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Dr. O. Johnson.
BOSTON PUBLIC LIBRARY
THE HISTORY OF THE
YORUBAS
From the Earliest Times to the Beginning of the
British Protectorate
BY
The REV. SAMUEL JOHNSON
Pastor of Oyo
EDITED BY
DR. O. JOHNSON, Lagos
C.M.S. (NIGERIA) BOOKSHOPS
LAGOS
First published 1921
Reprinted 1937
Reprinted 1956
Reprinted 1957
Reprinted 1960
PRINTED IN GREAT BRITAIN BY
LOWE AND BRYDONE (PRINTERS) LIMITED, LONDON, N.W.IO
AUTHOR'S PREFACE
What led to this production was not a burning desire of the author
to appear in print — as all who are well acquainted with him will
readily admit — but a purely patriotic motive, that the history of
our fatherland might not be lost in oblivion, especially as our old
sires are fast dying out.
Educated natives of Yoruba are well acquainted with the
history of England and with that of Rome and Greece, but of the
history of their own country they know nothing whatever ! This
reproach it is one of the author's objects to remove.
Whilst the author cotild claim to be a pioneer in an untrodden
field, he can by no means pretend to have exhausted the subject ;
but he hopes by this to stimulate among his more favoured brethren
the spirit of patriotism and enquiry into the histories of the less
known parts of the country. It may be that oral records are
preserved in them which are handed down from father to son,
as in the case of the better known Royal bards in the Metropolis,
such records though imperfect should surely not be under-rated.
In the perusal of this feeble attempt, the author craves the
forbearance of his readers ; he deprecates the spirit of tribal
feelings and petty jealousies now rife among us. In recording
events of what transpired, good or bad, failures and successes,
among the various tribes, he has endeavoured to avoid whatever
would cause needless offence to anyone, or irritate the feelings of
those specially interested in the narratives, provided only that the
cause of truth, and of public benefit be faithfully served.
With respect to the ancient and mythological period he has
stated the facts as they are given by the bards, and with respect
to the History of comparatively recent dates, viz., from the time
of King Abiodun downwards, from eye-witnesses of the events
which they narrate, or from those who have actually taken part
in them. He has thus endeavoured to present a reliable record of
events.
He is greatly indebted especially to the honoured David Kukomi,
the patriarch of the Ibadan Church, (the now sainted father of
the Rev. R. S. Oyebode). Kukomi was a young man in the days
of King Abiodun, and it was his fortune (or misfortune) to take
part in the wars and other national movements of the period as
a common soldier, and was thus able to give a clear and reliable
account of the sajdngs, persons, and events of those stirring times,
being a cool man of judgment, observant, and remarkably
intelligent.
Vlll AUTHOR S PREFACE
Also to Josiah Oni, an intrepid trader in those days, an active
and intelligent observer who was well acquainted with almost
every part of the country, and took part in some of the most stirring
events of a later period.
And last though not least to his highness the venerable Lagunju,
the renowned Timi of Ede, so well known all over the country as a
gifted and trusty historian of the Yoruba Country.
And to others also who are not here mentioned by name.
The histories of all nations present many phases and divers
features, which are brought out by various writers in the lines in
which each is interested ; the same method we hope will be pursued
by writers in this country until we become possessed of a fuller
History ot the Yorubas.
S. JOHNSON.
Oyo, 1897. Aiila Ogun.
EDITOR'S PREFACE
A SINGULAR . misfortune, which happily is not of everyday
occurrence, befel the original manuscripts of this history, in
consequence of which the author never lived to see in print his
more than 20 years of labour.
The manuscripts were forwarded to a well-known English
publisher through one of the great Missionary Societies in 1899 and
— mirabile dictu — nothing more was heard of them !
The editor who was all along in collaboration with the author
had occasion to visit England in 1900, and called on the
publisher, but could get nothing more from him than that the
manuscripts had been misplaced, that they could not be found,
and that he was prepared to pay for them ! This seemed to the
editor and all his friends who heard of it so strange that one could
not help thinking that there was more in it than appeared on the
surface, especially because of other circumstances connected with
the so-called loss of the manuscripts. However, we let the subject
rest there. The author himself died in the following year (1901),
and it hcis now fallen to the lot of the editor to rewrite the whole
history anew, from the copious notes and rough copies left behind
by the author.
But for many years after his death, partly from discouragements
by the events, and partly from being appalled by the magnitude
of the task, the editor shrank from the undertaking, but circum-
stances now and again cropped up showing the need of the work,
and the necessity for undertaking it ; besides the almost criminal
disgrace of allowing the outcome of his brother's many years of
labour to be altogether lost. No one, who has never made the
attempt, can have the faintest idea of the great difficulties that
attend the efforts to elicit facts and accuracy of statements from
an illiterate people : they are bewildering with repetitions, prolix
in matters irrelevant, while facts germane to the subject in hand
are more often than not passed over : they have to be drawn out
by degrees patiently, and the chaff has to be constantly sifted from
the wheat. In no sphere of labour is patience and perseverance
more required than in this. It shows strongly the magnitude of
the labours of the original author, labours undertaken along with
the unremitting performance of his substantive duties.
When all this had to be done with the daily exactions of a busy
profession, and other demands on his time, friends will judge the
editor leniently for having taken such a long time to repair the loss
sustained many years ago. Some chapters had to be rewritten,
X editor's preface
some curtailed, others amplified, and new ones added where
necessary.
But this history has a history of its own, for apart from the
mishap that befel the original manuscripts as above detailed, its
vicissitudes were not yet over. When at last the task of re-writing
it was completed, jt was forwarded to England by the " Appam,"
which left Lagos on the 2nd of January, 19 16. The Appam was
at first supposed to be lost, but was afterwards found in America,
having been captured by the raider Moewe. Nothing was heard
of the manuscripts again for nearly two years, when they were at
last delivered to the printers ! By that time, paper haci become
so dear in England that it was deemed advisable to wait till after
the War before printing. The manuscripts were next sent back by
request to the editor, wl^o in order to obviate a future loss, under-
took to have it typewritten, but in the meantime even j;ypewriting
paper became difficult to obtain. All these drawbacks were success-
fully overcome in the end, as well as the difficulties in passing the
work through the press.
He now lets the book go forth to the public, in the hope that it
will fulfil the earnest desire of the original author.
O. JOHNSON.
Ajagbe Ogun.
CONTENTS
PART I
THE PEOPLE, COUNTRY. AND THE LANGUAGE.
§1. Introduction xix
§2. The Yoruba Language xxiii
§3. A Sketch of Yoruba Grammar . . . xxxiii
CHAPTER I
Origin and Early History i
CHAPTER II
The Origin of the Tribes 15
CHAPTER III
Religion 26
CHAPTER IV
Government 40
CHAPTER V
Yoruba Names 79
CHAPTER VI
Yoruba Towns and Villages 90
CHAPTER VII
The Principles of Land Law 95
CHAPTER VIII
Manners and Customs 98
§(a) Social polity ....... 98
§(6) Facial marks ....... 104
§{c) Diet 109
§{i) Dress no
§{e) Marriage 113
§(/) Trades and professions . . . . • "7
l{g) Learning 125
§(A) Wealthy Personages ..... 126
§(») The Iwofa system ...... 126
§(;■) Distraining for debt 130
§(*) War 131
§(/) Funerals 137
Xll
CONTENTS
PART II
FIRST PERIOD
MYTHOLOGICAL KINGS AND DEIFIED HEROES
§1.
§2.
§3.
§4-
§5.
