlie months of Septeml)er and October. Only one death
took ])lace from Se])t(Miibei- 2S to October 28, and the ei)i-
demic was thouglit to be emUMl, whei' some ne>\ arrivals
rekindk'd the spark of contagion and we find a record of
3 deaths on October 29th and 4 on Deceml^er 9th.
The population of (loree-l)akar in 1S78 was about 3243,
of whicli 120 were Eui'iJjx'ans. When 'he (i)ideiuic broke
out, 21 tied to Europe, leaving a white population of 99.
Out of this number, there were 88 deaths,
Saint-Louis I'emained uncontaiiiinat d uiitil Siptember
(I, when the dispatch boat ll^jntilini a 'rived from Jiakel
and was allowed free communication with the inhabitants
of the town. On Se])tember 9, the ship's surgeon was
taken ill with "bilious fever" and trans]K)rtrd to the mili-
tary hos])ital, where lie died on the 13! h, with unmistak-
able symptoms of yellow fever.
The invasion would in all probnbility have been con-
fined to this case, for Saint-Louis had up to that date suc-
cessfully ballled the jK'stiieiire whi( h was at its very doors,
had it not been for an un])ardonable 'mi)rudencc on the
part of the health authorities, caused by over-contidence
270 HISTORY OF YELLOW FKVIR.
and commercialism. On September 29, the dispatch boat
Cygne. which had taken part in the expedition against the
natives of the Upper Senegal, returird to Saint-Louis,
having' on board 51 wounded, of which 17 were Europeans.
The Cyyne was permitted to land her passengers unmo-
lested, although it was known that the vessel came from
an infected territory. The soldiers returned to their
homes and mingled freely with the pojulation. In a few
da3% the poison began to diffuse itself through the town
and the tirst death from yellow fever oocurT-ed on October
6. The next day, another case terminated fatally. Other
cases followed rapidly, proving fatal in almost every in-
stance. On October 8, the disease was widespread. In
spite of this deplorable state of affairs, the authorities
strenuously denied all knowledge of the existence of j-ellow
fever in the town, even after eight fatalities had taken
place between the 9tli and 15th of October. About that
date, although still refusing to admit that the epidemic
was one of yellow fever, the administ. ation began sending
the sick and the "suspicious cases" to an improvised lazar-
etto at the Pointe-aux-Chameaux, a short .listauce from
Saint-Louis.
The truth of the presence of the terrible disease in their
midst soon l)ecame too apparent to Iv? discountenanced
and the stolid optimism of the little group of Europeans
suddenly gave place to panic and despair. A rumor was
circulated that all the cases transported to Pointe-aux-
Chameaux died as soon as they reached the lazeretto and
the families of the "suspicious cases" soon began to con-
sider an order for the transportation of a beloved one
equivalent to a burial permit. ^,
Lcjcml)le graphically descril)es the wav in v.hich the
unfortunates were transferred to the lazarettu. Every |^*
morning, about nine o'clock, the patrol Avould make its f:~
rounds and anyone found with fever, or even "suspicious,"
was taken in tow. It was a gi-uesome sight to see these
wretches dragging their Avays thrcugb the streets of the
town, some clad only in the blanket which had covered
them on the sick-bed, some so weak that they had to be
propped up and helped along by the native healtli-guards.
But tlie people, dazed by the teriiiiie Jiav^c which was
SENEGAL. 1878. 87 1
goiug- on iu their midst, looked on >vitli sullen indifference
at the spectacle of their relatives cr comrades being driven
like cattle to the water's edge, where tiicy would be packed
into a small boat hardly able to contain half their num-
bers and rowed by blacks for two, Weary hours, under a
blazing tropical sun, to the pest-hovse at the Pohite-aux-
Chameaux. No wonder that they were either dead or mori-
bund vrhen they reached their destination. And (lie terror
which the simple Avord "Lazaretto" caused the people was
certainly well-founded, for out of about 150 yellow fever
patients transported from Saint-Loui?! to the Pointe-aux-
Chameaux between October 15 and T\oven'iber IT, there
were 108 fatalities.
If the mortality at the Pointe-aux-Chameaux lazaretto
was excessive, other localities, where the soldiers were sent
by the authorities in a frantic endeavor to stop the ravages
of the disease, suffered as much. At O'Niaga, Lampsar,
N'Dialakkar, Bel-Air, Cape Manuel, Hann, M'Bidgen,
Tides, and other j^osts, we find the same terrible record of
fatalities.
The fatalities in Saint-Louis, when ihe last death took
place (December 17), amounted to 3r> among the civil
population (Europeans) and 30 sold'ci's.
The Disastrous Lor/o U-vpt Jition
While the epidemic was raging at Goree, the French
government ordered that a punitive foi ce be sent lo Logo,
a district northeast of Sieri-a Leone, +o avenge some fan-
cied wrong committed by tlie natives. The chief health
officer of Saint-Louis, the starting ])oint of the expedition,
sent a vigorous protest against su^di a measure, urging
as the ])rinci])al reason the unsanitary coMdition of the
country, the fact that yellow fever was raging "up the
river," and the distance of the territory to be invided; but
his protestations were unheeded On September 11, a few
days before the fever broke out in Saiiit Louis, the troops
were embarked on the dispatch boats Arahc, Ci/f/nc and
Espadon. The expedition consist', d of 535 iiit n, 317
Europeans and 218 native soldiers. The l.ealtl: of the
column was perfect.
272
HISTORY OP" YELLOW FEVER.
The fii>t cases on board the flotiihi took place in the
vicinity of Daiiana and Podor and the first death occurred
at Kakel, in FriMich Sondan v<|. v.), on September 15, foui'
days after leavini* Saint-Louis. ]*revions to the arrival
of the vessels at l^akel, where the ••jirrison consisted of
only eij^lit Europeans, there had becTi seven deaths from
yellow fev( r in the villaiie Ijetwc-n Aujnist 10 and Se])teni-
ber 11. Includinii tht^ case Avhich terr-inated f-iLally on
September 15, and wliich was im])orted by the exi^edition,
lliei'e were altogether 17 deaths at Bnkel between Aujiust
10 and October 27. Nine of these denths resulted from
eases landed from tlie Arahc and Esjxnlon.
Yellow fever was also prevailinji at Salde, a small post
on the Upper Sene<»al Kiver, which haO been contaminated
by Tialiel, for some time previous to tlie arrival of the fleet.
A death occurred on August 22d, one on tlie 2(it)i, and a
third on September 5th. After the "battle" of Saboucire,
the soldiers stopi)ed at Salde on their \, av to Sanit-Louis
and we tind a, record of three deaths on October 3 and one
on October 11, making a total of nine deatlis between
August 22 and October 11.
The "battle" of Saboucire t(K>k j)lace on September 22
and lasted four hours, Avithout accomplishing anytliing
decisive. The column immediately Ik gan its journey
h(uiiewai-d. For ten days the expedition slowlv wended its
way down the Senegal Kiver, harassed by disease and
fatigu' . Tnable to proceed further, owing to the wide-
sjiread ])revalence of fev<'r in their ianl>s, a portion of the
retreating column halte<l at Oauana, while the balance
proceeded as far as Kichard-Toll, wh(?e further progress
was found intpossible. The intensity (f the fever which
was decimating the soldiers Is proAcd hy th" fact that 113
were luiried at l)(»gana and 22 at Kiel ard-T(»ll.
ll will be seen that the ill-advised Logo expedition acted
like a firebrand in spreading the pestilence. Post after
post was infected during its funereal march an<l when the
remnants of the column finally reached Saint-Louis, after
having "])unished" the savages in a manner which reflected
doubtful honor upon the French aims, yellow fever had
claimed (tne hundred and seventy-six victim?.
SENEGAL — 1878. 273
Statistics of the Scncf/al Fpidonic of 1878.
Th^ yellow fever epidemic of 1878 ia Senegal, which be-
gan at Goree-Dakar on Jnly 11 and ended at Suint- Louis
on December 17, resulted in 719 deaths'. This ligure only
represents the fatalities among the white population, con-
sisting of 271 civilians and 1200 soldiers. The course of
the disease among the blacks, who, in nearly every in-
stance, proved immune to yellow fever duriog epidemics in
Senegal, is lightly touched upon by the numerous authors
we have consulted and the natural inference is that the
natives must either have totally escaped or suffered so
little, that it was not thought worth while to go into de-
tails.
^ The mortality among the whites was as follov.'s :
Arrondissement of Goree (Goree-Dakar and neigh-
moring villages) 373
Logo Expedition 17G
Arrondissement of Saint-Louis (Saint-Louis, Poihte-
aux-Chameaux and neighboring villages) .... . . 200
Total deaths . . 749
1879.
Dagana.
A single case of yellow fever manifested itself in Sene-
gal in 1879, at Inigaua, in the person of an arniy officer.
The patient recovered.^^
1880.
Saint-Louis.
In ^farch, 1880, s])oradic cases of yellow fever were ob-
served in a small house adjoining the barracks at Saint-
Louis, occupied by tailors attached to the regimeT>t. Sani-
tary measures were at once taken and the disease restrict-
"Noury: Gazette Medicale de Nantes, 1884, vol. 2, p. 85.
27* HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
ed to its orij»iiial site. The j»ensis of this outbreak has
never been clearly elucidated. Beren^er-Feraud^^ notes
the fact that the tailors liad been occupied in remodeling
cloth iiarments wliich had been stored juuce the great epi-
demic of 1878, and attributes the infection to this fact. But
this theory can hardly be seriously entertained. The epi-
demic of 1878 came to an end on Drcember J 7 of that year
and the outbreak under discussion took place in March,
1880. It will therefore be seen that th*^, veteran fit.egomyia
Calopac of 1878 must have been endowed with phenome-
nal powers of endurance to hibernate for fifteen months in
a lot of old garments and then be possessed with sufficient
l)ugnacity and vigor to introduce tlie poison into the
systems of the unfortunate wielder« ol the needle and
tiiread.
That the health authorities of Saii't-Louis l)Plieved in
the theory promulgated by Rerenger-P'.-raud^ was proved
by the fact that the offending garments were oidered to
be incinerated and the vestment makers were put under
strict surveillance. The outbreak wa< stamped out at
once and the public health continued to be excellent
throughout the winter. In tlie beginning of November,
however, the fever again broke out in tlie infantry barracks
of the garrison of Saint-Louis and lasted until the begin-
ning of 1881, resulting in eighty d(atliJ-. Tbe cause of this
second outbreak has never been lu< idlj explained.
1S81.
Saint-Louis.
The year 1881 witnessed another terrible epidemic of
yelloAv fever in Senegal. We are indebted to Berenger-
Feraud, Duval, de Bois'se,. Xourv and Esclagon for the
facts.'"'
'The first case was observed on June 20, in a soldier at-
tached to the marine infantry of Snint-Louis, wlio was ad-
°* Berenger-Feraud, p. 169.
'* Berenger-Feraud, loc. cit., p. 170; Duval, loc. cit, p. 24; de
Boisse: Theses de Paris, 1884, No. 52; Noury: Gazette
Medicale de Nantes, 1884, vol. 2, pp. 84; 103; Esclagon;
Theses de Paris, 1883.
i
SENEGAL 1881. 275
mitted into the hospital on the 27th, and died July 2d. On
July 20, another soldier entered tlie It spital and died on
the 23d, with unmistakable symptoms of yellow fever.
In the interval between these two eases, three others,
followed by death, had broken ont in different sections of
the town — one on July 5th, which proved fatal on the 10th ;
one death on the lltli and another on ti'e 15th.
On July 23, several cases suddenly manifested them-
selves all over the city and at the barracks. From that
date, the epidemic had full sway ai-d Ir.sted until Septem-
ber 26th. Out of a population of 1,000 Europeans, there
resulted 524 cases and 425 deaths.
M alcana.
On July 25th and 28th, 108 sohlieis were transferred
from ^aint-Louis to Makana, a village near Lampsar. Al-
most immediately after their arrival, eight men were
stricken with fever and died in a day or two nfter the onset
of the disease. A ninth case liianifested itself and died
August 14th. On the 20th another case occurred, followed
by death on the 23d. This concluded the outbreak at
Makana. No cases originated in the village, the attacks
being confined to persons who had ret ently arrived from
Saint-Louis. This probably saved the balance of the
refugees, for every attack resulted in death.
Pointe-aux-Cham eanv.
Ninety-three soldiers were sent fr'jm Saint-Louis to
rointe-aux-Chameaux ; 92 to N'Dijigo and 83 to Eichard-
Toll. Not a single case occurred at any of these posts.
Bop-Diarra.
On July 30th, 215 men from the Saint-Louis barracks
were transported to Bop-Diara. From that date to Sep-
tember 10th, 21 cases and 13 deaths were recorded in the
three camps improvised at this post.
276 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER,
Govee-Dalcur.
The Castor played a more uiifortuiiate role iu the chain
of iufection than any other vessel in Liie waters of the
Senegal, for it transmitted the di^^ea-'C to Gorte-Dakar,
which had remained uncontaminat(Ml whil? the ])estilenee
was being carried in every direction by rcfngers from
Saint-Lonis and other infected posts. The Castor will be
remembered as one of the dispatcli- boats which helped in
the transportation of the Logo Expedition of 1878 and
which fnrnislied its qnota of Aictims in Ihe memorable
ei)idemic of that year.''''
In the l)eginning of the epidemic of 1881. a case of yel-
low fever had been bronght from the Castor to the military
hospital at Saint Louis. The vessel was then sent on a
mission to the Cape Verd Islands, wiih the hope that the
trip would prove sanitary and prevent further eruptions.
No further cases occurred. ^Vllen the vessel returned to
Saint-Louis, it was learned that the disease had assumed
grave proportions in the town and she was ordered to
Goree. Tlie crew continued healthy and Goree was con-
gratulating itself upon having kej't the pestileuce away
from its doors, when the commandant of the Castor was
taken seriously ill. On the pretext that it was simply mal-
aria, for if yellow fever had been mentioned the pati(mt
would have been turned away, tlie case was admitted into
the hospital at Goree. The patient died on September 5th.
The attending physician. Dr. Carpentin, who had seen the
disease at Guadeloupe, unhesitatingly pronounced it
yellow fever, but refi-ained fi-om givi'ig publicity to the
fact, fearing a panic and thinking no other cases would
ensue. A day or so after the death of the officer, a work-
man on board the Castor was taken i'l and died in a few
days. Tlie news of tliis second case roused the health
authorities from their lethargy and tl.e vessel was put
under strict quarantine and sent to Bel -Air. On Septem-
ber 12, another yellow fever death took place on the Castor.
The crew was transported to tents on shore and Hie vessel
thoroughly fumigated. The creAV v^'as then re-tmbarked,
" See account of the Senegal epidemic of 187S in this volume.
SENEGAL 1881. 877
as the accommodatious on sliore wore mise^^ably deficient.
The health of the sailors continuing to be bad, the vessel
was ordered to France.
But the evil was already beyond redemption. The germs
of infection created by the adniis\sion of the commandant
of the Castor at the Goree military hospital, though slow
to manifest themselves, finally gave evidence of their
virility. Two physicians attached to the liospital were
successively attacked, one of the cases resulting in death.
Dr. Carpentin's secretar}^ was the next victim. The doc-
tor himself contracted the disease and died and the young
man who had succeeded the first secretary shared the
same fate. The disease seemed to be confined tc the hos-
pital, when a Sister of Charity iittacl:c-d to the parochial
school was suddenly stricken, dying shortly af.'^erwards.
After this, sporadic cases were observed here and there
throughout the city.
The disease was at no time virulent at Goree-Dakar.
There were altogether 16 deaths.
The Fever on the GovernAiievi Vessels.
While the epidemic was raging at Soint-Louis, five gov-
ernment vessels w'ere moored at the wh.irves, namely: The
Jaguar, the Alecton, the African, Vae Cijf/ne and the
EcureuU.
The dispatch-boat VAfricain. an "(»!d tub," and at the
time seldom in active service, had a crew of forty whites
at the inception of the epidemic. It was anchored, or
rather tied, to the wharf at Saint-Louis and was used as
a sort of floating workshop bv the military authorities.
It was in continuous communication with the shore. On
July 2()th, the first case of yelloAv fever was observed on
board, followed shortly after by six others. On August
12th, the old hulk was take'i in tow by VEcureidl and
brought to -Mouit, where her crew^ was transported to im-
provised tent-hospitals on shore, a short distance from
those occupied by the sick from the Jacfuai, On August
10, a new case developed in the camp, and from July 20,
the date of the first case, until October, ihere were 33 cases
and 23 deaths.
278 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
The Jaffuar, an old wooden gunboo.t, illj-constructed
and badly ventilated, and wliicli had i.ininterrupted com-
mnnieation with Saint-Louis, had a crew of GO whites and
25 blacks.^^ On July 29, the first ease broke out on board,
followed on the 31st by six others. August 1st, another
case. The vessel was ordered down the river to ^Mouit,
where three large tents were constructed for th'^ accom-
modation of the sick and other members of the crew. In
spite of these precautions, up to the fii&t days of October,
43 new cases developed in the improvised hospitals. Total
cases, 51 ; deaths, 23.
The Cygne was in dock when the epidemic began. On
August 4, the repairs being completed, the vessel was
again placed in commission with a crew of 21 whites and
24 blacks, and anchored at the same place where the
Jaguar had been Avhen the fever first manifested itself on
board, where it remained four days. On August 8, the ves-
sel left its moorings and anchored in the middle of the
river. On the 9th, four members of the crew Avere taken
ill with fever, but recovered after only three days' illness.
These four cases presented no symptoms whatever of yel-
low fever, but on the 13th, two other members of the crew
were taken ill, presenting totally different symptoms, and
were sent to the hospital. One of the cases recovered after
a brief illness, but the other proved to be a typical case of
yellow fever and died three days after the onset. The
Cygnc left Saint-Louis on xVugust lO for Bop-Diarra, hav-
ing in tow a barge containing a large number of patients
destined for the hospital at tliat point. On September 26,
the Cjjgnc, which in the interval had made several voyages
from the Point-aux-Chameaux to Saint-Louis, returned
to her ancliorage at tlie latter town. Being the only vessel
then available, it was immediately pressed into service and
sent up tlie river Avith a tow of barges containing pro-
visions and medicines for the yellow fever sufferers. It
Avas soon discovered that the machinery of the Cygnc Avas
not strong enough for such a heaA'y toAA', but the necessity
''All vessels plying in the waters of the Senegal River are
equipped with native sailors, who do most of the out-
door work, as the whites cannot stand the fierce rays of
the tropical sun.
SENEGAL 1881. 279
being- urgeut, the cariio was traiis])orted on board the ves-
sel, Avhicli proceeded on its mission. The voyage came to
an end on October 8 and the vessel returned to Saint-Ix)uis
October 17, where two white army officers from Bop-
Diarra, where yellow fever was still present, and one hun-
dred negro workmen from Saint-Louis, were embarked,
destined for work on the railroad in course of construction
up the Senegal Kiver. During the voyage, which lasted
until October 30, not a single case of yellow fever was ob-
served on board the vessel. On its return to Saint-Louis,
forty Africans and fifty Moroccans' were sent on board
and ordered transported to the railroad camps up the
river. The jMoroccans, who originally nundiered 150, had
lost one-third of their fellow-men by yellow fcA^er at Saint-
Louis. The voyage was uneventful and when the Cijgne
returned to the capital, the epidemic had almost died out.
The last death in town took place on November 20th and
quarantine was raised December 10th.
We have given a full account of the transactions in
which the Cycjne participated, because the vessel showed
a remarkable freedom from infection. Out of 21 Euro-
peans on board, only one attack, followed by death, took
place, although the vessel was activel}^ engaged in trans-
porting the sick and the pestilence was raging all around
her. Tlie fact that the vessel was fresh from the dock,
where she had been thoroughly overhauled and repaired,
probably saved her from an invasion of the Stegomijia
Calopiis, and to this must we attribute lier immunity
after the first case, Avhich had evidently been imi)orted.
The Alevton, a dispatch-boat employed in the coast ser-
vice, was at Dakar when the epidemic broke out at Saint-
Louis. She was forbidden communication with the in-
fected town. About the end of August, she left Dakar and
sailed up the Senegal Biver, anchoring a short distance
below Saint-Louis, to the windward of two merchant-ves-
sels, the General Bcif/c and tlie (lahrlcUr. There had been
yellow fever cases on board both these vessels, but the fact
had been withheld from the authorities and the little dis-
patch-boat remained for a week in the vicinity of the ships,
unsusi)ici()us of danger. On Se])tember 0, she was sent to
the Cape Verd Islands with a dispatcli from the Governor
280 HISTORY OF YELLOW FSVER.
of the colony. "While enroiite to the islands, snspirions
cases began to show themselves among the officers and the
vessel was sent to the Saint Vincent Island quarantine sta-
tion on her arrival at the Cape Yerds, but only remained
there a few hours, her captain preferring the open sea.
On September 14, on the return voyage to Saint-Louis, the
first death took place, followed the next day by two others.
On tlie 17th, the vessel re-entered the Senegal River and
the crew was disembarked and placed in a tent on Baba-
guay Island, where the last death took place on October 1.
There were altogether 15 cases and 8 deaths.
The Ecureuil, a new vessel, with a crew of 40 whites and
25 blacks, arrived at Saint-Louis on the same day that the
epidemic broke out. Her officers and crew had uninter-
rupted communication Avith the town, and, being the only
available vessel for the purpose at the time, it was used
to transport the troops to the several towns up and down
the Senegal River. No ill effects were observed on board
until August lltli, when the cook and the mess-boy pre-
sented characteristic symptoms of yellow fever and were
transported to the military hospital at Saint-Louis, where
they died in a few days. On August 15, the Ecureuil was
sent on a mission up the Senegal and during a cruise last-
ing a little over a month, no other cases developed. About
the end of September, the vessel returned to Saint-Louis,
but profiting by past experience, it did not anchor opposite
the town, luit proceeded to the Pointe-aux-Chameaux,
where it remained until the end of the epidemic.
Statistics of the Epidemic.
The total mortality from yellow fever among the Euro-
pean population during the epidemic of 1881 has been esti-
mated at TOO (Duval). We could only get statistics of
transactions at the principal places of the colony. No-
where do we find a word about the progress of the malady
among the natives. The following recapitulation will give
an idea of the malignity of the outbreak :
51
23
33
23
15
8
2
2
1
1
SENEGAL. 281
Locality. White Population. Cases. Deaths.
Saint-Louis 1,000 524 425
Bop-Diarra 215 21 13
Makana 108 10 10
Goree-Dakar 16 14
Unclassified 362 181
On vessels : '
Jaguar 60
L'Africain 40
Alecton 47
L'Ecureuil 40
Le Cygne 21
1035 700
The number of "unclassified" cases (362) is estimated
on a mortality of fifty per cent., based upon the excessive
death-rate at every locality where the disease prevailed.
For example, Saint-Louis, with a population of 1,000
Europeans, had 524 cases and 425 deaths; ]Makana had a
mortality of one hundred per cent. ; the gunboat Jaguar,
with a crew of 60, had 51 cases and 23 deaths. The "un-
classified" mortality being 181, we believe that the cases
were certainly not over double that number; they were
probably less.
The soldiers, as usual, paid a heavy tax to the pestil-
ence. The following figures speak for themselves :
Total number of soldiers in the colony, 550.
Number attacked, 246, or 44 per cent.
Deaths, 216, or 81.7 per cent, of the number attacked.
Forty-five officers succumbed.
1882.
Goree.
The epidemic of 1882 does not appear to have been im-
ported, but to have been of spontaneous origin. The de-
282 HISTORY OK YELLOW FEVER.
molition of the old military hospital at Goree is given as
one of the causes. This work was to have been done dur-
ing the winter, but, for some cause or other, was delayed
until June. It is natural to infer that the razing of this
old pest-house should liberate thousands of mosquitoes
and that these insects, still impregnated with the virus of
the epidemic of the year before, should engender another
outbreak of a disease which has been the executioner of
the unfortunate European residents of Senegal for nearly
two centuries.
The first case manifested iteslf on June 12, in the per-
son of Dr. Duval, one of the health officers of the colony,
who wrote an elaborate historj^ of his illness and to whom
we are indebted for the facts of the rise and progress of
the epidemic.''^
It seems that, while the workmen were engaged in tear-
ing down the old building. Dr. Duval moved his office to
a room which had in former years been occupied by the
munici])al board of health. Owing to the warm weather,
the windows were kept open during the business hours,
thus allowing full ingress to the dust and mosquitoes from
the falling timbers. The doctor states that he began feel-
ing ill about June 12, but did not take to bed before the
15th. He gives a detailed account of the attack, which
was a typical case of mild yellow fever. He was confined
to his room for eleven days and made an uneventful re-
covery.
Xo other case was observed until July 7, when a wash-
erwoman employed in the barracks was taken ill, dying on
the 12th. On July 8, a merchant was stricken, recovering
after an illness of thirty-four days. The fourth case, July
9 (a clerk), recovered.
The four sporadic cases above noted were not made pub-
lic by the authorities.
On July 24, the number of cases became so numerous,
that the fever was declared officially present, and active
sanitary measures were put into execution. On July 26,
the other posts in Senegal quarantined against Goree.
When the fever was declared epidemic, there were 1,800
blacks and about 67 whites at Goree. Of these 67, there
"Duval: La Fievre Jaune a Goree (Bordeaux, 1883), p. 94.
I
SENEGAL !88«. 283
were 37 who had already suffered an attack of yellow
fever in previous epidemics, thus leaving 30 susceptible to
infection. The virulence of the epidemic was certainly
notable, for of this small number, 27 were attacked and
15 died. The last case manifested itself on September 17 ;
the last death occurred September 22d.
The epidemic of 1882 gave rise to much discussion
among the French medical men. Some claimed it was
imported from Brazil, others from Gambia, while the ma-
jorit^^ (among whom we notice Duval and Berenger-
Feraud) insist that it originated at Goree. AVe tliink the
last hypothesis correct, as there was no yellow fever in
Gambia in 1882 and no suspicious vessels from Brazil
were observed in the waters of the Senegal that year. The
demolition of the old military hospital probably hastened
the outbreak, but the infected Stcgomjjia would no doubt
eventually have ventured into the open and diffused the
X)oison among the susceptibles.
Dakar.
Dakar, a suburb of Goree, separated from the town by an
arm of the Atlantic Ocean, observed a strict quarantine,
but the harl)ormaster of tlie vilhiige went on a secret visit
to Goree about the end of August and was stricken with
yellow fever a few days after his return home. This im-
prudence cost him his life.
No other cases were noticed in Dakar until the middle
of November, wlien the quartermaster of the dispatch-
boat AUnitvofiS, then anchored opposite Dakar, died at tiic
hospital under circumstances which strongly pointed to
yellow fever infection. A soldier at the barracks was the
next victim. A panic ensued when the news of these two
deaths became known and eight white men engaged in rail-
road work fled to Yof, some distance from Dakar, wliere
the fever broke out among them. Concluding that they
would receive better medical attention at Dakar, they re-
turned to the village, where three of their nund>er died.
The fever pursued an erratic course at Dakar and finally
came to an end on December 22. There were altogether 10
cases and 30 deaths.
284 . HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
Riifisque.
Rufisqiie, also located on the continent, opposite Goree,
furnished two cases, one on August 10, followed by re-
covery, and the other in the beginning of September, re-
sulting in death. The source of infection is not given, but
the natural inference is to incriminate Goree.
0)1 the Albatross.
The dispatch-boat Albatross, newly-built and fresh from
France, arrived at Saint-Louis, September 10, 1882'. It
had a crew of 52 whites, which was increased to 80 by ^ho
addition of 28 blacks upon reaching the capital. Tli3
quarantine against Goree was raised October 27, 1882.
The Albatross^ which had in the meantime been emxjloyed
in carrying the mails from Saint-Louis to Dakar, took
some passengers from Goree for Saint-Louis on the day the
quarantine Avas raised. These consisted of whites and
blacks, who had been in the infected town for some time
and who were anxious to return home. On November T,
the vessel returned to Dakar, Avith passengers for a ves-
sel then about to sail for France. On the Avay to Dakar,
the Albatross stopped at the Pointe-aux-Chameaux and
took some passengers. One of these men had been ill for
some days and was brought on board in a litter. There
being no suspicious sickness at the Pointe, no objections
were raised to the embarkation of the patient, who was
said to be suffering from malaria. Arrived at Dakar, the
patient Avas transported to the hospital, Avliere he died on
Koveml)er 13. An autopsy reAeahnl lesions which raised
some doubts as to the natui'e of his illness and his com-
panions were put under surA'eilance. No cases dcAeloped
among them. A fcAV days later, the quartermaster of the
Albatross was taken ill and trans])orted to the hospital at
Dakar, where he died shortly afterAvard. A soldier was
taken ill at the barracks and died.
Yellow fever was then officially declared present on the
Albatross and at the Dakar hospital. The crcAv of the
vessel were transported to the lazaretto on November 21.
SeA'eral deaths occurred at the lazaretto. On December
I
SENEGAL — 188a. 285
30, the sailors retiirued on board the Albatross^ which had
been thoroughly disinfected, A few days after the return
of the crew, the new cases developed. This was followed
by live fatal cases between the 8th and 11th of January,
18S3. Orders were then received to return to France and
the vessel arrived at Brest on March 15.
The course of the disease on board the Albatross was
very severe. Out of a crew of 52 whites, there resulted 21
cases and IS deaths, including two officers.
A perplexing question now presents itself: Where did
the Albatross contract the infection? Xot at Saint-Louis,
for not a single case was observed there in 1882 ; not at
the Pointe-aux-Chanieaux, for the place is said to have
been remarkably healthy at the time and to have had no
communicaticn wliatsocver with infected localities. These
two places being disposed of, suspicion naturally falls
upon the only other locality visited by the unfortunate
vessel — Dakar. Duval incriminates the Point-aux-Cham-
eaux in the infection of the Albatross, basing his accusa-
tion on the fact that the tirst case of fatal illness observed
on board was that of the passenger from that hamlet. We
do not believe this was a case of yellow fever at all. The
fact that none of the other passengers were attacked (ex-
cept some time afterwards, when the disease had assumed
epidemiological proportions at Dakar) leads us to believe
that it was simply an aggravated case of paludism.
Now, let us see what Avere the conditions at Dakar.
Duval himself] (Joe. cit., page 40) relates the case of the
harbormaster of Dakar, who is supposed to have nmde a
secret visit to Goree, in spite of the rigid quarantine then
existing, and who died of yellow fever at Dakar during
the last days of August. It will be remembered that tlie
Albatross was in constant communication with that vil-
lage from the date of her ari'ival in Senegal (September
ID), doing service as mail-])a(ket between that pla<'e and
Saint-Louis. The quarantine against Goree was raised
on October 27. This was followed by an exodus from
Goree to Saint-Louis, but none of the refugees infected
Saint-Louis and it is natural to presume that they did not
carry the contagion on board the Albatross. The first
case of vellow fever officiallv observed after the quarantine
a86 ilISTORY OK YELLOW FEVER.
against Goree had been raised did not take place on board
the Albatross, but originated in the barracks at Dakar
and it was only after the crew had been transported to the
lazaretto at Dakar that the disease manifested itself
among the unfortunate sailors. It is true that the death
of the quartermaster of the Albatross preceded that of
the soldier, but the former was oftener on shore than on
boai'd while at the village wharf and could easily have
been infected while off duty. We make this explanation
to escape the charge of inconsistency.
From the end of August, the date of the fatal illness of
the harbormaster, to the middle of November, when the
first death took place among the sailors, is undoubtedly
a long time between cases, but it must be borne in mind
that, in 1882, Dakar was peopled principally by negroes,
with a sprinkling of whites here and there, most of them
immune through having suffered during previous epi-
demics, and it was only wlien non-immunes arrived at the
village that the ^itcgoinyiac, infected months lU'eviously,
proved their virility.
1000.
The First Prc-Epidemic Cases.
The demolition of tlie old military hospital wliich had
for years been the disgrace of Goree must have given the
quietus to the infected ^tef/omi/iac which had been the
bane of Senegal since 1878, for not a single case of yellow
fever was <sl>served in tlie colony from 1882 to 1900, a
period of eighteen years.
The focus of tlie epidemic of 1000 began at Dakar. On
April IG, a clerk employed in that village was admitted
into the Goree hospital, in the last stages of an illness
diagnosed by the attending physician as "diphtheria." He
died an hour after admission, with black vomit. The
autopsy revealed no trace whatever of diphtheria. Sus-
picious lesions were observed, but as yellow fever had not
been noticed in the colony for years, no thought was given
to this malady and a verdict of "death from pernicious
fever" recorded.
I
SENEGAL 1900. 287
On April 19, a patient entered the hospital, suffering
from lieadache, dizziness and ditliculty of speech. He
g-radually became worse and died on the 27th. The
autopsy revealed unmistakable lesions of yelloAV fever, but
the physicians present scouted the idea. One of those who
participated in the autopsy remarked that, at any other
time, he would have had no hesitation in pronouncing- it
a case of genuine yellow fever, but that the health of the
colony and the surrounding country was perfect and lie
joined his confreres in giving a verdict of death from "in-
fectious jaundice."
The first case had already been forgotten and no one
thought of connecting the two deaths with a common
cause, although they had occurred at an interval of only
eleven days and had presented identical pathological
lesions.
The third case was admitted into the hospital on April
30 and died on ]May 3.
On May 8, a man and a woman were transported to the
hospital. The first case died the following day ; the second,
five days later.
All these cases came from Dakar and in each instance
presented typical symptoms of yellow fever. The last two
deaths awakened a vague suspicion on the part of the
authorities that the sanitary conditions of Dakar demand-
ed an investigation, but not wishing to alarm the popula-
tion, orders were given to proceed with great secrecy. Un-
der such conditions, no open precautionary steps were
taken and the slumbering pestilence, untrammeled by pre-
ventive measures, gathered fresh fuel each day.
On May 11, a Moroccan, who had left Dakar seven days
previously, died at Thies, an army post on the railroad, be-
tween Rufisque and Tivaouane.
A mulatto girl, aged 4, was taken ill at Dakar about the
same time and died on the IGth.
On INfay 18, the disease was for the first time officially
admitted, the director of public health giving oi-ders that
the following be inserted in all bills of health given vessels
leaving the colony: There exists a few isolated cases of
suspicious ijrUoir fever at Dalar a)id its ricinifi/.
HISTORY OF VKIICW FEVER.
Dakar was declared infected aud placed under quar-
antine.
The people of Dakar, far from being frightened by this
official declaration, indignantly denied that such a state
existed. They claimed that the doctors had blundered ;
that yellow fever, according to the views of the oldest in-
habitants, had never been known to proceed at such a
snail's pace, luit by leaps and bounds. They claimed that
the prevailing illness was an aggravated type of malaria,
caused by extensive digging operations at Hann, a neigh-
boring village.
The merchants, seeing their trades imperiled, took ad-
vantage of the trend of public opinion and vigorously pro-
tested against the institution of rigorous sanitary meas-
ures. The authorities were hamj)ered, hooted and abused,
cases were hidden and the way thus paved for an epidemic
which was destined to ravage nearly every city, town and
hamlet in Senegal.
On ]May 22, the troops stationed at Dakar and Rufisque
were ordered dispersed along the railroad running between
Dakar and l^aint-Louis, only about four hundred being
left behind. This was done without consulting the author-
ities of Dakar, and a storm naturally ensued when the
news became public. In this connection, it is interesting
to note tliat the first cases were all among the civilians,
the military being attacked onh^ in June, two months after
the outbreak at Dakar.
On May 22, two cases broke out anunig the personnel
of the railroad com])any at Dakar, followed the next day
by a case in the same house where the first victim of the
epidemic had died (April 16). Two of these cases proved
fatal.
The railroad hospital, where the two first cases were
originally l)rought, was at once disinfected by the authori-
ties and ordered closed.
On jMay 17, tour workmen arrived at Senegal from
^Forocco. Two lemained at Dakar, while the other two
])r( needed to v^aint-Louis. On ]May 23, the two who had
been left behind were taken suddenly ill and transferred
to the town hospital, where they died on the 28th, with
undeniable symptoms of yellow fever.
SENEGAL, 1900. '289
By a peculiar coincidence, one of the ^Moroccans was
taken ill at Saint-Louis on the 23d, the same day his com-
rades were stricken at Dakar, and died on the 2Gth. It
will thus be seen that, notwithstanding- the fact that yel-
low fever had been present at Dakar since April KUh, and
that communications between that village and Saint-Louis
was figuratively unrestrained, the capital was only in-
fected on May 23.
May 28, another death at Dakar.
From that date, the situation seemed to improve. Some
of the more timid Europeans, however, left the colony,
but the majority, thinking the outbreak was at an end,
concluded there Avas no danger and laughed at the fears
of their less courageous countrymen.
Recrudescence at Dakar.
The slow progress of the disease is one of the most re-
markable features of this epidemic and can only be ac-
counted for by the fact that the Calopae had not yet be-
come active, the weather being still a little too cool to per-
mit them to freely circulate among the population.
From May 2Sth to June 7th, no cases were observed.
Lulled into a false sense of security by this subsidence of
the disease, the quarantine against Dakar was raised.
From April IG to May 28, there had been 14 cases and
11 deaths. Tliis is what Dr. Kermorgant terms the "first,
or pre-e])idemic period." Tlie progress of the epidenuc
under discussion showed the identical characteristics
which has attended nearly every outbreak of yellow fever
in Senegal : First, a few cases, followed at long intervals
by others. The disease then seemed to advance by gusts,
each time more serious and less removed, until its viru-
lence finally asserted itself and each day brought a case
or two or a death.
Up to June 8, the mortality had been 78.6 per cent. On
that day, a sergeant of infantry stationed at Camp ]Made-
leine No. 2, near Dakar, was stricken and died on the 10th.
Before dying, this officer admitted that he had evaded the
quarantine regulations and had slept at Dakar on several
occasions.
290 HISTORY OF YELIOW FEVER.
June 9. The bishop of Saint-Louis, while making pas-
toral calls at Dakar and Kufisque, was taken suddenly ill
and died on the 13th.
June 10. A clerk at Dakar succumbed, after a brief
illness.
June 11. Two sisters of charity, one of whom had
nursed the bishop, were stricken.
On June 10, Dakar was again quarantined. A military
sanitary cordon was placed around Cape Yerd peninsula
and the terminus of the railroad moved to Rufisque. The
authorities had at last awakened to the seriousness of the
situation ; but it was a sad analogy of the trite expedient
of locking the stable after the horse had been stolen — the
germs of pestilence were already too widely disseminated
and no preventive measures under heaven could check the
march of the saffron scourge.
The mass of the people, still unconvinced, looked upon
these acts as an uncalled for usurpation of power and
continued to clandestinely visit the nidus of infection.
June 15, two new cases at Dakar, followed by one death.
On June 27, a new case at Dakar, followed by another
on the 20th. The first case died on' the 30th, the second
on July 1.
There liad been no new cases since June 15.
From tliat date, the epidemic had full sway. Every
place in Senegal became suspicious of its neighbor. Local
quarantines were established, every town and hamlet inter-
dicting communication with the other. The panic reached
such an acute stage, that armed guards were stationed
everywhere and natives who attempted to get within the
lines were shot down like dogs.
Panic and Flight.
It was only towards the end of June that the European
population of (loree, Saint-Louis and other towns of Sene-
gal began to realize that something unusual was taking
place in the health conditions of the colony, The peo-
ple awoke, as if from a dream, to find itself facing what
seemed inevitable death. All the horrors of previous epi-
demics were suddenlv brought to mind. Indifference to
SENEGAL, 1£00. 291
existing condition^ gave way to consternation and panic.
The physicians were no longer hooted or ridiculed, but
were besieged for advice as to the best preventive methods
to follow. Hundreds sold their belongings and sought se-
curity in flight. The passenger steamers leaving for
Europe were taxed to their utmost capacity and when the
large mail steamers, fearing to contaminate their crews,
refused to take passengers, the refugees were only too glad
to escape by means of the filthy coasting vessels, which
took them to ports where quarantines were not in force,
whence they proceeded by roundabout ways to Europe.
Some even took passage on vessels bound for South Ameri-
can ports, trusting to luck to meet some European-bound
vessels on the high-seas. The official journals of Senegal,
in their accounts of this wholesale exodus, state that near-
ly 3,000 persons left tlie colony between June and Sep-
tember.
The following tableau of departure from Senegal by
ocean steamers from July 1 to August 16, gives an idea
of the eagerness of the people to flee from, this plague spot
of Western Africa :
Passengers.
July 1. By steamer Faidherhe 15
July 1. Bv steamer Vcnihan 160
July 12. By steamer Villc de Pernam'biu^o . ... 82
July 26. By steamer Caravellas 435
July 27. By steamer Ranta Fe 223
Aug. 13. By steamers Ville de Maccio and
Macina 278
Aug. 16. By steamers Richelieu and Campana 473
Total 1.666
In addition to the above total, must be included the
departures prior to 3\\\y 1st, and the exodus by the coast-
ing vessels and other French and English vessels, of which
no record was kept by the port authorities.
That the fears of the owners of these passenger steamers
were well grounded, was exemplified by the fact that cases
occurred on many of these vessels. The disease did not
spread, however, being confined to the original cases.
292 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER,
The disease was ev^en brought to the lazaj'etto at Paulliac,
France, where several cases were treated without creating
any focus.
Even Paris — careless, wicked, fun-loving Paris — was
wrought to fever heat at the policy of concealment pur-
sued by the colonial authorities. The government had sent
2,000 young soldiers a few months previous to Senegal,
to "pacify" the natives in the interior, and the public
wanted to know why their countrymen were sent to this
barbarous region to die like rats, alleging that these
dependencies, whose only products were pestilences and
murderous negroes, were not worth keeping. The Paris
Soleil, in commenting on the epidemic, thus concludes an
inspired article:
"Physicians die like flies. Sisters and infirmarians fol-
low the same road. Mass is no longer said in public on
account of contagion. Fortunately, there will always re-
main a negro priest to absolve the last who die, for it is a
curious fact that the negroes are completely immune."
. Consul Strickland, the representative of the United
States, at Senegal, from whose reports some of the details
of the inception of this epidemic are taken,^^ gives graphic
pen-pictures of the scenes at Goree-Dakar and Saint Louis.
"The epidemic has brought the business of the colony com-
pletely to a standstill," he observes, "and all Europeans
have got away, who could command the means to do so.
The stores are shut, and it is difficult to obtain the neces-
saries of life."
Consul Strickland sailed from Senegal during the last
days of July, 1900, and the United States Consular reports
give no details of the progress of the epidemic after that
date. We are indebted to the exhaustive accounts pub-
lished by Dr. Kermorgant in the Annalcs cVHygiene et de
Medecine Coloniales and the Reaiidl des Travaux de
Comite Consiiltntif d'Hygiene Puhliqiie de France, for
most of the facts which precede and follow.®^
°'' Strickland: U. S. Public Health Reports, 1900, vol. 25, pp.
1679; 1866; 2025; 2188.
"Annales d'Hygiene, etc., -rol. 4, pp. 325, et seq. ; Recueil,
etc., Paris, 1903, vol 31, pp.. 369, et seq.
SENEGAL, 1900. 293
MARCH OF THE EPIDEMIC.
Dakar.
As already noted, the true epidemic epoch may be said
to have manifested its-'.elf Avith the series of cases and
deaths at the end, of June, 1900. On July 4th, 5th and
6th, cases cropped out everywhere, and it was a question
of satire qui pent. The authorities resorted to the tardy
expedient of sending the white troops back to Europe, and
replacing them with native soldiers.
From the 1st to the 31st of July, there were sixty cases
and thirty- one deaths, at Dakar.
The exodus of a majority of the white population does
not seem to have done much toward arresting the progress
of the pest, for twenty-nine cases were admitted into the
hospital, in August. Of these, four cases came from Saint
Louis and Thies, and five were taken f'rom the steamships
General Dodds and Vauhan. The nine importations, there-
fore, leaves the actual number for Dakar at twenty.
The epidemic gradually subsided, for want of material,
in September, nine cases and four deaths being recorded
for that month,
October, three deaths.
The epidemic finally came to an end in November, with
two cases and one death, making a grand total for Dakar,
from April 16, to November, of one hundred and forty-two
cases and seventy-six deaths.
GOREE.
Goree quarantined against Dakar, May 27th, 1000, but
not much attention was paid to the mandate, communica-
tion between the two localities beiug almost uninterrupted.
This lack of precautions soon bore fruit. A soldier of
infantry, who had been given a furlough, celebrated the
event by making a round of the barroouis of Dakar, on
Sundaj', June 17th, and returned to camp in a beastly
state of intoxication. On the 20th, he was sent to the
hospital, where he died with black vomit, on the 23rd.
294 HISTORY ()!• \ ELI.O\V FEVER.
The white garrison of Goree was immediatelT trans-
ferred to a point near Yof, only a few being retained for
emergencies. These were quartered in the Castle, the
highest part of the town.
From June 23rd, to July 4tli, nothing abnormal was
observed. Thinking that the death of the soldier was
merely an imported case, and that no others would result,
the company which had been sent to Yof, was recalled.
The return of their comrades was taken as a pretext for
jollification by the soldiers in the Castel, and much carous-
ing and drunkenness ensued. The personnel of the gar-
rison numbered seventy- five.
On July 14th, one of the soldiers who had returned from
Yof, was taken ill and died five days later.
From that date, the cases followed each other in rapid
succession — three on the 16th, two on the 18th, one on the
19th, two on the 20th, and one on the 21st. Thus it went
until the end of July, Avhen a total of nineteen cases and
seventeen deaths was recorded.
Three cases were observed in August, the last on the
17th.
The total number of cases at Goree were 22 ; deaths, 20.
Kot a native was attacked, this frightful tribute to the
scourge being paid only by Europeans.
RUFISQUE.
On ]\ray 12th, 1000, a clerk employed by the Compngnic
Francaisc dc VAfriquc Occidcniulc was taken ill at
Eufisque, and transported to the hospital at Dakar, where
he made an uneventful recovery.
May 17th, two new cases.
For over a month, no other cases. On June 21st, an-
other employee of the Cowpaf/uic Francaisc was taken ill
and died shortly afterward.
This case caused some consternation, and the rai/road
terminus, which had been moved from Dakar to Rufisque,
was changed to Thies. A part of the white population of
Kufisque became apprehensive, and 68 took passage for
France on the steamship Gi/ptis.
SENEGAL, 1900. 295
June 22nd, four new cases, followed by three deaths.
Nothing abnormal until July 9th, when two new cases,
followed by death, were observed.
No other cases in July, probably due to the fact that
nearly all the non-immunes had fled.
In August, 3 cases and 2 deaths.
In September, no cases in town, but one on board the
Steamship Faidlierhe, followed by death.
October 26th, one case.
No cases in November, but on December 24th, a clerk
who had arrived from France on the 10th of the month,
died with black vomit.
The total number of cases reached 18 ; deaths 15.
Saint Louis.
Saint Louis had more cases than all the other localities
in Senegal combined, and came within 21, of equaling the
combined mortality of all the other afflicted places. The
statistics for the colony are 416 cases and 225 deaths ; the
figures for Saint Louis alone, 218 cases and 102 deaths.
It will be remembered that a sporadic case of yellow
fever was observed in Saint Louis, on May 23, 1900, in the
person of a Moroccan, who, with a companion, had arrived
from Dakar eight days previously. The patient died on
May 26th. The pliysicians of Saint Louis denied at the
time that it was a case of yellow fever, but when the dis-
ease had become epidemic in the town, they admitted that
they had been mistaken in their diagnosis. .
The death of the IMoroccan was not followed by imme-
diate results and no new cases were observed until July
16, seven weeks later, when the fever manifested itself
simultaneously in opposite parts of the town, one case in
the Rognat-Sud barracks, located in the center of the
island, and the other at No. 14 Rue de la Mosque, at the
north end.
The case in the Eue de la Mosque proved to be the com-
panion of the Moroccan, who had died on ^lay 26th, in
this same house. He died on July 17th. Dr. Kermor-
gant attributes this fatal case to emanations from a trunk
296 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
containing clothes which had been packed at Dakar, when
the foreigners took their departure, and which was opened
for the first time at Saint Louis in the beginning of July.
The infection of the Eognat-Sud barracks, acording to
Dr. Kermorgant, was caused by the opening of hogsheads
packed with military garments brought from Dakar by
the steamer Saint-Kilda, and which had been distributed
among the soldiers without being disinfected.
But, why not directly accuse; the Saint-Kilda of being
the active agent of importation? It is of record that the
vessel had sojourned five days at Dakar before proceeding
to Saint Louis, and that communication between the crew
and the inhabitants of the village had been uninterrupted.
At Saint Louis, the Saint Kihia was subjected to a quar-
antine of only three days, and her cargo consisting mainly
of cases of cotton and woolen goods, was disinfected ex-
ternally, and only unpacked when it had reached the con-
signees. Of course, the contention that the infection was
carried by these goods is too puerile to admit of argu-
ment, but it is a well-known fact that mosquitoes will live
for days without water, and even if a solitary infected
Stcgom/jjia had found lodgment in one of the packing-
cases, this was sufficient to spread the contagion. And
this is undoubtedly what happened.
There is no doubt in our mind that the infection was
brought by the Saint-Kilda. During the time the ship
was quarantined, the passengers and crew were allowed
free intercourse with the shore, and the crew are said to
have been quite "chummy" with the soldiers, mingling
with them in barrooms and other places generally fre-
quented by sailors. We do not wish to convey the impres-
sion that this affiliation could transmit the germs, as they
are not disseminated by contact, but relate the incident to
show that no precautions at all were taken to prevent the
importation of the disease into the capital, although it
was a notorious fact that Dakar was at the time a hot-bed
of contagion.
The simultaneous explosion of the disease in two widely
separated sections of the town can be explained by the
supposition that the Moroccan, like all those of his race,
SENEGAL, I too. 297
who come by hundreds to Senegal every year, was em-
ployed as laborer along the river front, and formed one
of the gangs engaged in discharging the Saint-Kilda. The
opening of a trunk almost two months after the death of
the first Moroccan could not create a new focus of in-
fections. No Stegomyia, no matter if endowed with phe-
nomenal vitality, could live for that length of time shut
out from water and air, and we must look elsewhere for
the source of <'ontamination. And, naturally, we incrimi-
nate the vessel under discussion.
It is worthy of note that all the customjhouse employes
who assisted in checking and examining the cargo of the
Saint-Kilda, were one by one attacked by the disease
in the beginning of the epidemic. This, of itself,
should suffice to incriminate the vessel. There is no record
of the appearance of tlie disease on board, but as the crew
were principally natives, whose immunity to yellow fever
is proverbial, and the officers were probably acclimatized,
the vessel escaped an invasion.
But here comes our astute friend, Mr. Doubting
Thomas, with his over-ready interrogation point, and
wishes to know how it is that the case of the first Moroc-
can, who died on May 26th, did not disseminate the germs
far and wide, but that the disease only became epidemic
in July? The explanation is just as easy as eating water-
melon with a spoon. The case of the first Moroccan was
a notoriously imported one. The poison was in his sys-
tem when he left Dakar for Saint Louis, and the natural
sequence was that it manifested itself when the period of
incubation had reached its limit. Had he gone to Paris,
London or any other place on the face of the earth, which
could be reached within the period of incubation, the dis-
ease would have asserted itself just the same. And, as
at Saint Louis, it would have stopped right there, if the
active agent of dissemination, tlie Stcgomia, was not
present to convey the poison. And what saved Saint Louis
from invasion in May, was the fact that the cold season
was not yet over, and the yellow fever mosquito had not
yet begun its activity.
298 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
In July, wlien the Saint KUda arrived at Saint Ix)iiis,
fresli from a nidus of infection, conditions were different.
The mosquito season was in its zenith, and a single case
of yellow fever was all that was needed to cause an epi-
demic. And, as we shall, see, the capital of the colony
provided an ideal field for the propagation of the malady
and paid the heaviest penalty.
Although the first death' from yellow fever in the
Rognat-Sud barracks took place on July ITth, the garri-
son was only removed from that place on July 25th, up to
which time, eleven soldiers had already been attacked.
About twenty Avere left behind, and this imprudence was
the cause of successive contaminations, the barracks thus
becoming one of the most active foci of infection.
The second focus, created by the case in the Rue de la
Mosque, radiated towards the north, successively infecting
all that section between the starting point and the native
quarters.
A third focus was created in the quarters .devoted to
colonial affairs, where the goods from the Saint-Kilda had
been landed, and thence radiated towards the southern
part of the city and across the small arm of the Senegal
to tlie natiA'e village of Guet-X'Dar, on the Barbary
Peninsnla.
From July 16th, to August 5th, cases cropped out here
and there, which goes to jirove that the infection Avas
l^retty widely distributed, ^loat of these cases were fatal.
On August 5th, seven new cases. From that date, the
epidemic waA'O surged over the island with such fierce in-
tensity, that it is hardly possible to keep ])ace Avith its
progress. Of the tAA^enty soldiers Avho had remained at
the Rof/))af-Siid barracks, fifteen Avere sent to the military
hospital betAveon Auguse Tth and 21st. The majority sue- v<
combed.
On August 8th, forty-fiA'e soldiers were transferred to
the natiA'e Aillage of N'Dartoute and tAA'enty to Pointe-
Nord. These remained uncontaminated until the end of
September, Avhen nineteen of the men at Pointe-Xord were
attacked. The troops were then sent to M'Pal and Louga,
Avhre they remained until the end of the epidemic.
^1
SENEGAL, 1900. 299
The epidemic began to subside at Saint Louis, about
September 15tli. .New cases were observed September
20th, 25th, 26th and 27th, and October 5th, 10th 13th
and 14th.
There were no cases in November.
On December 31st, one new case, a civilian from Louga.
A civilian who had recently arrived in the colony was
taken ill on January 11th, 1901. The epidemic of Saint
Louis thus came to an end on that date, after having
la/sted for nearly six months, if we are to compute the
true epidemical period from July IGth, or nearly eight
months, if we calculate from May 2r)th, the date of the
first case. During that time, ninety-nine Europeans and
three natives had fallen victims to the saffron scourge.
Thies.
On May lltli, 1900, a Moroccan who had arrived from
Dakar, a week prevously, died at Thies. As in all other
instances of "first cases," in other localities, a long inter-
val elapsed before another case manifested itself. On
August 27th, more than three months after the case im-
ported from Dakar, an agent and a doctor arrived at Thies
from Saint Louis. The agent was taken ill on his arrival
and the doctor on the 29th. Both cases were sent to the
Dakar hospital. Another case erupted on Auguse 31st.
Altogether, seven cases were observed, the last on Feb-
ruary 28th, 1901.
Total cases, 7; total deaths, 4.
- TlVOUANE.
The first case at Tivouane, took place in August, 1900.
This case was folloAved by recovery. Cases were
also observed on October 2nd, November 15th, and Novem-
ber 25th. The last case took place January 18th, 1901.
Total cases, 4; total deaths, 4.
300 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
On Vessels.
Recalling the fearful ravages made by yellow fever on
board the vessels doing service in the colony in 1878, every
government vessel was ordered to keep away from the
centers of infection during the epidemic of 1900. The
only vessels which were retained, were the Hirondcllc, the
Heroine and the Ahla. All three were finally iafected.
The Ahka, Avhich did service as a water-boat, had a crew
of eleven natives and six Europeans. It was anchored
opposite Saint Louis during the epidemic of 1900, and
was used for transferring the troops from one post to an-
other, as they successively became infected. The first
case on board occurred on August 14th, followed by three
others. Only one death resulted.
The Heroine, which was used as a floating hospital, had
a crew of twenty-four Europeans. The vessel was anchored
opposite Dakar. The first case on board occurred July
25th, the second, August 10th. From August 10th to
14th, five new cases. Between the 14th and 25th, there
were only six Europeans on board the pontoon. On the
last mentioned date, two new cases, followed by others
on the 2Gth and 27th. In short, from July 25th, the date
of the first case, to August 27th, nine cases developed on
board, followed by six deaths.
On August 20th, contrary to the wishes of the colonial
government, a number of officers were sent on board the
Hirondelle, with instructions to proceed to French Sou-
dan. Forty-eight hours after the departure of the vessel,
yellow fever broke out on board. The facts were imme-
diately cabled to the government, and the Hirondelle was
ordered to return to the capital, without touching at any
point on the river. On her return, the captain reported
that five cases and two deaths had taken place during the
voyage.
STATISTICS OF THE YELLOW FEVER EPIDEMIC
IN SENEGAL, 1900-1901.
The yellow fever epidemic which ravaged Senegal from
April 16th, 1900, to February 28th, 1901, may be con-
sidered as one of the most virulent explosions of the dis-
SENEGAL, 1900.
301
ease on record. Almost the entire non-imimine popula-
tion fled when the disease was officially declared epidemic,
and nearly all the white troops were ordered back to
France. Notwitlistandinj]j this depopulation, one hun-
dred and twenty-nine soldiers were attacked, and sixty
died, and of one hundred and sixty-seven civilians at-
tacked, one hundred and three died. The mortality would
certainly have been terrible had not three thousand
Europeans souglit security in flight.
Every walk of life was invaded. Soldiers, ecclesiastics,
civilians, and strangest of all, natives paid tribute to the
awesome pestilence. For the first time in the history of
yellow fever invasions in Senegal, the natives w^ere pro-
miscuously attacked. Tlie black troops alone furnished
twent}^ cases and eight deaths.
The appended tables, compiled expressly for this work
from official records, Avill be found interesting, especially
Table B, as it is the first time in the annals of epidemiology
that a complete resume of an epidemic in Western Africa
has been obtained.
SENEGAL EPIDEMIC OF 1900.
Table A. Localities Afflicted, with Cases and Deaths.
Locality
Soiircfi ('f
Infection
Dat« of
1st Case
l)»te of
l8t Death
Date of
Last Case
Dflteof
Last Death
ToiM
Ca«e8
Tofl
D'th
Carabane
4
4
Dakar
Disputed 1 Apr. 16
Apr. 16
Nov. —
Nov. —
142
76
Goree
Dakar
June 20
June 23
Aug. 17
Aug. —
23
20
Mehke
1
0
N'Dande.. ..
1
1
Rufisqiie
Dakar
May 12
June —
Dec —
Dec. 24
18
15
Saint-Louis..
Dakar
May 23
May 26
Jan. 14
1901
Jan. '01
218
102
f hies
Dakar
Rufiisque
May —
Aug. —
May 11
Feb. 28
1901
Jan. 18
1901
7
*4
3
Tivouane
3
416
225
302
HISTORY OF YELLOW FRVER.
Table B. CLASSiriKD Resume of Cases and Deaths.
Cases. Deaths.
Marines G5 34
Gunners 29 12
Spaliis 7 5
Instructors 8 1
Total among white
troops 104 52
Native sharpshooters. . 25 8
Total among troops ■ — —
Municipal Service:
Hospital Corps 23 8
Gendarmes 4 3
Unclassified 1 1
Total among munici-
pal employes — —
Colonial Government Service :
Local Marine Corps . . 16 10
Department of Fi-
nance 2 0
Department of Public
Works 2 2
Department of Agricul-
ture 4 1
Department of J u s -
tice 1 1
Customhouse Inspec-
tors 8 6
Post-Office and Tele-
graph 4 2
Home Office 0 2
Unclassified 9 5
Total among govern-
ment employes ... — --
Total
Cases. Deaths.
129 60
28 12
52 29
SENEGAL, 1900. 303
23
13
5
5
2
0
10
3
167
103
416
225
Miscellaneous :
On board local vessels.
Ecclesiastics .
School teachers
Sisters of Charity . . . .
Civilians
OlJGlN OF THE EriDJ:MI('.
When the first case of yellow fever broke out at Dakar,
on April 16th, 1900, health conditions were excellent
throu«>hout the colony. There had been no outbreak in
Senegal since 1882. Under the circumstances, the ques-
tion naturally propounds itself: What was the cause?
It could not have been a recrudescence of the epidemic, for
such a tiiinf? is impossible after a lapse of eighteen years.
It could not have been caused by the digging of the soil
and the shifting of earth laden with dejections from pre-
vious epidemics, for yellow fever germs do not propagate
in this fashion. There is only one door left open : Impor-
tation. But whence and how? The answer is as elusive
as the honest man whom our old friend Diogenes is no
doubt looking for through the trackless regions of the
nether world.
Let us see what localities were suffering from yellow
fever in 1899 and 1900, and we may find a clue.
In 1899, the French Ivory Coast was the only locality
in Africa where yellow fever prevailed. The only other
cases in the Eastern Hemisphere were imported from A^era
Cruz, and were observed on shipboard in the harbor of
Nantes on the western coast of France. The fever pre-
vailed epidemically in Central America, Mexico, the
United States, the West Indies and South Ahierica.
Could infected mosquitoes have been imported from
Grand Bassam to Dakar, in 1899, where they hibernated
until the advent of warmer weather? The Ivory Coast is
a French possession and communication between the capi-
tal of that dependency and Senegal was almost uninter-
3j4 history of yellow fever.
rupted, in spite of quarantine regulations. Smugglers in-
fest the coast and they are certaiuh' not respectors of san-
itary or any other laws.
In 11)00, yellow fever had. not been observed in Africa
previous to the outbreak at Dakar. We must, therefore,
look elscAvhere for the source of importation. Epidemics
of more or less intensity prevailed that year in Central
America, Mexico, the United States, Brazil and Columbia.
The early appearance of the disease at Dakar, precludes
an3- i^ossibility of its having been brought from the United
States, for the disease only manifested itself in this
country in the middle of the year. It rarely begins before
July.
In South America, however, conditions are different.
There we find yellow fever in almost any season of the
year. The disease was very severe in Brazil, in 1S99 and
1900— the death-rate being 731 for the former and 311 for
the latter year. South America has been a notorious focus
of infection since the early fifties, when the scourge estab-
lished itself epidemically in Brazil, and it is quite natural
to suspect Rio de Janeiro or its sister cities of having con-
taminated Senegal in 1900. Yellow fever is present in
Bio de Janeiro, from January to December, each year.
Trade relations between Brazil and the ^Vest Coast ot
Africa is quite brisk. In addition to the independent
craft which ply between the two continents, two French
steamship companies make regular trips from France to
Brazil, and the La Plata region, stopping at Dakar on
their return trip. A case of yellow fever, or infected mos-
quitoes could thus easily be transported from the epidemic
foci of South America to the shores of Senegal.
It is of record that two of these French vessels brought
yellow fever cases from Senegal to Havre (q. v.) during
the epidemic of 1900. the CaravaUcs, August 9th, and the
^antci Fc, August 10th. These cases were infected at
Dakar, where the steamships had touched, to take passen-
gers for France. The fever did not spread, for the simple
reason that the yellow fever mosquito does not flourish at
Havre, and whatever infected insects had been taken on
board the vessels while in Senegal, perished when they
SENEGAL 1905. S05
reached an altitude hostile to their existence. Under the
same conditions, the fever could be transported from
South America to Senegal, but with different results, for
the Stcgomyia Calopiis flourishes in nearly every country
on the West Coast of Africa, and a single infected female
of that species is all that is needed to start a focus,
which can eventually contaminate the entire coast.
Dr. Kermorant denies the charge of importation, either
from other African stations or South America, leaning to
the theory of revivescence of germs from previous epi-
demics by the disturbance of the soil, a dogma which at
the present day has reached the last stages of attenuation.
There is, we repeat, but one possible source: Importa-
tion. But whence or how, we can only surmise, having no
proofs.
1901.
Sporadic' cases of yellow fever Avere observed in Senegal,
during 1901. The first case of the year manifested itself
at Thies, on January 3rd. A fatal case was observed at
Saint Louis, on January 14th, and one at Trivouane, on
the 18th of the same month. Another case erupted at
Thies, on February 28th. With the exception of a case
at Dakar, on Alpril 10th, no others were observed until late
in the year. Between September 21st and October 13th,
two cases erupted at Dagana and three at Saint Louis,
followed by three deaths. ^-
Total cases for 1901, 10 ; total deaths, 5.
Nearly all these cases were new arrivals in the colony.
The disease did not l)ecome epidemic, for the simple reason
that those who had fled in 1900, wisely remained in France.
1905.
For four years we hear nothing about yellow fever in
"Proust and Faivre: Rec. dcs Trav. du Com. Consult. d'Hyg.
Pub. de France, 1901 (Paris, 1903), p. 336; also Ker-
moTgant: Ann. d'Hyg. et de Med. Colon., 1903, vol. 6, p.
626.
306 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
Senegal, not even a sporadic case being mentioned in the
official reports of the health of the colony.
On May 31, 1905, the startling news was disseminated
throughout the colony that an engineer emploA-ed at the
•water works at Dakar had died of a malady officially
declared by the physicians, both civil and military, to be
yellow fever. As may well be imagined, the announce-
ment caused consternation among the European popula-
tion, and a general exodus took place. All steamers sail-
ing for Europe were crowded to their utmost capacity,
as a repetition of the disaster of 1900 was apprehended
and the large number of non-immunes then in the colony
concluded that they would be safer with the ocean between
them and the seat of contagion.
According to Mr. Strickland, ^^ American Consul, and Dr.
Eibot/'* the authorities at (lOree-Dakar, warned by the
disastrous epidemic of 1900, used the most energetic meas-
ures to prevent the disease from spreading. The house
where the patient died was burned and his effects
destroyed, the government assuming the loss. His family
was isolated and all suspicious cases of sickness were
closely watched. The chief health officer of Goree pur-
chased two immense woven-wire cages which had been
used by Consul Strickland during his sojourn in Senegal,
one to sleep in and the otlier to enclose his writing-table
and book-cases. The largest case was capable of accom-
modating two single beds, a chair and a table, while the
smallest could contain a bed, a chair and a table. The
cages were mounted in tlie hospital, and all cases of sus-
picious fever were placed therein. Our representative
says that he has used such cages since 1877, and attributes
liis immunity from the diseases incidental to the climate
to this precautionary measure.
Orders were received by the colonial government from
the mother country to wage incessant warfare against the
mosquitoes in general and the ^tcf/onri/ia Calopiis in par-
ticular, as the female of this species, and not dirt, eman-
" StrickTand^ U7~sr"Public~^Heartir Reports, 1905, vol. 207?-
1473.
"^Ribot: Annales d'Hygiene et de Medicine Colonialcs (Paris),
1907. vol. 10. D. 79.
SIERRA LEONE 307
ations or buried germs were responsible for the si)read of
yellow fever.
An old and tried proverb asserts that an ounce of pre-
vention is better than a pound of cure, and to the strict
sanitary measures adopted by the authorities, Senegal
probably owes her escape from an epidemic in 1905. Be
that as it may, no other cases developed and the timorous,
who had been on the anxious seat and only awaited the
eruption of a second case to flee, settled down to their
usual avocations, and the business of the colony resumed
its normal stage.
It would have been interesting to analyze the genesis
of this isolated case; but, unfortunately, beyond the report
of Consul Strickland, we have failed to discover any arti-
cle which could throw additional light on the subject.
That the case did not originate de novo is certain, f^or it
would have been followed by others. In the absence of
proof that it was imported, however, we cannot positively
assert that it was of foreign origin, although we are in-
clined to that belief. We shall leave the question for
future theorists to elucidate.
CONCLUSIONS.
1908.
Up to the time this transcript is handed to the
printer, October, 1908, we have not heard of any other
eruption of yellow fever in Senegal, and with the present
known mode of transmission of the disease, there is no
reason why yellow fever, should it manifest itself in that
far-off land, should not be confined to a few cases.
SIEREA LEONE.
Description.
Sierra Leone is a British crown colony on the west coast
of Africa. It is a coaling station for the Royal Navy, and
the headquarters of the West Indian regiments, stationed
on the African coast. The colony consists of Sierra
308 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVKR.
Leone proper, Sherbro Island, several small islands and
the whole coast region from the lower limits of French
Guiana, on the northwest to Liberia on the southwest.
Capital, Freetown, where most of the inhabitants live.
HISTORICAL RESUME.
Sierra Leone was discovered by the Portugese, in 1463,
but no settlement was attempted, owing to the deadly
nature of the climate and the ferocity of the savages who
inhabited the interior.. From time to time, spasmodic
efforts were made to establish colonies along the coast, but
the mortality which attended these efforts was such, that
Sierra Leone was designated by Europeans as "The White
Man's Grave," an appellation which has clung to it to
tliis day.
On May 9th, 1787, about sixty Englishmen and four
hundred blacks landed at the peninsula of Sierra Leone,
and founded Freetown, whicli was destined to be the haven
of all the escaped, rescued and emancipated slaves of the
world. On September 16th, 1787, disease had so deci-
mated the colony, that only two hundred and seventy-five
IDcrsons remained. These either emigrated to other climes
or were murdered by the natives. In 1791, the English
Parliament, to encourage the work of the abolitionists,
authorized the formation of a powerful company. The
year following, this company sent 1200 liberated slaves
from Nova Scotia and the Bahamas to rebuild the aban-
doned town of Freetown. Shortly after, a pestilential dis-
ease ravaged the colony and the project was about to be
abandoned, when an Englishman named Clarkson, a
brother of the originator of the scheme, took energetic con-
trol, and induced the pioneers to remain. The ill-starred
venture was destined to again suffer destruction. In
1791, a French squadron, not knowing of the philanthropic
nature of the settlement, but seeing only a possession of
the hated Englishman, completely destroyed the town.
The French government severely censured the command-
ant of the squadron for this action, but it was too late —
Freetown was a heap of debris.
SIERRA LEONE. 309
With the stubbornness which characterizes the Brit-
isher, and to which is due his eminence in the history of
nations, John Bull resolved to again put its pet scheme
into execution, and in 1808, purchased all the rights of
the Sierra Leone Company, and the territory became an
English possession. In 1812, a new mode of colonizing
the country was put into execution. All slaves taken
iVom ships captured by the English, were sent to Sierra
Leone, and given their liberty. From that date, the colony
prospered and became the Mecca of emancipated slaves.
Other towns were founded in rapid succession: Leices-
ter, in 1809; Eegent, in 1812; Gloucester, in 1816; Leo-
pold and Kissey, in 1817; Charlotte, Wilbeforce and Bat-
hurst, in 1818; Kent, York, Wellington, Hastings and
Waterloo, in 1819.
The population of Sierra-Leone grew rapidly. In 1811,
there were 4,500 persons, half of which were liberated
slaves; in 1819, it had more than doubled, being 12,000,
including 200 white soldiers; in 1828, it had grown to
17,566, and in 1819, to 46,569. The last census (1891),
gave the dependency a population of 74,835, mostly natives
and descendants of liberated slaves.
From 1812 to 1835, the liberated slaves sent to swell the
population of Sierra Leone, amounted to 27,167.
The European population was more numerous in the
first years of the colony than afterwards. This was due
to the fact that the insalubriety of the climate is extremely
hostile to the whites. In 1818, the town of Regent, alone,
had a population of 1300 whites and 1700 blacks. In
1826, only 535 English soldiers could be found in the
entire colony. To-day, the population is almost totally
black. A few white merchants remain during the healthy
season, but as soon as the rains set in, they return to
Europe. Tlie white soldiers have been replaced by blacks,
and with the exception of a few white officers, the gov-
ernor and his clerical help, no whites reside permanently
in the colony.
1 THE FEVERS OF SIERRA LEONE.
Sierra Leone may now be considered as one of the en-
310 HISTORY OF YELLOW FiCVKR.
(lemic foci of yellow fever iu western Africa. Previous to
1763, when the disease was imported to the colony, it was
unknown; but, finding a home suitable for its retention
and propagation, it took firm root, and is now one of the
natural products of that insalubrious region.
According to Lamprey,^^ there are three types of fevers
commonly met with in Sierra Leone: (1), ague; (2), bili-
ous fever, and (3), pernicious or yellow fever. The first
is not of frequent occurrence; the second is the common-
est; the third the most fatal. Dr. Lamprey, who made a
special study of the yellow fever outbreaks in Sierra
T^one, observed that, though, the character of these fevers,
when developed, show a distinctivenss of type one from
another, yet so alike are they at the incipiency of the
attack, that it requires some experience to define them.
Tt is found expedient to carefully watch the various symp-
toms of a suspicious case, before absolutely j)ronouncing
the disease to be yellow fever.
, The unsanitary condition of Freetown is especially
adapted to the propagation of pestilence. The city is
situated in an amphitheatre, surrounded on three sides by
a range of hills rising from 500 to 3,000 feet above the
town. In this circumscribed area, a large and dense pop-
ulation are crowded together. The houses are, for the
most part, unscientifically constructed and illy ventilated,
and are surrounded by privies, cesspits and wells. From
the latter the inhabitants obtain their drinking water.
During the "wet" season — May to August — it rains in-
cessantly. The natural slope of the land drains this heavy
rainfall into the cesspits and vaults, which overflow into
the wells, concocting a beverage for the benighted Free-
townites, compare<l to which Carizzo water would taste
like nectarine frappe.
From the above conditions, it will readily be understood
why the fever is so often epidemic in Sierra Leone, and is
productive of such a high rate of mortality.
•'Lamprey: British Medical Journal, 1885; vol. 2, p. 594.
SIERRA LEONE 1763-1778. 311
)
A review of the literature ou the subject brings forth
no evidence of the fever ever having been imported into
Sierra Leone, but rather leads to the conclusion that an
endemic fever prevails every year in that country, being
most prevalent in the lowest and most crowded sections of
Fretown. It arises purely from local causes. At certain
epochs this fever acquires great development and becomes
epidemic, and, although its symptoms remain the same,
they are much heightened in intensity ; remissions are less
common, black vomit is more frequent and the mortality
greater.
YELLOW FEVER YEARS.
1763; 1764; 1766; 1778; 1807; 1809; 1812; 1815; 1816;
1819; 1822; 1823; 1825; 1826; 1828; 1829; 1830; 1836;
1837; 1838; 1839; 1815; 1817; 1848; 1858; 1859; 1862;
1864; 1865; 1866; 1868; 1872; 1878; 1884.
SUMMARY OF EPIDEMICS.
1763 TO 1766.
According to Lind,^^ yellow fever prevailed in Sierra
Leone, in 1763, 1764 and 1766. The repoa'ts lack authen-
ticit}'.
1778.
The first authentic appearance of yellow fever in Sierra
Leone, took place in 1778, according to Scliott.^''' No de-
tails are given, probably because the whites were so scarce
in the country that only a few cases resulted among them ;
but it is an historical fact that the fever was carried from
Sierra Leone to Gambia, and from Gambia to Senegal,
where it decimated the English garrison stationed at Saint
Louis.
'"Lfind: Diseases lueidental to Europeans in Hot Climates.
"Schctte: A Treatise on the Synochiis Atrabiliosa, London,
1782.
31? HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
1807 TO 1816.
Yellow fever was present in Sierra Leone, in 1807, 1809,
1812, 1815, 1816, 1819 and -1822, but only sporadically.^^
The mortality among the Europeans was high.
1823.
The first epidemic of which any details are given,
is that of 1823, described by Bryson.^^ The focus
of this epidemic began on December 11, 1822, when an
isolated case of "suspicious fever" was observed, followed
by death. The patient was the harbor-master of Sierra
Leone, and had been on board no infected vessel, nor had
been exposed, as far as Dr. Bryson could ascertain, to any
other infection except that of the common endemic and
local fever. Six weeks afterwards, another case occurred.
The third positive case occurred on the 22nd of February,
1823, in the person of a seaman from the ship, Caroline,
who had been loading timber up the river. Some weeks
previous to the diagnosis of this case, the Caroline had
lost several of her crew from fever contracted while the
vessel was being loaded at Freetown. Cases subsequently
occurred among the crew of other vessels and among tne
inhabitants of Sierra Leone, and the fever gradually be-
came widespread.
The epidemic appears to have gradually declined, and
finally ceased at Sierra Leone, and, as far as can be ascer-
tained, in the shipping in the adjacent rivers, in June or
July. As there had been a. first case of a doubtful char-
acter preceding by several weeks or a month, the general
outbreak, so it might be argued, there was a last case of
a similar nature, which followed its general extinction at
an equal distance of time. The last case which occurred
in June, proved fatal on the 12tli of the month, when the
heavy rains set in. But there was another, an "isolated
•* Berenger-Feraud and Lrmprey, loc. c:t.
"Bryson: An Account of the Origin, Spread and Declane of
the Epidemic Fevers of Sierra Leone (London, 1849),
p. 14.
SIERRA LEONE 1823. 3l3
case," that of Mr. Huddleston, a Wesleyan preacher, which
occurred, about the middle of July ; he was then convales-
cent from an attack of the common remittent, a disease
he was subject to during the rains. On returning from
his religious duties, he felt indisposed, and became fever-
ish, but it was considered to be merely a relapse of the
remittent. On the third day, however, it manifested symp-
toms of the fatal epidemic. On the evening of the fourth,
black vomit made its appearance; and the next evening,
the 20th of July, the afflicting scene closed. This gentle-
man resided in the same house with his brother-in-law,
who died of the epidemic fever on the 16th of April ; he
was besides, during that and the following month, when
the disease was at its greatest degree of severitj", fre-
quently at the bedside of those who were suffering from
it, without being affected himself."^
As the epidemic disappeared, the ground was found
occupied by the endemic, exhibiting about the same degree
of intensity it had when the former threw it into the
shade, in the early part of the year ; subsequently, it pre-
vailed for several years amongst all classes of Europeans,
from the Gambia down to the easternmost point of the
Gold Coast, with unprecedented severity. The deaths on
some of the cruisers were numerous, but amongst the
troops stationed at Bathurst, Cape Coast and Accra, they
were truly appalling. To say that upwards of three-
fourths x)f the whole were annually, for several j^ears, cut
off by fever, would be far within the mark.''^^
The fever was imported from Freetown, in ]March, 1823,
to the Island of Ascension (q. v.) by the sloop of war
Bann, an incident which gave rise to discussions which re-
main unsettled to the present day.^^
1825.
Yellow fever prevailed in Sierra Leone, in 1825, result-
ing in a mortality of fifty per cent.^^
" '^^Bryson, p. 3L
"Bryson, p. 32.
" See "Ascension Island," in this volume, for details cf this
famous case.
" Second Report on Quarantine, 1852, p. 288.
314 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
182G.
I^o details are obtainable concerning the outbreak of
182G, as the English medical archives are as silent as the
gTave on the subject, but according to Dupont and Beren-
ger-Feraud,'''^ the ship, SijhiUe was infected at Freetown,
during the summer of 1826, and lost a gTeat many of her
crew on the voyage from that port to Saint Helena. The
English nosologists denied that the disease on the SjjhiUe
was yellow fever, claiming that the contagion would have
spread to the Island of Saint Helena had such been the
case, but it must be borne in mind that the outbreak took
place about the end of August, the coldest month in the
Southern Hemisphere, and that S(tcgonii/iac do not circu-
late when the temperature is below the freezing point.
1828.
Yellow fever reappeared during the summer of 1828.
The ship La Bordclaise was infected at Freetown, and
carried the disease to Senegal (q. v.)'^^
1829.
The year 1829 witnessed another severe outbreak in
Sierra Leone. From 1823 to 1829, yellow fever was
present almost every year in Sierra Leone. The disease
was very fatal, but was not widespread during that period.
In April, 1829, however, the fever assumed a most malig-
nant type. As in 1823, the first cases were scattered and
were not imported; they seemed to grow out as it were
from the endemic fever, from which, indeed, some of the
cases appear to have been scarcely distinguishable. Then,
gradually increasing, the disease spread as an epidemic
among the European seamen and the white ])opulation
residing along the lower left bank of the river, the very
locality in which the fever of 1823, had committed such
terrible ravages.^^
"Dupont, loc. cit. ; Berenger-Feraud, p. 104.
" Berenger-Feraud, p. 105.
'"British and Foreign Medico-Chlrurgical Review, 1849; Vol.
4, p. 465.
SIERRA LEONE 18S9.. 315
According- to Bojle/^ the first well marked fatal case
was that of Mr. Loiighman, a writer in the Colonial Office,
a young man of "a sensitive mind, but somewhat careless
as to his modes of living." He was seized on the 21st of
April, and died on the 28th, under all the symptoms of
the epidemic, then known. There was no means of trac-
ing this case to imported contagion, or indeed any reasons
to presume it was so contracted.
The next case appears to have been that of a. midship-
man of the Eden, who was taken ill in the harbor, on the
29th of April, on board a. detained vessel of which he had
charge, and died on the 5th of May, on the Eden, to which
he had been removed. In this vessel there was another
subordinate officer, who was attacked the day after the
above, as he himself supposed, in consequence of his hav-
ing "got wet in a tornado." His symptoms were decidedly
those of yellow fever. On the 3rd of May, his dejections
became black; on the 4tli, his eyes and skin were yellow,
with a dirty brown tinge on the fifth, his urine was turbid
and offensive ; on the 6th, he began to sink, and died early
on the morning of the 7th, on the detained vessel. Blood
was taken from the arm early in the disease, but the
wound never closed, and it bled to the last, when the
bandages were removed or torn off by the patient when
delirious; it resembled the orifice made in the vein of a
dead subject.
The next case on record, although there is little reason
to doubt that there were others occurring at the same
time, is that of a man, who, after wandering for several
days about Freetown in a state of destitution, Avas received
on board the Eden, on the 1st of May, as one of her crew.
On the evening of the 3rd, he was attacked with fever;
on the Otli his dejections were of a dark color, and in the
evening he vomited a dark colored fluid, in which there
were clots and streaks of coagulated blood. On the 7th,
hs eyes and skin having become yellow, he began to sink,
and died at four in the afternoon.
"Boyle: A Pract'cal Medico-Hisitorical Account of the
Western Coast of Africa, (London, 1831), p. 255.
316 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
The next case was that of a traveler who came down to
Sierra Leone in an open boat, and being intoxicated, slept
part of the time, although exposed to the fury of the north-
east tornado, accompanied with heavy rain. He was
seized on the 4th of May, the day after his arrival at Free-
town, and died on the 10th.
On the 9th of May, one of the merchants of Freetown
was attacked, and died on the 16th. In this instance
death was preceded by yellowness of the skin and black
vomit.
The cases then became more frequent and almost every
European who had not fled from Freetown, suffered an
attack. The malady lasted without interruption until
1830, when it gradually subsided and was succeeded by the
endemic bilious fever.
The Edcii, which, as we have seen, had been infected at
Freetown, in 1823, an event which caused endless contro-
versies between the medical men of the period, was con-
taminated at Freetown, in 1829, and lost 110 men out of
a crew of 160, besides leaving her sick at numerous ports
on the African coast, which were thus infected and suf-
fered much from the ravages of the disease.
The Champion was also infected at Freetown, in 1829,
and carried the fever to Fermando-Po (q. v.), where it
caused much mortality.
1830.
Many cases were observed in 1830, but the disease did
not become epidemic, gradually subsiding during the sum-
mer and finally blending with the bilious fever annually
present in Sierra Leone.
1836.
For six years, nothing is said about yellow fever in
Sierra Leone in the official medical reports, although there
is no doubt in our mind that the disease, if it did not pre-
\ail annually, must certainly have been present at some
time or other during these dat«s.
SIERRA LEONE. 1837. 317
In December, 1836, the fever broke out suddenly at Free-
town, and lasted until January, 1837. The cases and
deaths are not given.^'^
1837.
The focus of the epidemic of 1837, began in December,
1830, as mentioned above.
The genesis of this epidemic as set forth by Bryscm
(page 07) is interesting and shows how fatal to
Europeans, especially new arrivals, is the African type of
yellow fever.
It appears by a report from Staff-Surgeon Ferguson,
then Governor of Sierra Leone, that a vessel called the
Mary, arrived from England on the 9th of December, 1830,
and immediately afterwards proceeded up the Bunce
Kiver for a cargo of timber, anchoring six miles above
Freetown, close to the marshy mangrove-covered banks of
the river.. Towards the close of the month, the endemical
remittent began to attack the crew in the order exhibited
by the following table:
Cases. Deaths.
Dec. 27, 1836 1 0
Dec. 29, 1830 5 0
Dec. 30, 1836 5 4
Jan. 4, 1837 2 0
Jan. 6, 1837, 1 0
Jan. 7, 1837 1 1
15 5
The master of the vessel was attacked on the 30th of
December, and died on the 20th of January. Four of the
crew were also attacked on the same day as the master,
of whom three died. These, with the cases of the 27th
and the 29th, were considered to be instances of the en-
demial remittent. On the 0th of January, there was but
one European left on board (the carpenter) ; he also was
in ill health, but refused to leave the ship. He, however,
became worse, was brought to town on the 10th of Jan-
uary, and died on the 12th. Thus the whole of the crew
" Bryson, p. 94.
SIS HISTORY OF ye; LOW FEVER.
were att.acked with the fever within the space of fifteen
days, and a third of the number died. In these cases,
neither black vomit nor any of the symptoms character-
istic of the malignant remittent occurred.
During the period embraced by the foregoing detail, the
Europeans of Freetown Avere healthy. On the 4th of
January, a young gentleman, who had not been a month
in the colony, was attacked with fever of great severity,
which, after it had been protracted beyond the ordinary
duration of remittents, proved fatal on the 16th of the
month. On the following day, a mulattress, who had
been in the colony eighteen years, died of fever of ten
days' duration. These two cases, the colony having been
previously healthy, excited great consternation, but no
other cases developing they were soon forgotten.
One of the two sailors of the Mary, who had been
attacked with fever in the early part of January, iiad a
relapse on the 9th of February', of Avliich he died on the
18th, having had black vomit on the day of his death.
He had not returned to the ship, but remained at sick
lodgings at Freetown, taking a walk morning and even-
ing, when the fatal relapse occurred.
The next cases were amongst the crew of a vessel called
the Lady Doufjlass, which had arrived at Freetown on
the 12th of January, and afterwards went to Melacoorie,
a river about forty miles to the northward of Sierra. Leone,
for timber. Four men from this vessel were unfortun-
ately sent to the same sick lodgings that had been previ-
ously occupied by part of the sick crew of the Mnr}i. The
men were all taken sick, and only one of the four recov-
ered; the others died after having presented the symp-
toms peculiar to yellow fever.
The malignant fever at length broke out in its worst
form among the European residents of Freetown. The
first case occurred on the 31st of March. Mr. White, a
West Indian, who had resided several years in the colony,
Captain Patrick and Mr. Crummens were on that day]
attacked, and the two last mentioned died on the fourth
day of the fever.
The third fatal case occurred on the 16th of April, the
I
SIERRA LEONK 18S7. S19
fourth on the 20th and the fifth on the 24th. All these
cases terminated with the peculiar symptoms of malig-
nant fever. The duration of the fever in the seven first
cases that terminated in death was as follows, viz. : The
first and second on the fourth day; the third on the
fourth ; the fourth on the fourth ; the fifth on the third ;
sixth on the sixth, and the seventh on the ninth.
All these were males; the next case was a Mrs. N., who
was the first female who had the disease, and after it had
assumed the epidemic character, she recovered. The fever
tlius, after, as it were, maturing during a period of about
two months, established a footing in Freetown, continued
with great violence in May and June, and declined in
July, the attacks gradually becoming fewer and less severe
as the raiiiy season approached. Nearly all the patients
who wene attacked in the latter month recovered, and by
tlie end of July, the fever in its epidemic form, was wholly
extinct, although sporadic cases manifested themselves
until the middle of December.
On Vessels.
In May 1837, according to Bryson (page 94), yellow
fever was contracted by the crew of the Curlew, either
there or in one of the rivers between Sierra Leone and tlie
Gambia, but wherever contracted, it was communicated by
the chip's company to the inhabitants of Gambia, and sub-
sequently by the latter to the inhabitants of Goree.
In October and in Noyemlier, the fever was contracted
either at Freetown or off Cape Palmas, by the crew of the
Raven; but, altliough a large proportion of the sick of
this vessel were landed at Cape Coast Castle, they did
not communicate the disease to the inhabitants of that
district.
In December, the malady under discussion was con-
tracted at Sierra Leone by two stewards belonging to the
English coasting vessel Efna;an(]. there is reason to believe
it was communicated by them in a most virulent form to
3 20 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
the ship's company, who carried it to the Island of Ascen-
sion, where, in a short time, nearly the whole of the crew
having suffered, it became extinct in the quarantine tents
at Comfort Cove.
In the latter end of December, it broke out amongst the
ship's company of the Forester, at or shortly after leaving
Sierra Leone, but ax)pears to have entirely ceased on the
passage to Ascension. At sea, however, prior to its cessa-
tion, she communicated with the Bonitta, and discharged
a prize crew into her, which had been embarked at Sierra
Leone. By these men, or by some other means, the fever
was communicated to the ship's company, and by them,
the malady having suddenly assumed the greatest degTee
of virulence, it was again carried to Ascension (q. v.)
1838.
In 1838, according to Lamprey,''^^ yellow fever appeared
in February, and ended in March. The Island of Ascen-
sion (q. V.) was again contaminated by vessels from Sierra
Leone in the beginning of the year.
1839.
In 1839, a severe form of "remittent fever" caused the
death of six officers of the garrison at Tower Hill bar-
racks. During the months of July, August and Septem-
ber, every mail of the Royal African Corps in the barracks
at King Toms, Freetown, suffered from the fever, and the
mortality amongst that corps is stated to have been appal-
ling. There were seven officers and thirteen men of the
Koyal Navy attacked with yellow fever, and every one
died.*^o
1845.
From 1839 to 1845, there is no mention of yellow fever
in Sierra Leone, probably due to the fact that no new-
comers arrived during that period.
— ■ . . .y
"Lamprey: British Medical Journal, 1885; Vol. 2, p. 594. ^
"' Lamprey, Ice. cit.
* SIERRA LEONE — 1847-1858. 321
In 1845, yellow fever appeared amongst the crew of the
squadron at anchor, off Sierra Leone. The Eclair sailed
from the river on July 23rd, 1845, and sixty of her crew
perished from yellow fever. One fatal case occurred in
September.^^
The Eclair contaminated Boa Vista, one of the Cape
Verds (q. v.)
1847.
In 1847, yellow fever was epidemic in Freetown, in
June, July and August. The ship Growler was contami-
nated at Freetown, and is accused of having brought the
fever to the Island of Barbadoes, in the West Indies.^^
But as the fever was already prevailing in the Antilles,
this importation merely added fuel to the pestilence.
1848.
Another outbreak of the disease took place in 1848, but
was not severe. ^^
1858.
Sierra Leone presumably enjoyed a long immunity from
yellow fever, for no cases are recorded during the decade
from 1848 to 1858. Whether the fever was present or not,
we have no means of ascertaining, as the inedical records
are silent on tlie subject, and even our old stand-by, Ber-
enger-Feraud, was unable to unearth any records which
could throw light on the question. This extraordi-
nary immunity may be explained on the theory that the
whites, tiring of being mowed down like sheep, kept aloof
from the colony and the blacks, who are seldom, if ever
attacked by yellow fever, furnished no cases.
The reappearance of the fever in 1858 is barely noticed
by Berenger-Feraud (loc. cit., page 135), and is mentioned
nowhere else. Only two causes are open to conjecture:
" Lamprey and Berenger-Feraud.
" Lamprey and Berenger-Feraud.
"Berenger-Feraud, p. 118.
322 HISTORY OF vellow fever.
( 1 ) That the disease had been present during all the time
from 1848, to the "official-' outbreak of 1858; or, (2) Tliat
it was re-introduced by the shipping. We have nothing
on which to base any argument which could sustain any
of these propositions, but it is self-evident that one of the
two must stand. Yellow fever cannot originate from the
ground, and mosquitoes could not, under the most extra-
vagant stretch of the imagination, carry the virus for ten
years. The introduction of a single case, however, would
be sufficient to disseminate the poison and give rise to an
outbreak among the non-immunes unprotected from the
bites of the insects.
That the fever could easily have been imported to Sierra
Leone, in 1858, (admitting, arguendo, that importation
was necessarj^), will be evident by consulting our chrono-
logical tables for that year. The fever was widely distrib-
uted in America, and was especially severe in the West
Indies and the eastern coast of South America. The
English possessions in the Antilles suffered to a great
extent. Ships carried an extensive commerce between
Brazil, the West Indies and Sierra Leone and the im-
portation of a single case to Sierra Leone was sufficient
to engender an outbreak of the disease under discussion.
That this importation took place, we cannot prove, but
the natural inference is that it did. Experience has taught
us that official reports are not always trustworthy, especi-
ally when commercialism is at stake.
1859.
i
The importation of 1858, must have reinfected the
^tcf/onij/iac of Freetown to quite an extent, for the fever
broke out in April, 1859, and became epidemic in May.^*
There had been an influx of Europeans during the past
year, and 100 fell victims to the disease between April,
1859, and January, 1800.
The British war vessels Trident and Sharpshooter were
infected at Sierra T^one in 1859, and carried the disease
to the Island of Ascension (q. v.)
"Lamprey, loc. cit.
SIEItRA LEONK — 1859- (86^2. 325
Two seamen died of yellow fever on the Surprise^ off
Freetown. One of these men, however, belonged to the
Spiteful, and had arrived at Sierra Leone on a prize
vessel. Being at the time unwell, he was sent to the mili-
tary hospital for treatment, Avhere he recovered and was
discharged to the Spiteful. A few days afterwards he
was attacked with yellow fever, and died after four days'
illness. The other patient had deserted from a merchant
vessel, and subsequently, after leading an irregular life at
Sierra Leone, joined the Surprise as a volunteer. Ten
days after he came on board, he was attacked and died on
the sixth ({ay.
1860.
No mention is made of yellow fever at Sierra Leone, in
1860, but the disease was no doubt at Freetown, as the
British warship Arrogant was infected in that locality
"md lost two men.
1862.
The outbreak of 1862 was not severe and was not at-
tended by much mortality.
In the Statistical Report of the Health of the Navij for
1862 (published in 1865), pp. 155-162, it is stated that the
squadron on the West Coast of Africa suffered from yel-
low fever.Although Sierra Leone is not directly incrimi-
nated, the infection was no doubt contracted there. Eleven
cases occurred on board of the Bloodhound, seven of which
died. "At the time of the disease on board, however,
iriany cases of fever of a severe nature were under treat-
ment," writes the medical officer, "but none were classed
as yellow fever, except those in whom the symptoms were
unmistakable." The disease made its appearance Avhen
the- ship was lying at Batanga. The first case occurred
on September 15th, and died on the 18th. Between the
15th of September and the 16th of October, there were
nineteen cases of severe fever (which were not reported as
yellow fever for rasons above stated), which, assuming
them to have been of the yellow fever type, would give
altogether thirty cases under treatment.
S44 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVKR.
1864.
Yellow fever did not "officially" prevail in 1863, and
we find no record of any cases. In 1861, an outbreak took
place, the facts of which would no doubt have been sup-
pressed, but a merchant vessel brought a case from Free-
town to Falmouth, England (q. v.), and the facts could
not be hidden from the English public. The case, which
proA'ed fatal, caused much agitation in England, and the
whole African coast was quarantined until the advent of
cold weather.
1865.
In the Statistical Report of the Health of the Navy for
1865, (published in 1868), pp. 196-208, it is stated that
'^during Michaelmas" of that year, a very malignant type
of yellow fever Avas prevailing on shore at Sierra Leone,
causing a mortality of seventy-five per cent, amongst the
European population.
The same authority records sixty-five cases of yellow
fever occurring on the ships Archer, Sparrow, Rattlesnake
and Lis, with thirty-four deaths. The first fatal case
occurred September 28. The last case occurred on Decem-
ber 23Td, and died December 26.
All these vessels were infected at Sierra Leone. It
seems, however, that there occurred quite a number of
additional cases of yellow fever which were not classified
thus, for Surgeon Samuel Clift, of the Rattlesnalce, says:
"I have classed fifteen cases of fever as remittent, two as
e])]iemeral, and five as yellow fever, but tliey may all be
looked upon as the latter disease, differing only in inten-
sity, and as to the presence or not of l)lack vomit." It
seems, too, as though the general opinion prevailed that
many more cases of fever which occurred on board the
ships mentioned were also yellow fever.
1866.
The epidemic of 1886, was one of the severest expe-
rienced in the colony in many years. BetAvcen the months
of April and October, one hundred Europeans died at Free-
town. (Lamprey, loc. cit.)
SIERRA LEONE — 1866-1872. 395
In the Report for 18G6, (published in 1868), pp. 204-256,
it is stated that the squadron of the West Coast of Africa,
consisted for 1866, of twenty-three vessels, with a mean
force of 1,680 men. There were 519 cases of fever of a
continued type or remittent type; 30 cases of yelloio fever;
87 of agiie. Died: Five cases of primary fever; 25 of
yellow fever; one of ague. The average duration of each
case of yellow fever was about seventeen days. The aver-
age duration of the fatal cases 4.3 days.
In the epidemic on the ship Bristol, 1865-66, the first
case occurred December 28, 1865 ; the first deatli, January
3, 1866. Last case, January 11, 1866; last death, Feb-
ruary 8, 1866.
One case reported from the ship Espoir occurred about
May 9, 1866, died May 14th.
The epidemic on the ship Bristol was derived throutrh
communication with the ship Isis^ which was thoroughly
infected with tlie disease.
The Report gives two deaths from that disease on the
Isis. One of them was taken ill on December 29, 1865,
died January 1, 1866. The other took sick January 2,
1866, died January 7th. This was the last of the series
of cases that occurred in the Isis.
Twenty-eight cases occurred on the Bristol, one on the
Espoir, and one on the Isis. Of these, 25 proved fatal.
1868.
The year 1868, witnessed another outbreak at Freetown.
(Rerenger-Feraud, page 144.) The exodus of the unac-
climated Europeans prevented the disease from becoming
epidemic.
1872.
For four years, Sierra Leone had a reprieve from yellow
fever. In 1872, the disease reappeared at Freetown. It
was of a particularly malignant type, the mortality being
especially high in May, June and July. Even as late as
December, six deaths. are recorded. The average death-
526 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER
rate in Freetown during 1872, was 250 per 1,000. This
excessive mortality does not include all the victims of the
pestilence, as many died on shipboard in trying to escape
from the colony.^^
1878.
Six years of immunity is credited to Sierra Leone, but
whether deserved or not, we cannot say. In 1878, the
fever reappeared and caused some mortality. The disease
was present in many parts of ^A>stern A!frica that year,
notably in Senegal, Gambia and even in Soudan.
1884.
The epidemic of 1872, and the outbreak of 1878, had no
doubt decimated the non-immune population of Sierra
Leone, and the fear of falling victims to the climate had
been instrumental in keeping away emigration, for we find
no record of the appearance of yellow fever from 1878 to
1881. The epidemic of 1881, began in May. One of the
peculiarities of the disease, is that it attacked the natives
in great numbers. The average death rate among the
blacks was 35 per 1,000 per month, while the death-rate
among the Europeans was six per cent, for the same
period. The fever was most severe in June and July, and
declined with the maturity of the rains in August. It
gradually decreased until December, when it totally dis-
appeared.^®
Conclusions.
From 1884, to the present time (1908), a period of
twenty-four years, there is no record of yellow fever hav-
ing prevailed in Sierra Leone. This immunity is no doubt
due to the fact that the British Crovernment, profiting by
the terrible experiences of the past, garrisons its posts
"Lamprey, loc. cit.
"• Lamprey, loc. cit.
" Army Medical Department Report for the Year 1886,
(London, 1888), p. 79
souuAN. 327
with black troops, whose immunity from yellow fever is
proverbial. For example, in 188G, the garrison at Free-
town consisted of 340 African soldiers, commanded by
hardly half a dozen white officers. The mortality for the
entire j-ear among these 340 blacks, from all causes,
amounted to only six.
SOUDAN.
Description.
Soudan is a country in Central Africa, south of the
Desert of Sahara., and extending from the Atlantic Ocean
to the Red Sea. This is the home of the true negro race,
and is for the most part inhabited by degraded savages.
Its area is estimated at 2,000,000 square miles, and its
population from 8 to 30 millions. Arab colonists and
traders form a large part of the foreign population. On
the Atlantic seaboard, the French have established a col-
ony, but, with the exception of prospectors, soldiers and
laborers employed on the railroad from Kayes to Kita,
no Europeans are to be found in this vast region. Tim-
buctoo, the capital, is far from being an ideal place. It
is miserably built, in a wretched country, situated amid
burning and moving sands, on the verge of a morass.
There are a few brick houses, but most of the dwellings are
mere circular huts of straw and earth. Population,
12,000, principally natives, with some Moors.
YELLOW FEVER YEARS.
1828; 1829; 1878; 1879; 1880; 1881; 1882; 1891; 1892;
1897; 1901; 1902; 1903; 1907.
SUMMARY OF EPIDEMICS.
1828-1829.
The history of yellow fever in Soudan, begins with the
first attempt of the white man to penetrate into that in-
S28 HISTORY OF VKI.LOW FEVER.
salubrious region. According to Boyle,^^ the epidemic of
Yellow fever Avhicli ravaged Sierra Leone, in 1829, first
made its appearance in Sangarrali, a country in the in-
terior, about thirty days' journey in a northeast direction
from Medina. The fever broke out at Sangarrah about
Christmas, 1828. It is said that more chiefs were stricken
that year than ever before. Sangarrath is a low marshy
country, covered with jungle. Bantoe, lying in the south-
west of Sangarrah, is also said to have suffered exceed-
ingly. Out of twelve men sent out in March, to hunt
elephants, only one returned alive, the others having died
in the forests. Between Sangarrah and Footah Jallon,
whole villages were said to have been depopulated.
From Laheer and down through the Mandingo country,
traveling in a southwest course to Fouricaria and Melicor-
ree, the number that died was unprecedented. In the vil-
lage of Yongroo, the mortality was excessive. From fur-
ther and rather extensive inquiries of the natives from
various parts of the main land, it was ascertained that the
fever prevailed among the tribes of the following local-
ities: Bulani, Porto Lago, Eokelle, Scarcies, Mellacoree
and Foolah.
Those from whom these statements were obtained, were
unanimous in the opinion that the disease proceeded from
the eastward. It was greatest in the neighborhood of
Porto Lago, and down to the swampy tongue of land which
separates Porto Lago from the Small Scarcies, and across
the country to Mellacoree and Forrecarreah.
From messengers from Timbo, in the beginning of
August, it was ascertained that an epidemic prevailed there
twelve months previously to that date (1829), and that
it had then ceased only four months. The complaint was
described by these people as being attented Avith pains in
the head, back and loins, with hot skin and black tongue.
In the advanced stage of the disease, the gums and tongue
exhibited the color of blood; and it was added that some
threw up a black fluid like a mixture of powder.
"Boyle: A Practical Medico-Historical Account of the West-
ern Coast of Africa, etc., 1831, p. 255.
I
SOUDAN — 1828-1829. 3^9
0 in gin of the Epidemic.
The Timbo people believed that the sickness took its
origin in the attempt at clearing a swamp in the neighbor-
hood of Timbuctoo, and that it tlitoce spread to Jenne,
from Jenne to Footah Tauro, and thence to Footah Jallon.
It was also said to have prevailed at Tamassoo, Tambacca
and Kissy-Kissy.
Boyle's assertion that the epidemic first made its ap-
pearance in the interior, cannot be seriously entertained,
for yellow fever is not an African product, being always
imported or caused by the renewed activity of infected
mosquitoes who have survived the rigors of the winter-
season. Timl)uctoo, Avhich is near the southern border-
line of the Desert of Sahara, is totally deficient in natural
products, and provisions for the sustenance of its inhabi-
tants come chiefly from Jenne, on the Niger, about 300
miles southwest of the capital. Timbuctoo is also the
entrepot for the trade between Guinea, Senegal, Sierra
Leone and North Africa, and in this way, should yellow-
fever be prevalent in Gambia, Senegal or Sierra Leone,
it could easily be imported to Bakel, Medina or Kayes by
way of the Senegal River, and from Kayes, by caravans,
to the interior.
In 1828, tlie railroad from Kayes, the head of naviga-
tion on the Senegal, to Kita, another important town of
French Soudan, had not been built, and the infection was
probably carried by caravans, which acting as a firebrand,
successively contaminated every village it passed through,
finally infecting the capital itself. The first cases, as is
always the ease, and especially so in a savage country,
were unrecognized, and when the epidemic became wide-
spread, Timbuctoo Avas naturally accused of being the
original focus. It is a notorious fact, that, even in this
present era, when an epidemic of yellow fever breaks out
in a locality where the disease prevails only accidentally,
the original mode of infection is generally disputed and
rarely settled to the satisfaction of the disputants. The
New Orleans epidemic of 1905, is a glaring modern exem-
plication of this assertion, for up to this day, over three
330 HISTORY OK YELLOW FEVER.
years after the incident, controversies are still rife as to
how, when and where the "first cases" originated.
It is of no material importance to this generation or to
generations to come, whether an epidemic of yellow fever
which took place over a century ago in an unknown coun-
try was imported or not ; but we cannot resist the tempta-
tion of taking a dig at the assertion that the disease origi-
nated in Central Africa, and try our hand at convincing
our readers of the contrary.
1878.
Almost half a century elapsed before we again hear of
yellow fever in Soudan. In this instance, however, the
importation is clearly proved.
In 1878, yellow fever prevailed extensively along the
West Coast of Africa, and was especially severe in Sene-
gal. While the epidemic was raging along the banks of
the lower Senegal River, the French government, becom-
ing aggrieved at the conduct of certain chiefs inhabiting
the western borders of Soudan, fitted out a punitory force
at Saint Louis, the capital of Senegal. The history of
this expedition, which is detailed in our account of the
epidemic of 1878, in Senegal (q. v.), is certainly a sorrow-
ful one. Of 317 Europeans who took part in the expedi-
tion, 180 fell victims to yellow fever. The travel of the
invading fleet up the Senegal River reminds us of the
case of the James D. Porter, which, tbat same year, suc-
cessively infected every city and town it stopped at in its
memorable journey up the Mississippi River from New
Orleans to Gallipelis, a distance of over a tliousand miles.
The spread of the disease by the invading column is
minutely narrated by Lejemble.^^
The first place to be infected was Bakel, an important
mart on the upper Senegal River, three hundred and fifty
miles from Saint Louis. It is a walled town of about
3,000 inhabitants, and has a large stone fortress, where a
French garrison is permanently maintained.
*'Lejemble: Epidemiologie de la Fievre Jaune au Senegal
Pendant I'Anne 1878. Paris, 1882.
SOUDAN — 1878 331
A physician from Goree, who arrived at Bakel on July
28th, is accused of having- brought the infection to that
village. Be that as it may, the first case at Bakel was
observed on August 12th, followed by death on the 16th.
At that time, the garrison of 'Bakel consisted of only eight
white soldiers. When the last case died, September 11th,
there was only one left. All the others had paid tribute
to the terrible scourge.
When the punitory column reached Bakel four days
after leaving Saint Louis, yellow fever had already in-
vaded its ranks. Those who were too weak to proceed,
were left at the village and the transports proceeded on
their way up the Senegal River. Of the sick left at Bakel,
ten died with black vomit, between September 15th and
October 27th. This makes a total of seventeen deaths in
the village from August 12th, to the end of the epidemic.
After leaving Bakel, the expedition passed through
Kayes, but there is no record of any cases at that post.
Medina, the next important post, east of Bakel, on the
Senegal River, was less fortunate. A few days after the
passage of the column, yellow fever broke out in the vil-
lage, and from September 20th to October 11th, there were
twelve deaths among the sparse white population of the
place.
The soldiers, althougli sick and discouraged, gave battle
to tlie tribesmen, on September 22, 1878, near Saboucire,
a tf»wn on the borders of French Soudan. It was more of
a slaughter than a battle, for the natives rapidly gave way
to the French, and the conflict lasted hardly an hour.
The return liomeward Avas immediately begun, Avith results
already depicted in our account of the epidemic of 1878,
in Senegal.
The soldiers did not originally bring the fever to Bakel,
as seven deaths had already taken place at that ]K)st when
the fleet carrying tlie colnmn arrived, but the otlier places
in Soudan were undeniably infected by the soldiers. Bakel
and Medina are the only places in Soudan where a record
of the deaths from yellow fever in 1878 was kept, but
there is no doubt that the disease prevailed at Kayes and
the other places along the banks of the Upper Senegal
and its branches.
332 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
1879.
In 1879, only a few cases were observed, of which no
record was kejDt.
1880.
In 1880, cases broke out among the laborers employed
in building' the railroad from Kaves to Kita. The fatal-
ities were few.
1881.
In 1881, the fever was brought into Soudan by the
troops under Colonel Desbordes, and prevailed quite ex-
tensively. The colonial health authorities wanted to seg-
regate the infected battalions, but the home government
positively refused to sanction such a movement, and the
malady was allowed free play. The column continued its
march, spreading the infection everywhere it stopped.
The malady finally subsided for want of new material.
Medina, as usual, suffered considerably. No official record
was kept of the cases and deaths.
1882.
In 1882, the troops again brought the fever into Soudan.
The chief victims that year were Chinese and Moroccan
laborers employed on tlie railroad. They were buried,
like dogs, along the railroad embankment. Official
records are silent concerning the extent of this outbreak.
It is a remarkable fact that every history of the appear-
ance of yellow fever in Soudan, since 1878, presents about
the same characteristics: That it has never gone beyond
its primitive limits, but has always shown itself on the
railroad between the towns above mentioned. This can
no doubt be accounteed for by the fact that new-comers
were constantly arrivinij: to take the place of the laborers
who had been mowed down by the disease, and as they
only came from tme to time and were few in number, they
sloAvly fed the fires of contagion. This view is reinforced
by the fact that cases generally cropped out shortly after
the arrival of imported laborers.
SOUDAN 1891. SSS
It is also a curious fact that the Moroccans and Chinese
who are largely used in works of construction in Western
aiid Central Africa, are even more susceptible to yellow
fever than the whites. The poor fellows die like flies when
an epidemic breaks out in Soudan and their bones literally
strew the line of railroad from Kayes to Kita, which was
built at a cost of thousand of lives.
1891.
In 1891^ there was a sudden influx of Europeans into
French Soudan, and yellow fever was again imported into
that region.
The first news of the prevalence of the disease reached
colonial headquarters on October ITth, 1891, when a tele-
gram was received announcing that the caravan which
had left Medina, on October 6th, under military escort,
had reached Kita in a deplorable condition. '^^ During the
journey, ten soldiers had died from various causes. The
doctors who accompanied the caravan, attributed this un-
usual death-rate to the fierce rays of the sun and fatigues,
but Dr. Primet, chief health officer of the colony was far
from satisfied with this diagnosis and requested that a
clinical history of every man who had died be telegraphed
to headquarters. In spite of the vagueness of these details
and the continued reiteration of the attending physicians
that the sun and fatigues were responsible for the state of
affairs. Dr. Primet came to the conclusion tliat these
deaths were the results of a common cause, and strongly
suspected an outbreak of yellow fever. These suspicions
were communicated to the physicians of Kita, wliich ap-
peared to be the center of infection, but the hypothesis
was regarded as preposterous by these gentlemen, and the
reigning malady declared to be an aggravated form of
typho-malaria.
Dr. Primet desired to make an issue of the matter, and
determine by investigation if an epidemic of some sort
** Primet: Archives de Medecine Navale, Paris, 1893; Vol. 59,
pp. 357, et seq.
" Primet: Loc. cit.
334 HISTORY OF YELLOW f-EVER.
was not prevalent at Kayes, the original point of depart-
ure of the caravan, but the colonial i;overnnient, fearing
that a panic Avould ensue should publicity be given to the
matter, protested against the institution of such measures,
unless undeniable proofs be furnished of the existence of
an unusual disorder in the suspected places. IS'everthe-
less, secret instructions were sent to the physicians of
Kayes, Kita and other towns in the suspected zone, en-
joining them to take extraordinary ju'ecautions and to iso-
late all the cases of typho-malar'a or continued fever.
These half-hearted precautions did not improve the sit-
uation. Other localities successively gave evidence of
abnormal health conditions. Two cases of "bilious hema-
turic fever" appeared at Koudou, followed by, one fatality.
At Segou, many cases of the same malady proved fatal,
and two arm}^ officers were attacked at Sigiiiri. One of
these died. At Medina, an unusual number of cases of
typlio-malaria prevailed. At Bafoulabe, the situation be-
came more serious. Cases of "pernicious fever" became
daily more frecpient until October 30th, when the occur-
ren(je of black vomit in some cases left no doubt as to the
nature of the disease.
But the government was skeptical ; it wanted a "posi-
tive" case. A few days afterwards, a workmen, originally
from Bafoulabe, was admitted into the hos])ital, at Kayes,
suffering from "continued fever." He died two days later,
and the autopsy revealed undeniable lesions of yellow
fever.
This positive case gave Dr. Primet the entering wedge
he was waiting for, and he immediately appealed to the
commandant of the colony to institute rigorous measures.
He pointed out that it was undeniably yellow fever which
was decimating the troops, and that grave consequences
would follow if ^ the convoys whicli were on their way to
Kita Avere not proliibited from going farther into the in-
terior. In short, it was imperative to arrest the progress
of the malady at Kita.
Wishing to study the situation himself. Dr. Primet left
for Bafoulabe. On his arrival, he made a rigid examina-
tion, which confirmed his reiterated assertions that the
SOUDAN — 1891. 335
government was face to face with an epidemic of yellow
fever. Orders were at last received to resort to stringent
measures to prevent the newly-arrived soldiei'S from be-
coming contaminated. These instructions, althougli tardy,
saved the new arrivals from being decimated. The gov-
ernment was deploying 300 men in the region, and the
turning away of the soldiers who were marching to the
field of operation into less frequented roads and by-ways,
although, tedious and attended with more hazards, proved
their salvation. Tlie malady was confined to the troops
and laborers already in the infected zone. The beneficial
results of strict attention to sanitary rules and isolation
from infected centers was clearly proved by the fact that,
during the three months which the invading column took
to reach the scene of active military operations, only three
cases of sickness took place and not a single death
resulted.
In the infected region, the situation was daily getting
worse. It was too late to arrest the progress of the dis-
ease. The criminal negligence of the government had
<iaused the poison to be so widely diifused, that cases
erupted at nearly every jilace on the Kayes-Kita railroad.
A convoy- which had started from Kayes, on October
25th, for Niore, consisting of thirty-five Europeans, under
the command of a captain of dragoons, lost seven men by
yelloAv fever tliree days after passing through Medina, and
a few days after reaching Niore.
Another convoy, which had left Bafoulabe the day after
the arrival of Dr. Primet, passed through Radumbe, on
Kovember IGth, where it left four sick soldiers, who all
died between the 21st and 28th of September, with unde-
niable symptoms of yellow fever,
A lieutenant en route to the Niger, arrived at Kita, on
Kovemlier Stli, and died with black vomit on the 0th.
At Bakel, one death on November 4th, followed by three
more shortly after.
It would l)e tedious to follow tlie progress of the disease,
as it every wliere presented tlie same characteristics. The
appended table will give an idea-of its ravages among the
small European population, principally soldiers and rail-
road laborers, from October 27th to December 31st, 1801:
5
0
5
1
3
4
3
0
3
3
0
12
0
0
1
5
0
5
1
0
11
336 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
Locality. Oct. Nov. Dec. Total.
Bafoulabe 6 7 2 15
Bediinibe 0
Bakel 0
Kares 0
Kita 9
Kondou 1
Medina 0
Nioro 0
16 35 5 5G
The greatest mortalitj took place in Xovember, when
thirtj-five deaths are recorded. The isolation of the troops
from the foci of infection left the disease without fresh-
material, and cases occurred at rare intervals until Jan-
uary 8th, when the last death took place.
Origin.
Dr. Primet accuses Medina of beinp; the focus whence
radiated the Soudanese epidemic of 1891-1892. This town
will be remembered as the one which suffered the most
during- the great epidemic of 1878, only one European
being left alive after the subsidence of the malady. lu
1878, Medina was infected by the Logo Expedition, which
left a trail of deaths and desolation from Saint Louis to
Sabourcire; but, in 1891, although an expedition was sent
against the natives by the French government, there was
no yellow fever in Senegal, and the invading column can-
not be incriminated. How, then, did Medina become in-
fected?
A reference to our chronological tables will show that
Bonny was the only locality on the African Coast where
yf^llow fever prevailed in 1891. In the beginning of that
year, Bonny Avas put under quarantine by the other Afri-
can colonies, hut the fever finally disappearing, quaran-
tines were raised on April 10th. Bonny is an English
colony, and the commercial relations between that ix>int
and Sen(\iial are very active. It is well-known that the
natives of the interior, especially the Soudanese, for some
SOUDAN — 1 891-1 8Q2. SS7
undefined reason, prefer articles of English manufacture,
such as calicoes, leather, woolen goods, etc, and that
native courriers and Sjii'ian and Moroccan peddlers do an
extensive importing business, often a la Icfjerc. In addi-
tion to these smugglers, the river-boats bring annually a
large amount of freight up the Senegal River to Kayes,
the head of navigation, whence the goods are distributed
to the innumerable towns and villages on the railroad
from Kayes to Kita, Beyond Kita, caravans bring the
products to Timbuctoo.
It will be argued that the distance between Bonny and
Kayes, is too great to admit of importation, but it must
be borne in mind that the coasting-vessels plying along the
coast are built so as to make swift and ^'t-equent voyages,
being equipped with the latest machinery, and that they
lose no time in their journey up the Senegal. jMosquitoes
infected at Bonny, could thus easily have been transported
to Medina, where their liberation created the focus which
finally infected the several localities mentioned in this
history.
Pi'imet does not take kindly to the hypothesis of im-
portation, but believes that the outbreak was caused by
the reviviscence of the germs of the epidemic of 1881,
which was more severe at ^Medina than anywhere else in
^Vestern Africa. The bugaboo of repullulation of germs
seems to be firmly imbedded in tlie writings of most
French authors. Even as late as 1903, we find this unten-
able opinion promulgated by some of the most eminent
French epidemiologists, although, the doctrine first
launched by Finlay, in 1883, and corroborated by innu-
merable experiments, should leave no douI)t in the mind
that the mosquito theory is the only sensible one.
1892.
Only four cases of yellow fever were observed in Sou-
dan in 1802.
On January 8th, two cases, followed by death, occurred
atBakel.
In January a fatal case erupted at Kita.
•
338 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVEER.
On March 30th a case was reported at Bafoulabe, i^^
the person of a brigadier of artillery who had recently
arrived. The patient recovered.
The French government tardily resorted to the wise ex-
pedient of not sending non-immunes to the localities af-
fected by the epidemic of 1891, and the outbreak of 1892
was confined to these four cases. As they occurred solely
among new arrivals, they may be considered merely as
echoes of the extensive epidemic of the previous year.
S 1897.
From January, 1892, to September, 1897, yellow fever
was kept out of Soudan. This immunity was no doubt
due to the fact that the disease did not prevail in the
Lower Senegal Valley, and that the movement of the
French troops were not very active during that period.
The first case was observed at Talary, a military post
on the Kayesi-Kita railroad, between Galongo and Bafoul-
abe. The victim was taken sick September 20th, and died
on the 24th.
On October 8th, a railroad foreman died on a train be-
tween Galongo and Talarj^ while on his way to the hos-
pital, at Kayes. He had been confined to his bed since the
5th of the month.
The third case occurred at Maliina, a village on the
railroad, a few days later, in the person of an army ser-
geant, who died on the 15tli.
Three deaths within as many weeks, from undoubtedly
a common cause, aroused the suspicions of Dr. Auvray,
chief health officer, who fitted out a special train and went
to Mahina to make a personal examination of the situa-
tion. While the lesions were decidedly suspicious, the
doctor hesitated to pronounce it a case of yellow fever, as
that diesease had not been observed in Soudan for the
past five years. He afterwards admitted, when the malady
became epidemic, that this and the other cases were unde-
niably manifestations of yellow fever.
On his return from Mahina, Dr. Auvry stopped at Dia-
mou, which is mid-way between Talary and Kayes, where
SOUDAN — 1897. 3S9
he took in charge a soldier who had been ill for two days
previously. This patient was transported to the hospital
at Kayes, where he died on the 18th. The autopsy re-
vealed the identical lesions which had been found in the
case of the army sergeant. A diagnosis of yellow fever
was withheld, howe\^er, as the doctor feared the conse-
quences wh'ch would follow the publicity of such an an-
nouncement.
On October 19th two cases were admitted into the hos-
pital, one from Galongo and the other from Mahina. The
first case died on the 22nd, the second on the 23rd.
October 16th, a Catholic missionary died, at Dinguira.
The death of the missionary was so undeniably due to
yellow fever, that the diagnosis was given publicity.
When the news reached Senegal, a strict quarantine was
inaugurated against Soudan, and the movement of troops
ordered stopped until the subsidence of the epidemic.
The government had not forgotten the terrible lesson of
1891.
October 20th, a fatal case at Kale.
October 31st, two cases admitted into the hospital at
Kayes, one from Galongo and the other from Mahina.
Botli recovered.
November 2nd, a case erupted at Dioubeda. The patient
died on the train while being transported, to Kayes.
On November 2nd, a priest died at Kita.
On November 10th, a case erupted at Diamous. The
patient was transported to the hospital, at Kayes, where
he recovered.
On November 10th, occurred the first case at Kayes.
The patient was an army sergeant who had gone to Corin-
ville, on November 4th, where he remained until the fol-
lowing day. On his return, he had stopped at Diamou,
where he probably contracted the disease. He died No-
vember 13th.
November 12th, second case at Kayes, followed by death
on the 19th.
The epidemic seemed to end with the death on the 19th,
and no new cases being observed for two weeks, Senegal
raised the quarantine which had been instituted against
Soudan. The medical constitution of the dependency ap-
340 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVFR.
peared to have resumed its nomal eondition, Avlien a case of
yellow fever suddenly erupted, at Kayes, on December 6tli,
in the person of the assistant commissary of the town.
On the same da^', two patients who had been under treat-
ment at the hospital for simple fever, suddenly showed
suspicious sjmptoms and were placed under close ob-
servation.
The three cases above cited terminated fatally, the first
on December 8th, the second on the l)th, and the third on
the 15th.
A mild case, followed by rapid recovery, was observed
a feAV days later, at Kayes. This was the last echo of the
epidemic of 1897.
Statistics of the Epidemic of 1897.
The fatalities of the epidemic of 1897 were few, because
the European population was small. There were only
eighteen whites employed along the railroad. These fur-
nished fourteen cases and ten deaths. There were six
cases and four deaths among the soldiers. No mention is
made of the course of the disease among the Chinese and
Moroccans, who generally die like flies whenever an epi-
demic of any sort prevails in the Soudan, be it yellow
fever, malaria or typhoid. Out of a total of twenty-five
cases, there were nineteen deaths, foui'teen on the Kayes-
Kita railroad and live outside of the infected zone. The
deaths were distributed as follows:
Locality. Sept. Oct. Nov. Dec. Total.
Diamou 0 1 0 0 1
Dinguina 0 1 0 0 1
Diobede 0 1 0 0 1
Galongo 0 1 0 0 1
Kale "^ 0 2 0 0 2
Kayes 0 0 13 4
Kita 0 1 0 0 1
]\rahina 0 1 0 0 1
Talary 1 1 0 0 2
Total on Kaves- ^
Kita Railroad. 1 9 1 3 14
Unclassified 5
Total deaths 19
SOUDAN — 1897. 341
Origin.
The origin of the epidemic of 1897 is shrouded in
mystery. As no cases had been observed for over five
yeai's, the genesis of spontaneity can certainly not be sus-
pected. Auvray and Boury,^- from wliose account the
salient facts of this epidemic are taken, following in the
trend of the majority of French writers, argue in favor
of the telluric origin of the epidemic. The theory of
evolution of the yellow fever germ promulgated b}^ these
learned gentlemen is certainly remarkable. According
to their way of reasoning, yellow fever is produced by
a microbe which, continuing to evolute in the cadaver,
finally invades the surrounding earth, which becomes an
immense culture- field, where the organism develoi)S, until
it either arrives spontaneously at the surface or is accel-
erated into virulent activity by being dug out from its
cachette by the profane hand of man. Once at the sur-
face, the germs circulate at will, spreading the infection
far and wide. The digging of the soil along the line of
the Kayes-Kita Railroad, where are inhumed thousands
of yellow fever victims, is given as the active cause of the
epidemic of 1897.
The theory of spontaneity being untenable, where are
we to look for the source of infection? There was no
yellow fever in Senegal ,in 1897. As Soudan has always
been contaiuinated by Senegal, we must look elsewhere.
But where? A search through consular reports and
official records fails to bring to light a single case of yellow
fever on the Western Coast of Africa, in 1897; but, of
course, this does not mean that yellow feiver was not
present and the fact officially su])pressed. The ways of
colonial governments, like those of the Heathen Chinese,
are dark and tricky. The political history of the Aifrican
colonies demonstrates that hygienic regulations are sub-
servient to commercialism, no matter what the risk may
be. The penalty for this transgression has often been
severe, but mammon worshij) closes the eyes to past events
"'Auvray and Boury: Annales d'Hygiene et de Medecine Colo-
niales, 1898, vol. 1, p. 433, et ceq.
3i2 HISTORY OF YELLOW EVER.
and the same thing happens again and again.
How the fever was imported into Soudan in 1897, will
therefore remain hidden behind the mists of conjecture.
1901.
The year 1901 witnessed another outbreak of yellow
fever in Soudan. Thei'e were many cases, but the deaths
were not numerous.
1902.
The first cases in 1902 were observed about October
1st, in the same localities as in 1897 and "1901. There
were altogether fourteen cases and ten deaths. Five of
the deaths occurred at Kayes and five along railroad.^^
1907.
After five years of respite, yellow fever again made its
appearance in Soudan, among the same localities visited
by previous epidemics, in November, 1907. The epidemic
was attended with the usual heavy percentage of mor-
tality. Between November 1st and 30th, a total of thirty-
cases, with sixteen deaths, were reported.^^
We have not been able to ascertain the source of the
outbreak.
1908. f
We had thought that the epidemic of 1907 would close
the history of yellow fever in Soudan, so far as our work
is concerned, but, "as we go to press," to use the favorite
expression of up-to-date journalism, we are informed by
consular reports tliat the disease has again broken out in
Upper Senegal Valley. Drastic preventive measures are
being taken by the French government, and we hope
that tlie invasion will be throttled in its incepiency.
We have no means of ascertaining, at this late date,
^'Kermorgant: Annales d'Hygiene et de Medicine Coloniales,
1904; vol. 7, p. 405.
•*U. S. Public Health Reports, 107; vol. 2, p. 156. j-.
SOUDAN — 1908. 34S
how the fever was imported into Soudan, in 1907-1908,
but as every outbreak in the past has co-incided with the
movements of the French troops from Senegal into the
interior, we have no' doubt that the same thing happened
in this instance. The disease has never manifested itself
outside of the zone usually traversed by these troops, and
in only one instance (1828) has it been observed further
east than Kita., until very recently the terminus of the
railroad. The epidemic of 1828-1829 (q. v.) may be con-
sidered as an anomaly, which has never been duplicated
and probably never will be, unless the white race, blind to
the folly of such an act, should attempt to permanently
occupy this insalubrious region.
CHRONOLOGY OF YELLOW FEVER IN AFRICA
AND THE ISLANDS OFF THE COAST
THEREOF, FROM 1494 to 1907.
Fifteenth Century.
First Appearance of Yellow Fever off the Coast of Africa.
1494. Canary Islands.
1495. Canai'y Islands.
149G. Canai'Y Islands.
1497 to 1509. Period of Ininnoiitij. Thirteen Years.
Sixteenth Century.
1510. Cape Verd Islands.
1511. Cape Verd Islands.
1512. Canary Islands, Cape Verd Islands.
1513. Cape Verd Islands.
1514. Cape Verd Islands.
1515. Cape Verd Islands.
1516 to 1519. Inwivunitij, Four Years.
1520. Benin.
1521 to 1530. J mm unity. Ten Years.
1531. Canary Islands.
1532 to 1552. Immunity. Twenty-one Years.
1553. Benin.
1554 to 1557. Immunity. Four Years.
1558. Saint Thomas Island. ^
1559 fo 1581. Immunity. Ticenty-thrce Years.
1582. Canary Islands. ^i
AFRICA. CHRONOLOGY 1494 TO 1907. S45
1583 to 1587. Immunitij. Five Years.
1588. Benin, Saint Thomas Island.
1589 to 1598. Immunity. Ten Years.
1599. Canary Islands.
Seventeenth Century.
IGOO. Immunitij. One Year.
1601. Canary Islands.
1602 to 1605. Immunity. Four Years.
1606. Canary Islands.
1607 to 1638. Immunity. Thirty-two Years.
1639. Cape Verd Islands.
1640 to 1700. Immunity. Sixty-one Years.
Eighteenth Century.
1701. Canary Islands.
1702 to 1752. Immunity. Fifty -one Years.
1753. Madeira Islands.
1754 to 1758. Immunity. Five Years.
1759. Senegal.
1700-1761. Immunity. Two Years.
17C2. Gambia.
1763. Sierra Leone.
1764. Gambia, Sierra Leone.
1765. Immunity. One Year.
1766. Gambia, Senegal, Sierra I-«one.
S46 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
1767. Immunity. One Year.
1768. Gambia.
1769. Gambia, Senegal.
1770. Immunity. One Year.
1771. Canary Islands.
1772. Canary Islands.
1773. Canary Islands.
1774 to 1777. Immunity. Four Years.
1778. Cape Verd Islands, Gambia, Gold Coast, Sene-
gal, Sierra Leone.
1779. Senegal.
1780 to 1785. hnmunity. Six Years.
1786. Gold Coast.
1787 to 1791. Immunity. Five Years.
1792. Bulam Island, Fernando-Po.
1793 to 1803. Immunity. Eleven Years.
Nineteenth Century.
1804. Morocco.
1805 to 1806. Immunity. Tico Years.
1807. Cape Verd Islands, Sierra Leone.
1808. Immunity. One Year.
1809. Sierra Leone.
1810. Canary Islands.
1811. Canary Islands.
1812. Fernando-Po, Sierra Leone.
AFRICA CHRONOLOGY 1494 TO 1907. 347
1813 to 1814. Jmmumty. Two Years.
1815. Sierra Leone.
1816. Congo Coast, Sierra Leone.
1817. Immunity. One Year.
1818. AJscension Island.
1819. Sierra Leone.
1820. Immunity. One Year.
1821. Cape Verd Islands.
1822. Cape Verd Islands, Gold Coast, Sierra Leone.
1823. Ascension Island, Gold Coast, Sierra Leone.
1824. Gold Coast.
1825. Gambia, Sierra Leone.
1826. Sierra Leone.
1827. Cape Verd Islands.
1828. Benin, Canary Islands, Gambia, Senegal, Sierra
Leone, Soudan.
1829. Fernando-Po, Senegal, Sierra Leone, Soudan.
1830. Saint Helena, Senegal, Sierra Leone.
1831 to 1836. Immunity. Six Years.
1837. Cape Verd Islands, Gambia, Senegal, Sierra
Leone.
1838. Ascension Island, Cape Verd Islands, Sierra
Leone. !
1839. Fernando-Po, Sierra Leone.
1840 to 1844. Immunity. Five Years.
1845. Sierra Leone.
1846. Canary Islands, Cape Verd Islands.
1847. Ascension Island, Banana Islands, Canary
Islands, Cape Verd Islands, Sierra Leone.
1848. Sierra Leone.
1849 to 1851. Immunity. Three Years.
1852. Benin, Gold Coast, Ivory Coast.
1853. Benin, Gold Coast.
1854. Benin, Gold Coast.
348 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
1855. Benin, Gold Coast.
1856. Benin, Gold Coast.
1857. Benin, Fernando-Po, Gold Coast, Ivory Coast.
1858. SieiTa Leone.
1859. Ascension Island, Gambia, Senegal, Sierra
Leone.
1860. Angola, Congo Coast, Fernando-Po, Gambia,
Sierra Leone.
1861. Immunity. One Year.
1862. Angola, Benin, Bonny, Calabar, Canary Islands,
Cape Yerd Islands, Congo Coast, Fernando-Po, Gold
Coast, Ivory Coast, Sierra Leone.
1863. Angola, Ivory Coast.
1864. Cape Verd Islands, Fernando-Po, Lagos, Sierra
Leone.
1865. Angola, Gambia, Sierra Leone.
1866. Fei'nando-Po, Gambia, Senegal, Sierra Leone.
1867. Senegal.
1868. Cape Verd Islands, Fernando-Po, Sierra Leone.
1869. I"ernando-Po.
1870 to 1871. hninuuitji. Tuoi Years.
1872. Senegal, Sierra Leone.
1873. Ascension Island, Benin, Cape Verd Islands.
1874 to 1877. Immunity. Four Years.
1878. Gambia, Senegal, Sierra Leone, Soudan.
1879. Senegal, Sondan.
1880. Senegal, Soudan.
1881. Bonny, ]\rorrocco, Senegal, Soudan.
1882. Senegal, Soudan.
1883. Immunity. One Year.
1884. Gambia, Sierra Leone.
.^-
AFRICA. CHRONOLOGY — 1494x0 1907. 349
1885 to 1887. Inimunity. Three Years.
1888. Canary Islands.
1889-1890. Immiinit}j. Two Years.
1891. Soudan.
1892. Soudan.
1893 to 1896. Immunity. Four Years.
1897.. Soudan.
;1898. Gold Coast.
1899. Ivory Coast.
Twentieth Century.
1900. CongO' Coast, Gambia, Senej»al.
1901. French Guinea, Senegal, Soudan.
1902. Ivory Coast, Soudan.
1903. Ivory Coast, Soudan.
1904. Ivory Coast (on shipboard).
1905. Canary Islands, Ivory Coast (on shipboard),
Senegal.
1900. Daliomey, Soudan.
1907. Dahomey, Soudan.
SUMMARY OF YELLOW FEVEE YEARS AND
PERIODS OF IMMUNITY IN AFRICA, FOR
FOUR HUNDRED AND FOURTEEN YEARS,
1494 toi 1907.
Yellow Fever Years. Periods op Immunity.
1494-1496 3
1510-1515 G
1520 1
1531 1
1553 1
1553 1
1582 1
1588 1
1599 1
1601 1
1606 1
1639 1
1701 1
1753 1
1759 1
1762-1764 3
1766 1
1768-1769 2
1771-1773 3
1778-1779 2
1786 1
1792 1
1804 1
1807 1
1809-1812 4
1815-1816 2
1818-1819 2
1821-1830 10
1837-1839 3
1845-1848 ■ 4
1852-1860 9
1497-1509 13
1516-1519 4
1521-1530 10
1532-1552 21
1554-1557 4
1559-1581 23
1583-1587 5
1589-1598 10
1600 1
1602-1605 4
1607-1638 32
1640-1700 61
1702-1752 51
1754-1758 5
1760-1761 2
1765 1
1767 1
1770 1
1774-1777 4
1780-1785 6
1787-1791 5
1793-1803 U
1805-1806 2
1808 1
1813-1814 2
1817 1
1820 1
1831-1836 6
1840-1844 5
1849-1851 3
1861 1
AFRICA. CHRONOLOGY 1494 TO 1907. 351
1862-1869 8 1870-1871 2
1872-1873 2 1874-1877 4
1878-1882 5 1883 1
1884 1 1885-1887 3
1888 1 1889-1890 2
1891-1892 2 1893-1896 4
1897-1907 11
Total Yellow Fever Total Years of Im-
Years 101 munity 313
E ECAPITULATION.
Yellow Fever Years 101
Years of Immunity 313
Total years under observation 414
CHRONOLOGY OF YELLOAY FEYER IN AFRICA,
BY LOCALITIES.
ADgola— 18G0, 18G2, 1863, 1865. .
Ascension Island— 1818, 1823, 1838, 1817, 1859, 1873.
Banana Islands — 1817.
Benin— 1520, lc53, 1588, 1828, 1852, 1853, 1851, 1855,
1856, 1857, 1862, 1873.
Bonny— 1862, 1891.
Bulani (Island of) — 1792.
Calabar — 1862.
Canary Islands— 1191, 1195, 1196, 1512, 1531, 1582,
1599, 1601, 1606, 1701, 1771, 1772, 1773, 1810, 1811, 1828,
1816, 1817, 1862, 1888, 1905.
Cape Yerd Islands— 1510, 1511, 1512, 1513, 1511, 1515,
1639, 1778, 1807, 1821, 1822, 1827, 1837, 1838, 1816, 1817,
1862, 1861, 1868, 1873.
Congo Coast— 1816, 1860, 1862, 1900.
Dahomey- 1906, 1907.
Fernando-Po (Island of)— 1792, 1812, 1829, 1839, 1857,
1860, 1862, 1861, 1866, 1868, 1869.
French Guinea — 1901.
Gambia— 1762, 1761, 1766, 1768, 1769, 1778, 1825, 1828,
1837, 1859, 1860, 1865, 1866, 1878, 1881, 1900.
Gold Coast— 1778, 1786, 1822, 1823, 1821, 1852, 1853,
1851, 1855, 1856, 1857,1862,1898.
Guinea — (*SVc Benin, Dahoniei/, French Guinea^ Gold
Coase, Iconj Coast, Lagos and Sierra Leone).
lyory Coast— 1852, 1857, 1862, 1863, 1899, 1902, 1903,
1901, i905. I
Lagos — 1861. /
Madeira Islands — 1738.
:\rorocco— 1801, 188L |
Saint Helena (on ship-board) — 1830,
Saint Thomas— 1558, 1588.
Senegal— 1759, 1766, 1769, 1778, 1779, 1828, 1829, 1830,
1837, 1859, 1866, 1867, 1872, 1878, 1879, 1880, 1881, 1882,
1900, 1901, 1905.
AFRICA CHRONOLOGY 1494 TO 1907.
35S
Sierra Leon^l763, 1764, 17G6, 1778, 1807, 1809,
1812, 1815, 1816, 1819, 1822, 1823, 1825, 1826, 1828, 1829,
1830, 1837, 1838, 1839, 1845, 1847, 1848, 1858, 1859, 1860,
1862, 1864, 1865, 1866, 1868, 1872, 1878, 1884.
Soudan— 1828, 1829, 1878, 1879, 1880, 1881, 1882, 1891,
1892, 1897, 1901, 1902, 1903, 1906, 1907.
YELLOW FEVER VISITATIONS IN AFEICA, BY
LOCALITIES.
Y'ear of Year of
Locality. First Last Total Number
Appearance. Appearance, of Visitations.
Angola 1860 1865 4
Ascension Island . 1818 1873 6
Banana Islands . . 1847 1847 1
Benin 1520 1873 12
Bonny 1862 1891 2
Bulani 1792 1792 1
Calabar 1862 1862 1
Canary Islands . . 1494 1905 21
Cape Verd Islands 1510 1900 20
Congo Coast 1816 1900 4
Dahomey 1906 1907 2
Fernando-Po 1732 1869 11
French Guinea ..1901 ,1901 1
Gambia 1762 1900 16
Gold Coast 1778 1898 13
Ivors^ Coast 1852 1903 9
Lagos 1864 1864 . 1
I\Ladeira Islands .1738 1738 1
Morocco 1804 1881 2
Saint Helena 18.30 1830 1
Saint Thomas 1558 1588 1
Senegal 1759 1905 21
Sierra Leone 1763 1884 34
Soudan 1828 1907 15
Total number of yellow fever eruptions in
Africa from 1494 to 1907 200
354 HISTORY OF YELLOW FKVER.
GENERAL STATISTICAL SUMMARY.
Yellow Fever in Africa and the Islands off the Coast
thereof;, from 1494 to 1907.
Total number of 3'ears under observation 411
Yellow fever years 101
Years of ImmunitY 313
Total number of countries where the disease pre-
vailed, either epidemically or sporadically 24
Total number of yellow fever eruptions 200
(The alleged eruptions of yellow fever in Egypt,
Johanna Island and Madagascar, mention of which is
made in our historical resume, are not included in the
above tables, for the reason that we do not think they
were manifestations of the disease under consideration.
G. A.)
HISTORY
OF
YELLOW FEVER
IN
EUROPE.
AUSTRIA.
TRIESTE.
Trieste, the only place in Austria, ever invaded by yel-
low fever, is an important seaport at the head of the
Adriatic Sea, seventy-three miles northeast of Venice,
Italy. Population: isTO, 109,324; 1890, 158,344; 1907
(estimated) 200,902.
YELLOW FEVER YEAR.
1894.
Summary of Importation.
*The histor^^ of yellow fever in Austria is focused into
a single importation of that disease.
In 1894, the Italian steamship Colombo arrived at
Genoa Italy, from Brazil. The captain re])orted having
had yellow fever on the homeward trip. The vessel was
disinfected and allowed to land her passengers and cargo.
Two of the crew, Avho lived in Trieste, took the train for
their native town as soon as they were permitted to land.
They were ill at the time, hut no attention Avas ]iaid to
this by the Genoose authorities. On their arrival at
Trieste, the two sailors were taken violently sick and
removed to the hoi^pital, where they died a few days later,
with all the symi)toms of yellow fever.
vThe infection did not spread.
^ Eager: Bulletin No. S, Yellow Fever Institute, Washington,
D. C, 1902, p. 33.
AZORES.
Description.
The Azores, or Western Islands, are a group of nine
islands in the Atlantic Ocean, 900 miles west of Portugal.
Although, presumably discovered b}- Cabral, in 1431, the
Azores were evidentl}^ known to the ancients as they are
mentioned by the Arabian geographer, Edrisi, and are
distinctly marked on a map of 1351. Punic coins found
on the island of Covo, leads to the belief that the archi-
pelago was visited by the Carthagenians. The islands
belong to Portugal, and are a geograx)hical part of
Europe. Population, 270,000. Capital, Ponta Delgado,
on the island of Sao Miguel. \
YELLOW FEVER YEAE.
1858.
Summary of Importation.
Although in the path of commerce between America
and Europe, the Azores are seldom visited by merchant
vessels. This is probably due to the fact that the archi-
pelago has no good harbors. To this isolation, is no doubt
due the almost total immunity of the gi'oup from yellow
fever, for only a solitary invasion of the disease is
recorded. i
According to Avelino^ and Guimaraes,^ yellow fever
was imported to Ponta Delgado by a vessel from Brazil,
in 1858, under the following conditions :
" Pedro Alvarez Cabral, a Portugese navigator, was born about
1460 and died in 1526. At the time he discovered the
Azores, the islands were uninhabited and had scarcely
any living things, except birds, particularly hawks. The
Portugese called the whole group Azores, from "acor"
or "azor," a hawk.
'Avelino: Gaz. Med. de Lisboa, 1S5S, vol. 6, pp. 312; 327; 342,
*Grimaraes: Ibid., p. 3.^S.
358 AZORES.
On August 1st, 1858, two sailors, Eamao Jose and Jose
Navio, arrived at Ponta Delgado from Lisbon, on the Bra-
zilian ship Dois Amigos. The men were in the first stages
of yellow fever and were taken to the Hospital Misericor-
dia. Jose died August 4th. Kavio recovered and was
discharged cured on August 27th. He embarked on the
passenger packet Domingo^ and was taken to the Cape
Verd Islands, whence he returned to Lisbon, on the Dois
Amigos, the same vessel which had brought him to Ponta
Delgado.
Avelino mentions a third case, that of a servant at the
Hopital Misericordia, who Avas attacked on August 4th,
the day of the death of the first sailor. This case recov-
ered, the man being well enough to resume his duties by
August 12th. ,'
Avelino doubts that this third case was yellow fever,
but as the patient had been in contact with the sick, his
illness was classed as such.^
Grimaraes' article is far from being a gold mine of in-
formation. He discusses Avelino's methods, but cites
nothing which could throw additional light upon the sub-
sequent history of this importation.
"A primcira e sgunda observacao nao rae deixaram, nem a
nenhum dos metis collegas acima mencionados, a menor
duvida de que os doentes que fazem o objecto d'ellas
foram ambos affectados de febre amarella. Foram dois
casos esporadicos. Nao pensamos, poreni, assim acerca
do doents da terceira observacao. que persumimos
ter apresentado os prenomenos que descrevi, por effeito
de alguma disposicao gastrica, cujos symptomas morbidos
foram despertados pelas causas occasionaes que as-
signalei, auxiliadas mui pix)vave''mente pelo terror." —
Avellino, loc. cit.
FRANCE.
Unlike her neighbor on the southwest, France does notl
occupy a prominent place in the annals of yellow fever.
No cases have ever been known to originate on French
soil. The outbreak at Saint Nazaire, in 1861, and the
sporadic eruptions in the other localities mentioned in
this history were flagTant importations, and the manifes-
tations of the disease on shore were traced in every in-
stance to pensons who had communicated with vessels ar-
riving from infected ports or who had come direci from
localities where the Antillean pestillence was prevailing.
The miniature epidemic of 1861, which caused the little
town of Saint Nazaire world-wide notoriety, is the only
serious manifestation of the disease under discussion
which has ever invaded France. In every other instance,
the malady was confined to the quarantine basins and laz-
arettos of the seaports having direct communication with
yellow fever foci. When a case occurred on shore, it was
unequivocably traced to the above sources. The "cases
presenting all the symptoms of yellow fever" which epi-
demiologists claim to have observed in Paris, details of
which are given in the history of yellow fever as it con-
cerns Paris, in this volume, were not manifestations of
the disease. Of this, there can be no doubt, for reasons
patent even to the most careless observer.
360 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
CHRONOLOGY OF YELLOW FEVER IN FRANCE.
1694 to 1908.
1694. Rocliefort (not authentic).
1696. Aix.
1700. La Rochelle (not authentic).
1802. Brest; Marseilles.
1804. Marseilles.
1807. Marseilles.
1811. Bordeaux; Brest; Marseilles; Rochefort.
1815. Brest.
1820. Marseilles.
1821. Marseilles; Montpellier.
1822. Paris (not authentic).
1823. Marseilles.
1839. Brest.
1845. Paris (not authentic).
1856. Brest.
1857. Nantes.
1861. Havre; Montoir; Saint-Nazaire.
1862. Saint-Nazaire.
1870. Marseilles. /
1881. Bordeaux; Dunkirk; Havre; Mindin; Saint-
Nazaire.
1883. Paris (not authentic),
1891. Marseilles.
1899. Bordeaux; Marseilles; Nantes.
1900. Havre.
1908. Saint Nazaire.
FRANCE. S61
By Localities.
Aix. 1G96.
Bordeaux. 1811; 1881; 1899.
Brest. 1802; 1811; 1815; 1839; 1856.
Dunkirk. 1881.
Havre. 1861; 1881; 1900.
La Eoclielle. 1700 (not authentic).
Marseilles. 1802 ; 1804 ; 1807 ; 1811 ; 1820 ; 1821 ; 1823 ;
1870; 1891; 1899.
Montpellier. 1821.
Mindin. 1881.
Montoir. 1861.
Nantes. 1857; 1899.
Paris. 1822 ; 1845 ; 1883. (None of these alleged man-
ifestations are authentic).
Rochefort. 1694 (not authentic) ; 1811.
Saint Nazaire. 1861; 1862; 1881; 1908.
LOCALITIES IN FRANCE WHERE YELLOW
FEVER HAS BEEN OBSERVED.
Aix. A city in the department of Bouches-de-Rlionei,
seventeen miles north of Marseilles.
Bordeaux. A seaport, 358 miles southwest of Paris, in
the department of Garonne (Guienne), on the Garonne
River, sixty miles from its entrance into the Bay of Bis-
cay. It has a lai'ge harl)or, capable of containiuij 1,200
Bhips. Population: 1875, 215,140; 1891, 242,259; 1907,
(estimated), 253,000.
362 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
Brest. A city in the northwest extremity of France,
department of Finistere (Bretagne), about 389 miles by
rail, west of Paris. It is advantageously situated on the
north shore of an arm of the Atlantic Ocean, called the
Road of Brest. It is one of the foremost naval ports of
Europe. Population: ISTG, 66,828; 1891, 75,851; 1907
(estimated), 85,263. '
Dunkirk. A fortified seaport on the northernmost coast
of France, on the Strait of Dover, fortv miles northwest
of Lille.
La Rochclle. A fortified seaport, in Charente-Infei'i-
eure on the Atlantic, nearly mid-way between Nantes and
Bordeaux. Population: 1907 (estimated), 51,553.
Havre. A city in the north of France, department of
Seine-Inferieure (Normandy), on the north side of the
estuary of the Seine, at its entrance into the English,
Channel, 113 miles northwest of Paris. It is an activei
manufacturing center. Being the port of Paris, Havre
does an extensive passenger traffic and is connected by
rail and steamships with all parts of the world. Regular
lines of steamers ply between Havre and Havana, the
West Indies and South America. Population: 1861,
71,336; 1891, 114,001; 1907 (estimated), 132,130.
MontpcUkr. A city in the south of France, celebrated
for the brightness of its atmosphere and the mild salu-
brity of its climate. Population: 1891, 69,238.
MarsciJIcs. The most important port of Southern
France, department of Bouches-du-Rhone (Provence), at
tlie head of a bay which opens into the Gulf of Lyons. ^It
is 200 miles southeast of Lyons and 535 miles south of
Paris. Its commerce extends to all parts of the world,
and it is the principal point of debarkation of passengers
for the various ports of the ^Mediterranean and the East.
Population: 1802, 260,910; 1881, 269,310; 1891, 403,749;
1907 (estimated), 517,198.
Mindin. A suburb of Nantes.
]\fonfoir-(7c-Brefaf/)ic. Commonly called ^fontoir. A
town in Loire-Inferieure, twenty-nine miles northwest of
Nantes.
FRANCE AIX, 1696. 363
V
Nantes. Capital of the department of Loire-Inferieure
(Bretagne), at the confluence of the Erdre and Sevre-
Nantaise Kivers, and 245 miles by rail Avest of Paris,
Next to Brest, it is the most important port on the Atlan-
tic coast of France. The city is built on several small
islands in the Loire, which communicate with each other
by means of numerous bridges. A canal connects Nantes
with Brest. It has many manufactures and an extensive
maritime commerce. Population: 1886, 127,482; 1891,
122,750; 1907 (estimated), 133,247.
Paris\ Capital of France.
Rochefort. A city on the west coast of France, depart-
ment of Charente-Inferieure (Saint Onge), on the Char-
ente River, seven miles from its entrance into the Bay
of Biscay. It is twenty miles southeast of La Rochelle,
and eighty-nine miles southwest of Poitiers, and is an
important commercial center. Population : 1851, 15,508 ;
1871, 18,352 ; 1891, 26,170.
Saiiit-Nazaire. A city on the west coast of France, in
Loire-Inferieure (Bretagne), at the mouth of the Loire,
thirty-seven miles by rail, west of Nantes. It is the ter-
minus of passenger steamers which ply between that part
of France and Mexico and the West Indies. Population:
1851, 2,400; 1881, 16,314; 1891, 20,467.
AIX.
YELLOW FEVER YExVR.
1696.
,St:m:\iauy of Epidemic.
The pestilence which ravaged Rochefort in 1694 caused
the French government to take extraordinary precautions
against the importation of yellow fever, and to these meas-
ures inaugurated by Pontchartrain, Aix undoubtedly
owes her escape from an invasion of the dreaded pest in
1696. In the month of August, of that year, the squad-
ron of Admiral de Pointis, which had been cruising in the
364 HISTORY OF YELLOW FF.VER.
West Indies, arrived in the harbor of Aix. There were
many cases of yellow fcxev on board the vessels, and they
were ordered to quarantine, for fear that the disease
might be introduced on shore. These drastic steps were
instrumental in confining- the malady to the ships.*"
BORDEAUX.
YELLOW FEVER YEARS.
1811, 1881, 1899.
Summary of Epidemics.
1811.
Tlie archives of Bordeaux are silent regarding the pre-
valence of yellow fever in that town, in 1811, but Robert
(Guide Sanitaire, vol. 1, page 104), claims that several
cases were observed in the sliipping. According to this
authority, no cases erupted on shore.
1875.
No cases of yellow fever Avere observed in the city
proper, in 1875. but the following infected vessels were
detained at tlie quarantine station:"
The Orinoco, from Brazil. Two deaths from yellow
fevei' on the passage to Bordeaux.
The Senegal, two deaths.
The Liguria, one death.
The Glrouilc. One death while in the harbor of Bahia,
Brazil^ and four cases and two deaths on the voyage from
Bahia, one of the deaths occurring six days before the
ariiral of the vessel at Bordeaux.
The Corcovado, from Brazil. This vessel arrived at
about the same time as the Gironde, with an unclean bill
° Berenger-Feraud : Traite Theorique et Pratique de la Fievr^'
Jaune (Paris, 1S90), p. 37.
' Armaingiiaud: Memoires et Bulletins de la Societe do
Medecine et de Chirurgie de Bordeaux, 1875, p. 253.
FRANCE BORDEAUX, 1881. 365
of health, and 41G passengers. The authorities, although
apprehensive of the introduction of yellow fever, found
it impossible to segregate the passengers, as the lazaretto
could accommodate only 210 at the utmost. As no cases
had occurred during the voyage, pressure was brought
upon the government to release the passengers, with the
result that they were allowed to go free, but the vessel
was remanded to quarantine for observation.
The dumping of over 400 persons from a vessel said to
be infected with yellow fever upon an immense non-im-
mune population, caused Avidcspread criticism, both in
France and abroad, but no diffusion of the disease event-
uating the incident was soon forgotten.
ISSl.
A severe epidemic of yellow fever ravaged the French
possession of Senegal in 1881 and the settlers fled to
their native land. By this means, some of the steamers
plying between the West Coast of Africa and Europe were
contaminated and carried the disease to several ports of
France.
The Case of the Edgard.
Yellow fever erupted at Saint-Louis, the capital of Sen-
egal, on July 24th, 1881. The English steamship Edc/anJ,
with a crew of twenty-one, arrived at the town on August
1st, and, although the port had l>eim officially declared
infected, remained at the wharf for twelve days, commu-
nicating freely with the shore. On August 13th, the ves-
sel embarked seven refugees and left for France. The
following day, yellow fever erupted on board, in the per-
son of a fireman, who died on the 17th. On the 19th,
another fireman was attacked and died on the 2Gth. On
the 21st, an oiler was taken ill and died on the 29th ; on
the 31st, a cabin-boy was attacked, dying on September
2nd. On September 1st, the second engineer was stricken.
S66 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
Such was the melancholv record when the Edgard
steamed into the harbor of Bordeaux on September 3rd.
The passengers and crew were transferred to the laza-
retto at Paulliac, where fifteen additional cases, with one
death, occurred, exclusively among the s?ilors. The sec-
ond engineer also succumbed a few days after his removal
to the lazaretto.
The most singidar phase of this outbreak on board of
the Edgard, is that not a single passenger suffered, the
attacks being confined exclusively to the crew. The
escape of the passengers from infection is believed by
Duval^ and Berenger-Feraud^ to haA'e been due to the
fact that they fled to the poop of tlie vessel as sorm as the
first case erupted and remained aloof from the nidus of
infection during the entire voyage from Senegal to Bor-
deaux. The officers, witli one exception, had no commu-
nication whatever with the sick, leaving them to the care
of the surgeon, and escaped ; but the unfortunate engineer,
who communicated freely with tlie patients, was less for-
tunate, as we have seen.
Of the twenty-one composing the crew of the Edgard,
six were attacked and five died on the voyage from Saint-
Louis to Bordeaux, and fifteen were affected and tAvo died
(one an officer) in tlie lazaretto at Paulliac, making ai
total of twent3'-one cases and seven deaths.^
The Case of the Coxde.
The French steamship Cnndr, ])lying between Senegal
and Bordeaux, arrived at Saint-Louis, on August 7th,
1881. There was no sickness on board. There was un-
restrained communication between the town and the ves-
sel. On August ir)tli, su(l(l(Mi a])pearance of yellow fever
Duval : La Fievre .laune a Goree, Senegal (Bordeaux, ]88H),
p. 84.
Berenjjer — Feraud : Traite Theorique et Pratique de la
Fievre Jaune (Paris, 1890) p. 183.
FRANCE BORDEAUX, 1881. 367
on board, in the person of two sailors and the chief cook.
)The three patients were sent to the hospital on shore,
where they died in a few days. On the 20th, the captain
was taken ill and died on the 21st; another case erupted
the same day. That same afternoon (21st), the vessel
left for France, having taken thirty-two refugees at Saint-
Louis. An attempt was made to coal at Dakar, but when
the condition of the vessel was made known to the author-
ities, permission was denied. After an appeal to the colo-
nial government, the vessel was allowed to coal from
barges in mid-stream, extraordinary precautions- being
t^ken to prevent contamination. On August 2.3rd, the
Conde resumed its voyage. The wisdom of the authori-
ties of Dakar in prohibiting the vessel from landing at
her wharves soon made itself manifest. Three days after
leaving Dakar, the fever broke out again. Following is
the record of deaths from the 27th to the time of the
vessel's arrival at Bordeaux, September 9th:
August. September.
27th 1 1st 1
29th 2 2nd 2
30th 2 5th 1
31st 1 Gth 1
7th 1
When the Conde arrived at Bordeaux, the passengers
and crew were sent to the lazaretto at Paulliac, where one
death took place on the 9tli, two on the 10th, and one on
the 11th.
The Conde furnished altogether thirty-two deaths from
August 15th to September 11th, seven at Saint-Louis,
twelve on the homeward voyage and four at Paulliac. The
number of cases is not stated by our authority.^^
"Duval, loc. cit, p. 85.
368 HISTORY OF YELLOW FIVER.
The Case of the Richelieu.
A third infected vessel reached Bordeaux, in 1881.
The Richelieu, oue of the largest passeuger steamers
plying- between Bordeaux and Senegal, arrived at Bor-
deaux, on September 2Gth, 1881, with 105 refugees on
board. The vessel had come directly from, Bop-Diara,
Senegal, where yellow fever was prevailing. The captain
gave the following history :i^
The Richelieu arrived at Goree, Senegal, on August
3rd, 1881; on the 13th, arrived at Saint-Louis and
anchored near the camp of Bop-Diarra, where most of the
yellow fever cases from the capital were sent. On Sep-
tember 7th, the disease erupted on board, three patients
being sent to the hospital. On the 9th, another patient
was sent to the hospital. On the 9th, 105 refugees, sol-
diers and civilians were embarked, and the vessel left for
home. On the 10th, a young girl and a seaman were taken
ill and sent ashore, the vessel being still in the river. An-
other cavse erupted on the evening of the 10th, resulting in
death on the 12th. The captain, attacked on the 11th,
recovered. The chief cook, also attacked on the 11th,
recovered, although he had black vomit. ' A sergeant was
taken ill on the 12th, and a soldier on the 13th; both died
on the IGth. Another soldier died on the 17th. A sailor
from the Tama si, died on the 18th. This was the last
case.
AA'hen the RicJirlieu steamed into the harbor of ^Mar-
seilles, on September 2r)th, only eight days had elapsed
since the last death, and the vessel was detained at Paul-
liac. Xo other cases erupting, she was given free pratique,
and the passengers allowed to proceed on their way after
being detained only a short while.
The Case of the Tamesi.
The steamship Tamesi, on board of which there had
been manv deaths while the vessel was in the Senegal
"Duval, loc. cit., p. 86.
FRANCE BORDEAUX, 1899. 369
Kiver, near Saint-Louis, arrived at Bordeaux, on Septem-
ber 15th. She carried no passengers and had had no
cases on board since leaving Saint-Louis. The vessel was
disinfected and given immediate pratique.
j Resume.
It will thus be seen that, in less than fifteen days, four
vessels infected with yellow fever entered the harbor of
Bordeaux, two wdth cases on board, one with a dismal
history of the ravages of the disease among its passengers
and crew during the homeward voyage, and the other hav-
ing been decimated while riding at anchor opposite a nidus
of pestilence.
1899.
The French steamship La Plata left Rio de Janeiro,
October 10th, 1899, for Bordeaux, via Senegal. Among
the passengers who took passage at Dakar, Senegal, was
a lady, who fell sick during the voyage. Her case was
diagnosed as yellow fever. There was no sickness on
board and no cases of yellow fever had been observed since
she had left Rio de Janeiro, so it is evident that the in-
fection came from Dakar. On the ship's arrival at Bor-
deaux, the patient was sent to the Lazaretto, where she
died a day or so after.i^ No other cases occurred, either
on board the La Plata or at Bordeaux.
'Havelburg: U. S. P. H. & M. H. Reports, 1899, vol. 14, p. 2318.
BREST.
YELLOW FEVER YEARS.
1802; 1811; 1815; 1839; 185G.
SUMMARY OF EPIDEMICS.
1802.
Yellow fever was brouglit to Brest, in 1802, by itliei
French squadron commanded by Admiral Yillaret de
Joyeuse. The fleet was composed of the following vessels :
Lg Tourville, VUnion, VAigle, Le Foudroyant and Lo
Conquerant, and came directly from San Domingo. Yel-
low fever was then committing fearful ravages among the
European troops in the West Indies. The returning
soldiers were the remnants of a splendid army, under
General Leclerc, consisting of 1,500 officers, 20,000
soldiers and 9,000 seamen, which had been sent by the
French government to occupy San Domingo, restored to
France by the famous "Peace of Amiens," which treaty
set at rest the quarrels between England, France, Spain
and Holland concerning their West Indian possessions.
The squadron, which had been infected at San Domingo,
arrived in the roads at Brest in the autumn, of 1802.
There were forty-two men sick with yellow fever on the
different vessels. These w^ere transferred to the lazaretto
at Treberon.
A customhouse employe, who liad been sent to guard
the Trouville, on which the majority of the cases had
occurred, contracted the disease and died at his home
on shore within forty-eight liours. Two otlier inhabitants
of Brest were infected and died on the fifth day of their
illness. These three cases, erupting in the very heart of
the city, caused intense consternation, and the authorities
took immediate steps topreven t any communication what-
ever between the vessels, the lazaret and the shore. These
"Cornilliac: La Fie\Te Jaune dans les Antilles, 1886, p 403.
FRANCE BREST. 371
strict sanitary measures proved effective, for no other
cases occurred.
Out of the forty-two cases sent to the lazaretto at Tre-
beron, twenty-three died.
1811.
According to Eobert {Guide Sanitaire, vol 1, p. 104), a
few cases of yellow fever were observed in, the shipping
at Brest, in 1811. No cases occurred on shore.
1815.
Yellow fever prevailed in the harbor of Brest, in 1815,
(Cornilliac, Rcchcrches Chronologiques, etc., 188G, page
228). Only a few cases are recorded.
1839.
>
Yellow fever was brought to Brest, in 1839, by the trans-
port La Caravane, from jMartinique.^^ There were 116
cases, out of a crew of 112, on the homeward voyage, and
the convalescents were transferred to the lazaret at Brest.
Only one case (a convict) erupted at Brest. The total num-
ber of deatlis among the crew of La Caravane amounted
to thirty-three.
According to Berenger-Feraud,^^, the Caravane had been
contaminated at Fort Royal, Martinique, where she had
taken some soldiers on board. One of these soldiers was
taken sick with yellow fever and died. From that moment, .
the vessel becanne infected.
1856.
The cruiser La Fortune brought yelloAV fever to Brest,
in 1856.
On May 8th, 1856, La Fortune left Brest for an ex-
" Cornilliac: La Fievre Jaune Dans les Antilles, 1886, p. 414.
" Berenger-Feraud, loc. cit., p. 511.
S72 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
tended cruise.^*^ After touching at Groree, Senegal, the
vessel crossed the Atlantic and arrived at the lies du
Salut, French Guiana, on July 7th. On July 10th, sixty-
three passengers were embarked at Cayenne, Avhere yellow
fever was raging epidemically. One of these passengers
was taken ill wth the fever on the 13th, but was imme-
diately transferred to the hospital on the island. La
Fortune sailed on July 15th, for Mai'tinique. A second
passenger, taken sick on the 22nd, was landed at Fort-
de-France oh the 2Cth. Six passengers were embarked
at the latter place, and on the 29th, the cruiser reached
Basse-Terre, GaiUdeloupe, where yellow fever was prevail-
ing, rrhirteen passengers were taken on board at Basse-
Terre. On the 30th, the vessel set sail for Brest. On
August ist, the third case of yellow fever erupted on
board, followed in quick succession by other cases, the
last case occurring on Sej^tember 7th, three days after the
vessel had arrived at Brest.
Out of a crew of 212, there resulted 118 cases, with
56 deaths. Of the fourteen inhabitants of Brest, who had
business relations with the vessels, three were attacked
and two died.^''^
DUNKIRK.
1881.
A vessel from Senegal luought yellow fe\er to Dunkirk,
in 1881. The cases were sent to the quarantine station.
There was no diffusion of the disease. (Berenger-Feraud,
p. 184).
" Cornilliac. La Fievre Jaime Dans les Antilles, 1886, p. 419.
"Gerardin and Reau: Rapport sur des cas de Fievre Jaime im-
portees a Brest en 1856 par la Corvette de Charge La
Fortune, venant des Antilles. Bulletin de I'Academie de
Medicine de Paris, 1856-7, vol. 22, p. 899.
HAVRE.
YELLOW FEVER YEARS. .
1861; 1881; 1900.
SUMMAHY OF EPIDEMICS.
i
1861.
The ship Harriet brought yellow fever to Havre, in
1861. Immediate steps were taken to isolate the vessel as
soon as her condition became known to the authorities,
who sent her to the Island of Tatihon, in the English
Channel. Nn new cases erupted, the disease being con-
fined to the original focus. [Bcrenger-Feraud, p. 138). .
Melier^^ gives a more elaborate account of the incident.
He states that the Harriet was quarantined at Havre, in
1861, on account of yellow fever. On page 187, in an
extract from a report by Dr. Launay, assistant health
officer of Havre, it appears that while at sea the captain
of the Harriet was attacked by yellow fever on June 15th,
1861, died June 18th, and was buried at sea June 19th.
The second case occurred on July 5th, 1861, died July 8th,
and was also l)uried at sea. Two more Avere observed July
6th, 1861, one on July 7th, one on July 18th, and one
on July 19th. All recovered. Total: seven cases; two
deaths; five recoveries.
"No statement where the infection Avas brought aboard
is made; no mention of port from which the ship had
sailed for Havre. Concerning the length of time in quar-
antine, the report states that Launay boarded the ship
and ordered a fumigation and remained on board for five
days without incurring any unpleasant symptoms. None
of the men who had been brought aboard to help disinfect
the ship contracted the disease. In fact it seems that the
cases taken down with vellow fever on July 18th and 19th,
"Melier: La Fievre Jaune a Saint-Nazaire (Reprint, 1863),
pp. 73 and 187.
374 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
were recovering or almost recovered when the ship reached
Havre, and no further cases occurred.
In 1862, this same vessel was quarantined for three days
at Marseilles, merely on suspicion.
According to Eager,^^ yellow fever was brought by ships
to many French ports in 1861, but a search through the
files of the Surgeon General's Office, fails to throw any
light on the subject.
1881.
Yellow fever was brought to the quarantine station at
Havi'e, in 1881, by vessels. There was no diffusion of the
disease.-^
1900.
The French steamship Beam, which it will be remem-
bered, brought five cases of yellow fever to Marseilles, in
1891, entered the harbor of Havre on August 11th, 1900.
The vessel had come from Senegal, where yellow fever
was prevailing. She carried fourteen passengers. An
officer of the vessel had died from the disease on the home-
ward voyage. The passengers were disembarked at the
lazaretto, but no cases erupting, they were released after
a few days.-i
On August 9th, 1900, the French steamer CaravaUos,
with about 300 soldiers from Senegal, arrived at Havre
with a case of yellow fever on board. The patient wa>s
then in his ninth day and convalescent. He was sent to
the lazaretto. On July 31st, two passengers had died
from yellow fever on board, and the case mentioned above
had erupted August 1st. The vessel was remanded to
quarantined^
"Eager: , Bull. No. 8, Yellow Fever Institute, Washington, D.
C, 1902, p. 29.
=" Berenger-Feraud, loc. cit., p. 184.
=^U. S. P. H. & M. H. Reports, 1900, vol. 15, p. 2235.
"Ibid, pp. 2121; 2173.
FRANCE. 375
A third ship infected with yellow fever arrived at Havre
from Senegal, in 1900. On August lOh, the Santa Fe en-
tered the port with several cases of yellow fever on board,
having had tAvo deaths on the homeward voyage. The
vessel was sent to the quarantine station. The sick re-
covered and no other cases erupted.-^
In none of the above instances was the disease diffused
ashore.
LA ROCHELLE.
In a history of the city of La Rochelle, published by
Arcere, in 1756, there is a reference to an importation of
yellow fever into that town in 1700.^^ We have been un-
able to find any authentic corroboration of this report.
MARSEILLES.
YELLOW FEVER YEARS.
1802; 1804; 1807; 1811; 1820; 1821; 1823; 1870; 1891;
1899.
Summary of Epidemics.
1802.
Yellow fever prevailed on several ships at the lazaretto
at Marseilles, in 1802, but the case of the Columhia is the
only one of any epidemiological interest. .
The Columbia took a cargo of sugar and tobacco at
Havana in tlie beginning of 1802, and left that port for
Providence, Rhode Island, where she arrived in May.
. D. C), 1902, p. 25.
="Ibid, p. 2173.
=* Eager: Yellow Fever Institute Bulletin No. S (Washington,
S76 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
She dischairged a portion of her cargo at Providence, and
took on an entirely new crew. The vessel left the Amer-
ican port on May 24th, and after touching at Malaga,
Spain, entered the harbor of Marseilles, on August 9th.
The vessel was subjected to ten days' quarantine. On
the very day of its release, the captain was taiken ill and
died on the sixth day of the onset of the malady. The
day after the captain's death, a sailor was taken ill.
While a consultation of doctors was in progress, to de-
termine what this fatal disease could be, a third member
of the crew was attacked. The vessel was immediately
ordered again to quarantine. Ten days having elapsed
without aoiy new case, the ship was again released. No
sooner was this done, than a sailor was taken ill and died
on the sixth day of the onset. For the third time, the
vessel was sent to quarantine, where three other members
of the crew successively died from yellow fever.
There were altogether eight attacks, followed by as
many death. The first case erupted on August 28th, fol-
lowed by death on September 3rd, the last case, October
10th. I
The disease did not spread to the shore, according to
Chervin,^^ Moreau de Jonnes,-^ Robert-''' and Berenger-
Feraud,^^ from whose works this summai'y is taken. Tlie
source of infection in this instance was undoubtedly
Havana. It is true that yellow fever was also prevailing
at Malaga, where the Cohnnhia touched on her voyagei
from Providence to Marseilles, but the fact that the fever
only erupted at Marseilles after the ship had begun dis-
charging a cargo consisting among other things of 1,000
^Chervin: Examen des Principes de rAdministration en
Matiere Sanitaire (Paris), 1827, p. 38.
^Moreau de Jonnes: Notice sur les Enquetes Officieles Con-
statant la Contagion de la Fievre Jaune et de la Paste
(1825), p. 4.
"Robert: Guide Sanitaire des Gouvernemen Europeans (Paris,
1826), vol. 2, pp. 470; 708.
"Berenger-Feraud: Traite Theorique et Clinique de la Fievre
Jaune (Paris, 1890), p. 72.
FRANCE MARSEILLES, 1804. 377
barrels of sugar from Haivana, is strong enough evidence
to incriminate the Cuban port. Mosquitoes are proverb-
ially fond of sugar, and a few of these infected insects
were undoubtedly taken on board at Havana, where yel-
low fever was epidemically present at the time of loading.
As the ship sailed further north, the mosquitoes secreted
themselves in the remotest corners of the hold, where the
cold could not penetrate, remaining hidden while the ves-
sel was at ProA'idence, and only reappeared at Marseilles
when the unloading of the sugar was begun. It was lucky
for the inhabitants of Marseilles, that the first cases
erupted on board, and that the summer was almost over,
for had the Columbia arrived a month previously, the in-
fected mosquitoes would probably have inoculated her
large non-immune population and contaminated the town.
1804.
Marseilles had another narrow escape from yellow fever
invasion in 1804.
The Damish brig Lc GuiUaumc, from an English port,
touched at Malaga in August, 1801, where she was con-
taminated and lost one of her crew while at that port,
August 25th. She left for Marseilles in September, and
lost two more of her crew on the voyage. She arrived at
the French port, on October 8th, and was ordered to pro-
ceed to quarantine. While at the lazaret, a midshipman
was attacked on October 13th. Two of the health-guards
contracted the disease, one on October 15th, the other on
the 25th. All these cases proved fatal. Total number of
cases, eight; one at Malaga, two at sea and tliree at the
lazaret.
The following infected ships were also brought yellow
fever to Marseilles, in 1801 :
The Danish ship Limpte, from 3Ialaga. One case at
Lazaret.
An unnamed Danish ship from ^lalaga. One death,
October 15th, at lazaret.
37 8 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
The Danish ship Bonheiir de la Famille, from Malaga.
Arrived at Marseilles October 22nd. Two deaths from
yellow fever on voyage from Malaga. |The captain was
attacked on the day of the ship's arrival and died at the
lazaret on the 31st.
The Swedish brigantine Amitie arrived at Marseilles, on
November 13th, after having touched at Seville, Malaga
and Alicante, all infected ports. Several deaths while at
sea. Four of the crew were ill with yellow fever when
the ship reached the lazaret, two dying on the 16th. The
captain died on November 20th. Three other cases erupted,
there resulting altogether eight deaths, four of which were
from the vessel and foui* erupting at the lazaret.^'-^
In none of the above instances was the disease com-
municated to the shore.
1807.
(On August 20th, 1807, the American schooner Fame,
from Boston, Avith a crew of six, arrived at Marseilles.
The captain claimed that he had not touched at any port
on his way from Boston, l)ut the vessel was nevertheless
sent to quarantine, and only released on September 3rd.
Eight days afterwards, the captain was taken sick and
died on shore with all the symptoms of yellow fever. No
other case erufited,'^^
1811.
The sporadic cases of yellow fever observed at Mar-
seilles, in 1811, were evidently imported from Spain, as
the maritime annals of that port are silent concerning the
prevalence of the disease on ships coming from the An-
tilles. The vomito negro was epidemic in Cadiz, Cartha-
gena, Alicante and other populous cities of Spain that
year, and was no doubt brought to Marseilles by refugees
=° Robert: Guide Sanitaire, vol. 2, pp. 472; 719. Also: Berenger-
Feraud, loc. cit., p. 79.
^ Berenger-Feraud, loc. cit., p. S2.
FRANCE MARSEILLES, 1811. 379
from the Spanish Court, who sought safety in flight from
the intrigues of the plotters against the throne of the un-
fortunate weakling, Charles IV, whoi during his entire
shameful reign, was under the influence of his wife and
her paramour, Godoy.
The weather conditions in Marseilles, in 1811,) were
abnormal. The summer months were excessively hot,
wheat and leguminous plants withering before attaining
maturity, the torrid rays of the sun parching the earth
and drying up springs and streams. Fulminating apo-
plexies, bilious disorders and even cholera-morbus were
almost epidemic, and fevers generally assumed a grave
or fatal type.^^ Under such conditions, it is not surpris-
ing that yellow fever, once introduced, obtained a tem-
porary foothold in the town, and the only reason Avhy it
did not attain epidemiological proportions, is no doubt
due to the absence of the Stegomyla Calopus from the
localities where the cases mentioned by Eobert were ob-
served. Had these carriers of infection been present, Mar-
seilles would no doubt have experienced a pestilence which
would have been appalling in its results.
We have been unable to find any complete statistics
concerning this outbreak. Robert mentions that he at-
tended many cases, eleven of which proved fatal. ^^
Among his patients were de Villena, the faithful field-
marshall and grand chamberlain of Charles IV, who died
with black vomit a week after being attacked. Another
victim was Father Fernandes, also an attache of the
Spanish Court. Robert, who is an authority on yellow
fever, says he cannot be mistaken as to the natui-e of the
disease. He was in attendance daily at the bedside of
the two Spaniards, having been requested by their sov-
ereign to give them the best medical care and minutely
describes every phase of tlie malady which carried them
off. The illustrious French physician also gives a clini-
cal history of nine other cases in his practice which ter-
'^ Robert, loc. cit., vol. 1, p. 104.
'= Robert, loc. cit., vol. 1, p. 104.
380 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
minated fatally, making in all eleven cases. There prob-
ably were other manifestations of the disease, as Robert
only reports the cases which came under his personal
observation, but we were unable to find any authentic
evidence bearing on the subject. The first case rejHjrted
by Robert, that of de Yillena, erupted on Sunday, August
4th, 1811, and died on August llth.^^ The last case was
attacked on September 2Gth, and died on October loth.^"*
The fact that the malady first manifested itself in refu-
gees from Spain, where yellow fever was almost general,
strenghtens the theory that it was imported from that
country. Robert, like most observers of his day, attri-
butes the eruptions to abnormal weather conditions, a
dogma which seemed rational then, but which modern
medical science has relegated to oblivion.
1820.
In the month of July, 1820, two soldiers who formed
part of a sanitary cordon on the sea-shore in the neigh-
borhood of Martigues, a town in the department of
Bouches-du-Rhone, France, twenty-one miles southwest of
Aix, were transported to the hospital at Marseilles/where
they died two days afterwards with' the characteristic
symptoms of yellow fever. There was no diffusion of tlio
disease.^*"
1821.
The yellow fever epidemic which prevailed in the quar-
antine slip of tlie Island of Pomegue, in the harbor of
Marseilles, in the fall of 1821, is interesting from a point
of transmission and proves the danger of mooring infected
vessels in the immediate vicinity of uncontaminated ones.
That the wind blew infected mosquitoes from one vessel
to another, the history of the progress of the epidemic
■^ Robert, loc. cit., vol. 1, p. 113.
=* Robert, loc. cit, vol. 1, p. 125.
" Robert, loc. cit., vol. 1, p. 142.
IONS OF THE VESSELS IN THE QUARANTINE SLIT AT
MARSEILLES DURING THE EPIDEMIC OF 1821.
FRANCE MARSEILLES, 1821. 381
plainly shows. It was impossible for the shijDs in the
quarantine basin to communicate with each other, as
health-guards were stationed on every one of them, and
the distance between each vessel Avas too great to admit)
of communication without having recourse to boats. As
all boats had been ordered by the authorities to be hoisted
high above the water, only craft convening provisions and
the sick or dead being allowed to communicate with the
island, no other mode of infection than the mosquito-
laden Avind can be incriminated.
The facts of this memorable epidemic, as related by
Robert,^^ Eager,^' Berengert-Feraud^^ and Melier,^'^ are
as follows:
Yellow fever was committing fearful ravages in Spain,
in 1821, and it was natural that the disease should make
its appearance sooner or later at one of the j)orts of
France. Anticipating this, the authorities ordered that
the strictest quarantine be observed, a precaution which
evidently proved the salvation of Marseilles, as subsequent
events demonstrated.
;0n September 7th, 1821, the Danish brig Nicolino, Cap-
tain Mold arrived at the lazaretto of Marseilles (on the
Island of Pomegue), with a history of yellow fever on
board. The vessel had come direct from Malaga, an in-
fected port, where it had remained from July 3rd to
August 26th.
On September 1st, while en route to JNIarseilles, a sailor
named Jenwersen, aged 20, was taken ill, but was con-
valescent when the NicoUno entered quarantine. On Sep-
tember 2nd, four days' journey from Marseilles, another
sailor, Stobuy, aged 23, was taken ill. The poor fellow
was abandoned by his companions and died on Septem-
ber 3rd. His corpse was thrown into the sea, together
with all his clothes, bedding, etc.
'" Robert, loc. cit., vol. 1, p. 622.
"Eager: Yellow Fever Institute Bulletin No. 8 (Washington,
D. C), 1902, p. 26.
''Berengfer-Ferand, p. 9S.
^'Melier: Fievre Jaune a Saint-Nazaire en 1861.
382 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
On September 8th the hatches of the 'Nicolino were
opened. The imprisoned mosquitoes undoubtedly began
spreading the infection from that date, as subsequent
events will demonstrate.
On September 11th, four days after the 'NicoUno's
arrival, a third sailor was taken ill. He was sent to the
lazaretto on the 13th, and died the following day.
At this time, there were forty-one vessels, practically
from all parts of the world, in the quarantine slip. The
position of each vessel will be better understood, by re-
ferring to the plan which accompanies this account, taken
from the works of Robert and Melier. As the illus-
trious French nosologists do not always mention the name
of the vessel, but in most instances gives only that of
the captain, we have inserted the latter where the former
was not obtainable.
The vessels infected were as follows :
I. The Nicolino, the original focus of infection.
II. The Comte-de-Goes, Captain Chiozotto, arrived
from Saint-Jean-d'Acre and Cyprus, August 29th. Moored
next to the Nicolino. On September 8th, while taking
the breeze on the bridge of his vessel. Captain Chizotto
was incommoded by the foul odors emenating from the
hold of the Nicolino. Knowing that the vessel was in-
fected, he was greatly alarmed and fled to his cabin, ex-
claiming "Somo morto!"^^ He was stricken with yellow
fever on the 13th, and died on the 15th. The infection
spread to the balance of the crew, composed of twenty-one
persons, resulting in ten cases and five deaths, including
the captain.
III. The Saint-Georfjes, Captain Demorre. Arrived
at Pomegue September 3rd, from Aigles, Spain. Moored
to the northwest of the Nicolino, from which it was sepa-
rated by the Stevens. Two sailors taken ill September
14th, died the following day. There were altogether
eight cases and four deaths.
*"'I am a dead man!"
FRANCE MARSEILLES 1841. 383
IV. The CatlierlnG, Captain Simon. Left Malaga,
August 19th, and arrived at Marseilles, September 3rd.