CHAPTER I. — The Founders of the Yoruba Nation
Oduduwa ........ 143
Oranyan ........ 143
Ajuan alias Ajaka ....... 148
Sango alias Olufiran . . . . . .149
Ajaka's second reign ...... 152
SECOND PERIOD
GROWTH, PROSPERITY AND OPPRESSION
CHAPTER II.— Historical Kings
§1. Aganju 155
§2. Kori 155
§3. Oluaso 158
§4. Onigbogi 158
§5. Ofinran 159
CHAPTER III.-
§1. Eguguoju
§2. Orompoto
§3. Ajiboyede
§4. Abipa or Oba m'oro
-The Kings of Oyo Igboho
161
161
162
164
CHi^I'TER IV. — A Succession of Despotic Kings
§1. Oba lokun Agana Erin ...... 168
§2. Ajagbo ......... 168
§3. Odarawu ........ 169
§4. Karan 170
§5. Jayin . . . 170
§6. Ayibi 172
§7. Osinyago 173
§8. Ojigi 174
§9. Gberu 175
§10. Amuniwaiye ........ 175
§11. Onisile 176
CHAPTER V. — Basorun GahA and his Atrocities and
Abiodun's Peaceful Reign
§1. Labisi 178
§2. Awonbioju alias Oduboye ..... 178
§3. Agboluaje ........ 178
§4. Alaje ogbe ........ 180
§5. Abigdun alias Adegolu ...... 182
§6. Abiodun's peaceful reign ...... 186
CONTENTS Xiii
THIRD PERIOD
REVOLUTIONARY WARS AND DISRUPTION
CHAPTER VI.— The Revolution
§1. Aole surnamed Arogangan
§2. The King's enemies .
§3. The rebellion of the Oyo Chiefs
§4. The rising of Ojo Agunbambaru
§5. Maku
188
189
193
194
196
CHAPTER VII —The Rise of the Fulanis to Power
§1. The spread of anarchy and fall of Afonja . . . 197
§2. The first attempt to recover Ilorin. Battle of Ogele . 200
§3. The second attempt : The Mugba mugba War . . 201
§4. TheBattleof Pamo 202
CHAPTER VIII.— Consequences of the Revolution
§r. The Owu War 206
§2. The Lasinmi War ....... 210
§3. State of the Capital at this period .... 212
CHAPTER IX, — Further Development of the Anarchy
§r. Evil days for the Capital ...... 217
§2. The third attempt to recover Ilorin. The Kanla war 218
§3. The vicissitudes of Iko3d . . . . . .219
§4. The Gbogun War ....... 220
§5. The Pole War and death of Abudusalami . . . 222
CHAPTER X. — Spread of the Anarchy
§1. Devastation of Egba towns and villages . . . 223
§2. Foundation of Abeokuta ...... 225
§3. The Egbado Tribes ....... 226
§4. The founding of Modakeke ..... 230
CHAPTER XL— The Revolution in the Epo Districts
§1. The destruction of the Epos, and death of Ojo Amepo . 234
§2. The occupation of Ijaye and end of Dado . . 236
§3. How Ibadan became a Yoruba town. The Gbanamu and
Erumu Wars ....... 238
§4. The Settlement of Ibadan ..... 244
CHAPTER XII. — Wars for the Consolidation and Balance
of Power
§1. The evacuation of Opomu and Owiwi War . . . 247
§2. The fall of Ilaro and Ijana 248
XIV CONTENTS
CHAPTER XII.— (coniinued)
§3. The Orayefun War ....... 250
§4. The Arakanga or Jabara War . . . . .251
§5. The Onidesg and Oke I§ero Wars .... 252
§6, The Iperu War ....... 253
§7. The faU of Ota 255
CHAPTER XIII.— The Last of Katunga
§1. Final efforts to throw off Fulani yoke . . . 258
§2. The Eleduwg War 263
CHAPTER XIV.— The Interregnum
§1. Civil war at Abemo ....... 269
§2. The destruction of Abemo 271
FOURTH PERIOD
ARREST OF DISINTEGRATION. INTER-TRIBAL WARS
BRITISH PROTECTORATE
CHAPTER XV.— The New City, New Government, Ilorin
Checked
§1. Prince Atiba, early life and history .... 274
§2. Atiba's accession ....... 279
§3. Conferring of titles ....... 280
§4. The Osogbo War 285
§5. The expulsion of ElSpo from Ibadan . . . 289
CHAPTER XVI.— Fratricidal Wars
§1. The Osu War, Aaye and Otun .
§2. The Egbas and Egbados ....
§3. Ibadan and I jkye. TheBatgdoWar
§4. Abeokuta and Abiki ....
§5. The He Bioku expedition and the end of ElSpo
§6. Sagaun and Igbo Ork ....
293
296
297
301
301
303
CHAPTER XVII.
-Subjugation of the IjesAS and Ekiti's
Social Reforms
§1. The Opin War ....
§2. Subjugation of the Ijesas
§3. The first Dahomian invasion of Abeokuta
§4. The Aii War and relief of Otun
§5, Raids by minor chiefs of Ibadan
§6. Social reforms ....
308
309
313
317
321
324
CONTENTS
XV
CHAPTER XVIII.-
-A Glorious End and a Gory Dawn of
Two Reigns
§1. The death of King Atiba .
§2. Circumstances that led to the Ijaye War
§3. When Greek meets Greek
§4. Famine and the sword
328
331
336
345
§1.
§2.
§3.
§4.
§5.
CHAPTER XIX.— Sequels to the Ijaye War
The Awayfe War .....
The Iperu War .....
The Ikorodu War
The second Dahomian invasion of Abeokuta
The atonement .....
355
356
360
361
363
CHAPTER XX.— The Close and the Opening Careers of
Two Heroes
§1. Ogunmola's administration
§2. The Igbajo campaign
§3. The late Ogunmola Basorun of Ibadan
§4. Ogedemgbe and the fall of Ilega
365
368
371
377
CHAPTER XXL— Two Administrations of Opposite Policies
§1. Orowusi's administration ..... 383
Ibadan under a Kakanf 6 .
An unprovoked war. Ado
§2.
§3.
§4.
§5.
The Are's administration
The Emure War
387
390
391
394
CHAPTER XXII.— A New Reign and Evil Prognostication
§1. The end of Adelu the AlAfin of Ovo . . . 396
§2. The Wokuti expedition ...... 403
§3. The new policy ....... 405
§4. The civil murder of Aijenku the Fghoko . . . 407
§5. Plot against the Seriki lyap^ ..... 410
CHAPTER XXIII. — The Commencement of the 16 Years' War
§1. The Bokofi expedition ...... 413
§2. The first act of war ...... 414
§3. Insurrection against the Ar§ and the death of Seriki lyapo 417
§4. Further raiding expedition on ggba farms . . . 420
§5. The revolt of the Ekiti tribes 423
CHAPTER XXIV.— Conflicts in the North
§1. The celebrated battle of Ikirun or the Jalumi War
§2. The results of the Jalumi War ....
§3. The Ekiti parapos ......
§4. The beginning of the actual conflict .
§5. The Ar§ to the front
427
436
439
441
444
XVI CONTENTS
CHAPTER XXV. — Ibadan at its Extremity
§1. Home defences ...... 450
§2. Closure of roads and the results .... 452
§3. Distressing episodes ....... 454
§4. New developments, clouds and sunshine . . . 457
CHAPTER XXVI.— Failures at Reconciliation
§1. The Alafin's efforts for peace . . . . . 462
§2. The Alafin's messenger ...... 464
§3. The Governor's delegates ..... 467
§4. The lion at bay 473
CHAPTER XXVn.— A Rift in the Cloud
§1. A turning point ....... 479
§2. Rambling talks of peace ...... 480
§3. Desperate movements ...... 490
CHAPTER XXVIII.— The Rev. J. B. Wood and the
A.O.K.