Was placed in the quarantine basin, to the northwest of
the Nicolino. A sailor was taken ill September 14th, and
died on the 21st. Four additional cases erupted, followed
by recovery.
V. Captain Bexfield's ship, from Xante, arrived on
September 7th, and anchored next to the NicoUno, on
the northwest. A cabin-boy and a sailor were taken ill
September 11th, and the captain on the 14th. All re-
covered.
YI. Floating Dock, about fifty metres to the S. S. E.
of the Nicolino. A man who was working on this dock
was taken ill September 20th. He was discharged cured
from the lazaretto October 18th.
VII. Captain Matiovich's vessel, from Alexandria,
Egypt.- Arrived September 9th. Moored to the north-
west of the NoGolbio, from which it was separated by six
vessels. A sailor was taken ill on September 22nd. He
recovered.
IX. Captain Vinello's ship. Moored to the southeast
of the Nicolino, from which it was separated by the Coiitte-
de-Goes. Two cases erupted on board, followed by death.
Seven other vessels were contaminated, making sixteen
in all, out of a total of forty-two which were lying at
anchor in the quarantine basin, including the Nicolino.
All the vessels where cases occurred were lying to the
windward of the Nicolino. This encouraged the general
belief of tlie period, that yellow fever was carried by the
wind. Eobert and others brought this prominently into
view, giving as incontrovertible proof of tlie correctness
of this dogma^ that the "foul ordors"^i fpojj-i the hold of
the Nicolino were carried by the wind to the vessels which
afterward became infected. Of course, we of tliis enlight-
ened age know that the wind merely accelerated the emi-
gration of the Stegomyia calopns, but the illustrious med-
ical men of the period did not have twentieth century
*^ "Les odeurs infectes."
3S4i HISTORY OF YELLOW FiLVER.
spectacles, and could only formulate myopic theories.
A few cases were also observed on sliore.^-
On September 23rd, a case erupted in tJie heairt of Mar-
seilles, This was a health officer, who having been em-
ployed in cleaning the quarantine quarters, was sent to
the lazaretto when yellow fever appeared in the shipping.
He was released after ten days' detention, and returned
to his lodgings in town. He wais shortly afterward at-
tacked with yellow fever. He was immediately sent back
to the lazaretto, together with all the inmates of the
house where he was stopping. The man died, but none
of his companions contra.cted the disease.
Another case erupted in a hospital at Marseilles, in the
person of a sailor who had come by laud from Barcelona,
Spain. He was sent to the lazaretto.
A Danish ship, commanded by Captain Fohn, left Mal-
aga, Spain, September 20th, and arrived at Marseilles,
October 1st. The captain was ill and three of the crew
liad died from yellow fever on the voyage from Malaga.
Fearing to again kindle the fires of contagion, the author-
ities positively prohibited the vessel from landing and
forced her to take to sea again. The doomed vessel was
buffeted by the waves, and finally struck a reef near the
shore, foundered and was burned to the water's edge.
The captain, with the remnant of his crew, were sent to
the lazaret at Pomegue. One of the sailors developed
yellow fever, on October 10th. The patient recovered.'*"
Tlie government thought it was face to face with an in-
vasion of yellow fever, and communicated with the cele-
brated Professor Palloni, who had been through the yel-
low fever epidemic of 1804, at Leghorn, and whose advice
was no doubt largely instrumental in preventing the
spread of the disease.
The first case occurred September 7th ; the first death,
September 11th. Last case, October 10th; last death,
October 6th.
*= London Medical and Physical Journal, 1821, vol. 46, p. 463.
*'Berenger: Feraud, loc. cit., p. 99.
FRWrK - MARSEILLES, 1823 385
Cases and deaths: At lazaretto, 25 cases; 12 dearths.
At Marseilles, 2 cases ; 1 death. Total, 27 cases, 13 deaths.
1823.
An American ship. Captain Thomas, left New Orleans
for Marseilles, on September 21st, 1822, and arrived at
her destination, November 19th. Dnring the V03^age, two
deaths occurred from some "'unexplained cause," accord-
ing tO' the statement of the captain. As yellow fever was
prevailing at New Orleans, when the vessel sailed, these
two deaths Avere undoubtedly due to the disease. On ar-
riving at Marseilles, the vessel was sent to the quaramtine
station, at Pomegue. On November 29th, a sailor was
taken ill and sent to the lazaretto, as his case appeared
suspicious. He recovered in a few dajs without showing
any of the symptoms of yellow fever, and was sent back
to Lis ship on December lOtli. Nothing untoward hap-
]»ened until January 21th, 1823, when this same sailor
A^as suddenly taken ill and died at the lazaretto in thirty-
six hours. The autopsy revealed unmistakable lesions of
yeiloAv fever.^"^ \
This case greatly puzzled the learned medical men of
the period. They knew nothing of the mosquito doctrine,
and wrote innumerable monographs on what they termed
one of the most extraordinary and longest incubations of
yellow fever on record. They dated the sailor's illness
from his first indisposition, Novend)er 29th, and looked
upon his fatal illness in January, as the culmination of
the infection contracted on the previous date.
At tlio present age, the incident is easily explained.
The fact is, that the first attack was not yellow fever,
but simply some gastric disturbance accompanied by feb-
rile manifestations. On his return to the ship, the man's
duties undoubtedly required him to be often in the hold,
wliere he was evidently bitten by infected mosquitoes
taken on board at New Orleans.
"Robert: Guide Sanitaire des Gouvernemens Europeens
(Paris, 1826), vol. 2 p. 74r-.
386 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
Kobert^^ gives the clinical history of a case presenting
most of the symptoms of yellow fever, which he treated
at Marseilles in 1823. The patient, a woman aged 62,
was taken ill July 16th, and died July 31st.
1862.
For nearly half a century (1823 to 1862) we find no
mention of yellow fever having been observed either at
the quarantine station at Marseilles or on vessels arriv-
ing from infected ports.
During the year 1862, fifty-nine vessels carrying sixty-
nine passengers and a crew of 792, arrived at Marseilles
from Havana, Matanzas, Pernambuco, Sainte-Croix-de-
Teneriffe, and other infected ports. Only vessels coming
from Havana were contaminated, the following giving
histories of yellow fever on board during the voyage -^^
UEtoile, 14 cases, 4 deaths.
Yille de Cannes, 10 cases, 3 dearths,
Montvernon, 13 cases, 5 deaths.
Cedars, 4 cases, no deaths.
Ciirra, 2 cases, no deaths.
In none of these instances did any cases erupt while
the vessels were undergoing quarantine, nor was there any
diffusion of the disease on shore.
1870.
In 1870, yellow fever was epidemic in several cities of
Spain (q. v.), and the sea coast towns of France observed
a strict quarantine against the infected localities.
On September 8th, 1870, the Spanish vessel Carpio
arrived in the harbor of Marseilles, having come directly
from Barcelona, where yellow fever was prevailing. A
quarantine of seven days was imposed on the vessel. No
cases developing on board, she was given free pratique.
"Robert: loc. cit., vol. 2, p. 140.
^'Blache: In Melier's Fievre Jaune a Saint-Nazaire (Reprint),
p. 204.
FRANCE MARSEILLES. 387
The wisdom of precautionary measures soon made itself
manifest. On September 26th the Greek ship Argos en-
tered the harbor of Marseilles with yellow fever on board.
Out of a crew of eleven men, there had been four deaths
from that disease — three while the vessel was at Barce-
lona, and one while at sea, September 23rd, three days
before her arrival at Marseilles. Extraordinary precau-
tions were taken to prevent contamination. The vessel
was completely unloaded and sent to the Riou,^^ where
she was thoroughly disinfected.
A Greek, one of the crew of the Penwya, died at the
Hotel-Dieu, the municipal hospital of Marseilles, on Sep-
tember 29th. The autopsy revealed characteristic lesions
of yellow fever. This man had come by land to Mar-
seilles. His compatriots on board the Argos, denied that
he had communicated with them, but the statement was
disbelieved by the authorities, as there was no pestilential
disease on board the Panaya, and the inference was drawn
that the sailors of the two ships had probably mingled,
either at sea or at some port on the Spanish coast, where
the Greek contracted the infection. ^^
No other cases developed at Marseilles in 1870.
1891.
On May 17th, 1891, the French ship Beam, from Rio
de la Plata, South America, arrived at Marseilles with
yellow fever on board. The vessel carried 665 passengers.
There had been several cases and five deaths during the
homeward voyage. On arrival at Marseilles, five cases
were sent to the lazaretto. The passengers were isolated
for ten days, after which time, no new cases developing,
they were given free pratique. Of the five cases sent to
the lazaretto, four recovered.*^
"An islet seven miles south of Marseilles.
«Roux: Marseille Medical, 1871, vol. 8, p. 193.
"Skinner: Bull. No. 7, Yellow Fever Institute (Washington,
D. C), 1902, p. 2.
388 tllSTOKV OF YELLOW KCVKR.
1899.
The French ship Aquitaine, from Buenos Ayres, entered
the harbor of Marseilles, on November 3rd, 1899. There
had been a ease of yellow fever on board, followed by
death. Another case erupted shortly before the vessel
reached ^larseilles, and was sent to the lazaretto on her
arrival. The passen<j;ers were released after three days'
detention. The patient recovered. ''^\
MINDIN.
YELLOW FEVER YEAR.
1881.
Summary of Lmpoktatiox.
The steamship TiUc dr P(ni.s, infected at ^fartinique,
brou<»ht yellow fever to ]Mindin, a suburb of Nantes, in
1S81.' The vessel left Maitiniipie, May 20th, with a crew
of J 28 and forty-five passengers. Among the latter were
four convalescents from yellow fever. On June 2nd, thir-
teen days after leaving the island, tlie first case occurred
on })oard, followed by others on the 3rd and 4th. The
vessel arrived at ]Mindin on June 5th. The patients were
transferi'ed to the lazaretto at ]\Iindin, where out of five
i-ases, four proved fatal. The disease was confined to the
lazaretto. (Bcrciu/cr-Fcraiul, lor. cit., p. 183).
'■"Skinner: Bulletin No. 7. Yellow Fever Institute (Washing-
ton, D. C), 1902, p. 2.
MONTOIR-DE-BRETAGNE.
• YELLOM' FEVEI! YEAI!.
1861.
SiMMAKY OF Epidemic.
Maii.y of the loiigslioremeii employed in discharj^ing the
cargo of the Annc-^fa^ie during the Saint-Nazaire out-
break of 18G1, lived at ;Montoii'-de-Bretagne, a village
twenty-nine miles west of Nantes. Four members of this
gang being taken ill, knocked off work and went home.
They were attended by the village physician, Dr. Chaillon,
who also was attacked by yellow fever on August 13th,
and died on the ITth. The other cases recove^red.^^
.1
MONTPELLIER.
1821.
YELLOW FEVEE YEAR.
Summary op Importation.
I
A single instance of the appearance of yellow fever at
Montpellier is on record. Deveze"'- and Robert^' assert
that eleven soldiers were treated in the hospital of that
town by Broussonet, in 1821. The patients had contracted
the disease in the little town of Rose, a seaport of Catalo-
nia, Spain. The infection did not spread. Our authori-
ties do not say whether the cases died or recovered-
" Berenger-Feraud, loc. cit.. p. 137; Melier, Fievre Jauue a
Saint-Nazaire.
'^Deveze: Memoire au Roi (Paris, 1S21), p. 14.
"Robert: Guide Sanitaire, vol. 1, p. 104.
NANTES.
YELLOW FEVER YEARS.
1857; 1899.
Summary of Importations.
. 1857.
Yellow fever was quite prevalent on ships in the harbor
of Nantes, in 1857. The number of cases is not stated,
but the deaths f»re said to have amounted to seven.^*
1899.
In October, 1899, there were two cases of yellow fever
on board the steamship Navarre, from Vera Cruz, in the
harbor of Nantes. The cases proved fatal. The vessel
was sent to the Saint-Nazaire lazaretto. No other cases
erupted. {U. S. Public Health Reports, 1899, vol. 14, p.
2000. s
PARIS.
1775.
Yellow fever has never been observed in Paris, but on
three occasions — 1775, 1822 and 1845 — a disease mani-
festing almost identical symptoms set the medical world
The earliest mention of a disease resembling yellow
fever being seen in Parish will be found in the works of
Portal, ^^ the celebrated French Physician, who flourished
in the reign of Louis XVI. Portal mentions several cases
which came under his observation, some even attended
"Skinner: Bulletin No. 7, Yellow Fever Institute (Washing-
ton, D. C), 1902. p. 1.
""Portal: Observations sur la Nature et le Traitement de
Melena, p. 174.
FRANCE PARIS. 391
with black vomit, in which most of the symptoms which
characterize yellow fever were present. He particularly
describes a case in which a large quantity of black matter
was vomited, the description of which corresponds with
that of the true vomit of yellow fever. One of the indi-
viduals mentioned by Portal was no less a personage than
the Comte de Vergennes, Minister of Foreign Affairs,
under Louis XVI, who it will be remembered adopted the
deliberate policy of humbling England by promoting the
independence of the United States by the alliance of 1778.
1822.
Robert^^ and La Roche^^ relate that in the summer of
1822, after a long continuance of unusually hot weather,
there occurred in the Hotel Dieu, of Paris, several cases
of fever accompanied with jaundice and black vomit. Two
patients were, at the same time, similarly affected at La
Charite, in the wards of Dr. Lerminier, and several in-
stances of what was denominated sporadic yellow fever
were seen in Paris. In reference to the patients admitted
in that hospital, AndraP^ informs us that they had deli-
rium, a black tongue, tympanitic bowels, a jaundiced dis-
coloration of the surface and exhibited evident signs of
an ataxo-adynamic state of the system. They both threw
up a quantity of a substance bearing a strong resemblance
to soot — an appearance which, as we shaJl see, is often
assumed by black vomit. La Roche doubts, however, that
those cases were anything more than typhoid fever modi-
fied by the extreme heat of the season. One of the patients
recovered under the use of the most powerful stimuli.
The other died, and the autopsy revealed a gastro-enter-
itis, with red softening of the mucous membrane, and
ulceration of the intestines, an anatomical character which
our authority states does not belong to yellow fever.
"Robert: Guide Sanitaire, vol. 1, p. 104.
" La Roche, loc. cit., p. 272.
"Andral: Dictionaire de Medecine, 1st ed., vol. 21, p. 17.
392 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
Magendie^'' mentions, that at about the same period,
eleven cases of fever occurred in the hospitals of Paris,
attended with brown yellow color of the skin, petechiae
and black vomit.
Lassis^^ claims that there were more patients ill with
what is commonly termed yellow fever in the hospitals of
Paris in the month of April, 1822, than at Barcelona and
Port du Passage at the time these two i)orts were causing
the medical world such anxiety.
Chervin,^! who is anything but an admirer of Dr. Lassis,
pokes fun at the Englishman for believing that these cases
were manisfestations of yellow fever, and criticises him
for predicting that Paris may eventually become like 3Ios-
cow, Barcelona, Marseilles, Aries, Aix and Toulon, the
active seat of pestilential disasters, whose magnitude
would be unparallelled in the annals of epidemiology.
We believe that the stand taken by tlie eminent La
Roche the most correct for, unless imported, yellow fever
cannot under the most favorable conditions of weather
and temperature, originate in Paris. And, even if the
disease were accidentally introduced there, it would not
spread beyond the imported cases.
1S45.
The (jazctte dcs Hopifau.v for August, 1845, contains
the account of a case of typhus whicli occurred in the
wards of Dr. Bayer, at the Hopital de Charite, Paris,
which presented most of the symptoms peculiar to yellow
fever. It may also be compared to the cases observed by
Portal, in 1775, and by Andral and others, in 1822, men-
tioned in this volume.
"'Magendle: Lecons sur les Phenomenes Phjsiques de la Vie,
vol. 1, p. 117.
°° Lassis: Calaniites Resultant du Sj'steme de la Contagion
et Meme Celui de L'iurection (Paris, 182 — ), p. 19.
"Chervin: Examen des Nouvelles Opinions de M. le Docteur
Lasgis (Paris, 1823), p. 3.
I
FRANCE — PARIS, 18 + 5. S93
Ou the 30tli of June, 1845, a inau named Thomas, of
strong constitution entered Dr. Raver's male ward. He
had been ill for a few days only. The following were
the s^^mptoms presented: Yellow-orange tinge of the en-
tire body ; skin dry and hot ; the eyes and inferior surface
of the tongue, j-ellow; the superior surface of the tongue
covered with a mucous fur; nausea; slight tympanits of
the abdomen, painful on pressure, in the right hypoclion-
drium; liver of normal size, on percussion; stools colored
by bile, not abundant; urine deeply tinged with bile; no
abnormal thoracic symptom, but acute pain felt in the
hepatic region on deep inspiration. Pulse full, frecpient,
but regular. The patient only complained of i)ain in
the right hypochondrium, and of intense cephalagia.
Venesection to twelve ounces. Blood presented a thick
buff. ^
Jiihf 1st. — Same state. .Cupped on the hepatic region;
blister on the same region. Saline purgative.
Julij 2)1(1.- — Vomiting set in; the matters vomit(Ml were
black and sanguinolent. The stools, liquid and abundant,
contained black and feces tinged with bile. Pnlse very
frequent ; cephalagia; somnolence; tongue dry and
cracked ; teeth presented a. brownish crust at bases ; abdo-
men meteorized not painful on pressure.
This state persisted on the 3rd and 4th. On the 4th,
slight delirium appeared. No spots or ecchymosis on tlu*
skin, universally of an orange-yellow. On the Oth, Hie
state of the patient seemed improved. A number of small
conial elevations appeared on every part of the body,
similar to those of variola in its first stage. On the 7th,
these elevations had formed red ecchymotic s])ots, like
those of haemorrhagic roseola. There Avas, however, no
symptoms of roseola. 'The patient appeared, indeed, bet-
ter, although still in a state of semi-somnoleiice. On the
8th, the somnolence had increased; an eschar appeared on
the sacrum; the stools were still sanguinolent. On the
11th, the eruption disappeared; somnolence and general
depression increased; nausea, ))ut no vomiting. On the
394 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEYER.
12th, he remained in a state of comatose sleep, and died
suddenly on the 13th.
Autopsy, twenty-eight hours after death : The body was
in a state of advanced putrif action, the epidermis separat-
ing with the greatest case; icteric tinge of the skin, the
same as during life ; no effusion of blood in the intermus-
cular spaces ; lungs healthy, but containing a considerable
quantity of mucus and blood; heart, soft, containing
black blood; mucous membrane of the stomach softened,
of the color of dregs of wine; duodeum presented traces
of sanguineous suffusion, and contained yellow bile; the
rest of the intestines contained mucous, colored with bile ;
Peyer's glands were not enlarged; no morbid alteration
in the large intestine; the liver presented the usual vol-
ume, being soft, of an uniform icteric tinge; the vena
porta, vena cava and its principal divisions were healthy,
and contained black fluid blood; the biliary vesicle con-
tained a considerable quantity of blood; the spleen was
soft, of normal volume; the kidneys, soft, yellow, nearly
diffluent ; the brain, soft, and presenting the icteric tinge.*^^
1883.
According to Berenger-Feraud, a case of yellow fever
was observed in Paris, in 1883, in the person of a diplo-
mat, "who had handled dispatches coming from an in-
fected country." Beyond giving his source of information
as "les journaux politiques," our authority is mum. We
have made a strenuous search through the French period-
icals for the year 1883 and 1884, on file in the Library
of the Surgeon-General's Office, at Washington, but find
no mention of the incident.
The Parisian Mosquitoes atid Yellaw Fever.
It is within the range of possibility that the mosquitoes
of Paris could convey the yellow fever vims. The alarm-
♦ Lancet (London), 1845, vol. 2, p. 231.
sti
FRANCE PARIS. 395
ing increase of mosquitoes in the capital of France was
the theme for animated and interesting discussions by the
medical societies of the metropolis a few years ago. At
the session of the Academic de Medicine de Paris, April
9-13, 1901, Dr. Debove called the attention of his con-
freres to the fact that, in certain districts of Paris, mos-
quitoes were so numerous as to incommode the inhabi-
tants to a great extent, and intimated that summary meas-
ures should be instituted to mitigate the nuisance. ^^
J)r. Laveran observed that mosquitoes were certainly
more numerous in Paris than formerly, and ascribed this
fact to the vast number of places Avhere stagnant water
was allowed to remain. The learned scientist argued
that it should be an easy task to educate the people to
adopt measures to destroy the pests. If the population
were instructed that the smallest amount of stagnant
water is sufficient to engender enough mosquitoes to in-
fect an entire district, they would be more careful. The
Pasteur Institute had been appealed to by many indus-
trial establishments of Paris to devise means to destroy
m(x«quitoes, and had given advice which had already been
attended by beneficial results.
Dr. Laveran further observed that the mosquitoes of
Paris were of the culex variety, which are positively
known to transmit filaria and malaria. The former dis-
ease was very rare in Paris, but the latter was quite com-
mon, and its prevalence could no doubt be traced to the
insects under discussion. ^^
Dr. Farabeuf, in concluding the discussion, related his
experience at Bourg-la-Reine*'^ and and L'Hay, near Paris,
where the mosquitoes were undoubtedly responsible for
the many febrile disturbances which made life anything
but agreeable at these places. Measures should be taken
"Bulletin Medical (Paris), 1901, vol. 15, p. 319.
"Ibid, 508.
" Bourg-la-Reine is a town on the Seine, five miles southwest
of Paris.
396 HISTORY OF VEM.OW FEYER,
at once to extcTminate tliese insects, pr the localities in
qnestion would in the near future become uninhabitable.^^
The question was also taken up by the Societe de Biol-
ogic de Paris, at its session held June 1st, 1901. The
trend of the discussion was the best mode of protection
against the stings of mosquitoes. It was generally ad-
mitted by the speakers that most of the methods popularly
u,s<k1, such as essences and oils, were practically of no
value, affording only temporary immunit}-, as the mos-
quitoes finally got used to the odor and became as aggres-
sive as ever.*^'
Dr. Laveran said that the only sure mode of immunity
Mas to jjrotect the hands by gloves, and to wear a A'eil, so
as U) protect the face and neck. This was the plan in
vogue by most of the railroad employes in the malarial dis-
tricts of Italy. Perfumed oils Avas no protection against
the stings of the insects. *^^
Dr. Laveran's idea is certainly the most efficacious, but
we doubt very much that the dandies of Paris would take
kindly to the fashion of wearing veils.
Dr. de Gouvea, a Brazilian scientist who had taken
refuge in Paris after the revolution of 1803, sounded an
additional note of warning in an exhaustive article en-
titled Lcs Moustiqiics et la Fievrc J nunc, in which, among
other things, he cited the historic epidemic of Saint-
Nazaire to prove the facility with Avhich yellow fever can
be transmitted by mosquitoes.®'-^
ROCHEFORT.
1004.
Was it yellow fever w)uch devastated Rochefort iti
1004?
•^"Bulletin Medical, loc. cit., p.. 341.
"Bulletin Medical, loc. cit., p. 508.
"' A statement which can be vouched for by the writer, who
has tried the experiment in New Orleans.
"'De Gouvea: Bulletin Medical, 1901, vol. 15, p. 861.
FRANCE ROCHEFORT, lGll4. 397
La Kodie'*^ clainis that tbei-e can be no doubt on that
score, and cites Chirac in support of this contention.
INIany autliors, among whom are sucli eminent authorities
as Pringle,"^ Boisseau,'- Bercnger-F?raud"'^ and Kerau-
dreu'^ hold the view tliat the epidemic under discussion
was eitlier typlioid or tlic plague, an opinion we are in-
clined to share, after a careful perusal of the writings of
the illustrious Chirac.
Yellow fever may have l)e;'n l)rouglit to IJochefort in
1G94 and occasioned some mortality, but what is com-
monly understood as the ''great epidemic" of that year
was undoubtedly the bubonic plague of the Orient, prob-
ably brought by s]ii]»s fjom the eastein ])orts of the
Mediterranean.
Chirac,'^''' who was sent by Louis XIV to study auel re-
port upon the malady wliidi was then devastating Ivoche-
fort, had exceptional facilities for observation, anel pub-
lished th(^ result of his researches in two volumes. The
work, which is printed in tlu^ cpiaint old French style of
the period, goes into tlie minutest eletails, and is an ael-
mirable exposition of tlie peculiar views of medicin-e in
general held by the learned medicos who nourished in the
reign of the Grand Monarch.
We note from Chirac's obscn-vations tliat most of the
diseases which ])revailed at Ilochefort in 1(>04 assumed
'"La Ro^che: Yellow Fever. Considered in its Historical,
Pathological, Etiological and Therapeutical Relations
(Phila., 1855), vol. 1, p. 48.
'^Pringle: Observations on Diseases of the Army (London,
1800), p. 323.
"Coisseau: Physiological Pyretology; cr, A Treatise on
Fevers (Phila., 1832), p. 333.
" Berenger-Feraud: Loc. cit., p. 35.
'^Keraudren: Projct de Reglement, etc.
S98 HISOORV OF YELLOW FEVER.
a grave character. An epidemic of small-pox was fol-
lowed by one of measles, and when the latter had sub-
sided, fevers of a malignant and dealy type asserted them-
selves. These fevers were eventually absorbed in June by
the pestilential malady under discussion, which carried:
away two- thirds of those who were attacked.''^^ It wasj
especially mortal in July and August and began to sub-
side by the end of the latter month, after a series of heavy
rains had filled the swamps about Rochefort and seemed
to purify the air, which during the dry season, "smelled
like burning gunpowder."'^'^
The symptomatology of the disease, which is minutely
and graphically described by Chirac, leaves no doubt as to
its nature. The malady was ushered either by a chill or
by an intensely cold sensation, with acute headache and
a sensation of extreme heaviness. The pulse became small,
there was a general feeling of faintness, attended by an
incessant agitation of the limbs. The facies became lead-
en-hued and cadaveric. In some instances, the eyes were
dull; in others, sparkling and restless. Nausea and vom-
iting were constantly present, many never refraining their
natural warmth, but being as cold as marble when death
put an end to their sufferings. Cold sweats and a com-
plete coma generally preceded death. (Page 53).
In the the majority of cases, the parotid glands were
affected and buboes appeared in the axillary regions,
but were rarely seen in the inguinal regions. Those in
which buboes appeared on the fourth, fifth or sixth day,
generally succombed : in cases where the buboes only ap-
peared on the seventh, eiahth or ninth day, recovery gen-
erally ensued. In some cases, carbuncles broke out on the
face and hands, a symptom which was generally followed
" "Cette maladie, qui fit perir les deaux tiers de ceaux qui
etoient attaques, ne relacha and ne finit que par des
grandes pluyes qui arriverent a la fin du moi d'Aout, et gui
remirent de I'eau dans les mares et dans tous les marais
deffeches dt la prairie." — Chirac, vol. 1, p. 57.
7- ■<* * * jjjjg odeur de poudre brulee." — Chirac, vol. 1, p. 31.
FRANCE ROCHEFORT, It 94. S99
by death. The stools were either serous, greenish, dark,
viscous or sanguinolant, and very often dysenteric. Hem-
orrhages from the nose were frequent. The urine was
natural up to the* fourth day of the onset, after Avhich it
became either red or very dark until the end of the attack.
When poured in a vessel, it left a reddish residue, which
resembled brick-dust. (Page 55).
Such is the description given by Chirac. We have made
as literal a translation of the original text as possible.
It does not require a Board of Experts to arrive at the
deduction that the malady in question was not yellow
fever. The symptoms, though not exactly those of the
bubonic plague, are so nearly identical, as to easily lead
to the conclusion that the pestilence of Rochefort was
simply a milder manifestation of that terrible disease.
How such an astute observer like La Eoche should have
been led into error by the description of Chirac, is beyond
our comprehension. La Roche's work is a classic and a
monument to the author's genius and versability and this
faux-pas merely goes to show that even the greatest minds
are not infallible.
Whether it was the bubonic plague, yellow fever or
typhoid which devastated Rochefort, in 1694, there is no
doubt that the French government was taking extraor-
dinary precautions that year to prevent the importation
of the Antillean pestilence to its shores. A search into
the musty records of that period reveals the fact that the
maritime archives of Rochefort contain a letter from the
Minister of Marine (the renowned Pontchartrain), dated
September 15th, 1694, in which this dignitary states that
he has been informed that the disease (yellow fever) was
still raging in the "American Isles," and that it was im-
portant that steps should be taken to prevent its introduc-
tion into the kingdom. He also states that he had written
to the admiralty official of La Rochelle to renew the meas-
ures which had formerly been taken against the crews of
400 HISluRV l)K ^KI.1,0\\ KKVER.
ves.so.U coming' fi-oin these coiiutries aud to observe strict
quarantine against infected vessels.^''
The narrow escape of Aix (q. v.) from infection, in
IGUG, proves that these precautionary measures were no I
taken a moment too soon.
SAINT-NAZAIRE.
Yeij.ow Fevkii Years.
18G1 ; 1SG2 ; ISSl ; 1899 ; 1908.
Summary of Epidemics.
ISGl.
The outbreak of yellow fever which took place at Saiut-
Nazaire, near Nantes, in 18G1, occupies a notable place in
the annals of epidemiology, being the only serious mani-
festations of the disease in France. Acci<lental erui)ti()ns
have occurred from time to tim(> in the heart of Havre,
Brest, Marseilles, ]\ochefort and Nantes, but these were
directly traceable to persons who had communicated Avitl'.
infected ships and were limited to one or two cases. In
tlie Saint-Nazaire incident, liowevcr, I lie disease assumed
a yicious and aggressive type, and was even carried to
Montoir-en-Rretagne, a village near Saint'Xazaire.
'^ The original letters reads as follows:
"15 Septembre, 1694. — J'apprends par les lettres que je recois
par le vaisseau le Leger, que la maladie continue
toujours aux isles de I'Amerique; cela est bien facheux.
Cependant, comme il est important d'empecher qu'elle
ne s'introduise dans le i-oyaume, j'ecris aux officiers de
I'Arairaute de la Rochelle de renouveler les defenses
qui ont ete faites aux equipages des vaisseaux, qui
reviennet de ces pays, de ne mettre pied a terre qu'apres
que la visite en aura ete faite, pour les obliger de faire
quarantaine, s'ils sont attaques de ce mal et c'est a quoi
il est necessaire que vous teniez la main.
(Signed) "PONTCHARTRAIN."
FRANCE SAINT NAZAIRK 1861. 401
Much has been written about this epidemic. We cull
the following resume from the comprehensive work of
Melier,"^^ and from the interesting acounts given by
Eager^*^ and Berenger-Feraud :^^
The Anne-Marie, a ship of the port of Nantes, with a
crew of sixteen, sailed from Havana June 13, 1861. The
vessel carried barrels of sugar, between the the ti-ers of
which layers of sugar cane were placed, in order to prop-
erly dress the cargo. After five days' navigation, five
days of broiling calms and storms followed by rains, the
captain, in order to rest the crew, decided to drift in the
Strait of Florida without using sails. Passing out of the
strait, the winds became steady, and the men went to
work with a will to make sail, showing no trace of fatigue
or malady.
July 1, eighteen days after the departure from Havana,
two seamen fell sick and died within a few hours of each
other on the fifth day of their illness.
July 2, another sailor was taken ill, but it is recorded
that "with strong doses of the sulphate of quinine and
with violent purgatives, he was cured after ten days."
On successive days, six other persons were stricken, in-
cluding the captain. All were dosed with quinine and
cathartics, and recovered more or less promptly. Alto^-
gether, among the sixteen persons aboard, there were nine
cases of sickness and two deaths.
In this condition the ship entered the port of Saint-
Nazaire, twenty days after the last death and ten days
after the inception of the final case of suspicious illness.
Since no case of sickness had occurred during the last ten
days, and all were well on board at the time of arrival, the
vessel was punctually given pratique, in conformity with
the French sanitary regulations.
"Melier: Memoires de rAcademle de Medecine de Paris, 1863,
vol. 26, pages 1 to 228; also, reprint of this article.
"Eager: Bull. No. 8, Yellow Fever Institute (Washington,
D. C). 1902, p. 26.
"Berenger-Feraud: Gazette Medicaid de Nantes, 1883-4, \o\.
2, p. 4.
402
HISTORY OF YELOW FFVER.
As soon as tht; An^ie-Marie was released from quaran-
tine, her crew were paid off, and according to the custom
in vogue at nearly all European ports, they were dis-
charged and an entirely new set of men engaged to dis-
charge the cargo. The men went to their homes. The
subsequent movements of the crew of the Anne-Marie^ is
one of the most interesting phases of the vagaries of this
epidemic, as will be seen by the following tableau:
Roster of the Crew of the "Anne-Ma/rie;" the Localities
They Went to After Leaving the Ship, and What
Happened to Them.
NAME
RANK
Place tlEy went to
REMARKS
i
Voisin
Eloy -
Barand
Captain .._
Second execu-
tive officer
Sailor
Painbouef
Saint-Nazaire..
Painbouef
Developed Yellow Fever,
Recovered.
Developed Yellow Fever;
Died.
Not attacked.
Jabin
Carpenter
Nantes
.|Not attacked.
Glot
Cook
Unknown
Unknown
Riquidel
Le Pendernat...
Sailor
Sailor
Nantes
Concarreau
Had Yellow Fever during
homeward voyage ;recoy'd
Not attacked.
Compu
Apprentice
Crosic
Not attacked.
Le Baquelin
Rabier
Sailor
Sailor
Nantes
Saint-Nazaire ...
Had Yellow Fever during
homeward voyage ;recov'd
. Not attacked.
Pineau
Sailor
Unknown
Unknown .
Guillio _
Apprentice
Saint-Nazaire...
Not attacked.
Monizet —
Ship's Boy
SBint-Nazaire...
Not attacked.
It will thus be seen that of the two officers and eleven
m,en composing the crew of the Anne-Marie, two had yel-
low fever during the voyage and recovered ; two developed
the disease after arriving at Saint-Nazaire, one succumb-
ing; two could not be traced, and the remaining seven
continued well and hearty during the whole progress of
the epidemic.
i
FRANCE— SAINT NAZAIRE 1861. 40S
The Ejnd^mic.
We shall now take up the events at Saint-Nazaire.
In the same basin where the Anne-Marie was at anchor,
were the following vessels :
The Chastang, a small tug boat in the service of the
government, having two barges in tow.
The Gormoran, a transport.
The Lorient No. 6, a steamboat plying between Lorient
and St. Nazaire.
The Dwrdenelles, a three-masted merchantman.
U Areqidpa, a three-masted marchantman.
The Chastang sailed on July 29, two days after the
opening of the hatches on board of the Anne-Marie, and
arrived the same day at Indret. The tug had a crew of
five, who had all been on board the Anne-3Iarie, attracted
by curiosity. On August 1, one of these men was taken
ill and died on the 3rd. His case presented all the symp-
toms of yellow fever. On the 3rd or 4th of August, three
miore of the crew were attacked and died in a few days.
The fifth member of this unfortunate crew was stricken
on the 5th, and died on the 10th of August.
The two barges which were in tow of the Chastang,
had each a crew of two men; one of the barges had in
addition, a woman on board. Only oiie out of these five
people is known to have visited the Anne-3Iarie, but two
of them helped to carry the dead from the Chastang, v/hile
the tug was moored at Indret. Another of this crew had
spent two nights nursing one of the sailors on board the
Chastang. The woman nursed and helped to prepare for
burial two or the dead sailors. These five people (who
composed the personnel of the barges) were all taken ill,
showing all the symptoms of mild yellow fever. No fatal-
ities occurred among them.
The news of what had occurred at Indret had not yet
reached Saint-Nazaire when, August 2, the first oificer of
the Anne-Ma7~ie, a robust man, aged 28 years, died after
being ill of yellow fever for sixty hours. The next dfiy,
a cooper, who had spent several days in the hold of the
404 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVEH.
Anne-Marie engaged in repairing sugar barrels, fell sick
of the same disease and died in five days. August 4, a
master stonecutter, who Avorked on the harbor front, 2G0
meters from where the infected vessel w^as stationed, ac-
quired the disease, and after six days, died. He had had
no communication with the ship, no contact with the men
or merchandise of the vessel. August 5, five stevedores
from the infected ship were attacked. Three died in about
four daj's, the other in eight days. August 7, there were
three more cases, and two others the following day. A
woman who sold old clothes, sails and cord was taken sick
with yellow fever, August G. She had received in her house
two seamen of the Anne-Marie, and had bought from
them some discarded garments and odds and ends of can-
vas and cordage. The next day, a woman, aged 55,
who had intimate relations with the stevedores of the
pest ship, was prostrated with the same malady. A
laborer, engaged in handling the cargo of the Anne-Marie,
lived with a cobbler, who sat at his bench from morning
till night and never moved from the place of his work,
was stricken with yellow fever and died in a few hours.
His guest, the laborer, and the laborer's wife, both took
the disease, but got well.
The Cornwran, the government transport mentioned
above, had a crew of ten men. She arrived at St. Nazaire,
on July 31, and remained fifteen days alongside of the
Anne-Marie. This vessel sailed from St. Nazaire, on the
3rd of August, and arrived at Lorient on the 10th. On
August 14th, two of the crew were attacked, and died on
the 26th. No other attacks or mortalities are recorded
as having taken place on board this vessel.
The Lorienf Xo. 6 remained from the 28th to the 30th
of July, moored alongside of the Anne-Marie, and left
on the morning of August 4th for Lorient, where she
arrived the same night. One of the officers and a cabin-
boy were taken ill that same night, presenting all the
symptoms of mild yellow fever. They made an uneventful
recovery. No other cases on board.
FRANCE SAINT NAZAIRE 1861. 405
The DardaneUes, a merchantman from the Gulf of
Guinea, weighed anchor in the same basin where the
Anne-Marie was discharging her cargo. Being on the off-
shore side of the Anne-Marie, tlie crew of the Dardanelles
were compelled to use the above named vessel as a passage-
way to and from the shore. Only one case developed on
board of the merchantman, that of a cabin-boy, who had a
mild attack and quickly recovered.
The Arequipa, a merchantman from Sierra Leone, ar-
rived at Saint-Nazaire, on June 23. From July 26th to
August 1st, she moored alongside the Anne-Marie, while
the latter's cargo was being discharged. On August 1st,
the Areqvipa sailed for Cayenne, South America. On
the 5th of August, the second officer was taken ill with
fever and died on the 10th, while the vessel was still in the
Gulf of Gascony, where the vessel had been detained for
some cause which is not given by the chroniclers of this
memorable epidemic. On August 22nd, a second case, in
the person of a cabin-boy, occurred, followed by death on
the 30th. On August 26th an apprentice was at-
tacked; recovery. On August 29th, the fourth case oc-
curred ; recovery. On September 11th, the captain of the
vessel was taken ill ; recovery. On September 11th and
20th, sixth and seventh cases; recovery. On September
20th, eighth and last case, followed by death.
The last echo of this epidemic was furnished by one of
the men employed in cleaning and fumigating the Anne-
Marie, who was taken ill, August 29th, and died Septem-
ber 5th.
Dr. Eager brings out the fact that the records of the
epidemic at Saint-Nas^aire show that all the infected ships
were stationed down the wind from the Anne-Marie. The
fact is established by the data of the meteorological and
maritime observer at Lorient. It is interesting to note
that a ship of the imperial navy, the Chandernapnr, and
a passenger transport, the Lorientais No. 8, posted near
the Anne-Marie, but up the wind, were perfectly immune
from yellow fever. The distance of anchorage and the
length of time passed near the infected vessel seemed to
406 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER. i
have had decided influence in determining outbreaks of
the disease. The prevailing temperature did not appear
to have any influence. The daily temperature during the
epidemic oscillated between the maxima of 21° and 25.5°
C, and the minima of 11.8° and 17° C.
Infected Vessels icliich Entered the Earhor of Saint-
'Nazo/ire, in 1861.
It is interesting to note that the Anne-Marie was not
the only vessel infected with yellow fever which entered
the harbor of Saint-Kazaire, in 1861. A reference to the
maritime annals of the port, reveals the fact that from
July 15 (the date of the arrival of the Anne-Marie) to
September 17, the following vessels ai'rived from ports
where yellow fever was prevailing :
July 15. Anne-Marie. Left Havana, June 13, Had
nine cases and two deaths on homeward voyage. Focus
of infection whence originated the epidemic of Saint-
Kazaire.
August 7. Etoile de la Me?-. Left Havana, July 6.
Healthy.
August 8. Jules. Left Havana, July 3. Healthy.
August 13. Nicholas-Cezard. Left Havana, July 16.
Two cases on arrival ; one died. A third case, August 29 ;
died September 5.
August 15. Paul Aiiguste. Left Havana, July 12.
One death (July 30) at sea.
August 15. Amelia. Left Havana, July 12. One
death at sea.
August 15. Pere Chaigneau. Left Havana, July 10.
HeaJthy.
August 16. Washington. Left Havana, July 16.
Healthy.
August 18. Jacques Langlois. Left Matanzas, July 15.
Healthy.
August 19. Amelie-Eenriette. Left Havana, July 12.
One death at Havana.
August 25. Olivier. Left Havana, July 19. Healthy.
FRANCE SAINT NAZAIRt 1801 407
(September 4. Etienne. Left Matanzas, July 25.
Healthy.
September 4. Enfants Nantais. Left Havana, July 21.
Six cases at Havana; no deaths. I
September 15. Gironde. Left Havana, August 9.
Three deaths at Havana, two at sea. Every person on
board sick, with the exception of one man, who had had
yellow fever two years before.
September 17. Brothers. Left Cardenas, August 3.
Healthy.
Of these fifteen vessels, twelve were from Havana, two
from Matanzas, and one from Cardenas. Of the twelve
arrivals from Havana, five gave histories of yellow fever
on board, and two, the Anne-Marie and the NicJiolas-
Cezard, sent cases to the lazaretto at Saint- Nazaire. The
vessels from Matanzas and Cardenas were healthy and
gave no history of yellow fever on board, either in Cuban
waters or at sea.
General Summary.
It will thus be seen that two vessels, the Anne-Marie
and the NicJioIas-Cezard^ infected the port of Saint-
Nazaire in 1861. The total number of cases and deaths
were as follows:
Infected by the Nicholas-Cesard 13 cases, resulting in 2 deaths
Infected by the Anne-Marie 40 cases, resulting in 23 deaths
Total cases and deaths 43 25
Aside from a fatal case at Montoir-de-Bretagne (q. v.),
the Saint-Nazaire fever was not carried to any other part
oi France.
1862.
'It is not generally known that yellow fever was brought
to Saint-Nazaire, in 1862, but according to Gestin,*'^ five
•^Gestin: In Melier's "Relation de la Fievre Jaune Survenue
at Saint-Nazaire «<n 1861," Paris, 1863, p. 199.
*0S HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
vessels infected with the disease reached that port between
June 17 and December 1.
The first suspicious vessel to enter the harbor was the
French cruiser Montezuma, from Vera Cruz, June 17.
There was no infectious disease on board, but the com-
mander reported the death of one of the crew from yellow
fever while the warship was at Vera Cruz. This man had
surreptitiously visited the shore, where he contracted the
disease. The fever was not communicated to any other
person on board, and when the Montezuma arrived at her
destination, more than a month had elapsed since the
death of the sailor and the officers and crew were healthy.
The Albeft, which reached Saint-Nazaire, August 10,
actually brought yellow fever to the port. There had been
eleven cases out of a crew of eighteen, while the vessel
was at Havana, followed by one death at sea (July 18).
On the ship's arrival, four cases were transferred to the
floating hospital Jeanne-D'Arc, where they eventually re-
covered. There was no diffusion of the disease ashore.
The JVologa, which arrived from Havana, September 6,
reported having had four deaths while in the Cuban port.
No cases at sea or at Saint-Nazaire.
The Alfred and Mary, which arrived from Havana, No-
vember 16, gave a history of two cases at the port of de-
parture. No other manifestations.
The fifth and last vessel with a history of yellow fever,
entered the harbor on December 1. There had been twelve
cases on board at Havana, and one at sea, during the home-
ward voyage. The crew were healthy on arrival, and no
cases erupted while the vessel was at Saint-Nazaire.
1881.
The memorable epidemic of 1861, does not seem to have
imbued the authorities of Saint-Nazaire with any extra-
ordinary ideas of prudence, for we see yellow fever again
at the doors of the quaint old French city, in 1881. That
the disease did not invade the town on this occasion, is
certainly not due to the sagacity of its health guardians.
FRANCE SAINT N AZAIRE 1881. 409
The facts of the second importation of yellow fever to
Saint-Nazaire, are as follows :^^
The transatlantic passenger steamer Yille-de-Paris, left
Porto-Bello, Brazil, on April 30th, 1881, and arrived at
For t-de- France, Martinique, on May 5th, where she re-
mained fifteen days. Yellow fever was prevailing in the
town. While in the harbor, the Yille-de-Paris communi-
cated freely with the dispatch-boat Magicien, which was
also infected. The steamier left Fort-de-France, on May
20th, with a crew of 128 and 45 passengers, among the
latter being four convalescents from yellow fever.
On June 2nd, thirteen days after her departure
from Fort-de-France, yellow fever broke out on the Yille-
de-Paris. * This case was an engineer attached to the
vessel, who had had many dealings with persons con-
nected with the Magicien. The next day, three cases
erupted. The vessel arrived at Saint-Nazaire on the 4th.
That same day, a child of seven was taken ill.
On May 5th the vessel was sent to the quarantine sta-
tion and the patients, five in number, were sent to the
lazaretto at Mindiu, where only one recovered.
The passengers were given free pratique on May 13th,
only eight days after the eruption of the last case, and the
vessel released from quarantine on the 20tli.
The imprudence of allowing persons from a notoriously
infected ship to circulate freely after only a week's deten-
tion, caused much adverse comment and French nosolo-
gists called attention to the terrible consequence which
might have ensued had even one of these persons carried
the germ in his system for a longer period than a week.
The question was again agitated at the meeting of the
Quatrienie Gongres International d' Hygiene et dc Demo-
graphies held at Geneva, Switzerland, September 4-0, 1882.
In a general discussion, in which Drs. Formento (of New
Orleans), Bourru (of Rochefort), da Silva Amado (of
Lisbon), Rochard (of Paris), Cabello (of Madrid) and
"Griffon du Bellay: Recueil des Travaux du Comite Con-
sultatif d'Hygiene Publique de France, Paris, 1883, vol.
11, p. 213.
410 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVKR.
Layet (of Bordeaux) participated, the danger of the in-
troduction of the typhus amaril into France was forcibly
pointed out and the authorities censured for being too lax
in the enforcement of preventive measures. Dr. Kochard,
in an inspired address, pointed out this grave danger.
Following is a translation of his most pungent remarks :
"France, on account of its higher altitude, has less to
fear than countries where the disease easily propagates
itself and, to this day, when yellow fever has been im-
ported to our shores, it has never spread beyond the origi-
nal focus of infection. But will it always be thus? It
would be undue boldness to answer the question affirma-
tively. There are certain days in July and August when
the heat is intense in the heart of France, and notably at
Paris. Let us suppose that a vessel infected with yellow
fever should arrive at Saint-Nazaire, and that strict sani-
tary measures were overlooked, what would prevent the
disease from being carried to Paris by the next train?
And then, admitting that the disease did reach the capital,
what terrible havoc it would cause among the two million
souls massed within its walls."^^
But these warnings have been little heeded by the
French Government, for, on reading the quarantine laws
now in vague, we notice (Article 01) that pssengers from
infected ships, even when yellow fever is actually on board
on its arrival in port, are only subjected to a detention
of seven days. |
The established incubative period of yellow fever is from
two to seven days; sometimes longer, but this is rare.
A'lnd how do we know that a certain kind of mosquito of
the genus other than the Sfcgomi/ia Calopus, capable of
transmitting yellow fever, does not exist in Paris? If
such things be, France may one day awake and see Pro-
fessor Pochard's prophecy fulfilled and her proud capital
in the merciless grasp of the Yellow Demon.
"Rochard: Trans. Quatrieme Congres International d'Hyglene
et de Demographie (Geneva, 1883), vol. 1, p. 480.
FRANCE SAINT NAZAIRE — 1908. 411
1899.
In October, 1899, the French ship 'Navarre, from Vera
QvvLZ, arrived at Saint-Nazaire with yellow fever on
board.^^ The vessel was remanded to the quarantine sta-
tion. No other cases erupted.
1908.
The year 1908 furnishes the last link in the chain of
yellow fever importations to the port of Saint-Nazaire.
The facts are as follows, {TJ. S. Public Health Reparts,
1908, vol. 23, pp. 1507; 1543; 1621) :
The disease was brought to St. Nazaire by the French
steamship La France, which arrived at that port Septem-
ber 16 1908, after having touched at Fort-de-France, Mar-
tinique (Sept. 10), where yellow fever was prevailing.
The steamship, upon arrival at St. Nazaire, received
pratique, and the crew and all the passengers landed, the
passengers scattering in different directions.
A few days after the arrival of the La France, several
members of the crew were admitted to the local hospital
as suffering from paludic fever. After the death of three
of tliese, a necropsy was held over one of the bodies, which
revealed the fact that he had died of yellow fever.
In the meantime all the crew of the Steamship La
France had been transferred to the Steamship Versailles,
which sailed October 9, for Guadeloupe, Martinique, Ven-
ezuela, Colombia and Colon, Panama.
Up to October 10, nine cases of yellow fever had de-
veloped and entered the hospital at St. Nazaire. Five
died.
On October 20, two more cases and an additional death
had been added to the list, making altogether eleven cases,
out of which five proved fatal.
The outbreak was confined to the above cases and
deaths.
«Hill: U. S. p. H. & M. H. Reports, vol. 14, 1899, p. 2000.
412 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER
TOULON.
1862.
The A77iazony a transport in the service of the French
Government, entered the port of Toulon in October, 1862.
The vessel having served as a yellow fever hospital ship
while at Vera Cruz, she was looked upon with great sus-
picion by the health authorities and remanded for obser*
vation.^*^ The commander gave a history of eighty deaths
from yellow fever while in Mexican waters and two addi-
tional deaths during the homeward voyage. The trans-
port was detained in quarantine until October 29, and
given free pratique. No cases erupted on board while at
Toulon, but the entrance of a yellow fever hospital ship
in a French port, especially when the events which had
transpired at Saint-Nazaire the year before were still fresh
in the minds of the people, caused general consternation
throughout the country.
**Gallas: In Melier's "Relation de la Flevre Jaune Survenue a
Saint-Nazaire en 1861," p. 215.
YELLOW FEVER
IN
GREAT BRITAIN.
1
YELLOW FEVER
IN
GREAT BRITAIN.
With the exception of the epidemic at Swansea in 1865,
imported from Havana by the Eecla, and which is detailed
at length in this volume, yellow fever has never obtained
a foothold in Great Britain. Vessels have from time to
time brought the disease to the seacoast towns of the
Empire, and in a solitary instance (1878) a death oc-
curred in the ver^^ heart of Lob don; but the inhabitants
of the British Isles have to this day proved immune to the
scourge on their own soil, the eruptions being in every in-
stance confined to the imported cases. Swansea furnishes
the only example to the contrary.
The exemption of Great Britain from an invasion of
the Saffron Scourge may not be as secure as one would
think. It is true that the Stegomyia Calojms does not
flourish on English soil, but the CuJex Calopus does and
there remains the possibility that either this species, or
a different species at this day established in the "tight
little island," may some day be impregnated with the
virus of the disease and spread the contagion far and
wide. The doctrine of the mosquito transmission of yel-
low fever is yet in the adolescent stage and future ex-
periments may prove that other species than the Ste-
gomyia Calopus are also active agents in the dissemina-
tion of the disease under discussion.
416 HSSTORY OF YILLOW FEVER.
CHRONOLOGY OF YELLOW FEVER IN GREAT
BRITAIN.
I
1713.
London. )
1817.
Falmouth.
1843.
Swansea.
1845.
Isle of Wight.
1846.
Woolwich.
1848.
Woolwich.
1851.
Swansea.
1852.
Southampton.
1853.
Southampton.
1854.
Cork.
1857.
Southampton; Dublin, (not authentic)
1860.
Southampton.
1864.
Falmouth; Southampton; Swansea.
1865.
Llanelly; Swansea. '
1866.
Southampton.
1867.
Southampton.
1877.
Salcombe.
1878.
London.
By Localities.
Cork. 1854. '
Dublin. 1857, (not authentic). v
Falmouth. 1817 ; 1864.
Isle of Wight. 1845.
Llanelly. 1865.
London. 1713; 1878.
]\rotherbank. (See Isle of Wight).
Portsmouth. |1763.
Salcombe. 1877.
Southampton. 1852; 1853; 1857; 1860; 1864; 1866;
1867.
Swansea. 1843 ; 1851 ; 1864 ; 1865.
Woolwich. 1846 ; 1848.
417
LOCALITIES IN( GREAT BRITAIN WHERE YEL-
LOW FEVER, HAS BEEN OBSERVED.
England.
Dover. A seaport and parliamentary borough, on the
northwest side of Dover Strait, County Kent, sixty-six
miles southeast of London and twenty-one miles from
Calais, France. It is an important railway terminus, and
as a port for mail and railwa}'^ service with the Conti-
nent, has a large* passenger traffic. Population: 1881,
28,486; 1891, 33,418.
Falmouth. A seaport, in Cornwall, on Falmouth Bay,
on the southern side of the estuary of the Fall River,
sixty-six miles by rail southwest of Plymouth, and 250
miles from London. From 1G88 to 1850, Falmouth was
an important packet station, but it is now chiefly a port
of call. It has a fine roadstead, affording excellent refuge
for shijiping. Population : 1891, 4,273.
Isle of Wight. An island in the English Channel, off
the south coast of Hampshire, separated from the main-
land by The Solent and Spithead.
London. Capital of the British Empire and the largest
city in the world. It is situated in the southeast of
England, on both sides of the Rivei^ Thames. It is difficult
to assign any exact limits to London, on account of its
straggling form and numerous suburban extensions; but
it may be said to stretch fromi east to west about fourteen
miles and from north to south about ten. Population:
1881, 3,816,483; 1900, 4,546,752; 1907, (estimated),
7,217,941.
Mothcrhank. A shoal off the south coast of England,
between the mainland and the Isle of Wight.
'NeiccaMlc-on-Tyne. A city in the northeast of England,
Northumberland County, on the left bank of the Tyne
Hiver, about eight miles from the North Sea. It is an
extensive manufacturing center. Within the city and
vicinity are numerous blast furnaces and malleable and
418 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
other iron foundries. Population: 1891, 186,345; 1907,
(estimated), 264,511.
Salcomhe. A town in Devon.
Southampton. An important seaport near the English
Channel, in Hampshire, on a peninsula at the mouth of
the Itchen Eiver, near t^e head of Southampton Water.
It is seventy-one miles southwest of London. The town
is a rendezvous for many steam packet lines and is much
visited by ocean steamers. It has extensive docks and is
an emigrant station. The Royal Mail Steamers ply regu-
larly between Southampton and the West Indies. Popu-
lation; 1891, 65,325; 1907 (estimated), 119,745.
Woolwich. This was formerly a naval port of England,
County of Kent on the Thames, seven miles southeast of
Saint Paul's Cathedral, London. It is now a part of the
metropolis. The chief importance of the place lies in the
fact that it is the seat of the Eoyal Arsenal, founded in
1585, which employs about 12,000 men, whose wages ex-
ceed 1350,000 a month.
Ireland.
Corh. A river-port of Ireland, capital of the County
of Cork, 137 miles southwest of Dublin. < Population:
1881, 80,124 ; 1891, 75,070.
Dnhlin. Capital of Ireland, on the Liffey River, by
which it is separated into two nearly equal parts. Popu-
lation: 1891, 254,709; 1907, (estimated), 378,994.
Wales.
Llanelli/. A seaport town of Wales, an a creek empty-
ing in Carmarthen Bay, fifteen miles of Carmarthen.
Population: 14,973.
Swansea. A seaport of Wales, County of Glamorgan,
on the west side of the Tawe, at its mouth in Swansea
Bay, Bristol Channel. It is an important commercial
center and is connected with London bv rail. Population :
1871, 51,702; 1881, 59,597; 1891, 90,349.
419
ENGLAND.
DOVER.
1878.
iln 1878, yellow (fever was almost brought to the town
of Dover. A Norwegian ship, on which there had been
three deaths from tho disease on the passage from Rio
de Janeiro, entered th^' port without being subjected to
quarantine measures. Fortunately, no cases erupted on
board while the vessel was in the harbor.^
FALMOUTH.
1817.
The brig Britannia^ from the West Indies, after having
touched at Liverpool, arrived at Falmouth. She remained
in that port six weeks before beginning to discharge her
cargo, which consisted principally of cotton. No sooner
had the unloading begun than yellow fever developed on
board. The disease was limited to the crew of the vessel.^
1864.
A ship from Sierra Leone brought a ease of yellow fever
to Falmouth in 1864. The patient died.^
ISLE OF WIGHT.
1845.
In 1845, the ship Eclair, which later in the year in-
fected the Cape Verd Island (q. v.), brought yellow fever
to the Isle of Wight. A pilot and a doctor who had come
from shore to thel vessel were attacked, but recovered.
The outbreak was limited to these two cases.^
^ Berenger-Feraud : Traite Theorique et Pratique de la Fievre
Jaune (Paris, 1890), p. 158.
* Eager: Bulletin No. 8, Yellow Fever Institute (Washington,
D. C), 1902, p. 32.
' Berenger-Feraud, loc. cit., p. 141.
* Berenger-Feraud, p. 117.
420
LONDOX.
1713.
Ciirrie^ (page 61) asserts that yellow fever was brought
to Loudon by "a vesseP'iu 1713, but that the disease did
not spread beyond the imported cases. The information
is yery indefinite, not eyen giying the name of the ycssel,
the number of sick or the original source of infection.
A careful suryey of tliis and the other books of Currio
indicates that this is the only place in which mention is
made of yellow feyer in London. \
1S7S.
The only authentic case of yellow feyer eyer obseryed
in London, is commented upon at length by Leggatt and
Greenfield^ in the Transactions of the Clinical Society of
London, for 1878.
The patient, D., a retired army officer, was in the habit
of spending the winter months in a warm climate an<l
for two years previous to his illness had done so in South
America. Leaving England January 9, 1878, he landed
at Rio de Janeiro on the 30th of the same month and then
Avent to Buenos Ayres. He returned to Rio on February
21. Yellow feyer was then epidemic in the town and
shipping. He left Rio on February 21, arrived at Lisbon
on March 14, and at Southampton on the 17th. He
'^Curi'ie: A Sketch of the Rise and Progress of the Yellow
Fever, and of the Proceedings of the Board of Health,
in Philadelphia, in the Year 1799; to which is added a
Collection of Facts and Observations Respecting the
Origin of the Yellow Fever in this Country; and a Re-
view of the Different Modes of Treating it.
Philadelphia: Printed by Budd and Bartram, No. 58 North
Second Street, 1800.
' Legatt and Greenfield: "A Fatal Case of Yellow Fever Oc-
curing in London." — Transactions of the Clinical Society
of London, 1878, p. 187.
LONDON, ENGLAND 1878. 421
reached London, March 18, was taken ill on the 21st, and
died on the 27th.
The autopsy disclosed a typical case of yellow fever.
What puzzled the English doctors who attended this
case, was the seemingly long incubation of the germ of
yellow fever, about twenty-five days, according to their
computation. They calculated the probable date of in-
fection to have been February 24, the day of D.'s departure
from Eio. The fallacy of this conclusion is proved by a
reference to an extract from the diary of the officer,
published in the article from which this account is taken.
It seems that on February 12, while the ship on which
he had taken passage was at Buenos Ayres, the assistant
purser died of yellow fever. The Vessel left Buenos
Ayres, February 15 and arrived at Rio on the 21st and
sailed for England on the 21th. Two days later, two of
the crew, who had never left the vessel since her departure
from England, were stricken with yellow fever. One re-
covered; the other died on March 5. No other cases
erupted on board. )
From' the above, it is certain that D. did not contract
the disease at Eio, but was infected on board the vessel
on which he was a passenger a few days after the death of
the third case (^larch 5). This would give an incubation
of nine or ten days.
NFWCASTLE-ON-TYNE.
1S95.
'Much apprehension was caused in England in 1S05
by the announcement that the Norwegian ship Mindet,
from IMobile, Alaliama, which arrived at Newcastle-on-
Tyne in November of that year, had yellow fever on board.
An investigation by the health officers of the town revealed
the fact that eleven men Avere suffering from malarial
fever and that two had died of this disease on the pas-
sage from Mobile. The eleven men were removed to the
4J2 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVRR,
Tyne Port floating hospital, as a precautionary measure.
All recovered J
There was no yellow fever in Mobile in 1865, and as the
Mindet did not touch at any port on the trip to Xewcastle-
on-Tyne, the diagnosis of malaria was undoubtedly
correct.
PORTSMOUTH.
1763.
Legallois^ says that the war vessels returning from
America in the fall of 1763, landed at the Haslar Hospital,
near Portsmouth, several seamen sick with yellow fever,
The hospital being overcrowded, it was found impossible
to segregate these patients, but in spite of this lack of
precaution, the disease was confined to the imported cases.
The number of cases and deaths is not given.
1827.
La Roche^ quoting Niel,i*^ relates a case of fever which
occurred at Portsmouth in July, 1827, during a very hot
spell of weather. In this case, which was of very severe
character, there was jaundice and other symptoms, which
gave it somewhat the character of yellow fever. The
patient was attacked dru the night of the 8th ; on the 15th,
he vomited thrice in the night, the matter being black
like coffee grounds. The stools assumed the same appear-
ance. After twenty days of sickness, the patient
recovered.
^Campbell: U. S. Public Health Reports (Washington, D. C),
1895, vol. 10, p. 1150.
*Legallois: Rocherches sur la contagion de la Fievre Jaime
(reprint), Paris, 1850, p. 20 (foot note).
•La Roche: Yellow Fever (Philadelphia, 1855), vol. 1, p. 274,
"Neil: London Med. & Phys. Journal, N. S., vol. 5, p. 105,
ENGLAND 176S. 423
Had this case occurred in New Orleans or any other
locality where the disease has been observed from time
to time, it would have been unhesitatingly j)ronounced
yellow fever. It is one of the many examples which goes
to prove how difficult it is to arrive at a correct diagnosis
of the saffron pest.
SALCOMBE.
1877.
In the beginning of 1877, a German sailor was landed
at Salcombe, Devon, from the schooner St. Lucia, from
the West Indies, suffering from fever. IHe was taken to
the workhouse infirmary at Kingsbri'dge. Unmistakable
symptoms of yellow fever having manifested themselves,
all the other inmates were removed from the hospital, and
the Board of Trade was communicated with. The patient
recovered and no other case resulted.
SOUTHAMPTOM. '
Yellow Fever Yeaes.
1852; 1853; 1857; 1860; 1861; 1866; 1867.
Summary of Importations.
1852.
It is surprising that Southampton, which has extensive
commercial relations with the West Indies, South America
and the West Coast of Africa, all notorious foci of yellow
fever infection, should not have been invaded by the dis-
ease prior to 1852.The passenger traffic between the town
and the countries above mentioned is very active and as
hardly any precautions are taken when a ship from these
localities arrives at the port, unless yellow fever is present
or has been raging on board during the voyage, there is
no doubt in our mind that outbreaks of yellow fever have
414 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
occurred at dates anterior to 1852 and were put down by
the authorities as "typhus" or "malignant fever/' either
through ignorance of the symptomatology of the tropical
plague or through a wanton desire to conceal the real
state of things. The slogan of the British nosologists is
"No Quarantine," as they hold 'that the ship alone and
not the place whence it comes should be held under sus-
picion and though yellow fever may be committing fear-
ful ravages in a certain place, no barrier is put upon ves-
sels arriving therefrom, unless the vessel itself is known
to be infected. Owing to the swiftness with which trans-
Atlantic vessels make the voyage from America these
days, a ship may be a slumbering nidus of infection and
a detention of two days, which is the usual custom in
England, is hardly suflflcienit to place a ban on the impor-
tation of the disease. The only thing which saves South-
amtpon, London and other ports of the Empire from a
devastating invasion of yellow fever, is the fact that the
Stenomyia ralojms is either totally absent ior is present
in such small quantities in these localities, tliat even when
importation does take place, there is no agent present to
disseminate the virus and the invasion ends with the
original cases.
The solitary case which erupted in the very heart of
Southampton in 18.52, substantiates the above assumption.
Had tliis incident happened in ZS'ew Orleans, which is now
as free from the disease as Boston, New York or Pliila-
delphia, Imt which was then a hot-l)ed of pestilence, it
would have created a focus whence the poison would have
been carried to every section of the city. To the Stc-
gomyia calopus, New Orleans owes the terrible carnage
caused by yellow fever in tlie past and to the strict quar-
antine regulations and the almost total annihilation of
the winged carriers of contagion, does she owe her present
freedom from a disease which at one time was said to be
endemic. !
SOUTHAMPTON, ENGLAND 1852. 425
The history of the infection of Southampton in 1852 is
as follows :^^
On the morning of the ISth of November, 1852, the
Royal Mail Steampacket Company's ship La Plata ar-
rived at Southampton from the West Indies, with the loss,
from yellow fever, on the homeward voyage, of her com-
mander, together with six of the crew. She had left
Southampton on the 18th of October (exactly one month
previously), and gone directly to the Island of Saint
Thomas, which she reached in thirteen days; and remain-
ing there four or five days, sailed again on the 4th of
November for Southampton.
This was the second voyage of the La Plata from
England to the West Indies. The vessel was new and
the crew, when she left Southampton in October, were in
perfect health. Yellow fever was then prevailing both in
the town of Saint Thomas and among the shipping in
the harbor. During the time the La Plata lay in the West
Indian port, her officers and crew communicated freely
with tlie people on shore and with the crew of some of
the adjacent ships, ^forcover, just before leaving England,
she received on board a considerable number of invalids
from the Great Western, the Thames and the Esl^ — ships
belonging to the Royal Mail Company — as likewise from
the war-steamer Hif/hfh/er. All these invalids were re-
covering from fever and one Avas actually ill at the time
(>i tlie transfer (November 5th), had black vomit the next
day and died on the day following.
AYithin twelve hours after the La Plata steamed from
Saint Thomas, on the 5th of November, the second en-
gineer fell ill with yellow fever. The captain was attacked
on the 8th. The same dav, the purser and two coal trim-
mers were seized, and each of the five days following fur-
nished fresh cases of the disease. In all, fifteen cases
occurred during the passage from the 4tli to the 13th of
November, of which seven proved fatal.
•Harvey: Lancet (London), 1853. vol. 1, p. 148; Phillips;
Ibid., p. 2931; Milroy: Ibid., 460.
426 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
When the La Plata arrived at Southaaiipton, the above
particulars were communicated to the quarantine officer
of the port, and the vessel was placed in quarantine till
the morning of the 20th, when she was released.
The distressing intelligence thus conveyed by the La
Plata, and the fact that yellow fever was through her
brought almost to the doors of the town, created intense
excitement, as well in the kingdom at large as at South-
ampton. And this feeling had scarce began to subside
when it was heightened by the occurrence, in the town
of Southampton itself, eight days after the release of the
vessel from quarantine, of an unequivocal case of yellow
fever affecting and proving fatal to Mr. Napier, fourth
engineer of the La Plata.
It was impossible to be without misgivings as to the con-
dition in which the steamers next in succession from the
West Indies might arrive and accordingly their advent
".Nas looked forward to with greatest anxiety. Unfor-
tunately, the worst fears were realized. The Medicay,
the Orinoco, the Mar/dalcua, and the Parana, which suc-
cessively came in, all gave histories of having suffered
more or less from the fever. Not to go into details respect-
ing them, it may be observed that including the La Plata,
the several steamers furnished an aggregate of about 124
cases, of which about 50 ended fatally. ;
The particulars of the sickness and death of Mr. Napier
are as follows :
The La Plata arrived at Sontliaiupton on the 18th of
November, 1852. Amongst her officers was Mr. Napier,
who was engaged in the engineer's department. He took
lodgings in town, where he slept at night. During the
day he was occupied on some work in the engine room,
in the lowest part of the vessel, where he no doubt was
bitten by the infected mosquitoes who had retreated to
the warmest part of the ship to escape the cold, the winter
season being then at its heigjlit. 'He 'SN-'as taken ill at liis
lodgings on the 28th of November. On the evening of the
3rd of December, he vomited black matter and died on
the morning of the 5th.
I
I
SOUTHAMPTON, ENGLAND 1852. 427
When the news of this death reached the public, South-
ampton was in an uproar almost bordering on panic and
all sorts of wild rumors were circulated. Every case of
fever was looked upon with suspicion and it only needed
the eruption of a second case to cause an exodus of the
population. A report was spread that the woiinan who
had nursed the unfortunate engineer had been seized with
yellow fever, but when the rumor was sifted, it was found
that a woman had been engaged to attend to the patient,
but left the house and the landlady had taken her place.
She was not in good health when she began her minis-
trations and having to attend the patient day and night,
the fatigue incidental to her arduous task rendered her
ill. This indisposition was magnified by the excited pop-
ulace into a case of black vomit and it was only when
the health authorities publicly announced that the rumor
was false,, that the excitement subsided. One good trait
of the English people, is their unshakable faith in the word
of their health guardians, and even if the woman really
had yellow fever, the mere fact that a representative of
Her Majesty said that she did not, was sufficient. There
was no "going behind the returns," as we do in America.
The case of Mr. Napier was the first and last manifesta-
tion of yellow fever in Southampton in 1852.
1853.
During 1853, yellow fever continued to rage in the West
Indies, particularly at Kingston, Jamaica, where the ves-
sels of the Royal Mail Company continued to be infected,
as in 1852. According to the reports published in the
Lancet, British Medical Journal and London Medical
Gazette, for 1853, we glean the fact that the following
vessels had yellow fever on board on their homeward voy-
age from America :
January . The Parana. Infected at Saint' Thomas.
Thirty cases; four deaths. On arrival at Southampton,
thirteen invalids were transferred from the vessel to the
428 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
Marine Hospital. All recovered and no other cases
oconiTed.
May 17th. The Severn. Infected at Rio Janeiro or at
Saint Thomas. Six cases; no deaths. Last case, May
2nd. Fifteen days having elapsed since the last case, ti •■
vessel was admitted to pratique, after a rigid examina-
tion. Xo other cases erupted. I
May 18th. The Orinoco. Infected at Saint Thomas.
Fourteen cases; two deaths. One of the invalids being
"as yellow as a guinea," when the Orinoco reached South-
ampton, the vessel was detained at quarantine for four
hours, pending an investigation. A release was tlien
given, but the "saffron man"' was sent to the quarantine
station and the yellow flag hoisted. A guard was sta-
tioned to prevent any possibility of escape, but the patient
improving rapidly, was released after a detention of two
days. No other cases erupted while the Orinoco was at
Soutliampton, but the vessel was reinfected a few weeks
aftc^rwards, as we shall see later.
May 30. The La Plata. Infected at Saint Thomas.
Tliis i>; the steamer which imported the celebrated case of
Mr. Xapier to Southampton in 1852. On arrival at the
quarantine station, it was learned that there had been
fourteen cases and three deaths on board since May Ttli,
the date of the first case. The last case had occurred <»n
the 24th, and the last death on the 30th, the day of her
arrival at Southampton. Immediately after the conclu-
sion of the investigation, the mails were landed, but the
ship was detained at quarantine and the facts communi-
cated to the Privy Council Office. Orders were received
from London to release the liealthy passengers at once,
but to detain the ship until tlie afternoon, in order to com-
plete the stinulated six days from the outbreak of the
last case. Tlie invalids were eventually transferred to
the Marine Hospital. No new cases ensued.
vluly 17th. The Orinoco. This is the same vessel
which had had fourteen cases and tAvo deaths on a previous
SOUTHAMPTON, ENGLAND 1853. 429
voyage, noted above. On arriving at quarantine, the fact
was elicited that the first case had appeared on the day
after the ship arrived at Saint Thomas, in the person of
a seaman. This evidently does away with the assump-
tion that the vessel was infected at Saint Thomas in this
instance, as yellow fever certainly takes more than tw' enty-
four hours after infection to manifest itself, l^e that as
it may, during the remainder of her stay at Saint Thomas,
no less than thirty cases occurred, confined principally to
the seamen and stokers. After leaving Saint Thomas,
fifteen fresh cases erupted, among Avhich was a passenger.
The forepeak of the steamer was fitted up and used as a
hospital during the time the ship was in the harbor of
Saint Thomas; but on her leaving, the heat being exces-
sive from the closing of the ports, the sick were removed
to the deck, where awnings were spread. This was at-
tended by a diminution of the sickness, which finally dis-
appeared altogether.
The Southampton authorities took extraordinary pre-
cautions to prevent the disease from spreading to the
shore. All persons on board, in good health, who made
a sworn declaration that they had had, in their lives,
anything like yellow fever, were peruutted to land at
once. Those who could not do so, were put under sur-
Teilance and allowed to proceed on their way only after
a rigid examination.
The disease was not communicated to the shore.
1857.
The steamship Tamar, which brought yellow fever to
Lisbon, Portugal, in 1857 (q. v. ), entered Southampton
shortly afterwards.^'' She had deaths on the passage
from Spain and gave rise to several cases of yellow fever
in the harbor of Southampton.
Eager: Yellow Fever Institute Bulletin No. 8, Washington,
D. C, 1902, p. 33.
430 HIITORY OF YELLOW FEVCR.
1860.
On April 3rd, 1860, the Royal Mail Steamer Tyne ar-
rived at Southampton with yellow fever on board. Eight
cases, with three deaths, had occurred during the home-
ward voyage. One of the passengers was seized only eight
days before the arrival of the ship at Southampton. Three
of the patients, in an extremely debilitated condition, were
sent to the Marine Hospital, where they eventually recov-
ered.^* iNo new cases manifested themselves while the
Tyne was at Southampton.
IRELAND.
CORK.
1851.
A solitary instance of yellow fever having been brought
to Ireland is recorded.
In 1854, according to the Lancet (London), vol. 1, page
90, 1851, a vessel entered the harbor of Cork, with yellow
fever on board. Two patients, who were transferred from
the ship to the Marine ITospital, died. This incident
created much alarm among the inhabitants of the town
and prompt and extraordinary precautions were adopted
to prevent a spread of the disease. No other cases
erupted.
DUBLIN.
1857.
Cummins'*^ relates a case which came under his obser-
vation at Dublin in 1857, which presented all the charac-
" Lancet (London), 1860, vol. 1, p. 386.
"Cummins: Case of Fever, with Unusual Symptoms. Dublin
Quar. Jl. of Med. Sciences, 1858, vol. 26, p. 212.
IRELAND, 1857. 431
teristics of yellow fever. The patient, a Boy five years
old, had exhibited symptoms of ill health for some months
previous, consisting of debility, loss of appetite and shoot-
ing pains in various parts of the body. These symptoms
were given proper attention by Dr. Cummins, but with-
out much decided or permanent improvement. On De-
cember 2, 1857, the little patient developed a fever which
seemed to be of a gTave nature. "From day to day, as I
watched the progress of the symptoms," observes Dr. Cum-
mins, "I became more and^more reminded of that disease
which numbers its victims by thousands within the trop-
ics, but rarely carries its devastations to more temperate
regions, and as yet has only been observed in isolated cases
in this country."
The Doctor did not at the time suspect that he was
dealing w4tli a case of yellow fever, and did not treat it
as such, but remarks that if the case had occurred in any
of the habitats of yellow fever, there would not have
been a second opinion about pronouncing it to be that
disease.
The patient died on December 9th, seven days after
the graver symptoms of his illness had manifested them-
selves. Shortly before death, he had black vomit.
At the time of the above occurrence, yellow fever, having
transgressed its ordinary bounds, had visited Southern
Europe and was making fearful ravages in Lisbon. Our
authority does not give the probable source of infection
in the case under observation, leaving one under the
impression that it originated in Dublin. Such could not
possibly happen, however, under the most vivid stretch of
the Imagination. If the case was one of yellow fever,
there is but one way in which it could have been engen-
dered. We regret our inability to either verify or dis-
prove the question at issue, as the literature of the period
fails to enlis:hten us in that direction.
WALES.
LLANELY.
1SC5.
While the yellow, fever was causing widespread con-
sternatiou at Swansea (q. v.), the sloop Elconorc, Avhich
lay close to the Hecla, from September IGth to the 18th,
Avas infected and carried the disease to Llahely.^" Charles
Hayes, John Slocuni and Daniel Stapleton, sailors on
board the sloop, were attacked. The Eleonorc sailed for
Llanely, where two of the patients died.^"
SWANSEA.
Yellow Fever Years.
1843; 1851; 18G4; 18G5.
1843.
On Jnly 2r)tli, 1843, the brig piric, from Cuba, arrived
at Swansea, with a cargo of copper ore. Some of tlie
crew had died from yellow fever on the homeward voyage.
Benjamin Davies, a Swansea ])ilot, boarded the vessel
on her arrival, remained on board that day at the ^fumbles
Koad, entered the harbor the following day, the 27th. He
repaired to his home as soon as the shi]) was moored. T\o.
felt indisposed, complaining of violent i)ain in the head
and died on the 28th, exhibiting all the symptoms of
vellow fever.^^
"Donnet: Arch, de Med. Navale, 1870. vol. 14, p. 118.
"Buchanan: Eighth Report of the Medical Officer of the Privy
Council for 1865 (London, 1866), p. 443.
^^ Buchanan, loc. cit., p. 443.
SWANSEA, WALES 1851. 4SS
1851.
The bark Henrietta, from Cuba, arrived at Swansea in
the month of August, 1851, with a cargo of copper ore.
William Gammon, a sailor, was employed to go on board
as ship-keeper. While attending to his duties, he was taken
ill, went home on August 25th, and died the next day,
an unmistakable victim of yellow fever.
A second case developed on the Henrietta. When Gam-
mon was first taken ill, his brother, also a sailor, not sus-
pecting the mature of his relative's illness, went on board
the vessel to take his place. He was also taken ill, but
having obtained the prompt service of three doctors, as
well as that of the ship's old captain, recovered. His
illness is said to have been yellow fever.^^
No other cases erupted on board the HemHetta nor was
the disease diffused on shore.
1862.
During the year 18G2, the following vessels arrived at
Swansea with histories of yellow fever on board :^"
The San Jose lost two of her crew from yellow fever at
Cuba.
The Florence, one. '
The Cornwall, ten, five in Cuban ports and five at sea
on the homeward voyage. ^
The Ellen, eight, seven at Havana and one on the pas-
sage home.
The Hampshire, one.
The Mamgosteen, one.
The Countess of Bective, five.
The Dorsetshire, four.
The Cohrero, four.
"iBuchanan, loc. cit., p. 443.
"Buchanan, loc. cit., p. 444.
4S4 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
1863.
The year 1863, although not as prolific as 1862, fur-
nished the following :^i
The Florence lost one man at Cuba from yellow fever.
The Stains Castle^ one.
The Cornioall, three, two at Cuba and one on the way
home.
The San Jose, one, at Cuba.
1864.
In July, 1864, the bark Mangosteoi, from Cuba, ar-
rived at Swansea, with a history of yellow fever on board
during the homeward voyage. Samuel Dawkin, a ship-
keeper, was placed in charge of the vessel. He was soon
taken ill and died on the third day.--
The following vessels also furnished histories of yellow
fever infection in 1864 r^
The Dorsetshire, two at Cuba.
The Mangosteen, one, at sea.
The Pedro Ferrer, one, at Cuba.
1865.
The Famous Case of the ''^Hecla.^^
The year 1865 furnished the only epidemic of yellow
fever which has ever flourished on English soil. We shall,
therefore, make free use of Dr. Buchanan's masterly re-
port of the incident.^^ The facts as condensed from the
voluminous document in question, are as follows :
=* Buchanan, loc. cit., p. 444.
^= Buchanan, loc. cit., p. 443.
^' Buchanan, loc. cit., p. 444.
"Buchanan: Report on the Swansea Fever, published in Eighth
Report of the Medical Officer of the Privy Council for
1865 (London, 1866), p. 442, et. seq.
SWANSEA, WALES 1865. 435
The bark Eecla, a wooden sailing vessel, returning from
Cuba to Swansea with a cargo of copper ore, arrived at
the British port September 8, 1865. The vessel was
boarded at 5 P. M., by George Morgan, a Swansea pilot,
fifteen miles to N. E. of Lundy Island (about twenty-five
miles off Swansea) Morgan found the ship in charge of a
Bristol Channel pilot, who gave up his post and returned
to his own boat. The master informed Morgan that he
had a man sick with dropsy on board, that he had lost
three of his crew on the voyage home, was in consequence
short-handed, and desired the pilot to send his boat ashore
for four or five men to assist him in coming in. This
was accordingly done and the five men boarded the Hecla.
The vessel anchored in the ]Mumbles roadstead, about 9
P. M., and showed a light through the night. At daylight
on Saturday, September 9, the ensign was hoisted, and the
ship's number shown. iThe steam tug came up about 6
A. M., and towed the Hecla in, in the ordinary course.
Not a word was said to the pilot about yellow fever, and
he had no idea that the nxen died of that disease. The
last vessel that had arrived from Cuba, less than a fort-
night before, had had no sickness on board, and the pilot
had no reason, particularly as the Hecla had a clean bill
of health, to believe that the sickness on board was of an
infectious character.
The Hecla entered Swansea harbor at 9 A. M., on Sep-
tember 9, showing no quarantine flag, and giving no in-
dication that sickness was on board. She was placed in
the North Dock, alongside the Cobre Wharf, in the usual
discharging berth. A good many people went on board
as she entered the dock. Within an hour of the ship's
arrival, two passengers were landed with their baggaige,
and the crew had left the ship, and had distributed them-
selves over the town. Three men were landed sick; two
of whom were recovering from "fever;" one tlie captain)
reported ill of dropsy. Within three hours of the vessel's
arrival in port the hatches Avere removed, a stage rigged
and gangs of men commenced discharging the cargo.
About noon the sanitary inspector came to the mayor,
436 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
told him of the arrival of the Eecla, and stated to him
that deaths were reported to have occurred on the vessel
in her homeward passage, and that one seaman had been
landed from the ship seriously ill. The mayor went at
once to the collector of customs and to the master of the
Hecla, and learned that the rumor about sickness on board
was true, that some of the deaths had been from yellow
fever, and that the sick seaman Avas suspected to be suf-
fering from the same disease. Thereupon the mayor re-
quested Dr. Paddon to accompany him, and they went
together to Welcome Court, where the man, James Saun-
ders, who had been removed from the Hecla, lay sick. He
had before been visited by two medical men ( Messrs. Har-
rington and Thomas). This was the man who was stated
by the captain to be ill of dropsy-. Dr. Paddon found him
in bed, in a wretched room of a small filthy house, dying
of exhaustion from fever, without any sign of dropsy;
his body tinged yellow. He was so near death that no
detailed examination could be made. The mayor and Dr.
Paddon had scarcely left the house when the people rau
after them, to say that Saunders was dead. Dr. Paddon
thereupon certified that he died of "fever, probably yellow
fever."
At this time, soon after noon on September 9, a good
deal of public anxiety existed about the Hecla. and about
the possibility of the disease spreading from the house in
Welcome Court or from the crew. Under Dr. Paddon's
advice, the mayor caused the following precautions to be
taken : The body of Saunders was put into a tarred sheet,
and buried within four hours of his death ; the house
where he died was immediately emptied, and disinfected
with limewash and clilori(3e of lime and, for further safety
all the houses in the court were similarly treated. ;The
bedding and clothing of the dead man were destroyed,
and the house was again cleansed and disinfected before
it was allowed to be tenanted, a week after. The mayor
also set the police to find out the passengers and crew of
the Hecla, instructed the sanitary inspector to have their
clothes and rooms and persons fumigated with chlorine.
SWANSEA, WALES 1865. 437
But the maj'or and Dr. Paddon were further desirous
of dealing with the Hccla herself, on the supposition that
she might be a source of infection. The mayor therefore
convened a meeting of magistrates, to consider whether
there was any power to remove the vessel from the dock,
and if so, whether the sailors who had left the ship could
be compelled, under their articles, to take her out. The
customs authorities and the board of health were also
applied to. All agreed that the vessel ought never to
have come into port, but having entered and partly dis-
charged her cargo, the authorities found themselves
powerless to insist on her removal. The agents for the
owners of the ship and cargo were communicated with,
but they at first refused to allow either ship or cargo to
be meddled with, arguing that other ships had come into
Swansea having had yellow fever on board on their home-
ward passage, that they had never been interfered with,
and that no ill results from them had occurred to inhabi-
tants of the town. After consultation with other auhori-
ties of the town, the mayor on the afternoon of the
same day, September 9, set the police to turn people off
the vessel, and keep etverybody from going on board her.
The unloading was stopped, and the hatches shut down,
but not before some thirty tons of ore had been taken out
and placed in the Cobre yard. Measures of purifying the
ship were now had recourse to; these continued until
September 12, and consisted in washing the decks and
forecastle with solution of chloride of lime, and in the
copious sprinklings of chloride in the forecastle, steerage,
hold, and places of storage.
A man named Norman, whose case is recorded by Dr.
Buchanan, noticed when he was on the ship on the 9th,
before any chemicals were used, that a very bad odor
came from the forecastle, whore the sick people had been;
and on Monday (the 11th), Dr. Paddon observed even
the scupper holes filled with what appeared to be excre-
ment, and had them cleaned out. The fumigation of the
ship was finished on the 12th; the police were tlien re-
moved, and communication with the vessel permitted.
4S8 HISTORY OF YKLIOW FEVER.
On the morning of the 13th, she began to discharge her
c-argo, and finished unloading on the 20th or 21st of Sep-
teml)er, lying all the time alongside the Cobre company's
yard into which her ore was taken. The agent for the
Cobre company had this ore sprinkled with disinfecting
fluid.
Medical History of the '"'^Hecla^' Previous to Her Ar-
rival AT Swansea.
On the afternoon of the day when the Hccla arrived, as
soon as action had been taken, inquiry into the history of
the vessel and into the circumstances of her arrival was
more accurately made. At about 3 P. M., the collector
of cusoms instructed the examining officer to put to the
master the usual quarantine questions. It must be pre-
mised that the master had been guilty of an infraction of
the quarantine laws, and that his answers were defensive
in character, and were not always consistent with them-
selves. From them it appears that the Hecla left Swan-
sea on May 1, and touched" at no place until she arrived
at Cuba; that she left Cuba on the 2Gth of July with a
clean bill of health, again touching at no place in the
homeward voyage. The master's answers further state
that he was not aware of any infectious disease prevailing
in any degree at the place from which he sailed, but that
he heard reports of sickness at Cuba. He states that two
seamen died at Cuba. (In a subsequent examination by
Mr. Cullum, of the customs, the master stated that before
sailing from Cuba several cases of sickness occurred, and
on July 21, George Wilson died in the hosspital on shore,
and Hansel Pederson was left in the hospital sick).
The master further stated that he had four officers, ten
seamen, and two passengers on board (they had, however,
dispersed at the time the examination was taken), and
that in the course of his homeward voyage he lost three of
those on board, viz., on August 11, one man, sixteen days
sick; on August 24, a second, three days sick; and on Sep-
SWANSEA, WALES — 1865. 439
tomber 1, a third, forty-two days sick. The bedding and
pillows of these men were thrown overboard.
Saunders, who died on the day of the Eecla's arrival at
Swansea, had been fourteen days sick. Of the six deaths,
two had been from yellow fever, tAVO from intermittent.
(In his statement to Mr. Cullum the master says he con-
sidered Saunders was suffering from dropsy. In the book
of "receipts of wages and effects of deceased seamen," the
cause of death of each of the six men is entered as "yellow
fever.") Among other answers to the quarantine ques-
tions, the master stated that all except the cases now men-
tioned had been well during both voyages and at Cuba.
(In his subsequent statement to Mr. Cullum, however, he
soys that several cases of sickness ccurred before sailing
from Cuba, and that during the passage home several of
the crew, besides those who died, were sick).
A Peculiar *^^Quarantine.^'
Those answers having been obtained from the master,
the collector of customs forwarded them on September 9,
to the Commissioners of Customs in London, and stated
that "he had put the vessel in quarantine." On being
questioned by Dr. Buchanan, on October 3, as to what
this statement signified, inasmuch as the crew were al-
ready dispersed, and the vessel partly unloaded, the col-
lector said that he meant that he had the quarantine
questions put, and that the mayor had prevented com-
munication with the ship, and had had her hatches shut;
but that the customs authorities had adopted no pre-
ventive measures.
Ignorance of the Law Is Sometimes an Excuse.
Dr. Paddon was desirous, on September 9, tlmt the
Board of Trade should be at once acquainted Avith the
circumstances by telegraph, and their instructions asked.
Finding this was not done, he wrote on September 11 to
i'
440 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
the president of the Board of Trade, detailing the chief
points already abstracted here.
On September 15 the Board of Customs instructed Mr.
Cullum, their collector at Newport, to proceed without
delay to Swansea, and to institute a ful linquiry into the
circumstances connected -^dth the Hecla. The chief points
elicited in this inquiry have already been stated.
The observations of the Board of Customs upon Mr.
Cullum's report are, "that there has been great n'regu-
larity and neglect of the usual precautions on the part
of all persons on board, and that the master, the Swansea
pilot, as well as the Bristol pilot, and the crew who landed
from the vessel have in strictness rendered themselves
liable to prosecution under the quarantine laws. They
would, however, appear to have acted in ignorance and
not from any willful intention of violating the law." This
opinion having been communicated to the Privy Council,
the custom,s authorities were informed that the parties
implicated must be warned of their liability to prosecu-
tion, but that under the circumsances no prosecution
would take place.
This is one of the few instances on record where igno-
rance of the law has proved a convenient loophole for the
guilty to escape. And yet, we have always been led to
believe from infancy that the majesty of the law is
supreme in Britain,a delusion which Dr. Buchanan's re-
port punctures beyond re-inflation.
The Epidemic.
After Saunder's interment, and after the precautions
before described had been taken, no further alarm appears
to have been felt about yellow fever. The Hecla some
days after unloading, was transferred from her place by
the Cobre Wharf into the Beaufort Dock, a branch of the
North Dock, surrounded by high warehouses. But on
September 23, the registrar of births and deaths in Swan-
s«ea, got a medical certificate that a death had occurred
from yellow fever, and heard it reported that other cases
were about the town. That letter, transmitted by the
I
SWANSEA, WALES 1865. 441
Eegistrar General of births and deaths to the Privy Coun-
cil Oilice, was the immediate cause of the inquiry headed
by Dr. Buchanan being set on foot. This eminent scient-
ist discovered that since the arrival of the Hecla, cases of
true yellow fever had occurred among residents of Swan-
sea. The character and sequence of the attacks were only
made out by degrees; each is related separately with as
much accuracy as possible in the supplement to the ex-
haustive report from which this account is taken. The
history of these cases, while exceedingly interesting, pre-
sents the same clinical and pathological features which
are seen in the average case of j-ellow fever, and not to
make this chapter too lengthy, are omitted here.
Dr. Buchanan calls attention to the fact that during
the summer of 1865, and at the time of this outbreak,
there had been extremely little fever of any sort m swan-
sea. What did exist was ordinary typhiod, and there
were no cases of this on the island. There was not, and
there had not been for many years, any instance of relaps-
ing fever.
'Between September 15, when the first case occurred,
to October 13, when the last case became convalescent,
there were twenty-two cases in which the diagnosis of
yellow fever could pretty certainly be mjade, and seven
other cases in which the circumstances of exposure or the
character of the attack led to a more or less strong suspi-
cion that the illness was of the same nature.
Of the cases diagnosed yellow fever, fifteen died — be-
sides the man brought by the Hecla — and seven recovered.
Of the doubtful cases, one died, and six recovered.
Interesting Points of the Epidemic.
Other ships having arrived at Swansea from infected
localities in 1865, it appeared right, before connecting the
Hecla with the deaths wliich occurred after her arrival,
to make quite sure that no other vessels which had entered
the liarbor of the English port, coming from an American
or West Indian port, had had any cases of yellow fever —
448 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
even not fatal — on board. In answer to an inquiry on
this score, the Kegistrar General of Seamen furnished
Dr. Buchanan extracts from the logs of all vessels so
arriving within two months preceding the Hccla incident.
These extracts showed that of the twenty-four ships com-
ing from Cuban waters which discharged their crews at
Swansea during the year in question, only three gave
histories of deaths from yellow fever, viz. : The Aur/usta
Schneid^r^ one; the Victoria, two at sea; and the Hccla,
whose history is given in these pages.
This information, coming from such high authority, led
Dr. Buchanan to the conclusion that no other vessel than
the Hecla could be connected with the outbreak — an opin-
ion which is no doubt shared by all those who have fol-
lowed the history of this remarkable epidemic.
The rise and progress of this epidemic shows that all
those attacked either went on board the Hccla or visited
the homes of the stricken ones. This proves beyond ques-
tion that a small colony of yellow fever mosquitoes vras
imported to Swansea either by the ship in question or by
other ships coming from the natural habitat of the in-
sects. To the fact that the winged pests were not present
in large numbers, is due the escape of the balance of the
population of the thriving seaport from a disastrous visi-
tation of the West Indian pestilence.
Many interesting incidents are brought to light in Dr.
Buchanan's report. For example, the sloop, EJcnuorc,
which remained about three days alongside the Hccla,
discharging her cargo, left Swansea for a neighboring port
(Llanely, q. v.), where she lost tAvo of a crew of four, one
of tliein certainly from yellow fever.
Another remarkable fact is that the Bristol and Swan-
sea pilots, the five seamen who helped to bring the ship
into the harbor, the custom-house officers and men, and
almost all the men employed in discharging the Hccla'fi
cargo, escaped an attack of the fever (the after-history o,f
most of them being known), although they had much more
direct dealing Avith the ship than the persons AA'ho AA-ere
attacked. For this circumstance, Dr. Buchanan states
WOOLWICH, ENGLAND 1846. 4-4,3
that no explanation can be offered. In this age of ad-
vanced scientific knowledge, however, it is easy to account
for this apparently extraordinary immunity. It can be
explained in a few plain words : They were not bitten by
the active agent of infection, the nefarious Stegomyia
calopus. But iclitj they were not bitten while others, less
exposed, were, requires a modern Edipus to elucidate.
We are modern, but we have no Edipian faculties.
WOOLWICH.
1840.
The Eclair is accused of having infected Woolwich
in 1846. After the incident of 1845, the vesel was brought
to that port, where it Avas thoroughly renovated and, to
make the metamorphosis more complete, the name Eclair
was stricken from the marine register and the rehabili-
tated vessel christened Rosamond. But the infection was
still dormant in the hold and broke out while the ship
was being put in trim for a voyage to the South Atlantic
stations. Four men were attacked with what the Second
Report on Quarantined^ is pleased to be called "typhus,"
but which was no doubt yellow fever. Two of the patients
died in the Woolwich hospital. What gives additional
color to the assumption that the disease was yellow fever,
is the fact that in February, 1847, three days after leaving
Woolwich, another "suspicious" case was observed, fol-
lowed in rapid succession by others as the vessel neared
the tropics. When in the neighborhood of the Cape Verd
Islands, before any communication was had with the shore,
a sailor died on board, having vomited black for two
days, after having shown other marked characteristics of
yellow fever infection. We can therefore safely assert
that the outbreak at Woolwich, while the ship was being
renovated, was a typical manifestation of yellow fever.
" Second Report on Quarantine, 1852, p. 98.
444 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER,
1848.
The war-steamer Grmoler infected Woolwich in a round-
about way in 1848. The vessel, which was employed in
conveying liberated Africans to the West Indies, left
Sierra Leone on November 12, 1847, and arrived at Trini-
dad on December 5. During the voyage, forty-six deaths
occurred among the emigrants from dysentery and two
from "fever." The total number of cases of "fever" under
treatment was seventy-five, of which seventy-two recov-
ered. After visiting other West Indian Islands and being
accused of infecting Barbadoes, the Groiolei' returned to
Africa, whence she sailed for Woolwich. When the
hatches were opened at that port, two men who slept
directly over the hatchway, were afterwards seized with
fever, possessing all the characteristics of yellow fever
and, in the course of a few days, both had black vomit and
died in the Marine Infirmary.-^ The fact that they slept
near the open hatchway made them an easy prey to the
infected mosquitoes which were lurking in the ship's hold.
The disease did not spread to the town.
"Bryson: Climate and Diseases of the African Stations, p.
224; also Milroy: Lancet, London, 1853, vol. 1, p. 461.
HISTORY
OF
YELLOW FEVER
IN
ITALY.
ITALY.
Italy is the easternmost country in Europe where yel-
low fever has been observed. Only on two occasions,
however, has the disease made any progress on its shores —
Leghorn, in 1804, and Torre Annuziata, in 1883. The
only epidemic of any consequence was that of Leghorn.
CHRONOLOGY OP YELLOW FEVER IN ITALY.
1804. Leghorn; Pisa.
1821. Leghorn.
1828. Leghorn.
1850. Genoa.
1868. Naples.
1870. Vajrignana.
1883. Torre Annunziata.
By Localities.
Genoa. 1850.
Leghorn . 1804 ; 1821 ; 1828.
Naples. 1868.
Pisa. 1804.
Torre Annunziata. 1883.
Varignana. 1870.
-GENOA.
Description.
Genoa is a seaport of Northern Italy, on the coast of
the Mediterranean, at the head of the Gulf of Genoa,
seventy-five miles southeast oft Turin. It is one of the
oldest cities of Europe, its origin being said to be more
remote than that of Rome. Its population in 1883 was
about 140,000; in 1903, 222,000.
iiS HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
Yellow Fever Years.
1850; 1903. !
Summary of Importations.
1850.
A vessel from Pernamlnico, Brazil, is accused of bring-
ing yellow fever to Genoa in 1850. No details are given
by our authority.^
1903.
Tlie health authorities of Genoa were put on the qui
Vive in April, 1903, by the report that the steaiier
Antonina, froaii Buenos Ayres, which arrived at the Ital-
ian port on April 23, was infected with yellow fever.'"*
An investigation revealed the fact that a "suspicious
death" had occurred during the voyage. As the Antonina
carried 743 passengers destined for Genoa and contiguous
ports, precautionary measures were immediately taken to
prevent a spread of the disease. No cases erupted while
the vessel was at Genoa.
LEGHORN.
Description. '
Leghorn is an im[[3ortant seaport of Western Italy, on
the Mediteranean, twelve miles southwest of Pisa and
sixty-two miles west of Florence. Leghorn Avas a mere
fishing village in 1121, when it fell into the hands of the
Florentines, and it continued toi be a place of small im-
portance till the IGth Century, when the decline of Pisa
as a commercial mart gradually gave it prominence until J
it now ranks third among the chief ports of Italy, being
excelled only by Naples and Genoa.
^Berenger-Feraud: Traite Theorique et Pratique de la Flevre
Jaune (Paris, 1890), p. 120.
' U. S. Public Health Reports, 1903, vol. 15, p. 852.
449
Yellow Fever Years.
1804; 1821; 1828.
Summary op Epidemics.
1801.
Keating^ claims that yellow fever was present at Leg-
horn in 1801, and that "150 died daily for several months.'^
A search through the works of Palloni,^ Tomassini,^
Dessessartz and Halle,^ Guillaume and Gouet,"^ Ozanam,*
Berenger-Feraud,^ Mocchi, Pasquetti and Brynole,^"
Guignon,^^ and others who have written at length npon
the prevalence of the disease at Leghorn, fails to verify
Keating's^ statement. The learned gentlemen evidently
got his dates mixed or inadvertently substituted Leghorn
for some other locality.
1804.
The epidemic of yellow fever which almost devastated
Leghorn in 1804 was for a long time the subject of much
'Keating: History of Yellow Fever, 1879, p. 81.
* Palloni : Observatione Mediche ^Sulla Malattia Febrile Domin-
ante in Livorno. Livorno, 1804.
'Tomassini: Recherches Pathologiques sur la Fievre Jaune,
Paris, 1812.
•Dessessartz et Halle: Jl. Gen. de Med., Chir, et Pharm., Paris,
1805, vol. 23, pp. 3; 19.
'Guillaume et Gouet: Jl. de Med., Chir. et Pharm., Paris,
1805, vol. 23, pp. 274; 331.
'Ozanam: Histoire Generale, Medicale et Particuliere des
Maladies Epidemiques, 1835, vol. 3.
' Berenger-Feraud : Loc. cit.
"Mocchi, Pasquetti and Drynole: Relazione Medica della
Malattia cho Domina Presentimente in Livorno. Livorno,
1812.
"Guignon: Dissertation sur la Fievre Jaune qui a Regne a
Livourne en 1804. Paris, 1810.
450 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVEER.
heated discussion as to diagnosis and source of infection.
Bally ^^ incriminates a Jew from Gibraltar, "who surrepti-
tiously entered the city; other authors contend that the
disease was of home origin, while some place the onus
on America. The most plausible and generally accepted
opinion, however, is the one expounded by Ozanam,^^ who
implicates the Anna Maria in the importation. The facts
are as follows:
A Spanish ship, the Anna Maria, entered the pJort of
Leghorn, August 18, 1804. On a voyage from Havana
to Cadiz this vessel had lost the entire crew from yellow
fever. At Cadiz the ship was refused permission to enter
port, but was allowed tO' recruit the crew in quarantine.
Through some irregularity the Anna Maria was given
clean papers at Cadiz and, July 10, passed Gibraltar and
prjoceeded to Alicante, where she received free pratique.
The vessel sailed from Alicante Augaist 9, and reached
Leghorn August 18. Owing to the prevalence of yellow
fever in Spain, special sanitary restrictions had, since
July 17, been placed on all vessels arriving at Leghorn
froim Spanish ports. There had been sickness on board
the Anna Maria on the passage from Alicante to Leghorn.
The declaration of the captain, supported by oath, and
the liberal donations of money made by the owner of the
cargo, appear to have been effective in quieting all appre-
hensions at Leghorn.^"* The ship was given free pratique.
Two sick men taken from aboard were carried ashore and
lodged at an inn in the Strada Pescheria Vecchia. These
men died three days after, and a few days later twelve
persons at the inn were taken sick. All the cases puded
fatally. A Neapolitan who had left the inn at the first
"Bally: Typhus d'Ameriqne (Paris, 1814), p. 91.
"Ozanam: Historire Medicale, GeneraJe et Particuliere des
Maladies Epidemiques (Paris, 1835), vol. 3, p. 227.
"This incident goes to prove that "graft" is not a strictly
modern American institution, but has done much to
shape the destiny of the world since the day
Mephistopheles handed Adam that delicious apple in the
Garden of Eden. — G. A.
LEGHORN 180i. 451
appearance of the disease was attacked ten days after and
died in another neighborhood. A French butcher who
took breakfast at the inn in the Strada Pescheria Vecchia
died of the disease in ten days. Soon after his wife, the
woman who owned the house in which he lived, and a
friend, an oflS'cer of the French army, died of the same
affection. At the time these events were occur ing at the
inn, another focus was formed at a bakery in the Via
San Antonio. A baker had brought from the infected
ship a quantity of sacks which were to be filled with
biscuits. The bread was baked in the night and, in the
intervals between ovenfuls, the bakers rested themselves
by lying down on the empty bags. iln a few days these
men were stricken with a strange malady. Suspicion
was directed against the Anna Maria as the source of the
disease, and sanitary guards were stationed aboard. In
their turn, the guards acquired the disease,
and wood used in the art of dyeing, and was stored in
warehouses in different part 0(f the city. In the neigh-
The cargo of the Anna Maria consisted of sugar, hides
borhood of these magazines the disease gained quick head-
way. The porters who handled the goods and the cus-
todians of the warehouses were taken with the disease.
Two porters and one custodian died. Thus, spreading by
degrees, the malady extended throughout the city of Leg-
horn. At that period Leghorn had a population of 60,666,
not including the men of the French garrison. Abofiit
7000 fled. The French soldiers were transferred else-
where. None of those who left the city carried the dis-
ease to the places they fled to, with the exception of two
refugees who died at Pisa ( q. v. )
Authorities widely differ as to the total mortality.
Lacoste says that 1,900 died during siege of the fever,
Lacoste^^ savs that 1,900 died during siege of the fever,
"Lacoste: Dissertation Historique sur la Fievr© Regnante a
Llvourne, etc. Livourne, 1804.
"Coppl: Cenni Storici di Alcunne Pestilenze. Roma, 1832.
"Bally: Typhus d'Amerique, p. 81.
"PallonI: Loc. clt.
45 € HISTORY OF -iTELLOW FEVER.
last named fij^ures are those generally accepted. Accord-
ing to Palloni's computation, the deaths were as fodlows:
August 7
September 51
October 204
November 390
December 3
Total 655
The fever was at its height in the beginning of Novem-
ber, gradually declined after the 15th of the month, and
had totally disappeared by December 9th.
1821.
Cornilliac-^'^ claims that yellow fever was present in the
shipping at Leghorn in 1821.
1828.
According to Cornilliac,-^ a vessel brought yellow fever
to Leghorn in 1828. There was no spread of the disease.
NAPLES.
Description. '
Naples is the most populo'iis city of Italy. It is situ-
ated on the shores of the Adriatic, on the Bay of Naples,
at the foot of Mount Vesuvius, 118 miles southeast of
Eome.
"Cornilliac: Recherches Chronologiques, etc., (Fort-de-
France, Martinique, 1886), p. 228.
"Cornilliac: Loc. cit., p. 228.
ITALY. 453
1868.
Profilo-^ relates an interesting case, said to be yellow
fever, which was observed in Naples in 1868. j The
patient, a gunsmith, aged 40 years, came to Naples froan
Torre Annunziata. The onset of the attack occurred on
February 10, and he was admitted to the Hospital in the
clinical ward of Prof. Cardarelli on the eighth day of the
disease, February 18, At that time, his skin and visible
membranes were of a decided yellow^ color. Albumin
was present in the urine. Under careful treatment, his
condition improved and about two weeks later he left
the hospital to return to his home in the Province of
Parma.
A careful search through Profilo's article fails to dis-
close the source of infection in this case. In his synop-
sis of the symptomatology, the learned gentleman says that
the diagnosis was- tifo icterodes biliosa. 'We doubt very
much, from a careful digest of the clinical history given by
Dr. Profilo, that this Avas a case of yellow fever and for this
reasoe do not include it in our chronology. We have
given it a place in this volume for the reason that it is
the only instance where a case of yellow fever is said to
have been observed in Naples.
PISA.
Descrijytion.
Pisa is a city of Northern Italy, capital of the province
of the same name, six miles from the Mediterranean and
forty-f/our miles w^est of Florence. It is located on both
banks of the Arno, liere crossed by three stone bridges
for general traffic and one for tlie railway. In the north-
west part of the city are the famous "Leaning Tower"
and the Campo Santo, the most remarkable cemetery in
the world.
"Profile: Un Caso de Tifo Icterode. Morgan! (Napoli), 1868,
vol. 10, p. 897.
454 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
Yellow Fever Year.
1804.
Summary op Importation.
During the prevalence of the great epidemic of yellow
fever at Leghorn in 1804, 7,000 of its terror-stricken in-
habitants fled to the surrounding country. Of this vast
number, only two carried the infection with them.^^
These two were stricken sick after their arrival at Pisa
and died with black vomit a few days after the onset of
the attack. The population of Pisa was thrown into con-
sternation and the refugees made preparations to flee
anew. ' The authorities, to stem the threatened panic,
publicly burned the belongings of the dead, proclaiming
that such a course would prevent the "contagion" from
spreading. No other cases erupting, confidence was re-
stored and to this day the good people of Pisa, no doubt,
attribute their escape from a visitation of the terrible
pestilence to the incineration of the clothes and bedding
of the two victims of the scourge.
TOREE ANNUNZIATA.
Description.
Torre Annunziata is a seaport in the Province of
Naples, Italy, at the foot of Vesuvius, on the Bay of
Naples. 1
Yellow Fever Year.
1883.
Summary of Epidemic.
The second epidemic of yellow fever on Italian soil
took place at Torre Annunziata in 1883, nearly eighty
years after the "Great Epidemic" of 1804. The terror
which this visitation of the Saffron Scourge would have
^Dictionaire des Sciences Medicale (Paris), vol. 15, p. 356.
TORRE ANNUNZIATA 18HS. 455
otherwise caused, was totally overshadowed by the greater
epidemic of cholera which threatened to overrun Italy that
year and which created such havoc in Naples the following
year.
According to researches made by Eager^^, the first case
occurred June 19, 1883, in the person of a tavern keeper,
aged 60, from Ischia. This man went directly from
Ischia to Torre Annunziata, May 29, to transact business
as a wine merchant. His case was diagnosed as one of
grave icterus and he died July 8, in Via Cisterna. A
few days later another man, 80 years old, living in the
Via del Popolo, two or three blocks away, died with the
same symptoms. The attending physicians made a diag-
nosis of acute yellow atrophy of the liver. The third
ease was that of a woman aged 70 years, who died August
25, after an illness of eight days. She lived in Via Gari-
baldi, within two blocks of the first cases. The same
diagnosis of acute yellow atrophy was made.
Early in September, several persons living in Via Cis-
terna were taken sick about the same time and with the
«ame symptomls. An alarm arose and strict sanitary
measures were employed. September 6, a custom-house
clerk in Via Cisterna was taken ill. He had a chill, pains
iu the back, high fever, slow pulse, severe headache and
black vomit. He died in seven days. Cases continued
to appear in the same neighborhood until October 13.
There were in all thirteen cases and seven deaths. In
September, a commission of medical men from the Uni-
versity of Naples investigated the disease. Among them
was Professor Somma, who died in the cholera epidemic
at Naples the next year. Aitev much discussion the
members of the commission admitted the specific nature
of the malady, but did not give it a name. However,
Proifessor Somma, in a concise letter written September
24, 1883, to Dr. Gennaro Cozzolino, made the statement
that the disease prevailing at Torre Annunziata was yel-
low fever. During the height of the epidemic the most
Eager: Bull. No. 8, Yellow Fever Institute, 1902 ,p. 31
456 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
careful investigations were made; necropsies were con-
ducted by the most skillful pathologists of Naples; a
special lazaretto was established, and the most stringent
measures of isolation and disinfection insisted upon. The
disputes between medical men were numerous and more
or less violent. As a result, the consensus of opinioai ex-
cluded yellow fever. Icteroid typhus and infective fever
characterized by jaundice were the diagnosis settled upon
by the different physicians who went so far as to give it
a name.
VERIGNAXA.
Description.
We have been unable to locate the exact position of
Verignana on the map of Italy, but infer from Allan's
article that it is a small place between Leghorn and
Genoa.
Yellow Fever Year.
1870.
Summary of Importation.
According to Allan, -^ two cases of yellow fever were
observed in the lazai'ctto at Verignana in 1870. The
facts, as translated from Allan's article, are as follows :
The merchant vessels Guiseppe and Pirro, both from
Leghorn, went on a cruise to BaiTelona, Spain, where
several of the crew were infected with yellow fever.
The Guiseppe left five sailors in the hospital at Bar-
celona and three more contracted the disease on the home-
ward voyage. Of the latter, two died and were buried at
sea.
The Pirro left five sailors in the hospital at Barcelona ;
an additional case followed by death, developed on the
voyage from Barcelona to Leghorn.
The authorities of Leghorn, recalling the epidemic of
I
I
**Allu: Relazione Finale sui Casi di Febre Gialla Verificatisi
nel Lazaretto de Varignano durante I'Autumno 1870.
Venizio, 1871.
ITALY. 457
1804, which was brought ot the town in just such a man-
ner, refused to allow the vessels to enter the harbor. The
infected ships then went to Verignana, where an attempt
was made to .conceal the fact that yellow fever had oc-
cun'ed on board. The authorities were suspicious, how-
ever, and the Giiisejrpe and Plrro were detained at quar-
antine and put under surveillance. Two health officers
of the village, detailed on board the vessels, were stricken
with yellow fever, one on October 6, dying on October 8,
and the other October 7, dying on the 12th.
No other cases erupting, quarantine was raised
November 10.
CONCLUSIONS.
The epidemic at Torre Annunziata is the last observed
on Italian soil. Since 1883, vessels have come to the sea-
ports of the kingdom with histories of deaths from yellow
fever during the voyage, but no case has erupted on
shore since 1883. And, with our present knowledge of
the mode of transmission of the disease under discussion,
we fervently hope none ever will.
YELLOW FEVER
IN
PORTUGAL.
1
PORTUGAL.
With the exception of Lisbon, which has suffered much
from occasional visitations of yellow fever, the history
of the disease in PortuGjal is ■ of minor epidemiological
interest, being confined to seven localities, from 1718 to
1880, The onlv epidemic of consequence was that of 1857,
which threatened to invade the entire kingdom and caused
a mortality of 5,652, in Lisbon.
Chronology of Yellow Fever in Portugal.
1718.
Peniche.
1721.
Ericeira.
1723.
Lisbon (Great Epidemic).
1721.
Lisbon.
1850.
Oporto.
1851.
Oporto.
1856.
Bel em ; Lisbon; Oporto.
1857.
Belem; Bom Successo; Lisbon (Great Epi
demic) ;
Olivaes.
1858.
Lisbon; Oporto.
1800.
Lisbon (in harbor).
1879.
Lanceda; Lisbon.
1880.
Lisbon (in harbor).
By Localities.
Belem. 1856; 1857. ^
Bom Successo. 1857.
Ericeira. (1721.
Lisbon. 1723; 1724; 1856; 1857; 1858; 1860; 1879;
1880.
Olivaes. 1857.
Oporto. 1850; 1851; 1856; 1858.
Peniche. 1718.
BELEM.
Descrij}tion.
Belem is a town of Portugal, three miles south of Lis-
bon, on the right bank and near the mouth of the Tagus.
It has been a j^art of Lisbon since 1885.
BELEM 1856. 461
Yellow Fevee Years.
1856; 1857.
Summary op Epidemics.
1856.
Guyon/ Eager- and Berenger-Feraud^ give interesting
accounts of the epidemic of 1856, the first on record at
Belem. This port was the seat of the yellow fever hos-
pital during the epidemic at Oporto. The first case at
Belem was observed in August, in the person of the wife
of a druggist of the town. This case Avas followed by two
others in the same family, and then by scattered cases
at considerable interval and, finalh', an epidemic estab-
lished itself. The fever was mistaken for typhus by the
local physicians, but the members of the Eoyal Commis-
sion that investigated the pestilence found that at least
some of the cases presented the undoubted characteristics
of yellow fever. There were 100 cases and 30 deaths.
Lisbon is suspected of having infected Belem.
1857.
In 1857, occurred the great epidemic of yellow fever
at Lisbon (q. v.) The disease was transmitted from Lis-
bon to Belem by a carpenter who made daily trips be-
tween the two cities. He was taken ill October 12. His
wife w^as stricken on October 14 and died on the 20th.
The carpenter was transported to his mother's house.
The father contracted the disease and died on the 28th.''
This "^ was the last death of the outbreak.
^Guyon: Gazette Medicale de Paris, 1858, vol. 39, p. 451.
* Eager: Bull. No. 4, Yellow Fever Inst, Washington, 1902, p.
10.
•Berenger-Feraud: Fievre Jaune, etc., (Paris, 1890), p. 127.
* Berenger-Feraud, p. 131.
462 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
BOM SUCCESSO.
1857.
In 1857, during the progress of the epidemic which
was ravaging the coast cities of Portugal, the infection
was brought from Lisbon to Bom Successo, a village near
the capital, by a child who had slept in a house where
cases had occurred. On November 11, the day after ita
arrival, the child was attacked by the fever and died on
the 19th. The boy's father, who had been constantly at
the little patient's bedside, fell a victim to the pest.^ We
find no record of other cases at Bom Successo.
ERICEIEA.
Description.
Ericeira is a town of Portugal, near the Atlantic,
twenty-two miles northwest of Lisbon. Population, 2,091,
mostly fishermen.
1721.
Ericeira occupies the doubtful honor of being the sec-
ond place in Portugal where yellow fever has been ob-
served. According to Guyon,^ who gives Rodrigues de
'Avreu as his authority, the disease was imported to the
town in 1721. No details are given.
■ Berenger-Feraud, p. 131.
•Guyon: Loc. cit.
463
LISBON.
Description.
Lisbon, capital of the Kingdom of Portugal, is on the
right bank of the Tagus, near its mouth in the Atlantic
Ocean. The climate is healthy, but variable, the city
being exposed to heavy rains and cold winds in winter.
Population, 1864, 208,376; 1878, 253,496. In 1885, Belem
and Olivaes were made part of the city. ' |
Historical Resume.
Lisbon is a place of remote antiquity. It was anciently
called Olisipo or Ulyssippo, on account of its foundation
being ascribed to Ulysses. It was originally a Roman
province, but was conquered by the Goths, from whom it
was captured by the Moors in 716. The new conquerors
called the city El-Oshbuna and retained poossession of it
until 1147, when it was seized by Alphonse I, of Portugal,
with the aid of the English, French and Flemish cru-
saders. In 1713, it was attacked and partly burned by
the Castillians, but the inhabitants succeeded in repuls-
ing the invaders. The Castillians again made an unsuc-
cessful effort to capture the city in 1724. It was made
the capital of the Kingdom by Juan I in 1422, and was
seized in 1580 by Alva for Philip II of Spain. It was
from this port that the famous "invincible" Armada
sailed in 1588. In 1640, the Duke of Braganza aroused
his countrymen to shake off the Spanish yoke and once
more Lisbon became the capital of Portugal.
The French were in possession of the city for ten
months during 1807-08. A series of military revolts in
the middle of the last century culminated in almost open
rebellion in 1831, which was with difficulty put down by
the government.
Lisbon suffered from a severe earthquake in 1344, was
devastated by the plague in 1348 and was almost de-
stroyed by the "Great Earthquake" of 1755, which, in ten
46i
HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
minutes, killed between 40,000 and 00,000 people and
damaged property to the extent of |100,000,000.
The tale of Lisbon's misfortunes, covering a period of
over twelve centuries, Avas culminated on February 1,
1908, by the assassination of King Carlos I and the Crown
Prince by anarchists in the streets of the ancient metro-
polis of Lusitania.
In addition to the turmoils of internal dissensions and
inroads by the Moors, Lisbon has been repeatedly visited
by epidemics from an early period. The following table
gives a tolerably correct summary of the many eruptions
of pestilential disease in the Portugese capital.
Chronology of Epidemics at Lisbon Since 1191.
Year.; NATURE OF DISEASE. MONTH
DURATION
MORTALITY
1191 Epidemic Meningitis
134X Black Death
1384 Contagrious Typhus
1415 Plag-ue
1437 Platrue
145,s "Pestilential Epidemic"—
UW Platfue
14r,'i Plat'ue
147" Plasrue
14JS4 Plague
1487 Military Sweat
14«3 Piaerue
1503 Pla^fue
1505 Epidemic Petechial Fever
1510 Plajfue
1514 Military Sweat
1517 Plague
1520 Piaerue
1522 Plague
1526 IPlaifue
1531 Plague
1557 Whoiipingr Couffh
15(j^ Plague
1575 Typhus
157<» Plague
1598 Plague
1()00 Plague
1631 Contagious Typhus
1641 "Typhus o{ Prisons"
1658 "Typhus of Camps"
167'' Plairue
1723 Yellow Fever
1724 Yellow Fever
1755 Tvphoid Fever
1810 "Typhus of Camps"
1832 Cholera
1856 Cholera
1856 Yellow Fever
1857 Yellow Fever
1858 Yellow Fever
1860 Yellow Fever
1879 Yellow Fever
1880 Yellow Fever
January
September 29
August 1
June
No Record .-.
;«Iarch
October
No Record ...
August
October
February
No Record —
October
July
No Record —
April
No Record —
August
No Record -
June
April
November 10
October 26.. ..
No Record .. .
May
December .. ..
No Record . ..
l»ecember .. ..
Sept. 15
Atigust
November.. ..
October -
No Record . ..
Aueuat .. .
September
January . ..
May
May
June 10
3 Months No Record
3 Months 20.000, (Pop. 60.000)
1 Month and 3 Days No Record
No Record — .
Two Years
Four Montht
No Record
Two Years
1 Year and 2 Months
Ni> Record
2 Y'ears and 7 Months
2 Years and 7 Months
2 Years
2 Months
No Record
3 Months .
9 Months ..
No Record
5 ^Tonths 80.000
> Months !No Record
1 Y'ear and 4 Months 40.000
10 Months 2.727
August, 1602 No Record
No Record "
3 Months
2 Months
4 Months .,
10 Months..
No Record ..
6.000 Por. 250.000)
No Record
September
December .
February ..
May
Two Cases .
One Case ..
3.600
40
5.652 ■
Small
Two -.
None
LISBON — 17«3. 465
Yellow Fever Years.
1723; 1724; 1856; 1857; 1858; 18G0; 1879; 1880.
Summary of Epidemics.
1723.
The third invasion of Portugal by yellow fever took
place at Lisbon in 1723, during the reign of Juan V.^
The documents relating to this outbreak are very rare
and only meagre details could be obtained. According
to Da Cunha,^ the first case was observed on September
15. The epidemic lasted three months, causing a mor-
tality of 6,000, out of a population of 250,000. Amooig
the illustrious dead was the great admiral, Antonio Este-
vao de Costa Sousa, The last death took place in
November. (
Da Cunha designates the disease under the name of
Vomito Prcto. It was evidently imported from the West
Indies. Eager^^ claims that the disease was imported
from Brazil, but as there is no record whatever of the
prevalence of yellow fever in that country in the
eighteenth century, we think it is more logical to incrimi-
nate that natural hotbed of dissemination — the Antilles.
1724.
Yellow fever was again present in Lisbon in 1724.
There were only a few cases and the mortality was not
high. It is to be regretted that the authors who have
written on this recrudescence of the disease in the capital
• First recorded invasion took place at Ericeiva (q. v.) in
1721.
*Acunha: Discouro e Onservacoes Apollineas Sobre as
Doencas que Houve na Cidade Lisboa Occidental ne
Oriental no Otouno de 1723. Lisboa, 1726.
"Eager: Loc. cit., p. 9.
466 HISTORY or yellow fever.
of Portugal (Guyon/^ Avreu,^- Leitau,^^ Sachetti,"
Salndaha^^ and Berenger-Feraud^^) do not go into more
minute details.
1856.
For a period of one hundred and thirty-one years — 1724
to 1856 — no record can be found of the prevalence of yel-
low fever in Lisbon.
In 1856, the disease was epidemic at Oporto, which is
170 miles north of Lisbon, and it is not surprising that it
should have manifested itself in the capital that year.
The first cases were observed at Belem, a suburb of Lis-
bon, towards the last days of August. Shortly after,
cases cropped out here and there in Lisbon, but the mal-
ady was not extensive, resulting in 211 cases and 40
deaths.^^
The original source of infection of this epidemic was
Brazil, as will be seen by reference to our account of the
fever which prevailed at Oporto in 1856.
1857.
The epidemic of 1857 was the most disastrous which
had visited Lisbon since 1723 and gave rise to numerous
elaborate and learned monographs and treatises on yel-
low fever, prominent among which are the works of
"Guyon: Gaz. Med. de Paris, 1S5S. p. 451.
"Avreu: Loc. cit.
"Leitao: Medicina Comme Arte (1738).
" Joa Mendes Sachetti: Consideracoes Medicas.
"Salndaha: IHuatracao Medica, vol. 2, p. 483.
"Berenger-Feraud: Loc. cit., p. 43.
" Lyons: Report of the Epidemic of Yellow Fever at Lisbon in
1857, p. 113. (The figures given by Lyons are 311 cases
and 11 deaths, but as 100 cases, followed by 30 deaths,
were observed at Belem, then a seperate city from
Lisbon, we have deducted these last figures from Dr.
Lyons' total. — G. A.).
LISBON — 1857. 467
Pinto/^ Alvarega^^ and Lyons,^*^ and the Report of the
Extraordinai'y Council of Public Health of Lisbon.^^
These monographs contain many odd and untenable doc-
trines, it is true, but are, nevertheless, historically accur-
ate and can be fructuously consulted by the student.
Origin, Rise and Progress of the Epidemic.
Three vessels are accused of having brought yellow
fever to Lisbon in 1857 — the Tamar, the Gerona and the
Cuidad de Belem. These three j)est ships came f!rom
Brazil.
In March, 1857, yellow fever developed on board the
steamship Tamar, from Eio de Janeiro, and when the
vessel reached Lisbon, the captain reported having lost
two men from the disease during the voyage. The vessel
only touched at Portugese ports, leaving immediately for
England. As will be seen by reference to our account of
yellow fever at Southampton in 1857, that port was in-
fected by the Tamar shortly after her arrival, thus prov-
**De Sequeira Pinto (A. C.) : Relatorio Dirigido ao Governo de
Sua Magestade acerca da Organisacao e Servico dos
Hospitaes Provisorios de Febre Amarella Estabelecidos,
em 1857, n'esta Capital e do Respectivo Movimento
Clinico Desenvolvido p.or Quadros Estatisticos. Lisboa,
1S58.
Also: Union Med.. Paris, 1863, 2. s., xvii, 570; 585.
By the same author: Parecer de Alguns Medicos Estrangeiros
e Nacionaes Acerca da Anatomia Pathologica e Symp-
tomatologia da Febre Amarella em Lisboa no Anno de
1857. Lisboa, 1862.
~ Lyons (R. D.) : Report on the Pathology, Therapeutics, and
General Aitiology of the Epidemic of Yellow Fever
which Prevailed at Lisbon, during the Latter Half of the
Year 1857. London, 1855.
^ Relatorio da Epidemia de Febre Amarella em Lisboa no anno
de 1857. Feito pelo Conselho Extraordinario de Saude
Publica do Reino. — Lisbao, 1859.
468 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
iug that tlio vessel was a hotbed of pestilence. jS^othing
unusual occurred to disturb the health conditions of
Lisbon after the departure of the Tamar, and the inci-
dent was soon forgotten by the authorities. The Tauiur
again touched at Lisl)on in September, l)ut no history of
the disease having prevailed on board at that time could
be found. /
According- to the available documents and the accounts
of the epidemic by the authors above named, notwith-
standing the prevaileince lOf laryngieal attections, bron-
chitis, diseases of the lungs and rheumatism during the
first three months of 1857, which were followed in the
spring and early summer by erysipelas, typhoid, inter-
mittent and remittent fevers, and also gastric maladies,
the public health of Lisbon proved satisfactory until tlie
end of July, as shown by this coniclusive fact, that the
rate of mortality throughout tlie metropolis of Portugal
actually ranged less than it had done during the analo-
gous six months of the two previous years.
Such Vas the sanitary condition of tlie Portugese cap-
ital wlien tlie steamship (jcnora, from ilia de Janeii-o,
arrived at Lisbon early in July, 1857, bringing immi-
grants from Brazil, ^lany of these persons were so ill
that all of tliem were sent at once to Bel em to pass the
period of quarantine in tlie lazaretto. Cases began to
erupt at Belein soon after the arrival of the (icnora. The
infection eventually reached Lisbon, where the first une-
quivocal case of yellow fever developed in a maiU dwelling
in Padaria Street. The patient died on the fifth day of
the attack. A second case, affecting a woman, occurred
on July 29, which likewise terminated fatally on the fifth
day. The epidemic slowly spread to other districts, be-
coming more prevalent during August ajid September,
being especially severe during October, about the middle
of which month the malady manifested its greatest in-
tensity.
It is a peculiar fact thaf while the fever was ravajdng
the city proper, the liealth of the harbor remained good.
No cases are recorded as having occurred in the shipping
LISBON — 18 5?. 469
during the progress of the epidemic and the health-guards
stationed along the water front proved immune to the
pestilence. This anomalous state of things puzzled the
Roj^al Commission to a considerable degTee, and caused
themi to propagate the dogma that the infection had
not been introduced by vessels and their crews, but by
"filthy fomites deposited in the customs magazines of
the town" — an opinion which seemed plausible then, but
which reads like a passage from the Arabian Nights at
the present day.
The spreading of the disease from one locality to an-
other deserves special mention. THie Report of the Port-
ugese Board of, Health informs us that it travelled by
slow and successive steps from place to place, generally
from one street to another, and even from house to house,
according to their proximity, and extending from lower
to higher parts of the city ; where, however, the epidemic
manifested minor intensity than throughout less elevated
districts. This ])rogress seemed so regular, that observers
could almost tell beforehand the course which the dis-
ease would pursue. Generally speaking, the epideimic
spread from east to west ; the central part of the capital,
from being most populous, suffering in greater proportion
than localities not so crowded, while the suburbs fur-
nished much fewer cases, especially towards the western
portion, in which only several isolated examples appeared.
Towards the sea-shore, and in buildings abutting on the
quays, the complaint proved more virulent than elsewhere.
Having become gradually more extended throughout
August and September, the malady exhibited its maxi-
mum intensity towards the third week of October, on the
20th of which month 298 new cases were recorded, being
the greatest nu'mber ever occurring in one day. From
that date the cases became daily less frequent, and on the
31st only 185 fresh attacks came under notice among the
entire population of Lisbon. On the 4th of November,
however, 250 new cases were recorded, thus showing a
temporary augmentation. But afterwards the number
470 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVBR.
of cases diminished consecutively till the end of Decem-
ber, when yellow fever ceased entirely.
Statistics of the Epidemic.
During the period mentioned — that is, while the epi-
demic lasted, the cases registered amounted to 13,757 al-
together. Of these, 7842 were treated at the patient's
own domicile, 5161 in special hospitals, and the remain-
ing 751 in other establishments. Considering m/any in-
stances may have been overlooked when yellow fever first
made its appearance in the Portugese metropolis, the
Eeport states that most likely the total persons attacked
reached 18,000 ; which, hence gives a ratio of one person
affected by the epidemic in every eleven inhabitants.
Eespecting the mortalitj^, it is added that 5652 cases
proved fatal, of which 3466 died at the patient's own
dwelling, 1932 in special hospitals, and the remaining 251
in other public institutions. Consequently, the propor-
tion of deaths ranged about one in ihirty-five of the total
population; and if the number of attacks be assumed at
18,000, as the Council of Health believed, that would aver-
age one fatal case to every 318 individuals affected.
Married Men Suffered Much.
Some interesting statistical deductions may be derived
from the tables contained in the lieport. For example,
among the 3466 fatal cases which took place in private
domiciles, 2061 were uuile and 1405 fenmle patients, or
146 of the former to 100 of the latter, tlie period of life
whicli seemed most fatal being from thirty to forty j-ears
of age; while married men seem to have died in a much
larger proportion than married females. Whereas wid-
ows oftener fell victims to yellow fever than widoAvers,
the proportion being about double in both categories; 12
married men liaving died to every 5 married women, and
10 widows to everv 53 widowers.
LISBON IStl. 471
Mortality mnong Trades and Occupations.
It is also curious, in reference to occupations, to know
thati more persons died who worked on wood than in
metals; while those employed on leather also suffered
considerably, as for instance, curriers and shoemakers.
On the other hand, persons engaged in weaving silk and
cotton, although they constituted a numerous body in
Lisbon, only 24 deaths were reported against 108 among
the leather workers..
Among professional men the mortality was greatly out
of proportion to other classes. Thus 30 clergymen, 13
physicians and 16 apothecaries died; besides IG other
medical practitioners who fell victims in the hospitals to
yellow fever, or had retired to the country previo|US to
their deaths. If comparisons be made betwixt persons
belonging to the liberal or educated professions, and in-
dustrial laborers, the mortality proved much larger among
the former than the latter, in reference to their relative
numbers; 436 of the former category having died, or
one-eighth of the entire amount recorded, which, much
exceeds the ratio of those engaged in handicrafts.
Mortality hi Hospitals.
'The Report gives a detailed account of the movement of
patients attacked with yellow fever, who were received
into the several hospitals when that malady existed in
Lisbon. The total number treated in these institutions
amounted to 5161; of whom 4043 were males and 1118
females — 7 of the former to 2 of the latter sex ; the recov-
eries being 3229, comprising 2400 males and 730 females;
while 1932 died, or 1544 of' the former sex to 388 of the
latter. According to such data, it therefore appears the
average mortality ranged as one death in every 267 ad-
missions; or in five cases treated, about two died. The
proportion of male patients received was at least three
men to one woman ; the fatal cases being, however, com-
paratively, nearly analogous. In. both sexes a very large
47 J HISTORY OF YELLOW FIVER.
proportion of the deaths recorded took place in persons
varying from puberty to thirty years of age; 3003 fatal
cases of the entire number previously stated having oc-
curred among patients at that period of life; Avhile only
31 instances were reported in children at or under their
tenth year. The largest number of deaths occurred in
bachelors; next the married, and lastly widowers; while
among female patients, fewer single women becajne vic-
tims than in any other class of that sex.
The movement of patients in the military hospitals who
were attacked by the prevailing epidemic, next occupies
the Board of Health's attention. According to their
report, 626 men and officers were received into these es-
tablisliments during October, November and December,
of whom 503 Avere cured and 123 died; thus showing a
much smaller mortality than among the civil population.
It is, however, worthy of remiark that the disease proved
more fatal to officers than to common soldiers. Thus,
out of, 8 officers admitted, 6 died, whereas, among 501
rank and file, the deaths were 91, or two in every eleven
admissions, which therefore makes a remarkable differ-
ence. It is also further interesting to mention that,
among the 626 fatal cases recorded in military hospital?*,
only 34 were married men and 1 widowers — hence, co-
inciding with the remark made in reference to civilians
attacked by yellow fever — viz., that bachelors oftener died
than married men — while 422 were persons from twenty
to thirty years of age. '
The MUitarij and Municipal Guards.
Again, as the garrison of Lisbon and Beleni then
amounted to 5230 men, and the total deaths being 626,
about one-eighth of the entire number thus fell victims
to the epidemic, whereby the proportionate mortality ex-
ceeded that noticed amouij the general population. The
municipal guard also suffered considerably, since out. of
a force comprising 1161 men, 126 were attacked, of whom
39 died. The horse-patrols of this body were, however,
LISBON — 1857. 473
less severely affected than the infantry; while patients
treated ai their own dwellings exhibited a smaller com-
parative mortality to those sent to the hospital.
Mortality in- the Shipping.
On board the ships of war at anchor in the Tagus,
exactly 57 individuals were attacked, of whom only five
died, which formed, therefore, a small mortality. In
mercantile ships, the disease also made very little havoc—
this immunity of the marine population being especially
manifested among those guards who did duty on board
of ships, and still more marked in a detachment compris-
ing 120 men stationed at Belem, of whojin not one became
indisposed. The very reverse was specially noticed re-
specting persons employed in the arsenal, 291 cases of
yellow fever having been registered in that establishment,
of whom 106 proved fatal, the most of these having been
constantly employed o;n shore, although a few occasionally
worked on board of ships.
1858.
In January, 1858, at a time when the inhabita.nts of
Lisbon had scarcely recovered from the terrible experi-
ences which had overshadowed their native land, a few
scattered cases of yelloAv fever were observed in localities
where the disease had been especially malignant the year
before. Prompt sanitary measures were taken and by
the middle of of February, the incipient epidomic had
been stamped out.-- The number of cases is not stated,
but eleven deaths are recorded during the period men-
tioned. Grave fears were entertained bv the government,
it being predicted that the disease would again manifest
itself during the summer months, but apart from the fact
that the steamship Dni.v A mia, from TJio de Janeiro, after
being subjected to a month's quarantine at LisV)on, car-
" Berenger-Feraud, p. 133.
474 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
ried yellow fever to Ponta-Delgado, in the Azores (q. v.)^^
nothing: untoward happened to disturb the health condi-
tions of the caiHtal.
18C0.
In the beginning: of May, 1860, the Royal Mail steamer
Tijne touched at Lisbon on her way to Southampton.
Yellow fever was prevailing on board and seventy-six pas-
sengers, destined for Lisbon, were prohibited from land-
ing by the health authorities. They were all huddled in
the lazaretto, but no cases developing were allowed to
proceed on their way after a few days' detention.
1879.
Rio de Janeiro again contaminated Lisbon in 1879.
The English ship Imogene left Rio de Janeiro in the
beginning of ^lay, 1879, and arrived at Lisbon on the
7th of the month, with forty-two passengers and a crew
of eighteen. The captain reported that nine passengers
and three sailors had died of yellow fever during the
voyage. The vessel was sent to the quarantine station
and thoroughly disinfected. Two of the workmen em-
ployed in the disinfection of the vessel were attacked by
the disease. These two cases were immediately isolated
by the authorities and their lodgings fumigated and quar-
antined. The infection did not spread.-^
1880.
The history of yellow fever in Lisbon closes with a
"suspicious case" in the beginning of June, 1880. The
patient was attacked on June 10th, went through a severe
spell of the disease, and v.as discharged cured on the
^ See page 357 of this volume.
"Lancet (London), 1860, vol. 1, p. 386; Berenger-Feraud, p.
136.
" Berenger-Feraud, p. 168.
OPORTO — 1850. 475
30th of the same month. The source of infection is not
given by o;ur authority.^^
OLIVAES.
1857.
The great epidemic which devastated Lisbon in 1857,
spread to Olivaes, then a separate city of 23,000 inhabi-
tants, but since 1883, a part of Lisbon. Tliere is a record
of 120 cases, 60 being fugitives from Lisbon. Our author-
ity (Eager, loc. hit., p. 10) does not give the number of
deaths.
OPORTO.
Description.
Oporto is the second largest city in Portugal, on the
right bank and about two miles from the mouth of the
Douro, 170 miles north of Lisbon. The appearance of
the city on a first approach is very prepossessing, but
in reality most of the streets are narrow, crooked and
filthy, and the houses irregularlj- constructed. The prin-
cipal trade is in wine, white and red, but chiefly the laitter
(Port Wine, so named from this town). Oporto was at
one time the capital of Portugal. It was at this place
that Wellington routed the French in 1810, after the re-
markable passage of the Do'itro. It was originally the
Portus Cale of the Romans and was the stronghold of the
Christians against the ferocious Moors in the early days
of the Church of Rome. Population : 1878, 105,838 ; 1890,
139,856.
Yellow Fever Years.
1850; 1851; 1856; 1857; 1858; 1859.
Summary of Epidemics.
1850.
There is no record of yellow fever having prevailed at
Oporto previous to 1850, when two vessels from Brazil
brought the disease to the ancient capital of Portugal.
=°Firmo Ferrara des Santos: Jl. Soc. Science Med. de Lisboa,
1881, vol. 45, p. 136.
476 HISTORY OP' YELLOW FEVER.
In July of the year above mentioned, the ship Duarte
IV entered the harbor of Oporto. No history of yellow
fever on board was given by the captain, but five custom-
house employes of the town who had been on board were
taken ill a few days afterward and three died. The dis-
ease was diagnosed as yellow fever, but the facts were
witliheld from the public, for fear of creating a panic.
The incident would undoubtedly have been unnoticed by
the population had not a second infection taken place.
The new focus was created by the Tentaklora, a]so\ fr/om
Kio de Janeiro, which arrived at Oporto during Septem-
ber, having lost five men from yellow fever during the
voyage. Customhouse inspectors who had been sent by
the health authorities tc investigate the health condi-
tions on the vessel caught the disease and contaminated
their fellowmen. Scattered cases cropped out through-
out the town, but fortunately the cool season stopped the
progress of the fever on October 19, after fifty deaths had
resulted from the epidemic. The number of cases is not
stated by our authority.-^
1851.
The Tcntadara and Duarte IV, both from Eio de
Janeiro, again infected Oporto in 1851. A third ship,
the ^auta Cm;:, from Brazil, also imix)rted the disease
intq the town that year.
The Tcntadora, which entered the port in August, had
had five deaths from yellow fever during the voyage.
Several customhouse employes who went on board the
ship were taken sick and died of the dreaded disease. As
in the year 1850, the infectioii did not spread from these
initial cases, and the town would ])robably have escaped
an invasion of the pest if proper precautions had been
taken by the health autliorities when the next ship ar-
rived fro<m Brazil. Bigorous sanitary measures were
neglected, however, and a repetition of the disasters wliich
-' Berenger-Feraud, p. 120.
OPORTO — 1851. 477
overran Portugal iu the past was oul^- prevented by the
advent of the cool season, which put a quietus to the
activities of the Calopae.
In an account given by Eager,-^ it seems that the
Ducirte IV arrived at Oporta on September 10, having
had deaths aboard from yellow fever during the voyage.
The vessel spent twelve days in quarantine. After being
given pratique, two custom-house men posted aboard to
guard the ship were attacked with the disease and died.
A few days later, three laborers employed in removing
' the cargo from the hold, and several other ]jerson who
had been on the vessel, were taken ill with the same
malady. The disease afterwards spread in the quarters
known as Miragaia ad Massarellos and altogether seven-
teen persons died in consecpience.
While this incipient epidemic was gradually spreading,
there arrived from Brazil another Aessel, the ^^(l)^f(l Crnz\
The same malady attacked the custom-house employees,
the stevedores and other persons whoi in one way or an-
other had had direct relation with the infected ship.
The popular alarm occasioned by these frequent appear-
ances of fatal cases resulted in the appointment of a sani-
tary commissioqi for the study of the mater and the recom-
mendation of measures of betterment. Notwithstanding
the vigorous means adopted to this end, cases continued
to occur. The infection spread to tw» British vessels
anchored down the wind from the pest ship ^'^aiita Cniz:
The British vessels were supposed to be quite isolated
from the Hanta Cniz. Soon other cases appeared on two
Pf)rtugese vessels anchored to leeward of the British ves-
sels. Several of the men of the Portugese vessels died.
The epidemic which was of short duration, came to an
end on October 19, resulting in 100 cases and 40 deaths.
1856.
^ The third invasion of Oporto by yellow fever took place
=* Eager: Bull. No. 4, Yellow Fever Inst., Wash., 1902, p. 9.
478 HISTORY OF YELLOW FiVER.
in 1856, under identical conditions as in 1850 and 1851.
Verily, the Lusitamians do* not profit by experience.
The kingdom, which had been ravaged by cholera since
1853, and Avhich lost 3,275 of her inhabitants from that
disease between October, 1855, and November, 1856, was
hardly prepared for the invasion of a second foreign pesti-
lence and the appearance of yellow fever at Opqrto in
1856 caused widespread terror.
According to Eager and Lyons,^^ early in July, some
vessels arrived from Brazil, where yellow fever prevailed.
July 12, the first cases appeared, and, as before the first
persons affected were custoim-house employees, stevedores
and those in contact with the suspicious vessels. Again
a focus of infection was established in the Miragaia and
Massarellos quarters. There Avere also cases of yellow
fever among the soldiers of the municipal garrison, but a
marked difference was noted, both in the intensity of the
symptoms and in the issue of the disease between the
cases falling ill on boai-d ship and those resulting from
communication with infected foci on land. The first cases
were congregated in a special hospital, and of these, six-
•teen ot of twenty-one died. !0n the other hand, only ten
deaths took place among the twenty-seven soldiers at-
ta/cked. Energetic measures were taken by the autliori-
ties of the port. Certain of the vessels, being evidently
deemed infected beyond hope of cleansing, were sunk at
sea.
The first case was observed July 12 and the last Octo-
ber 2. A total oif 120 cases and 63 deaths resulted from
the outbreak.
1857.
Tlie Teufadorn. wliich, it will bo remembered was one
of the causes of the epidemics ofi 1851 and 1852 at Oporto,
again brought yellow fever to that port in 1857.
Eager: Loc. cit., p. 10.
OPORTO — 1857. 479
Almost simultaneously with the sitting of the Quaran-
tine Congress at Paris in 1857, and while the terrible
ravages of the epidemic which was then decimating Lis-
bon, were being discussed and ways and means devised
to stop its awesome progress, Europe was startled to
learn that Oporto*, after successfully warding off the in-
vasion from the capital of the Kingdom, had been infected
by importation from a foreign country. Fortunately, the
importation took place at the beginning of the cool season
and did not spread. The facts are as follows: ,
The Tentadora arrived at Oporto, from Brazil, about
the beginning of September, 1857. Several of her crew
had died from yellow fever during the passage. It is
said that one of the crew was missed while the vessel was
on her way to Oporto and that, on the caa'go being dis-
charged, his body was found in a state of decomposition
in the ballast in the hoild. Three persons from Oporto
who boarded the vessel soon after her arrival, were at-
tacked with the fever and died. The fourth case to erupt
on shore was that of a store-keeper. This man had not
been on board the Tantadora, but had received in his store
casks from the infected vessel. ^^
The outbreak was confined to the cases above noted,
while unfortunate Lisbon, only 170 miles to the south,
and which iiad been infected in a similar manner, lost
5,652 souls. ^^
1S58.
A few cases in the liarbor in 1858 proved to be tlie last
echoi of the history of yellow fever in Oporto.^- The sick
were promptly isolated and the infection did not spread.
As fifty years have elopsed since, we trust that tlie health
authorities of the former capital of Lusitania, grown wise
by past experiences, will continue to keep the foreign pest-
ilence away from the shores oif the little Kingdom.
^"Editorial: Medical Times and Gazette' (London), 1857, vol.
'^See page 467 of this volume for a description of the Libson
epidemic of 1S57.
Berenger-Feraud, loo. cit., p. 135; Eager, loc. cit., p. 1?.
480 HISTORY OK YELLOW FEVER.
PENICHE.
Description.
Peniche is a fortified town of Portugal, on the Atlantic
and south side of the peninsular of Peniche. Population,
2,903.
Yellow Fever Year.
1718.
' Summary op Outbreak.
According to Rodrigues de Avreu, quoted by Berenger-
Feraud (loc. cit., page 42), the first appearance of yellow
fever in Portugal took place at Peniche in 1718, seven
years before the great epidemic of Lisbon. As no details
are given, we infer that the outbreak was limited to a
few cases, probably in the shipping.
HISTORY OF
YELLOW FEVER
IN
SPAIN.
SPAIN.
Spain has been a nidus of i)estileutial disease from time
immemorial. xVs far back as tlie year 1100 B. C, an epi-
demic devastated tliat country. It is recorded that this
was followed by twent^^-five years of drought without in-
terruption; springs were dried up, rivers became ford-
able, their waters becoming almost stagnant; there was
neither pasture for beast nor fi'uit for man. 'So gi'eat
was the barrenness, that there was scarcely any green
things to be found, except some olive trees on the banks
of the Ebro and the Guadalquivir. Such, says th(^ his-
torians of the period, was the melancholy state of ancient
Spain — ^'full of dreadful mortalities, plagues and miseries
of e\erj description, which with immigration to other
lands, nearly depopulated our countr}."
In the year 476 B. C, and the succeeding years, there
prevailed in Spain, from time to time, a series of iDcsti-
lences and other minor diseases by which a multitude of
people perished. The Carthagenians, to appease the
anger of the gods, to whom they attributed these fatal
visitatios, offered human sacrifices, and made incisions
in their arms, legs and on other parts of their bodies;
they also immlolated cattle of all kinds, according to the
severity of the pestilence.
Ancient records speak of pestilential diseases in Spain
in the years 427, 383, 237, B. C.
During the Christian Era, fearful epidemics have rav-
aged Spain ; but as our aim is simply to give a narration
of the progress of yellow fever in that country, we will
not dwell upon them, referring the reader for fuller de-
tails to that part of this Avork which treats of the ravages
of pestilential disease in Europe. Suffice it to say that,
at the present day, Spain is one of the healthiest countries
in Europe and the favorite objective point of the tourist
in quest of the romantic and beautiful.
484 HISTORY OK YELLOW FEVER.
Spain has suffered more from visitations of yellow
fever than all the other countries ofi Europe combined.
At one time (1800 to, 1830) the disease seemed to have
taken up its permanent abode within the confines of the
Kingdom. The last general epidemic took place in 1821,
although in 1870 cases Avere observed in several localities
and fears were entertained that the great epidemics of the
beginning of the century would be duplicated. Prompt
sanitary measures were resorted tQ and the progress of
the pestilence checked.
A reference to the year 1800 in our chronological table
will show the ap])alliug list of mortalities from yellow
fever in Spain that year. Forty-six localities Avere in-
A^adt^ by the saffron scourge, causing a mprtalitA' of oxer
62,000. In 1804, when thirty-eight localities Avere visited
Avith a combined population of al)Out 428,000, the death
roll reached nearly 53,000, or one death for each eight
inhabitants.
«
LOCALITIES IN SPAIN WHERE YELLOW FEVER
HAS BEEN OBSERVED.
In Andahi.'^ia.
Af/tiihir fir la Front era. A toAvu tAventy-two miles
southeast of CordoAa. Population, 12,300.
Alcala de Ins Gaznles. On the slope of the Rouda
]\rouutains, thirty-seven miles cast by south of Cadiz.
Population, 5,510.
Alcala de Guadaj/ra. A toAvn seA-en miles east of Seville;
situated on a hill. Population, 7,341.
Alf/eziras. On the nortliAvest coast of the Bay of Gib-
raltar, and opposite the latter town: little eleA'ate<l aboA-e
the level of the sea; behind it are high ranges of moun-
tains. Population, 14,220.
Alhaurin rl Grande. On an eminence, tAventy miles
west from ]\ralaga. Population, 0,78L
Atmeria. On the Mediterranean, 104 miles east of
Malaga. Population (1908), 46,806.
SPAIN LOCALITIES aFFECTED. 485
Antequera. In a plain between Granada and Seville,
twenty-eight miles west of Malaga ; it is built partl}^ on a
rising ground; streets straight and wide. Population,
27,201.
Arahal. ,Twenty-two miles southeast of Seville. Pop-
ulation, 9,287.
Arcos de la Frontera. Situated on a very high rock,
thirty miles north of Cadiz. Population, 15,378.
Ayamipnte. At the mouth of the Guadiana, near the
frontiers of Portugal, in a sterile countr}', eighty miles
from Seville. Population, 5,972.
Bcnaocaz. Sixty miles northeast of Cadiz. Population,
1,960.
Bornos. Twenty miles fromi Cadiz. Population, 4,530.
Cadi:::. On the Isla de Leon, at the extremiiy of a nar-
row neck of land, extending about six and one-half miles
into the sea, sixty miles northwest of Gibraltar and sixty-
four miles south of Seville. Population (1908) , 69,382.
Cannona. Eighteen miles northeast of Seville, on a
hill. Population, 20,074.
Catalan Bay. A small fishing village near Gibraltar.
Chiclana. Twelve miles southeast of Cadiz.
Carlota. Seventeen miles southwest of Cordova. Pop-
ulation, 1,350.
Chipiona. On a rock on the coast, near the uiouth of
the Guadalquivir, four miles from San Lucar and nine
miles Irom Cadiz, Population, 500.
Coua. Six miles south of Seville, on the Guadalquivir,
Population, 3,756.
Cordova. In a plain near the Sierra ^Morena, on the
river Guadalquivir ; distant from the sea, seventy miles ^n
a direct line, aud eighty-six miles northeast of Seville.
Population, 55,614.
Cortes de la Frontera. Forty-eight miles southwest of
Malaga. Population, 4,330.
Dos Hcnnanas. Six miles southeast of Seville. Popu-
lation, 3,498.
Eclja. In a plain on tlie western bank of the Xenil,
eighteen miles before its junction witli the Guadalquivir,
486 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
in a fertile country, and eighty-two miles from Seville.
Population, 27,210.'
El Borge. A small town near Malaga. Population,
1,200.
El Palo. 'A yillage about three miles east ofl Malaga.
Espejo. Twenty-flye miles southeast of Cordoya, in a
plain on the riyer Guadajoz. Population, 5,120.
Espera. Thirty-foiu' miles northeast of Cadiz. Popu-
lation, 1,822.
Estcpa. Fifty-four miles from Seyille. Population,
8,133.
Gibraltar. A fortified town and rock at the south ex-
tremity of Andalusia, belonging to Great Britain. Popu-"
lation, (exclusiye of garrison), 19,859.
Granada. Beautifully situated on two spurs of the
Sierra Nevada mountains, at an elevation of 927 feet aboye
the sea level, forty-eight miles from Malaga and about
thirty-one miles in a direct line from the sea. Population,
76,005.
Huclra. On an inlet of the Atlantic, forty-nine miles
southwest of Seyille. Population (1908), 21,000.
Isla de Leon. On the east side of the island of the same
name, seyen miles southeast of Cadiz. Population, 18,202.
La RamMa. A town in the Province of and fourteen
miles south of Cordova. Population, 5,920.
Lchrlja. Twenty-nine miles southwest of S(n'ille, in a
plain six miles from the riyer Guadalcpiiyir. Population,
10,328.
Los Barrios. A small village, situated in the moun-
tains, about fourteen miles west of Gibraltar, on the road
to Cadiz. .
Los Palacios. Twelve miles south of Sciville. (Popu-
lation, 1,835.
Maircra del Alcor. Thirteen miks east of Seville. Pop-
ulation, 4,100.
Malar/a. At the base of a range of/ hills, sixty-ftye miles
ea.st of Gibraltar. Population (1908), 135,000.
SPAIN LOCALITIES AFFECTED. 487
Medina Sidonia. THventy-two miles southeast of Cadiz,
and twelve miles from the sea. An old town, built on a
high hill. Population, 9,703.
Montilla. Eighteen miles southeast of Cordova; situ-
ated partly on a hill. Population, 15,000.
Moron-de-la-Frontera. Thirty-two miles northeast of
Seville, at the foot of the eliain of mountains, called Sierra
de Konda. Population, 12,846.
Paferna de la Ribcra. Twenty- tliire© miles east of
Cadiz, at the foot of the Xerez Mountains. Population,
1,500.
Puerto Real. In Cadiz Bay, six miles from that city.
Population, 0,511.
Ronda. Situated in the midst of a range of mountains
of that name, at a very great elevation above the sea;
distant from Gibraltar, forty-two miles north. Popula-
tion, 19,331.
Rota. On the coast, three miles from Puerto Santa
Maria, and six miles from Cadiz. Poi)ulation, G,972.
San Fern av do. On the Isla de Leon, near Cadiz. Pop-
ulation, 18,202. (Also known as Isla de Leon).
San Lncar de Barameda. At the mouth of the river
Guadalquivir, eighteen miles north of Cadiz. Population,
18,130.
San Roque. Fifty-six miles southeast of Cadiz, and
seven miles northwest of Gibraltar. Population, 00,458.
SeriUe. On the river Guadalquivir; situated in an ex-
tensive plain, seven-two miles north northeast of Cadiz.
Population (1908), 148,315.
Uhrique. Forty-six. miles northeast of Cadiz. Popu-
lation, 4,876.
TJtrera. Sixteen miles southeast of Seville; situated
between two hills. Population, 12,441.
Yejer de la Frmitera. Twenty-seven southeast of Cadiz,
on a very high but cultivated hill, at a short distance from
the sea, opposite Cape Trafalgar. Population, 7,662.
Velez Malaga. Situated at about fourteen miles to the
east of ]\ralaga, on the slope of a hill, two miles from the
sea, on the river Velez. Population, 12,523.
488 HISOORV OF YELLOW FEVER.
Vera. Thirty-nine miles from Almeria, about three
mile from the Meditei'ranean, in a plain. Population,
6,017.
Villa Franca de la Marisma. Fifteen miles south of
Seville. Population, 4,268.
Villa Martin. Forty-three miles southeast of Seville,
on the river Guadaleta. Population, 1,000.
Xerez de la Frontera. Sixteen miles north northeast of
Cadiz, on a hill in a fertile country. Population, 64,523.
Ximena de la Frontera. Forty-six miles north of Cadiz,
about twenty miles from Gibraltar, on a hill. Population,
6,577.
In Aragon.
Fraga. Fifty-five miles southeast of Huesca. Popu-
lation, 6, 695.
Mequinenza. Sixty miles southeast of Huesca, on the
Ebro and Segra; distant'from the sea in a direct line forty
miles. Population, 2,890.
Nonaspe. A village near Mequinenza, on the small
river Nonaspe. Population, 1,000.
Balearic Islands.
Palma. Capital of the Island of Majorca, 130 miles
south of Barcelona. Population, 58,224.
Poj-t Mahon. Capital of the Island of Mii.orca, situ-
ated on its south side. Its port is one of the best and
most commodious on the Mediterranean, i Population,
18,588.
In Catalonia.
Asco. A small town on the right bank of the Ebro,
partly on a hill, thirty-nine miles from Tortosa. Popu-
lation, 1,300.
Barcelona. In a plain on an extensive T>ay, having on
its western side a high mountain. It is 312 miles east
northeast of Madrid. ^ Population (1908), 600,000.
/
SPAIN LOCALITIES AFFECTED. 489
Barcelonetta. A suburb of Barcelona, and on the same
bay, distant fronn the latter city, a quarter' of a mile.
Canet-deMar. Twenty-six miles northeast of Barcelona.
Population, 3,301.
Jesus. A village opposite Tortosa.
Malgrat. Thirty-seven miles northeast of Barcelona.
Population, 3,287.'
Glot. Twenty-one miles northeast of Gerona. Popu-
lation, 9,984.
Regens. lA village five miles from; Tortosa.
Roquito. On the Ebro, opposite Tortosa.
Salou. Eight miles southwest of Tarragona.
Sitgcs. Eighteen miles southwest of Barcelona.
Tan'agona. At the mouth of the Francoli, on a lofty
rock, fifty-two miles from Barcelona. Population, 18,923,
Tortosa. On the left bank of the Ebro, twenty-two
miles from the sea and forty-three miles southwest of Tar-
ragona. Population, 24,702.
In Guipiizcoo.
Passajes. On the Bay of Biscay, three miles east of
San Sebastian. Population, 921.
In Mnrcia.
Arclienn. Fourteen miles northwest of INIurcia, in a
plain at the foot of a range of mountains, near river
Segura. Population, 1,766.
Carfagena. On a, bay of the ^NFediterraneau, twenty-
seven miles southeast ofi Murcia. Population, 75,908.
Cieza. Twenty-six miles northwest of Murcia. Popu-
lation, 8,000. I
Jumilla. In Province of Carthagena, thirty-seven miles
northwest of Murcia, at the foot of a hill, forty miles from
the sea and sixty-five miles northwest of Cartagena.
Population, 9,013."
Lorca. Forty-two miles southwest of ^lurcia. Popu-
lation, 48,138.
490 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
Mazarron. Twenty miles west of Cairtagena. Popu-
lation, 3,745.
MoJina. Six miles from Miircia, and tliirty-five miles
from Malaga, in a plain, on the river Segura. Popula-
tion,. 2,469.
Murcia. On the river Segura, north of Cartagena.
Population, 91,805.
Ojos. Fifteen miles north o^ Mureia, in a narrow val-
ley on the river Segura. Populat'on, 300.
Palmar. Three miles south of Murcia.
Ricot. Twenty-seven miles north of Murcia, in a plain
at the foot of a range of mountains, and one and a half
miles from river Segura. Popuhition, 1,098.
Saj-ria. Near Barcelona. Population, 3,752.
Totana. Ten miles northwest of Lorca. Population,
3,315.
Villa Nueva del Ariscal. Seven miles fi^om Seville.
Population, 1,651.
In Ncio Castile.
Madrid. Capital of Spain, in New Castile, in the cen-
ter of the Pcniusula, on tlie ^lenzauares River. Popula-
tion (1887), 470,283; (1908), 556,663.
Villaseca de la Sagra. Twelve miles northeast of
Toledo. Population, 'l,369.
Ill Old Castile.
San Andero.
In Pontevadra.
Vic/o. Thirteen uiiles south southwest of Pontevadra.
A lazaretto is maintained at this port. Population, 8,21 i.
In Valencia.
Alcantarilla. Five miles from Murcia. Population,
4,089.
SPAIN LOCALITIES AFFECTED. 491
Alicante. In a fertile coiintirj^, on tlie sea-co'aist, at the
foot of a hill, 800 feet high. Population, 42,500.
Gimrda/mm\ Twenty-one miles southwest of Alicante,
at the mouth of the river Segura. Population, 2,696.
Orihucla. In a plain, near a range of mountains, on
river Segura, thirty-two miles from Alicante, and distant
from the sea, fourteen miles. Population, 25,208.
Palmar. Three miles south of^ Murcia.
Penacerrada. A small village, three miles from Ali-
cante, consisting, at the time of epidemic, of forty-two
families or 158 inhabitants.
San Juan. A small village in the neighborhood of
Alicante.
Sans. A short distance north of Barcelona.
Taharra. A small island in the jNIediterranean, five
miles south of Alicante. Population, 500.
Valencia. In a fine plain on the Guadalaviar, about
two miles from the sea and 190 miles east southeast of
Madrid. Population, 143,861.
CHRONOLOGY OF YELLOW FEVER IN SPAIN,
FROM 1649 TO 1890.
1649. Gibraltar, Seville. (First appearance of ycllom
fever in Spain).
1696. Castille; Navarre.
Immunity. Forty-Siijc Years.
1700. Cadiz.
Immunity. Three Years.
1701. Cadiz.
1702. Cadiz.
1703. Cadiz.
Immiiniti/. One Year.
1705. Cadiz.
Immunity. Tiventy-One Years.
1727. Gibraltar.
I
492 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
I mm unit I/. Two Years.
1730. Cadiz.
1731. Cadiz.
Immnniiij. Tico Years.
1734. Cadiz.
Immunity. One Year.
1736. Cadiz.
Immunity. Three Years.
1740. Cadiz.
1741. Cadiz; Malaga.
Immunity. Two Years.
1744. Cadiz; Palnia.
1745. Cadiz.
1740. Cadiz.
1747^1 Port Mahon.
1748. Port Mahon.
1749. Pal ma.
Immunity. Three Years.
1753. Cadiz,
Immunity, ^^eren Years.
17(51. Cadiz.
Immunity. One Year.
1703. Cadiz.
1704. Cadiz.
1705. Cadiz.
Immunity, Fourteen Years.
1780. Cadiz.
Lujuunity. Three Years.
1784. Cadiz.
Tnimunily. Fire Years.
1700. Cadiz.
1701. :Malaoa.
1792. Cadiz.
Inimunitj/. k^i.r Years.
1798. Gibraltar.
Im)nunity. One Year.
1800. AJoala de los (iazulos; Aralial ; Arcos; Avriata;
Ayamonte; Benaocoz; Rornos; Cadiz; Caneta la Eeal;
Carmoua; Chiclana; Cordova; Conil; Cortes de la Fran-
SPAIN CHRONOLOGY, 1 649 TO 1890. 493
tera; Coria; Dos Herma^iias; Ecija; El Arahal; Espreza-
lena; Estepa; Gibraltar; Hiielva; Isla de Leon; La
Cabezas; Lebrija; Los Palacios; Maireno; Medina Sidonia;
Montejuge; Moron de la Frontera; Olivera; Paterna de
la Eiviera; Puerto de Santa Maria; Puerto Real; Rota;
Ronda ; San Lucar de Barameda ; Santa Caridad ; Sarria ;
Seville ; Tribujena ; Ubrique ; Uterera ; Vejer ; Villamartin ;
Villaluneja; Xeres de la Front eii'a.
Total localities infected in 1800, forty-seven.
1801. Cadiz; ^Medina Sidonia; Seville.
1802. Cadiz ; Carnioua ; Cliuriauna ; Cordova ; Malaga ;
Medina Sidonia.
1803. Algerziras; Alicante; Antequera; Barcelona;
Barcelonette; Cadiz; Coiunna; Espera; Gibraltar; la
Rambla; Malaga; Montilla; Palma; Ronda.
1801. Alcada de los Pahderas; Algerziras; Alhaurin-
el-Grande; Alicante; Antequera; Arcos de la Frontera;
Avamonte; Balearic Islands (Majorca); Cadiz; Car-
tagena; Churriana; Coin; Cordova; Ecija; El Borge; El
Palo; Espejo; Espera; Gibraltar; Granada; Guardamar;
La Rambla; Los Barrios; Malaga; Mijas; ;Montilla;
iMoron de la Frontera; Murcia ; Palma; Paterna de la
Ribera; Pena-Serrada ; Puerto de Santa Maria; Ronda;
San Juan; San Roque; Torre- ]Molino ; Velez-Malaga;
Vera; Villamartin; Xeres de la Frontera; Ximines de la
Frontera.
Total localities infected in 1801, forty-one.
Irtvmnnity. Two Years.
1807. Cadiz.
1808. Cadiz. Xeres de la Frontera.
Immunity. Our Year.
1810. Alberca; Barcelona; Cartagena; Cadiz; Gib-
raltar; Seville.
1811. Alicante; Alcantarilla ; Cadiz; Cartagena; Gib-
raltar; Isla de Leon; Jumila; Lebrija; Lebrillo; Tx)rsa;
Medina-Sidonia; Murcia; Tobarra; Totana; Ziesar.
494 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
Total localities infected in 1811, fifteen.
1812. Cadiz; Cartagena; Cieza; Jumilla; Murcia.
1813. Cadiz; Catalan Bay; Gibraltar; Malaga; Me-
dina-Sidonia ; San Andero.
1814. Cadiz; Catalan Bay; Gibraltar.
Immwiity. Ttco Years.
1817. Cadiz.
1818. Gib-altar.
1819. Barcelona ; Cadiz ; Chiclana ; Isla de Leon ; Port
Mahon; Puerto de Santa Maria; Puerto Eeal; San Lucar
de' Bairameda; Seville; Xeres de la Frontera,
Total localities infected in 1819, eleven.
1820. Cadiz; Alcala de los Gazules; La Carlotta;
Malaga; Puerto de Santa Maria ; Mequinenza ; Xeres de la
Frontera.
1821. Agiiilas; Asco; Badalona; Barcelona; Bar-
celonette; Cauet de Mar; Fraga; Jesus; Las Arguilas;
Lebrija; Xonaspe; Malaga; Malgrat; Mequinenza; Monte
Alegi'e; Olot; Pal ma; Pedrara; Port Mahon; Puerto de
Santa Maria; Roquetas; Bota; Salou; San Gervaiso; San
Lucar de Barameda; Sans; Sarria; Seville; Sitges; Tor-
tosa ; Villa Secca ; Xeres de la Frontera.
Total localities infected in 1821. thirtv-two.
1822.
Corn una ; Gibraltar.
1823.
Loyola ; Passajes.
1821.
Giinaltar.
1825.
Gilii-altar.
182G.
Gibi-altar.
Tnimuuifi/. One Year.
1828.
Catalan Bay Gibraltar.
1829.
Gibraltar.
Immunity. Ttcenty-eiglit Years.
1858. Ferrol ; Vigo.
SPAIN CHRONOLOGY, 1649 TO 1890. 495
Immunity. Eight Years.
1867. Madrid.
Immunity. Two Years.
1870. Alicante; Barcelona; Madrid; Palma; Port
Mahon; Tortosa; Valencia.
Immunity. Seven Years.
1878. Madi'id.
1879. Pedroches.
Immunity. Three Years.
1883. Barcelona.
Immunity. Five Years.
1889. Vigo.
1890. Malaga. (Last appearance of yellow fever in
Spain).
Chronology of Yellow Fever in Spain^ by Localities.
1649 TO 1890.
A star (*) placed after a name means that authorities
consulted do not state the year of the prevalence of the
disease.
Aguilar de la Frontera.*
Aguila,s. 1821.
Alaurinego. 1804.
Albania,*
Alberca. 1810.
Alcala de Gnadayra.*
Alcala de los Gazules. 1800 ; 1820.
-^Icala de los Panaderos. 1804.
lAlcantarilla. 1811.
Alcaria.*
Algeziras. 1803 ; 1804.
Alhaurin-el-Grande. 1804.
Alicante. 1803 ; 1804 ; 1 811 ; 1 870.
Almeria.*
Antequera. 1803; 1804.
1744; 1745; 1746; 1753
1784; 1790; 1792; 1800
1808; 1810; 1811; 1812
496 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEYER.
Aralial. 1800.
jArchena.*
Arcos de la Frontera. 1800; 1804.
Asco. 1821.
Awiata. 1800.
ATamonte, 1800 ; 1804.
Badalona. 1821.
Barcelona. 1808 ; 1810 ; 1819 ; 1821 ; 1870 ; 1883
Barcelonette. 1803; 1821.
Barrio de Perchel. 1803 ; 1804.
Benaocaz. 18001
Bornos. 1800.
Cadiz. 1700; 1701; 1702; 1703; 1705; 1730; 1731
1733; 1734; 1730; 1740; 1741
17G1; 1763; 1764; 1765; 1780
1801; 1802; 1803; 1804; 1807
1813; 1814; 1817; 1819; 1820; 1821
Canet-de-Mar. 1821.
Caneta-la-Real. 1800.
Carmona. 1800; 1802.
Carraca. 1800.
Carrana.*
Cartao-ena. 1753; 1804; 1810; 1811; 1812
Castillo. 1696.
Catalan Bay. 1813 ; 1814 ; 1828.
Chielana. 1800; 1819.
Chipiona.*
Churriana. 1802 ; 1804.
Cieza. 1811; 1812.
Coin. 1804.
Conil. 1800.
Cordova. 1800 ; 1802 ; 1804.
Coria. 1800.
Cortes de la Frontera. 1800.
Coninna. 1803; 1822.
Dos Hermanos. 1800.
Ecija. 1800; 1804.
El Arahal. 1800.
El Borge. 1804.
Elche.*
SPAIN CHRONOLOGY, BY LOCALITIES. 497
El Palo. 1804.
Eprezalena. 1800.
Escala.*
Espejo. 1803; 1804.
Espera. 1800 ; 1804.
Estepa. • 1800.
Ferrol. 1858.
Fraga. 1821.
Gibraltar. 1649; 1727; 1798; 1800; 1803; 1804; 1810;
1811; 1814; 1818; 1822; 1824; 1825; 1826; 1828; 1829.
Granada. 1804.
Giiardamar. 1804.
Hiielva. 1800.
Isla de Leon. 1800 ; 1811 ; 1819.
Jesus. 1821.
Jumilla. 1811 ; 1812.
La Caltezas de San Juan. 1800.
La Cai'lotta. 1800 ; 1820.
La Eambla. 1803 ; 1804.
Las-Aguilaa 1821.
Lebrixa. 1800; 1811; 182L
Los Palacios. 1800.
Lorsa. 1811.
Los Barrios. 1804. «
Loyola. 1823.
Madrid. 1867 ; 1870 ; 1878.
Mairena del Alcor. 1800.
Malgrat. 1821.
Malaga. 1741; 1791; 1802; 1803; 1804; 1813; 1820;
1821; 1890.
Mazarron.*
Medina-Sidonia. 1800; 1801; 1802; 1811; 1813.
Mequinenza. 1821.
INIijas. 1804.
(Molina.*
Monte Alegi'e. 1821.
Montejugue. 1800.
Montiila. 1803; 1804.
Moron de la Frontera. 1800 ; 1804.
Mnrcia. 1804; 1811; 1812.
i98
HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
Navarre. 1696.
Noiiaspe. 1821.
Ojos.*
Olivera. 1800.
Olot. 1821.
Oriliiiela.*
Palma. 1714 ; 1719 ; 1803 ; 1801 ; 1819 ; 1821 ; 1870.
Palmar.*
Pasajes. 1823.
Paterna de la libera. 1800 ; 1804.
Penacerrada. 1804.
Pedrara. 1821.
Pedrochos. 1879.
Port Mahon. 1747 ; 1748 ; 1819 ; 1821 ; 1870.
Puerto de Santa Maria. 1800 ; 1804 ; 1819 ; 1820 ; 1821.
Puerto Real. 1800; 1819.
Ricote.*
Ronda. 1800; 1803; 1804.
Roquetas. 1821.
Rota. 1800; 1804; 1821.
Saint EloT.*
.Salon. 1821.
San Andero. 1813.
San Gervaiso. 1821.
San Juan. 1804.
San Lucar de Barameda. 1800 ; 1819 ; 1821.
San Ro(ine. 1804.
Sans. 1821.
Santa Caridad. 1800.
Sarria. 1800; 1821.
Seville. 1649 ; 1800 ; 1801 ; 1810 ; 1819 ; 1821.
Sit^res. 1821.
Tabarca. 1804.
Tarrajiona.*
To1»arra. 1811.
Tortosa. 1821 ; 1870.
Totana. 1811; 1812.
Torrenela.*
Torre-:\Iolino. 1804.
Ubrique. 1800.
SPAIN. 499
Utrera. 1800.
Valencia. 1870.
Vejer de la Frontera. 1800.
Velez Malaga. 1804.
Vera. 1804.
Vig-o. 1858 ; 1889.
Villafranea.*
Villamartin. 1800; 1804.
Villalunueva del Ariscal. 1800.
Villa Seea. 1821.
Xeres de la Frontera. 1800 ; 1804 ; 1808 ; 1819 ; 1820 ;
1821.
Ximines de la Frontera. 1804.
Yelar.*
Ziera.*
Total number of cities in Spain in which yellow fever
has been observed from 1649 to 1890, a period of two hun-
dred and foriy-one years, 144.
SUMMARY OF EPIDEMICS.
AGUILAS.
1821.
The little potrt of Aguilas, in Murcia, on the Mediter-
ranean, was infected by the brig Saint-Joseph, from
Malaga, in 1821. It had then a population of 700. Vesr
sels from Cadiz also brought yellow fever cases to the
town. There were 75 cases and 25 deaths,^
♦iChervln: Examen de rAdministration en Matiere Santaire.
Paris, 1827, p.. 91.
•Fellowes: Reports of the Pestilential Disorder of Andalusia,
etc., (London, 1815), pp. 181, 185.
500 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVKR.
ALBERCA.
1810.
Refugees from Mureia, four miles distant, infected Ai-
berca in 1810. There was no diffusion of tiie disease.*
ALCALA DE LOS GAZULES.
1800.
Alcala de los Gazules, situated on the slope of the Ronda
Mountains, thirty-seven miles southeast of Cadiz, was
contaminated by refugees from the the last named locality
in 1800, and lost 817 of its inhabitants.-
1820.
The second and last appearance of yellow fever at Alcala
de los Gazules took place in 1820. A native of the town
went on a visit to Xeres de la Frontera, contracted the
malady and died on his return to Alcala. The infection
did not spread.^
ALCALA DE LOS PANDEROS.
1804.
The inhabitants of the village of Alcala de los Panderos,
located al)Out four miles from Seville, proved remarkably
immune from yellow fever during the great epidemic of
*Bonneau and Sulpicy: Recherches sur la iContagion de la
Fievre Jaune, Paris, 1823, p. 364.
-La Roche: Yellow Fever, etc. (Phila., 1855), p. 534.
Alfonso da Maria: Memoria Sobre la Epidemia de Andalusia,
p. 122.
'Jackson: Remarks on the Epidemic Yellow Fever which has
appeared at Intervals on the South Coasts of Spain
(London, 1821), p. 41 (foot note).
SPAIN. 501
1804. The place, which takes its name from the occupa-
tion of its inhabitants, who are mostly bakers, and fur-
nished nearly all the bread consumed in Seville at the
time, was in daily cumniunication with the latter place,
where, out of a remaining population of 80,000, over
76,000 are said to have been attacked by j-ellow fever;
yet, in spite of this, only twenty-four persons had the dis-
ease in the village, eighteen of which died.^ In every in-
stance, those attacked had communicated with Seville.
Aside from these, not a single case erupted in the village.
Jackson, Fellowes, Berthe and others who have written at
length on the epidemics of Spain, ascribe this remarkable
immunity to the fact that aromatic herbs were burned in
the ovens of the innumerable bakeries in the village, claim-
ing that this purified the atmosphere and rendered the
"miasmata" inocuous. The logical explanation in these
days of enlightment, is that the fumes of the "aromatic
herbs" were distasteful to the nostrils of the yellow fever
mosquitoes and kept them away from the locality.
ALCANTAEILLA.
1811.
'AJcantarilla ("the little bridge") was contaminated bv
refugees from Murcia, in 1811. The outbreak was not ex-
tensive and the mortality was small.®
ALGERZIEAS.
1803.
In 1803, smugglers brought yellow fever from Gibraltar
to Algerziras. Only a few cases resulted.®
* Bancroft: An Essay on the Disease Called Yellow Fever
(London, 1811). p. 460.
" Berenger-Feraud: Traite Theoriqiie et Pratique de la Fievre
Jaune, Paris, 1890, p. 84.
® Berenger-Feraud, p. 74.
502 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
1804.
In 1804, Algerziras had a popiilatiou of about 14,000.
Yellow fever, which was widespread in Spain that year,
soon niade its appearance in the town, but was confined to
one or two streets. The mortality was snuill."
ALHAURIN-EL-GRANDE.
1804.
A few cases of yellow fever, all imported, were observed
at Alhaurin in 1804, principally in persons communicat-
ing- with Malaga. The disease did not obtain a foot.iold
in the village.^
ALICANTE.
1803.
Government officials patrolling the coast are accused of
having brought yellow fever to Alicante in 1803. Other
authorities attribute the outbrcaFc of the disease to a bale
of cotton goods from (Jibraltar, wliich had l)een surre])ti-
tiously taken into Alicante and hidden in the residence
of the port commissioner. The latter was the first victim
of the outbreak, which was not extensive and resulted in
oinly a few cases and deaths.^
1804.
Tlie ill-.starred inhabitants of Alicante were less fortu-
nate in 1804. The first case of yellow fever was observed
August 0. The town, which had a ])(>i)ulati(!n of 13,057,
had taken great precautions to pi'evcnt an importation of
the disease, and when the news spread that the pestilence)
was in their midst, the inhabitants became terror-stricken
I
' Fellowes. p. 101 (foot note).
^Fellowes, pp. 181; 182.
" Berenger-Feraud, p. 74.
SPAIN ALICANTE. * 503
and all who could do so soiii>lit fancied security in fliglit.
It is of record that 2,110 Hcd to the neighboring country,
leaving 11,817 within the focus of the disease. Out of
this number, there resulted (1,971 attacks, of which 2,472
proved fatal. It is a notable fact that the disease was
more fatal to men than women, 1,552 of the former suc-
cumbing, while the fatalities among the latter amounted
to 920. The disease manifested its greatest intensity on
October 9, gradually subsiding after that date and becom-
ing extinct on December 13.^*'
1811.
Alicante was infected by Gibraltar in 1811. Only a
few cases were observed. ^^
1870.
During the outbreak of yellow fever which devastated
Barcelona in 1870, some cases were imported into 'Ali-
cante.
The virulence of the ejiidemic and the rapidity with
which it spread, brought back to the minds of the terror-
stricken inhabitants, the horrors of the pestilences which
had laid waste the flourishing cities of Andalusia, in the
beginning of the century. Alicante had a jxipulation of
25,000 in 1870. When news of the eruption of the first
case (September 13) became public, and the first death
was recorded (Septem^ber 14). the alarm was general,
and in less than a week, 12,500 or half the population
fled.
^" Summarized from the works of:
Moreau de Jonnes: Monographie HistoTique et Medicale de la
Fievre Jaune des Antilles, Paris, 1820, p. 341.
Bally: Typhus d Amerique ou Fievre Jaune, Paris, 1814, p. 90,
La Roche, loc. cit., p. 536.
Fellowes, loc. cit., p. 478.
Chervin: Second Report on Quarantine, London, 1852, p. 203.
'^ Berenger-Feraud, p. 84.
504 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
The epidemic raged most fiercely between October 20
and NoTember 15. After the last named date, it grad-
ually subsided and became extinct on December 13, when
the last death took place.
Following is the summary of cases and deaths, taken
from the interesting report of Bergez y Dufoo,-^^ after
divesting it of the sonorous verbiage and onerous details
which ever chai'acterize the writings of the Castillians :
Cases. Deaths.
Men 3,857 Men 1,082
Women 1,012 Women 228
Children 484 Children 70
5,353 1,380
Of the 70 mortal cases among children, 44 were boys
and 26 girls.
ANTEQUERA.
The first appearance of yellow fever at Antequera took
place in 1803. The infection came from Malaga. The
outbreak was unimportant.^^
1804.
In 1804, yellow fever appeared at Antequera on August
2. It was brought to that place by Joseph Delgado, a
journeyman tailor, who, in dread of the malady which had
begun its ravages at Malaga, fled to his father's house at
Antequera. He left :Nralaga on the 23rd of July, was
taken ill on the 27th, and died on the 2nd of August. His
mother was attacked on the 15th of tlio same mouth, and
died on the 24th. One of his brothers sickened on the
"Bergez y Dufoo: Siglo Medica (Madrid), 1871, vol. 18, pp. 280,
311. 327, 437.
" Berenger-Feraud, p. 74.
SPAIN — ANTEQUERa. 505
17th, and died ou the 21st. Two sisters were taken ill
on the 18th, one died on the 22nd; the other recovered.
Another brother, a youth about 11 jears, was attacked
on the 19th ; he recovered. The fiather of this unfortunate
family, aged 75, was taken ill on the 28th of August, and
died on the 2nd of September ; and, finally, the renuiining
brother, aged 2G, was attacked on the 30th of August, and
died on the 4th of September.
Another refugee from Malaga created a new focus of
infection at Antequera almost simultaneously with the
importation of Delgado. A lady by the name of Munoz
fled from Malaga and sought refuge among" friends at
Antequera. Slie arrived obout the end of July, was taken
ill on the 1st of August, and died on the 7th. The servant
who attended her and six of the family where she lodged
fell victims tO' the disease.
A third focus was created by a wonum named Rosario,
who arrived at Antequera from jNIalaga on the 7th of
August, already indisposed. She died on the 12th. The
master of the house where she lodged was taken ill on the
19th of August, and died on the 25th. His wife was
attacked on the 23rd, and died on the 27th. ^^
From these three foci, the infection spread Avith incredi-
ble swiftness and the entire city was soon under its in-
fluence.