§1. The visits of the Rev. J. B. Wood to the camps . . 494
§2. The death of Latosisa the A.O.K 500
§3. The vicissitudes of war . . . . . . 503
CHAPTER XXIX.— The Intervention of the British
Government
§1. Measures by Governor Moloney . . . . 508
§2. The Ilgrins and peace proposals . .... 515
§3. The messengers and preliminary arrangements . .521
§4. The treaty of peace 527
§5. The reception of the treaty by the Kings and Chiefs . 532
CHAPTER XXX.— Dispersal of the Combatants by Special
Commissioners
§1. Special Commissioners sent up .... 53^
§2. The Commissioners at Kiriji ..... 543
§3. The Proclamation of Peace and firing of the camps . 547
§4. The Commissioners at Modakeke. Failure . . 552
CHAPTER XXXI.— Disturbance in every part of the
Country
§1. Ilorin intrigues and the fall of Of a . . . • 5^1
§2. Revolutionary movements at Ijebu .... 5^7
§3. " A mild treaty " 57^
§4. The exploits of Esan and the controversy thereupon . 576
CONTENTS
xvu
CHAPTER XXXII.
-Abortive Measures to Terminate the
War
§1. The mission of Alvan Millson
§2. Subsidiary efforts of the Rev. S. Johnson .
§3. The AlAfin's diplomacy
§4. Correspondence and a treaty
§5. The AlAfin's measures for peace and the issues
§6. The Ilorins at Ilobu ....
§7. The conduct of the chiefs at Ikirun .
CHAPTER XXXIII.— The Dark before the Dawn
§1. Liberation of the Egbados
§2. Troubles at Ijebu ....
§3. Strained relations with the Ibadans .
§4. Death of Aliku the Emir of Ilorin
§5. Ijebu excesses and infatuation
§6. Causes that led to the Ijebu War
§7. Further causes that led to the Ij ebu War
§8. The Ijebu campaign
§9. Effecte of the Campeiign .
CHAPTER XXXIV.— The End -of the War
§1. Governor Carter s progress up country
§2. The return home of the Ibadans
§3. The return of Governor Carter to Lagos
§4. Local opinions about the war
§5. Constitution of the Ibadan Town Council
CHAPTER XXXV.— The Establishment of the British
Protectorate. The Sequel
Abeokuta 643
§1.
§2.
§3.
§4-
§5-
§6.
Ibadan .
Ijesa
The Ekitis
If e and Modakeke
Ilorin
APPENDIX A
Treaties and Agreements
§1. Abeokuta
§2. Oyo
§3. Ibadan (an agreement)
§4. Egba (boundaries) .
§5. Abeokuta (railway)
§6. Ibadan (railway)
XViii CONTENTS
Appendix A — [continued)
§7. Ijs§a (human sacrifices) ...... 663
§8. Ekiti „ „ 664
§9. If§ „ „ ....... 665
§10. Between England and France for the West Coast . 666
§11. Porto Novo . . , . . . . . . 667
§12. Proclamation ........ 668
APPENDIX B
§1. Yoruba Kings, Basoruns, etc. ..... 669
§2. Ibadan chief rulers ....... 670
§3. Ab§okuta leading chiefs ...... 670
§4. Emirs of Ilorin ....... 671
Index 673
Map of the Yoruba Country ..... at en<i
§1. INTRODUCTION
The Yoruba country lies to the immediate West of the River
Niger (below the confluence) and South of the Quorra {i.e., the
Western branch of the same River above the confluence), having
Dahomey on the West, and the Bight of Benin to the South. It
is roughly speaking between latitude 6° and 9° North, and longi-
tude 2° 30' and 6° 30' East.
The country was probably first known to Europe from the
North, through the explorers of Northern and Central Africa, for
in old records the Hausa and Fulani names are used for the country
and its capital ; thus we see in Webster's Gazetteer " Yarriba,"
West Africa, East of Dahomey, area 70,000 sq. miles, population two
millions, capital Katunga. These are the Hausa terms for
Yoruba and for Oyo.
The entire south of the country is a network of lagoons connect-
ing the deltas of the great River Niger with that of the Volta, and
into this lagoon which is belted with a more or less dense mangrove
swamp, most of the rivers which flow through the country North
to South pour their waters.
It will thus be seen that the country is for the most part a table-
land : it has been compared to half of a pie dish turned upside
down. Rising from the coast in the South gradually to a height
of some 5-600 ft. in more or less dense forest, into a plain diversified
by a few mountain ranges, continuing its gentle rise in some parts
to about 1,000 ft. above sea level, it then slopes down again to the
banks of the Niger, which encloses it in the North and East.
In a valuable letter by the Rev. S. A. Crowther (afterwards
Bishop) to Thomas J. Hutchinson, Esq., Her Britannic Majesty's
consul for the Bight of Biafra and the Island of Fernando Po,
published as Appendix A to the book entitled " Impressions of
Western Africa,"^ we find the following graphic description of
the country : —
. . . " This part of the country of which Lagos in the Bight
of Benin is the seaport, is generally known as the Yoruba country,
extending from the Bight to within two or three days' journey to
the banks of the Niger.^ This country comprises many tribes
governed by their own chiefs and having their own laws. At one
time they were all tributaries to one Sovereign, the King of Yoruba,
including Benin on the East, and Dahomey on the West, but are
now independent.
' Longmans, Green & Co., 1858.
"^ i.e. At the time of writing. — Ed.
XX INTRODUCTION
The principal tribes into which this kingdom is divided are as
follows : —
The Egbados : This division includes Otta and Lagos near the
sea coast, forming a belt of country on the banks of the lagoon in
the forest, to Ketu on the border of Dahomey on the West ; then
the Jebu on the East on the border of Benin ; then the Egbas of the
forest now known as the Egbas of Abeokuta.
Then comes Yoruba proper northwards in the plain ; Ife, Ijesha,
Ijamo, EfoH, Ondo, Idoko, Igbomina, and Ado near the banks of
the Niger, from which a creek or stream a little below Iddah is
called Do or Iddo River."
. . . " The chief produce of this country is the red palm oil,
oil made from the kernel, shea butter from nuts of the shea trees,
ground nuts, beniseed, and cotton in abundance, and ivory — all
these are readily procured for European markets.
. . . The present seat of the King of Yoruba is Ago other-
wise called Oyo after the name of the old capital visited by Clap-
perton and Lander.
A King is acknowledged and his person is held sacred, his wives
and children are highly respected. Any attempt of violence
against a King's person or of the Royal family, or any act of
wantonness with the wives of the King, is punished with death.
There are no written laws, but such laws and customs that have
been handed down from their ancestors, especially those respecting
relative duties, have become established laws.
The right to the throne is hereditary, but exclusively in the male
line or the male issue of the King's daughters.
The Government is absolute, but it has been much modified
since the kingdom has been divided into many independent states
by slave wars, into what may be called a limited monarchy ..."
Physical features. — ^The country presents generally two distinct
features, the forest and the plain ; the former comprising the
southern and eastern portions, the latter the northern, central and
western. Yoruba Proper lies chiefly in the plain, and has a
small portion of forest land. The country is fairly well watered,
but the rivers and streams are dependent upon the annual rains ;
an impassable river in the rains may become but a dry water-course
in the dry season.
There are a few high mountains in the north and west, but in
the east the prevailing aspect is high ranges of mountains from
which that part of the country derives its name, Ekiti — a mound
— being covered as it were with Nature's Mound.
The soil is particularly rich, and most suitable for agriculture,
in which every man is more or less engaged. The plain is almost
entirely pasture land. Minerals apparently do not exist to any
appreciable extent, expect iron ores which the people work them-
selves, and from which they formerly manufactured all their
implements of husbandry and war and articles for domestic use.
INTRODUCTION XXi
Flora. — The forests teem with economic and medicinal plants
of tropical varieties, as well as timber, of which mahogany, cedar,
brimstone, counter, and iroko are the principal.
There are also to be found the Abura, useful for carving purposes,
ebony, Ata 2i hard wood used for facing carpenters' tools, the Iki,
a hard wood which when dry is very difficult to work, as it speedily
blunts edged tools. The Ori, another hard wood useful for making
piers on the coast, and the Ahayan, a very hard wood, unaffected
by ordinary fires, dry rot, or termites.
All these are indigenous, but recently " Indian teak " has been
introduced, and it flourishes widely, as well as the beef wood tree
on the coast.
Although a large variety of fruits can be grown, yet the people
do not take to horticulture ; what there are grow almost wild,
very little attention being paid to them. Papaw, bananas of
several varieties, plantcdn, oranges, pineapples, the Oro, plums
(3'ellow and black), the rough skin plum, the butt lime, are to be
found everywhere. Some fruit trees have been introduced, which
have become indigenous, e.g., the sweet and sour sop, the avocado
(or alligator) pear, guavas of two kinds, pink apples, rose apple,
mangoes, the bread truit and bread nut trees, the golden plum,
etc. All these are cultivated, but not widely.
Vegetables, of which there are several kinds, are largely culti-
vated. Yam, koko, cassada, sweet potatoes, are the principal
" roots " used as diet, also beans (white and brown), small and
large, and the ground nut are largely grown for food. The guinea
corn grows in the north, and maize in the south. The calabash
gourd and the Egusi from the seeds of which Egusi oil is pressed,
grow everywhere.
Fauna. — ^Big game abound, especially in the north, where the
lion is not far to seek, also the elephant, buffalo, leopard, wolf,
foxes, jackals, monkeys of various species, deer, porcupine, etc.
The hippopotamus is found in large rivers, and alligators in the
swamps and lagoons in the south.
The usual domestic animals and poultry are carefully reared.
Of birds, we have the wild and tame parrots, green pigeons, stork,
crown birds, and others of the tropical feathered tribe.
The country was at one time very prosperous, and powerful,
but there is probably no other country on this earth more torn and
wasted by internal dissensions, tribal jealousies, and fratricidal
feuds, a state of things which unhappily continues up to the present
time.
When the central authority which was once all-powerful and far
too despotic grew weak by driving the powerful chiefs into rebellion
and internecine wars, the entire kingdom became broken up into
petty states and independent factions as we now know them.
As far as it is possible for one race to be characteristically like
another, from which it differs in every physical aspect, the Yorubas
XXU INTRODUCTION
— it has been noted — are not unlike the English in many of their
traits and characteristics. It would appear that what the one is
among the whites the other is among the blacks. Love of inde-
pendence, a feeling of superiority over all others, a keen commercial
spirit, and of indefatigable enterprise, that quality of being never
able to admit or consent to a defeat as finally settling a question
upon which their mind is bent, are some of those qualities peculiar
to them, and no matter under what circumstances they are placed,
Yorubas will display them. We have even learnt that those of
them who had the misfortune of being carried away to foreign
climes so displayed these characteristics there, and assumed such
airs of superiority and leadership over the men of their race they
met there, in such a matter of fact way that the attention of their
masters was perforce drawn to this type of new arrivals ! And
from them they selected overseers. These traits will be clearly
discerned in the narratives given in this history. But apart from
the general, each of the leading tribes has special characteristics
of its own ; thus dogged perseverance and determination character-
ise the Ijebus, love of ease and a quickness to adapt new ideas the
Egbas, the Ijesas and Ekitis are possessed of a marvellous amount
of physical strength, remarkable docility and simplicity of manners,
and love of home.
Among the various families of Yorubas Proper, the Ibarapas
are laborious farmers, the Ibolos are rather docile and weak in
comparison with others, but the Epos are hardy, brave, and rather
turbulent ; whilst the Oyos of the Metropolitan province are
remarkably shrewd, intelligent, very diplomatic, cautious almost
to timidity, provokingly conservative, and withal very masterful.
The whole people are imbued with a deep religious spirit,
reverential in manners, showing deference to superiors and respect
to age, where they have not been corrupted by foreign intercourse ;
ingrained politeness is part and parcel of their nature.
The early history of the Yoruba country is almost exclusively
that of the Oyo division, the others being then too small and too
insignificant to be of any import ; but in later years this state of
things has been somewhat reversed, the centre of interest and sphere
of importance having moved southwards, especially since the
arrival of Europeans on the coast.
Such is the country, and such are the people whose history,
religion, social polity, manners and customs, etc., are briefly given
in the following pages.
THE YORUBA LANGUAGE
The Yoruba language has been classed among the unwritten
African languages. The earliest attempt to reduce this language
into writing was in the early forties of the last century, when the
Church Missionary Society, with the immortal Rev. Henry Venn
as Secretary, organized a mission to the Yoruba country under
the leadership of one of their agents, the Rev. Henry Townsend,.
an English Clergyman then at work at Sierra Leone, and the
Rev. Samuel Ajayi Crowther, the first African Clergyman of the
C.M.S., also at work in the same place.
After several fruitless efforts had been made either to invent
new characters, or adapt the Arabic, which was already known to
Moslem Yorubas, the Roman character was naturally adopted, not
only because it is the one best acquainted with, but also because it
would obviate the difficulties that must necessarily arise if
missionaries were first to learn strange characters before they could
undertake scholastic and evangehstic work. With this as basis,
specizd adaptation had to be made for pronouncing some
words not to be found in the English or any other European
language.
The system, or rather want of system, existing among various
missionary bodies in Africa and elsewhere emphasized the need of
a fixed system of orthography. It was evidently essential for the
various bodies to agree upon certain rules for reducing iUiterate
languages into writing in Roman characters, not only because this
would facilitate co-operation, but also because it would render
books much cheaper than when separate founts of type must needs
be cast for every separate system (scientific or otherwise) that each
body may choose to adapt for one and the same purpose.
In this effort, the Committee of the C.M.S. were ably assisted
by certain philological doctors, as Professor Lee of Cambridge,
Mr. Norris of London, and notably by Professor Lepsius of BerUn,
to whom was entrusted the task of establishing a complete form
of alphabetic system to which all hitherto unwritten languages
could be adapted.
The following remarks are largely derived from the second edition
of Prof. Lepsius' work.
The Professor consulted earher efforts that had been made in
India and elsewhere to transliterate foreign (Eastern) characters
into the Roman, and out of the chaos then existing he estabUshed
XXIV THE YORUBA LANGUAGE
on a firm scientific basis the Standard Alphabet in which the
Yoruba language is now written. This was adopted by the
C.M.S. in 1856. By this system therefore former translations had
to be transliterated under certain fixed rules.
The number of letters in the Standard Alphabet is necessarily
very large, as it was designed to meet the requirements of all
nations ; but with diacritic marks on cognate sounds and accents,
and the introduction of three characters from the Greek, the
Roman characters furnish all that is necessary from which every
unwritten language can draw.
It is very unfortunate indeed that the system has not been
faithfully followed by all, for reasons we regard as inadequate and
inconclusive. This has provoked the caustic remark of the distin-
guished philologist. Dr. R. N. Cust, that ..." no class of man-
kind is so narrowminded and opinionated as the missionary except
the linguist." For even in the Yoruba which professed to have
adopted Lepsius' Standard, certain particulars (as we shall see)
have been departed from, by no means for the better. Keen was
the controversy on these points between the English and German
missionaries of the Yoruba Mission in its early days. In the
following' pages the style commonly used in the familiar Yoruba
translations is departed from in some important particulars, as
they present some peculiar defects which ought to be rectified.
We shall endeavour to follow Professor Lepsius' Standard Alphabet
as closely as possible.
The Professor himself has conceded that shades of sound can
be adapted therefrom to meet special requirements without depart-
ing from the principles laid down. Says he in his second edition:
" The exposition of the scientific and practical principles
according to which a suitable alphabet for universal adoption in
foreign languages might be constructed has (with few exceptions
above mentioned) remained unaltered. These rules are founded
in the nature of the subject, and therefore though they may admit
of certain carefully hmited exceptions, they can undergo no change
in themselves : they serve as a defence against arbitrary proposals
which do not depend upon universal laws ; they will explain and
recommend the application which has been made of them already
to a series of languages and will serve as a guide in their application
to new ones.