In the beginning of October, the death-rate \\'as between
thirty and forty daily. The populace, who looked upon
the pestilence with superstitious terror, sought to arrest
its progress by religious demonstrations. On the evening
of October 12th, thev formed into a solemn procession and
marched through the streets until three o'clock in the
morning, singing hymns and bearing aloffi^ a picture of
Our Lady of the Rosary.^^ The folly of a multitude^ parad-
ing the streets of an infected city soon made itself evident,
"Jackson, loc. cit., p. 19.
♦During the terrible epidemic which ravaged Cadiz in ISOO a
similar demonstration was made by the fanatical populace.
See page 530 of this volume.
"Bally, p. 436.
506 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
for on the fourth day following the demonstration, the
deaths increased from forty. to eighty each day.
The last death took place November G. Out of a popu-
lation of 14,577, there were 2,490 deaths, divided as fol-
lows: Males, 1,850; females, l,090.i«
Since 1804, yellow fever has never been observed at
Antequera.
ARAHAL.
During the widespread epidemic of 1800, a few hundred
cases were imported to Arahal, twenty-two miles from
Seville, resulting in 180 deaths.
ARCOS DE LA FROXTERA.
1800.
Arcos de la Frontera was infected by Cadiz in 1800, and
lost G31 of her inhabitants.^^
1804.
Tn 1804, Arcos de la Frontei'a had a ])o])iilation of 0,894.
The first case of yellow fever was observe;! on August 1?>,
and between that date and December 8, Avhen the last
death took ])lace, 184 victims paid tribute to the pestil-
ence. Of this nuuiber, ll.'> were mah s and 71 females. ^'-^
1821.
Asco, a small town on the Ebro, tliirtv-uiiie miles from
Tortosa, was infected in a peculiar manner in 1821. It
"•Fellowes, p. 478.
'^ La Roche, vol. 1. p 534.
'"La Roche, vol. 1, j). 478
'^ Fellowes. p. 478.
SPAIN. 507
appears that a man from Tortosa was visiting friends in
Asco, when he was informed that his wife had been taken
suddenly ill. Impatient to return home, he borrowed a
horse from his host, promising to send back the animaJ
the following dny. On arriving at his destination, the
unfortunate Tortosan was stricken with the malady which
was then prevailing in his native town (yellow fever),
and died in a few days. The party at Asco to whom the
horse belonged, not hearing any tidings of his property,
sent his servant for the animal. The latter, on reaching
Tortosa, was told of the death of his master's friend and
given permission to take back the animal. On his return
to Asco, he was stricken with yellow fever, communicated
the disease to his master, who in turn infected the balance
of the family, and from this focus, radiated an epidemic
which threatened to encompass the town. The inhabi-
tants fled to the neighboring country. This; checked for a
time the progress of the malady, and Asco was congratu-
lating itself uj)on having escajjcd with only a few cases
and deaths, while Tortosa and Barcelona were being de-
populated, when the infection broke out anew. An in-
vestigation by the health authorities to discover the source
of the secondary infection, as Asco had estaldished a strict
quarantine against places where the malady was then pre-
vailing, revealed that four thieves had l)roken into a house
where yellow fever had been most murderous, and had
ransacked it from top to l)ottom of everything vaiualtle.
These f;)ur law breakers paid dearly for their dejjredation,
for they were shortly after stricken with yellow fever and
died. Froiu this soui'ce radiated the second outbreak.
Apother general exodus of tlic iiopiilation took ])lace. The
commissary of Asco caused every dog in the town to be
killed (for reasons not ex]>1ained by the chroniclers of the
period), opened wide the doors and windows of every habi-
tation for six consecutive days, and forbade the inhabi-
tants to return until the epidemic was com])letely stam])ed
our. Tliese energetic measun^s saved Asco from de-
population.-^
'■"Bally, FrancoJs and Pariset, p. 59.
508 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
AVEIATA.
1800.
A few cases of yellow fever were observed at Avriata
in 1800. There is no record of any other invasion pre-
vious to or after that date.^^
A YA MONTE.
1800.
Ayamonte is one of the few places in Spain Avhere yel-
low fever has been observed only infrequently. Fellowes
claims that it suffered to some extent in 1800, but does not
give any details.-^
1804.
Chervin-^ pokes fun at Pariset because the latter sol-
emnly asserts in his work published in 1820,-^ that yellow
fever was introduced into Ayamonte in 1804 by means of
cheese and crackers-^ smuggled into the town from Gib-
raltar by a fisherman. As yellow fever was quite severe
at Gibraltar in 1804, and it was proved that the lone fish-
erman had communicated in the open sea with a Aessel
coming from the infected port, there is no doubt in the
world that he contaminated Ayamonte, for he died of the
disease on his return home; but we side with Chervin in
exonerating the cheese and crackers. Cheese sometimes
(especially in summer) contains animal culae, but it has
never been known to harbor the larvae of the winged dis-
seminators of yellow fever.
^'Rougeau: Theses de Paris, 1827, No. 119.
-- Fellowes, p. 444.
^Chervin: Examen Critique, etc., p. 18.
-'Pariset: Observations 3ur la Fievre Jaune, p,
=3 * * * .<^^j moyen du fromage et dii biscuit."
Sl'AIN. 509
The unfortunate fisherman communicated the disease
to his family, who all fell victims to the pestilence. The
fever invaded the three streets contiguous to the fisher-
man's home, but did not spread to other quarters of the
town. The number of cases and deaths is not given by our
authorities.-^
BADALONA.
1821.
A Avorkman living at Badalona, six miles from Barce-
lona, contracted yellow fevei' at the latter place, and Avas
transported to his home, where he expired the following
day. The authorities of Badalona had the body trans-
ported outside the town limits, and threatened to shoot
any one who should harbor refugees from infected places.
These stringent measures saved the village from con-
tamination.*
BALEARIC ISLANDS.
Yellow Fever Years.
1744 ; 1747 ; 1748 ; 1749 ; 1803 ; 1804 ; 1819 ; 1821 ; 1870.
Summary of Epidemics.
1744.
Palma.
Berenger-Feraud^" and Pariset-^ give vague accounts of
an outbreak of yellow fever on tlu^ Island of :Majorca in
1744. Whence the fever was imported or what ravages it
caused, is left to conjecture.
-'"Fellowes; Chervin; Bally, Francois' and Pariset.
* Bonneau and Sulpicy: Recherches siir la Contagion de la Fievre
Jaune. Paris, 1S23, p. 306.
" Berenger-Feraud, p. 48.
^ Pariset, p. 123.
510 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
1747.
Port Malion.
According to Cleghorn,^ the second appearance of yel-
low, fever in the Balearic Islands took place on the Island
of Minorca in 1747.
Xo particulars of any historical value are given con-
cerning this importation.
1748.
Fort Million .
It is recorded that the disease was present at Minorca
in 1748.30
No authentic data concerning this invasion are ob-
tainable.
1749.
Palm a.
The fourth invasion of the Balearic Islands took place
at Majorca in 1749, according to Cleghorn.'^^
The literature on the subject is as unsatisfactory as in
the preceding outbreaks.
1803.
Palma.
A vessel ft'om Alicante brought vellow fever to Palma
in 1803.32
The outbreak was unimportant.
^'Cleghorn: Observations on the Epidemic Diseases of Minorca,
from the Year 1744 to 1749 (London, 1779). Also:
Berenger-Feraud.
^ Moreau de Jonnes, p. 336.
=' Eager, p. 16.
^= Berenger-Feraud, p. 74.
SPAIN BALEARIC ISLANDS. 511
1804.
Pahna.
The state of the public health at Palma was excellent iu
1804, wlien a Tessel arrived from Alicante, having on board
a Majorcan who was convalescing from an attack of yel-
low fever, and a family destined for the Island of Minorca,
The latter took lodgings at Palma, intending to leave for
their native town in a day or so. On the same day of
tlieir arrival, the mother of the family was taken ill with
yellow fever. The following day, the husband and child
were attacked. The unfortunates were immediately sent
to the pest-house, but some soldiers who frequented the
Uivern where the stricken family had taken lodgings, con-
tracted the disease and brought the infection to the town
barracks, where several cases were observed. The dis-
ease did not spread through the town.^^
1819.
Po7't Mahon.
In 1819, yellow fever ravaged the cities on the south
coasts of Spain. The infection was originally brought by
the ship Asia, from Vera Cruz and Havana, to the Isla de
Leon, and infected Cadiz. The Asia was sent to the quar-
antine station at Port Mahon, where three inhabitants of
the town contracted the disease and died. The outbreak
was limited to these three cases. "^"^
1821.
Palma.
In 1821, another great epidemic wave of yelb)w fever
desolated the sea coast cities of Southern Sj^ain.
*^ Berenger-Feraud, p. 79.
"Begin: Journal de Medecine Milltaire, 1820, p. 346. Also:
Berenger-Feraud, p. 89.
512 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
On xViigust C, 1821, a vessc4 left Barcelona, where "a
suspicious fever'- was beginuiug to cause much public un-
rest, and arrived at Palma two days later. Among the pas-
sengers was a merchant of Palma, who lived in the La Paz
Quarter. On his arrival home, the merchant was taken
ill with yellow fever. He was nursed by his wife and his
little daughter and recovered. Tlie girl was soon attacked
and died with black vomit on the fifth day. The women
who prepared the girl for burial were mostly all attacked
and died. The merchant's wife was next attacked. She
was transported to a house in San Pedro Street, Avliere
she recovered. The two adjoining houses were con-
taminated.
The merchant was visited during his illness by two
friends, Poulet and Uoig and by two female relatives,
]\Iunera and Femina. These four persons were soon after
taken ill with mellow fever and died. Poulet's wife and
all her children next fell victims to the disease. A man
named I\enz, who lived in a small room in the house of
the ]Munera woman, soon succumbed to the fever. The
man Roig, Avho died of the fever, contaminated his clerk,
]Mulet and five or six persons who roomed in his house.
^y\wu ^Mulct's wife felt the first febrile symptoms, she fled
Avith her children and a servant to a remote quarter of
the town, wliich was free from sickness at the time. She
soon died of tlie disease and was followed by lier children
and the servant who had accom])anied her.
Such was the pre-epidemic situation in Palma, when
the authorities finally awoke from their lethargy.
Up to Sei)tember 10, the malady had been confined to
the two districts — La Paz cyr Puyg de San Pedro and the
Boleria, but cases began to crop out so rapidly, that
tlie authorities decided to take urgent measures to check
the inroads of the fever. Xews of the contem])lated move
on the part of the authorities reached the inhabitants of
the infected districts, and fearing that they would be
surrounded by an impenetrable sanitary cordon, entire
fjimilies fled in the middle of the night to relatives or
friends all over the city. This wholesale migration acted
like a firebrand in spreading the fever, and the epidemic
was soon bevond control.
SPAIN BALEARIC ISLANDS
513
Panic seized the inhabitants.
It was now a question of everyone for himself. Fathers
deserted their families, mothers their babes, and inde-
scribable terror prevailed in the town. On September 15,
the superior authorities, civil and military, fled to the
village of Yaldemosa, about twelve miles from Palma.
The citizens, following their example, made a precipitate
retreat to the country beyond the walls of the pest-ridden
city. The migration was so considerable that of 36,000,
only 12,000 remained, 21,000 fleeing from the terrible pest-
ilence. The government found it necessary to raifee funds,
secure means of maintenance and build huts in the open
country, and two encampments Avere formed at the foot
of Mount Belver, about two miles from Palma. It is a
remarkable fact, out of this multitude fleeing from a nest
of pestilence, not a single case erupted, save in those who
already had the disease when they joined in the frenzied
exodus.^^
There were altogether 7,100 cases in Palma, of^ which
5,311 died.
Port Mahon.
During the epidemic which ravaged the seacoast towns
of Spain in 1821, forty-three vessels were quarantined at
Port Mahon, beginning with the Javeque Constitucion,
from Barcelona, August 13, 1821, and ending with the
Luacl Santo Cristo del Grau, October 21, 1821.
Among the total of 196 cases of yellow fever, 122 died.
Owing to the vigilance of the health authorities, the dis-
ease did not spread to the inhabitants of Port Mahon.
Among the 49 attendants at the Lazaret Nacional at
Port Mahon, 10 wei-e attacked with yellow fever, five of
whom died. These cases and deaths are included in the
above total.
" Bally, Francois and Pariset, p. 63.
'•Junta Superior de Sanidad de dicha Isla de Minorca, etc.,
Mahon, 1821.
51i HISTORY OF YELOW FFVKR.
1S70.
Palma.
For nearly fifty years after the sinister epidemic of
1821, yellow fever was kept out of Palma. • In 1870 a few
cases were imported to that town from the south coast
of Spain, where the disease had been originally brought
to Barcelona in August by the ship La Mariu, from
Havana, Prompt sanitary measures were resorted to, and
the outbreak at Palma was confined to a few cases.^^
We have seached diligently through files of* Spanish
journals for a history of the prevalence of the disease
at Palma, in 1870, but the results have been negative.
On page 630 of El Sif/lo Medico for 1871, is a reference
to an article entitled "Historia de la Fiehre AmariUa que
se Padecia en Palma de Mallorca en 1870," but, with the
characteristic haziness which generally pervades the lit-
erature of the Castillians when it comes to facts and
figures, the ai»ticle conveyed nothing tangible.
Port Ulalwii.
We were more fortunate in gathering information con-
cerning the prevalence of yellow fever at Port Mahon in
1870. The infection did not spread to the shore, but was
confined solely to ships in the quarantine basin.
According to El Siglo Medico for 1871, vol. 18, pages
233, 2G0, 310 and 406, the flollowing infected ships were
quarantined at the lazaretto during the epidemic of 1870:
1. Steamship Menorca, from Barcelona, September 15.
Carried three women ill with yellow fever, who were re-
moved to lazaretto. Two died.
2. Bark Dunamargnesa. Arrived from Barcelona,
September 17. Three of the crew were afflicted on the
way from Barcelona.. On arrival, a third case died. On
September 21, a patient was cai'ried to the lazaretto from
*^ Berenger-Feraud, p. 145.
SPAIN PORT MAHON, 1870. 515
this vessel, and died on the 28th. On September 28,
one of the health-guards was attacked and died.
3. Steamship Union arrived from Barcelona, Septem-
ber 23. Two passengers were found to be indisposed, and
were sent to the lazaretto. Both died, one the same day
and the other six days later. Another fatal attack on
the 24th. Another case on the 26th, followed by recovery.
4. Steamship Mallorca, from Barcelona, September
24. Among six passengers, one had yellow fever and died
on the fourth day.
5. Brigantine Nicevo Copernico, from Barcelona, Sep-
tember 28. Two cases sent to lazaretto. One died.
6. Polacre Grieza EvangeUsta, from Barcelona, Sep-
tember 25. Three attacks during voyage. One died at
sea. Other two sent to lazaretto ; both died.
7. Warship Lepanto, ftpom Barcelona, September 23.
On October 4, gunner's mate attacked; on the 5th, 6th
and 7th, two sailors and a cabo de canon were attacked.
All recovered.
8. Ship San Juan, October 2. First case October 4;
carried to lazaretto where he died several hours later.
On October 5, a second case; recovery.
9. Gunboat Licjera, from Barcelona, October 16. On
the 22nd, disembarked a case of yellow fever ; recovery.
10. Brigantine Jnanita, from Barcelona, October 8.
On the 11th, one case sent to lazaretto; recovery.
General summary:
First case, September 15; last, October 22.
First death, September 17; last, October 4.
Total cases, 22; total deaths, 12.
With the exception of the health-guard who was in-
fected on the Dunamarguesa, not a single inhabitant of
Port Mahon contracted the disease.
Since 1870, the Balearic Islands have been free from
yellow fever.
516 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVnjR.
BARCELONA.
Yellow Fever Yeaks.
i
1803; 1810; 1819; 1821 (Great Epidemic) ; 1870; 1883.
Su^kiMARY OF Epidemics.
1803.
The first authentic importation of yellow f^^ver to Bar-
celona took place in 1803. While the fever was raging at
Malaga, cases began to erupt in the harbor of Barcelona.
Five soldiers, who had been placed on duty on board
vessels, were attacked and died. Their colonel next fell
a victim to the malady. The cases, which were confined
to the shijiping, amounted to 73, of which 30 proved
fatal.ss
1810.
Yellow fever is said to have been present at Barcelona
in 1810. We Imve been unable to obtain any details con-
cerning this alleged outbreak. The Medico- CJiirurgical
Journal and Review (1821, vol. 2, p. 19,), claims that yel-
low^ fever "raged" at Barcelona during- the year under ob-
servation, but efforts to corroborate this statement have
been fruitless. Cadiz, Gibraltar, Seville and Carthagena
suffered from the saffron scourge that year, and a few
cases were probably brought to Barcelona or erupted on
vessels in the harbor; but there certainly was no epidemic '
in the ancient capital of Catalonia in 1810. If there had
been, Berenger-Feraud, Audouard, Bally, Pariset, Eager
and others who have written interestingly of the epidemics
which ravaged Spain in the beginning of the last century,
would certainly have made note of the occurrence.
Bally, p. 84. Bally, Francois and Pariset, p. 461.
SPAIN BARCELONA. 5 J?
1819.
A solitary case of yellow fever was observed in Barce-
lona in 1819, according to Robert.^^ Our authority does
not go into details, but states that the case erupted in
July, and proved fatal in a few days. There was no
diffusion.
1821.
The epidemic of 1821 was appalling and has gone into
history as one of the most murderous on record.
The population of Barcelona in 1821 was 150,000. When
the true nature of the "mysterious disorder" which was
causing widespread anxiety to the inhabitants of the
ancient city became known, 80,000 fled precipitately to
all points of the compass. Qf the 70,000 who remained,
nearly every one was attacked and between 16,000 and
20,000 died, according to the estimates of various au-
thorities.*
The Pcst-^^Jiips from Havana,
The dismal history of this epidemic, as condensed from
the works of O'Halloran,^^ Audouard,^! Bally, Francois
and Pariset,*- Eager^^ and Berenger-Feraud,^^ is as
follows :
The following vessels are accused of having brought
yellow fever to Barcelona in 1821 :
'"Robert: Guide Sanitaire, vol. 1, p. 88.
* La Roche (Vol. 1,, p. 536) says that these figures are exagger-
ated and places the cases at 14,000 and the deaths at 9,730.
*> O'Halloran: Remarks on the Yellow Fever on the South and
East Coasts of Spain (London, 1823), pp. 22 et seq.
"Audouard: Relation Historique et Medicale de la Fievre Jaune
qui a Regne a Barcelone en 1821. Paris, 1821.
"Bally, Francois and Pariset: Histoire Medicale de la Fievre
Jaune (Paris, 1823). p.p. 4 et seq.
« Eager: Bull. No. 5, Yellow Fever Inst, 1902, p. 22.
* Bally, Francois and Pariset: p. 613.
** Academia de Medcina y Cirurgia de Barcelona: Memoria soibre
la Epidemia de Febre Amarilla Sufrida a Barcelona en
1870. Borcelona, 1872, page 148.
Also: Berenger-Feraud, p. 91; Roux, Marseilles Medicale,
1871, vol. 8, p. 194.
518 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
1. The brig Talla Piedra
2. The brig Nuestra Senora del Carmen.
3. The brig Gi^an Turco.
4. The Spanish frigate La Libertad.
The above named vessels sailed from Havana on April
28, 1821, and were part of a fleet consisting of fifty-two
sails, destined for the following ports : thirteen for Cadiz,
twenty for Barcelona, six for Comma, three for Santan-
der, four for Malaga, one for Vigo, one for Ferrol, one for
Bilboa, one for Palma, one for Lisbon and one for Bahia>
A cursory glance into the history of these four pest-
ships proves interesting.
The Talla Piedra touched at Cartagena on June 12,
arriving at Barcelona on the 19th of the same month.
She was given pratique after having performed eight days'
quarantine.
The Nuestra Senora del Carmeiv arrived at Cartagena
on June 16, obtained pratique and disembarked her sec-
ond pilot. She arrived at Alicante June 19, where she
unloaded part of her cargo and embarked a passenger.
The Carmen finally cast anchor in the harbor of Barcelona
on July 11, This vessel had three cases of yellow fever dur-
ing the voyage from Havana to Alicante, one of which
proved fatal. The passenger who had boarded the ship
at Alicante, was ill when the ship arrived at Barcelona,
but eluded the vigilence of the authorities by sitting on
deck "all dressed up" when the vessel entered the port.
He died a few days after landing, of a malady which pre-
sented "strange and suspicious symptoms." This was no
doubt the first case of yellow fever at Barcelona in 1821,
but the man who had been taken on board through charity
and had no parents or influence, was buried by the city
without any inquiries being made about his previous per-
sonal history.
The Gran Turco reached Cadiz on June 5, where she
obtained pratique, disembarked twenty-four passengers
and took on l)oard four others and three sailors. She
then set sail for Barcelona, where she arrived June 29.
The Gran Turco had formerly been a slave-ship. During
SPAIN BARCELONIA, 1821. 519
the voyage from Havana, there had been some deaths from
yellow fever on board.
The frigate La Lihertad arrived at Malaga on June 8,
obtained pratique and disembarked part of her cargo ; she
then sailed for Cartagena, where she also landed some
freight, a passenger and a sailor, after which she left for
Barcelona, where she arrived June 28.
Which of these four vessels contaminated Barcelona, or
whether they each played a role in bringing the disease
from Havana, has never been satisfactorily elucidated to
this day; but that the onus fell on the quartette, there
is not the slightest doubt.
The First Seeds of the Epidemic.
The state of the public health was excellent at Barce-
lona. ^ Great preparations were being made by the civil
and military authorities, as well as the general public,
for a great festival to be held July 12, to celebrate the
anniversary of the promulgation of constitutional law in
Spain. Owing to bad weather on the selected date, which
would have marred the eclat of the celebration in the
harbor, where elaborate manouevres were to be held, the
feast was postponed until the following Sunday, July 15.
On that day, the sky was cloudless and the weather splen-
did, and the populace congregated on the quays to witness
the nautical sports. There were then about twenty ships
from Havana and Vera Cruz in the harbor, and they took
part in the celebration. Captain Sagredas, cammanding
the Gran Turco, gave a reception on board his ship. His
wife, their children, his brother-in-law, sister-in-law and
many other persons, altogether forty, attended. After
spending a couple of days aboard the Gran Tnrco, the
captain's family went to Barcelonetta, near Barcelona,
where they lived. In a few days, every member of this
family sickened "of a strange malady," and all died. Of
the forty persons wlio had visited the G?-aii Turco, thirty-
five died, with pronounced symptoms of yellow fever.
Many persons visited the Talla Piedra during the pro-
gress of the festival. In a few days, they were all taken
520 HISTORY OF VELLOW FEVER.
ill with the same "strange malady," and the majority
died.
The French brig Josephine was riding at anchor close
to the above named vessels. The crew was taken ill with
yellow fever, and only a few survived. The Saint-Joseph,
from Naples, also moored near the infected vessels, was
contaminated and lost most of her crew.
The captain of the Josephine, when he saw th^ havoc
wrought on board his ship, took lodgings in Barcelona.
Eight days afterwards, this lodging house was infected,
and the landlady, her husband, their children and the
servants were attacked in rapid succession.
Shortly after the death of captain Sagredas' family and
the fatal cases in the lodging house above mentioned, cases
of the same "strange and suspicious malady" began to
crop out here and there in Barcelona and neighboring
villages on the sea-shore, mainly among those who had
communicated with the infected ships or who had visited
the houses where cases had erupted. While the disease
was slowly gaining ground, the "eminent physicians" of
Barcelona were in daily conclave, wrangling over the sit-
uation and refusing point-blank to admit that they were
face to face with an invasion of yellow fever. It was only
after the malady had invaded nearly every quarter of the
town that the authorities saw that they had been blunder-
ing and began the institution of sanitary measures to stop
the progress of the "mysterious malady." But it was too
late — the demon of pestilence was unchained and Barce-
lona was destined to pay a terrible penalty for the criminal
negligence of those sworn to safe-guard her interests.
On August 5, the health authorities began sending the
sick to isolation hospitals, but this had little effect in
arresting the progress of the malady, for the people,
deluded by the manifestos of the Spanish physicians deny-
tliat the "mysterious malady" was yellow fever, openly
defied the law and violently opposed interference with
their business and pleasure.
I
SPAIN — BARCELONA, 1821. 521
' Panic and Flight.
On August 12, the situation became so grave, that the
number of isolation hospitals were increased, and per-
emptory instructions given that the places of amuse-
ment be closed and public assemblages prohibited. The
populace violently opposed these measures, and riots were
of daily occurrence. The local medical society sustained
public opinion, denying that the disease was yelloAv fever.
Under this state of things, the pestilence, unchecked by
concerted preventive measures, was soon beyond control,
and the deaths became daily more frequent and the malady
more aggressive and widespread.
On August 16, the public finally awoke to the real situ-
ation and a panic ensued. In the space of) a few days,
half the population of the town had fled.
An example of the fearful mortality may be deduced
from the fact that out of 853 male and 886 female patients
treated at the Seminary Hospital between September 13
and November 25, 640 of the former and 622 of the latter
died.
Between August 16 and the first days of October, the
ravages of the epidemic were terrible. In the beginning
of October, 400 deaths were daily recorded. At the end
of the month, the situation improved and by the middle
of November, health conditions were nearly normal. On
November 25, the last case erupted, but it was not until
December 18 that the authorities relaxed their vigilance
and withdrew the sanitary cordon which had completely
shut out communication between Barcelona and the out-
side world.
Thus came to an end one of the most awesome epidemics
of yellow fever on record, which has been unsurpassed
for its fierceness and appalling mortality (21,483* out of a
remaining population of 70,000), and which could have
been controlled in its incipiency, but for the ignoTance of
the people and the shameful wrangles and pig-headedness
of the physicians who controlled the destinies of the un-
fortunate city.
522 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
1870.
/
For forty-nine years, Barcelona enjoyed a total im-
munity from yellow fever.
Early in August, 1870, the ship Maria arrived at Barce-
lona from Havana. There had been two deaths on board
during the voyage. In spite of this, the vessel was given
free pratique, without being required to undergo the neces-
sary sanitary formalities. The physicians of the port and
the secretary of the sanitary office, who visited the vessel
and gave her a clean bill of health without making strict
inquiries, were taken ill with yellow fever a few days
after their return home and died. ^Members of their fam-
ilies were next stricken, and the disease by this means
spread through the city. During the months of August
and September, the malady became epidemic and a gen-
eral exodus of the population took place. Toward the end
of October, the daily mortality varied from twenty-five to
forty.
The epidemic came to an end in the early days of Novem-
ber, resulting in 2,510 cases. Of these, 1,250 died, or 49.8
per cent.
The disease extended to Valencia, Alicante, Palma and
Madrid. The total mortalitv in Spain that vcar amounted
to 2,658.44
18S3.
The last appearance of yellow fever in Barcelona took
place in 1883. In October of that year, the A^V» Jo.sr,
from Havana, arrived at the port. Two men employed
in discharging guano from the vessel were taken ill with
yellow fever and died.^^ The cool season undoubtedly
saved Barcelona from an invasion of the Antillean pest-
ilence.
BARCELONETTE.
1803.
A few cases of yellow fever were observed in Barcelo-
*^ Berenger-Feraud, p. 189.
SPAIN BARCELONA. 52S
nette in 1803, imported from vessels in the harbor. There
was no spread of the disease. {Pariset, p. 38).
1821.
The seeds of the great epidemic which desolated Bar-
celona in 1821, were sown at Barcelonette, a suburb of the
first named city. The little burg was infected on July 16,
l)y parties who had been on board the ship Gran Turco,
and the first death took place July 26. The history of this
epidemic is so closely associated with that of Barcelona,
that a reference to the preceding pages will suffice to place
tlie reader in touch with the distressing events which
shrouded Spain in gloom during the year under
consideration.^^
BAEKIOS.
1801.
Barrios, near Algerziras, was infected in 1804 by sol-
diers forming part of an escort which had left Cadiz with
a consignment of money."*^ On the night of September 11,
the cavalrymen stopped at the village inn, where one of
their members was taken ill and died on the morning of
the 13th. The yellowness of the cadavre excited the sus-
picions of the authorities, and steps were at once taken
to prevent a spread of the disease. The stegomyiae were
already infected, however, and within two weeks six cases,
followed by death, erupted in the immediate neighborhood
of the lodging-house. No other cases were observed.
BENAOCAZ. ;
1800.
During the general epidemic of 1800, a few oases were
observed at Benaocaz. The outbreak was unimportant.*'*
*" Audouard, loc. cit, gives a comprehensive and interesting
account of this epidemic.
" Bally, p. 444.
*'Rougeau: Theses de Paris, 1827, No. 19.
5 14 HISTORY Ot YELLOW FEVER.
BOENOS.
1800.
The epidemic of 1800 spread to Bornos. The number of
cases is not stated, but the mortality amounted to 17.^^
CADIZ.
Historical Resume.
Cadiz is one of the most ancient cities of Spain. It was
founded by the Phenicians, and early became of great com-
mercial importance. It is situated at the extremity of a
tongue of land which juts out from the Isla de Leon, is
well built, well paved, and for a Spanish city, very clean.
Cadiz, in common with other cities of Spain, has off- "
been the scene of exciting political disturbances and, in
the past, has been besieged, taken and sacked by the
Romans, the English and the French. Its present popu-
lation is estimated at 09,322.
TJie Epidemics of Cadiz.
According to Fellowes,^^ the first great sickness of
Cadiz of which there is any account, appeared in the year
14()G. In 1507, an equally fatal malady prevailed there.
The disorder, on both occasions, was supposed to be the
plague, although the word pcsfc. used bv Spanish authors,
is applied to infectious disorders in general.
Of the sickness which broke out in Cadiz in 1582, little
can be ascertained. It is said to have ceased through the
intercession of St. Tioque, to whom the city dedicated a
chapel.
In 1049, the plague was introduced into Cadiz, and
lasted three years, causing a mortality of over 14,000.
In 1661, the plague again appeared.
" La Roche, vol. 1, p. 534.
"> Fellowes, p. 22.
SPAIN — CADIZ. 525
From 1661 to 1700, when el vomito negro (black vomit)
first made its appearance in Cadiz, there is no (record of
any extraordinary change in the state of the public healtli
in that historic city.
Cadiz, being the weatermost port of Spain and directly
in the path of an extensive trans-Atlantic commerce, is
more exposed to infection from the West Indies and South
America than any other city on the Iberian Peninsula.
Since 1700, when the first authentic importation of yellow
fever took place, the city has suffered from thirty-nine
visitations of the' disease. Five of these outbreaks ( 1730,
1731, 1800, 1804 and 1819) were attended with fearflul
mortality.
Yellow Fever Years.
1784
1803
1812
1700; 1701; 1702; 1703; 1705; 1730 (Great Epidemic)
1731 (Great Epidemic); 1734; 1736; 1740; 1741: 1744
1745; 1746; 1753; 1761; 1763; 1764; 1765; 1780
1790; 1792; 1800 (Great Epidemic); 1801; 1802
1804 (Great Epidemic); 1807; 1808; 1810; 1811
1814; 1817; 1819 (Great Epidemic) ; 1820; 1821.
Summary of Epidemics.
1700.
Vessels from the West Indies are said to have brought
yellow fever to Cadiz in 1700.^^ Beyond this mere state-
ment, no other information is of record concerning this
importation.
1701.
A few cases of yellow fever were imported to Cadiz in
1701. There was no diffusion of the malady.^^
" Berenger-Feraiid, p. 38.
"-Arejula: Archives de Medeoine Navale, vol. 7, p. 251.
526 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
1702.
Unofficial reports allege that yellow fever was present
in Cadiz in 1702.^^ These probably refer to cases in the
harbor, as we could find no record of the prevalence of the
malady in the town that year.
17U8.
"Ships from America" are said to have infected the har-
bor of Cadiz in 1703. We could find no authentic docu-
ments to substantiate this allegation.
1705.
According to Father Labat,^"* the vessel on which he
was a passenger was quarantined at Cadiz in 1705, owing
to the fact that a ship previously arrived from the West
Indies had brought yellow fever to the town. The rev-
erend chronicler does not state whether the disease was
still prevalent when he arrived.
1730.
The epidemic of 1730 is the first of which any authentic
record exists. All previous outbreaks of yellow fever
which are said to have prevailed in Cadiz lack sub-
stantiation.
The squadron of Admiral Pintado, contaminated at the
West Indies, brought the fever into Cadiz in 1730. The
mortality was high, but no details are given by our
authority.^^
1731.
Fellowes (page 23) states that yellow fever "prevailed
with equal fury" in the year 1731. Two symptoms were
particularly noted as being most fatal in this disorder,
''^Berenger-Feraud, p. 39.
"Labat: Nouveau Voyage aux lies d'Amerique, Paris, 1742.
" Berenger-Feraud, p. 44; Fellowes, p. 23.
SPAIN CADIZ. 527
viz., spots of a livid yellow or dark color, and were the
certain forerunners of the black vomit. The Spanish
physicians wer6 of the opinion that the malady was of! a
pestilential nature, and they advised the magistrates to
take the necessary precautions. The Court was then at
Seville, and Don Josef Cervi, physician to Carlos III (at
that time Duke of Parma and Placentia), was directed
to send a practitoner from Seville to examine into thel
origin and character of the disorder which was raging in
Cadiz. For some unexplained reason, the result of this
investigation was never published and the full extent of
the epidemic which devastated Cadiz in 1731 is left to
conjecture.
1733.
Spanish tradition^^ asserts that yellow fever was pres-
ent in Cadiz during the year 1733. No authentic docu-
ments have been found giving any detailed description of
this outbreak, but the prevalence does not appear to have
been extensive.
1734.
A mild epidemic of yellow fever prevailed in Cadiz in
1734. Authors are divided as to whether this outbreak
was due to new importation from the West Indies or the
sea coast towns of Atmerica or a repullulation of the germs
of the previous yeair.^'^
1736.
A few cases were observed in 1736.^®
1740.
Another mild manifestation in 1740.^'^
'"Bally,, p. 42; Eager, p.. 15.
" Berenger-Feraud, p. 45.
'' Berenger-Feraud, p. 45.
°° Bally, p. 44; Berenger-Feraud, p. 47.
5i8 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
1741.
Yellow fever prevailed at Cadiz in 1741.®^ That same
year, nearly 10,000 persons died from the disease in
Malaga.
■ 1744.
Cadiz was again afflicted in 1744, the infection being
brought by vessels from the West Indies. The outbreak
was of moderate iutensity.^^
1745.
In 1745, another mild manifestation.^-
1746.
A vessel from Cuba infected Cadiz in 1746.^^
1753.
The squadron of Admiral Don Pedro de la Cerda
brought fever from tlie West Indies to Cadiz in 1753. The
outbreak was not extensive.^^
1761.
A few cases were observed in 1761, according to
Tariset.^^
1763.
The outbreak of 1763 was quite severe, and was
importeil by "a vessel from America." There had been
several deaths from yellow fever on board during the
voyage, but the captain concealed this fact from the
"" Berenger-Feraud, p. 47.
" Eager, p. 16.
"- Berenger-Ferraud, p. 49.
"'Eager, p. 16; Berenger-Feraud, p. 49.
"Eager, p. 16.
""^Pariset: Histoire Medicale de la Fievre Jaiine Observee en
SPAIN CADIZ. 519
authorities and the vessel was admitted tO' pratique im-
mediately upon her arrival. Shortly aftei". cases broke
out in a tavern where sailors from this vessel had Iodised,
and thence spread to the adjoininf>- houses, occupied by
the poorer classes. The progress of the malady was slow,
but it finally spread to other quarters of the town and
caused much mortality. Ships near the sliore suffered,
but those anchored a mile or more from the wharves were
not infected. ^^
1764.
In the month of September 1764, the traditional "ship
from America" brought yelloAV fever to Cadiz. Chroniclers
disagree as to the extent of the epidemic, but Lind,^^ a
recognized authority, states that it was very fatal, a hun-
dred deaths being recorded in a single day.
1765.
In the month of April, 1765, two persons visited a room
where cases had occurred Ihe year before and ransacked
some old clothes which had been left undisturbed in a
closet since the death of the occupants of the house. The
couple were shortly after taken ill and died with the
characteristic symptoms of yellow fever. The malady
did not spread.^^
1780.
A few cases were observed in 1780.*^^
"" Berenger-Feraud, p. 53.
"Lind: Diseases Incidental to Europeans in Hot Climates (First
American Edition, 1811), p. 91.
"' Berenger-Feraud, p. 54.
°"Hirsch: Deutsche Vierteljahrsschrift fur Offentl. Gesdhts.-
Pfleg., vol. 4, pajrt 3, pp. 353-377. Also: Berenger-Feraud,
p. 57.
530 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
1784.
Sporadic cases were observed in 1784.'^
1790.
Scattered cases erupted in 1790.'^
1792.
A few cases are recorded for 1792."^
1800.
We now come to a recital of the greatest epidemic of
yellow fever which has ever invaded Cadiz, and which,
radiating into neiohboring localities, plunged Spain in
mourning. In Cadiz alone, one-sixth of the population
perished in the space of little more than three months.
Havana^ the Eternal Source of Infection.
Assordina* to the various authors who have written
'"Robert, Guide Sanitaire, vol. 1, p. 88.
Berenger-Feraud, p. 58.
Pariset, p. 104.
'^Robert, vol. 1, p. 88; Pariset, p. 104.
'- Robert, vol. 1, p. 88.
Berenger-Feraud, p. 60.
Pariset, p. 104.
SPAIN CADIZ, 1800. 531
on the subject,'^'^ the importation of the disease is attri-
buted to the bri<^ Dolphin, which sailed from Havana at
the end of May, 1800, arrived at Charleston, S. C, on the
30th of the same mionth, whence she sailed on June 11,
after embarking three sailors, finally arriving at Cadiz
on July 6.
When the vessel arrived at Cadiz, the captain reported
that three of the crew had died from yellow fever during
the voj-age across the Atlantic. He was refused pratique
and the vessel remanded for observation. On July 15,
after ten days of apparently rigid isolation, and twenty
days after the last death, the health of all on board being
reported perfect, the vessel was permitted to disembark
her passengers and discharge her cargo.
Two other vessels are also suspected of having infected
Cadiz:
"See the following works:
Bally, Typhus d'Amerique, p. 70.
Bancroft, Essay on Yellow Fever, p. 439.
Beienger-Feraud, p. 68.
Berthe: Precis Historique de la Maladie qui a Regne en
Andaloucie en 1800. Paris, 1801.
Eager: Bull. No. 5, Yellow Fever Inst., p. 16.
Fellowes, p. 37,
Ameller: Descripcion de la Enfermedad Epidemica que tuva
Principio en la Ciudad de Cadiz, etc., 'Cadiz, 1800.
Arejula: Breve Descripcion de la Fiebre Amarilla, etc. Madrid,
1806.
Assalini: Remarks on the Yellow Fever of Cadiz, etc. New
York, 1806.
EdiQburgh Medical Journal, 1815, vol. 11, p.p. 389, 390.
Halle: Jl. de Med., Chir., Phar., etc., Paris, 1801, vol. 1, p. 291.
Dictionaire des Sciences Medicales, Vol. 15, p. 347.
Jackson, p. 16.
O'Halloran, p. 17.
La Roche, vol. 1, pp. 534; 536.
Pascalis: Medical Repository, New York, 1808, vol. 11, p. 131.
Schousboc; Jl. d. Pract. Arzuk. und Wundarzuk. (Jena und
Berlin) 1801, vol. 11, p, 84.
Supplement to Madrid Gazette, Tuesday, October 28, 1800.
Peaez: Theses de Paris, 1825, No. 127, p. 13.
Various official Spanish documents.
53J HISTOUV OF YELLOW FEVER.
The Agiiila, which sailed from Havana May 28, 1800,
stopped at San Lncar de Baranieda (Spain), during the
last days of June, Avhere the crew dispersed and other
men were shipped, and reached Cadiz June 30, six days
after the arrival of the Dolphin.
The ship Jupiter, which cleared from Vera Cruz, Feb-
ruary 4, 1800, and arrived at Cadiz March 28. A few
days after her departure from Vera Cruz, one of the
officers fell ill and died in a few days. Then, one after
another, all hands on board were taken sick. The condi-
tion of the ship was at one time so des]ierate that the
captain was at one time undecided whether to proceed
on the voyage or return to Havana. The crew, however,
made an uneventful recovery and the vessel continued on
her way.
Eager {loc. fit., p. 10), states that in addition to the
three vessels which fell under direct suspicion, a large
number of A'essels were continually entering the port from
trans- Atlantic ports, and that by order of the King, dated
February 1, 1800, it was absolutely prohibited to suluuit
to quarantine any vessel coming from America. Thus all
safeguards were for a time removed.
The Wages of Offieidl Vorniplion.
The reason why the Dolphin is principally incriminated
in the infection of Cadiz, is due to the folowing facts,
narrated by Fellowes (p. 38) : The Board of Health of
Cadiz was at the period under discussion, merely a nom-
inal establishment; health officers were, howeve7% ap-
pointed, who took the duty by turns weekly. At the time
the DfAphuv arrived in the harbor, a man named Vallialta
was the Dipiitado dc i^-^auidad, or meml)er of Health Board,
was on duty. When the Dolphin was ]»ut under observa-
tion, it was currently reported in Cadiz that money had
been paid to this pei'son, which bribe induced him not
only to give the ship ])ratique sooner than the time re-
quired, but to connive at the communication which took
place with persons from shore, and particularly with
SPAIN CADIZ, 1800. 533
smugglers and others living in Sopranis and Boqueta
streets.
The Pre-Epidemic Cases.
The first cases were observed early in Augaist, in the
persons of two health guards who had been on board the
Dolphin, and who were taken ill on returning to their
lodgings in the Barrio de Santa Maria, One died; the
other recovered.
Whether imported by the Jupiter, Aguila or the Dol-
phin, or by the nondescript craft which entered tlie har-
bor of Cadiz in 1800, there is no disputing the fact that
the fever was brought from abroad, as yellow fever has
never originated on Spanish soil. It is also of record that
the state of the public health of Cadiz was excellent up
to the beginning of August, when a certain species of
fever made its appearance in the Barrio de Santa ]Maria,
which from the violence and singularity of its symptoms
and the uncommon rapidity Avitli which its course was
terminated, attracted the attention of the practitioners
of the ancient metropolis of Spain,
While Doctor's Wrangled^ Cases Multiplied.
The malady, although at first confined to two streets —
Boqueta and Sopranis — in the Barrio de Santa INfaria,
inhabited by sailors and customhouse employes, continued
daily to gain ground and, in whatever house it appeared,
every person in the family was attacked. The frequent
deaths alarmed the magistrates, Avho, anxious to check
the evil, assembled all the practitioners of the town, to
deliberate On the measures of precautions to be taken;
but upon this, as upon other similar' occasions noted in
this history, useless discussion arose, each individual
thinking it incumbent upon himself to do all the talking
and advance all the theories, with the result that general
confusion arose and the deliberations led to nothing. The
prevailing disorder was attributed to all the causes which
have ever been assigned for the production of fever and
53 ♦ HISTORY OF YELLOW FIVER.
nKiDT names were <iiven to it, such as svnochal, putrid,
bilious, ephemeral, etc. ; in fact, exerj designation except
the correct one — yellow fever.
While the physicians and health authorities of Cadiz
were wrangling as to its diagnosis, the "mysterious fever"
was daily gaining ground; by the middle of August, the
number of deaths amounted to twenty or thirty a day.
The Follies of Superstition and Ignorance.
On August 20, the news were spread through the Barrio
de Santa Maria, that Villialta, the man accused of haA'-
ing permitted unlawful communications between the Dol-
phin and the inhabitants of Cadiz, had cauglit the dis-
ease and, filled with remorse at the effects which he
foresaw were likely to result from his misconduct, refused
all medical assistance vind expired in gTeat agony. This
circumstance aroused the suspicion in the public mind
that the reigning malady was not the common endemic
of Cadiz, which is observed nearly every year, and oc-
casioned so much alarm amongst the inliabitants of that
quarter of the town, that on August 23 a mob assembled
before the house of the fijindico Person rro (or head of
the municipality) and sujjplicated him to permit them to
form a procession through the streets, bearing aloft the
image of Our Savior (N-nestro Padre Jesus), as a means
of arresting the progiess of the malady. Tlie lower
classes of Spain are naturally ignorant and superstitious,
and such was the terror of this fanatic people, that they
considered tliemselves the objects of offended Heaven and
imagined that by following the Cross with humility, they
Avould effectually appease the anger of the Deity. The
magistrate, dreading this assemblage of pei'sons in a part
of the town where the disorder Avas spreading, in vain en-
deavored to quiet their apprehensions, but all reasoning
was ineffectual, and the procession took place, passing
"A similar procession was held at Antequera during the
epidemic of 1804, and was also followed by dire con-
?equence;. See page 505 of this volume.
SPAIN CADIZ, 1800. 535
through Sopranis and Boqueta streets, and thence to other
quarters of the city, where -.the malady had not yetj
spread."*
The Avorst fears of the magistrate were soon realized.
In a few days, cases of the fever erupted in Barrios of
San Antonio, and on August 27, the pestilence was wide-
spread. On that day 157 deaths were reported.
The i^anic was uoav at its height and it is recorded that
13,992 persons fled from the' pest-cursed city.
Desolation.
Cadiz was now a vast charnel house. It was ordered
that the dead should be conveyed away in carts and buried
outside the town ; the ringing of bells was prohibited and
every measure adopted to tranquilize the minds of the
people, ~ but the dread of this awful calamity was so
strongly impressed on every individual, that it seemed
only to increase the aptitude to take the disease, and many
instances are recorded of deaths acelerated soleh' by the
terror thus induced.
By the middle of September, the deaths amounted to
200 daily. All those who could do so, had fled from the
city. The streets Avere deserted, the shops, drug-store
and public places closed, and the air became so vitiated,
that its noxious state affected even animals and birds.
Dogs, cats, cattle, etc., were attacked by some disease or
other, and died by the thousands ; canary birds died with
blood issuing from their bills and even the pugnacious
sparrow migrated to purer atmospheres.
The unfortunate inhabitants of Cadiz might have
mournfully applied to themselves the f^)ll()wing lines
taken from Boucher's immortal poem describing the rav-
ages of the plague of Marseilles :
"Cliaque instant voyait hors dcs inuraillcs,
S'ai^ancer tout rcmpli Ic chiir dcs fiuicraUJes;
Sans parens, sans amis, sans pretre, sans flambeau,
Nulle voix ne suivant se mohile tmnheau"
5S6 HISTORY OF YELLOW FKVER.
Ajtnid this scene of desolation, the most perfect order
prevailed among those who had remained in the city.
Althouiih several leadiuo- members of the municipal gov-
ernment had been early carried off by the fever, the popu-
lace behaved admirably, and none of the disgraceful
scenes took place AVhich had occurred in other towns of
the Kingdom during the periods of public calamity.
A Rift in the Clouds.
At the time under observation, England and France
were engaged in one of their periodical disiigTeements.
Spain had allied itself with France against the common
enemy and Johnny Bull sent a fleet to blockade the ports
of the doughty Ca.stillians. Early in October the British
fleet under Lord Keith appeared before Cadiz; and this
novel and startling sight produced an extraordinary ef-
fect upon the minds of the populace. The fear of an
attack roused this courageous people to individual ex-
ertions for their defense, and they swarmed from their
closed infected houses to repel the invading force. The
transition from a melancholy contemplation of the spectre
of pestilence to a state of belligerency against a hated
enemy, combined with the inception of the cool season,
seemed to have a magical effect upon the health condi-
tions of the city. From that date, the disease gradually
decreased, and by October 30, only 357 cases were under
treatment and the mortality was unimportant.
On November 12, the pestilence came at an end and the
city was oflftcially declared in a state of health by the
celebration of the Tc Deiim.
Total Cases and Deaths.
Authorities differ as to the exact proportions of cases
and deaths. The mortality from yellow fever has been
prodigious in nearly epidemic that has invaded Spain;
but the precise number of deaths has never been abso-
lutely correct, owing to the natural demoralized con-
SPAIN CADIZ. 537
dition of affairs and the difficulty of obtaining au-
thentic data. Jackson (lor. cit., p. 137), states that it
may be said Avith safety that the mortality was not in
reality less than one-half of those who were attacked.
The generally accepted figures, so far as the epidemic of
1800 is concerned, are as follows, {La Roche, vol. 1, p.
534) :
Cases, 48,520; deaths, 10,946.
Arejula (loc. cit., p. 256), says that it is a sorrowful
fact that all the localities in Spain where the disease
obtained a foothold, owed their misfortunes to the inhabi-
tants of Cadiz, who fled to them, not with any intention
of introducing the disorder, but to save their lives by
talving refuge in places where no disease whatever pre-
vailed at the time. Thus it happened that the seeds of
this pestilence were scattered in the neighboring towns,
such as Puerto de Santa Maria, Isla de Leon, Puerto
Real, San Lucar and others, causing a total mortality of
61.363 in the Kingdom.'^^
1801.
Another outbreak, but not as mortal as that of the
previous year, prevailed in Cadiz in 1801. Tlie disease
was observed principally in a newly-arrived regiment, and
its spread was not very extensive.''^^
1802.
In the year 1802, five hundred cases were observed in
Cadiz. These cases all came from ships in the harbor,
and were transported to the hospital of San Juan de
Dios by order of Admiral Gravina. The malady did not
spread to the inhabitants.'^^
"The detailed mortality in the principal cities and towns in
Spain during the epidemic of 1800, will be found in our
chronological tables for that year.
'" Periodico de la Sociedad Medico-Quirirgica de Cadiz, 1822, p.
23; Eerenger-Feraud. p. 70; O'Halloran, p. 177.
"Dariste: Recherches Pratiques sur la Fievre Jaune (Paris,
1825). p. 61.
538 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEYER.
1803.
In 1803, according to Eager, yellow fever spread widely
in Cadiz and resulted in great loss of life."^ The number
of fatalities is not stated.
1804
Cadiz was infected by refugees from Malaga in 1804,
and suffered cruelly. The first case was observed August
28, and from that date until November 5, when the epi-
demic came to an end, 5,000 cases were recorded, of which
2,892 proved fatal (2,692 males and 200 females). ^^
1807.
After three years of respite, Cadiz again found herself
threatened with an invasion of yellow fever. The out-
break was confined to the French squadron ni the Bay
of Cadiz, and did not spread to the shore.^^
1808.
A few cases were imported to Cadiz in 1808, but the
developments were unimportant.^^
1810.
In August, 1810, yellow fever was introduced into
Cadiz by smugglers, and .soon attained the proportions
of an epidemic. Our autthorities {Berenger-Feraud, p-
83 and Eager, p. 21) do not give any details.
"Eager, p. 18.
"La Roche,' vol. 1, p. 536: Fellowes, p. 479.
*" Second Report on Quarantine (London, 1852), p. 202.
" Eager, p. 20.
SPAIN CADIZ. 539
1811.
Santa Cruz de Teneriffe, which had been contaminated
by Cadiz in 1810, infected that city in 1811. The out-
break was not general. ^-
1812.
Keating"^"^ claims that yellow fever was epidemic in
Cadiz in 1812, but we have not been able to substantiate
the statement.- Onlj a few imported cases were observed.
1813.
In 1813 Cadiz was in a flourishing condition once more
and had a population of 130,000. During the last days
of July, the warshi]> Saint-Pierre^ from Vera Cruz, having
the vice-roy of Mexico on board, entered the harbor. There
was no history of yellow fever on board, and the illus-
trious passenger was received with open arms by the in-
habitants, and the crew allowed the fredom of the town.
Shortly afterwards, cases of yellow fever began to appear
in the richest and most fashionable part of the city, the
first to be attacked being the nephew of the viceroy, who
died a few days after the onset. From this focus, the
disease radiated to other quarters of the town, finally
becoming violently epidemic. We have been unal)le to
discover the number of cases, but the mortality is said to
liave been 4,000.^^
1814.
IMany cases were observed in Cadiz in 1814. Keating
claims that the disease was e])idemic, but no aulheutic
records can be found to substantiate the report.^^
^ Berenger-Feraud, p. 84.
^^ Keating: History of Yellow Fever, p. 83.
"Berenger-Feraud, p. 85; Keating, p. 83.
'^•"■Berenger-Feraud, p. 85; Keating, p. 83.
540 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
1817.
The famous Spanish phTsician, Arejula, is quoted by
Pariset and Eobert^*^ as saving that his little daughter
died of yellow fever in the month of August, 1817. This
would tend to indicate that the disease was prevalent
that year in Cadiz, but no mention is made in any of the
works we have consulted, nor in public documents, of any
other case. Apart from the statement accredited to him
by Pariset, Arejula himself is silent on the subject. Ber-
enger-Feraud leans to the belief that the case spoken of
by Arejula was probably one of malignant icterus and
not yellow fever.
The frequent application of the word vomifo prcta at
that period to any dark fluid ejected from the stomach,
tended no doubt to create obscurity as to the character
of diseases; and in Spain, medical men, for want of a
better name, sometimes employed the word firhre dudoso-
(fever of a doubtful nature) when speaking of an epi-
demic characterized by febrile manifestations and black
vomit.
1819.
The great epidemic of yellow fever which devastated
Cadiz in 1810 lias only been equaled in intensity and mor-
tality by that of 1800. As on previous occasions, unend-
ing acrimonious discussions aro^e as to its origin, and
scores of contradictory theories were formulated. Public
opinion even went so far as to accuse the warship ^an
Juliono, from Calcutta, of having imported the pestil-
ence; but as the vessel had been on duty at the Philip-
pines previous to arriving at Calcutta, this contention
was easily punctured. What placed the San-Jiiliano un-
der sus]ucion, was the fact that the vessel had scarcely
begun to load a cargo of cannon powder at Tsla de Leon,
when suspected cases of yellow fever appeared among the
persons employed on board. The disease also broke out
in the quarter of the city called Barrio del Christo, where
I
Pariset, p. 104; Robert, vol. 1, p. 88.
SPAIN CADIZ, 18 19. 541
the baggage of the crew of the San-Jiiliano had been
deposited.
The ship Asia, which arrived in the port from Vera
Cruz and Havana at about the same time, Avas also ac-
cused of having infected Cadiz. This accusation seems
to us to have been well-founded, for several deaths from
yellow fever had taken place on board while the Asia
was in mid-ocean, and the health conditions of the ves-
sel appeared so unsatisfactory that she was refused pra-
tique, and the captain ordered to proceed to the quaran-
tine station at Port Mahon for further observation. The
fears of the liealtli autliorities of Cadiz seem to have been
well grounded, for three individuals employed in dis-
charging the cargo at Port Mahon contracted the malady
and died.
It is therefore evident that the Asia could easily have
contaminated the ^au -Julia no before being sent to Port
INIalion. It is also of record that passengers from the
Asia "escaped" during the night while the vessel was in
the harbor of Cadiz, and went to their homes in the
Barrio del CJirisfo, the locality where the first cases were
observed. Merchandise Avas also smuggled on shore wliile
the guards were "looking the other way."
When news spread tlmt cases of^ yellow fever had
broken out in the BajTio del Christo, the inhabitants w^ere
greatly alarmed, and at the instigation of a public demon-
stration, the commandant of the city sent his chief san-
itary officer, Dr. Flores, to Isla de Leon where the orig-
ioal cases had been observed, to study the disease and
report on its nature. Dr. Flores, convinced from his in-
vestigations that the disease was yellow fever, declared
that rigorous measures alone could avert a disaster. But
his counsels were not listened to. On the contrary, he
was accused of high treason and held for trial before
a tribunal of war. The commanding general assured the
alarmed population that yellow fever did not exist on the
Isla de Leon, and boastingiy added the ratlier unintel-
ligible information, that should it enter the city of Cadiz,
he was prepared to meet it with the point of his sword.
542 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
Notwithstanding all assurances to the contrary, the un-'
heeded warning of the unfortunate Flores came true. The
scourge struck with frightful force, and among the first
to run away from the city was the bombastic general.
The population of Cadiz in 1819 was only 72,000, war
with France and the unceasing drain upon the Spanish
cities to maintain peace in the colonial possessions of the
Kingdom haying reduced the male population about one-
half. The yirulence of the feyer may be deduced from
the fact that out of this small population, there resulted
48,000 cases, of which 5,000 proyed mortal.^'''
1820.
The following year (1820) a few sporadic cases were
obseryed. We can find no record of fresh importation,
and the first cases no doubt owed their origin to the re-
awakening of infected mosquitoes which had remained
inactiye during the cool season.
The first case was a Frenchman, who returned from
IMadrid in February, and who took lodgings in a sitiall
room where, during the preceding epidemic, two persons
had died of yellow feyer and one had been yery ill. At
the end of May, the new-comer was attacked with the
diagnostic symptoms of yellow feyer.
The second case was the ordinario of the Bishop of
Cadiz, who slept in a dark, ill-yentillated room, where in
the foregoing year, his predecessor had died of yellow
feyer.
Our source of information^^ does state whether these
cases proyed fatal or not.
We infer from Dr. O'llalloran's report that the out-
break was not extensiye. Whether the escape of Cadiz
from an inyasion of yellow feyer can be attributed to the
*' Berenger-Feraud, p. 89; Eager, p. 21; La Roche, vol. 1, p. 536.
«' O'Halloran, p. 177 (foot note) ; Periodico de la Sociedad Medico-
Quirirgical de Madrid, 1822, p. 23.
* See histories of the epidemic which ravaged these localities,
under the proper chapters in this volume.
SPAIN CADIZ, 5i3
inactivity of the Calopac or to the probability that the
wiclesrpead epidemic of the previous year had left no non-
immune material, we cannot say. It is one of these in-
scrutable problems which often confronts the searcher
after knowledge, and which no amount of reflection can
elucidate.
1821.
The frightful epidemic of 1821 is one of the darkest
pages in the history of Spain, and nearly depopulated
Barcelona, Tortosa, Malaga, Asco, Palma and other thriv-
ing cities of the Kingdom. .Cadiz, however, escaped the
full force of the pestilential wave. There were cases and
deaths here and there, but the attacks were so limited that
they scarcely deserve the denomination of an epidemic.**'"^
The origin of the case^ observed in Cadiz in 1821 is
shrouded in mystery. All that is known, is that the first
persons who suffered, lived in that part of the town in»
habited by smugglers and the poorer classes, and that
the first cases erupted in the dwellings of smugglers who
had "recently arrived from the Bay." From this last
observation, it may be logically surmised that the infec-
tion was contracted on ship-board.
Conotusioii^-lS21 to 1909.
There is no record of yellow fever having been imported
to Cadiz since 1821. The awesome fierceness of the epi-
demic of 1821 in Spain, and the havoc produced in the
wealth and life of the richest industrial section of the
peninsula by frequently repeated and devastating pestil-
ences, attracted the attention of other nations. There
were accusations of negligence in the enforcement of san-
itary regulations. This led the Spanisli government to
adopt extraordinary precautions for the prevention of
future disasters of this character. The leading academies
"' O'Halloran, pp. 70; 164.
544 HISTORY OF YEIXOW FEVER.
and societies of medicine in the Kingdom were interpel-
lated as to whether yellow fever could be considered of
American origin and of an infectious and contagious
nature. The physicians of Spain, like those of every
other nation on the globe, when a question is brought up
for final decision, could not agree Avhen it came to a vote,
but the majority were convinced of the exotic nature of
the disease, and that it was "infectious and contagious."
As a consequence, stringent provisions of maritime sanita-
tion were devised and put into effect, and save the epi-
demic of El Passajes in 1823 and that of Gibraltar in
1828, yellow fever ceased to obtain a foothold in Spain
after the disaster of 1821.
CANETA DE MAR.
1821.
Although only twenty-six miles north of Barcelona, on
the Mediterranean, Caneta de Mar experienced but a
single invasion of yellow fever. The facts are as follows:^*'
During the last days of August, 1821, a young car-
penter of Caneta de ]\rar, while seeking employment in
Barcelona, was hired to do some work on board the ship
Talla-Piedra. (This vessel, it will be remembered, in-
fected Barcelona that year and caused a terrible epi-
demic). ITe Avas shortly afterward taken ill and returned
home, where he arrived on September 5. On the lOtli,
he was a corpse. His mother was attacked on the 12th
and died on the 15th. The house was hermetically closed
by the authorities, and no one allowed to enter it until
the advent of the cold weather, when it was thoroughly
aerated before any one was permitted to inhabit it.
No other case erupted in the village.
Ba]ly, Francois and Pariset, pp. 51; 57.
SPAIN, 545
CANETA-LA-REAL.
1800.
<
Refugees from infected localities contaminated Caneta-
la-Real in 1800. Only a few cases were observed.^^
1800
CARMONA.
The population of Carmona snffered cruelly during the
epidemic of 1800, according to Chervin.^^
The number of cases and deaths is not stated.
1802.
A few yelloAV fever patients escaped from the public
hospit<als of Cadiz in 1802,, and sought refuge among
friends in Carmona. Most of the refugees died, but did
not contaminate the inhabitants of Carmona. {Pariset,
p. 79).
CARRACA.
1800.
The disastrous epidemic of 1800 invaded Carraca and
claimed 515 victims.®^ The number of cases is not given.
CARRANA.
Several writers mention the fact that yellow fever pre-
vailed at Carrana during the epidemic period in Spain
(1800-1822), but do not state the year.
•-Rougeau: Theses de Paris, 1827, No. 119.
"-Chervin: Examen Critique, etc., p. 56,
"La Roche, vol. 1, p. 534.
5t6 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
CARTAGENA.
Yellow Fever Years.
1753; 1804; 1810; 1811; 1812.
Summary of Epidemics.
1753.
"Ships of war from America" are said to have brought
yellow fever to Cartegena in 1753. There was no exten-
sive spread of the disease.^"*
1804.
For over fifty years, we hear of no importation of yel-
low fever to Cartagena. In 1804, smugglers communi-
cating with a vessel on which deaths had occurred from
the disease and which was still in quarantine, brought
the infection on shore. The first victim was the daughter
of the Swedish consul, in whose house the smugglers had
secreted goods surreptitiously taken from the vessel above
mentioned. A nun who had visited the young girl in
question and who had been given handkerchiefs to hem
(these goods having also been smuggled from the same
vessel), was t<aken ill with yellow fever and died. Seven
other nuns living in the same convent rapidly succumbed
to the disease and the balance fled, the majority carrying
the germs of the fever with them, and dying in the places
where they sought refuge. The disease soon made its
appearance along the principal street of the toAvn, mn-
ning its course from house to house, until it finally in-
vaded every quarter of the town.
The population of Cartagena in 1804 was 33,222. ,From
September 5, when the first case was observed, to Jan-
uary 23, 1805, the date of the extinction of the epidemic,
" Eager, p. 16.
I
SPAIN CARTAGENA. 547
11,445 persons fell victims to the pestilence, of which
7,630 were males and 3,815 females.^^
1810.
Yellow fever appeared for the third time in the history
of Cartagena in 1810. Its ravages were considerable, but
no authcQtic statifJtics are obtainable.^^
1811.
YelloAv fever reappeared in 1811. The war with France
militated against the enforcement of preventive measures
and the disease soon became epidemic and spread to ad-
joining cities and towus.^^
1812.
The outbreak of 1812 was not extensive, lot pfoved
very fatal. It prevailed principally among the British
troops stationed in the city. The first unequivocal case
was that of Major-General Ross, who died with black
vomit on September 26, at Galleras, a fort situated at the
summit of a hill on the west side of the town. The in-
fection rapidly spread to the balance of the troops, and
by October, over 100 cases were under treatment. On Oc-
tober 5, about seventy of the worst cases were (ransported
on board an improvised hospital ship. Three died the
evening they arrived on board, two the day following,
and, in the course of a few days, twenty more fatalities
were recorded. From October 5 to December 21, when
»' Ba],ly, p. 447
Fellowe:;. p. 478.
La Roche, vol. 1. p. 359.
Mimaiit: Memcire siir la Nature des Maladies Endemiques it,
Cartagene (Paris, 1819), p. 47.
°« Eager, p. 21; Berenger-Feraiid, p. S3; Mimaut, loc. cit.
»' Berenger-Feraud, p. 84; Eager, p. 21; Mimaut, loc. cit.
348 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
the epidemic became extinct, all the ''bad cases" were
transported to this vessel. The mortality was heavy.^^
Of the prevalence of the fever among the inhabitants
of Cartagena during this epidemic, the records are very
unsatisfactory- and no authentic dafta could be found as
to the total number of cases and deaths. It is, therefore,
to be presumed that the malady was confined chiefly to
the invading army.
CATALAN BAY.
1813.
The little village of Catalan Bay (known also by the
name of La Caleta, and inhabited i^rincipally by fisher-
men and washerwomen) is located a few miles east of
Gibraltar. A single case of yellow fever was ol>served
there in 1813, in the person of Antonio Perez, aged 28,
who had gone to Gibraltar on business. On his return
home, he was taken ill, but the fact was concealed from
the inspector. He recovered Avithout contaminating any
other inhabitant of the village.^^
1814.
In 1814, during the prevalence of yellow fever at Gib-
raltar, twelve of the inhabitants of Catalan Bay, who had
visited the former place, were taken ill on their return
home. Most of those attacked concealed their illness from
the inspector, from fear of being sent to the Lazaretto,
and the majority died while pursuing their avocations —
some in the streets and some in their fishing-smacks.
Only those who had communicated with Gibraltar con-
tracted the disease.^^^
""Proudfoot: Dul)lin Hospital Reports, 1818, vol. 2, p. 254. Also
Berenger-Feraud, p. 85; Eager, p. 21; Mlmaut, loc. cit.
'" Documens Recueillis par MM. Chervin, Louis et Trousseau.
Paris, 1830, vol. 2, pp. 62; 116.
>~ Ibid., p. 120.
SPAIN. 549
1828.
The virulent epidemic of yellow fever which made
1,677 victims in Gibraltar in 1828, was introduced into
Catalan Bay by a water-carrier, whose occupation com-
pelled him to make daily pilgrimages to the city. This
man, taken sick about September 18. died on the 23rd.
His family consisted of his wife and four children. Two
of the children were next attacked, then the mother and
then the remaining children. All but one boy followed
the unfortunate water-carrier to the grave.
From this focus, the disease radiated in every direction,
and hardly an inhabitant of the hamlet escaped an
attack.ioi
CHICLANA.
1800.
Like the balance of the towns in Southern Spain, Chic-
lana was invaded by the "yellow pestilence" in 1800.
Out of a population of 10,000, 1,328 died. ( La Roche,
vol. 1, /). 534).
1819.
The widespread epidemic of 1819 spread to Chiclana
and caused much mortality. {Berenger-Feraud, p. 90).
CHIPIONA.
At some time or other, during the epidemics which
desolated Spain from: 1800 to 1828, Chipiona suffered
from yellow fever, but the authors we have consulted do
not state the exact date. (See the vague and unsatis-
factory accounts given by Chervin, Pariset, Bally and
other ancients who have discussed at length the great
epidemics of yellow fever in Spain).
Ibid., p. 2; Berenger-Feraud, p. 106.
550 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
CHURRIANA.
1800.
Churriana, suburb of jNIalaga was, in 1800, a separate
communitY, inhabited principally by bakers, who sup-
plied the metropolis with bread. Only one ease was ob-
served in the village that year, in the person of the wife
of a baker, who recovered.^*^^
1804
In 1804, yellow fever committed fearful ravages in
Malaga.^^^ Thirty-two inhabitants of Churriana, who
had brought bread and other provisions to Malaga, re-
turned home with the, disease in their sj'stem and died.
The disease did not spread, only those who had communi-
cated with the seat of infection falling victims to the
pestilence.^^^
CIEZA.
{See Zieza).
COIN.
1801.
Refugees from Malaga infected Coin in 1804. The dis-
ease did not spread to the inhabitants of tlie village, being
confined to the imported cases. ^*^''
"*- Chervin, Examen Critique, p. 52.
"" See Malaga, year 1S04.
'"^Dariste, p. 62; Fellowe^, pp. 181; 185.
''"Fellowes, p. 181.
SPAIN. 551
CONIL.
1800-1821.
Chervin^*'^ states that between the years 1800 and 1821,
inclusive, 172 persons affected with yellow fever came to
Conil from Cadiz and other infected localities, but in no
instance w^as the infection transmitted to the residents
of the village. pMost of the cases proved fatal.
CORDOVA.
1800.
fA few fugitives from Cadiz were treated in an isolated
section, of the Cordova general hospital in 1800. There
was no spread of the malady.^^^
1802.
In 1802, five hundred cases of yellow fever were sent
from vessels in the harbor to the public hospital of Cadiz.
A few patients escaped to Cordova and other localities.
There was no diffusion of the malady.^^^
1804.
The only epidemic of yellow fever in Cordova, of which
there is any record, took place in 1804. The population
was then 40,000. The first ca.^se came from Malaga and
erupted September 28. From that period until November
14, the date of the last case, there were 400 deaths, of
which 180 were males and 220 females.^o^ It is worthy
of note that this is one of the few epidemics of
'"'Chervin: Examen 'Critique, ;». 54; Rougeau, Theses de PaTls,
1S27, Xo. 119.
'"^ Bally, p. 74.
"' Pariset, p. 79.
^"'Fellowes, p. 47S; Chervin, Examen Critique, p. 3.
55i HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
yellow fever in Spain in which the mortality was greater
among women than men.
CORIA.
1800.
Coria, six miles south of Seville, was contaminated by
the latter in 1800. Mortality, 450.iio
CORTES DE LX FRONTERA.
/ 1800.
During the general epidemic of 1800, refugees from in-
fected points brought yellow fever to Cortes de la Fron-
tera. The infection did not spread to the inhabitants of
the village.^^^
CORUNNA.
1803; 1822.
Corrunna, the northwesternmost port of Spain, was
threatened with invasions of yellow fever in 1803 and
1822. Energetic sanitary measures were immediately
taken in both instances and the disease confined to im-
ported cases. (Pariset, p. 96).
DOS HERMANAS.
1800.
Seville contaminated Dos Hermanas in 1800. The mor-
tality amounted to 70, all refugees.^^^
' La Roche, vol. 1, p. 534.
Rougeau, Theses de Paris, 1827, No. 119.
La Roche, vol. 1, p. 534.
f
I
SPAIN ECIJA. 55S
EOIJA.
1800.
Ecija, fifty-two miles northeast of Seville, on the Genii
River, is a point of much interest to the tonrist, on ac-
count of its ancient Roman ruins and fine sheltered prom-
enades, but it is so hot as to be called "the frying pan
of Andalusia."
Ecija has been invaded by yellow fever on three occa-
sions only, two epidemics (1800 and 1804) and one im-
portation (1802). The present population of the town
(about 30,000) does not show that much projiress has
been made in this direction, as there were 10,000 souls
within its walls in 1800.
Ecija was contaminated by Seville in 1800. Profiting'
by the terrible experiences of that unfortunate city of
Cadiz, stringent sanitary measures were instituted, and
the disease limited to 400 cases, of which 100 died.^^^
1802.
According to Pariset (page TO), a few cases of yellow
fever were observed in Ecija in 1802. The disease was-
confined to the importations.
1804.
In 1804, the population of Ecija was about the same as
in 1800. On October 8, the first unequivocal case of yel-
low fever was reported, and by the 31st of the month, the
epidemic was widespread. The fever raged until Decem-
ber 20, resulting in 5,000 cases, of which 3,802 proved
fatal. This is another of the few examples where the
mortality was higher among women than men, the figures
being 2,122 for the former, against 1,380 for the latter."*
Bally, p. 75; La Roche, vol. 1, p. 536.
La Roche, vol. 1, p. 536: Fellowes, p. 478; Chervin, Examen.
etc., p. S.
554 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
EL ARAHAL.
{See Arahal).
• EL BORGE.
1804.
The village of El Borge was contaminated in 1804 bv
persons fleeing from Malaga, and lost the greater part of
its population.^^^ The number of cases and deaths is not
stated.
EL PALO.
1804.
El Palo, infected by ^Nfalaga in 1804, suffered cruelly
from yellow fever. "All of the inhabitants were attacked
with the epidemic, and it occasioned great destruction
among them."^^^
EL PASSAJES.
(See Passajcs).
EPREZALENA.
1800.
In common with other towns within the rnrlius of in-
fection, Esprazah'ua Avas invaded by the Saffron Scourge
in 1800. The mortality was inconsequential. ^^^
"•Fellowes, p. 186.
"•"• Fellowes, p. 186.
'" Rougeau, loc. cit.
SPAIN ESPEJO 555
ESPEJO.
1803.
Refugees from Malaga brought j'ellow fever to Espejo
in 1803. The outbreak was not extensive.^^^
1801.
The terrible yellow fever epidemic of the year 1804,
which prevailed at various sea coast towns of Spain, is
said to have made its way into Espejo in the following
manner :^^®
John Cordoba, a muleteer, arrived from Malaga about
five in the evening of the 27th of August, much indis-
posed. He sent for one of the physicians of the place,
who finding the case to be alarming, reported the circum-
stances to the health authorities. Cordoba was himself
impressed with the idea that he was infected with the
plague or epidemic. He had brushed, in passing through
the streets, one of the carts employed to can-y the dead
to the grave. His imagination was struck ; and, conceiv-
ing that touch was sufficient to communicate the mal-
ady, he believed the incident alluded to, to be the actual
cause of the indisposition which he then felt. Various
persons from the adjoining houses visited Cordoba in his
illness, some in friendship, others to purchase things
which he liad brought from ]\ralaga for sale.
When news of Cordoba's illness reached the author-
ities, the patient was at once carried to the open country,
"'Berenger-Feraud, p. 75.
"'Jackson: Yellow Fever on the South Coasts of Spain, p. 23;
Fellowes, p.. 47S; Ballly, p. 90; Eager, p. 20.
* Fellowes gives the following figures: Males, 100; females, 268.
This would give a total of 368. Both Fellowes and Bally
state that the total deaths were 329. It is a noteworthy
fact that the mortality among men has in nearly every
instance been greater than among women during the
epidemics of Andalusia and we have taken the liberty of
adding the missing figures to the male column.
I
556 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
and the remaining- goods, he had brought from Malaga
destroyed. But it was too late. The seeds of infection
were already sown. All those who had visited the mule-
teer during his illness, were taken ill with yellow fever
and a majority died. The disease manifested itself at
first to the portion of the city frequented by the friends
of Cordoba. A rigorous cordon was instituted and thus
the other sections of the city were spared.
Espejo had a population of 4,901 in 1804. From August
27 to November 25, the date of the last death, there were
329 fatalities fromj the fever. Of this number, 161 were
males and 168 females.
ESPERA.
1800.
In 1800, yellow fever invaded Espera and caused a mor-
talitv of 442. The infection undoubtedlv came from
Cadiz.120
1804.
The population of Espera in 1804 was 2,084. The first
rase of yellow fever was observed September 25 ; the last,
December 3. During the course of the epidemic, there
were 439 deaths, of which 280 were males and 159
females.^-^
ESTEPA.
1800.
A single instance of yelloAv fever having invaded Estepa
is recorded. JDuring the general epidemic of 1800, ref-
ugees fled to this village. In spite of the fact that the
scourge was committing fearful ravages in nearly every
city and town in Andalusia, only two persons died of the
disease in Estepa. {La Rochr. vol. 1, p. 5.34).
'=" La Roche, vol. 1, p. 534.
'=' Fellowes, p. 478.
SPAtN. 557
FEEROL.
1858.
Ferrol, twelve miles northeast of Corunna, was con-
fronted with a small epidemic of yellow fever in 1858.
On July 80 of that year, the warship Isabel II entered
the port. She had originally sailed from Havana in the
last days of jNfay, and had sto])ped at Gijon, a port in
the Bay of Biscay, before coming- to Ferrol. On July
81, the day after her arrival, a sailor named Pablo Bor-
rell, who had been ailing for several days, Avas transferred
from the vessel to the military hospital, where he died
of yellow fever on August 1. On August S, three more
sailors from the Isnhcl II died from the same disease
at the hospital. Nine cases in all were admitted to
the hospital. Our souice of information does not state
whether or not there were any further fatalities. The
disease did not spread to the inhabitants of Ferrol.^--
FRAGA.
1821.
Refugees \\ith the poison of yellow fever in their system
fled to Fraga in 1804, and a majority died. The inhabi-
tants of the village were not contaminated.^-^
GIBRALTAR.
Yellow Fever Years.
1G49; 1727; 1798; 1800; 1803; 1804; 1810; 1811; 1813;
1814; 1818; 1822; 1824; 1825; 1826; 1828; 1829.
Capriles: S':glo Medico, Madrid, 1858, vol. 5, p. 284; Vizalde;
Ibid, pp. 263, 282.
Bally, Francois and Pariset, p. 62.
558 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
Historical Resume.
Gibraltar, known to the Greeks as Calpe, was first for-
tified as a strategic point by the Saracen leader, Tarik
Ibu Zeiad, in 711-712, from whom it was thenceforward
called Gebel-al-Tarik, the rock of Tarik. It was ulti-
mately taken by the Spaniards from the Moors in 1462,
fortified in the European style, and so much strengthened
that the engineers of the seventeenth century considered
it impregnable. It was taken, however, after a vigorous
bombardment in 1701 by a combined English and Dutch
force under Sir George Rooke and Prince George of
Darmstadt, and was secured to Britain by tlie Peace of
Utrecht in 1713. Since then it has remained in British
hands, notwithstanding many desperate efforts on the part
of Spain and France to retake it.
Vast sums of money and an immense amount of labor
have been spent by England in fortifying this celebrated
stronghold, which, in case of war, would form one of the
most important points of support for naval operations.
Numerous caverns and galeries, extending two to three
miles in length, and of sufficient width for carriages, have
been cut in the solid rock, with port-holes at intervals of
every twelve yards, bearing upon the neutral ground
w^hich separates the fortress from the mainland and the
Bay of Gibraltar, and mounted with more than 1,000
guns, some of them of the largest size. The regular gar-
rison in time of peace is 5,000.
Summary of Epidemics.
1649.
Historians assert that yellow fever had never been ob-
served at Gibraltar prior to 1803, but ancient documents
and Spanish tradition give vague, but undoubtedly au-
thentic accounts of the prevalence of the disease among the
Spanish garrison, as far back as the middle of the seven-
teenth century.
SPAIN GIBRALTAR. 559
According to the Second Report on' Quarantine, pub-
lished by the General Board of Health of Great Britain
in 1852 {page 153), a Dr. Morillo, who had been employed
at Marabella and other towns in Andalusia during a pes-
tilential outbreak (the nature of which is not stated),
went also to Gibraltar, to investigate an epidemic, which,
according to an old history of Gibraltar by Ayola, proved
so fatal, that the people, losing all confidence in human
means, instituted processions to the neighboring hermit-
age of San Eoque, which were kept up annually in the
month of August, till the surrender of the garrison to
the British in 1704.
Although we have been unable to find any record of
Dr. Morillo's report (if any was ever made), we have
no doubt that this epidemic was one of yellow fever.
1727.
There is a record that the garrison at Gibraltar lost
500 men by fever in 1727, twenty-three years after the
fortress had been taken by the British. The character of
the disease is not described, but the excessive mortality
leaves no doubt that it was yellow fever. ^-*
1798.
Another outbreak of yellow fever on this celebrated
rock, not mentioned in the various works on epidemiology
we have consulted, is said to have taken place in 1798.
This information is contained in a letter written Staif-
Surgeon Hill, of the British Army, dated June 13, 1832,
and published in the Second Report on Quarantine.
It appears from said letter that the 48t]i Regiment
having returned fronii the West Indies a complete skele-
ton, were completed by recruits from the different sup-
plementary corps to the number of 1,100 strong, with
which it immediately embarked on board the Calcutta
Indiaman, September 1, 1798, at Lymington, England,
and arrived at Gibraltar the following month (October) ;
"* (Second Report on Quarantine, p. 153.
560 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
previously to the regiment embarking tliere had been a
detachment on board, and two or three eases of small-pox
occurred; the ship had been fumigated and whitewashed,
but, nevertheless, a few cases of small-pox were debarked
at Gibraltar on the arrival of the regiment at that
fortress; in all other respects the mien were iiealthy, al-
though much crowded on board ship, and such was the
state of equipment that the men appeared in their dif-
ferent county militia uniforms, not having had time to fit
on the proper uniform clothing prior to leaving England.
Soon after the arrival of the corps at Gibraltar, several
cases of yellow or bilious remittent fever made their ap-
pearance, which increased rapidly and proved highly fatal.
Dr. Harness, physician to Lord St. Vincent's fleet de-
clared the fever was precisely the same he had seen in the
West Indies, and requiring the same treatment.
The young recruits were the only sufferers, not an of-
ficer lieing attacked. , Most of the latter had lately re-
turned from the West Indies, but among the subalterns
there were several that had never before been out of
England.
The total mortality amounted to 100. The number of
cases is not stated. ^^^
The fact that the 48th Tlegiment came from tlie West
Indies, a notorious hot-bed of yellow fever, and the high
rate of mortality, leaves no hesitation in our mind that
the disease under discussion was yellow fever.
1800.
In Trotter's Medicina Kautica, it is stated that 257
deaths from "fever" took place at Gibraltar in 1800,
among the military.^-^
Although the word "yellow fever" is not mentioned by
this authority, the fact that this disease was general in
Spain in 1800, and that the average yearly mortality dur-
ing non-epidemic periods among the military had been
only thirty-eight, is conclusive proof that the Antillean
Pestilence prevailed at Gibraltar that year.
*" Second Report, etc., pp. 153; 206,
'^ Second Report, etc., p. 153.
SPAIN GIBRALTAR. 561
1803.
We now come to the first authentic invasion of Gib-
raltar by yellow fever. During the summer months
( l)resumal)ly August), smugglers brought the disease to
to the town. Only a few sporadic cases resulted.^-^
1804.
A reference to our chronology will show that yellow
fever was widespread in Andalusian in 1804. A rigorous
cordon was placed in the environs of Gibraltar, but smug-
glers from Cadiz and iMalaga succeeded in eluding the
vigilance of the coast-guards, and stole into the place.
That they carried something more harmful to public in-
terests than contraband goods is obvious from the sequel.
Some of them developed yellow fever in the midst of the
healthy population of Gibraltar and died, diffusing the
infection among the inhabitants.^-^
The population of Gibraltar in 1804 (both civil and
military) was 15,000. When, the epidemic came to an end,
5,733 fatalities had occurred, 4,864 among the civilians
and 869 among the military.^-^
1810.
Sporadic cases appeared in 1810, causing a mortality
of seventeen among the civilians and six among the
soldiers.^^^
1811.
Gibraltar was infected by Cadiz in 1811. Beyond the
mere mention of this fact, our authority^^^ gives no in-
formation of any value.
"' Berenger-Feraud, p. 74.
"* Eager, p. 19.
""Second Report on Quarantine, p. 158.
""Second Report on Quarantine, p. 158.
'" Berenger-Feraud, p. 84.
562 HISTORY OF YKLLOW FEVER.
1813.
The warship St. Pierre brought yellow fever to Cadiz
in 1813. On August 11 of that year a vessel called the
FoHtiue arrived at Gibraltar from Cadiz. One of the
crew being ill, Avas sent to the Catholic Hospital, and
died on the 19th of the same month, with every symptom
of yellow fever. Nothing untoward happened until the
end of the month, when a Frenchman, a native of Paris,
residing in Government Street, near City Hall Lane, was
taken ill with the same symptoms as the first case, and
died on September 3. It afterwards developed that this
man had been a passenger on board the Fortune, and had
landed the same day as the sailor who died on August 19th.
Between the 3rd and 11th days of September, nine per-
sons died of yellow fever in the same neighborhood. The
disease spread to other streets and the entire town was
soon infected.
The total number of cases and deaths was as follows:
Cases. Deaths.
At Lazaaretto 635 281
In town 684 218
At Military Hospital . . . .1,470 384
2,789 883
Among the deaths at the Military Hospital, were
twenty-four officers, fifty-eight soldiers' wives and six
children. ^^^
1814.
The epidemic of 1814 lasted from August to November,
and claimed the following victims. ^^^
Civilians 132
Soldiers 114
246
'"Gilipin: Medico-Chirurgical Transactions, London, 1814, vol. 5,
pp. 328, 338.
"'Second Report on Quarantine, p. 159.
SPAIN GIBRALTAR. 563
1818.
In the month of August, 1818, a solitary case of yellow
fever, followed by recovery, was observed at Gibraltar.^^*
1822.
Two cases of yellow fever are recorded for the year
1822. They were observed in September.^^^
1824.
Gillkrest, surgeon of the 43rd Light Infantry, reports
having attended two cases of yellow fever at Gibraltar in
1824.* One of the cases was that of a private, whom the
doctor attended, until, in the course of his ministrations,
he was himself taken ill, furnishing the second case.^^**
"*Amiel: Second Report on Quarantine, p. 266.
^^ Amiel, loc. cit.
* As the main abject of the researches made .by the compilers
of the Second Reiport on Quarantine was to uphold the
theory that yellow fever was not always imported to
Gibraltar, but could originate on Spanish soil when certain
climatic and atmospheric conditions were present, the
eminent physicians who conducted the examinations em-
bodied in the Report evidently took advantage of every
honest opportunity to amass evidence to fortify their
pretensions. We theirefore think that the evidence they
gathered regarding the prevalence of sporadic cases in
certain years genuine, nothwithstanding adverse criticism
by numerous authors. Of course, the opinion that the
disease originated on Spanish soil is absurd, our. present
day knowledge leading to the belief that the sporadic
cases noted in this history owed theiir origin simply to
the renewed activity of infected Calopae. Why the
disease did not propagate in those special instances, is
one of these mysteries which Nature veils from human
ken and which no amount of reasoning, however deep or
methodical, can satisfactorily explain.
"'Gillkrest: Second Report on Quarantine, p. 266.
504 HISTORY OK YELLOW FEVER.
Dr. Gillkrost was attended by Dr. Arejiila, pliysieian to
the Kiug of Spain, who lias written learnedly on the
epidemics of Andalusia.
1825.
In November, 1825, two sporadic cases of yellow fever
are said to have erupted in Gibraltar. This is the first
time on record where fellow fever showed itself so late
in the year in this locality. Our informant does not fur-
nish any details.
182G.
Three cases, a soldier and two civilians, were observed
in 1826. One of the civilians died.^^^
1828.
A severe visitation of yellow fever ravaged Gibraltar
in 1828. The history of tliis epidemic is related at length
by Messrs. Chervin, Louis and Trousseau, in a work re-
markable for the vast amount of documentary evidence
which these gentlemen amassed, but which is unfortun-
ately so unwisely classified, that it tfckes a vast amount
of dessication to separate the wheat from the chaff, and
therefore gi'eatly detracts from the imi^ortance of the
work as one of ready reference. After laboriously going
over the 542 documents, covering two volumes of 412
pages each, one is finally able to condense the following
information :
The Swedish ship Di/c/den, left Havana :May 12, 1828,
with a crew of 16. The vessel reached Gibraltar June
28. Two sailors had died from yellow f(n'er during the
voyage, one on May 27 and the other June 1. The Dygdcn
"' Amlel, loc. cit.
'•"Browne and Gillice: Second Report on Quarantine, p. 266.
'•"Documens Recueillls par MM. Chervin, Louis et Trousseau,
■MembeTS de la Commission Francalse Envoyee a Gibraltar
pour Observer I'Epidemie de 1828; et par M. le Dr. Barry,
Medecin des Armees Anglaises. 2 vols., Paris 1830.
SPAIN GIBRALTAR. 565
was deemed so unsanitary that pratique Avas refused the
captain, and the vessel ordered to quarantine. Avhere she
remained forty dnjH. Althou<>:h presumahly under strict
surveillance, it was onlj^ on Jul^^ 27, or 29 days after her
arrival, that health-guards were sent on board. The ship
was released from quarantine August 8.
The first cases of yelloAv fever on shore erupted August
29, in the house of a man hamed Testa, one of the guards
sent on board the Dycfdcn on July 27. Much stress is
laid on this fact by the historians of this epidemic, and
Testa is accused of having infected his sister, who was the
first person to die of the disease, but as Testa himself did
not have the malady at the time and the germs are not
spread by contact, infected mosquitoes were no doubt
introduced into the premises, probably in smuggled goods,
and thus a focus Avas created. Of course, our astute
friends of over a century ago had no idea of the mos-
quito transmission of yelloAv fever, and the fact that Testa
had been on board the Di/gden and his sister was the first
person stricken, was strong enough evidence to place the
burden of contagion on the shoulders of the unfortunate
health-guard.
Another vessel, the Met a, is also accused of having con-
taminated the town in 1828. This ship left Havana at
about the same date as the Di/r/dcn, and arrived at Gib-
raltar at the end of June, having lost two men from yel-
low fever during the voyage. She was submitted to a
quaranatine of twenty-one days. Contraband goods found
their way on shore, and the vessel was also visited by
washerwomen from Gibraltar and the neighboring vil-
lage of Catalan Bay, who took the soiled linen of the
sailors to their homes. Most of the washerwomen con-
tracted yellow fever and died. The chroniclers of the
period attributed their death to the fact that among the
clotlies taken by them from the Meta, were some which
had belonged to the sailors who had died during the voy-
age, and which were still soiled with black vomit.
Whether contaminated by the Dyfjdcn, or the Meta, or
by both, it is plain, from a summary of the evidence, that
Havana was the original source of infection. Such has
5G6 HISTORY OK YELLOW EEYER.
generally been the case in nearly every epidemic of yel-
low fever in Spain.
The last death occurred December 25. With the ex-
ception of the disastrous epidemic of 1804, that of 1828
proved to be the worst that Gibraltar ever experienced.
There were 5,543 cases, of which 1,677 proved fatal. The
mortality among the civil population amounted to 1,170,
while the military, out of a population of 3,781, lost 507.
1829.
A few cases and deaths are recorded for the month of
January, 1829, being the "tail end" of the epidemic of
the year previous. The last death occurred on the 14th
of the month.
Since 1829, yellow fever has not been observed at
Gibraltar.
GRAXADA.
1804.
The beautiful aud historic city of Granada was visited
by yellow fever once in its history. On August 25, 1804,
the first case was observed, and the disease slowly pro-
pagated itself, resulting in a total of 30G deaths, out of
a population of 54,902. The mortality among the males
was 185 ; females, 121. The epidemic exerted its greatest
intensity on October 10, and became extinct on the 28th
of the same month. ^^^
GUARDAMAR.
1804.
Yellow fever was brought to Guardamar by refugees
from Alicante and other infected places in 1804, but did
not spread to the inhabitants. Out of a population of
'"Second Report on Quarantine, p. 159.
'"Fellowes, p. 478.
SPAIN GUARDAMAR.
567
2,464, not a single case occurred among the inhabitants.
Only fourteen deaths are recorded, the first, September
21, and the last, November 16. The mortality among the
men was eight; women, Q}"^- The absence or inactivity
of the Calopae no doubt saved Guardamar from a dis-
astrous epidemic.
HUELVA.
1800.
A few cases of yellow fever were brought bj refugees
to Huelva in 1800, according to Rougeau.^^^ The devel-
opments must have been unimportant, as we find no de-
tailed history of the incident in any works on epidem-
iology.
ISLA DE LEON.
Isla de Leon (also know as San Fernando) is only seven
miles from Cadiz, and it is surprising that yellow fever
has not been observed there more frequently than on the
three occasions mentioned in this history.
1800.
In 1800, Isla de Leon was infected by refugees from
Cadiz. The town had then a population of 32,000. In
less than three months, 5,033 of its inhabitants fell vic-
tims to the terrible pestilence.^^'*
1811.
In 1811 yellow fever was imported to Isla de Leon by
a vessel from Santa Cruz de Teneriffe, and claimed many
victims.^^^ From this focus, the disease spread to Cadiz,
Gibraltar and Alicante.
"Tellowes, p. 478,
"'Rougeau: Theses de Paris, 1827, No. 119.
*"La Roche, vol. 1. p. 534.
"" Berenger-Feraud, p. 84.
568 HISTORY OK YELLOW FEVER.
1819.
The steamship Asia, from Vera Cruz and Havana, in-
fected Isla de Leon in 1819.^^^ From this focus, the
neighboring city of Cadiz wae contaminated and experi-
enced one of the miost dismal epidemics in its history.
JESUS.
1821.
Fugitives from Tortosa brought yellow fever to the vil-
lage of Jesus, on the Ebro, opposite that city, in 1821.
A man named Cordoba and his dauaghter, -who had com-
municated with Tortosa, contracted the disease and died,
without contaminating other inhabitants of Jesus. Dur-
ing the progTCss of the epidemic at Tortosa, several per-
sons who had fled to the village died, but in no instance
did the malady spread.^^"
JUMILLA.
1811.
A few cases of yellow fever were observed at Jumilla,
thirty-seven miles northwest of Murcia, in 1811, There
was no spread of the disease.^*®
1812.
The battle of Salamanca (July 22, 1812), which stopped
the progress of the victorious French army through Spain,
compelled General Marmon to abandon his plans of fur-
ther conquest and retrace his steps. During the month
>" Begin: Journal de Medecine Militaire, 1820, vol. 7, p. 346.
Also: Berenger-Feraud, p. 89.
'"O'Halloran, p. 121.
"' Bally, Francois and Pariset, p. 560.
SPAIN-r-JUMILLA. 5C9
of September, 1812, a portion of this once splendid corps
traversed the Kino:dom of Mureia. A division arrived
on October 1, at Zieza, a small town on the Se<;iira,
where yellow fever was epidemic, having been imported
by two individuals from Cartagena during the early days
of September. Nearly all the inhabitants of Zieza had
fled from the threatened pestilence, and the troops finding
only deserted houses and rottening corpses, pressed north-
ward. Two days later, the soldiers arrived at Jumilla,
which had already' been contaminated by Zieza, but where
conditions were better, and decided to rest from their
fatigues. A few days later (October 8), a soldier was
taken ill with the prevailing fever and died in forty-eight
liours. From that date to the 28th of the moi^th, the dis-
ease spread through the camp and claimed about 100 vic-
tims. The segregation of the soldiers finally i)ut an end
to the epidemic. ^^^
LA CARLOTA.
1800.
The beautiful little town of La Carlota, seventeen miles
southwest of Cordova, had a population of 733 in 1800.
Refugees from Cadiz brought yellow fever to the place
that year. When the first cases erupted, all those who
could do so fled, the remaining population being 473.
Out of this small number, there resulted 195 cases, 122
of which proved fatal. ^^^
This is the only authentic record of the appearance of
yellow fever at La Carlotta.
LA RAMBLA.
1803.
La Rambla, which had been spared during the wide-
spread epidemic of 1800, was contaminated by refugees
'"Pessou: Journal de Medecine Militaire, 181, vol. 5. p. 304.
""•Bally, p. 74.
570 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
from Malaga in 1803, and suffered severely.^^^ Our au-
thority fails to give any details.
1804.
In 1801 yellow fever was introduced into La Eambla
from Malaga in the following manner :^^-
A man by the name of Nieto, who had been at Malaga
on business, was prompted by morbid curiosity to follow
and touch a burying-cart containing the corpse of a person
that had died of yellow fever. ;Of course, the mere fact
that he did this was certainly not sufficient to infect him,
but the incident is mentioned to illustrate the peculiar
views of contagion held by the physicians of the period.
Even Jackson, who lived in an atmosphere of rabid
contagionists and infectionists, ridicules the idea. "It
is known by experience," observes the doctor, "that neither
burying-carts nor dead bodies possess the material of con-
tagion in a condition to communicate the infection to
others; the whole has the air of a story, the blanks of
which are filled up by fiction — tlie facility of doing which
seems to be characteristic of the Spanish nation. "^^^
In whatever manner Nieto contracted the disease, it is
certain that he brought it to La Rambla. He went to
bed immediately on liis arrival liome, on the day in ques-
tion, lie was not seriously ill and recovered. A youth
named de Castro who lived near Nieto, and who visited
him during his illness, was taken ill on the 9th of Sep-
temlxT and died on the Ifith. A young woman, Maria
Marina Doblas, a cousin of Nieto, who lived in a house
contiguous to his, came to see him during his illness and
was attacked by the disease. Christobal Doblas, who oc-
cupied the same house with Maria, was taken ill about
the same time as the woman, and died on the 19th of
September. Garcia Luque, bridegToonii of ]\raria, was
taken ill about the same time as his wife, and also died
"'Berenger-Feraud, p. 74.
'"Arejula: Breve Descripcion de la Fiebre Amarilla Padecida
en Cadiz, etc., p. 286.
'^'Jackson, p. 21.
SPAIN LA RAMBLA. ■ 571
on the 19th. Garcia Luque lived in a distant part of the
town where there was as yet no siclvness, and no doubt
contracted the malady when he came to live with his
father-in-law. Luqhe's mother was attacked about a
month after the death of her son.
La Rambla had a population of 6,000 in 1800. The
disease made sIoav progress, and finally came to an end
in the early days of October, Only seventy cases, of which
thirty-seven proved fatal, are recorded.
LAS AGUILAS.
(See Aguilas).
LAS CAVEZAS DE SAN JUAN.
1800.
Yellow fever invaded Las Cavezas de San Juan in 1800
and, according to La Roche,^^* caused a mortality of 994.
LAS PALACIOS.
1800.
Las Palacious experienced a. solitary invasion of yellow
fever. According- to La Roche, 192 fatalities resulted in
1800. No other details are given. ^^^
LEBRIXA.
1800.
In the year 1800 the people of Lebrixa suffered from
yellow fever, in consequence of being infected by a cavalry
regiment from Alcantara, which, proceeding from places
where the malady was prevailing, passed a night in the
La Roche, vol. 1, p. 534.
La Roche, vol. 1, p. 534.
57^ HISTORY OF YELLOW FEYER.
town and left some sick. The fever spread after the de-
parture of the regiment and attacked progressively the
inhabitants, causing such havoc that ^'numbers of them
could not obtain professional aid or attendance for this
malignant and fatal disease." {O'HaaJoran, p. 153).
According to La Eoche, 2,100 persons were carried oft" by
the epidemic.^°^
1811.
A few ca^es were observed in 1811. The local Board
of Health inaugurated strict i«anitary measures and in-
creased its vigilance, cutting off every comuiunication
with infected localities, and the disease was confined to
the imported cases.-^^^
1821.
The first case of yellow fever in Lebrixa in 1821, ap-
peared in the person of Simon Riega, who resided in the
Posada Xueva de la Constitucion. He fell ill on the 15th
of September, and died on the 18th. Eieto's family, con-
sisting of eight persons, were not attacked, although they
communicated freely with the sick man.
Two men wlio had come from Xeres de la Fron-
tera, where the fever was epidemic, and Avho stopped at
a liouse in the Posada Xueva, are suspected of having
imported the malady.*
The second case occurred at a distance of five hundred
yards from the former, in the person of Maria Cataliua,
a girl sixteen years of age, who resided in the Calle Xueva.
Slie l)ecame indisposed on Septeuiber 15, and died on the
21st. Tlio girl had no communicatiou with Piega or his
family. Ten persons living in the t-^ame house with ^laria
proved immune to the infection.
'•'■'La Roche, vol. 1, p. 534.
'■'Robert, Guide Sanitaire. vol. 1, p. 284; Berenger-Feraud. P-
84; Bally, Francois and Pr.riaet, p. 559.
SPAIN — LEBRIXA. 51 S
A man named La Paz, residing in Calle la Pena, fur-
nished the tliird caf>e. He was taken ill Septeml)er 16,
and died on the 23rd. He resided 250 yards from Iviega's
place. No one in the La Paz household was affected, with
the exception of a child, Avho contracted the disease two
months afterwards, at a time when the malady was almost
extinct.
A youth named de Salas, aged eighteen, furnished the
fourth case. He resided in the Bario Xucao Secundo,
about 250 yards distant from the nearest house in which
the cases previously n®ted occurred. He was taken ill
Septemher 20, and died on the 28th.
Two weeks after the deatli of de Sales, the fifth case
was recorded, in the person of a hoy, who lived in the same
neighborhood, and who died thirty-six hours after the
onset.
The above first live cases, taken from O'Halloran's^^'*
work, are given to show that the original focus was
within a comparatively restricted area, and undoubtedly
owed its infection to the two voyagers from Xeres de la
I'rontera.*
From tliis focus, the disease slowly spread through the
town. Contrary to the usual dilatory tactics of the Cas-
tillian, tlie Lebrixa Board of Health acted quickly and
energetically, and caused all the healthy inhabitants who
could do so to emigrate to the country, by this means pre-
venting a repitition of the disaster of 1800. From the
most authentic sources, there were only 500 cases, of which
150 died.
LORCA.
1811.
Ivorca, forty-two miles southwest of ]\rurcia, was in-
fected in 1811. The disease did not spread. ^^^
'■•' O'Halloran: Remarks en the Yellow Fever, etc., p. 151.
• The Spanli'h authorities claim that these men came from
Puerto de Santa Maria, but authentic researches made by
Br. O'Halloran elicited the information that they were
from Xeres de la Frontcra. (O'Halloran, p. 155, foot note.)
"" Bally, Francois and Pariset, p. 5G0.
374 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
LOS HUMEROS.
{A siihiirh of Seville, which see)
LOYOLA.
1823.
LoTola, the birth-place of the founder of the Order of
Jesuits, was threatened with an invasion of yellow fever
in 1823. In August of that year, the ship Doniasteria,
from Havana, arrived at Pasajes and was visited by many
inhabitants of the Basque town. Among the visitors were
two persons, husband and wife, who had stopped at Pas-
ajes on their way to a pilgrimage to Loyola. After visit-
ing the ship, they continued to their destination, where
they were taken ill shortly after their arrival, and died
of yellow fever a few days afterwards. Although much
apprehesion was felt by the inhabitants of the quaint old
Spanish town, the infection did not spread beyond these
two cases.
'A reference to Pasajes, in tliis volume, will show that
the Doniastcra infected that locality in 1823, result-
ing in 101 cases and 10 deaths.
MADRID.
Description.
Madrid, the capital of Spain, is in the center of the
Peninsula, on the Manzanares. Situated on a high
plateau, 2,400 feet above sea-level, wind-swept from the
snowy Guadarrama, with unhealthy extremes of temper-
ature, the city has no advantages except the fanciful geo-
graphical merit of being the center of Spain. Railways
connect it with the principal cities of the Kingdom.
Population: 1887, 470,283; 1908 (estimated), 556,663.
SPAIN MADRID. 575
Yellow Fever Years.
1867; 1870; 1878.
Summary of Importations.
1867.
Yellow fever has never obtained a foothold in Madrid.
Even during the calamitous disorders of the beginning
of the last century, when Andalusia was nearly depopu-
lated and cases were imported to nearly every city of the
Kingdom, although Madrid received its quota of fugitives,,
not a solitary case manifested itself in the capital.
The first case of yellow fever in the history of ^'^adrid
was observed in 1867. In December of that year, a man
who had been to the Canaries, arrived at Cadiz on the
steamship Clara. Deaths from yellow fever had occurred
on board the vessel. The man went from Cadiz to i\^adrid
and was taken ill in his lodgings on December 8, and
died on the 7th. The autopsy revealed typical lesions of
yellow fever.^^^
1870.
The captain of the merchant vessel Torcuato came from
Barcelona to Madrid on September 29, 1870, and was
taken ill with yellow fever immediately on his arrival.
He recovered. Our authority^^'^ does not state whether
other cases occurred in INIadrid or not, and as a search
through the Spanish medical press of 1870 and subse-
quent years fails to throw any light on the subject, it is
to be presumed that there were none. Eager (loc. cit., p.
24), says that "a few cases" were observed, but we have
been unable to verify the statement.
""De PedTO: Un Caso de Fiebre Amarilla an Madrid. Siglo
Medico, Madrid, 1868, vol. 15, p. 20'.
"* De Pedro: Un Eraigrante de Barcelona en Madrid; Fiebre
Amarilla. Siglo Medico, Madrid, 1870, vol. 17, p. 676.
576 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
.1878.
In September and October, 1878, many Spanisli soldiers
returned from Cuba. They disembarked at Santander, a
seaport on the Bay of Biscay, 207 miles north of Madrid,
and the majority went by rail to the capital. Among the
soldiers were a great number whose term of service had
expired and who, having no families, took up bachelor
quarters in Calle Tetuan, in a mean, filthy dweling, where
they slept fifteen or twenty in the same room. Among
these liccncmdas Avere nmny who had yellow fever in
Cuba, and also some who had never contracted the
disease.
On September 15, a youth of fifteen, who lived in Calle
Tetuan, was taken ill with peculiar symi)tvnns which
baffled the attending physician. Four members of the
youth's family were soon attacked with the same myste-
rious disease, and when two other persons in the same
house were taken ill, considerable alarm was created and
an investigation by the health authorities revealed the
fact that these cases were genuine nmnifestations of yel-
low fever. Prompt measures were immediately taken,
but the malady spread to the adjoining houses in Calle
Tetuan, making slow, but steady progress, only subsiding
with the advent of cold weather. The last case was ob-
served October 15. There were in all fifty cases, of which
thirty-five proved fatal. ^^^
MAIRENA DEL ALCOR.
1800.
A f^w cases of yellow fever were imported to Merina
del Alcor in 1800, principally from Seville, thirteen miles
distant. Only nine fatalities are recorded.^^^
""Guichet: MeiHoires de Medecine Militarie, 1878. Also:
Berenger-Feraud, p. 158; Eager, p. 24.
* La Roche, vol. 1, p. 534.
577
MALAGA.
Description.
The ancient and historic city of Malaga, said to have
been founded by the Carthagenians, is situated on a bay
of the Mediterranean, sixty-five miles east of Gibraltar.
It is of much commercial importance. Population (1908),
135,000.
The Epidemics of Malaga,
We shall premise the history of yellow fever in Malaga
by a summary of the several pestilential diseases which
have ravaged the famous Spanish city since 1487, the year
of the expulsion of the Moors from the Kingdom. Pre-
vious to 1487, no records were kept.
In an old Spanish work published by Cecilio Garcia
de la Lena,^^^ a learned priest of Malaga, the history of
every epidemic which invaded his native town from 1493
to 1750 is given. The ecclesiastic designates these pesti'
lential visitations by the common name of plague, no mat-
ter what the etiology of the disease could have been.
1493. First epidemiic of which there is any record.
Great mortality. No details given.
1522. Plague caused excessive ravages. The details
are too vague to recognize anything but the great
mortality.
1580. This ei>idemic is designated by the name el
catarro by the good Padre. About eighty persons died
daily. A torrential rain, on October 10, stopped its
ravages.
"'Cecilio Garcia de la Lena: Conversaciones Historicas Mala-
guenas, 1789-1793.
578 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
15S2-1583. This epidemic was caused by tlie introduc-
tion of old clothes brought by strangers coming from
"countries across the sea." What countries, the learned
historian does not say. The malady was attended by
bubos.
1597. The "Fifth Plague" to harass Malaga broke out
in 1597, and lasted three years. As in 1582-3, it was in-
troduced "by sea." Nearly the entire population of the
town perished.
1G20. Plague again introduced into Malaga "by per-
sons coming from the sea." The mortality was such, that
the government was compelled to send families from other
towns to re-people the stricken city.
1637. Padre de la Lena goes into more details con-
cerning the "Seventh Plague," which was brought to
Malaga by a vessel "on its way to Leghorn." iHe does
not state whence the ship originally sailed. While in the
harbor, an inhabitant of Malaga went on board the vessel,
where he remained all night. When he returned home
next morning, he was taken sick and died shortly after-
wards. His whole family shared the same fate. The
doctor who had treated these unfortunates, warned the
people that they had died of plague, but his admonitions
were disregarded, and the neighbors invaded the house
and took possession of the clothes and furniture. By
this means, the disease was communicated to neighboring
streets and spread rapidly through the town, and even
to neighboring villages. From the beginning of April to
the end of May, the entire city was infected. Entire
streets were improvised into hospitals, and the public
parks were transformed into huge furnaces, where the
clothing of the dead was burned night and day. The
epidemic only stopped for want of material, about Sep-
tember 1. The mortality is variously estimated by dif-
ferent authors at twelve thousand, seventeen thousand and
twenty-five thousand.
1G48-1649. Famine and the influx of strangers into
Malaga are given as predisposing causes of the plague
SPAIN MALAGA. 579
of 1648-9. The mortality was not great in 1G48, but it is
said that 40,000 people died in 1649.*
1674. A pestilential disease, called el catarro, caused
much mortality in 1674. No details are given.
1678-1679. The plague of 1678-9 was brought from
Oran and Carthage (Africa) by strangers bringing in old
clothes and chattel. Although the epidemic lasted tAvo
years, our author states that "we are happy in the thought
tha only 8,000 jtersons perished, notwithstanding the fact
that the city was very populous."
1719. The epidemic of 1719 had its origin in Africa.
The malady broke out among the troops which had been
sent to defend Ceuta, Morocco, from the Moors. Many
of the sick soldiers were tranferred to Malaga, and com-
municated the contagion to the inhabitants. The epi-
demic, whose principal characteristics were malignant
fevers {tahardillos) , lasted several months and caused
much mortality.
1738. This epidemic is also designated tahardillos, and
is said to have been engendered by the great famine of
1734, the most cruel of the epoch. More than forty per-
sons died daily. The total mortality is not stated.
1741. Although designated by the name "plague" by
Padre de la Lena, the epidemic of 1741 was nothing else
but yellow fever, the details of wliich will be found in
our relation of the eruptions of that disease in Malaga,
1750-1751. This epidemic, also characterized by the
name tabardillos, caused 6,000 deaths. Its origin is not
given.
According to de la Lena, no pestilential diseases were
observed in jMalaga from 1751 to 1793, the year of the
publication of his monograph.
Diego Blanco Salgado, a distinguished Spanish physi-
cian, sent by the King to study this epidemic, also wrote
on the subject.
* Rodrigo Enriques and Jaun Serrano de Vargas Ykrena have
also written histories of this plague.
580 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
Yellow Fever Years.
1741; 1791; 1802; 1803; 1801; 1813; 1820; 1821; 1890.
Summary of Epidemics.
1741.
A French squadron coming from Martinique touched
at Malaga in 1741. Yellow fever Avas prevailing on board
the vessels, but the commander concealed this fact from
the port authorities, and the officers and crews had un-
interrupted communication with the town. The disease
soon broke out in Santo-Domingo street, in a locality
which had been much frequented by the French marines.
Thence it spread rapidly through the town and even in-
vaded its suburbs. The epidemic Ihsted three months
and, according to Barea,^^* more than 10,000 persons
died. Eubio, however, claims that only 3,000 died,* but
the majority of chroniclers assert that the figures given
by Barea are approximately correct.
1791.
Robert {Guide Sanitaire, vol. 1, p. 271"), claims that
]\ralaga suffered from yellow fever in 1791, and that
10,000 persons perished.* We have looked through the writ-
ing of Bally, Ozanam, Eager, Berenger-Feraud and old
Spanish documents and works on epidemiology, but can
not substantiate this statement. Even Gendrin, in his
elaborate monograph on the epidemics of Spain, published
'°* Barea: Conversaciones Malaguenas, p. 51.
Rexano: Chrisis Epidemica, 1742, Section 20.
Cecilio Garcia de la Lena, loo. cit.
Gendrin: Journal General de Medecine, 1824, vol. 88, p. 293.
Chervin: Examen Critique, etc., 1828, p. 26.
* This historian's exact language is as follows:
"Pericieron, segun el mas rigcroso escrutino, tres mil personas,
pocos mas o memos." — Rubio, Analysis Medica, etc., p. 20.
• "♦ * * Malaga, qui, en 1791, vit introduire dans ses murs une
affreuse contagion, et compta dix mille victimes."
SPAIN MALAGA. 581
originally in tlie Journal General de Medicme for 1824
(vols. 88 and 89, pp. 289 and 10, respectively), is silent
on the subject. A few sporadic cases, which escaped the
attention of other observers, probably occurred; but the
excessive mortality mentioned by Eobert as having taken
place in 1791, is undoubtedly a chronological hiatus.
1802.
In 1802, yellow fever was imported to Cadiz, and thence
spread to other cities on the south coast of Spain. A few
sporadic cases were observed in Malaga.^^^
1803.
The mild visitation of 1802 was but a premonition of
the terrible epidemic which was destined to afflict Malaga
the following year.
Likely, nearly all the disastrous visitations of yellow
fever which desolated the southern cities of Spain during
the first quarter of the last century, the origin of the
Malaga disorder of 1803 is shrouded in obscurity. The
details which follow are culled from the most reliable
authorities on the subject.^®^
'** Eager, p. 17; Berenger-Feraud, p. 72.
*°* Summarized from:
Guendrin: Journal General de Medecine, Pari\ 1S24, vol. 88,
pp. 289 et seq.
Alfonso da Maria: Memoria Sobre la Epidemia de Andalusia
de 1880 al 1819. Cadiz, 1820, p. 122.
Fellowes: Reports of the Pestilential 'Disorders of Andalusia,
p. 157.
Mendoza: Historia de las Epidemias Padecidas en Malaga en
los anes de 1803 y 1804. Malaga, 1813.
Arejula: Breve Descrijjcion de la Fiebre Amarilla Padecida
en Cadiz y Pueblcs Comercanos en 1800, en Medina Sidonia
en 1801, en Malaga en 1803, etc. Madrid, 1806.
Eager: Bulletin No. 5, Yellow Fever Institute, p. 17.
Berenger-Feraud, p. 73.
La Roche, vol. 1, p. 536.
Bancroft: Essay on Yellow Fever, pp. 468; 471.
Bancroft: Sequal to an Essay on Yellow Fever, p. 309.
Keating: History of Yellow Fever, p. 81.
Bally: Typhus d' Amerique, p. 81.
582 HISTORY OF YELLOW FCVKR.
The Suspected Carriers of Infection.
The historians of this epidemic accuse the following
vessels of having infected Malaga in 1803:
1. The Joven Nicolas, a Dutch store-ship, sailed from
Smyrna on the 14th of March, 1803, and arrived at Malaga
on the 22nd of May, after a passage of seventy days, and
having during that period touched at different ports.
2. The French brig Desai^x, chartered by the French
Government to convey trooljiis) tio St. Domingo, sailed
from Marseilles on the 26th of April, 1803, with 171 men,
chiefly deserters, prisoners and convicts. Almost the
whole of them had been forced on board, and were taken
from forts St. John and St. Nicolas (at Marseilles), in
which the jail fever at that time prevailed. Fourteen of
these unfortunates were convalescents and had lately been
discharged from the hospital. This vessel entered Malaga
on the ITtli of INIay, having lost during the voyage thirteen
men ; thirty-six on board whilst under strict quarantine
in the bay, and three in the fort of Gibralfaro, which over-
looks the town of Malaga.
3. The French brig VTJnion, also chartered by the
French Government, sailed from Marsaille on the 5th of
May of the same year, with 150 men of a similar descrip-
tion, besides twelve sailors; they had been embarked from
Fort St. Nicholas, at Marseilles, where the jail fever pre-
vailed; and this vessel entered the harbor of Malaga on
the 3rd of June, 1803. During the passage, seven men
died, and eight on board in the bay. Total deaths, sixty-
seven. This was the French account, but they lost many
more, who, as reported, had drowned themselves or de-
serted. On the 18th of August, 1803, the remainder of
the people were permitted to disembark, and they were
conveyed at night to the Moorish Castle of Gibralfaro.
On the 7th of September, 1803, the two brigs were ad-
mitted to pratique,
4. The Spanish ship Proridcncia, belonging to ^Nfanes-
cau and Co., Malaga, from Monte Video, and laden with
cocoa, hides and tallow; she entered the bay of Malaga
SPAIN MALAGA. 58S
on the 9th of June, 1803, and was admitted to pratique
a few days after her arrival.
The Celebrated Case of Felix Munoz.
It was generally asserted and believed by Arejula, that
the first man who died of the epidemic in Malaga was
Felix Munoz, a noted smuggler. On or about the 14th of
July, he was known to have gone on board the Joven
Nicolas, whence he brought away samples of cotton and
tobacco, and he himself confessed to the physician who
attended him, that from the moment he left the ship, he
felt ill.
In fact this man on his return home, took to his bed
and died on the fifth or sixth day of his illness.
This circumstance produced at the- time great constern-
ation in Malaga; immediately after his death, his wife
and all his family fled into the country and did not re-
turn until late the following year^^ _Hence, Arejula con-
cIuHes that as no one entered the house, the disorder of
Ayhich Munoz died, did not spread, and the alarm subsid-
ing, no further nottce was taken.
Prom this period there was an interval of thirty-five or
thirty-six days until the sickness broke out in the Ver-
duras family, which is regarded as the source of the
epidemic.
As the J oven Nicolas came from Smyrna, where yellow
fever has never prevailed — as least, within recorded times
■ — we fail to see how Munoz could have contracted the
disease by simply visiting tlie ship in the interest of his
nefarious business. If he died of yellow fever — in our
humble opinion a remote possibility — he contracted it
elsewhere.
TJie Real Origin of tJie Epidemic.
Out of the mass of discussions, denunciations, recrimi-
nations and dissensions, Avhich even the courts failed to
untangle, the following facts are called:
584 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
The disorder which broke out in Malaga in 1803, com-
menced in the house of Christopher Verduras, living in
the district of Perchel, on the west side of the Guad-
almedina.
Verduras was a caulker by trade, but a noted smuggler,
and a person who was likely from his character to do any-
thing for gain. It was generally reported in Malaga that
this man about the latter end of August, had brought a
person from one of the vessels in the bay — some say it
was an American vessel, others a Dutch ship — and se-
cretly conveyed him to his house. This person was then
suffering from a disease of which he soon after died. It
was afterwards discovered that the body was buried pri-
vately in the neighboring church of St. Peter, in the mid-
dle of the night.
Arejula states that the interment took place with the
connivance of the curate of St. Peters. The priest was
himself taken ill and died of the disease, together with
the physician who attended him. These two were sus-
pected of having been interested in the smuggling trans-
actions that were going on iu' the Venduras household.
If such were the case, retribution came unmercifully, for
every person connected with the curate's house, was taken
ill and died; even the sacristan and his wife, as well as
the monagnillo, or altar-boy.
"The facts were well known at the time," says Arejula,
"and it was affirmed by all the inhabitants of the district
De Perchel that those who had entered the Church of St.
Peters to hear mass on St. Michael's day, were taken ill,
and a great part of the congregation died."
Fellowes says that, on this account, the people con-
ceived so great a horror of this edifice, that it became
necessary to shut it up, and it continued cl'osed until
December 18, 1805, when Dr. Arejula, accompanied by
several physicians of INIalaga, fumigated it with oxygen-
ated muriatic acid and other germicides.
On the 26th of August, Michael Verduras, the son of
Christopher, was taken ill in the same house, and from the
report of the physicans who attended him, there is no
SPAIN MALAGA. 585
doubt of his having died of yellow fever. In two or three
days after Michael had fallen sick, two other men, friends
of his, and caulkers by trade, who worked with him, were
also attacked with the fever. One of them died ; the other,
Lucas Perez, recovered.
Shortly after the death of Michael Verduras, which
took place on September 3, his mother and two sisters
sickened with the same symptoms. Christopher Ver-
duras died on the 15th of September. His daughter and
another son, Antonio were also attacked and died on
the 19th.
Whilst the fever was running through the Verduras
family, Dr. Del Pino, who had treated all the members of
the family, was called to visit a young man, a sailor, 19 or
20 years of age, who lived in a house immediately op-
posite to that of Verduras, and was the friend and com-
panion of Michael, His symptoms were similar. About
the same time Pascual, a baker, who lived in a house ad-
joining to Verduras, was attacked with the disorder, and
the similarity of symptoms was so remarkable, that Dr.
Del Pino called a consultation, in which it was deter-
mined that a report should immediately be made to the
Governor of Malaga, of a very alarming disease having
made its appearance, and the two physicians accordingly
declared that they had seen several sick persons laboring
under some alarming symptoms, such as were unusual
in the place. The Governor received this report, and
transmitted it to the Board of Health, but no notice was
taken of the matter.
The disorder, however, continued to spread gradually,
not only in the narrow lanes and streets of the district
de Perchel, where Verduras had lived, but it afterwards
extended to other suburbs, and to the adjoining districts
of the Trinidad, Capuchins and Alto, which are at some
distance from the Perchel. The spread of the infection
to these localities was said to have been caused by the
fact that many persons living there, principally laborers
and workmen, joined early in the morning to liear mass
in the church of the Corventico with those of Perchel.
because the services were held earlier in that district.
386 HISTORY or yellow fever.
"It must be observed," says Fellowes, "that in Catholic
countries, especially in Spain, the lower orders chiefly
are very attentive to their religious duties, by going early
to church to hear mass, previous to their entering upon
the duties of the day."
From this source, and in this manner, the disorder was
undoubtedly propagated from the suburb of Perchel to
other parts of the town.
Fellowes, who made personal investigations concerning
the rise and progress of this epidemic, visited Malaga in
March, 1806. From the result of his inquiries among
all the survivors of the different families, it appeared that
the disorder spread on the following order:
1. Verduras.
2. Pedro de Torre.
3. Gabriel Vasquez.
4. Blaize Martin.
5. Francisco Ferrari.
Martin's house, directly opposite Verduras, was the
third attacked, and had eleven cases, of which five died.
Ferrari lost his wife, two sons, a daughter and a
nephew — all livin_g in the same house.
From these foci, the pestilence gradually advanced, un-
til the entire city was invaded. Consternatiou was now
general; terror multiplied the dangers. Of the 48,015
inhabitants that ^Malaga numbered at the begiuning of the
epidemic, thousands fled, soAving the seeds of pestilence
througliout southern Spain.*
Tlie following statistics, compiled by Guedrin from doc-
uments furnished by the Spanish Government at the time
of his investigations, is taken from the Journal General
de Mrilicinr for 1824, (vol. ^, p. 308), and may be con-
sidered authentic :
* Algerzlras, Alicante, Antequera, Barcelona, Cadiz, Espera,
Gibraltar, La Rambla, Montilla and Palma owe their in-
fection in 1803 to Malaga.
* In his "Sequel to an Es^ay on Yellow Fever," p. 319, Bancroft
refers to Fellowes' criticism of his error, but makes no
explanation.
SPAIN. MALAGA.
587
Tableau of the Malaga Epidemic of 1803.
Population of Malasra.
Males Females
Citizens 20.142
Hospitals 75
744
Suburbs.
On Ships
Military ... | 6.068
Totals by sex 27,029
24.093
23
472
Unknown
128
24.716
Grand Totals
51,745
No. who Fled
Males, Females Males FemaleSiMales Females
1.624 I 1,972
Oj 0
132 j 2
Unknown
I
C 1 0
1.756 1.794
3,730
'o. Remain'g I CASES
18.518 ' 22.121
75 ' 23
612 : 470
Unknown
6.068 ; 128
25.273 j 22,742
48,015
5,257
4.864
5,600
£63
Unknown
Troops were
segregated
261, 6.25t)
16,517
DEATHS
Males Females
2,722
1.379
60
04
2,289
312
28
0
No Cases or
Deaths
4.255 I 2,629
6,884
From this table, it will be seen that out of a population
of 51,745 souls, 3,730 fled and 6,196 were segregated, leav-
ing 41,819 exposed to the fury of the pestilence. Of this
remainder, 16,517 (or 2 out of 55) contracted the disease,
and 6,884 (or 41 for every 100) died.
The epidemic was officially declared extinct on Decem-
ber 20, having lasted two months and twenty days.
1804.
The epidemic of 1804 was still more disastrous than
that of the previous year. Its origin is obscure, but as
no fresh importation could be proven, the recurrence of
the malady Avas no doubt due to the renewed activity of
the St€f/onM/iae Calopac, which had remained quiescent
during the winter and spring.
Stegowyiae Calopae have a habit of hiding in old clothes
hanging in closets, or hibernating in draperies, curtains,
etc., and are capable of retaining the virus in Mieir system
for months. INfanson (Tropical Diseases, 1907, p. 213),
says that the usual period is fifty-seven days, but in-
stances are of record Avliere mosquitoes which had fed on
blood of yellow fever patients, survived for five months
or more. In this connection, the recrudesence of the epi-
588 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
demic of Malaga can easily he explained. The first epi-
demic ended Decemher 20, 1<S03. From that date until
June 29, when the initial case of the second and greater
epidemic erupted, is a trifle more than six months.
Sporadic cases of mild yellow fever probably occurred
previous to June 29, but their mildness prevented the true
nature of the disease from being recog-nized, and it was
only when the virulent manifestations in Pozos Dulces
street threw the populace into consternation, that the real
situation was thoroughly understood.
The historians of this great epidemic are many. We
have summarized the following account from the most
reliable.i^'^
The first case of unequivocal yellow fever in Malaga in
1S04 erupted on June 29, at Xo. 12 Pozos Dulcas street,
where two natives, Rinz and Ximenes died. As soon as
the news became public, a wild panic ensued and the in-
habitants, recalling the horrors of the preceding year, fled
in swarms. On July 1, all but those who were too poor
to get away had sought fancied security in flight, and in
their mad rush spread the pestilence broadcast throughout
Andalusia.
Bancroft, in his Essay on YcUow Fever (p. 468), falls
into a serious error when speaking of the epidemic of
1804. He claims that it first appeared in the Barrio de
Perchel, as in 1803. FcJloircs (page 177) and Geudrin
{Jmimal de Medicine. 1824, vol. 84, p. 314), conclusively
prove that the disease broke out in Pozos Dulces street in
1804, in an opposite part of the town. This is confirmed
by Mendoza's work on the subject and other historians,
who declare that the Barrio de Perchel, the ft)cus of the
disaster of 1803, was not affected in 1804 until the begin-
^'"Gendrin, loc. cit., vol. 88, p. 312,
Arejula, loc. cit.
La Roche, vol. 1, p. 536.
Fellowes, p. 478.
Bally, p. 85.
Bancroft, Sequel, p. 320.
Medical Repository (N. Y.), 1805, vol. 8, p. 430.
Berenger-Feraud, p. 76.
SPAIN MALAGA. 589
niug of September, more than two months after the first
deaths at No. 12 Pozos Dulces street.*
But we have no concern ^^ith the polemic quarrels of
the pros and cons of contagions who spent the best years
of their lives in trying to prove each other falsifiers and
charlatans. Let us return to our mutton. Between the
29th of June and the 23rd of July, fifteen fatal cases oc-
curred in Pqzos Dulces street, in eight different houses,
but little distant from each other. During that interval,
only one fatal case had been observed in the city proper,
and this was in Los Marmoles street, directly across the
river from Pozos Dulce street. Bj the end of July, the
total mortality had reached 129. In the beginning of
August the fever appeared almost simultaneously in many
parts of the city, followed by a heavy mortality, the
deaths being as many as fifty a day. The epidemic then
seemed to subside, and by A'ugust 11, the deaths had con-
siderably diminished. On the 14th, the conditions had
so improved that the physicians- of the place subscribed
the following opinion before a magistrate, which was
promulgated throughout the city:
"We, the undersigned physicians, certify that no epi-
demical disease prevails at Malaga at present. It is a
sort of (ifjiic or malignant fever, similar to that which
rages in many other parts of Spain; and it has of late
so much subsided, that out of twenty people taken ill,
only five died ; whilst, on its first appearance, fifteen died
out of twenty. We hope that by the use of gentle medi-
cines and by taking the necessary precautions of fumigat-
ing the houses where the disease has existed, it will soon
disappear."
The subsidence of the disease was but the lull before
the storm. The proclamation had hardly been posted,
than new foci erupted everywhere, and the death-rate be-
came appalling, 1,040 fatalities being recorded for the
month of August alone, i
The epidemic reached its greatest intensity September
7, when 300 deaths occurred. The mortalitT continued
to be excessive during September. In October, the disease
slowly subsided, finally becoming extinct on the 28th of
590 HISTORY OF YKLLOVr FEVER.
November, having raged five months and one day.
Even as late as December, the afflicted town was like a
vast necropolis. The following account is extracted from
a letter dated December 3, 1804, written by an inhabitant
of Malaga, and published in the New York Medical Re-
pository, vol. 8, 1805, p. 431 :
''It is impossible to form a just idea of the aspect ex-
hibited by our unfortunate city. It resembles a desert.
The mortality here has in some measure ceased, it is true,
for want of victims. Seven thousand persons only have
escaped its attack ; twenty-six thousand have fallen a sac-
rifice to it.
"The effects of this great disaster are remarked in every,
thing that surrounds us. The grapes liave rotted on the
vines for want of hands to gather them. On all sides we
hear the cry of Bread ! Bread ! The plague is everywhere
succeeded by famine.
"In most parts where the epidemic has prevailed, the
following observations have been made : It was less fatal
to females than to males, and it appears that it had no
influence on old women, for they continually assisted the
sick without being attacked by it. Persons of a delicate
constitution were also less subject to its fatal effects
than those of robust constitution. In regard to the
negroes it scarcely produced any effect on them."
With the exception of the statement that 26,000 per-
sons died, an exaggeration which is pardonable, owing to
the desolation whicli surrounded the writer, the above
letter may be taken as a faithful pen picture of the
situation.
The Aicesome Mortality.
The total population of :Mala£ra in 1804 was 44.020, of
which 23,100 were males and 20,830 of the gentler sex.
At the beginning of the epidemic, 4,548 fled, leaving
30.472 exposed to the influence of the pestilence.
There were altogether 18,787 cases, of which 8,989 were
men, and 9,798 women. Of this number, 7,476 men and
4,010 women perished, a total mortality of 11,486.
SPAIN MALAGA.
591
Twenty doctors and nine pharmacists died. At one
time, there was only one physician in the entire city able
to minister to the sick, the others being either dead or
sick with the fever. The practitioner who escaped an
attack had had yellow fever in 1803.
If the reader has attentively followed the dismal history
of the epidemics which devastated Malaga, he will no
donbt be strnck by the difference in population between
the years of 1803 and 1801. This is readily accounted for
by the fact, that on December 20, 1803, the population
had been diminished by 6,881, and that deaths from va-
rious causes must have caused a still greater decrease up
to July 1, 1801. It is obvious that six months and ten
days is too short a period to permit any material increase
under the fundamental laws of Nature.
Comparative Mortality heticecn 1803 and 1801.
The difference in the mortality according to age and
sex during the sinister epidemics of 1803 and 1804, is thus
given by Gendrin (loc. cit., vol. 88, p. 321) : •
1S03.
1804.
Males
Females
Total
Males
Females
Total
Urrlpr '0 years
3=i5
422
2 «
348
641
77<»
.^86
7^9
461
711
1,007
Bet. 11 and 20 years...
4 SO
" 21 '• 30 " ....
?09
431
940
95S
757
1 715
" 31 " 4n " ...
183
407
S90
708
657
1.3fi5
• ( 41 <i 50 "
411
3 0
227
518
404
9il
" 51 •• 60
•257
198
4 '5
314
2o«
^70
" 61 " 70
125
114
•210
187
152
339
" 71 " 80
ss
44
1"7
1<4
90
194
" 81 " 9r>
16
32
3S
48
26
74
" 91 " 100
8
7
15
17
13
HO
4 2ftf>
2,fii»
6.8«4
7 470
4.<Ut'
11.486
It will be seen from the above resume that the mortality
was abnormally great among young persons, 2,351 under
30 years of age being carried away in 1803, and 4,202 in
1804.
592 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
1813.
In 1813, a ship from Gibraltar, where yellow fever was
prevailin*2:, brought malady to the port of Malaga, in-
fecting all those who had any communication with it.
Being on the alert, the disease was at once recognized by
the Superior Board of Health, and energetic measures
instituted. All the sick were transported to the lazaretto,
and the houses they occupied were closed and guarded.
A mortality of twenty-seven is recorded.^*"^
1820.
In 1820 a family affected with yellow fever, left Xeres
de la Frontera and came to Malaga. The nature of their
illness was at once discovered by the authorities, and
they were removed to the lazaretto, together with all
those who had communicated with them. There was no
extension of the disease.^^®
1821.
The appalling epidemics of 1803 and 1801 seem to have
exhausted the non-immune material in Malaga, for though
we read of yellow fever having been observed at Cadiz in
1807 and 1808, and nearly every year from 1811 to 1821,
as well as in seventeen cities and towns of Andalusia in
1811, Melaga kept the yellow pestilence away from its
doors for sixteen years. In 1821, however, much appre-
hension was felt for the safety of the city, the disease hav-
ing l)een introduced under the following conditions:^"*
Between June 7 and 22, 1821, twelve ships forming
part of a convoy which had sailed from Havana April 28,
eutered the port of ]\ralaga. There was much sickness on
board these vessels during the voyage across the Atlantic,
especially on board the San Antonio and the JAheral, the
"'Gendrin, loc. cit, vol. 88, p. 328.
""Gendrin, loc. clt., vol. 88, p. 328.
"'Gendrin, loc. cit., vol. 89, p. 10; Bally, Francois and Pariset,
p. 112.
SPAIN MALAGA. 593
latter having lost her captain at sea. The frigate Lib-
ertad, which formed part of the convoy, was accused of
having sent some sick sailors and a few cases of mer-
chandise on shore. All these vessels carried suspicious
clearance papers, but they were, nevertheless, admitted
to pratique after only a short quarantine. Some were
admitted even without going through this formality.
The Danish schooner Initium, from Barcelona, which
arrived at Malaga on August 1, is the only vessel directly
accused of having infected the port. During the six days
the vessel took to make the voyage from Barcelona, out
of a crew of six and one passenger, four cases of yellow
fever, of which one proved fatal, had occurred on board.
On arrival, the three cases were transported to the laz-
aretto of Los Angeles, on the outskirts of the city, where
two died. In spite of its flagrant unsanitary condition,
the Initium was given free pratique on August 11. Two
Swedish sailors, who went on board that day, were
stricken shortly afterward and sent to the lazaretto, where
they died. This last incident was not made known to the
board of health.
Rumors began to circulate that a strange malady was
causing much mortality among the vessels in port. On
August 21 and 22, a delegation from the Superior Board
of Health began an investigation and discovered that five
vessels, moored on both sides of the Initium, had had sus-
picious cases of fever. While the committee was urging
immediate measures and the board of health was demur-
ring, the Danish consul appeared on the scene and re-
ported that two undoubted cases of yellow fever were at
that moment on board another ship of his nation, and
requesting that "something be done" in tho premises.
This spurred the nonchalant members of the board of
health into action, and they went to extremes. All ves-
sels, whether infected or not, were ordered to quarantine,
the port was closed and communication between the Mal-
aganese and "any vessel in port" positively prohibited.
The authorities even went so far as to send to the laz-
aretto an entire family, at whose house one of the sailors
of the Initium had taken lodgings. Although not a single
594 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
case had developed in this house, it was hernietically
closed.
This sudden frenzy of precautionary measures threw
the population of Malaga into consternation. They im-
agined the pestilence already in their midst, and an in-
describable terror took possession of them. Thousands
fled, abandoning relatives and business, and seeking
refuge wherever they could. The exodus is said to have
been more considerable than during the the epidemics of
1803 and 1804. After a few days, the public health con-
tinuing good, calm was restored and the majority of those
who had fled returned.
In the beginning of September, it being the season when
the produce of the surrounding country finds its way into
the markets of the town, nothing untoward having taken
place in the status of the public health, the port was
re-opened to facilitate the handling of the increasing com-
merce, and the segregated vessels again permitted to an-
chor at the wharves. Quarantine regulations were re-
laxed and uninterrupted communication had with the
nondescript craft in the harlior.
It was this lack of precaution which paved the way for
the entrance of the pestilence into the city.
How the fever finally invaded the town, is difficult to
surmise from the publications of the period. It may be
that the infection was diffused by persons communicat-
ing with the Initium, for the first cases were observed in
the districts of Alcazaba and Alcazabilla, inhabited prin-
cipally by sailors and the poorer classes. The brig
fiouveroin Congres, which arrived from Havana in Au-
gust, with an unclean bill of health, and which had suf-
fered from yellow fever during the voyage, is also in-
criminated. It is said that the captain of this vessel and
his crew came ashore as soon as the vessel was released
from quarantine, and that the captain's family, residing
in Alcazabilla, were first to contract the malady.
By whatever means the disease was introduced, the
first case presentimr unmistakable symptoms of yellow
fever manifested itself on September 6, in the son of Jose
Rodriguez, a caulker, residing in the Alcazaba district,
SPAIN MALAGA. 595
whose parent had been employed on one of the vessels
in port. The boy, aged 11, died on the 9th, but the father,
taken ill almost simultaneously, recovered. The histo-
rians of this epidemic accuse the elder Rodriguez of hav-
ing brought the infection ashore, but as he was taken ill
after his son, such a contention certainly secmiS absurd
in this age of known mosquito transmission of the dis-
ease. Personal contact and fomites were then held re-
sponsible for the spread of yellow fever; but now, things
are different. How the little fellow contracted the mal-
ady, is a problem which cannot be satisfactorily solved
at this late day, unless Ave take it for granted that, like
all children of his age, he played about the streets in his
neighborhood, already infected by persons from the ships
in the harbor, and was bitten by Calopae, with the sad
result above narrated.
On September 12, three days after the death of young
Rodriguez, a doctor reported that he had seen in Cober-
tizo del Corte street a suspicious case of illness, followed
by death on the fourth day. This patient had come from
the Alcazaba district. The health authorities started an
immediate investigation and declared that the man had
died of a "suspicious contagious disease," and quarantined
the house where he had passed away. ; They went fur-
ther and quarantined the residence of the governor of
Alcazaba, whence the suspicious case originally came,
and caused the official's family to be forthwith transported
to the lazaretto. The governor, who was ill, died on the
26th. The authorities ordered that his house be hermet-
ically closed and guarded, although it was plain to every-
body that the poor man had not died of yellow fever, but
of an ailment totally foreign to that disease.
The public, already on the qui vive, were thrown into
indescribable consternation by these rigorous measures.
The terror became so great, that the inhabitants fled in
multitudes, some even running through the streets and
seeking refuge in the country, as if an invading army were
pursuing them.
On September 27, in the middle of the night, the physi-
cians of Malaga were called together by order of the
596 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
Superior Board of Health, to arrive at some decision, as
to the real character of the malady which was creating
so much alarm. After considerable wrangling, a mani-
festo was issued to the public, of which the following
is the gist:
"The undersigned physicians and surgeons declare that
the general state of the public health is good ; but, in par-
ticular instances, cases of a malignant malady present-
ing the symptoms of yellow fever, have been observed.
There actually exists three such cases, against which
common prudence and a regard for the public health de-
mand that measures of non-communication be adopted."*
This was signed by thirty of the most prominent physi-
cians of Malaga.
On September 27, Dr. Mendoza (whose elaborate work
on this and other epidemics of Malaga, are regarded as
authorities), suggested that the district of Alcazaba,
where the disease was concentrated, be isolated, arguing
that this would be an easy matter, as the infected quarter
Avas connected with the city proper by two gates only.
Dissensions among the members of the Superior Board of
Health as to the propriety of such a measure prevented
same from being adopted, and many inhabitants of Al-
cazaba, fearing to be cooped up at any moment within
the ancient Moorish citadel, fled to various parts of the
city and thus spread the infection.
Whether the Calopae were unusually inactive in Malaga
in 1821, or causes which cannot be explained intervened,
the disease did not spread rapidly nor does it appear to
liave been very deadly. Cases continued to crop out here
and there during October and November, and by the end
of the latter month, cold weather put an end to the activ-
ities of the few straggling Calopae, and the epidemic was
at an end. On December 2, Malaga was officially de-
clared free from fever, and all quarantines raised.
SPAIN MALAGA. 597
The number of cases is not given, but the mortality was
as follows:
Sex.
Month. Males. Females. Total.
August 5 0 5
September 17 3 20
October 56 33 89
November 67 39 106
December 15 7 22
Totals 160 82 242
In the above table are comprised deaths in the city
proper, in the shipping and at the lazaretto.
1890.
The Case of the Herman Cortes.
Malaga narrowly escaped an invasion of yellow fever
in 1890. The circumstances were as follows :^^^
The steamship Herman Cortes sailed from Havana
April 28, 1890, and anchored at Malaga May 20. In ac-
cordance with an old custom, the boys of the musical
band from the Asylum San Bartolome, boarded the ship,
entertained the passengers and spent several hours "feast-
ing and making merry." On May 23, the ship departed
for Barcelona.
On May 25, one of the boys was taken sick with yellow
fever and died four days later. On June 1, a second be-
came ill and died on the 3rd. A third was attacked on
the 11th and died twenty hours later. On the 15th and
16th, two more cases appeared; both recovered.
According to the authorities cited, these are all the
cases that occurred at Malaga. The Herman Cortes came
fromi New Orleans via Havana, laden with cotton, etc.
Most of the cargo was unloaded at Malaga and stored in
"'Caro: Boletin de Medecine Naval, Madrid, 1890, vol. 13, p. 190.
Ibid: Independencia Medico, Barcelona, 1889-90, vol. 21, p. 461.
U. S. Public Health Reports, 1891, vol, 5, pp. 286; 299.
598 HISTORY OF YELLOW FETER.
factories and other establishments in the town, but no ill
effects resulted. There was no yellow fever in New Or-
leans in 1890. There had been yellow fever in Havana
up to three days prior to the arrival of the ship, but no
cases occurred on board of the vessel either before ar-
riving at Malaga or after leaving that port.
Infected mosquitoes were undoubtedly taken on board
with the cargo at Havana, and the weather being still too
cool for them to venture in the open, they remained in
the hold until Malaga was reached, when the opening of
the hatches gave them an opportunity to sally forth and
feed on the unfortunate orphans who had come on board
to welcome their friends. It is a noteworthy fact that all
the boys affected had been among the number who visited
the ship. It is also worthy of note that all the boys were
not affected, and that the passengers and crew of the
Herman Co7'tes escaped contamination. This is one of
the extraordinary freaks of Nature which no human in-
genuity can solve, and which conjecture only renders more
mysterious and inexplicable.
Summary.
First case, May 25 ; first death. May 29 ; last case, June
16 ; last death, June 12. Total cases, 5, of which 3 proved
fatal.
MALGRAT.
1821.
MalgTat, thirty-seven miles northeast of Barcelona, was
infected by persons fleeing from the latter city in 1821.-^'^^
There was no diffusion of the disease.
"= Corn'lliac: Recherches Chronologiques, suir I'Origin et la
Propagation de la Fievre Jaune, etc., Fort-de-France, 1886,
p. 408.
SPAIN. 59!)
MAZAREON.
1804.
Mazarron, twenty miles west of Cartagena, was infected
by fugitives from that city in 1804.Tlie disease was con-
fined to the imported cases.
MEDINA-SIDONIA.
Yellow Fever Years.
1800; 1801; 1802; 1811; 1813.
Summary of Epidemics.
1800.
Previous to 1800, yellow fever had never been observed
in Medina-Sidonia. Fugitives from Cadiz infected the
town that year, but the disease was not extensive, being
confined solely to the imported cases. This was fortunate
for tlie inhabitants of Medina-Sidonia, for out of 51 cases
reported by the health authorities, 46 ended fatally.^"^^
1801.
As no importation can be traced regarding the epidemic
of 1801, it is natural to lay the blame to a revival of per-
nicious activity on the part of the Stegomijiae Calopae,
infected the year previous.
The historians of this epidemic claim that the infection
was due to the opening of a house where fugitives from
Cadiz had died in 1800, and which had remained closed
until the middle of 1801. Viewed in the light of 1909,
this statement serves to strengthen the mosquito theory.
"' Periodico de la Sociedad Medico-Qurirgica de Cadiz, vol. 3
(Appendix), p. 49.
(La Roche, p. 534, quoting Alfonso da Maria, p. 123, says that
the deaths were 136.)
600 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
The first case erupted on August 3, followed by death
on the 6th. The father of this case, taken ill on the 5th,
died on the 9th. Another person in the same house waa
attacked on the 29th, and died September 2. The malady
then spread rapidly and was especially severe in San
Francisco, Loba, Santa Catalina, Cigarra and Sucia
Streets. The epidemic came to an end on November 6,
resulting in 821 fatalities.^"*
1802.
A few cases of yellow fever were observed at Medina-
Sidonia in 1802. No reliable details are obtainable.^'^
1811.
Cadiz infected INledina-Sidonia in 1811. Only a few
cases were observed.^"® I
1813.
Sporadic cases appeared in 1813. The invasion does
not seem to have been extensive. ^^'^
MEQUINENZA.
1821.
Mequinenza, a small town on the Ebro, was only invaded
once by yellow fever, under the following conditions -.^"^^
"* Rally, p. 76.
Robert, vol. 1, p. 272.
Pariset, pp. 95; 96.
Chervin: Examen Critique, p. 80.
Bancroft: Essay on Yellow Fever, p. 462 (note.)
Bancroft: Sequel, p. 309. •
"' Moreau de Jonnes: Monographie Historique, etc., p. 341.
"" Berenger-Feraud, p. 84.
'" Berenger-Feraud, pp. 85; 86.
'"Bally, Francois and Pariset, p. 61.
Robert, Guide Sanitaire, vol. 1, p. 272.
O'Halloran, p. 45.
SPAIN. 601
In August, 1821, a boat left Tortosa, where yellow fever
was epidemic, and reached Mequinenza on the 28th of
the same month. One of the passengers, on reaching
Mequinenza, was taken ill and was transported to his
home in the town, where he died of yellow fever on the
30th. Of nine persons who composed his family, seven
contracted the disease and died. The malady spread to
the inhabitants and caused much mortality.
MIJAS.
1804.
Mijas, fifteen miles southwest of Malaga, was infected
by fugitives from that city in 1804. The disease did not
spread to the inhabitants.^'^^
MONTE ALEGRE.
1821.
A family consisting of father, mother and two children,
fleeing from Barcelona, arrived at Monte Alegre, October
30, 1821. The father, taken ill on his arrival, died on
November 3 ; the mother followed on the 21st. One of the
children was also affected; the other escaped an attack.
The disease did not spread beyond these cases.*
MONTEJUGUE.
1800.
Refugees from infected localities contaminated Monte-
jugue in 1800. The disease did not spread to the in-
habitants.^^^
"'Salamanca: Observaciones Medica sobre la Fiebre Amarilla,
etc.. Malaga, 1804, p. 5.
* Bally Francois and Pariset, p. 99.
'^"Rougeau, loc. cit.
00s HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
MONTILLA.
1803.
A few cases of yellow fever, refugees from Malaga and
other infected points, were observed in Montilla in 1803.
The inhabitants escaped the infection.^^^
1804.
In 1804, Montilla had a population of 4,000.* It was
contaminated in the following manner :^^^
A monk Avho had recently arrived from Malaga,
was taken sick at Montilla, August 11, and died in five
days. Other cases followed that of the padre. The houses
where the deaths had occurred were closed and all persons
having contact with the cases were isolated. September 4,
another monk, a fugitive from Malaga, was attacked with
yellow fever and died in a few days. A muleteer return-
ing from Malaga fell victim to the same fate. From these
foci, the disease extended to a large portion of the com-
munity, but owing, it appears, to the energy of the san-
itary authorities, did not work such havoc as elsewhere.
December 15, the city was declared free from yellow fever.
The mortality was as follows : Males, 616 ; females, 451 ;
a total of 1,067'.
"* Berenger-Feraud, p. 74.
* Chervin (Examen Critique, p. 5) says that the population of
Montilla in 1804 was 14,000, and not 4,000; but as the
majority of chroniclers place the number at 4,000 and
taking into consideration the fact that the present popula-
tion of Montilla is only 15,000, we incline to the belief that
Chervin was misinformed.
»= Eager, p. 20.
Fellowes, p. 478.
Bally, p. 90
CheTvin, Examen Critique, p. 5.
Pariset, p. 86.
Jackson, p. 22.
(
SPAIN. 60S
MORA.
1821.
In 1821, an inhabitant of Mora, a toT\Ti on the Ebro,
30 miles west of Tarragona, communicated with Tortosa,
where yellow fever was prevailing. He was taken ill with
the disease on his return home and died in a few days.
The infection did not spread, being confined to this sol-
itary case.*
MOEON DE LA FRONTERA.
Moron de la Frontera, 32 miles from Seville, was visited
twice by yellow fever and, in each instance, the mortality
was heavy.
1800.
The great epidemic wave of yellow fever which passed
over Spain in 1800, also reached Moron de la Frontera.
A mortality of 1,854 is recorded.^^^
1804.
In 1804, the first case in Moron de la Frontera was ob-
served September 15. The epidemic lasted until Decem-
ber 12. Out of a population of 11,000, there were 2,000
deaths. Of these, 1,300 were men and 700 women.^^*
MURCIA.
1804.
The ancient Moorish city of ^Murcia, 30 miles northwest
of Cartagena, was infected by fugitives from the latter
place in 1804. There was no diffusion of the disease.^^^
* Rapport III a 1' Academie Royale de Medecine de Paris (Paris,
1828), p. 86.
"* Alfonso da Maria, p. 122; La Roche, vol. 1, p. 534.
'"Fellowes, p. 478; Bally, p. 90.
"^ Bally, p. 90.
604 HISTORY OK YELLOW FEVER.
1810.
Sporadic cases were observed in 1810. The inhabitants
did not sufifer.*
1811.
Cases were also imiported into Murcia in 1811. There
was no spread of the malady.^^^
1812.
A few sporadic cases, fugitives from infected localities.
NONASPE.
1821.
Fugitives brought yellow fever to Nonaspe in 1821.
There was no spread of the disease.^^^
OJOS.
1821.
During the series of epidemics of yellow fever in Spain
from 1800 to 1821, sporadic cases, all refugees, were ob-
served at Ojos. The chroniclers of the period do not
specify the vear.
OLIVERA. :
1800.
A few cases of yellow fever found their way into Olivera
in 1800, but the infection did not spread to the in-
habitants.^^^
* Bonneau and Sulpicy, p. 363.
'** Berenger-Feraud, p. 84; Bally, Francois and Pariset, p. 559.
"' Bally, Francois and Pariset, p. 62.
"* Rougeau, loc. cit.
SPAIN. 605
OLOT.
1821.
A mattress-maker residing at Olot,* who made dally
trips to Barcelona in the interest of his business, was
taken ill on his return home, on October 26, 1821, and
expired shortly afterwards. His son, who ministered to
him during his illness, Avas not affected. The man's house
was rigidl}' quarantined and no other case resulted. ■'^*^''*
PALMA.
(See Balearic Islands).
PALMAl?.
Refugees died at Palmar during the series of yellow
fever epidemics in Spain in the beginning of the last
century, but the exact date is not given by our authority. -^^^
PASAJES.
1823.
In 1823, yellow fever was introduced into Pasajes (also
known as El Pasajes and Port du Passage) under the
following conditions :^^^
* Chervin, Pariset, BerengernFeraud and other chroniclers call
this place "Xlot," instead of "Olot." On a map of the
environs of Barcelona, the locality is designated as "Olot."
"'Pariset: Histoire Medicale de la Fievre Jaune, etc., p. 86..
Chervin: Examen des Principes de I'Administration en Matiere
Sanitaire, p. 51.
"" Second Report on Quarantine, p. 209.
'"Audouard: Revue Medicale Francaise et Etrangere (Paris),
1824, vol. 3, p. 224.
Jourdain: Journal General de Medecine, 1824, vol. 86, p. 176.
iMontes: Decadas de Med. y Cirug. Pract. (Madrid), 1827, vol.
14, p. 321.
Boisseau: Physiological Pyretology. Philadelphia, 1832, p. 335.
Berenger-Feraud, p. 101.
606 HISTORy OF YELLOW FEVER.
The ship Donastiera, sailed from Havana, where yellow
fever was prevailing, at the end of J^une, 1823, with a
crew of fifteen and live passengers. The vessel had pre-
viously been engaged in the slave trade between Africa
and Havana.
Ten days after leaving Havana, one of the crew died,
the symptoms being ''of a suspicous nature.'' The vessel
reached Corunna, Spain, thirty-five days after her de-
parture from Havana, and was subjected to ten days'
quarantine, after which it left for Santander, where it
remained six days, finally reaching Pasajes on August 2.
No quarantine was interposed. The crew was discharged
and the cargo disembarked betAveen the 6th and 10th,
and stored in warehouses in the burgs of Saint-Jean and
Saint-Pierre, which together form the town of Pasejes.
The population was then, 3,200 of which 2,000 were at
Saint-Jean and 1,200 at Saint-Pierre.
On August 15, nine days after the Opening of the
hatches, a customhouse employe who had been stationed
on board the Donastiera was taken ill and died on the
17th, with symptoms of yellow fever.
On August 20, a carpenter who had been employed in
making repairs to the vessel, was attacked and died on
the 22nd. From the last date until September 1, six
workmen engaged in removing rotten timbers from the
hold of the vessel, and a huckster and two boatmen who
had gone on board, were successively taken ill and died,
making a total of eleven deaths in two weeks. The char-
acteristic symptoms of yellow fever and the appearance
of black vomit in nearly all the cases, left no doubt as to
the true character of the disease.
Pasejas is situated on the Bay of Biscay, near the
Frencli frontier, and yellow fever had never been observed
there before. When the real state of affairs became pub-
lic, the population recalling the horrors of the Barcelona
epidemic of 1812, were thrown into consternation border-
ing on terror, and by September 5th, 1,620 had fled pell-
mell wlierever the.v could.
On September 12, a strict military sanitary cordon was
established around the infected localities, but in spite of
SPAIN. 607
these precautions, the disease continued to spread. On
September 16, yielding to popular clamor, the Donastiera
was burned to the water's edge and her cargo, which had
been stored in warehouses in the town, guarded by the
military.
The last case erupted September 25, but the sanitary
cordon was not removed until October 23, when the in-
habitants were permitted to return to their homes. But
the goods from the Donasteria, which had been sequestered
shortly after the outbreak of the epidemic, Avere not al-
lowed to be placed on sale until January, 1824.
There were 101 cases, of which 40 (25 men and 15
women) proved fatal.
This epidemic was the subject of much acHmonious
discussions between the chroniclers of the period.
PAiTERNA DE LA RIBIEEA.
1800.
Yellow fever invaded Paterna de la Ribiera in 1800, re-
sulting in 86 deaths. ^^^
1804.
In 1804, Paterna de la Ribiera had a population of
1,140. Yellow fever appeared in the town on August 30,
and lasted until December 8, causing a mortality of 117,
of which 72 were men and 45 women. ^^^
PEDRARA.
1821.
Refugees from Seville died at Padrara during the epi-
demic of 1821. The infection did not spread to the in-
habitants.1^4
"=La Roche, vol. 1, p. 534.
"'Fellowes, p. 478; Bally, p. 90.
*"* Bally, Francois and Pariset, p. 99.
608 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
PEDROCHES.
1879.
The bark Imogen, from Rio de Janeiro, arrived at
Pedroehes June 7, 1879, with a crew of fifteen and forty-
one passengers. Twelve cases of yellow fever, all fatal,
had occurred on board during the voyage across the At-
lantic. While the ship was in the quarantine basin at
Pedroehes, a case erupted on June 18, followed by two
others. Our authority does not state whether these cases
were fatal or not. There was no diffusion of the in-
fection.-^^^
PENACERRADA.
1804.
Penacerrada, a village of 100 inhabitants, was invaded
by yellow fever on September 28, 1901. From that date
until November 16, there were 11 deaths, of which 9 were
men and 5 women.*
PORT MAHON.
(See Balearic Islands).
PUERTO DE SANTA MARIA.
1800.
Puerto de Santa Maria was infected by Cadiz in 1804.
It had then a population of 20,000, out of which 3,493
died from the pestilence.^^®
"'Branco: Correjo Med. de Lisboa, 1879, vol. 8, p. 149.
*Fellowes, p. 478; Bally, pp. 90; 449.
>" Bally, p. 75.
Alfonzo da Maria, p. 122. .
SPAIN PUERTO DE SANTA MARIA. fl09
1804.
Four persons from Cadiz fled to Puerto de Santa Maria
in 1804, and were taken ill with yellow fever shortly after
their arrival. They infected the inhabitants, but the
epidemic does not seem to have been severe, as the total
number of cases and deaths is not given.^^^
1819.
A fugitive from Isla de Leon brought yellow fever to
Puerto de Santa Maria in 1819. The developments were
unimportant.^®^
1821.
Several persons, who contracted yellow fever in Cadiz
and Xeres de la Frontera, were taken ill and died at
Puerto de Santa Maria in 1820. The inhabitants of the
town were not affected.^®®
1821.
Yellow fever invaded Puerto de Santa Maria in 1821,
but the attacks were so limited as scarcely to deserve the
denomination of an epidemic. Details are not available.^"^
PUERTO REAL.
1800.
In 1880, Puerto Real had a population of 1,000. Ac-
cording to Alfonzo de Maria, the first case manifested
itself on August 11, in the person of a youth, who died
on the seventh day of the onset. His case was diagnosed
'■"Bally, p. 90; Bally, Francois and Pariset, p. 80.
"' Berenger-Feraud, p. 90.
•»» Robert: Guide Sanitaire, vol. 1, p. 272; O'Halloran, p. 138.
=«" O'Halloran, p. 70.
610 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
by the authorities as "ardent fever, caused by insolation."*
Perez, Pariset and others, claim that the first case was
that of a carpenter who had been on board the corvette
Dauphin, from Havana, who was taken ill August 21 and
died on the 27th.
From these two foci, the disease spread far and wide,
resulting in the death of 1,621 persons.^*^^
1819.
A few cases were observed in 1819. Some authorities
place the mortality at 10, while others claim that the
disease was more widespread. Authentic details are
lacking.^*^^
REGENS.
1821.
Regens, situated five miles from Tortosa, must have
been free from Stegomyaie Calopae in 1821, for, according
to O'Holloran, not a single case erupted in the village,
although many refugees from Tortosa who took up their
abode there, died of yellow fever. Some of the inhabitants
who communicated with the infected city was stricken,
but those who remained aloof enjoyed total immunity
from the disease.^^^ '
RICOTE.
At some time or other, during the first years of the
last century, yellow fever was brought to Ricote by
refugees. The works we have consulted fail to specify the
date.
* "* * * la fiefbre de ardiente por insolacion."
"'Alfonzo da Maria, loc. cit. ; La Roche, vol. 1, p. 534; Chervin,
Examen Critique, etc.. p. 34; Robert, p. 279; Pariset, p. 92;
Perez, Theses de Paris, No. 127 (1825), p. 15.
"'Chervin, Examen Critique, p. 47.
"' O'Halloran, p. 122,
SPAIN. 611
RONDA.
1800.
In 1800, Eonda was infected by refugees from near-by
localities. The outbreak was confined to a limited area,
resulting in 20 cases, of which 19 proved fatal.-*^*
1803.
A few cases were also observed in 1803. No details are
obtainable.^^^
1804.
The first person whose case gave suspicion of the exist-
ence of yellow at Eonda in 1804, was Maria de Eio. She
was attacked on July 27, and died on August 4; the
disease was denominated "black erysipelas" by the medi-
cal attendant. She vomited black matter before death;
and is said toi have recollected that two persons from
Malaga lodged at her house some time previous. The
woman was ignorant of their character, or the state of
their health at the time.
Francisco Euiz, another inhabitant of Eonda, was taken
ill on September 4, and died on the 7th. He became in-
disposed in four or five hours after his return from
Malaga ; he was deeply jaundiced, and matter which he
vomited was of a black color. Besides Euiz, a lady ar-
rived from Malaga, on the 19th of August, at the house
of her mother and was taken ill with yellow fever shortly
afterwards.
From these foci, the disease pursued a slow course until
the first days of October resulting in about 50 deaths.^^^
***Chervin: Examen Critique, p. 88.
«« Ibid.
'^Jackson, loc. cit., p. 23; Chervin, Examen Critique, p. 88; Bally,
Francois and Pariset, p. 78; Eageir, p. 20.
612 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
ROQUETAS.
1821.
Eoquetas, a hamlet on the Ebro, opposite Tortosa, was
contaminated by refugees from that citj in 1821. The first
victims were two women, named De Juari. After these,
the village barber was stricken and then the mayor. The
infection did not spread to the inhabitants, being confined
to these four imported cases.^^^
ROTA.
1800.
Rota, which had 6,000 souls in 1800, was contaminated
that year by refugees from Cadiz and Isla de Leon. ■Many
fled, but the disease seems to have been imbued with un-
usual virulency, for out of the small remaining popula-
tion, there were 1,116 deaths.^*^^
1804.
Yellow fever invaded Rota in 1801, but no reliable de-
tails are obtainable. Perez gives a resume of twenty-three
autopsies, but does not touch upon the historical phase
of the epidemic. ^^^
SAINT ELOY.
During the first years of the nineteenth century, yellow
fever was imported to Saint Eloy. No details or dates
given by the authorities we have consulted.^^^
"•^ O'Halloran, p. 21.
=^'La Roche, vol. 1, p. 534; Alfonzo da Maria, p. 122.
"^ Perez: Journal General de Medecine, 1820, vol. 71, p. 3.
*"• Second Report on Quarantine, p. 209.
SPAIN, 61S
SAN ANDERO.
1813.
In the autumn of 1813, being the close of the Peninsular
War, sporadic cases of yellow fever appeared in the depot
barrack in San Andero, in Spain, and after the Christmas
holidays, became numerous. The troops were removed to
a healthy situation, and the epidemic was soon under
control.
Out of about 700 persons who were exposed to the in-
fection, 50 were attacked and 11 died.^^^
Our authority does not attempt to give the source of
infection, but as yellow fever ravaged several cities of
southern Spain in 1813 (Cadiz, Gibraltar and Medina-
Sidonia) and the events of the Peninsular War rendered
rigid quarantines impracticable, we can safely incrimi-
nate one of the above named foci in this importation.
SALOU.
1821.
On July 28, 1821, the N^testra Senora de Begoma ar-
rived at Salon from Barcelona, where yellow fever was
prevailing. Owing to the high tide, the crew was unable
to land. This was fortunate for the inhabitants of the
village, for the captain of the little craft was taken ill
with yellow fever during the night and died the following
morning. The boat was immediately quarantined by the
health authorities. A sailor, taken ill on the day of the
captain's death, died on August 2. The disease was not
communicated to the inhabitants of Salou.^^^
"^Second Report on Quarantine, p. 235.
"-Chervin: Examen des Principes de rAdministration Sanitaire,
p. 57.
614 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
SAN GERVAISO.
1821.
A refugee from Barcelona died of yellow fever at San
Gervaiso in 1821. Only a few cases resulted from this
infection.^^^
SAN JUAN DEL PUERTO.
1804.
Yellow fever was introduced into San Juan ( which had
then a population of 3,476) by refugees from neighbor-
ing cities on September 17, 1804. The epidemic lasted
until December 17, resulting in 219 deaths, of which 136
were men and 83 women. ^^*
SAN LUCAR DE BARA:\rED.\.
1800.
San Lucar de Barameda, which had a population of
18,000 in 1800, lost 2,303 from yellow fever that year.^^^
1819.
'In 1819, sporadic cases were observed. No authentic
details are obtainable.^^®
1821.
The last appearance of yellow fever in San Lucar de
Barameda took place in 1821, when a few cases, probably
refugees, caused some apprehension. There was no dif-
fesion of the disease.-^^
"'O'Halloran, p. 88; Bally, Francois and Pariset, p. 434; Chervin,
Examen Critique, p. 200.
="*Fellowes, p. 478.
^^''La Roche, vol. 1, p. 534; Bally, p. 75.
"" Medico-Chirurgical Journal and Review, 1821, vol. 2, p. 439.
^"Robert, loc. cit., vol. 1, p. 272.
SPAIN. 615
SAN EOQUE.
1804.
In 1804, a resident of San Roque went to Algeziras,
where yellow fever was prevailing-, to see his son, who was
ill. On his return home, he was taken ill and infected
five persons living in his immediate neighborhood. From
these foci, the disease spread throughout the town,^^^
I
SANS.
1821.
A resident of Sans went to Barcelona on business dur-
ing the epidemic which devastated the latter city in 1821.
He remained but a few hours. On his return home, he
was taken ill and died in a few days. His wife, who
nursed him, also contracted the malady and died. It was
afterward proved that this man's wife often accompanied
him to Barcelona, and it was no doubt on one of these
trips that she was infected, as none of the five children
of the couple, nor their servants or friends who visited
them, were attacked. No other inhabitant of Sans con-
tracted the maladj'.-^^
SARRIA.
1652.
Was it yellow fever which ravaged Sarria in 1652?
In 1652, a pestilence "of an unknown character" raged
in Bai'celona and was brought by refugees to Sarria.
This epidemic is commented upon by Rochoux.* The
little suburban village was almost depopulated. To com-
memorate their escape from the scourge, Ihe survivors
erected a singular monument in the gardens of the Capu-
* Berenger-Feraud, p. 78.
"^Chervin: Examen des Principes, etc., p. 47.
Bally, Francois and Pariset, p. 50.
Pariset: Histoire Medicale de la Flevre Jaune, pp. 50; 107.
* Rochoux: Recherches sur les Differentes Maladies qu'on
Appelle Fievre Jaune. Paris, 1828, p. 75.
616 HISTORY OF YELLOW F£VER.
cins at Sarria. This monument, even to this day, is an
object of curious pilgrimage to the tourist and the inhabi-
tants of Barcelona and neighboring villages. The alle-
gorical figures are of terra cotta and represent a proces-
sion in solemn march, the largest personages being quar-
ter life-size, others much smaller. The processionists are
grouped around a church. In their midst is a personage
who appears to have been suddenly stricken with the
scourge. All about him are people either dying or dead.
The moribund are being attended to in their last moments
by surpliced friars. A peculiar feature of this group is
that all the personages have bleeding sores, either on
the sides, the nape of the neck, the arms or legs. Two
of the stricken ones are vomiting. One of the latter,
U'Jiose features are painted yellow, is ejecting hlaelc matter
from the stomach, while the other, whose distended
cheeks show that his mouth is full, has placed a hand
over the oriface, as if in a vain effort to stop the escape
of the fluid. A monk supports his head with one hand
while with the other he offers him a draught out of a
cup containing a beverage which he seems to coax him
to take.
Kear this remarkable group is a small two-story edifice,
covered with a shroud, which is open on one side.
Through this opening can be seen eleven skeletons habited
in monkish garments^ — three in the first story, four in
the second and four in the basement. At the base of this
mausoleum, is the following scription, written in the
picturesque language of Catalonia:
NOMS DELS ONSE RELIGIOUS
QUE MORIREX DE PESTA,,
EX LO ANY 1G52,
ASSISTIN EX LO SPIRITUAL Y TETINIPORAL AL POBLB
DE SARRIA ESSEXT AFFLIGIT DE TAL COXTAGI ;
Y SON ENTERRATS BAIX EST PANTAON.*
* Translation:
"Names of the eleven religious who died of the pest in 1852,
while bringing spiritual and temporal assistance to the"
inhabitants of Sarraia, afflicted with this contagion; they
rest beneath this pantheon."
SPAIN SARRIA. 617
Although Spanish archives are silent as to the real
character of this pestilential visitation, the pantheon
above noted certainly- leads to the suspicion that a malady
bearing two of the pronounced characteristics of yellow
fever — black vomit and jaundice — devastated Barcelona
and Sarria in 1652. The running sores, however, pre-
clude the diagnosis of yellow fever. But it does not fol-
low that these latter symptoms were really present. The
exalted temperament of the Catalonians may have imbued
the artist (or artists) who moulded this remarkable group
with ultra extravagant ideals, and induced him to add
the running sores to the other SA^nptoms for effect. The
Spaniards are proverbially fond of CQUps dc theatres, and
do not hesitate to give their imaginations free rein to
effect a soul stirring climax, even at the sacrifice of truth.
As the real diagnosis of this epidemic has never been
satisfactoryily established, we do not include it in our
chronology, but simply give it a niche in this volume as
one of the "curiosities" of epidemiology.
1800.
P^'ive persons, fleeing from Barcelona, died from yellow
fever at Sarria in 1800. The inhabitants were not con-
I -IT oia
1800.
IS, fleeing frc
ia in 1800.
taminated.-^'^
1821.
A doctor of Sarria, on the eve of being married, went
to Barcelona with liis fiancee on September 7, 1821. The
couple spent the day in going from shop to shop making-
purchases. They were married the following day and
took up their residence in Sarria. On the 9th, the day
after the ceremony, the bride was taken ill with yellow
fever and died on the 13th. The husband, stricken on
the 11th, died on the 20th. There were altogether 18
deaths in tlie village, all in persons who had been to
Barcelona. Those who remained at home did not con-
tract the malady.^2^
"'La Roche, vol. 1, p. 534.
"° Chervil! : Examen des Principes de rAdministration, etc., p. 48.
Bally, Francois and Pariset, pp. 50; 57.
618 History of yellow fevbr.
SEVILLE.
Historical Resume.
Seville, the Romula of Julius Caesar, is one of the most
ancient cities of Spain, and has been made famous in
song' and story from the time it was the capital of a
Mohammedan emirate to the age of de Musset. Even to
this day, a glamour of romance pervades this historic
place, whose old Moorish houses, Gothic cathedral and
famous aqueduct, are the only vestiges of an old-time
splendor, when it boasted of a population of 600,000 souls.
Its decadence began with the capture of the city by Fer-
dinand III in 1248, when 300,000 Moors fled froim the
sabres of the cruel Castillians. The discovery of Amer-
ica gave Seville renewed energy and for a time it was
again flourishing, but the superior advantages of the port
of Cadiz induced the government to order tlie galleons to
be stationed at the latter place, and the decline of the
ancient metropolis of Andalusia was rapid from that date.
In 1800, the population was only 80,5G8. During the one
hundred and eight years which have elapsed since, the
increase lias been slow, the estimated population of the
town in 1908 being 118,315.
Yet.low Fevi-]r Years.
1649 (not authentic) ; 1800; 1801; 1819; 1821.
Summary of Epidemics.
1649.
According to Spanish tradition, yellow fever was ob-
served in Seville as early as 1649, but authentic documents
are lacking to substantiate this statement. According to
the most reliable authorities we have consulted, yellow
fever had never invaded the ancient Moorish city previous
to 1800. But there is a strong possibility, nevertheless,
that the disease was imported to the Spanish coast prior
to that date. Before it was superseded by Cadiz, the port
of Seville was the principal shipping and receiving point
for the extensive commerce between Spain and her colo-
SPAIN SEVILLE. 619
nial possessions in the New World, and it is natural to
surmise that the dreaded Antillean pestilence was im-
ported within its walls, but, owing to its mildness or its
sporadic nature, was unnoticed by the historians of the
period, whose tjime was more occupied in watching and
recording court intrigues than in making history.
The only modern author who refers, in a roundabout
way, to the Seville epidemic of 1649, is O'Halloran, in a
small monograph published in 1821 (Yellow Fever in
Andalusia in 1820, p. 165), in which he gives Lind as his
authority. A perusal of the works of the famous English
physician fails to throw any satisfactory light on the
subject.
1800.
The first epidemic of yellow fever in Seville of which
there is authentic record, took place in 1800. The origi-
nal cases were observed August 23, in the suburb of
Triana, which is separated from the city proper by the
Guadalquivir Eiver, and inhabited principally by bull-
fighters, seamen and smugglers. Smugglers from Cadiz
are said to have infected Triana. Communication between
both banks of the river being uninterrupted, the infection
was soon brought to the suburb of Los Humeros,, opposite
Triana, also inhabited by seamen and the working classes,
whence it was propagated throughout the town.
Seville had then a population of 80,568. As is always
the case when compiling statistics showing the ravages
of great epidemics, authorities differ as to the total num-
ber of cases and deaths.--^ The majority, however, unite
in placing the cases at 76,488 and the deaths at 14,685.
^^^La Roche, vol. 1 ,pp. 534; 536; 538.
Bally: Typhus d'Amerique, p. 72.
Caisergues: Memoire sur la Contagion de la Fievre Jaune.
Paris, 1817, pp. 190; 214.
Fellowes: Pestilential Disorder of Andalusia, p. 421.
Arejula, p.. 434.
Alfonzo da Maria, p. 122.
Berthe: Precis Historique de la Maladie qui a Renee en
Andalousie en 1800. Paris, 1800.. p. 64.
620 HISTORY OF YELLOW FIVER.
Fellowes (p. 421) gives the following tableau of deaths:
From August 23 to the end of the month 165
In September 2,10G
In October 9,236
In November 1,223
Dates not specified 1,955
Total deaths from August 23 to November 30. .11,685
La Eoche (p. 538), iii commenting on the above mor-
tality, states that when we read the statement here re-
corded, authentic as it appears to be, we can with dif-
ficulty divest ourselves of the idea of error having crept
in somewhere. ^'Xot that I feel disposed to swell the
mortality to 20,000, as was done by Dumeril (Humboldt,
779), and thereby diminish the ratio of recoveries; but I
am inclined to regard it as probable that the number of
those stricken down with the real malignant yellow fever
did not reach the amount mentioned.-' The idea of an
epidemic evtending its baneful influence to all but 4,000
in a population of 80,000, La Roche finds difficult <o
reconcile with the facts known respecting the diffusion of
the same disease elsewhere. He thinks it is more natural
to presume that in the number of cases recorded, are in-
cluded many of the other and milder complaints. Should
this be true, the proportion of deaths to recoveries would
be larger than stated; while the number of cases might
still be very large in proportion to the population. To
this opinion, he is the niore inclined, because, so far as
he could ascertain, the Spanish physicians, of those times
at least, were not noted for accuracy in matters of diag-
nosis, and their success in the treatment of the disease
had not usually been such as to induce the belief that they
would lose but 1 in 5.21 during a wide-spreading and
highly malignant epidemic.
SPAIN SEVILLE. 621
1801.
In 1801, yellow fever reappeared in Seville. The malady
affected principally those who had fled the preceding year.
There were in all 1,100 cases, of which 660 proved fatal. ^^^
1819.
The epidemic of 1819 broke out in the quarter of Santa
Cruz, where it was brought by a woman who had fled
from Cadiz, and who died on September 18 in the home
of a friend in Baraba Street. The friend contracted the
malady and in his turn contaminated those who visited
him. By this means, the fever was disseminated through-
out the quarter, where it raged until November 21, re-
sulting in 546 cases and 217 deaths, out of a population
of 1,650. The disease was confined exclusively to the
Santa Cruz quarter.—^
1821.
A few cases were observed in 1821. The developments
were unimportant.^^*
SITGES.
1821.
Sitges is located on the Mediterranean, eighteen miles
from Barcelona. On August 1, 1821, a woman who had
been in the latter place returned to her home in Sitges
and was taken ill with yellow fever. She died on the 5th.
Three persons who had nursed her were immediately dis-
patched to the country by the health authorities, but none
'^= Bally, p. 77; Berenger-Feraud, p. 71; Keating, p. 81.
-"La Roche, vol. 1, p. 536, and vol. 2, p. 387; Berenger-Feraud,
p. 90; Chervin, Examen Critique, p. 11; Cotens, Decad. de
Med. et de Cirug. Prac (Madrid), 1828, vol. 4, p. 68.
"* O'Halloran, p. 70.
642 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
of them contracted the disease. Xo other case occurred
in the town.--^
TABAECA.
1804.
The diminutive island of Tabarca, in the Mediterranean,
five miles south of AJicante, was infected by yellow fever
from the latter place in 1804. The mortality was small.^^**
TOBAEKA.
1811.
Yellow fever was carried as far as Tbbarra, in Murcia,
in 1811. There was no extensive spread of the disease.^^^
TOEEE DEL MAE.
1804.
Fugitives from Malaga died from yellow fever at Torre
del Mar in 1804. The inhabitants of the village were not
affected.^^^
TOEEE MOLINO.
1804.
Persons who had communicated with jNIalaga died from
yellow fever at Torre Molino in 1804. The villagers who
remained at home were not affected.^^^
*^ Chervin, Examen des Principes de rAdministration, p. 58;
Berenger-Feraud, p. 94.
==« Bally, pp. 90; 449.
=" Bally Francois and Pariset, p. 560; Berenger-Feraud, p. 84.
==^ Bally, p. 87.
=^Fellowes, pp. 181; 182.
SPAIN TORTOSA. 62S
TORTOSA.
Historical Resume.
The picturesque city of Tortosa, in Catalonia, on the
Ebro, 22 miles from its mouth, and 63 miles southwest of
Tarragona, occupies a romantic niche in history. Origi-
nally a Moorish stronghold, it was wrested from the in-
fields by Louis le Debonaire in 811, but was recaptured
by the Moors and became a nest of pirates. Eugenius III
proclaimed a crusade against the place, and it was re-
taken by the Christians in 1148. In 1149, the Moors
made a desperate effort to regain possession of the city,
but were frustrated, partly through the bravery of the
women. In 1798, the French invaded the city. Popula-
tion, 24,702.
Summary of Epidemics.
1821.
In 1821, for the first time in its history, Tortosa was
invaded by the Saffron Scourge and suffered one of the
most destructive epidemics on record. The population
was then 15,000, of which 10,000 fled when the real nature
of the malady became known to the inhabitants.
The facts of this epidemic are as follows :^^°
The first case developed in the person of a soap
dealer named Curto, who had communicated with Bar-
celona on August 1, and arrived at Tortosa on the 4th.
He was taken ill on the Gth, in the soap manufactory in
the Calle de Cerced and died on the 11th in the country,
where he had been transported by the health authorities.
The second case was that of a sailor named Puich, who
belonged to the brig Ventura. This vessel sailed from
San Feliu de Guixols, Spain, early in July, and was
^O'Halloran, p. 110; Chervin, Examen des Principes, etc., p. 66;
Bally, Francois and Pariset, p. 34.
624 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
detained fifteen days in the Ebro Kiver, for want of water
to float her to the citj* There was no epidemic disease
at the port of departure and it is said that Piiich held
no communication with Curto. He was, tlierefore, in-
fected at Tortosa. He was taken ill on August 11. He
was visited on the 13tli by two physicians of Tortosa,
who unhesitatingly pronounced his disease to be yellow
fever. When black vomiting and other unequivocal symp-
toms of the Antillean pestilence made their appearance,
the unfortunate sailor was forcibly taken from his bed
at eight o'clock at night, compelled to dress himself, and
with a rope around his neck (for the emissaries of the
health authorities were afraid to touch him), was dragged
by four armed soldiers to a lazaretto in the country, at
which he arrived after a march of three hours. The laz-
aretto, being unoccupied, was forced open, and the un-
happy and helpless victim, without assistance or even
water to allay his thirst, was left to his fate for the
remainder of the night, without even a bed on which to
repose. He died on the 15th.
The third case was that of a sailor who had arrived
with the soap-maker, Curto, from Barcelona, who died
a fcAV days after the onset of the nialad}'.
Cases then appeared in various parts of the city, mak-
ing slow progress, until August 29, when thirty persons
were suddenly seized with the symptoms of the dreadful
scourge, all of whom died within a short time after being
attacked.
Panic, terror and despair seized the populace. Of the
15,000 persons which constituted the population of Tor-
tosa, 10,000 fled. It was well that this wholesale exodus
took place, for of the 5,000 who remained, 2,356 perished.
The epidemic came to an end about the middle of
October.
* "Hacia 15 dias que se hallaba en el rio." — ^^Oflicial Report of
Tortosa Board of Health.
SPAIN. 625
1870.
For almost half a century, yellow fever was kept out
of Tortosa. That year occurred the memorable epidemic
of Barcelona, and the disease was imported from the
latter place to the former, on September 17. From that
date until November 30, when the last case was observed,
sporadic cases erupted here and there, but at no time was
the disease epidemic. There were in all 41 cases, of which
32 proved fatal. Of those attacked, 23 were men and
18 women; of those who died. 20 were men and 12
women. -"^^
TOTANA.
1811.
In 1811, yellow fever was imported to Cadiz from the
Canary Islands, and thence to the neighboring cities in
Southern Spain. A few cases were observed at Totana,
but the disease did not spread to the inhabitants. ^^^
TRIANA.
(A Suburb of Seville, which see).
TEIBUJENA.
1800.
During the general epidemic of yellow ever which
devastated Spain in 1800, Tribujeua was invaded by the
pestilence and lost 68 inhabitants.^^^
=''Ferandez y Domingo: Siglo Medica, 1873, vol. 20, p. 261.
=^= Bally, Francois and Pariset, p. 559; Berenger-Feraud, p. 84,
^"^ La Roche, vol. 1, p. 534.
626
HISTORY OF YELLOW EEYER.
TURRIANO.
1804.
Turianno, Avliere nearly all the bread consumed in
Malaga was baked in the beginning of the last century,
had uninterrupted communication with that citj during
the great epidemic of 1804, but none of the inhabitants who
remained at home contracted the disease. Most of the
persons who brought and delivered the bread at Malaga,
contracted yellow fever and died on their return to their
native town, but in no instance did they infect others.^^^
A similar state of affairs prevailed at Alcala de los
Panaderos, near Turriano, where were also located numer-
ous bakeries which supplied Seville with the "staff of
life." The chroniclers of the period attributed this sing-
ular immunity to have resulted from the burning of
aromatic herbs in the bakers' ovens, but it is useless to
observe that had all the spices of the Molacca Islands
been incinerated, Turriano Avould not have escaped in-
fection if the Stegomyia Calopus had established itself
within .the precincts of the town.
UBRIQUE.
1800.
The epidemic of 1800 also invaded Ubrique, 46 miles
northeast of Cadiz. Only a few cases, all refugees from
the latter place, were observed.^^^
UTRERA.
1800.
A regiment of infantry from Cadiz infected Utrera in
1800, resulting in 1,689 deaths.^^^
^* Bancroft: Essay on Yellow Fever, p. 460.
-■"Rougeau, Theses de Paris, 1827, No. 119.