"But we have not concealed from the very beginning that it
is not in every person's power to apprehend with physiological
and hnguistic accuracy the sounds in a foreign language or even
those of his own, so as to apply with some degree of certainty the
principles of our alphabet to a new system of sounds containing
THE YORUBA LANGUAGE XXV
its own peculiarities. A few only of our most distinguished
grammarians are possessed of a penetrating insight into the living
organisms of sounds in those very languages they have discussed ;
much less can it be expected of missionaries, who are often obliged
without previous preparation to address themselves to the reduction
and representation of a foreign language, that everything which
belongs to a correct adjudication of particular sounds (frequently
apprehended only with great difficulty even by the ear) or to
their connection with one another and with other systems of
sounds, should present itself spontaneously to their minds."
Certain rules of transcription are imperative for a correct
scientific method of procedure. Whatever may have been the
difficulties encountered in the ancient written languages, so far as
the Yoruba and other unwritten languages are concerned, the
field hes clear.
The Enghsh mode of pronouncing the vowels had to be rejected
in favour of the Italian or continental mode.
The following rules or principles have been laid down : —
1. The power of each letter as representing certain sounds as
handed down from antiquity should be retained.
2. The orthography of any language should never use (a) the
same letter for different sounds, nor (b) different letters for the
same sound.
In violation of (a) note the force of the letter g in the Enghsh
words give, gin ; of a in man, name, what ; of ea in treat, tread ;
of ei in weight, height ; of the consonants ch in archbishop, arch-
angel ; of augh in slaughter, laughter ; also the sound of ch in
chamber, champagne, chameleon where the same letters are used
for different sounds.
In violation of (b) note the last syllables in the words atten/fow,
omission, fsLshion, where different letters are used for the same
sound.
3. Every simple sound is to be represented by a single sign.
This is violated by writing sh to represent the " rushing sound "
of s. This, as we shall see below, is quite unnecessary in the
Yoruba language. Here we find an application of the principle
that where a new sound is not found in the Roman alphabetic
system a diacritical mark on the nearest graphic sign should be
used. A diacritical mark therefore over s will more fitly represent
the English sound of sh. ^ This is also in accordance with the
sin and shin in the Hebrew and Arabic, where the difference
1 Publishers' Note. It must be noted, however, that in printing
this work s has been used throughout to represent the sh sound.
XXVI THE YORUBA LANGUAGE
between the soft and the rushing sound is indicated by diacritical
points, e.g.,
Heb. to tD Arab. - ^
Again the letter A is a sign of aspiration (as the spiritus asper
in the Greek) as in it, hit ; at, hat ; owl, howl, etc. It would
therefore be unscientific to accord it a new meaning altogether
by such a use of it in violation of rule i.
Apart from this is the fact that the letter s with a diacritical
mark over it has been employed about twenty years previously
by oriental scholars transcribing Indian letters into the Roman.
4. Explosive letters are not to be used to express fricative
sounds and vice versa, e.g., the use oi ph as f where p is clearly
an explosive letter.
5. The last rule is that a long vowel should never be represented
by doubling the short. This method seems to have found favour
with some transcribers, there being no fixed system of transcription.
THE ALPHABET
In a purely scientific alphabetic system, it would seem more
correct that the alphabets be arranged according to the organ
most concerned in the pronunciation of the letters, e.g., all sounds
proceed from the fauces, and are modified either at the throat,
by the teeth, or by the lips ; hence they may be classified as
guttural, dental, or labial. But nothing is gained by altering
the order which came down to us from remote antiquity as the
Romans received it from the Greek, and these from the
Phoenicians, etc.
The Vowels.
The vowels in Yoruba may
be built upon the three funda-
mental vowels, a, i, u, with the
two subsidiary ones, e formed
by the coalescence of the first
two a and i, and o by the coal-
escence of a and u from which
we have a, e, i, o and u. These are the recognised principal
vowels and are pronounced after the Italian method (ah,
aye, ee, o, 00), but whereas in the Enghsh language the
short soimd of e is written eh and that of o as aw. these sounds,
according to the standard system in accordance with rule 3, are
represented by a dot or dash under the cognate sounds, hence we
THE YORUBA LANGUAGE XXVll
have e and o. A complete representation of the vowels in Yoruba
therefore is as follows : — a, e, e, i, o, g, a (prpnounced ah, aye,
eh, ee, oh, aw, oo), the original taking precedence of the diacritic.
Note that u is not to be pronounced as " you " but as oo in food.
Nasalization. — The clear vowels are capable of a peculiar
alteration which is produced by uttering the vowel through the
nasal canal. There is no consonantal element brought into
play, but it is an alteration entirely within the vowel. Nasalization
is very largely used in the Yoruba, and consequently its ortho-
graphy should be free from any ambiguity. In the Standard Alpha-
bet the circumflex (~) is placed over the nasalized vowel to indicate
such a sound. Unfortunately the Yoruba as written by mission-
aries substitute the letter n for this sign, a cause of some ambiguity
in writing certain words as Akano, Akinola, Morinatu, Obimeko,
where the letter n stands between two vowels, and is liable to be
pronounced with the latter, e.g., A-ka-no, A-ld-no-la, MQ-ri-na-tu,
0-bu-ne-ko ; but following the Standard Alphabet, the words
should be written Akao, Obueko, just as the Portuguese
names are written Semao, Adao, JoSo, etc. Indeed certain
sections of the Yoruba tribes that use nasalization very
sparingly do pronounce these words as written without any sign
of nasalization. The n therefore is not only unnecessary but it
is also misleading.
In the following pages, the Standard System will be adhered to,
where such ambiguities are liable to occur : but for the sake of
simplicity and to avoid the unnecessary use of diacritical marks,
n as a nasal sign may be used where it cannot cause any ambiguity,
e.g.,
1. When it precedes a consonant as nje, ndao, nk6.
2. When it closes a word, as Awon, Basorun, Ibadan, Iseyin.
As nasahzation is said to be caused by the dropping of a nasal
consonant, such a Umited use of « as a nasal soimd may be justified.
No pure, uneducated Yoruba man can pronounce a word ending
in a consonant, he will instinctively add an i or u to it. There is
therefore no closed syllable in Yoruba, n at the end of a word is
purely nasal.
The System of Consonants
There are sixteen distinct consonantal sounds in the Yoruba
language, each having the same force and power as in the English
alphabet ; they are : b, d, f, g, h, j, k, 1, m, n, p, r, s, t, w, y.
No consonants are used to represent a vowel by perverting them
from their legitimate consonantal sounds as h, w, and y are some-
times used in English.
XXVlli THE YORUBA LANGUAGE
Besides the above, there are two other sounds not represented
in the Roman or in any other European system ; they are ex-
plosive sounds peculiar to the Yoruba and alhed tribes formed by
the lip and jaw, viz., gb and kp. They are regarded as guttural
modifications of b and p, and as they appear to result from a
combination of two organs concerned in speech, but the com-
ponent parts of which are so intimately connected they are rightly
represented by two letters, though not contravening rule 3.
As to kp, since usage makes it evident that the Yorubas never
pronounce the letter p but as kp, it is therefore not considered
necessary to include kp in the Yoruba alphabet as is done in the
Ibo ; the simple p does perform its duty satisfactorily.
Here we find a fit application of Professor Lepsius' remarks
that " The general alphabet, when applied to particular languages,
must be capable of simplification as well as of enlargement. All
particular diacritical marks are unnecessary in those languages
where none of the bases have a double value ; we then write the
simple base without a diacritical mark. Where two sounds
belong to the same base, one only of the signs will be wanted. ..."
This is well exemplified here. We therefore write p and not kp
in Yoruba.
The same may be said of the letter s and the sound sh, referred
to above. The difference is indicated in the Standard Alphabet
by a diacritical mark, e.g., s, s (for sh). The Yorubas can safely
dispense with the latter, and for the sake of simplicity this ought
to have been done, as no difference as to the meaning of a word
is suggested by the same word being pronounced soft or harsh.
And more also because in some parts of the country, notably the
Ekun Osi district (the most northerly), the harsh sound is un-
pronounceable, whatever may be written ; e.g., shall, shop, will
be pronounced sail, sop. In the Epo district, on the other hand,
it is just the reverse ; the harsh sound will be pronounced instead
of the soft, thus same, son will be pronounced shame, shon.
But all over the country women and children invariably use
the softer sound for the same word, which, if thus used by men is
considered affectations, except in the Ekun Osi district, where the
purest and most elegant Yoruba is spoken.
S (for sh) therefore might have been dropped from the Yoruba
alphabet with no harm resulting ; it is, however, retained because
over a great part of the country a distinction is made between
the two sounds ; apart from the fact that it would often be
required in representing the sounds of some words of foreign origin.
From the above modifications therefore we have the Yoruba
alphabet as now used : —
abdeefggbhijklmnooprsstuwy .
THE YORUBA LANGUAGE XXIX
Accents or Tones
An accent in the accepted sense of the term denotes the stress
laid upon a particular syllable, be it the ultimate, penultimate
or antepenultimate syllable of a word. In Yoruba it is used
differently. What are called accents, and for which the usual
symbols are used are really tones, of which there are three : the
elevated, the middle and the depressed ; for the first and the
last the acute and the grave accents are used respectively, the
middle tone in its simplest form requires no accent sign.
In Yoruba, vowels are of greater importance than consonants,
and tones than vowels ; hence the peculiarity of this language,
that musical sounds can be employed to convey a correct idea
of words in speech.
Another error into which those responsible for the present mode
of writing Yoruba have fallen, by departing from the Standard
System, is the introduction of the circumflex (~) and its indiscrimi-
nate use as a sign of a so-called long vowel.
There are really no long or short vowels in Yoruba as under-
stood in the English language ; what appears to be long is the
coalescence of two or more vowels with an elision of the inter-
vening consonants, e.g., Bale is a contraction of Baba-ile, i.e.
father (or master) of the house. Here the second h is dropped, the
two a's coalesce, and the i is absorbed in them, being represented
by a prolongation of the tone. The vowels are therefore simple
and compound.
The meaning of a word varies as the tone, e.g., we may say : —
ba ba, bk, the voice being raised, even or depressed respectively.
The first ba means to meet, the second ba to he in ambush, and
the third hk to ahght upon.
So we may have be, be, b^ : b§ means to split open, be to be
officious, and b^ to beg.
Also bu, bu, bu : bu means to abuse, bu to be mouldy, and
bu to cut open.
In this way each vowel with each tone accent may be combined
with each of the consonants to form words of different meanings ;
or in other words, thus may every consonant be used with each
of the vowels in turn, forming different words by varying the
tone.
The Use of the Accents
To this method of using the accents over the vowels Professor
Lepsius made the strongest objections, as by such a use the accents
have been diverted from their proper uses to serve another purpose.
XXX THE YORUBA LANGUAGE
He therefore proposed to place the tone accents to the right-hand
side of the vowel instead of over it, so as to distinguish a word
accent from a tone accent, as is done in the Chinese and other
cognate languages: e.g., word accent would be written ba, bk;
tone accent, ba , ba\
In this proposal the professor agrees with the Rev. T. J. Bowen
an American Baptist Missionary in his Yoruba Grammar and
Dictionary published in 1858 by the Smithsonian Institution.
But Crowther — a Yoruba man — did not in his grammar make any
such distinction. He thinks the existing accents will do well
enough, and for the best of reasons, there is no word accent in
Yoruba, the tone governs everything, and Europeans cannot speak
without a word accent.
The language moreover abounds in contractions and elisions,
a whole syllable may be dropped but the tone remains. This is
the crux of difficulty with foreigners trying to speak the language,
and to what extent they are able to overcome this, to that extent
their Yoruba is said to be perfect.
Combination of the Accents
As remarked above, there are no closed syllables in the Yoruba
language, every syllable must end in a vowel and every vowel
must be one of the three tones represented by the accents. Words
of three or four syllables are often contracted into two, the
coalescence of the tones forming the compound vowels.
The entire scheme of the accents or tones may be thus repre-
sented: —
I. Simple vowels with the varied tones.
a, in which the tone is raised : as ka, to pick ; ba, to meet ;
la, to lick,
a, in which the tone is even : as pa, to kill ; ba, to ambush ;
ta, to kick.
a, in which the tone is depressed : as rk, to buy ; ki, to count ;
fa, to draw.
II. Compound vowels in which a single vowel bears more
than one tone :—
A. Compounds of the raised tone,
a, in which the raised tone is doubled, e.g., A'yan, contracted
from Arfyan, i.e., cares, worries.
4-, in which the raised tone is combined with the middle, e.g.,
Ki-nla from Kinila — a form of exclamation.
& in which the raised tone is combined with the depressed,
e.g., beni from b^h^ni, so it is.
THE YORUBA LANGUAGE
XXXI
B. Compounds of the middle tone.
a' in which the middle tone is combined with the raised ; e.g.
A'yan from a-hayan, a cockroach ; O'ri from Oriri, a tomb,
a" in which the middle tone is combined with itself, e.g., Ta'ni
from Ta-ha-ni — who is it ?
a' in which the middle tone is combined with the depressed,
e.g., E "ru from eriru, spice ; kere from keh^rg, a screen.
C Compounds of the depressed tone.
k' in which the depressed tone is combined with the raised,
e.g., a'nu from cini-inu, mercy ; 6'to from 6tit6, truth.
k- in which the depressed tone is combined with the middle,
e.g., ko"'^^ from kdriko, a wolf.
i' in which the depressed tone is combined with itself, e.g.,
Ori contracted from Oriri, black plum.
In this way words of four or five syllables may, by elision and
absorption, be contracted into two or three ; e.g., «ifin from
aw6fin, the palace ; hence Alafin from Ani-k-w^-fin, Lord of the
royal palace.
0-oni fromOw6ni, which is itself a contraction of Omo oliiw^ni,
son of a sacrificial victim.
The consonants may be dropped, the vowels absorbed, but the
tones are always preserved ; the first and last syllables only are
essential, the voice can gUde over all the intervening tones for
the sake of shortness.
This is at once the chief characteristic and — to foreigners — the
main difficulty of the Yoruba language. In order to avoid such
complicated tone accents it would be preferable to write out the
words in full, although the contracted form may be used in
speaking or reading, e.g., otito for 6'to ; korik6 for k6"'"''
Words similar in form, distinguished only by their tones.
Words of two syllables : —
Api
. the arm
Ina
. . fire, louse
Apa
. a prodigal
Ink
. . flogging
Apa
. a scar
Lia
. . a tattoo mark
Aid
. a riddle
Idi
. . the eagle
A15
. something ground
\di
. . the seat
Alo
• going
Idi
. . bunch of fruit
Awo
. a dish
llii
. . a town
Aw6
. a crash
m
. . a drum
Aw6
. . a fishing net
llu
. . a gimlet
Awo
. a guinea-fowl
Awo
. . a secret
XXXll
THE YORUBA LANGUAGE
Agba . . a rope lya
Agba . . an elder lya
Agba . . a cannon lya
A'yan . . anxiety, care Ik6
A'yan . . a cockroach Ik6
A'yan . . a hardwood Ikd
Baba . . father Ori
Baba (adv.) quite full Ori
Bkbk . . guinea corn 6ri
Epo . . palm oil 0p6
Epo . . bark Op6
Ep6 . . weeds Opd
E'ri . . corn chaff Oko
E 'ri . . dirt Okg
Eri (for Ori) the head 6k6
Words of three syllables similarly
Apata . . a rock korfko
Apata . . a shield k6rik6
Apatk . . a butcher
a mother
punishment
a separation
a cough
a state messenger
a hook or hanging
the head
shea butter
black plum
a post
a widow
to be busy
a husband
a hoe
a spear
distinguished : —
grass
wolf
Words of four syllables.
Koldkdlo . . stealthily
Kolgkolo . . circuitously
K^16kolo . . muddy, miry
K616k^l6 . . the fox
A SKETCH OF YORUBA GRAMMAR
The efforts we have seen made to produce a Yoruba Grammar on
the exact lines of an EngHsh or Latin Grammar represent in our
opinion an honest labour, highly commendable indeed it may be,
but totally in the wrong direction, and little calculated to elucidate
the genius of the language. On the contrary, they go a long way
to obscure it.