='" La Roche, vol. 1, p. 534; Chervin, Examen Critique, p. 54.
SPAIN. 627
VALENCIA.
1870.
A sailor arrived at Valencia from Barcelona, where
yellow fever was prevailing, in the latter part of Sep-
tember, 1870. He took lodgings at No. 3 Calle B.uj Dom
Pedro, where he developed the disease. On October 1,
other sailors who had come from Barcelona took lodgings
at No. 23 of the same street, and were taken ill with yel-
low fever. Quarantine against Barcelona was then es-
tablished and no other cases appeared. The inhabitants
of Valencia were not affected. -^^
VEJER DE LA FEONTERA.
1800.
In 1800, refugees from Cadiz died of yellow fever at
Vejer de la Frontera, There was no diffusion of the
disease.-^^
VELEZ MALAGA.
1804.
Velez Malaga, 14 miles east of Malaga, was infected by
refugees from, the latter place in 1804. Out of a popu-
lation of 12,700, there were 5,245 deaths from yellow
fever, of which 3,496 were men and 1,749 women. The
first case was observed August 20 ; the last, December 4.
The greatest mortality took place on September 24.^^^
-"'Siglo Medica, 1871, vol. 18, p. 630; Deutsch Klinik, Berlin,
vol. 23, p. 117.
^*Rougeau, loc. cit.; Chervin, Examen Critique, p. 49; Pariset,
Obs. sur la Fievre Jaune, pp. 67; 76.
^'^^ Fellawes, p. 478; Bally, pp. 88; 90; Berenger-Feiraud, p. 76.
628 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEYER.
VERA.
1804.
On September IT, 1804, the wife of a marine officer
arrived at Vera from Cartagena, where yellow fever was
committing fearful ravages, and was taken ill on the
20th of the same month. Almost all the members of the
household contracted the malady and died. The neigh-
boring houses were soon contaminated, but rigid measures
were instituted by the health authorities and the infected
quarter completely isolated. The infection was thus re-
stricted to the original focus, resulting in 208 deaths out
of a population of 4,000. Of the fatal cases. 111 were
men and 97 women. The epidemic came to an end on
January 4, 1805.-^<>
1811.
Vera was infected by a man who arrived from Seville
in the latter part of 1821, and who died of yellow fever
on the same day. From this focus, the malady diffused
itself throughout the town.-^^
VIGO.
185G.
Yellow fever was imported into Vigo in April, 1856.
The first cases appeared among the prisoners at the penal
institution. Sotelo, the officer in charge, states that he
carefully studied the cases, but gives only a resume of
the clinical features of the disease. The epidemic lasted
for "more than nine months," the last death occurring
in January, 1857. There were 833 cases, of which 106
proved fatal.^*^
=*»Fellowes, p. 478; Bally, p. 90; Eager, loc. cit.; Berenger-
Feraud, p. 77.
=" Bally, p. 97 (foot-note).
=" Sotelo: Sieglo Medlca, 1858, vol. 5, p. 100.
SPAIN. 629
1889.
On September 7, 1889, cases of "alleged" yellow began
to be officially observed in the town, although it is said
that the disease had been sporadically present for some
time previously., The origin of this outbreak has never
clearly established and many doubt that this was actually
an epidemic of yellow fever. The Portugese assert that
it was, while the Spanish government as vehemently de-
clared it was not. About 1,000 persons in Vigo and the
neighboring coast villages were attacked, and about 10 or
12 per cent, of these died. Northerly winds and the cool
weather caused the fever to subside, and it had entirely
disappeared before the end of September. -^^
A search through Spanish papers and official docu-
ments of the period fails to throw any satisfactory light
on the subject. We looked carefully for records of the
alleged epidemic which the IT. S. Consular representa-
tive claims to have ravaged Vigo and "neighboring sea-
coast towns," but find nothing authentic. It is doubtful
whether even the bulletin given out by the United States
Public Health authorities is authentic. It was probably
merely a statement made on hearsay, as we can find no
corroboration of same.
VILLA MARTIN.
1800.
A solitary case of yellow fever, resulting in death, was
observed in Villamartin in 1800. It was probably im-
ported from Seville, 43 miles distant.^**
1804.
In 1804, Villamartin had a population of 1,880. The
first case was observed October 5. From that date until
December 25, 1G8 deaths are recorded, of which 93 were
men and 75 women. ^^^
*«U. S. Public Health Reports, vol. 4, 1889, pp. 286; 370.
^La Roche, vol. 1, p. 534.
='«Fellowes, p. 478.
630 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
VILLANUEYA DEL ARISCAL.
1800.
A few cases of yelloAv fever, undoubtedly imported from
Seville, occurred in Vilalunueva del Ariscal in 1800. The
population of the town was not affected.-^*^
VILLASECA DE LA SAGRA.
1821.
Villaseca de la Sagra was infected by refugees in 1821.
The disease did not spread.-^^
XERES DE LA FRONTERA.
Historical Resume.
Xeres de la Frontera (commonly called Xeres or
Jerez), is a famous town of Andalusia, 16 miles by rail
northeast of Cadiz, The Asta Rcc/ia of the Romans, it
owes its modern name to the ]Moors, who fought a seven
days' battle near the town in 711, in which they defeated
Roderic, the last of the Goths. The present fame of
Xeres rests upon the delicious wine known as sherry,
which it exports in enormous quantities to all parts of the
world.
Yellow Fever Years.
1800; 1804; 1808; 1813; 1819; 1820; 1821.
Summary of Epidemics.
1800.
Fugitives from Cadiz introduced yellow fever into
Xeres de la Frontera about the middle of August, 1800.
Rougeau, loc. cit.
Berenger-Feraud, p. 94.
SPAIN. 631
The first death took place August 25. From that date
until the close of the epidemic, out of a population of
42,000, there resulted 32,000 cases,, of which 14,000
proved fatal.-^^
1804.
In 1804, fugitives from Cadiz died from yellow fever
at Xeres. From September 23 to December 1, there were
71 deaths, of which 63 were males and 8 females. The
inhabitants of the town were not affected.^^^
1808.
An individual from Cadiz died from yellow fever at
Xeres in 1808. Itigorous prophylatic measures were taken
to protect the large prison, and were successful until
near the decline of the outbreak. At that point some
prisoners slipped away, but were captured and returned
to their cells. They brought back yellow fever with them,
and so terrible was its effect within the prison walls
that only a few of the convicts escaped death. {Eager,
loc. cit., p. 21).
1813.
In 1813, five individuals from Cadiz died from yellow
fever in Xeres. There was no diffusion of the disease.^^"
1819.
A gypsy and her daughter, originally from Isla de
Leon, are accused of having brought yellow fever to Xeres
^*^ Bally, p. 75. "^
La Roche, vol. 1, pp. 534; 536.
Chervin, Examen 'Critique, p. 57.
Proudfoot, Edinburgh Medical Journal, vol, 28, p. 295.
Caisergues, loc. cit., p. 214.
■Pariset, Preces Historique, p.. 163.
="Fellowes, p. 478; Bally, p. 90.
^Cheirvin, Examen Critique, p. 70.
632 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
in 1819. Clierviu {Examen Critique, p. 68) denies this,
but the official report of the Xeres health authorities as-
sert that such was the case,* an opinion also shared by
Berenger-Feraud (p. 901). Whether the Bohemians were
guilty or not, it is, nevertheless, true that the first cases
were observed in the persons of two soldiers who had
taken lodgings at the house of the women located in the
Calle de Pavia, and who died shortly afterwards. From
this focus, te disease spread to other quarters of the town,
but the advent of the cool season prevented a general
diffusion of the malady. Out of a population of 45,000,
there were 1,262 cases, of which 408 proved fatal.^^^
i820.
On August 10, 1820, a woman arrived at Xeres de la
Frontera from Cadiz, where yellow fever was prevailing,
and hired herself as a servant to a woman named Rameiro
in the Calle Torneria. Feeling indisposed she only re-
mained two days at this house and repaired to the abode
of an old friend in the Calle de Arcos. She remained
there two days, when she was removed to the hospital de
la Sangre, where she shortly afterwards died.
On the 14th, 15th and 16th of the same month (August),
eight persons living in the house in Calle de Arcos and
two in the house of the Eameiro woman, were attacked
by "a mysterious disease." Five of these patients died.
The official records state that there were 201 cases, of
which 102 proved fatal, but Jackson {Remark's on the
Epidemic Yellow, etc., p. 137), states that the mortality
* En la Calle de Pavia se hospodo una gitana procedente de la
ciudad de San-Fernando con una bija que trais la en-
fermedad, de la qui murio a pocos dias, y la communico.
=»• La Roche, vol. 1, p. 536.
Berenger-Feraud, p. 90.
Pariset, Observations, p. 66.
Chervin, Examen Critique, p. 67.
Bonneau and Sulpicy: Recherches sur la Contagion de la
Fievre Jaune. Paris, 1823, p. 302.
SPAIN. 6S3
was iu reality much higher, for only those who were
buried without the corporate limits of the town were
included in te dead list. Private hurial was obtained for
many, and such were not registered as yellow fever
deaths.-^-
1821.
. The first case of yellow fever in Xeres in 1821, erupted
in the person of a man living in the Plaza de la Con-
stitucion, who was attacked on August 13 and died August
20. There is no authentic record w hence the man came.
The second case, a child four years old, was observed in
Porvera Street a month later, September 13, and died
on the 18th. The source of infection could not be traced.
The third case, that of a young girl, erupted on Sep-
tember 15, in a house a few yards distant from the sec-
ond case. The patient recovered. In this particular in-
stance, the infection was traced to Puerto de Santa Maria,
where yellow^ fever was epidemic, where the girl had re-
mained two days before coming to Xeres.
From these foci, the disease spread to other quarters
of the town. Our authorities do not give the total number
of cases and deaths, from which fact we infer that the
malady did not attain the proportions of an epidemlc.^^^
XIMENA DE LA FUONTEKA.
1804.
Ximena de la Frontera, 46 miles east of Cadiz, was in-
fected by fugitives from the latter place, on October
27, 1804. The last case was observed December 30.
Out of a population of 7,500, there were only fifty deaths
"- Periodico de la Sociedad Quirurgica de Cadiz, 1822, p. 24.
La Roche, vol. 1, p. 536.
Jackson, p. 137.
O'Hallorran: Yellow Fever in Andalusia in 1820, p. 153.
^'O'Halloran, p, 70.
Ferran: Annales de Medecine Physiologique, Paris, 1825, vol.
7, p. 298.
634 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
(29 men and 21 women), Avhicli natnrallj leads to the
l>elief that the disease was not communicated to the in-
habitants of the town, but was confined solely to
refugee.-''^
YECLA.
1812.
In 1812, after the battle of Salamanca, the French
army which occupied Andalusia retreated through the
Kingdom of Valencia. The fourth division of this corps
reached the Kingdom of Murcia, where yellow fever was
prevailing, about the 1st of October. They passed through
the town of Ziczar (which was also infected), and camped
on the outskirts, where they remained about two days.
They reached Jumilla where yellow fever was also
present, but did not enter the town, on account of its
unhealtliin(\ss. Continuing their march, the soldiers
finally reached Yecla, 14 miles north of jNIurcia, on the
Jumilla Eiver, where they concluded to camp. Some of
the soldiers were soon taken ill and tlie disease diagnosed
as yellow fever by the army surgeon. A baker attached
to the division died on the 9th. This case was rapidly
followed by others. Between October 8 and 15, about one
hundred deaths occurred. The nmlady tlien gradually
subsided and became extinct by the latter part of
October.255
ZIEZA.
1811.
Zieza (or Ciezar), erroneously called Zuzar by Beren-
ger-Feraud, was infected by refugees during the epidemic
wave of yellow fever wliicli passed over soutliern Spain
in 1811. No details are given by our authority.^^^
^ Fellowes, p. 478.
Bally, Francois and Pariset, p. 79.
^Peyson: Journal General de Medecine, 1820, vol. 71, p. 343.
*°* Berenger-Feraud, p. 83.
SPAIN. 635
1812.
Two refugees from Cartagena brought yellow fever to
Zieza in the beginning of September, 1812. Almost the
entire population fled to the country, but there were still
some sick left when the French army passed through the
town on October 1. They found the place deserted, with
unburied corpses in many of the houses. The troops did
not stop at this place, but they were, nevertheless, infected
and carried the disease to Yecla (q. v.), where many of
the soldiers perished from the prevailing sickness.-^'^
-^'' Berenger-Feraud, p. S5; Peyson, loc. cit., p. 343.
HISTORY
OF
YELLOW FEVER
IN
NORTH AMERICA.
639
Proofs that Yellow Fever Is ax American Product
AND Was Unknown to Europeans Before the
Time of Columbus.
The historv of yellow fever in America dates from the
second voyage of Columbus, 1493. Before that time the
disease was presumably unknown to the civilized world.
Traditional accounts given by the Aztecs and other Indian
tribes of the countries and islands washed by the Gulf
of Mexico, state that a disease possessing- all the
cliaracteristics of yeUow fever committed fearful rav-
ages among the tribesmen long before the discovery of
America, being known under the name of Cocolitzle and
Matlazahuatl by the aborigines. We have not the slight-
est doubt of the identity of this affliction with the malady
now known as yellow fever, as the pest was unknown
to Europeans before the colonization of the New World;
but Science, after over four hundred years of investi-
gation, has failed to establish a connecting link between
the two diseases.
Finlay makes a valuable contribution to the literature
on the subject of American origin of yellow fever in the
Clhnatologist* in which, after reviewing what others
have said about the origin of the disease, and giving his
own views, goes on to show that yellow fever was known
to the American Indians before the discovery of America.
Dr. Finlay's conclusions are based upon his interpreta-
tion of a philological study on the the names of "America"
and "Yucatan," by the Bishop of Yucatan, Dr. Crescencis
Carillo y Ancona. While reading this scholarly work.
Dr. Finlay came across a quotation from the "Chumayel
manuscript," which reads as follows :
"There ivas hlack vomit, which hegau to occasion deaths
among us in 1648."
This statement immediately suggested the idea that
among the Indian manuscripts of Yucatan, might be
640 HISTORY OK YELLOW FEVER.
foiuid the evidence that was wanted to prove that yellow
fever was not unknown to the American Indians before
the advent of Columbus. Accordingly, the matter was
submitted to the learned Bishop himself, acquainting him
with the state of the question and begging for information
on the following points :
Whether among the Maya documents that he had ex-
amined in the course of his other researches, any data
had been met confirmatory of Dr. Finlay's conjectures,
or tlirowing light on the subject of the epidemics called
cocolitzley which, according to Herrera (Decada 4, Ub.
9, Cap. 6), used to attack the Mexican Indians on the
coast of New Spain before the arrival of the Spaniards.
In answer to this request, the Rev. Bishop Avrote a
most interesting and instrucive letter, containing a full
discussion of the subject and valuable data not to be
found in the literature of the period. Dr. Finlay's article
in tile CliimttoIo(/ist was inspired by this important com-
munication, which is here reproduced, and we hold that
it has such an important bearing upon the question under
discussion, that we summarize it in these ])ages.
After proving, upon the best testimony, that Yucatan,
until the year 1(148, liad been pronounced by all the
Spa.nish writers a most salul)rious country, exempt from
the diseases that prevailed in other places, no epidemic
of any kind having been observed in it from the com-
mencement of the Spanish colonization in 1517 until
1648, the Rev. Bishop Carrillo concludes that the dis-
eas(^ called rocolifzle by the ^Mexicans, and which pre-
vailed annually at Vera Cruz before the Spanish invasion,
did not habitually manifest itself in Yucatan. Regard-
ing the disease, he calls attention to the circumstance
that, from Herrera's own account, it is easily seen that a
distinction was made by the IMexicans between the local
endemic, properly designated under the nam(^ of cocolitdc,
and a broader application of the same term, qualified
by some expletive such as "general" or "universal" when-
ever it was used to designate other epidemic invasions
that extended over the whole country, as subsequently
NORTH AMERICA 641
happened with small-pox. The local endemic, the
cocolitzle proper, existed at Vera Cruz, "some years more
violent than others;" and the reason why the Spaniards
found so large a population on that coast was that, on
occasions when the cocolitzle had been particularly severe,
Montezuma used to send 8000 families from the interior
to repeople the coast, exempting them from taxes during
a term of years and granting them other privileges. This
cocolitzle may, therefore, have been yellow fever, but at
any rate it did not occur at Yucatan between the years
1517 and 1748. He next goes on to prove the epidemic
of 1648, alluded to as "black vomit" in the "Chumayel
manuscript," was in reality yelloAV yever; and does so
very effectively by reproducing a most remarkable
description of the epidemic by an eye-witness, the Yuca-
tan historian. Pray Diego Lopez de Cogolludo, who was
himself attacked by the disease. This account is so
graphic, so rich in sagacious remarks, and so acucrate
in its clinical details, that it well deserves to be given
here. Tt runs thus :
"1648. Shortly after the commencement of the solar
year, in the month of March, the sun appeared for sev-
eral days to be eclipsed, the air being so thick that it had
the appearance of a mist or condensed smoke. This was
so general that every part of the land, from Cozumel to
Tobasco, offered the same unwliolef^ome condition.* * *
In the city of Merida, especially towards evening, when
the winds generally set from the sea, a bad smell was
brought with it that could scarcely lie borne, and pene-
trated everywhere. The cause of this smell was un-
known until a Spanish vessel happened to run aground
over an immense heap of dead fish near the shore. It
was from these fish, which were being waslied ashore by
the tide, that the smell had proceeded, extending as far
as the city, and even beyond. In April and IMay some
sudden deaths occurred, which caused alarm in the city
of Merida. At the beginning of June the scourge of the
peste commenced in the town of Campeche, and in a
few days became so severe that the place was completely
6i2 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
ravaged. * * * The roads to Campeche were guarded
for fear that the contagion should spread; but if the Lord
guards not the city what shall human efforts avail ! With
this fear of Divine justice the month of July passed, until
towards the end a few persons began to sicken, dying
very soon; but the disease was not considered epidemic
until the month of August, With such violence and
rapidity were the people attacked, big and small, rich
and poor, that in less than eight days the whole popula-
tion were sick at the same time, and many citizens of
the highest rank and authority died. * * * While
the city was thus afflicted hy this calamity, never before
seen since tliis country was conquered hij the Spanish
nation, permission was asked that the image of Our Lady
of Itzamal might be brought. * * * Very great was
the tribulation, such a calamity having never been experi-
enced before. * * * In other countries epidemics oc-
cur as a common evil which attacks uniformally all the
people, but such was not the case in Yucatan, which
caused greater confusion. It u-as impossible to say what
the disease kms, for the physicians did not recognize it.
In most of the cases the patients were taken with a most)
severe and intense headache, and pains in all the bones
of their bodies, so violent that their limbs felt as if torn
asunder or squeezed in a press. A few moments after
the pains came on a very intense fever which in most
instances produced delirium, though not in all. This was
followed by vomiting of blood, as if putrefied, and of such
cases very few survived. Some were attacked with dis-
charges from the bowels of a bilious humor, which
being corrupt occasioned dysentery without vomiting,
while others again made violent efforts to vomit without
being able to discharge anything, and many suffered the
fever and pains in the bones without any of the other
symptoms. * * * In the majority the fever seemed
to remit completely on the third day; they would say that
they felt no pains whatever, the delirium would cease, the
patients conversing in their full senses, but they were
unable to eat or drink anything; they would continue
NORTH AMERICA. 643
this for one or several daj^s, and wliile still talking and
saying they were quite well, they expired. A great num-
ber did not pass the third day, the majority died on the
fifth, and very few i:eached the seventh, excepting those
who survived, and these were mostly advanced in years.
The most robust and healthy of the young men were most
violently attacked and died soonest. * * * Although
a great many women were taken sick, the disease Avas less
severe in them than in men. * * * Some cases oc-
curred in which the patient passed the fever in a sleep,
until they recovered, having no one to administer remedies
to them. In houses of large families there Avere scarcely
any one to attend to the sick or to fetch the sacraments
for them. This spiritual difficulty was remedied by the
charity of the priests, both secular and regular, who went
about the street by day and night carrying with them the
Holy Viaticum and the Holy Oils, and visited the houses
to administer the same to such as required them. * * *
When the laity began to improve, the disease broke out
among the priests. Of eight members of the Jesuits col-
lege, six died. * * * Of our own Order (Franciscans)
twenty died in the city. Almost all the heads of insti-
tutions and persons of highest ranks, both ecclesiastics
and seculars, were carried away by the epidemic. * * *
While it lasted in its full intensity among the Spaniards,
the Indians were not attacked, excepting those who lived
with the former, or A\'ho, having visited the city, left it
already touched by the disease; most of these died in
their villages, but did not communicate their illness to
those who attended them. This emboldened the Indians
to declare that the scourge was a punishment of God,
and that only the people of cities and town Avere attacked
for their ill-treatment to the Indians. * * * /V deceit-
ful Indian spread the report that all the Spaniards in
Yucatan Avould die, and the Indians Avould be left by
themselves. * * * Finally, this man was taken up
and the rumor ceased. * * * Soon, however, did our
Lord undeceive the Indians of their presumption, for a
few days after the aboA'e occurrence the illness broke out
in many of the Indian villages, causing fearful havoc, as
644 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
was to be expefted, coiisideriiig- their want of comfort
or medicine. * * * ^lie disease continued over the
wh(de country during the space of two years. * * *
Few tliat lived in this hind or visited it in the course of
those two years escaped being sick, and it rarely hap-
pened that a-ny one died of a second attack after having
recovered from the first. All remained pale as ghosts,
without hair, many lost their, eyebrows, and all were so
jDulled down that even after two days' fever with mod-
erate pains (such as happened to myself), it was many
days before they could recover their strength. * * *
In the year of 1050, on our way to visit the province of
Guatemala * * * having to pass through an exten-
sive pine wood * , * * we observed that since the year
of 1(U8, in Avhicli the epidemic had commenced, some
pestilential air or other noxious influence had dried up
all the full grown pine-trees, * * * only the young
ones remained with life. I then reflected that of the
young children who were attacked h\ the pcste in Yucatan
only a few had died, as compared with the adults."
{Cof/olhido-Hisioria dc Yucatan, Libro, XII, Capitulo
XII; XIII; XIV).
The Rev. Bishop, after this quotation, states that the
Spanish historian finding himself at a loss to classify or
to name the curious nuilady which, after the lapse of over
a century, affected the Spaniards of Yucatan, found him-
self consti'aincMl to give a minnte account of its symptoms
and circumstances; whereas, the "Chumayel manuscript''
only needs one sigle word, both graphic and appropriate,
in order to record the occurrence of the epidemic, by its
sjtecial name, in the corresponding chronological note
which it has been his good fortune to give to the learned
world in the fac-simile that accompanies his PJiilolor/ical
^tiidy on the names of America and Yucatan — TcJici
xekik hoppci cimil toon 1048 anos — which means: There
was black vomit, which began to cause death among us in
the year 1048.
Even without knowing the Maya language, read care-
full v that line of text and observe the second word, rcJdk.
NORTH AMERICA. 645
111 the Dictionary of Don Jnaii Pio Verez, you will find
it rendered by roiiiito pricio, roiiiifai- sanf/rc (black vomit,
to vomit blood). The words that follow means: ''And
we ourselves began to die — -'■ referring to the Indians ; for
Avhicli reason Cogolludo has said that at the commence-
ment of the epidemic, only the b^paniards were attacked,
but subsequently the Indians also began to suffer.
This philological demonstration must be continued in
the Bishop's own words :
"Nothwithstanding that from this statement alone of
the CJnoiiaijrl manu.scr'ipt, I infer that the roiiiito negro
was known to the indigenous historians, though new to
the Spaniards of Yucatan, this would only constitute a
conjecture, more or less grounded ; whereas, what is re-
quired, as you say, is a decisive fact. This brings us to
the essential and culminating point of the present letter."
"The Majfa uiauuscripts that I possess, like alt the
sacred books of the ancient Yucatec-os or ChiJam-hakim
books, as they are vulgarly known, have precisely for their
principal object the recording of chronological notes con-
cerning their feasts to their gods, wars, pestilences,
famines and invasions by the Spaniards. They are chron-
icles and calendars. I therefore proceeded to examine
them more particularly in such parts as concord with
the Chumai/cl regarding the seventeenth century and the
occurrence of the great epidemic, and find the following
conclusive statement in the Tzinuii mcnui.script (which I
have so named because it proceeds from the Tzimin
Indians (Tzimincah), between the folios 16 (verso)
and 17:
"In English: 'In the 4th ahau (year of the Mayas),
at the expiration of a katun (their century) which is
counted towards the well of Chichenitza, at the placing
of the stone katan, arrival of Kuk, arrival of Yaxum
(nn/tJiolof/icat and hisiorical characters irho (/arc their
names to the epochs) arrival of Kantenal, OCCURRED
THE ARRIVAL OF BLACK VO:\riT FOR THE
FOURTH TIME, arrival of Kukulcan, after the Ytzaes,
at the fourth placing and signification of the katun.'
646 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
"This statement throws much light on that of the
Chmnayel, for, in speaking of the same epidemic cor-
responding to the year 1648, it says most positively that
it was the fourth time that it had visited this country; and
considering that since the discovery in 1517 until the said
year of 1618, in which the epidemic broke out, it had
never been seen by the Spaniards, it must follow that
the three previous invasions had occurred before the
discovery."
The Rev. Bishop goes on to say that so true is this, that
the same historians he has quoted before to prove the
constant healthiness of the climate of the Yucatan penin-
sula, and that i)i it tcere not experienced the disease that
occurred in other lands — all are equally agreed in stating
that great epidemics had been suffered in Yucatan before
the discovery, thereby conrming the words in the Tziman
manuscript.
The Rev. Fray Don Diego de Lauda, who, it must be
remembered, was a missionary in Yucatan during the first
epoch after the discovery, expressed himself in the follow-
ing terms:
"Various calamities were experienced in Yucatan in
the century before the conquest, hurricanes, pestilences,
wars, etc. ♦ ♦ * There came all over the land certain
pestilential fevers, which lasted twenty-four hours, and
after the patients would smell and break out full of
worms, and from this pestilence a great number died, and
a great ])art of the croi)s could not be gathered ; that after
the epidemic liad ceased they had a period of sixteen good
years, during which their quarrels and dissensions were
renewed, so that one hundred and fifty thousand men
were killed in wars, after which they were ([uieted, made
peace and rested during twenty years, and when they
were attacked hi/ a pestilence of large boils, Avhich rotted
their bodies with great fetidness, so that their liml)S would
drop off in pieces in the course of four or five years."
(Landa, Relacion de las co^as de Yucatan. Ann de
1566).
The same account is given by Herera {Decada IV, Libro
NORTH AMERICA. 64?
X^ Cap., Ill) and other historians, and it must be par-
ticularly remembered that the Eev. Bishop Landa had
at his disposal a great number of Maija manuscripts,
painted skins, and other historical relics of the Yucatan
people; a notorious fact, which is attested both by his
important work, just quoted, and by the accusation
brought up against him of having burned such documents
in the auto da fc that took place in Man.
The author holds, therefore, as sufficiently proven and
for a certain and unquestionable fact, that the Indians
of Yucatan suffered from the vomito negro as an epidemic,
before the advent of Columbu.s, and consequently yellow
fever is a disease properly belonging to America.
There is another statement, though only of an accessory
character, is the Maya manuscript, which the Kev. Bishop
found in the Prescription Books of the Indians, of which
he possessed several ancient copies, in the Maya language.
In almost all these books, the following prescriptions
appears :
. /'^U cacal xekih ti unic, mu hach ehaci, maix Jdki hay u
kah yhacna,'' which means: 'medicine for the vomiting of
blood for the persons who discharge it; not properly of
a red color, nor resembling red blood, but like a liquid
mixed with soot."
If one will notice the last word, yhacna, and consult
the dictionary of Don Juan Pio Peres, he will find that
it is rendered by Hollin which in Spanish signifies "a
black substance, thick and oily, which the smoke leaves
in chimneys." ^o that kik hay n kah y hacna means'
"black vomit, like an infusion of soot." Thanks, there-
fore, to this unexpected application of the Rev. Bishop
Carrillo's extensive philological and bibliographical learn-
ing, the vexed question of the origin of yellow fever and
the true nature of the early epidemics experienced by the
Spaniards, on their arrival to these parts of America, ever
since the days of Columbus, may be considered as defin-
itely settled.
Dr. Pinlay states that notwithstanding that the chrono-
logical system of the Mayas and the concordance of their
648 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
dates with our Christian era are but imperfectly under-
stood, tlie learned bishop, in a subsequent letter, informed
him that he had other grounds for his assertion and aliso-
lute conviction that the epidemic of black vomit, referred
to in the Tzimm manuscript, is the same that we find
recorded in the CJnnuai/rl under the date of 1048. "He
wrote Dr. Finla.y that althoufih the quotation from the
Tzimin manuscript does not contain the date (expressed
in vears of the Christian era), the book commences its
clironological notes with the year ''1593," so written, in
the hand of the Indian author and with the same figures
that we now use (folio 1, line 2). If we follow the text',
l)age after page, and without omiting a single word, it is
observed that no invasion of "vomiting of blood" is re-
corded until folio 17 is reached; here the author for the
first time mentions such an invasion, adverting that it
was the fourth that had occurred. Now, tliat it is a
proven fact that after the year 1593, and even since the
discovery of Yucatan in 1517, no epidemic of hlach vomit
had occurred until 1648, to this same year must cor-
respond the fourth epidemic mentioned in the Tzimin
manuscript, and the three previous ones must have taken
place before the year 1593, at which time chronological
record begins.
If the Tzimin text does allude to "black vomit" or
yellow fever, before the invasion which the author quali-
fies as the fourth, he does so not in a historical sense,
but as a calamity to be dreaded in evil times. It must
be remembered that these CJiiJam hclam books are cal-
endars, which not only contain chronological and his-
torical notes, but also predictions that in a prophetic
style had been made in their ancient times. This one,
for instance, is a literal translation from the same Tzimin
nmiiKScript :
"At the end of the 2nd ahan * * * \t will happen
that the i)eople will have to seek laboriously ffvr food as
far as the shores of the sea, eating the young leaves of
plants, and with setting of the Jcatiim, days will come
•when great vomiting of hlood will afflict the people, and
NORTH AMERICA. 6W
all joy will cease; then, in order to find food, it will be
necessary to solye enigmas that will be proposed; and
after those troubles are passed, after the katiim^ days of
consolation will come."
The fact that the Indians introduced in their prognos-
tics of eyil days the threat of rouiifiiif/ of hlood, concludes
Dr. Finlay, is another proof that the disease had been
well known to them since a long time, and precisely under
its epidemic form, not as the endemic that it has now
become.
It is thus paramount, from Dr. Finlay's important
work, that yellow feyer is an American product, was un-
known to Europeans preyious to the discoyery of America
by Columbus, and that Mexico, Central America and the
West Indies may be considered as the original cradle of
the awesome scourge.
650
CANADA
History of Yellow in Canada.
Canada enjoys the distinction of being the northern-
most part of the American Continent where yellow fever
has been observed. It is true that only sporadic im-
ported cases of the disease have appeared within its
domain, but had the Htegomy'm Calopus been present at
the time of these isolated manifestations, there is no doubt
that a different story would have been told in these pages.
In most works on epidemiology, Quebec, which is in lat-
itude 40° 49" 6'"', is given as the northernmost point in
America where yellow fever has ever been imported.
Such was, until very recently, also our belief, as will be
seen by referring to page G3 of this volume, where we give
Quebec as the most northern port in the Western Hemi-
sphere where yellow fever has made its appearance.*
While "nosing about'' musty times and cobwebby docu-
ments, we came across an old work by the distinguished
French naval surgeon Keraudren, published in 1823.
This valuable contribution to epidemiology is entitled
De la Ficvrc Jaune Oh^errcc au.r AniiUcs ct sur Ics Yais-
seaux, Considcree PrincipaJcmcnt Sous le Rapport de sa
Tran.wiissio7i. Kreaudren, who was then Physician-in-
Chief of the French Navy and Inspector General of the
Health Department of the Navy, gives an interesting
account of the outbreak of yellow on board the Tarn,
which became infected at Martinique in 1819. At that
period, whenever practicable, as soon as the terrible dis-
ease manifested itself on board a ship attached to the
French squadron, orders were at once recei\ed to set sail
for a colder clime, the point of refuge being generally
either New Foundland or the islands of Saint Pierre and
Miquelon, which lie off the south coast of the former.
Keraudren states that, thanks to this wise precaution,
the lives of many seamen were saved, for, as the infected
vessel approached the northern seas, the disease gradually
abated, generally ceasing altogether before reaching its
CANADA. e/il
destination. A sojourn of a few weeks was then sufficient
to purify the ship.
Kreaudren informs us (loc. cit., page 18), that the
Tarn^ of the French West Indian Squadron, left Marti-
nique July 15, 1819. Two days later, a sailor was
stricken with yellow fever and died the following day.
On July 28 while in 33° 34' north latitude, four seamen
were taken sick with yellow fever, followed the next day
by six others. Two of these patients died, one on the
fourth and the other on the fifth day after being attacked.
Two died while the Tarn was actually in the harbor of
Saint-Pierre, one on the seventh and the other on the
tenth day after the onset of the malady.
Saint-Pierre-de-Miquelon which is in latitude 47° 30',
is therefore the most northern point in America Avhere
yellow fever has ever been observed. The disease was
not communicated to the shore nor to the other vessels
in the harbor, but had the same conditions which pre-
vailed at Martinique,, the original point of infection, ex-
isted at Saint-Pierre-de-Miquelon, the importation Avould
undoubtedly have been followed by disastrous results.
This point is incontestably upheld by the fact that, al-
though yellow fever ceased entirely while vessels infected
in the AVest Indies or other southern latitudes were in
the harbors of Saint-Piere, iNIiquelon or New Foundland,
many instances are recorded where the disease reappeared
with renewed energy when these same vessels returned to
to the southern seas, before any communication what-
ever with the shore. This phenomenon is attributed by
Keraudren to the torrid heat of the southern latitudes;
we, basking in the lime-light of the twentieth century
knowledge, phlegmatically attribute it to the re-awaken-
ing of the ^tcffomijia Calopus, whose sphere of misdi-
rected usefulness had been nullified by the rigors of a
boreal clime.
We have found it amusing, when analyzing the theories
of the thousands of learned epidemiologists of the past who
have written ah lihifiini about the transfission of yellow
fever, to observe how nicely their views dovetail into the
mosquito theory of the glorious twentieth century. lAc-
652 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVKR.
cording to what they consider incontestable proof that
the disease, in such and such an instance had been trans-
mitted by the wind, foul odors, old clothes, personal con-
tact, casks of sugar and other odds and ends, the ear-
marks of the calopus can be distinguished without the
aid of a microscope and what was deemed impenetrable
darkness suddenly becomes unclouded daylight.
Verily, times do change. •
CHKOXOLOGY OF YELLOW FEVEE IX CANADA.
1805.
Quebec.
1812.
Quebec.
1819.
Saint-Pierre and Miquelon.
1801.
Halifax.
1801.
Quebec.
1878.
Halifax.
1880.
Prince Edward Island.
By Localities.
Halifax. 1861; 1878.
Quebec. 1804; 1812; 1864.
Prince Edward Island. 1880.
•^^aint-Piere and Miquelon. 1819.
NOVA SCOTIA.
HALIFAX.
Yellow FEyER Years.
1842; 1861; 1878.
Summary of Importations.
1842.
The Case of Ihe ToJage.^
The British ship, Tohifje, was commissioned at Chat-
ham, England, August 2, 1841, and sailed for the West
Indies on January 2, 1842, calling on her way at ]\radeira
and Bermuda, and remaining some time at the latter
i
CANADA. 653
place to refit. She anchDred at Port Roj^al, Jamaica, on
Marcli 3, 1842, and remained there until the 2Gth of
April ; she then sailed for Santa Martha and Carthagena,
Colombia, and returned to Port Royal on the 12th of May.
On the 19th she again took her departure for Colombia,
where she arrived on the 23rd, and where she stopped
eight days at Chagres, revisiting afterwards Carthagena
and Santa Martha. This cruise occupied nearly a month.
In the month of March, April and May, 1842, a few
cases of fever occurred which were of a mild character,
and yielded readily to the customary remedies. These,
however, proved the precurors of an alarming outbreak
of yellow fever, which commenced on the 18th day
of May, and continued to spread, at fiist slowly, but after-
wards rapidly and extensively amongst the officers and
crew.
Two cases, which terminated fatally, with yellow suf-
fusion and black vomit, occurred on the 25th of June, at
Port Royal. There were then 17 cases on the sick list,
exclusive of four at sick quarters. An immediate change
to a cooler climate Avas thought advisable, not only for
the recovery of those already seized, but absolutely neces-
sary to arrest further progress of the disease. Orders
were, therefore, given to sail on the following moi;ning
for Halifax, Nova Scotia, proceeding via the Florida
Channel.
In spite of the ship having gore to a higher latitude,
the disease advanced with increased force ; numerous fresh
cases were added daily to the sick-list, and continued to
be so even for some time after her arrival ^t Halifax, and
did not completely cease until "all hands" were landed
on Navy Island.
It is difficult to come to a perfectly satisfactory conclu-
sion as to when the fever originally broke out on the
Vohiffp, but it is evident that the primary infection was
Chagres, Carthagena or Santa ^lartha, where the fever
first seriously presented itself, and where the disease
is endemic. 1
654 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
It will be perceived that the fever had gone on un-
checked for nearly three months. The cases at Halifax
were as virulent as those which took place at sea.
That the infected ^tegomyin Calopus never left the
vessel, is proved by the fact that two officers who came
on board to assist in nursing the sick, were taken ill
within four days, and that two visitors who were only
on board an hour or two, having been exposed to the same
cause which operated on the two officers, were also
stricken.
Outside of these four cases, no other inhabitant of Hali-
fax contracted the disease.
1861.
In the summer of 1861 — a very sickly yellow fever
year — manj^ ships of war of the British West Indian
Squadron arrived at the port of Halifax, Nova Scotia,
with cases of yellow fever on board. Some of the ships
had suffered very disastrously during the voyage. The
history of these importantion is as follows:^
The Case- of the Firebrand.
The ship Firebrand arrived at Halifax from Jamaica,
on July 4, 1861, after a passage of twelve days. There
were then seventy-nine of the crew on the sick list — all
fever cases. Ten deaths had occurred during the voyage
from Port Roya|. IMany of the sick were moribund. All
the sick Avere at once transferred to a hulk moored oft
tlie naval hospital, and the convalescents and others sent
to a storehouse in the dockyard. There were fifteen con-
valescents, tliirty convalescing and thirty-four seriously
ill at the time.
Several fresli cases occurred subsequently, and two
were fatal, with black vomit. Besides these deaths in the
hospital on shore, sixteen took place amongst the sick
in the hulk. From the commencement of the disease, the
Firebrand lost forty-nine of her crew out of one hundred
and seven attacked. ^
CANADA. 655
The Case of the Spiteful.
The Spiteful arrived at Halifax on August 16, 1861,
from the Bahamas, which she had left seven days before.
Eleven deaths had occurred on the passage, and forty-six
cases were on the sick list on arrival ; two died that night.
The sick were at once sent to the hulk, and the conval-
escent and the well to the dockyard. Some of these
sickened with the fever on shore, and were then trans-
ferred to the hulk. Altogether thirty-three sick were
treated at Halifax, and of these, twelve died. The Spiteful
lost in all thirty-six of her crew, out of eighty-eight
attacked.
TJie Case of the Racer.
The Racer arrived at Halifax from Nassau on Septem-
ber 3, 1861. During the passage, nineteen cases and five
deaths occurred. Several fresh attacks took place after
arrival. The total number of attacks among the crew of
this ship was sixty-one, of which twenty proved fatal.
•' The Case of the Jason.
The Jason reached Halifax on September 2, 1861, from
the Gulf of Mexico, which she had left sixteen days before
in consequence of fever having broken out on board.
During the voyage forty-six fresh cases and ten deaths
took place. On arrival at Halifax, all the sick were sent
to a building in the dock.vard. A good many fresh attacks
occurred after arrival The total number of attacks among
the crew was seventy-nine, and seventeen proved fatal.
Recapitulation of Cases at Halifex in 1861.
Firebrand 28 16
Spiteful 33 12
Racer 42 5
Jason ? ?
103 33
656 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
Five vessels in all havin<>- an aj>gTe*ijate crew of 855,
were found to be infected with yellow fever on their
arrival at Halifax in 1861. Of this number, 499 were
attacked and 102 died. It is interestinj*- to note that not
a solitary case of jelloAV fever occurred among any of
the people about the dockyard at Halifax, or in any other
inhabitant of the town. This proves that the ^tcgomyia
Calopus did not migrate to the shore.
1878.
In 1878, H. M. S. Bullfinch, from the West Indies, had
a large number of yellow fever cases while in the harbor
of Halifax. The mortality was lieavy.-^ The outbreak
was confined to the original source of infection.
PRINCE EDWARD ISLAND. .
Charlottetown.
1880.
"A vessel from the West Indies" had two cases of yel-
low fever while in the harbor of Charlottetown, in the
month of June, 1880. Two deaths resulted from the out-
break.^
QUEBEC.
Yellow Fever Years.
1805; 1812; 18G4.
Summary of iMroRXATioxs.
■ 1805.
One of the most noteworthy outbreaks of yellow fever
in Canada, took place at (Quebec in 1805. Whence the
infection came, authorities are silent, but they all agree
that it was a genuine manifestation of the disease.
Quebec then carried on a considerable trade with the AA'^est
Indies and was probably contaminated by some of the
not over-clean vessels plying between the two localities.
657
What makes the incident still more remarkable, is the
fact that the fever was confined solely to the 59th Regi-
ment, not a single inhabitant of the quaint French town
contracting the disease. There were in all 55 cases, of
which 6 proved fatal. ^
In' the same old medical journal where we gathered the
above facts,*^ is the relation, of a strange epidemic which
ravaged Montreal in 1799, and which, it is claimed, came
from Quebec. In the fall of that year, the Asia, a large
troop ship, arrived at Quebec from the Cove of Cork,
having the 41st Eegiment and two companies of the 6th
on board. The transport was crowded, and not over-
clean, and some recruits from a prison ship were
suspected of having introduced the fever on board. Im-
mediately on the Asia's arrival at Quebec, the men were
transferred from the ship to bateaux and sent up the
river to 31ontreal. Scarcely were they settled in quar-
ters, when a "malignant putrid fever" broke out. Num-
bers of the men and many inhabitants died. Entire
families fled from the town, and the impression the pes-
tilential fever made on the people was so forcible, that
for two 3'ears afterwards the inhabitants of Montreal
shunned the approach of a soldier.
1812.
Rerenger-Fcraud''' states that yellow fever was observed
at Quebec in 1812. The learned epidemiologist gives no
further details, and the logical conclusion is that it was
probably a solitary case on board the proverbial "vessel
from the West Indies." Had the disease obtained a foot-
hold on shore, such men as Bally, Chervin, Laroche, Man-
son, Clemow, Sternberg, Gorgas, Finlay and scores of
others who have written at length on the history of yellow
fever, would certainly not have allowed such a notable
incident to remain unnoticed.
658 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
18G4.
The third and last appearance of yellow fever at
Quebec took j^lace in 18C4. In August of that year, the
ship Montgomery from Nassau, one of the Baham-a Islands
(West Indies), arrived at the Canadian port. Yellow
dever was epidemic at Nassau when the ship sailed, and
there had been several deaths from the disease during
the voyage. On August 15, a man by the name of Mac-
Clusty, who lived in a house opposite the wharf where the
Montgomery was moored, was taken ill with yellow fever
and died on the 19th. The infection did not spread.^
It is not stated whether or not MacClusty visited the
Montgomery, but as he contracted the fever and no other
case manifested itself, either on the vessel or at Quebec,
the natural inference is that he did.
Saint-Pierre and Miquelon.
Description.
Saint-Pierre and Miquelon is a French colony, off the
southeast of New Foundland, composed of the islands
of that name and the islands of Langley and Isle-au-
Chien. The importance of Saint-Pierre lies in the fact
that it is the western terminus of three Atlantic cables.
Population of the colony, 4,748, of which 3,743 reside on
Saint-Pierre, 77G on Miquelon and Langley, and 499 on
Isle-au-Chien.
Saint-Pierre-de-Miquelon, so called to distinguish the
town from Saint-Pierre, ^Martinique, is the capital of the
colony. It is on tlie southeast side of the island of Saint-
Pierre, is compactly built of stone and has a good harbor.
Population, 3,187, or almost the entire population of the
island.
Summary of I:\iportatiox.' •
1819.
Tlie Tarn, attached to the French West Indian
Squadron, left Martinique W. I., on July 19, 1819. Two
CANADA. 659
days later, a sailor was stricken with yellow fever and
died the following day. jOn July 26, four cases erupted
among the sailors, followed the next day by six additional
cases. In the meantime, the Tarn reached Saint-Pierre-
de-Miquelon with many of her crew down with the fever.
Two died while the vessel was in the hai'bor, one on the
seventh and the other on the tenth day of the attack. The
disease then subsided without infecting the town.^
Bibliography op Yellow Fever in Canada.
1. Birthwhistle : Lancet (London), 1846, vol. 1, p. 8.
2. Slavter: Transactions Epidemiological Society of
"^ London (1860-66), 1863, vol. 1, p. 354.
Ibid. Medical Circular, London, 1862, vol. 31, p. 85.
Ibid. Lancet (London), 1862, vol. 2, p. 91.
Milroy: Trans. Ep. Soc. London, 1862, p. 90.
Berenger-Feraud : Gazette des Hopitaux, Paris,
1884, vol. 57, p. 803.
3. Keating: History of Yellow Fever, p. 94.
4. National Board of Health Bulletin, 1879-80, vol. 1,
p. 428. ' •
5. Walshe: Medical and Physical Journal, London,
; 1806, vol. 15, 446.
6. Ibid., p. 449
7. Berenger-Feraud: Traite Theorique et Pratique de
la Fievre Jaune, Paris, 1890, p. 84.
8. Berenger-Feraud, loc. cit, p. 140.
9. Keraudren: De Ifi Fievre Jaune Observee aux An-
tilles et sur les Vaisseaux du Roi, etc. ,Paris,
1823, p. 18.
660
CENTRAL AMERICA.
History of Yellow Fever in Central America.
Contrary to general expectations, Central America
presents a sterile field for the study of yellow fever from
a point of widespread prevalence. Although within a
stone's throw from the West Indies, whence yellow fever
radiated in the past to the four points of the compass,
it has been remarkably free from the disease. Save for
a fringe of coast-line bordering on the Atlantic, it can
be said that the Central American States have enjoyed
comparative freedom from invasions of the yellow scourge
and one can, in almost every outbreak, place the onus on
importation. AVhat renders the situation still more
perplexing, is that both to the north and south of the
bellicose little republics which compose • the Central
American dis-Union, yellow fever is almost endemic, Mex-
ico, the Isthmus of Panama and Venezuela having been
notorious foci of the American Pestilence since the days
of the buccaneers.
/How can this almost total exemption be accounted for?
Surely not by the absence of the usual causes favorable
to the propagation of yellow fever, for we find them all
in Central America, even tlie pestiferous Stegomyia,
Culopus. Yet tlie Latin republics have had only two
widespread epidemics in the past four hundred years.
The yellow fever outltrenk of 187S was almost a pandemic,
a case being impoited even to Loudon, England; yet there
is no record of any invasion of the Central American
States that year. Again, during the widespread epidemic
of 1897, Avhen the ^Fississippi Valley was invaded as far
north as Cairo, and eases were imported to New York,
Philadelphia, San Francisco, Baltimore and other local-
ities hostile to yellow fever propagation, only a few
isolated cases were observed in Salvador and Nicaragua,
the balance of the States escaping infection altogether.
In 1905, however, Honduras, Guatemala and Nicaragua
were pretty widely infected, while Costa Rica and Sal-
vador escaped contamination.
\
CENTRAL AMERICA. 661
CHRONOLOGY OF YELLOW FEVER IN CENTRAL
AMERICA.
1596. Locality not nieutioned.
No Authentic Details Avaikible between 1596 and 1803.
1803. HONDURAS.
No details.
1839. GENERAL.
No details.
1850. HONDURAS.
No details.
1860. HONDURAS.
No details.
1860. BRITISH HONDURAS.
Belize.
1868. NICARAGUA.
No details.
" SALVADOR.
San Salvador.
1869. NICARAGUA.
No details.
1870. NICARAGUA.
No details.
" SALVADOR.
■ No details.
1883. COSTA RICA.
San Jose.
1887. GUATEINIALA.
Livingston.
i
662
1890.
ii
1891.
1892.
1893.
1894.
1895.
1897
HISTORY OF YELOW FFVER.
BKITISH HONDURAS.
Belize.
COSTA RICA.
Port Limon.
COSTA RICA.
Punta Arenas.
COSTA RICA.
Alajiiela.
Heredia.
Ltvingston.
Port Limon.
GUATEMALA.
Livinjiston.
HONDURAS.
Ceiba.
HONDURAS.
No details.
NICARAGUA.
General, but epidemic in :
Granada.
Manag^ua.
SALVADOR.
General, l)nt ei)idemic in :
La Libertad.
San Salvador.
guate:\iala.
Champirico.
SALVADOR.
Acajntla.
La Libertad.
San Salvador.
NICARAGUA.
Corinto.
Leon.
Managua.
I
4
CENTRAL AMERIPA. 663
" SALVADOR.
San Salvador.
1898. COSTA RICA.
Port Limon.
" SALVADOR.
San Salvador.
1899. COSTA RICA.
Alajuela.
Heredia.
Port Limon.
Punta Arenas.
" SALVADOR.
San Salvador.
1900. COSTA RICA.
Alajuela.
Port Limon.
Punta Arenas.
San Juan.
San Jose.
" SALVADOR.
San Salvador.
1901. COSTA RICA.
Alajuela.
Jacunapa.
Liberia.
Port Limon.
" SALVADOR.
San Jose.
1902. COSTA RICA.
Port Limon.
1903. COSTA RICA.
Matina.
Port Limon.
San Jose.
Zent.
664 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
" KICARAGUA.
Blueflelds.
1904. COSTA RICA.
Alajuela.
Port Limon.
1905. BRITISH HONDURAS.
Belize.
" GUATEMALA.
Gualan.
Livino;ston.
Tucura.
Zacapa.
" HONDURAS.
Ceiba.
Cliamelicon.
Cienaguita.
Cholona.
Puerto Cortez.
" NICARAGUA. :r,,
Leon.
IManao-ua. j
San Francisco. *
San Pedro.
1906. COSTA RICA. |
Port Limon.
San Jnan.
" HONDURAS.
Cf'iha.
Choloma.
El Pariso.
Pimenta.
Puerto Cortez.
San Pedro.
" CTUATE:\rALA.
Gualan.
" NICARAGUA.
Manaaua.
CEMTRAL ANERICA.
66 J
1907. COSTA RICA.
San Jose.
San Mateo.
" GUATEMALA.
Gualan.
Puerto Barrios.
Zacapa.
" NICARAGUA.
Managua.
1908. GUATEMALA.
Chiquimula.
Zacapa.
666
BRITISH HONDURAS.
British Honduras (also known as Balize or Belize), a
British Colony of Central America, borders on the Bay
of Hunduras, an arm of the Gulf of Mexico, and lies
between Mexico and Guatemala. Capital, Belize, on the
Bay of Honduras, which has a population of about 6,000,
mostly blacks.
SUMMARY OF EPIDEMICS.
Belize.
The history of yellow fever in Belize can be summed up
in a very few words. The only white people in the town
are English officers and traders and a few Americans.
The balance of the population are negroes, who are pro-
verbially immune from yellow fever and which accounts
for the few outbreaks of the fever recorded in this history.
1860.
In the middle of July, 1860, yellow fever broke out in
Belize, and in a short time decimated the white popula-
tion, especially new-comers. The negroes and acclimated
Avliites nearly all escaped, as did also the troops. The
latter, with the exception of the officers, were black. An
army assistant sergeant died. No statistics are given by
our authority.^
1890.
Yellow fever broke out among the British colonists at
Belize in February, 1890. The first death occurred on
February 17. There were altogether five cases, of which
four proved fatal. The last case erupted May 23, and
the last death took place June 1."
CENTRAL AMERICA. 667
1905.
From June 20, when the first case was reported, to
S^ovember 30, 1905, there were five cases of yellow fever
in Belize, of which three proved fatal. The victims were
Englishmen. ^
668
COSTA RICA.
Description.
Costa Eica (rich coast) the most southern republic of
Central America, lies between the Caribbean Sea and the
Pacific Ocean and is bounded on the north by Nicaragua
and on the south by Panama. Capital, San Jose. Punta
Arenas, on the Pacific and Port Limon on the Caribbean,
are its j)rincipal ports.^
SUMMARY OF EPIDEMICS.
Alajuela.
1892.
Alajuela, 3,000 feet above the sea-level, was thought
for a long time to be immune from invasions of yelloV
fever, owing to its elevation. In 1892, however, the dis-
ease was imported to the town. The infection was not
widespread. The number of cases and deatlis is not given
by our authority.^
1899.
In 1899, Alajuela had a population of about 10,000.
In the middle of August, a man arrived from Punta
Arenas, where there had been sporadic cases of yellow
fever for some time previous to his departure. He was
taken ill with yellow fever shortly after arriving at
Alajuela. From August 4 to September 24, 60 cases re-
sulted, of which 21 proved fatal. ^ Another authority
states that there were 100 deaths, but does not give the
number of cases.^
1901.
A solitary case of yellow fever was observed in Alajuela
on June 7, 1901. The patient died."^
CENTRAL AMERICA. 669
1904.
Yellow fever siuddenly made its appearance at Alajiiela
about the middle of April, 1904. From the 18th to the
24th of the month, there were 11 cases, of which (3 died.'*
The outbreak subsided as suddenly as it had begun.
HEREDIA.
1892.
Yellow fever "prevailed" in Heredia (six miles from
San Jose) in 1892, but to what extent, our source of in-
formation^ does not state.
1899.
A solitary case was imported to Heredia from Alajuela
in 1899. The ultimate fate of this case is left to con-
jecture.^'^
LIBERIA.
1901.
Liberia, a city of about 0,000 inhabitants, located in
the "hot lands" near the Pacitic Coast, was invaded by
yellow fever for the only time in its history in 1901. The
number of cases is not stated, but 06 deaths were recorded
between March 21 and August 15. As the white popu-
lation of Liberia is very sparse and the natives of Central
America are seldom attacked by yellow fever, this mor-
tality may certainly be considered excessive.^^
MATINA.
The village of Matina, 10 miles from Limon, on the
Matina River, had 2 cases of yellow fever in 1903. The
infection probably came from Port Limon. ^^
670 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
POET LIMON.
Port Limon is on the east coast of Costa Eica, on the
Caribbean Sea. It has a good harbor and is the eastern
terminus of the Costa Eica Eailway. It is surrounded
by dense forests and does an extensive exporting trade
in fruit, coffee, rubber, sai*saparilla and skins. Popula-
tion, 5,000.
Port Limon is not an endemic focus of yellow fever,
the disease always having been imported in every recorded
instance. Of late years, however, or, to be more precise,
since 1900, yellow fever has been present almost every
year in the port. In 1901, the infection was widespread,
thirty-two foci being created within the corporate limits
of the town, resulting in 63 cases and 17 deaths. In 1903,
another widespread epidemic took place. As three-fourths
of the population of Port Limon are negroes — a race com-
monly immune from attacks of yellow fever — and the
whites generally flee whenever an outbreak of yellow fever
assumes a malignant phase — there is certainly ground
for alarm that the disease may become endemic. Only
the modern measures intelligently directed against the
inroads of the yellow plague — the screening of first cases
and the total extermination of the Stcf/onii/ia C(tlo>pus —
can save the beautiful metropolis of Centi'al America from
becoming, like her South American neighbors, the en-
demic home of a disease which modern science has proved
can be eradicated from a community. The brilliant vic-
tories achieved in Havana, New Orleans and Panama are
monumental examples of what Avell-directed preventive
measures can accomjilish. The same thing can be done
in Central America.
Summary of Epidemics.
1890.
Although yellow fever undoubtedly prevailed at Port
Limon in former years, no authentic record can be found
previous to 1890. In December of that year, 2 cases were
CENSRAL AMERICA. 67 i
observed, but whether they proved fatal or not, is not
stated.^^
1893.
Sporadic cases of yellow fever broke out in Port Limon
at the end of May, 1893. An old man, an employe of the
customhouse, a native unacclimated to Limon, died of
the fever on the 28th. On the report of this death, there
was a general exodus of the white residents into the in-
terior, most of them migrating to San Jose. By means
of this partial depopulation, only acclimated negroes re-
maining, the progress of the outbreak was checked.^^
1898.
From June 14 to September 1, 1898, there were six
deaths from yellow fever in Port Limon.^^
1899.
From August 18 to August 29, 1899, 2 cases and 1
death.16
1900.
l"*he first case in 1900 was in the person of a Costa
Rican, aged 76, wlio was taken ill on April 19, loss than
three days after his arrival from the interior of the
country, and is presumed to have been infected at Punta
Arenas, The patient died on the 20th.
The steamship Holstcin arrived at Port Limon from
Mobile, Alabama, August 10. Two days later the captain
of the vessel died of yellow fever. There Avas no yellow
fever at Mobile in 1900, so the vessel was evidently in-
fested at another port of call.
On August 21 a case of yellow fever eru])ted on board
the steamship Ciinard, from Colon, and was transferred
to the quarantine station. The patient died on the 23rd.
Between October 31 and November 4, a case of yellow
fever developed on shore and a case was reported on board
672 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVkR.
the steamship Adler, from Bocas del Tora, Colombia. The
patients recovered.
liesiime for lUOO : Total cases, 5 ; total deaths, 2^^
1901.
A small epidemic of jellow fever j^revailed at Port
Limou in lOOL^^
The first case was reported on March 31, in the person
of a Canadian who had been in Port Limon one month.
Recovery. The second case, an Enij;lishman, who had
been in the town about a year, was taken ill June 9.
AA'hile a resident of Port Limon, the patient had been
employed on the railroad near Alajnela, where yellow
fever was prevailing, and evidently contracted the disease
there. He recovered.
The third case, which marked the real beginning of the
e])idemic, erupted in the person of an Anu'rican, of En-
glish parentage, who had been in Port Limon only a few
months. He was admitted to the Hospital of the United
Fruit Company on July 1, suffering from yellow fever.
He recovered. A sister of the above case, who lived in
the same house in which he spent the first two days of his
illness, was taken ill on the eighteenth day from the initial
chill of her brother, and had a typical, though mild fever.
She had had no further communication with the patient
from the time of his removal to the hospital, and her
case is o.ne of the thousands illustrations of the truth of
the mosquito theory of tlie transmission of yellow fever.
From this focus, the fever gradually extended through-
out the town. From July 1 to October 12, there were
altogether 01 cases, of which 17 proved fatal. Adding to
this tlie cases observed on March 31 and June 9, gives a
total of 63 cases for 1901.
Yellow Fever in Port L'lninti D.iiriiif/ llie Quarantine
Season of 1901.
The following comprehensive summary of this remark-
able out])reak, made by Dr. Goodman, then Aissistant
CENTRAL AMERICA. 673
United States Marine Hospital Surgeon at Port Limon,
will be found interesting and instructive:^'^
During the quarantine season of 1901 — that is, from
April 1 to November 1, there were 63 cases of yellow
fever in Port Limon, Costa Rica, to my personal knowl-
edge. Of these, 45 contracted the disease in Port Limon,
and 18 came or were brought from stations on the rail-
road, distant 2 to 30 miles. These cases occurred by
months as follows: April, 1 case; May, none; June, 2;
July, 5; August, 26; September, 25; October, 4. About
September 15 the heavy and continued rains set in and
the mortality rate from all diseases was very much les-
sened. For instance, there were from all causes, 39 (Jeaths
from August 15 to September 15, and only 19 from Sep-
tember 15 to October 15.
Of these 45 cases of yellow fever, originating in Port
Limon, 20 were natives and 25 Americans and Europeans.
The disease appeared in 22 houses or foci, a brief history
or description of which follows :
Focus I, — A second-class- hotel, block No. 43, 1 one-
story building, close to the ground, in a badly drained
lot; thence we had case No. 1, April 1, 1901, Englishman;
case No. 3, June 16, 1901, p:nglishman; case No. 30,
August 28, 1901, American ; case No. 59, October 28, 1901,
American ; case No. 60, October 3, 1901, American.
Focus 11. — In the extreme western end of the town,
7 1/2 blocks, or about 750 yards, froui Focus I, on a hill
surrounded by slirubbery; rain water, caught in barrels
and in a tank, is used for drinking; it is a one-story
dwelling house, and here we had case No 2, June 12,
American; case No. 33, August 29, native, wife of an
Amei'ican.
Focus III. — One hundred and twenty-five yards north
of Focus II, higher up the hill; dense foliage close to
the house; rain water used and mosquitoes plentiful;
communication between Foci II and III by no means
easy, owing to undergrowth and the steep hillside; here
we had case No. 4, July 4, American ; case No. 5, July 18,
American; case No. 9, August 1, American.
674
HISTORY OF YELLOW KfcVER.
Focus IV. — Two hundred and sixty yards south of
Focus I, a two-story house on the railroad iu a low, badly
drained spot, mosquitoes plentiful ; here we had case No.
0, August 1, native; case No. 11, August 5, native; case
Xo. 10, August 15, native; case No. 35, September 1,
native.
Focus V. — In the middle of block 17, 60 yards west of
the ])ark, 120 yards NE. of Focus IV, and 250 yards
south of Focus I, one of several rooms in a long row,
partitions going up only partly to the top. Case No. 12,
August 8, native. No attempt at disinfection was made
at this house, it being impossible from its construction.
The roo mwas thrown open and strong winds and bright
sunlight allowed to pass through.
Focus VI. — City jail, between seawall and i)ark, 160
yards SE. of Focus Y, 220 yards S. of E. of Focus IV.
The rst floor used for prisoners, the second is sleeping
rooms for the policemen. Case No. 13, August 9, native;
case No. 47, September 20, native.
Focus VTI. — One hundred yards southeast of Focus I,
and in the same block; offices on the ground -floor, sleep-
ing rooms above. Case No. 7, August 8, American; case
No. 28, August 23, American.
Focus VIII. — The United Fruit Company's Hospital,
1() wliich most of the yellow fever patients were carried
and put into wards isolated and provided with screened
doors and windows; only 1 case originated here, that of
a white nurse; all other nurses were negroes. Case No.
51, August 7, Englishman.
Focus IX. — In block 35, 15 yards south of Focus III ;
a two-story house on the hill, sui-rouuded 1>y shrubbery;
cistern water used; the house bad been vacant for months
until occupied by this patiipint a few days prior to her
illness. Case No. 18, August 10, Englishman.
Focus X. — Southeast half of the (hand Hotel, a three-
story building, one room deep, 300 feet long; attached
to this southeast end is the hospital of the Costa Rica
Eailroad. All cases occurring in this building, whether
from Foci X, XVITI or XX, were in tlie second-story,
f
CENTRAL AMERICA. 675
. where mosquitoes were troublesome at times. On the
third floor the very strono- zreezes kept the rooms free of
them. Case No. 20, August 16, Englishman; case No. 22,
August 17, Englishman; ease No. 44, September 12,
American; case No. 62, October 4, Ajnerican.
Focus XI. — Custom-house; second floor used as resi-
dence; 80 yards east of Focus VI. Case No. 21, August
16, native; case No. 58, September 28, native.
Foci XII and XIII . — Thirty yards south of Focus I
and about 60 yards west of Focus VII, all in the same
block; Focus XII downstairs and to the rear, Focus XIII
upstairs and to the front. Case No. 26, August 20, natice ;
case No. 27, August 20, native.
Focus XIV. — Twenty-five 3^ards north of Focus V.
Case No. 29, August 24, native.
Focus XV. — twenty yards south of Focus VIII. Case
No. 37, September 3, native.
Focus XVI. — Forty yards northeast of Focus XIV.
Case No. 31, Auguf'>t 31, native; case No. 34, September 2,
native.
Focus A'TV/.— Sixty yards E. of Focus XVI, 120 yards
NW. of Focus X. Case No. 38, September 9, native ; case
'^o. 39, September 9, native.
Focus AF///.— Twenty yards SE. of Focus X. Case
No. 7, August 1, native ; case No. 40, September 6, English-
man.
Focus XIX. — One hundred and twenty yards N. of
Focus IX. Case No. 42, September 9, American; case
No. 43, September 11, American. .
Focus W.— Northwest half of Grand Hotel, tliis with
Foci X and XVIII may ])roperly be considered as one
Imilding. Case No. 53, September 27, American; case
No. 61, October 4, American.
Focus XXI. — One hundred and twenty yards N. of
Focus XIX and 100 yards W. of Foci I and XII. Case
54, September 24, native.
Focus XXII. — One hundi-ed and twenty yards N. of
Focus VIII. Case No. 57, September 30, German.
In drawing deductions from the above facts the follow-
ine: should be borne in mind :
676
HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
Strong westeru and southwestern land breezes prevail
at night, and eastern or sea breezes during the day —
much personal intercomniunication between the natives is
pi'obable, but ])etAveen tlieni and Americans it is at most
very limited.
AVitli few exceptions the i)atients were removed on the
first or second day of illness to the isolated yellow fever
wards of the liospital, and disinfection of the vacated
rooms done.
The iiopulatiou of Port Limon is about 4,000, made up
of, say, 3,000 Jamaican negroes, who seemed to be im-
mune, and 1,000 Americans, Europeans and natives of
Si)anish ancestry. 31any of the inhabitants who could
give no cause for immunity escaped the disease.
Those ph^^sicians having the largest practice and the
quarantine ofncials i)rovisionlly, at least, accepted the
mosquitoes as a means of propagation of yelb.w fever
and advised the general use of mos(iuito netting.
1902.
Tlie year 11102 witn(ss(Ml anctliei' stubb(.rn outbreak of
yellow fever at Tort Lim(yn.
According to Acting Assistant Surgeon ('arson, -'^ cases
began showing themselves as early as March, but were
not reported as sudi. Tlie first case to receive official
recognition was tliat of a native laborer, aged about 25,
wlio had been sick two days without medical attention,
and wlio was admitted to tlie United Fruit Company's
h(>s])ital on April 14, whei(' the nature of his illness was
at once recognized as yellow fever. Death on the 10th.
Between April 16 and 23, three more cases were ad-
mitted into the hos])ital. All recovered.
Week ending ]\fay 1 : ()ue case, brouiilit from Cairo
Junction, about 40 miles bv rail from Port Limon; not
recognized as yellow fever until aftei' admission into the
h(;s])ital.
July 5, one death, an imported case from the Zent Dis-
trict, 20 miles from Limon, on the Tosta TJica Eailroad.
CENTRAL AMERICA. 677
I
July 10, two cases were admitted into the United Fruit
Company's hospital, brought, respectively, from Zent
Junction and Guasimo, 20 and 51 miles by rail from Port
Linion.
July 17, two new cases.
July 22, one death at hospital.
August 8, one death at hospital. Imported from Cairo
Junction.
August 22, one case, from Zent Junction, admitted to
hospital.
September 7, two cases, originating at Port Limon.
Three new cases were admitted to the hospital on Octo-
ber 6 and 7, one Italian and two Costa Eicans.
October 6 to 30, 4 cases and 3 deaths.
Cases broke out sporadically as late as December, the
last case being reported on the 6th. Altogether, from
July 1 to December 0, there were 27 cases, of which 14
died.
1903.
In 1903, yellow fever broke out in April. Among the
first to be attacked was Dr. Allan Jumel, of New Orleans,
then Inspector of the Louisiana State Board of Health at
Port Limon, who made an uneventful recovery. The first
death occurred on April 17, in the person of an employe
of the Costa Rican Railroad. From that date, the fever
gained rapid headway, the type becoming graver and less
amenable to preventive treatment. The epidemic came
to an end on October 29, Avith the following record:
Cases, 99; deaths, 50.
21
1904.
As early as INIarch, a case of yellow fever was treated
at tlie United Fruit Company's iiospital. Nothing unto-
ward happened until the end of ^May, when three cases
were reported on the 2Sth. One was imported from a
banana farm near Port Limon; the others originated in
town. All recovered.
678 HISTORY OF YELLOW FETER.
Xo cases reportod until July 9, when an American mis-
sionry, who had lived for some months in Port Limon,
was attacked. Kecoverv.
For week ending July 16, one case, a Spanish- American
woman, a resident of Port Limon who had been two
months in Port Limon.
Week ending October 15, one case, imported from
Seqnires, 36 miles from Limon. Recovery.
Total for 1904: Cases, 7; deaths, 1.22"^
1905.
An American, who had been for a few months resident
in and about Port Limon, with a positive history of hav-
ing been in the town since the morning of June 16, was
found in a public park very sick on the 19rh, and taken
to the hospital. Sporadic cases were observed from that
date until October 12, a total of 6 cases, of which 2
proved fatal, being recorded.--^
PUNTA AEEXAS.
Only vague information can be had concerning the
history of yellow fever in Punta Arenas. The disease was
present in the town in 1892, 1899 and 1900, but to what
extent is not stated.-^
SAX JOSE.
1883.
During the widespread epidemic of yellow fever in
Mexico and Central America in 1883, a fcAv cases were
observed at San Jose.^-^
1900.
In the early days of August, 1900, a Costa Eican came
to San Jose from Port Limon, where yellow fever was
CENTRAL AMERICA. 679
prevailing. He was taken ill on the Gtli and died on the
9th, with black vomit.-^ This was the only case in San
Jose in 1900.
1901.
In August, 1901,. a few cases of yellow fever were im-
ported to San Jose from Port Limon. The infection did
not spread.-"
1903.
Three years later, another case was imported to San
Jose from Port Limon. Dr. Bentel, a chemist in the em-
ploy of the Costa Eican government came to Port Limon
from the capital, on official business in 1903. On May 27,
he was taken ill and returned to San Jose, where he died
on the 30th. Another case Avas brought to the town in
August 3, and died two days later. There was no dif-
fusion of the malady.-^
1906.
Two cases of vellow fever Avere imported to San Jose
in 1906.29
1907.
A physician contracted yellow fever in the banana dis-
trict, about 45 miles from Port Limon, in September,
1907, and went to San Jose for treatment. The report
does not state what ultimately became of the case.^*^
SAN JUAN.
1900.
A case of yellow fever was imported to San Juan in
May, 1900. The patient recovered.*^^
1
680
HISTORV OF YELLOW FEVER.
ze:nt.
1903.
There were 4 deaths from yellow fever at Zeut Junction
iu 1903. There must have been a widespread infection in
the village, as several cases were imported therefrom to
Port Limon and the surrounding- country.
681
GUATEMALA.
Guatemala lies south of Mexico aud borders on the
Pacific, and has a small coast line on the Bay of Hon-
ruras. Capital, Guatemala. Puerto Barrios on the Bay
of Honduras, is the principal port.
The history of yellow fever in Guatemala can he told
in a very few words. The following summary is made
from the records of the United States Marine Hospital
Service :
CHAMPERICO.
1895.
Yellow fever reported "present. "^^ No details available.
CHIQUIMULA.
1007.
A few cases of yellow fever reported.^*
1008.
Population, 6,000. A few cai-:es of yellow fever, im-
ported from Zacapa."'""
GUALAX.
1005.
A severe epidemic of yellow fever ravaged Gualan, SO
miles from Puerto Barrios, in 1005. The number of cases
is not given, but the stimatcd numlier of deaths, from
Augiist 20 to November 9, is placed at 200. No exact
statisitics could be obtained.'''^
Tlie first cases of yellow fever in the history of the town,
came under observation in August, 1005. The cases in the
railroad hospital were kept under bars, and every pre-
682 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
caution used to prevent the spread of the infection, no
standinji: water beinji- aHowed around the buildings; but
in the town itself nothing Avas done.
1906. :
August 24, two cases; one died. Sporadic cases ob-
served during the year^^
1907.
Between Mav 15 and 21, three cases; one died.^^
LIVINGSTON.
1887. •
August 7, four cases ; August 27, "several cases."'*'**
1889.
July 28, one case, followed by death. No developments.^"
1892.
Yellow fever broke out in ^lay and "raged most malig-
nantly." No statistics given. "^^
1905.
Y('lb;w fever was epidemic in many cities of Guatemala
in 1005. A total of 27 cases, of which 12 died, is re-
corded for Livingston. ^-
PUERTO BARRIOS.
1907.
Diligent research has failed to find any Jiistory of yel-
low fever so far as Puerto Barrios is concerned, previous
CENTRAL AMERICA. 683
to 1907. On June 27, a solitary case was reported, in the
person of a Spanish officer in charge of the cnratel. Orig-
inal source of infection not stated.^^
TUCAEA.
1905.
Tucara suffered from yellow fever during: the epidemic
of 1905. The first case was reported August 7. Statistics
are not given.^'*
ZUCAPA.
1905.
The Guatemalan yellow fever epidemic of 1905 was
quite extensive in Zucapa, a town of about 6,000 inhabi-
tants, in the interior, 100 miles by rail from Puerto
Barrios.
The disease made its appearance in Zacapa the latter
part of June. The infection was introduced from Liv-
ingston through natives who were permitted to return
to their homes in Zacapa after the outbreak of the fever
in Livingston. The fever was not recognized as yellow
fever until Augiist, by which time the infection was thor-
oughly disseminated throughout the town, there being
hardly a house in tlie place which had not had a case.
No reliable information as to the number of cases or
deaths could be ol)tained, but reliable reports estimate the
number of deaths at about 700.*^ At the time of the out-
break a great number of people left and went to the
mountains, leaving only about 3,500 in the place during
the height of the fever. ' This is the first time yellow fever
has ever appeared in Zacapa.
1907.
The second appearance of yellow fever in Zacapa took
place in 1907. On May 16, a case was imported from
Gualan. In the latter part of May, the disease was re-
684 HISTORY OF YELLOW KEVER.
ported epidemic, with about two deaths daily. No reli-
abh^ statistics could be obtained. Sporadic cases were
observed as late as November.^^
685
HONDURAS.
Hondui'as, one of the Central American Republics, lies
between Kicaragiia and San Salvador and the Pacific
Ocean and the Caribbean Sea. Capital, Te,i>ucigalpa.
Although discovered by Columbus on liis fourth voy-
age (1502), and in close proximity to the West Indies,
it is only within very recent years that yellow fever has
been observed in Honduras. Berenger-Feraud^" speaks
of a "severe epidemic" in that country' in 1803, imported
by the ship Hihhcr, but gives no details. The same
autliority (page 119) says that Honduras was ''contami-
nated" in 1850, but in what manner and to what ext(mt,
is left to the inuigination. With the exception of 1905,
no general epidemic of yellow fever has ever been observed
in Honduras.
CEIBA.
1905.
From August 1 to 24, 1905, there were six cases of-
yellow fever in Cc iba, of which three proved fatal. One
of the cases was imported by the steamship Nicaragic,
from Kew Orb^ans. Last death, August 22. Tlie out-
break was not very extensive."*'^
190G.
Yellow fever was reported "present" in Ceiba from July
21 to 29 ; no details given.'*^
CHAMELICON.
1905.
From June 18 to October 10, 1905, there Avere 143 cases
of vellow fev(n' in Chamelicon; 49 dicd.^^
68G HISTORV OF YELLOW FEVER.
CHOLONA.
1905; 190G.
Cholona, which has a population of about 4,000, has
been visited twice by yellow fever — 1905 and 190G.
In 1905, from June 18 to December 12, 150 cases were
observed; 59 died.^^
In 1906, from April 6 to April 19, there were 7 cases;
1 died.^2
CIENAGUITA.
1905.
^farch 21 to September T, 20 cases; 5 deaths.^^
EL PAR I SO.
1906. I
Present between June 15 and June 19. Xo record of
cases; 1 death.'^^
XACAOME.
1894. ^
April 8 to 28, 5 deaths ; number of cases not reported. ^^
PIMENTA.
1906.'
!Mav 23, 20 cases r('])ort('d, which proves thai: the town
must have been infected for some time previously. From
that date to June 6, a total of 85 cases and 20 fjeaths is
recorded. The e])idemic lasted until October, but com-
plete statistics are not obtainable.^^
CENTRAL AMERICA. 687
PUERTO CORTEZ.
1905.
Imported cases of yellow fever may have been observed
at Puerto Cortez previous to 1905, but no authentic
records could be found bearing on the subject.
The only epidemic which has ever visited the port, took
place in 1905, and is thus described in the United States
Public Health Reports :^^
The first case to come under observation was reported
May 25. The patient a young man was taken sick sud-
denly with a chill in the night, violent pains in the back
and head, vomiting and delirium. On the third day urinal
examination showed 15 per cent, albumen. He died on
the eighth day, in convulsions. This was a typical case
throughout.
The next case was an old man at a hotel. He had all
the symptoms. Was taken ill suddenly ; on the third day
all)umen showing as much as 4 per cent. He died on the
sixth day in coma.
The next patient was a custom-house inspector, who
was taken ill with the same symptoms and about the same
time as the second case. On the fifth day albumen showed
25 per cent. ; temperature, 102 ; pulse, 46 ; died in coma.
Another case was that of a native l)oy, reported by the
Government surgeon at al)out the same time. He also
died. All had ])lack vomit, except the old man at the
hotel, h'our other cases were taken sick about the same
time and recovered. The first, a woman boarding at the
hotel, was taken violently ill with a chill in the night,
with vomiting, viohMit ])ains in the l)ack, limbs, head and
delirium. On the third day albumen from 10 to 15 per
cent. This case recovered. The daughter of this patient
was attacked in the same way, with the same train of
symptoms, during her mother's convelescence. Aubumen
about 10 per cent.; urine cleared up on the fith day; went
on to recovery.
An Italian' at the hotel was attacked about the same
688 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
time. His was a typical case. Albumen, 25 per cent. ;
l)iilse went as low as 40, with a slow convalescence.
The eighth case was that of the surgeon of the United
Fruit Company and is .of much interest, showing the
enormous quantity of sulphate of quinine a jierson of long
experience in the Tropics can stand without injury- in yel-
low fever. This patient had lived in the Tropics about
fifteen years, having spent five years of his life at Limon,
going through three epidemics there without contracting
the disease. He considered himself immune. On May
30 he was taken violently ill with all the train of symp-
toms of yellow fever. Two days before this he complained
of feeling very badly, but still remained at work, and
said he supposed he was going to have a sharp spell of
remittent fever, as he had not had an attack for a long
time. He began taking large does of sulphate of quinine
to reduce the temperature, but he comj^lained he could
not bring his temperature to normal and lower than
101 1/2, and during the two days before he was taken
ill, he told me that he took 280 grains of sulphate of
quinine and 1 ounce of Warburg's tincture to reduce his
tem]i(^rature. On Thuri-day night he had the preliminary
chill, temperature going to 104 1/2, and from that time
on during his illness he never showed the bad effects of
the quinine, altliough he had a very serious attack of
yellow fever and at one time the urine test showed 25 per
cent, albumen.
Of the first eight cases of the epidemic, four recovered
and four died.
From the date of the breaking out of the epidemic (May
25) to June 18, 10 additonal cases were reported, of which
4 died\
The epidemic came to an end on December 12, with a
record of 148 cases, of which 50 died.
190(1.
On :\Iarch 7, 1900, a case of yellow fever was reported
in Puerto Cortez. It was a mild case and the patient
CENTRAL AMERICA. 689
made an uneventful recovery. No other eases are re-
corded.''^
SAN PEDEO.
1905.
San Pedro, 35 miles from Puerto Cortez, experienced
its first extensive epidemic of yellow fever in 1905. From
June 18 to December 12, there Avere 625 cases, of which
153 proved fatal. ^'^
1906.
March 18 to March 24. Yellow fever present. No
statistics.^^
690
NICARAGUA.
Desc?'iption.
Nicaragua lies between Honduras and Costa Eica and
extends from the Caribbean Sea to the Pacifis Ocean.
Principal cities: Bluefields, Leon, Granada, Nicaragua
and Managua, the capital.
Berenger-Feraud says that yellow fever was imported
to Nicaragua in 1868 by voyagers from infected localities,
but gives no details, merely mentioning this fact and stat-
ing that "several localities'' were affected. ^^
According to Lawson, the disease was also present in
Nicaragua in 1869.^-
Cornilliac notes the fact that many localities were af-
fected in 1870.63
BLUEFIELDS.
1903.
Bluefields is on the Caribbean coast of Nicaragua, and
has a population of about 3,000. Yellow fever has
rarely been observed at this port, and in every instance it
was imported. Statistics are meager and unreliable con-
cerning the i)revalence of the disease at Bluefields, the
only authentic case on record being in 1903, when the
Schooner Sunbeam, from Limon, brought a case to the
town on ]May 8. Proper sanitary measures were insti-
tuted and there was no spread.''*
CORINTO.
1897.
Corinto, like other ports on the Pacific coast of Nica-
ragua, has been almost immune from yellow fever. The
only instance when the disease made any headway in this
port was in 1897, when it was introduced by vessels com-
CENTRAL AMERICA. 691
ing from infected Mexican and South American ports.
Reliable statistics as to the extent of this outbreak are
lacking.®^
GRANADA.
1894.
Granada has a population of 15,000 and is on the north-
west shore of Lake Nicaragua, about 30 miles from the
city of Nicaragua. Yellow fever prevailed to a limited
extent in this place in 1894. No statistics obtainable.^^
JUCUNAPA.
1901.
A case of yellow fever was brought to Jucunapa in
1901. As soon as the inhabitants became aware of the
state of affairs, they fled to various parts of the republic,
leaving the town practically deserted. Only one case is
recorded. ^^
LEON.
1897.
Leon lies between Lake iManagua and the Pacific Ocean
and has a population of 25,000. Yellow fever was brought
to Leon by refugees in August, 1897, and prevailed epi-
demically to the end of September, according to official
reports. No statistics could be obtained.^^
1905.
Yellow fever prevailed for the second time in the his-
tory of Leon in 1905. Like other epidemics of this kind
in Central America, details are lacking. ^^
69 i HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
MANAGUA.
The history of yellow fever as it concerns Managua
may be briefly summarized as follows, as no details are
obtainable i''^^
1894. Present.
1897. Present.
1905. Thirty cases; number of deaths not stated.
1906. Present.
1907. Present.
SAN FRANCISCO.
1905.
The extensive yellow fever epidemic of 1905 invaded San
Francisco, a small town near the Pacific coast, during the
last days of August. The number of cases is not given;
deaths, 2.'^
695
SALVADOR.
Salvador is bounded on the north by Honduras and
Guatemala, east by Xicarajiua and south hj the Pacific
Ocean. Capital, San Salvador.
Salvador has suffered less from yellow fever than the
other countries of Central America. The outbreaks so far
as could be collected from the scant literature on the sub-
ject, were as follows:
ACAJITLA.
189G. Yellow fever reported as prevailing extensively.
No statistics. "-
LA LIBERTAD.
1894. Yellow fever "present." '^
1^96. Yellow fever reported as "making rapid pro-
gress." No statistics.'^**
SAN SALVADOR.
The city of San Salvador is one of the oldest in Central
America, having been founded by the Spanish in 1523. It
is 105 miles southeast from Guatemala, near the Pacific
Ocean. San Salvador was moved from its original site
near the base of the volcano of the same name in 1854,
on account of the prevalence of destructive earthquakes,
but it has since twice been partially destroyed by these
mysterious convulsions of nature. Before the last earth-
quake (1873) the population was 40,000; it is now about
half that figure.
1868.
The first record of yellow fever having prevailed in
San Salvador is given by Guzman, who states that 401
cases were treated at the Casa Amarilla (yellow fever
hospital) in 18G8. Of these cases, 296 were males and
85 females. The mortality was 132 (85 males and 47
females. The source of infection is not given."^^
694 HJSTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
1870.
Cornilliac states that yc41ow fever was observed in San
Salvador in 1870. No statisties.'^^
1894.
After a lapse of 24 years, vellow fever again made its
appearance in San Salvador. The first person attacked
was one of the mail-service boys, who caught the infec-
tion at La Libertad. Bevond the statement that the mor-
tality was 60 per cent., no other information is given by
our authority."'^
1896.
Yellow fever was reported "present'' in San Salvador
in October 19, 1906. Further details not obtainable.''^
189
Yellow fever broke out with much virulence in July
and raged until December. Cases and deaths were as
follows :
July 38 cases. 11 deaths.
August 54 cases. 16 deaths.
September 34 cases. 12 deaths.
Total for three months. . 126 39
The epidemic decimated the foreign population.
Among the prominent victims were the Russian Princess
Dolgorouky, who had come to San Salvador to give con-
certs, and ^Ir. Baker, the manager of the London Bank.
The American Colony did not suffer much.
The epidemic came to an end in December. Complete
statistics not given.''''^
1898.
Yellow fever again broke out in San Salvador in 1898.
Following statistics are furnished by the United States
Marine Hospital Service.®^
CENTRAL AMERICA. 695
To June 4, total of 34 cases and 8 deaths.
From that date to August 7, 38 new cases, of which
8 proved fatal.
Total, 72 cases ; 16 deaths.
1899.
June 30 to August 1, a total of 3 cases and 1 death is
reported.^^
1900.
Yellow fever broke out as early as February; five
deaths being reported between the Xlth of that month
and March 3. Between .the last mentioned date and
April 11, there were 38 new cases. After this, the epi-
demic subsided, only 3 new cases and 1 death being re-
ported to August 1. Sporadic cases were subsequently
observed, but no complete statistics are obtainable.^^
1901.
In 1901 the fever broke out during the last week of
March, and from that time to the end of June, 10 cases
and 6 deaths were reported. As in other outbreaks of the
disease, it is impossible to give exact statistics. In every
eruption of yellow fever in Central America, the policy
of concealment is adhered to by the authorities, and it is
only by constant vigilance that the representatives of
foreign governments are able to arrive at the truth. ^^
That yellow fever prevailed to a considerable extent in
San Salvador in 1901, is evidenced by the fact that a
certain college in that city was ordered closed by the
government; five cases and one death having occurred
among the students.
1907.
Yellow fever was reported epidemic in the Republic
of Salvador in January, 1907.^^ No further information
is furnished, but the outbreak could not have been very
696 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
severe, for even the most guarded policy of concealment
could not have kept the facts from the public during the
two vears which have elapsed since the first news were
telegraphed to the United States Marine Hospital Service
at Washington.
SANTIAGO DE MARIA. *
1901.
Refugees from Jucunapa infected Santiago de Maria in
1901, for the first time in its history. No statistics. ^^
BIBLIOGRAPHY OF YELLOW FEVER IN CENTRAL AMERICA.
GENERAL.
Brumby (W. M.) Our Commercial Relations with Central America,
with reference to Yellow Fever. Texas State Journal of Medicine,
1906, vol. 2, p. 86.
Gibbs (B. F.) : The calenturia, congestive fever of Nicaragua, in its
relations to yellow fever. Med. & Surg. Reporter, Phila., 1868, vol.
19, pp. 391, 413.
Santos Fernandez (J.) : La Fiebre Amarilla es el obstaculo mas
grande' que encuentra la civilization de le America Latina. Cron. Med.
Quir. de la Habana, 1896, vol. 22, p. 347.
BRITISH HONDURAS.
1. Lawson: Transactions Epidemiolosical Society of London, 1860,
vol 1, p. IBS.
2. Goldwaite: Correspondence Relative to the Insanitary Conditions
at Belize in 1890. Colonial Office, London, 1891, p. 16.
3. U. S. Public Health Reports (Washington, D. C), 1905, vol. 20,
p. 2770.
Boyce, (R.): Report to the Government of British Honduras upon
the Outbreak of Yellow Fever in that colony in 1905. 1906.
Ross (R.) and Breinl (A.): Yellow Fever in Belize. British Medical
Journal, vol. 2, for 1906, p. 1604.
Eyles (C. H.): Yellow fever in Belize. Brit. M. J. (London), 1907,
vol. 1, p. 113.
COSTA RICA.
4. U. S. Public Health Reports, 1892, vol. 7, p. 129.
5. Ibid, 1899, vol. 14, pp. 1389; 2366.
CENTRAL AMERICA. 697
6. Recueil des Travaux du Comite Consultatif d'Hygiene Publique
de France, Paris, 1903, p. 334.
7. U. S. Public Health Reports, vol. 16, pp. 1415, 1594.
8. Ibid., 1904, vol. 19, pp. 858, 1304.
9. Ibid., 1892, vol. 7, p. 129.
10. Ibid., 1899, vol. 14, py. 1389, 2366.
11. Recueil des Travaux, etc., (loc. cit.) for 1901, Paris, 1903, p. 334.
Also: U. S. Public Health Reports, 1903, vol. 18, p. 2309.
12. U. S. Public Health Reports, 1903, vol. 18, p.. 2309.
13. Ibid., 1891, vol. 6, p. 138 (foot-note d.)
14. Ibid., 1893, vol. 8, pp. 441, 452, 453, 517.
15. Ibid., 1898, vol. 13, p. 157.
16. Ibid., 1899, vol. 14, p. 2366.
17. Ibid., 1900, vol. 15, pp. 1072, 2089, 2164, 2227, 2826, 3176.
18. Ibid., 1901, vol. 16, pp. 772, 847, 906, 1416, 1481, 1641, 1878, 1949,
2003, 2059, 2121, 2225, 2383, 3083.
19. Goodman: U. S. Public Health Reports, 1902, vol. 17, p. 135.
20. U. S. Public Health Reports, 1902, vol. 17, pp. 953, 1079, 1143,
1745, 1796, 1842, 2067, 2112, 2230, 2468, 2622,.
21. Ibid., 1903, vol. 18, pp. 1037, 2309.
22. Ibid., 1904, vol. 19, p.p. 858, 1232, 1571, 1428, 1578. 2690,
23. Ibid., 1906, vol. 21, pp. 758, 782, 1132, 1542.
24. Ibid., 1892, vol. 7, p. 139; 1899, vcl. 14, pp. 1389 and 2366; 1900,
vol. 15, p. 938.
25. Medical News, N. Y., 1883, vol. 43, p. 419.
26. U. S. Public Health Reports, 1901, vol. 16, p. 1948.
27. Recueil des Travaux du Comite Consultatif d'Hygiene Publique
de France, etc., 1901 (Paris, 1903), p. 334.
28. U. S. Public Health Reports, 1903, vol. 18, pp. 975, 2309.
29. Ibid., 1907, vol. 22, p. 904.
30. Ibid., 1907, vol. 22, p. 1444.
31. Ibid., 1900, vol. 15, p. 1617.
32. Ibid., 1903, vol. 18, p. 2309.
Gruver: Case of yellow fever on steamship Westgate. U. S. Public
Health Reports, Wash., 1903, vol. 18, p. 1310.
Merry (W. L..) : Yellow Fever at Alajuela, 3,000 ft. above Sea Level,
and Heredia. Pub. Health Reports U. S. Mar. Hosp. Serv., Wash ,
1899, vol. 14, p. 1389.
GAUTEMALA.
33. U. S. Public Health Reports, 1895, vol. 10, p. 612.
34. Ibid., 1908, vol. 23, p. 45.
35. Ibid., 1908, pp. 45, 157, 534.
698
HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
36. Ibid., 1905, vol. 20, p. 2770.
37. Ibid., 1906, vol. 21, p. 1075.
38. Ibid., 1907, vol. 22, pp. 765, 807, 904.
39. Ibid., 1887, vol. 2, pp. 145, 162.
40. Ibid., 1889, vol. 4, p. 240.
41. Ibid., 1892, vol. 7, pp. 243, 283.
42. Ibid., 1905, vol. 20. p. 2631.
43. Ibid., 1907, vol. 22, pp. 92t», 972, 1939. .
44. Ibid., 1905, vol. 20, pp. 2035, 2770.
45. Ibid., 1905, vol. 20, p. 2631.
46. Ibid., 1907, vol. 22, p. 807; Ibid., 1908, vol. 23, p. 45.
4.
HONDURAS.
47. Berenger-Feraud: Traite Theorique e't Pratique de la Fievre
Jaune (Paris, 1890), p. 73.
48. U. S. Public Health Reports, 1905, vol. 20, p. 1911.
49. Ibid., 1906, vol. 21, p. 1553.
50. Ibid., 1905, vol. 20, p. 2770.
51. Ibid., 1905, vol. 20, p. 2770.
52. Ibid., 1906, vol. 21, pp. 392, 452, 741.
53. Ibid., 1905, vol. 20, p. 2770.
54. Ibid., 1906, vol. 21, p. 741.
55. Ann. Rep. Sup. Surg.-Gen. (U. S.), 1894, p. 293.
56. U. S. Public Health Reports, 1906, vol. 21, pp. 659, 692, 762, 763,
874, 1553.
57. Ibid., 1905, vol. 20, pp. 1350, 2169, 2770.
58. Ibid., 1906, vol. 21, pp. 302, 741, 989.
59. Ibid., 1905, vol. 20, pp. 1536, 1912, 2770.
60. Ibid., 1906, vol. 21, p. 741.
Carter: History of outbreak of yellow fever at Puerto Cortez. Pub.
Health Rep. U. S.- Mar. Hosp. Serv., Wash., 1905, vol. 20, p. 1350.
NICARAGUA.
61. Berenger-Feraud, loc. cit., p. 144.
62. Lawson: Trans. Epidemiological Society of London, vol. 3, p.
321.
63. Cornilliac: Recherches Chronologiques, etc., p. 428.
64. U. S. Public Health Reports, 1903, vol. 18, p. 1037.
65. Ibid., 1897, vol. 12, pp. 1124, 1434.
66. Annual Report Superv. Surg.-Gen. (U. S.), 1894, p. 293.
67. U. S. Public Health Reports, 1901, vol. 16, p. 1724.
68. Ibid., 1897, vol. 12, p. 1434.
I
CENTRAL AMERICA. fi99
69. Ibid., 1905, vol. 20, p. 2770.
70. Annual Report Sup. Surg.-Gen., 1894, p. 293; U. S. Public Health
Reports, 1897, p. 1434; Ibid., 1905, p. 2770; Ibid., 1906, pp. 742, 1553;
Ibid., 1907, p. 1938.
71. Ibid., 1905, vol. 20, p. 2770.
72. Ibid., 1896, vol. 11, p. 1062.
73. Ann. Rep. Sup. Surgeon-General, 1894, p. 293.
74. U. S. Public Health Rep.orts, 1896, vol. 11, p. 1062.
75. Guzman: Theses de Paris, 1869, No. 229, pp. 85-102.
76. Cornilliac: Recherches Chronologiques., etc., p. 428.
77. Annual Report Supervising Surgeon-General (U. S.), 1894, p.
293. Also: U. S. Publx Health Reports, 1897, vol. 12, p. 1183.
78. U. S. Public Health Reports, 1896, vol. 11, p. 1062; also, 1897, p.
1183.
79. Ibid., 1897, vol. 12, pp. 1183, 1358, 1434.
80. Ibid., 1898, vol. 13, p. 1572.
81. Ibid., 1899, vol. 14, p. 2367.
82. Ibid., 1900, vol. 15, pp. 1682, 2387.
83. Ibid., 1901, vol. 16, pp. 1504, 1724, 3084.
84. Ibid., 1907, vol. 22, pp. 62, 1057.
85. Ibid., 1901, vol. 16, p. 1724.
700
MEXICO.
History of Yellow Fever in Mexco.
Mexico presents an interesting and prolific field for the
study of yellow feyer.
■ Yellow feyer {the romito jiricto) of the early Spanish
colonists, has preyailed from time immemorial between
the mouth of the Rio Antigua and the present port of
Vera Cruz. The Abbe Chayiiiero, whose History of
Mexico is a classic, affirms that the disease under dis-
cussion appeared for the first tiiiie in Mexico in 1725. It
is a matter of history, howeyer, that long before the
arriyal of Cortez and his murderous band of pillagers,
there preyailed periodically in ''Xew Spain" an epidem-
ical disease called by the natiyes MatlazahuafL which was
no doubt the same as the yellow feyer of the present day.
Endemic Foci of YeUoic Fever in Mexico.
In a paper read l)efore the American Public Health
Association, at its Annual Conyention in 1893, Dr.
Eduardo Liceaga, of Mexico, giyes a minute and elaborate
history of the rayages of yellow feyer in ^lexico. The
learned scientist coyers eyery point so fully and admir-
ably, that we take the liberty of appropriating his thunder
in making this summary.
Dr. Liceaga states that inyestigations which haye been
undertaken by historians haye neyer been able clearly
to determine whether the yellow feyer originated in Vera
Cruz, or was imported from other parts. Many authors
are inclined to adopt the latter o])inion, and especially
Dr. Charles Heinemann, a distinguished TKn'man physi-
cian, who for many years practised his profession in that
port, and from whose interesting works Dr. Liceaga took
many of the data for his i)aper. Howeyer this may be,
the fact is that Vera Cruz, for more than Iwo centuries,
has been the most important hot-bed of yellow feyer in
the whole coast. From this point the troops started in
1843, and introduced the disease for the first time in the
MEXICO. ^ 701
port of Tampico. The epidemics which ravaged the same
port in the years 1847-48, and in 1803-04, owe their origin
to the same circumstances. In the same way, the disease
was carried to Tuxpan in the year 1803, and to Jicaltepee
in the years 1801 and 1808.
In Vera Cruz the greater part of the epidemics take
place in the summer time, between March and October;
but on some occasions, as in the years 1807-08, and in
1877-78, the epidemics raged through the winter.
According to Dr. Heinemann, the port of Alvarado, sit-
uated eighteen leagues to the southeast of Vera Cruz, and
near the mouth of the River Papaloapam, is another cen-
ter of the disease.
Tlacotalpam is a city situated on the left bank of the
same river, and at a distance of twenty-five miles from
Alvarado. It is also considered as a cradle of yellow
fever.
Laguna is the principal town on the Island of Carmen,
and derives its importance from the exportation of dye-
woods. This is another permanent center of the disease,
which causes numerous victims, every year, among the
foreign sailors.
Campeche is the capital of the state of the same name,
in the peninsula of Yucatan, and is another source of
yellow fever at those times when federal troops are sta-
tioned here, proceeding from the more elevated parts of
the country, or from abroad. This happened in the year
1805, when two companies of Austrian troops lost the
greater part of their numbers through yellow fever.
The City of Merida, capital of the State of Yucatan,
which covers the northern part of the peninsula of the
same name, as well as the districts comprised within that
state under the name of Unucma, Trogreso, Temax, Tizi-
min and Valladolid are considered as centers of yellow
fever by Dr. Jose Talomeque, a distinguished physician
of Merida, and who declares that the disease in that place
finds its greatest development amongst the foreigners who
have not already had it, the natives of the elevated table-
lands in the central part of the republic, and the Indians
from the other towns of the same state.
I
702 HISTORY or YELLOW FEVBR. *
To the districts of the states of Yucatan above men-
tioDed, Dr. Domingo Orvananos, in his recent work, adds
the districts of Motul and Mazcanu as being centers of
yellow fever.
The preceding lines will have demonstrated that in the
Gulf of Mexico, and out of a length of 2,580 kilometres
of coast, only that small part belonging to the canton of
Vera Cruz, to the district of Frontera, to Campeche, and
the northern coast of the peninsula of Yucatan, can be
considered as centers of yellow fever, as they are in con-
stant communication, by sea, with each other, and with
the Island of Cuba. It is to be noted that these last
mentioned localities are onl}" separated from Cuba by a
narrow strait, and that it is natural to suppose that the
disease was originally imported from that island.
In contrast to the narrow limits of the centers of in-
fection, we can present the enormous coast line of the
Gulf, and of the Pacific, where yellow fever prevails only
transported from those places in which the disease pre-
vails in an endemic form.
Along the Pacific Coast. -
The port of [Matamoros, situated opposite Browns-
ville, United States, has suffered from epidemics of
yellow fever in the years 1858, 1863 and 1867.
Altamira went through its first epidemic of black vomit
in the month of October, 1821, shortly after the arrival
in that port of a vessel from Havana. More than fifteen
hundred persons, both native and foreign, succumbed dur-
ing the ravages of the epidemic.
Tampico, situated on the left bank of the river Panuco,
was visited, as previously mentioned, by its first epidemic
of yellow fever in the year 1843, twenty years after its
foundation.
Tuxpan, on the left bank of the river of the same name,
was visited by an epidemic in the year 1838, which was
not repeated until the year 1863, and was then imported
by vessels arriving from Vera Cruz. It attacked the
natives of the locality, the Mexicans newly arrived from
MEXICO. 703
the table-land and foreign sailors, and it afterwards
spread to the villages of Jieo and Huauchinango.
Papantla and Misantla were visited by an epidemic of
yellow fever of the most deadly character, which was im-
ported by the troops passing through those districts dur-
ing the revolution of 1876.
Naulta was visited by the epidemic in 1859 ; Jicaltepec,
in the years 1861 and 1868.
Trusting to the information given by Dr. Heinemann,
below is given a list of the following towns in which yel-
low fever has never appeared within the memory of man :
Santecomapan, La Barilla, Cupilgiiillo, Dos Bocas,
Chiltepec, San Pedro y San Pablo, Barro del Rio Palizeda
and Champoton. According to many other numerous and
reliable reports, the foreign sailors in these ports have
hitherto escaped the disease, in spite of the hard work
they have to perform under a burning sun, receiving and
stowing the goods with which the ships are loaded.
Coatzacoalcos and Minatitlan were invaded by the epi-
demic in September, 1892, imported by persons who had
arrived from Vera Cruz in the steamer Mai).
Frontera has from time to time been visited by mild
epidemics, which have attacked both natives and for-
eigners.
San Juan Bautista de Tabasco had never been visited
by yellow fever until the year 1877, when it was imported
by the troops under the command of General Euriquez,
coming from Campeche, and touching in Frontera.
The disease attacked the inhabitants of this town, with-
out distinction of race, and afterwards spread to INIicalte-
pec, Huimanguillo, San Antonio, Cardenas, Nacayuca,
Jalapa, Pichucalco. Doctor Castanares, who has lived in
that locality, believes that the Mexicans who are natives
of the old country, and those of the neighboring State
of Chiapas, are the first to be attacked by the epidemic,
while it respects the natives of the State of Tabasco.
During tlie construction of the Vera Cruz-Mexico Bail-
road, and as the works advanced, the disease presented
itself in all the stations excepting that of Tejeria,
although it is only situated at a distance of fifteen kilo-
704 HISTORY OK YELLOW FEVER.
metres from Vera Cruz. This station preserves its im-
munity to this day, while in La Soledad, El Camaron,
Paso del Macho and Atojae, a few eases of yellow fever
are observed almost every year.
But the city situated on this road in which the epidemic
has presented itself on several occasions, and where it has
carried off the largest number of victims, is Cordova.
Situated at a distance of 105 kilometres from Vera Cruz,
and at an altitude of 827 metres above the sea level. It
has undergone epidemics imported from that port, in the
years 1866-67, 1876-77, 1880-81 and 1892-93.
In the year 1876, more than two thousand persons per-
ished in the epidemic, which spread to many of the neigh-
boring towns and villages.
Following the ways of communication by the road from
Vera Cruz to Jalapa, the epidemic was carried to the
towns of San Juan and Paso de Ovejas, but did not reach
Jalapa, Avhich is almost at the same distance from Vera
Cruz as Cordova, but at an elevation of 3,960 feet above
the sea level. This is the highest point in Avhich the yel-
low fever has, up to the present date, been found sus-
ceptible of development.
The extensive coast of the Pacific had always enjoyed
an immunity from this epidemic, with the exception of
short stretches belonging to the States of Michoacan,
Oaxaca and Chiapas, which on two distinct occasions had
been visited by yellow fever.
In the localities mentioned below, all memory had dis-
ap])eared of an epidemic of this class, if they ever had
known such a thing, so that when it presented itvSelf in
Mazatlan, the local physicians did not recognize it, believ-
ing that it was not a disease special to that climate.
Nevertheless, in August, 1883, the I'acific mail steamer,
San Jnaiiy arrived with sick people on board, who im-
ported yellow fever in INIazatlan. The epidemic spread
with such rapidity that within five days, three thousand
persons were attacked with the disease. From ]\razatlan
it extended to Guaymas, San Bias, Acapulco, Manzanille
and other places. Among these latter, I would especially
MEXICO. 705
mention Culiacan and llcrmosillo on acconut of tlie dis-
tance at which they are situated from the coast. The epi-
demic ceased in the month of October, in the same year,
and has never been repeated.
General Retrospeet. i
From the preceding remarks, it will be seen that the
immense coast of the repnl)lic washed by the two oceans,
is always liable to be invaded b}' epidemics of yellow fever
when it is imported.
^Matamorcs was visited by epidemics in the years 1858,
1863 and 1807.
As Ave have already seen, the epidemic appeared in Alta-
mira during the year 1821, after the arrival of a vessel
from Havana.
The first epidemic was carried to Tampico in the year
1813, by troops from Vera Cruz.
To the same circumstance we attribute the great rav-
ages among the American troops in 1847-18, who gar-
risoned that town during the war.
The epidemic was also imported into Tampico during
the years 18G3-G1, by two battalions of the French army.
The great epidemic that ravaged Tampico in September,
1878, was imported from New Orleans.
In June, 1879, yellow fever was again imported to
Tam]jico, and caused an ei)idemic which lasted until the
month of December.
From that date no new epidemic has appeared in Tam-
pico, although is(tlated cases have been observed in per-
sons who carried the disease with them from Vera Cruz.
Tuxpan was visited by an epidemic in the year 1838.
Dr. Ordozgoiti does not state how the (•])idemic was
brrmght to the town, but he dearly declares that the
epidemic of 1863 Avas imported from ships arriving from
Vera Cruz. ^Fuleteers carried the disease as far as Jico
and Huauchinango. Troops arriving at Tuxpan from
Vera Cruz introduced the epidemic in the years 1877
and 1878.
"Oli HISTORY OF VELI-LW FEVER
Papantla : A detadniiriif uf trccps i)assiiii»- through
this town iu the year 187(>, brought an epideuiie of yellow
fever with them which dev( loped the most deadly char-
acteristics.
Nautla : An epidemic took jjlace here in the year 1859.
Jicaltepec : An epidemic appeared iu this town iu the
year 1861, which was limited to the right bank of the river
Xautla. It was also visit(d by an epidemic in the year
18(>8.
(.'oatzacoalcos : The yellow fever was carried to this
port in the mouth of September, 1892, by some sick men
on board the steamer M<ij/, from Vera Cruz.
3Iiuatitlau: The disease was carried to this port at
the same time and under the circumstances as the one last
mentioned.
Frontera : From time to time mild epidemics are ob-
seived in this town, the disease affecting both foreigners
and natives alike.
San Juan Bautista : An epidemic raged iu the year
1877, having been imported by ^Mexican troops which had
touched at Frontera on tlieir way from Campeche. From
San Juan Bautista th.e epideuiic spread to ^Nlicaltepec,
Huimai'guillo, San Antonio, Cardenas, Xacayuca, Jalapa
and l*ichucalco.
Dr. Castanares, who ])racticed his profession for twenty-
three years iu Tabasco, says that the epidemics only
appear in that state when there occurs a great croAvding
of people under unliealthy conditions, as for instance, in
a military encampu'ent. Dr. Castanares believes that the
(])idemic attacks with greater facility the natives of the
n( ighl'oring State of Chia])as. According to Dr. Orvan-
anos, e])idemics of yellow fever have visited the State of
Yucatan in the years 1855, 1857, 1881-82 and 1883, and
have also aiipeared in the State of Vera Cruz in the
years 1803, 1872, 1873, 1875, 1878 and 1879. and in Cam-
peche iu the year 1805. Tlu^ author does not give any
d( taib- as to the nianner in which the ei)idemics developed
thems(^lves.
Dr. Orvaranos speaks of epidemics havina" apjjeared in
the State ( f :\richoacan, during the years 1813, 1814 and
MEXICO. 707
18G0, but this can only have taken place along a short
stretch of coast, as no record can be found of these epi-
demics. The same remark apjjlies to the state of Oaxaca
durinu the years 1850 and 1857.
The Ocucral Epidemic of 1883.
The epidemic which spread during the year 1883 along
the entire coast of the Tacitic, is of the greatest interest.
If any previous epidemics had ever appeared, the memory
of them was so comfjletely lost, that when the first cases
of yellow fever preh^ented themselves in the port of ^Nlaz-
atlan, the physicians did not recognize them, founding
their doul)ts on the fact that this disease had never been
on the west coast of ^Mexico. Audther great point of in-
terest presented by this special eiiidemic, is found by fol-
lowing up the wav in which the disease was introduced,
that is to say, Dr. Traslow maintains that the yellow
fever mux have been imported, frcm the year 1882, by the
steamers of the Pacific mail, which brought yellow fever
patients from Panama, who did not land. He proves this
assertion by letters from persons who had traveled in the
steamer CoJiiiia, on. board of which tlie caittain and six
stewards fell sick.
The same did not happen in August, 1883. In that
morith the steann r i<(ni Jikni, belonging to the same com-
pany, reached ^lazatlan with tliii ty-three sick peo])le on
board, coming fi( ni Panama. Some of them laitdcd, and
the consequent (^])ideniic FjU'ead with such force that, as
before said, more than thrc(^ thousand people were at-
tacked in the port within tin first live days, while twenty-
hvo died in one day. The e](idemic rapidly extended it-
self to other ports (tn that coast, and visited the ports of
La Paz, Ouaymas, Altata, San Bias, :\ranza!iillo, San-
tiago, Acaponeta, Puerto Angel, Salina Truz, T<n'ala,
Soconusco, Tapaciiula and San Benito and in tlie interior
at Ilermossillo and Tuliacan. A very important fact to
lie borne in mind if^, that in all the territory included be-
tw((Mi the Yaqui and "Slayo Pivers, which is inhabited by
Ya(iui Indians, the ('i)i(lcmic did not i)nt in an appear-
708 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
iuuc Tliis was due to the eiioriiitic attitude assumed by
the ehief of the tribe, who piv^hibited all eonimunieatiou
with the outside world, either bv sea or laud, uuder pen-
alty of death.
HISTOIJY OF YELLOW FEVER IX MEXICO, BY
LOCALITIES.
ACAPULCO.
1853. Yellow fever was imported to Aeai)uleo by a
veh-sel coming from (iuayafjuil, Ecuador, in 1853, for the
first tiuie in its history. xVbout sixty eases resulted.
1883. Thirty years' later (1883),' refugees from :\Iaz-
atlan infected Acapnlco. The disease prevailed (piite
exteusively.
1887. in April, 1887, a case of yellow fever was
brought to Acajiulco and died on the 17th. Source of in-
fection not stated. There was no spread.
1895. A vessel fiom Panama brought a case of yellow
fever to Acapnlco on S(^])tember 8th. Death on the 15th.
181)(). Three cases in 181)0 completes the history cf yel-
low fever in Acapnlco.
ACAYUCAX.
1902. A case of yellow fever was brought to Acayuacan
from Vera Cruz in P>()2. The patient recovered.
ALTATA.
Altai a was infected by refugees from :Mazatlan in 1883.
The disease prevailed epidemically. The number of cases
could not be asccM'taincd, but the d( atlis were 1,98L Of
150 soldiers stationed in the town, 148 had the fever; 47
died.
ALT A:\IEPv A.
1821. Altamera, which ^^as an important port previous
to the foundation of Tampico (1824), is now a place of
minor im])ortance, the new city having taken away its
MEXICO. 709
coniinereial presti<;v. Yellow fever was observed for tlio
fi'rst time in Altainera in 1821. The infection was bronjj,ht
from Havana in October, and an extensive epidemic re-
sulted. The mortality was 1500.
1903. Yellow fever broke out in July. The outbreak
was neither severe nor extensive.
ALVAI^DO.
1902. Three cases of yellow fever were observed in
Alvarado in 1902. The infection came from Vera Cruz.
AMALCO.
1899. Sporadic cases.
ATAI.
1883. Atai, in Sonora, near the borders of Arizona,
suffered to a, considerable extent from yellow fever in
1883. No statistics are oiven, but it is stated that there
were "several thousand cases," ard that the moitality
went into the hundreds.
CAMARGA.
1882. The villaiic of famaroa, three miles from I\io
Grande TMty, which bad a po])uiation of 300 in 1882, vras
infected in SeptemlxM-, by refui-ees frctm Matamoras. The
virulent nature of the fever may be judged from the fact
that out of this small ])opulation, there were 225 cases,
of which 33 died.
ca:\[peche.
1865. Yellow fever was e])id( niic in 1805. No reliable
details are available.
1883. Yellow fever Avas carried to Gampeche " by a
Norweo-ian vessi^l" in 1883. Beyond this statement, no
other information is niven.
10
HIST()R^ OF VELl.OW KEVKR.
CARDENAS.
1S77. Cardenas Avas infected bv rcfngees from San
Jnan in 1877. Developments Avere unimportant.
1903. In July, 1 fatal case.
CHILPANZIXGO.
1853. Refugees from Acapulco carried yellow fever to
Chilpauzingo, capital of the State of Guerrero, in 1853.
No details obtainable.
1896, At the end of August, 189G, and without any
antecedents whatever', two cases of a disease, which at
once spread itself and which at first was diagnosed under
the name of yellow fever, simultaneously appeared in
different places, remote from each othcT, in Chilpauzingo.
The malady assumed a most alarming character, in view
of the limited extent of the town and the small number
of its inhabitants, and because it indistinctly attacked
jjersons belonging to all social classes.
The Mexican Board of Health immediately ordereel Dr.
Vglesias, an authority on yellow fever, to proceed at once
to Chilijanzingo for the purpose of making an exact eliag-
nosis of the disease. After a careful investigation, the
doctor reported that the epidemic in (piestion was a man-
ifestation of grave paludism; but as the military physi-
cian then resident in the town was of a contrary opinion,
it was decided that Dr. ^fejia, Professor of Clinics in
the National School of ]\[edicine, ^Mexico, v^^hould join Dr.
Yglesias for the pur])ose of making a study of the epi-
demic. Dr. Mejia was accompanied by Drs. Reristain
and Loeza, who took with them the necessary instruments
for a microscopical study of the blood of the fever patients,
and for the forwarding of the blood under ilie conditions
that would facilitate cultiyation under proper means in
the laboi-atory of the Board of TTealth in Ihe City of
Mexico.
Tlie Commission presenteel three reports, in which it
was shown that the epidemic in question was produced
bv the hematozoria of Laveran.
MEXICO 7 1 1
1899. A few sporadic cases of yellow fever observed in
September.
CILAS.
1903. Yellow fever was imported to Cilas iu 1903 for
the first time in its history and raged for two months —
Angust 25 to October 21. ' A total of 118 cases, of which
50 died, is recorded.
CINCHArA.
1899. Yellow fever broke out in August. Only
sporadic cases were observed.
CLINIDAS.
1903. Yellow fever claimed 00 victims in Clinidas in
1903. Tlie number of cases not stated.
COATZACOALCOS.
1892. The steamship Maj/, from Vera Trn/, brought
yellow fever to Coatzaccalcos in 1892. Only a few cases
resulted.
1900. Sporadic cases in ]\ray.
1902. Refugees from Vera Cruz infected Coatzaccalcos
in 1902. Forty-two cases are recorded; deaths not stated.
1903. Six cases; 3 deaths.
1904. Six cases; 1 death.
1905. Six cases ; 2 deaths.
COLINA.
1SS4.
Yellow fever suddenlv broke out in Colina in August,
1884. How tlie disease originated, autlieniic informalion
is lacking; but that it was imported there is no doul)t,
as tliis tluMvimx ^Mexican town had never suffered from
7 I - HISTORY OK YELLOW FEVKR.
a visitation of tlu^ disease Ix-for'.'. T];e infection probablv
came from ]\[anzjinillo, fifty miles distant, on tlie Pacific
coast.
AVhen tlie 30,000 inhabitants of Colina realized that
they were face to face Avitli an epidemic of the dreaded
romito, terror and consternation seized them. Inside of
a week, 10,000 had fled to the surrounding country, where,
unfortunately, the spread of the infection helped to
swell the frightful mortality which characterized the ^lex-
ican epidemic of 1884. In two months, more than 1,000
died in Colina alone, among whom were some of its bes't
citizens — the chief justice of the "superior tribuna de
justicia,-' a lawyer of some national reputation and his
wife, the federal district attorney, a colonel of the federal
troops, his son and daughter and scores of other promi-
nent people. The houses were closed, the city deserted,
the streets lifeless (save for the lumbering funeral carts)
and business paralyzed. At one time, the new cases were
in the hundreds and the mortality from 15 to 20 every
twenty- four hours.
Complete statistics could not be obtained, but as the
mortality is said to have been about 1,000, there certainly
must have been at least 10,000 cases, as hardly a house-
hold escaped invasion. And, even to this day, the inhabi-
tants of tlie l)eautiful mountain city, speak with a shudder
of tlie ''great e])ideinic,' and mourn the los>s of some dear
relative who fell victim to its baneful influence.
CAEACO.
188e3.
The City of Caraco, in the State of Jalisco, suffered
greatly during the epidemic of 1884. Statistics, which
also include the neiuhboring town of Gualian, place the
number of cases at 3,000, with a mortality of 521 within
the space of three months.
MEXICO. 7 IS
CONCOKDIA.
Concordia, in Linaloa, suffered severely, an average of
tliree cases daily being- recorded during the height of the
epidemic, a period of three months. Complete statistics
not obtainable.
CORDOVA.
Cordova is GG miles west of Vera Cruz, and has about
5,000 inhabitants. This history of the epidemics of yel-
low fever which have from time to time decimated the
town is taken from the elaborate paper read by Dr. Men-
dizabal, of Vera Cruz, at the 189G meeting of the Amer-
ican Public Health Association and brought up to date
by the compiler of this work. It is to be regTetted that
no statistics are given showing the cases and deaths in
these epidemics.
The City of Cordova is situated on the boundary of the
yellow fever zone, near the railway which connects Vera
Cruz with the City of ^lexico, and on the margin of the
old high road.
The city was founded in the seventeenth century, and
there is no record or knowledge of any epidemic of yellow
fever during that century.
The epidemics of yelloAv fever in Cordova liave nearly
always commenced in the autumn, very seldom before the
end of the summer. It has n(^ver lieen geuerated there,
the infection having always been imported from Vera
Cruz.
1772.
The first epidemic of which the date is recorded was in
July, in the year 1772, and lasted three months.
1795.
It reappeared in tlie autumn of the year 1795, in whicli
year five thousand persons were attacked, of whom six-
hundred died.
714 HISTOm OF YELLOW FEVER.
1796-1800.
DiiriiiU- the years 1796, '97 and '98, some isolated cases
contiuiied to occur, but the epidemic faded in the years
1799 and 1800, beini? a total durinj;' the eighteenth century
of two great epidemics and four small ones.
1801-1860.
During 1801 and 1802, the epidemic which existed at
the end of the previous century continued under the form
of a small epidemic, which in 1803 took the character of a
large epidemic, soon subsiding into small epidemics, which
ap]ieared at irregular intervals in the years 1805, 1809,
1813 and 1818, '21, '21, '51 and '60.
1865-1867.
In the year 1865, in the month of June, there was a
great ej)id(*mic, which ceased during the winter and re-
appeared in the summer of the year '66, and faded in the
autumn of the same year. Sporadic cases in 1867.
The frequency and gravity of the e])idemics date from
the year '65, which was the period of the i)rincipal work
for the construction of the Mexican Railroad from Vera
Cruz to the City of Mexico.
The frequent and severe outbreaks at this epoch are
easily explained when we consider the conditions existing
in Cordova at that time; viz.: an accumulation of un-
acclimatized persons living under the worst possible con-
ditions of hygiene; the rapid and frequent communica-
tions with Vera Cruz; the neglect of all precautions,
especially in not isolating the sick persons immediately on
their arrival, each of whom became a center of infection.
These circumstances combined, formed elements of
combustion f>f the worst form; all the (usuing misery, the
result of neglect of timely precaution, might have been
avoided by stopping the lodgment of that spark, or suf-
focating it at its birth.
MEXICO. * 715
1875-1882.
The same circumstances were observed diirino- the years
'75 and '70, and the years '81 and '82. Total for the
nineteenth century seven great and sixteen small
epidemics.
1893-1896.
Sporadic cases were observed in 1893 and 1896.
1899.
This is the first instance in which reliable statistics
were obtained. The epidemic broke out in May. Be-
ginuinp; with the 10th of May, the following number of
cases was reported :
May 8 cases. September 197 cases.
June 37 " October 132 "
July 90 " November . 39 "
August 220 " December 7 "
Total 730
The mortality was 350, making a death-rate of 48 1/2
per cent. Eleven per cent, of the inhabitants were
attacked.
1902.
Limited outbreak, a total of 13 cases being recorded.
1905.
Five cases; 1 death.
1906.
Sporadic cases in January.
COKKTENTES.
1883.
Limited outbreak.
71G HISTORY OF YELLOW KEVER.
COK^MALOAP.^:\r.
1890. Aiif>ust 21, 1 imported ease; recovery.
1902. April 11, 1 case, imported from Vera Cruz;
recovery.
COSALA.
1883. Sporadic cases.
CULICAX.
1883. Infected by refugees from Matauzas, in Sep-
tember. The mortality was three daily to October 1,
after which date it Aveut as high as nine daily for a Avhile.
Complete statistics not obtainable.
DOFIA CECILIA.
1003. Between July 15 and November 4, two cases of
yellow fever were imported to Dofia Cecilia. There was
no spread of the disease.
EL HIGO.
1003. August 15. Sporadic cases.
EQUADOR.
1853. Ecjuador was infected by Acapulco in 1853. The
outbreak was not extensive.
FROXTEKA.
1805. A fatal case of yellow fever was observed in
Frontera in 1805. It was imported from the surrounding
country.
1002. One case, imported from Tabasco.
MEXICO. 7 I 7
GUALIAN.
1883. Gnalian suifered considerably from yellow fever
in 1883. The total number of eases and deaths could not
be ascertained, but the fornun* were considerable and the
latter went into the hundreds. The garrison, which con-
sisted of GOO soldiers, was nearly decimated, 150 falling
victims to the pestilence. An opera company of 31 mem-
bers lost 25. Out of eight doctors, two died.
GUAYMAS.
1883. Cxuaynias was infected l)y refugees from jNIaz-
atlan in 1883 and suffered the first yellow fever visitation
in its history. The epidemic was so severe, that many
perished fr<im want of attendance, the dead being buried
by the carload by Indians. The fever was particularly
fatal to Americans in the employ of the railroad company.
1884. Eecrudescense of the epidemic.
1885. Sj)oradic cases observed.
1891. Yellow fever reported as epidemic in August.
1895. Y\']low fever reported present on May 20.
GUEREERA.
3882. One case; recovery. Imported.
GUirniroRi.
1902. One case. Imported.
IIERMOSILLO.
1883. The extensive eiudemic of 1883 reached Her-
mosillo in August and lasted until the l)eginning of
November. At times the mortality mounted up to twenty
daily.
78 HISTORY OF YE. LOW FEVS.R.
HIDALGO.
1890. Sp<;ra(lie cases in Aii,<iiist.
HUACHINANGO.
1863. Sporadic cases. Imported.
HUIMAXGUILLO.
1877. Infected by San Juan. Sporadic cases.
IXCALLAX.
Ixcallan, which had then a population of 13,000 suf-
fered for the first time in 18S3. During the height of the
epidemic, 33 cases were reported daily. The mortality is
not stated.
JALAPA.
1877. Yellow fevfr imported from San Juan. Limited
outltr.'.al^.
181)1). Five deaths in August. Importv'd.
11)02. Infected hy Yvrn Cruz; 27 deaths.
JICALTEPEC.
1801. Infected Ity V( ra ('n:z. Epidemic confined f^
riglit ])ank of the Xaulta liiyer.
1808. Infected by Vera Cruz. Limited epidemic.
.Tiro.
1803. Jico was infected by muleteers from Tuxpan in
1803. Limited outbreak.
JIMIXEZ.
1898. Sporadic cases in Septcmlier. Imported.
MEXICO. 719
JOLTIPAN.
1904. Sporadic cases. Imported.
JUCHITAX.
1899. Sporadic cases. Imported.
LAGUXA DEL CARMEN.
1894. Sporadic cases.
1900. Several cases and one death in ^Nlarcli.
1902. Dne case; imported from CampecJie.
1908. Five cases and three deaths iu 3Iay, on barlv
JjCiiihit, from Tncacas, Venezuela. The disease did not
spread to the town.
LA JUNTA.
1899. Sporadic cases.
LAMPASAS.
1903. Five deaths from yellow fever hetwcdi October
1 and Decemlier 31.
1904. Sporadic cases; impcjrted.
LA l^VZ.
1883. The oreat yellow fev(>r e])idemic of 1883, which
c(iniuittcd lavajLies cii the I'acilic ('oast of :Mexico, was
hrouo-ht to Lea Paz, a town of about 2,000 inhabitants, in
Lower California. About 1,000 cases resulted. The type
of the disease was r.ot very severe, only 71 deaths bein.c:
recorded.
1895. La Paz was visited by yellow fever for the sec-
ond and last time in its history in 1895. The outbreak
was limited to 3 cases, all importe<l from ^lazatlan.
720 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
LAS AXi:.[AS.
Yellow fever has beeu observed in Las Animas on one
or two oecasions, but the exact date could not be as-
certained.
LIXAEES.
1903. Linares is situated in the State of Xueva Leon,
35 miles southeast of Monterey, and has a population of
6,000. Yellow fever was imjiorted to this town in 1903,
and from August until the end of the epidemic (Decem-
ber), there were 2,011 cases, of which 366 died.
1904. Sporadic cases.
:\rAXZAXILLO.
1883. MaDzaiiillo, whii h liad a population of 76,000 in
1883, was visited by a disastrous epidemic of yellow fever
that year. Xo reliable statistics could be obtained. In-
fection came from Mazatlan,
1884. Sporadic cases.
1896. Spo-radic cases.
1902. One ca.^e; imported.
1907. One case, on steamship Saii Juan.
:\rATA:\ioi{AS.
Malamoras is situated on the \V\o Grande, opposite
Brownsville, Texas, 40 miles from the Oiulf of :\rexico, and
has a population of about 25,000. Owing to its close
business relations Yvilh Rrownsville, whenever yellow
fever i)revailed in ^latanioras, it was invariably brought
to the Ameriran city.
St':\im.vuy of Epidemics.
1853. In 1853 ^latamoras had a population of 6,500.
Yellow fever was introduced into the town on September
22 and raged epidemically until the end of the year. No
MEXICO. 721
statistics were kept of the number of cases, but the mor-
talitT is recorded at 322. Source of infection not stated.
Infection carried to Brownsville, Texas, (deaths, 50).
1858. ]Mild epidemic. Xo statistics. Brownsville in-
fected (deaths, 41).
1863. ]Mild epidemic. No statistics.
1867. ]Mild epidemic. No statistics.
1882. Severe epidemic. No statistics. Brownsville
infected (1,072 cases; 63 deaths).
MAZATLAN.
Mazatlan is an important commercial port of Mexico, in
Cinaloa, on the Gulf of California, and has a population
of about 15,000 souls. Previous to 1883, in common with
other localities on the Pacific Coast, Mazatlan had never
experienced vellow fever.
Summary of Epidemics.
3883. The steamship k^aii Juan, from Panama, brought
yellow fever to Mazatlan in August. The Italian Opera
Company, which was to open the season, had just landed.
Paralta, the prima donna, and seventeen members of her
company, contracted the disease and died at the Hotel
Iturbide. The epidemic lasted until December, causing
500 deaths.
1884. Bea])pearance of yellow fever, but not extensive.
1885. In July and August, sporadic cases.
1895. Sporadic cases in September.
1897. September 26 to October 2, sporadic cases; 9
deaths.
MEBIDA.
Merida, capital of the State of Yucatan, has a popula-
tion of al)out 50,000. It is 26 miles south of Progreso,
with which it is connected bv rail.
722 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
Summary of Epiih:mi('s.
1880. One case, iiup<;ited; ckatli, January 31.
1887. Mar 11 to August 2, six deaths.
1888. January 20, one death.
181)0. Twelve ea^es reported in June; total cases and
deaths not stated.
1891. Two cases in January.
1891. One death.
1895. Three cases; no deaths.
1898. Seyen deaths.
1899. One death, week ending July 1.
1900. Seyen cases and four deaths in July.
1901. June 11 to September 28; sixteen deaths.
1902. Nineteen cases; eight deaths.
1903. January 1 to Decemher 5, 211 cases; 85 deaths.
1904. June 13 to December 3, 119 cases, of which 39
died, distributed as followed:
Nationality Cases. Deaths.
:Nrexicai' . .' 44 19
Italian fi 4
Sjianisb 50 13
Turk 12 2
English 1 0
American 3 ,0
Porto Rican 1 0
French 1 0
Greek 1 1
Total 119 39
1905. January to Decemher, nine cases, of ^vhich five
died. Th(^ case in December was imported from Vera
Cruz on tlie 23rd, and established a focus from which
other cases d( yeloped later.
1900. January 10, the first case occurred and was
traced to tlie focus of December 23, 1905. Cases and
deaths were as follows:
I
MEXICO 723
Month. Cases. Deaths.
Jauuar}^ 3 3
February 3 0
^larch 2 1
April 1 1
May 5 3
Juue to December 107 63
Total 121 71
1907. Two cases aud one death in March.
1908. August 23 to December 26, 69 cases ; 25 deaths.
1909. January 1 to March 6, 15 cases; 8 deaths. {At
the tiiiic of (joiiHj to prcsS;, April 15, tlw epidemic teas
still ill' pro(/rcss).
CITY OF MEXICO.
The City of Mexico, 7,160 feet above the level of the
s(>a, is the highest point in the world where yellow fever
lias been observed. The disease has never originated in
the phice, but in every instance was brought either from
Vera Cruz or towns adjacent to that seaport, and was
confined to the imported cases. This is fortunate,
for Mexico has nearly half a million souls, all non-
immunes, and the importation of a few Htegomyia Calopae
simultaneously with cases of yellow fever, wonld result
in an e])idemic wliose ravages would undoubtedly be
appalling.
Can the Yelloir Fever Mosquito Tlirire in }fciico City?
Can the S1c(/oiiii/i(i Calopus, once introduced in the
City of "Mexico, whei(> it is now a stranger, be acclima-
tized? This menu ntons question has been agitating the
scientists of the entiic civilized world since the adoption
of the :Mos(iuito Doctiine of the transmission of Yellow
I'ever.
Drs. Fernando Lopez, of Mexico City, and Xarcisso del
IJio, of V(-ra fMuz, made special studies in this direction,
724 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
aiul gave the result of tiicir labors iu an elaborate paper
read by Dr. Lcpez at the Havana Meeting of the American
Public Health Association in 1905. The statistics pre-
sented prove that the Sfcfjonii/ia Calopus race of mos-
quitoes have thrived in altitudes hitherto thought to he
antagonistic to its existence since the construction
of railroads throughout the Republic and that though
until lately it was admitted that these insects could not
be found except in some ])laces on the coast, the facility
and rapidity of communication have acclimated them in
places more or less distant and in more or less elevated
alitudes, thus enlarging the Yellow Fever Zone.
That the spread of yellow fever to localities in Mexico
where it was hitherto unknown, can be placed at the
doors of the railroads, is made clear by the following
deductions arrived at by these eminent scientists:
Along the Mexican Railroad, it has been observed that,
from time to time, yellow fever was spreading, first
to Cordova, which has an altitude of 2,481 feet above
the sra level. It did net pass the limits of that station
until 1890, when an eiudcMuic broke out in Orizal)a, 3,684:
feet above the sea level.
Along the Interoceanic Railroad, it has been observed
that the ^tef/ojni/ia Calopus has been aacclimating itself
from station to station, until it reached Carrizal station,
with an altitude of 2,481 feet above the sea level.
Similar cases have been noted in the states of Tamaulipas
and Xuevo Leon, where the traffic of the railroads have
facilitated the enlarging of the Yellow Fever Zone.
Having come to an agreement with Dr. del Rio, Dr.
I^;])ez formed the following program for a careful study
of the (piestion :
1st. To investigate if tlie Slc(/(jnii/ia lai-vje brcnight to
Mexico City Avould liatcli into mosquitoes, and in case
they shoubl, to see if lliese would live, if they would bite
and i'epi-o<luce.
2nd. To investigate if the adult nu)squito brought
from Yera ("vuz to :Me\ico City Avill live, bite and re-
produce.
CITY OF MEXICO. 725
3rd. To investigate if tlie mosquitoes infected with
YclloAV fever l)itin<> a person in ^Mexico City, wlio was non-
immune will produce the disease, if it presents the same
characteristics which it does on the coast, and if an
immunity may be found.
In order to solve the first part of the problem, Dr. del
Kio sent Dr. Lopez from Vera Cruz a flask containing a
multitude of ^tcqouiii'ia larva^, which were received in
Mexico City on June 24, 1905; the larvie, were collected
from a deposit of water in a house in Vera Cruz, and were
preserved in the same water.
The larvie were placed in a flue wire cage 50 cm. in
height, 30 cm. in length and 40 cm. wide, having an iron
sheeting floor and roof. In one side of the cage there was
an opening over which was sewed a cloth bag through
which the hand might be put into the cage without fear
of lettijig the mosquitoes escape.
The cage was placed in an ample, well ventilated room
where there was sufficient light.
The mosquitoes which began to hatch out in great num-
bers were fed on bananas, the juice of which they greedily
sucked out. When there were quite a number of mos-
quitoes four or five days old, Dr. Lopez put his hand into
the cage through the opening already mentioned, and
with no little surprise saw that the fenmles rushed to it
and, raising their bills, bit him greedily. This was some-
thing the doct((r was not ])repar'cd to expect, owing to
Ihe statenuMits which have hvvw admitted heretofore, that
the ^tcf/ouii/id loses its power of biting when it is found
in an altitude of more than 0,000 feet above the sea level,
and Mexico City is morc^ than 7,300 feet high. AVatching
the mosquito, the doctor could easily see that its abdomen
wa.s filled with blood, after which it Avould retire.
The sting was painful, forming a pimj^le which lasted
from five to six days and produced an insupportable itch-
ing. Dr. Lopez repeated this experiment various times,
always obtaining the same results.
In order that the mosquitoes might reproduce. Dr.
Lopez pnt a bowl of water which containcnl some little
'16 HISTORY OF YELLOW KEVER.
pebbles barely coiniiiu' up (uit of the top of the water
into the cauc He did this with the object that the
females which had sucked the blood might find a place
to deposit their eggs. A few days later, he was convinced
that tliis liad liai)pened; for using a lens, he could see
a certain number of isolated eggs upon the surface of the
water, whicli were of a blackish color. Then he took out
the bowl containing the eggs and put it in another cage,
in order to observe them better; in ten days, the eggs
had been converted into lai'vje, whicli hatched into
nios(iuitoes, thus constituting the second generation of
>itc(ioniijia bred and hatched in Mexico City.
Only a few mosquitoes Avere ol)tained in this way, for
an unlocked for accident overturned the r(M-eptacle in
which the doctor had placed the larva^, unfortunately
causing the death of all that remained. These mosquitoes,
ewen when the investigator had put them in conditions
which he thought favorable for their repr<;ducti(:n, di(d
without leaving any young. They retained the power of
biting as long as they lived.
On the 8th tlay of August of the same year (1005), two
other flasks containing larvae arrived from Vera Cruz,
having been sent by Dr. del Kio. That Dr. Lope^z might
cbange somewhat the conditions of the former ex])erinu nt,
he put these larva? in wooden cages covered with tarltau.
Xvvy soon the mosquitoes began to hatch, and as soon as
(acli (lie was hatched they were passed over into a new
(age of the same kind, in order to observe them minutely.
Three days after they were hatched they began to bite.
]>r. Lctpez had Then observed friendly struggles between
the females and the males.
On the first day of September, the ex])ei-imenter ob-
served that there were already many groups of egg's, which
transfcrmed into larvje and the lattei- into moscpiitoes,
n.otwitbstandinii- the fact that tlie tenijxratuie had
descended to 15 degrees centigrade in the room in whicli
he placed them fer observation. He preserved many
larvje until the middle of December, the date in which
lliis was wilt (en. From tliis last generaticni n<! eggs were
CITY OF MEXICO. 7'S.7
secured, wliicli was probabW due to the fact that winter
had set iu.
Tlie temperature and the degree of dampness of the
air in the room in which the mosquitoes were, was from
the beginning of the experiments taken regnlarlv, and
was found to vary between 15 and 21 degrees centigrade
for the former ; the latter between 50 and TO degrees.
Having for his object the study of isolated mosquitoes,
specimens were placed in proof tubes, closing the entrance
with a simple gauzj material every day. At different
hours of the day, the doctor applied the inouth of the
tube to his bared arm, to observe the mosquito while it
was biting. With this system he saw that the mosquitoes
bite the same at night as in the day, and that they do
not do it except every three or four days. The mosquitoes
remained alive inside the tubes from 21 to 28 days.
The doctor also made experiments to determine how
long the larva? and pupa^ will live without breathing at-
mospheric air. He placed some larva^ in trial tubes,
which were completely filled Avith water and stopped them
with a rublier, without leaving on the infiide the least
Inibble of atmospheric air. The others were closed with
tarltan and inverted it in a vessel of wator so that the
atmospheric pressure would always keep it full without
])ermitting a bubble of air on the inside; the tarltan kept
the larva^ from coming out. ^Multiplying these experi-
ments, Dr. Lopez was able to ol)serve that the larvae lived
a longer or less time in ju'oportion to theii' age, varying
from 12 to 50 hours. The pupa' averaged from 10 minutes
to an hour.
In all of these ex])eriments, Dr. Loi)ez ol)served the fol-
lowing very curious plienonienon in the lar\-a' pupa': As
soon as the larva was shut up in the tube, it would go
to the to]) and not finding any air to breathe, it would
descend shiwlv, ciirling itself up until it formed a com-
plete circle; it would rub the extremity of its breathing
tube with the lufts of filaments which it has on its mouth,
with snch violence that one wonld snjuiose that it Avas
trvinii- to r'^move some ol»stacle from it, after this it would
728 HISTORY OF YELLOW KEVER.
mako repeated trials, eontiuiiing this operation until its
death.
Owing- to its form and brisk movements, the pupa3 was
still more interesting. As soon as it reached the top of
the tube in which it was enclosed and found no air to
breathe, it descended slowly, curving its body backwards
and with the two flaps at the end of the abdomen eagerly
brushed its breathing tubes. It repeats these struggles
with less and less energy until its death.
These experiments which Dr. Lopez described to the
American Public Health Association, prove that the
Stef/omyia Calopus Avas able to live, bite and breed for at
least two generations in Mexico Citj^, notwithstanding the
fact that the aforesaid city has an altitude of more than
7,300 feet above the sea level.
The other two points remain yet to be solved.
SianiARY OF I:mportatioxs of Yellow Fever to the
City of Mexico.
1883. One case; death.
1808. Between October 10 and 10, sporadic cases; 1
death. There was no spread of the disease.
1890. One case; death.
1900. May 7 to November 23, four deaths from im-
ported cases.
1903. August 10 to October 4, four deaths.
1905. One case, week ending December 2, one case;
death.
MICALTEPEC.
1877. Infected by refugees from San Juan; limited
epidemic.
MIER.
1882. Infected in September by refugees from Mata-
moras; 28 deaths.
MEXICO. 729
MINATILTAN.
1S92. A solitary case, imported by the steamship Mat/,
from Vera Cruz. No developments.
MISANTLA.
187G. Sporadic cases, brought into the town by troops
frojn Vera Cruz. No developments.
MONCLAVA.
1903. Yellow fever was l)i'oui>ht to Monclava from
Monterey in the l^eiiinnino- of November. The only thing
which saved the town from a disastrous epidemic was the
absence of the Stegomyia Calojms, and the fact the win-
ter season had already set in and the few imported
Stegomyla did not survive. ]Nronclava is 1,970 feet above
the level of the sea, and the nights are generally cold,
even in summer. There were in all 0 cases, of which 4
died, the last on November 19, with black vomit. On the
last date, ice was half an inch thick in the town.
1904. Sporadic cases. No developments.
MONTEREY
Although ]\[onterey was settled by the Spaniards in
1568, yellow fever has been observed in the city on three
occasions only, being im])ort('d in each instance. Situated
700 miles from the City of Mexico, at an altitude of 1,()30
feet, it is outside of the Yellow Fever Zone; but railroads
and the rapidity of modern travel may in time cause the
^tcf/omyia Ca1o\pi(ft to l)ecome a permanent denizen of the
place, and cause INfonterev to align itself with Vera Cruz
and other endemic foci of the Mexican Kepublic.
730 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEYER.
Summary of Epidkmics.
1898.
Yellow fever broke out in Monterey duriug the last
week of July, and lasted until December. The cases and
death were as follows :
Cases. Deaths.
To October 25 40 0
November 1 0 4
'• 2 11 S
" 5 1 5
6 0 3
" 8 0 2
" 25 to December 10 3
Total 52 25
The source of infection is riot stated.
1903.
Monterey was infected by i"efu<iees from Linares in
July 1903. There were about 500 cases. Xo authentic
statistics as to tlie mortality could be obtained.
1901. Sporadic cases.
:\roTrL.
1903. One case, September G.
MOXTZORONGO.
1903. Sporadic cases in July.
NAULTA.
1859. Sporadi? cases.
MEXICO. 731
KICAYUCA.
1877. Infectod by San Juan. Limited outbreak.
NUEVA LAEEDO.
1903. Septeml)er 15 to November 28 : Sixty-six ca^jes;
21) deaths.
1904. Sporadic cases.
ocus.
1895. Sporadic cases.
OMEALCA.
1905. October 8 to November 4: Sixteen cases; 7
cleat lis.
ORIZABA.
Orizaba lias a population of about 25,000 and is 70 miles
southeast of Vera Cruz.
1883.
Sporadic cases, imported from Vera Cruz.
1899.
Previous to 1899, yellow fever had never been observed
epidemically in Orizaba. The sudden apjiearance of the
disease in the year above mentioned was caused by im-
]iortation, but whether from Vera Cruz, Cordova or Coat-
zacoalcos, has not been satisfactorily determined to this
day. The ^fexican government sent a Commis.sion to
Orizaba, headed by Dr. Xarcisso del l\io, in order to study
the causes of the disease and ascertain whether the
^Irc/onir/ia (UiJopiifi existed in Orizaba, or if the im-
munity which until that year had prevailed in that local-
ity was due to the fact that the insects in question can
not live there or reproduce themselves at the height at
whicli the citv is located.
73? HISTORY OF YELLOW P^EVKR.
AVlien Dr. del Ivio arrived at Orizaba, he was informed
that tlie first case Avas that of an nn^known man, who
entered the hospital in a dying condition, wliere he died
a few moments after his arrival. The symptoms of the
fever which had cansed the death of the patient being
very suspicious, an autopsy was made, all the character-
istics, traces and features of yellow fever Avere found;
but it was not known where the unfortunate had con-
tracted the disease, nor the place whence he came — nobody
knew liim. This case was undoubtedly the origin of the
ethers which followed shortly afterwards, but the medium
of transmission from the first case to the others was never
determined.
At the time of Dr. del Iiico's arrival, he was informed
by the Mayor that 12 cases had already occurred in the
town, of which 10 had died, and that there still remained
a woman at the hospital and another convalescent jiatient
in anotlier part of the city.
Dr. del Rio visited the woman at the hospital. She had
been attacked four days previously, and her illness was
an acute case of yellow fever. She had not been outside
of the city limits, so it was clear that the infection was
local. Two cases were also discovered in the central part
of the city, in another district where the other cases had
been observed. The patients were husltand and wife.
The woman recovered, but the husband died.
Here Avas unmistakable proof that the Yellow Fever
Moscjuito was present in Orizaba. To assure himself of
this fact, Dr. del Rio, accompanied by Dr. Labardini, a
member of the local Board of Health, and sanitary agents
appointed by the Chief of Police, visited the houses where
there had lieen some cases of the disease.
In all of thse houses, "the doctor found larA'a? of the
^tcfiomyia Calopiis, and in one instance two mosquitoes
of this kind entirely dev('l(,])ed. These two mosquitoes
furnislu'd llie ex]»lanation of the Iavo cases Avhich were
noted in the central part if the city, quite distinct from
the original focus, namely, the married couple, already
referred to, and concerning which the following data was
secured :
MEXICO. 7SS
The husband was a coachman who had charge of carry-
ing- to the hospital in his carriage a siclv woman Avho lived
in the infected district, and whom he had to carry in his
arms, because her condition was so serious that she could
not walk. The room which said patient had occupied was
disinfected by means of sprinkling bichloride of mercury,
and it was in said room that Avas found the specimen of
the t^tcgoinyia Calopiis entirely devoloped, it being very
probable that the coachman was bitten there by one of
the infected mosquitoes.
The Commission concluded that two conclusions were
generally acceptable, viz. : Either the first case came
from Vera Cruz, Cordova or Coatzacoalcos, and from said
case were infected the mos(putoes found at Orizaba, there-
by propagating the epidemic, or the mosquitoes already
infcM-ted at Vera Cruz were carried by rail to Orizaba,
where^ the first patient contracted the disease from the
mosquitoes which arrived in the manner already described.
The last theory is most acceptable and it is to be won-
dered at that the disease has not appeared more fre-
quently at Orizaba, owing to the facility of communica-
tion between that city and Vera Cruz.
Dr. del Rio does not give any statistics regarding the
cases and deaths, but acocrding to the records of the
United States Marine Hospital Service, the mortality was
as follows:
May 1 to September 30 77
October 1 to Novend)er 8 36
Total 113
This Avas the only extensive epidemic of yelloAV feA'cr
Avliicli has ever A'isited Orizaba.
1902.
YelloAV fcAcr Avas im])orted to Orizaba in 1002, either
from C(;r(l()va, Vera Cruz or Tehiumtepec. It spread to
the neigliboring villaiics and lasted from the end of
August to the beginning of November, resulting in 700
734 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
cases and 280 deaths. There were IS cases in Orizaba.
Number of deatlis not given.
An examination by the authorities revealed the fact
that Sicgoiiiijid Calopae were found in abouudant quan-
tities in all the localities visited by the fever.
1903.
From May 17 to July 0, twelve cases of yellow fever
were observed in Orizaba. Eleven of these cases Avere
traced directh' to Vera Cruz. Number of deaths, if any,
not stated.
1905.
October 9 to December 9, live cases; 1 death.
1900.
One case in January; death.
PAPAXTLA.
1870. Sporadic cases.
1895. Cases in Anmust; imported from Vera Cruz.
PARAJE NUEVO.
1907. May 1, one case; death.
PASO DE OVIJAS.
1870. Spcn-adic cases.
pixcnrcALco.
1877. Iiifcclcd by San Juan; lin)ited outbreak.
PRESIDIO.
1883. Limited epidemic.
MEXICO. 735
TEOGRESO.
Progreso is an important port in the State of Yucatan,
2G miles by rail from Merida, the Capital. It is a regular
port of sail for American and British steamships.
Yellow fever has never prevailed epidemically in Pro'
greso, the few manifestations of the disease in that port
having been as follows :
1899. Two cases and one death in July.
1900. June 9 to September 30 : Nine deaths ; number
of cases not stated.
1901. July 23 to October G : 5 cases ; 3 deatlis. Two
of these cases were from the steamship Matliilde, from
Tampico via Vera Cruz.
1902. Three cases; deaths not stated.
1903. January 1 to November 7: Nineteen cases; 5
deaths.
1904. April 28 to December 8 : Sixteen cases ; 3 deaths.
1900. August 4 to November: Sporadic cases; im-
ported.
PUEBLO-VEJO.
1865. Six cases; focus of infection, Tampico.
PUEIITO ANGEL.
1883. Infected by :Mazatlan; limiv^xl outbreak.
QUANTANA BOO.
1903. One case, September 25; death. Imported.
190G. Sporadic cases.
REATA.
1903. One case, November 2G; imported.
736 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
KEYXOSA.
1859. The town of Uoyiio^a, on the Kio Grande, forty
miles above Matamoras, suffered from yellow fever in
1859, but beyond the statement that "over 130 had died,"
no further information could be obtained.
KOSAKIO.
1883. During the great epidemic of 1883. Rosario
was infected by refugees from ^lazatlan. Statistics in-
complete.
1885. A case occurred in July.
1002. Fourteen cases; deaths not stated.
1903. August 9 to November 28 : Twenty- three cases ;
eleven deaths.
1904. April 3 to June 4: Two cases; death.
SAI.IXA CRUZ.
1883. Infected by [Nlazatlan; limited outbreak.
1900. :March 18: One case, imported from Santa
Lucretia.
SAN ANTONIO.
1877. Infected l>y San Juan. Limited outbreak.
SAN BENITO.
1883. Refugees fi-cin Mazatlan infected San Benito
in SeptemVier, 1883. . Sporadic cases occurred until the
beginning of November.
SAN BLAS.
1883. Yellow fever reached San Bias, the first part
soutli of Mazatlan, by a small schooner carrying fleeing
people from the larger town. A case appeared, than the
usual explosion took place — and the disease was epidemic.
The first case erupted September 23; the last in November.
MEXICO. 737
During the epidemic, so great was the terror of the
inhabitants, that the sick were abandoned by their rela-
tives and died unattended. Bodies remained unburied
for days. All those who could do so, fled to the interior,
spreading the pestilence wherever favorable conditions
presented themselves. As the same thing invariably hap-
pened in every afflicted town on the Pacific Coast of
Mexico during the outbreak of 1883, it will readily be seen
why the epidemic became so widespread, and its progress
so difficult to check.
SAN FERNANDO.
1898. Yellow fever reported present in September ; no
statistics.
SAN GEROMINO.
1902. One case; imported.
SAN IGNACIO.
1883. Sporadics cases; imported.
SAN JUAN BAUTISTA.
1876. Sporadic cases; imported.
1877. Infected by Campeche; limited outbreak.
1899. Sporadic cases in August.
1902. Eiglit cases; imported.
SAN LORENZO.
1899. Sporadic cases in August; imported.
SAN LUIS POTOSI.
1903. Sporadic cases in July; imported.
738 HISTORY OF YELLOW FXVCR.
SANTA CEUZ DE LOS ROSALES.
190G. One case iu ]\raroli, imported from Santa
Lucretia.
SANTA LUCKETIA.
1906. Sporadic cases; source of infection not stated.
Seyeral villages in the neighborhood were infected from
this focus.
SANTIAGO ACAPEMETA.
1883. Infected by refguees from Mazatlan ; limited out-
SOCONUSCO.
1883. Infected b}^ refugees from Mazatlan; limited
outbreak.
1905. Six cases and three deaths iu October ; imported.
TAMPICO.
Tampico is an important commercial port of eastern
^Mexico, in the State of Tamaulipas, 215 miles northwest
of Vera Cruz, on the south shore of the Lake of Tampico.
Population, about 12,000. It was founded by Santa
Anna in 1823, who gave it the name of Santa Anna de
Tamaulipas. After the downfall of Santa Anna, the
name of the town was changed to Tampico Pueblo Nuevo,
but it is popularly known as Tami)ico.
Tampico is said by some writers to be one of the en-
demic foci (,f yellow fever in ^lexico, but such is not the
case, as in nearly every instance when the disease appeared
in the locality, it could either be traced to importantion
or a recrudescence of a. previous outbreak.
Sl'MMAUY OF EriDEMICS.
183G.
Although Liceaga (Am. Piih. Ifrallli .l.s.s-;?. Report. 'i,
1893, p. i23) asserts that yellow fever first appeared in
MEXICO TAMPICO. 739
Tampico in 1843, Goupilleau, of Tampico, in his elaborate
work {Remarqucs ct Observations sur la Fievre Jaime du
MeoL'iquc), giA^es histories of eases as early as 1836.
Tampico had then a population of 5,000, of which 1,250
were Europeans and the balance native Mexicans (In-
dians). How the fever was brought to the town, our
authorit}' does not state. Six cases and one death oc-
curred in July, after which there was a lull, the epidemic
reappearing in September. The fever was particularly
fatal to the European population and especially to those
who had lived for many years in Havana and other West
Indian localities. This is one of the most remarkable
phases of the epidemic, as the newcomers, having pre-
viously lived within the endemic yellow fever centers,
should have been less susceptible to the influences of the
disease. Humnoldt {Political Essay on the Kingdom of
New &pain) comments on this pecularity as regards Vera
Cruz, having noted that residents of Havana who settle
in the Mexican city, and who had never experienced yel-
low fever in their natal place, generally contract the dis-
ease in their new abode. The same thing happens to
natives of Vera Cruz who migrate to Havana. This proves
that immunity is confined solely to one's native place.
1843.
Yellow fever was introduced in Tampico by troops from
Vera Cruz in 1843. The extent of the outbrealv Is not
stated.
1847.
Troops from Vera Cruz again introduced the disease in
1847. The war between JNIexico and the United States
was tlien in progress and the American soldiers who oc-
cupied Tampico suffered greatly.
1848.
Vera Cruz again infected Tampico. As in the previous
year, the American troops were the greatest sufferers.
7*0 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
Sporadic cases.
1863.
Two battalions of the French army brought the disease
from Vera Cruz. The outbrealv was not severe.
1804.
Infection from Vera Cruz. No statistics.
18G5.
Tlio French Army arrived at Tampico from Vera Cruz
in August. The following day yellow fever broke out
among the soldiers and the epidemic spread through the
town. The disease disappeared after tlie withdrawal of
the troox)s.
1878.
New Orleans is accused of having infected Tampico in
1878. The epidemic was extensive, about 1,000 deaths
being recorded.
1870.
No source of infecti(Mi cau be traced. The fever broke
out in June and lasted until December. The outbreak
was not as widespread as in 1878.
1898.
The fever appeared in Jiilv and lasted until the begin-
ning of December, l-'ollowiug is a resume of the mortality:
To July 24 '. 7
Week ending July 31 0
August to Se])tember 1 122
September 2 to October 2 61
October 3 to October 23 21
October 24 to November 30 10
Total mortalitv 230
MEXICO, 741
Number of cases net stated.
1899. April 20 to October 2: Seveuteeu cases; three
deaths.
1901. July 26 to August 22 : Two cases ; one death.
One case imported from Progreso; the other from Vera
Cruz.
1902. Mortality : November, 52 ; December, 60 ; total,
112.
1903. Mortality : January, 10. Subsidence until May,
when the disease again made its appearance and lasted
until October. Last death, October 21. Total deaths,
259.
1904.
First case was observed in the beginning of May. Four
cases are recorded for the year.
TAMUIN.
1903. Sporadic cases in August; imported.
TAPACHULA.
1883. Infected by Mazatlan ; limited outbreak.
1895. Sporadic cases; imported.
TEPEC.
1883. Limited outbreak ; imported.
TEIIUANTEPEC.
1883. Tehuantepoc has 12,000 inhabitants and is one
of the oldest towns in IMoxico. It certainly is dilapidated
looking, and its antiquity is undoubted, but considering
that it has survived wars, Hoods and earthquakes innum-
erable, and has lived through epidemics of cholera, small-
pox, beri1)eri and yellow fever, it is really wonderful that
it is still in existence.
742 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
Tehiiautepec is situated on the river bearing the same
name about 12 miles from the Pacific Ocean, and is bnilt
of adobe and cane houses with tik'd and thatched, roofs.
It is clustered on the hillside, and is naturally "vvell
drained. It was built without regard to street formation
and before sewers and waterAvorks were known. The
water supply is obtained from a few wells, but the major-
ity of the inhabitants bring their water from the river in
jars and barrels. The majority of the population are
women, and Avitli the exception of a few foreigners and
some Mexicans, the population is composed of Tehuan-
tepec Indians.
In Decend)er, 1882, an epidemic of Asiatic cholera oc-
curred, and 1)3' ]March of the following year 297 deaths
were recorded. An epidemic of yellow fever followed the
cholera, and when it ended, the town was about depopu-
lated. From an old resident who lived through both epi-
demics it was learned that the mortality statistics were
not kept at the time, and that the mortality in Tehuan-
tepec and vicinitY^ must have been in the thousands, judg-
ing from the information that he received at the time.
1S91). Sjtoradic cases.
VMH). Scattered cases.
1902. Eight cases.
190:^. August 9 to Novend)er 28: Ten deaths.
1904. January 1 to December 17: Sixty-six cases; 53
deaths.
1905. June 24 to December 2: Five case; 2 deaths.
190(;. Infected by Santa Lucretia in March; sporadic
cases.
TERAN.
1903. Sporadic cases in August.
TEXISTOPEC.
1904. Scattered cases; imported.
MEXICO. 743
TEZONAPA.
1905. October 1 to December 9: Twelve cases; 4
deaths.
TIERRA BLANCA.
1903. Sporadic cases iu July; imported.
190G. October 22 to November 18: . Eight cases: 2
deaths.
1900. August 11 to September 22: Two cases; 1
death. Tmx)orted from' Santa Lucretia.
TAPONA.
1S99. Sporadic cases; imported.
1900. Oue case ; imported.
TLACOLTIPAN.
1877. Sporadic cases; imported.
1883. Limited outbreak; cases imported.
TPISLAN.
1853. Infected by Acapulco; limited outbreak.
TONALA.
1883. Infected by ^Mazatlan; limited outbreak.
1902. One imported case.
TUXPAK.
Tuxpan is situated on the north bank of the Tuxpan
River, al)out seven miles from its mouth, one hundred
and ten miles north of Vera Cruz, and about the same dis-
tance south of Tampico. The town is only about fifteen
feet above the sea level of the Gulf, and has a population
of 12,000.
744
HISTORY Or YELLOW FEVER.
Mild epidemic.
Infected by troops from Vera Cruz; mild out-
< Summary of Epidemics.
1838. Sporadic cases; imported.
1863. Infected by troops from Vera Cruz. The French
Army suffered greatly from the disease.
1873. Severe epidemic; no details.
1875. Infected by troops from Vera Cruz ; limited out-
break.
1877.
1878.
break.
1880. Infected by Tampico; limited outbreak, being
confined to imported cases.
1892. A traveler arrived at Tuxpan from Papantla on
August 10. He was taken ill shortly afterward and died
of yellow fever. There was no spread of the disease.
1899. July 30 to November 8, sixty-nine deaths.
1902. One case, from Vera Cruz.
1907. One case, January 23; death. Imported.
TUXTEPEC.
1877.
1905.
deatlis.
1900.
deaths.
Infected by Tlacotalpan; limited outbreak.
October 8 to December 9 : Thirty-two cases; 21
August 20 to October 6: Seventeen cases; 13
VALLADOLID.
1901.
190.-].
1900.
death.
September 25-28: Four deaths.
August 9 to Septemlter 20 : Sporadic cases.
August 25 to September 1: Three cases; one
VERA CEUZ.
Vera Cruz, the chief seaport of Mexico, is situated on
the Gulf of ]\rexico, in a sandy, marshy, unhealthy place,
185 miles east of Mexico City. Tlie fact that after four
hundred years of strenuous existence. Vera Cruz is a city
MEXICO VERA CRUZ. 745
of only 32,000 inliabitants, iiotwitlistandiiii»: its coniinand-
ing position on the great American Inland Sea, is snfflci-
ent proof of tlie unfitness of the locality as a place of
abode for the average human being. Although founded
by Cortez in 1520, the site of the City of Vera Cruz was
occupied by the Spaniards as early as 1509, during which
year the unfortunate settlers were decimated by the first
epidemic of yellow fever to attack Europeans on Conti-
nental America.
Yellow fever has prevailed in Vera Cruz almost every
year since its occupation by the Spaniards, and the place
rnay be unhesitatingly considered as one of the most
fruitions foci in America. Even at the time this report
is being prepared for the printer (April 8, 1909), the
disease has attained epidemiohigical proportions in the
insalubrious ]Mexican city — and this, too, in the face of
the fact that everybody in Vera Cruz ought to have had
yellow fever by this time. But strangers are constantly
arriving — especially native Indians from the interior —
feeding tlie fires of pestilence, and finding untimely
sepulture in that unfriendly soil. And thus will it be un-
til time is no more — unless the Mosquito Doctrine
triumphs over indolence and stubbornness, and removes
the only stumlding block to the future greatness of the
"rich city of the true cross.-'*
CHRONOLOGY OF YELLOW FEVER IN VERA CRUZ
FOR A PERIOD OF FOUR HUNDRED YEARS,
1509 TO 1909.
1509. According to Parker, Beyer and Pothier (Report
of Workitif/ Part]! No. 1^ YfJIotr Fcrer Tnsfitiitr, Wa.^h-
iufjtoii, D. C, 1903), tlie earliest record that can be found
showing the presence of yellow fever in Vera Cruz was
in 1509, when Diego de Nicues occu])ied the place, then
called New Sjjain. During the first days of the colony, 400
of the settlers died from a "pestilential disease;" shortly
afterward, 200 more. At the end of fifteen months, there
746 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
remained odIv GO survivors. I'^rom descriptions oiyen by
early writers, tliere can be no doubt that this was yellow
fever.
1510 to 1698. A search through the works of his-
torians who have written on tlie epidfuiics of ^Mexico,
fai^s to reveal any autlu^ntic reference regarding the ap-
pearance of yellow fever in Vera Cruz from 1510 to 1698.
The disease was undoulttedly present, as, even to this day,
the infection is kept virulent and constant In' the presence
of native Indians, who came from the mountains and
adjoining- villages. Parker, Pothier and Beyer (loc. cit.)
state that while many foreigners and the better class of
Mexicans from the ticrras templadas die annually of yel-
low fever in Vera Cruz, it is the unacclimated natives
above mentioned who come from the mountains to work
on the harl)or improvements or to sell their wares that
makes the death-rate of Vera Cruz excessive.
The Indians certainly came to Vera Cruz during the
silent years above noted, and it is the natural inference
to conclude that they died of yellow fever, just as their
descendants do at the present age.
1699. First appearance of yellow fever in Vera Cruz,
according to Berenger-Feraud {Ficvrc Jaunc, etc., Paris,
1890, p. 37). No details.
1700 to 1724. Another hiatus.
1725. Most authors date the tirst appearance of yellow
fever in A^era Cruz from 1725, prominent among whom
being tlie Abbe Clavigero, historian of note, who mentions
the fact in his Hisfori/ of Mr.i'ico. But llumlxddt, Ber-
enger-I>raud and other w('ll-])osted chroniclers, assert
that the eminent ecclesiastic is mistaken, for, long before
the Seventeenth Century, the pestilential disease known
as vomito prieto by the Spaniards, showed itself many
times in the locality. No records are available, however,
tradition and unofficial documents being the only beacons
to guide us tbi'ough the darkness of that period.
1726 to 1739. Present, but no record.
1740. Severe epidemic. (Berenger-Feraud).
1741 to 1743. Present, but no record.
MEXICO VERA CRUZ. 7*7
1744. Severe epidemic. (Feraiid).
1745 to 17G1. Present, but no record.
1702. Severe epidemic. [Hionholdt; Moreau de
Jonncs).
1763. 'No record.
1764. Epidemic.
1765 to 1773. Xo record.
1774. Epidemic.
1775 to 1792. No record.
1703; 1794; 1795; 1796; 1797; 1798; 1799; 1800; 1801;
1802; 1803; 1804; 1805. Epidemics of more or less
intensity.
1806 to 1808. No record.
1809; 1810; 1811; 1812; 1813. Epidemics of more or
less intensity.
1814. No record.
1815. Epidemic.
1816. No. record.
1817 ; 1818 ; 1819. Epidemic period.
1820. No record.
1821 ; 1822 ; 1823. Epidemic period.
1824. No record.
1825; 1826; 1827; 1828. Epidemic period.
1828. No record,
1829. Epidemic.
1830. No record.
1831. Epidemic.
1832 to 1835. No record.
1836 ; 1837. Epidemic.
1838. No record.
1840; 1841; 1842. Epidemic.
1843. No record.
1844; 1845; 1846; 1847. Epidemic.
1848 to 1849. No record.
1850. Epidemic.
1851 to 1852. No record.
1853; 1854. Epidemic.
1855 to 1856. No record.
1857. Epidemic.
748
HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
1858, No record.
1850; 1860. Epidemic.
18(51. Xo record.
1802; 18G3; 18(U ; 1865. Epidemic
From 1866 to the present day, more defiuite information
could be obtained, the mortality by months from 1866 to
1900 being- as follows:
Months.
Years.
= S , .? ! _•
1866 ! 0
1867 1 18
1868. ' 7
1869 1 0
1870 i I)
1871 3 i 0
1872 2 2
1873 i 1 0
1874 ; 1 I 2
1875 7 2
1876 0 1
1877 i 0 1
1878 16 5
1879 1 6 i 4
1880 2 0
1881 1 2S ' 21
1882 I 1 i I
1883 [ 5 : 3
a884 1 3 2
1«85 1 6 5
1886 1 7 3
1887 0 0
1888 0 ■»
1889 0 0
1890 0 0
1891 1 I 4
1892 1 0 ; 2
1893 5 ' I
1894 . 0 0
1895 5 1
1896 0 0
1897 1 0 I 0
1898 ! 0 0
1899 y 5
Total 13;! 75
Ei.
S
0
2
4
16
r>
7
0
0
II
0
1
a
<
'2
c
3
X
<->
3
<
Si
a
u
Q.
u
O
u
O
12
a
0
21
%
3
o
CI
<s
20
9t a>
IPS
11
26
40
54
48
20
254
54 1 64
12
8
32
38
17
11
8
212
30 ! 40
16
26
20
21
9
2
3
187
2
0
0
1
1
■>
1
2
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
1
3
5
2
11
6
29
113
71
17
10
15
2
4
271
5
14
45
53
39
29
11
5
6
215
3
1
19
58
59
41
20
10
7
222
0
2
3
11
24
7
12
11
6
79
11 29
93
118
105
41
13
2
0
425
0 1 0
2
4
7
9
6
1
3
34
0 1 4
7
51
144
164
77
50
27
528
1
7
58
113
no
62
45
24
7
448
1
1
1
2
I
3
0
0
0
21
0
0
0
1
3
10
42
92
103
254
29
94
235
181
39
22
25
17
3
723
1
5
11
7
14
8
3
5
12
. 72
16
90
261
200
67
39
31
21
7
747
0
3
2
4
3
17
41
39
19
136
5
21
25
84
84
48
19
14
9
328
12
H
31
19
26
25
37
13
10
208
0
0
1
0
0
1
1
0
0
4
0
0
0
0
0
1
2
0
0
3
1
0
0
0
0
0
0
1
0
2
0
0
1
1
5
0
6
9
19
41
3
10
39
40
19
13
18
20
10
. 179
7
20
41
75
53
27
13
10
10
260
8
17
32
29
8
9
11
5
0
131
«
39
55
44
38
15
5
3
3
210
2
12
23
40
36
17
3
3
0
143
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
1
1
0
2
0
0
0
0
9
21
39
32
23
127
8 101
246
90
68
31
14
5
7
670
"'
647
1.442
1,390
1,079
759
557
136
328
7.150
1900. No yellow fever.
1901. E])idemic; 102 deaths.
1902. Sevcie epidemic: 721 cases; 271 deaths.
1903. Bevere epidemic: January to December, 1,123
cases ; 357 deaths.
1904. Only one death.
1905. Sporadic cases ; 10 deaths.
MEXICO. 749
190G. January 1 to December 8: Twenty-one cases;
10 deaths. Three of these cases Avere imported from
Yucatan and 7 from Quiutana.
1907. February 9 to March 22: Two cases; 1 death.
One case was imported from Paraje Nuevo. One new
case, September 1. Total : Cases, 3 ; deaths, 1.
1908. July 7 to December 5: Thirty-four cases; 18
deaths.
1909. Epidemic.
VICTORIA.
Victoria, or Nueya Santander, is the capital of the
State of Tamaulipas, 120 miles northwest of Tampico.
It has suffered ATry little from yellow fever. The few
instances AA'ere as folloAvs :
1899. Sporadic cases in October ; imported.
1903. Three cases and one death in Auoust ; imported.
1904. Infected by Tampico. December 6 to 19:
Four cases; tAvo deaths.
XUMPICH.
1908. -NoA^ember 1 to November 30: Two cases;
imported.
YUKI.
1883. Yuki, in Sonora, near the Arizona border, was
invaded for the first and only time by yelloAV fever during
the epidemic of 1883. The mortality is said to haA^e been
heavy, considering the smallness of the place, but no
statistics Avere kept.
ZONGOLICA.
1903. Five cases in July; imported.
ZUCATULA.
1883. Zucatula, on the Pacific coast, suffered from yel-
loAV fever for the first and only time in 1883. No statistics
are available.
750 HIiTORY OF YELLOW FEVKR.
BIBLIOGRAPHY OF YELLOW FEVER IN MEXICO.
ACAPULCO.
Humboldt: Report Sanitary Commission of New Orleans, 1853, p. 126
Main: Medical News, New York, 1883, vol. 43, pp. 419, 556, 671, 699.
Ibid., 1884, vol. 44, pp. 44, 55.
Liceaga: Trans. Am. Pub.. Health Association, 1883, vol. 19, p. 120.
Ibid, 1896, vol. 21, p. 166.
Ibid, 1897, vol. 22, p. 165.
U. S. Public Health Reports, 1887, p. 69.
U. S. Public Health Reports, 1895, vol. 10, p. 1147.
Ibid., 1896, VOL 11, p. 1200.
ACAYUGA.
Liceaga: Trans. Am. Pub. Health Assn., 1902, vol. 28, p. 258.
ALTATA.
Main: Medical News, 1883, vol. 43, pp. 475, 556.
Liceaga: Td-ans. Am. Pub. Health Assn., 1893, vol. 19, p. 128.
ALTAMERA.
Gourgues: Journal de Medecine de Paris, 1883, vol. 5, p. 228.
Liceaga: Trans. A. P. H. Assn., 1893, vol. 19, pp. 125, 126.
U. S. Public Health Report.s, 1903, vol. 18, p. 2309.
ALVARADO.
Liceaga: Trans. A. P. H. Assn., 1902, vol. 28, p. 258.
U. S. Public Health Reports, 1889, p. 2367.
ATAI.
Main: Medical News, 1893, vol. 43, p. 529.
CAMARGO.
U. S. Public Health Repoics, 1883, pp. 327, 328.
CAMPECHE.
Liceaga: Trans. U. P. H. Assn., 1883, vol. 19, p. 124.
Medical Record: 1883, vol. 24, p. 322.
MEXICO. 751
CARDENAS.
Liceaga: Trans. A. P. H. Assn., 1893, vol. 19, pp. 125, 127.
U.. S. Public Health Reports, 1903, vol. 18, p. 2309.
CHILPANZIGO.
Humboldt: Rep.ort Sanitary Commission N. O., 1853, p. 127.
U. S. Public Health Reports, 1890, p. 2367.
CITAS.
U. S. Public Health Reports, 1903, vol. 18, p. 2309.
CINCHAPA.
U. S. Public Health Reports, 1899, p, 2366.
COATZACOALCOS.
Covananos: Trans. A. P. H. Assn., 1893, vol. 19, p. 105.
Liceaga: Ibid., 1893, pp. 125, 127.
Ibid., 1904, vol. 28, p. 258.
Ibid., 1905, vol. 30, p. 214.
U. S. Public Health Reports, 1903, vol. 18, p. 2309.
Ibid., 1905, p. 2770.
COLINA.
Mahlo: Ann. Report Sup. S-G., 1884, p. 265.
CORACO.
Main: Medical News, 1883, vol. 43, p. 501.
CONCORDIA.,
Main: Medical News, 1883, vol. 43, p.p. 419, 501.
CORDOVA.
Liceaga: Trans. A. P. H. Assn., 1893, vol. 19, p. 126.
Ibid., 1902, vol. 28, p. 258.
Berenger-Feraud : p. 151.
Liceaga: .Journal .\m. P. H. Assn., 1897, vol. 22, p. 165.
U. S. Public Health Reports, 1900, vol. 15, p. 815.
Ibid., 1905, p. 2770.
752 HISTORY OK YELLOW EEYER.
Ibid., 1906, vol. 21, p. 741.
Mendizabal (G.) : Contribution to the study of yellow fever in rela-
tion to epidemics in Cordova. Am. Pub. Health Assn. Rep., 1896,
Concord, 1897, 22, 167.
COSMALOAPAN.
U. S. Public Health Reports, 1899, p. 2366.
Liceaga: Trans. Am. Pub. Health Assn., 1902, vol. 28, p. 258.
COSALA.
Liceaga: Jl. Am. Pub. Health Assn., 1883, vol. 20, p. 228.
CULIACAX.
Main: Medical News, 1883, vol. 43, pp. 501, 529.
Liceaga: Trans. Am. Pub. Health Assn., 1893, vol. 19, pp. 126, 120.
Preslow (L) : Apuntes sobre la Fiebre Amarilla, que reino en Culia-
can, desde Agosto ultimo hasta enero 15 del corriente anno. 8°.
Culiacan, 1884.
DOFIA CECILIA.
U. S. Public Health Reports, 1903, vol. 18, p. 2309.
EL HICO.
U. S. Public Health Reports, 1903, vol. 18, p. 2309.
EQUADOR.
Humboldt: Report Sanitary Commission, 1853, p. 127.
FROXTERA.
Liceaga: Journal Am. Pub. Health Assn., vol. 21, p. 165.
Liceaga: Trans. Am. Pub. Health Assn., 1902, vol. 28, p. 258.
GUILLICAX.
Main: Medical News, 1883, vol. 43, p. 501.
GUAYMAS.
Main: Medical Xews, 1883, vol. 43, pp. 336; 419; 475; 529; 530; 566.
Eighth Biennial Report Cal. Board of Health. 1884, vol. 6, p. 231.
Liceaga: Trans. Am. Pub. Health Assn., 1893, vol. 19, pp. 126, 128.
MEXICO. 753
U. S. Public Health Reports, 1891, vol. 6, p. 370.
Ibid., 1895, vol. 10, p. 1147.
iMix (A. A.) : The Mexican Epidemic of 1883, as it Appeared in
Guaymas. Pacific, Med. & Surg. Jl., San Fran., 1883-4, vol. 26, p. 241.
Pesqueira (E.) : Noticla Sinoptica de una Epidemia de Fiebre
Amarilla en la Capital de Sonora (Guaymas). Voz de Hipocrates,
Mexico, 1883, vol. 1, p. 313.
Yellow Fever in Sonora (Guaymas). Pacific Med. & Surg. Jl., San.
Fran., 1884-5, vol. 27, p. 118.
GUERRERA.
Annual Report S.^., 1883, p. 286.
GUICHICORE.
Liceaga: Trans. Am. Pub. Health Assn., 1902, vol. 28, p. 258.
HERMOSILLO.
Main: Medical News, 1883, vol. 43, pp. 419, 475, 529, 556; 1884, p.
44, 45.
Liceaga: Trans. Am. Pub. Health Assn., 1893, vol. 19, pp. 126, 129.
HIDALGO.
U. S. Public Health Reports, vol. 99, p. 2667.
HUACHIRARCO.
Liceaga: Trans. Am. Pub. Health Assn., 1893, p. 125.
HUIMOGUILLO.
Liceaga: Trans. Am. Pub. Health Assn., 1893, pp. 125, 127.
IXCALLAN.
■Medical News: 1883, vol. 43, p. 529.
JALAPA.
Liceaga: Trans. Am. Pub. Health Assn., 1893, vol. 19, p. 127.
Ibid., 1902, vol. 28, p. 258.
JICALTEPEC.
Gourgues: Journal de Medecine de Paris, 1883, vol. 5, p. 232.
Liceaga: Trans. Am. Pub. Health Assn., 1893, vol. 19, pp. 123, 125, 127.
75 1 HISTORY OF YILLOW FKVKR.
JICO.
Gourgues: Journal de Medecine de Paris, 18S3, vol. 5, p. 231.
JIMINEZ.
U. S. Public Health Reports, 1898.
JULTIPAN.
Liceaga: Am. Pub. Health Assn., 1905, vol. 33, p. 214.
LAGUNA DEL CARMEN.
Ann. Rep S.-C, 1894, p. 293.
Liceaga: Trans. Am. Pub. Health Assn., 1902, vol. 28, p. 258.
LAGUNA DE TERMINOS.
U. S. Public Health Reports, 1908, vol. 23, pp. 759, 798, 889, 933.
LA JUNTA.
XJ. S. Public Health Reports, 1899, p. 1404.
LAMPANSAS.
U. S. Public Health Reports, 1904, vol. 19, p. 2690.
Liceaga: Trans. Am. Pub. Health Assn., 1905, vol. 30, p. 214,
LA PAZ.
Main: Medical News, 1883, vol. 43, pp. 501, 529, 530, 556.
Eighth Biennial Report State Board Health Cal., 1884-6, p. 230.
Liceaga: Trans. Am. Pub. Health Assn., 1S93, vol. 19, p. 128.
LOS ANIMOS.
Liceaga: Trans. Am. Pub. Health Assn., 1893, vol. 19, p. 126.
LINARES.
U. S. Public Health Reports, 1903. vol. 18, p. 2309.
Liceaga: Trans. Am. Pub. Health Assn., 1905, vol. 30, p. 214.
MANZANILLO.
Mahlo: Ann. Rep. Sup. Surgeon General (U. S.), 1884, p. 265.
Liceaga: Trans. Am. Pub. Health Assn., 1893, vol. 19, pp.. 126, 128.
Ibid., 1902, vol. 28, p. 258.
MEXICO. 755
Main: Medical News, 1883, vol. 43, pp. 501, 529, 671, 699.
Ibid., 1884, pp. 44, 45..
Liceaga: Journal Am. Pub. Health Assn., 1897, vol. 22, p. 165.
U. S. Piiblic Health Reports, 1907, vol. 22, pp. 1295, 1038.
MATAMORAS.
Berenger-Feraud, pp. 134, 184.
Caraza (R.) : Contribucion al Estudio de la Geografia Medica de la
Bepublica Mexicana; Epidemia de Fiebre Amarilla en Matamoras el
anno de 1882. Gac. de Hosp. Mil., Guadalajara, 1885-6, i, no. 4, 3; no. 5,
3; no. 8, 1.
Lafon: Journal de Medecine de Paris, 1883, vol. 5, p. 228.
Lafon (Antonio) : Report of the Yellow Fever in the City of Mata
moras, from September, 1853, to January 1854. See Report of the
Sanitary Commission of New Orleans, 1854.
Liceaga: Trans. Am. Pub. Health Assn., 1893, vol. 19, pp. 125, 126.
MAZATLAN.
Eighth Biennial Report State Board Health Cal., 1884, vol. 6, p. 230.
iMain: Medical News, 1883, vol. 43, pp. 336, 419, 501, 529, 530, 556.
LJceaga: Trans. Am. Pub. Health Assn., 1893, vol. 19, pp. 126, 128.
Ibid., 1905, vol. 30, p. 214.
U. S., Public Health Reports, 1895, vol. 10, p. 1147.
Ibid., 1897, p. 1434.
McHatton (N. H.) : Epidemic at Mazatlan. San Francisco West.
Lancet, 1884, vol. 13, p. 112.
MATZRORGO.
U. S. Public Health Reports, 1903, vol, 18, p. 2309.
MERIDA.
National Board of Health Bulletin, vol. 1, 1879-80, p. 288.
U. S. Public Health Reports: 1887, pp. 112, 129, 141, 166.
Ibid., 1888, p. 31.
Ibid., 1892, pp. 263, 285, 322.
Ibid., 1895, p. 1572.
Ibid., 1900, p. 3176.
Ibid., 1901, p. 1504.
Ibid., 1902, p. 3880.
Ibid., 1903, p. 2309.
Ibid., 1905, p. 2770.
756 HISTORY or yellow fever.
Ibid., 1906, vol. 21, pp. 363, 455, 557, 625, 661, 764, 788, 925, 961, 994,
1054, 1110, 1195, 1300, 1336.
Ibid., 1907, pp. 65, 905. M
Ibid., 1908, p. 1894. , M
Ibid., 1909 (see tables). 1
Ann. Rep. Sur.-Gen., U. S., 1894, p. 293. ^
Liceaga: Journal Am. Pub. Health As::n., vol. 21, p 165. ;
■i'
MEXICO CITY. X
Medical News: 1883, vol. 43, p. 363.
U. S. Public Health Reports, 1898, p. 1422. -
Annual Report Supervising Suregon-General, 1899, p. 394.
U. S. Public Health Reports, 1900, p. 3176.
Ibid., 1903, vol. 18, pp. 1037, 2309.
Ibid., 1905, p. 2770.
MICALTEPEC.
Liceaga: Trans. Am. Pub. Health Assn., 1893, vol. 19, p. 125, 127.
MIER.
U. S. Public Health Reports, 1883, pp. 286, 283.
MINATILLAN.
Liceaga: Trans. Am. Pub. Health Assn., 1893, vol. 19, pp. 125, 127.
MISANTLA.
Gourgues: Journal de Medecine de Paris, 1883, vol. 5, P. 232.
Liceaga: Trans. Am. Pub. Health Assn., 1893, vol. 19, p. 125.
MONCLOVA.
U. S. Public Health Reports, 1903, vol. IS, p. 2309.
Liceaga: Trans. Am. Pub.' Health Assn., 1905, pp. 30, 214.
MONTEREY.
U. S. Public Health Reports, 1898.
Ibid.. 1903, vol. 18, p. 2309.
Liceaga: Trans. Am. Pub. Health Assn., 1905, vol. 30, p. 214.