The Yoruba belongs to the agglutinated order of speech, not to
the inflectional. When therefore particles are used to form cases,
etc., it is mere pedantry to talk of declensions.
It is a notorious fact that educated Yorubas find it much easier
to read an Enghsh book than a Yoruba production — which until
recently are mostly translations. With an effort they may plod
through it, but they do not enjoy reading it, and sometimes do
not even understand it. The main reasons for this are : —
1. The orthography of the language is still very defective.
2. The style in which the books are written. This may simply
be described as English ideas in Yoruba words : the result is often
obscurity and confusion of thought.
In the " Church Missionary Intelligencer " for March, 1880, a
missionary to Japan, who had experienced a similar difificulty,
wrote thus : —
" There is great danger, in all use of this language, of thinking
that when we have rendered various English words into Japanese
we have of necessity expressed the thoughts which the English
words convey. Language may correspond to language, but the
thoughts to which the language is the vehicle may be as distant
as the poles. Our language must be idiomatic or the natives will
fail to see the points on which we are endeavouring to lay so much
stress."
The writer has on several occasions- read portions of Yoruba
translations to intelligent but purely uneducated Yoruba men.
They would show that they comprehended (not without an effort)
what was read to them by putting pertinent questions, but then
they would add, " We can understand what you mean to say, but
what you read there is not Yoruba ; it may be hook language
(£de I we)." The rock of stumbling is the desire of translators to
reproduce every word and particle of the English in its exact
equivalent in Yoruba, regardless of idiom, and thereby obscuring
the sense of the latter.
XXxiv A SKETCH OF YORUBA GRAMMAR
In taking up a Yoruba book one is forcibly struck by the
difference in style between quotations of pure Yoruba stories,
phrases, or proverbs, and the notes and observations of the writer.
The former runs smooth and clear, the latter appears stiff and
obscure, because the writer, with his knowledge of the English
grammar and language, wrote English ideas and idioms in Yoruba
words, illustrating what is said above.
When such systems are employed in writing a Yoruba Grammar,
such a grammar may be usefiil in teaching English to Yoruba
boys, but that is not a Yoruba grammar.
We deem these observations necessary because in the following
pages we shall have occasion to render Yoruba words into English
and vice versa ; a very literal translation will not be adhered to
when, by so doing, the sense and force of the language will be
obscured and weakened.
The Formation of Words
The formation of words in Yoruba appears to be a very simple
process ; any consonant with a vowel attached will form a word
(or three words, according to the variation of the tone or accent).
That word will probably be a verb ; it will certainly possess the
form of one, either current or obsolete. This word will, moreover,
be the root of a whole class of words. By prefixing a vowel to it
a noun may be formed ; with other prefixes also some other
words may be formed from the same root, e.g., da to make, gda,
a creature ; from which we have eleda, creator. Lk, to spUt ;
ilk, a cut ; elk, halves of a whole ; kla, a boundary. Rii, to carry ;
eru, a load ; alarij, a carrier ; elerii, owner of a load. Fe, to
love ; Ife, love ; Ifeni, brotherly love, charity.
Thus verbs are mostly monosyllables, formed by one consonant
and a vowel, and nouns disyllables in which the first syllable is
a vowel, and the second a verbal root. The penultimate vowel is
sometimes strengthened by a consonant.
Adjectives are mostly formed from nouns (or as nouns) by pre-
fixing the consonant of the verbal root ; e.g., dida, made or created ;
hlk, fissured ; so also from m6, to know ; im^, knowledge, mim^,
known.
Adverbs are generally dupUcation of the adjective, e.g., didun,
sweet ; didun-didun, very sweet ; dara, good ; dara-dara, very
good.
What is here called a verbal root may be an obsolete word or
one not generally in use, but other words can be formed from it
all the same.
There are some primitive words the origin of whose roots has
A SKETCH OF YORUBA GRAMMAR XXXV
been lost, e.g., omi, water ; ina, fire ; igi, wood ; aso, clothes ;
etc.
With rare exceptions, nouns not beginning with a vowel are
either of foreign origin, or onomatopoetic : this latter being very
common.
There are, of course, exceptions to the above rules, but these
will be found to be the fundamental methods of forming Yoruba
words.
We cannot within the compass of an introduction, give a
complete sketch of a Yoruba Grammar, but we may state that
the Unes laid down in Crowther's Vocabulary of the Yoruba
language and in Notes on the Formation of Words by the Rt. Rev.
O. E. Vidal, the first Bishop of Sierra Leone, if properly developed
and fully worked out, will prove both very useful and instructive.
The Parts of Speech
There are eight parts of speech. They are as in the English
Grammar, the " Article " being excepted.
The Yoruba language has no article, but when definiteness is
required the numeral kan (contracted from Okan, one) is used for
a or an, and the demonstrative na or ni (that, the said one) is
used for the definite article the.
The use of the numeral one in place of the article is not unknown
even in English. " The numeral one is an indefinite demonstrative
when used as the article an " — Mason,
The word kan therefore cannot be correctly called an article
simply because it is made to do duty for it.
In Yoruba books translated from the Enghsh, where the
translator endeavours to render every word and particle into its
Yoruba equivalent, we often find these particles used where a
pure Yoruba, speaking, would not use an article. Hence the
Yoruba of translations often sounds rather quaint.
Literal translations regardless of differences of idiom, often
result in ambiguity or nonsense.
In the British colonies of Sierra Leone and Lagos, where the
Yoruba element predominates, and where the English language is
often heard spoken with local accents and local idioms, the articles
are frequently left out where an Englishman would use them,
e.g., I see snake, for I saw a snake. Water full, for the river is full.
Here the local English sounds rather quaint, because the speaker
simply expresses his Yoruba ideas in EngUsh words without the
article. Again, we may say in Yoruba, O joko lori aga " (He is
sitting on a chair) " nmu koko taba " (he is smoking a pipe)
No one would ever think of adding the particle kan after aga or
XXXVl A SKETCH OF YORUBA GRAMMAR
koko taha by way of expressing the article a. So also we may say
" Mo pade Yesufu ni Odo Osun " (I met Joseph at the River
Osun), or " Mo iilo sf gja " (I am going to the market). No one
would use the particle nd after Osun or oja to indicate the article
the as its English equivalent. But we can say " Okonrin na ti de "
(the man is come). " Mo pade Okonrin na " (I met the man).
" Omode kan nduro de g " (a child is waiting for you). " Mo pa
ejo kan " (I have killed a snake). In which cases definiteness is
required and consequently the particles representing the articles
a, an and the are used.
These examples are sufficient to show that the articles do not
exist in the Yoruba language, but where definiteness is required,
equivalents can be found.
We deem these illustrations necessary as in books on Yoruba
Grammar the " article " forms one of the Parts of Speech.
Noun
Nouns generally in their simplest form are formed by prefixing
a vowel to a verbal root ; as b§, to shear ; abe, razor ; de, to cover
(the head) ; ade, crown ; da, to cease ; oda, drought ; s^, to
offend ; ese, sin. So also the verbals alo, going ; abg, coming from,
Ig, to go ; and bg, to come.
But the prefixes have certain peculiarities of their own. Thus :
a prefixed indicates an agent, one who does a thing, e.g., ke, to cut ;
ake, an axe — an agent for cutting wood. Da to break ; ida,
a cutlass ; yun, to file, ayun, a file or a saw.
o or 0, the same as a but restricted in their use, e.g., lu, to bore ,*
olu, a gimlet ; 16, to grind ; ol6, a grinder ; we, to swim ; ow^,
a swimmer ; de, to hunt ; gde, a hunter.
e prefixed indicates a noun in the concrete, e.g., ru, to carry ;
eru, a load ; mi; to breathe ; emi, the breath, spirit.
i prefixed denotes a noun in the abstract, e.g., m6, to know ;
im5, knowledge ; ri, to see ; iriri, experience.