Martinez (A.): Relacion de la epidemia de fiebre amarilla, desar-
rollada en Monterey en Octubre y Noviembre de 1898. Gac. med
Mexico, 1899, xxxvi 271-284.
MEXICO. 757
MOTUL.
U. S. Public Health Reports, 1903, vol. 18, p. 2309.
NAULTA.
Gourgues: Journal de Medecine de Paris, 1883, vol. 5, p. 232.
Liceaga: Trans. Am. Pub. Health Assn., 1893, vol. 19, pp. 125, 127.
NICAYUCA.
Trans. A. P. H. A., 1893, vol. 19, pp. 125, 127.
NEUVA LAREDO.
U. S. Public Health Reports, 1903, vol. 18, p. 2309.
Liceaga: Trans. Am. Pub. Health Reports, 1905, vol. 30, p. 214.
OCUS.
U. S. Public Health Reports, 1895, vol. 10, p. 612.
OMEALCA.
U. S. Public Health Reports, 1905.
ORIZABA.
Main: Medical News, 1883, vol. 43, p. 699.
Del Rio (N.): Reports on the Orizaba (Mexico) Epidemics. Trans,
American Pub. Health Assn., 1905, vol. 28, p. 262.
Kermorgant (A.) : Sur une Epidemic de Fievre Jaune qui a Regne
a Orizaba (Mexique). — Ann. d'Hyg. et de Med. Coloniales, 1904, vol. 6,
p. 423. p. 423.
Mendizabal (G.): La segunda epidemia de fiebre amarilla en
Orizaba. Gac. Med. Mexico, 1903, 2. s., vol. 3, p. 233.
Schoenfeld: Annales d'Hygiene et de Medecine Coloniales, 1903, vol.
6, p. 423.
Liceaga: Trans. Am. Pub. Health Assn., 1902, vol. 28, p. 258.
U. S. Public Health Reports, 1899, p. 2365.
Ibid., 1905, vol. 21, p. 742.
Ibid., 1906, p. 741.
Yellow Fever at Orizaba in September, 1902, transmission by
mosquitoes. Pub Health Rep. U. S. Mar. Hosp. Scrv., Wash., 1903,
vol. 18, p. 224.
758 HISTORY or YELLOW FEVHR.
PAPAXTLA.
Gourgues: Journal de Medecine de Paris, 1883, vol. 5, p. 232.
Liceaga: Trans. Am. Pub. Health Assn., 1893, vol. 19, pp. ]25, 127.
Liceaga: Journal Am. Pub. Health Assn., 1895, vol. — , p. 228
(History.)
Ibid., Journal Am. Pub. Health Assn., 1897, vol. 22, p. 163.
PARAJE NUEVO.
U. S. Public Health Reports, 1907, \ol. 22, pp. 405, 905.
PASO DE OVIJAS.
Liceaga: Trans. Am. Pub. Health Assn., 1893, vol. 19, p. 126.
PIXCHUCALCO.
Liceaga: Trans. Am. Pub. Health Assn., 1893, vol. 19, pp. 125, 127.
(History).
PRESIDIO.
Main: Medical Xews, 1883, vol. 43, p. 501.
Hargrave (E. J.): Report of my own case of yellow fever, in Pro-
gress, Yucatan. Charlotte (X. C.) Med. Jl., 1903, vol. 22, p. 4.
PROGRESO.
U. S. Public Health Reports, 1900, pp. 1682, 3177.
Ibid., 1901, p. 3084.
Ibid., 1903, p. 2310.
Ibid., 1909, ppl 1304, 2690.
Trans. Am. Pub. Health Assn., 1902, vcl. 28, p. 258,
PUEBLA.
Trans. Am. Pub. Health Assn., 1893.
PUEBLO VEJO.
Jaspard: Archives de Medecine Xav. 1, 1854, vol. 2, p. 111.
Liceaga: Trans. Am. Pub. Health Assn., 1893, vol. 19, p. 128.
QUIXTAXA ROO.
IT. S. Public Health Reports, 1906, vol. 21, p. 742.
MEXICO. 759
REATA.
U. S. Public Health Reports, 1903, vol. 18, p. 2310.
REYNOSA.
N. O. Med. & Surg. Journal, 1859, vol. 16, p. 752.
Annual Report Sur.-Gen. U,. S., 1883, p. 327.
ROSARIO.
ElgWh Biennial Report California Board Health, 1884-6, p. 230.
SALINA CRUZ.
Liceaga: Trans. Am. Pub. Health Assn., 1893, vol. 19, p. 128.
Ibid., 1902, vol. 28, p. 258.
Ibid., 1905, vol. 30, p. 214.
U. S. Public Health Report, 1903, vol., 18, p. 2310.
[hid., 1904, vol. 19, p. 1304.
Ibid., 1906, vol. 21, p. 742.
SAN ANTONIO.
Liceaga: Trans. Am. Pub. Health Assn., 1893, vol. 19, pp. 125, 127.
SAN BONITO.
Eighth Biennial Report California Board Health, 1884-6, p. 231.
Liceaga: Trans. Am. Pub. Health Assn., 1903, vol. 19, p. 129.
SAN BLA3.
Main: Medical News, 1883, vol. 43, p. 419.
Liceaga: Trans. Am. Pub. Health Assn., 1893, vol 19, pp. 126, 128.
SAN FERNANDO.
U. S. Public Health Reports, 1898, p. 1116.
SAN GERONIMO.
Liceaga: Am. Pub. Health Assn., 1902, vol. 28, p. 258.
SAN IGNACIO.
Liceaga: Journal Am. Pub. Health Assn., 1895, vol. 20, p. 228.
I
760 HISTORY OF YELLOW FKVKR. ^ '
SAN JUAN.
Liceaga: Trans. Am. Pub. Health Assn., 1893, vol. 19, pp. 125, 126, 127.
U. S. Public Health Reports, 1899, p. 2366.
Ibid., Trans, Am. Pub. Health Assn., 1902, vol. 28, p. 258.
SAN LUIS POTOSI.
U. S. Public Health Reports, 1903. vol. 18, p. 2310.
SANTA CRUZ.
U. S. Public Health Reports, vol. 21, pp. 741, 961, 1027.
SANTA LUCRETIA.
U. S. Public Health Reports, 1906, vol. 21, p. 742.
SANTIAGO ACAPONETA.
Main: Medical Record, 1883, vol. 43, p. 529.
Liceaga: Trans. Am. Pub. Health Assn., 1893, vol. 19, p. 128.
SOCONUSCO.
Liceaga: Trans. Am. Pub. Health Assn., 1893, vol. 19, p. 128.
U. S. Public Health Reports, 1905, p. 2770.
TALLERES.
U. S. Public Health Reports, vol. 19, p. 1304.
TABASCO.
Castaneres (A.) : A few general remarks regarding yellow fever in
the State of Tabasco. Am. Pub. Health Assn. Rep. 1892, concord,
1893, vol. 18, p. 217.
""^"^ TAMPICO.
Goupilleau: Remarques et Observations sur la Fievre Jaune du
Mexique. In Bull, de 1' Acad, de Medecine Paris, 1838, vol. 3, p. 305.
Liceaga: Am. Pub. Health Assn., 1893, vol. 19, pp. 123, 126, 127.
Ibid., 1902, vol. 28, p. 258.
Gourgues: Jo'rnal de Medecine de Paris, p. 230.
Berenger-F.' .tud, p. 140.
Jaspard ( P. H.) : Trois mois de fievre jaune a Tampico; considera-
tions Theoriyues et pratiques. 4°. Montpellier, 1865.
MEXICO. 761
Jaspard: Archives de Medeclne Nav. Paris, 1864, vol. 2, p. 109.
Cassard: National Board Health Bulletin, 1879-80, vol. 1, p. 149.
U. S. Public Health Reports, 1899, pp. 1011, 2367.
Ibid., 1901, p. 3084.
Ibid., 1903, p. 2310.
Ibid., 1904, p. 2690.
Kermorgant (A.): Notes sur la fievre jaune a Tampico. Ann. d'Hyg.
et de Med. Colon., Par., 1904, vol. 7, p. 534.
Epidemiologie: Particularites d'etiologie et de marche presentees
par Tepidemie de fievre jaune qui a sevi a Tampico sur le 2e regiment
d'infanterie de marine. Arch, de med nav.. Par., 1864, vol. 2, p. 109.
TAMUIN.
U.. S. Public Health Reports, 1903, vol. 18, p. 2310.
TAPACHULA.
Liceaga: Trans. Am. Pub. Health Assn., 1893, vol. 19, p. 129.
U. S. Public Health Reports, 1895, vol. 10, p. 612.
TAPONA.
U. S. Public Health Reports, 1899, p. 2367.
Liceaga: Trans. Am. Pub. Health Assn., 1902, vol. 28, p. 258.
TEPEC.
Main: Medical News, 1883, vol. 43, p. 529.
TEHUANTEPEC.
U. S. Public Health Reports, 1900, p. 1520.
Ibid., 1899, p. 1039.
Ibid., 1900, p. 1517.
Ibid., 1903, p. 2310.
Ibid., 1904, p. 2690.
Liceaga: Am. Pub. Health Assn., 1902, vol. 28, p. 258.
Ibid., 1905, p. 2770.
Ibid., 1906, vol. 21, p. 742.
TERAN.
U. S. Public Health Reports, 1903, vol. 18, p. 2310.
TEXISTEPEC.
Liceaga: Trans. Am. Pub. Health Assn., 1905, vol. 30, p. 215.
762 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
TEZONAPA.
U. S. Public Health Reports, 1905, p. 2770.
TIERRA BLANCA.
U. S. Public Health Reports, 1903, vol. 18, pp. 2310, 2770.
Ibid., 1906, vol. 21, pp. 961, 1553.
TLACOTALPAX.
Gourgues: Journal de Medecine de Paris, 1883, vol. 5, p. 234.
JVIedical Record, 1883, vol. 24, p. 322.
TISPLAN.
Humboldt: Report Sanitary Commission, 1853, p. 127.
TOXOLA.
Liceaga: Trans. Am. Pub. Health Assn., 1883, vol. 19, p. 128.
Ibid., 1902, vol. 28, p. 258.
TUXPAN.
T^iceaga: Trans. Am. Pub. Health As3n., 1893, vol. 19, pp. 123, 125, 127.
Ibid., 1902, vol. 28, p. 258.
Berenger-Feraud, p. 140.
Boyd: National Board of Health Bulletin, 1879-80, vol. 1, p, 309.
Gourgues: Journal de Medecine de Paris, 1883, vol. 5, p. 233.
U. S. Public Health Reports: 1896, p. 1200.
Ibid., 1899, p. 2366.
Ibid., 1907, p. 905.
TUXTEPEC.
TJ. S. Public Health Reports, 190 6,voL 21, p. 1553.
Gourgues: Journal de Medecine de Paris, 1SS3, vol. 5, p. 234.
Ibid., 1905, p. 2770.
VALLADOLID.
U. S. Public Health Reports, 1903, vol. 18, p. 2310.
Ibid., 1906, vol. 21, p. 1553.
VERA CRUZ.
Alvarado (I.): Fiebre amarilla (en Veracruz). Gac. med. de Mexico,
MRXICO. 763
1878, xiii, 433-452. Ibid., Apuntes para la historia de la fiebre amarilla
que reina en Veracruz. Ibid., 1879, xiv, 45-68.
Bernard (J.) : Etude sur la fievre jaune d'apres des notes recueillies
a la Vera-Cruz (Mexique) pendant les annes 1862-1863-1864. 4° Mont-
pellier, 1868.
Buez: Note sur I'epidemie de fievre jaune de 1862, a la Vera-Cruz.
Bull.. Acad, de Med., Par., 1861-2, xxvii, 960-962.
Chabert (J. L.): Reflecsiones medicas, y observaciones sobre la
fiebre amarilla. Hechas en Veracruz de orden del supremo gobierno
de la Federacion Mexicana. Trad, al espanol por C. Liceaga. S°.
[Mexico, 1827.]
Crouillebois. L'epidemie de fievre jaune, en 1862, a la Vera-Cruz.
Rec. de mem. de med mil., Par., 1863, 3. s., x, 401-461.
Del Rio (N.) : Informe que el subscripto, jefe del service sanitario
especial contra la fiebre amarilla en Veracruz, * * * qi^ agosto de
1904, Bol. d. Sons. sup. de salub. Mexico, 1905, 3. ep. vol. 10, p. 281.
Fuzier: Resume d'etudes sur la fievre jaune observee a la Vera-Cruz
pendant les epidemies qui se sont succedees de 1862 a 1867. 8°. Paris,
1877.
Fuzier: Co-incidence de la fievre jaune a Vera-Cruz avec des fievres
intermittentes. Ibid, ix, 38-41.
Kermorgant: Mortalite a Vera Cruz Pendant le Deuxieme Semestre,
1902.— Ann. d'Hyg. et de Med. Coloniales, 1903, vol. 6, p. 427.
Liceaga: Trans. Am. Pub. Health Assn., 1902, vol. 28, p. 259.
Ibid., 1905, vol. 30, p. 214.
Mainegra (R. J.): Yellow fever epidemic at Vera Cruz. Rep. Superv.
Surg.-Gen. ,Mar. Hosp., Wash, 1883-4, p. 241.
Legris (M. H.): Queiques mots sur l'epidemie de fievre jaune de
1862 a Vera-Cruz. 4°. Paris, 1864.
Naphegyi (Gabor) : Remarks on the Military Hospitals at Vera Cruz,
and the diseases admitted in 1853-4, especially Yellow Fever and
Vomito. New York Journal of Medicine, May, 1855.
Porter (J. B.) : Treatment of the Vera Cruz yellow fever in 1847.
Am. J. M. Sc, Phila., 1853, n. s., xxvi, 312-333.
Parker, Beyer and Pothier: Report on working party No, 2, Yellow
Fever Institute. Experimental studies in yellow fever and malaria at
Vera Cruz, Mexico. Wash., 1904, Govt. Print. Oflice, 101, p. 2 pi. 2 ch.
8°. Forms Bull. No. 14, of Yellow Fever Institute. Treas. Dept. U. S.,
Pub. Health & Mar. Hosp. Service.
Rosenau, M. J. and Parker, H. B.: Experimental Studies in Yellow
Fever and Malaria at Vera Cruz, Mexico. Yellow Fever Institute,
Bulletin No. 14, 1905.
Bouffier: Considerations sur les epidemics de fievre jaune et les
maladies de la Vera-Cruz (Mexique) pendant la premiere moitie du
764 HISTORY OK YELLOW FEVER.
dix-neuvieme siecle d'apres les registres de riiospice civil Saint-
Sebastien. Arch, de nied. nav., Par., 1865, iii, 289, 520. Also, Reprint.
Ruiz: Un caso notable de fiebre amarilla. Voz de Hipocrates,
Mexico, 1883, i, 2.
Saunier (J. B.): Investigaciones sobre la fiebre amarilla o vomito
de Vera Cruz. 8°. Puebla, 1866.
Schmidtlein (A.) : Das gelbe Fiebre in Vera-Cruz 1865. Deutsches
Consult also:
Berenger-Feraud: Traite Theorique et Pratique de la Fievre Jaune,
Paris, 1890. (Chronologie.)
Annual Reports Surgeon-General U. S. Army, from First Volume to
date.
U. S. Public Health Reports, Vols. 1, 1886, to date.
VICTORIA.
U. S. Public Health Reports, 1899, p. 2367.
Ibid., 1903, vol. 18, p. 2310.
Ibid., 1904, p. 1304.
Liceaga: Trans. Am. Pub. Health Assn., 1905, vol. 30, p. 214.
XUMPICH.
U. S. Public Health Reports, 1908, p. 1894.
YUKI.
Main: .Medical News, 1883, vol. 43, p. 529.
ZONGONICA.
Arch. f. kiln. Med. Leipz., 1868.. iv, 50-109. Also, Reprint.
U. S. Public Health Reports, 1903, vol. 18, p. 2310.
ZUCATUL.\.
Main: Medical News, 1883, vol. 43, p. 419.
YUCATAN.
Thompson: Yellow Fever in Yucatan. V. S. Marine Hospital Service
Public Health Report, vol. 18, p. 1315 (1903).
GENERAL.
Dutrouleau: La Fievre Jaune au Mexique. Gaz. Heb. de Paris, 1862,
vol. 9, p. 457.
MEXICO. 765
Fleury (J.) : Vues hygieniques relatives a son epidemie de fievre
jaune au Mexique. Union med. de la Gironde, Bordeaux, 1862, vii,
pp. 589-596.
Goupilleau: Remarques et observations sur la flevre jaune au
Mexique. [Rap. de Chervin.] Bull. Acad, de med., Par., 1838-9, iii, 305.
Gourgues (O.): De I'Endemicite de la Fievre Jaune sur les Cotes
Orientales de la Republique Mexicaine. J. de Med. de Paris, 1883,
vol. 5, pp. 225, 257. Also: Bull. Soc. de Med. Prat, de Paris (1883)
1884, p. 99..
Heinemann (C): Beitrage zur Kenntniss des gelben Fiebers an der
Ostkuste Mexiko's. Arch. f. path. Anat, etc., Berl., 1879, Ixxviii, 139-
189. Also, Reprint.
Heinemann (C.) : Estudios sobre le fiebre amarilla (vomito) en la
costa oriental de la Republica Mejicana. Cron. med.-quir. de la
Habana, 1882, viii, 353, 411, 474, 518, 566. Ibid., Neue Beitrage zur
Kenntniss des gelben Fiebers an der Ostkuste Mexico's. Ach. f. path.
Anat. [etc.], Berl., 1888, cxii, 449-463.
Heinemann (C): Estudios de la Fievre Amarilla (Vomito) en la
Costa Oriental de la Republica Mejicana. Cron. Med. Quir. de la
Habana, 1882, vol. 8, pp. 353, 411, 474, 518, 566.
Humboldt (W.) : Extract from a Communication addressed to tlie
Sanitary Commission cf New Orleans, on the Fever in Mexico. See
Sanitary Report, New Orleans, 1854.
Humboldt: Political Essay on the Kingdom of New Spain
Jimenez (M. F.): Fiebre amarilla tomada en Vera Cruz y desenvuelta
en Mexico. Gac. Med., Mexico, 1866, ii, 313-317.
Liceaga (E.) : Contributions to the Study of Yellow Fever from a
Medico-Geographical point of view. (Mexico) Am. Pub. Health Assn.
Rep. (1893), Concord, 1894, vol. 19, p. 112; (1897) 189S, vol. 23, p. 442;
vol. 24, p.. 135, (Discussion) 328. Also: (Abstr.) Med. & Surg. Reporter,
Phila., 1893, vol. 69, p. 701.
Liceaga (E.): Report on Yellow Fever in the Republic of Mexico
from October 31, 1901, to September 30, 1902. Am. Pub. Health Assn.,
Rep. 1902, Columbus, 1903, vol. 28, p. 258.
Liceaga (E.): Yellow Fever in Mexico. Am. Pub. Health Assn. Re-
ports, 1903, vol. 28, p. 258; 1905, vol. 30, p. 214; 1906, vol. 31, p. 284;
1907, vol. 32, pt. 1, p. 38.
Liceaga (E): La fiebre amarilla en Mexico. Cron. Med. Quir de la
Habana, 1905, vol. 31, p. 6.
Liceaga (E.): Contribucion al Estudio de la Fiebre Amarilla bajo
el punto de vista de su Geografia Medica y su Proifilaxia en la Repub-
lica Mexicana. 8°. Mexico, 1894:
1
7G6 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
Mejia (D): Mexico: Investigation of Suspected Yellow Fever on
Pacific Coast. Pub. Health Rep., U. S. Marine Hosp. Serv., Wash.,
1897, vol. 12, p. 290.
Mendizabal (G.) : Considerations upon the endemical character of
yellow fever upon the coast of the Gulf of Mexico. Am. Pub. Health
Assn. Rep. 1891, Concord, 1892, vol. xvii, 193-198.
Mitchell (B. R.) : Yellow fever in Mexico. Med. Exam., Phila., 1848,
n. s., iv, 285-291.
Neue: Beitrage zur Kenntmiss des gelben Diebers an der Ostkuste
Mexico's. Arch. f. Path. Anat. (etc.), Berl. 1888, vol. 112, p. 449.
The Ravages of yellow fever in Mexico and Panama. Med. News,
Phila., 1883, xliii, 419.
Ruez (A.) : La fievre jaune au Mexique en 1862. Gas hebd. de med.,
Paris, 1862, ix, 738; 801.
Ruiz y Sandoval (G.) : Fiebre Amarilla Epidemica a lo largo del
Rio Bravo y del Litoral del Pacifico en los ano 1882-1883. Voz de
Hipocrates, Mexico, 1884, vol. 2, p. 278, 286.
Santos Fernandez (J.) : Yellow Fever is the Great Obstacle which
is encountered by the Civilization of Spanish America. Translated by
W. Thompson. 8°. Mexico, 1896.
Thomas (L.): Une Epimedie Mexicaine au Xviii Siecle., le Cocolisti
ou matlazahuatl des Indiens. In his Lecture sur I'Hist. de la Med.. 8°.
Par., 1885, p. 1.
Yellow fever in Sonora. [Guaymas.] Pacific M. & S. J., San Fran.,
1884-5, xxvii, 118-120.
767
UNITED STATES.
HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER IN THE UNITED
STATES, BY LOCALITIES, FROM 16C8 TO 1909.
General Nummary.
Yellow fever has never been known to originate de novo
in the United States of America. Previous to 1668, it
was unknown in this country. It was imported from
Havana to New York that year and caused much mor-
tality. Twenty-three years later (1691) Boston was in-
fected by the West Indies, and in 1693 Philadelphia and
Charleston experienced their first visitations of the dis-
ease, the infection in both instances being- carried from
the West Indies.
In December, 1193, fourteen months after the discovery
of America, while on his second vo^^age, Columbus landed
on the island of San Domingo and founded the town of
Ysabella. This was the first settlement by Europeans in
the Western Hemisphere. That same month, the little
band of adventurers was attacked by a pestilential dis-
ease whose symptoms were now to medical science, and
which was no doubt the malady now knoAvn as yellow
fever. This pestilence lasted three years, mowing down
the Spaniards as fast as they arrived from tlie Old World.
Ysabella Avas finally abandoned in 1496, on account of its
insalubriety and never rebuilt.
Oviedo, Gomara and Ilerrera, chroniclers of the period,
in their description of the pestilential sickness which
decimated the Spaniai-ds fi'om 1493 to 1496, specially men-
tion the yellowness of the skin of those afflicted at
Ysabella.
This is the first epidemic of yeUow fever recorded in
history.
768 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEYER.
While cruising along the coast of San Domingo in 1494,
Columbus w^s attacked by the "American Pestilence,"
and narrowly escaped death. His son, Ferdnand Col-
umbus, in his interesting account of the voj'ages of the
great explorer, speaks of the coma which accompanied the
fever.
On March 27, 1495, was fought the battle of Vega-Eeal,
in which the handful of Spanish soldiers under Columbus
put to Hight '"a multitude of Indians." The natives, who
looked upon the white men as gods, fled precipitatedly
before the advancing foreigners. Shortly after the en-
counter, the Spaniards were decimated by a worst enemy
than the unoffending islanders — yellow fever, which from
that day proved the greatest and almost unsurmountable
obstacle to the colonization of the New World.
The pestilence at Yega-Real was so murderous and the
epidemics which followed wherever the Spaniards at-
tempted to establish a settlement in the West Indies were
so frightfully mortal, that the King of Spain decided to
send all the malefactors of his kingdom to Hispanola (San
Domingo), promising a full pardon to murderers after
sojourning two years on the island. Those guilty of
minor offenses were given their freedom if they escaped
the terrors of the "Yellow Demon" after one year. It
is a significant fact that few returned to their native
land.
The following resume, made by the United States
Marine Hospital Service, shows that in almost exevj in-
stance the disease under discussion was carried to the
seaboard cities of the United States by vessels from the
West Indies :
769
TahlI'-, showing years jn v. men yej.low fever has inxadf.d thk searoard
CITIES- OF THE UNITED STATES, CITIES VISITED, AND SOURCE OF INFECTION' ( 1068-
1893), CHRONOLOGICALEY ARRANGED.
[Ill this table caaos of yellow fever wljiclvhave been detected and detained at quarantine Gta^ioiis are
not consi.iered. Epidemic yeara are marked witL an jE.]
Locality.
Origin.
Remarks.
Kew York.
Boston . ...
do
l'liiladeli;bia.
N'irffiuia.
Ii]ilad(.li)liia.
Hiloxi, Hiss
Cbarlestou, S. C
Mobile
Cbarleslon.S. C.
Louisiana
Chark'stoii, S. C.
Fliilad.lj.bi.-i
T7eat Indies.
-do
Pbiladelpliia
Cliarlestoi], S. C
.do
-do
.do
C'barloston, S. C
>? e\V York West Ind ics .
W^est Indies .
Accordinij to Toner tbo llrst appearance of
yellow lever in the United States. (Report
U. S. Marine-Hospital Service, 1873; J. H.
Griscom, M. Rep., 1850, p. 561.)
Infected for the first time by a vessel from tho
West. Indies. (B. Dowler, Tableau of Yel-
low Fever, 1853, p. 7.)
AVheeler's Heet brought the disease from Bar-
badosand Martinique. (Hutchinson, History
of ITew England, Vol. IL p. 72; and Ledird,
New History of England, III, p. 110; also Ed.
N. Y. J. M., 185G, p. 278, Toner.)
'La Rorlie (Vol. I, p. 48) ; accofdiDg to Toner
I tho disease first visited Philadelphia in 1695
and Cliarleston in 1699. Both authors attrib-
I ute the origin of tlie epidemic to boats com-
^ ing from the Antilles.
According to Toner the first appearance of
yellow fever on the Delaware (J. N.SchooI-
ticld, Va. Med. Jour., 1857, p. 358), brought by
boat from tho West Indies. (B6reDger-r6-
rand, p. 36.>
TiiP lleet of Admiral Nevil brought the disease
from the \\'est Indies to \'irginia. The mor-
tality wasfonsidiTablc. The admiral himself
died, and of all the captains only one sur-
vived. (UtTenger-Fi'iaud, Traitetlieoretique
et cliniquo do la fievre .jaune, 1890, p. 37.)
220 out of 2,000 or 3,000 inliabitants died of
yellow fe\ er, called at the time the Barbados
fever. Ix'causo it was luought by a ship from
that island. (Bi^lly. after Lytler, American
Registers, Vol. I;"R. La lioche, Ch. M.J.
and Rev., 1852, p. 58, Toner.)
Simon's Trans. S. C. Med. Assn., 1851, p. 37,
Toner.
A severe epideniic, said to have been brought
to the city by a bale of cotton from St.
Thomas. The fever this year was carried
along the lints of trade as far as Biloxi.
(Berenger-FOraud, loc.cit.,p. 39.) 570deaths.
(J. H. Griscom, Visitation of Yellow Fever,
p.2.)
Drake Dis. Int. Valley of N. A., 191. (Toner.)
According to Kewclt the disease was brought
by way of the sea. (Bi-renger-Feraud, lijc.
cit.) Simon's Trans. S. C. Mod. Assn., 1851,
p. 37. (Toner.)
(P. H. Lewis. N. O. Med. Jour., 1845, Vol. I,
p. 283.)
(Carpenter, sketclics from the history of yel-
low fever, 1844, p. 11. Simon's Trans. S. C.
Med. Assn., 1851, p. 37. Toner.)
Berenger-Feraud, loe.cit.i). 43.
Severe epidemic, 8 to 12 deaths daily from May
ioOctolier. (Toner.) Brought to port by a
vessel from tho West Indies (Montrio and
Linning) and Simon's Trans. S.C.Med. Assn.,;
18.')l,p. 37. (Toner.)
Carpenter, loe. cit., p. 11. Daily Shroveport
Times, Vol. II, Ko. 311, 1873. '(Toner.) 250
deaths .(Btrenger-Feraud, loc. cit.)
Ta1!LE S.IuWING YKARS IN' WHICH YKLLOW FEVEK HAS INVADED THK SEAKOAKD
ciTiKS oi" THK United States, etc. — Contiuued.
Year.
1732
1734
1735
1737
173'J
1741 E
1741
1741
1741
1742
1742
1742
1743
1743
1743
1744
1745 E
1745
1747 E
1747
1747
1748
1748
1749
Locality
175,-.
1761
1762 E
1762
1762
1763
1703
1764
17C5
New York
Charlostou, S. C
Xew Haven. Conn
Norfolk
Eciriark.s.
J. H. Griscom, Visitation of Yellow Fever,
p. 3. (Touer.)
T. Harris. (Philadelphia M. and P. J., No. 5,
p. 21.)
Pariset, quoted by Berenger-Feraud, loc. cit.,
p. 45.
Tho disease %vas brought to Virginia* from
the Antilles, accordinj: to Mitchell &. liush.
(All account of the Bilious Vomiting Yellow
Fever.)
According to Linning and Raiueay. (Descrip-
tion of yellow fever, Vol. tl, p. 370.) Tlie
disease came from the AVe.st Indies. H.
Hume, Ch. M. J. and Rev. 1854, p. 145. (To-
ner.) Cai-penter, loc. cit., p. 11.
Carpenter, loc. cit., p. 12. The disea-so was
brought to the city in June, presumably in a
trunk of clothing from the ^N est Indies.
(Bcrenger-Ferand, loc. cit.) 250 deaths. (J.
H. Gri.scom, Visitation of Yellow Fever, p. 3.)
B^renger-Feraud. (Med. Repos., Aug. IHIO.)
Ed.N. Y. J. :ir.,lS.56,p.278. (Toner.)
15 dtatlis. (Berenger-Fcraud, loc. cit., p. 47J
Bert'ngtr-Fcraud, loc. cit., p. 46.
Ed.N. Y. J. M.,]856,p. 278. (Toner.)
B. Dowler, Tableau of Yellow Fever, p. 3.
(Toner.)
Do.
217 deatlia, J. H. Griscom, VisitatioE of Ycllov.-
Fever, p. 3. (Toner.)
Berenger-F^raud, loc. cit., p. 48.
Brought to the city by an infected ship from
the West Indies. (B6renger-r6raud, loc.
cit., p. 48.) R. La Roche, Ch. M. J. and Rev.,
1852, p. 458. (Toner.)
According to Linning. brought to port by an
infected ship from the "West Indies. (B6r.
enger-Feraud. loc. cit.) W. Hume, Ch. il. J.
and Rov., 1854, p. 145. (Toner.)
J. H. Griscom, Visitation of Yellow Fcvor, p.
3. (Toner.) -
Currie, Rush, and Bally. (Berenger-F6raud,
loc. cit.) R. La Roche, Ch. M. J. and Rev.
1852, p. 458. (Toner.)
Bally. (B6renger-F6raud, loc. cit.) Daily
Shreveport Times, Vol. II, No. 311, 1873.
(Toner.)
J. H. Griscom, Visitation of Yellow Fever, p.
4. (Touer.)
The disease this year was, according to Moul-
trie and Linning, imported by a contami-
nated vessel from the "West Indies. B6r-
enger-Feraud, loc. cit.) "W. Hume, Ch. M.J.
and Rev., 1854, p. 145. (Toner.)
Dailv Shreveport Times, Vol. II, No. 811, 1S73.
(Toner.) >
Moreau de Jonn^s. (Monographio historique
et medicalo do la fievre'jaune, Paria, 1820,
p. 56.)
Sporadic. (Linning and Ramsay.) "W. Hiimo,
Ch. M. J. and Rev., 1854. p. 145. (Toner.)
Do.
Harris. Philadelphia M. and Ph. J.,1305,p Jl.
(Toner.)
Severe epidemic Ptartod by a sailor from Ha-
vana, who communicated the disease to hia
family. (Redman, quoted by Bally.) J- H-
Griscom, Visitation of Yellow Fever, p- 5.
(Toner.)
Dawson and Do Saussuro, CensusTof CharhH-
t(in. (Toner.)
Dailv Shreveport Times, Vol.' II, No. SU,
1873. (Toner.)
Si)orndi'-. (Rush.) ,
250 deaths (Toner), Med. Rep. 1853, p, 107.
P. S. Townscud. N. Y. M. and Ph. J., 1823,
I I p. 315. (Toner.)
Mobile ■ ' Drako, Dis. liit. Valley of N. A., p. 210,
(Toner.)
Charlcstor
Now York
Philadelphia
NorfolU
Ncv/ York !
Charleston, S. C 'Wo.~t Indies.
New York.
Charleston, S.C.
.do
.do
-do.
rhil.-vdelihia.
^Vei.t Iiidii.
Chr.xlczU:
(■
New York.
Pliila<lelp!ii.T
Nantucket, M.i.-
PeiK-iacohi
771
Tahlk sHOWtxr. yi:ai;s ix wificu yellow fever has ixvaded the seaboard
riTiKS OF THE UxiTKD STATES, ETC. — Continued.
Tear.
Lotality.
1765 E
1766
176^
1769 .
1770
.1783
178'J
17S9
1789
1789 E
1790
1791
K91
1791 E
1792
1792
1793 E
1793 E
1793
1793
1791 E
1794 E
1794
1794
1794 E
1794
1794
1795 E
1795
1795
1705
Pensacola
Mobile
Charleston, S. C .
NcwOrleau.s
Charleston, S. C
Baltimore
Norfolk
Baltimore ...
Philadelphia.
New York . . .
do
New Orleans.
Philailel])hia.
New York . . .
Charleston, S.C.
New York —
New Orleans.
Philadelphia.
Portsmouth, N.H.
New York .
New Orleans
Charleston, S. C -
Ori;;in.
West Indies .
West Indies .
.do
.do
Norfolk . . .
Baltimore.
Philadelphia.
New York
Providence, R. I . ..
New Haven, Conn
New Orleans
Charleston, S. C.
Norfolk . ..
Baltimore
Remarks.
West Indies.
...do
A British garrison was sent from England to
occupj' the city, and coming liy the way
of the West Indies, introduced thc^ disease.
(Monette-Williams, Carpenter, loc.cil., p. I'J.)
125 death.s. (Lind, Vol. I, p. 45; lJeren;:er-
Feraud, loc. cit., and Drake Dis. Int. Valley
of N. A., p. 190.)
P. H. Lewis, N. O. M. J., Vol. I, No. 4, 1845,
p. 283. (Toner.)
M. M. Dewier, N. O. M. J., 1859, p. 305. (Toner.)
The first appearance of yellow fever in New
Orleans. (S. Chaille, Va. M. J., 1858, p. 498.
Toner.)
T. Harris, Phila. M. and Ph. J., 1805, p. 21.
(Toner.)
Webster, quoted by 15erenger-Fi'raud, loc. cit.,
p. 57.
Bi'renger-Feraud, loc. cit., p. 58.
Do.
Do.
W. Hume, Ch. M. J. and Rev., 1860, p. 24.
(Toner.)
Sporadic. (Bally.)
S. Chaille, Va. M. J., 1858, p. 498. (Toner.)
B<^renger-F6raud. loc. cit., p. J8.
Ed.N.Y.J.M.,1856,p. 278. Report on Quaran-
tine on the Southern and Gulf Coasts of the
U.S. (H.E.Brown, 1873.)
W. Hume, Ch. M. J. and Rev., 1852,-V 115.
(Toner.)
Ed. N.Y.J, il.. 1850, p. 278.
Trans. A. M. A., Vol. II, 1853, p. 665. (Toner.)
Carpenter, loc. eit., p. 12. 4,044 deaths in 3
months in a population of 55,000. (Rush.)
The epidemic is said to have started in a
sailors' boarding house, where the crew of a
French corsair (which hart been contami-
nated at the West Indies) were stopping.
B6renger-F6raud, loc. cit., p. 60. Carey, Ac-
count of the Malignant Fever, p. 116.
(Toner.)
The infection was brought to this port by a
vessel from Martinique. One of the crew
died en route. All ycere well upon arrival.
The first case occurred at the house where the
captain was stopping. (BereugerFeraud,
loc. cit., p. 62.)
Introduced by vessels from the West Indies,
many of which brought refugees who fled
from Santo Domingo. A vessel entered from
Santo Domingo with several cases of yellow
fever on board. (Carev; Carpenter, loc. cit.,
p. 13.) Sporadic, Ed. N. Y. J. M., 1856, j).
278. (Toner.)
Stethoscope, Vol. Ill, No. 11, 1853, p. 665.
(Toner.)
W. Hume, Ch. M. J. and Rev., 1852, p. 145.
(Toner.)
J. H. Griscom, N.Y. J. M.,1856,V. 369. (Toner.)
W. Hume, Ch. M. J. and Rev., 1860, p. 24.
(Toner.)
La Roche, B. of H. Rep., Phila., 1870. p. 53.
(Toner.)
Ed. N. Y. J. M., 1850, p. 278. (Toner.)
By boat from the Antilles. (Med. Jour. 1812,
■p. 28.)
Brought there by a trunk of effects of nn indi-
vidual who died of the disease at Martiui(iue.
Three persons who assisted in o]ieniiig the
trjmk died of yellow fever in a few days.
(Berenger-Feraiid, loc. cit., p. 63; W. Hume,
Cli. M. J. and Rev., 1860, p. 24). (Toner.)
Stetho.scopo, Vol. Ill, No. 11, 1853, p. 665.
(Toner.)
W. Hume, Ch. M. J. and Rov., 1852, p. 146.
(Toner.)
J. n. Gri.scom, N.Y. J. M..1850. p. 309. (Toner.)
Toner (U. S. M. H. S. Rep., li>7'^) ;iud Biienger-
Feraud, loo. cit.
77i
Table showing ykatis tx which yellow fever has invaded the seaboard
CITIES OF THE UNITED STATES, ETC. — Continued.
Year.
Locality.
Origin.
Eemarks.
1795 E
1795 E
1795
1795
1796 E
1790
1796
1796
1790
1796
1796
1796
1796
1797
1797
1797
1797
1797
1797 E
1797 E
1798 E'
1798
1798
1798 E
1798 E
1798
1798 E
1798 E
1798 E.
1798 E
1798 E
1798
1798 E
1798
1799 E
1799 E
Xew York .
West Indies.
Philadelphia
Providence, R. I
Boston.
New Orleans
Wilmington, N. C
Norfolk
Philadelphia
Now York
Proviilrnce, R. I
Newburyport. Mass
Portsmouth, N. H
Charleston, S. C
Boston.
New Orleans
Charleston. S.C.
Norfolk
Baltimore..
New York
Providence, R. I
Philadelphia.
Charleston, S.C-
West Indies.
.do
West Indies.
-do
Norfolk
Baltimore
Philadelphia.
Chester, Pa
Newcastle, Del. ..
Wilmington, Del.
New York
West Indies
Boston .
Salem. Mass ...
Portsmouth, N. 11
Newburyport, Mass.
West Indies .
West Indies .
Hartford. Conn
New London, Conn
Stonington, Conn . .
New Orleans
Charleston, S. C.
The disease was brought here by the brig
Zephyr from Port au Prince. There were
700 deaths in .3 months in a population of
40,000. (B<:-renger-F6raud, loc. cit.. p. 64;
Bayleys Account of Yellow Fever, 1796.)
B^rcngcr-FOraud, p. 64.
W. Hume, Ch. M. J. and Rev., 1860, p. 24.
(Toner.)
Dowler, Tableau of Yellow Fever, 1853, p. 7.
(Toner.)
Stethoscope, Vol. lU, No. 11, 1853, p. 665.
J. H. Grisrom, N. Y. J. M., p. 369
V,i. M. J.,1857, p. 95. (Toner.)
J. H, Griscom, N. Y.J. M., 1856, p. 368 and 369.
(Toner.)
Ed. N. Y.J M.. 1856, p. 278.
Berenger-FC'raud, loc. cit., p. 64.
J . H. Griscom, N. Y. J. M., 1856, p. 369.
Berenger-Ftraud, loc. cit.jp. 65.
Brought by a vessel from Havana. (B^rengor-
F6raud, loc. cit., p. 65.) W. Hume, Ch. M. J.
and Rev., 18.52, p, 145.
According to Warren, brought by a vesselfrom
St. Domingo. (Berenger-F^raad, loc. cit., p.
65. ) J. H. Griscom, N. Y. J. M., 1856, p. 369.
Stethoscope, Vol. HI, No. IL 1853, p. 665.
(Toner.)
W. Hume, Ch. M. J. and Rev., 1852, p. 145.
(Toner.)
J. H. Griscom.N. Y. J. M.,1866,p. 369. (Toner.)
J. H. Griscom, Visitation of Yellow Fever, p. 8.
(Toner.)
Ed. N. Y. J. M., 1856, p. 278. (Toner.)
The disease was brought here by the Betsy
from the West Indies. (Berenger-Fferaud,
loc. cit., p. 65.) 45 deaths, Dowler, Tableau of
Yellow Fever, p. 10.
The college of physicians of Phi^elphis
attributed the introduction of the disease
this year to tlie L'Arethuse with slaves from
Jamaica and Havana. (B6rengev-F6raud,
loc. cit., p. 65.) ] , 300 deaths, Rush, Epidemic
of 1797. (Toner.) Dowler, i). 10, loc. cJt.
T. Y. Simons. Ch. M. J. and Rev., 1851, p. 779.
(Toner.)
Va. M.J. ,1857, p. 05. (Toner.)
W. Hume. Ch. M. J. .^nd Rev., 1860, p. 24.
Tho disease was l)rouglit by a vessel from St.
Domingo. (Caillot, ]i, 213", and Currie, quoted
by BercDgerFeraud, loc. cit., p. 66.) 3,500
deatlis, Rush, epidemic of 1798. (Toner.)
50 deaths, J. H Ciiscom., Visitation of Y.'Uow
Fever, )>. 9. (Toner.)
J. Stephens, Med. Mus., 1809, p. 153. (Toner.)
2.50 deaths, Med. Mus., 1,«09. p. 153. (Toner.)
2,080 deaths, Ed. N. Y. J. M., 1856, p. 278.
(Toner.) Carpenter, loc. cit. j). 13.
200 deaths, J. H. Griscom, N. Y. J. M., 1856, p.
369. (Toner.)
J. Gotham, jr., M.-d. Rep., 1856, p. 563. (Toner.)
100 deaths, brought by a ship from Martinique.
(Moreau de Jonnes, p. 17.S.)
]5rought to the city by an infected vessel, the
Sally, with sick abniird. Five days after her
arrival tho disease declared itself. (Bd-renger-
Firaud, loc. cit., p. 67.)
Brown, Quarantine, p. 8. (Toner.)
81 deaths, Ed. M. Repos., 1799, p. 211. (Toner.)
J. Comstock. M. Repos., 1807. p. 23. (Toner.)
A sexere epidemic year. Old. acclimated in-
habitants died of the disease. (Beronger-
Feraud, loc. cit, p. 67.) S. Chaille, Va. M. J.,
1858, ]). 498. (Toner.)
Contaminated by a Siianish vessel; 239 deaths..
(BOrenger-Feraud, loc. cit., p. 07.) 239dcaths.
W. Hume, Ch. M. J. and Rev., 1854, p. 145.
(Toner.)
'A cevere epidemic year.
773
Table showing years in which yellow feveu has invaded the searoard
CITIES OF THE UNITED STATES, ETC. — Coutiuued.
Locality.
Origin.
Remarks.
Norfolk . . .
Baltimore.
Philadelphia.
New York. . .
New Orleans .
West ladies .
Charleston, S. C . . .
Wilmington, N.C.
Norfolk
Baltimore.
Philadelphia
New York
New Bedford, Conn .
Hartford, XlJonn
Providence, E. I
Boston.
New Orleans.
Norfolk
Baltimore ...
Philadelphia
New York
Block Island, R.I...
New Bedford, Mass.
Savannah. Ga
Norwich, Conn
Philadelphia
West Indies .
New Orleans.
Charleston...
Norfolk
Wilmington, Del.
Baltimore
Boston
New York .
New Orleans
Charleston, S. C .
Norfolk
Philadelphia.
New York...
New Haven, Conn .
New Orleans
Charleston ,
Norfolk ,
New Uaven, Conn
Charleston ,
Norfolk . . .
Baltimore
Va. M.J.,1857,p.95 (Toner.)
W. Hniue, Cli. M. J. and Kev., I860, p. 24.
(Toner.)
The disease is said to have been brought here
this year by the sloop La Marie taken by the
LeGange. (B<:-reuger-Fcraud,loc. cit.,ii.07.)
1,000 Ueatiis, La Roche, Ch. M.J. and Rev.
1852, p. 458. (Toner.)
76 deatlis. Ed. N. Y. J. M.. 1856, p. 278. (T(«icr.)
Infected by a vessel from Havana. (R^renger-
Feraud.loc.cit., p. 68.) S. Chaillo, Va. M.J.,
1858, p. 498. (Toner.)
184death8, W.Hume, Ch. M.J. and Rev., 1854,
p. 145. (Toner.)
M. Repos., 1800, p. 197. . (Toner.)
250 deaths, Med. Repos., Vol. IV, p. 320.
(Toner.)
W. Hume, Ch. M. J. and Rev., 1860, p. 24.
(Toner.)
Dowler, loc. cit., 1854, p. 10.
21 deaths, Ed. N. Y.J. M., 1856, p. 278. (Toner.)
Brown, Quarantine, p. 9. (Toner.*
M. Repos., 1800, p. 197. (Toner.)
W. Hurae, Ch. M. J. and Rev., 1860, p. 24.
(Toner.)
S. Emlen, N. A. M, Odd S. J., 1828, p. 321.
(Toner.) .
S. Chaill6, Va. M. J., 1858, p. 498. (Toner.)
Va. M.J., 1857, p.95. (Toner.)
W.Hume, Ch. M. J. and Rfiv., 1860, p. 24.
(Toner.)
Do.
140 victims, Dowler. loc. cit., 1854, p. 11.
Aaron C.Willev, M. Repos., I860, p. 24. (Toner.)
B. Dowler, loc. cit., 1854, p. 11.
B. Dowler, loc. cit., p. 11.
Do.
Probably brought to the city this year by the
corsair le Sans-Culottes de Nantes, which
captured the Spanish sliip la Flore, with yel-
low fever, from the Antilles, and brought the'
prize to the city. On the 3d of August, four
days after the arrival of the corsafi', the
disease appeared in aliostelry frequented
by the crew; 307 deaths fo'lowed. (Catliral
and Ourrie, Bally, p. 455; B6rengerr6r.iud.
p. 71; Carpenter, sketches from history of
yellow fever; aleo W. Hume, Ch. M. J. and
Rev., 1860, p. 24. (Toner.)
B. Dowler, Tableau of Yellow Fever, 1853, p. 12.
(Toner.)
90 deaths, W. Hume, Ch. M. J. and Rev., 1854,
p. 145. (Toner.)
Va. M. J. , 1857, p. 95. (Toner.)
86 deatlis. Med. Repos., 1803, p. 235. (Toner.)
M. Repos., 1803, p. 100. (Toner.)
60 deaths, J. Gotham, Med. Rep., 1856, p. 563.
(Toner.)
2 deaths at Marine Hospital, W. Hume, Ch. M.
J. and Rev., 1860, p. 24. (Toner.)
B^reuger-F^raud, loc. cit., p. 73.
Simon's Trans. S. C. Med. Assn., 1851, p. 37.
(Toner.)
200 deaths. (B6renger-F6raud, loc. cit., p. 73.)
Va. M. J., 1857, p. 95. (Toner.)
195 deaths, W. Hume, Ch. M. J. and Rev., 1860.
p. 24. (Toner.)
600 to 700 deaths, Ed. N. Y. J. M., 1856, p. 278.
(Toner.)
Brown. Quarantine, 1872, p. 9. (Toner.)
S. Chaill6, Va. M. J.,1858,p.498. (Toner.).
148 deaths, Simons Trans. S. C. Med, Assn.,
1851, p. 37. (Toner.)
Va. M. J., 1857, p. 95. (Toner.)
Brown, Quarantine, 1872, p. 9. (Toner.)
Simon's Trans. S. C. Meu.
(Toner.)
,Va. M. J., 1857, p. 95. (Toner.)
J. H. Griscom, Viaitatiou of Yellow Fever,
p. n. (Toner.)
Assn., 1851, p. 37.
774
TaBLB showing YEAKS in which YKI.UtW I'EVER HAS INVADED THK SEAUOAUD
CITIES ov THK United States, etc. — Coutinued.
Year.
Locality.
Remadis.
1805 E
1805
1805
1805
1805 E
1806
180G
1807
1807
1807 E
1807
1807
1808 £
1808
1808
1809
1809
1809 E
1810
1810
1811
1811
1811
1811
1812
1812
1813
1814
1815
1815
1816
1816
1817 £
1817
1817 E
1817
Philadelphia.
Now Haven, Conn
Providence, R. I ..
West Indies .
Boston
New York .
Richmond. Va.
Newport, R. I .
St. Augustine, Ela
Savannah
Charleston, S. C .
Philadelpliia
New York
St. Marys, Ga ...
Savannah.
New York .
Savannah .
New Orleans.
Philadelphia.
New York...
Brooklyn
Pensatola ...
Philadelphia.
New York . . .
Pensacola
New Orleans
Philadelphia ,
Perth Amhoy, N.J ..
New Orleans . . .
Charleston, S.C.
Pbiladel])hia
Philadelphia
Philadelphia
New York
Philadelphia.
West Indies.
West Indies
New York . . .
New Orleaos.
Savannah
Charleston, S. C.
West Indies .
New York
5553 — VOL I 28
Brought to the city by the schooner Nancy
from St. Domingo. The disease extended
along the Delaware to Chester. (Berenger-
F(:rau<l, loc. cit., p. 80. > 300 to 400 deaths,
Hume, Ch. M. J . and Rev., 1860, p. 24. (Toner.)
B. Dowler, Tableau of Yellow Fever, p. 13.
(Toner.)
Presumably brought to tho city by three ves-
sels, Sainte-Croix, Antigoa, and La Havane,
from the West Indies, Med. .Journal, 1812.
p. 28. (BeraDger-FiTaud, loc. cit., p. 81.)
J. H. Gri.scom, Visitation of Yellow Fever,
p. 13. (Toner.)
340 deaths, J. H. Griscom, il. Rep., 1850, p. 561.
(Toner.)
il. Repos., 1807, p. 215.
Toner (0. S. M. H. S. Rep., 1873), and Bt;renger-
Fc^-raud, loc. cit., y. 81. •
Brown, Quarantine, p. 32. (Toner.)
B. Dowler, Tableau of Yellow Fever, p. U.
(Toner.)
162 deaths. Simon's Trans. .S. C. Med. Assn.,
p. 38. (Toner.)
3 deaths, B. Dowler, Tableau of Yellow Fever,
1853. p. 14. (Toner.)
3 deaths at Marine Hospital, J. H. Griscom,
M. Rep., 1856, p. 561. (Toner.)
The Polly arrived at St. Marys, Ga., from Sa-
vannah with two case.s on board. The sick
disembarked and coiunmnicated thedisea.ie
to the village; of 350 white iohabitants over
300 died; of 150 negroes, only 3 died of the
disease. (Berenger Feraud, loc. cit.. p. 82.)
One death at Marine Hospital, Ed. N. Y.J. M.,
1856, p. 284. (Toner.)
B. Dowler, Tableau of Yellow Fever, p. 14.
(toner.)
S. Chaill6, Ta. M. J., 1858. p. 498. (Tonor )
B. Dowler, Tableau of Yellow Fever, 1853, p. II.
(Toner.)
By ship Concord from Havana, Ed. N. Y.J. M.,
"1856, p. 284. (Toner.)
40 deaths, Ed. N. Y. J. M., 1856, p. 278. (Toucr.)
Berenger-Feraud. loc. cit., \>. 83.
3 deatlis, B. Dowler, Tableau of Yellow Fever,
1853, p. 14. (Toner.)
1 death at Marino Hospital, Ed. N. Y. J. il.,
1856, p. 284. (Toner.)
Drake Dis. Int. Talleyof N. A., p. 190. (Touer.)
S. Chailb-, Va. M. J., i858, p. 498. (Toner.)
5 deaths, B. Dowler, Tableau of Yellow Fever,
1853, p. 14. (Toner.)
The brig Favorite brought the disiasc from
Havana to Perth Am boy. (I'.ciwen on the
Yellow Fever.) (Reports of tho \. Y. IJ.of
H., Yol. IV p. 335.) ( Berenger- FCraud, loc.
cU.,p.83.)
S- Chains, Va. M. J., 1858, p. 498. (Toner.)
\V. Hume, Ch. M. J. and Rev., 1854, p. 145,
(Toner.)
0 deaths, B. Dowler, Tableau of Yellow Fever,
1853. p. 14. (Toner.)
7 deatlis, B. Dowler, Tableau of Yellow F<-ver,
1853. p. 14. (Toner.)
2 deatlis, B. Dowler, Tableau of Yellow Fever,
IS.'iS, p. 14. (Toner.) .
7 death-s at Marine Hospital, Ed. N. Y. J. M.,
1856.11.284. (Toner.)
2 de.Uh.s, B. Dowler, Tableau of Yellow Fever,
1853, ]). 14. (Toner.)
Ed. N. Y. J. M., ISaf^p. 284. (Toner.)
Brought by the E&glish cutter Phtenix from
Havana. (Carpenter, luc. cit., p. 17.) Snt
deaths, H. Chaill^, Va. M. J., 1858, p. 4'.t8-
(Toner-)
B6renger- Feraud. loc. cit-, p. 88.
272 deaths, Dowler, N. O- M. J., 1859, p. 597.
(Toner.)
4 deaths ;it marine hospital, Eil. N. Y. J. M.,'
1850, p. 281. (Toner.)
775
TUSLK SIKIWINC YEARS IN WHICH YF.I.I.OW I KVFU HAS INVadki. TIIK SEAnOAKL>
ClTllCS (tK TIIK ('NITED STATES, KTC. — Coilt inill'<l.
Year.
1818 !■:
1818
1818
1818 H
isi'j E
Local) fy.
Origin.
Rf murks.
Charl.-ston, S. C.
New York
r.altimon^ Havana.
Xrw Orlean.s
.do
1810 K Mobile.
1819
1819 K
Savannah
(Jliarlrnton, S. C
I'hiladclpliia.
linltiiuoro
New York
New Have I), Conn
Boston
West Indies.
New Orleans.
Savannah
Baltimore
I'liiladolphia.
Havana
Ni)W York
iliddlitowTi, Conn . .
St. Augtistiuc, I'la . .
Savannah
Mohile
Wilmington, N. O
Santiago clc (.'iiba.
Ha\ ana
TSaltimore.
Norlolk ..
New York ,
Peusai'ida
Xi'w Orlean.'j
Mohile.
Havana
Pen.sacola.
Charleston, S. (J. ...
Baltimore
New Y'ork i Havana.
NewOrh'ans
Key West
Now York
AVcsl Indie.s.
Brooklyn, N.Y
Natchez, MisH
New Orlean.'J
115 deaths, (B^rcnger-FiTaud. loc. rlt.. p. 88.)
4 deaths at marine liospital, Ed. N. Y. J. M.,
18,')6, p.281. (Toner.)
Carpenter, ioc. clt., p. 13.
115 death.s, Dewier, N. O. M. J.. 1859, p. 308.
(Toner.)
In tected bv a vessel from Havana. (Berenger
r6raiid,loc. cit., p. 89) There wer(^ 2,190
deaths. (S. Chaille, Va. M. J., 18.-)8, p. 498,
Toner.)
274dcath,s, P. H.Lewis, N.O. M..T.,Vol.I, No. 4,
184.">, p. 284. (Toner.)
A. M. Kec, 1820, p. 212. (Toner.)
117 deaths, Dowler, N. O. M. J., 1859, p. 597.
(Tinner.)
13 deaths, S. Emlen, N. A. M. and S. J., 1828,
11.321. ('loner.)
I). M. Reese, Yellow Fever, 1819, p. 27. (Toner.)
37deatli.s, Ed.N. Y. .J. M.. 1856, p. 281 . (Toner.)
F. I'a.scalis, M. Kepos., 1»20, p. 239. (Toner.)
S. Emlen, N. A. M. and S. J., 1828, p. 321.
(Toner.)
Carpenter, loc. cit. (S. Chaill6, Va. M. J.. 1858,
p. 498.)
N'^. O. J^I.and S. J., 1827, p. 1. (Toner.)
H. C. Jameson, A.J. M. ( '., IS.'SO, p. 372. (Toner.)
83 deatliH, S. Jack.son, A. M. Kec, 1821, p. 689.
(Toner.)
2 deatlis at Marine Hospital, Ed. N. Y.J.M.,
IS-'^.O, 11. 281. (Toner.)
Carpenter, lo(\<it., and M. Tully, N. Y. M. and
I'll, J.. 1822, p. 153.
( 'arpentcr, loc. cit. The disease was brought to
tlie T.'nited S(ates from Havana, and was
sevei'o iu several localities. (Berenger For
and, loc. <it., p. 90.) 140 deaths, J. (iotham
M. Hep., ]8.'ifi. p. .^64. (Toner.)
I'lerenger-Ferand, loc. cit., p. 89.
HiaUe, Dis. Int. Valley of N. A., p. 191. (Toner.)
.1. B. Hill, A.M. l.'ec, 1822, and Brown, Qnar.iu-
tine, i>. 18. (Toner.)
Il.tl. Jamesoti, A.J. M.C., 185(3, p.372. (Toner.)
Va. M. J., 1S.'.7, ]<.'X,. (Toner.)
|i; deaths at Marine, Ho.spilal, ICd. N. Y. J. M.,
18,".(;, p. 281. (Toner,)
Bioiight to the liiited States by emigrants from
the West, Indies. (Bcrenger-Feraud, loc.
■ (it., p. loii.) Carpenter, loc. cit. 259 deaths,
I>rake, Dis. lut. Valley of N. A., !>. 229.
(Toner.)
•SiU deaths. Tran:^. A. M. A , 1851, p. 207.
(Toner.) Iteliigees I'roin I'l'iisai'ola carried
the disease on the Ann and Elisa to New-
Orleans. (Beiengcr-Feraud, loc. cit., p. lUO,
and Caipeiiter.)
Drake. Dis. Int. Valley of N. A., ii. 101.
(Toner.)
2 deaths, N. O. M. J., IS.'iS, )>. [.97. (Toner.)
II. (r. Jameeoq, A.J. M. C, ]xr,i\, p. 372. (Toner.)
T'heship Enterprise from Ha\ana hronghtthe
diseaso into ])ort. (Berengt^r-Ft-raud. loc.
cit., p. 100. and Carpenter, loc. cit.) 230
deaths, Ed. N. y..T. M., 18,50, p, 281.
Tim lirst case occurred among West Indies'
shi|>piug. (Carpentei.) 1 death. Trana., A.
M. A., IS.'SKp. 207. (Toner.)
lUrenger-Ft'iand, loc. cit., p. 100.
5 deaths at Marino Hospital, Ed. N. T. J. M.,
1850, ).. 281.
Infected by the Diana, which left New Orleans
at the height of tho epidemic. The vessel
was detained in i|uarantine 30 days without
disinfection. (BerengerFeraud, loc. cit., p.
100.) Carpenter, Sketches of Yellow Fever.
(Toner.)
BerengerFeraud, loc. cit., p. 100, and Carpen*
ter.
'76
T.\r.l.K
-IIOWIXC YFAUS IN WHK II YKLLOW riCNKi: HAS INVADl.K IlIK SKAUOAKU
CITIES oi' Tin: L'Nincu .Statks, i:h;.— Continued.
Year.
1824 E
1824
1824
1824 a
1824
1825 E
1825
4825
1825
1825
1820
1826
182U
1827 K
1827
1827
1627
1827
1827
1828 E
1828 E
1828
1828
182!l ]■:
182<J E
182!»
1820
1830 E
18;iO K
18J0
1831
1831
1832
1832
1833 £
1833
1834 E
1834 K
Locilitv-
Origin.
lU'iiwirUs.
New ()rk;iiis..
Key We.>^l ....
Mobile
Uav;
Cliarlesloii
Isew Vorli
Kew Orleans...
Mobile
I'eusacohi
Cbaiieslon.S. C
N'ew York
New ()|li:uis...
W.-sl Iinlic^
Norfolk
New York.'...
New Orltrann
Pensiieola
Saviiunali
CbarFi-sloii, S. C
118 (Ic.itlis. Brnnslit to tlio city this year by
olio of the crew of a barfre. Tlie roan bad
roinuuiniealion willi (lie .S( liooner EuiigTaot
from Havana, which boat bacl yellow ferer
cases on boanl. (Ik ringer I'craml, !oc. eit.,
]>. 1(12; also Carpenter and Trans. A. M. A.,
IK'.l.i.. 207.)
n. Tieknor, N. A. M. an.l S. J.. 1827, p. 213.
Drake, Dis. Int. Valley of N. A., p. 191. (To-
iier.)
235 (leatlia, Dow Ice N. 0. if. .T., 1859, p. 597. (To-
ner.)
S (leatlia at Marine llosiiltal, Ed. N'. Y. .1. M.*
JS.'.G, p. •J81. (Tonei.)
•10 deaths, Irans. A. M. A.. 1851, and Drake,
p. 107. (Toner.)
Drake, Di.s. Int. Valley of N. A., p. 219. (To-
ner.)
^Vest Indian vessel. (Am. Pnb. Heallli As.tn.,
Adl.lV.) Brown, Quarantine, p. 3(i. (Ton<-r.)
2 d.allis, Dowl.r, N. O. M. J., 1850, p. 597.
(Toner.)
1 death at .Marine Ilospiial, Ed. N.Y. J. M., 185C,
p. 281. ('loner.)
5 (Icalbs, Trans. A. M. A., 1851, p. 207, and
Drake, )).ly7. (Toner.)
Coniiuiltee's report, p. 14. (Toner.)
2 deaths at Marine Hospital, Ed. N. Y, J. M.,
1856, p. 2f!l. (Toiiir.)
I(t9 deaths. Trans. A. M. A., 1851, p. 207, and
I I Drake, ]i. 197. (T'ouer.)
Mobile I Drake. Dis. Int. Valley of N. A., p. 219.
I I (Toiler.)
Med. .St.ttisti08, X'. S. Army, p. 58.
N.<>. M.and S..J., Vol. X.p. 145. (Toner.)
01 deaths. Dowler, N. O. M. J., 1859. p. 597.
(Toner.)
4 deaths at Marino Ilospital, Ed. N. Y. J. M..
1850,11.281. (Toner.)
13U death.s. Trans. A. M. A., 1851, p. 207 and
Drake, p. 197. (Toner.)
20 deaths, Dowler, N. O, M. J., 1859, p. .597.
(Toner.)
Drake, Dis. Int. V.illey of N. A., p. 191.
-<Toner.)
New York
New Orleans
CliarlesloM
Mobile
New York
New Oili:ans
Mobile
Key West
New York
Now Orleans
Cliai'lestou
New York
New ()rle:i
Sav.-mnab . .
New York.
Now Orleans.
do
New York. ..
do
Charleston ..
SoTeralea.ses(l!rreni!erFi:rand, lor. eit. p. 105),
no deaths, Ed. N. V. J. M., 1850, p. 281.,
(Toner.)
215 ileatjis, Trans. A. M. A. 1851, p. 207 and
Drake, p. 197. (I'oi«r.)
130 de.iths, Drake, Dj.s. lut, Yalley of N. A..
p. 191. (Toner.)
C. C. Dupre, Am. J. of Med. Sel., 1841, p. 380.
(Toner.)
No deaths, Ed. N. Y. J.M.. 1850, p. 281. (Toner.)
Few cases. (Berenger-Ferainl. loc. cit.,]>.106.)
117 deaths, Trajis. A. M. A., 1851, p. 207, and
Drake, p. 197. (Toner.)
39 deaths, Dowler, N. O. M. J., 1859, p. 597.
(Toner.)
Severak'ase9(IJerenger-r<Taud, Ioc.cit.,p.l07),
1 death, Ed. N. Y. J. M„ 1856, p. 281.
• (Toner.) •
'2 deaths. Trans. A. M. A.. 1851, p. 207, and
Dr.ake, p. 107. (Toner.)
Beronger-Feraiid, lor. eit.. p. 108.
1 death. at Marine]Ios).ital, Ed. N.Y.J. M., 1856,
p. 281. (Toner.)
18 .le.iths, Trans. A. M. A., 1851, p. 207, and
Drake, p. 197. (Toner.)
210 deaths. Trans A. M. A., 1851, p. 207, and
Drake, p. 197. (Toner.)
2 deaths at Marine Hospital, Ed. N. Y. J. M.,
1856, p. 281. (Toner.)
95 deaths, Trans. A. M. A.. 1851, p. 207. and
Drake, p. 197. (Toner) *
49 deaths, Dowler, N. O. M: J., 1859. p. 597.
(Toner.)
777
'J'aIII.l; .SJIOWINC. YEAUS l\ WIIKH YELLOW 1 KVEU HAS 1N\'A1>EI> illK SEAliOAIU)
cniEs OK HIE Uniteu States, etc. — Coufiuued.
Looiility.
C)ri}riu.
KS35 K
18:'.:.
183.-.
■is;;f>
18.;7 y.
1S37 !•;
18:!8 !•;
l.S:)><
I8;i«
1638
is:!'.> y.
J8:!'.i i:
18;i;i
18:i'j !•;
18:j0
)8rt!i
l8u'J
is:j'j ]•;
18J0
isiu
1841 K
ISII
18U
1811 j;
1841
184-j ]•;
184J
184-.' y
184:{ ]■;
184:1 i;
1843
1843
Ihl.i
1S44 1-;
1844 y
1814
16J4
1811
mi:, j:
I'l'iisai ola
Xi;U Ol liullH.
(Jliailii.sli)ii
New York
Ni;w Orleans
....du
Mobile
Cliarl'ntoii...
Xow Oiloaiis.
Havana...
Xcw Orleans.
Mol.ilo
St AiigUHlino
Now York
New Orleans
Oalvoaliiii...
Ililoxi, Mia.s.
I'l'Msacola . .
Jkl*>l>ilc
S(. Anuu.slin.:
'raiiipa
.Now Vork .
(Jliai KmIoii
Nmv Orlians.
Cliarlo^iloii ..
JCowOi li ans
llavyna.
New Orleans.
New Orleans.
Hav;
Havana..
:\I(.l.il.-
SI . Aufiiislini
Key We.st, ...
Charleslon ..
Mew Orleans.
I'en.sacola
Moliilo
New Orleans
lieniarks.
West Indies
Mobile...
IVusaeola
Cliarlest..!!
Xeu Vuik .
Havana, A'era t'ruz.
Oalvoston . ..
New Orleans
M..l.il.'....
reiisacola.
New York
New Orleans.
Ideatli at l^Iarine Hospital, Ed.N.Y'. J. M., 180G,
p. L'81. (Toner.)
Ihake.Dis. Inl.Vallov '.(' X. A., p. 232. (Toner.)
284 deatbs. Trans. A'. M. A., 1>. 207, 1851, and
Drake, p. I'JT. (Toner.)
25 deatbs, Dowler, N. 0. M. J, l.s:/J, p. M7.
(Toner.)
2 deatbs at Marino Hospital, Ed. N. Y. J. M..
185G, p. 2H1. (Toner.)
5 deatbs. Trans. A. M. A., 1851, p. 207, and
Drake, p. 197. (Toner.)
Broiigbt to tlie eity by boats from Havana to
i New Orleans. Tlioro were 442 deatlis iVoiu
I the disease, Trans. A. M. A.. 1>^51, p. 2o7, and
I Drake, p. 197. (Toner.) (Jarpinter (loc.eit.).
i Tbo disease was brou^bl by AVest Indiau
vessels.
130 deatbs, Drake, Dis. Int. Yalley of N. A., p.
220. (Toner.)
351 deatb.s, Dowler, N. O. M. J., 185'.», \>. 0'J7.
(Toner.)
17 deatbs. Trans. A. M. A., 1851, p. 207, and
Drake, p. 197. (Toner.)
Drake, Dis. Int. Yalley of N. A., p. 191. (Toner.)
(J. 0. Dupre, Am. J.' Med. Sei., 1841, p. 384.
(Toner.)
8 deatbs at Marino Hospital, Ed. X. Y.J. M.,
185(), ]>. 284. (T(.ner.)
452 deatbs. lJroiij;bt from Havana, (liereiiger-
Feraiid, Inc. eit;, p. Ill; also Carpenter and
Trans. A. M. A., 1851.)
250 deatbs, Galv.M.. J., 1807, p. 8.-.O. (Toner.)
Drake, Dis. Int. Yalley of N. A., I'Jl. (Toner.)
Drakti, Dis. Int.YalUyot N. A., ii. 2:13. (Toner.)
0.50 ileatlis, Drake and lirown, (^luaranline,
1872. (Toner. 1 Carpenter, bie. cit.
C. C. DiiprO, Am. J. Med. Sci., l.-Sll, p. 384.
(Toner.)
Drake, Dis. Int. Yallevof N. A.,p. I'.ll. (Toner.)
4 <leatbs at I*larine llo.spital, Kd. N. Y.J. M.,
1.><.'.1), ji. 2.^^!. (Toner.)
131 deatbs, Dowler, N. O. M, J., 18.50, p. .51)7.
(Toner.) ^\'est Indian vessels. (Car|)(Miler.)
:!d.atlis, T'rans. A. M. A., 1851. p. 207. (Toner.)
22 deatb.s, Dowkr, N. O. M. J., 1859, p. 597.
(Toner.)
594 deatlis, Tran.i. A. M. A., 1851, p. 207.
(Toner.) Carjieiitir.
Drake, Dis. Int. Valley' of N. A., p. 233.
(Toner.)
J. H. Lewis, N.O. M.J. , 1844, p. 3L
•JO deatbs, C. C. Diipre, Am. J. Med. Sei., 1841,
p. :t84. (Toner.)
20 deatbs, C. C. Dnpiv, Am. J. of Me<l. Sei..
■^ 1841, p. 380. (Toner.)
Simons rr;iii8. S. ('. Med. Assn., p. 50. (Toner.)
211 deatbs. Trans. A. .M. A., 1851, p. -.'07.
(Toner.) Carpenter.
S. C. Lauia-son, Mainland M.and S.J., 184:., p.
30:!. (Tomr.)
00 deatbs. Drake, p. 222, IJrown. Quarantine,
1872. (T(.ner.)
487 deatbs. Tians. A. M. A., 1851, p. 207.
(Toner.) CaiiienliT.
240 deaths, Drake, loe. eit. (Toner.)
Dr. Wedderbiirn, Kej.. of San. Com., \t. 125.
(Tonii.)
1 de,ilb, Dowler. X.O.AI. J., ).. 597. {Toner.)
5 deaths al MariIH^ Hospital, Ed. N. Y.J. il.,
18.5i;, II. 2S|. (Toner.)
•lOiMbatbs, (ialv. 51. J., 1S07, p.8.'t8. (Tonor.)
^iH de.iths, Tian.s. A. M. A., 1851, p. 207, and
l>ial.e. (Toner.)
Drake. Dis. Int. Vaileyof N. A., p. 191. (Toner.>
Dr. Weilderbiirn, IJeji. of San. Com., i>. I'Jj.
(Toner.)
2 deaihs at M.irinc Hosi.ital, Kd. X. Y.J. M..
IsMi, p.2.si. (Toner.)
148 de.iths, ChailK, Ya. M. J., 185G, p. 499.
(Toner.)
778
'Jaiu.k siiowixc. Yr,Ai;s i.\ wiiicu yf.i.i.ow i k\f.i; mas iwadf.I) the sfahoakd
CITIES ol- THE ILnjted STATES, ):Ti . — Continued.
Tiar. ; Locality.
1840
]84fi
1847
1847
1847
1847
1847
1848
1848
1848
1848
1848
1848
1849
1849
1849
1850
1831
1851
185'J
1852
IR.'iC
1852
185-J
185'J
1853
W3
185.1
18.53
1853
1853
liilnxi, Miss
Mol)ilc
rciisarol.T
Ki'w Orli.ins
Mobil.-
rc-usaiiila
Mohiln
Nuw OiK^aii
^ Sav.aini.ali . . .
Cliarlf'stoji
Norfolk
rortsiiioiith. Va
New Vork
Galvpstr)!!
Xcw Orleans
IJiloxi, Mi.ss
Norfolk....
1853 K Koy West
18.53
1853
1853
1853
1854
1854
Tampa...
.Savannah
iU'inark.s.
Pensacola 'vcral cases, Drown, Quarantiin*. p. 36.
(Ton.T.)
Xcw ()rl^^an.■^ ! 140 d. at lis, Chailli-, Ta. :Nr. J., 1856, p. 400.
(ToniT.)
ronsacoL'i i lirown, (,)n;iranlino, p. 36. (Tonor.)
Galveston -JOO deaths, (ialv. M..j.. 1%7, p. 838. (Toner.)
Mew Orlcan.s Vera Cruz , 15rnut;lit from \'era Cruz this year to New
Orleans acconlinfi to l"'a;;et, <m<ltpd l)y hOr-
en^er-Feraud, loc. cit., p. U.S. There were.
2,2.59 deaths, CbaiJle, Va. M. J., 1850. p. 449.
(Toner.)
E. D. Fonnor, N. O. M. and S. J., 1848. p. 1192.
(Toner.)
76 deaths, Brown, Quarantine, and Fenner'.s
Soiitli. ]SIed. Reports, Vol. II, p. 3U4. (Toner.)
Dr. Wedderburn, lie)), of San. Com., p. 125.
(Toner.)
850 deatlis, Cbaille, Va. M. J., 18.56, p. 499.
(Toner.)
75 deatlis, Fenner, South. Med. Rep., Vol. II, p.
304. (Toner.)
Dr. Wedderburn, Rep. of San. Com., ]>. 125.
(Toner.)
Charleston liereiigiT-Feraud, lor. cit.,p, 118.
New York I2dea(h.s at Marine Hospital, Ed. N.Y. .T. M.,
1K,56, ]). 284, an<l Traus. A. M. A., Vol. VII, p.
162. (Toner.)
Staten Island, N. A' r.erenperFeraiid, loe. rit., p. 118.
New Orleans 7;i7 deaths, Chaille, Va. M. J.. 1856, p. 499.
(Toner.)
Mobile 50 deatlis, Fenner, South. Med. Rop., Vol. II, p.
304. (i'oiier.)
Charleston 125 deaths, Dowler, N. O. M. J., 1859, p. ,507.
(Toner.)
New Orleans 102 deaths, Chaille, Va. M. J., 1850, p. 499.
(Ton.r)-
,d. 10 d.aths, Chaille, V.a. M. J., 1856. p. 499.
(Toner.)
r.rowii, (Jtiarantino, 1872, p. 43. .
415 deaths, Chaille, Va. M. J., 18.56, p. 499.
(Toner.)
10 deatlis, R. C. Ma<-kall, Ch. M. .7. and Rev..
185,5, ji. 150. (Toner.)
,"I0 d.aths, Dowler, N.O. M. J., p. 5!)7. (Toner.)
Va. M. J.. 1857,1). 95. (Toner.)
rorlsmouth Relief A.ssn. Keiiort. p.fll. (Toner.)
1 denth at Marine ll()si)ital, Ed. N. Y. J. M..
18,5«, p-.284. (ToiieV.)
,5:i« d.aths, Ed. M. and S. Rop., Vol. -XTII, 1867,
No. 14, p. 207. (Toner.)
7,oTo deaths, Chailh-, Va. M. .T., 1856, p. 499..
(Toner) Many cities in Texas and Loui.>*-
iana were visiied by the disease this year.
Aecordiiif' to Faget, the disease was broiitjlit
this year by the English vessel ("abodeu t-'as-
tlefrom.Iauiaiea, (Berejigor-I'V' rand, loc. eil.,
p. 123.) »
J. C. Mott, N. O. M. and S. J., 1854, p. 571.
(Toner.)
Inlected by a vesSel from the Antilles. Tlioro
were 1.600 deaths.
Mobile 115d^ath8, N.O. M. and S..T., 18.54, p. .571.
'ensacol.-i E. D. Fenner, H istorv of Yellow Fever, N.O.,
JH.')3, p.49. (Toner.)
112 <leatbs. Army Med. Statistics,' p. 323.
(Toner.)
Army Med. Statistics, p. 323. (Toner.)
K. C." Mackall, Ch. M. .J.and Rev., 18.55, p. 150.
(Toner.)
Philadelphia 1 12H deaths, W. Jewell, N. Y. J. M., 1856, pp. 149,
240, and Brown, (Quarantine, p. 10. (Toner.)
New York ' 14 deatlis at JIarino Hospital, K<\. N. Y.J. M.,
j 18.".6. p. 284. (Toner.)
NewOrleans I The disease was carried up the Mississippi
Valli'V as far as St. Louis, Mo. (lIirenfriT-
Feraiid, loe. rit.) 2,423 deaths, Cliaille, Va.
M. J.. 1850, p. 490. (Toner.)
. Ed. N. O. M. and S. J., 1854, p. 423. (Toner.)
' A widespread epidemic year.
West Indie;
West Indies.
; Key W.st
Taiu.1" ?IIO^vI^•G ykaks i\ which yj-.t.t.ow i-kvi-r has twadi;!)
ci iij-.s OF Tin; CxriicK SrATics. ktc— Contiiniotl.
779
Tin: si:Ai5()Ar>i>
Y.-iir.
J854 E
]Kr,4
]K.-,4 E
af-'>4
3854 E
1JJ54
18.Vt
Lociilitv.
Origin.
lii'iiKirlis.
>Iol)ilo ...
Savanunli
Ponaacoln.
('liiH'lesldii
Norfolk...
lialvestoii
I'liil.iilolpliin...
]S'cu YoiU
I'oilsinoiith. V;
XorfolU
'■ ]'orlsiiiir>n(li, Va
! Xew York
Kcw OrhMii.s
OliarlMlon.
HiooUlvii .
New Oilciin
St. 1')ionia.s
(io ....
I -.
Clinil.sioii.
(iahcsidii .
I'cDsacola. ..
New Orlcaus
St. Tboiiias
]?ili>xi,'Mi.<i.s
Sav:miiali. . .
Jio.stoii
Cy'liarli\sti)ii
Moliile....
Galveston
Key AVcst Havana . . .
Clra ilcston ;
KfW Orleans I
Wiliuingtoi, N. C 1 Havana .
Pcnsacola
Minv Orleans.
(!iilv(!!<ton ...
K-v WcHt
Cliarh-.-ton
.NewbiTn, N. C .
Now Orlpan.s.
Key West . . .
Havana
Oalvestou . ..
Ntw Orl<au3.
Pensaroln ,
Mol.ilo
Key Wfst
Galveston ,
Ualtiijiorc
Ivc.v \Ve:,t
Cuba
Efl.jSr,asli..T.M.nTi('l S.. 1854, p. 34.',. (Toner.)
580 deaths, Hume, Cliarleston, ]\r. J., Vol, X,
p. :il. (Toner.)
K. B. S. Hargi.s, N. 0. l\r. N., ]850, p. 727. (Toner.)
027 (loatlis, Dowler, K. O. M. J., p. 597. (Toner.)
Va. Isl.J., 1857, p. 05. (Toner.)
404 dcatlis, Ell. M. and S. licp.. Vol. 17, 18G7, Xo.
14, p. 207. (Toner.)
Ed. Nasi). J. M. and S.. 1854. p. ^4.'.. (Toner.)
20 deaths nt Marino Ho.sj.ilal, Ed. N. Y. J. .M.,
1850, ]>. 284. (Toner.)
Portsmouth Kcliet'Assn.. Pep., -[i. Ol. (Toner.)
The ISlissibsippi Valley was afiJiin inleeled this
year as far nortlj as ilenii»lii,s. (I!i'ren;:er-
"Ftrand, loe.cit.) 2.070 deatli.s, riiaille, Va.
]\[..T., 1H)0, i>. 4!t!). (Toner.)
1,807 deaths, Portsmonth llelief Assn., Kep<irt.
(Toner.) Ainer. P. H. A ., \'o\. I V, p. 280.
1,000 deaths, Portsniontli Kclief Assn., Keiiorf,
p. 77. Aiuer. 1'. H. A ., V«\. IV, ).. 280.
deaths at Marino Ho.spilal, Ed. X. Y. J. M.,
1850, 11.284. (Toner.)
74 deatlis, Cliaille, Ya. :M. .1., 1850, p. 490.
(Toner.)
211 dealhs.Dowler.X. O. M..T.,i>. 597. (Toner.).
:f(l Xat.C^tiarant. and San. ('(un ention, j). 41.
199 deatlis, Chaille, Va. M. ,1., 1850, ]). 499.
(Toner.)
i:t deaths, Do\v]or.N.O.:M. J., !> 597. (Toner.)
:!44 deaths, Ed. M. and S. Keji., Vol. XVll,
1867, Xo.l4,]). 297. (Toner.)
R. B. S. Bargis, N. O. M. N., 18.59, ]>. 727.
(Toner.)
The. Elisal)Cth Helen, contaminated at St.
Tli(niias,d>roui;lit the fe^er Io New Orleans;
3.889 death.s 'iojloweil. (P.erengiir-Feraud,'
loe.cit.,]). i;i4; al.so Ed. :Xled. Eep., 1858, V(d.
r. No. 4, p. 72.)
S. ( 'liaille, Va. M. J., 18.5.S, p. 77. (Toner.)
S. Chain.'', Va. M. J., 1858. ]i. 491 . (ronei .)
E. E. Oliver, B. M. and .S. J., 1858, p. 140.
(Toner.)
717 deaths. Howler, X. O. M. J., p. 597. (Toner.)
Ed. Va. TSI. J., 1858, ].. 517. (Toner.)
180 deaths, Ed. M. and S Jtep., Vol. XVII, 1867.
Xo. 14, ]). 297. (Toner.)
71 deatlis, Ed. il. and S. Pep., 1802, p. 513.
(Toner) A. IMT. A., Vol. IV.
Brown. Quarantine, p. 29. (Toner.)
Eenner, S. J. of M. S.. M.ay, IsOO. (Toner.)
440 deaths, W. T. Wra-i:; N. Y. .1. M., 1.S09, p.
478; A. P. H. A., Vol. IV, an<l ].. 225. (Toner.)
B. F. Gil.bs, Am. J. M. .Sei., 1800, ji.iUO. (Toner.)
Chaille, J). 8. (Toner.)
259 deatlis, Ed. M. and S. Pep., Vol. XV II, 1867.
Xo. 14, p. 297. (Toner.)
E. B. Hunt. Med. Kej>.. 1864, p. 340. (Toner.)
Trans. A.M. A., Vol. .\ X III, p. 292. (Toner.)
700 deaths, Ke|). Med. Inspector, V. S. A . ; l)eC.
31,1804. (Toner.)
Harris S:niit:irv t;om.,]>. 264. (Toner.)
A. P. H. A., Vol. IV, and Brswn, (,)iiaranlino, p.
40. (Toner.)
Galv. M. .J ., 1860, p. 338. (Toner )
Thefr(<edoin from yellow fever diirins the years
of the w;ir is .'iecoiint<d for li\ thcr bloi kiido
, of tho city. A fact bronglit foi ward by I'r.
Eormeiito to ju'ovo that the disease was imt.
endemic, in that city. (Beren^er Eeraiid. loo.
cit.,l>. 149.) 3.(193 deaths, Ed. X. O. 31. J.. I80S
p. 194. (Toner.)
34 diiaths, M. Pi-p., 1808. p. 227. (Toner.)
Brown, (^Miarimtine, 1872, ]>. 44. (Toner.)
Siui;. C.en'l's Ollico Circular Xo. 1, 1808, p. J.52
(T(Mier )
I,1.50<leatlis, S. M. Welch, Gilv. M. J.. Vol. I,
Xo. 2, p. 8:!. (Toner.)
Beren^er Eeraud, lue. eit.. i>. 144. :iiiil Brown,
(Quarantine. ]>. 14. (Toner. )
A. P. II. .v., \'nl. IV; Blown, (Quarantine, p. 41.
(Toucr.)
■80
TAi'.r.K •iifowiNr. ykat^s in w iikmi ^ iiiuW ri-,\Ki: ha?; in\a1)1:u tiir oi.AiiOAUb
ciTiKs or TiiK Uniiki) .States, irrc. — Contiuuod.
Year.
a 800
1870 K
1S70
J 870
)87I
1871
1871 ]•;
1871 E
1872 K
1872
187;; V.
187:^ i:
1874
Loral ity.
New Orloans..
.....h.
Mobile
Pliila(](tli.lii;i
Cedar Kovs, 1 la .
Tainpn, I'la
Cliarl.-.slon
Kcw Orleans
.!.>
()ri;;iii.
Cuba
Iloiiiliiras...
W.'st IlKli.S
H.-u-ana
...il..
licMiaiks.
A.l'.n. A.,V<>1.IV.
5S7<lcatIi9, .1. C. lMiL'<t. N' O. Moil. an<\ S. J.,
Vol. I, No. 2, 187:;. (Tom. i.) lioaid ol ll.-allh
La., 1870.
P>(rrii<;<T-Kri-aiiil.lor.ci(., i>. 1 l-'i.
18<li aths, La Koclio, Yellow r.ver, 1870, ]>li.,20,
. 20.
A. 1'. ir. A. .Vol. IV. Mo.l.aiidSiii;,'. lte|).,No.
17.p. :!77, Vol. .\XV. (Toner.)
A. r. II. .\., Vol. IV.
I 2i:! d.Mtlis, T'rans. .A. .M. A.. Vol. Will, p.
■2'Xi. (Toner.)
Cieiifiii -o.s. Ilnvaii.a J'.oard of llr.illh La., 1871, f..'. d<>atlis. Kep.
N'.O. r.. o(ll.,)871. (Toner.)
.10 dr., Ills, Hep. N. O. 1!. of II., 1872, p. 17.
I (Toner.)
New York I ' B. M. ami S. .L, Vol. LXXX, No. 23, j.. 587.
(Toner.,
New Orli'aiis
I'ensar.d.-i ...
Havana.
-do
I
1871 !
1>7.-. E
1875 E
1875 E
187G E
1870
1870
1877
1878 E
1876
if;78
187'J
IPSO
lSf-2
1882
18K2 E
l>->:i E
188:J
1884
1887 E
1887
1888 E
1883
1891)
189 J E
1803
New Orlr.nns
liarranias, Ela. . .
Fasia<;onla, M iss . .
.do
i:. S. -M. H. S. Hep., 187.1. 225 deaths; 11. of U.
La., lS7:i. A. I'.H. A ., Vol. IV.
01 deallm, K. V. Mi.liel, fjiiarle^ton M. J. and
K.. 1.^74.Vol. l,p. 2.-i'.l. (Toner.) A.IMI.A.,
Vol. IV; J. M. AVoodwortli, U. S. M. U. S.
l;ep..l87:!.
The eit\ was iufeeled tliroiifjli tlio Castropoa
from Havana. (Hep l'. .S. Mod. Com., U. S.
M. II. S l;ei>., 1871 ; A. r. U. A., Vol. IV.)
li.of II. I, a., !S74.
U. S.M. U.S. K.p.. 1875.
1'. S. M. II. S. Leie, 1K75, fiO deatli.q.
Kev We.st 1 ::8 duath.s. (U. S. M. II. .S. Ito])., 1875.)
Uiiiuswick ' Il.iv.ma : 112 dealliJf. (Smitli in tlic L'. S. M. II. S.
I I l.'.ps., 1870-77, p. 185
Dobov.Ca 1 <lo A. r. II. A., Vol. IV, j.. 2,-,l, ami V. S. M. II
i I .S. K.-1...1870 77.
Savannali ..' do 1... I'.S^.M.H.S. ocp., l.<70-77, p. 180, A. I". II.
i A.. Vol. IV.iT.l.
.do A.r.U.A..Vol.lV.
F«rnandin.i
.Meniplii.s and all I be
.Ml. sis-sijipi \all> V
, to {'airo. 111.
New Orkana
New York .. .
New (Jrli ans.
Key "West
C.iiv.-.^ton
Ni-w tlilean.>(
I'ensa. .,1a
r.i.'wlon. Ala . . .
I'eusa.-.da
W.st Indies ...
l''ensaeola(?).
Kej West
Tampa. El.a
.lacks.jiiville, Ela
Havana....
Xl.il an/as . .
l>.nsa...la..
Havana....
Ha\ ana...
Tanii)a. Ela
Itrnnswiek, li.a
Eninswiek. On., and
adjaeent islands. I
Satiila lliver.Ga d
lo
A. V. IT. A.. Vol. IT. and Sternberc. Tlio
.steamer ICinily Soilder brou;;lit the .lisease
to the <it.v from the .\Titille9. (I!<-rent;iT-
E.'r.iiiil, lo.'. I it.) .\ sevire eiiidi-mic year.
There wer.- in the Fnited States 125.000 cases
smd 12,0(10 d.-ath.s. (N. \..Me<l. U., Dec, 1878;
r,irenj,'er-l'eraud, bte. eit., Ji. 152).
B.'renL;ir-F. land, loe. eit., p. 152.
Th(^ disease ext.nile.l alon;; the Mlssis^sippi as
laras Menijihis. TTieiliseasewasbroiight from
til.- .\nlilh sto New Orleans 1>V the I'ly mouth.
(Med. lap. U.S. Navy, 1879,Dr. W.^olvertou.)
National B of II. Rop ,1882.
V. S. M II. S. Kep., 1883, 192 deaths.
MILS. Kep.,lhK4.
Sp.iradic cas.s, hot there was an epidemic at
tin- ijav\.yaril, '.i miles from. I'ensaeola. (M.
U.S. Kep.'; 1884, p, 200.)
Abstraet of .'^an. K.p., F. S. M. H. S., 1887, and
r.S. M.H.S. l;.)!., pp. 12, i:j, 1887; 280 cascB
,'inil 02 iloaths np to S.jitember.
f.S. M. U.S. li. p., lS)^7-88.
I'l.-int City and ueighli.irin;; eitics. U. S. M. H.
S. l{c^l.,18^8.
rrobably from Tatnpa epidemic of 1887.
52 deaths. Abstr.a.t of S,an. Hep., 1894. p. 81;
U..S. M. U.S. Rep., 1«93.
Do.
ALABAMA.
Summary of Yellow Feveh in Alaiiama, by Localities.
ALCO.
1897. Cases, 1; death, 0.
ATHENS.
1878. Cases, 2 ; deaths, 2.
BAY MINETTE.
1897. Cases, 1; deaths, 1.
BLADEN SPKINGS.
18o3. Sporadic cases, sclelj among refugees.
BLAKELY.
1822. Severe eiiidemie. No statistics,
BREWTON.
1883. First case, September 12; first death, Septdiiber
10. Last case, November 6. Cases, 70; deatlis, 28.
CAILVWBA.
1853. No record of cases and d'caths.
(\VSTLEBEKKY.
1905. Cases, 2; deaths, 2.
.(^rrK(J\FLLE.
1853. No record of cases and (hiiths.
782 HISTORY OK VKLI.OW FEVER.
COUKTLAXD.
1878. Infected l»y Memphis. Cases, 1; deatlis, 1.
DECATUR.
1878. Population, 1,200. Cases, 187; deaths, 51.
1888. First case, September 4th; first death, Septem-
ber 11. Cases, 10; deaths, 1. At the beginning of the
outbreak, nearly the whole population fled.
DEMOPOLIS.
1853. Xo record of cases and deaths.
DOG RIVER.
1853. Population, 300. First case, August 18th ; first
death, August 22nd. (\ases, 00; deaths, 23.
FLOMATOX.
1897. Cases, 98; deaths, 5.
FLORENCE.
1878. Poi)ulation, 2,500. Cases, 1,109; deaths, 50.
FORT CLAIBORNE.
1819. I'irst case, July 4; last case, December 1. No
statistics.
FORT RAYON.
1893. First case. July 30; first (h-ath, August 3; last
(balli, Ncveiiibcr KJ. Cases, (1; (baths, 5.
FORT mor(;an.
1807. First case, August 13. No statistics.
1893. Cases, 2; deaths, 1.
ALABAMA. '783
FOET ST. STEPHEN.
1819. First case, July 4 ; last case, December 1.
FULTON.
1853. No record of cases aud deaths.
GREENSBORO.
1897. Cases, 1 ; deaths, 1.
HOLLY WOOD.
1858. Infected hv New Orleans. Fii>t case, Auoust
15th; first death, August 29tli. Last case, September 20th.
Cases, 10; deaths, G.
HUNTSVILLE.
1873. Cases, 3; deaths, 1.
1878. Cases, 33; deaths, 13. All impoiled cases.
JUNCTION.
::873. Population, 35. Cases, 22 ; death-;, 14-
LEIGHTON.
1878. First case, August 18; first death, August 24.
Cases, 4; deaths, 1.
:morile.
1705. Seveial historians state tliat yellow fever made
"great havoc" in ^Mobile in 1705. No statistics are given.
1765. Epidemic. N({ record of cases and deaths.
17r»n. Sevci-o cpidomic. \vvy fatal among new comers.
1819. I»(;pulati(n, 1,200. Numer who fled, 300. First
case, August 19; last case in Novemlier. On October 22,
tliere was a liglit frost, l)ut the disease continued un-
784 HISTORY OK YELLOW FEVER.
nbatcd until tlie eud of November. Many persons were
lured to the city by the frost and fell yictims to the fever.
1821. Sporadic oases; 7 deaths in October.
1822. "Only 4 or 5 cases."
1821. Six fatal cases in September; last case on the
25tli, notwithstandin<i- that there was no frost until the
latter part of October.
1825. Seyere epidemic. The Board of Health con-
cealed the real state of things from the public, and al-
though yellow feyer had made its ai)pearance as early as
July, official announcement was made on August 10,
"that though the bilious feyer prevails to considerable ex-
tent, and in many instances fatal, yet the Board takes
pleasure in assuring the public that no case of yellow
feyer has yet occurred." It was only on September 2,
after the disease had become epidemic, that "one case
of yellow feyer" Ayas reported. Three cases were reported
on the 5th, four cases on the 8tli, and on the 11th ot
September, the "painful announcement that the disease
is epidemic' was made. As no true statistics were kept,
it is impossible to giye the number of cases and deaths.
1826. Sporadic cases in Sei)tember.
1827. A few cases in September.
1828. Mild epidemic. No statistics.
1829. Population, 4,000. Epidemic. First case, August
14. Deaths, 130.
1837. For eight years, ^lobile Avas free fi'(;m epidemic
disease. On September 20, 1837, four cases of yellow
feyer su.ddcnly nuide their aiipearance. After this out-
break tlie disease disa])pear( d, and the public mind was
reassured. There was a light frost on October 2, and
those who had fled returned to the city, feeling certain
that all danger was oyer. On October 10, cases erupted
in nearly every section of the town, and the disease was
soon epidemic, running its course until the end of Xoyem-
ber. I)eaths, 350.
1838. Spciadic cases. Xo statistics.
1830. r<)])uhUion, 11,000. The new ])0]uilation was
composed chiefly of people from the North, and German
ALABAMA MOBILE. 785
and Irish laborers. The first ease of yellow fever occurred
on Aiioust 11. In ten days the disease became general
thronohout the city. Last case, October 20. Deaths, 450.
1841. Scattered cases. The subjects were from the
interior, no inhabitant of Mobile being affected.
1842. First case, August 20. Limited inauifestation
cc^nfiued to the southern section of the city. Cases, 160;
deaths, 70.
1843. I»oi)u]ati(.n, 11,500. The first case of the epi-
demic of 1843 occurred on August 24, followed l)y a sec-
ond case on the 2(1 ; both terminated fatally. It was not
generally known that the disease had broken out, the
l)ublic being kept in ignorance of the fact. About Sep-
tf^mber 10, many cases, accompanied by black vomit, were
observed, and the disease soon became widespread. Last
ease erupted X(iVfmber 5. Cases, 1,350; deaths, 750.
1844. First case, August 14. Deaths, 40.
1845. INii)ulati<:u, 12,000. First case, November 9.
Dcatbs, 1.
1840. First case, September 11. Deaths, 4.
1847. First case, August 2. Deaths, 78.
1848. Fiist case, August 18. Deaths, 24.
1849. First case, July 3. Deaths, 21.
1851. :\Ii)(l outbreak. N(; statistics.
1853. ]»op Illation 25,000. Number who fled, 8,000.
Infected by bark ^fiUiadrs, from New Orleans. First
case, July 11; first death, July 11. Last case, December
16. Deaths, 1,191. Tliere were many cases among the
negro ix.pulaticn, but only 50 died.
1854. S])oradic cases.
1858. First case, August 3; first deatli August 13.
Deatlis, 70.
1863. Sporadic cases, one imported from Key West;
two deaths.
1864. S])oradic cases; six deaths.
1867. First case, August 13.
1870. First case, August 27 ; last case, November 19.
786 HISTOKV OK YELLOW LEVER.
1873. Infected by Xew Orleans. First ease, August
21 ; first death, August 26 ; last case, Xovember 29. Cases,
50 ; deaths, 27.
1875. First case, September 1; first death, September
7; last case, October 20; last death, October 21. Cases,
10; deaths, 8.
187G. First case (refugee from New Orleans), Septem-
ber 5, terminating in death on the 9th; last case (refugee
from Savannah) in December; recovered. Both cases at
Battle House.
1878. Population, 31,031. The first case was a negro
who had been on an excursion to Biloxi, Miss., Julv 24,
was attacked early in August and died August IG. The
health officer certified to the Board of Trade, August 19,
tliat "there was not a case of yellow fever in the city or
country,-' and Montgomery raised the quarantine she had
against ^fobile. From August 10 to September 21, there
Avere only 5 deaths, but early in October, deaths began
increasing; B. B. Fort, of the Board of Trade dying
October 14, at Spring Tlill. A majority of the cases Avere
in the extreme southern portion of the city. A slight
frost fell in the suburbs, October 23, on Avhich day there
were reported 3 deatlis, 5 new cases, and 41 under treat-
ment; leather Victdr, of the Lutheran Church, was among
the deaths. Tlie death rate decreased till October 31, at
wliich date no deaths were repoi'ted. Last death, October
30.
Total cases, 297; tctal deatiis, 83.
1880. One case, on board British bnrk R. 11'. ^Vno<h
from Havana* No cases in city.
1897. li)fectcd by Ocean Springs, Miss. Cases, 301;
dcalli^, is.
1903. (\is(s, 1; deaths, 1.
1905. July 24. Four cases at (iiiaiaiif ine Station, on
l)(;ard steamship Coloinhid, from Colon and LaBoca. No
cases in citv.
ALABAMA. 787
MONTGOMERY.
1853. First case, September — ; last case, Xovember
— . deaths, 35.
1854. First case, September — ; last case, November
— . Deaths, 45.
1855. First case, September — ; last case, November
— . Deaths, 30.
1807. First case, August 13. Sporadic cases. Im-
ported.
1870. First case, August 22; last case, November 19.
Sporadic cases.
1873. Infected bv Peusacola. First case, August 27;
first death, August 27; last case, November 10. Cases,
500; deaths, 108. Whole population fled, except 1,800.
1897. First case, October 18; last case, November 10.
Cases, 120; deaths, 11.
1905. One case, a refugee
NOTSALUGA.
1897. Cases, 1 ; deaths, 0.
OAKFIELD.
1873. First case, September 22. Cases, 7; deaths, 1.
POLLARD.
1873. Sporadic cases. No statistics.
PORTEEVILLE.
1853. Cases, 5 ; deaths, 2. All refugees from infected
places. No case among inhabitants.
SEL-AfA.
1853. Population, 3,000. Number who fled, 1,500.
788 HISTORY OF VEI.LOW KEVEA.
I''ii'!-t case, S('i»t('iiili(a' 1; first death, S('[)tt-ml)er 1; last
death, Xoveinher 13. Deaths, 32.
1897. First ease, ()ct(;l)er 23; last, Octcber 31. Cases,
12: dtaths, 2.
SANDY ]:il)(}E.
181)7. Cases, 1; deaths. 0.
SPKIXG HILL.
1853. As yellow fevtn- has heeii epidemic only once
in this l)eantifnl i)la('e, the f<;ll(;win;Li' acconnr, snnunarized
from tlie memoirs of Dr. J. (\ Xott, Aylio came so near
exponr'din<> the mcsqnito doctrine of the transmission of
yello^v feyer, oyer half a c(ntnry aiio, ^vill lie fonnd
interesting-:
On the 12tli of Angnst, jnst aliont the time yello\y feyer
bcuan to assnme the ejiidcMiiic form in ^fobile, and one
month after the first in)]!(.rted case. Dr. Nctt Ayas called
to see a yonn.i»- man, wlio had a Ay(41-marked attack of
the disease, at a boarding; honse in Mobile, on St. Lonis
Street, near St. Josei)h. On the 14th, the patient Ayas
leiiH y(Ml on a stretcher to the houpe of liis brother-in-law,
in Sj)riiiii' Hill, about the center of the setllement. He
recoy(a'ed, and twenty days after lic^ ha<l entered the
house, ~)X\\ <;f Septc uilier, two childreu liyinu, there were
attacked ^^■itll the fev( r, and ab( ut two weeks after, two
other cliiblren Ayere attacked: three liad black y< luit aud
two died.
On August 22, a .Mr. Stiaiider, cf M<:bih', uuiycd his
family to Sitriuii Hill aud occU]tied the Insuse of .T(din
Tonluiiu.
Mr. <}i'(('r moyed witli his lauiily to the s;nne house on
the 2!)th, from ^lobile, carryinji' a dauiihter c<;nyalescini!:
from yellow feyer: another danjihter sickened on the 8th;
three of ^Irs. Flemmin.u's <liildren in the same house, on
the l(lti) ; aud Mrs. .J( hu Orcer two or three days after.
Di-. Xott's fatlier-iii-law, 0(d. Deas, liyed f>n a lot about
10 yards north of the orii»iiia] source of infection, and his
A. ABAMA ^ 789
household, wliite and Idack, eciisisted of sixty persons.
Ou tlie 7th of September, oue of his iieuro woiiuii Avere
attaeked, on an adjoining lot ; on the Sth, his danghter-
in-law, Mis. John Deas, and on the 9th, Mrs. Brown, his
daughter; each being in a different lot, and one hundred
yards from each other. The disease then spread rapidly
through the families of the three adjoining premises, at-
tacking Ayliites and blacks indiscriminately. Fifty-four
were attacked out of the sixty, and in fourteen days the
Ayliole tale y>as told — tiye whites, two mulattoes and one
black were dead with black yomit, and the rest were con-
yalescent. One-half of the whites attacked died.
Cases existed simultaneoui-ly at AVm. Stewart's, 'Sir.
Wheeler's, and Mr. Puryis' and T<;ulmin's houses, widely
s(^})arated from eacli other; and in the lattei- ]tart of Sep-
tember and through October, the disease yisited the houses
of (^ipt. Stein, IMcMillan, Rey. Mr. Knapp, Mrs. George,
Dubbse's, John Battle's and some others. The disease
skipped about in an extraordinary manner; some houses
escaped entirely, some had but one or twe) cases.
Dr. Xott fails t(( giye the number of cases and deaths.
1878. Oiw death, Octolier 14, a refugee from :Mobile.
Xo cases in the yillage.
STEVEXSOX.
1878. Population, 200. Probably infected by ]Mem-
phis. Fiist case', Septemlier 1. Oases, 11; deaths, 0.
ST STICPHEX'S BOAT).
18.j;i First case, August 23. Infected by Mobile.
TOWX OBEEK.
1878. Population., 7."). Deaths, 4.
TrS(\VLOOSA.
1878. (^ises, 2; d( albs, 2.
790 HISTORY OF VELLOW FEVER.
TUSCUMBIA.
1878. Populatiou, 1,200. InftH-ted by Memphis. First
case, September 5. Cases, 97; deaths, 31.
WAGAE.
1897. Cases, 15; deaths, 3.
WHISTLER.
1878. A few cases among refugees; inliabitauts not
attacked. One death oulv. Father ^rarlev, of Mobile,
occurred on October 18.
1897. Cases, 122 ; deaths, 7.
WHITING.
1870. Sporadic cases ; refugees.
1875. Cases among refugees.
BIBLIOGRAPHY OF YELLOW FEVER IN ALABAMA.
Anderson (W. H.): Report on the Diseases of Mobile in 1853. Trans-
actions of the Medical Association of the State of Alabama. Svo.
Mobile, 1854.
Cochran (J.) Contributions to the Transactions of the Medical As-
sociation of the State of Alabama, session of 1S74. I. The yellow fever
epidemic of 1873. 8°. Montgomery, 1874.
Cochran (J.) : The Outbreak of Yellow Fever at Brewton in 18S3.
Tr. Med. Assn. Ala., Montgomery, 1884, vol. 36, p. 170. Also: Rep.
Bd. Health Ala., 1883-4, Montgomery, 1885, p. 47.
Forest (W. E.) : The cost of Yellow Fever Epidemics; the Epidemic
at Decatur, Ala., in 1888. Med. Rec, N. Y., 1889, vol. 35, p. 620.
Gilmore (.T, T.) : An Account of Yellow Fever as it Prevailed in
Mobile and Vicinity in 1873. Reports Am. Pub. Health Assn., 1873,
vol. 1, p. 393.
Glennan (A. H.): Report of the Operations of th9 Service in Ala-
bama during the Epidemic of Yellow Fever in 1897. Rep. Superv.
Surg. Gen. Mar. Hosp. 1896-7, Wash., 1899, p. 649.
Lrewis (P. H.): Medical History of Alabama. New Orleans Medical
and Surgical .Journal, iii. 691; iv. 3, 151, 318, 459.
ALABAMA 791
Lewis (P. H.) : Sketch of the Yellow Fever in Mobile, with a brief
Analysis of the Epidemic of 1843, etc. N. O. Med. & Sur. Jl., vol. 1,
pp. 281, 413.
Marks (J. C): Yellow Fever of Selma, Alabama, in 1853. Transac-
tions 0^ the Medical Association of the State of Alabama. Mobile, 1854.
Michel (R. F.): Epidemic yellow fever in Montgomery, Ala., during
the summer of 1873. Charleston M, J. & Rev., 1873-4, vol. 1, pp. 289-
305. Also: Reprint.
Michel (R. F.): Epidemic of yellow fever in Montgomery, Ala., sum-
mer of 1873. Tr. M. Assn. Alabama, Montgomery, 1874, p. 87. Also,
Reprint.
Nott (J. C): Sketch of the Epidemic of Yellow Fever in 1847, in
Mobile. Charleston Med. .11., vol. 3, p. 1.
Nott (J. C.) : The Epidemic Yellow Fever of Mobile in 1853, com-
municated with the Sanitary Commission of N. O. N. O. Med. and
Surg. Jl., 1853-4, vol. 10, p. 571.
Report of the committee appointed to investigate the causes and
extent of the late extraordinary sickness and mortality in the town
of Mobile. 8°. Philadelphia, 1820. Also, in: Med. Reposit., N. Y.,
1820, VOL 20, pp. 333-344.
Riggs (B. H.) : The history of the yellow fever epidemic in Selma
in 1853. Tr. M. Assn. Alabama, Montgomery, 1882, p. 400.
Boling (W. M,): Yellow fever in Alabama. N. O. M. & S. JL, 1853-4,
vol. 10, p. 409.
Stone (G. H. & Carson (W. H.) : Epidemic of Yellow Fever at Brew-
ton, Ala., Rep. Superv. Surg.-Oen. Mar. Hosp., Wash., 1883-4, p.. 223.
Wahly: On the Treatment of Yellow Fever as it occurred in Mobile
in the fall of 1853. New Orleans Medical and Surg'ical Journal, vol.
11, 1854-5, p. 289.
Wilkinson (J. A.): A sketch of yellow fever at Whiting in 1870, and
1873. Tr. M. Assn., Ala., Montgomery, 1883, p. 175. Also: Rep. Bd.
Health, Ala., 1883-4, Montgomery, 1885, p. 120.
ARKANSAS.
AUGUSTA.
1.S78. ropulatic.i), 1,200. Infected by steamboat Ruth,
from ^Memphis. First case, October 12, followed by death
two days later; last case, ()ctol)er 20. Cases, 7; death, 7.
COLUMBIA.
1853. Infected by steamboat J. M. Brff, from >'ew
Orleans, in June. Patient was an Irishman who developed
the disease on board, and was left at a wifodyard just
above the town. He died with black vomit, but did not
communicate the disease to any one. Six other cases were
put off different steamboats at Columbia in July. The
H. D. Bacon stopped at this place about September 1,
having- 20 cases of yellow fever on board. The captain
and cliambermaid were attacked while the boat was at the
landinji', and both died shortly after her departure. Fen-
ner (Kj/uJfinica. etc.. jt. 107 i, says that ''nearly every 1)oat
from Xe^w Orleans" wliich stopped at Columbia during
the terrible epidemic of 1853, had yellow fever on board.
The ])eo])le of the town visited the boats, but no one caught
the disease.
FOKEST CITY.
lo7.'). Two cases, i-efugeH'S from ^Me^mphis.
1870. Infected by Memphis. First case, October 2;
first death, Octolier 8; last case, November 25; last death,
Xcvcmlicr 28. Cases, 23; deaths, 15.
VOWV S.MITII.
1823. liii|i(;it< (1 (ases; no slalifctics.
COLDFX LAKE.
1878. Tliicc (Mscs, rcfimccs from Xcv.- OHcans.
ARKANSAS. 793
GEAND LAKE.
1853. Infected liy steaiuljoat Binily r Hill, from New
Orleans. First ease, Ani^iist 24, in a niaii avIio had taken
passage on the boat at Natchez, Miss. Patient died on
the 24th. Tliree residents of (Irand Lake, who vlj-ited
the boat, were attacked, but recovered. There was no
spread of the disease.
HAYNEJr^ BLUFF.
1878. Cases, 100; deaths, 10.
HELENA.
1878. Infected l)y ^Ienii>his. First case, Augu^^t 17;
first (loath, Angnst 2L Cases, 77; deaths, 9.
HOPEFIELI).
1878. Infected by Men)i)his on Sei)tenilier 1 ; last death,
October 23. '<'ases, 117; deaths, 7. Thexe figures also
include the immediate vicinity.
1870. Two cases, ab.out a mile from Hopefield. No
eases in town.
LITTLE lUH K.
187S. A litth' boy, a refug(H' frcin Memphis, wlio <li('d
shortly after his arrival, is the only case of y( How fever
ever observed at Little IJock. Shot-gun (piaraiitine was
in full force.
LOKENZO.
1878. Cases, 1 ; der.ths, 1.
NAPOLEON.
1853. Severe <nilbi-eak. No statistics.
794- HISKOKY OF Ytl.LOW FEVER.
OCEOLA.
1873. Infected by New Orleans. First case, August
— ; first death, August 11; last case, Atigusi: — ; last
deatli, August 11. Cases, 1; deaths, 1.
SCAXLOXS.
1878. Cases, 4.
TEKKEXE.
1878. Cases, 21; deaths, 19.
WASHINGTON.
1878. One case from Hunilidldt, Ark.; death,
BIBLIOGRAPHY OF YELLOW FEVER IN ARKANSAS.
Cummings: An Account of the Yellow Fever as it Appeared at Forest
City, Arkansas, during the Summer of 1879. Trans. Med. Society of
Arkansas, 1880, vol. 5, p. 45.
Cummings: National Board of Health Bulletin, 1879-80, vol. 1, pp.
137; 145; 149; 161; 178; 202; 216; 289.
Dowler: Yellow Fever, p, 24.
Epkskine: Trans. Am. Pub. Health Assn., 1873. vol. 1, p. 385.
Fenner: History of Epidemic Diseases, 1853, pp. 49; 106.
Fenner: Trans. Am. Med. Assn., 1854, p. 526.
Jones: N. O. Med. & Surg. Jl., 1853-4, vol. 10, p. 328.
Keating: History of Yellow Fever, pp. 92; 94; 96; 250.
National Board of Health Bulletin, 1879-80, vol. 1, pp. 117; 145.
Report Sanitary Commission of New Orleans, 1878.
Washington Republican, vol. 12, No. 260, p. 1.
CALIFORNIA.
T\w only cases of yellow foyer oyer obseryed iu the State
of California, Ayere taken oft' yessels from South American
or ^Mexican ports, and treated at the San Francisco Quar-
antine Station. The disease has neyer spread to the
inhabitants.
Yellow FEyER Years.
1883. According to Nelson (see Biblioo-raphy) Le
Courricr dc ^San Francisco published an account of a
jury sitting on a body in that city, to determine the exact
cause of death. While taking the eyidence, it Ayas shown
that the dead man and another sick passenger had been
landed Jrom a steamship from the Pacific Coast of Mex-
ico, and that the corpse before them Ayas that of a yictim
of yellow feA'er. The Courricr graphically describes how
that jury stampeded at the startling reyelation. It Ayas
a regular sauvc qui pcut.
1894. On August 23, the steamship J3cniiiiif/ton, from
La Thiion and other ports on the coast of Salyador,
arriyed at San Francisco and landed three cases of yellow
fever. No further information.
1897. May 10, steamship "sent cases ashore." No his-
tory of subs(M|uent deyelopments. During the year, the
folloAying infected yest^els, all from Panama, Ayere de-
tained for obserA'ation : Acapiiico, ^an Juan and Citi/ of
^jjdncij. All these vessels had lieavy passenger lists, but
no cases erupted at San Francisco.
June 2. C'ltjj of Para, from Panama, infected Avith
yelloAV fever, enter( d harbor. One case died as the vessel
steamed into port. No developments.
July 11, the steamship arrived from San Juan de
Guatemala. One case upon arrival. No further history.
181)8. One case at Angel Island Quarantine Station,
taken, from steamship Xcu-jtort, from I'auama. Death
on arrival.
790 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
1IM):J. Miiy 20, ('ill/ o/ I'did arrived t'loiii I'aiiaina and
was reniaiKlcd for dismlVctiou, owin<»' to niinors of yellow
fever on board. Three days lat("% tlie frei<>lit clerk (who
had been ashore) had an attack and died 3Iay 2. Xo
other cases reported.
1903. September 10, steamslnp Colon, from Panama,
arrived in ])ort Avith a case of yellow fever on board.
l*atieiit Avas immediately removeel to Au«»el Island (Quar-
antine Station, where he died the following; day.
The case was certainly an interesting- one from a fpiar-
antine standp((int. Patient was a strou«>, lithe man;
age given npou articles, 23 years (probably 28 or 30) ;
native of Chili. He shii)i)ed at Acapnlco upon the elown
voyage. AVas ashore at Panama, but at no port upon the
up trip. A'essel loadeel in open water from lighters at all
ports en r(nite. Fifteen days from Panama, in the early
mornii'g, the man reported to the slii])'s snrgeon with
headaclie, jiains in back over liye^r and elown right
shoulden-. History of chill dining night or early morn-
ing; no history of malari<i ; pnlse 05; temperature
40° (102 I ; appearance of slight icterus, whi( h rapi<lly
increased.
Xo written history ke])t r((r examination of urine or
blond made. Diagnosis of obstrnction to bile duct. No
v<.miting nct«^d.
AVhen seen l>y Passed Assistant Snrgeon Cumming,
from whose re])ort this history is summarizeel, the man
had jnst been bi'onglit from the forecastle in the gang-
way in tlie cold wind. He was semi-conscious, res])ond-
ing to loud iiKpiiry as to vvhether he wanted water. Body
bi-onze vellow; eyes very yellow; tongne not enlarged,
])(.i))tcd, red ai'ound edge, some sores; left parotid glanel
< idarged and tender; some shrinking on pre»ssure in epi-
gastric i('gi<:n; si)l( en and liver not enlarged (])ercussie)n
and iialjiation I. Some bb;od sigiis on Idanket, bnt pos-
sil)ly due to ulcer on left ( Ibow.
After having been i-emcjved, catluMerization bronght 235
c.c. of nrine liighly co]( red, sliglitlv cloudy. S]teciGc
gi-avity, 1010. l-!cacti(.n, acid. .Mbiniiiii in largo (jnan-
CALIFORNIA. 797
titic^s by all tests used. Examination of bhiod for malaria
by hieveral officers, ne.uativ(\ ]*ns in parotid jiland, ordi-
nary dii)l(H-(tcci.
l*atient j^rew worse, <lurinii nialit had classical black
vomit, <lied next day. Antopsy confirmed diaj»nosis.
Cremated.
The interestini> features frcnn a sanitary point a?e:
First attack fifteen days from the only place reported
infected (Panama), and about three days after leaving
Acai)nlc(:. The vessel was thoroughly searched by Sur-
geon humming, other (officers, and attendants for mos-
<|uit<(S, (l(^ad (sr alive, and not one was found, despite a
<-onsiderable reward ottered.
The original source of infection was evidently Pananui.
BIBLIOGRAPHY OF YELLOW FEVER IN CALIFORNIA.
Bereng^r-Feraud: Fievre Jaune, etc., Paris, 1890, p. 189.
Bally: Typhus d'xVmerique ou Fievre Jaune, p. 39,
Comming (H. S.): History cf yellow fever case on steamship Colon,
at San Francisco Quarantine, from Panama; yellow fever on vessels
in previous years. Pub. Health Rep. U. S. Mar. Hops. Serv., Wash.,
1903, vol. IS, p. 1631.
Lind: Diseases Incidental to Seamen in Hot Countries, vol. 1, p. 39.
Medical News, X. Y., 1883, vcl. 43, p. 420.
Nelson (W.): Yellow Fever Considered in its Relation to the State
of California. Rep. Bd. Health Calif. Sacramento, 1884-6, vol. 9, p.. 220.
Perry (A. W.): Yellow Fever at San Francisco. Western Lancet,
San Francisco, 1883, vol. 12, p. 389.
U. S. Public Health Reports, 1897, pp. 563, 607, 685.
Ibid., 1898. p. 634.
Ibid., 1902, p. 1172.
Ibid , 1903, pp. 1540; 2298.
CONNECTICUT.
CHATHAM.
Um. First case, August 21). Infected by brig- Polly,
from Sail Domingo, West Indies. Xo record of cases and
deaths.
HARTFORD.
1798. Sporadic cases, imported. No statistics.
1800. Old chroniclers say that yellow feyer Ayas im-
ported to Hartford in 1800, and "created much alarm and
raged for a time with consideral)le mortality." Xo
statistics.
KXOWLES LANDING.
170G. First case, Angiist. Deaths, 9.
MIDDLETOWN.
1820. First case in June. Tnf( cted by schooner Milo,
from West Indies.
NEW HAVEN.
1735; 1743; 1794; 1803; 1804; 1805; 1819; 1845. Yel-
low feyer was imported to New Ilayen in the years men-
tioned, but no reliable statistics could be obtained.
NEW LONDON.
1798. Source of infection not stated, writers of the
])eriod attributing the outbreak to "a lot dried fish, which
had decomposed and exposed on the public wharyes.'"
First case, August 25; last case, October 28. Deaths, 81.
NORWALK.
1798. Mild outbreak. No statistics.
CONNECTICUT. 799
NOKWICH.
1801. Importation. No record of cases and deaths.
STANFORD.
1745. Mild outbreak; no statistics.
STONINGTON.
1798. Mild outbreak; no record of cases and deaths.
BIBLIOGRAPHY OF YELLOW FEVER IN CONNECTICUT.
Bancroft: Essay on Yellow Fever, p. 399.
Beck (J. B.) : Communications concerning the yellow fever at
Middletown (Conn.) In: Hosack (D.): Observations on febrile conta-
gion, (etc.). 8°. N. Y., 1820, p. 53.
Channing: An Account cf the Pestilential Disease which prevailed
at New London in the summer and autumn of 1798. New York Medical
Repository, vol. 2, pp. 402-405.
Coit (T.): Additional account of the pestilential fever which pre-
vailed at New London, Conn., (1799). Ibid., 407.
Holt (C): A short account of the yellow fever, as it appeared in
New-London in August, September and October, 1798; with an accurate
list of those who died of the disease, the donations, etc. 8°. New-
London, 1798.
Medical Repository, 1805, vol. 3, p. 292.
Monson (Sen'r.): Letter on the Treatment pursued, and most suc-
cessful in the cure of the Yellow Fever in New Haven in 1794.
Webster's Collection, p. 184.
Monson (Jun'r.) : Letter on the Origin, Sym]itonis, Progress, etc.,
of the Yellow Fever in New Haven in 1794. Webster's Collection, p.
173, etc.
Scott (Charles): Short Account of the Yellow Fever, as it appeared
in New London in 1798. New London, 1798.
Strobel: p. 101.
Tully: Yellow Fever of Middletown in 1820, and Chatham and its
Neighborhood in 1796. Essays on Fevers and other Subjects, by
Thomas Miner and William Tully. 8vo. 1823.
Tully (W.) : History cf the yellow fever as it occurred at Knowles
Landing, Conn. N, Y. M. & Phys. J., 1822, vol. 1, pp. 153-158.
Tully (W.) : History of the peculiar fever that occurred at Middle-
800 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
town, Connecticut, during the months of June and July, 1820; yellow
fever in Chatham, in 1796, and its origin. In Miner (T.) & Tully (W.)
Essays on fevers and other medical subjects, Middletown, 1S23, pp.
291-403.
Tully (W.): Observations on yellow fever, with cases which oc-
curred at Middletown and Chatham, in Connecticut, Virginia M. J.,
Richmond, 1856, vol. 7, pp. -139-459.
II
DELAWARE.
CHIUSTIANA.
1708. Infected bj' Wilmington, Delaware. No stat-
istics.
DELAATAKE BKEAKWATEII.
Yellow fever cases were brought to LcAves (Delaware
Breakwater Quarantine Station) by ships from the West
Indies in the following years :
1878. ^rauY cases Avere landed from ships. Deaths, 9,
of which 7 were sailors.
1887. August 8, bark Ada (rray, from Ilavana. One
case; recovery.
1888. Brig Tmrriffe, from Havana. First case, July
22; first death, July 27; last case, July 23; last death,
July 27. Cases, 3 ; deaths, 2.
1889. June 9. Steamship Baltiinorc Cifij, from San-
tiago de Cul)a. Two cases.
1892. During 1892, the following infected vessels were
detained at this station :
Ma^' 10. Norwegian bark Xor, from Rio de Janeiro.
Nine cases and two deaths at Eio and during passage.
June 1. British bark WilJoir Bii.sh, from Rio de
Janeiro. Had several cases at Rio and one death during
voyage.
June 6. British ship FAinhaulc from Rio de Janeiro.
Several cases during voyage.
June 28. (ierman ship IxudoJpli von Bruninf/cr, from
de Janeiro, via Barbados. Eleven cases and five deaths
while at Rio.
July 25. British bark Arr/riifa, from Pernambuco, via
Santos. Several cases and one death after leaving Santos.
August 3. British l)arkentine Fredcrica, from Santos,
via Guantanamo. Several cases during voyage.
It will thus be seen that six vessels, actually infected
with yellow fever, reached Delaware Br(akwater Quar-
802 HISTORY OF YELLOW KKVER.
antiue during 1892. "While no cases erupted during tlieir
detention, there is no telling what might have been the
consequences if rigorous sanitary precautions had not
been taken. While the Stcgomijia CaJopiis no longer
thrives in the locality, the epidemic which ravaged certain
sections of Delav.are a hundi'ed years or so ago, prove
that the insects, when imported during the summer
months, can be domesticated long enough to propagate
the disease under discussion.
1893. July 20. American schooner Hannah McLoon,
from Havana and Matanzas. Captain had died from yel-
low fever and was buried on arrival. Five other cases
en route; all convalescent when the ship arrived. Vessel
disinfected. Xo other cases.
1897. June 21. German bark Zion from Eio de
Janeiro. Two cases while at I\io and two en route.
Quarantined and ordered to New York without pratique.
October 3. Norwegian steamship Jolui ^yl^son, from
Bocas del Toro, Colombia. Had previously left Mobile
(an infected place), and had had a case of yellow fever
before reaching the South American port, and another
after leaving Bocas. Owing to the fact that yellow fever
was widespread in the South that year, much excitement
was caused at Delaware Breakwater (iuarantine and
vicinity, when news that an infected vessel had arrived
became public. Th cargo, which consisted of bananas,
was dumped five miles at sea and the vessel ordered to
Keedy Island for oltservation. Xo other cases developed.
Since 1897, infected vessels have arrived at this station,
but no interesting developments followed.
DUCK CREEK.
1720. Yellow fever imported, but beyond the state-
ment that '^the village was almost depo])ulated," no other
information can be gleaned from the historians of the
period.
XEW CASTLE.
1798. Severe outbreak; no statistics. Probably io-
fected by Wilmington.
DELAWARE. 803
WILMINGTON.
1798. First case in September. Probably infected by
refugees from Philadelj^hia. Deaths, 200.
1802. Mild epidemic "in the autumn." No statistics.
BIBLIOGRAPHY OF YELLOW FEVER IN DELAWARE.
Bancroft: Essay on Yellow Fever, p. 357.
Medical Repository, 1805, vol. 3, pp. 128; 136; 221; 336; 368.
Monro: Remarks on the Epidemic of the Summer and Autumn of
1798, at Wilmington, Delaware. Medical Repository, 1805, vol. 3, p.
136.
Tilton: Observations on the Yellow Fever as it appeared at Wilming-
ton Delaware, in the Summer and Autumn of 1798. Medical Reposi-
tory, 1805, vol. 3, p. 128.
Vaughan (J.) : A Sketch of the History of the Diseases of the State
of Delaware. Medical Repository, 1805, vol. 3, pp. 221, 336, 368.
Vaughan: A Concise History of the Autumnal Fever which prevailed
in the borough of Wilmington (Del.) in the year 1902. Svo. Wil-
mington, 1803.
Vaughan: An Account of Diseases at Wilmington (Del) in the sum-
mer and autumn of 1800; of the disease originating on board of the
U. S. Ship Ganges, etc. Medical Repository, 1806, vol. 4, p. 238.
DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA.
WASIUXGTOX.
1855. A few imported eases "from the South."
1878. ropiilation, 179,402. First case, xViigust 10.
Cases, 5; deaths, 5; all refugees from Southern cities.
1898. One fatal case, a refugee
BIBLIOGRAPHY OF YELLOW FEVER IN DISTRICT OF
COLUMBIA.
Dick: Fever at Alexandria, District of Columbia. New York
Medical Repository, vol 7, p 100.
Keating: History of Yellow Pcver, p. 97.
Lancet (London), lSo5, vol. 2 p. 208.
Medical Statistics U. S. Army, 1819-39, p. 54.
Annual Report Supervising Surg.-Gen. U. 3., 1899, p. 391.
FLORIDA.
APALACHICOLA.
1820. Sporadic cases; no statisitcs.
BARTOW.
1888. Population, 2,500. A few imported cases.
BRAIDENTOWN.
1888. Scattered cases; imported.
BRENT.
1908. One fatal case, a refugee.
CALLAHAN.
1888. Infected by Fernandina. First case, September
10; last case, October — . A few cases, refugees.
1871. Infected by Havana. Mild epidemic. No
statistics.
DRY TORTUGAS.
1893. One fatal case; imported.
ELLAVILLE.
1888. A fatal case in November; imported.
EGMONT KEY.
1887. First case in July; first death, July 11. Two
cases, resulting in death.
ENTERPRISE.
1888. Severe outbreak, considering the limited number
of inhabitants. No statistics.
806 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
FERNANDINA.
1877. Infected by Havana. Cases, 1,500 ; deaths, 112.
1878, Three deaths on a bark from Matanzas, Cuba.
1888. Infected by Jacksonyille. First case, August
17, terminating fatally on the 22nd. Complete statistics
lacking.
FORT BARRA^'CAS.
1822. Deaths, 7. Source of infection not stated, but
probably Hayana or Pensacola.
1853. Infected by Pensacola. Cases, 5.
1854. T^yo deaths ; imported.
1873. First case, September 2G; last case, Xovember
12. Cases, 12 ; deaths, 3.
1875. There are different speculations relatiye to the
origin of the feyer in 1875, but it is the opinion of the
majority of writers that it A\as brought by the Von
Moltlcc, from the AYest Indies, ^vllich anchored betAyeen
Forts Barrancas and Pickens, the pilot not being able
to bring her to the quarantine station, owing to the ad-
verse wind and tide. It is currently believed that a boat
from Barrancas with enlisted men boarded i\iQ vessel
during the night to obtain liquor. It is certainly peculiar
the men who were supposed to have gone on board, were
the first to have taken the fever. It proved to be of a
very virulent type, and spread with fearful rapidity. The
commandant of the Navy Yard making a call on the citi-
zens, they responded at once, and formed a picket guard,
cutting off what is known as Tartar Point, and extend-
ing from the present custom-house station to Bayou
Grande. Not a case of yellow fever made its appearance
in the adjacent villages or the Y^ard. Pensacola, having
quarantined against Barrancas, was equally fortunate.
1897. Cases, 4 ; deaths, 1. ' ■
FORT JEFFERvSON.
1873. First case, August 24; last death, October 6.
Cases, 25; deaths, 13.
FLORIDA. 807
FORT PICKENS.
1875. Sporadic cases. No statistics.
GAINESVILLE.
1871. First case in August. No statistics.
1888. Infected bv Jacksonville. First case, Septem-
ber 11, terminating fatally on the 17th ; last case, Novem-
ber 28. Complete statistics lacking.
GREEN COVE SPRINGS.
1888. Sporadic cases.
INDIAN KEY.
1841, In the early part of the autumn of 1841, the
brig Jefferson, from Mobile, Ala., where a mild outbreak
of yellow fever was in progress, landed several cases at
Indian Key. The disease did not spread.
About the same time, the schooner Ostego, "from the
west coast of Florida," lost several of her crew at the
Key from yellow fever, without contaminating the in-
habitants of the village.
INTERLOCHEN.
1887. One case, October 7, from Tampa, terminating
fatally on the 13th.
JACKSONVILLE.
1857. Severe epidemic. Probably imported from
Havana by smugglers. No statistics.
1877. Epidemic. No statistics.
1888. First case in a man from Tampa, Florida, where
"sporadic cases" had been observed, and who was taken
ill July 20. A severe epidemic resulted. Complete stat-
istics not given.
808 HISTORY or YELLOW FEVER.
KEY WEST. '
1823. Epidemic; probably imported from Havana.
The fever was so fatal among the United States troops
stationed at the place, that the post was abandoned by the
government and the soldiers removed to Pensacola.
1824. Mild epidemic.
1828. Epidemic
1829. Population, 350. The epidemic of 1829 was
probably imported from Cuba, between which Island and
Key West much smuggling was then going on, as the
first case was in a seaman who had been sent ashore from
a vessel in the harbor. Deaths, 26.
1841. Mild outbreak. No statistics.
1853, Infected by Tampa. First case, August — ;
first death, August — . Deaths, 2.
1854. Cases, 240; deaths, 98.
18G2. Infected by Havana. First case, June 20 ; last
case, October — . Deaths, 75.
1864; 1865; 1867. Mild manifestations of the disease.
No statistics.
1869. Infected by Havana. No statistics.
1875. Population 10,000. Infected by Kingston, Ja-
maica. First case, March 19 ; first death, March 21 ; last
death, August 11. Deaths, 38.
1876. At Quarantine: Cases, 2; deaths, 1. I
1878. Population, 5,000. Infected by New Orleans.
First case, July 10; first death, July 11; last death, Octo-
ber 19. Cases,' 162; deaths, 20.
1880. Population, 12,000. First case, July 16. Deaths,
34.
1881. First case, August 22; first death, August 27.
Deaths, 8.
1887. Infected by Havana. First case, May 21; first
death, May 23. Cases, 283; deaths, 64.
1889. Population, 25,000. First case, September 21;
last case, November 15. Mild, sporadic manifestation.
Cases, 7; no deaths.
1890. One death. )
FLORIDA. 809
1892. Cases, 0; no deaths.
1893. Cases, 2; deaths, 2.
1894. A few eases on vessels in harbor. No cases in
town.
1899. Cases, 1,291; deaths, 65.
1900. A case was observed as earlv as January 8, in
the person of a civilian employed at the United States
Army Post; second case, January 16. These were un-
doubtedly "echoes" of the epidemic of 1899, as no other
cases occurred in 1900.
1901. Cases, 1.
LIVE OAK.
1888. Sporadic cases.
MACCLENNY.
1888. First case, August 8. Cases, 338 ; deaths, 23.
MANATEE.
1888. Population, 200. Infected by Tampa. First
case, July — ; first death, July 20. Cases 51.
MANGO.
1888. First case, September 2. Cases, 6 ; deaths, 0.
MANY LAKES.
1887. Cases, 2 ; deaths, 1.
^lELLENVILLE.
1888. Cases, 2 ; deaths, 0.
MIAMI.
1899. Cases, 47 ; deaths, 4.
810 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
MICANOPY.
188S. Cases among- refugees.
MILLLVIEW.
1883. Population, 300. First ease, September 7; last
case, September 10. Cases, 70; deaths, 12.
MILTON.
1853; 1855; 1869. :\rild outbreaks. No records of
cases and deaths.
MOLINA.
1883, Infected by Pensacohi. ]\rost of the cases oc-
curred in the country adjacent to Molina, but a few being
observed in the town.
MULLET KEY.
1892. Cases, 3 ; deaths, 1.
PALATKA.
1887. Infected by Tampa. First case, October 7 ; last
case, October 13. Only a few cases, all imported.
Deaths, 1.
PALMETTO.
1888. Population, 250. Infected by Manatee. First
case, November 19 ; last death, November 23. Cases, 85 ;
deaths, 11.
PENSACOLA.
1764. First appearance of yellow fever in Pensacola.
No record of cases and deaths.
FLORIDA PENSACOLA. 811
17G5. Deaths, 125.
1810; 1811. Mild epidemic. No record of cases and
deaths.
1822. Infected by Havana. First case, August 12.
Between the 13th and 20th of August, 20 deaths occurred ;
and on the 26th, the troops abandoned the town and
encamped on a dry elevated position in the vicinity. As
some men were necessarily left behind to guard the public
property, many cases occurred among them. Three med-
ical officers, Drs. Elliott, McMahon and Merrill, were
attacked, the tirst of whom fell a victim to the disease.
Last case, October 10. Deaths, 237.
1824. Deaths, 2.
1825. Yellow fever prevailed to a considerable extent
in Pensacola during the summer of 1827. The soldiers
suffered much. Among those attacked were Paymaster
Wright and his whole famih^, his assistant, and also Dr.
Lawson, the Army Surgeon of the post, and a sergeant.
No record of cases and deaths.
1828; 1829; 1830. Severe on vessels in harbor; only a
few cases in town.
1834. First case, August 23. Limited outbreak.
1835. Sporadic cases.
1839. Infected by New Orleans early in September.
First death, September 5. Several doctors died during
the course of the epidemic.
1841; 1842; 1843; 1844; 1845; 1846. Mild outbreaks.
1847. Infected by United States frigate, Mississippi,
from Vera Cruz. Limited outbreak.
1848. Infected by ships from Vera Cruz.
1853. In July, 1853, the steamer Vixen arrived at
Pensacola Navy Yard from the West Indies, both officers
and men suffering severely from yellow fever. They were
at once sent to the Naval Hospital, situated about one-
half mile west of the yard. The vessel was put out of
commission, hauled along side one of the yard wharves,
and employes were sent aboard to tallow machinery and
clean bilges. These men were, with scarcely an exception,
taken sick with virulent yellow fever, and the spread
812 HISTORV OF VKLI.OW FEVER.
of the epidemic could be distinctly traced, step by step,
to this focus. The scourge raged with fearful violence
from the latter part of July to about the lOtli of October,
carrying off about 200 victims out of a population of
only 1,200.
1854. Infected by ship Yijcen, from Tampico, Mexico.
1858. Sporadic cases.
1863. Infected l)y Ignited States ordnance supply ves-
sel Nigh tin f/alc. At the time tlie Civil AA'ar was iu pro-
gress and there were some 4,500 people in the town, due
to a heavy influx of refugees, besides a floating population
of about 2,000 more. It is impossible to estimate the
number of deaths, but the havoc caused by the pestilence
was fearful, it being a common occurrence to see four
or five coffins carried in a graveyard in an oxen-team,
the only available conveyance at the time. Most of the
men belonging to the mortar fleet were camped on the
island, and it is said that more than 200 people were
buried there. The fever was of a virulent kind, which
did not spare the acclimated portion of the community.
Strange to relate at that time there were about 3,000
troops stationed at and about Barrancas, and not a case
of fever occurred at that point, owing to a strict quaran-
tine picket being kept by cavalry extending from the
hospital to the bayou, men being close enough to hail one
another.
1867. Infected by Jamaica. The United States gun-
boats TacoHji and Yiircn were at the Xavy Yard at the
time. The officers and men had free intercourse with
Pensacola, little suspecting the danger to which they were
exposing themselves, until two men belonging to the
TfU'0)if/. who had been on liberty and in Pensacola, were
taken sick with yellow fever. The infection spread i"^p-
idly. The total number of cases could not be ascertained,
but the deaths were 227.
1873. Infected by Havana. First case, August 5; last
case, October 15. Cases, 600; deaths, 62.
1874. Population, 3,347. Number who fled, 1,947.
FLORIDA. 813
Infected by Havana. First case, August 17; last case,
November 9. Deaths, 354.
1878. Popnlation, 5,000. American brig- J. A'. Bar,
from Cuban ports, arrived August 17 with the mate dead
and crew sick with yellow fever. The cases were seciues-
tered, and Pensacola escaped an invasion.
1882. Infected by bark SnJrfa, from ^Matanza. I'irst
case, August 8 ; tirst death, August 26 ; last case, 'Novem-
ber 2(); last death, November 2o! Crises, 2,351 ; deaths, 108.
1883. The Pensacola Navy Yard was infected by
Havana, the first case erupting May 27 ; first death, June
2. From this focus, the fever was carried to Pensacola.
The first case being reported August 5, and the first
death on the 11th. Vjases, 201; deaths, 31.
1881. Sporadic cases.
1891. (\ases, 2; deaths, 1.
1893. (^ases, 2.
1897.^ One fatal case at Quarantine.
1905. Cases, 564; deaths, 81.
• PLANT CITY.
1887. Population, 300. Infected by Tampa. First
case, Octolier — ; first death, November 14; last case,
August 18.
1888. Population, 300. Number who fled, 100. First
case, June — ; first death, June 22; last case, August 18.
Deaths, 21.
PROGKESO.
1887. First cas(-, Se])tember 30. Cases, 0; deaths, 1.
SANFOIM).
1887. Infected by Tamjia. I^irst case, October 8.
Cases, 150; deaths, 8.
1888. Among refugees. No record of cases and deaths.
1889. Population, 3,000. An imixnted <ase died April
23.
8 14 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
ST. AUGUSTINE.
1807. First iuvasion by yellow fever. No statistics.
1819, Mild epideniie. No record of cases and deaths.
1821. Infected bv Havana. First case in August.
Deaths, 140.
1838. . Mild outbreak. No record of case and deaths.
1839. Infected by Charleston. First case, August 15.
No statistics.
1841. Infected by Havana. Deaths, 26.
1877. Infected by Fernandina. First case, November
9. Cases, 250 ; deaths, 50.
ST. JOSEPH.
1841. Sporadic cases. No statistics.
ST. MARKS.
1822. First cases in August. Cases, 68; deaths, 5.
SUWANEE.
1835. A few cases. No record.
1836. First case, August — ; last case, November, 10.
TALLAHASSEE.
1841. Infected by refugees from "towns along the
coast.-' No record of cases and deaths.
1867. A fatal case in Sei)t('nib(T. Source pf infection
not stated.
TAMI»A.
1839. Sporadic cases. No record.
1871. Infected by Havana. No statistics.
1887. October 7.' Cases, 400 ; deaths, 75.
1888. Last case, December 3; deaths, 10.
1899. A fatal case; imported.
1900. Kefugees. No records of cases and deaths.
1905. One case; imported.
FLORIDA. 815
TORTUGAS.
1862. Deaths, 4.
1867. First case, July 4. Deaths, 38.
1898. Cases, 5; deaths, 0.
1897. At quarantine. No record of cases and deaths.
WARRINGTON.
1874. Ropulatiou, 1,000. Deaths, 13.
1883. Infected by Pensacola. Sporadic cases.
WOOLSEY.
1874. Population, 1,000. Deaths, 14.
1883. Infected hy Pensacola. Sporadic cases.
BIBLIOGRAPHY OF YELLOW FEVER IN FLORIDA.
GENERAL.
Epidemic of Yellow Fever in Florida. Rep. Superv. Surg.-Gen. Mar.
Hosp. Wash, 1888, p. 24, 4pl. Imap.
Gibier (P): Investigaciones sobre la Fiebre Amarilla. (Segunda
Serie., Epidemia de Florida, 1888.) Cron. Med. Quir. de la Habana,
vol.. 15, p. 62.
Holt (Joseph): A Letter upon the Causes of the Introduction of
Yellow Fever in Florida, and Advice as to Disinfection and Sanitation.
8°. (New Orleans, 1888.)
BARRANCAS.
Herron (J. S.) : Yellow fever at Barrancas, near Pensacola, Fla.,
in 1875. Rep. Superv. Surg. Mar. Hops., 1874-5, Wash., 1876, 139-143.
FERDINANDA.
Horsey (C. W.) : Report of the epidemic of yellow fever at Fernan-
dina, Fla., in August, September and October, 1877, Proc, Fla., M.
Assn., 1878, p. 51.
Maxwell (G. T.) : Yellow Fever Epidemic of 1887 and 1888 in Florida;
Testimony of Dr. George Troup Maxwell; Correspondence with Prof.
Joseph Jones, Virginia Med. Monthly, Richmond, 1889-90, vol. 16,
p. 266.
8)6 HISTORY OK VKLLOW FEVKR.
Murray (R. I).): Yellow fever epidemic at Fernandina. Rep. Superv.
Surg. Mar. Hosp., Washington, 1878-9, pp. 191-199.
Ross (J. W.) : The yellow fever at Fernandina. Rep. Superv. Suig.-
Gen. Mar. Hosp., Wash, 1888-9, p. 76.
Starbuck: Notes on the Epidemic of Yellow Fever at Fernandina,
Fla. Rep. Superv. Surg.-Gen. Mar. Hospital, Wash, 1888-9, p. 83.
GAINESVILLE.
Martin (W.): The Yellow Fever at Gainesville, Fla. Rep. Superv.
Surg.-Gen. Mar. Hosp. Wash, 1889, p. 85.
McKinstry (J.): Yellow Fever as Observed in Gainesville Epidemic,
1888. Proc. Fla. Med. Assn., Jacksonville, 1889, p. 43.
Voyle (J) : The Epidemic of Yellow Fever at Gainesville, Fla., and
Deductions Therefrom. Proc. Quarant. Confer., Montgomery, Ala.,
1889, p. 71.
JACKSONVILLE.
Daniel (R. P.): Report on Yellow Fever in Jacksonville, Fla., in
1877. Proc. Fla. M. Assn., 1878, p. 23.
Daniel (R. P.) : Epidemic in Jacksonville, Fla., 1888. Proc. Fla.
Med. Assn., Jacksonville, 1888, p. 57.
Jones (Joseph) : Scientific inquiries with reference to the Yellow
Fever Epidemic in 1888, in Jacksonville, Fla., Addresses to several
Physicians engaged in its Treatment, with replies thereto. Atlanta
Med. and Surg. Jl., 1889-90, n. s. vol. 6, p. 387.
Mitchell (S.) Remark.3 upon the Yellow Fever Epidemic of 1888, at
Jacksonville, Fla., N. Y. Med. Jl., 1889, vol. 49, p. 305.
Stout (H. R.) : The Epidemic of Yellow Fever at Jacksonville, Fla.,
in 1888, N. Am. Jl., Homocop,, N. Y. 1890, 3 s. vol. 5, p. 428.
KEY WEST.
Annual Report Sup. Surg.-Gen. V. S. Army, 1875, p. 120. (Daily
mortality in Key West in 1875).
Bemiss (S. M.) : Yellow Fever at Key West, Fla. Rep. Nat. Bd.
Health, 1881, Wash., 1882, vol. 3, p. 281.
Dupre (C. C): On the Yellow Fever of Key West, East Florida.
American Journal of Medical Sciences, N. S. vol. 2, p. 380.
Guiteras (J): Some observations on the Natural History of
Epidemics of Yellow Fever, based on a Study on the Mortality
Statistics of the City of Key West; also a plea in favor of a continued
investigation of this disease by the Government of the United States.
Rep. Superv. Surg.-Gen. Mar. Hosp,, Wash., 1S88, p. 75.
FLORIDA. 817
Maxwoll (G. T.): Letter describing the yellow fever as it appeared
at Newport, Fla., in 1853, and Key West, Fla., in 1857.. Charleston M.
J. & Rev., 1874, vol. 2, pp. 145-150.
Moreno (M. R.): Our Board of Health and Yellow Fever. Key
West, Fla., June 9, 1SS7. The Evening Call, Key West, Fla., June 10,
1887.
Perry (R. J.) : Yellow Fever at Key West, Fla., 1878. Hyg. & M. Rep.
U. S. Navj', Wash., 1879, vol. 4, p. 729.
Sampson: Med. Statistics U. S. Army, 1839-1P55, p. 323.
Tickuor: An Account of the Yellow Fe-ver which prevailed at
Thompson's Island in t^e year 1824. North .American Med and Surg.
Journal, vol. 3, p. 313; vol. 4, p. 1.
MACCLENNY.
Posey (J, L«.): Yellow Fever at Macclenny, Fla. Rep. Superv. Surg.-
Gen. Mar. Hosp., Wash., 1889, p. 96.
MANATEE.
Wall (J. P.) : The yellow fever in Tampa, Plant City, Manatee and
Palmetto. Rep. Superv. Surg-Gen. Mar. Hosp., Wash., 1889, p. 60.
MILLVIEW.
Anderson (W. E.): Yellow fever epidemic at Millview, Fla., 1883.
Rep. Bd. Health Ala., 1883-4, Montgomery, 1885, p.. 113. Also: Tr. M
Assn. Ala., Montgomery, 1884, vol. 36, p. 236.
PENSACOLA.
Blount: Yellow Fever on Ship Emma Payzaht. Med. Record, N. Y.,
1881, vol. 20, p. 112.
Boston Medical & Surg. Jl., 1834, vol. 11, p. 153.
Bouvier (E.): Yellow Fever in Pensacola. Proc. Fla. Med. Assn.,
1886, p. 36.
Bouvier (E): Sanitary condition of the city of Pensacola and
vicinity, 1883; report of some sporadic cases of yellow fever, of
hygienic measures adopted on quarantine and sanitary cordons, pend-
ing the p.eriod from 1st of April to the 15th of November, 1883, in the
city of Pensacola, Fla., and in it;5 vicinity. Rep. Superv. Surg.-Gen.
Mar Hosp., Wash., 1883-4, p. 251.
Cochran: (Epidemic of 1873). Trans. Ala. State Med. Assn., 1874,
pp. 113, 126.
Cochran (J): Report on yellow fever in Pensacola in 1883. Rep.
Bd. Health Ala., 1883-4, Montgomery, 1885, i;. 96. Also: Tr. M. Assa.
818 HISTORY OF YEM.OW FEVKR.
Ala. Montgomery, 1884, vol. 36, p. 206, 233.
Do well: Yellow Fever and Malarial Diseases (Phila., 1876), p. 41.
Gibbs (B. F.): Account of the epidemic .?f yellow fever which
visited Pensacola navy-yard in the summer an.l autumn of 1863. Aoi.
J. M. Sc, Phila., 1866, n. s., vol. 51, p. 340.
Guiteras (D. M.) : Notes on tlii yellow fevur at Pensacola in 1883.
Proc. Naval Med. Soc, Wash., 1882-4, vol. 1, p. '>';.
Hargis (R. B. S.) : Yellow fever epidemic at Pensacola. N. O. M. &
Surg. Jl., 1873-4, n. s., vol. 1, p. 781.
Hargis (R. B. S.) : The Pensacola yellow fever empidemic of 188?.
Am. Pub. Health Assn., Rep. 1883, Concord, N. H., 1884, vol. 9, p. 306.
Heiron (J. S.) : Yellow fever at Pensacola in 1874. Rep. Superv.
Surg. Mar. Hosp., Wash., 1873-4, p. ]95.
Martin (W.) : Conclusions as to the outbreak of yellow fever -it
Pensacola in 1882. Proc. Naval Med. Soc, Wayh.. 1882-4, vol. 1, p. 168.
Porter (J. G.) : Yellow fever in Tampa and Pensacola, Florida, 190l*
Rep. Surg.-Gen. U. S. P. H. & M. H. Service for 1906 (Wash., 1907),
p. 173.
Report on Yellow Fever and Quaiantine; visit to Pensacola. Tr. M.
Assn. Ala., Montgomery, 1883, p. 144.
Report of the outbreak of the yellcw fever epidemic at the nav.'.l
station, Pensacola, Florida, 1807. Med. & Surg. Reporter, Phila , 186S.
vol.17, p.. 227.
Sternberg (G. M.): Yellow fever in Pensaccli, Fla., in 1873, 1871,
and 1875. Am. Pub. Health Assn. Rep. 1875, >'. Y., 1876, vol. 2, p. 46 ».
Townsend (P. S.) : Account of the Introduction of the Yellow Feve-
into Pensacola and New Orleans in the year 1822. Mew York Medicp.l
and Physical Journal, vol. 2, p. 315.
Tryon (J. R. ): Epidemic of yellow fever at the navy yard, Pensaco a,
Fla., during the summer and fall of 1S74. San. & M. Rep. U. S. Na'/y
1873-4, Wash., 1875, p. 451.
The Yellow fever at Pensacola (1SS2). Med News, Phila., 1883, vol
13, p. 233.
Yellow Fever at Pensacola. Proc. Fla. Med. Assn., Jacksonville,
1886, p. 36.
Wilson (J) et al.: Report of a naval medical board to investigate the
circumstances connected with the visitation of yellow fever at navy
yard, Pensacola. Hyg. & M. Rep. U. S. Navy, Wash., 1879, vol. 4, p. 699,
PALMETTO.
AVall. J. P.: (Loc. cit.)
PLANT CITY.
United States Congress. Senate. ..A. bill for the relief of Wm. P.
Head, of Plant City, Fla. (Compensation for loss destroyed by fl e
FLORIDA. 819
while in possession of the Mar. Hosp. Board, whilst being fumiga'.o'i
in the Summer of 18SS, for the purpose of eradicating the germs of
Yellow Fever.) 51st Cong., 1st Sess. S. 1746. Jan. 6, 1890, Intrcd.
by Mr. Pa.sco. Roy. Svo. (Wash., 1S90.)
Wall. J. P.: (Loc. cit.)
SAINT AUGUSTINE.
Strobel, p. 131.
SAINT JOSEPH.
Boston Med. & Surg. Jl., IS—, vol. i;5, p. 17.
TAMPA.
Porter, J. G. : (Loc. cit.)
Raymond, H. I.: Yellow Fever at Camp Tampa HeighlT. Medir-n
News (1898), vol. 72, p. 683.
Wall. J. P.: (Loc. cit.)
\
GEORGIA.
4TLANTA.
1870. A few rases, refugees from Savaiiuah.
1S07. Refugees. Cases, 3; deaths, 0.
1905. One fata] cai^e, a refugee.
AUGUSTA.
1825. At arsenal. Cases, 31 ; deaths, 7. No diffusion
of the disease.
1830. During the summer of 1839, most of the cities
of the Soutliern States suffered severely from yellow fever.
Although the citv of Augusta experienced its worst rav-
ages, the garrison of this post, with the exception of one
case, was exempt from the fatal epidemic. This man
passed a night in the city, in a state of intoxication.
In regard to the origin of this epidemic which hegan
in July, much diversity of opinion, as has been found to
obtain at all periods existed. A committee consisting <»f
pliysicians of August, by whom the question of its origin
and cause Avas carefully investigated, reported that the
disease was of domestic origin, a tenet which cannot be
countenanced at the present day, but which was seriously
accepted then. The /oy/.s- ct 0////0 niali was traced to a
point called "trash wharf," a slide or inclined plane,
erected in 1834, for the purpose of throwing the filth of
the city, including dead animals, into the river. This
mass of animal and vegetable matter having accumulated
to the upwards of 200,011(1 cubic feet, it was resolved by
the autlu!riti(s of the <-ity to have it removed. Accord-
ingly, during the months of ^fay and June, "its interior
was exposed to the action of the sun." Having penetrated
the exterior crust, tlie heat evolved was so great tliat the
workmen, although wearing thick slioes, were compelled
to desist from their work, '"for two hours at a time, so as
to suffer it to cool."
I
GEORGIA. 821
The excayatioii of this trash heap was giyen by the
Commission as the cause of the epidemic, but we are more
prone to accuse the proverbial "ship from the West
Indies," The number of cases and deaths is not stated.
1854. A few imported cases.
1876. Infected by refugees from Savannah. Outbreak
not general, but confined to persons residing in the neigh-
borhood of the railroad freight 3 ards. Cases, 20 ; deaths, 4.
BLACKSHEAR.
1887. One case; imported
BAINBRIDGE.
1873. Sporadic cases.
BRUNSWICK.
1870. Infected by Havana. First case, August 20;
first death, August 21. Deaths, 112.
1881. A few cases at Quarantine.
1890. There is no "official'' record of the prevalence
of yellow fever in Brunswick in 1890, but during the ex-
amination of the mortuary records of the town by officials
of the United States Marine Hospital Service in con-
nection Avith the yellow fever epidemic there in 1893, it
was demonstrated, by the peculiar "jumps" in the mor-
tality, that the disease had prevailed in Brunswick in
1890, and had been kept concealed. Not only did the
mortuary records show this, though the cases were not
diagnosed as yellow fever, but evidence of creditable cit-
izens was obtained to this effect; and reliable testimony,
that one of the physicians of Brunswick liad made the
statement in the fall of 1890, that yellow fever was pre-
valent— almost epidemic — and "if the Lord did not send
a frost soon, it would be impossil)le for them longer to
conceal it." It is known now that yellow fever had ex-
isted in 1893, a month prior to its being declared epidemic.
1893. The America.i barkentine Anita Bcnciiid, from
822 HISTOR^ OF yellow fever.
Havana, arrived at the Brunswick quarantine — jiood san-
itary history— June 15, 1893. Cleared June 10, 1893,
presumably three days after disinfection. The master,
who is said to have been feeling badly before leaving,
was in Brunswick. The vessel reached Conquest's wharf
on the Satilla (only a wharf with no people living there)
on the 20th, on tlie evening of which day the master took
to his bed. On June 21 he was moved to Conquest Camp,
a cross-tie camp, 8 miles distant from Brunswick, where
he died on June 25. Diagnosis during sickness and an
autopsy by Dr. Dunwoody, yellow fever.
Two colored women nursed the patient and several
men were especially exposed towards the last of his life
and after death; Drs. Atkinson and McKinnon attended
him. ^Y^th the exception of burning the mattress and
bedding, no disinfection worth anything was practiced,
and there was no isolation save what the fears of the
people compelled; the two nurses sleeping in the house
and circulating freely among the others. There were 73
persons in the camp, living in small houses scattered
through the brush.
Suspicious cases subsequently erupted in the vicinity,
and there undoubtedly were cases in Brunswick, but it
was only on September 9, when Surgeon Brenham, of the
United Slates Marine Hospital Service, was taken ill and
his case diagnosed yellow fever, that the disease was
officially declared present in the town. The first death
among the inhabitants of Brunswick r<'])orted as yellow
fever took place Sei)tember 13. Dr. Brenham died on
the 20th. Te fever was not of a virulent character, for
out of 1,001 reported cases, only 53 died — 40 whites, 12
negroes and 1 Mongolian. A notable feature of this epi-
demic was the unusual mortality among the blacks.
1894. At quarantine, two deaths.
1897. A few cases at quarantine.
1899. Cases at quarantine.
GEORGIA. 823
CONQUEST CAMP.
{Sec Bniii.sa-ick, 1893).
DARIEN.
1S7G. Infected bj Doboy. First case, September 26;
last death, November 7. Cases, 8; deaths, 2,
1879. On bark Caspiau, from Havana. First case,
August 24; last case, August 24. Cases, 4; no details.
I) ALTON.
1878. Infected by Chattanooga, Tenn. First case, Oc-
(obor 2, terminating in death on the 4th. Cases, 3;
deaths, 3.
BOBOY ISLAND.
187(3. Infected by bark Valentine, from Havana. No
record of cases and deaths.
FORT OGLETHORPE.
1828. Deaths, 10.
ISLE OF HOPE.
1876. The Isle of Hope is ten miles southeast of Savan-
nah, with which city it is in constant railroad communi-
cation. It has always been considered a place of refuge
during seasons of epidemic influence; in 1876 at least
three thousand individuals were added to its population.
The first case of yellow fever which occurred in this
locality in 1876 was in the person of a man named De
Gauge, a refugee from Savannah. This man slept on the
Island, but spent each day in the city. He died about the
22nd of September. The second case was in the person
of a man named Grover, also a refugee from Savannah,
who only slept on the island. He died on the 23rd of
824 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
September. From these cases the disease spread, and
many fatal eases occurred.
Opposite the Isle of Hope, and at but a comparatively
short distance from the houses in which the epidemic in-
fluence was most strongly exihibited, is the celebrated
Bethesda School, at one time so dear to the heart of
John Wesley. At this point a considerable number of
persons were congregated, but no case of the disease
occurred.
JEKYL ISLAND.
1893. Imported cases.
JESUP.
1893. Sporadic cases; imported.
^[ACON.
f
1876. Early in October two cases of yellow fever oc-
curred in the persons of employees of a Macon cotton
ginnery. At the residences of these persons were sev-
ei-al refugees from Savannah. Both of these cases died
with black vomit. After these deaths occurred, the
refugees removed to other portions of the city, where they
were subsequently taken with the disease, and in one in-
stance a fatal case again occurred from their presence.
During the prevalence of this slight outbreak, the greatest
number of cases occurred on the two blocks between
Fourth and Fifth Streets, and Pine and Oglethorpe
Streets, immediately in front of the Southwestern Kail-
road depot, at which all freight from Savannah was re-
ceived and delivered. A few cases occurred in the vicinity
of the Macon and Brunswick Bailroad depots, and other
sporadic cases in the vicinity of the railroad yards.
OLIVER STATION.
1876. During the epidemic in Savannah, a case oc-
curred at Oliver Station, on the Georgia Central Rail-
GEORGIA. 825
road. For the accommodation of the Central Railroad
employees and the citizens of Savannah during the epi-
demic, a daily train was run to this station, Avhich is
some forty odd miles from the city. The train remained
at Oliver over night and returned to the city in the
morning.
On the night of September 10, a man named Lufburrow
slept on board this train, and on the 16th Avas suddenly
taken with yellow fever, of which he died on the 21st.
This man had not been to the citj^, and the only contact
which he had with infection was on the night he slept
in the cars.
Two cases of the disease occurred ^mong some Ignited
States troops who were encamped at this point, having
evacuated their barracks in Savannah on account of the
epidemic, but on other cases occurred in the locality.
SAVANNAH.
1801 ; 1807 ; 1808. Mild epidemics. No records.
1817. Cases were observed earlier than usual in 1817,
and by July the disease was epidemic. No record of
cases and deaths.
1818. Mild outbreaks.
1819. The epidemic of 1819 made its appearance in the
latter part of June, and went on increasing in extent and
destructiveness, until the frost came and ended it.
1820. Population, 5,000. The disease made its appear-
ance in May. A death occurred on the 7th, another on
the 10th, and another on the 30th of that month. In June,
the mortality was augmented to a death on every second
day, and the whole sum, at the end of the month,
amounted to 11. In July, the number of deaths ran up
to 39, being an advance to more than double the devasta-
tion of June. In August, it amounted to 111; in Sep-
tember, to 241; in October, to 208; in November, to 50,
and in December, to 3. The degree of mortality, on the
surface of tliis statement, appears to have undergone a
gradual reduction after the month of September. But
8t6 HISTORY OF VLELOW FEVKR.
when it is considered, tliat, in the course of this period,
tlie population liad l)een srci^tly diminished by absence
and death, it becomes evident, that, so far from havinj?
sustained any diminuition, it was really increased
throughout the month of October. The whole aggxegate
of deaths resulting from the epidemic, from its commence-
ment in May, to its conclusion in December, was at GG6.
When the epidemic first appeared in ^lay, the jiopula-
tion of Savannah was computed at 5,000 whites. In
June, and beginning of July, it was probably reduced,
from emigration, to 2,500 ; and, en the 14:th of September,
when the ^Mayor's proclamation was ])ul)lished, the num-
ber was still further reduced, and could not have exceeded
1,500. The medial population, therefore, of white inhab-
itants, may be fairly estimated at 3,000, for the whole
season ; which would constitute a sum of mortality
amounting to one in five.
1821; 1827; 1831; 1839; 1850. Epidemics of more or
less intensity. Xo authentic records,
1852. Deaths, 19.
1853. Sporadic cases.
1854. The first case of yellow fever to precede the epi-
demic of 1854, occurred on August 5, at the corner of
Lincoln and Broughton Streets. Regarded merely as a
sporadic case, it was not reported as yellow fever, and no
precautions were taken. Between that date and the mid-
dle of the month, a few more cases occurred, but the
health authorities remained inactive, scoffinf!; the idea of
the disease becoming epidemic. Soon after that date,
cases manifested themselves in almost every quarter of
the town and the pestilence soon swept with fearful deso-
lation over the entire city. Following is a record of the
deaths :
August 132
Septend)er 381
October 67
Total 580
GEORGIA. 827
Xotwitlistanding the large negro population of Savan-
nah at the time, only about 15 of that race died from
yellow fever during the epidemic.
The disease exhibited its greatest violence from the
20th of August to the 20th of September, having com-
menced as an epidemic in the. northeastern part of the
citj; it advanced directly to the southwest, spreading
north and south until its influence was felt in ever^' part
of the city.
The infection is said to have been brought from Havana
by the brig Charlotte Hague.
1858. Sporadic cases.
1876. The jear 187(1 witnessed the most mortal epi-
demic of yellow fever which has ever visited Savannah.
Between August 21, the date of the first recorded death,
to December 1, when the last death took place, the pestil-
ence x-arried off 1,066 persons, of which 809 were white
and 257 black.
The infection is said to have been brought by a vessel
from Havana, either the brig Ynes (which arrived on
July 16), the bark Maria, (July 17), or the brig Pepe
(August 2). But which of these was the active agent of
transmission, has never been definitely settled.
The first recorded death from yellow fever occurred on
August 21, on Wright Street, a short ciil de .mc, about
fifty yards long, the culmination of Bryan Street, in the
northeastern part of the city. The second occurred in
the same street and same locality, August 22. The third
and fourth, August 26, same locality.. The fifth, August
26, on East Broad Street, two doors north of Broughton ;
the sixth, August 27, on Reynolds Street, next to Gas
House; the serenth, August 27, on Broughton Street,
three doors west of Reynolds ; the eighth, August 27, on
East Boundary Street, north end; the ninth, August 27,
on Randolph and President Streets.
On August 28, five deaths were recorded, one on Stone
Street, one on State Street, between Whitaker and Bar-
nard, and the remaining three in the northeastern part of
the city.
8a8 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
Ou August 28, the otlior two not specified.
After this the disease spread rapidh^, and was not con-
fined to any locality. The highest number of deaths in
the city from yellow feyer in an}- one day Ayas thirty-three,
on the 20th of September. These occurred in the fifth
week of the epidemic, embracing the period between the
ISth and 24th of September.
SOUTH ATLANTIC QUARANTINE STATION.
1887. Infected by Para. First case, May 22.
1880, One case, April 12; recoyeied.
181)1. No record of cases and deaths.
1894. No record of cases and deaths,
1895. Cases, 1 ; deaths, 1,
ST, MARY'S,
1808. First case, September 5; last cas(^, October — .
Deaths, 84.
UPTON VI LLE.
1888. First case, October 24. Cases, 2; no deaths.
BIBLIOGRAPHY OF YELLOW FEVER IN GEORGIA.
GENERAL.
Felder (W. L.) : Observations on the Yellow Fever Epidemic of
1854, in Augusta, Georgia. Southern M. & S. J., Augusta, 1855, vol.
11, p. 598.
Holt (W. F.): Report of the State Board of Health of the late
epidemic of yellow fever in the State of Georgia. (With appendix >
Report Board of Health Georgia, 1876, Atlanta, 1877, vol. 2, pp. 1, etc.
Kollock (P. M.): Notes on the epidemic fever in 1854. Southern M.
& S. J., Augusta, 1855, n. s., vol. 11, p. 453.
Logan (J. P.) : Observation in regard to the yellow fever epidenaic
of 1876 upon the coast of Georgia. Richmond & Louisville M. J,
Louisville, 1877, vol. 23, p. 223.
McClellan (E.) A study of the yellow fever epidemic of ISl^, as it
<
GEORGIA. 829
affected the State of Georgia. Trans. Am. Pub. Health Assn., 1S77-S,
vol. 4, p.. 249.
Seagrove (J.) : Origin of yellow fever in the contaminated air of a
coasting vessel, and of the town of St. Mary's, in Georgia; with aii
enumeration of its symptoms and mortality, and the beneficial effects
of volatile alkali as a remedy, during the autumn of 1808. Med
Reposii., N. Y., 1810, vol. 13, p. 135. Also: Am. M. & Phila. Reg., N.
Y., 1814, vol. 3, p. 417.
White (J. E.) : Typography of Waynesborough (Georgia) and its
vicinity, with the State of the thermometer and weather for part of
the year 1802; to which is added some account of the disease which
prevailed, and a few observations on yellow fever, and the princip:;!
remedies of fever. Med. Repository, N. Y., Second Hexade, vol. 3,
pp. 36; 140; 241.
ATLANTA.
McLellan: Trans. Am. Pub. Health Assn., 1877-8, vol. 4, p. 282.
Sawtelle (H.. W.) : Report of Measures taken at Atlanta, Ga., in con-
nection with the Yellow Fever Epidemic of 1897, under the direction
of the Burgeon-General. Rep. Superv. Surg.-Gen. Mar. Hospi 1896-7,
Wash., 1899, p. 665.
Summerall (W. B.) : The case cf yellow fever recently occurring in
Atlanta, Ga., history, clinical notes, and observations. Atlanta J. Rec,
Med., 1905-6, vol. 7, p. 505.
U. S. Public Health Reports, 1897, p. 1419.
Ibid., 1905, p. 2754.
AUGUSTA..
Austin: Trans. Am. Pub. Health Assn., 1877-8, vol. 4, p. 234.
Campbell: Ibid., 1879. vol. 5, p. 132.
McLellan: Ibid., 1877-8, vol. 4, p. 281.
Boston Medical & Surgical Jl., 1839, p. 36.
Medical Statistics U. S. Army, 1819-1839, pp. 37, 349.
Nashville Jl. Med. & Surgery, 1854, p. 345.
Report of the Origin and Cause of the late Epidemic (Yellow Fever)
in Augusta. Submitted to a meeting of the physicians of Augusta on
the 10th of December, 1839. Reprinted by order of Council, November,
1877. Svo. Augusta, 1877.
Robinson (F. M.): A Report on the Origin and Cause of the late
Epidemic in Augusta, 1839. Augusta, 1839.
Smelt: An Account of the Epidemic Disease which prevailed at
Augusta (Georgia) and its Neighborhood in 1804. Medical Repository,
vol. 9, p. 125.
830 HISTORY OK YELLOW FEVER.
BRUNSWICK.
Booth (A. R.) : Tables Showing the results of Observations with
Regard to Remittent and Yellow Fevers, taken During the Yellow
Fever of 1893, in Brunswick, Ga. Rep. Superv. Surg.-Gen. Mar. Hosp.,
1894. Wash., 1895, p. 323.
Faget (C): Some Observations on Yellow Fever in Brunswick, Ga.,
in 1893. Rep. Superv. Surg.-Gen. Mar. Hosp., 1894. Wash., 1895, p.
328.
Le Hardy (J. C.) : The Yellow Fever Epidemic of Brunswick and
its management by the Marine Hospital Service. Virginia Medical
Monthly, Richmond, 1894-5, vol. 21, p. 594; 688; 835; 961; 1103; 1200.
McLellan: Loc. cit., p. 275.
Smith: Ann. Rep. Surg.-Gen. U. S., 1876., pp. 77, 185.
Elliott: Nat. Board of Health Bulletin, 1881-2, vol. 3, pp. 92, 127.
Ann. Rep. S.-G., U. S., 1894, p. 298.
U. S. P. H. Reports, 1894, vol. 9, pp. 668, 728.
Ibid., 1897, p. 775.
BAINBRIDGE.
Washington Republican, Oct. 25, 1871, p.. 1.
BLACKSHEAR.
U. S. Pub. Health Rep., ISSS, p. 192.
DARIEN.
McLellan, loc. cit., p. 279.
Harris: Nat. Bd. Health Bulletin, vol. 1, p. 104.
DALTON.
Keating: History of Yellow Fever, p. 93.
Trans. Am. P. H. A., vol. 4, p. 251.
FORT OGLETHORPE.
Med. Stats. U. S. Army, 1819-1839, p. 66.
ISLE OF HOPE.
McLellan, loc. cit., p,. 280.
MACON.
McLellan, loc. cit., p. 281. '
GEORGIA. 831
OLIVER STATION.
McLellan, loc. cit, p. 281.
SAINT MARY'S.
Seagrove (James) : An Account of the Origin and Nature ol the
Yellow Fever, as it prevailed in the Town of St. Mary's, Georgia, in
the Autumn of 1808. Medical Repository, vol. 13, p. 135; Medical
Register, vol. 3, p. 417.
SAVANNAH.
Arnold (D.), of Savannah: Two Cases of Black Vomit, with Observa-
tions. American Journal of the Medical Sciences, N. S., vol. 3, p. 316.
Austin: Trans. Am. P. H. A., 1877-8, vol. 4, p.. 234.
Berenger-Feraud, pp. 88, 89, 108, 134.
Byrd (H. L.) : A few facts relating to the late epidemic of yellow
fever in Savannah. Oglethorpe M. & S. J., Savannah, 1858-9, vol. 1,
pp. 286-301.
Chaille: Virginia Med. Jl., 1858, p. 491.
Daniell (W. C): Observations upon the Autumnal Fevers of Savan-
nah. 8vo. Savannah, 1826,
De la Motta (J.): An oration on the causes of the mortality among
strongers, during the late summer and fall. 8°. Savannah (1820).
Falligant (L. A.): A monograph of the yellow fever of 1876, in
Savannah, Ga., N. Am. J. Homoeop. N. Y., 1878, vol. 26, pp. 289, 458.
Falligant (L. A.) : Report on the epidemic of yellow fever in
Savannah, Georgia, duiing the months of September, October and
November, 1876. N. Am. Homoeop. J., N. Y., 1878, vol. 26, pp. 289, 458.
Hume (W.) : On the introduction of yellow fever into Savannah in
the year 1854, in reply to a letter from R. C. Mackall. Charleston M.
J. & Rev., 1856, vol. 11, p. 1.
Le Hardy (J. C.) : Yellow fever; its history, causes, nature, path-
ology and treatment; considering exclusively the epidemic of 1876 in
Savannah. Tr. Georgia M. Assn., Atlanta, 1878, vol. 29, p. 64.
Mackall (R. C.) : Introduction of Yellow Fever into Savannah in the
year 1854. Charleston Medical Journal, 1885, vol. 10, p. 150.
Russell (H. P.): An official register of the deaths which occurred
among the white population in the city of Savannah during the extra-
ordinary season of sickness and mortality which prevailed in the
summer and fall months of the year 1820; to which is annexed a list
of the persons (as far as could be ascertained) who died out of the
city after retreating from it. Also the aggregate amount of deaths
among the people of color. 8°. Savannah, 1820.
832 HISTORY OK YELLOW FEVER.
Smith (H.): Yellow fever at Savannah and Brunswick. Rep. Superv.
Surg. Mar. Hosp., Wash., 1878, p. 175.
Stone (G. H.) : Yellow fever at Savannah, Ga. in 1876. Rep. Surg.-
Gen., 1878, p. 107.
Ward (John E.): Reports to the City of Savannah for the year 1854.
8vo. Savannah, 1854.
Waring (W. R.): Report to the City Council of Savannah, on the
Epidemic Disease of 1820. 8°. Savannah, 1820.
White (O. A.) : Report upon yellow fever as it appeared in Savannah,
Georgia, in 1876. X. York M. J., 1877, vol. 25, p. 249.
WoodhuU (A. A.) : On the causes of the epidemic of yellow fever at
Savannah, Georgia, in 1876. Am. J. M. Sc, Phila., 1877, n. s., vol. 54,
p. 47.
White: May not yellow fever originate in the United States? An
etiological study cf the epidemic at Savannah in 1876. Trans. Pub.
Health Assn., 1879, vol. 5, p. 107.
i
ILLINOIS.
CAIRO.
1873.
Infected by river boatmen from Memphis. New Orleans
and intermediate points.
On the 1st of September, two cases of yellow fever were
received at the hospital from the steamer Man/ Alice;
on the 10th, two cases from the tow-boat B: and on the
24th, one case from the Kci/stone. Four of these case»
were fatal, beiuj;' in the stage of collapse when brought in.
The fatal cases all had black vomit.
Tlie first fatal case among the citizens did not occur
until i?ei)tember 13, Avhen the cashier of the Illinois Cen-
tral wharf-boat died. Then followed in rapid succession
several other cases among persons employed in the same
locality. Xext, a man on Captain Phillips' wharf-boat
sickened, and died on the fourth daj-. A colored woman,
who did the washing of his clothing, took the disease and
died one week after; and a cliild in the house Avhere the
nurse died, also took the disease, but recovered.
There were in all 13 deaths out of 43 cases of yellow
fever among the citizens, making, with the four deaths
among those landed here with the disease, seventeen
deatlis from yellow fever between September 1 and Sep-
tember 25.
It was especially noted that the disease was confined to
persciis ('m])loyed about the river and the localities above
desci'ibed; the four or five excei)tioi)s which occurred be-
ing in the families of men who were thus employed.
The disease did not make its appearance among the cit-
izens until after the first two cases were received at the
hospital from the steamer; aiul no new fatal cases oc-
cuii'ed among citizens after the establishment of quar-
antine.
834 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
1878.
Infected hy steamboats from "points below," as follows :
On An.uust 3, 1878, the steamboat Golden- Crown an-
chored in the river opposite Cairo ; Avas examined by the
quarantine physician, and one case of yellow feyer found
on board. Two other cases of the disease were reported
as being secreted on the boat at the same time. The
steamer was not allowed to land. August 9, the steam-
boat John A. i<cuddcr passed Cairo for 8t. Louis, haying
one case of yellow fever on board, a refugee from New
Orleans. On the 8th iust., ^lartin Alplien applied at the
office of the ^Marine Hospital Service and stated that he
shipped from this poi't, on the steamboat John D. Porter,
the 27th of July; that he continued on the vessel till the
Gth inst., Avhen he was taken sick, and returned to Cairo
on the Dora Cable, which steamer met the Porter between
Paducah and Cairo. Me was sent to the hospital suffer-
ing from what was supposed to be a form of malarial
fever. On the third day after admission the disease was
pronounced to be yellow fever, and in about two hours
afterwards black vomit occurred in profusion, and the
patient died three hours subsequently in convulsions.
Lewis Clark arrived from ^Memphis, on the steamboat
Jawes B. Parker, on the 15th inst., and was taken ill with
fever the same night at his mother's house. The case re-
mained without treatment until the 4th inst., and when
medical attendance was procured, the case was past
recovcjy.
On September 4, four members of a family by the name
of Porter, residing two miles outside of (^airo, on the
banks of the Mississippi, were suddenly stricken with the
fever.
On the 8th, :\lr. ThcMuas Nalley, the editor of the
Cairo "Bulletin," was taken ill with the fever and died
on the 12th.
Isaac I\Iulkey, an employe of the same office, died on
the morning of the l^tli.
Jolin Crafton and a man named Sullivan, both em-
ployes of the "Pulb'tin'' office, becoming ahirmed by the
ILLfNOIS CAIRO. 8S5
death of ^Nfr. Xallev, spent the niiiht in a drunken
debauch. The followinc, morning, the 13th, Crafton ap-
peared at the hospital as a private patient, and died on
the afternoon of the Ifitli. Sullivan, on the morning of
the 13th, went to Mound City, seven miles from Cairo,
where he died on the 15th.
On the 10th, Houston Dickey, age 18, was attacked and
died on the morning of the loth.
On the morning of the 22nd, G. W. Craig was admitted
to the hospital with well-marked symptoms of yellow
fever. The man was a refugee from the South, had
stopped at Clinton Station, Ky., and had engaged himself
temporarily as a cook in a large boarding-lKuise. He had
also swept out some empty cars in which refugees had
been brought from the South. As soon as he was taken
sick he started for Cairo, crossing the river in a skiff
during the night.
On the 29th of September, in a family by the name of
Petree, residing in the city, a daughter, age about sixteen,
was taken ill with what Avas pronounced to be bilious
fever, but linalh' proved to be yellow fever. The girl's
mother had been taken sick sliortly before, the exact time
not being obtained. She and licr daughter had been
sleeping together previous to their illness. The mother
died October 2, of yellow fever.
Upon the same street as the "Bulletin-- building, about
two hundred feet distant, resided a Mr. Wilcox. This
gentleman Avas of a very nervous temperment, and was
greatly alarmed about tlie yellow fever. On the 21st of
September he was seized with a chill, which was followed
by high fever. On tlie 24th, he entered the hospital. The
same evening his pulse stood at 112; temperature,
102°; very much prostrated. A violent thunder storm
came on later in the evening which greatly alarmed him,
and soon after he sank into collapse.
On October 10, Dr. AValdo was taken sick, admitted to
the hospital, and, notwithstanding all care and attention,
died the 18th.
836 HISTORY OK YELLOW FEVtR.
It will be seen from the preceding report that there
were two centers of infection, one proceeding from the
"Bulletin" building, where the editor died on the 12th,
This district covered an area of about three city blocks
in the heart of the city, and the vicinity of the custom-
house. The other infected district was located in the
upper part of the town, between 20th and 21st Streets,
and covered two or three blocks.
From August 8, to September 7, there were three cases
of yellow fever and two deaths— all of them refugees. On
Sei)tember 7, the first case among the inhabitants oc-
curred, and from that date to November 5, inclusive, there
were 51 deaths among the inhabitants. The total number
of cases was 88.
1897.
Four refugees from infected points in the South, had
yellow fever in Cairo in 1807. There were only four cases
with no deaths. The disease did not attack the in-
habitants.
CHICAGO.
1878. One death, a refugee ''from the South."
1905. Week ending October 7, one death, a refugee.
^rorxT CAiniEL.
1888, A fatal case, a refugee from Decatur, Ala. Sep-
tember 25.
KOCKFOED.
1888. One case, a i'( fugee, from Decatwr, Ala., Sep-
temlxM- 24, diea 29th. Tliei-e was uo spread of the disease.
BiBLlOGRAPHY OF YELLOW FEVER IN ILLINOIS.
Aimesse (J. AV): Measures taken at Cairo, Illinois, to prevent the
introduc'tion of yellow fever. Ann. Rep. Sup. Surg.-Gen., 1906, p. 188.
Annual Report State Board of Health of Illinois, 18SS, pp. Ixi; Ixvi.
Annual Report Sup. Sur.-Gen., 1873, p. 108.
ILLINOIS. 837
History of Yellow Fever at Cairo, 111. Ann. Rep. Sup. Surg.-Gen.,
1878-9, p. 149.
Kalloch (P. C): Report of Yellow Fever occurring at Cairo, 111.
Ann. Rep. Sup. Surg.-Gen., 1899, p. 668.
Report Sanitary Commission of 1878.
U. S. Pub. Health Reports, 1897, p. 1419.
Ibid., 1905, p. 2754.
INDIANA.
INDIANAPOLIS.
1S7S. Two cases, September 12, refugees ; one case died
ou the ITth.
NEW ALBANY.
1878. 'Cases on steamboat Marj/ Houston, from in-
fected points. There was no spread of the disease.
INDIAN TERRITORY.
MAYSVILLE.
1905. A fatal case, a refugee, September 1.
KENTUCKY.
BOWLING GREEN.
1878. First case, 8oi)tember 2. Cases, 42 ; deaths, 19.
CLINTON.
1878.
Two cases of yellow fever occurred October 25. There
was much excitement, and many citizens left the town
in great haste.
COVINGTON.
187& One case, a refni>ec from New Orleans.
DANVILLE.
1878. One case, September 3; died on the 9th.
FILLMOKE.
1878. One fatal case, a refugee from New Orleans.
FULTON.
1878. Cases, 12; deaths. 5.
HICKMAN.
1878. Yellow fever was never epidemic in Hickman,
until 1878. The first case was Charlie Hendricks on
August 13, supposed to have been infected on the
railroad trains, as he jieddled apples and mixed with
passengers. He died August 10, on the 17th his little
sister, Louisa, died, affected similarly; both had black
vomit. No death until August 28, when Edward Mangel
840 HISTORY OF VKL1.0W FEVER.
died. Mrs. J. AYitting died the 29tli, Jimmie Young; the
30th, and numerous new cases continued to occur through-
out the town. A panic ensued, scores were dead or
dying, Imndreds ill and over a thousand fled. Nearly all
the local physicians died, four of the volunteer doctors
died, 450 citizens were prostrated with the fever, 150 died.
Date of the last death, November Gth. Total cases, 454;
total deaths, 180.
JORDAN STATION.
1878. Deaths, 2.
LEXINGTON.
1905. Cases, 2.
LOUISVILLE.
1873. First case, September 22 ; last case, October 15.
Deaths, 5.
1878. Population, 100,890. Early in the yellow fever
season, Louisville opened her gates as a "city of refuge"
from the raging disease. Thousands flocked from the
South, many bringing the disease. On the 17th of August,
3 cases of fever were sent to the United States ^Marine
Hospital, from the steamer ^unfloiccr Belle, 1 white and
2 colored. On the 23rd of August, Mr. H. R. Davis, of
the firm of Rrynut & Davis, Grenada, came to Louisville
and put up at the AN'averly Hotel. In a few days he was
stricken. Drs. Walling and Gaillard were summoned and
later Dr. Luke Blackburn was called to see him; he had
black vonut and died on the 31st. A hearse was driven
up the alley in the rear of the hotel and the coffin borne
huri'iedly away at midnight. When he was first taken
ill, two nurses were emi)l()ycd. A young man, also from
Grenada, who assisted in nursing, was also taken ill with
fever, but recovered. On the 12th of September, Drs.
Lloyd and Griffith were summoned io a refugee family
on 33rd Street, and found 7 occupying a small room on
KENTUCKN ^^LOUISVII.LE. 841
the ground floor of an old frame house. Three children
with yellow fever lay in one corner, the father in the
other, and the mother, with a babe in arms, watching and
nursing them. Conveyances were telegiai)hed for, and in
a little while two hacks carried them to the- yellow fever
hospital, an infirmary which the city had erected and
equipped for this disease early in the season. Mr. Lutz
died September 25, on 11th Street near Maple, also two
cases (colored) on Bible Alley. Meta Flynu, Nathanial
Mudd, Wm. Shaw, Eddie Beiryman, Mrs. Ryan and many
others died of black vomit on or near Maple, Eleventh
and Bible Alley, all being near the L. & N. B. B. depot;
but a diversity of opinion existed as to the disease. Some
excitement arose. Three physicians, Drs. Bell, Yandell
and Force, i^ublishing a card endeavoring to allay excite-
ment, caused a panic for a day or two, but the frightened
ones were ridiculed out of their alarm, and returned. No
case originated elsewhere in the city. Total cases, 12G;
total deaths, 34.
1879. Population, 175,000. A fatal case, a refugee
from Memphis.
1888. Population, 200,000. A fatal case, a refugee,
September 19.
1897. On August 14, 1897, a man came to Louisville
from Ocean Springs, Mississippi, and was taken ill on his
arrival. His case was diagnosed as yellow fever by the
attending physician, who had lived in the South, and had
clinical experience with the disease. The patient was
immediately spirited away from the hotel, where he had
been taken ill to a jjrivate sanitarium in the city, where
he exhibited all the phenomena of yellow fever. He died
on the IGth. He was (piietly buried by the health author-
ities. There were no developments from this case.
At the time, there was no suspicion that yellow fever
was prevalent in Ocean Springs, although 'Slengue'' was
said to be epidemic in the town. Nevertheless, the Louis-
ville health officer immediately notified the healtli author-
ities of New Orleans of the circumstances, naturally
concluding that this city would be vitally interested in
842 HISTORY OK YKM.OW FEVER.
investigating!: the "suspicious cases," wliicli had mani-
festcMl themselves in Ocean S])i'in^', and which had been
diaiinosed as denj^ue by the physicians. Actin<i' on this
information, and also alarmed by the fact that Dr.
Theard, of New Orleans, had reported an nnecpiivocal
case of yellow fever in his practice, the President of the
Louisiana State Board of Health, with members of his
staff, went to Ocean Springs, made an investioation of
the disease prevailino- there. As a result of this tardy
investigation by the health officers of New Orleans, the
infection was brought to our doors and resulted in dis-
astrous outbreak of yellow fever,
MEDLEY'S LANDING.
Only one case, that of a man who contracted the dis-
ease while nursing his brothers at Hickman.
TRENTON.
1878. One dc^ith, a refugee.
BIBLIOGRAPHY OF YELLOW FEVER IN KENTUCKY.
Ann. Rep. Sup. Surg.-Gen., 1S73, p. 109.
Berry (T. D.): The Breeding of the Yellow Fever Mosquito at
Louisville. Bulletin, Kentucky Medical Assn., vol. 1, p. 255 (1904).
Brown (E. O.): Official report of i\hy ician in charge of the yellow
fever hospi'tal, Louisville, Ky., 1878. Louisville, Ky., 1878. 12p. 2 tab.
8°.
Brown (J. E.) : Yellow fever [Cloverport, Ky.]. Louisville M.
News, 1878, vol. 6, p. 226.
• Dowell (G.): Louisville, 1873. In his "Yellow Fever and Malarial
Diseases," 1876, p. 39.
Holland (J. W.): Nature and source of the yellow fever at Louis-
ville, Ky., in 1878. Am. Pract., Louisville, 1879, vol. 20, p. 352.
Keating: History of Yellow Fever, pp. 43; 93; 251,
McReynolds (J. O.): [Two cases of Yellow Fever at Trenton, Ky.].
Louisville M. News, 1879, vol. 7, p. 41.
National Board of Health Bull., 1878-9, vol. 1. p. 45.
KENTUCKY. 843
Procter (J. R.) : Notes on the yellov^ fever epidemic at Hickman,
Ky., during the summer and autumn of 187S. Frankport, 1879, E. H.
Porter, 41 p. 2 pi. Imap. 4°.
Procter (J. R.) : Notes on the yellow fever epidemic of Hickman,
Kentucky, 1878. Rep. Bd. Health Ky., 1878-9, Frankport, 1879, vol. 1,
p. 73. 4pl.
Report Sanitary Commission, 1878.
Thomas (R. C): Yellow Fever in Southern Kentucky. Med. and
Surg. Reporter, Phila., 1878, vol. 39, p. 523.
Thomas (R. C): A history of the outbreak of yellow fever in
Bowling Green, Ky., in 1878. Rep. Bd. Health Ky., 1878-9, Frankport,
1879, vol. 1, p. 37, Ipl.
Thompson (P.): Yellow Fever in Kentucky. Rep. Bd. Health Ky.,
vol. 1878-9, p. 47.
U. S. Pub. Health Rep., 1905, p. 2754.
Ibid., 1897, p. 1419.
Ibid., 1888, p. 219.
Yandell (L. P.): The Late Yellow Fever Outbreak in Louisville.
Louisville Med. News, 1878, vol. 6, p. 275.
Yandell (L. P.): The Board of Health's Report on the Yellow Fever
in Louisville. Louisville M. News, 1878, vol 6, pp. 239-24L
LOUISIANA.
ABITA SPRINGS.
1905. lufected by New Orleans. First case, July 30,
Cases, 4; no deaths.
ALEXANDRIA.
1819; 1S22; 1827; 1831; 1837; 1839; 1847; 1853; 1854;
1855, yellow fever years. No record of cases and deaths.
1898. First case, October G; last case, October 16.
Cases, 200 ; deaths, 2.
1905. First case, July 28. Cases, 21; deaths, 3.
ALGIERS.
A District of Xcic Orleans, irJiich see.
AMITE CITY.
1898. First case, October 13; last death, October 13.
Cases, 1 ; deaths, 1.
ARCENEAUX PLACE.
1879. First case, August 10. Cases, 1; no deaths.
ASCENSION PARISH.
1823. Locality not stated. No record of cases and
deaths.
AMELIA.
1905. First case, August 8. Cases, 86; deaths, 5.
AMESVILLE.
1905. First case, July 25. Cases, 3 ; deaths, 1.
LOUISIANA, 845
ARDOYNE PLANTATJON.
1905. First case, August 1. Cases, 200; deaths, 11.
ATHERTON.
1905. Cases, 8; deaths, 2.
ATTAKAPAS CANAL.
1879. Cases, 62 ; deaths, 18.
BALDWIN.
1905. First case, October 20. Cases, 1; deaths, 0.
BARATARIA.
1905. First case, August 15. Cases, 56; deaths, 7.
BATON ROUGE.
1817; 1819; 1820; 1821. Yellow fever years. No
records of cases aud deaths.
1822. Deaths, 60.
1827; 1829. No record of cases and deaths.
1829. Deaths, 7.
1837. No record of cases aud deaths.
1843. First case, October. No statistics.
1847; 1858. No record of cases aud deaths.
1878. Infected by New Orleaus. First case, August
10; first death, August 18. Cases, 2,435; deaths, 193.
1897. (^ises, 5;'deaths, 2.
1898. First case, September 25 ; last case, October 15.
Cases, 176 ; deaths, 4.
1905. First case, September 9. Cases, 8; deaths, 1.
BAYOU BOEUF.
1879. Populatiou, 150. Infected by Morgan City.
First case, Se])teuibei' 5; first death, Se]>teuiber 25; last
846 HISTORY OF YELLOW FETER.
case, November 10; last death, Xoveiiiber 10. Cases, 77;
deaths, 21.
1905. First ease, August 1. Cases, 15; deaths, 0.
BAYOU BRULO.
1905. First ease, October 4. Cases, 40; deaths, 6.
BAYOU CANE.
1905. First case, September 3. Cases, 1; deaths, 0.
BAYOl^ COOK.
1905. First cat-e, July 3. Cases, 2; deaths, 1.
BAYOU CYPBEMOKT.
1878. Infected by Thibodaiix, La. First case, Novem-
ber — . Deaths, 7.
BAYOU GOULA.
1878. Deaths, 4.
1905. First case, August 1. Cases, 17; deaths, 3.
BAYOU NATCHEZ.
1005. First case, t^epteiuber 3. Cases, 20; deaths, G.
BAYOT' PLA()UE:\IINE.
1853. First case, September 17; last case, September
30. Cases, 9; deaths, 0.
BAYOU SARA.
1839; 1847; 1853. No record of cases and deaths.
1878. Population, 700. Cases, 250; deaths, 13.
LOUISIANA. 847
BAYOU TEKKEBONNE.
1905. First case, September 4. Cases, 1; deaths, 0.
BEL AMI.
1905. First case, September 8. Cases, 106; deaths, 15.
BELLE GROVE.
1905. First case, August 31. Cases, 74 ; deaths, 12.
BELLE HELENE.
1905. First case, October 17. Cases, 2; deaths, 0.
BELLESEIN PLANTATION.
1905. First case, August 2(1. Cases, 43; deaths, 5.
BELMONT.
1905. First case, August 29. Cases, 1 ; deaths, 0.
BERWICK crrr.
187S. Population, 150. Infected by iNforgan City.
First case, September 27; last case, November 4; first
deatli, October 7. Cases, 99; deaths, 7.
1879. Population, 500. Infected by Morgan City.
First case, September 8; first death, September 12; last
case, December 1; last death, December 1. Cases, 75;
deaths, 16.
1905. First case, September 7. Cases, 1 ; deaths, 1.
BIG BURNS.
1905. Cases, 1 ; deaths, 0.
848 HISTORY OF YELLOW FKVtR.
BLANCHARD.
1S7D. Cases, 1 ; deaths, 1.
BON AMI.
1005. First case, August G. Cases, 5(5; deaths, 8.
BONNET CAERE.
1878. Several cases and deaths; no record.
BORGUEMOUTH.
1905. First case, September 20. Cases, 1 ; no deaths.
BORODINO.
1905. First case, September 24. Cases, 1; no deaths.
BOWIE.
1898. First case, October G; last case, October 6.
Cases, 1; no deaths.
1905. First case, July 2G. Cases, 1 ; deaths, 1.
BROUSSARD.
1878. Deaths, 1.
BRULE SACREMENTO.
1878. Deaths, 22.
BUNKIE.
1905. First case, July 20. Cases, 22; deaths, 8.
BUR AS.
]S47. Sporadic cases. No statistics.
1854. First case, September 22. No record,
1878. Infected by New Orleans. Cases, 14; deaths, 3.
LOUISIANA. 849
CANAAN LANDIN(J.
1878. Cases, 28; deaths, 0.
CAROLINE LANDIN(J.
1878. A fatal case in October.
CAREOLLTON.
{A District of Ncio Orleans^ icJiich see).
CEDAR GROVE.
1905. First case, September IG. Cases, 2; deaths, 0.
CENTREVILLE.
1853. First case, September 15; last case, November
18. Cases, 45; deaths, 7.
1855. First case, September — ; last case, October — .
1879. First case, September 21 ; first death, September
25; last case, December 4. Cases, 44; deaths, 14.
CHALMETTE.
1905. First case, September 30. Cases. 7; deaths, 0.
CHENIERE CAMINADA.
1905. First case, August 27. Cases, 02; deaths, 5.
CHENIERE CANE.
1878. No record.
CINCLARE.
1898. First case, October 15; last case October 25.
Cases, 11 ; deaths, 1.
850 HISTORY OF YELLOW FKVEll.
CLARK CHENIERE.
1905. First case, July 1(>. Cases, 44; deaths, 3.
CLIXTOX.
1854. First case, September 1 ; last case, December — .
1S7S. Infected by Xew Orleans. Fir>;>t case, Septem-
ber 23. Cases, 96; deaths, 15.
CLOUTIEIIYILLE.
1853. V'lvst case, Aiu»iist 14; first deadi, December 14.
1854. Xo record.
COLUMBIA.
1878. Infected by X'ew Orleans. First case, October
3; last case, October 27. Cases, 2; deaths. 0.
COOK'S LANDING.
1878. Population, 35. Cases, 15; deaths, 4.
CORIXXE.
1905. First case, July 20. Cases, IG; deaths, 4.
COTE BLANCHE.
1905. First case, Angust 18. Cases, 300; deaths, 51.
COVINGTON.
1847. Sporadic cases. No record.
1905. Infected by New Orleans. First case, Septem-
ber 23. Cases, 4; deaths, 1. All refugees.
CRESCENT FARM.
1905. First case, Angust 30. Cases, 205; deaths, 1.
It seems incredible that such a small mortality should
LOUISIANA. 851
have resulted, but the liiiiircs are "official/' and we eaii do
110 more than publish them. In our opinion, seventy-live
per cent, of the eases reported as ""yellow fever'' were erro-
neoush' classified as such.
CYPREMORT.
1879. Infected by Xew Orleans. First case, October
17 ; first death, October 25 ; larst case, November 22. Cases,
33 ; deaths, 9.
DELHI.
1878. Population, 500. Infected by Vicksburg-. First
case, August 11; first death, August 15. Cases, 164;
deaths, 34.
DELOGNY.
1898. First case, October 1; last case, October 1.
Cases, 1 ; deaths, 1.
DELTA.
1878. Population, 300. Infected by Vicksbnrg. First
case, August 27; first death, September 2. Cases, 87;
deaths, 47.
1905. Cases, GO ; deaths, G.
DES ALLEMANDS.
1878. Population, GO. First case, August 20; last
case, October 27; first death, August 24; last death, Octo-
ber 30. Cases, 32; deaths, 17.
DESLONDE.
1870. First case, September 22. Cases, 40; deaths, 1.
DIAMOND.
1905. First case, August 16. Cases, 8 ; deaths, 0.
852 HISTORY OF VKLLOW FEVER.
dia:\iond plantation.
1005. First case, Jnly 20. Cases, 55; deaths, 10.
DOXALDSONVILLE. J
1827. No record.
1839. Infected by New Orleans. Deaths, 15.
1878. Population, 1,500. Cases, 484; deaths, 83.
1905. First case, August 28.
DUNBOYNE.
1878. Deaths, 5.
EDGARD.
1905. First case, September 11. Cases, 3; deaths, 0.
ELLENDALE.
1905. First case, August 30. Cases, 27; deaths, 2.
EMPIRE.
1905. First case, July 31. Cases, 1 ; de.-ilhs, 0.
EkSTELLE i»lantation.
1905. I-'ii-st case, September 5. Cases, 3; deaths, 0.
EFKEKA.
1878. Deaths, 1.
F^'F1{ETTE.
1905. First case, Septeuiber 1(>. Cases, 1; deaths, 1.
EVEKGREEN.
1905. Cases, 2; deaths, 0.
853
LOIIIMANA.
FI8H lUVEK.
1878. Xo record of cases autl deaths.
FLORE NVILLE.
1905. First case, September 3. Cases, 1 deatlis, 1.
FOLEY PLANTATION.
1879. First case, October 10. Cases, 4; deaths, L
FORT PIKE.
1820. Sporadic cases amciiii soldiers. No statistics.
FORT ST. PHILIP.
1820. Sporadic cases aiuciiii' troops. No record.
1905. Cases, 1; dealhs, 0.
FRANKLIN.
1830. No record of cases ard deat1;s.
1853. First case, October 10; first dealh, October 23;
last case, October 24; last death, October 25. Cases, 3;
deaths, 2.
1854; 1858; 1807. No record of cases and deaths.
1897. Cases, 3; deaths, 1.
1898. Cases, 007; deaths, 9.
1905. First case, Septeiuber 25. Cases, 5; deaths, 0.
FRELLSIN.
1900. First case, October 18. Cases, 1; deaths, 0.
pre:\ieaux.
1879. First case, October 22. Cases, 2; deaths, 1.
85i HISTORY OK YELLOW FEVER.
FEEXCH SETTLE:\rEXT.
1871). First case, Xoveiiibei' 11) ; last case. December — .
Cases, 60; deaths, 5.
GLENWILD PLANTATION.
1905. First case, September 15. (\'iscs, 2; deaths, 1.
rJOOJ) llOFE PLANTATION.
1905. First casi^, Auj-ust 10. <'j!ses, 2t\: deaths, 1.
GliAMElJCV.
1905. First case, Septembci" L Cases, 1 : deaths, 0.
GEANI) ISLE.
1905. First case, September 4. Cases, 74; deaths, S.
GKAND LAKE.
1905. First case, July 25. Cases, 41; deaths, 7.
GREENWOOD.
1873. Infected by Slireyepcrt. Fii-st case, September
29; first death, October 3; last death, October 29. Cases,
19 : deaths, 4.
1905. First case, September 7. Cases, 1 ; deaths, 0.
GEETNA.
1878. Deaths, 53.
1905. First case, September 22. Cases, 5; deaths, 2.
GROSSE TETE.
1905. V\v>t case, September 2. Cases, 45; deaths, 5.
LOUISIANA. H55
HAHNVILLIO.
1S7S. Population, 200. No slitCs-llc s.
HAMMOXl).
187S. InfcH'tcd by Ozyka, Miss. Vwat chhq, September
IS; lirst deatli, September '21; lawt death, November 1.
Deatlis, 5.
IIAKKISONBUEG.
187S. r(ti)nlali()ii, 275. Cases, 30; deaths, 10.
HARVEY'S CANAL.
1898. First ease, September 24; last case, October 6.
Cases, ^11; deaths, 3.
1905. First case, September 1. Cases, 5; deaths, 0.
HENDERSON.
3878. ropulatioi), 400. First ease, August 30. Cases,
75;. deaths, 18.
HOUMA.
1878. First case, October — . Deatlis, 6.
1898. First case, September 23; last case, October 5.
Cases, 40; deaths, 2.
1905. First case, August 30. Cases, 7; deaths, 0.
JACKSON.
1898. First case, October 15. Cases, 15 ; deaths, 0.
JACKSON P.AKKACKS.
1834. Deaths, 3.
856 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
JEFFERSON PAEISH.
1898. First case in September. Cases, 5; deaths, 0.
JEANERETTE.
1854, No record.
1857. First case, October 7.
JESUIT BEND.
1854. First case, September 12.
1878. First case, Se])trnil)(T 22. Cases, 2; deaths, 2.
KEMPA BEND.
1905. First case, September 17. Cases, 2; deaths, 0.
KEXTWOOD.
1905. First case, September 18. Cases, 2; deaths, 0.
KENNER.
1905. First case, Aiiiiiist 18. Cases, 360; deaths, 33.
LABADIEVILLE.
1878. Popnlation, 180. Infected by New Orleans.
First case, August 10; first death, Aujjust 21. Cases, 160 ;
deaths, 24.
LAFAYETTE.
1905. First case, September 26. Cases, 4; deaths, 0.
LAFOURCHE CROSSING.
1878. First case, September 12; last case, December
18; first death, September 18; last death, December 21.
Cases, 209 ; deaths. 26.
LOUISIANA. 857
1879. Infoeted by Morgan City. First cas-o, Octolier
2; first deatli, October 5; last case, December 1; last
death, Noyeiiiber 27. Cases, 40; deaths, 9.
1905. First cace, August 26. Cases, 35; deaths, 5.
LAKE CHARLES.
1898. First case, October 10. Cases, 1; deaths, 0
LACtOXDA tlaxtattox.
1878. Iiif(H't(Hl l)y Xe^y Orleans. First case, Septem-
ber 5; first death, September 10. Cases, 591 ; deatlis, 42.
LAKE PROVIDENCE.
1853. Population, 1,000. Infected by XcAy Orleans.
First case, Angnst; first deatli, Augnst 31.
1905. Firsf case, July 21. Cases, 327 ; deaths, 23.
LAPLACE.
1905. First case, August 10. Cases, 103; deaths, 18.
LAROSE.
1905. First case, August 29. Cases, 13; d(>atlis, 5.
LECOMPTE.
1905. First case, September 11. Cases, 2; deatlis, 0.
LEEYILLE.
(LafourrJtc Pa visit ) .
1905. First case, May 24. Cases, 375; deaths, 07.
858
HISTORY OF YEI.I.OW FEVER.
LOBDELL.
1808. First case, Oc-tober 12; last case, Octolicr 12.
Only case recorded.
LOWEK TEXAS.
1871), Cases, 30; deaths, 7.
LUCY.
\'.)V,7t. i'^iisi case, OcUjIht .">. Cases, ;> : deal lis, 0,
LUDIXGTOX.
1005. Cases, 38; deaths, 0.
LULING.
1878. Viv>i case, Scjitciiilici' 1."). Cases, 2 (hat lis, 0.
LUTCHEIJ.
181)8. First case, Octohcr IT), (^ases, 14; deatlis, 2.
irxi";. V\v>t case, Aii.uust 11. (^ases, 5; dtallis, 0.
:\IAF1S(JXVILLK.
1905. First case, August 14. Cases, 1 ; (h'atlis, 0.
:\ FA L:\roT.
1879, h'ii-st case, XoveiiilxM' 1. Cases, 1; deatlis, 0.
:\JAXT)FVILLE.
1847. Xo record <!f cases and deaths.
LOUISIANA. 8.59
1878. ropulatioii, 300. Yellow fever made its appear-
ance about the middle of September. A child died Sep-
tember 2(), and a few scattering cases followed. A youni^'
lady from 2sew Orleans died next, and a Catholic priest
died October 2. Deaths, 3.
1005. First case, Anjinst 19. Cases, 2; deaths, 1.
MANSURA.
1905. First case, November 10. (^ases, 1 ; deatlis, 0.
MARIXGOUIN.
1905. First case, Oct. 1. Cases, 1; deaths, O.
MAIIY PLAXTATIOX.
1879. Infected by Mor.oan City. First case, October
10; first death, October 13; last case, December — ; last
death, October 18. Cases, 45; deaths, 3.
McDONOGHVILLE.
1905. First case September 1. r%ases, 20; deaths, 0.
1858. Xo record of cases and deaths.
MEKAYILLE.
1905. First case, September 10. Ceases, 0; deaths, 0.
:\rEurjTT.
1905. First case, September 10. Cases, 2; deaths, 0.
^lEK KOUGE.
1905. First case, September 10. Cases, 1; deaths, 0.
860 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
MILLAUDOK
11)05. First case, September 8. Cases, 2; deaths, 0.
MILLIKE]S"S BEND.
1905. Cases, 27 ; deaths, 1.
MOREAUVILLE.
1905. Cases, 1; deaths, 0.
MORGAX CITY.
1878. Population, 3,000. Infected by New Orleans.
First case, An,i>nstl7; last case, Xovemher 10; first death,
Auo-ust 22; last death, November 11. Cases. 586; deaths,
109.
1879. Population, 3,000. First case, July 25; first
death, August 10; last case, December 1; last death, De-
cember 4. Cases, 89; deaths, 25.
1905. First case, July 28. Cases, 11 ; deaths, 0.
MOISE SETTLEMENT.
1905. First case, August 30. Cases, 52 ; deaths, 3.
NAPOLEONVILLE.
1878. Population, 500. Infected by Lafourche Cross-
ing. First case, August 10. Cases, 3; deaths, 0.
NATCHITOCHES.
1839. No record of cases and deatbs.
1905. No record of cases and deaths.
1905. First case, September IG. Cases, 1; deaths, 1.
NERO.
1905. Cases, 1.
LOUISIANA. 861
NEW IBERIA.
1839. No record of cases and deaths.
1867. No record of cases and deaths.
1870. No record of cases and deaths.
1905. First case, October 10. Cases, 18; deaths, 1.
1900. First case, Angnst 19. Cases, I.
NEW IBERVILLE.
1905. Cases, 2; deaths, 0.
NEW ORLEANS.
11 ISTOKICAL ReSUMK.
Thv Birth of the rity.
In the spring of 1718, Bienville selected a site for fi
town on the banks of the ^Mississippi, an<l placed fifty
men to ch\ar off the gronnds, as the location of the fntnre
capital of the province. The ground selected was that
which is now covered by the lower portion, oi- French
part, of tlie present Ciiy of New Orleans. The following
spring, the river overflowed its banks, the new settlement
was com])leted innndatcd, and the site seemed to present
an nncertaii) location for a city, which remained for sev-
eral years little mere llinii a military post remote from
tlie settl(>ments. For three y( ars Bienville's headqnarters
remained at ^Mobile.
Tlie liisterian, :M. Le I»age Dn Pratz, who came over
with a coloDV of eii>ht hni'dred men in 1718, under the
ansDices of the A\'est India Comnany, states that six
weeks before the arrival at Cai)e Francais, St. Domingo,
fifteen hundred persons died of an epidemic called the
Siam Distemper. l)u Bratz uives, however, no facts to
show that anv of the body of emigrants, some of whom
settled at New Oi-leans and others at Natchez, suffered
A\ith yellow fever, Uw he stales that after a passage of
862 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
three months, ineludiuo- the six Avoeks spent at Cape
Francais, thoy arrived at the Ishmd of ^Massacre, since
called Isle of Daiiphiue, on August 25, after a prosperous
voyage, no one having died, or having been even danger-
ously ill. Du Pratz describes the location of the future
capital of Louisiana in 1718, as being marked cut by a
hut covered with palmetto leaves.
As early as the year 1718, when Xew Orleans was
founded, a company ship had sailed from France with
troops and one hundred convicts, destined for Louisiana,
but had never been heard of. Toward the close of 1821,
there arrived in Louisiana, a French officer who gave
some account of this ill-fated vessel. It was now dis-
covered that like the fleet of LaSalle, she had missed the
Mississippi, and had been driven to the west. Her com-
mander had mistaken the island of Cuba for that of St.
Domingo, and had been, compelled to pass through the
old channel to get into the gulf. He made a large bay,
in the 29th degree of latitude, and discovered that he had
lost his way. His misfortune aa as increased by a disease
breaking out among the convicts.
Five of the officers thought it less dangerous to land,
with provisions for eight days and their arms, than to
continue on board.
FirKl ImportaiiGU of African AS7f/rr.s.
The first importation of African slaves numbering 500,
was made in 1711), a large portion ot Avhich was sent to
Xew Orleans, and transferred to the Avest bank of the
river to a plantation oAvned by a company. The re-
mainder Avere sold chiefly to the agricultural settlements
of the lower ^Iississipi»i. AVe haAC no accounts of any
importation of yelloAv fever by these or subsequent cargoes
of slaves under the French reign.
The ''Phi f/ lie of Mar.^ciUcs/'
P.eii.ard de la Harpe states that on the 1st of July, 1720,
the king's ships, Jjc Conitc dc Toulouse, sixty-four guns,
cpmmanded by Af. de Vatel, after the death of M. de
Cafaro, on tlie 17lh of June, and the ^aint Henri, seventy
NEW ORLKANS. 863
gims, commanded by M. Douce, arrived iu Louisiana.
They broujilit with tliem from the island of St. Domingo,
a contagious fever or mahidy, whicli carried oft' a great
number of persons every day. After opening several
bodies, it was discovered that the disease came from a.
corruption which engendered a quantity of worms iu the
stomach.
Francois Xavier 3Iartin gives a wholly different ac-
couiit of the origin and nature of this malady, and classes
it with the Oriental Plague. He says: ''Two line-of-
battle ships came in the latter part of June, 1720, from
Toulon. They were in great distress; Caftaro, the com-
modore, and most of their crews had fallen to the plague,
which some sailors iu these ships Avho come from Mar-
seilles, had communicated to the others; that city being
ravaged by jiestilence, brought there by a ship from Lyde,
in the J.evant. Father Laval, a Jesuit, royal professor of
hydrography in the colleges of Toulon, had hj the king's
order, taken passage on board this fleet, with directions
to make astronomical observations in Louisiana. The
chaplains of the ship having died, the father, considering
science an object of minor consideration to a minister of
the altar, thought it his duty to bestow all his time in
administering spiritual relief to the sick, who for a long
time Avere very numerous, and he sailed back with the
ships.
Orif/in of ^htnrii in Loidmrua.
Experiment having shown that Europeans could not
stand the labors of tiie field, but sickened and died under
the burning suns of Louisiana, and the chilling dews and
fogs of night; the Western Company was, tliercfore, com-
pelled to introduce African negroes to cultivate the plan-
tations scattered on the bayous and rivers of the delta
of the ^lississippi, and for several years it furnished the
agricultural interests of the colony with several liundred
annually, which was the origin of African slavery in
Louisiana. In 1824, ^F. de Bienville drew up a code, con-
taining all the legislation a]»iilicaltle to slaves in Louis-
864 HISTORY OF YBLLOW FKVIR.
iana, which remained in force until 1803. It appears that
duriu*; the rear 1781, Louisiana received no less than
1,3(>T nejiroes from the coast of Africa. We have failed
to discover in the writinf^s of La Harpe, Du Pratz, Char-
levois, ^lartin, Gayarre and others, any facts sustaining
the view advanced by some, tliat yellow fever was first
imported into Louisiana by the slave shi])S.
Du Pratz, wlio visited New Orleans and BiUtxi in 1722,
states that at the latter place more than five hundred
persons died of famine. He states that ''the lireat plenty
of oysters found ujion the coast saved the lives of them,
although obliged to wade up to their thighs for them, a
gunshot from the shore. If this food nourished several
of them, it threw numbers into sickness, wliicli was still
more heightened l)y tlie bmg time they were obliged to be
in the water."
Families aud Hnrricaurs.
In the beginning of August, 1723, Bienville removed
his head(]uarters to New Orleans. A most destructive
hurricane desolated the province on the lltli of Septem-
ber, 1723. The church, hospital and thirty houses were
levelled to the ground in New Orleans; three vessels that
lay before^ it were driven onshore. The crops above and
below AV('r<^ totally destroyed, and many houses of the
planters blown down. Famine threatened the colonists
with its horrors, but they were in some degree relieved
l»y the appearance of an unexpected cro]) of rice. 7)/,s-
ea^c luhhtl in flic full, ils honorx to lliosc of iiiipciKtluif
deafJi.
In 1724, the white population of Louisiana, says La
ITarpe, amounted to aboutl,700 souls, and the black pop-
ulation 3,:5()(). If La llarpc's statement be true, it shows
an astonishing diminution of the Nxliitc jtopulation, which
in 1721, was comi>ulcd at 5,400.
.1// Hiiilji Deforcsiuiioii Ed id.
During the fall of 1726, Perrier, a lieuteuant of the
king's ships, having been appointed commandant general
of Louisiana, sli(.i-<ly after, Bienville sailed for France;
NEW ORI.EANS. 865
one of tlie articles of instruction to (}<tvernor Perrier ran
thus: "Whereas it is inaiutained that the diseases ichicU
prerail in Xeir Ovleuns duriiu/ the summer proceed from
the iraiit of air, and from the city being smothered by the
nci(/hhorin</ iroods, irhivli press so close around it, it shall
he the care of M. Perrier to Jiare them cut doicn, as Jar as
Lake PonlcJiartrain/' These instructions shoAV : That
at that remote time, tlie summer was tlie sicldy seas^on at
New (h-leans, as it has continued ever since up to very
recently; and to make the city more healthy, the gov-
ernment as far baelv as 172(), was struck with thq
necessity of an improvement which was only finally ex-
ecuted to fulfill the necessities of the Federal troops dur-
ing their hostile occupation in 1863, 1864 and 1865.
Colonial Xcw Orleans.
In the year 1727, the land of which the City of New
Orleans now stands, not being protected by an adequate
levee, was subject to annual inundations, and Avas a per-
fect quagmire, presenting no better aspect than that of
a vast sink or sewer. The waters of the Mississippi and
those of Lake Pontchartrain, met at a ridge of high land,
which by theii- common deposits they had formed between
Bayou St. John and Xew Orb^ans, called the highland of
the lepers. To drain the city, a wide ditch was dug on
Bourbon Street, the third from and parallel to the river;
each lot was surrounded by a small ditch, Avhicli in the
course ()f time filled ui), exce])t the ])art fronting the
stre( t, so that every square instead (if (^very lot was
ditched in. The whole city was surrounded by a large
ditch, and fenced in with sharp stakes wedged close to-
gether. In this way a c(jnvenient si)ace was drained. In
the language of (layarre, "mc^uiuilocs buzzed, and enor-
mous frogs croaked incessantly in (oncca-t with other
indescribable sounds; tall reeds and grasses of every
variety grew in the streets, and in the yards, so as to
intercept all communication, and offered a safe letreat
and places of concealment to venomous reptiles, wild
beasts and malefactors, who protected by these impene-
866 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVIR.
trable juugies, committed with impunity, all sorts of evil
deeds." Is it any matter of surprise, therefore, that the
hot mouths of summer and autumn were even at this early
day, dreaded for their destructive, pestilential fevers?
The First Levee.
Governor Perrier signalized the beginning of his admin-
istration, by the completion on the 15th of Xovember,
1727, in front of New Orleans, of a levee eighteen hundred
yards in length, and so bi'oad that its summit measured
eighteen feet in width. This same levee, although con-
siderably reduced in its proportion, he caused to be con-
tinued eighteen miles on both sides of the cit^^ above and
below. He announced to the company that he would soon
undertake to cut a canal from New Orleans to Bayou St.
John, in order to open a communication with the sea,
through the lakes, and he mentions the arrangements
which he had made with the inhabitants in relation to the
negroes they were to furnish for the execution of this
work, which was actually begun, but to which subsequent
events put a stop. Thus it is seen that the plan of the
canal which now bears the name of Carondelet, did not
originate with the !?^panish governor.
Pestilence^ Famine, Drouths and Hurricanes.
From a dispalcli (if Diron d'Artnguette. dated April
23, 1733, we learn that small-pox was then raging in
Louisiana, and that from this cause and famine, the
result of the destruction of the crops by a hurricane, the
colony was on the eve of being depopulated.
Bienville and Salmon, in a joint dispatch of the 31st of
Angust, 173."), say: "Tlie mortality of cattle is frightful,
tlie drouglit is excessive and the heat is suffocating. Such
hot Aventher has never been known since the foundation
of the colony, and it has now lasted four months without
anv change.''
NEW ORLEANS. 867
Tlic ''Mad Do(f' Epidemic.
Vt'hiU'' the planters were sulTeriiic: from droiiiilit, after
having sntt'ered from innndations, the inhabitants of New
Orleans were laboring under a strange kind of infection.
They could hardly venture out of their houses without
being bitten by mad dogs. These animals had increased to
such ail extent, that they had become an intolerable
nuisance, and to remedy the evil, the royal commissary,
Salmon, ordered them to be hunted down, on certain days,
from five o'clock to six o'clock in the morning. He also
jtrohibited negroes and Indians from having dogs, under
the penalty for the offender of being sentenced to wear
an iron collar.
Festilencc More Fatal fJtaii War.
In 1734, Bienville was reappointed Governor of
Louisiana.
The force which Bienville assembled in 1739, for the
subjection of the Chickasaw Indians, consisted of up-
wards of 1,200 white, and double that number of Indian
and black troops. This comparatively large army, un-
accountably spent six months in making preparations for
its march. In the meanwhile, the troops lately arrived
from France became unhealthy, and many died, and the
climate had an almost equally deleterious influence on
those from Canada. Early the next fall, the regulars and
militia of Canada and Louisiana, who had escaped the
autumnal disease, were prostrated by fatigue, and Bien-
ville was compelled to confine his call for service, to his
red and black men. They were his only effective force.
In the Chickasaw war, peace was ])urchased at the price
of many valuable lives — estimated at 500, out of 1,200
white troops, not slain in battle, but destroyed by the
fevers of the climate.
Cession to Spain.
On the third of November, 1703, a secret treaty was
signed at Paris, between the French and Spanish Kings,
8()8 HISTORY OK YELLOW FEVER.
I)V wliicli tlic fcnucr ccdtMl to tlic latter, the part of the
IH•o^■ill(•(> ( f Louisiana \\iiicli lies on tlie wi'steni side of
tlie Mississii)i)i, iiicludiiij; the City of Xew Orh^aiis.
The suhseqiient history of New Orleans, including: the
cession to the Ignited States and other political events,
is well knoAvn to the niajoritv of onr readers. This re-
sume, taken from the memoirs of the late Joseph Jones,
one of Louisiana's most distin«>nishcd suri»eons and
autlioi's, '-overs the most interestiuo' period in the life of
the lii aiitifnl metropolis of the South.
Si'^niARY OF Epii)e:mi('s.*
Accordimi' t<t (MiaiUe (A'/'- OrJains MciJira] <iikJ »S'//y-
(/ii-dl JoiniKiI, IS.IS, ]). SIS), there is authorily for stating
that cases of _v( llov\' fever occurred in New Orleans in
17(11) and 171)1 ; ether auth(!rities assert the f ev( i- was also
present in 1703, 1794 and 1795 — hut the first un(]uestion-
ahle e])ideniic did not occur until 179(5, at Avhich time the
city had a i)oi)uhiti<in of about (>,000.
The yellow fever years in New Orleans, from 17(11) to
the last epidemic (11)05), nuiy be summariztd as follows:
17(11). I-'irst traditional appearance of yellow fever in
New Orleans. No statistics.
1791 ; 1793; 1791. No record <!f ( ases and dc aths. The
di.uiiing of the Carondelet Canal ( Ohl I>asin ) was begun
in" 1794.
1795. Limited (Uitbreak.
179(1. I-'irst anthentic invasion of N( w (h-leans by yel-
low fever. No reliable statistics obtainable.
1797. N(» rec( rd of cases and deaths. The Old Basin,
the present liead of the Carondebt Canal, ^^•as excavated
in 1797
1799. No record of cases and di aths. Crevasse ab(;ve
the city.
1800; ISOl; 1S()2; 1S03; 1S()4; ISOl); ISll. No record
of cases and deatlis. Hurricane, doinj^ mneh damage lo
city, in ISll.
isi2. roiuilation, 19,229. War with (Jreat Britain.
* Dates of important excavations, etc., are given because of their
fanciful association, at the time, with yellow fever out-
breaks.
NEW ORLEANS. 869
1817. ropiilation, 24,19(;. Infected 1)y British Cutter
Phocui.r, frciii Havana. First ease, Jniie 18; last death,
December — -. Deaths, 80. Extensive crevasse al)()ve city
the year jirevioiis.
1818. Pcpnhition, 25,100. :Mild epidemic. Deaths, 115.
1819. r<ipuhition, 2(),183. Infected hy Havana.
Severe epidemic. First case, July 1. Deaths, 2,190.
1820. Population, 2T,17r). First case, July — . That
year, the wooden sidewalks in the business portion of the
city were removed and bricks or flags substituted.
1821. No record of cases and deaths.
1822. ropulaticin, 31,70(1 First case, -September 1.
Cases, 337 ; deaths, 237.
1823. Population, 33,971. Infected bv Pensacola.
First case, Auoust 23. Cases, 2,337 ; death'^, 239.
1824. Population, 3(),23(). Infected by Havana. First
case, Aujiust 4. Cases, 1()7; deaths, 108.
1825.^ Population, 38,501. First case, June 23. Cases,
99; deaths, 49. Diuiiiuii' of Gormeley's Canal to drain
upper part of city.
182fi. Population, 40,7()(i. First case. May 18. Cases,
24; d(niths, 5. Diiiiiinii (if MelixniK^ije Canal.
1827. Poi)ulatii:n, 43,031. First case, July 19. Cases,
372; deaths, 109.
1828. P(;i)ulation, 45,29(5. First case, June 18. Cases,
290; deatlis, 150.
1829. Population, 47,501. First case, :\[ay 23. Cases,
435; deaths, 215.
1830. P(;i)ulation, 49,82(1. First case, July 15. Censes,
250 ; deaths, 117.
1831. Poi)ulation, 52,455. First case, June 9. Cases,
3; deaths, 2.
1832. Population, 55,084. First case. Auj>ust 15.
Cases, 20; deaths, 18.
1833. Population, 57,713. First case, July 12. Cases,
422; deaths, 210. Heavy rains, lasting- from June to
September.
1834. l»oi)ulation, 00,342. IMrst case, Au.mist 28.
Cases, 150; deaths, 95.
870 HISTORY OF YELLOW FIVER.
1835. Population, 02,971. First case, August 23.
Cases, 505 ; deatlis, 281. '■
1830. Population, 05,000. First case, August 21. J
Cases, 0; deaths, 5.
1837. Population, 08,229. First case, July 21. Cases,
998 ; deaths, 112.
1838. Population, 70,858. First case, August 25.
Cases, 22 ; deaths, 17.
1839. Population, 73,137. First case, July 23. Cases,
1,080; deaths, 152.
1810. Population, 70,110. First case, July 25. Cases,
3; deaths, 3.
1811. Population, 78,715. First case, July 27. Cases,
1,111; deaths, 591. Drainage Commission actively en-
gaged in drainage and clearing.
1812 Population, 81,371. First case, July 30. Cases,
425 ; deaths, 211.
1813. Population, 81,003. First case, July. Cases,
1,090 ; deatlis, 187.
1811. Population, 80,032. First case in July; last
case, September. Cases, 109 ; deaths, 83. Overflow from
Lake Pontchartrain; city liooded to Burgundy Street.
1815. Population, 89,201. Deaths, 2.
1810. Population, 102,070. First case in August ; last
case in October. Deaths, 110. Faubourg Lafayette an-
nexed to city, increasing population.
1817. Population, 108,099. First case, July 0; last
case in December. Deaths, 2,300. War with Mexico.
Melpomene Canal cleaned out. Heavy rains.
1818. Population, 115,503. First case, June 21 ; last
case in November. Deaths, 808. Extensive excavations
made for foundations of T'nited States Custom-house.
This Avork went on uninterruptedly until September,
1819. Two acres, 20 by 7 feet wide and 8 feet, 7 inches
deep, were excavated.
1819. Population, 122,511. First case, July 28; last
case, Decemlier — . Deaths, 709.
1850. Population, 129,717. First case in January,
terminating fatally; 2 deaths in ]March, 1 in ^May, 1 in
NEW ORLEANS. 871
July, G2 ill Aiiiiiist, 33 in September and 4 iii October.
Total deaths, 107.
1851. ropulation, 138,599. Deaths, 17. Excavations
for railroads, gas and waterworks.
1852. Population, 117,411. First case, July ; last case,
December — . Deaths, 45G. Claiborne Canal dug.
1853. Population, 151,132. Infected by ship Camhodcn
Castle, from Kingston, Jamaica. First case, May 22;
last case, December. Deaths, 7,849.
The epidemic of 1853 was the most mortal which has
ever afflicted Xew Orleans.
1854. First case. May ; last case, December ; first death,
June 12. Deaths, 2,425.
1855. First case, June 19; last case, December.
Deaths, 2,670.
1850. Population, 153,421. Infected l^y Vera Cruz.
First case, June 28 ; last case, Xoyember — , Deaths, 74.
1857. Population, 157,242. Infected by Havana via
Mobile. First case, January; last case, December.
Deaths, 200.
1858. Population, 101,033. Infected by St. Thomas,
West Indies. First case, June 10; first death, June
10 ; last case, October 10. Deaths, 4,845.
1859. Population, 104,804. Infected by brig Elizaheih
EUrn, from Havana. First case, June — . Deaths, 91.
1800. Population, 108,075. Deaths, 15.
18(;i. Population, 170,949. Civil War. No cases.
1802. Infected by Key West. Deaths, 2.
1803. Population, 175,497. Deaths, 2.
1804. Population, 177,708. Deaths, 6.
1805. Population, 180,943. Cases, 1 ; deaths, 1.
18()0. Population, 182,318. First case, August 10.
Deaths, 185.
1807. Population, 184,503. First case, June 10; last
case, December 22. Deaths, 3,107.
The first case died in the Charity Hospital on June the
10th, a seaman who had been em]»b!y(Ml in the navigation
of the Lake. Three weeks before his death he had shipped
upon the bark Bessie, loading with staves in the Fourth
872 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
District, and boniid fdi- Barcelona. This vessel had sailed
from Havana in .Mareli, airivinii liere in April laden with
sn«iar. 8he was reported clean and liealthy. Soon after
arriving', went into dry doek in Algiers. Inqniries were
made as to her after her sailino-. She arrived at her desti-
nation Avithont mishap as to the lives of her crew.
The second case reported was by Dr. Rrickell, as hav-
ing;' been taken on the 13th of Jnne, on St. Charles Street
near Jnlia. The man, John Boddis, recovered.
The third case, reported by Dr. Folwell, on Jnlia Street,
between Camp and St. Charles Streets, died on the 23rd
ol" Jnne.
The fonrth case died on the 2r)th of Jnne. His name
Avas J. B. Bonnonan. He arrived npon the steamer W. G.
He ties, from Galveston, on the 21st, whence he came from
Indianola direct. He had a chill at Calveston on the 19th
and died on the 2nt]i.
The fifth case, J. Dongherty, reported by Dr. L. H.
Cohen, died on the 20th of Jnne in the Charity Hospital.
He came from Xo. fil Girod Street, and was employed on
coal bariies at Aliiiers.
The sixth case was Lient. Dewey, who died at the St.
Charles Hotel. He came by steamer direct from Indian-
ola, and was bronmht from the vessel to the hotel sick.
The vessel cominji' to this port, clearly infected, was
11m' l»ai-k Florence J-\'frrs. which saib^l from Havana on
the 3rd of Jnne laden ^\^\\h snuar. She was stopped at
the Qnarantinc Station, Jnne the 12th, whei'e she was
delaiix'd ten days, alllnMiiih ]'ei)orted clean and healthy,
was fnhiiuated and released. She arrived at Ali»iers, June
22. The wife (;f the ca])tain, !Mrs. Hooper, died of yellow
fever on the 30th. This case was reported by Dr. Brnns.
Her sister also was attacked on the 25th, bnt recovered.
The second mate (Thomas) was taken ill Jnly 4, and
died ill the TMiarity Hospital on the Otli. The ca])tain also
died on the 13th. '
The fever existed thi-cnuhcnt Jnly in the city, and nntil
near the middle of Anj^nst before acqnirinji- epidemic
l)r(.porficns.
NEW ORLEANS. 873
Froui the middle of August to the end of September,
the mortality' Avas considerable.
18GS. Population, 18(5,008. First death, October 5.
Deaths, 5.
18G9. Deaths, 3.
1870. Infected by steamship A(/itcs, from Honduras.
First case, ]May IG; last case, December. Deaths, 588.
1871. Infected by brig Mar// Pratt, from Cuba. First
case, August 1; last case, October. Deaths, 51.
1872. First case, August 28; last case, November 30.
Deaths, 39.
1873. Infected by bark Val/un-aiso, from Havana.
First case, July 1; last case, November 19; first death,
July 8. Cases,*^3G8; deaths, 22G.
1871.
The outbreak of 1871 is interesting, fiom a point of
high rate of mortality, considering the limited number of
cases. There were altogether 20 cases, of which 17 died.
The first two cases were discovered by the B<tard of
Health on the same day (August 19) at No. 170 Victory
Street, in the iiersons of two Irish boys, aged G and 9,
who had only lieen in the city six months. Yellow fever
had been quite severe^ in tliat l)b;ck the year jtrevious
(1873). The little patients died. On August 25, the
mother of the tots, aged 30, contracted the disease and
died shortly afterward. The other cases occurred as
follows :
September 21 — N(t. 102 Front Levee Street — Died.
September 22— No. 159 Julia Street— Died.
Septemlter 23— No. 117 :\ragiiolia Street— Died.
Se})t('mber 2(5 — No. 10 Dumainc Street — Died.
September 29— N(j. 019 (}(todchildren Street— Died.
October 1— No. 390 Magazine Street— Died.
October 7 — No. 1(59 ]>ai(ii)iie Sti-eet — Recovered.
Octobe'r 8 — No, 112 ^Magazine Stre^et — Dieel.
October ..—No. 102 Old Levee Stre'et— Died.
October . . — Unknown — Died.
874 HISTORY OF YELLOW EEYER.
October 15 — No. 15 Rousseau Street — Died.
Octol>er 17 — Xo. 1)5 Spain Street — Jvecovered.
October 21— Xo. im Orleans Street— Died.
October 22— Xo. 619 Goodcliildren Street— Died.
X^ovember 1 — Bark Qiicriisstoioi — Recovered,
X>)Ycniber 2 — Bark Qiiccii.stoini — Died.
X^'ovember 28 — Chartres Street — Died.
According" to the records of the Board of Health (1871),
the fourth case occurred in the same scpiare where yellow
fever had prevailed the year before. Cases 5, and G were
infected at Pascagoula, Miss., and cases 18 and 19 were
imported from Havana by the bark Qiicenstoicn.
1875. First case, August 8; first death, August 12;
last case, X'ovember 28. Cases, 100; deaths, CI.
187(>. Deaths, 41.
1877. Tlie history of yellow fever for the year 1877,
in X'ew Orleans, is limited to a single case. A man ar-
rived on the steamsh'p St. IjOh'is. from Havana, X'ovember
6, and died the next morning at the corner of Rousseau
and IMiilip Streets, with ui)uiistakal)le symptoms of yellow
fever. He had sickened four days previously, within a
few hours after leaving Havana, where he had stayed
three Aveeks; but continued to go about the ship until
after passing the quarantine, and in this way failed to
attract the attention of the resident physician.
1878.
This is one of tl)e most notabb^ (epidemics of yellow
fever in th(^ history of X'ew Orleans, ov\ing to the numer-
ous ])laces which were infected frcnu tliis focns.
On ]\ray 22, 1878, the ship Eiiiihi Ji. >^oii'Irr arrived at
fpiaiantine below X>w Oi-leans, having called at Havana
during her tri]). T'pon her an-ival. Dr. Carrington, the
quarantine ofhcer, after making an examination, tele-
gra]»lied Dr. Chop]un, President cf the Louisiana Board
of Health, as folbnvs:
"The SoiuJci- has a case of intermittent on board.
Wliat shall T do?"'
NEW ORLEANS 187 8. 875
Dr. Clioppiu replied:
"Fumigate and disinfect the ship and satisfy yourself
of the character of tlie disease before you let her come
up."
The sick man was placed in the quarantine hospital
and finally recovered.
Tlie Sotulcr after five hours' detention, and disinfection
with sulphur burned in pans, was permitted to go up to
the city.*
Soon after arrival at her wharf, ^Ir. Clark the
purser, was taken ill, and Dr. Drew, of Pilot Town, who
had taken passage at that point, was called to treat the
case. The physician did not consider this a case of yel-
low fever, as he signed the certificate of deatli, ''Malarial
fever." An investigation of the case at the house where
he died, however, slicwed that the treatment was more
suitable to yellow fever than to am^ other disease. This
death, was n(;t brought to the notice of the Board of
Health by any direct communication, official or otnerwise,
but from infcu-mation received tlirough rumor. It is a
significant fact in connection with Clark's case, that he
died at 2 o'clock, a. m., and was buried at 10 a. m., the
same day. Xo public announcement of his death v;i;-..i
mad(^ until the following Sunday.
Mr. Elliott, the second engineer of the louder, was
taken sick sliortly after his arrival, and was attended by
a private physician at his boarding-house, corner of Front
and Gircd Streets, until the evening before his death,
without apparently a suspicion on the part of any one
that lie had yellow fever. Late in the evening of May 29,
he was removed to Hotel Dieu, where he died within a
few hours. A careful post mortem examination Avas
made by two competent physicians, and the body was sub-
se(pi(U)tly inspected by Dr. Choppin. Xo one of these
physicians doubted the nature of the disease.
For about two months after the above occurrences, no
* Detention of ])assengers in quarantine, for observation,
abolished by Legislature of 1876 and reliance placed on
disinfection alone.
876 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
now casos dev( loped. If yellow fever existed, it was not
reported to the l^oard of Health, or was of such a mild
nature as not to be differentiated from the malarial fevers
common in th<(se days.
Alxtut file middle of July some cases of a strongly sus-
picious character came to li<>ht on Constance Street, near
its intersection with Terpsichore, and in a few days all
doubt was removed of their true natui'e. About the 7th
of July, a younj>' man, named Cohn, came to the Touro
Infirmary frcnn Gasquet Street, between Yillere and
]\larais. ])resentiu_i>- str(tn<>' a])pearances of yellow fever,
but he recovered before atteution Avas drawn to Constance
Street, and his case was considered questionable. AVithin
a few days, cases were found near the corner of Front
and Girod, where Elliott had sickened; on Bienville, near
where Clark had died and on Clail)orne Street; a case
on Robertson Street, near the home of Colin, who had
been at the Touro Infirmary, not much more than a quar-
ter of a uiile fr(fm where Clark died, and a still less dis-
tance from Hotel Dieu, Avhere Elliott died.
The line of infection was tolerably char, thouj^h lonj?
latent, from Clark to Colin and subse(iuent]y to the cases
on Bienville and Ivcfbertson Streets; also fr(;m Elliott,
sick at his b(;ardii»,u-]iouse, t<» the subse(|uent outbreak at
the coi'uer of b^ront and (lirod; but the outbreak on Con-
stance Street was so far from the wharf of the t>ioii<Jrr
(fully half a mile), aud so loni; after her arrival (more
than six weeks), that it was ]ou*y considered out of ques-
tion to establish a ccniicction between them.
Inv( stiuaticDs made afterwai-d by the Board of Health,
showed that s(;me of the eailiest cases (»n Ccmstance
Street, 122, occurred in the family of a Mr. Caven, who
was enjiiiuer on the tui>bont (lidrlir Wootl. This lioat
lay at the same v»iiarf occU])ie<l by the Soiidcr, immedi-
ately after the dei)arture of tlie latter for Havana, as
stated by Caven himself at the time of his illness.
On July 24, the followinc: communication was sent:
NEW ORLEANS 1878. 877
Xew Okleaxs, July 24, 1878.
Dr. J. M. W(;(t(lw(;i-tli, Surj^eon-Gencral,
^laiine Uijspital Sci-vice, AVasliiiii^toii, 1). (\
Sir — It now liecr.mes iiiv duty to I'uport the existence
of yellow fever in New Orleans. About tlie 12tli inst.,
cases Ixii^au to occur in tlie practice of several of our
physicians near the intersection of Constance and Terp-
sichore Streets, wliich presented suspicious symptoms,
and we now reckon fourteen cases at that focus of in-
fection, with six deaths. In addition to those, seven other
cases have c<»me to light at different points, and much
more scattered, four of which have already resulted
fatally.
TJespectfuUy, your obedient servant,
Samuel Choppix, M. 1).,
President, Board of Health.
Early in Au,i>ust the fever began spreading rai)idly
througli the city and vicinity, and throughcnit all of Sep-
tember and most of October, raged furiously, attracting
by its terrible death roll, the attention of this and many
foreign nations. From all quarters, physicians, nurses
and sui)])lies came, but not until late in Xovend)er did
the demon of pestilence finally make his exit from the
unfortunate city.
This memoral)le epidemic may be briefly summarized
as follows :
Population of New Orleans in 1878, 210,000. Infected
by ship E hill 11 li. Saiidci; from Havana. First case. May
22; first death, .Mav 25; last case and death, Decendter 12.
Cases, 27,000 ; deaths, 4,04(5.
1871). First case, ]March 20, on board steamship Balti-
more, recovei-y. No other manifestation until June, when
the first case in the city jtrojjer occuricd at No. 184 Tliird
Street, and was reported by Dr. r^dmond Souchon. The
first death took placc^ on July 27, corner Second and Con-
stance Streets. The epidemic lasted until October, last
case on the 21st and last death on the 2;ird. Cases, 48;
deaths, 19.
1880. Deaths, 2.
1883. One death.
878 HISTORY OK YELLOW tEVER.
1889.
One fatal case, imported from Livingston, Guatemala,
under the following- circumstances :
Mr. E. DeVilla, United States consular agent for the
United States of Colombia, had been at Guatemala City,
and from there went overland to Livingston, Guatemala,
where he took passage on the steamship City of Dallas
for New Orleans, on the 26th of September. The second
dav out he was taken Avith a cliill followed by fever, but
did not keep to his berth after the chill. He continued
to feel ill during the voyage, but before arrival of the
vessel at the Mississippi quarantine, he dressed himself
and went on deck, thus passing insi)ection by the quar-
antine officer. The master of the vessel made affidavit
that there had been no one sick during the voyage. The
vessel had a clean bill of health, and there being no report
of yellow fever at Livingston, the vessel, after being dis-
infected, was allowed to proceed to Xcav Orleans, Avhere
she arrived at 8 p. m., October 1.
The patient was seen by Dr. J. J. Castcllanos, October
2, had had fever, nausea, hiccough, pain in the region of
the stomach, and bilious vomiting. When seen again at
night he was vomiting black A'omit, followed by black
hemorrhagic stools. The next morning, black vomit still
persisted and he had urinary suppression, hicocugh and
unemic convulsions.
Dr. Castellanos reported the case to the Board of Health
office, and a commission of experts, composed of Drs.
J. P. Davidson, C. J. Bickham and George Howe, was
summoned and requested to see the case and pass upon it.
In the mean time the man had died (October 3, 11:35
a. m. ), and at 2 p. m. the above named physicians, with
Dr. Castellanos and Dr. B. Matas, who had been called
in consultation, proceeded to the house, Xo. 149 Decatur
Street, and after obtaining a history of the case and hold-
ing an autopsy, unanimously declared that death had
benn caused l)v yellow fever.
There were no devcloiiments from this case and the
city continued to be free from epidemic disease during
NEW ORLEANS. 879
the oJ<>lit followinii- years, and would nudoubtedly have
enjoyed a longer inimiinit3^ but for infection from out-
side sources in 1897.
1897.
The first authentic case of yellow fever in New Orleans
in 1897, was reported by Dr. Sidney L. Theard, on Sep-
tember 4th. The biennial report of the Louisiana State
Board of Health for the years 1896-97, published in Feb-
ruar}^, 1898, recounts that an earlier case had been re-
ported as suspicious on September 1st, by a prominent
physician of N'^w Orleans (Dr. E. T. Shepard), which,
on investigation by members of the Commission of Ex-
perts of the State Board of Health, had been declared
not to be yellow fever. Of this, however, no one had any
knowledge at the time except those immediateh^ connected
with the public health service. Dr. Shepard's case ended
in recovery.
The case of fever in Dr. Theard's practice was reported
by him to the Secretary of the State Board of Health, on
Saturday, September 4, (1897), at 3 o'clock p. m. ; the
President of the Board having left that same evening for
Ocean Springs, to again investigate the prevailing fever
at that point, believed to be dengue.* i
Dr. Theard, having been engaged in practice al)out six:
.years only, had had no occasion to see yellow fever, the
last epidemic of that disease having occurred in 1878,
and only had a book-knowledge of the disease. For that
reason two members of the Commission of Yellow Fever
Experts were delegated to consult with him. The patient
was seen that same evening at 8 p. m., and the case pro-
nounced to be one of malarial hemorrhagic fever.
A prolonged search was made the next morning by Drs.
Theard and Pothier, the latter a distinguished pathologist,
for malarial organism in the patient's blood, but none
found.
* Previous investigations of the fever at Ocean Springs by the
State health officials of Mississippi, Alabama and Louisiana,
had resulted in a diagnosis of dengue fever.
880 IIJSTORV OK YELLOW FEVKR.
Oil Moiidny moriiinji- tlie i)atieiit (IJaoiil (U'lpi) dietl,
and ])r. Tlieard iiotitied the secietaiy of ilie Board of
Health, by ]»hone, that he would ho doAVii in person at
the Board of Health office to j-iiiii the deatli retnrn, and
wonld aseiihe the deatli to yelloAv fever. On his arrival
there, shortly afterward, he found a nuniber of piiysicians
in waitinji', seekiuj^" news about Oeean Springs, among
them one of the experts who had seen the ease on behalf
of tlie Board of Health, and who was still of so strong a
mind that the ease was malaria that he offered to sign
tlie death eertitieate as sueh. This Dr. Tlieard would not
accept, unshaken in his own <liagnosis of yellow fever.
Hapjiening to enter the office of the Board of Health
about this time, Dr. F. W. Parliam, upon being made
familiar with the facts in the case and the wide divergence
of views of the experts and medical attendant, suggested
the advisal»ility of an autopsy under the circumstances,
so that nttthing coubl be left to opinion or conjecture.
Pending a jio.si iiiortciii investigation, a telegram was sent
to the President of the Board of Health, ad\ising him of
the facts.
An autopsy held at 10 oclock a. m., by Drs. Pothier,
Touatre, Salomon, H. S. Oili])hant, Parham and Theard,
confirmed, beyond (|uestioii, the Tatter's diagnosis of yel-
low fever.
The announcement of yelloAV fever shocked the commer-
cial S])irit of the community. It was a rude awakening
for New Orleans after nineteen years of uninterrupted
prosperity and freedom from epidemic disease, and severe
and bitter criticism was dii-ected at Dr. Theaid from
many (piarters in conse(|uence.
The date of report of this case is imi)or<ant in that the
patient hailed from Ocean Springs, then under investi-
gation, and tliat traiidoads of jiersons who I'eturned from
the Gulf Coast resorts on Sunday, Septemlxu' 5th, would
not have been permitted to enter New Orb^ans, had Dr.
Theard's opinion prcAailed on Saturday, Sc])tember 4.
Nineteen hundred and eight cases of fever Nvere reported
in 1897, with 298 deaths, the last case being reported on
December 25.
NEW ORLEANS. 881
1898.
One fatal case in January. No cases were reported
until September 17, when a dinith from yellow feyer cre-
ated consternation in the community. Cases continued
to occur until October 22, when frost put an end to the
activities of the Sfcgomi/iac. Cases, 118; deaths, 57.
1899.
According' to tlie Annual Keport of the Louisiana State
Board of Health for 1898-99 (p. 40), the first case of
yellow feyer was reported on ^Nfay 28, in the person of a
young, white girl, residing at 1217 EoA'al Street, Second
District.
On August 28, a second case was reported at 4520 Camp
Street, in the Sixth District, full^- three miles distant
from the original case.
A third case was reported September 1, and a fourth
on the 7th. Sporadic cases continued to erupt up to
Noyember 15, on which day the last case Ayas reported.
The most searching inquiry failed to reyeal the source
of the primary infection. Cases, 81; deaths, 23.
1905.
The epidemic of 1905 is memorable in many ways, but
what has stamped it indelibly in the minds of the great
thinking puldic of the entire ciyilized world, is the grand
victory whicli science, with tlie modern weapon intelli-
gently wielded, lias achieved against a disease which is
foreign to this country and which, we sincerely hope, has
been forever ostracised from our shores.
A detailed account of the operaations of the United
States ^larine Hospital Service, ably guided by our local
physicians, will be found in another part of this volume
(Part IV). For the benefit of the layman and the busy
practitioner, the following summary has been made by
Mr. James M. Augustin, of the staff of the Xcw Orleans
Picayune:
882 HISTORY OF VILLOW FEVER.
Wlieu it became known to the public on July 21st, 1905,
that there was yellow fever in Xew Orleans, an investi-
gation by the health authorities brought out an estimate
of one hundred cases and twenty deaths, up to that date.
This supposition was borne out by the vital statistics for
tlie month of July, in Avhich the death-rate was abnor-
mally large, the mortality from typhoid fever having
been over twenty in excess of the normal ; and it was on
this record that Dr. Kohnke, the Health Officer of the
City, based his estimate of twenty deaths from yellow
fever, prior to July 21st. After that date, the number
of cases and the death rate ran on even lines, possibly a
little in excess of the same rates for the corresponding
period of 1878, until the highest record was reached on
August 12th, when 105 cases were reported, and many
citizens believed that tlie disease was beyond control.
The work of eradication was begun by Dr. Kohnke in
a small way, with such means as he had at his disposal,
and when o;n July 2Gth, Dr. J. H. AVhite, of the United
States Public Health and Marine Hospital Service offered
him such assistance as he could render, the offer was
accepted. Passed Assistant Surgeon Eichardson was
detailed to help in the organization of the work in the
infected quarter, bounded by St. Ann, Rami)art, Barracks
Streets and the Mississippi Eiver ; and a few days later
on the arrival of Passed Assistant Surgeon Berry, he also
was assigned to the sanxe duty. Al)0ut this time it be-
came evident that the infection was widespread, not only
in New Orleans, but in other part ofl Louisiana and Mis-
sissippi; and the State and City Boards of Health, real-
izing the tremendous task which confronted them, asked
In conjunction with the business organizations, the aid
of the National Government by sending a telegram to the
President. This met with the prompt acquiescence of the
President, and after an exchange of telegrams between
the Citizens' Committee and the Surgeon General to
wlw/m the matter had been referred, it was arranged that
the United States Public H^altli and :Marine Hospital
Service provide the number of officers estimated, by Dr.
NEW ORLEANS 1905. 883
White, to be necessary for the work, and that the City
authorities and the citizens should meet the remainder
of the expense. The work to be done under Dr. White's
direction, with an absolutelj^ free hand, no conditions
whatever being imposed upon him.
While the task to be undertaken — the eradication of
yellow fever after it had already had a start with 616
cases and a large number of foci — was the most stupend-
ous of its kind ever attempted, the opportunity given by
the people of New Orleans, the facilities extended, and
the absolute non-interference on the part of politicians,
constituted, altogether, a most remarkable exhibition of
public spiritedness and presented a magnificent oppor-
tunity to do good work. Dr. White and his staff of forty
surgeons took charge on the Stli of August, and formed
an organization in each ward on the 9th. To the ward
organizations, Dr. Wliite transferred, from day to day,
detachments of men from the original central office,
which had been working under the City Board ofi Health
as one unit for the whole City. This was done because
Dr. White believed that the work to be done was too vast
to be satisfactorily accomplished from a central office,
and that it would be preferable to have a number of head-
quarters corresponding to the ward sub-divisions by
wards. In order to guard against breakdowu, the sys-
tem of transferring, gradually, from; the central office to
the sub-stations, in each ward, was adopted, for the dis-
infecting, screening and oiling gangs, and this coDtinucI
with the addition of new material to the ward headquar-
ters until the central force was entirely eliminated and
the work finally rested in the hands of the ward com-
manders. In addition, a force was maintained in the
district originally iufpcted, doing daily house to house
inspection and disinfection, sometimes of whole blocks,
until about the middle of September when the originally
infected district became jnstly known as the "disinfected
district," and from a sanitary standpoint, one of the clean-
est places in the City.
As an illustration of the character of the work that
was done, let it be supposed that a physician reports a
Sm HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
case of either yellow fever or of suspicious fever, to the
central office or to the ward in which the case is located.
Tlie screening wagon immediately goes to the case. If
the patient is not too ill to be removed, a room is screened
and all the mosquitoes therein are killed by sulphur fumi-
gation (two pounds of sulphur to one thousand cubic
feet of air space). Then the screened room is properly
ventilated to eliminate the last trace of the sulphur fumes
and the sick j^erson is moved into that room. The other
rooms are similarly treated. If the patient is too ill to
be removed from one room to the other, the preliminary
fumigation is omitted; but as soon as possible without
detriment to the sufferer, a thorough killing of moscpii-
toes is undertaken. The ward commander keeps in con-
stant touch with the attending physicians. If the houses
on either side are very close to the infected premises,
rhey, too, are fumigated. Preliminary to the final dis-
infection, all cracks in doors and windows are sealed, as
also the orifice of the fire-place. The workers are cau-
tioned to make as little noise as })()ssible, because the
patient nVust not be disturbed, and the moscpiitoes must
not be frightened so as to seek safety in flight. There-
fore, all pasting is done first, then all furniture, or any
article or ornament liable to danmge from sulpliur fumes
are removed, and then the sulphur i)ots are lit, and the
door immediately closed.
If the occurrence of- a group of cases in close proximity
to one another indicated the existence of a new focus of
infection, the fumigation was a])])li('d to whole blocks
and this method effectiinlly arrested the spread of the
disease.
The State, the City and tlie citizens contributed more
than .f 31 0,000 to help in the work of stampino- out yellow
fever, and of that amount, at least four-fifths was sub-
ject to Dr. White's order. The State's ai)])ropriation
was !i?l 00,000, the fMty's |fiO,000, and the citizens' con-
;tril>ution 1100,000. No outside aid was accepted, and
several offers for assistance were declined with gratitude.
Besides the above amounts, there was raised considerable
NEW ORLEANS 1905. 885
mont'T by the voliiutoer ward organizations, who spent
$30,000 for screening of cistern, and oiling them, and in
iusjiections for sanitary pnrposes. The fight against in-
fection was extended to every parish in Louisiana,
wherever tlie fever appeared, and some of the expenses
were borne b}' local appropriations.
fhily 21st, an address was issued to the citizens of
New Orleans, signed by Dr. Quitman Kohnke, health
officer, and Dr. J. H. ^Vhite, Surgeon U. S. P. H. & M.
H. Service, and endorsed by the advisory committee of
the Orleans Parish Medical Society, calling attention to
the emergency existing in the city, and asking the help
of every individual for the limiting and preventing of
the spread of the disease. It having been scientifically
proved that the mosquito is the only means of transmis-
sion of yellow fever, it is especially urged tliat the fol-
lowing %simple directions be followed by the householders
of the city, for the summer months :
1st. Empty all unused receptacles of water. Allow
no stagnant water on the premises.
2nd. Screen cistern after placing a snmll (]uantity of
insurance oil (a teacupful in each cistern), on the sur-
face of the water.
3id. Place a snmll quantity of insurance oil in cess-
pool or privy vault.
4fh. Sleep under mosquito nets.
5th. Sci-een doois an<l windows whencn'er possible,
with fine screen wire.
July 2Gth an emergency hospital on Dunmine Street
was opened in charge of Dr. Hamilton P. Jones and a
staff of yellow fever experts. It had a capacity to accom-
modate eighty patients.
Rev. Paroli, a Catholic priest of Italian nadoiialHy,
and immuncs was installed as cha]ilaiii, and also for the
purpose of visiting the sick Italians and inducing them
to consent to removal lo metre hygienic surroundings.
The chief men in the Italian colony aided greatly in this
work of education amoui;- their counti-ymen. and also got
886 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
up a subscription wliicli amounted to five tliousand dol-
lars to be used in relief work.
Besides his work of stamping out the fever by practical
means, Dr. White disseminated good advice. He sug-
gested : First. Tliat the ward organizations be made per-
manent, and the work that is being done sliould continue.
Secondly. That throughout the entire City there
should be a "mosquito-killing daj'," once a week. On
that day, the entire population should make an effort to
kill just as many mosquitoes as possible, by fumigating
their houses with sulphur.
Thirdly. That all gutters be thoroughly flushed once a
week.
Fourthly. That inspections of cisterns be made, in
each ward, every week, to find out if tliey liave been prop-
erly screened.
Fifthly. That all suspicious cases be reported at once
to the central office.
Dr. Wliite was solicitous in impressing tlie citizens with
the absolute necessity of conforming to the rules and reg-
ulations based on the new doctrine of transmission of yel-
low fever by the mos(]uito, and witli tlie assurance that the
house quarantines of previous epidemics would not be
resorted to. He also enlisted the co-operation of physi-
cians by sending the following letter to every doctor in
the city: "Considering the imperative necessity of insti-
tuting, at the earliest possible moment, prophylactic meas-
ures in the case of any person suffering of a fever which
may, subsequently, be shown to be yellow fever, you are
urgent ly r(M| nested to report to this office not only any case
of fever which you may be sure is yellow fever, but also
any case you may be unable, even at your first visit, to
say is not yellow fever. We enclose you <ards which will
facilitate your report of such cases, and will, at the same
time, give us your authorization to inspect the said prem-
ises and do whatever may be necessary to prevent the ex-
tension of the infection in the house or neighborhood.
We desire simply to get the co-operation of the entire
profession of this city in the checking of the multipli-
NEW ORLEANS 1905. 887
cation of new foci of infection, and the early destructiom
of those already existing/'
Dr. White made a persistent, systematic and scientific
fight against yellow fever, and its agent of transmission — •
the mosqnito — [ind Avon. From Angust 12th nntil frost
occnrred on December 5, there was a constant and steady
decline in the nnmber of cases, dail}'. The greatest nnm-
ber of cases was from August 12th to 16th, when for those
five days the nnmber was 338. The record for the last five
days ending October 10th was 108.
The official record of deaths for these periods in 1878
and 1905 was :
Aug. 10,
0
ct. 10,
1878.
1905.
1878.
1905.
27
4
54
4
31
4
48
1
22
G
41
0
14
12
48
3
20
12
39
4
114 38 230 12
There had been no frost, and yet the figures were drop-
ping, not as rapidlj^ as could be wished, but with a grati-
fying certainty, towards the vanishing point. And this,
when the city of New Orleans had not quarantined against
any infected point to any greater extent than to put on an
observation of persons arriving from these points; and
when many infected persons came here and were taken
sick. It is highly prol)a]de that at least ten per cent, of
cases were of people coming from infected localities.
Dr. White commended the idea and helped the people
in carrying it out, of cleaning gutters, screening and oil-
ing cisterns, cleaning up back yards, emptying vaults,
draining low lands, &c., not because this sanitary work
would tend to eliminate yellow fever per se, but because
it served the pnrpose of desiroying the moscpiito family.
The fight made on the mosquito was ])rodiicti\'e of notable
results. In spite of the general ignorance of the prin-
ciples of the mosquito doctrine of yellow fever infection.
888 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
and the amount of prejudice against the acceptance of a
new theory, modern thoujiht prevailed, and Avhile preju-
dice paid its price iu lives and suffering, that price was
not nearly as great as would have been if the men of
science had failed in their duty.
The epidemic, it Avas generally conceded, had its origin
in infection brought into New Orleans during the latter
part of May, 1005. The epidemic of 1878, also began in
May. That of 1878 pursued its death-dealing course, un-
checked, until the frost came. The death roll amounted
to 4000 persons in the City of Xew Orleans alone. The
A-isitation of 1905 had a larger non-immune po])ulation to
feed upon, and double the number of iuhaltitauts. It was
discovered about the same time, in the middle of July,
and side by side, the figures will show that if it had been
allowed to ccntinue its course, the record of 1878 would
have been surj)assed. As a matter of fact that record was
surpassed in the total number of deaths up to August
10th. But that date Avas the turning point in the fight.
Tlie campaign started by Health Officer Kohnke, in July,
and taken up by the ^larine Hospital Service on August
8th, and enlarged and extended so to better meet the con-
ditions, began to tell and, thenceforth, the followers of the
new doctrine knew thev had won. The City of New
Orleans and the Avhole South were fortunate in the selec-
tion of the man who led them out of darkness, and showed
them tliat yellow fever was no more the bugbear and terror
of bygone days.
It is confidently predicted that yellow fcA'er will never
again be able to commit such ravages in New Orleans.
Tlie acceptance of the modern doctrine is universal since
the com])lete demonstration in this City, by the stam])ing
out of the fever before frost, something never heard of
before, wlien it had gained such a foothold as it had, in
1005. The fight is now against the source of infection,
wliich is Latin America.
Hoit ^Vas Yelloir Fever I iifrodiicrd in Xeir OrJcaiis in
1005?
From llie report of Dr. Souclun!, President of the Louis-
iana State Board of Health to Governor Blanchard, on
NEW ORLEANS 1905. 889
the 3rd of December, 1905, the fonowiiig synopsis is had:
''The flrst knowledge of cases suspicious of fever reached
President Souchon on AVednesday, Juh^ 12th, at 3:45 P.
31., when two pliysicians called at the office and informed
him that they each had a case presenting sjniptoms sus-
picious of yellow fever ; one a woman Avho had died that
da^^ at 1039 Decatur Street, the other, a boy, son of a
man who kept a grocery two doers from the home of the
woman, and who lived at 2520 Bayou Road Street. The
boy Avas exijected to die at any moment, and died about
the time of the interview. The two physicians stated that
these two cases lacked one of the most important symp-
toms of yellow fever : want of correlation between tJie
pulse and temperature, and that they had not called to
report tliese cases as yellow fever, but to mention them as
suspicious and confer with the health authorities about
them.
On Thursday, July 13th, one of these same physicians
told President Souchon that he thought he would have
two more suspicious cases to report the next day. These
cases were reported on the following day, at HOT Decatur
Street, suspicious of yellow fever, which he decided to
see, himself, and he did so. Dr. Souchon's opinion Avas
that these cases presented some symptoms of yellow fever.
These four cases, each presenting some suspicious symp-
toms, had been reported direct to President Soucnon by
two physicians, but not one of the attending physicians
was willing to shoulder the responsibility of pronouncing
them, positively, yellow fever.
On jMonday, July 17th, a physician nolifi(d President
Souchon that there Avere two cases of yelloAV fever in tlie
Hotel Dieu, and the president Avent to the Hotel Dieu,
and saw two cases presenting symi)toms of yelhAv fever.
The next day the State Poard of Healili, after henriiig
the report of i)r. SoucIkhi, iiislrueted him bv resolution
to Avrite to Dr. Wymam, Dr. Talx.r, of Texas; Dr. Hunter,
of iMississi])pi, and Di-. Sanders, of Alabama, that there
were cases, here, ])resenting sym])toms of yellow fever.
After the arriA-al of health officers from other Southern
States, an autopsy Avas held at the (Miarity Hosi)ital, the
890 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVHR.
findings of which were indisiDutably yellow fever. This
was wired to Dr. Wyniam, and other health officers by
President Souchon, and it was also made public.
In his rejDort, Dr. Sonchon asks "How yellow fever en-
tered the State?"
He replies, "This the Board frankly admits, it does not
know." Several hypotheses can be adduced, however.
It is probable that yellow fever existed in Belize and
Puerto Cortez for several weeks before it was reported
here, and that a case from Belize or Cortez, in period of
incubation, was introduced here before the ^tarine Hos-
pital advised the Board, on May 2J:th, that yellow fever
existed in those places. In the liolit of subsequent events
it is now a well-established belief, that yellow fever had
existed here for quite a while before it was brought to the
surface. It is said that a case died in the Charity Hos-
pital on May 31st, presenting symptoms of yellow fever,
but the house surgeon said it was not yellow fever, ht <1
one physician wlio had a large Italian practice, told Pres-
ident Souchon that the first two cases he knew presenting
suspicious symptoms, were seen by him, accidentally, on
July 1st, but that he had seen none before. Both died.
Beport of Dr. Q. KohnJcc, Citi/ Health Officer.
The report of Dr. Kolinke agrees, in the main with tliat
of Dr. Souchon as to the date of discovery of the first
case of yellow fever, and it goes on to give details of the
preventive and precautionary measures taken; and speaks
of the assistance given by the citizens, and the aid
promptly rendered by the Italian Citizens' Committee;
also the systematic fumigation, disinfection and other
hygienic measures prosecuted. Dr. Kohnke speaks in
high terms of the excellent work done bv Dr. J. H. White,
of the U. S. Public Health and :\Iarine Hospital Service.
He says :
"The splendid work of the corps headed by Dr. Wliite
cannot be too highly valued; the results obtained should
not. however, be attributed to this cause alone; for, the
volunteer ward organizations and the combined influ-
NEW ORLEANS 1905. 891
ences, organized and iudividnal, of men and women, dis-
tinguished visitors and residents, all contributed im^ior-
tantlj, to the successful issue of the first extensive cam-
paign against yellow fever in a large American city."
With reference to the preventive measures by the cam-
paign against the mosquito, Dr. Kohnke saj's :
"A comparison of the present visitation with that of
1878, and consideration of the fact that the infection,
appearing on a given date, is modified by the preventive
measures aiDi^lied about fifteen days previously, shows the
continuous effect of mosquito^ destruction instituted with
our first knowledge of the possible presence of infection.
The period of fifieen days after AugustlO th, in 1878, was
marked by an increase in number of cases reported daily
to an average of 104 cases, while in 1905, the daily aver-
age for the same period, was sixty-one cases. The deaths
(daily average), were, in- 1878, thirty-two, while in 1905,
the daily average was seven. In 1878 the fever increased
markedly, toward September. In 1905 it decreased. The
highest point reached was on Septend)er 12, when more
than one hundred cases were reported.
After that date the cases dwindled down and ere many
days the victory was won.
Report of Dr. Thomas, Quarantine Physician.
Under date of October 30tli, 1905, Governor Blanchard
made a request on Dr. John N. Thomas, State Quarantine
Physician at the Mississippi Quarantine Station for a full
and complete report of his administration of the Quaran-
tine Station, insofar as the same is, or is not, responsible
tor the introduction of yellow fever into New Orleans.
The Governor presented five subjects to guide Dr.
Thomas In the preparation of the report, viz. :
1st. Description of official duties.
2nd. Powers and duties of the State Board of Health
in connection with the Quarantine Station.
3rd. Quarantine regulations, and l)y whom prescribed ;
also, detailed methods of enforcement, and names of sub-
ordinates.
892 HISTORY OF YELLOW FIVIR.
4tli. Details of the arrivals of ships with fever, aboard ;
■svhat was done about theiu; what bills of health they
carried; and, if fiiiiiigated at port of departure.
5th. Were there any modifications of quarantine
regulations?
The substance of Dr. Tliomas' report was that the laws
and regulations were fully enforced ; that he did not know
how the fever got into New Orleans, but, if the infection
came through infected mosquitoet^, it came fr(tm Colon or
from Havana ; if through an infected individual, from
Havana, most likely, or possibly from one of the ports
vrithin the five days' limit. He believed the period of
detention should not be less than six days. He presented
a great deal of evidence to show that Havana was infected,
and he considered the Island of Cuba a constant menace.
Dr. Tliomas submitted the following list of vessels which
arrived at Quarantine with fever on board:
July S. K^aphir, from Colon, 1.
July 9. Ro)/<il Ej'chaii(/(\ from Colon, via Mobile, 1.
July 31. Tc.rau, from Vera Cruz, 1.
August S. ]'<))ti> Rico, from Vera Cruz, 1.
August 12. ASV//y/n'/-, from Colon, 3.
August 24. Ori(/('ii, from Colon, 4.
September 8. E.rcclsior, fi'om Havana, 1.
October 27. Cifij of Tain pica, from Vera Cruz, 1.
October 27. St.' Croix, from Vera Cruz, 1.
Total cases imported, 14.
All of these vessels, except the Excelsior, and the Porio
Eico, had been fumigated at the port of departure, and
the disease broke out, on all of tluMu, wiUiin live days after
fumigation.
Dr. Thomas said "I believe that yellow fever is usually,
if not always imported throuuh an infected individual,
with the disease incubating in his system, who ])asses
through one of the many quarantine stations, and gets
into the country before the initial attack of fever. Since
it is known, however, beyond doubt, that the mosquito
is the conveyor of the disease, I believe that, under favor-
able conditions, mosquitoes can be imported from infected
ports, and be the means of conveying and spreading the
LOUISIANA. 893
disease in the couutry. If this were not a possibility,
what is the use of fumigating vessels, for we fumigate now,
to kill mosquitoes only?
''We were infected this year thruogh one of these
sources; I am unable to say which, for I do not know. If
however, it was through imported infected mosquitoes, I
would say that we got our infection from Colon, or from
Havana. If through an infected individual, from Havana,
most likely — possibly from a port within the five days'
limit, and the case developed after five days."
NEWTON.
1905. One case; recovery.
OLIVIA.
1905. Cases, G; deaths, 1.
OMEGA AND RALEIGH LANDINGS.
1878. Deaths, 5.
OPELOUSAS.
1826. Infected by New Orleans. Cases, 3; deaths, 1.
1828. Infected by Ncav Orleans. Cases, 4; deaths, 3.
1829. No record of cases and deaths.
1837. First case, October 20; last case in November.
1839. First case in August; last case in November.
1842; 1853; 18G7. No record of cases and deaths.
OSTRICA.
i
1905. First case, July 26. Cases, 1 ; deaths, 0.
894 HISTORY OF YILLOW KKVER.
PAINCOUETVILLE.
187S. Population, 400. First case, August 14; last
case, October 2G. Cases, 181; deaths, 15.
PATTERSON.
1853. Infected by New Orleans. First case, August
13; last case in December. No statistics.
1854 ; 1855 ; 1857. First case, September. No statistics,
1863, First case, August 8; first death, August 13;
last case and last death in December, Cases, 500 ; deaths,
45.
1878, The first case, Mrs. Dr. L. W. Tarleton, con-
tracted the disease at Logonda Plantation, where the
disease is supposed to have been brouglit from New
Orleans, September 2. She died soon after. The disease
spread rapidly and was very malignant. Cases, 125;
deaths, 28, of which 5 were colored. Cases near town,
white and colored. 175; deaths outside town, whites, 40;
colored, 25. Date of last death, November 23.
1879. First case, Noveml)er 20 ; last case, December 6.
Cases, 2; deaths, 0.
PHARR PLANTATION.
1879. Infected by Berwick. First ease, November 10 ;
last case, December 2. Cases, 6; deaths, 5.
PILOT TOWN.
1878. Infected by Port Eads. First case, August 18;
last case, October 16; first death, August 22. Cases, 113;
deaths, 17.
PATTERSON.
1897. Cases, 1 ; no deaths,
1905. First case, July 31. Cases, 700; deaths, 52.
PECAN GROVE.
1878. Deaths, 2.
1905. First case, August 18. Cases, 20; deaths, 5.
LOUISIANA. 895
PLAQUEMINE.
1837 ; 1839 ; 1847. ^'o record of cases and deaths.
1853. First case, August 20 ; first deatli, August 26 ;
last case, December 15; last death, December 9.
1858. No record of cases and deaths.
1878. Population, 1,500. Infected by Xew Orleans.
First case, August 1. Cases, 1,159 ; deaths, 125.
1898. First case, October 15; last case, October 15.
Cases, 6; deaths, 1.
POIXTE MICHEL.
1880. Sporadic cases.
POINT PLEASANT.
1878. Fever appeared in August. There were about
60 cases and 13 deaths.
PLATTENVILLE.
1905. Cases, 1 ; deaths, 0.
POINTE-A-LA-HACHE.
1851. First case, October. .
1878. Cases, 4; deaths, 4.
1905. First case, October 2. Cases, 1; deaths, 0.
POINT CELESTE.
1905. First case, July 30. Cases, 32; deaths, 6.
PONCHATOULA.
1878. Infected by New Orleans. First case, October
6 ; first death, October 10. Cases, 12 ; deaths, 3.
PORT BAPKE.
1870. No record of cases and deaths.
896 HISTORY OF YELLOW riTEK*
POIiT BAIiKOW.
1878. Deaths, 7.
1905. First case, July 24. Cases, 73, deaths, 10.
PORT EADS.
1878. August 5, one case of yellow fever appeared, and
August 11, fourteen cases. Dr. Warren Stone, with two
nurses, Mrs. Dupree and ^frs. Eastman, came from New
Orleans to attend them. He telegraphed back, "fever in-
creasing." The first fatal case was Mrs. Capt. Moran.
The cases occurred rapidly. Many workmen went away,
and work on the jetties was suspended. Total cases, 02;
total deaths, 11. Date of last death, October 11.
PORT HUDSON.
1839. Infected by New Orleans.
1811. No record of cases and deaths.
1813. No record of cases and deaths.
1878. First case, September 9; first death, September
13. Cases, 100; deaths, 11.
PUGH PLACE.
1879. First case, October 2. Cases, 33 ; deaths, 0.
PROSPECT PLANTATION.
1905. Cases, 8; deaths, 1.
RALEIGH LANDING.
1878. No record of cases and deaths.
1905. One case, August 6.
REBECCA PLANTATION.
1905. First case, September 10. Cases, 20; deaths, 1.
LOUISIANA. 897
RED RIVER LANDING.
1878, No record of cases and deaths.
RESERVE PLANTATION.
1905. First case, August 14. Cases, 11; deaths, 2.
RICHOC.
1878. Cases, 62; deaths, 18.
RIVERSIDE PLANTATION.
1905. First case, July 23. Cases, 218 ; deaths, 10.
ROSEDALE.
1905. First case, September 5. Cases, 5 ; deaths, 1.
SARPY.
1905. First case, August 19. Cases, 13; deaths, 2.
SHELBURN.
1905. Cases, 15; deaths, 1.
SHREVEPORT.
1853. No record of cases and deaths.
1873. Population, 9,000. Infected by New Orleans.
First case, August 12; first death, August 19; last case,
November 10. Cases, 3,000; deaths, 759.
1905. Cases, 3; deaths, 1.
SHREWSBURY.
1905. First case, August 15. Cases, 6 ; deaths, 2.
SMITHLAND.
1878. A plantation in Point Coupee Parish, La. The
only fatal case reported is that of Dr. W. D. Smith, who
died September 25.
898 HISTORY OK YELLOW FEVER.
SMITHVILLE.
1905. First case, Sei^tember G. Cases, 1; deaths, 0.
SMOKE BEXD.
1905. First case, August 28. Cases, 3; deatlis, 1.
SOUTHDOWN.
1905. First case, OctoLer 19. Cases. 1; deaths, 1.
SOUTH PASS.
1878. Cases, 42; deaths, 2.
SOUTHWEST PASS.
1878. Cases, 2G ; deaths, 8.
STEVENSON.
1878. Two fatal cases.
ST. BERNARD.
1878. Infected by New Orleans. First case, August
25 ; first death, August 29. Cases, 19 ; deaths, 7.
1905. First case, July 20. Cases, 51; deaths, 2.
ST. CLARE.
1905. Cases, 1; deatlis, 0.
ST. ELIZABETH.
1905. First case, July 13. Cases, 21; deaths, 8.
LOUISIANA, 899
ST. FKANCISVJLLE.
1811 ; 1817 ; 1819 ; 1823 ; 1827 ; 1828. Xo record of cases
and deaths.
1829. First case, September 22.
1839. First case, August 28.
1813. First case, August 28.
184G. Deaths, 1.
1848. Deaths, 1.
1853. No record of cases and deaths.
ST. GABRIEL.
1878. Population, 425. Cases, 132; deaths, 38.
1905. Cases, 2; deaths, 0.
ST. JAMES.
1878. ~ Cases, 36; deaths, 4.
1898. First case, October 1; last case, October 1.
Cases, 1 ; deaths, 0.
ST. JOSEPH.
1905. First case, September 18. Cases, 3; deaths, 0.
ST MARTIXVILLE.
1839. No record of cases and deaths.
ST. ROSE.
1905. First case, August 22. Cases, 61 ; deaths, 6.
STORY'S.
1905. Cases, 2; deaths, 0.
SUNRISE.
1905. First case, July 30. Cases, 1; deaths, 0.
900 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEYER.
TALLULAIL
1878. Cases, 33 ; deaths, 4.
1905. First case, about August 8. Cases, 1,040;
deaths, 23.
TANGIPAHOA.
1878. Population, 200. Infected by Xe\\' Orleans.
First case, September 1. Cases, 150; deaths, 50.
TECHE COUNTRY.
1878. Population, 1,033. First case, September 10;
first death, September 13. Cases, 715; deaths, 81.
TERKE-AUX-BOEUF.
1905. First case, September 9. Cases, 1; deaths, 0.
THIBODAUX.
1839. Sporadic cases.
1846. First case, September 20 ; last case, October 15 ;
last death, October 14.
1853. Deaths, 100.
1854. First case, September 12 ; last case, October.
1878. Population, 2,800. First case, July 30; first
death, August 28. Cases, 750 ; deaths, 65.
1879. First case, October 15; last case, October 15.
Cases, 1; deaths, 0.
1905. Cases, 1; deaths, 1.
TOCA.
1905. First case, September 8. Cases, 10; deaths, 0.
TRENTON.
1853. Population, 145. Infected by New Orleans,
First case, August 1; first death, August 6. Cases, 52;
deaths, 28.
•I
LOUISIANA. 901
UNION PLANTATION.
1905. First case, October 13. Cases, 1; deaths, 0.
UPPER TEXAS.
1879. First case, October 6; last case, October 6.
Cases, 2; deaths, 0.
VACCARO.
1905. First case, July 2G. Cases, 2 ; deaths, 0.
VACHERIE.
1878. No record of cases and deaths.
A^\RNER.
1898. Cases, 1; deaths, 0.
VERRET.
1905. First case, September 4. Cases, 2; deaths, 0.
VIDALIA.
1853. Population, GO. Infected by Natchez, iMiss.
First case, August 20 ; first death, August 25. Deaths, 16.
VILLE PLATTE.
1870. No record of cases and deaths.
VIVIAN.
1879. Cases, 4 ; deaths, 0.
WAOCr A:\rAN.
1905. First case, July IG. Cases, GO; deaths, 5.
902 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
WASHIXGTOX.
1837. No record of cases aud deaths.
1852. Infected b}^ New Orleans. First case, Septem-
ber 14 ; first death, September 16.
1853. First cae, August 15.
1851; 1867. No record of cases and deaths.
WATERLOO.
1839. Infected by New Orleans.
WATEKPKOOF.
1905. First case, September 23. Cases, 1 ; deaths, 0.
WEEK'S ISLAND.
1879. No record of cases and deaths.
WESTWEGO.
1905. First case, July 25. Cases, 2 ; deaths, 2.
WILSON.
1898. First case, Septendx-r 26; last case, October 15.
Cases, 303; deaths, 7.
WOODLAWN.
1905. First case, July 30. Cases, 16; deaths, 2.
Insert Bibliography
NEW ORLEANS— ^RIOGRAPHY. 903
BIBLIOGRAPHY OF YELLOW FEVER IN LOUISIANA.
NEW ORLEANS.
Albers (P. B.) : Cases of Sporadic Yellow Fever (1857). N. O. Med.
& Surg. Jl., November, 1857, p. 357.
American Institute of Homoeopathy. Special report of the Homeoo-
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presentation to Congress. 8°. New Orleans, 1879.
Analysis of the "records of yellow fever in New Orleans in 1876.. N.
O. Med. and Surg. Journal, 1876-7, n. s. vol. 4, p. 480.
Axson (A. F.): Report on the Origin and Spread of the Epidemic in
New Orleans in 1853. In Report of the Sanitary Commission of New
Orleans, 1854.
Bahier (A.) (et al.) : Rapport fait a la Societe Medicale de la
Nouvelle-Orleans sur I'epidemic de fievre jaune qui a regno dans cette
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Barton (Ed. E.): Account of the epidemic fever which prevailed in
New Orleans during the autumn of 1833. American Journal of Med.
Sciences, vol. 15, p. 30.
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Surg. JL, 1867, vol. 20, p. 196.
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Orleans in defence and explanation of the report of the Sanitary
Commission to the City Council. N. O. Medical News and Hospital
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Barton (Ed. E.) : Report of the Board of Health of New Orleans,
November 17, 1841, on the fever of that year.. Bulletin of Medical
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Barton (Ed. E.): Report upon the Sanitary Condition of New Or-
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vol. 11, p. 523; do., in Charleston Medical Journal and Review, vol. 10.
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New Orleans during the autumn of 1833. American Journal of Medical
Sciences, vol. 15, p. 30. Same in pamphlet form, with additions, pp.
52, Philadelphia, 1834.
Barton (Ed. E.) : Report to the State Medical Society on the
Meteorology, Vital Statistics, and Hygiene of the State of Louisiana.
8vo. New Orleans, 1851.
904 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
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Sanitary Commission, dated New Orleans, December 12, 1854. 3 ed.
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Orleans, 1857.
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Baxter (J.): Reply to the Replication of the Medical Society of
Louisiana. Med. Repository, 1822, n. s., vol. 8, pp. 223; 229.
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New Orleans in 1878. N. O. Med. and Surg. Jl., 1880, n. s., vol. 8, pp.
139; 145,.
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1, p. 1.
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1905. N. O. M. & S. Jl.. 1906, vol. 59, p. 196.
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Paris, 1859.
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vol. 59, p. 180.
Castellanos (J. J.): An Historic :\remorabile. Proc. Orleans Parish
Medical Society, 1896, New Orleans, 1898, p. 168.
Cartwright (S. A.): Prevention of Yellow Fever. N. O. M. & S. JL,
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I
NEW ORLEANS — R IBLIOGRAPH > . 905
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M. & Phys. Sc, Cincin., 1830, vol. 3, pp. 367, 393.
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sur les enfants, pendant I'epidemie de fievre jaune de 1858. 8°.
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N. O. M. & S. Jl., vol. 6, 1849-50, p. 9.
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1
NEW ORLEANS — BIHLIOGRAPH Y. 907
Halphen (Michel): Memoire sur le Cholera Morbus complique d'une
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Harris (E, B.): Cases of the yellow fever prevalent at New Orleans
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Harrison (John): Remarks on Yellow Fever. X. O. M. & S. Jl,
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Hava (Adrian) : The Essential Roles of the Pneumo-Gastric Nerves
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Health of the City. N. O. M. & S. JL, 1849-50, vol. 6, pp. 407, 410.
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History of the yellow fever epidemic in the Fourth District; disin-
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Holcombe (W. H.) : Repoi't on the yellow fever of 1867, to the
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Holt (J.): Analysis of the record of yellow fever in New Orleans in
1876. Ibid., pp. 480, 495. Also, Reprint.
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Holt (Dr.): And the Pass Christian delegation. 8°. (New Orleans,
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Husemann (T.): Die Sterblichkeit der Angehorigen verschiedener
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908 HISTORY OK YELLOW FEVER.
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NEW ORLEANS — BIBLIOGRAPHY. 909
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910 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
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NEW ORl.KANS BIBLIOGRAl'HV. 911
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Yellow (The) fever epidemic at New Orleans in 1878; submitted by
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1857, p. 357.
912 HISTORV OF YELLOW FEVFR.
SHREVEPOPT.
Jones (J.) : Yellow Fever in Shreveport. Boston M. & S. J., 1874,
vol xc, pp. 73, 151.
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Ibid., 1874, p. 13. -J
GENERAL.
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Carroll (J.): Lessons to be learned from the present outbreak of
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Circular of the Legislative Committee of the La. State Med. Assn.
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which prevailed at Opelousas in the years 1837, 1839, 1842. N. O. M.
& S. JL, 1846-7, vol. 3, p. 27.
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Amer. Med. Assn., 1856, vol. 9, p. 697.
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Disease as it Prevailed at Judge Baker's Plantation, Parish of St.
Mary, La., in 1854. Trans. Amer. Med. Assn., 1856, vol. 9, p. 663.
■I*
LOUISIANA BIBLIOGRAPHY. 9 1 S
Fassito (C. R.) : Yellow fever in the country; an account of the
disease as it prevailed at Judge Baker's plantation, Parish of St. Mary,
La., in September and October, 1S54. N. O. M. News & Hosp. Gaz.,
1855-6, vol. 2, p. 406.
Fenner (E. D.) : Report on the Epidemics of Louisiana, Mississippi,
Arkansas and Texas, in the year 1853. Tranastions Amer. Med Assn.,
vol. 7, page 421.
Fever Prevailing in Parish of Plaquemines, September, 1880. Re-
ports by J. Dickson Bruns, J. P.. Davidson and Geo. M. Sternberg. 8°.
(New Orleans, 1878.)
Fievre (La) Jaune en Louisiane (1878). L'Union Medicale, Paris,
1878, vol. 26, pp. 275, 398.
Fox (D. R.) : Yellow Fever in the Country: An Account of the
Disease as it Prevailed on the Coast below New Orleans, in 1854 and
1855. Trans. Amer. Med. Assn., 1856, vol. 9, p. 665..
Gilpin (J.): An Account of the Yellow Fever that Prevailed in
Covington, Louisiana, in 1847. N. O. M. & S. JL, vol. 5, p. 216.
Gustine (S. D.) : How the Yellow Fever Situation was Handled in
Kenner, 1905. N. O. M. & S. Jl., 1906, vol.. 59, p. 282.
Heusti,3 (J. W.) : Physical observations, and medical tracts and re-
searches on the topography and diseases of Louisiana. 8°. New York,
1817.
Heustis (Jazeb) : Phj'sical Observations and Medical Facts and Re-
searches on the Topography and Diseases of Louisiana. 8vo. New
York, 1817.
Hacker: Yellow Fever in Plaquemine. N. O.. M. & S. JL, vol. 10,
p. 668.
Hale (J.): Observations on the fever which prevailed at Alexandria,
Louisiana, in the autumn of 1830. Transylv. J. M., Lexington, Ky.,
1831, vol. 4, p. 229.
Heustis (J. W.): Observations on the disease which prevailed in the
army at Camp Terre-aux-Boeufs, in June, July and August, of the
year 1809. Med, Reposit., N. Y., 1817, n. s., vol. 3, p. 33.
Jones (A. P.) : Yellow fever in a rural district, August to December,
1853. N. O. M. News & Hosp. Gaz., 1854-5, vol. 1, pp. 180, 205.
Kelly (Howard A.): The lesson of little things; the conquest of
yellow fever. Boston, 1907, p. 15, fol.
Cutting from The Youth's Companion, Boston, 1907, vol. 81, p. 15.
Leary (M. F.) : Yellow fever at Greenwood, La.; a case of contagion.
N. O. M. & S. J., 1873-4, n. s., vol. 1, p. 628.
Louisiana Bd. of Health Circular Embodying Brief Directions Appli-
cable to the Usual Types of Yellow Fever. Aug. 23, 1878. 4°. New
Orleans, 1878.
914 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
Lambert (P. A.): An Essay on Yellow Fever, read before the La.
Medico-Chirurgical Soc. N. O. M. & S. Jl., vol. 1, p. 4.
Lyman (J. W.): Yellow Fever at Franklin, La., in 1853. N. O. M.
& S. Jl., vol. 10, p. 670.
McKelvey (P. B.): Yellow Fever at Francisville. La. N. O. Med.
& Sur. Jl., 1849-50, vol. 6, p. 64.
McLeod (M. A.):' Yellow Fever in Thibodeaux, La., in 1854. Trans.
Amer. Med. Assn., 1856, vol. 9, p. 682.
Phares (D. L.): Bayou Sara V3. Yellow Fever, Tr. Mississippi M.
Assn., Jackson. 1879, vol 12, p. 117.
Proceedings of three conferences held by the representatives of the
Mississippi, Alabama and Louisiana State Board of Health, and Marine
Hispital Service, at Ocean Springs, Miss., September 4, 5 and 6, 1897,
to determine the character of the prevailing fever. Rep. Bd. Health
La.,' 1896-7, Baton Rouge, 1898, p. 29.
Scruggs (S. O.) : Report on the Epidemics of Louisiana, Mississippi,
Arkansas and Texas. Trans. American Med Assn., 1856, vol. 9, p. 623.
Scruggs (S. O.) : Yellow Fever at ithe Village of Cloutierville, La.,
in the years 1853 and 1854. Trans. American Med. Assn., 1856, vol.
9, p. 704.
Sternberg (G. M.) et al.: Reports in regard to a form of fever recent-
ly prevailing on the lower Mississippi River. X. O. M. & S. JL, 1880-81,
vol. 8, p. 382.
Wood (W. B.) : Yellow Fever at Centreville, La., in 1855, with Some
Remarks on the Disease as it apeared in the Parish of St. Mary, La.,
in 1853, 1854 and 1855. Trans. Amer. Med. Assn., 1856, vol. 9, p. 671.
Tuck fW. J.) : Letter on Yellow Fever. N. O. Med. & Surg. Jl., vol.
10, p. 663.
Yellow fever at Lake Providence, La, London Med. Times & Gaz.,
1853, vol. 7, p. 465.
Yellow fever at Madisonville, La., in 1818. (French.) Tralliet,
Examen Critique, etc., Relatif a la Fievre Jaune (Lyons, 1830), p. 15.
I
I
915
MAINE.
EASTPORT.
1902.
For the first aud ouly time iu its history, .yellow fever
was brought to the doors of Eastport in 1902, The Brit-
ish bark Birnam Wood from Rio de Janeiro, June 19, in
baUast for St. John, New Brunswick, anchored iu Little
Machias Bay, Sunday night, iVugust 3, flying signals of
distress. Dr. Shaw, of ^Macliias boarded the vessel and
found that the ba.k had yellow fever on board; three of
the crew having died and the captain and cabin boy being
down with the fever. After fumigating the vessel, she
was towed to St. John, Xew Brunswick, and arrived at
quarantine outside Partrdige Island, on August 5.
There was no diffusion of the disease ashore.
PORTLAND.
1801.
On August 19, 1801, the ship Ocean arrived at Portland
from Havana via New York, where she had performed
quarantine twenty da,ys. The vessel had lost several of
her crew from yellow fever during the voyage, and had
left some sick at the hospital on Staten Island.
A merchant of Portland and liis clerk who visited the
ship on business, were attacked shortly afterward (Au-
gust 24) with a disease which proved to be yellow fever.
Both recovered.
The merchant's son, a lad of 12, who had accompanied
his father on board the ship, next took the disease
(August 25) and died on the 31st.
Two of the merchant's laborers were also attacked and
died on the fifth day after the onset.
The next cases occurred in the persons of two young
men, from a remote and healtliy part of the State, who
916 MAINE. T
went ou board the Ocean soou after their arrival at Port-
land, and assisted in removing sundry articles from the
ship's hold. Four days after, they were both attacked
with 3'ellow fever, but eventually recovered.
The disease did not spread to the other inhabitants of
Portland, but was confined solely to persons who com-
municated with the vessel, which proves that the infected
mosquitoes did not migrate to the shore, ^|
Total case, 7; deatlis, ?i.
In addition to the above cases, it is worthy of note that
the captain of a packet, who took goods out of the Ocean
and carried them to Boston, was seized with yellow fever
on liis arrival at the Massacliusetts town and died. One
of his crew, who had assisted him in removing the cargo,
also sickened and died. ''His skin," says the old chron-
icler, "was of a deep yellow color.-'
1839.
In 1830, it is again ''a ship from Havana," which brings
yellow fever to the City of Portland. There were only a
few cases, confined to the ship's crew. The inhabitants
of Portland were not affected.
BIBLIOGRAPHY OF YELLOW FEVER IN MAINE.
EASTPORT.
Small: U. S. Public Health Reports, 1902, vol. 17. p.. 1871.
PORTLAND.
Barker: N. Y. Medical Repository, 1803, vol. 6, p. 78.
Austin: Trans. American Medical Association, 1877-8, vol. 4, p. 235.
917
MARYLAND.
BALTIMORE.
According to Carroll (Old Man/land, 190G, Vol. 2, p.'
17), yellow fever must have been introduced a great
many times in Baltimore, yet the only important epidemic
outbreaks of the disease took place in 1794, 1797, 1800
and 1819. It is notable that all the outbreaks began at
Locust Point or about the docks and wharves, and they
can be traced directly or indirectly to the shipping. The
relative high ground upon which the city is built and
the distance at the time of the city proper from the
wharves and shipping, explain why the inter-urban resi-
dents suffered but little, while those living upon the
poorly-drained, low-lying districts near the river, were
compelled upon such occasions to flee for safety.
Summary of Epidemics.
1783; 1789.
Berenger-Feraud (Fievre Jainic, etc., 1890, pp. 57 and
58), says that yellow fever prevailed for the first time in
Baltimore in 1783, and reappeared in 1789, but gives no
details.
1794.
The epidemic of 1794 is the first of which any authentic
information is available.
According to Carroll (lor. cit., p. 18) who quotes Dr.vs-
dale as his authority (see Bibliography at the end of this
article), the yellow fever epidemic of 1794 first made its
appearance at two points, remote from eacli other, viz. :
at Bowley's Wharf, in the town, and at Fell's Point.
Many cases occurred throughout the town, but these
originated eitlier from communication with liowley's
Wharf or the Point, and the infection could be distinctly
traced to one of those two jjlaces. Bdiig puzzled to ex-
918 HISTORY OF YELLOW KEVER.
plain why the infection was confined to those two places,
Dr. Drvsdale f(nind that the first cases on the Point were
confined to liouses whose celhirs were filled with sta<j;nant,
putrid water, and he also found black, putrid and
offensive water beneath the stores in which the sick re-
sided at Bowley's Wharf. Almost all of those who were
first affected Avere new-comers. Dr. Drysdale describes
the Point as beini> low and flat; its streets j;enerally not
paved, its alleys filthy and the i^round marshy in many
places. The fre(]uent warm rains kept the noxious places
constanth' moist under a hot sun.
Dr. Carroll observes that we can easily recop,nize these
as conditions favorable to the multii)l<-ation of mosqui-
toes, and the domestic habits of the Stcf/oini/ia mosquito
would tend to keep the infection rather closely confined
to these localities.
Dr. Drysdale further makes the si«>,nificant statement
that remittents were present from a very early period.
It is more than probable that many of these remittents
were true yellow fever, because under the belief then pre-
vailin.s:, that these were simply the prevailing? types of
summer fever, they would not be reported. It is also
probable that if occasional cases were known to have been
yellow fever, some physicians would have concealed them,
from the same motives that prevail to-day.
Dr. Drysdale saw the first case just before death, on
the 7tli of August at Bowley's Wharf, in the town, and on
the 14th, 20th, 22nd and 2-3rd of the same month, he saw
five additional cases at the same jtart of the wharf. There
were also at the same place some other cases which did
not come under his care. Dr. Drysdale states that there
was consideiable sickness at Fell's Point after the death
of his l?rst case, and many deaths had occurred suddenly
or after a short indisjMJsition. An investigation was made
by three of the most respectable i)hysicians who reported
that the prevailing fever was the common endemic of the
season, Avhich visited the Southern and Middle States
annually, viz. : the bilious remittent fever. The number
of eases now rapi<lly increased so that by September 25tli,
MARYLAND liAJ-TIMORE. 919
about seven weeks, five physicians were attacked autl two
of them died. The cases liad become so numerous that
Dr. Coulter visited and prescribed for more tlmu 120 per-
sons daily. By the end of the month many families had
souii'ht refu![ie in the country. During- this time the city
remained unusually healthy, and althoujih some persons
infected at the Point, died in the city proper, the disease
failed to spread in that locality.
The infection is saul to have been disseminated by the
ship Tninnph, which arrived at Fell's Point about the
last of June, 1794, with almost all her crew indisposed,
having previously been moored along side a schooner
whose captain had died from yellow fever during the
voyage from the West Indies.
The total number of deaths ascribed to yellow fever
during this epidemic was 3G0.
The following quotation from Dr. Drysdale's work is
of significant interest at this time of the known propaga-
tion of yellow fever by the ^tcgomyia Calopus- race of
mosquitoes :
"Locusts were not more numerous in the reign of
Pharaoh, than iiwsqiiitoei^ fJirouf/h the la.sf for luojitJif^:
yet these insects were very rare only a few years past,
when a far greater portion of Baltimore was a marsh.""
The fact that the mosquitoes were not widely diffused
through the city, evidently saved Baltimore from a more
disastrous epidemic.
1795.
Mild outbreak; no statistics.
1797.
First cases were observed in August ; last, in November.
Previous to September 17, the fever was confined to cer-
tain places and fo "such as had breathed the air evolved
from them;'' on that day, a strong southeast wind
"wafted the effluvia in a southw(>st direction, and diffused
the infection among the inhabitants in the ujiper parts
of Frederick, Gay and Calvert Streets, who became im-
920 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
mediately implicated in the horrors of yellow fever."
{Carroll, loc, eit., p. 21).
The outbreak was limited and the mortality small.
179S.
Sporadic cases; developments unimportant.
1800.
Carroll {Old Maryland, 190(3, vol. 2, p. 21) is authority
for the statement that the epidemic of 1800 was the sever-
est Baltimore has ever experienced. The mortality from
yellow fever is recorded to have been 1,197, or about one
in fifty of the population of 60,000. Again the disease
began at Fell's Point, on the borders of the Cove, which
extended from Jones' Falls to the interior. The Faculty
of Medicine of Baltimore, after investigation, reported to
the Mayor that in their belief the disease was not im-
ported btit originated in the Cove from the stagnation
and putrefaction of filth, under a summer's sun. Of
course, at this enlightened age, we know this theory to
be wrong and the natural tendency is to incriminate our
old friend, "a ship from the West Indies."
The first two cases appeared on the 2nd of May, an-
other on the 8th of June, one on the 9th, 10th and 13tli;
then from the 22nd they became more numerous. It is
unfortunate that there is no detailed description of this
epidemic, the most disastrous that Baltimore ever ex-
perienced, i
1800; 1801; 1802; 1805; 1818. Sporadic cases: no
statistics.
1819.
The next general outbreak took place in 1819 {Carroll,
loc. fit., p. 21), following the arrivnl of an infected ship
from Havana. In a letter to the editors of the Medical
Repository (1801, vol. 4, p. 351), Dr. Pierre Chatard, of
Baltimore, writing October 19th, cites the first cases as
follows : The fever commenced raging at Fell's Point in
MARVI.ANU ^BALTIMORE. 921
the beginning of July, and never ceased there until the
end of October. It appeared also at Smith's Dock, toward
the end of July, carrying off five persons whose names are
given, and others. The persons named had counting
houses on the dock or in the vicinity. No other cases
appeared at the dock for two months, at the end of which
time two more appeared. Dr. Chatard attributes the
absence of cases during this time to the great quantity of
lime that had been strewn on the ground, by order of the
Mayor. The lime was again applied and the cases ceased.
At Fell's Point the disease raged for three months before
it subsided. The greater part of the population retired to
the healthier portions of the city and many of them sick-
ened and died there, but none of their friends or relatives
suffered in consequence.
1820 ; 1821 ; 1822. Sporadic cases. No statistics.
1858.
Sporadic cases. Ten cases are reported to have oc-
curred at Fort ]\rcHenry, from infected vessels in (piar-
antine.
18G8; 1873.
Imported cases. No developments.
1870.
The last serious outbreak of yellow fever in Baltimore
took place in 187(5. The history of this epidemic is as
follows (Morrifi, Tranfi. American Piihlic HcaUh .l.s.s'ori-
ation, 1877-8, vol. 4, p. 212) :
The first case (death) was reported by Dr. Winter-
nitz, on the 14th of September, 1876. This was followed
by forty-four cases of the disease, of which forty died.
Then the authorities, thoroughly alarmed, had all the
people living in the infected quarter, sick and well, r um-
bering in all, one hundred and fiftv persous, removed to
the Quarantine ITospital, sctme miles from the city. A
cordon was placed around the locality; the Avhole place
Avas purified; nearly a hundred cart loads of filthy ac-
cumulations were removed; the privies were emptied and
922
HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
filled up with clay; the homes and clothing of the people
were cleansed and disinfected, and a certain pon'tion of
the latter destroyed, and every possible source of infection
was reuKJved. The result of these measures was that not
a single case of the disease occurred afterwards, and the
whole trouble disappeared as if by the power of a majii-
clan's wand. Tliouiih <nie hundred and fifty persons were
removed to the Marine Hospital, and twenty-five cases
were treated there, fifteen of which proved fatal, not a
sinji'le one of those engaj^ed in removin<>- the sick — nurses,
physicians, etc. — contracted the disease. Only one sing'le
death took place at a distance from the infected district,
and that was a patient who had lived in one of tlie houses
in which tlicre had been several cases, and who <lied twen-
ty-four hours after leaving it. "A ship from the Spanish
Main" (South America) is accused of liaving brought the
infection.
1878.
Two deaths on board the May Queen, from Kio de
Janeiro.
1883.
July 27, four cases on board the ship Califoriiid, from
Vera Cruz.
1894.
The steamship SainucI '/\i/:(il\ from Havana, arrived on
August 4, witli four cases of yellow fever on board. One
of the i)atients died at the Maryland University Hospital,
and another occupied a bed in one of the wards before the
nature of his illnes was discovered.
About the same time, the bark Alien, also from Havana,
had three cases of yellow fever on board while in the
quarantine basin.
Since 1894, no cases of yellow fever have l)een observed
in Baltimore or at the quarantine station.
MARYLAND BALTIMORE. 923
BIBLIOGRAPHY OF YELLOW FEVER IN MARYLAND.
BALTIMORE.
Additional Number to tlie Letters of Humanitas, together with John
Hillen's, William Jenkins, and Dr. McKenzie's Letters and other
Documents, Relative to Polly Elliott's Case; and a Reply to the same,
by James Smith, phisician. 8vo. Baltimore, 1801.
Carroll (J.): The Epidemics of Yellow Fever in Baltimore. Old
Maryland, 1906, vol. 2, p. 17.
Chatard: Notice Succincte du Typlrus, etc., qui se manifesta a
Baltimore au mois de Juillet, 1819. Observateur des Sciences
Medicales de Marseille, vol. 5, p. 333.
Chatard: On the Yellow Fever, as it appeared at Baltimore in the
summer and autumn of 1800. New York Med. Reposit., 1801, vol. 4,
p. 235.
Drysdale: Account of the Yellow Fever in Baltimore in 1794. Coxe's
Phila. Medical Museum, vol. 1, 1804, pp. 22, 121, 241, 361.
Jameson (H. G.): On the yellow fever in Baltimore. Am. J. M. Sc,
Phila., 1856, n. s., vol. 32, p. 372.
Johnson (Ed.) : A series of Letters and other Documents relating
to the late Epidemic or Yellow Fever (1819). 8vo. Baltimore, 1820.
Kemp. (W. M.) : What Baltimore did in a Sanitary way during the
yellow fever in Norfolk and Portsmouth in 1855. Tr. M. & Chir, Fac.
Maryland, Bait., 1882, p. 132.
Late (The) epidemic in Baltimore. Bait. Phys. & Surg., 1876, vol.
6, p. 37.
Moores (D.): [Origin of the yellow fever in Baltimore.] Med,.
Reposit., N. Y., 1801, vol. 4, p. 351.
Morris (J.): History of the epidemic in Baltimore in 1876, Am. Pub.
Health Assn. Rep., 1877-8, Boston, 1880, vol. 4, p. 243.
Official statement of the causes of the late epidemic yellow fever,
in the city of Baltimore, by the District Medical Society of Maryland.
Med. Reposit., N. Y., 1820, vol. 20, p. 345.
Opinion of the Medical Faculty of Maryland relative to the
Domestic Origin of the Pestilential Sickness in Baltimore during the
hot season of 1800. Medical Repository, 1801, vol. 4, p. 351.
Reese (D. M.): Observations on the Epidemic of 1819, as it pre-
vailed in a part of the city of Baltimore, etc., 12mo. Baltimore, 1819.
Revere (Jno.): An Account of the Fever which prevailed in certain
parts of Baltimore during the summer and autumn of 1819, with some
Remarks on its Origin and Treatment. Medical Recorder, vol. 3, p. 214.
Rush (B.): Account of the yellow fever in Baltimore, in 1794. Phila.
M. Museum, 1804-5, vol. 1, p. 22.
9£4 HISTORY OF VELI.OW FEVER.
Series (A) of letters and other documents relating to the late
epidemic or yellow fever; comprising the correspondence of the mayor
of the city, the board of health, the executive of the State of Maryland,
and the reports of the faculty and District Medical Society of Balti-
more. Also essays of the physicians, in answer to the mayor's circular
requesting information for the use of the city council in relation to
the causes which gave origin to this disease. To which is added the
late ordinance re-organizing the board of health, etc. 8°. Baltimore,
1820.
»
925
MASSACHUSETTS.
The Epidcinies of New Englund in Colonial Ti)iies.
In 1018, two years before the landiiif;- of tlie Pili'Tim
Fathers at Plymouth, there appeared amoiiii; tlie Indians
of the country, one of the most remarkable epidemics on
record. So fatal was the pestilence, that the warriors
"were reduced from nine thousand to a few hundreds."
The Massachusetts tribe alone was supposed to haye lost
2,700 out of 3,000 persons. {Iliiichinson., Histortj of
Ma.ssaehusetts, yol. 1, p. 34).
The same authority states that in 1021, many places
which had been populous Indian yillages, were found ''all
deserted — all dead."
Noah Webster, in his work on Pestilence, attempts to
decide that this pestilence was the fever which has since
received the appellation of "yellow fever;" his reliance
for this opinion being the statement of General Gookin
(Massachusetts Historical Collections, vol. 1, p. 143),
which reads as follows:
"AVhat the disease was which so generally and mortally
swept them away, I cannot learn; doubtless it was some
pestilential disease. I discoursed with some Indians that
were then youths, who say the bodies, all over, were ex-
ceeding yellow (describing it by a yellow garment they
showed me) both before they died and afterwards."
That this was not small-pox (a frequent scourge of the
aborigines), is evident from several circumstances; but
the basis (above cited) for the inference that it was yel-
low fever, is too slight, especially Avhen we remember what
Webster ignores, that it raged in winter, which yellow
fever never does, at least in Northern latitudes. It was
most probably a malignant typhus, with bilious compli-
cations, jaundice and nasal hemorrhages of paludal
origin.
At the commencement of the settlement of Plymouth,
our venerable ancestors suffered very much from sick-
926 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
ness. At the end of three iiiontlis after their arrival, 53
only survived of tlie 101 who came iu the Mcnjfloiccr.
"The sick were destitute of almost all the comforts
which their miserable condition rendered indispensable.
Their sufferings were increased by the want of well jjer-
sons to ijerform the duties among- the sick; there being,
at one time, not more than six or seven persons in toler-
able health." Thatchers Hisfori/ of Pli/mouth, p. 32.
In 1()31, small-pox, first breaking out at Haugus, spread
from Xarraganset to Piscataqua, and westward to Con-
necticut Eiver, and swept off entire villages of the In-
dians. When Increase Mather wrote, there were living
some old residents, who on that ocacsion helped to bury
whole families of the natives at the same time.
At the close of 1633, small-pox again broke out, and
made great devastations among the unfortunate native
races of Massachusetts. Chickatabut, the great sachem
of the tribe, was among the victims
Plymouth was again visited with a mortal sickness in
1634, of which twenty men, women and children died;
among Avhom was "that most excellent and pious man,"
Dr. Samuel Fuller, the first ])hysician of "Xew England.
It must have been occasoned by a fever of douiestic origin,
as the colony had at that time no intercourse with for-
eign countries, except P]ngland.
Great sickness prevailed among the Indians at ]Mar-
tha's Vineyard in 1645. Few escaped.
In 1647 a malignant fever prevailed, "occasioned by the
excessive heat of summer;" and an ei)idemic influenza
passed through the whole country, and universally af-
fected the colonists and natives; l)ut it was not very mor-
tal, "wherein a S])ecial providence of God appeared, for
not a family nor but a few persons escaping it; our hay
and corn had to be lost for Avant of help; but such was
the mercy of God to his i)eople, as few died — not above
forty or fifty in the Massachusetts and near as many in
Connecticut." Winthrop'R Journah vol. 2, t>. 310.
Another epidemic distemper, similar to ;hat of 1647,
passed through New England in 1655. It began in June,
MASSACHUSETTS. 927
and few persons escaped. Anion_i>' those who died was
Eev. Xathaniel Eogeis, of Ipswich.
Sickness and mortality thronghout New England in
1658.
Croup is first mentioned in the annals of the country
in IGSO. Other malignant diseases also prevailed about
this time. Thirty children died in Rowley, ^Nlass, A day
of thanksgiving was appointed in Connecticut, for the
"abatement of the sickness in the country, and a supply
of rain in time of drought."
Small-pox was very fatal in Charlestown, ]Mass., in
1677. The records state that thirtV'-one died of the dis-
ease, one of whom was the Eev. Thomas Shepard.
In 1678, small-pox in Boston ; but we have seen no ac-
ecount of its victims. Seven or eight hundred are said to
liave died of it in Massachusetts. About this time "the
seasons were unfavorable, and the fruits blasted, while
malignant diseases prevailed among the people. The sick-
ness and bad seasons were attril)uted by our pious an-
cestors to the irreligion of the times, and to their disuse
of fasting; and a meeting was held to investigate the
causes of God's judgments, and to propose a plan of re-
formation." Webster, vol. 1, p. 203.
Tlie influenza began in Xovemlx^', 1697, and prevailed
until I^'bruary, in ^Massachusetts. Whole families and
whole towns were seized nearly at the same time. In the
following year (1608), a "mortal disease prevailed so
much, in Fairfield, Connecticut, that well persons were
not found to take care of the sick and bury the dead.
Seventy died in three months, out of a population of less
than one thousand. At the same time, a dreadful mor-
tality occurred in Dover, New Hami)shire.
Yellow fever i)revailed at Ilollin.ston, ]Nrassachusetts,
"of which died, Mr. Stone, the minister, and 14 of his
congregation." How the fever was introduced, is left to
conjecture.
In 1743 an "infectious fever" ]M-evaib'd in liciston.
Yellow fever prevailed in New York, Philadelphia, New
Haven, Conn., and Stamford, Conn., was distressed by a
928 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
malignant dysentery, which swept away 70 inhabitants
out of a few hundreds.
"About the same time (the precise year is not known)
a malignant epidemic disease laid waste the Indian tribes,
which, from the description given by the traders, would
appear to be, though it probably was not, the infectious
Yellow Fever. In consequence of it, the Senecas removed
their quarters two or three times in a few jears. The dis-
ease was said to have been confined to the Indians, the
white people living and trading Avitli them not being
affected. (Griscom, p. 4).
The Mohegan tribe, between New London and Norwich,
were "wasted by the same malady" in 1746. From an
account given by a Mohegan priest, "a man of good sense
and integrity," as related by a Dr. Tracy, of Norwich,
who attended them as a physican, and was the only white
man atfected, the following were the symptoms of this
disease: The patient first complained of a severe pain
in the head and back, which was followed by fever; in
three or four days his skin turned as 3'ellow as gold; a
vomiting of black matter took place, and generally a bleed-
ing of the nose and mouth, which continued till the
patient died. One hundred of the tribe died.."
Summary of Yi:llow Fever Years.
BOSTON.
1G21. According to Dowler (1853, p. 7), first appear-
ance of yellow fever in Boston. No authentic statistics.
1G93. An English squadron under Admiral Wheeler,
after remaining a month at Barbadoes and twenty-one
days at ]Martiniqu(s l)i'ought yellow fever to Bost(m, where
it caused great mortality. (Hiifcltiiisoii's History of ^cw
England, vol. 5, p. 110).
1795. Infected by vessels from the West Indies. Only
a few cases. The fever did not spread to the inhabitants.
179G. Yellow fever broke out on August 26, the first
death taking place on the 29th. Source of infection
MASSACHUSETTS. 949
obscure. Warren (see Bihliography) , like the majority
of the good old souls of the period who have written on
yellow fever, maintains that "it was caused by noxious sub-
stances exhaled into the atmosphere from putrefying ani-
mal or vegetable matter or both." Only 130 deaths are
recorded, which proves that the disease was undoubtedly
confined to imported cases.
1798. Serious outbreak. Deaths, 200.
171)9; 1800. Imported cases; no important develop-
ments.
1801. The master of a packet plying between Boston
and Portland, Maine, who took goods out of a ship in-
fected with j^ellow fever, which was at the latter port,
was taken ill with the disease on his arrival at Boston,
and died shortly afterAvards. One of his sailors sickened
also at the same time and died. The marked yellow^ color
of the skin of the latter is specially mentioned by the
chroniclers of this episode { Banker , New York Medical
Repository, 1803, vol. 6, p. 78).
The fever did not spread to the inhabitants of Boston,
1802. Limited outbreak. Deaths, GO.
1805; 1819; 1858. Infected by the shipping. No im-
portant developments.
1885. On September 24, the steamship Craighill, from
Colon, Panama, anchored in Boston harbor. Four cases
of yellow fever were discovered on board, and were trans-
ported to Gallup's Island Hospital, where they eventually
recovered. The captain of the vessel had died from yellow
fever during the voyage.
The city was not infected.
CHELSEA.
1877. Two yellow fever patients were disembarked at
the Chelsea Hospital, on December 12, from the ship
Laura Wilson, from San Domingo City. One of the
patients died on the IGth, the other recovered.
HOLLISTON.
1741. Holliston, 25 miles from Boston, was the scene
of a mild outbreak in 1741. Deaths, 15.
930 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
NANTUCKET.
1763. Deaths, 259.
NEW BEDFORD.
1800 ; 1801 ; 1821. Yellow fever outbreaks. No record
of cases and deaths.
NEWBURYPOET.
1796. According? to Brockway (National Board of
Health Bulletin, 1881-2, toI. 3, jl 179), yelloAv fever vis-
ited Newbiiryport on several occasions. As early as 1793,
at which time yellow fever was devastating Philadelphia,
Governor Hancock, of Massachusetts, issued the follow-
ing proclamation :
"Whereas a dangerous and infectious disease is prevalent at this
time in the city of Philadelphia, and it being highly expedient that
effectual measures should he adopted to prevent its introduction with-
in this commonwealth [Massachusetts],
"I do, therefore, in pursuance to a resolution passed by the two
branches of the legislature this day, require all sheriffs and their
deputies, the selectmen and constables of the several towns in this
commonwealth, to take effectual measures for examining all persons,
with their baggage and other effects, by land or water, coming from
Philadelphia or any other infected place, and where there is reason to
apprehend that the infection may be communicated, that they take
such measures as the law in such cases made and provided directs for
detaining and cleansing the persons and baggage from which
danger may be apprehended, so as to effectually prevent the intro-
duction and spreading of said infectious disease among the good
people of this commonwealth."
(Signed, etc.)
Newburyport, in response to this proclamation, and in
view of the great mortality from yellow fever raging at
Philadelphia, the accounts published from there, stating
that one hundred persons were buried in one day at this
time, and in the general alarm which prevailed, issued
this "notification :"
MASSACHUSETTS NEWBURYPORT. 93 1
"Whereas a dangerous and infectious disease is now prevailing,
not only in Philadelphia, but also in the leeward and winward West
India islands, this is to forbid all pilots, and others, on penalty of
the law, from bringing any vessel from Philadelphia higher up the
Merrimac River than the Black Rocks, or any vessel from a foreign
port to any wharf in this town, but let them remain in the stream
until examined by the health officer and certificate from him be ob-
tained certifying her being, in his opinion, free from infection.
"By order of the selectmen.
"Published September 23, 1793."
The quarantine ground, so called, was about a mile and
a half below the town.
The selectmen also reminded the inhabitants, at this
date, to give special attention to cleanliness and recom-
mended the most scrui^ulous examination of the streets,
that no dead carcasses or other offensive things are suf-
fered to remain, and to the "necessity of causing all drains
and offensive, stagnant waters in yards or near houses
to be cleansed," etc.
The selectmen of Newburyport, in tlie summers of 1794
and 1795, urge a strenuous enforcement of the quarantine
regulations, as the yellow fever was prevailing in several
of the cities in the United States, especially in New
Haven, in 1784, to such an extent as to break up the col-
lege; and, as early as i\fay 14, 1795, the pilots and masters
were ordered by the selectmen of Newburyport "not to
bring any vessel above Black Rocks then having, or dur-
ing the voyage having had, any person on board infected
with small-pox or any pestilential disease, or coming from
any port where such diseases prevail, until liberty is ob-
tained from the selectmen. On hoisting a color on the
shrouds (of the vessel) a proper person will attend on
board to see the vessel well cleansed and to make report
of her situation."
Summary of Epidemics.
1796.
The same authority quoted above (Brockway) states
that yellow fever made its appearance in Newburyport in
1796, causing great elarm, but it was not until about the
932 HISTORY or yellow fever.
middle of August that it was publicly noticed, although
it commenced lu Juue, aud from the middle of that mouth
until the 5th of October, tifty-tive faltal cases were re-
ported. Tradition says that some of the prominent citi-
zens of the town at this time took steps to secure the
services of an experienced French physician, Dr. Francis
A^ergnies, whom the local paper mentioued as having ar-
rived in Xewburyport in the summer of this year, from
the island of Guadaloupe. That this gentleman rendered
important service was evident, as the town at a public
meeting of the citizens, in April of the following year,
1797, unanimously voted "that the thanks of the town be
given to Dr. A'ergnies, for his prompt assistance aud
advice the last summer (1796), when the town was visited
Avitli a malignant disorder."
Dr. Vergnies continued his residence in Xewburyport
in the general practice of his medical profession until his
death in 1830.
These cases of yellow fever are the tirst which Dr.
Brockway found publicly acknowledge as such, and re-
ported in the history of the town. One of the historians
of Newburyport remarks that "this malignant fever, a
disease then practically unknown to the members of the
medical faculty here, but which was thought to be sim-
ilar, if not identical with the yellow fever of the Houth,
first appeared in a house on Water Street, etc., in the
immediate neighborhood of one of the wharAcs in the har-
bor, and its ravages were contined to a narrow locality
and short distance in this street, whicli was closed or
-chained up' to prevent passage." It was conjectured by
some that the disease originated on the s])ot, but the most
reasonable conclusion Avas that it was brought in a ves-
sel from one of the West India islands; and this opinion
was generally entertained. That the fever Avas caused bv
decayed fish in the dock was believed in by nuniy, there is
no doul>t, as the town, at a special meeting called July
21, 1796, chose an "inspector of police" to remove all
nuisances, and to "prohibit fish beinii' thrown Into the
river," etc. Among the victims to this disorder, which
caused great excitement in the town, and widespread
MASSACHUSETTS NEWBURYPORT. 933
alarm, were several prominent citizens of the town, in-
cluding an eminent resident physician, Dr. J. Bernard
Swett. The fever disappeared with the frost.
In 1797, July 27, the town voted to choose a health
officer to carry into effect a law of the commonwealth
passed the month previous, "to prevent the spreading of
contagious sickness." Public attention in this town was
again called in the following summer to the danger from
yellow fever by its prevalence in Philadelphia, New York,
Alban3% Newport, Boston and several other places at the
North, up to the middle of September.
1799.
In the summer of 1799 there was a return of yellow
fever at Newburyport, which the petitioners for a special
town meeting called "an alarming mortal sickness;" and
a health committe was chosen to adopt measures to pre-
vent the fever from spreading, and to secure a more rigid
quarantine.
The reappearance of the yellow fever this summer in
Philadelphia caused general alarm, and in this town the
fear Avas not groundless, as the health committee reported
nine persons "as having died of malignant fever" up to
July 23. The health officer, meantime, had ordered the
free use of unslacked lime in the streets of the town, and
wherever there was any accumulation of filth, "and par-
ticularly in vaults." Up to the 6th of August there ap-
pear to have been fifteen fatal cases, and the health com-
mittee reported on that day "that the fever had not been
communicated except in the vicinity of the lower Long
Wharf," and they recommend that those persons who have
left that neighborhood remain away until notified by the
committee. A week later several of the traders advertise
that they have returned to the town with their goods to
their places of business in Water Street.
The fever in this instance Avas sup])osed to have been
brought into town by a vessel which arrived from St.
Thomas on the 29th of June, and is re]iorted in the news-
954 HISTORY OK YELLOW FEVKR.
paper as having discharged her cargo at the wharf men-;
tioned above, and that nearly all those who !iad died, had
labored on board of this vessel.
1829.
Two cases, in 1829, close the history of yellow fever in
Newburyport. A prominent physician of the town, Dr.
Bradstreet, who was then Health Officer of the port, vis-
ited a vessel "from the South,'' which was then ai quar-
antine and contracted yellow fever, and died shortly after
the onset. His daughter shared the same fate.
The disease did not spread to the other inhabitants of
the place.
SALEM.
1798. Limited outbreak. No authentic statistics.
BIBLIOGRAPHY OF YELLOW FEVER IN MASSACHUSETTS.
BOSTOX.
Ayer (J.) : Yellow fever in Boston. Extr. Rec. Bost. Soc. M. Improve.
(1856-9), 1859, vol. 3, p. 255. Also: Boston M. & S. J., 1858-9, vol. lix,
p. 140-143.
Brown (Samuel): An Account of the Pestilential Disease which
prevailed at Boston in the summer and autumn of 1798. Medical
Repository, vol. 2, p. 390.
Brown (S.) : A Treatise on the Nature, Origin, and Progress of the
Yellow Fever, especially as it has prevailed in Boston. 8vo. Boston,
1800. (See a Review of this volumns in Medical Repository, vol. 4,
1901, p. 63.)
Case of the Ship Ten Brothers; being the Report of a Committee of
the Board of Health, unanimously accepted, and published by order
of the Board. Boston, 1819.
Glover (M. W.): Yellow Fever. Invasions of the Disease (in Bos-
ton) in Early Times. Yellow Fever Institute Bulletin, No. 2, 1902.
Ingalls: Weekly Reports to the editors of Medical Repository of
New York, on the malignant Yellow Fever in Boston in 1819. Medical
Repository, vol. 10, p. 256.
Interesting (An) account of the plague, yellow fever, etc., as they
have prevailed in different countries; printed at the request of thie
Boston Board of Health. 8°. Boston, 1820.
MASSACHUSETTS. 935
Page (W. H.) : Yellow fever in Boston.. Boston M. & S. Jl., 1S70,
vol. Ixxxiii, p. 253.
Rand: Of the Epidemic lately prevalent in Boston (179S). Medical
Repository, 1S99, vol. 2, p. 486.
Rand and Warren: Account of dissections of bodies dead of tlie
late malignant epidemic at Boston. Ibid., 249-252. Also: Mem. Am.
Acad. Arts & Sc, Cambridge, 1804, vol. 2, pt. 2, p. 130-136.
Report of the Joint Special Committee of the House of Representa-
tives of Massachusetts, to whom were referred the memorials of the
Massachusetts Medical Society, and American Statistical Association,
etc., for a Sanitary Survey of the State. 8vo. 1849.
Warren (J.): Yellow fever in Boston. Med. Communicat. Mass. M.
Soc, Boston, 1809-13, vol. 2, p. 462.
Yellow Fever in Boston in 1819; to which is added a Note by Dr.
George Hayward on the same subject. The New England Journal of
Medicine and Surgery, 1819, vol. 8, p. 380. See also: North American
Review, vol 10, p. 395.
GENERAL.
Buel (W.) : An Account of the febrile disorders which prevailed in
Sheffield, in the State of Massachusetts, in the years 1793, 1794 and
1795. In: Webster (N.) : Collection of papers on fever. 8°. N. Y.,
1796, p. 53.
Coffin (C): An account of the pestilential fever which prevailed at
Newbury Port, State of Massachusetts, in 1796. Med. Repository, N.
Y., 1797-8, vol. 1, p. 504.
Parrish (J.) : Remarkable account of the yellow fever as it prevailed
among the Indians on the Island of Nantucket, in 1763-64. N. Jersey
M. Reports, Burlington, 1852, vol. 6, p. 107.
936
MICHIGAN.
DETROIT.
1878.
A solitary case, "imported from the South," is the only
record for Michigan. The incident happened during the
great epidemic of 1878, which devastated the Southland.
Our authority does not state whence the refugee came,
but simply records the fact that he fled from some
Southern city to escape the pestilence, and that he died
shortly after reaching Detroit. (Vide Annual Report
Michigan State Board of Health, 1879, pp. 221, 224).
»
937
MISSISSIPPI.
ANGUILLA.
1905. Cases, 1 ; deaths, 0.
BAEKLEY.
1897. Cases, 10; deaths, 4.
BAY ST. LOUIS.
1820. Cases, 280.
1830. Xo record of cases and deaths.
1835. Cases, 9; deaths, 1.
1853. No record of cases and deaths.
1878.^ Population, 3,000. Infected by New Orleans.
First case, August 11; last case, December 24; first death,
Auo'ust 15. Cases, 030 ; deaths, 82.
1897. Cases, 40; deaths, 4.
BEACHLAND.
1878. Deaths, 24.
BELLE FONTAINE.
1878. No record of cases and deaths.
BENTON.
1853. No record of cases and deaths.
1878. First case, October 11. Cases, 3; deaths, 1.
BILOXL
1702. Tradition says that yellow fever was pi-esent in
Mississippi during; the early years of the eii^hteenth cen-
tury. The bio_ora])her of Iberville, in his memoirs, states
that he had vellow fever at Biloxi in 1702, Avhicli nuide
938
HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
such ravages on his constitution as to cause his return
to France for the purpose of restoring his shattered
health. This was the first appearance of yellow fever on
the Gulf Coast of the United States.
1702 ; 1839 ; 1847 ; 1853 ; 1858. Yellow fever years. No
record of cases and deaths.
1878. Population, 2,000. Infected by New Orleans.
First death, August 17 ; last death, November 23. Cases,
600 ; deaths, 45.
1897. Cases, 592; deaths, 27.
1905. A few imported cases. No developments.
BLUFF SPRINGS.
1873. Population, 200. First case, September 9;
deaths, 9.
BOLTON.
1878. Population, 200. First death, August 12. Cases,
144; deaths, 34.
BOVINA.
1878. Population, 100. Deaths, 7.
BEANDON.
1853. Population, 1,200. Infected by Vicksburg. First
case, September 18; first death, September 23; last case,
December 3 ; last death, December 3. Cases, 13 ; deaths, 9.
1854. First case, September 23; last case, November
18.
BROWN'S PLANTATION.
1878. Infected by Canton, ^Miss. First case, Aug-ust
13 ; first death, August 18. Cases, 21 ; deaths, 4.
BRYAN.
1878. Infected by New Orleans. First case, Septem-
ber 29. Cases, 10 ; deaths, 1.
Missisisippi. 939.
BYKAM.
1878. No record of cases and deaths.
CANTON.
1855. No record of cases and deaths.
1878. Population, 3,000. Infected by New Orleans.
First case, August 1; last case, December. First death,
Aug-ust 19. Cases, 921; deaths, 180.
1898. First case, October 10; deaths, October 28.
Cases, 9; deaths, 0.
CARSON'S CITY.
1879. No record of cases and deaths.
CARDIFF LANDING.
1878. Deaths, 8.
CARROLLTON.
1878. No record of cases and deaths.
CAYUGA.
1878. Cases, 38 ; deaths, 9.
1897. Cases, 25; deaths, 1.
CENTERVILLE.
1899. Cases, 2; deaths, 0.
CLIFTON.
1853. No record of cases and deaths.
CLINTON.
1897. Cases, 42; deaths, 2.
1898. First case, October 8; last case, October 15.
Cases, 40 ; deaths, 0.
940 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
COOPER'S WELLS.
1855. Infected by New Orleans. First case, Angust
23 ; first death, August 31. Cases, 70 ; deaths, 13.
CONCORDIA.
1879. Population, 250. Number Avho fled, 130. First
case, August 2G; first death, August 31; last case, Octo-
ber 24. Cases, 75; deaths, 20.
CORINTH.
1873. Cases, 3 ; deaths, 0.
COUNTY FARM.
1897. Cases, 2 ; deaths, 0.
COX LANDING.
1878. Cases, 12; deaths, 4.
CRYSTAL SPRINGS.
1898. First case, October 11; last case, October 21.
Cases, 7; deaths, 0.
DRY GROVE.
1878. Infected by Brown's Plantation. First case,
September 2 ; first death, September 7. Cases, 75 ; deaths,
41.
DUCK HILL.
1878. Cases, 36 ; deaths, 14.
DURANT.
1878. Deaths, 1.
1897. Cases, 1; deaths, 1.
Mississippi 9 + 1
EDWARDS.
1878. Deaths, 3.
1897. Cases, 455; deaths, 29.
1898. First case, September 27; last case, October, 15.
Cases, 12; deaths, 1.
ENOKA.
1905. Cases, 1; deaths, 0.
EUCUTTA.
1898. First case, June 21; last case, June 21. Cases,
1 ; deaths, 0.
FAYETTE.
1898. Cases, 5; deaths, 0.
FLORA.
1899. No record of cases and deaths.
FORT ADAMS.
1839. Infected by New Orleans.
FRIAR'S POINT.
1878. Population, 550 ; first case, August 17 ; last case,
November 1. Cases, 25; deaths, 7.
GAINSVILLE.
1878. Cases, 5; deaths, 2.
GARNER STATION.
1878. Population, 200. f\nses, 31; deatlis, 13.
GOODRICH LANDING.
1878. Population, 1509. First case, August 1. Deaths,
42.
942 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
GKAND GULP.
1839. No record of cases and deaths.
1853. Infected by Port Gibson, La. First case, Sep-
tember 10.
GRAND PLAIN.
1878. No record of cases and deaths.
GRAVEL PIT.
1878. Population, 85. Cases, 20.
GREENVILLE.
1853. PopulatioD, 300. Number Avho fled, 100. First
case, September. Cases, 17; deaths, 9,
1878. Population, 2,300. First case, August 18; last
case, November 10; first death, August 21; last death,
November 15. Cases, 1,000 ; deaths, 400.
GRENADA.
1878. Population, 2,500. First case, July 26; first
death, July 31. Cases, 1,040 ; deaths, 326.
1878. Cases, 87; deaths, 17.
GULMAN STATION.
1878. Infected by Vieksburg.
HANSBORO.
1879. First case, June 17. Cases, 2.
HAMBURG.
1905. Cases, 50 ; deaths, 8.
MISSISSIPPI. 943
HANSBOKO.
1878. Infected by Kew Orleans. First case, August
31 ; last case, January 19 ; first death, September 24 ; last
death, December 21. Cases, 200; deaths, 16.
1905. Cases, 5; deaths, 0.
HARRISON.
1898. First case, October G; last case, October 30.
1905. Cases, 2; deaths, 0.
HATTIESBURG.
1898. First case, October 8 ; last case, October 21.
r
I
HERMANVILLE.
1898. First case, October 4; last case, October 13.
Cases, 2; deaths, 0.
HENDERSON'S POINT.
1897. Cases, 3 ; deaths, 0.
HERNADO.
1878. Population, 1,200. First case, August 15; last
case; August 21. Cases, 240; deaths, "80.
HINDS COUNTY.
Convict Camp.
1897. Cases, 6; deaths, 0.
HOLLY SPRINGS.
1873. Infected by ]\remphis. Only a few imported
cases.
1878. Population, 3,000. First case, August 18; first
death, August 25. Cases, 1,369; deaths. 309.
944
HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
HOEN LAKE.
1878. Cases, 30; deaths, IT.
1879. A few imported cases
lUKA.
1878. Infected by Memphis. First case, September
18; first death, September 27. Cases, G; deaths, 3.
JACKSON.
1853. Population, 3,000. First case, August 21 ; first
death, September 5. Cases, 350; deaths, 112.
1854, Sporadic cases.
1878. Population, 2,250. Infected by New Orleans.
First case, August 20 ; last case, December 1 ; first death,
August 31 ; last death, November 28. Cases, 480 ; deaths,
86.
1888. Cases, 15; deaths, 5.
1898. First case, September 10; last case, November
10. Cases, 208; deaths, 11.
1899. Cases, 61 ; deaths, 9.
KING'S POINT.
Cases, 92 ; deaths, 6.
LAKE.
1878. Population, 325. Infected by Mcksburg. First
case, August 24; first death, September 5. Cases, 300;
deaths, 86.
LAWRENCE STATION.
1878. Cases, 16; deaths, 5.
LEBANON.
1878. First case, August 29. Cases, 90 ; deaths, 10.
MISSISSIPPI. 945
LEOTA LAXDIXG.
1878. Infected b^^ Greenville. First case, Kovember
21; last case, Xovember 21; tirst death, Ivovember 26;
last death, November 20. Cases, 1; deaths, 1.
LIVINGSTON.
1878. Infected by Canton. First case, August 28.
Cases, 15; deaths, 10.
LOGTOWN.
1878. Cases, 40 ; deaths, 9.
LONG BEACH.
1905. , Cases, 1 ; deaths, 0.
LUMBERTON.
1905. Cases, 1 ; deaths, 0.
MADISON.
1878. Population, 50. A few imported cases. ,
McCOMB CITY.
1878. Population, 1,000. First case, September 28;
first death, October 2. Cases, 63 ; deaths, 21.
McHENRY.
1897. Cases, 30 ; deaths, 1.
1898. First case, June -9; .last case, June 29. Cases,
22; deaths, 0.
McNIARY.
1878. Cases, 36; deaths, 9.
946
HISTORY OF VKLLOW FEVER.
MEKIDIAN.
1898. First case, October 15; last case, October 17.
Cases, 3; deaths, 0.
MICHIGAN CITY.
1878. Cases, 2; deaths, 2.
MISSISSIPPI CITY.
1878. Infected by New Orleans, First case, August
21; last case, December 10. Cases, 200; deaths, 15.
1879. Infected by New Orleans. First case, July 7;
first death, July 16.
1899. Cases, 27; deaths, 2.
1905. Cases, 71; deaths, 0.
MOSS POINT.
1905. Cases, 3; deaths, 0.
MT. PLEASANT ROAD.
1879. No statistics.
MULATTO BAYOU.
1878. Cases, 1 ; deaths, 1.
NATCHEZ.
"'r'"^ ■■
1817. First case, September — ; last case, November 9.
Deaths, 9.
1819. First case, September — ; last case, December
— . Deaths, 180.
1823. First case, August 10; last case, October 18.
Deaths, 312.
1825. Deaths, 130.
1827. No statistics.
MISSISSIPPI. . 947
1828. Deaths, 90.
1829. First case, September 1; last case, November.
Deaths, 90.
1837. First case, September 8 ; last case, November 25.
Deaths, 280.
1839. First case, September — ; last case, November.
Deaths, 235.
1811. No statistics.
1818. First case, June — ; last case, November.
1853; 1851; 1855; 1858. No statistics.
1898. Cases, 37 ; deaths, 4.
1900. No statistics.
1905. Cases, 143 ; deaths, 7.
NITTA YUMA.
1897. , Cases, 27 ; deaths, 11.
OAK GKOVE.
1879. Infected by Memphis.
OCEAN SPRINGS.
1878. Population, 600. Infected by New Orleans.
First case, August 15 ; last case, December 2 ; first death,
August 18; last death, December 5. Cases, 175; deaths,
SO.^
1897. Cases, 23; deatlis, 6. New Orleans was in-
fected from this focus and experienced a serious epidemic.
OKOLONA.
1878. First case, August 10. Cases, 3 ; deaths, 1.
ORWOOD.
1898. First case, August 31; last case, October 27.
Cases, 100; deaths^ 5.
948
HISTORV OK VKLLOW FKVER
OXFORD.
1898. First case, September 21; last case, October 27.
Cases, 86; deaths, 12.
OSYKA.
1878. Population, 925. Infected by Xew Orleans.
First case, July 27; tirst di^atli, Auinnst 15. Cases, 300;
deaths, 45.
1900. Sporadic cases.
PASCACiOULA.
1847. No statistics.
1875. Deaths, 60.
1878 ; 1893. No statistics.
1897. Cases, 35; deaths, 2.
PASS CHRISTIAN.
1843; 1847; 1855; 1858. No statistics.
1878. Population, 2,000. Infected by New Orleans.
First case, August 29 ; last case, December 4 ; ^rA death,
September 4; last death, November 22. Cases, 199;
deaths, 23.
1879. No statistics.
PEARLINGTON.
1878. Cases, 201 ; deaths, 24.
1905. Cases, 2; deaths, 0.
PERKINSTON.
1897. Cases, 1 ; deaths, 0.
1898. First case, June 22; last case, June 22.
1; deaths, 0.
PF/riT GULF HILLS.
1853. No statistics.
. ases
MISSISSIPPI. 949
POPLARVILLE.
1898. First case, October 9; last case, October 23.
Cases, 24; deaths, 1.
PORT GIBSON.
1853. Infected by New Orleans. First case, August
15; first death, August IT.
1878. Population, 1,400. First case, August 3; first
death, August 8. Cases, 620 ; deaths, 115.
1898. First case, October G; last case, October G.
Cases, 1; deaths, 1.
1905. Cases, G3; deaths, 2.
QUARANTINE.
1878. Cases, 5; deaths, 2.
1884. Infected by Colon. Cases, 1 ; deaths, 0.
1888. Infected by ship Maria, from Havana. Cases, 3;
deaths, 0.
1890. Cases, 6; deaths, 2.
1891. Infected bv (Miandeleur. Cases, 12; deaths. 1.
1892. Cases, 4; deaths, 0.
1893. Cases, 3; deaths, 1.
1895. Cases, 3.
1897; 1898; 1899. Cases from infected vessels.
1903. Cases, 4 ; deaths, 2.
1905. Cases, 41; deaths, 1.
REFUGE LANDING.
1878. First case, September 9; first death, September
29. Cases, 19 ; deaths, 11.
QUEEN niLL.
1808. I'^irst case, October 15; last case, October 15.
Cases, 1; deaths, 1.
950 msiouv of vkllovv fever
RIDGELAND.
1898. First case, October 8; last case, October IT.
Cases, 7; deaths, 0.
ROCKY SPRINGS.
1878. Deaths, 38.
RODNEY.
1829. No statistics.
1843. First case, September 6.
1817. No statistics.
1853. Sporadic cases.
ROSETTA.
1905. Cases, 32; deaths, 7.
ROXIE.
1905. Cases, IG; deaths, G.
SCOTT'S.
1878, Population, 50.
SCRANTON.
1878. First case, October 5; first death, Ojtober 11.
Cases, 60 ; deaths, 20.
1897. Cases, 3G3; deaths, 18.
1905. Cases, 17; deaths, 0.
SSNATOBIA.
1878. Population, 1,400. Cases, 2G; deaths, 7.
SHIELDSBOROUGH.
1820. First case, August 20.
1828. No statistics.
1829. First case, August 5. Cases, 46 ; deaths, 8.
1839. No statistics.
1
MISSISSIPPI. 951
SMITH'S STATION.
1878. Infected by Yicksburg. Cases, 16.
SOEIA.
1905. Cases, 2 ; deaths, 0.
STARKVILLE.
1898. First case, October G; last case, October IS.
Cases, 9; deaths, 0.
STONEVILLE.
1878. Population, 50. Infected by New Orleans.
Cases, 23; deaths, 15.
SULPHUR SPRINGS.
1878. Infected by Canton. First case, August 23;
first death, August 28 ; last death, October 26. Cases, 15 ;
deaths, 5.
SENATOBIA.
1878. Population, 1,200. Infected by Grenada. First
case, September 1. Cases, 26; deaths, 7.
SUMMIT.
1878. Deaths, 4.
SUMRALL.
1905. Cases, 1; deaths, 0.
SUNFLOWER.
1878. Cases, 48; deaths, 15.
TAYLOR.
1898. First case, August 1; last case, October 21.
Cases, 106; deaths, 14.
95S HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
TERKEXE.
1878. Cases, 12; deaths, 4.
TERKY.
1878. Population, 225. Cases, 10; deaths, 5.
TOUGALOO.
1898. First ease, October 16; hist case, October 17.
Cases, 2; deaths, 0.
TOULNE.
1878. No statistics.
VICKSBURG.
1839. Infected by New Orleans. Deaths, 50.
1841 ; 1847. No statistics.
1853. Population, 4,000. Infected by New Orleans.
First case, July — ; first death, August 1.
1858; 1871. 'No statistics.
1878. Infected by Ne^y Orleans. First case, July 21 ;
last case, December; first death, July 24; last death,
Noyember 21. Cases, 5,000; deaths, 872.
1905. Cases, 185 ; deaths, 28.
WARDVILLE.
1898. Scattered cases.
WASHINGTON.
1825. First case, August; last case, Noyember.
Deaths, 52.
WATERFORD.
1898. First case, September 9; last case, October C.
Cases, 2 ; deaths, 0.
MISSISSIPPI. • 953
WATEK VALLEY.
187l, i*opiilatiou, 3,000. First case, August 9; first
death, August 30. Cases, 200; deaths, 64.
1898. First case, Octohei- 7; last case, October 21.
Cases, 12; deaths, 0.
WAVELAND.
1897. Cases, 4; deaths, 0.
1898. First ease, October 10; last case, October 18.
Cases, 20 ; deaths, 1.
W. PASCAGOULA.
1897. Cases, 8; no deaths.
WHITZELL'S LANDIXC.
1877. No statistics.
WINONA.
1878. Population, 1,500. lufected by (Jreiiada. I'^irst
case, August 9. Deaths, 3.
WINTERVILLE.
1878. Infected by Greenville. First case, August 28;
first death, September 15. Cases, 151 ; deaths, 20.
WOODVILLE.
1844; 1852. No statistics.
1853. First case, August 9; first death, August 13.
1855. First case, August 27; first death, Sei)tcniber 2.
1858. :So statistics.
1898. First case, October 0; last case, October 0.
Cases, 1; deaths, 0.
OS* HISTORY OF ■SEI.I.OW FKVER.
YAZOO CITY.
1853. ropiilatiou, 2,000. First case, Anj-iist 28; fiis-t
death, September 1.
1878. PopiilatioD, 2,500. Infected by Vicksbiirn:.
First case, September 15; first death, September 21.
Cases, 17; deaths, 9.
1898. First case, October 0; last case, November 10.
Cases. 2fi ; deaths, 0.
BIBLIOGRAPHY OF YELLOW FEVER IN MISSISSIPPI.
Anderson (E. H.) : The late Jackson fever, and previous epidemics
elsewhere. Memphis Med. Monthlj', 18S8, vol. 8, p. 545.
Anderson (E. H.) : Some remarks upon our recent invasions of
yellow fever, by an octogenarian M. D, Memphis M. Monthly, 1897,
vol. 17, p. 549.
Archinard (J. J.) : The yellow fever at Ocean Springs, Miss.,
report of a case and autopsy. X. O. M. & S. Jl., 1897-8, vol. 1, p. 258.
Ballard (J. C): In regard to yellow fever at Hattiesburg, Miss., a
criticism of Rev. Mr. Peebles. Med. News, N. Y., 1898, vol. 73, p. 663.
Beazley (J. S.): An account of the Epidemic Yellow Fever at
Cooper's Well, Miss., in 1855. Trans. Amer. Med. Assn., 1856, vol. 9,
p. 685.
Cartwright (A) : Post-mortem examinations in the yellow fever of
Natchez. X. O. M. & S. Jl., March, 1857, p. 649.
Cartwright (Samuel A.): On the yellow fever of Xatchez, Miss., in
1847. X. O. M. & S. Jl., vol. 5, p. 225.
Cartwright (S. A.): The yellcw fever at Xatchez in all its bearings
on the quarantine question and yellow fever at New Orleans. N. O,
M. Xews & Hosp. Gaz., 1855-6, vol. 2, pp. 1, 16.
Champlin (A. P.) : The fever at Biloxi, Miss., during the summer
and autumn of 1886. Gallard's Med. Jl., X. Y., 1887, vol. 43, p. 335.
Grant (H. A.), Tackett (J. R.) and Folkes (H. M.) : Yellow Fever.
Mississippi Med. Assn., Biloxi, 1898-9, vol. 2, p. 33.
Guiteras (G. M.) : The Epidemic in Vicksburg. Ann Rep. Sup.
Surg.-Gen. U. S., 1906, p.. 148.
Hicks (B. J.): On the yellow fever in Vicksburg, Mississippi, in
1847. X. O. M. J., vol. 5, p. 220.
Hogg (Samuel): An account of the Epidemic Fever of Xatchez,
Mississippi, in the years 1837, 1838, and 1839. Western Journal of
Medicine and Surgery, vol. 1, p. 401.
MISSISSIPPI. 955
Holt (A. C.) : Yellow fever at Woodville, Miss., and its vicinity.
Trans. Amer. Med. Assn., 1S56, vol. 9, p. 653.
Johnston (W.): The outbreak of yellow fever at Jackson, Miss., in
Sept., 1888. Am. Pub. Health Assn., Rep. 1888, Concord, 1899, vol. 14,
p. 51.
Jones (R. E.) : If it was not Yellow Fever, what was it? Journal
Miss Med. Assn., 1899, vol. 3, p. 800.
Kilpatrick (A. R.) : An account of the Yellow Fever which prevailed
in Woodville, Miss., in the year 1844. N. O. Med. & Surg. JL, vol. 2,
p. 40.
Kilpatrick (A. R.): Epidemic of Yellow Fever which scourged the
inland town of Woodville, Miss., in 1844. Med. and Surg. Reporter,
Phila., 1878, vol. 40, p. 85.
Lavinder (C. H.): Yellow fever at Natchez, Miss., Rep, Surg.-Gen. U.
S. P. H. S. M. H. Service for 1906. (Wash., 1907), p. 155.
Lewis (P. H.): Thoughts on the yellow fever, being a brief critical
notice of the following recent works, viz: 1st. 'Observations on the
epidemic yellow fever of the South West, by J. W. Monette, 1843;" 2d.
"Sketches from the history of yellow fever, showing its origin; to-
gether with facts and circumstances, disproving its domestic origin,
and demonstration of itsc transmissibility, by W. M. Carpenter, 1844."
N. O. M. & S. JL, 1844-5, vol. 1, pp. 31, 44.
Louisiana State Board of Health: Report on the Biloxi Fever. N.
O., 1886. Reprint from X. O. Picayune, Sept. 8, 1886, vol. 8.
Louisiana State Board of Health: Outbreak of yellow fever at
Biloxi, Harrison County, Miss., and its relation to interstate notifica-
tion. N. O., 1886, vol. 8.
Magruder (A. L. C): A history of the epidemic, which prevailed at
Vicksburg during the Fall of 1847. N. O. M. & S. JL, vol. 4, p. 689.
McAllister: The yellow fever of Grand Gulf, Miss., in 1853. N. O.
M. & S. JL, 1853-4, vol. 10, p.. 675.
McMullen (J.) : Yellow Fever in Hamburg and Roxie, Miss. U. S.
Marine Hospital Service. Report of the Supervising Surgeon General
for 1906, p. 167.
Merril (A. P.): An Essay on the Yellow Fever, as it appeared at
the Bay of St. Louis in 1820. N. O. M. & S. JL, vol. 8, p. 1.
Merrill (A. P.): Ibid. In his: Med. Essays. 8°. N. O., 1851, p. 3.
Merrill (A. P.): On the Epidemic of 1852 in Natchez, Mississippi,
North American Medical & Surgical Journal, vol. 2, p. 217.
Merrill (A. P.): On the Yellow Fever of 1823 in Natchez, Missis-
sippi. Phila. Medical and Physical Journal, vol. 9, p. 235.
Monette: Observations on the Epidemic Yellow Fever of Natchez,
and the Southwest. Louisville. 1842.
Monette: Epidemic Yellow Fever of Washington, Mississippi, 1825.
Western Med. and Phys. JL and Am. JL, vol. 1, p.. 243.
956 HISTORY OF VKLI.OW FEVKR.
Monette (J. W.) : The Epidemic Yellow Fever of NaJtchez. An essay
read before the Jefferson College and Washington Lyceum, December
2, 1837, 12mo. Natchez, 1838.
Perlee (A.) : An account of the Yellow Fever at Natchez as it pre-
vailed in the autumn of 1817 and 1819. Phila. Med. and Phys. Jl.,
vol. 1, p. 1.
Stone (C. H.): Quarantine and Yellow Fever at Natchez in 1853,
and 1855, etc. N. O. Med. New. and Hosp. Gaz., November, 1855.
Ibid., Trans. Amer. Med. Assn., 1856, vol. 9, p. 643.
Stone (C. H.): Report on the Origin of Yellow Fever in the Town
of Woodville, Miss., in the summer of 1844. N. O. M. & S. Jl., 1844-5,
vol. 1, p. 520.
Stone (C. H.): The History of the Mild Yellow Fever, which pre-
vailed in the City of Natchez in 1848. Natchez, 1849. See also N. O.
Med. and Surg. Jl., 1848-9, vcl. 5, p. 549.
Stone (C. H.): The history of the mild yellow fever, which pre-
vailed in the city of Natchez in 1848, with observations respecting its
chainaoter and natural mode of cure; to which is appended, from
various authors, descriptions and notices of that disease, of dengue,
and of inflamation of the stomach and bowels. 8°. Vidalia, La., 1849.
Stone (C. H.): Report on the Origin of Yellow Fever in the Town of
Woodville, Mississippi, in the Summer of 1844. N. O. M. & S. Jl.,
vol. 1, 1844-5, p. 520.
Thornton (J. J.): Yellow Fever at Brandon, Miss., in 1853 and 1854.
Trans. American Med. Assn., 1856, vol. 9, p. 699.
Tcoley (Henry): History of the Yellow Fever as it appeared in the
City of Natchez in 1823. Vol. 8, Natchez, 1823.
(Second Edition. Washington, Mississippi. Same date.)
Valetti (C. de) and Logan (T.): A Report on the Yellow Fever that
recently prevailed at Woodville (Miss.), 1844. N. O. M. & S. Jl.,
1844-5, vol. 1, p. 237.
Vansant (J.): Brief account of yellow fever at New Orleans and
Pascagoula in 1875. Rep. Superv. Surg. --Gen. Mar. Hosp., 1874-5,
Wash., 1876, p. 147.
Wasdin (E.): Inspection of the Gulf Coast between Mobile and Pass
Christian; yellow fever in Mississippi City, Gulfport and Handsboro;
Gulf Coast Maritime Patron. Rep. Surg.-Gen. U. S. P. H. S. M. H.
Service for 1906. (Wash., 1907), p. 169.
Williams: On the Yellow Fever at Rodney, Mississippi, in the year
1847. N. O. M. & S. Jl, 1848-9, vol. 5, p. 217.
Williams (W. G.) and Andrews: An account of the Yellow Fever
which prevailed at Rodney, Mississippi, during the autumn of 1843.
N. O. M. & S. Jl., 1844-5, vol. 1, p. 35.
Williams: Yellow Fever in Mississippi. N. O. M. & S. JL, 1853-4,
vol. 10. pp. 327, 385.
95/
MISSOURI.
In the sumiiior of 1819, yellow fever iiiaile its appear-
ance simultaneously at many plaees throughout tlie
United States. A bilious remittent fever of a malij-uant
teudeuej' became epidemic both in Missouri territory and
in the State of Illinois. Although it generally assumed
a milder form than on the seaboard; yet many of the
eases reported had the characteristic features of typhus
ict erodes so decidedly marked, that the Surgeon-General
entertained no doubt of the identity of the disease. {Arnii/
Med. Stats., 1819-1839, p. 8).
There is no record as to what localities in Missouri were
affected.
NEW DESIGN.
1797. Population, 200. Deaths, 57. Source of in-
fection obscure.
ST LOUIS.
1854. A few cases were imported to St. Louis in 1854.
No statistics.
1855. August 14, an imported case. No developments.
1878.
]Many cases of yellow fever were brought here. Among
the first fatal cases was Capt. W. O. Nelson, of Port
Eads, commander of the Dredge-boat at that place, and
member of the firm, Eads & Nelson, wreckers. He died
at St. Louis, August 13. Fatal cases among refugees con-
tinuing, much excitement arose, and a strict quarantine
was established. Total cases, 110; total deaths, 40.
The following resume by Surgeon Walter Wyman,
United States :Marine Hospital Service, and ])ublislied in
his Annual I{ei)ort Un- that year, is of sufficient interest
to be reproduced here :
]^r. Wyman observes that tlie chief point of interest
connected with the epidemic of 1878 in St. Louis, is that,
958 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
for the first time in tli history of the city, yellow fever
seized iiiion inhabitants not previonsly exposed in more
southern latitudes.
During previous epidemics, isolated cases brought
from the South have been treated with no thought of pos-
sible danger ; but the experience of the outbreak under dis-
cussion, showed that former immunity from the disease
is no guarantee of the city's future safety. There were
at least fourteen local cases of yellow fever contracted —
three within the city limits, five upon the quarantine
transfer boat, and six at quarantine hosx)ital. Ten of the
fourteen died, and it is reasonable to suppose that had
it not been for the efficient regulations of the Health
Department, the scourge would have been felt far more
severely.
The first case occurring in St. Louis was that of a
steamboat clerk just from New Orleans, who showed the
first symptoms upon the 15th of July, and died upon the
19th. Several cases of a like nature soon followed, and
the Board of Health becoming concerned by reason of
these deaths and the large number of refugees flocking
to the city, determined to open the quarantine hospital
located ten miles below, upon the western bank of the
river.
At first the quarantine restrictions were limited, but
as the ejDidemic increased in severity, more rigid regu-
lations were enforced. All boats were obliged to land
and were detained for a thorough inspection. Their holds
were disinfected with chlorine, and all sick persons re-
moved to the hospital. Trains entering the city from the
South were also boarded, to prevent the admission of
yellow fever cases. Within the city limits, all refugees
were ferreted out by the police and by health officers ap-
pointed for that purpose, and nolens volcns were taken
by ambulance to the steamer EdwanUvillc — a ferry-boat
prepared for the reception of such cases — and at once con-
veyed to quarantine.
MISSOURI ST. LOUIS.
959
Between August 21, the date on which the station was
opened, and October 22, the date of the reception of the
hist case, there were treated at quarantine 129 patients,
88 of whom had yellow fever. Of the 88 yellow fever
cases, 42 died.
There was nothing peculiar in the character of these
cases, unless it were a marked suppression of the urine,
which characterized nearly all of them. The average
period of incubation cannot be determined from the
records of the hosiDital.
Of the cases of local origin the majority were con-
tracted or treated at quarantine, but for convenience tbe
following tabulated statement of all local cases is ap-
pended:
Nurse in city hospital . . .
Steward at quarantine ...
Xieht watchman at quarantine
luisrineer at quarantine . . .
I'oliceuian at t[\xarantine . . .
Resident physician at quaran-
tine
Cook of quarantine-boat . .
Xurse on quarantine-boat . .
Dauehter of quarantine-stew-
ard
Wile of the cook of quaran-
tine-! loat
l>eck-han<l on tiuarantine-boat
Secone nurse on quarantine-
l)oat
Boy. Cieorsre Pilcher
Captain of quarantine-boat .
AuEf. 26
Sept. 2
Sept. 1.1
Sept. 20
Sept. 21
Oct. 9
Oct. 9
( )ct. 9
Unknow
Oct. 18
Locality.
Death or other Result.
I.ocalit}\
:City . . . .
Quarantine
Quarantine
Quarantine
Quarantine
Augr. .31 . . 'city . - •
Recovered Quarantine
Recovered Quarantine
Recovered Quarantine
Recovered Quarantine
Quarantine . . . Oct. l.S . . Quarantine
Onboard of boat Oct. 10' ' iQuarantine
On board of boatlOct. 19. .IQuarantine
Quarantine
City Oct. U>
On board of lioat Oct. 18
Quarantine
Quarantine
Quarantine
On board of boat Unknown Cit.\' • . .
City Oct. 22 . . Q\uiranline
On board of boat Oct. — . . Cit.\- . . .
It will be noticed in the al)ove table that five of
the employes of the transfer-boat Edicanhvillc con-
tracted yellow fever and died; not one recovered. It
960 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
slioiikl, in candor, be stated, however, that tlie disease of
v/liich the boat's eaptain died was returned by the attend-
ing physician as typho-niahirial fever, but was considered
by others, wlio were ])robal)ly correct, to have been yellow
fever.
The two fatal cases Avhich were taken from the city and
died at (piarautine possess some interest. One was the
wife of the cook of the boat. This man, Nicholas (raft,
v»as taken ill on the 9th of October, (Wednesday), left
the boat and visited his wife in the city. The followinjj:
day (Thursday) he was removed to quarantine. I'pon
the following Sunday, (October 13), his Avife manifested
sypmtoms of yellow fever, was removed to ({uarantine,
where she died October IG.
The other city case, which died at (piarantine, was re-
moved from South St. Louis, commonly called Caron-
delet. The resident physician pronounced it an undoubted
case of yelloAv fever, stating that the patient had black
vomit and other well-marked symptoms.
The boy was removed by order of the health officers,
who found him lying by the side of a sister who had
expired a short time previous, with apparently the same
disease. The physicians in attendance upon the sister,
returned as the cause of her death, a disease other
than yellow fever, and, upon incjuiry, it was found that
some nine or ten deaths had occurred in the same gen-
eral neighborhood, the symptoms of which closely simu-
lated yellow fever; but the diagnosis nmde, had been
typho malarial fever, malarial h:emori'hagica, &c.
Whether these were cases of yellow fever or not became
a subject of warm dispute among the Carondelet physi-
cians, the nmjority, liowc^ver, claiming exemi)tion of that
portion of the city from the plague.
One other fact concerning the lo<al (piarantine cases
should not be omitted. When the nurse of the quarantine
boat was first taken sick, he was ])laced in a convalescent
ward, his disease being deemed simply malarial.
Two convalescents from other diseases soon after con-
tracted yellow fever, one of whom died. Although no
dates have been obtained concerning these two cases they
MISSOURI ST. LOUIS. 961
should properly be added to the list of local cases — mak-
ing in all sixteen.
By reason of the vigilance of the health authorities, as
above described, comparatively few cases of yellow fever
were treated in the city. So far as can be ascertained
there were about thirty-five refugee cases and sixteen
deaths within the city limits, but it is probable that some
cases were concealed in order to prevent a forcible trans-
fer to quarantine.
1879.
Two cases, refugees from Memphis. First case, fatal
in October; last case also terminating in death, Novem-
ber 15.
BIBLIOGRAPHY OF YELLOW FEVER IN MISSOURI
Anonymous: Is it identified? A supposed germ of yellow fever
which attached itself to a glass in New Orleans. It is not thought
likely to return this year. [From St. Louis epRublican, May 12, 1879.]
St. Louis Clin. Rev., 1879-80. vol. 2, p. 103.
Coles (W.) : A Case of Yellow Fever. St. Louis Med. and Surg. Jl.,
1878, vol. 35, p. 261.
Dorsett (W. B.) and Outley (F. T.): [On Dr. Ford's case of urinary
suppression in yellow fever, etc.] St. Louis Cour of Med., 1879, vol.
1, p. 72.
Ford (W. H.): Reports of the St. Louis Med. Soc. on Yellow Fever;
consisting of the report of the committee appointed to inquire into
the relations of the epidemic of 1878 to the city of St. Louis, and a
report on the meteorological conditions and etiology of yellow fever,
and of certain other diseases associated with a high temperature, and
on the treatment of yellow fever. St. Louis, 1879, G. O. Rumbold &
Co., 327 p. 3 pi. 3 tab. 2 ch. 8°.
Ford (W. M.): A reply to the card of Doctors Dorsett and Outley.
St. Louis Cour. of Med., 1879, vol. 1, p. 208.
Hausnaan- (A.): .OLb8eE.vaJ.lQns„,oii^y.ellow^ fever. St. Louis M. & S.
Jl., 1879, vol. 36, p. 19.
Hill (S. D. v.): Yellow Fever. St. Louis Cour. of Med., 1879, vol.
2, p. 326.
Is St. Louis to have an epidemic of Yellow Fever? [Edit.] St.
Louis Cour. of Med., 1879, vol. 1, p. 400.
Wyman (W.) : Notes upon yellow fever epidemic of 1878 in St.
Louis and at St. Louis quarantine. Rep. Superv. Surg.-Gen. Mar.
Hosp., Wash., 1878-9, p. 143.
962
NEW HAMPSHIRE.
PORTSMOUTH.
1793. Infected liy a s^liip from Martiuique. Limited
outbreak.
1790. First case, August; last ease, October. The
deaths were about 100. The prevalence of epidemic
dysentery at the same time ai> the feyer, served to gTeatly
swell the mortality.
1802. Sporadic cases; deaths, 10.
BIBLIOGRAPHY OF YELLOW FEVER IN NEW HAMPSHIRE.
Berenger-Feraud: Fievre Jaune, etc., Paris, 1890, p. 8.
Keating: History of Yellow Fever, p. 81.
New York Medical Repository, 1799, vol. 2, p. 211.
I
■^'3^'
96ar
NEW JERSEY.
BRIGHTON.
1798. Limited outbreak. Xo statistics.
BURLINGTON.
1798. Limited outbreaks. No statistics.
CAMDEN.
1853. Infected by Philadelphia. No complete stat-
istics.
GLOUCESTER.
180o.~ Source of infection obscure. Outbreaks was not
general.
1870. A few cases, refugees from New York and Gov-
ernor's Island. No accurate statistics.
JERSEY CITY.
1878. One case, Septendier IG, a refugee, terminating
in death on the 20th.
PERTH A]MBOY.
1811. Deaths, 5.
PORT ELIZABETH.
1798. Infected by Philadelphia. First case, August
9; last case in September. Cases, 13; deaths, 6.
WOODBURY.
1798. Probably infected by Philadelpliia. No record.
1853. One case, a refugee from Philadelphia. Re-
covery.
984 HISTORY OE YELLOW EEYER.
BIBLIOGRAPHY OF YELLOW FEVER IN NEW JERSEY.
Gotham: N. Y. Med. Repository, 1856, p. 564.
Griscom: Visitations of Yellow Fevor. u. 9.
History of the Yellow Fever which prevailed at Perth Amboy, New
Jersey, in the Summer of 1811, and of the Evidences of its Importation
into that place. Medical and Philos. Register, vol. 3, p. 94.
Keating: History of Yellow Fever, p. 80.
Report of the Board of Health of New York on the Yellow Fever
at Perth Amboy in 1811, by Drs. Hosack, Bayley, and Douglass.
Medical and Philosophical Register, vol 3, p. 95. Edinburgh Medical
and Surgical Journal, vol. 8, p. 165.
Lee: N. Y. Med. Repository, 1800, vol. 3, p. 246.
Report Sup. Surg.-Gen. U. S. A., 1873, p. 87.
Report Board of Experts, 1878.
Transactions College of Physicians, Phila., 1853.
II
965
NEW YORK.
ALBANY.
1746. First case in August. Deaths, 45.
1798. No statistics.
BAY RIDGE.
1856. Infected by Brooklyn. Only a few cases resulted.
?■
BKOOKLYN.
1809. First case in July; last case in September.
Deaths, 40. Infected by ship Concord, from Havana.
1823. No statistics. '
1856. Infected by Governor's Island. First case, July
14. Cases, 29.
1878. At Navy Yard. First case, July 12; last case,
July 18. Cases, 8; deaths, 3. /
1879. Population, 565,000. Deaths, 11 ; all refugees
from infected places.
1888. Population, 805,855. Infected by Spanish bark
Maria Louisa from Havana and steamship Ccarcusc from
Pernambuco.
CATSKILL.
1743 ; 1794. Sporadic cases.
1803. First case, August 10 ; last case, September 23.
Deaths, 8.
1804. No statistics.
GREENFIELD.
1798. Sporadic cases.
GOVERNOR'S ISLAND.
1856. Infected by shii)piiig. On July 26, the nrst case
of yellow fever occurred in a resident of Rotten Row —
she died with black vomit, August 2. On August 1, three
966 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
otlier eases oceurred, one in IJotten Kow and two from
South Battery; and in these two places the disease fixed
its abode, as it were, almost exclnsively, and eontinned
until tlie number of cases amounted to sixty-three, iifteen
of whom died, 1 in 4,2. Very few cases occurred on other
parts of the Island, liesides fc^outh Battery and Kotten
Bow, and those that did thus occur were in almcst eyerj
instance (probably all) in persons ^^h(! were in the
habit of yisiting Botten Bow.
In South Battery the disease continued its rayajLics un-
til early in September, Avhen the cccupants were renujyed
to quarters in audtlu^' pcrtion of the Island, only two
cases occurring' auicnu tluin after tluir remoyal. In
Botten Bow it linjiered until checktd by cool weather on
the 9tli of October.
Cases, 150; deaths, 52.
1870. Bopulation, 771. I-'irsl case, August 13; tirst
death, August 20; last case, October 2(5; last death, Octo-
ber 29. Cases, 159 ; deaths, 52.
GOWANUS.
1S5G. Infected by shippinji". Sporadic cases,
HUXTINOTOX.
1795; 1798. Limited ()ntl)reaks. Xo authentic stat-
istics.
LOCKPOBT.
1878. One fatal case, a refu.i'ee from ^lemphis, Sep-
tember 29.
:\rONTAT'K POINT.
1898. Cases, 1; deaths, 0.
NEW YOBK.
1008. First appearance of yellow feyer in the United
States. Xo complete statistics.
Yellow feyer rajned seyerely in New Ycik, to such a
dejiCi'ee that scarcely a iiaticiit suryiy<'d it; and, by some
NEW YORK CITY. 967
accounts, it was niore fatal than any disease since that
period. It was popnhnly known as "the f>Teat sickness."
One account states that several hundred died uj) to Sep-
tenihei*, and 70 more during tlie succeeding week, in a
population of only (),00() or 7,000. On account of the
pestilence, the Assemhly was held at Jamaica, Long
Island. The disease was said to have l)een imported from
St. Thomas.
Last deatli, Se])tendier 30. Deaths, 370.
1711). "In the vcnr 1710, there were a few cases of yel-
low fever near the Old Slii) ; but by the vigorous exertions
of the Board of Health and the blessing of Divine Provi-
dence, it was su])i)ressed before it had attained an alarm-
ing height." (Bardic, p. 22).
1743! Deaths, 217.
1745; 1747; 174S; 1703. Yellow fever years. No
statistics.
1780. Deaths, 70.
1701. First case, August — ; last case, October 15.
"Oeneral Malcolm and some other very respectable citi-
zens fdl victims to its fury." (Hardir, p. 1).
1702; 1703; 1704. Yellow fever years. No statistics.
1705. hirst case, July 10. Deaths, 732.
170(1; 1707. No statistics.
170S. (Jreat epidemic. Deaths, 2,080.
(From 1700 to date, unless otlierwise noted, the figures
given in this resume represent occurrences at the (Quar-
antine Hos])ital ).
1700. First case, July — ; last case, Novend)er. Cases.
163; deaths, 74.
1800. First <ase, September — ; last case, October 14.
Cases, 38; deaths, 21.
1801. First case, Se])tember — ; last case, Octolx'r — •
Cases, 35; deaths, 10.
1802. erases, 5; d(niths, 2.
1803. First case, July 18; last case', Oelober 20. Cases,
1,030; deaths, 000.
FpidtMnic in the city.
1804. Cases, 8 ; deaths, 5.
968 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
1805. First case June — ; last case, October — . Cases,
43; deaths, 25. In the city proper there were 600 cases,
of which 262 died.
1806. First case, June; last case, November. Cases,
2; deaths, 0.
1807. Cases, 3 ; deaths, 3.
1808. Cases, 1; deaths, 1.
1809. Cases, 2; deaths, 2.
1810. Cases, 1 ; deaths, 1.
1815. Cases, 19 ; deaths, 7.
1816. Cases, 2 ; deaths, 0.
1817. Cases, 5; deaths, 4.
1818. Cases, 7 ; deaths, 4.
1819. First case, August. Cases, 26; deaths, 19.
1820. Cases, 2; deaths, 2.
1821. Cases, 28 : deaths, 16.
1822.
At the Marine Hospital the first case erupted July 10
and the last November 6. Cases, 43; deaths, 25.
The city was infected by the Marine Hospital and ex-
perienced a limited epidemic. The first cases were dis-
covered July 17, at No. 26 Rector Street. By September,
the disease was widespread. On the 28tli of that month,
the followino- remarkable document was presented to
the common council and ordered promulgated:
"To the Honourable tthe Mayor, Aldermen and Commonalty of the
city of New- York:
The memorial of the undersigned clergymen of different denomina-
tions of this city, respectfully suggests to your honourable body, that
acknowledging as we do the being and Providence of the "only Lord
God our Lord Jesus Christ," and confessing as we must, a common
criminality and demerit in his sight, and visited as we are with one of
those desolating scourges, which himself expressly challenges in his
word, not only as a judgment, of which he is the righteous disposer;
but as one of his "sore judgments," upon a community of transgres-
sors, and knowing as we may, that his own invisible agency appoints
and controls, in sovereign wisdom, all the series of secondary causes.
NEW YORK CITY. 969
however, complex and inscrutible to man, it becomes us, every way in
our collective character as a city, and after the example of ancient
Nineveh to humble ourselves under the mighty hand of God, that
he may exalt us in due time.
The reasons and propriety of such a general humiliation before God,
are sufficiently obvious, we fondly hope, to your honourable body.
Having thus suggested to your Honorable Body a measure which
we confide to your wisdom to approve, because it seemed, all things
considered, to be expedient and incumbent; a measure, which seems
to be demanded, not more by our present circumstances and the
aspect of Divine Providence, than by the commcn consent of the wise
and the good and praying, that "the wisdom that is from above,"
may enlighten all your deliberations and bless your administration,
we subscribe ourselves, honourable Sirs, your friends and fellow
citizens.
J. B. Romeyn R. M'Cartee
E. Washburn James G. Ogilvie
N. Bangs S. Martindale
Alexander M'Leod Isaac Chase
H. Peneveyre William Gray
S. N. Rowan Samuel H. Cox
Samuel Nott, Jun. Ward Stafford
Nich. S. Marselus Peter Ludlow, Jun.
Tlie disease was not very widespread, for there were only
401 eases, of whieli 230 died.
1823. Cases, 8 ; deaths, 5.
1824. Cases, 28; deaths, 8.
1825. Cases, 2; deaths, 1.
1826. Cases, 2 ; deaths, 2.
1827. Cases,. 0; deaths, 4.
1828. Cases, 1; deaths, 0.
1829. Cases, 4; deaths, 0.
1830. Cases, 2 ; deaths, 1.
1831. Deatlis, 1.
1832. Cases, 1; deaths, 1.
1833. Cases, 12 ; deaths, 2.
1834. Cases, 3; deatlis, 1.
1835. Cases, 2; deaths, 2.
1838. Cases, 2G ; deaths, 8.
1830. Cases, 4; deaths, 4.
970
HISTORY OK YELLOW FEVER,
rases-, 9; deaths, 2.
1843. Cases, 18 ; deaths, 3.
1814. First case, August 12.
1840. Cases, 2; deaths, 0.
1847. Cases, 1; deaths, 0.
1848. (^ases, 2(5; deaths, 12.
1852. Cases, 1; deaths, 0.
1853. Cases, 44; deaths, 15.
1854. Cases, 45; deaths, 20.
1855. Cases, 12; deaths, 5.
1856.
After a lapse of thirty-four roars (1822 to 1850 i yelhjw
fever again made its ajjix^aranee iu New Yoi'k. ]U4\veeu
these years, many cases Avere brought by A'essels from the
Spanish ]Maiu, Init they were all tr( ated at the ^Inriiie Hos-
[tital, and iu no instance was the infection carried ashore.
In 1850, however, the population of tlie metropolis
of the world had a narr(;w escape from the clutches of
the Yellow Denutn.
The circumstances were as follows :
(hie case of yelk;w fever Avas received from Havana in
the month of April; but no otlier cases were seen until
June IS, when the bark Jul id M. Hallock. from Santiago
de Cuba, arrived, with ca])tain, first mate, an<l a pas-
senger sick with the fever. On the 21st of the same
month, the ship J<inr H. (lH(J<J(jii. from Havana, arrived,
having a i)assenger an<l four seamen dangerously ill with
the disease; and fr( m ihc same vessel three other cases
Avere subse(|U(M)tly received. These were all of a strongl.v.
marked character; and some of them occurring n)aii.v
days after the ship's arrival, an infected eonditiou of the
vessel was naturally inferred, and the spread of the in-
fection antici])ated. Vm-ui this ship the infectioi) did
spread, until at least twenty of the stevedores ai;d lighter-
men who were engaged in unloading her, contracted the
disease.
In the AniiiKi] Rcporf of the J*]ii/sicifiii in CJiirf of iJir.
Marine Hospifal at Quarantinr for 1850, puldishcd at
All)auy in 1857, is presented a chrfsnological summaiy of
NEW -SORK CITY. 971
all tlie cases of yellow fev<'r that oofurrod dTiriiijj: this
rcniaikahle outhreak. A veeord of 538 eases is giveu, of
Avldeli more than one-third died.
1870.
In 1870, New York ai^ain fonnd the spectre of yellow
fever at her doors, and only escaped an invasion of the
disease t]ii'(;iii>h the inactivities of the *s7r//oy//_///r/ CaJopus,
who confined tluii* oi)erations to a circumst rihed area.
The following;' resnme is made from the account given
by Dr. INIoreau JMorJ'is, City Sanitary Inspect(;r, in the
Amiud] Report of tJtc Xcic Yorl- Bo<n<J of Health for
1870:
On September 13, 1870, information reached the Bureau
of Sanitary Ii)si)ection that a ]Mrs. Kelly was lying dead
at No. 14 Essex Street, New York. She had been sick for
about a week, ''with a fever, which did not present the
types of the ordinary fevers usually found in the city."
An immediate investigation of the history and circum-
stances attending this case, aroused the suspicion that it
might have been yellow fever. The body was, therefore,
sent to the morgue at once for a specific investigation.
The bed was burned, and the rooms and clothing thor-
oughly fumigated and disinfected.
It was ascertained that her husband, James Kellv, had
been sick also with the same syniptoms, and had been
removed to Bellevue Hospital, where he had died upon
Ihe sanu' day (the 12th) as bis Avife.
A ])(;st-mortem examination vs'as held upon the body
or James Kellv, on the 131 h of S( ittember, by the curator
rf Bellevue ?*ledical (Allege, which, it was presumed,
W(;nld reveal the true character (!f the disease.
The hospital record, as n)ade at the time of the inves-
tigation, is as follows:
'Mantes Kelly, admitted Sd.tembcr 12, 1S70: his-
tory, obscure: conjatose when adiiiitte<l ; skin, jauixliced;
respiraticju, 30; pulse, 11(1; temix'rature, 08 12 deg. F. ;
hepatic tenderness; tongue, dry and coated; died, Sep-
tember 12, 3:30 ]). m.
972 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVFR.
"Autopsy, September 13. Brain and membranes, nor-
mal ; larynx, normal ; oesophagus, mucous membrane
eroded in longitudinal patches." This case received a cor-
oner's investigation, and the verdict of the jurors was
"Death by exhaustion." The medical certificate attached
to the coroner's return, certifies that the cause of his
death was "Coma (cause unknown)."
Signed by
JOHN J. REID, M.D.,
Medical Attendant at Inquest.
No post-mortem examination of the body of Mrs. Kelly
was held, but the certificate of death is recorded as
follows :
Coroner's verdict — "Pernicious fever."
Medical certificate — "Is supposed to be either yellow
fever or tvphus fever."
(Signed) WOOSTER BEACH,
Medical Attendant at Inquest.
The records of the examination unfortunately were so
meagre, as to aft'oid no clue to the disease, and the doubt
still existed as to its true character, until subsequent cases
and further investigation pronounced the diagnosis. •^,
In tracing the source of their illness, it was subse-
quently discovered that both Mr. and Mrs. Kelly had been
visiting and attending the "wake" and funeral of a rela-
tive on Governor's Island, on the 2nd and 3rd days of
September, reuiaining thereon over night.
This relative, Wm. narringtoi\ was a soldier upon the
Island, who died on the 1st of September, of what was
stated at the time as "typho-malarial or bilious fever."
It was also asceitniued that a ^Irs. Ann :\rcCormnck,
another relative who had attended the same "wake" and
funeral, had subsequently sickened and died on the 9th
of September, at 4*) Oliver Street. Tlie cause of her
death was certified hy tlie attending physician as "typhus
fever." By careful inquiries, it was found that these
three cases presented ahnost identical symptcms. Their
similai'ity and (;bscurity indicated a coincident exposure
to the same exciting cauj-e, and incited still further in-
fj^
NEW YORK CITY. 97S
quiry. This resulted (after a delay of four days, caused
by false information) in the discovery, as before stated,
of their presence at the funeral of Wm. Harrington, on
Governor's Island.
Attention being now directed to that island as the
source, a Health Inspector, with another medical officer
who had been familiar with diseases of tropical climates,
was directed to visit it and report upon its character. It
was found that a disease of similar character had been
prevailing there since the 13th of August (over a month),
and which the surgeons in attendance described as a
type of malarial fever, accompanied with more than usual
fatal results. Many of the residents had suffered, some
with a very mild attack, readily yielding to treatment,
while others, seized in a more violent form, had suc-
cumbed. No suspicion of yellow fever had been enter-
tained by the attending surgeons of the post, neither
could they become satisfied of the fact until the pathog-
nomonic symptom of "black vomit" subsequently appeared
as the disease progressed.
The report of the two officers, after visiting the cases
upon the Island, was that the type of disease was that
of the "pernicious remittent fever so frequently seen in
the South, and which so generally precedes yellow fever
in that locality."
The surgeons of the post had made post-mortem exami-
nations of the dead, and had carefully watched with the
microscope for casts or other evidences of yellow fever;
no case had presented "black vomit," and, therefore, no
correct diagnosis had been made.
The suspicions which had been entertained by the med-
ical officers of the Board of its being yellow fever, were
thus, in a measure, quieted, as no positive evidence had
yet presented itself.
About this time other cases presenting the same doubt-
ful symptoms occurring in New York City had come to
the knowledge of the Board, all of which were traced to
Governor's Island as their source; and a fresh, or rather
increased outbreak, with more marked symptoms, having
occurred upon the Island, the Board, anxious to settle, if
97-t
HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
possible, the doubt requested Dr. J. C. Nott, of ^Nfobile,
a genth^iuau who had hirue ex])ei-ieiU'e iu thi,-^ special dis-
ease in Scjuthern States, to visit the Island and report
his opinion. On the 2nd of September he visited the
Island, and the diaiin<jsis was made clear by a post-
mortem examination of a recent case of this disease and
the presence of "black vomit" in others. His report to
the Board on the following day, Avas that it was undoubt-
edly yellow fever. A special committee was immediately
appctinted by the Board, consistino- of the Chairman of
the Sanitary Committee, Dr. G. Ceccarini, the Health
Officer of the Port, Dr. John M. Carnochan, and the City
Sanitary Inspector, Di-. ^Moreau ^forris, and it was au-
thorized to take the necessary measures for the removal
to quarantine of those sick with yellow fever at Gov-
ernor's Island, and to protect this city from said disease;
and it was further instructed to investij^ate the cri^in of
the disease and the circumstances of its inti'oduction at
Governor's Island,
The Committee, upon the same day, visited the Island,
and becomino- satisfied of the true nature of the disease,
so I'eported to the Bctard, and at once conferred with the
Gommandant of the Tost, General Neil, with reference to
removino- those sick, and placino- the Island under quar-
antine restrictions, etc., etc. It was referred directly to
General ]\rcDowell,c((mniandinii- the De})artment of the
East, by whose order alone such measures could be af-
fected. The same nijiht, in consultation with General
Cuyler, ^NFedical Director of the same department. General
]\IcDow(^ll promptly issue<l the necessary orders, as had
been suij.cested by the Committee. The followinj? two
days were devoted actively to procuring- (he means of
makini;- the transfer of ])atients, which was accomidished
on the mornino- of October 1. Sixty patients, including
many who were in a convalescent stai^e, were then
remcived.
Other cases continued to i)resent themselves and it was
not until the 26th of October that the last case appeared.
New YORK City. 975
The records of the cases occiirrinj;' npoii (lovei-iior's
Ishiiid will he found in the history of the prevalence ot
yellow fever at that place in the i)recediug- pa<2,es.
From time to time the following- cases were discovered
in New York City, durini»- the period of its prevalence
upon the Island. Each case was closely watched by the
medical otiicers of the Board, and Avithout an exception
all were ascertained to have visited the Island either as
nurses or friends of the sick, or were scddiers on leave
of absence, taken sick at their homes. The record is as
follows:
1. Ann ^rcrormack, 49 Oliver Street, died Septombci^
9, 1870.
2. James Kellv, 14 Essex Street, died September 12^
1870.
3. Mrs. Kelly (wife of above), 11 Essex Street,
died September 12, 1870.
4. David Stranev, 12 Tell Street, died September 15,
1870.
5. Mrs. :\Iertens, 89 Tlinton Street, died September 25,
1870.
6. Peter Becker, 125 Clinton Street, died October 1,
1870.
7. Eliza :\Iertens, 89 Clinton Street, died October 2,
1870.
8. Eliza Stelche, from Governor's Island, at Btllevue
Hospital, ditHl October 4, 1870.
9. William H. :\Iorris, 117 West Twenty-tirst Street,
died October 9; 1870.
10. Charles Haab, 126 East Fourth Street, a soldier
on leave, taken sick September 19, recovered.
11. John Hatfner, 405 West Forty-first Stieet, a soldier
on leave, taken sick September 25, recovered.
There is no evidence of any other case haviui? occurred
in the city.
With reference to these cases, it was ascertained beyond
all question as follows :
Tlie first four were per.'-ons who visited Oovernor's
Island and attended the funeral of Wm. Harrinoton, who
died on the 1st of September and was buried on the 3rd;
97 6 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
the fifth, sixth and seventh cases were immediate relatives
of Sergeant Merten's, who was sick upon the Island, and
whom they visited and attended upon as nurses — No. 5
being the mother, No. 6 the brother-in-law and No. 7 the
sister.
The eighth case was a soldier's wife residing upon the
Island, who was removed therefrom surreptitiously, for
fear of being taken to Quarantine Hospital, and taken to
Bellevue Hospital, where she died ; the disease being un-
recognized until after death by the medical attendants.
Case nine was a discharged soldier from the Island, sick
when he left, ill two weeks before death at his father's
house. Cases 10 and 11 were soldiers, at home, on leave
of absence, taken sick while at home, and remaining there;
finally recovered.
These eleven cases, scattered in different portions of
the city, it was feared, might prove centers for infection,
and were watched with great care. In each case all the
measures of disinfection and sanitary care were applied,
which would, if possible, prevent its further spread.
In no instance did any person suffer from its effects,
or from the diffusion of any poison therefrom, beyond the
case itself, within the city.
1872. No statistics. On vessels in harbor.
1873. First case. May 23; first death, August 1; last
case, October 1; last death, September 27. Cases, 62;
deaths, 13.
In the city proper, three fatal cases, all refugees from
New Orleans.
1875. On vessel in harbor.
1876. Cases, 2; deaths, 2. Refugees from Savannah.
1878.
Population, 1,235,389.
Yellow fever appeared August 16th. Patrick Wm.
Riley, a horse-shoer from New Orleans, arriving that day,
very sick, was sent to quarantine and soon died. Wil-
liam Schultz died August 22; a week later, Mrs. Joseph
Cellers, a Memphis refugee, living in Tenion Court, a
NEW YORK CITY. 977
naricw lane near 53 University Place, was taken with
fever just after giving birth to a cliild; she was sent to
quarantine, and died September 30. Dr. N. A. Lindlej^,
who felt the s^^mptoms of yellow fever on his way from
Memphis, arrived at quarantine September 23, and died
there. He was one of the many heroes of the terrible
epidemic of 1878, being among the first to respond to the
call for aid when the fever broke out in Memphis. Worn
out with incessant work, he sought to return to his family,
who were in the North. When he reached New York, he
proceeded at once to the quarantine hospital, and gave
Dr. Vanderpoel an account of his case. Re received every
attention; Dr. Vanderpoel visiting him three times a
day. lie rallied on Friday night, l)ut sank rapidly soon
after, and died at noon September 30.
Total deaths, 4 — all refugees. The di^^^oaf-e did not
spread to the inhabitants.
1879. ~ First case, June.
1880. Fourteen cases, of which five proved fatal, from
vessels in harbor.
1881. Population, 1,206,517. Deaths, 1.
1887. First case, September 7. Cases, 1.
1888. Population, 1,535,538. One case, a refugee from
Oak Lawn, Fla., on September 10; death, September 12.
1888. Infected by Port au Prince, Hayti. First case,
November 24.
1880. Cases from various vessels arriving from in-
fected ports. First case, Jui^e 10; firrt dealh, September
15. Cases, 5 ; deaths, 2.
1800. Cases, 1.
1803. Case;', 1 ; deaths, 1.
1895. No statistics.
1890. Cases, 1; deaths, 1.
18{)7. Cases from vessels in harbor.
1808. Cases, 1; deaths, 1.
1901. Cases, 3.
1905. Deaths, 1.
QUEENSBOROUGH.
1801. Scattered cases.
978
HISTORY OF YKLi.OW FEVER.
KED HOOK.
185G. Scattered cases.
EONDOUT.
1843. Scattered cases.
STAPLETOX.
1848. First case, August 23.
STATEN ISLAND.
1848. Scattered cases.
TOMPKINYILLE.
1848. Scattered cases.
WALLABOUT.
1804. Scattered cases. Infected bv vessels fioni Cape
Haytien, Hayti, and Guadeloupe.
WEST NECK.
1795. Scattered cases.
WEST POINT.
1804. No statistics.
YELLOW HOOK.
185G. Infected by Governor's Island. No statistics.
NEW YORK. 979
BIBLIOGRAPHY OF YELLOW FEVER IN NEW YORK.
Accurate (An) list of persons who have died of malignant fever in
this city, including those of Bellevue, etc., from July 29 to October 29,
with the date of their deaths; also of the different places where
the deaths occurred, and the number that died in each street; taken
from the reports of the health committee. 18°. New York, 1803.
Allen (S.): Letter of the Hon. , mayor of the city of New
York, to Josep.h Bayley, health officer of the port, in relation to the
cases of yellow fever at the quarantine ground in 1821, and Dr.
Bayley's report thereon. 8°. New York, 1822.
Bayley (Joseph): Facts and Observations relating to the Yellow
Fever which prevailed at the Quarantine Establishment at Staten
Island, New York, during the autumn of 1821. New York Medical
and Physical Journal, vol. 1, p. 12.
Bagley (Jos.): Report on the Cases of Yellow Fever at the Quaran-
tine Ground of New York in 1821. New York, 1822.
Bagley (Jos.) : Report on the Yellow Fever which prevailed in New
York in 1822, in a Letter addressed, to his Honor the Miayor. New
York Medical and Physical Journal, vol. 1, p. 422.
Bayley (R. ): An Account cf the Epidemic Fever which prevailed in
the city of New York during part of the summer and fall of 1795. 8vo.
New York, 1796.
Bayley (R.) : Letters from the health office, submitted to the com-
mon council of the city of New York. 8°. (New York, 1799.)
Beck: Review of Townsend on Fever of New York in 1822. New
York Medical and Physical Journal, vol. 2, p. 473.
Golden (Cadwallader) : Remarks on the Yellow Fever of New York
in 1741 and 1742. (Written in 1743.) New York Medical Repository,
vol. 14, pp. 1, 159.
Davis (M. S.): A brief Account of the Epidemic Fever which lately
prevailed in the city of New York. New York, 1795.
Documents relating to the Board cf Health, New York: 1. Address
to the Public. 2. City Inspector's Report. 3. Letter from the Health
Officer (Dr. J. R. B. Rogers) to the Board of Health. 4. Letter of Dr.
E. Miller to the Gk)vernor, January, 1804. 5. Dr. Miller's Report of
the Fever of 1805. New York, 1806.
Drake (C): An account of the Endemic Yellow Fever, as it occurred
in the city of New York during the summer and autumn of 1819. New
York Medical Repository, vol 21, p. 125.
Dwight (F. M.): Report of the case of yellow fever in New York.
Med. Rec. N. Y., 1884, vol. 26, p. 264,
Dwight (B. W.) : Some Remarks on the Origin and Progress of the
Malignant Yellow Fever as it appeared in the village of Catskill, State
930 HISTORY OF VEI-.OW FFVEP.
cf New York, during the summer and autumn of 1S63. Medical Re-
pository, vol. 8, pp. 105-232.
Forrj': Account of a Malignant Fever whicli prevailed at Rondout,
Ulcter County, New York, in the months of August and September,
1843, with an inquiry into its nature, and into the question of its im-
portation by the schooner Vanca, etc. New York Journal of Medicine,
l3t series, vol. 1, p. 293.
Gillespie: Answer to Dr. Roge.G' Strictures on his Report on the
Fever of Brooklyn in 1809. Medical and Philosophical Register, vol.
1, p. 2G9.
Gillespie: Report on the Yellow Fever which prevailed at Brooklyn
in the summer cf 1809. Medical r.nd Philosophical Register, vol. 1,
p. 101.
Gri:ccni (J. H.): A History. Chronological and Circumstantial of
the Visitations of Yellow Fever at New Yoik. Cctavo. N. Y. (No
date.)
Hardie: An Account of the Yellow Fever which occurred in the
City of New York in the year 1822. 12mo. New York, 1822.
Hardie (James) : An Account cf the Malignant Fever lately pre-
valent in the City of New York, 1798. 8vo. New York, 1799.
Health Laws of New York: 1798, 1805, 1823.
Hiotcry of the Proceedings cf the Board cf Health of the City of
New York in the Summer and Fall of 1822, and an Account of the
Yellow Fever of that Season. 8vo. New York, 1823.
Hosack (A.) : An inaugral essay on the yellow fever, as it appeared
in this city in 1795. 8°. New York, 1797.
Hosack (Alexander) : History cf the Yellow Fever as it appeared
in the city of New York in 1795. 8vo. New York, 17S7.
Laws of New concerning Infectious Diseases. 8vo. 1798.
McKnight (Rev. John): Account of the Crigin cf the Yellow Fever
which prevailed in the City cf New York in the Summer of 1798, in a
Letter to Dr. Hcsack. j.Ieclical £nd Philosophical Register, vol. 3,
p. 2C3.
Miller: Report on the Malignant Disease which prevailed in the City
of New York in the Autumn of 1805, addressed to the Governor of the
State of New Ycrk. Collected works, p. 87.
Pascalis: Statement of Occurrences in the City of New York during
an Epidemic of Yellow Fever in 1819. See Medical Repository, vol.
20, p. 229. (N. S., vol. 5, No. 3.)
Pestilence: Account of the Yellow Fever of New Ycrk in 1805.
Medical Repository, vol. 9, p.. 211.
Ramsay (Alex.): Observations on the Yellow Fever of New York in
1803. Edinburgh Medical and Surgical Journal, vol. S, p. 422.
NEW YORK. 9S1
Remarks on the Report of the Medical Society on the Fever in
Bancker Street. 8vo. New York, 1820.
Report of the Board of Health of New York, 1806, p. 19. 8vo.
Report of the Committee appointed by the Medical Society cf the
State of New York, to inquire into tie Symptoms, Origin, Cause, and
Prevention of the Pestilential Disease! 8vo. New Yoik, 1799.
Report of the Committee of the Medical Society of the city and
country of New York, on the Causes and Character of the Epidemic
Fever which prevailed in Eancker Street and its vicinity, in the sum-
mer and auUimn of 1S20. New York, 1820.
Rogers (John R. B): A Letter on the Yellow Fever of Brooklyn in
1809, and Proofs of its Non-importation there. New Yoik Medical
Repository, vol. 13, p. 198.
Rogers: Remarks on Dr. Gillespie's Report on the Yellow Fever of
Brooklyn in 1811. American Medical and Philcsopnical Register, vol.
1, p. 253.
Seaman (V.): An Account cf tl:e Ep.idemic Disease which appeared
at New Y,ork in the Summsr and Autumn of 1800. Medical Repository,
vol. 4, p. 248.
Seaman: An Inquiry :'nto the Cause of Prevalence of Yellow Fever
in New York. Medicr.1 Repository, vol. 1, p. 315.
Seaman: An Account of the Epidemic Yellow Fever, as it appeared
in the City of New York in the year 1795. Webster's Collection, p. 1.
Smith (E. H.) : Letters to William Buel, on the Fever which pre-
vailed in New York in 1795. Webster's Collection.
State (A) of Facts relative to the late Fever wkic'n appeared in
Bancker Street and its Vicinity. Published by order of the Board of
Health. New York, 1821.
Townsend: An Account of the Yellow Fever as it prevailed in the
City of New York in the Summer and Autumn of 1822. 8vo. New
York, 1823.
Vache (Alex. J.): Letters on Yellow Fever, Cholera, and Quarantine,
addressed to the Legislature of the State of New York; with additions
and notes. Svo. New York, 1852.
Walters (Daniel D.) : Diary of the Occurrences of the first month of
the Yellow Fever which prevailed in the City of New York in 1822.
New York Medical and Physical Journal, vol. 1, p. 469.
Yates: Observations on the Yellow Fever of New York in 1822.
Medical Repository, vol. 23, p. 1.
Yates (Christ. C): Review cf an essay on the Bilious Epideniic
Fever prevailing in the State cf New York. Svo. Albany, 1813.
98i
NORTH CAROLINA.
BEAUFOirr.
1854. No accurate statistics.
1804. Infected by Newberiie, N. C. First case, Sep-
tember 24; last case, November 17. Deaths, G8.
1871. No statistics.
GOLDSBORO.
1888. One case, a refugee from Florida ; recovery.
HATTEBAS.
18C4. Infected by Newberne. No statistics.
MOORHEAD CITY.
1864. Infected by Newberne. No statistics.
NEWBERNE.
1709. No statistics.
1864. Population, 0,000. First case, September; last
case, November. Deaths, 700.
ROANOKE ISLAND.
1864. Infected by Newberne.
SMITHVILLE.
1862. No statistics.
WASHINGTON.
1800. No statistics.
NORTH CAROLINA. 983
WILMINGTON.
1796; 1800; 1821. Yellow fever years. No statistics.
18G2. Infected by Nassau, Bahama Islands. First
case, August G; last case, November 17. Deaths, 440.
BIBLIOGRAPHY OF YELLOW FEVER IN NORTH CAROLINA.
Berenger-Feraud: Fievre Jaune, etc., Paris, 1890, p. 05,
Brown: Quarantine, p.. 18.
Choppin: Trans. Am. Pub. Health Assn., 1877-8, vol. 4, p. 195.
Griscom: N. Y. Jl. of Med., 1856, p. 369.
Hand: Trans. Am. Pub. Health Assn., 1877-8, vol. 4, p. 293.
Hill (John): Some Observations on the Yellow Fever, as it pre-
vailed in Wilm:ngton, North Carolina, in the Autumn of 1821. Am.
Med. Recorder, 1822, vol. 5, p. 86.
N. Y. Med. Repository, 1808, p. 197.
Ibid., 1800, p. 187.
Report Med. Inspector U. S. Army, December 31, 1864.
Rep. Sup. Surg.-Gen., 1873, p. 89.
Rosset (De): An Account of the Pestilential Fever which prevailed
at Wilmington, North Carolina, in 1796. Medical Repository, vol. 2,
p. 153.
U. S. Pub. Health Reports, 1881, p.. 180.
Wragg: N. Y. Med. Jl., 1869, pp. 225, 478.
984
OHIO.
CALEDONIA.
1878. One case, a. refugee.
CINCINNATI.
1871; 1873. Cases amoii"- refugees.
1878. Population, 280,000. The first case was a young
lady living in a house where baggage from New Orleans
was stored, and the second case occurred in the same
locality, Harris Hackett and Blanche Offner died August
28. A Jewish refugee died on Walnut Hills. The family
Hed, the alarmed nurse left the body, and no one would
enter the house to bury the corpse, until Police Officer
Joe Smith bravely led the way.
Total cases, all refugees, 49 ; total deaths, 19. Date of
last death, October 31st.
1879. Eefugee from Memphis. No cases among in-
habitants.
1897. One case, a refugee.
1905. Three cases — all refugees.
DAYTON.
1878. Population, 38,374. Yellow fever v.\ns brought
here in September by some refugees from Key West and
other infected places. Among the fatal cases was Joseph
Lebolt, from Holly Springs, ^liss. He was attended by
the celebrated Dr. Julius Wise, of Memphis, who only
reached his bed-side a few hours before he died. Very
few other cases occurred.
1897. Population, 175,000. One case, a refugee.
GALLIPOLIS.
1790.
This is one of the famous epidemics of history, cited
by nearly every author on yelloA\- fever. The facts are
9>5
obscure, however, and we have grave doubts that tliis
outbreak was yellow fever.
1878.
Population, 3,700. First cases were Chas. Degelman,
engineer, and A\'m. Koidler, of the steamer Joliii iHibKon,
which landed three miles below the city on August 20.
September 11, JoseiJh Porter, Avatchman of the Joliii D.
Porter, died. His body was not permitted to be moved
from his house, nor his wife to leave. The Kch(yol;^ closed,
business suspended and many citizens tied. ]Mrs. Brown
died September 27, below town, where the infected dis-
irict was located. The disease disappeared October 17.
Total cases, 51 ; total deaths, 31.
MARIETTA.
1832. No statistics.
NEWTON FALLS.
1898. No statistics.
BIBLIOGRAPHY OF YELLOW FEVER IN OHIO.
Long (V^. H.):. Yellow Fever at Gallipo'.is, 1S7S. Rep. Supeiv. Surg.-
Goii. Mar. Hosp., Wash., 1878-9, p. 127.
Medaris: (Cincinnati, 1898). Ohio Med. J., 1898, vol. 9, p. 25.
Minor (T.. C): Special report on yellow fever in Ohio as it ap-
peared during the summer cf 1878. Rep. Health Dept. Cincin.; 1879,
vol. 12, p. 173.
Reeve (J. C): Was it a Case of Yellow Fever? Cincinnati Lancet-
Clinic, 1879, vol. 3, p. 187.
986
PENNSYLVNNIA.
BALD EAGLE VALLEY.
1799. Sporadic cases.
CHESTEIL
1798. Deaths, 50.
CHESTEK COUNTY.
1805. Sporadic cases.
KENSINGTON.
1793. Sporadic cases.
LISBURN.
1803. First cases in August. No statistics.
MARCUS HOOK.
1798. First case, August. Cases, 60; deaths, 4.
NITTANY^
1799. Sporadic cases.
PHILADELPHL\.
1093. First appearance of vellow fever in Philadel-
phia, according to Webster, La Roche and Berenger-
Feraud. No record.
1G95. Traditional outbreak.
1699. First outbreak epidemic. Population, 3,800.
First cases in June: first death, July 15. Deaths, 220.
1732. Deaths, 250.
PENNSYLVANIA PHILADELPHIA. 9FT
1741. First case, 3Iay; first death in June; last case
in Ir^eptember. Deaths, 210.
1712; 1713; 1711. Yellow fever years. Xo statistics.
1717. First case in June; last case in October.
1700. Scattered cases.
1762. First case, August 28; last case, November — ;
last death, October 30. No statistics.
1763; 1789; 1791. Yellow fever years. No statistics.
1793. Great epidemic. Population, 10,111. Number
who fled, 17,000. First case, August 18; first death,
August 22 ; last case in December. Deaths, 1,011.
1791; 1795; 1796. Scattered cases.
1797. Severe epidemic. First case, August 1; last
case, October 15. Deaths, 1,292.
1798. Another great epidemic. Population, 60,000.
First case, August 1 ; last death in November. Deaths,
3,506.
1799. Severe epidemic. First case, June 28 ; last case
in October ; last death, October 18. Deaths, 1,015.
1800. First case in Julv; last case in September.
Deaths, 20.
1801. Scattered cases.
1802. First case in August. Cases, 598; deaths, 307.
1803. First case, July 19; first death, July 25; last
case, October 5; last death, October 20. Cases, 3,900;
deaths, 195.
1805. First case, Julv; last case, October,
1806; 1807; 1808; 1809; 1810; 1811; 1812; 1813; 1814;
1815; 1816. Scattered cases. No statistics.
1818. Cases, 2; deaths, 2.
1819. First case, June 23. Cases, 21 ; deaths, 20.
1820. First case, Julv 21 ; last case, November. Cases,
125 ; deaths, 83.
1826. Scattered cases.
1853. Infected by ship Mandarm, from Cuba. First
case, July 19 ; last case, October 7 ; last death, October 12.
Cases, 170 ; deaths, 128.
1854. Scattered cases.
1870. First case, June 29. Deaths, 18.
i'8« HISTORY OF VEI.I.OW FF.VKU.
1878. Two cases, refugees frcm Vicksburg, August 24.
Canes, 4; deaths, 1.
1879. Cases ou brig SJtasta, from Havti.
1883. Cases on brig Julid Blake, from Havana.
1893. Cases, 3; deaths, 0. In haibor.
PITTSBUKG.
1878. One case from the ill-starred John D. Porter,
died soon after arrival at Pitts-burg. I\o de^.elcpments.
SOUTHWARK.
1793. A suburb of Pliiladelpliia, viiich see.
BIBLIOGRAPHY OF YELLOW FEVER IN PENNSYLVANIA.
Academy of Medicine cf Philadelp.iia: Proofs of the Origin of the
Yellow Fever in Philadelphia and Kensington, in the year 1797, from
Domestic Exhalations, etc. Philadelphia, 1798.
Account cf the Rise, Progress, and Termination of the Malignant
Fever lately prevalent in Philadelphia. Small 8vo. Philadelphia, 1793.
Bache (Thomas Hewson) : Observations on the Pathology of the
Cases of Yellow Fever admitted into the Penncylvania Hospital during
the summer of 1853. American Journal cf the Medical Sciences, N.
S., vol. 28, p. 121, July, 1854.
Bond (Thomas): An Introducto:y Lecture to a course of Clinical
Lectures in the Penn. Hospital, deliveied en the 3rd of December,
1766. North American Medical and Surgical Journal, vol. 4, p. 264.
Caldwell (C): A Semi-annual Craticn on the Origin of Pestilential
Diseases. Delivered before the Arademy of medicine of Philadelphia;
17th December, 1798. 8vo. Philadelphia, 1799.
Caldwell: Facts and Observations relative to the Origin and Nature
of the Yellow Fever. Medical and Physical Memoirs, etc. 8vo. Phila-
delphia, 1801.
Caldwell: Thoughts on Febrile Miasms: Intended as an Answer to
the Boylston Medical Prize Question for 1820, Whether f«ver is pro-
duced by the decomposition of animal or vegetable substances, etc.?
8vo. Boston Medical and Surgical Journal, vol. 3, p. 473.
Caldwell: An Address to the Philadelphia Medical Society on the
Analogies between Yellow Fever and true Plague. 8vo. Philadelphia,
1801.
PENNSYLVANIA. 98^
Caldwell: An Essay on the Pestilential or Yellow Fever as it pre-
vailed in Philadelphia in the year 1S05. 8vo. Appendix to Alibert.
Philadelphia.
Caldwell: Escay:; on Malaria and Temperament. Svo. Lexington,
isai.
Caldwell: An Anniversary Oration on the subject of Quarantine,
delivered before the Philadelphia Medical Society, on the 21st Janu-
ary, 1897.
Caldvv-ell: Thourhts on Quarantine and other Sanitary Systems,
being an escay which received the prize of the Boylston Medical Com-
mittee of the Plarvard University, August, 1834. Boston, 1834.
Caldwell: A Rei;ly to Br. Kaygarth's "Letter to Dr. Percival on
Infectious Fevers," and his "Address to the College of Physicians at
Philadelphia on the Prevention of the American Pestilence," etc. Svo.
Philadelphia, 1802.
Caldwell: A Dissertation in answer to certain Prize Questions, pro-
posed by his Grace the Duke of Holstein Oldenberg, respecting the
Origin, Contagion, and General Philosophy of Yellow Fever, etc.
Medical and Fhyjical Memoirs. Svo. Lexington, 1826.
Caldwell: General Physiology of Yellow Fever. 1841.
Carey (M.): Observations on Dr. Rush's Inquiry into the Origin of
the late Epidemic Fever in Philadelphia. December, 1793. Philadel-
phia.
Carey (M.) : A short Account of tire Malignant Fever lately pre-
valent in Philadelphia, etc. Svo. 1794.
Cathrall: Medical Sketch of the Syncchus Maligna, which prevailed
in Philadelphia In 1793. Svo. Philadelphia, 1794.
College of Physicians of Philadelphia. Proceedings relative to the
Prevention of the Introduction and Spreading of Contagious Diseases.
Svo. Philadelphia, 1793.
Ibid.: Facts and Observations relative to the Nature and Origin
of the Pestilential Fever which prevailed in this City in 1793, 1797,
and 1798. Philadelphia, 17C8.
Ibid.: Additional Facts and Observations relative to the Nature and
Origin of the Pestilential Fever. Svo. Philadelphia, 1806.
Cresson (Joshua) : Meditations, written during the prevalence of
the Yellov/ Fever in the city of Philadelphia, in the year 1793. Small
Svo. London, 1803.
Currie: A Eketch of the Rise and Progress of the Yellow Fever,
and of the proceedings of the Beard of Health, in the year 1799. Svo.
Philadelphia, 1800.
Currie (Wm.) : A Treatise on the Synochus Icterodes, or Yellow
Fever, as it Ic-tely appeared in the city of Philadelphia. Svo. Phila-
delphia, 1794.
9;^0 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
Currie: Memoir on the Yellow Fever which prevailed in Philadel-
phia in the year 1798. 8vo. Philadelphia, 1798.
Currie and Cathrall: Facts and Observations on the Origin, Progress
and Nature of the Fever which prevailed in certain parts of the city
and districts of Philadelphia in the summer and autumn of 1802; to
which is added a Summary of the Rise and Progress of the Disease
in Wilmington, communicated by Dr. E. A. Smith, and Dr, J. Vaughan.
Svo. Philadelphia, 1802.
Deveze (J.): Recherches et Observations sur la Maladie Epidemique,
qui a regne a Philadelphia en 1793, depuis le mois d'Aout jusque vers
le milieu de Decembre. Philadelphia, 1794. French and English.
Deveze (J.) : Dissertation sur la Fievre Jaune, qui regna a Phila-
delphia, depuis le mois d'Aout, jusque vers le milieu du mois de
Decembre, 1793. An. xii. 1804.
Folwell. Short History of the Yellow Fever that broke out in the
City of Philadelphia in July, 1797. 8vo. Philadelphia, 1797.
Griffiths (S. P.): (Copy of manuscript memorandum book kept by
during the yellow fever epidemic in Philadelphia in the year
of 1798; with annotations by J. K. Mitchell). MS. foolscap.
Helmuth (J. Henry C.) : A short Account of the Yellow Fever in
Philadelphia, for the reflecting Christian. Translated from the Ger-
man, by Charles Erdmann. 8vo. Philadelpliia, 1794.
Helmuth (J. H. C): Kurze Nachricht von den sogenannten gelben
Fieber in Philadelphia fur den nachdenkenden Christian. 16°. Phila-
delphia, 1793.
History of the Yellow Fever that \)roke out in the City of Phila-
delphia in July, 1797. 8vo. Philadelphia, 1797.
Jackson (Sam.): An Account cf the Yellow or Malignant Fever
which appeared in the city of Philadelphia in the summer and autumn
of 1820. 8vo. Philadelphia, 1821. Originally published in the Phila-
delphia Medical and Physical Journal, vol. 1, p. 313; vol. 2, p. 1,
Jewell (Wilson): Yellow or Malignant Bilious Fever in the vicinity
of South Street wharf, Philadelphia, 1853. Svo. Philadelphia, 1853.
Se also Transactions of the College of Physicians of Philadelphia.
Jones (Absalom) and Richard Alleno: A Narrative of the Proceed-
ings of the Black People during the late awful calamity in Philadel-
phia in 1793. Svo. Philadelphia, 1794.
La Roche (R.) : Remarks on the Origin of the Yellow Fever which
prevailed in Phila. in 1853. Transactions of the College of Physicians,
N. S., vol. 2, Phila.
La Roche (R.): A Statement of Facts respecting the mortality oc-
casioned by the Yellow Fever in the City of Philadelphia during the
various epidemics from 1699 to 1620, etc. Charleston Med. Jl., Vol.
PENNSYLVANIA. 991
7, p. 458.
La Roche: Remarks on the Origin of the Yellow Fever which pre-
vailed in Philadelphia in 1853. Transactions of the College of
Physicians, N. S., vol. 2. Philadelphia,
Letter from the Secretary of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania,
relative to the late Malignant Fever. Philadelphia, 1798.
Minutes of the Proceedings of the Committee appointed on the 14th
September, 1793, by the Citizens of Philadelphia. 8vo. Philadelphia.
8vo. Philadelphia, 1794. (New Edition in 1848.)
Mitchell (T. D.) : Why has Yellow Fever ceased to visit Philadel-
phia as an Epidemic? N. O. M. & S. Jl., vol. 9, p. 717.
Nassy (D.): Observations on the Causes, Nature and Treatment of
the Epidemic Disorder prevalent in Philadelphia. 8vo. (French and
English). Philadelphia, 1793.
Occasional e3say3 on the yellow fever, by a Philadelphian. 8°.
Phila., 1800.
Parrish: Some Account of the Appearances on Dissection in
certain cases cf Yellow Fever, and notices of some symptoms of the
disease as it appeared in the City Hospital in the year 1805. Coxe's
Medical Museum, vol. 3, p. 187.
Pascalis: An Account of the Contagious Epidemic Yellow Fever
which prevailed in Philadelphia in the summer and autumn of 1797.
8vo. Philadelphia, 1798.
Patterson (J): Remarks on some of the Opinions of Rr. Rush re-
specting the Yellow Fever which prevailed in Philadelphia in 1793.
8vo. Londonderry, 1795.
Philadelpliian (A) : Interesting Essays chiefly on the subject of the
Yellow Fever. 8vo. Philadelphia, 1820.
Philadelphia (A.): Occasional Essays on the Yellow Fever. 8vo.
Philadelphia, 1800.
Purse (B. S.) : Yellow Fever and Filth. Med. Rec. N. Y., 1878, vol.
14, p. 327.
Report of the Joint Committee of Councils relating to the Malignant
or Pestilential Diseases of the summer and autumn of 1820, in Phila-
delphia. Philadelphia, 1821.
Rush (Benjamin) : Letter to Dr. John Rodgers, of New York, on
the Fever of 1793, dated October 3, 1793. Duncan's Medical Comment-
aries, vol. 19, p. 345.
Rush: An Inquiry into the Origin of the late Epidemic Fever in
Philadelphia. In a Letter to Dr. Redman, President of the College of
Physicians. December, 1793.
Rush: Observations upon the Origin of the Malignant Bilious Fever
in Philadelphia, and upon the Means of preventing it. Addressed to
the Citizens of Philadelphia, 1799.
99:2 HISTORY OF yellow fever,
Rndi: A Second Address to the Citizens of Philadelphia, containing
Additional Proofs of the Domestic Origin of Yellow Fever. 8vo.
Philadelphia, 1799.
Rush: An Ancient of the Bilious Remitting Yellow Fever, as it ap-
peared in the City of Philadelphia in the year 1793. 8vo. Philadelphia,
1794.
Rush (B.) : Medical Inquiries and Observations. 4 vols. Phila., 1809,
Containing an Essays on the Xon-Contagion of Yellow Fever, and Ac-
counts of the Epidemics cf Phila. in 1793, 1794, 1797, 1798, 1799, 1802,
1803, and 1805, and of the Sporadic Cases which occurred in 1795, 1796,
1800, 1801 and 1804.
Shaw (Wm.) : Cn the Autumnal Epidemic Fever which prevailed in
Philadelphia in 1803. 8vo. Philadelphia, 1804.
Stavely (A.) : A statistical history of Yellow Fever in Philadelphia,
with a report of two cases recently treated at the Episcopal Hospital.
Med. News, Phila., 1891, vol. 58, p. 509.
Stuart (Jame3): Dissection of a Body that died of the Yellow Fever
at Philadelphia, in the Autumn of 1805, with Practical Observations
and Remarks. Medical Museum, vol. 2, p. 299.
993
RHODE ISLAND.
BLOCK Ifc^LAND.
1801. First case in April; first death, August 2; last
case in December.
BRISTOL.
1795; 1790; 1797. Yellow fever years. No statistics.
NEWPORT.
180G. Scattered cases.
PROVIDENCE.
1791. Infected by a tramp ship which had communi-
cated with vessels from West Indies. No statistics.
1795. Deaths, 45.
1796; 1797; 1800. Scattered cases.
1802. Infected by ship Frassana, from New Orleans.
1805. Scattered cases.
WESTERLY.
1798 ; 1808. Scattered cases.
BIBLIOGRAPHY OF YELLOW FEVER IN RHODE ISLAND.
Bancroft: An Essay on Yellow Fever, p. 401.
Berenger-Feraud : Fievre Jaune, etc., Paris, 1S90, p.. 81.
Bowen (Parden) : Observations on the Origin and Nature of the
Yellow Fever which prailed in Providence (R. I.) in the summer of
1805, in a letter to J. Hardie, Secretary of Board of Health of New
York. Med. and Philos. Register, vol. 4, p. 331.
Bowen (P.): Observations on the Foreign Origin and Contagious
Nature of the Yellow Fever as it prevailed in Providence (R. I..), and
other parts of the United States, in a letter to Dr. Hosack. Med. and
Philos. Register, vol. 4, p. 341.
994 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER
Brown (M.) : Brief remarks on the origin of yellow fever in some
parts of the State of Rhode Island. Med. Reposit., N. Y., 1800, vol.
3, p. 267-270.
N. Y. Med. Repository, 1805, p. 267.
Snow (E. M.) : History of yellow fever in Providence, in years 1797,
1800, 1803, 1805, 1820. Reprinted from the journal of June, 1857.
[Newspaper cutting from Providence Journal, Sept. 23, 1878.]
Wheaton (L. J.) : A Brief Account of the Yellow Fever which has
appeared at different times in Providence, Rhode Island, with a
Topographical Sketch of that town, and some Reflections on the use
of Mercury. Medical Repository, vol. 10, p. 329.
Willey (A. C.) : A short account of the yellow fever which ap-
peared on Block Island, in the summer and autumn of 1801. Ibid.,
1803, vol. 4, p. 123.
995
SOUTH CAROLINA.
BEAUFORT.
1817. Infected by Charleston. No record of cases and
deaths.
1871. First case, August 6. Deaths, 7.
CHARLESTON.
1693; 1699; 1700; 1703; 1728; 1732; 1731; 1739; 1745;
1718; 1749; 1753; 1755; 1761; 1762; 1768; 1770; 1792;
1794 ; 1795 ; 1796 ; 1797 ; 1798. Yellow fever years. No
authentic statistics.
1799. No record of cases; deaths, 239.
1800. No record of cases; deaths, 184.
1801. Scattered cases.
1802. No record of cases; deaths, 96.
1803. Scattered cases.
1804. No record of cases; deaths, 148,
1805. Scattered cases.
1807. No record of cases; total deaths, 162.
1809 ; 1812. Scattered cases.
1817. First case, July ; last case, November. No record
of cases; total deaths, 272.
1819. First case, August; last case, October. No
record of cases; total deaths, 177.
1822. First case, June; last case, August. No record
of cases, total deaths, 2.
1824. First case, August; first death, August; last
case, November. No record of cases; deaths, 235.
1825. First case, August; last case, September. No
record of cases; deaths, 2.
1827. First case, August; last case, November. No
record of cases; deaths, 64.
1828. First case, August; last case, September. No
record of cases; deaths, 26.
1830. First case, September ; last case, November. No
record of cases ; deaths, 30.
996 HISTORY OF YELLOW KKVER.
1834. First case, August; last case, October. Xo
record of cases; deaths, 49.
1835. First case, August; last case, September. Xo
record of cases; deaths, 25.
1838. First case, August; last case, November. Xo
record of cases; deaths, 351.
1839. Infected by Burmah, from Havana. First case,
June 7 ; first death, June, 8 ; last case, October. Xo record
of ca&es; deaths, 131.
1810. First case, August; last case, October. Xo
record of cases ; deaths, 22.
1813. First case, Xovembor ; last case, Xovember. Xo
record of cases ; deaths, 1.
1819. Infected by ship Xiima, from Havana. First
case, August 6 ; last case, X'ovember. Xo record of cases ;
deaths, 125.
1852. First case, August; last case, Xovember. X"o
record of cases; deaths, 310.
1851. Population, 50,000. Infected by Key West.
First case, May 14; first death, August IG; last death,
Xovember. Cases, 20,000; deaths, 027.
1856. First case, August; last case, X^ovember. Xo
record of cases; deaths, 211.
1857. First case, September; last case, Xovember. X'o
record of cases; deaths, 13.
1858. First case, July; last case, December; last
death, December 22. X'o record of cases; deaths, 717.
1862. Scattered cases.
1864. First case, July 27 ; no record of cases or deaths.
1871. First case, Julv 10; no record of cases; deaths,
213.
1874. X^o record of cases; deaths, 37.
1875. One fatal case from Savannah.
1876. X^^o record of cases; deaths, 27.
1898. Charleston Quarantine. One death.
COLUMBIA.
1854. Xo statistics.
SOUTH CAROLINA. 997
FOET MOULTRIE.
1824. Population, 70 soldiers. Cases, 12; no deaths.
1834. Infected by Charleston. Cases, 5; deaths, 2.
1852. First case, September 7. Cases, 33; deaths, 4.
1858. First case, August 15. Xo record of cases and
deaths.
GEOllGETOWN.
1854. First case, August 20 ; last case, October 28. No
record.
HILTON HEAD.
1862. First case, September 8; last case, October, 25.
Xo record.
JAMES ISLAND.
1876. No record of cases ; deaths, 2.
MOUNT PLEASANT.
1817; 1848; 1852; 1854; 1856; 1857; 187(5. Yellow
fever j^ears. No statistics.
PORT ROYAL.
1877. X"o record of cases; deaths, 25.
SULLIVAN'S ISLAND.
1876. X'o statistics.
BIBLIOGRAPHY OF YELLOW FEVER IN SOUTH CAROLINA.
Am. Jl. Med. Sciences, vol. 32, p. 564. Epidemic of 1856.)
An Account of the Yellow Fever of Charleston, South Carolina, as
it appeared in the year 1817. Philadelphia Medical and Physical
Journal, vol. 3, p. 250.
Bancroft: Essay on Yellow Fever, pp. 352; 470.
Byrd (H. L.): Observations on Yellow Fever. Charleston Medical
Journal, vol. 10. p. 329.
998 HISTORY OF YEl.I.OW KKVER.
Cain (D. J.) : History cf the Epidemic of Yellow Fever in Charleston,
S. C, in 1854. Trans. American Med. Assn., 1856, vol. 9, p. 588.
Chalmers: An Accoimt of the Weather and Diseases of South
Carolina. 2 vols. 8vo. London, 1776.
C'aisolm (J. J.): A brief Sketch of the Epidemic of Yellow Fever of
1854 in Charleston. Charleston Medical Journal and Review, vol.
10, p. 433.
Currie: Observations on Dr. Tucker Harris' paper on Yellow Fever
of Charleston, Barton's Medical and Phys. Journal, vol. 2, p. 21.
De Saussure (H. W.) : Statistics of the cases of Yellow Fever re-
ceived into the Almshouse, Charleston, South Carolina, from 1840 to
1843. Charleston Medical Journal, vol. 2, p. 3. 1847.
Dickson: Remarks on the Yellow Fever in Charleston, South Caro-
lina, in the Summer of 1828. Eclectic Journal, vol. 4, p. 109.
Fever (Yellow). Epidemic in Charleston, 1849. Charleston Medical
Journal, vol. 4. 1849.
Harris (Tucker) : Facts and Observations, chiefly relative to the
Yellow Fever, as it has appeared at different times in Charleston,
South Carolina. Barton's Med. and Phys. Journal, vol. 2, p. 21.
Hayne (A. P.): Notes on Yellow Fever, as it prevailed in Charles-
ton during the Summer cf 1849. Charleston Medical Journal, vol. 6,
pp. 341, 481, 627; vol. 7, p. 1.
Hewitt. History of South Carolina. 2 vols. 8vo. London, 1779.
Hume: An Inquiry into some of the General and Local Causes to
which the Endemic Origin of Yellow Fever has been attributed by
myself and others. Charleston Medical Journal, vol. 9, p. 721. 1854.
Hume (Wm.) : Meteorological and other Observations in reference
to the cause of Yellow Fever in Charleston, etc. Charleston Med. Jl ,
vol. 5, p. 1850.
Hume (Wm.): On the Introduction, Propagation and Decline af the
Yellow Fever in Charleston, during the summer of 1854. Charleston
Med. Jl., vol. 10, p. 1855.
Hume (Wm.): Report to the City Council of Charleston, relative to
the source and origin of Yellow Fever, etc. Charleston Med. Jl., vol.
9, p. 145.
Hume (Wm.): Sequel to Meteorological and other Observations in
reference to the causes of Yellow Fever in Charleston, brought for-
ward to 1852. Charleston Med. Jl., vol. 8, p. 55.
Hume (Wm.) : The Yellow Fever of Charleston Considered in its
Relation to the West India Commerce. Charleston Med. Jl. and Rev.,
1860, vol. 15, p. 1. Also: Reprint.
Johnson: Oration delivered before the Medical Society of South
Carolina, December 24, 1807. 8vo. Charleston, 1807.
SOUTH CAROLINA. 999
Johnson (Joseph) : Some Account of the Origin and Prevention of
the Yellow Fever in Charleston, South Carolina. Charleston Medical
Journal, vol, 4, p. 154.
Legare (Thomas): Dissertion cu the late Yellow Fever in Chaiies-
ton. 8vo. 1817.
Mackall (R. C): Introduction of Yellow Fever in Savannah in the
year 1854. Charleston Med. Jl., vol. 10. p. 150.
X. Y. Med. Repository, 1801, vol. 1, p. 217.. (Epidemics of 1700, 1732,
1739, 1745, 1748 and 1792, in Charleston.)
N. Y. Med. Repository, 1801, vol. 4, p. 217. (Epidemic of 1800 in
Charleston.)
Porter (John B.): On the Climate and Salubrity of Fort Moultrie
and Sullivan's Island, with Incidental Remarks on the Yellow Fever
of the City of Charleston. American Journal of Medical Sciences,
July and October, 1854; Ibid., January, April and October, 1855.
Ramsay (David): Facts concerning the Yellow Fever at it ap-
peared at Charleston, South Carolina, in 1800. Medical Repository,
vol. 4, p. 217.
Ramsey: Remarks on the Fever of 1807 at Charleston. Medical
Repository, vol. 11, p. 233.
Ramsay: The Charleston Medical Register for the year 1802. 12mo.
Ramsay: The History of South Carolina, etc. 2 vols. 8vo. 1809.
Ramsay (W. G.) : Observations on the cases of Yellow Fever re-
ceived into the Marine Hospital, Charleston, from July, 1834, to Nov.
1838. Charleston Med. JL, vol. 2, p. 635.
Shecut (J. L. E. W.): Medical and Philosophical Essays, etc., con-
cerning the Domestic Origin of the Yellow Fever of Charleston, South
Carolina. 8vo. Charleston, 1819.
Simons: A eRport read before the City Council of Charleston, with
an Appendix, in Reply to the Report of Wm. Hume, M. D. Charleston
Medical Journal, vol. 9, p. 329.
Simons: A Report on the History and Causes of the Stranger's on
Yellow Fever of Charleston. Read before the Board of Health. 8vo.
Charleston, 1839.
Simons: An Address delivered before the South Carolina Medical
Association, in May, 1851. 8vo. Charleston, 1851.
Simons (T. Y.): An Essay on the Yellow Fever as it has occurred
in Charleston, including its Origin and Progress up to the present
time. Charleston Med. Jl., vol. 6, p. 798.
Simons: Observations in Reply to William Hume, M. D. Charleston
Medical Journal, vol. 10, p.. 170.
Simons: Observations on the Yellow Fever, as it occurs in Charles-
ton, South Carolina. The Carolina Journal, etc., vol. 1, p. 1.
1000 HISTORY OF VKM.OW FEVER,
Simons: Reply to the Report of Wm. Hume, M. D. Charleston Med.
Jl., vol. 9, p. 329.
Strobel: Yellow Fever, etc., p. 171. (Epidemic of 1S39 in Charles-
ton.)
Strobel: Yellow Fever, etc., p. 219. (Early epidemics in Charleston.)
"Waring: A Summary of the Climate and Epidemics of Savannah
during the series of years from 1826 to 1829. (This is the Breakbone
Fever, which Dr. W. regards as analogous to Yellow Fever.) North
American and Surgical Journal, vol. 9, p. 374; vol. 10, p. 136.
Waring (J. J.): The epidemic at Savannah, 1876; its causes; the
measures of prevention adopted by the municipality during the ad-
ministration of Hon. J. F. Wheaton, mayor. Savannah, Ga., 1879.
188 p. 4 pi. 1 may. 8°.
Yellow Fever in Charleston in 1838. American Jl. Med. Sciences,
1838, vol. 45, p. 263.
1001
TENNESSEE.
BAILEY STATION.
1879. Infected by Memphis. No records of cases and
deaths.
BAKTLETT.
1878. First case, August 20; last case, October 20;
last death, November 8. Cases, 74; deaths, 0
BEACH GKOVE.
1878. One death, a refugee.
BELL'S DEPOT.
1878. Cases, 5; deaths, 3.
BETHEL SPRINGS.
1878. One death, a refugee.
BROWNSVILLE.
1873. Cases, 4 ; no deaths.
1878. Number who fled, 3,000. Infected bv Memphis.
First case, August 20 ; first death, September 1 ; last case,
October 29 ; last death, November 8. Cases, 747 : deaths,
212.
BUNTYN.
1878. Throughout the epidemic of 1878, Buntyn was
crowded with ]\[emphis refugees, and the first case of fever
occurred October 1st. Among the last cases was that of
Jefferson Davis, Jr., son of ex-President Jefferson Davis.
He died October Ifith.
1879. Infected by Memphis. Cases, 15; deaths, 3.
lOOi HISTORY OK YELLOW FEVER.
CHATTANOOGA.
1878. Numbei- wlio tied, (),000. First case, August 15 ;
first death, Aui-iist 21 ; last death, November 10. Cases,
44G; deaths, 135.
COLLIERSVILLE.
1878. Number who fled, 100. Infected by :N[emphis.
First death, August 21. Cases, 135; deaths, 5C.
COVINGTON.
1878. Population, 1,200. Almost entire pojjulation
fled. No record of cases; deaths, 1.
EIUN.
1878. Population, 723. Cases, 38; deaths, 10.
FOl^EST HILL.
1879. No statistics.
FRAYSER STATION.
1878. No statistics.
GADSDEN.
1878. Population, 530. Cases, (5; deaths, 4.
GALWAY.
1878. Population, 00. Cases, 13; deaths, 8.
GERMANTOWN.
1878. iTifectod b^- :\remphis. First case, August 20.
Cases, 89 ; deaths, 35.
TENNESSEK. lOOS
GILL'S STATION.
1878. No records of cases; deaths, 1.
GIJAND JUNCTION.
1873. Cases, 1; deaths, 0.
1878. Number who tied, 100. First case, August 11;
first death, August 17. Cases, 185; deaths, 71.
HARKISON STATION.
1879. PopuhUiou, 100. Infected by Memphis. Ca^es,
12.
HERNANDO ROAD.
1879. Infected b}^ Memphis. Cases, 4.
HORN LAKE.
1879. First case, September 11 ; first death, September
14; last case, September — ; last death, September 18.
Cases, 3; deaths, 1.
HORN LAKE ROAD.
1879. First case, August 20; first death, August 25.
Cases, 13; deaths, 5.
HU:Mr>OLDT.
1873. Infected bv Mempliis. Cases, 3; deaths, 0.
HUNTINGTON.
1873. No record of cases; deaths, 1.
JACKSON.
1878. No record of cases ; deaths, 3.
KNOXVILLE.
1878. Cases among refugees, principally from Chat-
tanooga.
loot HISTORY OF YELLOW P'KVER.
LA GRANGE.
1878. First case, September 3; first death, September
G. Cases, 128; deaths, 37.
MAKTIN.
1878. Number who fled, 250; first case, August 28.
No record of cases; deaths, 40.
MASON.
1878. First case, August 29 ; first death, September 2.
Cases, 61; deaths, 21.
McCALLUM FARM.
1879. No statistics.
McKENZIE.
1878. No record of cases; deaths, 3.
ME:MPnis.
1828 : 1853 ; 1855 ; 1860. No statistics.
■.1867. No record of cases; deaths, 231.
1873. Infected by Cochran, Alabama. First case,
September 14; last case, November. Cases, 10,000;
deaths, 2,000.
1878. Number who fled, 30,000. Infected by New
Orleans. First case, August 6; last case, December 12.
Cases, 18,500 ; deaths, 5,000.
1879. Population, 40,000. Numbei' who fled, 23,890.
First case. May 23; first death. May 26. Cases, 2,010;
deaths, 587.
1897. Cases, 52; deaths, 14.
TENNESSEE. 1005
MILAN.
1878. Number who fled, 1,800. Infected by Memphis.
First case, August 26; first death, August 29.Cases, 19;
deaths, 12.
MOSCOW.
1878. Number who fled, 70. Infected by Memphis.
First case, August 21. Cases, 109; deaths, 35,
MUKFKEESBORO.
1878. No record of cases ; deaths, 2.
NASHVILLE.
1878. Infected by Memphis. First case, August 3L
Cases, 27 ; deaths, 13.
NUBIA.
1878. Cases, 2 ; deaths, 2.
PAHIS AND SUBURBS.
1878. Nearly the whole population fled. Infected by
Memphis. First case, August 23; last case. October 4.
Cases, 35; deaths, 23.
PIGEON ROOST ROAD.
1879. No record.
RALEIGH.
1878. No record of cases; deaths, 14.
ROSSVILLE.
1878. No record of cases ; deaths, 6.
1006 HISTORY OF \ELLO\V KF.VER.
SHELBY DEPOT.
1873. No record of cases ; deaths, 3.
SHELBYVILLE.
1879. lufected by Memphis. Xo record of cases;
deaths, 1.
SOMEBVILLE.
1878. yuml)er who fled, (I.jO. Infected \>\ Memphis.
Cases, 167; deaths, 57.
TULLAHOMA.
1879. One fatal case in August, from ShelbTville.
UXIOX CITY.
1878. Xo record of cases; deaths, 1.
VICE-PEESIDEXT'8 ISLAXD.
1879. InfiM-ted liv Minipliis. First and only case,
October 8; died October 13.
WHITE HAVEX.
1878. Population, 100. Cases, 1; deaths, 2.
WHITE STATIOX.
1878. Infected by Memphis. First case, Auj;ust 25;
first death, Auijust 28. Cases, 05; deaths, 50.
1879. Infected bj Memphis. First case, October 6.
Cases, 1; deaths, 0.
WTLLTSTOX.
1878. Cases, 18; deaths, 11.
TENNRSSEE. 1007
WINCHESTEE.
187S. Cases, 1; deaths, 1.
WYTHE.
1873. Infected by ]Mempliis. Cases, G ; deaths, 0.
1878. Xo record of cases; deaths, 1.
BIBLIOGRAPHY OF YELLOW FEVER IN TENNESSEE.
Am. Jl. Med. Sciences, 1856, p. 624. (Memphis, 1828.)
Baxter (G. A.): Atmospheric dissemination of yellow fever, with
methods of disenfections used at Chattanooga, and the results. Tr.
M. Soc. Tenn., 1879, vol. 46, p. 158.
Bougarel (C): La Fievre Jaune a Memphis. France Medicale,
Paris~, 1879, vol. 26, pp. 533, 573 and 589.
Cochran (J. F.): Observations on yellow fever in Bartlett, Tenn.
Richmond and Louisville M. J., Louisville, 1879, vol. 27, p. 1.
Dake (J. P.) : The yellow fever of Memphis. (From, Nashville
Daily American). Med. Counselor, Chic, 1879-80, vol. 2, p. 16.
Dowell, p. 32. (Memphis, 1873).
Ernskine (J. H.): A Report on Yellow Fever as it Appeared in
Memphis, Tenn., in 1873. Reports American Public Health Assn.,
1873, vol. 1, p. 386.
Hamilton (F. B): Quarantine in Jackson, Tenn. Nashville J. M.
& S., 1879, n. s., vol. 23, p. 53.
Keating (J. M.) : A history of the yellow fever. The yellow fever
epidemic of 1878, in Memphis, Tenn., embracing a complete list of the
dead, the names of the doctors and nurses employed, names of all
who contributed money or means, and the names and history of the
Howards, together with the other data and lists of the dead elsewhere.
Memphis. 1879. 454 p. roy. 8°.
Le Monnier (Y. R.): Epidemic of Memphis in 1873. N. O. Med. &
Surg. .Jl., vol. 1, n. s., 1873-4, pp. 449, 536, 656.
Letter from Memphis. Boston Med. & Surg. JL, vol. 101, p. 388.
Merrill (A. P.): On the Health and Mortality of Memphis, Tennes-
see. A. Public Address, etc. 8vo. Memphis, 1853.
Saunders (D. D.): Observations on the five yellow fever epidemics
occurring in the city of Memphis. Tennessee. Tr. M. Soc. Tennessee,
Nashville, 1882, p.. 62.
Saunders (D. D.) : Epidemic of Memphis in 1873. N. O. Med. &
Surg. Jl., 1873-4, vol. 1, n. s., p. 791.
1008
HISTORY OF YELLOW FKVKR.
Smith (George and Tuck (W. J.): Letters on the Yellow Fever at
Memphis, Tennessee, in 1853. New Orleans Medical Journal, vol. 10,
p. 662.
Smith (G.) and Tuck (W. J.) : Letters on the Yellow Fever of Mem-
phis, Tenn., in 1853. N. O. Med. Jl., vol. 10, p. 662.
Thorton (G. B.) : The Memphis yellow fever epidemic of 1879.
Boston Med. and Surg. JL, 1879, vol. 101, p. 787.
Vanderman (J. H.): Yellow fever in Chattanooga in 1878. Nash-
ville J. M. & S., 1879, n. s., vol. 24, p. 47.
Wight (E. M.) : Yellow fever at Chattanooga in 1878; topographic,
telluric, atmospheric and other influences. Tr. M. Soc, Tenn., 1879,
vol. 46, p. 161.
1009
TEXAS.
ALLEYTON.
1867. First ease, September 4; last case, December.
]No record of cases; deaths, 45.
ANDEKSON.
1867. No record.
AUSTIN.
1867. No record.
BASTROP.
1867. No record.
BEAUMONT.
1863. No record.
1897. Cases, 1; deaths, 0.
BELLEVILLE.
1855. No record of cases; deaths, L
BRAZOBIA.
1859. No record.
BROWNSVILLE.
1853. First case, September 23; last case, December
23. No record of cases ; deaths, 50.
1862. No record.
1879. No record.
1882. Population, 4,500. First case, June 24: first
death, —; last case, November 10; last death, November 6.
Cases, 1,072 ; deaths, 63.
1010 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
BRENHAM.
18G7. First case, August 11; last case, October 31.
No record of cases; deaths, 120.
CALVERT.
1SG7. First case, October 12; last case, January 10,
1868. No record ol" cases or deaths.
1873. Population, 1,500. Number who fled, 900. In-
fected by Shreveport, La. First case, September 5; first
death, September 10; last death, December 29. Cases,
450; deaths, 125.
CAMEL.
1903. Cases, 28; deaths, 1.
CINCINNATI.
1853. No record.
CHAPEL HILL.
1807. First case, August 8 ; last case, December. No
record of cases; deaths, 123.
COLUMBIA.
1833 ; 1873 ; 1903. No statistics.
CORPUS CHRTSTI.
1853. No record.
1854. Population, 1,000. Infected by New Orleans.
No record of cases; deaths, 30.
1862. No record.
1867. Infected by Indianola, Texas. First case, Au-
gust. No record of cases or deaths.
1873. No record.
TEXAS. I 0 I 1
1882. (Eefuge Camp). First case, August 23; first
death, August 25; last ease, August 23; last deatb, August
25. Cases, 4; deaths, 2.
1903. No record.
CORSICANA.
1873. No record.
CASTEOVILLE.
1903. Cases, 1.
CYPRESS BAY.
1853; 1859. No statistics.
DANVILLE.
1867. No record.
DE WITT COUNTY.
1903. Cases, 5; deaths, 1.
EDINBURG.
1859. First case, July. No record of cases ; deaths, 13.
GALVESTON.
1839. Population, 1,000. First case, September 30;
last case, October 11. No record of cases; deaths, 250.
1844. Population, G,000. First case, July 5. No
No record of cases; deaths, 400.
1847. Population, 0,000. First case, October 1; last
case, November 25. No record of cases; deaths, 200.
1853. Population, 8,000. First case, August 30; last
case, November 28. No record of cases; deaths, 536.
1854. First case, August 9 ; last case, November 5. No
record of cases ; deaths, 404.
1012 HISTORY OK YELLOW FKVER.
1858. Population, 10,000. First case, August 27 ; last
case, iNovember 14. JS'o record of cases; deaths, 873.
1850. Population, 10,000. First case, (September 17;
last case, iS'ovember 30. No record of cases; deaths, 183.
1864. Population, 5,000. First case, {September 1;
last case, Kovember 20. Xo record of cases ; deaths, 259.
1866. Population, 12,000. No record of cases;
deaths, 3.
1867. Population, 22,000. First case, June 26; last
case, November. No record of cases; deaths, 1,150.
1870. Population, 22,500. No record of cases ; deaths,
16.
1873. Population, 25,000. No record of cases;
deaths, 7.
1882. No statistics.
1894. No record. On vessel in harbor.
1895. No record. On vessel in harbor.
1897. Cases, 12; deaths, 0. On vessel,
1905. One case, on vessel in harbor.
GOLIAD.
1867. First case, July 12. No record of cases;
deaths, 23.
HARRISBURG JUNCTION.
1867. No record.
HEMPSTEAD.
1867. First case, Auniist 0: last case, November 25.
No record of cases; deaths, 151.
HOCKLEY.
1853. No record.
HONDO.
1903. One case, a refugee.
TEXAS. 1013
HOUSTON.
1839 ; 1844 ; 1847 ; 1848. No statistics.
1853. Population, 7,000. First case, August 28; first
death, September 4. No record of cases and deaths.
1854; 1858; 1859; 18(54. No statistics.
1870. No record of cases ; deaths, 1.
1897. Cases, 3; deaths, 0. Refugees.
HUNTSVILLE.
1868. First case, August 9 ; hist case, October 19. No
record of cases; deaths, 130.
INDEPENDENCE.
1867. No record.
INDIANOLA.
1852. No record.
1853. PopuLation, 1,000. Infected by New Orleans.
First case, August. 30. No record of cases; deaths, 106.
1858 ; 1859 ; 1862. No statistics.
1867. Infected by ship Margarita from Vera Cruz.
First case, June 20. No record of cases ; deaths, 80.
LA GRANGE.
1867. First case, August ; last ca»*^e, December. No
record of cases; deaths, 200.
LAREDO.
1903. Cases, 1.008; deaths, 107.
1904. Cases, 10.
LIBERTY.
1867. No record.
1014 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
LIVEKPOOL.
1853. First case, August. Xo record of cnscs;
deaths, 4.
LYNCHBUEG.
1853. Scattered cases. Xo statistics.
MATAGORDA.
1862. X'o record of cases; deaths, 120.
1803. X"o record.
MILLICAN.
1864. X^o record.
1867. First case, October 15; last case, X'ovemher 12.
No record of cases; deaths, 4.
MIXERA.
1903. Cases, 137; deaths, 16.
XAVA80TA.
1867. First case, August 12 ; last case, December. Xo
record of cases; deatlis, 154.
OLDTOWX.
1867. Xo record.
PALARYAXA.
1882. Infected by Point Isabel, Texas. Cases, 18;
deaths, 2.
POIXT ISABEL.
1853. Xo record.
1882. First case, August 29. Cases, 208.
PORT LAVACA.
1867. First case, July 3; last case, October 29. Xo
record of cases or deaths.
TEXAS. 1015
KICHMOND.
1853; 1859. No record.
RIO GRANDE CITY.
1867. Xo record.
SABINE CITY.
1853. Population, 200. First case, July; last case,
October 1. No record of cases ; deaths, 11.
1863. First case, July; last case, October 1. No
record of cases; deaths, 14.
SALINA.
1853. No record.
SALUVIA.
1853. No record.
SAN ANTONIO.
1903. Cases, 43; deaths, 16.
SAN JACINTO.
(See Lynchburg).
SANTA MARIA.
1882. First case, October 24; first death, October 29.
Cases, 3; deaths, 0.
SUGARLAND.
1859. No record.
VELASCO.
1853. Infected by New Orleans. No record.
VICTORIA.
1867. First case, Anjjust 1 ; last case, December 25.
No record of cases; deaths, 200.
1016 HISTORY OK VEI.I.OW FEVER.
BIBLIOGRAPHY OF YELLOW FEVER IN TEXAS.
Bowers (J. M.): The yellow fever epidemic at Columbus, Tex.,
October, 1873. Letter to Dr. C. O. Weller. Texas Med. Jl., Austin,
1903, p. 164, vol. 19.
Dinwiddie (R. L.) : Yellow fever; the Laredo epidemic. Tr. Texas
M. Assn., Austin, 1904, vol. 36, p. 140.
Goldberger: Transactions on account of the yellow fever at Laredo,
Tex. Pub. Health Rep. U. S. Mar. Hosp. Serv., Wash., 1904, vol. 19,
p. 962.
Guiteras (G. M.): Report on the epidemic of yellow fever of 1903,
at Laredo, Minera, and Cannel, Texas. Rep. Surg.-Gen. Pub. Health
& Mar. Hosp. Serv., U. S. Wash., 1904, p. 303.
Guiteras (G. M.) : The yellow fever epidemic of 1903 at Laredo, Tex.
J. Am. M. Assn., Chicago, 1904, vol. 43, p. 115.
Harrison (R. H.) : Yellow Fever Reports. Texas Med. News, Austin,
1896-7, vol. 6, p. 490.
Heard (T. J.) : On the Topography, Diseases and Climate of Wash-
ington, Texas. Trans Amer. Med. Assn., 1856, vol. 9, p. 690.
McCraven (W.): On the Yellow Fever of Houston, Tex., in 1847.
N.O. Med. and Surg. Jl., vol. 5, 1848-9, p. 227.
Parker (D.) : Facts and Conclusions in Regard to the Calvert
Epidemic of 1873. Trans. Tex. Med. Assn., 1878, vol. 10, p. 164.
Purnell (J, H.): Report of conditions existing in San Antonio, Tex.,
and vicinity with relation to preventing spread of yellow fever. Pub.
Health Rep. U. S. Mar. Hosp. Serv.. Wash., 1903, vol. 17, p. 1768.
Purnell (J. H.) : Transactions on account of yellow fever at Laredo,
Tex. Pub. Health Rep. U. S. Mar. Hosp. Serv., Wash., 1904. vol. 19,
p. 715.
Reuss (J. M.) : An outbreak of yellow in DeWitt County. Tr. Texas
M. Assn., Austin, 1904, vol. 36, p. 135.
Richardson (T. F.): Yellow Fever in DeWitt Co. (Texas). U. S.
Public Health Reports, 1903, vol. 17, p. 1925.
Smith: An Account of the Yellow Fever which appeared in the
City of Galveston, Republic of Texas, in the Autumn of 1838, with
Cases and Dissections. 12mo. Galveston, 1839.
Smith (A.) : Med. Topography of the City of Galveston, Tex., with
an Account of the Symptoms and Pathology of the Yellow Fever which
prevailed in that City in the Autumn of 1839. Amer. Jl. of Med.
Scien., vol. 25, p. 499.
Smith (Ashbel). Yellow Fever of Houston, Texas, in 1853. See
Fenner's Report, vol. 7, of the Transactions of the American Medical
Association, p. 530.
TEXAS. 1017
Fenner (E. D.) : On the Yellow Fever of Norfolk and Portsmouth.
Va. Trans. American Med. Assn., 1856, vol. 9, p. 711.
Hazen (C. M.): Yellow fever in Virginia. Med. Reg. Richmond,
1899-1900, vol. 3, p. 137.
Koiner (A. Z.) : The case of (transported) yellow fever in Rich-
mond. Virginia M. Month., Richmond, 1878, vol. 5, p. 668.
Mitchell: Additional Observations on the Yellow Fever of Virginia,
addressed to Dr. Franklin. American Medical and Philosophical
Register, vol. 4, p. 383.
Mitchell John) : Letter to Governor Golden, containing an Account
of the Yellow Fever as it appeared in Virginia in 1737, 1741, 1742.
Medical Museum, vol. 1, p. 1. See also Medical and Philosophical
Register of New York, vol. 4, p.. 181.
Tabor (G. R.): The 1903 epidemic of yellow fever in Texas, and the
lesson to be learned from it. Austin, 1905, 22p. 8°. Forms No. 64, of
Bull. Univ. Tex. Med. Series No. 3.
Thayer (A. E.) : Study of a case of yellow fever. (Galveston, 1905.)
Med. Rec, N. Y., 1907, vol. 71, p. 45.
Wassam (A. M.): The recent yellow fever scare in Southwest
Texas. Southern Clinic, Richmond, 1898, vol. 21, p.. 33.
West (H. A.): Yellow Fever in Galveston. Phila. Med. Jl., 1898,
vol. 1, p. 685.
1018
VIRGINIA.
ABINGDON.
187S. First and only case was Judge L. V. Dixon, a
refugee from Memphis, who died September 17.
ALEXANDRIA.
179G. No statistics.
BELLONA ARSENAL.
1S29. No record of cases ; deaths, 1.
BOWER'S HILL.
1855. Infected by steamer Ben Franlcliii from St.
Thomas, West Indies. First case, Julv; first death, Au-
gust; last case, July; last death, — . Cases, 2; deaths, 2.
CAPE CHARLES QI\\RANTINE.
1893. Cases, 3.
1894. No record of cases; deaths, 2.
1897. No record.
1898. Cases, 2; deaths, 1.
CAPE HENRY.
1894. Cases, 3.
CITY POINT.
1798. No record.
FORTRESS :\rONROE.
1888. Infected by Spanish bark, Bucuavriifiira, from
Havnnn. One case, Octoher 26, terminating in death on
the 27th.
VIRGINIA. 1019
GOSPORT.
1855. No record.
HAMPTON ROADS.
1809. Xo record.
1883. Infected bv vessels. No record of cases or deaths.
1899. At National Soldiers' Home. Source of infec-
tion undetermined, but ''an old soldier/' who had recently
arrived from Santiago de Cuba and was taken ill at the
Home, thought to have been original focus. First case
died July 28. Depopulation resorted to by U. S. Marine
Hospital authorities, with such good results, that out of
the 3,500 inmates of the Home, only 45 contracted the
fever, ^lortality 13. Last death, August 7.
Only one case occurred outside of the above limits, name-
ly, in the town of Phoebus, directly "across the creek" from
Hampton, the source of infection being plainly traced to
the Home,
NORFOLK.
1737; 1711; 1742; 1747; 1789; 1794; 1795; 1796; 1797;
1798 ; 1799 ; 1800 ; 1801 ; 1802 ; 1803 ; 1804 ; 1805. Yellow
fever years. No statistics.
1821. First case, August 1. No record of cases or
deaths.
1825; 1826. No statistics.
1848. Infected by Vandalia. Cases, 2; deaths, 0.
1852. Cases, 3 ; deaths, 3.
1854. No statistics.
1855. First case, June 30; last case, October. No
record of cases; deaths, 1,807. Infected by Bcii Fraiil-Uii,
St. Thomas, West Indies.
1878. No record of cases; deaths, 1.
PETERSBURG.
1798. No statistics.
10^0 HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVKR.
PHOEBUS.
1899. Cases, 1 ; deaths, 0.
PORTSMOUTH.
1834. One death.
1852. Cases, 4; deaths, 4.
1854. Infected by French ship, Chimcre, from T\'est
Indies, Cases, 7; deaths, 2.
1855. Infected br Norfolk. No complete statistics.
RICHMOND.
1806. No statistics.
1878. One case, a refugee.
SCOTT'S CREEK.
1855. No statistics.
WINCHESTER.
1802; 1803. Scattered cases. No statistics.
1804. First case in July. No record of cases and
deaths.
1871. One fatal case.
BIBLIOGRAPHY OF YELLOW FEVER IN VIRGINIA.
Acher (Robert): History of the Yellow Fever, as it appeared at
Norfolk during the summer and autumn of 1821. Medical Recorder,
vol. 5, p. 60.
Armstrong (G. D.) : The summer of the pestilence. A history of
the ravages of the yellow fever in Norfolk, Va., A. D. 1855. 12°.
Phila.. 1856.
Colden: Observations on the Yellow Fever of Virginia, with some
Remarks on Dr. J. Mitchell's account of the Disease. In a Letter to
Dr. J. Mitchell, of Virginia. Medical and Philosophical Register, vol.
4, p. 378.
Donaldson (F.) : Yellow Fever at Hampton, Va. Medical News,
1899, vol. 75, p. 240.
VIRGINIA. 1021
Ramsay (W. G., of Norfolk, Va.): Letter to Dr. Mitchell concerning
the Pestilential Sickness in Norfolk in the summer and autumn of
1795. Webster's Collection, p. 154.
Report of the origin of the yellow fever in Norfolk during the
summer of 1855. Made to city council by a committee of physicians.
8°. Richmond, 1857.
Selden and Whitehead: On the Yellow Fever at Norfolk, Virginia,
in the Summer and Autumn of 1800. Medical Repository, vol. 4, p.
320; Ibid., vol. 6, p. 247.
Stephenson (F. B.) : Yellow fever at Norfolk, and Portsmouth, Va ,
in 1855. Proc. Nav. Med. Sec, Wash., 1882-3, vol. 1, p. 84.
Storrs (R. S., Jr.): Terrors of the pestilence; a sermon, preached
in the church of the Pilgrims, Brooklyn, N. Y., on occasion of a col-
lection in aid of the sufferers at Norfolk, Va., September 30, 1855. 8°.
New York, 1855.
Yellow fever in the National Soldiers Home, near Hampton, Va.
Pub..^ Health eRp. U. S. Mar. Hosp. Serv., Wash., 1899, vol. 14, pp.
1253, 1309, 1359.
1022
VERMONT.
GKAKD ISLE.
1789. Condie and Folwell (p. 98), state that yellow
fever caused "considerable mortality in Grand Isle in
1798." Source of infection not stated.
EOYALTON.
1798. Epidemic (Condie and Fohvell, loc. cit.) Xo
statistics.
WINDSOR.
1798. The same authorities state "a similar fever" pre-
vailed at Windsor in 1798. No statistics.
BIBLIOGRAPHY OF YELLOW FEVER IN VERMONT.
Condie and Folwell: History of the Pestilence commonly called
Yellow Fever, which almost desolated Philadelphia in the months of
August, September and October, 1798. Philadelphia (no date), pp.
97, 98.
1023
WASHINGTON.
PORT TOWNSEND QUARANTINE.
1S97; 1902. Infected vessels from South American
ports. No cases erupted at Quarantine or in the city.
BIBLIOGRAPHY OF YELLOW FEVER IN WASHINGTON.
U. S. Public Health Reports, 1897, p. 1041.
Ibid., 1902, p. 2539.
1024
WEST VIRGINIA
AVHEELIXG.
1878. One ease, a refugee.
PART IV.
YELL.OW FEVER
EPIDEMIC
OF
1905.
I
EXPERIENCES DUKINd THE YELLOW FEVER
EPIDEMIC OF 1905.
By Henry Dickson Bkuns, ^L D., XE^v Orleans, La.
As "all experience is au areli where tliro' i>leaiiis the
imtraveird world," and as no faithful account of any
portion of a j^reat event by an eyewitness can be wholly
useless or uninteresting", I have decided to offer you these
notes of my experience during the epidemic of 1905 — the
more as I was engaged not as a practitioner, l)ut as a
volunteer sanitary lab()rer, l)ut seeing and acting always
from the viewpoint of the medical man. You all know
how the summer of 1905 wore uneventfully along, until
the latter part of July, when a sudden "slump" in stocks
set all male gossips agog seeking an explanation. You
recall how, in casting about to finance the immediately
necessary sanitary work, our health officers called to-
gether the representatives of the associated banks and
made known to them the secret, and how, like all secrets
communicated to more than one person, it soon became
the common property of the town. On July the 21st the
news reached my ears ; on Thursday, the 25th, it was un-
obtrusively i)ublislicd in the newspapers. That night I
received a note asking nu' to meet certain neighbors on
the evening of the 2Cth in the basement of Trinity Church.
Those invited all lived in the middle portion of the Tenth
Ward, and the me(4ing, it was w(^ll understood, was to
devise means to place our immediate surroundings in the
best possible sanitarj-^ condition with the least possible
waste of time. The Tenth Ward (tf New Orleans, you
must know, runs from the river to the swam]), and from
Felicity to First Streets. ^leetings of citizens had already
been called and volunteer work had already liegun in sev-
eral of the other wards.
]\eporting at the designated time and i)lace, I found
present the Rev. Beverley Warner, the signer of the call ;
Dr. Joseph Holt, ^Messrs, Hunt and William Henderson,
1028 angustin's history of yellow fever.
]\rr, Hewes Gnrlev, ^Ir. George Leverieh, Capt. Robert
Perriu, Messrs. Charles and Arthur Palfrey-, Capt. I. L.
Lyons, Mr. Eobert B. Parker, Dr. G. King Logan, Mr.
Harrj Charles, Mr. George Allaiu, Dr. Allan Eustis, Dr.
L. G. LeBeuf and Mr. Hoffman.
With little ado the meeting was organized by calling
me to the chair. Without debate it was decided that the
first thing to be done to comliat inyasion of our neighbor-
hood b}- the feyer was to make our cisterns impossible to
the stegomyiae as breeding places. To do this, according
to the scientific knowledge of the day, it would be neces-
sary to oil them (pour upon the surface of the water a
small quantity of coal oil) and next to coyer their tops in
such a way that no opening larger than one-sixteenth of
of inch square should remain unclosed. Secondly, that
all premises should be frequently inspected and all stand-
ing water poured out, drained away or oiled, and all cess-
pools, and priyy yaults cleansed and oiled not less than
once a week. Primarily our efforts were to be directed
to covering (''screening'' was the Ayord uniyers-ally
adopted) as rapidly as might be consistent with thorough-
ness, our employees endeayoring to extc^nd their useful-
ness by warning and instructing householders as to the
need and the mode of cleansing and keeping their
premises so as to make them inhos])itable to the mosquito.
As a matter of course, money would be at once needed,
and the chair was authorized to ap])oint a finance and
other necessary committees. He was also asked to be-
come the organizer and diiector of the work. I accepted
on the express condition that I should haye absolutely
nothing to do Ayith the raising or handling of the funds.
The condition being agreed to, haying no faith in the per-
formance of large committees — especially where time is a
consideration — I appointed ^Ir. Hunt Henderson chair-
man of the Finance Committee, with power to appoint
other members if he chose, and Dr. Jos<q)h Holt and Dr.
G. King Logan as medical adyiscTs and assistants. Dr.
Holt continued to act as adviser whenever called upon
until our work ended, and Dr. Logan was our active
PERSONAL EXPERIENCES, 1905 BRUNS. 1029
lieutenant nnt'l he was apitointed Aetinij,' As^sistant Sur-
geon in the I'ublie Health and Marine Hospital Service.
It was understood by all that our work Avould at first
be confined to that part of th(^ ward represented by the
gentlemen present — a considerable strip lying between
Magazine and Baronne Streets. We would do all in our
power to put it in such order that the health oflicials
might be relieyed of all care about it. xVfterwards, if
time and means allowed, and it should prove agreeable
to the residents of a larger area of the ward, we might
gradually extend the limit of our endeavor. For at this
time it was the common impression that the State and
city health authorities were about to begin a campaign
of cleaning, draining, oiling and cistern closing along the
river front of each ward, progressing steadily toward the
rear or swamp boundary. Evidently, if, upon reaching
the middle or wealthier portion of the wards, they could
be found already in satisfactory order, not only great
expense and labor, l)ut — what then was even more preci(}us
— time would be saved. It is needless to say that no
adequate idea prevailed of the magnitude or cost of such
a task; or of the extent of tlie infection and the difficulties
of sanitation in the original infected district; conditions
which at once began to absorb all the efforts and resources
of the State and City Health Boards, rendering it impos-
sible for tliem to throw any force worth speaking of into
parts of the city, as yet slightly or totally uninvaded. It
was this inadequacy of means to the end which brought
about the api)eal to the United States for assistance and
the supplanting of the local sanitary authorities Ivy the
national — the United States Public Health and Marine
Hospital Service. Yet, looking back, there is reason to
believe that liad our Health Boards pursued a course
similar to the national organization's, liad they appealed
at once to the community for a third of a million as
sinews of war, had they put every ward in the cily in
charge of a medical man of sense and character and estab-
lished a detention hosjiital or hospitals, under men of
experience, they might have done as well. That the money
was forthcoming the event showed; that the men were
1030 augustin's history ok yei.i.ow fever.
availabh^ was i)r()V( n 1»y the takiii<i- into its service of some
two score of our younger phjsiciaDs by the Public Health
and ^farine Hospital Service, and the uumercus capable
v(jhinte<'r and i)aid workers who were imnudiately de-
veloped by the citizens' aid associations.
But to return from this digression : Dr. Beverley War-
ner very kindly placed the basement of his church
(Trinity), together with its large yard, at our service as
a headquarters. The offer was gratefully accepted, and
the meeting adjourned. It may be stated at once that the
resolution to keep distinct the financial and executive de-
partments of our work was rigidly adhered to. All con-
tributions to the fund were nuide to and acknowledged by
the chairman of the Finance Committee, or in his absence
by Capt. I. L. Lyons. The final statement prepared by
him shows that the total amount collected was .fl,48(>,
cf which an unexpended balance of |234 was, by mutual
agreement, turned over to the Bev. Beverley Warner,
superintendent of volunteer ward organizations, and was
by him covered into the general fund raised by the citi-
zens in fulfillment of their promise to the United States
Public Health and ^Marine Hospital Service; so that our
work cost us almost |33 for each of the thirty-eight blocks
worked over. Save in emergencies, nearly all suppli<^s
were lirought througli a purchasing agent, a ])osition
which Mr. Hewes Gurley kindly volunteered to fill. Tin-
approved bills were paid by our treasurer. He also paid
the weekly clerical and labor payrolls ])i'e])ared by our
office force, so that every bill ])assed throiigli at bast two
hands and no question as to the misapplication of a cent
could possibly arise. The final statement already referred
to contains many interesting data as to the amount -ot
matei'ial consumed in protecting tlie tliirty-( iglit rather
thinly-built-up blocks in the area of work, For instance,
we used no less than 200 pounds of bill posters' tacks, 41
hammers, 28 ])airs of shears, 58 l)alls of twine, 3 dozen
sacking needles, (> gross of large safety i)ins and IT ex-
tension ladders, besides many one and tw(:-i»:allon oil cans,
several large and small tin funnels, barrel faucets, scratch
])ads and bill files. All these not consumed in service
PERSONAL EXPERIENCES, 1905 HRUNS. 1031
we turned over to the Public Health and Marine Hospital
Service officer in charge of the ward on the completion of
our work. Seven barrels of oil Avere given us by the Gen-
eral Citizens' Committee; of which we used four and re-
turned over three to the Public Health and Marine Hos-
pital Service Acting Assistant Surgeon. Unfortunately
no exact idea of the amount of cloth consumed can be
arrived at, because a large quantity of cotton cloth of
excellent quality was given us by the ^Nlaginnis Cotton
Mills, and because, until we had finished "screening'' and
were engaged only in inspecting and repairing, all other
cloth was purchased and presented to us by Mr. Kobert
Parker. That, during the work of inspection and repair
alone, we found it necessary to use no less than 1,034 2-3
yards at a cost of |38.82 faintly indicates the great quan-
tity consumed. Another donation, six barrels of creosote,
given us by ]Mr, Sylvester Labrot, Avas experimented with
in treating gutters, both stagnant and flowing. It was
found very useful, for its specific gravity being high it
sinks and continues for a long time to produce an oily
film upon the surface of the Avater. On this account, and
by reason of its antiseptic and deodorizing properties
aiso, a half and half mixture Avith coal oil Avas found to
be the best material for treating privy- vaults (Dr. Samuel
Logan, Acting Assistant Surgeon, Public Health and
Marine Hospital Service) and exposed pools, from the sur-
face of Avhich coal oil scum quickly cA^aporates.
Our first day, July 27, Avas mainly occupied in finding
proper foremen, but Avork Avas begun. From the start
Ave determined to send out no Avorkmen except under
trustAvorthy and intelligent foremen, and Ave Avere for-
tunate in obtaining men. A few were secured on July
27, and the others in the next day or tAVO. They Avere:
L. Mitchell, E. F. Salerno, C. P. May and K. i\ Finlay,
under-graduates of Tulane ]Nredical Dei)artment; C. J.
Chapotin, C. Kubel, A. M. Warner, George I^])ton and
the Pev. George Summey, editor of the "Southwestern
Presbyterian,-' a volunteer. The course of Dr. Sunnney
cannot be too highly praised. Quietly, Avithout in any
Avay seeking notoriety, he abandoned his i)rofessional and
1032 augi:stin's history of yellow fever.
editorial labors and devoted his whole time to working; as
an oiling and screening foreman. The Avisdom of secur-
ing entirely competent foremen before putting any
laborers in the field became more and more apparent as
we went on. Not only were the men kept steadily at
work and all questions of "soldiering-' eliminated, but
great loss of time in getting to work in the morning, in
keeping well provided with material and in deciding
promptly upon the correct solution of many difficult little
mechanical problems of thorough cistern covering, which
frequently arose, were prevented. These foremen rapidly
got together a highly efficient l)ody of workmen, as they
were given full i)ower to employ and discharge, and the
lazy or incompetent were soon weeded out. Indeed, fail-
ure to secure the right kind of foremen and to grant them
these powers, together with the intrusion of political in-
fluences which insisted upon the employment of dwellers
in a ward upon work in that ward, regardless of fitness
or sobriety, often forcing the retention of men, drunken,
inept or incompetent, seemed the chief source of wasteful
expenditure and inefficient work which I observed in
some parts of the city. Our foremen and clerks (except
the volunteers) received two dollars a day, and our
laborers one dollar and fifty cents. The largest number
of laborers employed was seventy-five and the smallest,
six. Our highest weekly payroll was |502.15, and the
lowest, $(iC).~o. The opportunity to earn this money at
the height of the dull summer season and during a time
of epidemic was a godsend to a large number of men,
some middle-aged with dependent families, but the largest
number young and single. Tlie (piality of lal)or we were
able to engage was quite extraordinary, consisting of
clerks and minor railroad employees of every kind, factory
hands, mechanics, etc. — all men of intelligence and en-
ergy. ]Mauy were young fellows who had come here
during the prosperous winter, obtained work, been dis-
charged when quarantine confined the business of the
city, and who Avere thus enabled not only to support them-
selves, but to lay aside enough to pay for transportation
to other, and for the time more favorable, fields of
PERSONAL EXPEIENCES, 1905 BRUNS. 103S
employment. The s^ame was true, of eoiirse, throTitjjliout
tlie city, and the money put into ciieulation in the execu-
tion of sanitary work and for material was instrumental
in conyerting Ayliat must otherwise have been a season of
poverty and privation to the masses into one of compar-
ative prosperity and comfort. AMiat a contrast to' the
old days, when under a. visitation of the yellow plague
there was nothing to be done but to sit . still, to suffer
and to die! How often is wisdom not only justified of
her children, but of her collateral descendants!
We began work knowing that wire gauze was ue ob-
tainable in the city and that our scieening must be done
with cloth. We made use of three (jualities, being always
glad to use what we could get, and generally 1;( ing unable
to choose what we would take. One was a good cheese-
cloth heavy enough to be used in single thickness; another,
a much more sleasy material, requiring to be doubled to
be of sufficient strength, and the third, the material given
by the Maginnis JMills, good heavy coarse sheeting and
good light duck. This we found far and away the lieyt,
and our expen'ience led us to believe it morc^ suited even
to permanent work than wire gauze because, being more
pliable, it can be more exactly apjilied to the closing of
minute cracks by the average workman, and, if well
painted over, it must prove more durable, for every
variety, save the very expensive true bronze-wire gauze-,
rapidly corrodes.
Our first day's experience showed that, b(^«:ides th.e ob-
viously necessary barrels of coal oil and the extension
ladders, five and two gallon oil cans, tin funnels, barrel
spigots, hammers and tacks, shears, sacking needles and
twine, and large safety pins were needed for cutting and
fastening the cloth. Our men tried, but (piickly rejected
one after the other, all the suggest(>d oiling devices, from
bottles tied to poles to tin cans which ojjened wIku
pressed upon the cistern rim.- Some of these were found
difficult and time-consuming to fill, others c(!uld n< t be
introduced behind the overhanging eaves of certain types
of cisterns, Avhile still others were more likely to shower
their contents upon the heads of the users tlian within
1034 ArGusTix's history of ykllow fever.
tlu* cisterns to he oiled. They were all superseded by a
ladder and a commou pint or <iiiart beer or wine bottle.
These could be handily carried by a striuti: tied around
the neck, ra])idly filled by means of a funnel, and easily
])(ik{ d into and emptied thr(;u<ih any openinj^- in a covered
cistern. After the first day there arose a loud demand
from the workmen for carjienters' aiuons to hold their
tacks and small tools while workinjj;' on the ladders, and
for tacks with heads i>uarded by pasteboard, as they held
the cloth better and could be more rapidly used. To
supply these needs we asked the assistance of the ladies
of the neiiihljorhocd, and in a day of two they furnished
us with more than two dozen carpenters' aprons of cheap
ticking- and no end of pasteboard cut into squares of about
one inch. The whole leisure time of our office force and
of all our visitors was spent in pushing- tacks throui2;h
these pasteboard squares, l)ut dnrinji' the height of the
work the demand exceeded this supply, and we were
f)bliged to engage two small boys at a quarter of a dollar
a day. The speed developed by these- little professionals,
their rivalry and their devic(^^ for facilitating their work
afforded us all much amusement.
Early experience showed the best working unit to be
a foreman and two laborers for an oiling gang, and three
laborers for a screening gang. In the oiling gang this
allowed two laborers to carry the extension ladder, their
bottles and a two-gallon oil can each, while the foreman
usually carried an extra oil can. In the screening gang,
two lal)orers, if the cistern wore large, worked on the
ladders, while the thii-d and foreman, who directed the
■^ijork, assisted in moving the ladders, handing up the
material, helping to diajie the cloth, etc. If the cisterns
•were small two of the lal)orers worked at one and the
foreman and the remaining man at another. Toward the
beginning of the second week many of our foremen were
able to work two or even three gangs of three men each
upon the cisterns of contiguous ]»rop(Tties; l)ut the reit-
erated instructions to all were thoroughness and diligence,
but no more speed than was compatible with efficient
work. The route from premise to premise was usually
PERSONAL EXPERIENCES, 1905 BRUNS. 1035
by means of their laddc^is ovei- back fences. Tims unoc-
cupied premises were reached as rapidly as occupied ones,
and the front streets, as a rule, presented no evidence of
the presence of the workers. Occasictnally a ladder or a
big oil can standing- by a front fence, a wagon cloth and
laddor laden, its sleepy driver lolled upon the seat, its
hang-dog-looking mule somnambulistically stamping flies
beneath the torrid sun, would serve to guide the executive
who wished to drop in unawares to see how his men were
getting on. Two wagons- were used during the whole of
our work, save for the last few days of reinspection. One
Avas furnished by Mr. Eobert Parker, tlu^ diriver being
paid by us; the other, together Avith its driver, was sup-
plied bA' the Messrs. Henderson. During the first days
they hauled the oil l)arrels and dei)c:>ited them in the
yards of obliging citizens at convenient points throughout
the distinct ; they carried fresh supplies to the oiling gangs
as the contents of their cans were used up; and, on morn«
ings when oiling was to be begun at a distance from
headquarters, they carried the men, their ladcbrs and
their oil to the starting point. After the first five days,
when oiling had been completed and the oil barrels had
been hauled back to head(|uarters, they hauled the ladders
and material to the starting ])oints every morning, and
were fairly busy all day hauling extra material or trans-
porting gangs, which had comi)leted one block, to a new
one. When not emi)loyed they reported to headcpiarters
and remained in its immediate vicinity leady to be dis-
patched on any errand.
Our office force, composed of Dr. O. King Logan, Cap-
tain T^obert Perrin (volunteer), Mr. C. i\ Waterman,
Mr. George Leverich and Dr. J. D. Weis (volunteer),
soon had everything systematized and working with
machine-like smoothness. Our day's work began at 7 a.
m., and at that hour of each sunnner's morning I found
one or two members of the office force, the foreman and
their gangs, and the two wagons ass( lubled befo.ie the
basement of Trinity Church. The doors were unlocked,
the hiig gates of the yard swung o]ien, and a scene of
orderly haste and bustle began. Tlie uauiis loaded their
1036 augistin's history of yellow keyer.
ladders and the day's supplies of cloth upon the wagons,
and then each foreman i-eceived from one (f the office
men, stationed at a window opening ou the Ya-rd, oil cans,
funnels and a box containing tacks, carjienters' aprons,
hammers, shears and all things needed bv his gang for
the day. These boxes were also placed in the wagons and
away they went to the parts of the district wherein work
was to be pushed during the day. At 0 p. m. the wagons
loaded with the boxes and ladders returned. The two
ladders belonging to each gang, tied together and properly
numbered were stored in the yard. Oil cans and work
boxes were passed by the foremen through the window
to a member of the office force, Ayho looked to see that all
tr>)ls taken cut were returned. Each foreman handed
his day's report to another member of the office force,
who had charge of that particular, and the day's work
was at an end.
Owing to the yarying density with wliich the squares
in the territory were built up and the great ditferences in
size of cisterns encountered, to ayoid also any stimulus
to hasty work by the excitement of tiyalry between our
foremen, no effort was made to keep account of the num-
ber of yaults and cisterns oiled and screened daily. In-
stead, a large diagrammatic map of the thirty-eight
squares, showing their city numbers and the streets
bounding them, was prepared and posted upon one wall
of our headfiiiarters. As the oiling was com])leted on a
s([uare, a blue circle containing the date was drawn upon
the square indicated on the map; when the screening of
a square was finished a red cross holding within its arms
the date was drawn. Eyery morning a general order
directing each foreman to the square that he and his gang
would lie em])loyed upon during the day was hung upon
a bill-filp near the map. If a square had been so far
completed dui-ing one day it was sure to be finished the
next, then the general order would irdicjito the )-(|uare
to which the gang should next ])roceed. In this Ayay a
glance at the map told not only how tlu^ w( rk was pro-
ceeding and how long a time had elapsed since a partic-
ular square had been oiled or screened, but just where
PERSONAL EXPERIENCES, 1905 URUNS. 1037
every foreman and his gnng mii>lit be found at any par-
ticular time if need arose to eommnniciite witli liim, send
additional supplies, etc., as very often happened. Extra
material needed throu.iih the day was issued u])on a writ-
ten requisition upon headquartea's by a foreman. ''"
material was issued by a member of the office force, one
of whom was always present, and the requisition hun«^
on a bill-file kept for that purpose and properly labeled.
Foremen were supplied with small scratch pads. On the
first leaf, under the date of each day, they copied from
the general order their assignment, and on the following
leaves kept account, by street and number, of the premises
visited, and the number of vaults and cisterns oiled and
screened at each. They also jotted down the presence of
any nuisance on any premise and anything else note-
worthy. The last leaf bore the names cf the gang em-
ployed under that foreman during the day and was signed
by him. From these reports the daily labor roll could be
made out without fear of mistake e)r contradiction. All
reports of nuisances, improperly wire-screened cisterns,
■old wells which should be filled, pools or butts of stand-
ing water, were hung upon a file. Every night these were
taken up l)y a special volunteer aid (Dr. Joseph D. Weis),
who devoted himself to this task, writing and mailing a
courteous note to the property holder asking for a recti-
fication of the condition. The number of concealed cis-
terns (many in small back rooms), of old unuse^d wells
(some under but slightly raised buildings), or paitly
buried water-butts, shallow ponds, etc., discovered in the
comparatively small area under our care, was astonish-
ing. A wall file was also kept for the posting of com-
plaints of property holders, and these you may be sure
were numeious and varied. ]Many seemed unable to real-
ize that damag(^ to a piece of rotten gutter pii)e was far
more than compensated by the value of the cistern
screening being elone for them at public expense. How-
ever, each com])laint Avas taken uj) and attended to, and
in the end, we believe, to evei'y one satisfactorily. It will
be seen that hanging bill-files i)layed a large part in
systematizing our work. It was found the least trouble-
1038 aloustin's history of yellow fever.
some war of keeping all kinds of niemoraucla and
accounts in a business of emergency like this. Indeed,
the walls of our headcjuarters were covered with rows of
files, each surmounted by a label indicating its purpose.
Only two boo;ks were kept, one, the property book, an
inventory of our tools and stores entered as they were
purchased ; the other, the alphabetical payroll made up
from the daily reports of the foremen for the laborers and
for the office force by our chief clerk. An important file,
called the "Skip Book,'' hung from a nail in the wall. It
contained a list of particularly difficult jobs of cistern
covering. For it came to pass that, during the first rush
of the screening gangs over the district, certain cisterns
were left unscreened, either because they were overlooked
or were hidden away in houses or sheds, when they were
usualh' reported to us by tenants, or because they were
of such size, height or other difficult nature as to be
beyond the skill of the first gang which encountered them.
Those unfamiliar with New Orleans must know that
the main drinking-water supply is from rain collected
from the roofs in wooden containers like railroad tanks,
and almost always fitted with covers. ^Many of these
receptacles are arranged one above the other in two or
even three tiers or stories, so that the top of the highest
may be level with or even a little above the house roof.
They are to be seen of every diameter and height. The
covers may be of plank, in which case they are often old
and rotten or constructed of sheet-iron over wooden
frames, conical, dome or minaret sha])ed, and these often
prt^scut seam-cracks or rust-lKilcs. Many very wide cis-
terns, twelve to fifteen feet in diameter, without covers
of any sort, were met with. The ^'skips'' were for the
most part of this character, and a gang of specially handy-
men under a foreman of exceptional intelligence and
aptitude was constantly engaged in dealing with them.
In this ^Messrs. Summey and Horton rendered valuable
service. In covering lai'ge cisterns with \ov\ rotten tops
or none at all, a ladder had to be passed across the top
from one point on the rim to another, and a rude frame
of boards or scantling constructed. A large sheet made
PERSONAL EXPERIENCES, 1905 URUNS. 1 039
by se^Ying breadths of cloth together, the seams being
carefiillT wrapped iu and stitched with twine, was then
drawn over the frame and taclved down all around. In
screening to cover cracks and holes in sheet iron domes,
similar sheets had to be made and wrapped about these
cupolas. Sometimes poncha-like discs with a central hole
were slipped over the spike, which, like that on a German
helmet, often adorns these metallic domes, and Avere
fastened down everywhere to the side of the cistern. In
the case of a large cistern encased in cement, into which
tacks could not l)e driven, the cloth cover was allowed
to depend far down and then drawn close to the cistern
circumference with cord passed around and around it.
^lany of the ways in wliicli the cloth was fitted close
around awkward inlet and outlet pipes did credit to the
American reputation for ingenuity. Indeed, these inlet
and outlet pipes were a subject of much concern to all
engaged in cistern covering. At first we enclosed outlet
pipes satisfactorily by i)utting a s^puire of cloth <;ver the
lower end, gathering the edges close about the pipe and
securing them in this position by wrapping around and
around with tAvine. But sometimes trash accnmuhited
at the lower end of the pipe, behind the cloth, and caused
stoppage. Later a better plan, suggested by one of the
Marine Hospital surgeons, of fastening with cord to the
lower end of the pipe a sleeve of cotton ch)th about
eighteen inches long, Avas adopted. AVhen the cistern
overflowed water passed freely through the sleeve at the
end of the pii)e; wlien the flow ceased tlie clotli collapsed
and prevented the ingress of mosipiitoes. Inlet pipes
coming from the roof gutters we at first closed by i»lug-
ging the topening from the gutter into the i)ipe with a
cone made of wire gauze i)ainted to i)revent rusting. The
cone, about six inches across the top, could be ])U>hed
tightly into the opening of various sized pipes, effectu;jlly
sealing them against tiie entrance of anything more than
one-sixteenth of an inch in diameter. They could be
quickly made by rolling up a s(iuare of wire gauze, as
a cornucopia is made from a sheet of paper, and fastened
My a few turns of wire raveled from the edge of thei
1040 augustin's history of vei.low fever.
gauze. A handy workman was kept making them, and
we used up many dozen ; sixty-six feet of yard-wide gauze
being consumed before we abandoned this method. The
cones were given up partly on account of the impossibility
of getting fine gauze and partly because householders
objected to them, on the ground that trash washed down
the roof gutter would dam against the cone edges and
cause the roof gutter to overflow. I confess, however,
that it seemed to me better that this should occasionally
happen than that the trash should find entrance into my
cistern, as the cone could easily be pulled out and the
gutter cleaned whenever necessary. We substituted the
same sleeves that were tied over the ends of outlet pipes.
Where the cistern end of the inlet pipe could be readily
got at, the sleeve was tied over its open end just as with
the outlet pipes. Where the cistern end of the inlet
pipe was within the cistern cover and not get-at-able, the
sleeve was passed into the inlet pipe at its origin from
the roof gutter; then a straight bit of elastic steel about
a foot long, and one-sixteenth inch thick, and a half ot
an 'inch wide, Avas curled into a circle and passed justj
within the mouth of the sleeve. When released it ex-
panded to the circumference of the pipe and held the
mouth of the sleeve closely applied to the pipe's inner
surface. For these sleeves we were also indebted to the
ladies of our neighborhood, who had several hundred
made for us at a cost of five dollars.
Our main task was completed at about the time that
the Health and 31arine IT()S])ital Service ottlce, under Act-
ing Assistant Surgeon Samuel Logan, was established in
the ward. For the sake of greater ease of co-operation,
our lH'a(l(|uarters were, therefdre, now moved to the com-
modious buibling occupied as head(iuartcrs by Dr. Logan.
Our force, which had been gradually reduced as the work
drew to completion, was cut down to two gangs of a fore-
man and three men each. These were, naturally, selected
from among the most conscientious, experienced and in-
genious of all Avho had been in our employ. On August 9th
they began a systematic, minute inspection of all screen-
ing Avork. Their orders were to re-oil any cistern found
PERSONAL EXPERIENCES, 1905 BRUNS. 1041
defective and to leave all mosquito-tight behind them.
One wagon was retained to carry the ladders, cloth and
other material to and from work. Following instruc-
tions, the foremen themselves mounted the ladders and
inspected every foot of screening at close range, examin-
ing especiall}' the cistern tops and the inlet and the outlet
pipes. If any defect was found the cistern was oiled, the
men were instructed how to make it mosquito-tight, and
exact completion of these repairs carefully overseen. At
the same time an additional lookout for standing water,
hidden wells, or other nuisances was kept, and all such
were noted in the foreman's daily report. These reports
were at once turned in to Acting Assistant Surgeon
Logan, who instituted instant and energetic measures for
the treatment and abolition of these nuisances. Although
we thought our screening had been exceptionally well
done, and always under repeated instructions t6 prefer
thoroughness to speed, yet so many were the damages in-
nicted by wind and weather, and so numerous the other
small defects and omissions discovered on critical review
that it took twenty days to go over the territory (thirty-
eight blocks) and make all perfect. The wire screening
at this time being put on by private contractors to replace
our cloth proved especially defective and vexatious. Those
engaged in wire screening seemed, for the most part, to
have failed to grasp its purpose and to be unable to realize
that a gap of over one-sixteenth of an inch makes a whole
job useless. They seemed to tliink that anything which
would exclude an English sparrow would answer the
purpose.
As soon as this first inspection was finished (August
29th) reinspection was begun. Those blocks which had
first been given to one inspector were now assigned to the
other and vice versa. By Sej)t. 7th, this second inspection
being virtually completed, and the acting assistant sur-
geon of the Public Health and Marine Hospital Service
having the whole sanitary work of the ward well in hand,
I could see no reason for the maintenance of an extra
cog to the machinery. I therefore closed our office. The
ladders and other implements on hand were, after con-
1C42 augustin's history ok yellow fever,
sultation with those interested, turned over to the Public
Health and Marine Hospital Service officer ; our accounts
were balanced by Captain I. L. Lyons, our actinp: ch«ir-
man of the Finance Committee, the cash surplus donated
through Dr. Warner to the Citizens' Auxiliary Commit-
tee, and our work was done.
It is pleasant in looking back to be able to believe that
we accomplished what we set out to do: To make a belt
across this large and populous ward so thoroughh' oiled
and screened as to be mosquito-proof, and thus to save to
the central authorities care, expense and, above all, time.
The area, six by six blocks, Avas sufficiently large to form
an interesting experiment. So far as I know it was the
only district in which volunteer sanitary work was carried
on from beginning to end under the constant personal
supervision of a medical man. By all testimony the
stegomyia, though not as extinct as the dodo, became in
the center of this tract a curiosity. Around some of its
edges, where our neighbors were not so well protected
until the Public Health and Marine Hospital Service took
hold of the work, I am told that many could be found.
The area became infected seventeen times; the first time
in the last days of July, but so far as we know the in-
fection' never spread but in a single instance — in the
square at the corner of Camp and Felicity Streets. Ten
times out of the seventeen the infection occurred on the
boundaries of the area. It occurred six times on the
(.'amp Street and three times on the Baronne Street
boundary; never on the First Street boundary.
One may be sure that the experience of our men was
checkered with incidents both ]deasant and unpleasant
during their forty- five days' campaign. Though for the
most part the people acquiesced very good-naturedly in
what was being done for the common weal, tlie belief
in the mosquito theory was by no means universal. One
liard-h(»aded old Irishwoman obdurately refused to allow
her cistern to be oiled. When finally pc^rsuaded by one
of the most diplomatic of our foremen she exclaimed :
"W(41, come in and do it, if yez is bound to, but I don't
believe yez can keep the Lord from gittin' those He wants
PERSONAL EXPERIENCES, 1905 BRUNS. 1043
by piittin' a little ile on the cistlierns." The most un-
pleasant incident had to do with ward politics. After we
had been at work about a day and a half, the political
leader of the ward called a meeting- to "organize the
ward." This meeting was attended by nearly all, if not
all, the gentlemen who had been piesent at the Trinity
Church meeting and others from the central division.
The meeting was organized by the ward leader, and all
motions carried and all nominations confirmed were made
or suggested by him. The ward was divided into three
sections. The middle one, extending from Camp to
Baronne Street, was confided to our care. It was resolved
that the chairman of the meeting and the executives of
the three divisions should meet and appoint a Finance
Committee to have charge of collections and disburse-
meiDts for the whole ward. The gentlemen from the central
division, at whose instance I had begun the work, were
without confidence in sanitary work conducted under
political auspices. I was unwilling to direct such Avork
in co-operation with a Finance Committee for whose
appointment I should share responsibility, but in whose
selection I should, at best, have but one vote out of three.
We therefore left the meeting and determined to continue
our work independently. Afterwards a rumor was cir-
culated that the wealthier inhabitants of the central divi-
sion selfishly subscribed money to protect themselves
alone and left their jKiorer neighbors of the front and rear
to meet the cost of sanitary work as best they could. This
is untrue. I know that more than a score of the well-to-
do living in the middle division contributed to the oiling
and screening in all three divisions; many most gener-
ously to the Avard funds and to the general fund besides.
That more Avliom I do not know did so is highly probable.
The slow progress of our first inspection, which took
twenty days, was the subject of some disagreeable criti-
cism. I mention it here to emphasize the difficulty and
the time-consuming nature of this work when thoroughly
done. It was said that our men Avere not doing their
duty, but were dawdling over their Avork for the purpose
of drawing pay for a longer time. The accusation was
104.4 auoistin's history ok yellow fever.
ridiculous. First, the two foremen in charge of inspec-
tion and repair were selected from the large number who
had been in our employ by reason of their trustworthi-
ness, diligence and skill. Their characters to those who
know them are refutation enough. Secondly, their work
was not done in secret, but under the eyes of the nuiny
Public Health and Marine Hospital Service men who were
constantly about the premises where they Avere employed,
of the citizens in whose yards they worked and under my
;own, for I frequently dropped in upon them at uuex-
pected times. Thiidly, a like opinion has never been
heard from any who closely followed this kind of work.
On the contrary, that two gangs of four each could have
thorougholy covered thirty-eight blocks in twenty days
has seemed to them evidence of remarkable industry. A
reliable man of experience stated that he had found m
one block in another district twenty-six cisterns, supposed
to be properly screened, which were lamentable defective
and which would have required many days to repair
effectually. Such criticism shows ignorance of the jirac-
tical difficulties to be overcome in so closing the various
types of cisterns in any district of New Orleans as to
make them absolutely' mosquito-tight.
Suggestions.
The experience of our summer's work resulted in the
following reflections :
That the attempt to screen during an epidemic is most
unfortunate. During such a time of stress the work is hur-
riedly and imperfectly done and cisterns which are really
open to the mosquito are sui)i)()sed to be properly closed.
Too much attention is concentrated upon this work and
the search for other standing water is neglected. These
and the cesspools remain uncnii)tied or unoiled and con-
stitute a source of great danger. It would be far better
during the actual prevalance of the disease to concentrate
all attention and all work upon keeping every cistern
propei'ly oiled and reoiled, upon seeking out and emptying
or oiling every body of standing Avaatcr, and upon the
thorough fumigation and refumigation of dwellings.
PERSONAL EXPERIENCES, 1905 BRUNS. 1045
The thorough screening of cisterns so as to leave no
opening larger than one-sixteenth of an inch can only he
done hy skilled workmen. A very common fault in this
work is the neglect to carry the wire gauze or othen
material a foot or two down the sides of the cistern. The
staves of many cisterns do not come close together at the
top, and, especially in dry spells, there are large cracks
between the staves, extending down a foot or more from
the top through which any mosquito can readily pass.
Inspection and reinspection of the screening are as im-
portant as the work itself, and must be thoroughly, in-
telligently and conscientiously done to be of value. In
practice it was found impossible to do this work with less
than two workmen to move altout the long extenFion lad-
ders and a foreman g€ greater sagacity- and fidelity' to
observe, note and direct the necessary repairs. Inspec-
tion done from the grouiul, done in any way than by going
over the whole Avork minutely from a ladder-top, is worse
than useless, in that it establishes a false belief in safety
where no safety exists. The work too, if well done, is
tediously slow, and many gangs will be required to in-
spect a whole city within any reasonable time. I'nless
our health authorities are particularly careful and for-
tunate in the selection of their emjiloyees for this avc-i'K,
the foundation of a calamity will be laid. It is certain
that the accrage city employe possesses neither the intel-
ligence nojr the fidelity to be a foreman of such work.
Eeinspection is necessary because most of the material
commonl}' used is very perishable. Only the l)est qiuility
of bronze wire effectively resists the constant action of
air and water. It is a pity that the screening ordinance
does not permit the use of a good <|uality of duck. Our
experience led us to the conviction that this material can
be more closely and effectively applied by the ordinary
workman than wire gauze, and when oil painted it cer-
tainly lasts longer. The objection that it prevents
adequate aeration of the water is without force. It is
practically impossible to close hermetically a wooden cis-
tern. Rain water is charged to saturation as it falls:
coolness and darkness are unfavorable to vegetable and
1046 AUGUSTIN S HISTORY OF YELLOW KSVER.
therefore to animal life, and make for purity of tlie con-
tained water. As it is impossible to know liow lonj; de-
fects may have existed before they are found, all cisterns
with gaps more than one-sixteenth of an ineh should be
at once reoiled by the inspectors.
There can be but little doubt that the Stcgoinj/ia. Avhat-
ever may be her haliits now, will, if driven to it, take to
depositing- her eggs in gutter water and that the larva?
will learn to endure their new environment. Hence it is
of the greatest importance not only that underground
drainage and sewerage should be pushed to completion
as rapidly as possible, but that paving with asphalt, upon
which unbroken surfaces must be maintained, should go
hand in hand with this work. The asphalt pavement,
sloping gradually to tlie curl>, leaves no deep gutter in
which stagnant pools can be maintained. Wherever tne
wfork has been done in such fashion as to leave these, it
should be remodeled without delay, and where the neces-
sities of heavy hauling demand material other than
asphalt, it should be so laid as to abolish forever the old-
fashioned deep gutter. A comparison of the gutters on
Gravier Street from Camp Street to Baronne witli those
on Howard Avenue from St. Charles to Baronne; of those
on Po^'dras Street from Camp to Baronne Avith those on
Girod between the same streets, and of those on St.
Charles Street between Julia and Girod with those on
Carondelet between the same streets, will give a striking
illustration of the importance of this work and the need
for prompt remodeling.
In some cities the tenant is required by law to- sweep)
or cause to be swept down every morning the stretch of
gutter before his house. The ordinance is easily enforced
by a word from the policeman on the beat to the house-
holder or his servant, and all are easily educated to the
advantages of the plan. It appears that such an ordi-
nance would be specially useful in this city.
An experience with even a very limited area showed
that this old city is peculiarly rich in hidden Avells, cis-
terns and other containers. I beg to suggest that an
PERSONAL EXPERIENCES, 1905 BRUNS. 1047
important part of the work of our health officers in pre-
paring for the coming- summer should consist in obtain-
ing as complete a knowledge of the location of these
containers as possible. This could be done by urging all
citizens possessing such knowledge to communicate it at
once to the health authorities either directly or through
the public press. We found last summer that many
tenants were unaware of the presence of such sources of
danger on their premises, and we often obtained knowl-
edg of them in an indirect Ay ay from former tenants or
builders of the houses. The search for all unscreened
bodies of standing water on all premises cannot be pushed
with too great a yigor if we are to exterminate the
Stcffoinf/ia.
^fay I be permitted to say that perliaps the health
authorities might enlist the seryices of the physicians of
the city as yolunteer inspectors of premises, alleys, etc?
The general practitioner on his rounds penetrates into
eyery quarter and into almost eyery dwelling of the city.
In furtherance of the general good these gentlemen might
be persuaded to note doAyn and report to the health officer
eyery threatening nuisance which comes under their eyes
without any uncomfortable use being made of their names.
It seems to me also that it has become eminently a
part of our duty to encourage by word and example the
sentiment that, its mode of propagation being well under-
stood, yellow feyer has been robbc<l of its terrors and is
no more to be regarded with pjinic-terror by intelligent
people than an outbreak of small-pox or diphtheria. As
we in small-pox, by the yaccination of all non-immunes,
and in diplitlieria by the bold use of the serum, both as a
prophylactic and a cure, proceed at once to stamp out
what were in times past two of the most mortal plagues,
so now u])on the apjxniiance of yellow feyer we can by the
prompt report of all suspicious cases, and tlieir proper
protection either at home or in detention hospitals, by the
thorough fumigation of infected dwellings, and by reduc-
ing to the least possibh^ numlu'r all Ijrccding ])laces of the
Stef/onnjia, cut down to a minimum the mortality, and
therefore the dread, of this one-time scourge. This must
1048 augustin's history of yellow fever.
follow as the logical result of our uewly acquired knowl-
edge; and Avheu it is coui^led with a calm appreciation of
the litter lack of protection afforded by even the most
rigid quarantine, so glaringly illustrated by the epidemic
of last summer in this State, yellow fever will take its
place in the popular mind along side of small-pox, diph-
theria and rabies — as a disease to be avoided, but no
longer capable of striking whole communities with sense-
less fear, canceling their humanity and exalting above
manly sentiment the brutish instinct of self-preservation.
Perhaps it is Utopian as yet even to hope, but the day
must come when, if Ave are to be protected in our health
and lives by sanitary officials, these, more than any of
our public officers, will be chosen by the application of the
strictest of civil service laws. We can imagine, if we
cannot hope for, boards of health composed of a chief
sanitary officer and two or three assistants ; subordinate
to them a body of inspectors, and clerks of vital statistics,
each receiving a salary sufficient to compensate him for
devoting his life to this important work. Admission to
the lowest grade of this profession — say a clerkship of
vital statistics — would be open to young medical men of
good character. Upon a vacancy occuiiing in the next
highest grade — let us say that of inspector — a successful
competitive re-examination would promote the brightest
of the clerks; and so on to assistant to the chief sanitary
officer, and finally to that of chief, when that official
should be retired after a long, but fixed, period of service.
To some such method the inevitable processes of evolution
must lead at last.
But, come what may, through the long years that we
are developing wisdom enough to choose the protectors
of out lives and of lives dearer to us than our own by
some better test, some higher <|ualification, than that of
political subservience, we should at least be too ])r()udly
manful to fear and falter beneath afflictions that follow
as the night the day, the folly of our own acts.
1049
SOME LESSONS TAUGHT BY THE EPIDEMIC OP
1905. i
By Charles Chassaignac^ M. D., New Orleans.
Dean New Orleans Pohjclinic; Editor ^^Ncio Orleans
Medical and Surgical Journal/^ etc. i
In this short article, the attempt will be made to call
attention to some of the most important practical lessons
which may be learned from many things which occurred
during the prevalence of yellow fever in Louisiana and
Mississii)pi in 1905.
I shall cull from my personal observation during that
time, perhaps from j^revious experience viewed in a new
light, and as well from the work of others. In other
words, a fcAv of my deductions may prove to be new to
some readers, while others, no doubt, will be recognized
as merely new interpretations of old knowledge or ex-
planations of facts previously not understood.
Truth of Mosquito Propagation.
The correctness of the mosquito doctrine was confirmed
on a larger scale and at a larger number of places than
ever before. That mosquitoes are the sole known prac-
tical means of the propagation of yellow fever was demon-
strated in the City of New Orleans beyond a reasonable
doubt.
When the existence of the scourge became known, it
was still early in summer, in July, the same month that
it became epidemic in 1853. It was soon discovered that
numerous foci already existed, located at different parts
of the city. The type of fever was recognized to be
severe; an old and esteemed practitioner then stated to
the author that its virulence reminded him of tliat of the
fever of 1853. The percentage of non-immunes among
the inhabitants was large, owing to the large increase in
population since the last mild epidemic and to the fact
that the last severe pestilence had occurred twentj^-seven
10.30 AIGISTIn's HISTOR^ OF YELLOW FEVER.
years previous. To sum up the situation, all conditions
were ^ucli as to lead the thou<>litful to expect an epidemic
of vast proportions, high mortality and long duration.
What actually happened was this: The total number
of cases officially' reported was 3,384 with a mortality of
451, about 13%. As always, many cases must have failed
of report, while deaths were necessarily reported. The
fever was over about the first of November, although the
first frost occurred only on December 5, and the funds
raised for the sanitary campaign were not exhausted.
The onh' difference in the warfare waged against the
pestilence in 1905 and that of previous campaigns was
that measures were based solely on the mosquito doctrine:
the protection of the sick against the bites of mosquitoes
by means of screens, mosquito bars, &c. ; the killing of
mosquitoes in infected premises, chiefly with sulphur
fumes; also the gradual de>:truction and elimination of
all Stcfjonii/ia by general fumigation, the screening oi
cisterns and other water containers. The education of
the public at meetings and lectures were auxiliary
methods of material assistance.
Not only there was no general exodus of non-immunes,
but oi^ those who did go away, none took sick who re-
turned after the disease was under control and before the
occurrence of frost. Formerly this was a danger against
which people had been warned ; invariably, a few of those
who did not heed the warning fell sick shortly after their
return, owing to the lack of destruction of infected
mosquitoes.
Why, then, this enormous difference in the ])revalence,
the mortality and the duration of the ei)idemic? Why
should there have been in 1853, when the fever became
epidemic in the same month, a mortality of 7,849; in
1878, when the fever was epidemic a month later, a mor-
tality of 4,050, or respectively about eighteen and nine
times greater than in 1905, when the po])u]ation had
largely increased? Why should tho epidemic have been
arrested before frost for the first time in the history of
the disease in New Orleans, although there yet remained
a large percentage of non-immunes?
LESSONS TAUGHT BY EPIDEMIC OF 1905 CHASSAIGNAC 1051
Because the mosquito doctrine was for tlie first time
the basis of the work done for the control of the disease
and, notwithstanding the formidable difficulties encoun-
tered, it proved emiuently successful.
Similar results followed analogous measures at many
localities in Louisiana and Mississippi. I shall relate
only a striking- instance as observed directly' by me in
Tallulah, iu Madison Parish, where I was recpiested to go
by the president .of the State Board of Health in the
middle of September.
Tlie infection had been brought there on July 21. The
first suspicious cases were discovered about August 9.
Precautionary measures taken after the confirmation of
the diagnosis, gave rise to the hope that there would be
no further cases and a greater sense of confidence was
engendered by the statement, on August 2G, that all cases
of illness in the town had been critically examined by a
representative of the Public Health and ^Marine Service
who declared that there was not a suspicion of yellow
fever in tlie town.
Owing to this the people threw caution to the winds,
screens were torn out because they increased the heat,
persons about to flee decided to remain. By the end of the
month undoubted and severe cases were recognized, and on
September 5 there were at least twenty cases among the
comparatively small white population, while fatalities
among the best known people gradually wrought the pox)U-
lation to a high pitch of excitement and panic. Many fled,
including prominent officials, the terror being intensified
because practically all were non-immunes, the little town
never before having had a visitation of the scourge, and
because of the high rate of mortality. '
Arriving on September 11, I found that over a dozen
deaths had occurred and that of the forty town blocks,
all but three or four were infected; in other words, the
infection was general. The only Avatcr su]»])ly was de-
rived from cisterns, tanks, barrels and wells, and the
town was swarming witli stegomyia mosquitoes.
An anti-mosquito campaign was inaugurated at once;
all Avater containers were oiled within twenty-four hours;
1052 /-ugistin's history of yellow fever.
the sick were screened or protected by netting ; systematic
fumigation was carried on vigorously; latrines were
treated with crude oil and lime.
Within a week the number of new cases, which had
been progressively increasing, were diminishing and by
the end of September, long before frost, the epidemic was
over, although a census taken at that time showed that
there were yet not fewer than 200 nonimmunes who had
nat had the fever.
Confirmatory evidence in a negative sense is not lack-
ing. Referring to only one notable instance, I shall quote
from the report of the State Board of Health in regard
to Patterson, La., where "conditions were such as to make
it practically impossible to control the people, and the
fever, although repeatedly checked, ran its course until
frost." This and a few analogous experiences of both
tj'pes showed that there was that year no exceptional
tendency in the fever to end early, but that where the
mosquito fight was properly carried out the outbreak was
stopped before frost, otherwise it continued as usual until
frost.
Infection in Proportion to Xunihcr of Bites.
A lesson taught also by occurrences in 1905 is that,
other things equal, the degree of virulence of the infection
is probably due to the number of bites by infected mos-
quitoes received by the victim. It is natui'al this should
be so as there is no poison known, animal or vegetable,
organic or inorganic, the effects of which are not in pro-
portion to tlie dose. The more bites the larger the dose.
My attention was attracted to this point early during
my stay in Tallulah. The houses in which the infection
had been most severe, as evidenced by the number both
of cases and of fatalities were those where mosquitoes
abounded, where water receptacles were most numerous.
An interesting and significant contrast was shown in
the history of two practitioners who both did courageous
and useful work in the ill-fated village.
One was a young physician employed by the State
Board of Health, who thought himself immune as he had
LESSONS TAUGHT BY EPIDEMIC OF 1905 CHASSAIGNAC. 1053
had a slight attack during' a previous epidemic, and who
labored faithfully without thinking of taking any pre-
cautions. ]More than once during the first days he showed
me the bites he had received while on his morning or his
evening round, considering them somewhat as a joke and
mentioning how he had watched some of the insects at
work. In less than ten days after he went on duty he
was stricken with a characteristic attack of 3'ellow fever,
being apparently overwhelmed by the toxemia and suc-
cumbing earlj', notwithstanding his youth and the de-
voted care he received.
The other was an older practitioner, a local man, who
had never been exposed to the disease and frankly ac-
knowledged his fear of it, nothwithstanding which he did
his duty as nobh^ as the other. The difference is that he
used all possible precautions, sleeping in a screened house,
smearing his face and hands with pennyroj-al frequently,
using a fan, and otherwise dodging mosquitoes as best he
could. This man escaped the fever, o^', as I believe, four
ov five days after receiving the only noticeable bite he
suffered, he had the slightest kind of a walking case,
well-nigh imperceptible.
The surroundings, the worK, the degree of fatigue were
the same in both men. x^e.^^sychic element, the age, the
comparative immunity were all in favor of the one who
contracted the disease in a virulent and fatal form. The
conclusion seems obvious.
In line wdth the facts just mentioned it must be recalled
that it has been asserted previously, especially by the
French observers in Brazil, that the number of bites were
the bites of one mosquito produced only a mild attack.
Virulence Diminishes ''Pari Passu" icith ihc Destruction
of Mosquitoes.
For the reasons given above, systematic fumigation,
and the destruction of mosquitoes by any other means,
first shows its effect by a reduction in the mortality rate,
by a decrease in the intensity of the symptoms in those
stricken. This can be understood easily. As soon as
1054- augustin's history of yellow fever.
tlie number of infected mosquitoes is materially lessened,
it stands to reason that those who are unfortunate enough
to be bitten at all are likely to receive fewer bites than
those who became victims when there were yet numerous
hordes of the dangerous pests. As long as there are any
infected mosquitoes at all and also non-immunes exposed
to their bites, so long must there break out some cases of
fever, hence the length of time that usually elapses before
the very last case is observed; in a much shorter time
enough mosquitoes are destroyed to cut down the average
number of bites received by those who are exposed, con-
sequently the virulence is diminished long before the dis-
ease is completely arrested.
This was shown conclusively by the course of events
in New Orleans during 1005. For July, before the san-
itary campaign was effective, the rate of mortality among
the reported cases was 20% ; for August it dro])ped to
13%; yhile for the other two months of the epidemic it
averaged 11.5.
In Tallulah, this was observed also. The fatalities were
most numerous just before the inauguration of active
warfare against mosquitoes and they diminished steadily
thereafter. So much so that no one died of yellow fever
who took sick after the work was well started but the
much regretted young physician whose case has already
been outlined and was excei)tional in more ways than one.
The mortality was arrested first, then the severity of the
cases further decreased noticeably some time before the
epidemic was over.
Susccptihilitij of Xcgrocs.
It was shown conclusively dnring 1905 that negroes
are about as ]ial)le to contract tlie disease as the whites,
but that they have it usually in a remarkably mild form.
There again a valuable illustration can be obtained from
Tallulah and vicinity: of 90 white cases, IS died, or 20%;
of about 950 coloi'ed cases, only 5 died, or little over 1/2%.
In Lake Providence and vicinity, of 80 whites who were
stricken, 15 died, or nearly 20%, while, of 247 colored
LESSONS TAUGHT RY EUDEMIC OF 1905 — CHASSAIGNAC. 1055
patients, 8 died, or a little more than 3%. There were
reported from Patterson about 500 cases amoni? the white,
with a mortality of 51, yet, of about 200 colored casea
only one died,
Several negroes were observed by me in Tallulali, who
had symptoms just about sufficient to make a diagnosis
possible, yet who were scarcely sick, some not even inter-
rupting- their work. At first very few of the darkies re-
ported their sick and it was only when it became bruited
about that the sick were supplied with delicacies, especi-
ally chicken during convalescence, that we obtained any
idea of the large number who were having the disease.
The difference between the morbidity in the two races
might be explained by the greater resistance of the blacks
to the poison after its entrance in the system, but I am
inclined to the belief that it is because, other things equal,
the black man receives a smaller dose of the poison owing
to the fact that he gets bitten less. This may be due to
his tougher skin, or to the strong musky smell cominj]^
from his surface which may keep the mosquitoes away
in a way analogous to that of pennyroyal nnd other strong
scents which are used with that end in view.
Be that as it may, we all know that mosquitoes are less
felt by the colored than by the Avhites, and 1005 showed
that negroes are just as prone to contract yellow fever
as their white neighbors, but have it in a very mild form.
Tliis is an exceedingly important lesson for obvious
reasons, as it was formerly thought that the negroes were
practically immune and cases among them must have
been overlooked easily and frequently.
Q uaran t Ines Uniii tcUif/cnt.
Numerous occurrences, illustrating different phases of
the subject, have shown that the kind of quarantines re-
sorted to up to 1005 were, to say the least, unintelligent
because they either were unnecessary, on the one hand,
or did not attain their ]uirpose, on the other. Quaran-
tines other than those against persons wlio might be
infected or objects that might carry infected mosquitoes
were proved to be unnecessary by the large number of
1056 augustin's history of yellow fever.
places which remained free of the disease notwithstandinji:
the fact that ordinary business shipments were received
as usual, or at most were fumigated before leaving tlie
infected locality. The United States postal authorities
refused to fumigate the mails and no harm came of the
o^mission.
On the other hand, some places became infected which
had tried the non-intercourse or shot-gun quarantine born
of ignorance and panic. No land quarantine can be
absolute; every avenue can not be guarded adequately.
The stricter the quarantine the more object there is in
evading it and the more apt is the evasion to be success-
ful; also the average quarantine is apt to be put on, in
these days of rapid and easy communication only after
people have scattered from the point of original infection,
some of them perhaps to the quarantining place which is
lulled into a sense of false security because it has put up
the bars against the rest of the world.
We have learned that the only sensible restrictions are :
1° Detention, for a sufficient time, of persons coming
from an infected or suspected point. 2° Fumigation with
sulphur of any inanimate oljjects or packages, coming
from such places, which might by any chance contain
living mosquitoes, possibly infected. 3° Careful screen-
ing of trains, steamboats or other means of transjjortation
between infected and non-infected points.
Prophylaxis in Place.
It was demonstrated during the prevalence of yellow
fever in 1005, that a community able and willing to rid
itself of stegomyia mosquitoes could look upon the in-
troduction of a case of tlie disease wiili e(iuanimity. The
means of propagation having been disposed of there can
be no danger of a spread of the infection and the presence
of the infected person is no longer a menace to the
population.
^[organ City, for instance, its health and municipal
authorities having been among the early converts to the
mosquito doctrine, had its cisterns oiled and screened,
its street gutters liberally treated with Beaumont crude
oil, and became practically free from the stegomyia. On
LESSONS TAUGHT BY EPIDEMIC OF 1905 CHASSAIGNAC. 1057
an important factor in the degree of infection and that
two, if not three, different occasions, patients ill with
yellow fever came into the town from near-by infected
points and remained during the course of the disease
without their presence causing any outbreak of the
pestilence.
This and analogous experiences make it clear that any
place, by means of a timely expenditure of energy and
money, may put into effect prohjlactic measures whose
efficiency can be counted upon.
Prophylaxis in Person.
In places where general preventive measures have not
been attempted or have proved inadecjuate, iudividuals
may do much in the way of personal prophylaxis.
The screening of buildings or of living rooms and re-
maining within them from before sunset to after sunrise
proved of value during 1905. For those who had to
go about, anointing the face, neck and hands with
penn^-royal, camphor or other pungent substance; the
systematic use of kid gloves and fans; wearing a wide
flounce of nios<iuito netting below the hat brim, in short,
the avoidance of mcsciuito bites by all means possible,
apparently proved of value.
Hereafter it should be considered the proi)er thing
for individuals to carry out prophylactic measures in
order to re-enforce those instituted by communities or
municipalities.
DcpopiiUitioii of Infected Places.
The exodus from infected places of a more or less largo
proportion of the population, sometimes by calculation,
sometimes me^rely by imi)ulse, showed in 1005 that this
could be a very useful procedure.
The moment yellow fever has gained anything of a
foothold in a community, as many of the non-immunes as
possible under existing circumstances should be removed
until such time as general prophylactic measures shall
have become thoroughly effective. ' •
1".')8 augustin's history of yellow fever.
However, this should be done with system although
promptly. The refugees should he segregated in a mos-
quito free eamp, train or boat during the period of incu-
bation of the disease. It has invariably followed when
people hurriedly left a stricken place that a certain num-
ber have fallen sick on the road or in a strange place
where people have been afraid of them, where it has been
difficult to secure proper attention at the hards of ex-
perienced persons, and often where the siirroundings have
been unfavorable. By means of the plan just mentioned,
the few who are unfortunate enough to fall sick are able
to get immediate and satisfactory attention, thereby secur-
ing the best chance of recovery, while thoise remaining
well are free to start on their journey without a sword of
Damocles hanging over them. This can save both physical
suffering and mental anguish.
Detention Camps.
What has just been said shows only one of the useful
purposes served by detention camps. These have proved to
be of the greatest utility in avoiding onerous restrictions
upon travel and preventing the paralysis of all business
depending upon the going of persons in and out of infected
places. All those whose affairs are important enough to
warrant their losing a few days during detention are nV>b*
to continue their peregrinations without additional inter-
ference or delay. In the past, a larger number have
been kept away from places infected, suspected or sus-
ceptible, by the dread of being bottled up indefinitely
through quarantine than by the fear of the disease itself.
We have learned how to provide against this risk by
means of detention camps and how to esta])lish them
promptly at a reasonable cost for equipment and
maintenance.
TJie Great Lesson.
The epidemic of 1905, and all it meant of financial loss,
suffering, grief and death, could have been avoided by
the timely acceptance of the mosquito doctrine and the
practical application of its principles. As always, the
LESSONS TAUOHT BY EPIDEMIC OF 1905 — CHASSAIGNAC. 1059
ounce! of prevention would have betn better than the
pound of cure. Let us hope that this lesson has been
well learned and has sunk deep. The people of New
Orleans, of Louisiana, of our Southland, did nobly, a3
they always do, when confronted by an appalling emer-
gency' ; but, with their mercurialism, will they give proper
heed to future possibilities now that conditions are normal
again?
We must persevere in our study of sanitary problems
in general and the warfare against mosquitoes in partic-
ular. Neither is it too early to give serious attention to
the chances of entrance of bubonic plague, nor premature
to train our batteries on the rats. A stitch in time saves
nine times nine.
1060
THE WOJUv OF THE MEDICAL rKOFESSION OF
NEW ORLEANS DUIUXO THE EPIDEMIC OF
By Louis G. LeBkuf. M. 1)., Xi:w Orleans,
President Orleans Parish Medleal Society, 1905; Visiting
Physician to Charity Hospital, yew Orleans.
In September, 1897, a special meeting- of tlie Orleans
Parish Medical Society was called to discuss the yellow
fever situation. This meeting- was also convened to in-
struct the Younger members of the profession into the
etiologv, symtomalogY and treatment of the disease. The
conference proved verv valuable. Profiting by this ex-
perience, a similar meeting was called at the outset of the
fever in 1905. In calling the met ting to order the Chair-
man expressed himself in tbe foll(»wii>g words:
"No experience in my eighteen years of practice ever impressed me
more forcibly than just such a meeting as this 'held eight years ago
in the room of this society, called by Dr. John Callan, the then efficient
President, for the discussion of the same subject. It was also to try
and educate the new men of our profession who had never seen this
dreaded disease. At t'liat time we had with us men who told us of just
such a meeting called nineteen years before, in 1878. We are happy
to say that most of these men are still with us. These two previous
meetings, epoch-making as they were, undoubtedly also were the
saddest occurrences of our corporate existence, and we must hope that
this will be the last we ever will 'hold for this purpose. Let us trust
that the work now being done along the line of destruction and pro-
tection, following the ascertion, belief and dogma on the etiology of
yellow fever, will mean the turning point of a new era, the regenera-
tion from our former abject, hopeless condition to something definite,
something tangible.
"Let us remember how we felt twenty-six years ago. Let us remem-
ber how we felt eig'nt years ago with nothing ahead of us, nothing
which could be planned, nothing to combat. Prophylaxis in person
always failed, prophylaxis in place always futile. No measure ever
controlled the situation; no amount of disinfection ever helped, and
when the entire truth was told, the only relief which came was v.-'hen
the frost of November appeared as a Heaven-sent Nemesis to our
WORK OF THE MKDICAL HROFhSSION, 190 LkPeUK. lOGI
dreadful scourge. To-day the situation is different, and though we
may not succeed entirely in this present campaign, though we may not
c'jeck the disease at once (for various causes which will have to be
told later), we hope to restrict it to some extent, to diminish its too
extensive spread, and to instill some hope into our municipal fellow-
citizens, a hope which will mean the regeneration and the rehabilita-
tion of our dear city to the standard which she cQould have amongst
the future great cities of our co.;ntry.
"I want to report, besides, that your Advisory Committee has been
continuously and actively at work since last Saturday night. The
task has not been the easiest and pleasantest. We will submit a very
thorough report later wihen the work is over, and we hope then to
show you that we have endeavored rigidly to coiiform with the princi
pies which govern the disinterested, and high ethical standard estab-
lished by this society. We Ciave taken part in every conference, in
every meeting called for the organization of the great work which is
being, tried in this city. One of the members cf your society wrote the
first instructions which were published last Sunday morning to govern
all households regarding the control of t'le situation, Another mem-
ber of the committee helped on a committee of three to plan and organ-
ize the up-to-date Emergency Screened iHospital, which was placed in
operation in thirty-six hours. And though their names do not appear
in print, nearly every important article or medical direction in the
public press "iias been furnished or revised by your committee. As we
are still actively at work in the campaign undertaken, we wish merely
to report this as brief, temporary report until later, when we can give
you a fuller and final report."
Tliougli Carlos Fiulay had advanced the tliecrv ( f iiios-
qnito dissemination of yellow fever since 1881 at Havana,
and tlionjih the U. S. Army YelloAv Fever Commission,
consistinii- of Reed, Carroll, Amrcmonte and Lazear, had
made their epoch makinii' experiments in IflOO, and Lazear
had already sealed the trnth of the mosciuito-infected
transmission by his martyrdom as a holocaust to the
proof of his hcjicf, and tlKiniih we had had the rejiort of
the Yellow Fever AN'orkinii' Party No. 2, consistinu' of
Drs. Pothier and Parker and Prof. Beyer, with their
conclusions frcnu their work at Vera Cruz, still our public
was profoundly i.iin(;rant of these scientitic discoveries.
When the tirst knowled.uje reached our city of the jircsence
at this dread disease in our midst, there was almost a.
panic — stocks and bonds went beogino^, a pall seemed to
\06'2 AIGUSTIN S HISTORY OF YELLOW KEVER.
be tlirown on all things, a general exodns of these who
could atford it took place and the coniniereial interests
seemed paralyzed. The experience of former years was
staring the nnitiated public in the face. They remem-
bered the injury to the city commercially, and the thous-
ands of lives lost in the previous epidemics. New Orleans
was like a rejuvenated city, with the millions spent here
in public improvements, and the great activity in bus-
iness and in railroad construction, due to the recognition
of its wonderful future and prospects from the advantages
of proximity to the promised Panama Canal South Amer-
ican trade. Everything showed it to be on the eve of
great growtli and development, so that when the news
came to us of this epidemic, it was a dreadful catastrophe.
The public remembered the pitch barrels of 1878, the
flags and costumes of gruesome attendants in 1897, ard
nearly all were in mourning for some dear frierd or
relative.
Yellow fever itself, when i)r(:p(rly treated or better,
Avhen properly let alone and nursed, is not sucl) a vei'y
fatal disease. In the hands of a competent medical at-
tendant the mortality is not so great as many other dis-
eases, but it was the mystery of its onset and the strnnuc
unaccoui'table manner of its ]iroi)agation wliich chilhMl
the heart and struck terror to the bravest. All mankind
has some innate su])erstiti(}n, and any disease which
comes in the night, as in this instance stealin;': from house
to house, sometimes taking a vnIicIc l)l(:(k witlujut cross-
ing the sti'cet, but n)ost times si;i ending all over like
wildfire, without any one being alsh' to ex]tlain its exact
cause and mode of trai'smission, I'atuially ai)))all( d every
one.
This was the condition of affairs wlicn tltis campaign
opened, and this was tb" st-it<> of (Imt- - - 'en, on July
22nd, we were told publicly of this trouble. No '^'
tressed people ever found its medical nrcifession more
united and more willing to help than errs was on that
date. There was a trenierdonr, v-nk ahffid of us, the
work of education, of teachina' tl-e new lelief and the
training in the great eam];aign ef pirj I'vlaxis and de-
WORK OF THE MEDK AL PROFESSION, 1905 LeBuEF. 1 0G3
striiction, the tlioii&auds of laymen who were willing to
make the good fight. Our part was the important one,
and the difficult one ; it is not very easy to reform the
uninitiated to new ideas; ignorance is generally self-
satisfied and prejudiced, and the propagandist of the new
theory and ot the new scientific facts has to proye his
contention before it is helieyed.
It was not all to tell the public of the established facts
of Los xVnimas and Vera Cruz; we were forced to start
a campaign of education and forced to labor on the front
line to direct the work of destruction and preyention.
The old theory of fomites and infection was oyer, and
the simple fact that, first, a mosquito, and the female
^tcgomyia Calopus at that (fasciata as it was caliea
then) was the offender; secondly, it could transmit the
disease only if it was allowed to bite a yellow feyer
patient during the first three days of illness ; thirdly, and
lastly, that this yello^y feyer infected mosquito could uot
reproduce the disease before about twelve days after its
inoculation or injection.
So, starting from these three basic fundamental truths,
three specific lessons had to be taught, and practiced as
the very catechism and Bible of our entire conduct.
(a) Enforce the protection of the yellow fever patients
from the bite of all mosquitoes, to exclude the special
offender; /. c. provide mosquito bars and screen the room
of the patient at once.
(b) This work of screening had to be performed as
early as possible to prevent infected moscpiitoes from
escai)ing and propagating the disease.
(c) The final destruction of all the mosquitoes v,lti<-^'
might have perchance bitten a case, befoie the t\velve
days of incubation or digestive preparation was completed
in the salivary glands or digestive tract of the irsect and
thus rendered it dangerous to other human beings.
Though these three simple truths were i)lain and easy,
it was only the starting point of the great educational
fight the medical profession had ab.cad of it. To be more
certain of our success, it was ^^•iser to destroy all the mos-
1064' augustin's history ok vnliow fever,
quitoes we could, both directly by neueral fiimii;ation,
and also by diminislilDii- the probalile sources of their
habitat.
Screeuiu<»-, saggiuo- outters of roofs, barrels, water con-
tainers or any stationary vehicle where larva? niijoht be
hatched — this was the do<>ma and instruction vre bad to
disseminate. If we were successful, thou.nh we might not
be able to stop the disease, as we had been informed of it
too late, and for various inexplicable reas^ons the fact of
tbe presence here had been uiirecoiiiiized, or if recognized
had been through criminal neglect and blindness allowed
to spread beyond control, we would possibly, with a good
fight, be able to restrain its too great spread, and prove
to the Avorld by this re^trictiou tliat we could do some-
thing that would affect its unlimited spread, and therefore
re-establish confidence aud build for our future an assur-
ance of action and control which would allow us to throw
off our chains and fetters, and forever juove our immunity
from what we could henceforth call the Mosquito Fever,
instead of the awe-instilling name of Yellow Fever.
As a good deal of the following history which must be
related personallv refers to the Avork of the Advisory Com-
mittee of the Orleans Parish ^Nfedical Pnciety. of which
the present writer was Chairman, I will take the liberty,
in most of the remainder of this article, to give excerpts
of reports written by Drs. Sidney L. Theard, the ablei
Secretary of the City Board of Health; Prof. Kupert
Boyce, Dean of the Liverpofil School of Tropical ^Nfcdi-
ciiie; Beverend Beverly Warner, in charge of the Citizens'
Educational Campaign, and the 1005 Annual Beport of
llie Orleans Parish Medical Society:
The First Stcpft in fJir Caiii/xiif/ii (iiid the Orf/diii.zatio'H
of the Refioi(rce!< of the Citi/ /o Coinlxtt fJic Disease.
On Friday, July 21st, a meeting of the State and City
Boards of Health, the representatives of the Public
Health and ^Marine Hospital Service, and Health Officers
from surrouudiug States with Drs. LeBeuf and ^Magruder,
was convened in order to reassure the public and to
WORK OF THE MKUICAL PROFESSION, 1^05 LkBeUF. 1065
check the stringent and onerous quarantine precautions
which had, on the rumors of the presence of yellow fever,
been promptly taken by the surrounding States against
New Orleans, although as yet no official declaration had
been made. As an example of this promptitude, it is
worthy of note that the State of Mississippi had issued
a quarantine ordinance on the daj' cf the meeting.
Shortly after the meeting on Friday the first step in gen-
eral medical organization was taken by the appointment
on the following day, July 22nd, of an Advisory Board,
consisting of the Chairman, Dr. Louis LeEeuf and three
other nieml)ers of the Orleans Parish :\redical Society,
viz., Drs. John Callan, ^larcus J. Magruder and John F.
Oechsner. This Committee was appointed to co-operate
with the health authorities and to help to the best of their
judgment in the campaign ahead of them. It was now
fully recognized by these representative medical men that
much valuable time had already been lost, and that the
prophylactic measures which had up to this time been
adopted by the health authorities were neither sufficiently
extensive nor precise. The failure of New Orleans in this
respect emphasizes what every International Sanitary
Convention had drawn attention to, namely, the necessity
of prompt notification of yellow fever. Without this, in-
ternational and interstate laws of sanitation can not be
administered with science, Avisely and humanely.
On the evening of July 22nd, the Advisory Committee,
the Medical Health Officer and Dr. J. H. White, V. S.
;Marine Hospital Service, after a protracted consultation,
issued the first authoritative and collective pronounce-
ment upon the precautions which were necessary to be
adopted. The manifesto reads as follows :
An emergency exists in our city which demands the attention of
every individual, with the view to limiting and preventing the spread
of epidemic disease. It has been scientifically proved that the mosquito
is the only means of the transmission of Yellow Fever. Measures
sCiould be especially directed against them. It is especially urged by
the undersigned that the following simple directions be followed by
the householders of this city during the summer months:
]066 aigustin's history of yellow fever.
First — Empty all unused receptacles of water. Allow no stagnant
water en the premises.
Second — Screen cisterns, after placing a small quantity of insurance
oil (a teacupful in each cistern) on the surface of the water.
Third — Place a small quantity of insurance oil in cesspools or privy
vaults.
Fourth — Sleep under mosquito nets.
Fift'J — Screen doors and windows wherever possible with fine mesh
wire.
(Signed) QUITMAN KOHXKE,
Health Officer.
J. H. WHITE,
Surgeon, U. P. H. and M. H. S.
ADVISORY COMMITTEE,
O. P. M. S.
Ou the same day (July 22) the aiithcritit^-, italizina:
that New Orleans was unprcvided with a Fever Isolation
Hospital, took steps to ac(piire an old house in the in-
fected quarter in the Italian district. It seems, of course,
very extraordinary that in the tyventieth century, and in
a port of the jireat importance and size of Xew Orleans,
that no proper provision should haye existed for the isola-
tion of infectious cases. . There is no doubt, however,
after having- paid dearly for their experience, that the
Citizens of New Orleans will rot in future allow this
defect to go unremedied.
The Hospital receiyed its first patients on July 2r)th,
and in spite of the fact that it was placed in the midst
of most unsanitary surroundings and overcrowded, it,
nevertheless, answered its purpose very well, owing to
the very rigid precautions against the possibilities of
mosquitoes becoming infected from the patients. It was,
indeed, a most striking- demonstration of the harmle^^sness
of the disease in the absence of the Stcf/ojuj/in ; seven non^
immunes, including myself, spent a portion of each day
in the wards, but in no instance did infection arise. The
entrance to all the wards was barred by double screened
doors, so that one set c-f drjcrs were closed before the
second set were opened.
A few weeks after the opening of this Hospital, it be-
came necessary to change into another temporary make-
shift.
WORK OF THE MEDICAL PROFESSION, 190.5 LEBi-UF. 1067
The new premises were lai'ij;er, more airy and situated
amongst more sanitary surroundings. Owing to the sub-
sidence of the fever, it had, however, far less work to do
than the former. There is no doubt that the emergency
hospitals did magniticent service, and that the greatest
credit was due to Dr. Hamilton P. Jones, Dr. Paul Emile
Arcliinard, Dr. J. Birney Guthrie, and to these who as-
sisted them in the most arduous and difficult task, ren-
dered still more trying owing to the ho^-tile attitude of
tiiC poorer classes of Sicilians and Italians.
Simultaneously with the fcrniation of the Medical
Advisory Board, a meeting was held in the City Hall,
under the auspices of tli3 Mayor, the State and City
Health Officers, and a number of citi5:eEs prominent in
business and professional life, to review the fever sitiia-
tion~ and to raise money. The outcome of the meeting
was the successful launching, under the chairmanshi]) of
Mr. Charles Janvier, of a Finance Committee — The Citi-
zens' Yellow Fever Fund Committee — for the purpose of
collecting funds to carry on the tight against the fever.
On Sunday, July 23rd, the Bevererd Dr. Beverlv Warner,
from his pulpit, took the first step in Anti-Y(^lh>w Fever
propagandism amongst religious derominations, and on
Monday, Julv 24tli,' the Fourteentih Ward of the Citv
organized and met for the purpose of cleaning up and
screening its own district, and for authority to Issue an
advertisement '"For bids to screen its 250 cisterns with
copper gauze or cheese cloth, and for tenders to clean
out the drains." All present at this meeting subscribed
to the Ward Funds. Its example Avas immediatelv fol-
lowed l)y the otl'(M- wards, rrd thus we started the Ward
Organization, which was subsequently placed under the
direction of Dr. Warner.
It will now be simple to trace the steps in the campaign
if I follow tlie work of the sev(M'al organizations:
1. The Local Medical Organization.
2. The Ward Oraanization.
3. The Public Health and ^Maiine Hospital Service
Organization.
4. The Educational and Press Organization.
5. The Financial Organization.
I06i augustin's history ok ^ eli.ow fever.
THE LOCAL MEDICAL ORGANIZATION.
Appeal for Ciric Co-operation.
On Monday, Jnly 24tli, 1905, a prorlaniation was issned,
signed bv the Mayor and concurred in by the ^Medical
Authorities, setting forth the situation, and calling upon
the citizens to co-operate with the Health Authorities in
stamping out the fever. It read as follows:
Mayoralty of New Orleans,
City Hall, July 24th, 1905.
To the People of New Orleans:
The Health situation in this city is serious, but not alarming. Be-
cause of this situation, quarantine has been declared against New
Orleans by several States and Cities. It is proper that the actual
facts be recognized and dealt with resolutely and calmly.
It is authoritatively stated by eminent sanitarians that within
recent years visitation of Yellow Fever, more widely spread than that
wh:'ch is in our City, have been successfully met and absolutely
suppressed by methods whose potency has been demonstrated by as-
certained results, and the application of which is simple. T'lose
methods are now adopted by our own State and City Health Authori-
ties, with the volun'teer assistance of the United States Marine
Hospital Service, and the Orleans Parish Medical Society of this
Parish. To the perfect and speedy success of the mea:>ureo to be
followed, the co-operation cf every householder is necessary. That
given, the people may confidently expect a speedy release from the
trying conditions in which they are now placed, and from the appre-
hension of its recurrence in the future.
I, therefore, as Mayor, urge all citizens and householders to render
cordial and ready obedience to the instructions which may from time
to time be given hy the Healt)'.i Authoritie.--, and to render every aid
within their power to those Authorities in the earnest efforts which
they are now making, and in which they will persist for the absolute
stamping out of this infection. These instructions are not difficult of
performance; tl'aey are easily to be understood, and can be followed
with but little expense. Since the consensus of sanitary and medical
opinion of to-day is that the infection of Yellow Fever is transmitted,
or can be transmitted, only by means of the sting of the insect known
as the "cistern mosquito," the following advice recently given by Dr.
Kohnke, the City Health Office; by Dr. Souchon, President of the
State Board of Health; Dr. White, Surgeon of t^ae United States Marine
WORK OF THE Mi<;DICAL PROFKSSION, 1905 LeBeUF. 1 009
Hospital Service, and an Advisory Committee of the Orleans Parish
Medical Society, should be willingly and implicitly obeyed by every
householder in this city:
First. — To keep empty all unused receptacles of water in every
house, and allow no stagnant water on any premises.
Second. — To screen all cisterns after placing a small quantity of in-
surance oil (a teacupful in each cistern) on the surface of the water.
Third. — To place a small quantity of insurance oil in cesspools or
privy vaults.
Fourth. — Sleep under mosquito nets.
Fifth. — WCierever practicable, screen doers and windows with wire
screens of close mesh.
The foregoing advice may from time to time be given by the Health
Authorities with more particularity. Whatever emanates from them
must be accepted as given for the good of the city and the preserva-
tion of every individual of its population, and should be respected and
followed to the letter.
I repeat, upon the information of t'iiose qualified from actual investi-
gation and scientific knowledge to speak upon this subject, that the
situation in our city is not alarming, and that if it is treated by our
people earnestly and intelligently, that this situation will soon be
eliminated and demonstration will be made to the world that for the
future the infection cf Yellow Fever can have no permanent lodgement
within the borders of the city of New Orleans.
MARTIN BEHRMAN, Mayor.
We concur in tCie above.
QUITMAN KOHNKE,
City Health Officer.
EDMOND SOUCHON, M. D.,
President, L. S. B. H.
J. H. WHITE,
Surgeon, P. H. and Marine Hospital Service.
ADVISORY COMMITTEE,
Representing Orleans Parish Medical Society.
II. APPEAL FOK EARLY NOTIFICATION.
On July 24tli, 1905, a most iinportaiit notifo was also
issued to the members of tlie ]Medical Profession from the
Orleans Parish ^ledical Society, and sii^red by the Ad-
visory (Vnimittee, Dr. \Miite, U. S. P. 11. & M. H. S., and
the President of the Louisiana State Board of Health
urging up6n each medical nmn the absolute necessity of
1070 augustin's history of yellow fevkr.
early uotitication and of rcpoi-tiiiji all cj^hcs (if fever. It
is iiuqiiestionably an exceptionally wise circular and
touches a very weak spot. I reproduce it :
Orleans Parish Medical Society,
New Orleans, La., July 24, 1905.
Dear Doctor: — We want to specially urge you to report all your
cases of fever — malarial, typhoid or fever of any kind — during this
summer, to the City Board of Health. It is absolutely essential to the
checking of the spread cf Yellow Fever in our city that all cases of
fever sihould be promptly and conscientiously reported. Our patients,
the public and the surrounding communities, will naturally look to our
profession in this great emergency, and the responsibility rests in a
great measure with us to check this condition, or at least to limit its
too extensive spread. It is a well known and scientifically proven
dogma that the mosquito theory is to be accepted as a fact; then we
must exert ourselves to the utmost to destroy the mosquito, the only
host of transmission of Yellow Fever. Let us, 13hen, make a consis-
tent campaign against it, educate our patients regarding this situa-
tion and the danger of it, and direct them to place patients immediate-
ly under netting pending action cf the Board of Health. Neither your
patient nor the household will be subjected to the obnoxious house
quarantine of several years ago.
Above all things, report your cases promptly, to permit us to check
any further foci of infection.
Even if you are not positive tlhat the mosquito is the only source of
transmission of Yellow Fever, give your city the benefit of the doubt
in this important and vital matter. ,
Respectfully,
BDMOND SOUCHON, M. D.,
President Louisiana State Board of Health.
QUITMAN KOHNKE, M. D.,
Health Officer of the City of New Orleans.
J. H. WHITE, M. D.,
Surgeon, U. S, Public Health and Marine Hospital Service, in charge
of the Government Measures.
JOHN CALLAN, M. D.,
J. F. OECHSNER, M. D.
M. J. MAGRUDER, M. D.,
L. G. LeBeuf, M. D., Chairman,
Advisory Committee, Orleans Parish Medical Society.
WoRK OF THE MKDICAL PROFESSION, 190' LeBeUF. 1071
III. APPEAL FOR IMMEDIATE SCREENING OF
SUSPECTED CASES AND FUMIGATION.
This circular Avas immediately followed by another to
the medical men, again urging the importance of early
notification and careful fumigation. As regards the
method of fumigation the circular is not as stringent on
this subject as subsequent experience found to be abso-
lutely" necessary to ensure safety:
Orleans Parish Medical Society,
New Orleans, La.
Dear Doctor: — In an earnest attempt to work in harmony with the
plan of procedure adopted 'by the HealUi Authority, and the U. S.
Public Health and Marine Hospital Service, now being enforced in a
general inspection of our entire city, we want to suggest to you, as
your Advisory Committee acting with these bodies, that you report at
once any case of fever in your practice remotely suspicious of being
Yellow Fever. If you want to do your city the greatest good in this
hour of trial, immediately constitute yourself as a Health Officer for
the premises of the sick you are called to attend. Even before the
regular Sanitary Inspector of the Board reaches the house, place the
patient at once under a mosfiulio bar, pending further proceedings.
•Also order at once another lOom fumigated with sulphur — 2 pounds
to the 1,000 cubic feet — and then thoroughly scieen it. .'i it canG';t
be done in a perfect manner at least order all the openings screened
with either cheese c'ot'j' or other light material, well packed so a.i to
allow no mosquitoes in the room. Keep only one door free, covering
all the transoms in the same manner. On entering this door beat the
air thoroughly with a cloth before opening. When the room is pre-
pared, remove the patient to it, fumigating the room just vacated in
the same manner.
After the first three days of the fever the Stegomyia fasciata cannot
be infected from that patient, but we must be careful to keep the room
well closed until the final fumigation or destruction of any mosquitoes
which might have remained in the room. Look to the general hygiene
of the house, inquire whether the cirterns or any otTier open receptacles
of standing water about the premises have been properly oiled or
screened. Act in this matter regardless of the worK which will be
done by the constituted authorities, for your own personal good and
for the greatest good of your city. In other words, Doctor,
take every possible precaution to protect all of your fever cases from
being bitten by mosquitoes during the first three days of fever.
107 2 AL'GUSTIN S HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
Our interest in the entire matter is the same as yours, and we must
worli for the same purpose. The part to be played by our profession
is an extremely 'mportant one; the faith and trust of the entire com-
munity is placed on our shoulders, and we must fully deserve fhe con-
fidence reposed in us.
Very sincerely yours,
ADVISORY COMMITTEE, Orleans Parish Medical Society.
IV. APPEAL FOR AN EDUCATIONAL CAMPAIGN.
Another circular was issued on July 24tli, 1905, directed
to the Board of Health, poiutiug out the necessity of a
Campaign of Education, and urging the importance of
asking the Clergy to especially disseminate knowledge
from the pulpit in the matter of yellow feyer. The cir-
cular then proceeds to give useful information in case
of infection, and finally appeals for united action in a
general warfare against the i^tcf/o)iii/ia :
Orleans Pari;;h Medical Society,
New Orleans, July 24th, 1905.
Gentlemen: — ^The condition existing at present is one that calls for
the most strenuous, prompt and vigorous measures capable of institu-
tion. In view of the absence of the necessity for obnoxious local or
house quarantine, the co-operation of physician and householder should
be a matter of comparatively easy solution. A campaign of education
s'hould be boldly inaugurated. The clergyman, during his rounds and
from his pulpit, should be a valuable agent in the dissemination of
this knowledge. The Advisory Committee of the Orleans Parish
Medical Society begs to recommend that the following measures be
instituted at once, with the view of stamping out the few foci of in-
fection of Yellow Fever which now exists in our city:
Cases of fever of any character developing in the infected area may
be regarded as suspicious, and the patient immediately protected from
mosquitoes. The house, cisterns, yards, drains, gutters, cesspools and
vaults should be carefully inspected, and no breeding spots for
mosquitoes should be overlooked.
The gutters and streets must be carefully inspected, and no breed-
ing spots for mosquitoes should be overlooked.
The gutters and streets must not be neglected. If the case proves
to be one of Yellow Fever, the house must be screened and the rooms
in the house other than the one occupied by the patient must be
fumigated to destroy all mosquitoes in them. When the case ends,
either by recovery or death, the room occupied by the patient must
be fumigated, for the same reason.
WORK OF THE MEDICAL PROFESSION, 1905 Lb BeUF. 1073
The success of these procedures will largely depend upon the
promptness and earnestness with w'hich mosquitoes are prevented
from coming in contact with the patient and the destriction of all
mosquitoes in the room after the patient is cured or dies.
The new foci of infection must be diligently sought and drastic
measures adopted for stamping them out. It is only through the pro-
per conciliatory education of the physician and t'he layman, and
through their sincere co-operation, that anything can be accomplished.
For the vast portion of the city not infected, we recommend that a
sufficiently large force of men be immediately organized to place oil
in all unscreened cisterns, or other breeding places of mosquitoes,
and distribute circulars among householders enlisting t'heir co-opera-
tion. All gutters should either be flushed or oiled.
An active, vigorous and persistent warfare on mosquitoes should, in
our opinion, be immediately instituted from one end of the city to
the other, as in this way localities now healthy may be kept so, even
though foci of infection be Introduced. We believed t'hat the sanitary
regeneration of this city depends entirely upon prompt and vigorous
action upon your part..
With the profoundest assurances of our heartiest co-operation with
you in any movement to better the sanitary conditions of the city,
We beg to subscribe ourselves,
ADVISORY COMMITTEE, Orleans Parish Medical Society.
V. A WAEXIXG TO BEWARE OP THE DANGER
OF OVERLOOKING THE LESS OBVIOUS
BREEDING PLACES OF THE STEGOMYIA.
A Tery useful aud practical notice was also sent out
by the Advisory Committee, directing- attention to the
importance of not overlookini«- possible receptacles of
water in the house, as pitchers, flower-pots, etc. It reads
as follows :
Orleans Parish Medical Society,
New Orleans, Louisiana.
We desire to call your attention to the wrigglers seen inside of the
residence of people. Probably the public in the fight against fhe
mosquito have directed all their efforts against the cisterns and the
barrels or the outside containers, still a source of great danger also
exists inside of the bedrooms in the water-pitchers, in the dining-
room, or in the conservatory in the water-pots, vases or pots for
plants. A frequent error and a great menace Is t'he habit which some
householders have of only partly emptying a water-p.itcher, and though
1074' AUGUSTIN S HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
it is refilled daily it is^ never entirely emptied, leading always one-half
pint or so for the larvae to develop. Any physician in his daily rounds
can see this illustrated by inspecting the various water-pitchers in
the bedrooms.
On this same line we beg to again call your attention to the accumu-
lation of water in the urns of the cemeteries, as well as in the sagged
gutters of the house drains, which are a great source of mosquito
breeding after rain.
VI. APPEAL FOPv A MORE SKILLED MEDICAL
BODY TO CONDUCT THE CAMPAIGN.
On August the 4tli, tlie fever still makino- headway in
spite of all local efforts, the Advisory Board took very
decided action. It candidly expressed the opinion that
it had not confidence in the efficacy of the work performed
up-to-date; THAT THIS WORK IMUST BE ABSO-
LUTELY PERFECT IN ITS WORKING TO BE EFFI-
CIENT, and to accomplish the desired re-organization it
was necessary to call in the assistance of the Public
Health and ^larine Hospital Service of the United States :
Orleans Parish INIedical Society,
New Orleans, La., August 4th, 1905.
City Board of Health,
New Orleans:
As there has appeared a new case in the Frye focus, which ihas been
in existence since Monday, while we had been told that the instruc-
tions previously agreed upon in the management of all maturing foci
had been rigidly carried out, and especially so in this case. As we
are not satisfied that the fumigation performed by the City Board of
Health has been absolutely effective, we feel, as we have shared some
of the responsibility of this work, and that it is a matter of too great
importance to be kept on in this unorganized and unsystematic
manner. This is the first serious visitation of Yellow Fever in this
country since the mosquito has been recognized as the only mode of
transmission, and we are unwilling to support the City Board of
Health in what we consider an ineffective service.
We regard this as the first crucial test in America, and it must be
absolutely perfect in its working to be efficient. We think that the
community has lost confidence in this work. We know the profession
has lost faith in it. Hence, we cannot keep on up^holding a system in
which we do not fully concur, so we desire to strongly recommend
WORK OF THE MEDICAL PROFESSION, 1905 Le BeUF. 1075
that the system be completely reorganized, or that the entire Yellow
Fever situation in New Orleans be placed in the absolute control of
the United States Public Health and Marine Hospital Service.
Very respectfully yours,
ADVISORY COMMITTEE, Orleans Parish Medical Society.
As a result of this letter and of a telegram despatched
to the President of the United States, the Public Health
and Marine Hospital Service assumed, in a few days,
assumed control of the campaign. The Advisory Com-
mittee, however, continued their useful work and co-
operated with the new forces under Dr. White, just as
they had done with the Local Health Authorities, con-
tinuing- to issue, with the advice of Dr. White, most
useful circulars, and to generally encourage in every way
the citizens to keep up the tight Avith unahated vigor. As
the circulars which thc^y issued show a thorough knowl-
edge of the situation and great foresight, I gave them in
fail.
VII. LETTER WARNING MEDICAL INIEN NOT TO
OVERLOOK THE MILD TYPE OF YELLOW
FEVER WHICH :\L\Y P>E FOUND IN
THE NATIVE BORN.
Orleans Parish Medical Society,
New Orleans, La., August 17th, 1905.
Dear Doctor: — In the consistent campaign we are now waging
throug^hout the city against the fever we want to enlist your hearty
assistance.
We have shown up to now a uniform activity, and if some of the
work already accomplished begins to show some little improvement,
we feel it is greatly due to your co-operation. This, though, is the
crucial moment and you must keep up reporting all your cases with
unfailing promptness. THE NATIVE BORN WILL UNDOUBTEDLY
BEGIN TO BE AFFECTED, AND WILL SHOW THE LIGHTEST AND
MILDEST TYPES OF THE DISEASE; IT IS SPECIALLY WITH RE-
GARD TO THESE THAT WE WISH TO WARN YOU, FOR IT IS AS
IMPORTANT TO THE SUCCESS OF THE WORK BEING DONE BY
THE U. S. P. H. AND MARINE HOSPITAL SERVICE THAT THE
MILD CASES BE REPORTED AS WELL AS THE MARKED CASES.
THESE MUST BE SCREENED AS CAREFULLY AS OTHERS.
1076 AUGrSTIN's HISTORY OK YELLOW FEVER.
One stegomyia infected, in the first three days from such a case,
can produce a number of serious and even fatal cases. Tae means
employed are being systematized and rendered less objectionable
daily by the service, so let us endure a little inconvenience for the
welfare of all.
Beware of the so-called immunization or acclimatization fever and
report these cases as promptly and rigidly as if they were perfectly
characteristic, so that the authorities will be able to give them the
same sanitary treatment.
Very earnestly yours,
ADVISORY COMMITTEE, Orleans Parish Medical Society.
VIII. APPEAL TO HOUSEHOLDERS TO DELAY
^'MOVING DAY" OX ACCOUNT OF DANGER
OF SPREADING INFECTION.
In view of the near approach of "Moving Day" (October 1st) the
undersigned deem it their duty to direct your attention lo the danger
likelv to attend a general moving of tenants from house i ) house.
Persons moving from infected localities may later uev-j'op the ;ever
in uninfected neighborhoods, thereby developing new ro ;. Others now
residing in uninfected houses may contract the disease by removing
into houses where mild cases of fever may have occurred and re-
covered without medical attention, and consequently escaping fum)?"a-
tion. Non-immunes coming into such 'houses will almost inevitably
contract Yellow Fever, thereby adding to our present troubles.
We do therefore urge the importance of taking such steps as may
be necessary to delay the general movement for at least thirty days.
ADVISORY COMMITTEE, Orleans Parish Medical Society.
IX. DANGER OF RE^IOVAL OF TEMPORARY
CISTERN SCREENS.
Orleans Parish Medical Society,
New Orleans, La., September 13, 1905.
There being a pretty general understanding in the community that
the cheese-cloth screens over cisterns have to be removed by October
1, and the regular 18-mesh to the inch wire screen substituted by that
date, we believe that a number of persons are now having this change
done to the great danger of a general liberation of all mosquitoes im-
IM-isoned or bred from the pupae in the cisterns. We cannot afford,
in the final fight of checking Yellow Fever in our midst, to neglect so
important a matter as this, so we strongly urge that the change from
WORK OF THE MEDICAL PROFESSION, 1 &05 LeBeUF. 2 077
(^lieese-cloth to wire, if not legally postponed until December 1, shall
be by having the wire screen placed over the cheese-cloth without re-
moving the latter.
ADVISORY COMMITTEE, Orleans Parish Medical Society.
Besides all this work, the Orleans Parish Medical
Society issued seven thousand pamphlets of directions
and instructions to the medical profession and the trained
nurses of the entire South. Tln^se pamphlets were sent
broadcast at the expense of the Treasury Deitartment of
the United States. The c( intents of these pamphlets were
carefully written by Dr. Kudolph ]Matas, and were
approved hy the Society as an exact clinical and pro-
phylactic treatise of the entire yellow fever treatment.
In conclusion, let me add that the hard-worked pro-
fession of New Orleans never demurred when called upon
to do its duty in the repression of the epidemic. The fol-
lowinji' al)le phyt'icians lectured ?nd demonstrated the
propaganda of sanitary and hyj>enic rules in every corner
of the city; from the pulpit of churches and synaocx>ues
to the factories on the river front; from the nes^ro meeting
houses back of town to the school houses on the front of
the city. Yes, and further still, many were called cut to
speak in country places as far as Opelousas and ^fer
Rouj?e, at their own expense, and at great sacrifice to their
practice. Amongst a list of volunteers, I Avish to name
those that come to my juind at this moment:
Dr. Juan Guiteras, from Havana; Sir Rupert Boyce,
Dean of the Liver])ool Sclioid of Tr(f])ical ^Medicine, from
England — two experts, as distinguished volunteers in our
cause; Dr. Quitman Kohnke, wlu;se Lantern Slide demon-
strations were most conclusive and interesting; Dr. Bev-
erly AVarner; Dr. O. L. Bothicn-; Dr. Allan Eustis; Dr.
P. E. Archinard; Dr. Chas. Chassaignac; Dr. J. 11. AVhite;
Dr. J. A. Storck; Dr. Ilenrv D. Bruns; Dr. II. B. Oess-
ner; Dr. S. L. Theard; Dr. John Oallan; Dr. J. B. Guthrie;
Dr. E. D. :Martin; Dr. M. J. :\ragruder; Dr. John E.
Oechsner; Dr. E. L. :McGelKe and Dr. Jos. Dolt.
107S
STATISTICAL REVIEW OF THE YELLOW FEVEPw
EPIDEMIC OF 1905, NEW OPLEAXS.
P.Y JULES LAZARD, M. D., NEW ORLEANS,
Statistician of the YcJloiv Fever (Uiin])ai(/u, Xeic Orleans^
1905, U. S. rnblic HealtJi and Marine Hospital Service.
General Remarks.
Ill epidemics of all diseases, reference is always made
to the previous visit of the disease in a community. Dur-
ing the epidemic of 1905 in New Orleans, the table of the
epidemic of 1878 was used in studying the progress of
the disease, as this epidemic resembled the one of 1905,
only that the latter began earlier in the year and for that
reason it was prognosticated that it Avould be more severe,
a prophecy not borne out by later results.
Because of the use made of the figures of 1878, Avhicli
were inaccurate and fragmentary, it was deemed advis-
able to i^lace in a compact, intelligent and accurate form,
the figures of 1905. The writer is quite aware that figures
are very dry and uninteresting, unless some point is to
be illustrated or proved.
Xew Orleans succeeded very well f'or a number of yeais
in keeping yellciw fever out by maintaining a maritime
quarantine and an inspection system against the Tropics.
This system succeeded very well from 1898 to 1905, but
"the best laid schemes (if mic:> an' men," etc. It was in
no position, however, to successfully combat the disease
once it entered the community, except by some gigantic
movement, entailing the labor of many men and the ex-
penditure of much iiKsney. .^luch tinu' is Ic-st in training
men, physicians, fumigators and laborers before the force
can work intelligently. It was clearly seen in 1905 that
the success of a fight against an e])idemic de])ended abso-
lutely upon organization and e(|uipment.
Good and liad are difPerent sides (if the same picture.
The entry of the disease in 1897, with a slight reappear-
ance the following year, taught New Orleans the ineflfici-
STATISTICAL REVIEW, 1905 LAZARD. 1079
encT of her archaic sewerage system and her poor, poor
water siipi)lY system, thonjih she was on tlie banks of the
world's i;r(^atest river, flowin"' tlie purest water.
The A'isitations of yellow fever above noted gave New
Orleans sn^iiiestion for a change in these important sys-
tems of a municipality. In 1807 and 1898, the mosquito
doctrine was not fully known, or not known at all, but
the helplessness of the city and the fervent prayers for
an early frost, clearly indicated that something of a most
radical sort must be done, if ever this disease made its
entry again. A new drainage and water system was voted
and passed upon. This was the good side of the picture
of the epidemics of 1897 and 1898. Otherwise there is
no telling how long the city would have delayed in insti-
tuting these sanitary reforms.
"With a free supply of water, cisterns — vats for collect-
ing hnd retaining rain water from roofs — will soon lie
torn down by order of the law, unless the "Taxpayers'
Association" is stronger in its opposition than it seems
to be. This will rid the city of the greatest breeding
places of the l>^t('(/o)ni/ia fasciata or calopus, or whatever
we may presently decide to call the mosquito which has
cost the South so many thousands of lives and such vast
sums of money.
On July 21, 1905, a quarantine was declared against
New Orleans by the neighboring states. There is no way
by which it can be definitely stated when the first case
appeared in this city. This is always a difficult matter.
Below are some deaths taken from all sources — the records
of the City Board of Health, Charitv Hospital, Touro
Infirmary, Hotel I )ieu. It is conceded by all who watched
the progTess of the disease that it began in the "Tnf(M'ted
District," an area from tlie :\rississippi Biver to the wood
side of Bourbon Street and the lower side of St. Ann to
the upper side of I<:s])lanade Avenue — the "Little Italy'*
of New Orleans, an area covering twenty-four Sipiares.
Here is the record :
"SUSPICIOUS" DEATHS, 1905, PREVIOUS TO EPIDEMIC PERIOD.
June 19— L. M., Italian, aged 51— Chronic nephritis and aortic aneurism.
June 20 — L. K., Austrian, aged 28 — Malarial remittent fever.
1080 avgustin's history oe yeilcw fever.
June 23—1. B., Italian, aged 28— Malarial fever.
July 1 — A. S., Italian, aged 40 — Endocarditis, 1118 Gallatin.
July 2 — J. M., Italian, aged 14 — Continued fever. 1118 Gallatin.
July 3— diV., Italian, aged 2— TyiAoid fever. lllS Gallatin.
July 9— S. A., Italian, aged 24— Malarial Taxemia, 520 St. Philip.
July 10— G. v., Italian, aged 65— Oastric Cancer, 528 St. Philip.
July 12 — F. S., Italian, aged 28 — Ac. par. Nephritis, 1021 Decatur.
July 12 — A. L., Italian, aged 26 — ^Hemorrhagic fever, 1039 Decatur.
July 12— F., La., aged 16— Febris Hemorrhagica, 1028 Chartres.
July 13— G. G., Italian, aged 32— Chr. Par. Nephritis, 528 St. Philip.
July 17— F. S., Italian, aged 30— Typhoid, 1026 Chartres.
July 17 — L. G., nationality not given, aged 45 — Alco^holism, 1105 N.
Peters.
July 17— J. S., Italian, aged 52 — Malarial fever, 1107 Decatur.
July 17 — F. S., Italian, aged 45 — Pneumonia, 605 St. Philip.
July 17— G. T., Italian, aged 46— Typhoid, 528 St. Philip.
July 17 — J. E. A., nationality not given, aged 1 — 'Pertussis and Cong.
of the brain, 1127 N. Peters.
July 17— J. M., Italian, aged 14— Continued fever, 528 St. Philip.
July 17— S. R., Italian, aged 22— Typhoid, 1123 N. Peters.
July 18— J. G., Italian, aged 47— Typhoid, 1113 Chartres.
July 18— Di S., aged 30— Typhoid, 514 Ursulines.
July 19— N. T., Italian, aged 29— Typhoid, 533 St. Philip.
July 19— V. S., Italian, aged Typhoid, 1139 Royal.
July 19— L. B., Italian, aged 68— Typhoid, 1031 Chartres.
July 19— R. M., Italian, aged 56— Typhoid, 1117 Decatur.
July 20 — J. L., Italian, aged 53 — Malarial fever, 17th St. Canal.
July 20— L. E., Italian— Typhoid, 1022 Conti.
July 20 — S. v., Norwegian, aged 30 — Typhoid and Ac. Nephritis.
July 20— G. D. A., Italian, aged 51— Typhoid, 528 Ursulines.
July 20— B., Italian, aged 19— Typ'hoid, 528 Ursulines.
July 22— M. C, Italian, aged 38— Typhoid, 624 St. Philip.
July 22— D. di V., Italian— Malarial fever, 1115 Gallatin.
July 22— G. R., Italian, aged 38— Typhoid, 524 St. Philip.
July 24— M. G., Italian, aged 24— Anuria, 530 Ursulines.
The report of tlie.se deaths is submitted as "'suspicious'*
for the chief reason that they occurred in the "Infected
District,'' or bore some rehition to tliis locality.
Amonj^- other things Avhich New Orleans learned for
herself and tau«»ht the world is that free publicity should
be given to the first case. It does not pay to keep it as
a secret, because it is a secret that refuses to be kept,
and other reasons. The watchword for all communities
when dealing with a contagious disease is Publicity.
STATISTICAL REVIEW, 1905 LAZARD. 108!
The figures below are as the cases appeared, are official,
and Avere compiled by the writer in his daily rei)ort to the
officer in command during- the e})idemic. From the in-
ception of the disease to August 8th, the City Board of
Health was in charge; after this time until to close of the
ei)ideniic in Noyember, the U. S. Public Health and
Marine Hospital Seryice^ — Dr. J. H. White in command,
was in charge of the fight against the disear^e. The disease
was fought on lines laid down by the mosquito doctrine;
its success is a part of the history of the city, and a bright
example of modern epidemiology.
When quarantine was declared against the city, it was
agreed upon that there must haye been 100 cases and 20
deaths prior to this date. A figure which is approxi-
mately correct as in the beginning of the epidemic and up
to August 5, the mortality was about 20 per cent. When
the Marine Hospital Seryice took charge August 8, there
were 101 foci, counting the ''Infected District'' as a single
focus. On Xoyeml)er 7, there bad been 842 foci — meaning
that there were 812 squares in which yelloy\' feyer had
occurred.
A "focus" was arbitrarily fixed and had no practical
value in watching the course of the disease, it came about
by staining the map of the city in the square in which
a case appeared for the first time. A focus when once
established was counted throughout the epidemic as a
focus, when as a matter of fact it was no longer infectious
It is best in all epidemics to giye the public all informa-
tion desired, but this must be of the cliaracter that will
be understood. A focus was not understood, and the
public assumed very correctly from its limited knowledge
that there were 812 points of infection in the city.
DAILY RECORD OF CARES AND DEATHS AND CASES UNDER TREATMENT,
1905 EPIDEMIC.
Under rinler
Da' e
Cases
Deaths
Treatment
I )ate
Cases
Deaths
Treatni't
July 20
100
20
July
26
15
6
21
—
1
27
26
2
22
20
3
28
21
3
23
10
2
29
29
7
24
14
1
30
27
3
221
25
11
4
31
21
5
158
1082 ai'gustin's history of yellow fever,
]
Sept.
I'uder
X'nder
Cases
Deaths
Treatment
Date
Cases
Deaths
Treatm't
1
42
6
177
Sept. 16
42
2
370
2
32
11
190
17
24
2
363
3
54
5
226
18
34
6
351
4
43
5
257
19
34
4
341
5
30
8
270
20
50
6
365
C
28
8
266
21
36
4
359
7
32
8
272
22
37
4
352
8
60
4
306
23
45
6
352
9
63
7
338
24
24
2
331
10
68
5
385
25
37
3
322
11
61
9
401
26
31
5
308
12
105
9
476
27
19
5
300
13
50
12
465
28
23
4
291
14
55
12
470
29
28
2
287
15
62
6
504
30
31
2
272
16
66
4
546
Oct. 1
23
3
260
17
74
4
592
2
19
3
243
18
62
8
590
3
30
2
232
19
58
4
588
4
22
4
228
20
45
4
566
5
2S
3
219
21
61
9
566
6
25
4
214
22
57
9
518
7
29
3
226
23
53
5
528
8
19
0
226
24
44
7
522
9
17
1
216
25
65
6
525
10
18
4
201
26
47
10
500
11
16
2
195
27
31
13
448
12
15
2
192
28
45
5
434
13
25
4
185
29
45
7
418
14
19
5
181
30
46
4
419
15
9
3
162
31
41
6
402
16
15
3
155
1
39
4
389
17
6
1
144
2
37
3
375
18
5
0
130
3
29
o
364
19
8
0
122
4
55
5
405
20
4
0
112
5
32
2
348
21
7
0
105
6
31
4
357
22
2
0
94
7
35
6
346
23
4
0
77
S
44
4
348
24
4
2
65
9
41
1
346
25
9
2
66
10
27
7
331
26
3
0
57
11
38
0
334
27
2
4
58
12
43
3
340
28
4
0
39
13
43
4
353
29
2
1
32
14
49
6
346
30
4
0
26
15 43 2 357 31 3 2 22
STATISTICAL RKVIKW, 1905 LAZARD. I OSS
Under Under
Date Cases Deaths Treatment Date Cases Deaths TreatmU
Nov. 1 0 2 19 Nov. 10 0 0
2 1 0 17 11 0 0
3 1 1 14 12 0 0
4 0 1 13 0 0
5 11 14 0 0
6 10 15 0 0 '
7 11 16 1 0
8 0 0
9 0 0 Total 3,402 452
The i^eneral mortiility was 13.11 per cent., tliougli this
must l)e coiisidered as beiuo- too low for the general epi-
demic; bnt for the want of better figures we may accept
this as the mortality for the yellow fever epidemic iu
Xew Orleans in 1905. It is easy to understand that many
cases were called yellow fever unless they showed very
pronounced symptoms of other diseases early in their
courses, owing to the importance of screening the cases
early.
Up to August 31, the Italians of native birth furnished
51 per cent, of the mortality. After this date the fire
having consumed all available material in the ''Infected
District" slowly became more evident in other residential
districts.
Deaths Clas-sified According to Age.
Deaths from yellow fever up to November 8, 1905:
Ages— 1-2 S
3-5 11
G-IO 10
11-15 38
10-20 50
21-25 50
20-30 05
31-35 30
30-40 47
41-45 30
40-50 23
51-00 27
01-70 10
71-75 1
430
lOS* augustin's history oe yellow feyer
Conceded by Board of Health . . 20
Unclassified 2
4o2
Deaths by ]Moxths.
July 57
August £20
September Ill
October • 58
November 8 G
■152
Mouths. Male. Female.
July 24 13
Auiiust 157 63
September 73 38
October 30 26
November 6
Males 290 140
Females 140
Board of Health . . 20
Unclassified 2
452
Deaths According to Nationality.
Nationality. Deaths.
Italy .'. 164
Fi'auce 30
(Jei-many 18
Austria 6
INlexico 4
Bussia 4
CMiiua 1
Sweden 1
Switzerland 1
Canada 2
Greece 3
Ireland 3
Australia 3
STATISTICAL REVIEW, 1905 LAZARD. 1085
Scotland 1
Denmark 1
Portngal 1
Norway 1
Spain 1
Holland 1
255
United States .'. 197
452
Louisiana furnished 137 of 197 deaths; many of which
w^ere of Italian parentage.
Six negroes died of yellow fever in this epidemic.
On August 12, there were 105 cases rei^orted. This
jump in the number of cases Avas more apparent than real
and requires some explanation. In the interim of the
transfer of tlie charge of the epidemic from the City
Board of Health to the U, S. Public Health and Marine
Hospital Service, there were a great number of medical
inspector's cards which were held over for some days, while
the arrangements were being perfected and the force or-
ganized. It being the close of the Aveek, Saturday, the
cards AA^ere counted in as neAV cases.
On September IG the Diamond FestiA'al AA'as given, the
revenue of Avhich went into the yelloAV fever campaign
fund. On October 26, President Koosevelt paid the city
a Aisit. His visit to the city allayed the scare, the "could
get aAvays" returned, and commei ce, Avhich Avas not hurt
as badly as in 1897 and 1898, AA'as resumed.
Comparative ^Mortality, 1901, 1905, 190G.
Comparative mortality from all diseases for Ncav Or-
leans :
1901. 1905. 1906.
w. c. w. c. w. c.
June 17.15 28.57 19.68 29.72 19.29 35.32
July 16.22 28.43 19.53 22.46 15.82 30.00
August 14.57 24.43 26.01 27.91 17.34 31.36
September 15.19 25.14 18.57 27.77 12.54 24.41
October 15.76 19.11 17.02 31.53 15.70 28.33
November 17.76 30.71 16.72 27.23 17.68 30.82
1086
REQUIKEMENTS OF THE M0kS(21 ITo DOCTRINE.*
BY DR. S. L. THEARD.
Sccrctaru to Ciiij Board of Health, Xcic- Orleans, La.
It was my intention at first to prepare an elaborate
article, reviewing and analyzing some of the more im-
portant recorded facts and incidents of our immediate
sanitary history (and some as 3'et unrecorded ones), but
I soon realized that whateyer might be said must finally
be made to rest upon certain primary basic principles, a
brief consideration of which would be all-sufiicient ; for
upon their intelligent application must eventually depend
the success of all sanitary' operations directed at the con-
trol of yellow fever.
I take for granted that everybody accepts to-day the
mosquito doctrine of yellow fever transmission — that no
one any longer seriously disputes the fact that the
stegomyia mosquito, a most ccinmon species of the insect
in the South and the Tropics, is the natural conveyer of
of yellow fever ; that mosquitoes can suck up infectious
germs from the blood-stream of yellow fever patients only
during the first four days of the disease; that stegomyia
mosquitoes become infectious only ten or twelve days
after becoming contaminated; that tlie^- can transmit in-
* The two articles which follow are from the pen of Dr. Sidney
L. Theard, who has been closely associated with the
health affairs of New Orleans since the establisfhment of
a municipal hoard of health for that city in September,
1898, serving that body in the capacity of secretary and
sanitary officer. The articles are reproduced from the
transactions of the Louisiana State Medical Society for
1906. They are introduced because they contain som©
important local history not generally known, and also
because his conclusions are so different from those gener-
ally accepted at the time. In one of the articles Dr.
Theard has shown, with the force of mathematic precision,
the invaluable services rendered by him in the fever fight
of 1905.— G. A.
MOSQUITO DOCTRINE THEARD. 1087
fection continually thereafter, at intervals of feeding,
until death; that .stegomyia^ bite preferably in the day-
time; that a non-immune inoculated by tlie l)ite of an
infectious mosquito will show symptoms of yellow fever
only three or four days afterwards (exceptionally, five
or six).
Rigid tests, both direct and eliminative, have established
all of this.
I assume also that the more important characteristics
and habits of this species of mosquito are Avell-known,
for instance, that it is a domestic, not a migratory mos-
quito, flying but short distances and being habitually
found within houses.
All of which is suflflcient for present purposes. The
fact, for instance, that only the female bites and not the
male, is a matter of no practical importance here, how-
ever entertaining it may be to lay audiences; for sanitary
measures directed at mosquito destruction will in all like-
lihood never include the weeding out of the males from
the females. Ko greater importance attaches to many
other details, purposely omitted here for that reason.
To maritime quarantine the application of the mos-
quito doctrine is most simple, fJicorcficalli/: It calls for
disinfection, with an efficient culicide, of all vessels from
infectible ports, together with their cargo, before unload-
ing, and the detention for five days, for observation of all
persons from such ports. This can never be put into
practice, however, because of the exigencies of trade and
travel. The disinfection of the cargo of fruit vessels, for
instance, most attractive to mosquitoes (as much so
almost as sugar), could not be effectively carried out with-
out so injuriously affecting the fruit as to make it un-
marketable. Again, I seriously doubt that hindrances
thrown in the path of an American citizen because of
the mere possibility of his being infected in consequence
of his accidental residence in some port classed as "in-
fectible," could stand the test of law.
There is even less probaltility that nu'asur(>s api)roxi-
matiug the extreme requireuHMits of the mosquito doctrine
will ever be operated in guarding against the entrance of
1088 augustin's history of yellcvv fever.
infection by way of the back-door — the railroads; for
experience has tan<;ht ns tliat danger from that source is
mucli less, and restrictiye measures will probably- alwa3'S
be less stringent in consequence.
The point which I wish to make clear and emphasize,
is, that no system of (juarantine will eyer proye an ab-
solute safeguard against the entrance of pestilence. It
will merely reduce the danger to a minimum.
Eyen if an apparently ideal system could be deyised,
sober judgment would temper our expectations Ayith the
thought that perfection, unfortunately, is of another
world only.
Our present system of maritime quarantine could be
made the highest expression of what will probably eyer
be attempted in this direction, at least for many years to
come, by reyerting to the former practice of disinfecting
the empty hold of fruit-yessels from iufcctihle as well as
from infected ports. This seems to liaye giyen us tem-
porary immunity in the past, for a period of years, as was
pointed out to this Society at its 1903 meeting.
We cannot brush by lightly the possibility of future
infection. Just as long as yellow feyer exists, and I am
yet to learn of a single disease which has eyer been wiped
out from the face of the earth (names change, but dis-
eases remain) ; just as long as there are stcgomyiip flying
loose somewhere in this wide world of ours; just so long-
will we haye to reckon with the possibility of the re-
introduction of yellow feyer infection and be prepared to
preyent its spread wlu^n it appears.
AVhat, then, should our conduct be when the disease
shows in our midst? is the (piestion which naturally sug-
gests itself.
Careful consideration of the mos(|uito doctrine, in its
application to the local control of the spread of yellow
feyer, forces upon us three conclusions :
First. We must prevent the access of non-infected
mosquitoes to yellow fever eases durinf/ tJie first four daj/s
of the disease. This can only be done by the judicious
use of the mosquito-bar, and those yarious oils so repul-
MOSQuirO BOCTRINE THKARD. 1089
sive to mosquitoes. Necessarily the results obtained will
lariiely depend upon the active co-operation of the house-
hold.
Second. Wc luiist destroy mosquitoes posslhhj already
infected. This can be accomplished, partly by screening
of the infected room or rooms (to prevent the escape of
contaminated mosquitoes until thc}^ can conveniently be
destroyed), and partly by fumigation (more especially of
living apartments). In a measure we must again depend
upon the co-operation of the household, both active and
passive.
Exceptionally another room may be prepared by screen-
ing and fumigation, for the reception and further
treatment of the case, and all mosquitoes immediately
destroyed, by fumigation of the remaining rooms.
Oiling of water containers in the infected and eight
adjacent squares will also serve to diminish the number
of mosquitoes liable to become infected, either from the
actual case if the screening is imperfect or not continu-
ously practiced, or from some other unrecognized or un-
rej^torted case in the same neighborhood.
Fumigation of contiguous houses might also be prac-
ticed, where permitted.
Third. IT^c must prevent the access of uon-Uuniuues to
infected localities or infected premises. This can only be
accomplished hj the judicious use of the sanitary cordon
at the outset, and later of a modified house-quarantine for
the prevention of promiscuous visiting and the removal
of persons, possibly in the incubative stage of the disease,
from infected to non-infected districts.
These are the three basic requirements — the indis-
pensable tripod — in all measures directed at the control
of 3'ellow fever. They are the inevitable corollary of the
Mosquito Doctrine; they naturally flow from it.
To ignore any of them would be a grave mistake. Such
omission could only result from the grossest ignorance
of the subject or the poorest judgment. Or else we would
have to look for its explanation in the inability to enforce
full measures of prevention, because of a half -stand Avrong-
fully taken at the outset, and persistently kept up there-
1090 aigustin's history of yellow fever.
after for the aj^parent sake of consistency — the result
of a rein^ehensible and futile effort to practice that al)om-
inable policy — concealment. Futile indeed, for truth in
the end must inevitably prevail.
The principles themselves are not new.
As for the methods here suggested for their enforce-
ment, they have with me the strength of faith ever since
my acceptance of the mosquito doctrine, and are, as suc-
cinctly stated, the same views held and the same recom-
mendations made, to the proper health authority, as early
as July 13th, 1905.
No one disputes the correctness of the first two jiroposi-
tions : screening of patients and infected premises, and
destruction of mosquitoes. Regarding the third there
seems to be a divided opinion, (as far as I have been able
to ascertain in couAersation on the subject). Some favor
the sanitary cordon under all circumstances; others are
in doubt as to its possible effect for good, save in the first
two or three cases. All, however, seem to agree that a
modified house-quarantine is most important.
By modified house-quarantine I mean the stationing of
guards at the door of infected premises to prevent re-
movals and promiscuous visiting. No further restrictions
need be placed on the members of the household, who can
not, as we now know, convey infection to others, and who
would be at perfect liberty to enter and leave the house
as they please. In the light of the mosquito doctrine,
the stringent measures of 1897 are no longer permissible.
Guards might, additionally, l)c stationed at the four
corners of badly infected s(|uares. And if the desirability
of operating this measure be granted, we have, in essence,
the rudiments of a sanitary cordon, which can be made
large or small acocrding to the exigencies of the case,
and the auiount of infection to be contended with. With
this important difference, however, that such restrictive
measure should be applied at the very outset, on the first
intimation of the ])r('senco of infcctiou, in an endeavor to
strangle' the disease outright, and not Ije gradually evolveel
as the epidemic progresses.
MOSQUITO DOCTRINE THEARD 1091
Agaiust liouse-quarantine the only argument, with a
sembhiuce of force, wliioli can be advanced, is, that rigid
measures might tend to discourage the reporting of cases.
To begin with, a modified house-quarantine, such as 1
have suggested, is not a rigid measure. Nevertheless, let
us carr}^ the argument to its logical conclusion. There
are persons who object to a guard in front of their house
in small-i)ox; others, to sanitary surveillance of conval-
escent scarlatina cases; still others, to disinfection after
diphtheria, or to a card on their door, or to any sanitary
care and attention which ma^^ be bestowed upon them by
boards of health. Shall all of this be abandoned in con-
sequence? The very absurdity of the proposition be-
comes apparent.
The epidemic of 1005 has frequently been compared
with that of 1878, and most laudatory conclusions have
been drawn therefrom, from time to time. The truth of
the matter is, that, while much was accomplished, a good
deal of whpt might have been done was not even at-
tempted. And here is tlie result : Though the screening of
patients, and the wholesale destruction of mosquitoes, by
fumigation and oiling, the number of cases Avas markedly
reduced; it is probable, also, that the character of the
epidemic was changed, from what appeared to be at the
outset a most virulent type, to a much milder form of the
disease; for, remember, the degree of reaction in indi-
vidual cases depends as much upon the number of bites
inflicted by contaminated mosquitoes as u])on tlu' degree
of infectiousness of the contaminated mosquitoes them-
selves. But, through failure to regulate the access of non-
immunes to infected premises and localities, the disease
was permitted to spread rapidly to the four corners of the
city; and, appearing in our midst at about the same time
that it had shown itself in 1878, it disappeared only when
the usual duration of yellow fever e]u*demics had been
spent, some ten days sooner only than in 1878.
These are the bare facts of the subject, presented witli-
out any blatant effort at rhetoric.
In concluding, let me say that nothing is further from
my mind than the desire to minimize or discredit any
1092 AUGUSTIX'S HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
good work wliicli may have been done iu the past^ or
which may now be under way. The wholesale destruction
of mosquitoes last summer was a most essential, proper
and laudalde undertakino-, however costly and liowever
much complained of at times; and the measures now
operated throughout the city to stay the rapid breeding
and multiplication of stegomyia^, are no less meritorious.
At no time, in fact, should there be a relaxation in all
those preventive measures, which alone hold out a promise
of relative immunity. At no time should there be a lull,
from a false sense of security, in that costly vigilance
which is the price of safety.
1093
NEW ORLEANS YELLOW FEVER IN 1905.*
BY DR. S. L. THEAKD.
If the history of the yellow fever of last siiinmer is to
be written in the aunals of this Society, there at least
]et it be written right.
If what I am about to say has the appearance of an
effort at self-praise, I earnestly ask that you pause a
while and consider, that whatever may be said by me now,
might have been said some eight or nine months ago, that
I persistently refrained during all of that time from any
public expressions or utterances in the matter, and that
I am speaking now under stress of circumstances.
The claim which I, in turn, advance (and it will be
made good hy dates and by facts), is: That the back-
bone of yellow fever was broken in this city last summer
whilst the lamented Dr. Richardson and myself were in
charge of the special sanitary operations of the Board of
Health.
As much was done then as could be accomplished at the
time within the lines authorized by the Board of Health.
Surely the disease could not have been aborted, for at no
time was this feasible in the absence of any restrictive
measures calculated to prevent the removal of persons,
possil)ly in the incubative stage of the disease, from in-
fected to non-infected districts, or the access of non-
immunes to infected premises, and the consequent dissem-
ination of the disease in that Avay.
Now for the facts.
Knowledge of the presence of yellow fever infection in
New Orleans last summer was first had on the afternoon
of July 12. On July 22 announcement of the fact was
made by the State Board of Health.
From July 13 to July 22 the sanitary measures prac-
ticed were instituted, conducted and supervised by the
City Health Officer. During that tinu' I was engaged in
other work at the office of the Board of Health.
See foot note to preceding Article.
1094 AUGUSTIn's HtSTORV OK YELLOW FEV«R.
Ou July 23, after the announcement of yellow feyer,
the sanitary operations of the Board were entrusted to
m^' care and superyision. On Jul^^ 26, Dr. Farrar llich-
ardson, of the Public Health and Marine Hospital Seryice,
became associated with me in that work. The health
officer at that time was engaged more especialh- in the
deliyer^' of public addresses calculated to arouse the in-
terest of the masses in the mosquito doctrine of yellow
feyer transmission.
On the eyening- of July 26, four days after being placed
in charge of the sanitary work of the Board, I announced
to the Adyisory Committee (a committee of seyen com-
posed of two representatiye business men, two members
of the Adyisorj' Committee of the Orleans Parish Medical
Society, and two members of the Board of Health, with
the City Health Officer, also chairman of the Board of
Health, as chairman) that I had completed the arrange-
ment of the sanitary forces of the Board into etfectiye
organization.
On August 12, in response to an appeal addressed on
August 4 to the President of the United States by in-
fluential citizens, members of the medical profession, the
Goyernor, the ^Mayor, the then President of the Louisiana
State Board of Health and the City Health Officer, the
Federal authorities assumed entire charge of tlie sanitary
work in progress. Formal transfer of the emergency
forces had been made on August 8, ou pajjcr, in a letter
addiessed by the Health Officer to Dr. J. H. White, of
the Public Health and ^Marine Hospital Seryice; but the
arinal transfer occupied seyeral days, being finally
effected only on the morning of August 12.
Xow as to the deductions to be di'awn from these facts.
I haye here a chart, originally ])reparcd some three or
four months ago, for possilde insertion in the biennial
report of the Board of Health, llicn in course of ])rei)ara-
tion. It shows the rise and fall of yellow fever from July
22 to November 22. ( No record was kept of cases reported
from July 12 to July 22, and none can be presented).
Dots with a connecting light line show the number of
cases repoi-ted from day to day; heavy unbroken lines are
made to divide the chart into periods of fifteen days ac-
NEW ORLEANS, 1905 THEARU. 1095
tivity, aud the reading of the A'arioiis periods is facilitated
by the iutroductiou of a heavy brol^eu line. The reading'
of each period is made to include the figures of the first
day of the following period for the reason that a large
number of the cases reported each day Avere discovered
the day before; and for the additional reason that efforts
directed at mosquito destruction were in point of fact
begun only on the cucnuig of July 13, after the Frey
funeral, the sanitary operations of the Board thereafter,
throughout the epidemic, being always from 3 P. M. one
day to 3 P. M. the next day.
The broken black line shows the "epidemic tendency"
of the disease from time to time.
It is not the total number of cases reported in any
given period, as compared with the total number of cases
in some other period, which enables us to determine the
"tendency" of an epidemic to rise or to abate; it is the
relation of the daily figures to one another, in either
period, which establishes that fact. For example: If in
a given period of fifteen days the cases reported show
as 2, 4, C, 8 and so on up to 30, and in the next period
as 30, 28, 2G, etc., down to 2, the total in either case
Avill be the same — 240; but clearly in the first period the
disease would be incrcasinfj and in the second period it
would be dccreasinff. Bare figures here mean nothing; it
is the fact or incident back of them which counts. To
make this still stronger : If the daily rate of report was
2, 4, G, etc., up to 30 in one period, and 30, 29, 28, etc.,
down to 10 in the next period, we would, in the first in-
stance, have a total of only 240, as against 345 in the
next period; still the disease would be clearly increasing
in the first, and decreasing in the latter instance.
There is a great difference between the }iii)iihcr of people
walking in a given place and the direction in which tliey
walk. And the numerical strength of a retreating army
is a matter of secondary importance when chronicling the
fact that it is l)eing routed.
It matters not that the disease was decreasing less
rapidly than it had increased; the fact that it was decreas-
ing remains. And clearly, a disease Avhich is decreasing
is being controlled and is on the wane.
1096
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1097
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1098 augistin's history ok yellow fevkr.
So much for the value of bare figures uusupported by
facts or logical analysis. I now revert to the main
proposition.
From a sanitary point of view, the result or effect of
efforts directed at mosquito destruction on a certain da^^,
becomes noticeable onl3' fifteen days afterwards. With
this important difference between ''point of time'' and
"point of effect" well in mind, it must be apparent, even
to the most suiDcrficial observer, that the sanitary control
of yelloAv fever was well in hand at the time that the
Federal Authorities took charge. Clearly the top was
knocked from the epidemic as the result of the sanitary
measures operated from July 28 to August 11; and wJio-
ever teas then in charge deserves credit for that work.
The meat and substance of it all — shown graphically
on the chart presented — established definitely and abso-
lutely and beyond all cavil, is : that the epidemic was on
the ascending scale up to August 12 as the result of the
naif-measures practiced prior to the announcement of
yellow fever and during the few days required after that
to bring order out of chaos and arrange the sanitary forces
of the Board of Health into effective organization; that
it Avas on the descending scale during the fifteen days
which followed, as the result of the work conducted by
Dr. Richardson and myself; that the fever showed a ten-
dency to rise during the next fifteen days, probably be-
cause of the swapping of horses in mid-stream, the T^nited
States Public Health and ^Marine Hospital Service having
taken full charge of the work by that time ; that it again
abated during the following fifteen days; that the fever
was never aborted at any time; that after the main force
of the epidemic had been taken away from it (through
work performed from July 28 to August 11, as expressed
from August 12 to August 20) the fever tlureafter ran a
mild course under the continuous sanitary measures ap-
plied; but that it finally disappeared only after the usual
])eriod of duration of yellow fever epidemics had been
reached — from three to five months — in this instance,
approximately, five months.
Dr. Tiieaud also said:
NEW ORLEANS, 1905 THEARD. 1099
"I wish to add that the word epidemic has not been
used by me in the usual and more commonly accepted
sense of the word — that a majority of the people were
afflicted with the disease, or that the deaths from the
disease were for a time in excess of the total deaths from
all other diseases; but merely and only in the sense that
it was "on the people/' very much as rain mioht be, ex-
tendinj>- as it did from Carrolltou to the Barracks, and
from the River to the Lake.
"I also wish to say that some ma}- possibly lean to the
belief, held by a few, that fifteen days is too short an in-
terval of time to judge of the effect or result of efforts
directed at mosquito-destruction — that an interval of
eighteen or twenty days is required. If so, it Avill only
strengthen my position, for I would not lie called upon,
then, to explain the apparent lack of success following the
work practiced during the few days which I stated had
been required to arrange the forces of the Board into
effective organization.-'
IIUO Aioi stin's history of vkllow fever.
AXTI-MOSQUITO ORDIXA^'CES.
Full Text of the Measures Adopted by the Citt
Council of New Orleans During the
Epidemic of 1905.
On August 1, 1905, at a time wlieu the yellow fever
epidemic Avas spreading with alarming rapidity, the City
Council of Xew Orleans, adopted the following ordinance:
Ordinance Xo. 319G. X. C. S.
Section 1. Be it ordainiMl l)y the ('ouncil of the City
of Xew Orleans, that no water liable to l)reed mosquitoes
shall he stored within tlie limits of the city, except under
the following conditions:
Sec. 2. Water kept in cisterns, tanks, barrels, buckets
or other containers for a period longer than one week
shall be protected from mosquitoes in the following man-
ner: Cisterns shall he covered with oil liy the property
owner or agent thereof within forty-eight hours after the
promulgation of this ordinance and provided with a cover
of wood or metal ; all openings in the top or within six
feet of the top larger than one-sixteenth of an inch to be
screened with netting of not less than eighteen mesh,
or cheese clotli or other suitable material by the ]iroperty
owner or agent thereof within forty-eight hours after
the promulgation of this ordinance; provided, that after
the first day of October, 1905, all property owners shall
be required to screen cisterns with wire netting of the
proper size mesh as required by the Board of Health in
sucli a manner as to prevent the entrance of mosquitoes.
Sec. 3. Tanks or barrels or similar containers to be
constructed in the manner provided for cisterns, or in
some other manner satisfjutory to the Board of ITealth.
Sec. 4. Buckets containing water for longer than one
week (such as fire buckets in cotton presses) and other
similar containers of stagnant water, shall be covered in
such a manner as to prevent the entrance of mosquitoes.
Sec. 5. Water in ponds, pools or basins, in public or
ANTI-MO.SyllTO ORDINANCES, 1905. 1101
private parks, places of resort or resideuces, or iu depres-
sions or excavations made for any purpose, shall be stocked
with iiiosquito-d(^stroyino- fish, or covered with protective
netting or shall Ite drained oft" at least once every week, or
shall be covered with coal oil in a nienner satisfactory
to the Board of Health by the owner or agent thereof
within forty-eight hours after the promulgation of this
ordinance.
Sec. G. The Board of Health may, in its discretion,
whenever deemed necessary, treat stagnant water by ap-
plying oil to its surface in such a manner as to destroy
mosquitoes.
Sec, 7. The object and purpose of this ordinance is
declared to be the preventon of the spread of disease by
the destruction of mosquitoes.
Sec. 8. The penalty for violation of this ordinance or
any section thereof, shall l)e a fine /of not more than
twenty-five dollars or imprisonment for not more than
thirty days, or both, and failure to comply Avitli any pro-
vision shall be considered a separate offense for each day
of its continuance after proper notification bv the Board
of Health.
On September 2Gtli, the following ordinance was passed :
Xo. 3277, NEW COUNCIL SEBIES.
AN ORDINANCE to pi-omote the public health by pre-
scribing the manner in which water lialde to breed
mosquitoes shall be cared for within the limits of the
City of New Orleans.
Be it ordained l)y the Council of the City of New
Orleans :
Section 1. That it shall be unlawful to set up, liave,
keep or maintain on any premises in the City of New
Orleans, any cistern, tank or well that is not screened
with wire mesh not coarser than (eighteen (18) wires to
the inch, both ways, provided that the inlets and outlets
of such cisterns, tanks or wells may be screened in any
manner or with anv material ai)])roved by the Board of
Health of the City of New Ojleans. that will thoroughly
1102 aigustin's history of ^ ellow fever.
prevent the ingress or egress of mosquitoes to and from
the water therein contained; provided, however, that no
water seal shall be used in screening any such inlets or
outlets.
Sec. 2. That it shall be unlawful to have, keep or
maintain on an3' premises in the Citj of Xew Orleans,
lot or batture, or in anv cemetery, park or square, any
pond, pool, fountain, trough, urn or water receptacle of
any similar character or kind, unless the same is kept
constantly covered with kerosene oil from February 1 to
December 1 in each year, or be kept constantly stocked
with mosquito-destroying fish, or covered with the protec-
tive netting- specified in Section 1.
Sec. 3. That it shall be unlawful between February 1
and December 1 in each and every year to have or keep on
any premises, water in any can, pitcher, bowl, bottle, tub,
bucket, barrel, trough or other receptacle, unless the same
be thoroughly emptied, dried or cleansed every five (5)
days before being refilled; provided, however, that fire
liarrels may be maintained on premises, provided that
they are properly screened with 18x18 Avire mesh, but all
fire buckets shall be maintained empty.
Sec. 4. Tliat it shall be unlawful to have or maintain
on any jiremises in the City of New Orleans any open well,
unless the same be continuously closed or screened as
altove provided, so as to prevent the ingress or egress of
mosquitoes to and from the Avater therein contained and
the drawing of water therefrom be operated by pumi^s.
Sec. 5. Tliat it shall be unlawful to have or maintain
any gutter or drain or roof in or on whicli waler stands
after rains, without drawing off thoroughly.
Sec. 6. That it shall be unlawful to liave, keep or
maintain on any premises in the City of y<?w Orleans,
any open cesspool or privy vault, to the li(piid contents
of which mosquitoes have ingTess or egress, unless the
same be thoroughly covered with petroleum oil every fif-
teen (15) days from February 1 to December 1 in each
and every year.
Sec. 7. That every lot or square in this city, which,
in the judgment of the Board of Health, is near enough
ANTI-MOSQUITO ORDINANCES, 1905. 1103
to tlie house of its inhabitants on which water stands in
pools or ponds, or Avhich contains excavations or holes or
depressions in which water may stand, is hereby declared
a menace to public health, and the owner thereof who
shall fail, after notice by the City Board of Health and
W'ithin the time therein prescribed, to fill or drain the
same or keep it covered with petroleum oil, shall be
deemed guilty of a violation of this ordinance.
Sec. 8. That it shall be unlawful to set up, have, keep
or maintain in any house or hotel, water closets furnished
with a tank or basin with water seal, unless such tanks
or basins be emptied and the water therein (renewed at
least once in five (5) days, from February 1 to December
1 in each and every year, or be kept during same period
thoroughly covered with kerosene oil.
Sec. 9. That the City Board of Health shall cause this
ordinance to be enforced in all its provisions, and to that
end said board or persons acting under its authority shall
have the right any time from 9 a. m. to 4 p. m. each day
to enter upon premises, lots, squares, parks or battures,
and any i^erson charged witli any of the duties imposed
by this ordinance failing, after notice by said Board of
Health and within the time prescribed l)y said notice, to
perform said duties, shall be deemed guilty of a violation
of this ordinance, and for eacli day after the expiration
of said notice the party notified fails to comply with said
notice shall be guilty of a separate violation of this ordi-
nance, and all fines collected for violations of this ordi-
nance shall be paid to the City Board of Health by the
Recorder collecting the same; provided, hoAvever, that no
notice from the Board of Health or its officers shall be
required to hold any person liable to penalties for the
violations of Sections 1, 2, 3, 4, 6 and S of this ordinance,
the provisions of Avhich sections are declared to be self-
operative and imperative; but in cases under those sec-
tions where screening has been improperly done originally,
or where the screening has gotten out of order, or has
been injured and rendered defective without tlie knowl-
edge of the owner, or, if absent his agent, then tlie pen-
110* augustin's history of yellow fkver.
allies shall be imposed only oii failure, after notice, to
make the necessarj^ changes and repairs, |
Sf.c. 10. The owners, and, in their absence, the agents
of owners, of all premises, lots, squares, parks or battnres
in the City of Kew Orleans, shall be liable for violations
of the provisions of Sections 1, 4, 5 and 7 of this ordi-
nance, except in cases Avhere, without the knowledge of
such owner or agent, the tenant of or trespasser on any
premises, lot, square, park or batture shall violate the
provisions of this ordinance, in Avhicli event such tenant
or trespasser shall be lialde for such violation ; where the
jjremises are vacant, or are occupied jointly- by the owner
and his tenant or sub-tenant, the owner, or, in his ab-
sence, his agent, shall be liable for violations of Sections
2, 0, 6 and 8 of this ordinance. The tenants or occu-
piers of all premises, lots, etc., shall be liable for viola-
tions of Sections 2, 3, 6 and 8 of this ordinance, and, in
tlie case above provided, for violations of Sections 1, 4,
5 and 7 thereof.
Sec. 11. That any person who shall violate any section
of this ordinance, shall be punished by a fine of not moro
than twenty- five (-^25) dollars, or by im])risonment for
not more than thirty (30) days, or both, in tlie discretion
of the court having jurisdiction. Each and every day of
failure to comply witli any of the provisions of this ordi-
nance shall constitute a separate ott'ense and be punished
as such.
Sec. 12. That this ordinance shall be enforced on and
after January 1, 1900; until that date Ordinance No.
31 9G, N. C. S., shall remain in force, except so much there-
of as requires wire screening to be coni])leted by October
1, 1905, Avhicli part of said ordinance is hereby repealed.
'
PART V.
THE ACCEPTED
MODERN THEORIES
CONCERNING
YELLOW FEVER.
1107
THE ETIOLOGY OF YELLOW FEVER.
From tliG Standpoint of 1908 and in Retrospect.
By G. Farrar Pattox, M. D., New Orleans.
Professor of Clinical Medicine, Post-Graduate Department, Tulane
University of Louisiana; Secretary Louisiana State Board
of Health, 1896-1906.
I.
First Definite Suggestion of the Truth.
Nowhere in the histoiy of scientific research is there a
more conspicuous instance of the tenacity with which
nature seems to guard her secrets than in the long and
deadly struggle it has cost mankind to wrest from her the
secret, so priceless and yet so simple when discoTerod,
of the causation of yellow fever. When we think of the
countless learned men who, singly and as members of
special commissions, have so earnestly and patiently
labored, generation after generation, to solve this vital
problem, while the insect by which the infection is con-
veyed mockingly buzzed about their heads, we cannot
pay too high a tribute to the acumen of Dr. Carlos J.
Finlay of Havana, who as far back as 1881 not only ad-
vocated with absolute confidence the doctrine that yellow
fever is conveyed by the bite of a mosquito, but correctly
designated, as was proved twenty years later by the ex-
periments of the IT. S. Army Commission under Surgeon
1108 augustin's history ok yellow fever.
Walter IJeed, the particular iiiosqiiito, and the only one,
so far as known, by which the disease is transmitted to
man.
Unfortunately, Fiulay did not at that time haye the
adyantage enjoyed by later inyestigators of deriying help-
ful suggestions from the knowledge of the role played bv
the mosquito in malarial feyer, but reasoning on the sim-
ple doctrine of direct inoculation, he thought that the pro-
boscis of the mosquito biting a patient ill with yellow
feyer became contaminated with the yirus of the disease,
which in turn was directly infused into the blood of
other persons subsequently bitten by the same mosquito,
thereby conyeying the disease to those who were not im-
mune. For reasons now well understood the experiments
made by Finlay to proye his theory were uniformly un-
successful, but he remained unshaken in his belief that
the particular house mosquito known to us as the »S7c-
(/om//i(i Cdlopiift} which he obseryed to be inyariably
present in connection with yellow feyer, was the active
agent for its transmission and, unlike many pioneers who
haye advocated a truth before the world Avas ready to
reeeiye it, he has lived to see his sublime faith triumph-
antly vindicated. In one of his able nuiuographs Surgeon
H. K. Carter, of the U. S. P. II. & :\r. 11. Service, aptly
refers to Finlay's thus singling out the l^fcgomj/ia mos-
quito in its causative relation to yellow fever as "a very
beautiful piece of inductive reasoning."
If Finlay could have ascertained what Carter later de-
termined, viz.: that a definite ])eri(;d of time must always
intervene between infecting and secondary cases, an ob-
servation impossible to make in Havana, where the dis-
ease was continuous, he would ])robably not have failed,
because he would almost certainly have taken the hint
and have kept some of his infected mosquitoes over that
period.
It came as a fitting sequel to Finlay's long and undis-
couraged advocacy of the transmission of yellow fever
'Formerly called Culex fasciata, and now named Stegomyia
calopus.
ETIOLOGY PATTON. 1 1 09
by mosquitoes that the immortal work of the U. S. Army
Commission, consisting: of Drs. Walter Reed, James Car-
roll, Aristides Agramonte and Jesse W, Lazear, by whom
in 1900 and 1001 the correctness of this discredited theory
was demonstrated to the world, was undertaken and
completed at Havana, Finlay's home city, where for
twenty years he had been resiarded as hopelessly A'ision-
ary on the subject. Surely, the prophet shall not be with-
out honor, and it takes away nothin<T from the imperish-
able fame of Walter Reed and his collaborators, one of
whom, Lazear, died a martyr to the cause, while Carroll
barely escaped the same fate, for us to give Finlay due
credit for a])stractly reasoning- out a great truth and for
so steadfastly upholding his belief despite of his inability
to prove it. The substantial vindication of that truth
constitutes, in the opinion of the writer, an achievement
outranking in value to humanity and to science any
single triumph tlie world has ever known, and has happily
settled forever the practical aspect of the etiology of yel-
low fever.
Wlien we say that tlie practical aspect of this long
vexed question is at last settled we speak advisc^llv, since
the "germ" of the disease remains as yet (in 1008) undis-
covered and because, after our many tribulations, we have
so much reason to be content with our present knowledge
that for practical purposes we can afford to rest where
we now stand.
The Yellow Fever Germ.
Of course, there is a special pathogenic entity concerned
in the causation of yellow fever, since nothing can como
into existence without 'a definite cause, but it would ap-
pear that here we have to do witli a soluble toxin that is
ultra-microscopic and so intangil)le as to be susceptible of
filtration through tlie very finest grained porcc^lain with-
out losing any of its vindence, as shown by the fact that
the serum of bb>od taken from a yelb)w fever patient with-
in tlie first three days and passed thr(»ugh a Chamberland
]110 AIGUSTIn's HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
filter has com'municated the disease by being injected sub-
cutaneously into the system of a non-immune person.
So evanescent is this poison, that after the third day of
illness it seems to disa^jpear from the blood of the human
subject.
Writers of the present day refer to the germ of yellow
fever as a ''parasite,'- following the idea of analogy, much
as chemists have classified the hypothetical metal ammo-
nium. In a recent monograph on yellow fever, Dr. Joseph
Goldberger,- of the U. S. P. H. & M. II. Service, writes
as follows on the subject:
''The Parasite. — While the organism of yellow fever
has not yet been discovered, we are, nevertheless in pos-
session of some facts which enable us to form' some idea
of its character. The disease has been found to occur
only in man and the mosquito, so that it is inferred that
the parasite is one of those that requires for the complete
evolution of its life cycle a mammalian and an arthropod
host. We have familiar analogies in Piroplasma hige-
iiiinum of Texas fever and the Plasmodium of malaria.
Because of these analogies it is inferred that biologically
it may be grouped with them as a protozoou. On the
basis of these and other analogies, both Schaudinn (1901)
and Novy & Knapp (1906) have suggested that it may
be a ^pirochaeta. Stimscu's recent discovery of a spiro-
cluT'te-like organism in the tubules of a yellow fever kid-
ney is therefore exceedingly interesting and suggestive."
It is now historical how enthusiastically the scientific
world welcomed the announcement by Sanarclli in 1<S97,
that he had succeeded in isolating the long sought germ
of yellow fever, and how great the corresponding disayj-
pointment was when his famous Bacillus Tcfrroidrs later
proved to be something merely associated with the disease
without standing in any causative relation to it. Since
that disappointment occurred, certain other tentative an-
Yellow Fever. Etiology, Symptoms and Diagnosis, by Joseph
Goldberger, July, 1907. Yellow Fever Institute Bulletin
No. 16, Government Printing Office, "Washington.
ETIOLOGY PATTON. 1111
nounceinents of fluding the elusive "germ" have been made
only to be discredited, with the result that the medical
profession, naturally disposed to be skeptical, is likely
to accord a very reluctant recognition to tl^o veal parasite,
should it be found.
While admitting that science owes it to itself to find
the "germ" of yellow fever if possible, it may be said
that from a purely practical standpoint of< etiology it
makes comparatively little difference to the world whether
this discovery is ever made, since the etiology of the dis-
ease, so far as the majority are concerned, seems to be
entirely comprehended in our knowledge, severely tried
and found reliable, that yellow fever, as we know it, is
only conveyed to man by the bite of the female Stcr/ODiijia
mosquito under certain narrowly restricted conditions to
be presently named.
This is the whole etiology of the disease in a nutshell.
II.
Views Formcrhj Held.
In the light of present knowledge it is not without in-
terest to notice briefly the views relative to the etiology
of yellow fever formerly held b^' those in positions of
authority as writers and health officials. Prior to the
introduction of the germ theory there seems to have pre-
vailed a general belief in a sort of poisonous miasm, either
diffused by the body or breath of the patient, or in some
other way generated in connection with the case. This
miasm was supposed to be highly iit feet ions, clinging
tenaciously to textile fabrics and even to tlie furniture
and Avails Qf the sick-room. Woolen articles were sup-
posed to be specially liable to attract and retain the poi-
son. Everything thus presumedly infected was regarded
as fomites capable of carrying the disease to another
locality where conditions might be favorable for its devel-
opment.
This belief in the spread of yellow fever by fomites was
practically universal, inspiring such abject terror during
1112 augustin's history of yellow fever.
certain epidemics that many cities and towns quarantined
"against the world/' preferring- to maintain absolute non-
intercourse and to dispense with common necessities of
life rather than risk the accidental introduction of any-
thing tainted with infection.
In striking contract with the teachings of the genera-
tion of medical authorities immediately prior to the reve-
lation of the truth about the causation of yellow fever,
it is to be noted with all the admiration due to a master
mind, that La Roche, whose classic work on the subject
ai^peared in the dark days of 1855, unhesitatingly ex-
pressed disbelief in the conveyance of yellow fever by
fomites, devoting a large section of one volume to evidence
and arguments against that wide-spread delusion.
While there could be no doubt about the general infect-
iousness of yellow fever, many logical observers doubted
its being personally contagious, since so many of those
in close contact with cases as nurses and attendants es-
caped, while hundreds who kept carefully aloof were at-
tacked. It seemed truly paradoxical that the ''miasm,"
which must in some way be associated Avith the sick,
should be thus seemingly inoperative at the bedside, but
potent a little distance away.
On this i^articular point another thinker, Prof. Austin
Flint, Sr,, of New York, after residing for a time in New
Orleans and carefully studying the question with the im-
partiality of an outsider, judicially summed up'^ the evi-
dence as being strongly opposed to the doctrine of per-
sonal contagion, declaring that — "That great majority of
those who have had an extensive practical acquaintance
with the disease believe it to be non-contagious."
Relative to the etiology of the fever, he makes this
guarded statement — "Of the nature and source of the
special cause of yellow fever we have no positive knowl-
edge beyond the fact that it originates without the body."
His reference to the conveyance of the infection by fomites
is so conservative as to suggest to one reading between
•Principles and Practice of Medicine. Fourth Edition, 1873.
EFIOLOGY PATTON, 11 IS
the lines the idea that he was not very firmly convinced
on this point, as when he says, "may not tlie special canse
be carried from one place to others in clothing, merchan-
dise, etc., and the disease in this way be imported? Facts
appear to establish the affirmative to this question."
Qnotino- Dr. Josiah Nott, of ^Mobile, Flint further states
that — "Tile special cause is most active near the ground;
persons on a ground floor are more likely to be attacked
than those in the stories above. The cause is more active
at night than in the daytime."
The Dr. Nott in (piestion, a distinguished physician of
his day and a thoughtful observer of facts, after ingeni-
ous reasoning by (exclusion, put himself on record in 1848,
as considering it "probable that yellow fever is caused
by, an insect or animalcule bred on the ground," even
naming the mosquito as a possible factor, though not
venturing any definite assertion on this point, as did Fin-
lay of Havana.
Another prominent physician of Alal)ania, Dr. Jerome
Cochram. who for years pri(tr to his fleath, was State
Health Officer, commenting on the low lying stratum of
infection in yellow fever, is quoted as saying that a wall
twenty feet high would check its progress. Rome ob-
server with a mathematical turn of mind actually calcu-
lated the rate at which the fever appeared to spread from
a known focus in a city as being about forty feet a day.
It was a common observation that the fever would hesi-
tate about crossing a street, but readily traversed two
back yards to reach a house in the rear.
The strange and unaccountable "smouldering" of the
infection between the first and second group of ca.«es
had been dulv noted from the earliest times, vrliile its
rapid s])read in hot weathei' and magical snbsidence after
the coming of frost caused many to tliiidv that some mete-
orological condition was concerned in its causation.
These and other accurate observation relative to the
behavior of ydlow fpver infection, so easily explained since
the habits of the Stegomyia mosciuito have been carefully
studied, shovv- how near to the truth those good people
11 14 augustin's history of yellow fever.
blundered without guessing it, with the mosquito all the
while biting them and singing in their ears.
AVlien the germ theory of the causation of disease began
to gain ground an entirely new and alluring turn was
given to speculation regarding the special cause of yellow
fever. It was at once decided that there must be a tangi-
ble microbe, very small perhaps and difficult to isolate,
but certainly within reach of the vaunted disinfecting
agents of which such great results were expected.
Thus we find Dr. Saml. Choppin, a high authority in
New Orleans and President of the State Board of Health,
declaring in his report for 1878 (page 10) that the mari-
time quarantine policy of his Board was "based on the
hypothesis that the mat cries morhl of yellow fever con-
sists of living germs, probably auimalcular. The object
is to attack tliose germs, wherever existing, hj agents de-
structive to I'^w forms of life without being injurious to
their habitat."
The germs were supposed to cling to all sorts of fomites
coming from tropical ports and especially to proliferate
in the bilge water of wooden ships, it being held by many
authorities that decaying wood was the most favorable
nidus for their growth and diffusion, which theory easily
explained the transportation of the disease by ships and
the frequency with which laborers working in the holds
of such ships at previously healtlw jjorts were the first
persons attacked by fever.
It may be mentioned in passing that the new era of
maritime quarantine practice so succc ssfully inaugurated
in 1885 by the Louisiana State lioard of Health under
Dr. Joseph Holt comprised the forcing of sulphur dioxide
by a powerful suction Idower into every portion of the
ship's hold, thereby killing any infected mosquitoes which
might have been lurkin<>- there Avhen the vessel sailed from
a tropical port, while simiiiar fumigation in detail was
performed by burning sulphur in every living space of the
vessel, making a clean sweep of all mosciuitoes on board.
Under the prevailing delusion al)out "germs" disinfection
of all fomites by steam heat was also laboriously per-
ETIOLOGY l»ATTON. 1115
formed, this xjart of the work getting the principal credit
for the good accomplished, after which detention sufficient
to cover the estimated incubation period of the disease
was enforced. '
With the further development of the germ theory and
with the trend of thought induced by tlie researches of
Koch, Eberth and others, we note a disposition to look
for the germ of yellow fever as affecting specially the
alimentary canal. Thus, in the section on yellow fev(>r
in Looniis & Thompson's American System of Medk-ino,
published in 1897, we read the following by no less an
authority than Sternberg:
''Yellow fever is not a contagious disease in the strict
sense of the word, i. e., it is not usually contracted by
contact with the sick ; but, as in cholera and typhoid fever,
the infectious element multiplies in the body of the sick,
and epidemics usually extend from foci of infection origi-
nating from the introduction of cases of the disease into
localities previously free from it. \
Although not definitely demonstrated, it seems ex-
tremely probable that this occurs in the same way as in
the diseases mentioned, viz., through the excreta. This
is indicated by the fact that while contact with the sick
as nurse or physician does not lead to infection, the soiled
clothing and bedding of yellow fever patients may induce
an attack in those Avho handle them, and may originate
an epidemic when transported without having been dis-
infected to another locality." * * * * *
"As heretofore suggested, the yellow fever patient, like
the patient with cholera or typhoid fever, ]U'obably carries
"germs" in his int(^stines wliich are ca])able of abundant
deveh)pment outside the bodv wlien local conditions are
favorable. *****'
"In view of the facts lieretofore recorded and tlie con-
clusions reached as the result of experimental investiga-
tion, it is evident that the dejecta of yellow fever patients
should be regarded as infectious material and should
never be thrown into privy vaults until they have been
completely disinfected."
1116 augustin's history ot yellow fever.
III.
Ti/rauiii/ of a False Doctrine.
Whatever diversity of views existed as to other points
in connection with yellow fever, physicians and laymen
of the South were practically united in cherishing' a
deepl}' rooted belief in its transmission b}^ fomites. That
this conviction prevailed must appear not only natural,
but inevitable, in view of the great mass of testimony in
support of that belief which has been handed down from
the i)ast by perfectly honest witnesses. In fact, some of
the reported instances^ of the apparent transmission of
yellow fever by fomites cannot possibly be reconciled with
our present knowledge, compelling the conclusion that
something is wanting in the evidence. It was not strange,
therefore, that medical men of the South, and especially
those officially charged with the responsibility of framing
regulations for the protection of the puldic health, were
somewhat slow in accepting the mosquito doctrine in its
entirety.
Dr. Edmund Souchon, President of the Louisiana State
Board of Health, from February, 1898, to January, lOOG,
and whose administration was thoroughly progressive, in
his Report for 1900-01 (pp. 78-9), correctly defined his
OAvn position and that of other Southern Health Officials,
as follows:
"While admitting that the mosquito has been shown
to be a potent factor in conveying the disease, we South-
ern Health Officers, charged with the grave duty of pro-
tecting our people against this most dreaded of all dis-
eases, are unwilling to accept the dictum of the experi-
menters that yellow fever can be conveyed by no other
auencv.
* Those interested will find a compilation of twenty-seven
authentically reported instances in Dr. Edmond Souchon's
paper on the "Treatment of Vessels from Yellow Fever
Ports"; N. Y. Medical Record, Feb. 8th, 1902. (Reprinted
in the Biennial Report of the Louisiana State Board of
Health for 1900-01, pp. 81-102.)
ETIOLOGY PATTON. Jll7
We are willing- to be conyinced, but are not prepared
to abandon established quarantine precautions on the
stren<;th of such neji'ative evidence as that alt'orded by the
reported experiments with fomites."
Dr. Souchon, without for a moment questioning- that
yellow fever is conveyed by the bite of a mosquito, was
not willing- to admit that fomites or other causes could
not also transmit the disease until time and further proofs
should demonstrate this beyond all possibility of doubt.
He felt that until this was done he would not be justified
in altering the quarantine regulations, especially as the
people of Louisiana, whose officer he was, still believed
firmly in the conveyance of yelloAV fever by fomites.
In justice to Dr. Souchon and other leading sanita-
rians of the South, it is to be noted here that they lost no
time in profiting by the evidence in support of the mos-
quito doctrine which continued to accumulate at localities
where the occurrence of yellow fever afforded opportuni-
ties to verify in actual practice the conclusions relative to
fonntes previously based only upon experiments, so that
long l)efore the outbreak in Texas in 1903 the useless-
ness of disinfection in yellow fever for any other object
than the destruction of mosquitoes had been officially rec-
ognized in Louisiana and to a great extent in adjoining
States.
IV.
Convi))c'uiff Ohjrc't Lr.s-.von.s' of 1905.
It is safe to assert that the experience gained during
the prevalence of yellow fever in Louisiana and Missis-
sippi in 1905 had the effect of banishing the last lingering
belief in the conveyance of the disease by fomites so far
as tlie vast majority of medical ni/en in the South were
1118 auglstin's history of yellow fever.
coucerned^^ During- that outbreak no attention wliatever
was paid to tlie disinfection of the clothing and bedding
of patients by the State and Federal authorities who con-
ducted the campaign, the first on record in Avhich the
ferer was conquered before the coming of frost, all work
being planned and carried out in strict accordance with
the doctrine of its natui'al transmission occurring solely
by the bite of the Stegomjia mosquito.
The magnitude of the demonstration given to the world
by that campaign left no ground for any objection that
might have applied to experiments on a small scale or
under artificial conditions. After that vast and costly
object lesson in our own territory, the only "doctors" left
unconvinced were (and are) a few old timers who still
cling to the traditions of the past, refusing to be per-
suaded that an insect as feeble and apparently insigni-
ficant as the mosquito can be the sole agent concerned in
conveying a disease so terrible as yellow fever.
V.
Efiological Role of the Mosquito.
So thorough and complete was the work done by the
II. S. Army Commission in Havana, as set forth in their
successive reports,^ that aside from abundant confirma-
* In New Orleans the g-reat mass of the laity became ready
converts to the mosquito doctrine. This result was accom-
plished largely through good missionary work done in the
city and by public meetings and lectures; but the people
themselves entered, heart and soul, into the great fight of
1905, and after witnessing the wonderful success of this
new method of warfare against their ancient enemy
needed no further piroof that the doctrine underlying that
method must be correct.
' The Etiology of yellow fever. A preliminary note. — Re3d,
Carroll, Agramonte and Lazear. Phil. Med. Journal, Oct.
27, 1900.
The Etiology of yellow fever. An additional note. — Reed,
Carroll and Agramonte. Jour. Amer. Med. Assn., Feb.
16th, 1901.
The Prevention of Yellow Fever. — Reed and Carroll. X. Y.
Med. Record, Oct. 26th, 1901.
The Etiology of yellow fever. A supplemental note. — Reed
and Carroll. American Medicine (PMla.), Fe-b. 22d. 1902.
ETIOLOGY PATTON. 1119
lion hj other trustworthy experimenters and the convinc-
ing proof of the correctness of their deductions afforded
by the success with which the same liave been applied in
the practical management of yellow fever, it may be said
that nothing essential has been added to our knowledge
of the mosquito doctrine since it was formulated hj its
discoverers. The bas^c jn'inciples of that doctrine in
relation to the etiology of yellow fever (without direct
reference to quarantine and sanitary work) may be briefly
stated, as follows:
1. The only natural agency by which yellow fever is
transmitted to human beings is the bite of an infected
female Stegomyia calopus mosquito. (Until recently
known as Stcgoniijia fasciafa).
2. Therefore, the disinfection of inanimate objects, as
formerly practiced for protection against the disease, is
useless.
3. In order to possess the power of transmitting the
disease, the mosquito must, at least twelve days previously,
have fed upon the blood of a yellow fever patient during
the first three days of that patient's illness.
4. After thus becoming able to transmit the disease,
the mosquito retains (most probably) that power during
the remainder of its life.
5. Neither in the mosquito nor in the human subject
does the Bacillus ictcroidcft or any other parasite thus far
discovered stand in any etiological relation to the disease.
6. After being bitten by a mosquito capable of trans-
mitting tlie infection, a non-immune person will ordinarily
develop yellow fever within five days, the time of incuba-
tion varying from two days and one hour in the shortest
recorded period, to six days and two hours in the longest.
It is proper to mention here that the French C<»mmis-
sino consisting of ^f. ;^^archoux, Salimbeni and Siniond,
by whom the deductions of the U. S. Army Commission
were corroborated in a series of experiments undertaken
to still further study the etiological aspect of everything
connected with yellow fever, reported one instance in
which the power of conveying infection appeared to have
1120 augustin's history of yellow fever.
been transmitted through the ova of an infected female
insect to her progeny. Two of the most expert and re-
liable experimenters of the U. S. P. H. ^ M. H. Service,
llosenau and Goldberger, entirely failed to find any con-
firmation of this hereditary transmission, and in the light
of much i)ractical experience the majority of American
authorities believe that it cannot take place.
The scope of this article does not warrant an exhaustive
review of various related matters of general interest, as
for example, the habits and peculiarities of the ^^tcf/oniijia
mosquito, its distinctive appearance, mode of attack — the
female alone biting — the influence of temperature on its
•'p<'rnicious activity," its longevity after becoming infected
and ability to hibernate through a mild winter with little
or no diminution of pathogenic vigor, as must have oc-
curred in New Orleans following the little epidemic of
1897,— etc., etc.
However, two of the special attributes of the Stegomym
col o J) lis are entitled to consideration here as belonging to
the chapter of etiology. , These are :
A. The power which that mosquito alone appears to
possess of transmitting yellow fever; and —
B. Tlie interval of time, usually about twelve days
(belie^<'d lo be influenced by temperature) required by
the femak' insect to develop that power within her system
after feeding upon the blood of a yellow fever i)atient dur-
ing the first three days of that patient's illness. This in-
terval is the "Extrinsic Incubation" of Cartt^r,^ who, in
1898, made a careful clinical study of the subject and,
Avithout detecting the agency of the mos()uit(), correctly
dctermiiM'd the period of incubation outside the human
body as being "usually in excess of ten days."
A.
The first of the foregoing points may be regarded as
established l)eyond any reasonable doubt l)y tlie negative
'A Note on the Interval Between Infecting and Secondary
Cases of Yellow Fever. — H. R. Carter, M. D., Surg. U. S.
Marine Hosp. Service, New Orleans Med. & Surg. Journal,
May, 1900.
ETIOLOGY PATTON . 1121
results whicli have attended all experimental attempts to
convey yellow fever through the bites of other mosquitoes,
as well as by the fact that however abundant mosquitoes
may be at a locality in which a case of imported yellow
fever develops, there is no spread of the disease unless
the Stegomi/ia is present. This explains why certain in-
terior localities have seemed to enjoy immunity, although
in the "j^ellow fever belt." '
As to why this particular mosquito is the only one
capable of transmitting yellow fever, we are thus for only
in a position to conjecture, but venturing a seemingly
plausible supjDosition covering the whole ground, we come
to the second jDoint :
B.
From analogies of susceptibility and natural immunity
observed among animals we may appear justified in
ascribing to the delicate house-bred female Stegomijia
hatched from the ovum of a mother fed on human blood,
an actual susceptibility to this human disease not pos-
sessed by any other mosquito, but with such natural power
of resistence as to present an incubation period more
than twice as long as in the human subject, and to remain
physically uninjured by the attack.
flhe supposition that the mosquito experiences some-
thing corresponding with an attack of yellow fever in the
more highly organized liuman subject is consonant with
the scientific dogma that the period of "extrinsic incu-
bation" represents the cycle of devclo])ment reciuired by a
hypothetical parasite Avithin the system of the insect, in
accordance with analogous examples in nature, and helps
to account for the profound impression evidently made on
that system. So deep and lasting is tliis iinj)ressi()n, like
that of unchecked syphilis in man, as to produce perm-'-
nent change of function, tlie seci'etion of the salivary
glands of the infected mosfiuito remaining tainted for
life.
1122 augustin's history of yellow fever.
The period of incubation iii the mosquito, averaging
about twelve days, added to the three, four or five days of
incubation required for the development of the disease
in the human subject, made up the interval of "smould-
ering" between the first case (or group) and the next
group of cases so j)uzzling and deceptive in former times,
besides being so disastrous in results.
Surgeon H. K. Carter of the U. S. Marine Hosptal
Service, who is identified with much of the best yellow
fever work done in recent years, realizing the importance
of determining, if j^ossible, the exact relationship of this
strange phenomenon, took advantage of a series of con-
secutive cases at a lonely railroad telegraph station near
New Orleans, in 1897, to make his first accurate observa-
tions. These he was able to verify the next 3'ear under
singularly favorable conditions at Orwood and Taylor, in
north Mississippi, where the appearance of yellow fever
among the non-immune population of a sparsely settled
district furnislied an opportunity to determine with ab-
solute accuracy the interval between certain isolated first
cases and the resulting secondary cases, the period of in-
cubation in the human sj'stem having already been satis-
factorily ascertained. In this way he arrived at the con-
clusions on which he based his first published statement
regarding tlie "period of extrinsic incu])ation,"' the apt-
ness of which designation has been generally recognized.
The significance and scientific value of Dr. Carter's
obsevations were not fully ap])reciated until the F. S.
Army Commission working at Havana took up Finlay's
uncompleted studies relating to tlie mosquito, after hav-
ing determining that the BaclUns ictcroidcfi of Sanarelli
is not an etiologic factor in yellow fever. This stiiinbliiig
block having been eliminated, the genius of the united
Commission, once started on the true path, with sugges-
tions drawn from the analogy of malarial transmission
by mosquitoes and the aid supplied by Carter's practical
studies, readily worked out the remaining elements of the
problem.
ETIOLOGY PATTON. 112S
The Commission had no difflculey in securing human
subjects for experimentation. At the beginning, a sub-
stantial cash bonus was ottered, but with characteristic
heroism, American soldiers offered themselves as sub-
jects without comx^ensation. There was plenty of yellow
I'ever in Havana and Finlay aided in obtaining the prox)er
mosquitoes for the experiments. A sufficient number of
iiisects were allowed to bite patients on successive days to
enable the Commission to study fully all questions of
time, with the result that it was found impossible for a
mosquito to become infected by biting a patient after
about the third day of illness, and also imi)ossible for a
mosquito, even when properly infected (i. e., by biting
during the first three days of the attack) to transmit the
disease to a human subject earlier than about twelve or
fourteen days thereafter, thus beautifully demonstrating
the rationale of Carter's "extrinsic incubation," of which
the Commission had been duly mindful. i
A majority of the yellow fever cases experimentally pro-
duced, while relatively mild, were distinctly typical, but,
as already mentioned. Dr. Lazear of the Commission died
of an attack of the disease. Carroll, who allowed himself
to be bitten by a stray mosquito, also had an attack so
severe as to be nearly fatal.
Among the supposedly non-immune subjects experi-
mented upon some did not develop the disease, showing
that they enjoyed a certain measure of natural immunity.
Later, when sufficient proof of the conveyance of infec-
tion by the bites of mosquitoes had accumulated to satisfy
the most skeptical, experiments on human beings Avere
discontinued as being attended with risk of life even when
most carefully conducted.
To test the reputed conveyance of infection by fomites,
a quantity of clothing and bedding dir(M't from yellow
fever cases and variously soiled with black vomit, feces,
etc., was placed in boxes and stored in an isolated house
erected for tlie experiment. This house was carefully
screened toi exclude mosquitoes, and was kept artificially
heated to imitate natural conditions. Seven non-immune
1124 ai'gustin's history ok yellow fener.
subjects submitting to the experiment occupied a tent
near by during tlie day, being carefully protected from
the bites of mosipiitoes. Ever}- night a squad would move
into the screened house, where they removed the funiites
from the boxes, handling each article, putting on the
soiled clothing, sleeping on beds made up with the "in-
fected'' sheets and blankets, and repacking the whole out-
fit in the boxes the next morning. Although exposed in
this way for three weeks, not one of the seven subjects
contracted the fever, but some of them subsequently ex-
perienced experimental attacks after being bitten by in-
fected mosquitoes under the proper conditions, showing
that they were actually non-immune.
The conclusions of the Commission were promptly put
to a practical test by Major W. C. Gorgas, Surg., U. S.
Army in charge of the sanitation of Havana, and with
such wonderful success, following absolute failure by
methods based on former theories, that he succeeded by
entirely eradicating yellow fever from that city Avhere
the disease had been perennial from time immemorial,
thereby carrying conviction to the minds of admiring
scientists all over the world.
VI.
TJtc Bacillii.s /cfcroidcs.
Before dismissing the subject of experimental research
to discover the cause of yellow fever, it is not inappropri-
ate to add a final word about the UaciJlus ictcroidefi of
Sanarelli. This parasite, wliilc not tlie actual "germ"
of the disease, is undenialdy vci-y inter(\sting in certain
respects. It is found in little groups in the capillaries
of the liver and kidneys of y(dlow fever subjects, organs
strikingly affected by the disease, and its behavior in the
laboratory, esix'cially as regards agglutination tests'^ and
•Archinard of New Orleans found in 1S97 that among twenty
cultures of known parasites the only one showing agglu-
tination with yellow fever blood was the Bacillus
Icteroides.
ETIOLOGY PATTON. 1125
the causation in certain animals of patholoi^ic conditions
typical of the disease in man, certainly justitied sanguine
belief in its being the long sought germ. Among ani-
mals experimented upon the dog proved especially sus-
ceptible, promptly developing characteristic symptoms of
yellow fever, viz. : violent gastric disturbance, intestinal
hemorrhages, albuminuria, suppression of urine and death
in convulsions, with post-mortem findings of degenerative
changes in the liver and kidneys corresponding with those
present in human beings who die of yellow fever.
Sanarelli reported five cases produced in human sub-
jects by inoculation with filtered toxin from cultures of
the Bacillus icteroides, all presenting clinical pictures of
yellow fever.
Altogether, it seemed conclusive that this must he the
specific parasite of the disease, but the impartial investi-
gations of the U. S. Army Commission at Havana, be-
sides determining the absence of the Bacillus icteroides in
the blood of a number of undoubted cases of yelloAv fever,
further showed that blood serum from a fatal case, though
absolutely sterile to culture media favoral)le to the growth
of that parasite, produced an attack of yellow fever in a
non-immune subject when subcutaneously injected. A
similar sample of serum from the case thus experimen-
tally produced likewise proved sterile, but also caused an
attack resembling yellow fever when injected into the cir-
culation of a non-immune person.
From these observations, showing that the Bacillus
icteroides is absent from the blood of yellow fever lyatients
at times when the serum of that blood, even after being
filtered through close gi*aiiied porcelain, is fully capable
of causing yellow fever if inlrodiieed into tlie system of
non-imimmes, it is self evident that we must look else-
where for the specific cause of the disease, howcA-or in-
teresting from a laboratory stand])oiiit that luiuarkable
parasite may be. Here, it is evident that we still have
something to learn.
11S6 augustin's history of yellow fever.
VII.
Dengue and Yellow Fever.
In couclusion, there seems to be auotlier aud really ini-
portant field for study as regards the frequent and hith-
erto confusing association of yellow fever and dengue.
Both diseases being transmitted by the bites of mosquitoes
and often occurring simultaneously, as it were, in locali-
ties where yellow fever almost immediately afterwards
becomes epidemic, there would appear to be some grounds
for suspecting a modified evolution of toxin in the system
of the transmitting mosquito, either the i^icfjomji'm calo-
pus itself or of some other memlier of the same grouj),
whereby the original poison thus modified instead of
causing undoubt(^d cases of yellow fever produces the sort
of atypical fever which in the past has proved so con-
fusing and disastrous.
It is, of course, very easy to explain matters by simply
assuming that the two diseases happen to lie present at
the same time, but to those who have personally observed
these puzzling twofold outbreaks some other explanation
seems necessary, and it is not expecting too much of
science, which has laid the Avorld under so many obli-
gations, to express the hope that in the near future the
solution of this long standing problem will be forth-
coming.
1127
THE SANITARY PREVENTION OF YELLOW
FEVER.
By Quitman Kohnke, M. D.,
Health Officer of the Citi/ of Ncio Orleans, September
1898 to Scptemher 190G.
The Yellow Fever Mosepiito.
There cau be no yellow fever as a com'miinioal)le disease
in the absence of its transmitting agent, the Stegonii/ia
mosquito, first classified, entomologically, as culex
fasciata, then as Stegoiiiijia fasciata, and later as
Stef/omyia ca lopus.
I'lie female only is a blood feeder and disease conveyer,
the male on account of tlie peculiar construction of its
feeding organ being unable to pierce the skin to obtain
blood.
The female deposits her eggs on the surface of still
water, and under favorable conditions, the adult ins'ccts
are develo])ed therefrom in about one week.
The mosquito may be seen at all hours, but is oftenest
observed in the morning and the afternoon. It selects
shady ])laccs and avoids smdight. It is said to be a day
feeder during the first four days of its existence after
which time it feeds at any hour of the day or niglit. It
may live for several months, nu<l once infectiMl with yel-
low fever, remains infectious during tlie i-est of its life,
It is a house mosquito and does not migrate. The possi-
bilily of infectiousness, transmitted to the off-spring
through the egg, is not yet established.
1128 acgustin's history of yellow fever.
lliboruation of the adult mosquito is supposed by some
authorities to occur, but has not been actually observed.
Hibernation of the egg and the larva is also believed to
happen. My observations incline me to the view that
hibernation is likeh' in the egg, jjossibly occurs in the
larva, but does not take place in the pupa or adult.
If hibernation of adults does occur in Xew Orleans,
I am of the opinion that infectiousness does not resist
the changes incident thereto.
Eecrudescence of yellow fever due to the persistence
of infectiousness in the mosquito through the period of
hibernation is held by some observers to account for the
reapjiearance of the disease in the summer following an
epidemic year. The recurrence of yellow fever is more
likely due to its reintroduction through imperfectly
guarded channels of entrance or, rarely, to the continu-
ance of the chain of cases through the winter and their
increase in number as the warm season favors mosquito
development.
Much has yet to be learned of the habits and character
of the S^tcf/OHii/ia mosquito, and the field of observation
and research is broad and comparatively new in this
direction.
ATe are in possession, however, of the essential facts
of its connection with yellow fever, and new discoveries
will be the elaboration of details, corroborating the main
truth and regulating its precise application in sanitary
practice.
II.
Moral Rc.s])OjisiJ>}lil 1/ for Epiihiuics.
Since the discovery of its mosquito transmission, the
prevention of yellow fever is a much simpler problem
than in the days of our ignorance of the mode in which
the disease invariably spreads fi'om i)erson to person.
While we have not yet discovered the germ of yellow fever
or its primal origin, our knowledue of the manner and
PREVENTION KOHNKE. 1129
character of its movement places a formidable weapon in
our hands against its progress, and it may be said in
reason and with fairness, that a community sulfering a
yellow fever epidemic is lacking as a whole in the essential
characteristics of intelligent manhood.
Yellow fever in the ignorant past was a misfortune ;
in the enlightened present it is a fault — in the moral
future it may be a crime.
III.
The Sauitari/ Creed.
The doctrine of the mosquito conveyance of yellow
fever, for the practical application of preventive measures
based thereon, may be expressed thus :
The immediate causative factor, the germ of t-ie '.^i^.-
ease, is accessible to the only natural vehicle of transmis-
sion, the mosquito, during the first three days of the
fever, and the germ after entering the mosquito's stomach
requires twelve days to migrate to one of the salivary
glands, from which the insect, while feeding, may inject
it into the blood stream of its victim, in Avhose system
the period of incubation is usually from three to five days,
rarelj^ six.
The human subject of the disease may be considered
infectious, therefore, to the mosquito during the first three
days of the fever, aiid not thereafter; the mosquito being
infectious after the twelfth day from the date of inocula-
tion, and not before. Its victim shows tlie first sym])tom
of disease usuall}- in less than five days after infection by
the insect.
The exceptions to this rule are not sufficient to suggest
its modification, but in actual practice the patient is con-
sidered possibly infectious dnring four days, and the mos-
quito possibly dangerous on the tenth day.
A case of yellow fever cannot occasion another case in
less time than the period of germ emigration in the mos-
1 1 30 augustin's history of yellow fever.
quito, which is twelve days, added to the period of iiicuba-
tiou in the human victim, which is seldom less than three ;
fifteen days completing- the miDimum cycle of infection.
We may say approximately that explosions of infection
should be expected, and are observable semi-monthly, and
the preventive effect, therefore, of disinfection cannot be
determined earlier than fifteen days thereafter. We can
not say how many cases niRj result from one case un-
treated sauitaril}', but we can say positively that no case
will result if there are no mosquitoes present of the Ste-
gomy'ia variet^^ Conversely we may rightly apprehend a
great infection in the presence of great numbers of
mosquitoes.
Tlie application of the mosquito doctrine to the pre-
vention of yellow fever is all that need be done in any
emergency; but to accomplish this, is a problem not to be
solved by anv set formula. It is an easy iiiatter to set
down on paper and in an office a lot of ruks in the abstract
to be carried out in the field, but it is a different matter
to apph' these rules concretely to actual ca!--es to obtain
results.
Circumstances and conditions met with in actual prac-
tice may radically change the relative value of details, es-
teemed of paramount importance theoretically.
As a])p]icablo to a locality or community, there may be
considered three propositions, upon the first two of which
is based the third, which is offered in the nature of a
conclusion.
1. Quarantine against yellow fever cannot be made
absolute in its protective value.
2. Early recogiiih'on of the presence of yellow fever
infection is difficult always, and at times impossible.
3. Tlie most dependable measure of prevention of yel-
low fever is destruction of the ^^fr(/o)iii/}<i mosquitoes be-
fore the i)ossil)ility of infection.
Qiiaranthic. — In quarantine against yelb)w fc^ver, two
essentials are to l)e considered, and uofJiiiif/ rUc. Deten-
tion of persons ex])osed to inf(H-tioii for not less than the
period of icubation of the disease, and the prevention of
entrance of infected mosquitoes.
PREVENTION KOHnKI. 11 SI
The increasing facility of rapid travel makes quaran-
tine more clifficnlt and less reliable. However, near to
perfection may become onr maritime quarantine system,
we shall always be exposed to infection by rapid land
transportation from ports not themselves infectible, or
which are less careful for other reasons. Quarantine,
though important and necessary, cannot ever be all-
sufficient.
Eaylji Rccof/nition. — Early recognition of yellow fever
infection, so essential to the prompt application of sani-
tary remedial measures, is rarely to be expected. The
history in this respect of 1897-8 and 1899, as well as that
of 1905, exemplifies this, not only in New Orleans, but
elsewhere, even in Havana, where better preparation is
made and better opportunities offer for the prompt
discovery of early cases.
We should not relax our constant watchfulness during
the season of danger, but we must realize that knowledge
of the existence of first cases requires a combination of
factors not always obtainable and not within our practical
control.
IV.
Mortality Statistics.
Three charts of mortality are shown for three separate
years, one of which, 1905, is a yellow fever year. All the
charts apply to New Orleans.
The causes of death are those under which yellow fever
may be concealed, intentionally or not.
A careful analysis of these records does not bear out
the notion, expressed by some, that the presence of yellow
fever may be discovered early through an inspection of
the mortality records. In 1905, the presence of yellow
fever was suspected bv the report on the afternoon of
July 12th, of cases of illness for official investigation.
Subsequent discoverv Avas made of its probable presence
as early as the middle of 'Sli\y. If mortality records bad
the value, in this respect, that is claimed for them, then
those for 1905 would have furnished the warning of
danger.
1132
AUGUSTIN S HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
No system of investigation which will seem to discover
yellow fever in the records of 1905, prior to July 12th,
will fail to indicate yellow fever also for 1903 and 1904,
3'ears when yelloAV fever was not present.
The value of mortality charts may be historic and cor-
roborative, but it is certainly not prophetic, in respect
to yellow fever. Investigations of individual cases, whose
circumstances, together Avith the given cause of death,
may excite suspicion, is more reliable than an observance
of increased mortality from certain diseases, and is earlier
available. But this also is not dependable to discover
early cases, for it was our routine practice duri^ig the
danger period, and was done during the summer of 1905,
as late as the early part of July, with negative results.
" 1905.
January
February
March
Aprrl
May
June
July
August
September
October
November
December
IS04..
i.tj I ♦J CO
Rj o.
OH
Ol.S
V o
'£-°
CQ c^
January
February ..
March
April
May
June
July
August
September .
October
November
December ..
4
3
a
4
6
.5
4
6
13
9
6
3
5
5
8
7
3
4
5
6
5
10
8
5
38
40
41
37
3-2
42
42
25
32
47
42
56
9
3
16
80
70
50
40
22
19
17
16
12
9
7
2
6
10
13
II
14
19
10
10
7
16
15
8
18
28
28
45
58
37
26
26
31
PREVENTION KOHNKE.
1123
1903.
«
Bl
v'S
1^
13
^
S
z
3
4
1
7
4
2
2
5
m 2
gj O
MX!
r! ft
O >.
January
February ..
March
April
May
June
July
August . .
September
October — .
November
December
53
53
53
39
41
30
39
51
54
51
49
50
13
12
10
20
8-2
73
56
26
II
17
18
17
5
4
6
6
8
IM
16
21
14
8
2
II
16
8
13
13
28
55
59
79
66
25
24
26
V.
Dcstntctioii of Htcfjomi/iac.
Finally, we must, I think, conchide tliat the de-
struction of the only transmitting' niedinm is Tfie
surest preventive of .yellow fever. This measure
also is subject, of course, to imperfect application
in practice, and incomplete results. It is, for this reason,
not sufficient, alone, to i>uarantee ai»aiiist infection, but
it offers the important element of time during- whicli to
arran.G,e for and encouraj^e its tliorou<ih a]iplication ; and
in the event of the failure of (luarantine and of the pr()m])t
recognition of infection, tlie spread of the disease is modi-
fied by even a partial destruction of the conveying medium,
and this gives op])ortnnity for perfecting (nganization
against tlie infected insects.
The heal til authorities of New Orleans were convinced
of the trutli and imi)ortance of the mosquito doctrine of
yellow fever conveyance, in 1001, and of the importance
of mosquito destruction. Twice a law such as is now
operative was proposed to and rejectiMl, by the city
council, and my belief is now, as it was then, that the de-
struction of ^Sfcf/omj/ia mosquitoes prior to the intrctduc-
1134 AIGUSTIn's HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
tion of yellow fever is the oiiiice of i^revention that is
better than the pound of cure.
VI.
Conditions Ohtaiiiinfj in Xcic Orleans in 1905.
The explosion of infection in Xew Orleans in 1905, was
due to an unfortunate combination of unfavorable con-
ditions, to which was applied the spark of introduced in-
fection. How the fever entered the city is not the official
concern of the health officer, who is siDcciall}' denied by
law any function or authority in maritime or inland quar-
antine. Wlien the fever got here, however, it found ideal
factors for its development and spread. The section of
the city first infected is the most densely populated. The
people are for the most part ignorant of our language and
illiterate in their own. Their habits are unsanitary and
their customs such as tend to secretiveness and improvi-
dence. They are not, as a rule, vicious, but fearful of
police authority, and exceedingly clannish ; as is not un-
natural for foreigners in a strange country.
It is currently believed, and I think correctly so, that
among them are criminals escaped or deported from their
own country ; and that the "dago vote," as it is called, is a
political factor of considerable importance in that section
of the city.
Medical attention in case of illness is usually delayed
until the severity of sym]»toius demands it, and any but
severe ailments are likely to be followed by recovery with-
out medical interference. They are attended when ill,
mainly by physicians of their own nationality, not all of
whom speak our language and some of whom are un-
familiar with yellow fever. They are apt to resent the
reporting of any case of communicable disease to the
authorities, and are likely to dismiss the attending physi-
cian for this reason. Imagine a crowded population of
this kind whose water supply consists in largo part of
turbid river water, kept for settling purposes in numerous
PROTECTION KOHNKK. 1135
open barrels, each one an ideal breeding place for the
lStcgo]iii/ico mosquito.
For more than four years the health offlcer, encouraged
and sui)ported by the board of health, had pointed out the
danger; had explained, urged, begged and prophesied, but
other considerations were deemed of greater importance
than the destruction of mosquitoes. In plain English,
the politicians thwarted the designs of the health officer
while the general public was indifferent.
When the disaster came, however, the people of New
Orleans, awakened from a lethargic sense of security, rose
to the situation and demonstrated their willingness and
abilit3' to tight the greatest battle that was ever waged
against j^ellow fever; and they conquered. ! The united
forces of the combined authorities of the City, State
and Nation and the whole people of New Orleans, men
and, notably-, Avomen succeeded in turning a great calamity
into the most glorious victory of modern times. For the
first time in Ncav Orleans an epidemic of yellow fever was
fouglit with the weapons suggested by the doctrine of
mosquito conveyance of the disease, and for the first time
extensive yellow fever infection was controlled as early as
August.
The successful efforts of the local authority were dis-
turbed by internal bickerings, jealousies and political
intrigues which endangered the final outcome, and the
Federal government was appealed to and invited to as-
sume charge of the situation. This was done through tlie
IMarine Hospital Service by the enabling authority of the
health officer and the victory was continued to completion.
The first victory over yellow fever was in FTavana. the
greatest in New Orleans.
The character of the neighborhood first infected, its
nearness to the landing place of the ITavana steamers, the
intimate connection of the ])eoi)le witli llie Iropical fruit
trade, and the facility witli which infection could have
gotten, and prob{d)ly did get, to the luggers, the Innding
place for which is in close proximity, these luggers being
connecting links with the gulf coast of Louisiana, are
1136 ai.gistin's history of yellow fever.
suggestive; aud give occasion for various speculations,
Avitli regard to the mode of origin and source of infection,
not likelv at this time to reach the domain of ascertained
facts.
Suspicion was specially directed to this neighborhood
of tlie citv about the middle of July, but subsequent
knowledge indicated the real beginning of yellow fever
infection to have been probably six or eight weeks earlier;
thus allowing infection to reach other sections of the
State before the suspicion of its presence was excited in
New Orleans.
Never before was an epidemic of yellow fever in New
Orleans fought in the same Avay, and the most skeptical
of reasonable persons must conclude that the control of
what would have been one of the greatest of yellow fever
epidemics was due solely to the prevention and destruction
of mosquitoes.
VII.
Conclusions.
Since the (^tcf/onn/ia mosquito alone transmits yellow
fever, preventive measures need be directed onlv against
this insect, and since the adult mosquito of this Aariety
issues in about one week after the cixiX is dejxssited upon
the surface of still water, the following rule should be
enforced to render a locality iiniiiiiiic to the disease.
Once a week pour upon the the surface of all still water,
not removable by drainage or otherwise, or stocked with
fish, or screened from mosquitoes, a quantity of refined
kerosene equivalent to one ounce for each ten square feet
of surface.
This, if begun before their flight, will prevent the breed-
ing of ^tccianijiia mosquitoes, and thereby remove
the possibility of spreading infection which they alone
can spread.
A locality so protected against yellow fever need not
quarantine against the disease, but protection so obtained
PREVENTION KOHNKE. 1 1 S7
can not be more complete than the work is thorough, and
the work will not be more thorough than the i)eople are
informed.
If quarantine be advisable, because of infectibility, this
measure of protection need only include persons ex-
posed to infection, (and these should be detained only
during the period of incubation of the disease) ; and need
not include any article, incapable of transporting
mosquitoes. ;
An infectible locality is one containing adult Stegomyia
mosquitoes, and, should the disease be introduced, fami-
gation to kill possibly infected mosquitoes must be prac-
ticed in infected domiciles, and for this the location of
early cases is necessary.
It is my experience tliat early cases, not imported, are
not, recognized in time to prevent infection, and it is
my belief that they never will be. Diagnosticians who can
at all times differentiate between the very mild cases of
yellow fever and diseases resembling it exist mainly in
the imagination of the laity. ,
Ignorance and improvidence have permitted variola to
exist more than a hundred years after the discovery of its
prevention. Ignorance, improvidence and commercial
greed may permit yellow fever to be occasionally ei)idemic
in our country for an equal period.
(^\■
1138 ' ^^ y
BIBLIOGRAPHY OF TRANSMISSION OF YELLOW FEVER BY
MOSQUITOES.
(Compiled by George Augustin.)
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pioneer in yellow fever research. Boston M. & S. J., 1908, vol. 158,
p.. 927.
Algomclona ('M. S.): (Etiology.) Rev. Med. de Bogota, 1907-8, vol.
27, p. 41.
Aubert & Guerin: Note sur la capture, a Marseille, d'un moustique
du genre Stegomyia. Compt. Rend. Soc. de Biol., Par,, 1908, vol. 64,
p. 378.
Beauperthuy (Louis-Daniel) : Gaceta Official de Cumana, Ano 4, No.
57, May 23, 1854. (See also article by Agramonte.)
Blanchard (R.) : Les Moustiques. Paris, 1905.
Bonneloy: Fievre Jaune Experimentale. Archives de Med. Nav.,
Paris, 1907, vol. 88, p. 283. (2 charts)
Bouffard (G.): Le stegomyia fasciata an Soudan francais. Bull.
Soc. Path. Exot., 1908, vol. 1, p. 454.
Brumpt (E.) : La fievre jaune. Presse Med., Par., 1908, vol. 16,
p. 731.
Campo (G.): L'epidemia di febbre gialla del 1905 nel territorio
meridionale degli Stati Uniti d'America ed i criterii di profilassi che
ne derivano. Ann. di Med. Nav., Roma, 1908, vol. 1, p. 153.
•Car'bajal (A. J.) : Etiologia de la fiebre amarilla o vomito prieto
considerada desde el punto de vista de su transmision por la picadura
del mosquito. Bol. d. Inst. Patol., Mexico, 1907-8, 2. ep., vol. 5, pp.
521, 589, 657.
iCarbajal (A. J.) : La etiologia del vomito o fiebre amarilla. Mem.
Soc. Cient. "Antonio Alzate," Mexico, 1907-8, vol. 26, p. 81.
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Carroll, J.: Discovery of the Transmission of Yellow Fever by the
Mosquito. American Medicine, 1904, vol. 8, p. 583.
Carroll (J.): The etiology of yellow fever. J. Am. Med. Assn.,
Chicago, 1903, vol. 41, p. 1341.
'Carroll (J.): History, Cause and Mode of Transmission of Yellow
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Carroll (J.) : Remarks on the history, cause and mode of transmis-
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Ass. Mil. Surg. U. S., Carlisle, Pa., 1903, vol. 8, p. 177.
TRANSMISSION BY MOSQUITOES BIBLIOGRAPHY. 1 139
Carrol (J.) : Transmission of Yellow Fever. Journal American
Medical Association, 1903, vol. 40, p. 1429; 1903, vol. 41, p. 43.
, 'Carroll (J.) : Without Mosquitoes * * * no Yellow Fever. Science,
" (new ser.), 1905, vol. 23, p. 401. Also in American Medicine, 1906,
vol. 11, p. 383.
/_jCarter (H. R.): A note on the spread of yellow fever in houses;
extrinsic incubation. Medical Record, 1901, vol. 59, p. 933,
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Pub. Health & Mar. Hop. Serv., U. S., Wash., 1904>, p. 436.
Also: Texas Med. Gaz., 1904, vol. 4, p. 172.
Also: Med. News, N. Y., 1904, vol. 85, p, 878.
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yellow fever, with the theory of its conveyance by the culex fasciata.
Phila. Med. JL, 1901, vol. 7, p. 694.
Carter (H. R.): Some characteristics of stegomyia fasciata which
affect its conveyance of yellow fever. Med. Rec, N. Y., 1904, vol,. 65,
p. 761.
Carter (H. R.) : The Methods of the Conveyance of Yellow Fever
Infection. Yellow Fever Institute Bulletin, No. 10, 1902 (Revised in
report of t'he Supervising Surgeon General, U. S,, 1904, p. 436.)
Also in Medical News, 1904, vol. 85, p. 878.
Chabassu: Quelques Considerations sur I'Etiologie et la Therapeu-
tique de la Fievre Jaune. L'Union Medicale, Paris, 1863, vol. 17, p. 339,
Chaille (S. E.) : The Stegomyia and Fomites. Journal American-
Medical Association, 1903, vol. 40, p,. 1433.
Chantemesse (A.) and Borel (F.) : Fievre jaune et mostiques. Bull.
Acad, de Med., Par., 1905, 3. s., pp. 99, 125, 150.
Chassaignac (Charles) : The Role of the Mosquito in the Propagation
of Disease, (Annual Address as President of the Louisiana State
Medical Society, 1904-05). No. O. Med & Surg. Jl., 1905, vol. 58, p. 33.
Cilo (B. A.): El mexococcidium stegomyiae; parasito de la fiebra
amarilla. Semana Med., Buenos Aires, 1903, vol.. 10, p. 1242.
■Cobb (J. O.) : Conveyance of yellow fever infection. Phila., Med. Jl.,
1900, vol. 6, p. 993.
Corre (A.): Revue critique sur une nouvelle theorie pathogenique
de la fievre jaune. Arch, de Med. Nav., Paris, 1883, vol.. 39, p. 67.
de Andrade (N. ): Estudio critico sobre la etiologie y profilaxia de
la fiebre amarilla. Semana Med., Buenos Aires, 1904, vol. 11, p. 740.
de Gouvea (H.) : Les moustiques et la fievre jaune. Bulletin
Medical, Paris, 1901, vol. 15, p. 870.
de Lecerda (J. B.): Os mosquitos transmissores da febre amarella.
Braz. Med., Rio de Janeiro, 1901, vol. 15, p. 281..
Deshayes (C): Fievre jaune et mostiques, reglements sanitaires.
Normandie Med. Rouen, 1905, vol. 20, p. 172.
Carter (H. R.): A note on the interval between infecting and
secondary cases of yellow fever, etc. N. O. Med. & Surg. Jl., 1900,
vol. 52, p. 617,
1 1 40 AIGUSTIN S HISTORY OF YELLOW FEYER.
de Ybarra (A. M. F.): The transmission of yellow fever. Lancet,
Loudon, 1903, vol. 2, p. 1050.
Doty (A. H.): Regarding the Infectious Agent of Yellow Fever.
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Doty (A. H.): On the mode of transmission of the infectious agent
of yellow fever and its bearing upon quarantine regulations. Medical
Record, N. Y., 1901, vol. 60, p. 649.
Dudley (D. E.): Observations on the mosquito as a carrier of yellow
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Duplan (E.) : Notes on the Propagation of Yellow Fever. American
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S. Marine Hospital Service, Public Health Report for 1906, p. 253.
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..Finlay (C. J.): Mosquito Doctrine of the Yellow Fever Etiologj%
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TRANSMISSION BY MOSQUITOES BIBLIOGRAPHY. 1141
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p. 81.
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mosquito. Manuscrito de 1891. Rev. de Med. Trop., Havana, 1903,
vol. 4, p. 124. (English Transl., p. 134.)
Also: N. O. M. & S. JL, 1903, vol. 55, p. 800.
Finlay (C): Yellow fever and its transmission. Jl. Am. Med. Assn.,
1901, vol. 36, p. 1040.
Finlay (C. J.): Yellow fever: Its transmission by means of the culex
mosquito. Am. Jl. Med. Sciences, 1886, vol. 92, p. 395.
Finlay (C. J.) and Agramonte (A.): The Transmission of Yellow
Fever. Journal Amer. Med. Assn., 1903, vol. 40, p. 1659.
Finlay and Delgado: Estadistica de las inoculaciones con mosquitos
contaminados en enfermos de fiebre amarilla. Ann. de la Real
Academia de ciencias med. . . . de la Habana, 1890, v. 27, pp. 495 and
591.
-Forest (Louis-Alphonse) : Les mostiques et la fievre jaune. Paris,
1903, 109 p. 8°.
Francis: Observations on the lifecycle of Stegomyia Calopus. Pub.
Health Rep. U. S. Mar. Hosp. Serv., Wash., 1907, vol. 22, p. 381.
Freyssinge and Neveu-Lemaire: Role des moustiques dans la pro-
pagation de la filiariose et de la fievre jaune. Bulletin des Sciences
Pharmacologiques, Paris, 1901, vol, 3, p. 81.
Gaston (J. McF.) : Collaboration of reports of various observers on
the etiology of yellow fever, shown in mosquitoes. N. Eng. M. Month.,
Danbury, Conn., 1903, vol. 22, p. 50.
Goldi (E. A.) : Stegomyia fasciata, der das Gelbfieber ubertragende
Mosquito und der gegenwartige Stand der Kenntnisse uber die Ursache
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11 42 augustin's history of yellow fever.
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1144 ALGUSTIN S HISTORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
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1147
PATHOLOGY OF YELLOW FEVER.
BY OLIVER L. POTHIER^ M. D.^
Pathologist to Charity Hospital, New Orleans.
Difficulty of Pathological Diagnosis.
The pathology of yellow fever, like the clinical aspect
of the disease, is dependent upon a number of factors
which must be taken collectively, to establish the lesions
of the infection. It could be embodied in a very few
words by describing it as a general steatosis. No other
infection produces such intense and widespread fatty
degeneration as 3ellow fever. The sudden and general
hemorrhages appearing during its course are due to the
fatty degeneration of the endothelium. Yet there is not
a single lesion of any organ which can be considered
pathognomomic of yellow fever. It is the collective
lesions and general pathological picture presented during
the course of the infection and at the autopsy, which char-
acterizes the disease.
We do not find, as in typhoid fever, typhus and other
infectious diseases, characteristic lesions localized in
special organs. The lesions of yellow fever are dissemi-
nated throughout the body, and it is the peculiar general
picture presented by the lesions of the different organs,
associated witli the history of the case, which makes up
the basis of a pathological diagnosis. The lesions are
characteristic in that they affect certain organs, while
others remain apparently free. '
Yellow Color.
To one familiar with yellow fever, the appearance of
the body brings to his mind a number of features, which,
though not absolutely characteristic, present an cnscmhlc
on which at times a diagnosis may be based. The body
presents a. yellow color, not the light or lemon color of
ordinary jaundice, but a decided uniform deep orange
yellow, which with the peculiar lividity generally exhib-
1148 AUGUSTIn's H'.STORY OF YELLOW FEVER.
ited by the bodies, gives them a rather striking appear-
ance. On the chest, neck, genitals, and, at times, other
parts of the body, not necessarily the dependent parts^
are found number of small or large hemorrhagic areas,
which appear to be cutaneous and subcutaneous hemor-
rhages. The dependent parts show as a rule marki^d post-
mortem hypostasis. The sclera are markedly yellow and
frequently show hemorrhagic points; the pupils are
usually dilated.
HcinorrJifn/ic Hpofs.
In a number of places the sul»cutaneous tissue show
hemorrhagic areas, due to overdistention of the capillaries
of the part, with rupture resulting from the fatty degen-
eration of the endothelium. In some cases these hemor-
rhages are numerous and quite extensive. The skeletal
muscles do not present any marked changes, though, at
times, areas of fatty degeneration are found. This, how-
ever, is unusual.
The Lungs.
The lungs do not present any special lesions. They
generally appear normal. The microscoi)ical picture may
show slight engorgement, but nothing else of note. In
their report on yellow f( ver ^Marchoux and Simoud state
that the oedema fre([uently existing in autcjiKics of yellow
fever, is possibly due to post-moi-tem changes. I must
say that my experience with yellow fever, prompts me to
agree with their statements, and that I have generally
observed that the lungs show very few, if any, changes.
The Heart.
The heart and large vessels at its base show frequently
hemorrhagic spots over their surfaces. The heart is
usuall flabby, and of a yellowish-red color. The endo-
cardium frequently shows hemorrhagic spots also. The
organ may present all of these lesions in a marked degree^
PATHOLOGY POTHIER. 1149
or one lesioii may be more proiiounced, while the others
do not shoAV. Again the organ may not show any lesions.
It is rare, however, that one or the other lesions are not
ajji^arent. The microseoi^ical examination may reveal ab
times marked latty degeneration, while at others the
muscle is normal.
The Liver.
The lesions of the liver are more frequently met with
and are more characteristic, the organ presenting in typi-
cal cases a marked fatty degeneration. It has a yellow
cast, though I cannot say that it is always boxwood in
color. At times it niay exhibit that appearance, but in
the majority of ^Mstances the organ is simply yellowish.
The microscopical appearance in cases that die early
show fatty degeneration of the middle part of the lobule,
'or in what is kiiown as the hepatic arteiy zone. This
appearance does not show, however, in cases that die after
the fiflth or sixth day or tuV' /Hsease, is the fatty degenera-
tion has involved all of the loLiile. In these cases
the organ is transformed into a mass of fatty degenerated
cells, little if any of the protoplasm of the cells remaining,
while the blood capillaries and spaces are filled with
blood.
The early fatty degeneration as described above, limited
to the middle zone of the lobule, is considered by some
as characteristic of yellow fever; l)ut it is found in other
infectious diseases, and is rather a characteristic of the
fatty degeneration of acute hepatitis of infectious diseases.
The Spleen.
The spleen does not show anything of note, and is gen-
erally normal in size. This is a dirfcrentiiil ])oiiit between
yellow and malarial fevers. The spleen in the latter al-
ways presentiiig the characteristic ap^iearance of malaria.
The microscopical examination fails to show anything, but
at times one may find a laigc (piantity of blood in the
blood spaces, with fatty degeneration of endothelium.
1150 augustin's history of yellow fever.
The KUlncys.
The kidneys are usually of a reddish-Yellow color, and
appear congested. On section the organ presents a
marked yellow color, mixed with red and frequently small
hemorrhagic areas are disseminated through the sui)stance
of the organ. In some cases, however, this organ may not
show any apparert lesions. The microscopical appearance
is generally that of an acute parenchymatous nephritis,
with extensive fatty degenerations, the cells of the tuhules
appearing as granular masses lining the tubules and filled
with fat droplets. The cells or what remains of them are
desquamating and in many areas casts are found plugging
the lumen of the tubules. The capillaries are filled
with blood and in places blood is found in the connective
tissue and at times in the tubules. In some cases, hardly
any lesions can be demonstrated, with the exception of a
few f'attv cells.
The Adrenals. Tiij/roids and Pancreas.
The adrenals thyroids and pancreas all present fatty
degeneration of their respiective epithelium. The degen-
eration in the adrenals seem to be more marked in the
zona fasciculata. All of the different organs i)resent fatty
degeneration, which seems to be the main lesion of yellow
fever.
The stomach.
The stomach mucous membrane presents hemorrhagic
spots, more especially near tlie cardiac extremity. The
contents are of a semi-fluid or fluid dark-grumous color,
or the viscus may be empty. The microscopical examina-
tion reveals a swollen mucosa; the cells are desquamating
and fatty, the fatty degeneration extending to the gland-
ular cells even in the fundus of the glands.
PATHOLOGY POTHIER. 1151
The Intestines.
The small and large intestines, if we except the begin-
ning- of the duodeum, do not present very ninch of note
microscopically. Under the micro' cope we may find in
the small intestines a swollen mucosa., the cells of which
are desquamating and, occasionally, a few fatty cells; but
these lesions are not constant. At the beginning of the
duodenum, the firs^ two inches present very much the same
lesions as those of the stomach.
The Blood.
The blood of yellow fever does not present much of
note. The repeated examination of this tissue has failed
to reveal anything definite. Some cases present appar-
ently an increase of the platelets, but this is no\, a con-
stant condition and cannot be considered typical of the
disease. Again certain bodies have been reported as oc-
curring in the plasma, but it is very probal)le that tliey are
due to fragmented corpuscles or some artefact, and are
not constant. The blood count is practically normal and
there does not seem to be any constant variation in the
amount of hemoglobin, thougli at times a series of cases
may show a slight diminution. Taken as a whole in a
large number of <^'ases the blood alteration are practically
nil. The leucocytic count is also normal, and there does
not seem to be a preponderance of either class of leuco-
cytes. In the microscopical examination of organs, one
is at times struck with the number of leucocytes carrying
fat globules, or it may be undergoing fatty degeneration.
1 The Nervous Sijsteui.
The central nervous system sliovvs lesions A\lii(h are
practically the same as that of the other organs. Fatty
degeneration, may be present, though probably not as
extensive nor as intense. Tl.e surface of the organ is gen-
erally congested and the centrum ovale shows a number or
punctiform red areas, showing dilation an.l congestion of
1152 augustin's history of yellow fever.
the blood vessels. The surface and even the white substance
of the brain may show numeronr, small heniorrliajres.
These are the most apparent gross lesions of the nervous
system ; though at times /they are not noticeable. The
microscopical examination of the differt^it jianglionic
areas of the organ shows fatty degeneration of the nerve
cells, all of which seem to be susceptible to the toxic in-
fluence of the infection. The cells of Purkinje, according
to Marchou and Simond, are less A'ulnerable.
The spinal cord present the same general lesions found
in the brain.
Adults More (Susceptible.
We must not forget that the majority of fatal cases
of yellow fever occurs in adults, and that these may show
lesions of previous diseases, and these lesions must not
be looked upon as forming part of the pathology of yellow
fever. Frequently the spleen of yellow fever cases is
found enlarged and shows evidence of malarial infection
previous to the yellow fever which caused the death of
the case. Cirrhotic conditions of the liver are also fre-
quently found, as well as the small granular kidney of
chronic inteistitial nephritis.
In fact all of the organs may present lesions Avhich
antedated the attack of yellow fever. It is a question
whether we would have as many deaths from yellow fever,
if the ])atient's organs were healthy previons to^ the occur-
rence of yellow fever. For it is remarkable how rarely
children or young children die of yellow fever. In fact
in them the disease is so mild as to pass unnoticed by the
best experts on yelloAv fcncM-; n fact noted by all who have
seen yellow fever and who have written on the subject.
It is povssible, however, that children are less susceptible
to the poison.
General Steatosis ihr otHji i^prcial Characteristic Lesion.
Before concluding this subject I wish again to impress
that there is no special characteristic lesion of any organ
PATHOLGY POTHIER. 1153
upon which we can base our diagnosis at autopsy. The
general steatosis of practically all the organs, more or
less marked in all of them, is the only constant lesion,
and that it is the general picture presented by this char-
acteristic associated with the clinical history of the case
which enables us to make a positive diagnosis of yellow
fever.
1154
diag:\osis of yellow fever.
By Hamilton P. Jones, M. D., New Orleans.
Resident Physician Isolation Hospital, Xeic Orleans, 1897;
Chief burgeon Jones {Yellow Fever Hospital, Santi-
ago de Cuba, 1898, U. S. A.); Physician-in-Chief
Emergency Hospital, Xew Orleans, 1905.
The diagnosis of yellow fever is perhaps one of the most
difficult of all to make with certainty in the early stages
of the disease, and there are probably many light cases
of this disease not recognized at all, and during epidemics
a great many diagnosed as such that are not.
Most careful study, scientific observation and post-
mortem of all of the cases in the Isolation Hospital (New
Orleans, 1897), in the Jones Yellow Fever Hospital (San-
tiago de Cuba, 1898), and the Emergency Hospital (New
Orleans, 1905), all of which I had charge, and in which
over a total of a thousand cases were treated, convinced
me that not less than ten per cent, of the cases sent into
these yellow fever hospitals did not have the disease.
These institutions were all established with the primary
end in view of protecting the communities from the in-
fection, and for the treatment of yellow fever only, and in
man}' instances police power had to be exercised to force
indigent or unruly patients into them. It is natural to
suppose that no such extreme steps would be taken until
the physicians had convinced themselves of tlie truth of
their diagnosis. If ten per cent, are sent into hospitals
wrongly diagnosed, it is reasonable to suppose that at
least ten per cent, escape diagnosis at all. This, it will be
seen, still leaves the number of reported cases in any given
outbreak approximately the correct number.
It, therefore, l)ecomes imperative that tlie physician
take every precaution for the community, by not being too
sure of himself, but very sure of his screens for the first
four days of any fever that might be confounded with this
disease. While there is no doubt in my mind that the
mosquito is the medium of conveyance of yellow fever
DIAGNOSIS JONES . 1155
from man to man, and that the infected mosquito may pos-
sibly be carried greater or less distances to accomijlish
this, 3'et the history of all outbreaks are traced to the im-
portation of some human being sick of the disease, upon
whom the local mosquitoes feed and become infected.
With this important fact in mind, it, therefore, becomes
imperative to get an absolutely correct history of the
patient's movements for at least ten days prior to being
stricken down, and equally important to determine his
haunts, the localities whence his associates have come,
and whether or not there has been sickness among them.
Equal in importance with the above as an aid to diagnosis,
is a careful medical history of not only the present attack
but the medical history of his whole life, personal habits
and environment, all of which if known might help to
clear up an awkward situation; for instance, history of
gaH stones, cirrhosis of the liver, with repeated attacks
of albuminuria and jaundice, etc.
Unfortunately there is no cardinal symptom of yellow
fever, nor any two or three symptoms that may be taken
as f)athognomic at any one stage of the disease. The pic-
ture is a complex one, gradually unfolding itself. In mild
cases all symptoms may be so light as to escape all but the
most careful scrutiny, while in severe cases so pro-
nounced as to almost stamp the diagnosis on the body and
face of your patient. Persons ill with yellow fever always
say that they are very sick and always, no matter liow
light the case may be, give the attending i^hysician that
impression.
Yellow fever, in common with such contagious diseases
as smallpox, measles and scarlet fever, occurs as a gen-
eral rule, but once during life, differing from them, how-
ever, in that it has never been known to propagate beyond
48° north and ?>S° south latitude, nor lieloAV a temperature
of 65° farenheit, corresponding to the possible geographi-
cal distribution of the stcf/omi/ia calopii.^ and its temera-
ture of activity; the disease sparing neither age nor sex,.
only those ])eing exempt from its influence who have at
some former time had it. Its attacks are confined neither
to the night nor day, nor to any state of the system,
1156 augustin's history of yellow fevkr.
whether of fasting or feasting, of plethora or anaemia, of
robust health or chronic disease.
First Stage.
Yellow fever presents two well defined stages:
First stage. — This is characterized by severe pains in
the head, confined chiefl^^ to the eyes and forehead, back,
lower extremities and epigastric region, with increase of
pain and tenderness over the liver on pressure, a peculiar
siilning or drunken appearance in the eyes, rapid circula-
tion, and marked peripheral venous stasis and elevated:
temperature. It more often attacks those who are appar-
ently in perfect health ; they are seized with intense^lreu'd-
aehe, chill, shivering pain in the limbs and back, followed
by rapid elevation of temperature, increased action of the
heart, animated congested countenance, red. glistening,
suffused eyes, congestion of gums, as a rule, but not
always; intense thirst, anorexia, uneasiness of the epigas-
trium, nausea and vomiting. This stage may extend from
36 to ISOJiours without any distinct remissions, according
to the severity of the disease.
Second Stage.
Second stage. — This is characterized by dei^ression of
the nervous and muscular systems, and of the general and
capillary circulation; capillary congestion more marked;
slow and intermittent pulse; jaundice, albuminous urine
loaded with granular casts and debris — always^ bile —
stained. In more marked cases some, or all of these addi-
tional symptoms may appear: A purplish and yellowish
mottled appearance of the surface, urinary suppression,
passive hemorrhages from the ears, stomach and l)0wels,
gums, nose, tongiie, uterus, vagina, gall bladder and anus ;
black vomit, interstitial hemorrhages, delirium, convul-
sions and coma.
DIAGNOSIS — JONES. 1157
The Blood.
The blood in yellow fever has not shown any charac-
teristic of the disease, except that it seems to be more
concentrated than normal, all the various cells beinji;
found, in uncomplicated cases, in otherwise healthy in-
dividuals, in slightly greater numbers than in health, but
in proper ratio with probably more platelets than normal.
Hemoglobin percentage is always high in simple uncom-
plicated cases of yellow fever, 100 per cent, and over.
Urine.
Albumin is an invariable constituent of the urine at one
time or another during the course of yellow fever, ranging
from a trace to 80 per cent, moist. Casts, renal epithelium,
and debris, always bile-stained, and other evidences of an
acute inflamation of the kidneys present in a great
majority of all cases. In several instances the finding of
casts and debris not bile-stained led me to suspect that
the patient was not sutfering from yellow fever, but fron\
some other disease associated with kidney troubles, and
subsequent developments confirmed the suspicion. One
would naturally expect in the early stages of yellow fever,
in a person already suffering from a cast producing dis-
ease of the kidneys, to find casts not bile-stained, but they
would as the disease progressed become so stained. In
any other condition of the system associated with casts
and bile pigments in the urine, we would expect to, and
have found, the casts and debris bile-stained.
I consider this observation of the greatest importance
in the differential diagnosis of yellow fever.
Facial Expression.
There is a peculiar facial expression in yellow fever,
brought about by the combination of the flushed and con-
gested face and eyes and the underlying tinge of yellow
that is quite characteristic of the disease.
1158 augustin's history of yellow fever.
Jaundice.
Early in the onset, while congestion is still active,
blanching the lips or skin will reveal jaundice of the skin
and mucous membranes. Jaundice usually develops rap-
idly and is well marked by the time the congestive stage
has subsided.
Circulation.
The venous statis is an important sign, and while not
peculiar to this disease, is more or less well marked in all
cases, the mark left by pressing with the finger on the
cheek taking an appreciable time to return to the color
of the surrounding tissues, from a few seconds to a minute
or more, depending on the stage of the case and its
severity.
Temperature.
The temperature in yellow fever is continuous, lasting
from 24 to 150 hours. There may be a period of calm
lasting a few hours, followed by a secondary rise ; this is
a septic fever, of colon bacillus origin. Tellow fever it-
self is a fever of one paroxysm only, but opens the way
for many secondary infections, evidenced by furunculosis,
parotiditis, carbuucles, etc. Cases having a temperature
above 102>2 degrees farenheit, are severe, and on the ap-
proach of death the temperature may go to 10() or 107, con-
tinuing to rise after death for hours, sometimes reaching
the extraordinary height of 112 or 114, a condition not
often noted in other diseases, except sometimes in sun-
stroke and injuries or diseases, affecting seriously the
central nervous system, as abscess of the brain, apoplexy,
etc.
Pulse.
The pulse during the onset of the attack is rapid as a
rule and fairly full and strong, the rapidity, however,
rarely corresponding to that found in other diseases with
DIAGNOSIS JONES. 1159
an equal temperature. It frequently liapi^ens, however,
that the i^ulse may never go above 100, no matter how
high the temperature goes. Cases vary in this resj)ect
very much. As a general rule there is lack of correlation
between the pulse and temperature, frequently the pulse
becoming slower while the temperature continues to rise.
Even where there is correlation between pulse and temper-
ature in 3'ellow fever, the pulse and temperature going up
and down together, the pulse is usually from fifteen to
thirty beats per minute less than would be found in other
diseases.
As the pulse in j-ellow fever falls, it becomes weaker,
softer and more or less irregular as to time and strength
of beat, and often intermittent. In fact so true is this
that the attention of the attending physician may be
drawn to the possibility of the presence of yellow ijever
by the character of the pulse of other members of the
household who give a recent history of some undetermined
sickness. This is particularly valuable in the lighter cases
of children. This slowness and irregularity of the pulse
may last from a day or two to several weeks.
Respiration.
Respiration in yellow fever is rarely affected unless
there is some intercurrent disturbing factor.
Blood Pressure. ^
Blood pressure is almost uniformly low in yellow fever.
At the onset of the disease it may be higher than normal,
but as the disease progresses, usually by the end of the
second day it has fallen below 120 m.m. of mercury, with
a Riva Rochi Sphygmanometor 10 cm. bag, and may go
below 70 m.m'. This low blood pressure is a valuable
sign of this disease and seems almost to be a conservative
protective step taken on the part of nature, and the blood
pressure observations made at the Emero-ency Hospital,
New Orleans, 100.5, threw important and interestinu; light
on certain phases of the disease not before understood.
1160 augustin's history or yellow fevir.
In order to briug my ideas out more clearly ou this
phase of the disease, it will become necessary for me to
digress from the diagnosis for a moment.
One of the most pronounced effects of the yellow fever
toxin is the profound fatty degeneration of every organ
and structure of the body i)roduced. Even the epithelial
cells and muscles of the deep urethra are affected. The
effect of this fatty degeneration on the heart muscle is
to weaken its action. The elfect ol^ this fatty degenera-
tion on the blood vessels and capillaries is to impair their
strength, and render stasis and hemorrhages, particularly
capillary, more easy to i^roduce. When a patient becomes
frightened, delirious, unruly or through ignorance gets up
and exerts himself, the disastrous and oftimes fatal con-
sequences are brought about by the increased heart action,
and consequent increased blood j^ressure, causing rupture
of the weakened and degenerated smaller blood vessels,
producing hemorrhages into the meninges and gastro in-
testinal mucous membrane, causing delirium, convulsions,
black vomit, hemorrhages from the bowels, uremia and
frequently death. The fatal effects of over-eating are due
to the increased blood pressure, produced by the meal. A
rapid pulse and high blood pressure, either singly or to-
gether, are of the gravest import in yellow fever. From
my observations it would appear that the crossing of blood
pressure and pulse lines does not have the same sinister
significance that the crossing of the temperature and pulse
lines has in the chart; howcA'er, it is not altogether fav-
orable for it to do so.
In reference to the degeneration of the blood vessels, I
have noted that yellow fever patients are more easily
bruised, and that hypodermics are more liable to produce
sul)cutaneous abscesses and sloughs than in most other
diseases.
Differ civtial Diagnosis.
The following diseases may cause difficulty in making a
differential diagnosis:
Malaria. Yellow fever may be mistaken for certain
unusual forms of malarial fever. Microscopical examina-
tion of the blood, and the use of quinine will usually clear
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DIAGNOSIS JONES. 1161
up this diagnosis, however, it is perfectly i)ossible to have
yellow fever and malarial fever also. Jii this case the
greatest care will be necessary, and difticulty will be ex-
perienced in making the differentiation.
Hemoglohinuric Fever. This gravest form of malaria
resembles yellow fever somewhat in its onset and symp-
toms— jaundice and albuminuria — but is characteristi-
cally different in that you have evidence of the destruc-
tive intluences in the reduced number of red blood cor-
puscles and low hemoglobin precentage in malaria and
abscence of hemoglobin in the urine, of uncomplicated
yellow fever.
Dengue. It is not difficult to differentiate be-
tween marked types of yellow fever and dengue
after the first two or three days. The principal
points of difference are the almost universal pres-
ence of an eruption in dengue and the absence
of an eruption in yellow fever; the presence of jaun-
dice in yellow and the almost universal absence of jaun-
dice in dengue. Albuminuria is almost universally absent
in dengue. It is possible for dengue and yellow fever to
exist by side, but in that event it would be necessary to
carefully and closely observe a good number of cases be-
fore a positive differentiation could be made. It is not
probable that a large number of cases of dengue and mild
yellow fever could be observed Avithout some of tliese cases
showing the characteristic lesions of the particular dis-
ease more pronouncedly than the other, thereby relieving
the doubt.
La Giippe and acute lobar-pneumonia, particularly of
apex, may possibly be counfounded with yellow fever, but
a careful study of the case will reveal catarrhal symptoms,
and the absence of bile-stained casts and debris in the
urine, and ought not to be confounded with yellow fever.
In 3^ellow fever, the lungs are normal.
Typhoid Fever in the early stages may possibly be taken
fotr yellow fever, but the history of the case and the finding
1162 AUGUSTIn's HISTORY OF YELLOW (EVER.
of the Ebertli bacillus, the Widal reaction, and the co-
relation of pulse to temperature will help to clear up the
diagnosis. Yellow fever may engraft itself upon au}- dis-
ease, and I have held post-mortems in Cuba, showing the
characteristic lesions of yellow fever and of typhoid fever,
in cases in which malarial plasmodia were found in the
blood during life.
Acute Yellow Atrophy of the Liver is a very rare dis-
ease, accompanied with a rapid reduction of the size of
the liver, whereas in yellow l^ever the size of the liver is
normal or is slightly enlarged.
WciVs Disease simulates yellow fever closely, the symp-
toms being fever, jaundice, diarrhea and nephritis. The.
marked enlargement of the spleen and diarrhea will tend
to differentiate this disease. The spleen in yellow fever is
not enlarged or tender.
Catarrhal Jaundice. In this disease we have little or
no fever and none of the evidences of pain and violent
acute toxemia found in yellow fever.
It may at times become exceedingly difficult to differen-
tiate between a case of gastroduodinitis in a chronic alco-
holic suffering from exacerbation of his chronic nephritis.
Careful investigation of the history of a case of this sort
and examination of the stools will throw light on the
case. ;
Acute Peritonitis associated with black vomit, may be
mistaken for yellow fever, but here again the absence of
bile-staining of the urinary debris will eliminate yellow
fever.*
General Suinniarij. i
No reasonable person will, of course, discredit the value
of clinical experience as an aid in diagnosis, and when
the clinically experienced practitioner avails himself of
the clinical laboratory aids, there is small likelihood of
error.
* Goldberger, Bulletin No. 16, U. S. P. H. & M. H. Service.
DIAGNOSIS JONES . 1163
For the purpose of aiding those who may never have
seen a case of yellow fever before, the following symptoms
in the light of our present knowledge justify a diagnosis
of yellow fever, after all other diseases have ibeeji. consid-^
ered and excluded, where possible, bearing in mind, how-
ever, that in a small percentage of cases, yellow fever may
be associated with any chronic disease, and some of the
acute, as malaria and typhoid :
1. A continuous fever of one paroxysm lasting more
than twenty-four hours, with sudden onset, assoeiated
with violent pain in head, back or epigastrium, or any one
of these localities — anorexia, nausea and vomiting.
2. Pulse rapid at onset, but steadily becoming slower
in many instances, while the temperature, continues to
rise; even, if rising and falling with temperature syn-
chronously, being from 15 to 30 beats less than the usual
ratio between pulse and temperature found to exist in
most other diseases, often becoming very slow, GO or be-
low, soft and at times intermittent, and very irregular,
3. Low blood pressure, 10 to Go m.m. of mercury below
normal.
4. High blood count 4,000,000 and over, with other ele-
ments in proportion, sliowing a concentrated blood.
5. High percentage of homoglobin in the blood, often
100 per cent, and over.
G. Venous congestion, followed by stasis and jaundice
in from one to several days, tending to l)ruise easily, and
to hemorrhages of gums, bowels, etc., but never of kid-
neys or bladder, sometimes, of urethra.
7. Albuminous urine, containing bile-stained casts and
debris from the urinary tract; and often bile, and bile
pigments.
1164
PEOGKOSIS OF YELLOW FEVER.
BY CHARLES CHASSAIGXAC, M. D.
Dcau Xcw Orleans FohjcJinic; Editor Xciu Orleans
^'Medical and Surgical Journal," etc.
Tlie prognosis of yellow fever may be studied both
from the general standiDoint and that of the individual
patient.
To-day tlie relative virulence of an outbreak or epidemic
can be estimated fairly well in advance. Such estimate
should be based on three factors especially: 1° The data
of the inception or the introduction of the disease in a
given locality; 2° the interval elapsing before the exist-
ence of 3'ellow fever is discovered or acknowledged; 3"
the degree of ability or desire on the part of the com-
munity in which the disease prevails to carrj- out the
proper sanitary measures.
1° The earlier in the season the first case occurs the
more, everything else equal, is there likelihood of an epi-
demic and of the prevalence of a severe type of the dis-
ease. Statistics show that in the past all the bad epidemics
occurring in the City of New Orleans began early, notably
that of 1853, the worst in its history; that year the first
case was reported as early as ]\Iay. All the other great
epidemics started in either ]May, June or July. On the
other hand, outbreaks beginning as late as August or
September have invariably been of a comparatively mild
type.
2° The longer the period between the outset of the
disease in a given place and the discovery of its exist-
ence, the greater the severity both as to the extent of its
prevalence and its virulence.
3° When the authorities of an infected locality recog-
nize the importance of intelligent sanitary work, where
tlie inhabitants co-operate earnestly with them, and if
sufticient means are available to institute promptly all
measures necessary for the protection of the sick against
the bites of stegomyia mosquitoes, the destruction of in-
PROGNOSIS CHASSAIGNAC. 1165
fected mosquitoes, and finally the annihilation of all
mosquitoes of the dangerous kind, either there is little
danger of an epidemic if the early eases have neither been
overlooked nor concealed, or at the worst the epidemic
will be of a comparatively mild type and of short
duration.
It is unnecessary to go into details concerning the points
outlined above in reference to prognosis in general, as
they are readily supplied and explained by the mosquito
doctrine of yellow fever which is adequately treated in
other sections of this work.
The prognosis in individual cases is not so easily made
because numerous conditions and circumstances must be
taken into account and carefully Aveighed before anything
like a safe estimate can be made of the patient's chances
of recovery.
There is no doubt that the average case of yellow fever
in an individual blessed with healthy organs is far from
being the terrible thing that it is usually pictured. That
it is a disease, nevertheless, which at times puts the in-
effaceable stamp of death on its victims at the outset can
not be denied. At the present time, the knoAvledge we
possess concerning the propagation of yellow fever and
its practical application to a modification of the type of
the disease, justifies the prediction that the latter Avill
become less and less to be feared.
Apart from the general tendency of yellow fever in any
given outbreak, as already considered, the points chiefly
to be taken into account in Aveighing the chances of any
particular patient are as follows: 1° age; 2° condition
of the vital organs; 3° habits; 4° probable relative
amount of poison introduced into the system; 5° sur-
roundings of ])atient; G° race; 7° treatment.
We shall review these points scfidiiiii, leaving for sub-
sequent consideration the diagnostic significance of some
of the important symptoms of the disease.
Age. The younger the ])atient, tlie Ix'lter his chance
of recovery. In infants and small children the disease i»
so mild as to have led to the belief that natives of New
Orleans and other points formerly subject to frequent
1166 augustin's history of yellow fever.
outbreaks of yellow fever were immune to the disease.
Natives usually had durino- childhood an attack so mild
as to be unrecognized yet sufficient to produce immunity.
The risk increases as the age advances, except in females
at about the age of puberty, in whom the mortality ap-
pears to be higher than in those a little older.
Condition of the Vital Organs. When the organs are
sound the patient, of course, has a better chance; especi-
ally is this true as far as the kidneys, the liver and the
heart are concerned, in the order named. The nearer
normal is the individual, the less likelihood is there that
some important organ will succumb either from toxemia
or secondary septicemia, for the better can elimination
IDrogress and the more pronounced the resistance of the
organism as a whole.
Habits. The patient's former ha])its should be taken
into account in attempting to prognosticate the outcome
of an attack of yellow fever. The alcoholic, those guilty
of other excesses, the overworked — all make poor subjects
and are apt to offer less resistance to the inroads of the
disease, one of the organs bearing the brunt of the attack
is much more apt to be weakened already. Temperate,
steady, sanely and not too strenuously occupied individ-
uals stand the disease better and, other things reasonably
favorable, are very likely to recover.
Amount of Poison. There is no doubt in the writer's
mind that the comparative amount of poison injected into
the system of the victim hy infected mosquitoes, plays
an important part in determining the virulency of a
given attack, as well as does the rapidity with which that
poison is introduced. If and when that degree of infec-
tion may be ascertained a prognostic element of value
will have been secured. An individual who, through
ignorance of danger or through apathy, recklessness, or
the necessity of circumstances, receives numerous bites
within a short period stands a good chance of having a
dangerous attack and perhaps succumbing if some other
unfavorable feature is present in his case. On the other
hand, one who. despite his understanding of the conse-
quences and all care possible, still gets a bite or two
PROGNOSIS CHASSAIGNAC. 1167
will probably have only a mild attack. The French ob-
servers iu Brazil have stated as one of the conclusions of
their experiments that a single bite from an infected mos-
quito never proved fatal.
Surroundmgs. It stands to reason that well nourished
people in comfortable and sanitary habitations, invalided
in cheerful and well ventilated apartments do better than
those who live in dark, dingy, close and unsanitary tene-
ments. The mortality is always higher among the alien
IDOor who live more or less crowded together in unsan-
itary tenements.
Bace. The prognosis is better by far among the blacks
and colored than among the whites, even when the former
are otherwise in less favorable condition or surroundings.
Whether this is because the darkies merely possess a
higher degree of resistance to this particular poison, or
because their skin being tougher and their odor more
repellent to the mosquito, they are less frequently bitten,
we are not i^repared to say. The fact remains that the
majority have the disease in a mild form and that the
mortality among them is almost nil, so much so that they,
like white children, had been supposed to be immune until
comparatively recently.
Treatment. The medical treatment and the nursing
the patient receives figure largely in the result and a
knowledge of what it is to be in any given case may be
of material assistance in our prognostications. The suf-
ferer who is fortunate enough to have an intelligent and
experienced medical attendant of the ^'let Avell enough
alone" type, and to be nursed by a quiet, careful nurse
of judgment stands the best chance of getting well. The
one who is treated by an inexperienced physician who is
guided by the advice set down in Uw book of some noted
therapeutic authority who has never seen a case of yellow
fever is very apt to die.
By weighing the elements tending for or against the
patient according to the points considered under the
seven heads above, one possessed of a fair amount of judg-
ment can make a pretty fair prediction as to the outcome
1168 augustin's history of yellow fever.
of any particular case, if at the same time, proper con-
sideration is given to tlie prevalent type of the disease.
In addition to what has jnst been said, it is proper to
call attention to the relative prognostic value of some of
the symptoms of the disease. These are mainly : the tem-
perature, icterus, the urine, aud hemorrhage, including
black vomit.
Temperature. If at the outset the temperature is only
of moderate inteusity, ranging not above 103 1/2° to
101° in adults, and especially if defervescence is prompt
and rapid, the prognosis is good as far as this point alone
can be a guide. With the same degree of elevation in the
beginning, if tlie temperature remains stationary or, par-
ticularly, if it rises at all the next day, the prognosis is
gi'ave. Should the fever reach or surpass the 105 degree
point during the first twenty-four hours the prognosis is
l>ad; the patient has a very slim chance of recovery and
that onh' if all other indications are favorable.
Icterus. The more intense the icterus and the earlier
it shows itself the graver the prognosis. When there is
a very marked jaundice by the third day or earlier, it is
an evidence of jDrofound toxemia and there is good ground
for serious anxiety as to the outcome of the case.
Urine. The condition of the urine furnishes valuable
indications as to the prospect of recovery. Its quantity
is of greater comparative significance even than its con-
dition. As long as the patient can urinate abundantly
the prospects are good, even if the percentage of albuuien
is fairly large. In fact, I have seen patients recover whose
urine was highly albuminous and loaded with casts but
continued co])ious; the laboratory prognosis differed from
the clinical and the clinical proved correct.
Whenever the urinary secretion becomes scanty, dan-
ger must be apprehended and suppression of urine moans
death, the exception being that Avliich proves the rule.
The patient is overwhelmed by toxemia, uremia and some-
tiijies septicemia combined, coma or convulsions super-
vene and the patient's sufferings are ended.
Even retention of urine is a bad omen as it is frequently
a forerunner of anuria. This is probably because the
PROGNCSIS CHASSAIGNAC. 1169
impairment of fuuctiou leads to a very slow and gradual
filling- of the bladder, the call for urination being slight
in consequence and not becoming insistent before the
secretion ceases ; when the catheter is introduced the first
time a fair amount of urine may be withdrawn while
at its second introduction, several hours subsequentl}',
scarcely any maj- be found — there is no longer retention
but suppression.
Kothwithstanding what has just been written about the
greater importance of the abundance of urine, it must not
be concluded that the urinary findings are of no prognostic
value. A very large proportion of albumin is of serious
imi)ort, more so if jjresent early and especially as earl^' as
the second day of the disease. The more casts are found,
the more danger of serious damage to the kidneys. When
the urine is highly albuminous, loaded with casts, and at
the same time scantj^, the prognosis is most gloomy.
Hcmorrhaf/c. From the injection of the conjunctiva,
the flushing of the face, epistaxis and, later, other hemor-
rhages, there is evidence througliout of the decided effect
of the disease on the circulation. The degree of this
effect and the time at which its phenomena appear are of
prognostic import.
Epistaxis and moderate menorrhagia or metrorrhagia,
at the outset, produce relief often and are not a bad sign,
except during pregnancy. It must be remembered, how-
ever, that the bleeding at the nose may give rise to un-
necessary alarm when the blood is swallowed and then is
vomited after being in tlie stomach f(.r a while. This is
taken by the inexi)erienced for black vomit, but may be
differentiated chiefly by the fact that it can be ascertained
there has been nose bleeding and that this occurrence
comes early, generally some tinu' on the second day, a
period too early for the true and much dreaded black
vomit. !
Bleeding from the gums is a grave sympto/m and the
earlier it appears the more significance must be attached
to it. Coming as early as the third or fourth day, it in-
dicates a very serious condition. Danger need be
1170 augustin's history of yellow fever.
apprehended less if the si^onginess and bleeding of the
gums is ])resent only after the fourth day.
Hemorrhage from the intestines is always a dangerous
indieation and death is ver^- apt to follow when there
occur bloody stools of a gangrenous odor.
Like other hemorrhagic symptoms, bleeding from the
stomach, which produces what is usually termed black
vomit, is of the grayest import when it occurs as early
as the third day; on the fourth day it is still a very bad
sign and means almost sure death if the gums also are
bleeding; if only on the fifth or sixth day and, particularly
if at that time the gums are still firm and do not bleed,
the prognosis is not so gloomy. The quantity of vomit
also counts, the more of it and the more often it happens,
the worse the indication.
It has been outlined, then, that by the aid of some
definite propositions it is possible to prophesy about the
type or degree of virulence of the disease which is to be
characteristic of a given outbreak. It has been shown
next that the past historj^ and the actual condition of
the patient can furnish valuable prognostic data. Finally,
we have determined that a proper stud}' of some of the
important symptoms will yield important information as
to the outcome of an attack of yellow fever. It must
be added that, after all is said, tlie experience and judg-
ment of the observer must remain important factors m
determining the accuracy of his prognosis. Xeitlier must
it be forgotten tliat ''yellow fever is a dij-ease of sui iirises."
Some patients have died whose recovery had been con-
fidently expected, wliile wo have known others who re-
covered after their death certificates had actually been
written out.
As Touatre has said, ''a patient must never be given
up !■'
1171
THE TEEATME:NT of YELLOAY FEVEli.
By Lucien F. Salomon, M. D.
Secretary Louisiana State Board of Health, 1886-1893.
In i)reparing this article ui)oii the treatment of 3'ellow
fever, it has been my effort to avoid technical terms and
phrases, and so ex^n'ess myself as to make the subject
plain to the lay mind so that in the event of a physician
not being obtainable any person of intelligence will be
able to manage a case, until the patient can be seen by
one. On the other hand, the treatment here given is
recommended to practitioners of medicine as the result of
a very large and successful experience in yellow lever.
Many j^ears ago, in the early days of my practice, I
found that potassium nitrate was almost as efficient, if
not as sure an antidote to the malarial poison, as quinine;
and long before the microbiological investigations which
have since been made, deuilonstrated that Yellow Fever
was not caused by a microbe, the peculiar hemorrhagic
tendency of the disease, resembling so closely the hemor-
rhagic form of malarial fever, led me to use potassium
nitrate in the treatment of Yellow Fever. As a result, I
am i:)repared to state, and also confidently^ assert, that in
a majority of instances, a case, if seen within the first
twenty-four hours and treated according to the method
which I shall give, is converted into a simple pyrexia,
with rapidly declining temperature, terminating at the
end of tlie third day, and not followed by the secondary
rise so often seen.
Of course, the mere administration of drugs does not
constitute the entire treatment of any disease, but, having
in the first instance administered what I cousider an
antidote to the poison, tlien it becomes our duty to so
manage the case as to conduct our patient to the safe
liarl)or of recovery.
Witli these preliminary remarks, I shall now proceed
to describe how to treat Yellow Fever. The first step
1172 AUGUSTIN S HISTORY OK YELLOW FEVER.
necessary is the admiuistration of a large saline purga-
tive, preferably sodium sulphate. This will thoroughly
cleanse tlie entire intestinal tract. It is not necessary
to give calomel or any other purgative, because the sodium
sulphate, in addition to its flushing power, also acts as
a cholagogue. It will often be found that when the
patient is seized with the attack there is undigested food
in the stomach. If such should occur within a short time
after eating, he will vomit and empty the stomach of the
food. If the seizure should come on three or four hours
after a meal, and there is still some undigested food in
the stomacli, there will be nausea. In sucli cases it is
well to give minute doses of calomel, for the purposes of
quieting the stomach, so that the sodium suli)hate will
not be rejected. For this purpose, the following combi-
nation is best adapted to the i)urpose: A powder con-
sisting of one-quarter grain of calomel Avith one grain of
ingiuvin. This to be repeated every twenty minutes until
four are taken, and then folloAved, in one-half an hour,
with one-half or one ounce of sodium sul])hate dissolved
in a glassful of water. It will be found very frecpiently
that the intense headache accompanying the onset of the
attack will be relieved after the administration of the
saline. If not, relief can be obtained by the old-time hot
foot-bath, which, by the way, I never use except for the
relief of said condition. One hour after the administra-
tion of the purgative, and without necessarilv waiting for
its action, begin the administration of the following
prescription :
Potassi nitratis 1 dram
Liq. ammonije acetatis 3K' ounces
Syr. aurant flor Yi ounce
The adult dosc^ of Ihis mixtnri^ is one-lialf <»nnce, re-
peated i'\(n-y two hours during the continuance of the
fever. The liquor ammonijpe acetatis is administered in
conjunction with the potasium salt for its action on the
skin, as it causes frcM' dia])lioresis, thus favoring elimina-
tion. The potassium nitrate, in addition to what I con-
TREATMENT SALOMON. 1173
sider its specitic effect as an anti-toxin, also plays a very
important part by actini>- as a prophylactic diurectic.
It will be fonnd, as a rule, within a few hours after
beginning the administration of the above mixture, that
the temperature, no matter how high at the onset, will
begin to decline, and will decline progressively until the
end of the third day, when convalescence will begin.
In addition to the remedies above mentioned, there are
several cardinal points in the management of a case of
Yellow Fever which should be borne in mind. The first
is absolute rest in the recumbent posture, not allowing
the patient even to raise his head for any purpose what-
ever. Second — Absolute abstinence from food of any
description, liquid or otherwise, until the complete subsi-
dence of the fever. Third — Careful attention to the
thorough enipt3ing and cleansing of the lower bowel by
large enemata administered at least once daily, using for
this purpose at least two quarts of normal salt solution.
Water and ice should be allowed ad Vihiinm, prefeial»ly
carbonated water, such as Apollinaris, carbonated lithia
water or seltzer water. If the patient is averse to the
carbonated water, plain vichy may be given.
After the fever has subsided, the temperature often
becomes sub-normal. The patient is now in what is called
the algid stage. Very often, the extremeties will be cold;
sometimes the entire body is cold and clammy to the
touch. For this condition there is nothing better to re-
store the patient to a normal condition than a small glass
of ale administered every two hours, in conjunction with
mix vomica and caffeine. I usually administer one-eighth
of a grain of extract of nux vomica with one or two grains
of caffeine citrate every two or three h(5urs, as the case
may require.
In beginning to feed the patient, which may be done on
the fourth or fifth day of the disease, great care is neces-
s<ary. For the first day, give two ounces of weak chicken
broth, to be repeated at intervals, and nothing (^Ise. The
next best step in the feeding of the patient is the aduiiiiis-
tration of butter milk. Butter milk is easily retained
1174 augustin's history of yellow fever.
and digested, besides being grateful to the jjatient. From
this, go to sweet milk, beef or chicken soup thickened with
rice or barlej', and after a few days, gradually to the nor-
mal diet.
I have outlined above the treatment of a simple, un-
complicated case of Yellow Fever, but one will often be
confronted with cases that will tax one's ability and in-
genuity to the utmost.
^VG will begin Avith the most ordinary complication, the
one most often met with^that is nausea. This can gen-
erally be relieved with milk of magnesia. This failing,
there may be added to it one or Iavo minims of creosote.
You Avill occasionally find that, in spite of aboA'e treat-
ment, the temperature continues high. In efforts to re-
duce high temperature beware of the use of so-called anti-
pyretics; such drugs as phenacetiji and its congeners are
positively A'icious in their effects. The disease itself is
sufficiently depressing without adding to the depression.
I believe firmly that many a life has l)een lost in Yellow
Fever by the administration of tliese preparations. Water
externally, either by sponging or the application of the
wet towel, Avill almost invariably reduce the temperature.
Never use ice Avater. ^fy method is to use tepid Avater
always. Frequent sponging will generally reduce the
temperature. If not, the ai)plication of the wet toAvel Avill
accomplisli the desired result, particularly if it is carried
out the folloAving plan Avhich I have often adopted : The
patient is coA^ered from chin to feet Avitli a large batli
towel saturated Avith tepid Avater, and then the nurse or
attendant is made to fan the ])atient, thus creating a
current of air and causing rapid evaporation, and equallv
rapid reduction of temperature, I liaA'e many times in
this manner brought a temperature of lOlK' or 105 beloAV
103 in half an hour.
The next step to be considered is black vomit. I pause
liere to state that in 1878, at the outbreak of Yellow Fever
in New Orleans, I gaA'e the result of my experience (in a
discussion before the New Orleans ^Medical and Surgical
Association) Avith ergot in controlling black vomit. The
TPJEATMENT SALOMON. 1175
suggestions then thrown out based upon past experience,
were adopted by a number of pli^-sieians during that epi-
demic, and Dr. S. S. Herrick published the result of his
experience in the use of ergot in Yellow Fever. I have
frequently, and almost invariably, controlled black vomit
W'ith hypodermics of ergot, administration by the stomach
of creosote, either with chalk mixture or milk of mag-
nesia, and the application of the ice bag to the epigastrium.
Now we come to the most dangerous condition that may
arise in Yellow Fever, and one of the most diflflcult to
overcome — that is the sup])ression of urine. As a rule,
under the treatment above suggested, tliis condition is very
rare, owing, as stated in the beginning, to the prophy-
lactic diuretic effect of the potassium nitrate. Should,
however, the urine become scanty, or altogether cease, tlie
remedy is ergot. Ergot administered hypodermatically
will almost always relieve this condition, especially if
combined with the administration of caffeine.
Of course, the above briefly outlined treatment of Yellow
Fever, it is not claimed will cure all cases. That is some-
thing beyond hunmn altility, but from an experience of
over two hundred and thirty cases without a death, I am
led to believe that by the method given and tlie proper
care of each individual case the mortality Avill be exceed-
ingly small, and I put it forth in the sincere hope that it
will be to some extent helpful in saving human life.
1176
THE LOUISIANA SYSTEM OF HYGIENIC
EDUCATION.
By Fked J. Mayer, M. D.
Secretary Louisiana State Sanitary Association.
"Every mind was made for growth, for knowledge, and in its
nature is sinned against, when it is doomed to ignorance." — Channing.
"A knowledge of the laws of life is more important than any other
knowledge whatever. * * * a knowledge which subserves direct
selfpreservation, by preventing loss of health, is of primary im-
portance."— Spencer.
At the beginning of the great Tello^Y fever epidemic of
1878, a medical student, from one of the interior towns of
Louisiana, who had been studying the svmptomology of
the disease in New Orleans, fell sick, and profoundly im-
pressed with the non-contagiousness of the disease, re-
turned to his home and Avas received at point of pike and
gun, and for a period of nearly forty days subjected to a
brutal and inhuman quarantine. After recovery from
the attack, sui)posed to be yellow fever, for wliich the
quarantine was imposed, and from the first wild outlnirst
of passion against those in authority responsible for the
inhuman restrictions, leveled against the victim, his
motlier an immune who nursed him and his l)rotlier who
met him on his arrival, his tlioughts naturally reverted
to the cause of the wild, panicky and insensate fears that
would drive a community to treat the victims of a con-
tagious or infectious disease as tliough they were crim-
inals, nay worse, for even with barbaric tribes the con-
demned criminal is afforded food and shelter until such
time when he must pay the penalty for his iufraction of
the tribal law, while in civilized communities the poor un-
fortunate victim of a disease, for which he is in no wise
responsible, is not only frequently denied these, but at
the point of a shot gun is prohibited from securing the
necessities of life, wliich he may have the ability and
desire to pay for.
LOUISIANA SYSTEM OF HYGIENIC EDUCATION MAYER. 1177
This train of tliouglit could lead to but one conclusion :
That ignorance of the cause of the disease, its manner
oS propagation and its prevention, was at the botTom of
the trouble; another thought occurred: that this niagni-
ticent State, with its wonderful resources of field, farm
and mine, reticulated with 4000 miles of navigable water-
ways, with a balmy climate and a soil rioting in ])rofusion
of raw materials and fuel to convert them into tliose pro-
ducts upon which empires are built, with a hospitable
people in whom the American instinct of fair play was
strong, whose qualities of physical courage had been tested
in the crucible of Civil War and Reconstruction, should
be absolutely inhibited in its growth and evolutionary
development by the fear of an ultra-microscopic germ,
periodically sown by the bronzed harvester of Death.
The strange immunity of those communities in the in-
fected areas, off the lines of travel, or which had insti-
tuted rigid quarantine, plainly poiuted to some vehicle
of transmission of the yellow fever germ at that time
supposed to be fomites, and suggested that the only sen-
sible Avay to deal with the problem was to institute a
sane and scientific quarantine, with tlie minimum of hard-
ship inflicted on the commercial interests, and that until
the masses of the people were sufficiently instructed to
apply the fundamental principles of hygiene to the sup-
pression of disease, this panicky feeling woubl continue
and periodical exhibitions of shot gun quarantine bar-
barities would recur— tlie remedy was a])parent : Educate
the masses — not only the children in tlie scliools, but tlie
grown folks — many of whom had successfully crossed the
pons asinorum', and could most learnedly discourse with
the muses, but who were profoundW ignorant of the rudi-
mentary rules of lii^e. '
Of a verity the paraphrased caustic lines from Iludibras
fitly apply:
"Full many a j-oiith returns from school
A Latin, Greek and Hebrew Fool.
Full many a man returns from college
With a head choke full of useless knowledge
In sanitary science still a block
Tho' deeply skilled in hie haec hoc."
11 78 augustin's history of yellow fever.
In 1S82, Koch having- pointed out : "'tlie constant pres-
ence in tubercnlons tissue or matter of a well defined
micro-organism, capable of reproducing tuberculosis when
isolated and injected into healthy animals/' it was evi-
dent: that tlie theory of heredity was no longer tenable,
and that this dreadful disease, which since the dawn of
history, "arose and o'ershadowed the earth with its name,"
could only be stayed in its triumphant march l)y a study
of its cause, nature and prevention ; and that this knowl-
edge should not be confined to the family physician, but
should be made common property, so that the simplest
mind could realize the dangers of tuberculous sputum,
of meat and milk from dairy herds that had not been
subjected to the tuberculin test, and the role that the
common house fly and bed bug plays in the transmission
of the bacillus tuberculosis.
The extreme conservatism of the medical profession,
which seemed to regard as unethical any discussion of
medical subjects with the laity, stood as a bar to any
acquiesence in or ready acceptance of the principle oi!
public instruction in the cause, nature and prevention of
com mui cable diseases, the writer, while never accepting
the correctness of this ultra-conservatism, holding it a
colossal mistake to permit lay wi'itcrs to trench upon
ground, Avliich should have been traversed by medical men
alone, yet not wishing to appear unethical, pushed the
plea for public instrrictiou before the old Attaka])as ^Fedi-
cal Society, before the Orleaiis Parish ^Medical aiid Surgi-
cal Society, and before the T.fuiisiana Slate Medical Socie-
ty, until it Avon their apprOA^al as evidenced by the fcn'uial
resolutions ado])ted. Thv State Auricultural Association
endorsed this plan of hygienic education, twice by formal
resolution: the State Pharmaceutical and Dental Associa-
tions and the ^fobile Quarantine Convention endorsed the
principle unanimously.
Armed with this medical endorsement, the fight for the
principle was carried before the American Public Health
Association at the ^Fexico meeting in 1803. Later, at the
annual convention of the same body in New Orleans, and
at the 100(1 meeting in tlu^ City of :\l('xico; under the
LOUISIANA SYSTEM OF HYGIENIC EDUCATION MAYER. 1179
rules of this Association, all resolutions are referred to
tlie executive committee which failed to report back the
resolutions, there is no question that in an open field, on
the floor of the House, it would have won recofiiiition,
since the principle underlies tlie objects and purposes of
the organization, as set forth in Article 2 of the Consti-
tution, viz. : "the advancement of sanitary science and the
pr(>motion of organizations, and the measures for the prac-
tical application of public hygiene," the Louisiana "system
simply goes a step further in carrying hygienic instruc-
tion to the masses of the people in the homes and by their
firesides, by Chatauquan methods.
At the New Orleans meeting of the American Medical
Association, a resolution offered by Dr. Sanders, State
Health Officer of Alabama, endorsing the principle of this
system was unanimously adopted by the section on
hygiene, referred under the rules to the general Committee
en Resolutions and never reported back, so evidently the
medical mind is not yet fully converted to the idea that
the highest duty of the physician is prevention and not
cure.*
*Since this was written, the American Medical Association has
had Dr. McCormaclc visiting the entire country, advocating
Public Education in Hygiene, and at the Chicago Meeting
of the Association, June 2-5, 1908, Dr. Burrell of Boston, its
President, devoted his Presidential address to the "New
Duty of the Medical Profession, the Education of the
Public in Scientific Medicine. Vide Journal A. M. A., Vol.
No. 23, p. 1873. At the same meeting Dr. Harrington, of
Boston, in his address on "States Rights and the National
Health," among other things said:
"In arousing the public to a proper appreciation of the
importance of public hygiene, we have far more to fear from
professional than from lay ignorance." * * *
The creation of educated public interest in the National
health is a duty which happily does not belong to any one
class or calling, each in his way can do his part by precept
and example, of great value as shown in the agitation for
the law relative to foods, and here, there and everywhere
for the establishment of Sanatoria, for ordinances against
the spitting habit, are popular lectures, magazine articles,
and the sympathy of the press.
1180 augustin's history of yellow fever.
In tbe winter of 1882, with the memory of the yellow
fever epidemic of 1878-1879, still fresh, and the mortuary
statistics of tuberculosis bristlinji,- with its annual holo-
caust, a scheme of Public Instruction in Hygiene was
evolved, which should start in at the Kindergarten, con-
tinue through the primary and academic grades, to the
college and university, and university extension Hvith
s«me great Central Institute of Hygiene as a focal point
from whose portals could be issued a journal, bulletins
and leaflets in all the tongues spoken in the State, and
a corps of trained Lecturers organized for the instruction
of the masses.
The scheme was considered a Utopian dream by most
medical men, who hebl tliat the ^Medical Colleges nad
Chairs of Hygiene, and that the rudiments of that science
could be taught in the pul)lic school, unmindful of the fact
that even in ^Medical Colleges Hygiene was usually an un-
im])ortant adjunct to the Chair of Materia-^NIedica, and
that the teachers in the public schools themselves needed
instruction, and so the plan for want of means to carry it
into execution failed to materialize.
"Two years ago there was inaugurated at the Harvard
Medical School a series of free public lectures, given on
Saturday evenings and Sunday afternoons for four months,
mainly on Preventive Medicine. The first series was a most
giatifying success; the second so largely attended that at
times more people were turned away than succeeded in
securing places. The chief result is a widespread interest
in public hygiene, and marked strengthening of the cordial
relations which ought to exist everywhere between the pro-
fession and public." (Journal A.M. A., Vol. No. 24, p. 1959.)
On July 18, 1908, the editor of the Journal A. M. A., in an
article entitled "Relation of Education to Preventive
Medicine," in commenting on Dr. Ditman's monograph on
"Education and its Economic Value in the Field of Preven-
tive Medicine," says: "Eff active measures for removing the
causes of disease can be carried out only with the support
of an enlightened public opinion, and this must be formed
by education." (Vide Journal A. M. A., Vol. 2, No. 3, p. 227).
In volume 51, No. 4, p. 323, in commenting on "The Louisi-
ana Sy.stem of Hygienic Education," the editor says: "On
LOUISIANA SYSTEM OF HYGIENIC EDUCATION MAYER. 1181
One of the distinctive features of tlie system, and tlie
one from which it was expected to i-et the best results,
was a series of popular lectures illustrated with lantern
slides, breaking the continuity ofi' the strain on the lay
mind by appropriate musical and recitative numbers, be-
tween each lecture and discussion. In 1885, as an exper-
iment to test the correctness of the theory, this idea was
carried into execution and the most gruesome subject
purposeh' selected for a popular lecture, viz. : ''The Sani-
tary disposition of the dead.'- The kindly manner in
which this dismal topic was received, confirmed the cor-
rectness of the theory; the only thing that remained to be
proven, was: whether public interest could be kei)t up for
any length of time, and the opportunity for proving this
did not present itself until 1897, when the first popular
Institute of Hygiene ever held was convened in the town
of Opelousas, in this State. The session opened in the
morning, lasted all day and all night. At mid-night an
adjournment was taken to enable the ladies to retire, and
the intelligent co-cperation of the public the ultimate suc-
cess of Sanitary legislation must largely depend. A useful
auxiliary in this direction already exists in what has been
called 'The Louisiana System of Hygienic Education,' the
essential feature of this movement, according to Dr. F. J.
Mayer (Rept. of Spec. Med. Insp. La. State Board of Health,
1908), consits in the holding of Institutes of Hygiene before
Colleges, High Schoo'.s and Special Institutes. By this
means not only is a considerable portion of the populace
instructed in the nature and prophylaxis of transmissible
diseases, but the movement is farther extended by the 'per-
fect correlation of the clergy of all denominations, educa-
tors, scientists and the press with the health service of the
State in its educational efforts.' * * *
"The further extension of this movement is much to be
desired. It seems desirable, however, as Dr. Mayer suggests,
that the educators should be independent officials, not
engaged also in field work; not only because there is work
enough of that kind alone to engage their attention, but
also because their teaching is apt to be looked on with
suspicion by the ignorant if it emanates from one charged
with executing the ordinances of the Board." (V. J. A. M.
A., Vol. 2, No. 4, page 323).
1182 augu&tin's history of yellow fever.
the lustitnte reassembled at 12:30 P. M., when a lecture
was delivered for men only; it was 2 o'clock A. M. hefoi'e
the successful experiment adjourned sine die. Many of
the leadini;- Sanitarians of the State participated ; includ-
ing Drs. Dalrvmple, Metz, Dver, Chassaignac, Formento,
E. D. Martin and others. Those who have had experi-
ence with agricultural and pedagogical institute work will
recognize the success of holding the wrapt attention of an
audience ilor such a len^lliv period. Water, Hygiene of
the skin, Sexual Hygiene, Cremation, Antlirax (Charbon),
Variola and Vaccination, Yellow Fever, Typhoid and Con-
sumption were lectured on and discussed before a packed
house.
The practical benefits of this institute were felt the next
day in an overhauling and cleaning of cisterns, the chief
source of drinking water in the town. Some of these
tanks had not been cleaned since the war, and contained
two feet of black pultaceous mud reeking with organic
filth. Attention was directed to the dangers of polluted
milk supply, and peo])le boiled milk who formerly had con-
sumed it raw, although the cows sup^tlying it drank from
the town creeks polluted with sewage.**
The next year another institute was held in Baton
Rouge, through the exertious of Dr. Dalrymple, Professor
of Comparative Anatomy in the L. S. U. & A. ]\r. College,
and recently elected President of the American Veterinary
^ledical xVssociation.
These two institutes, whih^ demonstrating the feasibilty
of the plan, nmde maniftvst the fact, that the expense was
**The unbroken continuity of interest manifested at this Institute
was due to the fact: that under the guidance of an eminent
musician the physiological effect of music on the nervous
system wa3 taken full advantage of in lessening the strain
on the lay mind, which otherwise would have been unbear-
able in a mixed audience. The use of music is an impor-
tant adjunct of the Louisiana System of Hygienic Education,
and applies with equal force to all institute work; like all
nerve stimuli, it must be used with discriminatory judgment,
hence the very best musicians should be consulted in ar-
ranging the musical part of the program; it would never do
to follow a discourse on death in its protean forms, with an
aria, one might say mal-aria, the lugubrious strains of which
LOUISIANA SYSVEM Off" HYGIENIC EDUCATION MAYKR. 118S
too heavy for the individual, and that it was the duty of
the State to furuish tliis instruction. These institutes
were held under the auspices of the ''Louisiana State Sani-
tary Association." The purposes and objects of this cor-
poration as set forth in Article II of its constitution
adopted November 22nd, 1897, are declared to be:
''The advancement of sanitary science,
"First. By the organization of a central body with
auxilarj' circles in every parish in the State and its ex-
tension, until it embraces all the Southern, and particu-
larly the Gulf and the South Atlantic States.
Second. The founding of a school of Hygiene and Quar-
antine on the Chatau(pian plan of correspondence. Lec-
tures and Summer Institutes.
Third. The publication of a monthly Journal devoted
to the objects of the Associations.
Fourth. To secure through an educated public opinion
the enactment of adequate health laws ; laws on vital stat-
istics on food adulteration and water pollution, on meat,
and dairy inspection, on vaccination and their enforce-
ment; and the founding of hospitals for contagious
diseases.
Fifth. To systematically educate the people of the
State to the necessity of substituting rational, scientific,
uniform, maritime and inland quarantines during periods
of epidemic danger or invasion for the barluirous shot-
gun quarantines, whicli while crippling commerce, afford
at best a doubtful and insecure ])rotection.
Sixth. The restriction and prevention of tul»erculosis
and the founding of sanitaria for its Hygienic-Dietetic
treatment."
following closely after the dreary dissertation might pile
Pelion on Ossa; nor would it serve the purpose to follow
the discourse with some excruciating rag-time that would
rudely check the rising tide of sympathy and deflect its
current into a channel of levitj% the sympathetic interest
and attention of the audience would be balked. Rostand
elaborated the idea in "Cyrano de Bergerac," when the
thoughts of the starving Cadets of Gascony were turned
and raised to higher levels by music that appealed to loftier
instincts.
1184 augustin's history of yellow fever.
The charter provides for representation of all interests
coneerned particularly to that mighty a}j;ent of reform,
the Press and declares : "That its Advisory Council shall
consist of dele<»ates from each Sanitary Circle in the
State, from each Town Council and Police Jury of the
State, from tlie Ccimnun'cial Exchanges and Boards of
Trade, from the Boards of Health, from the Medical,
Pharmaceutical and Dental Societies, from the Colleges,
from the Louisiana Chatauqua and other educational and
scientific hodies, from the Press Association of the State,
and the Press Club of New Orleans, and the Commercial
Travelers' Association ; the basis of representation from
each to be fixed by the Executive Committee.''
These two committees shall, in joint session, "Serve as
a nominating committee of officers and committeemen, for
the ensuing year and nmke such recommendations to the
Association as shall best secure the (tbjects of its
creation."
The membership is composed of active, associate, hon-
orary- and non-resident corresponding members, the Exec-
utive Committee determining for which class a proposed
member shall belong; there is no initiation fee and the
annual dues are fixed at |1.00, and the liabilities of mem-
bers limited to the amount of their annual diu'S, and "this
society may incorporate with similar or other sanitary
associations in the other Southern States in such manner
as its Executive Committee may detei-miue."'
The Secretary is ex-officio State organizer.
Copies of this Charter were sent to the Exchanges and
Transportation Companies, but failed to attract atten-
tion, although as per reference to Section 5, of the Char-
ter, it will be seen they would have been the chief benefici-
aries. The business mind had no patience with any
system that required time for a proper evolutionary devel-
opment; what it desired was a speedy estoppel to shot
gun embargoes on commerce, and vainly inuigined, as
manj' of them still do, that all that was necessary was
the exhibition of physical force on the part of the State
or National government.
Louisiana system of hygienic education — maver. 1185
Here it is where a great divergence of opinion exists,
tliose who have more closely studied the (question, recog-
nize that the average American is imbued with the old
Anglo-Saxon idea, that every man's house is his castle,
and that he has an inherent and inalienable right to de-
fend it from invasion, whether the invader comes in the
form of a burglar or a foreign disease germ, and that,
whether he has a legal right or not, he is going to take
it; now when whole communities become obsessed with
this view, and, in the furtherance of their belief in the
right of self-ijreservation, commit excesses not warranted
by science, it is apparent that the only permanent relief
to be obtained is from a better enlightened public opinion.
In the reign of Elizabeth, a gibbet Avas set up at every
mile post, from Lands End to New Castle, in the hope of
stopping smuggling, and failed, and our own well ap-
pointed revenue service cannot wholly prevent infraction
of the law; the whole army of the United States if im-
pressed into service as a quarantine guard might for a
time enforce the passage of trains through territory quar-
antineed against infected areas, but it could not prevent
the torch from being applied to a railroad bridge, nor the
raising of a rail by the inid-night prowler, and this would
for a time put a stop to commerce. Nor could all the
powers of the United States force a commuity to carry
on business relations with centers of inf/ection if they
felt indisposed so to do ; so in the last analysis any sys-
tem of inter or intra-State (|uarantine, whether under the
control of the Federal or State authorities, to be effective
must have an enlightened public o])inion back of it so
that its provisions may be enforced. For as Lincoln said :
''With public sentiment nothing can fail, witliout public
sentiment nothing can succeed, consequently he who
moulds public sentiment goes deeper than he who enacts
statutes, or pronounces decisions, lie makes statutes and
decisions possible to be executed.''
In 1898, and for four years thereafter, through the
courtesy of the State Department of Agriculture, it was
made possible to carry on a series of Lectures on Hygiene
of the Home and Farm, including Lectures on Consump-
1186 augustin's history of yellow fever.
tion, Small-pox, Typhoid Fever, Anthrax, Water and In-
sects in their relation to public health, drainage, etc.
At these lectures it was noticeable that the farmers took
as much interest in Hygiene as thev did in the agricul-
tural discussions, their questions showing that they real-
ized that ill-health in man and beast was the most serious
economic leak on the farm.
In 1900, a bill was drafted and presented to the Gen-
eral Assembly by the late Ex-Speaker Henry, of Cameron,
to create a Commissioner of Hygiene whose function
would have been purely educational and whose principal
duty would have been to lecture before the Agricultural
and Pedagogical Institutes, the Colleges and High
Schools, and before Special Institutes of Hygiene at the
Cotmty Seat of every Parish.
Under the political conditions existing at that time,
it was considered a hopeless task to attempt to pass any
measure opposed by the Chief Executive, for the appoint-
ive power i^laced in the Governor's hand, a sword with
which he could slash right and left and Avhip recalcitrants
into line with the flat side. Nevertheless, before this able
body, with the Governor violently opposed to its passage,
tlie Hygiene Bill won recognition b^' a vote of 63
to 27 in the Lower House, and 26 to 6 in the Senate,
solely on the strength of its merit. The Governor
vetoed the measure on the ground that the State was
not able to stand the expense of |4000 per annum
asked for. Two years later the Bill was reintroduced
by Hon. W. W. ^'entress, a distinguished Sugar Planter
of Iberville, passed the Lower House by 63 to IT,
with 18 of its avowed protagonists unavoidably ab-
sent, passed the Senate unanimously in desi)ite of the
unprecedented and unseenly opposition of the Governor,
and was again vetoed by him on the grounds set forth in
his original veto message, that it was "a meritorious
measure regretfully refused" for want of funds, and this
in the face of his own message setting h:)vt\\ the fine
financial condition of the State, and so for a season, a
plan of public instruction in hygiene, upon which the leg-
LOUISIANA SVSTKM OF HVGIEMC EDUCATION MAYER. 1187
islative will had been twice affirmatively expressed, fell,
through the petty oppositiou o.f a politician —
" Drest in a little brief authority
Most ignorant of what he's most assured,
His glassy essence like an angry ape,
Plays such fantastic tricks before high heaven
As make the Angels weep."
The passage of this Bill, and the efficient execution of
its provisions, would have saved the State the epidemic
of 1905, and the incidental loss of two hundred millions of
dollars to her comm,erce; this bold assertion is based on
the fact, that after the epidemic had started and was
under full headway, a campaign of Sanitary Educatioin
along the lines i)roposed by the vetoed measure, succeeded
in the brief period of sixty days in converting the people
to the mosquito doctrine who for over a hundred years
had been wedded to the fomites theory ; even the ignorant
colored population being converted and co-operating with
the magniticent work of the medicos and sanitarians of
New Orleans; and for the first time in sanitary history an
epidemic of yellow fever was practically stamped out of a
great center of population before the advent of frost ; and
the commercial conscience awakened to a realization that
"Honesty is the best policy," and that the frank admission
of the existence of a contagious or infectious disease, to-
gether with tangible evidence that prom])t and scientific
methods for its extinguishment are being pursued, is bet-
ter than a policy of conc(>alment, which always leaves in
the public mind a belief that the evils hidden are
infinitely worse than they really are; it is the myste-
rious and uidcnown that has always cai-ricd tei'ror to the
human heart, full many a warrior wlio has hacked and
hewn his way through aisles of bristling steel to fame,
who on a hundred battl(» fields has ytroudlv carried his es-
cutcheon untarnished by a stain, h;is forgoUcn the obli-
gations of Christian chivalry and sullied his knighthood
with a craven and dastardly fear in the ])resence of un-
known danger, or supernatural terrors, especially when
clothed in the garb of pestilential disease.
1188 augustin's history of yellow fever.
In 1000, when Dr. C H. Irion became president of the
Louisiana State Board of Health, one of Ids first acts was
to carry into execntion some of the measures of this
scheme of public education, and over one hundred insti-
tutes of hvgiene were held throuii,hout the Infected area
of tlie year before ; where the mos(|uito doctrine was ex-
pounded in a series of illustrated lectures in English,
French, German and Italian. At these institutes the co-
operation of the priestliood and cleriiY was earnestly
sought and secured, and by their influence aided materi-
ally in securing attentive audiences. The good results
were soon apparent in the passage of screening ordinances
in most of the towns of the State, by post-c^pidemic fumi-
gation, and other sanitary steps, Avith the result that there
was no recrudescence of yellow fever for the first time in
sanitary history, in a year following an epidemic year,
the single exception occurring in a town that had persis-
tently neglected screening and other sanitary precautions,
and made no effort to secure the educational advantages
of an institute.
This correlated educational sanitary work was followed
by a remarkable exemption later from the incursions of
mosquitoes, and better health conditions generally than
had ever been observed before, during the summer and
autumn following prevailed indeed, the iiii]»roved condi-
tions incident to the sanitary precautions taken in lOOfi,
bore fruit as well in 1907, after they had ceased opera-
tions, and this improvement continued until the people
had lapsed back into the usual callous indifference that
re(piires rude awakening by ei)i(lemic danger and constant
preaching on sanitation.
This institute work was supplemented by an annual
Conference of the Sanitary Officers of the State, Parishes
and ]\runicipalities wherein representation was accorded
to all educational, medical, sanitary, commercial and
transportation bodies, and sanitary measures were ex-
hanstively discussed. At the last rouference held in
Opelousas, the State Press Association, sitting in annual
Convention in Lafayette, realizing the educational advan-
tage adjourned as a body and joined the Sanitary Confer-
LOUISIANA SVSTEM OF HYGIENIC EniXATION MAYER. 1189
once on invitation of President Irion. Tlie lit. Rev. James
Blenk, Arelibisliop of tlie Diocese of New Orleans-, sent
his personal representative to this Conference, the Rev.
Father Kavanangh, Catholic Sni)erinten(lent of Educa-
tion; the minutes of every meeting Avere published by the
daily press, so the educational propaganda was carried to
the farthest limits of the State.***
During the early months of the year an Anti-Tubercu-
losis league was organized, whieli has already succeeded
in establishing a consumptive sanitarium in the ozone belt
of the State, besides carrying on its educational work by
the Louisiana method. The earnest and noble women
who took the initiative in this matter are very much hand,
icapped by want of means.
Among the unique results of this hygienic educational
work was an institute, held l»y an attache of the Roard of
Health, for the -exclusive benefit of the nuns, nearly four
huudreel in number, under the auspices of the Superin-
tendent of Catholic Educatiou. The good results of
which cannot be doubted, when it is rememl)ered that
most of these noble women are teachers, Avith a Avide circle
of influence outside the school room, anel that sixty per
cent, of their number throughoiU the Avcrld die of tubercu-
losis, most frequently contracted in the rounds of their
diiily charity labors.
The State Board of Health has endeavored to give an
institute AvhereA'er one Avas desired, and is now i)lanniug
an extensive programme commencing A\ith a scorce of
county fairs to bo held throughout the State. The prin-
ciple of this system has received recognition in other
***Since this article was written, another sanitary convention
under the auspices of the Louisiana State Board of Health
was held in the spring of 1908, at Alexandria, which
traversed the field of preventive medicine and was attended
by Dr. McCormack, Secretary Kentucky Board of Health;
Dr. Brumby, Chief Executive of the Health Department of
Texas; Prof. Aswell, State Superintendent of Public Educa-
tion; Dr. Caldwell, of the State Normal; Bishop Vander Ven,
of the Catholic Diocese of Natchitoches; Dr. Kramer, Grand
Master of the Masonic Order in Louisiana, who all delivered
addresses.
1190 augustin's history of yellow fever.
states, notably in Indiai^a, where under the able adminis-
tration of Dr. Hurty, the politicians have been whipped
into line by the farmers who recognized the value of
hj'gienic lectures at their Agricultural Institutes. In
New York last year a start was made, indeed the Health
Commissioner in his report claims the honor of! priority
of a plan tentively tested in this State in 1885, where it
passed the experimental stage in 1897, and received a mag-
nificent accentuation by the Legislative Assembly of 1900
and 1902, and by the Anti-mosquito Campaign of 1905
and 1906, and is now the fixed policy of the State Board
of Health, being the first practical answer to Bowditches
plea in 187G, before the National Medical Congress in
Philadelphia, when he said : ^'Our j^resent duty is prgau-
izatiou, National, State, Municipal and Village, from the
highest place in the National Council down to the smallest
village Board of Health, we need organization, jcith these
organizations we can study and often prevent disease."
The principle underlying the Louisiana system : Edu-
cation, hand in hand with prevention, has reached France,
and is protagouized by no lesser personage than ex-Pres-
ident Loubet in his "PuerK'ulture," — Child Cultivation,
who has brought together the National Union of Presi-
dents of Mutual Benefit Societies and the ^Medical and
Pharmaceutical Union in an educational camitnign on the
plan of the Mutualists Anti-Tuberculosis Dispensary of
the 13th Ward of Paris, and a camjiaign has been started
against food adulteration, foul air, dirt, polluted milk,
want and sanitary ignorance.
The results obtained by the Schneiders at Cruzot, whose
sanitary surveillance ofl the milk supply has reduced the
infant m^ortality during the first year of life (the most
dangerous period) from eighteen per cent, the average for
all France, to nine per cent, for the past year, proves that
no greater philanthropy or more patriotic duty confronts
the people of our sister republic, than that now engaging
the thouglitlis of ex-President Loubet.****
****The establishment~of Infant^Milir^Dep^ots.^Iilk Dispensaries,
or "Goutte de Haut," in different parts of the world, have
invariably lessened infant mortality. The first institution
of the kind was established in Stamberg in 1889, followed
LOUISIANA SYSTEM OF HYGIENIC EDUCATION MAYER. 1191
The purve3'or of depraved milk, the ''great liquid food"
iipou which so many iuiiocents depend for sustenance and
life, is the most contemptible and sordid criminal that
lives ''unwhipped of justice," beside whom the sneak thief,
the burglar and the murderer stand in relative respect-
ability, for he steals without the excuse of; hunger or
other pressing want, and murders helpless innocents by
inanition and deadly disease germs, one of which alone:
Tuberculosis, (frequently transmitted by milk) carries oft"
fifty per cent, of the children of Christendom,
Under these institutes, it was intended that lectures
would be delivered on Hygiene, Quarantine, ^larltiine and
Inland, Miasmatic and Acute Contagious Diseases, Path-
ology of Miasmatic, Contagious and ^lalarial Diseases,
Bacteriology, Serum-Therapy, Physiology, Malarial Dis-
eases, Contagious and Infectious Diseases of Children,
Hygiene of Surgery, of the Eye, Ear, Nose and Throat,
of the Skin, of the Mouth, Sexual Hygiene, Leprosy, Diet-
etics, Influence of Alcohol and Narcotics in their relation
to Public Health, Toxicology, School Hygiene, Agricult-
ure and Manufactories in thcr relation to Hygiene, Con-
tagious and Infectious Diseases ofl Animals, Sanitary
Engineering, Sanitary Transportation and Disposition of
the dead. Insane Asylums, Metereolooy and Climatology,
IMunicipal Sanitation, Pailroad Car Sanitation, Construc-
tion and Management of Detention and Observation
Camps during Epidemics. Insects in their relation to
public health. Tuberculosis restriction and ])ievention,
Tuberculosis Hygienic, Dietetic treatment. The Louis-
iana system has always emphasized the necessity of co-
operation on the part of school aiithoT-ities and teachers
with the healtli authorities in securing better school
hygiene, recognizing that "as the twig is bent, the tree's
inclined." and that among the children attending public
by one at the Belleville Dispensary, Paris, in 1892; the first
in this country was founded in New York City, by the
philanthropist, Nathan Straus, who is indefatisable in his
exertions to improve the milk supply furnished infants;
.aside from the immediate good results that found their es-
tablishment, they are valuable object lessons in pointing
out the evils of impure milk and educating the masses to
the danger.
119i
scliools there were thousands who were siifferiug from
l)reyeiitable diseases, the direct result of ignorance both
on the part of parents and of the children themselves;
that the pieaching they most needed was the gospel of
soap, and that a vast stride in the right direction would
be made, if all the children attending the i)ublic schools
were examined by physicians, free of cost, with special
reference to vaccination, tuberculosis, trachoma, decayed
teeth, i)ersonal hygiene and malnutrition. The institute
conductor of the Louisiana Board of Health addressed
thousands of children in their sehools during the educa-
tional campaign of 1 !)()(), on personal and school hygiene,
and on the subject of mos<|uitoes and flies as transmitters
of disease.
It is pleasing to note that New York is also taking up
the question of more hygiene and less phj-sical culture in
the schools, a committee headed hj an ex-Superin-
tendent (tf Education, Mr. IJurliugham, recently discov-
ered an appalling condition of affairs, reporting that out
of (;00,()OI) schoorchildren, 4(1,500 are physically'defective;
that among the cases of malnutritiou, the greatest num-
ber were foun<l in families having an income of over
f 20.00 a week; that 72.4 per cent, had defective teeth, and
that soap was an unknown ({uantity to thousands.
The Louisiana system recognizes that sporadic efforts
at teaching hygiene will not alone suffice, that the work
must be kept u]) day by day, year in and year out, with the
same ardor that fills the teachers of religion; if the latter
were to stop preaching for only one year and the churches
remained closed, how many lapses from grace would fol-
low? The moi'e tiue is this of the tenets of a doctrine,
the truth of which is only beginning to break upon the
world,* and of a svstem which seeks to correlate all the
* At the recent Anti-Tuberculosis Congress held in Washington,
D. C, universal opinion favored public education in the
cause and prevention of the disease as the keynote of the
fisht against its ravages and there is no doubt that had
the Committee on Resolutions submitted to the Congress
a resolution, sent up by Section VII, declaring it to be
the duty of the State to furnish this instruction, it would
have been unanimously adopted.
LOUISIANA SYSTEM OF HYGIENIC EDLCATION MAYER. 1193
educational factors of the State in a coniprelien^-ive effort
to remove tliose ills which are the direct result of ''igno-
rance deep seated, far reachinji, profound and appallinji;;
an ignorance not confined to the lower strata of society,
but permeating all classes; an ignorance which in its
blind but gigantic strength is bracing its mighty shoulders
against the pillars of the temple of Hygiea, and threaten-
ing to engulf us in ruins darker than a buried Babylon."
THE ENORMOUS ECONOMIC LOSS INCIDENT TO
EPIDEMICS.
If one-half of the monc}^ most properly spent for the
suppression of disease in. hogs and potatoes l>y a ])aternal
g(xvernuieiit, was only devoted to educating the rising
generation in the value of ])revention of disease, the go(ul
results folhtwing would show the wisdom of the ex-
penditure.
^Millions are spent for the encouragement of nnassimil-
abl(^ immigrants, ignorant in many instances of our cus-
toms, lial)its, speech, institutions and rcligi(in, but noi one
cent for the conservation of the lives of our ])eo])le, 200,000
of whom annually go down to a consumptive grave, the
majority at the age of greatest productivity. Tlie econo-
mic loss has been conservatively set at three hnndicd mil-
lions annually, aside from the humarJtarian aspect, }Uid
taking a cold blooded, business view, it would pay to edu-
cntr the i^asses to n i)i< per appreciation of the dangers
+iiat hourly confront them.
The American Public Health Association and the Sani-
tary Institute of Great Britain for over a (piaiter of a
century have carried on their educational work among
sanitarians; the Louisiana system goes a step farlher and
carries this instruction to the masses of the people, teach-
ing themi not alone the aphorism of the Lai in poet
Martial: "Life is not mere living but the enjoyment of
health," and tlie maxim ((f the Koman law giver: "The
sanitary safety of the Bepublic is the supreme law," b"t
that the economic loss in the nntimelv removal of millions
of human l^:ot t(nt , at th.' ]»eriod of Iheir greatest prodnc-
1194 augustin's history of bellow kkver.
tivity, from (•oimniiiiicablc, prcvciitabJe diseases is due to
ignorance, which it is the highest duty of tlie State to
enlighten. Tlie system appeals not alone to the humanity
hut to tli(^ common sense of the American people, pcnnts
out that the victim of a contagious or infectious disease
is not a criminal to be hounded to earth, but the victim
of the sanitary laches of a community, it reiterates the
averment of Dr. Benj. Rush : "City authorities were justly
chargeable with the lives of all who die of preventable
diseases within their jurisdiction, and that they should be
made responsible bef(U'e the Courts of Justice." It ful-
fills a high civic duty in correlating all educational fac-
tors in the State, and focusing them on the all important
moral, economic and political necessity of preserving the
public health by reaching the masses and teaching the
individual the value of a sound mind in a sound body,
that to attain this it will not do to violate the sanitary
law, and in our daily lives act —
" As if this flesh which walls about our life
Were brass impregnable."
The annual address before the Orleans Parisli .Medical
Society in January, 1898, was devoted to this topic, and
an elaborate plan for a State Institute of Hygiene jU'o-
])<;sed which has never been carried iuto coni])l(»te (execu-
tion for want of uieans, the ec(tnomic value of such a
system is beginning to be appreciated, and the day
is not far distant when every civilized State will
liave an Institute of Hygiene on the Louisiana ])lan,
with a National Institute to su])i)lement the w(n-k of the
States, and an International Institute to focus a woi-ld
wide movement in i^ublic instruction in hygieue, when
the world will awaken to a realizing sens-e that an epi-
(h'mic is the remorse of a guilty community, guilty of sani-
tary laches, guilty of pollutions and desecrations of the
Sacred Altar of Hygiea, in the words of Aristotle:
"Of all these things the judge -"s time."
J
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