The vowels e and u are rarely used.
Gender. — The Yoruba language being non-inflective, genders
cannot be distinguished by their terminal syllables, but by pre-
fixing the words ako, male, and aho, female, to the common term ;
and sometimes okonrin, a man and obirin, a woman ; e.g., akg-
esin, a horse, stallion abo-esin, a mare ; akg-malu, a bull ; abo-
malu, a cow. Omc okonrin, a boy, i.e., a man child ; gmg-birin,
a girl.
In one case the masculine seems to be formed from the feminine,
e.g., lyawo, a bride, gkg-iyawo, a bridegroom.
A SKETCH OF YORUBA GRAMMAR
XXX vu
Baba
. . father
lya
. mother
Okonrin
. man
Obirin
. woman
Oko
. husband
Aya
. wife
Apgn
a bachelor
Wundia
. a spinster
Apon
. a widower
Opo
a widow
)ruba langu
age in which different
female of the objects, e.g. : —
Igbekun
. . a male captive
Igbesin
. a female captive
Oso"
. a wizard
Aje
. a witch
Agbo
a ram
Agutan
. a sheep, a ewe
Obuko
. a he-goat
Ewure
. a goat
Akuko
. a cock
Agbebo
. a hen
No other distinction of genders is known.
The words arakgnrin and arabirin, used in translations for brother
and sister, are purely coined words, not known to the illiterate
Yoruba man not in touch with missionaries. To him they are
" book-language " and must be explained.
The English words brother and sister show th« relations as to
sex only without indicating the relative age ; but the Yorubas,
with whom distinction in age and seniority of birth are of primary
importance, generally use the words egbgn and aburo, i.e., the elder
and the younger relative, words which show the relative age only,
without indicating the sex and are equally applicable to uncles,
aunts, nephews, nieces and cousins however far removed, as well
as to brothers and sisters.
Our translators, in their desire to find a word expressing the
Enghsh idea of sex rather than of age, coined the above words
" arakonrin," i.e., the male relative ; " arabirin," the female
relative ; these words have always to be explained to the pure
but ilUterate Yoruba man.
But the words egbon okonrin or obirin and aburo gkonrin or
obirin would be more intelligible to them and should be preferred,
especially as it is always easy enough to find out the relative ages
of the said brother or sister.
We would recommend this to our translators.
Proper names rarely show any distinction of sex, the great
majority of them apply equally well to males as to females. See
under " Yoruba Names," page 79-
Number. — The plural of nouns cannot be formed from the
singular, either by addition or by a change of form ; only from the
context can it be known whether we are speaking of one or more
than one : but when specification is desired the demonstrative
pronoun awQti (they) or won (them) is used with the words, e.g.,
B
XXXviil A SKETCH OF YORUBA GRAMMAR
Aw on okonrin na ti lo (the men have gone away). The bells are
ringing — Awon agogo na nlu. Awon, however, is rarely used with
things without life. When the plural nouns are indefinite, that is
to say, without the definite article, the demonstrative awon is
omitted, e.g., Walaha okuta meji — two tables of stone.
Case. — There are three cases, the nominative, objective and
possessive, as in the English language ; but in none of them is
there a change of form. The nominative precedes and the objective
follows after the transitive verb and preposition as usual, but in
the case of the possessive, the thing possessed stands before the
possessor with the particle ti expressed or understood between
them, e.g., Moses' book, Iwe ti Musa, in which the particle ti
is expressed. Iru esin, the horse's tail, in which the particle ti
is understood. But although the particle ti is not expressed, yet
its middle tone is preserved by lengthening the tone of the final
vowel of the thing possessed. Thus we may say : Iwe (e) Musa,
the book of Moses, Iru(u) e§in, the tail of the horse. Qro(g)
Olorun, the word of God. Agbala(a) Oba, the court of the King.
Oko Ore(e) mi. My friend's farm.
The sound of the added tone is sometimes so slight as to be
almost imperceptible, but it is always there, and is one of those
fine points which are so difficult for the ear of foreigners to catch,
and the absence of which marks out their defective accents.
But when the noun in the possessive case stands alone, the
particle ti must be expressed, e.g., David's, Ti Dauda. Moses's,
Ti Musa. It is Joseph's, Ti Yesufu ni.
Adjectives
Adjectives are generally placed after the nouns they qualify,
as Esin dudu, a black horse ; omo rere, a good child. They are
placed before the nouns when some special attribute of that noun
is to be emphasized, e.g., agidi omo, a stubborn child ; apa omo,
a slovenly child ; alagbara okonrin, a brave fellow ; akg okuta,
a very hard stone.
These are really substantives used attributively. They may
more correctly be regarded as nouns in the construct state, and
not pure adjectives, e.g., " a brute of a man " is a more emphatic
expression than " a brutish man." This view of showing the
identity of a substantive with an adjective is clearly shown by
Mason : —
" The adjective was originally identical with the noun which, in
the infancy of language, named objects by naming some attributes
by which they were known.
" In course of time the adjective was developed into a separate
A SKETCH OF YORUBA GRAMMAR XXXlX
part of speech; the function of which was to attach itself to the
noun ; even now it is sometimes difficult to draw the line between
them, as nouns are sometimes used attributively and adjectives
pass by various stages into nouns."
Comparison of Adjectives
Degrees of comparison cannot be formed from Yoruba adjectives.
The words ju and juld which are generally used in Yoruba books
and translations, and even stated in some grammars as forming
the comparative and superlative degrees, are really adverbs
signifying a greater or less degree than and as such may give
a comparative sense only to the adjectives to which they are
attached. The superlative is really non-existing ; it can only be
gathered from the context. The wordy« is only used in an elhptical
sense iox julo when a comparison is being made, and it often appears
in the form of tmesis ; e.g., He re tobi ju ti emi lo — Your house is
larger than mine ; where lo is separated from ju by the words ti
emi, and may be omitted without affecting the sense. When used
otherwise, i.e., without any idea of comparison, ju is purely an
adverb signifying too, too much or too little, e.g., ga ju, it is
too high ; O kere ju, it is too small. But a comparative idea
can be gathered only from the context, and also whether the
comparison is between two or many, and it is in that way alone
a comparative and a superlative degree can be made out. " If
we say, ' John is taller than all the other boys in the class,' we
express the same relation as to height between John and the rest
as if we should say, ' John is the tallest boy in the class.' But in
the former case John is considered apart from the other boys of
the class, so that the two objects which we have in mind are John
and the other boys in the class. When the superlative degree is
used John is considered as one of the group of boys compared
with each other." — Mason.
This latter sense is what cannot be expressed in Yoruba and
therefore the language cannot be said to possess a superlative
degree. The superlative idea can only be gathered from the context.
It would be absurd to thus compare the adjective tall : —
Positive, ga (tall) comparative, ga ju (too tall) ; superlative,
ga ju lo (more tall than) which are not adjectives in the compara-
tive and superlative sense at aU.
To use words like these : Oga ogo julo, for the Most High ; or,
Owu mi behe pup6 julo for I am most pleased at it, is to speak
vile Yoruba. No pure Yoruba man uncontaminated with Enghsh
ideas would speak in that way at all.
As the genius of the Yoruba language, the working of the
Xl A SKETCH OF YORUBA GRAMMAR
Yoruba mind, its ideas and idiosyncracies do not run in an Anglo-
Saxon channel, it is not to be expected that the mode of expression
will agree in every particular. Some teachers of the Yoruba
language often fall into this error in their endeavours to find the
exact equivalent in both languages.
The Forms and Uses of Adjectives
Every adjective has two forms, the attributive and the predica-
tive, each depending upon the use thereof, e.g. : —
A high mountain (attributive), Oke giga.
The mountain is high (predicative), Oke na ga.
In Yoruba, the attributive is formed from the predicative by
reduplicating the initial consonant with the vowel i, e.g., strong
pred., le, attrih., lile ; sweet, pred., dun, attrib., didun ; hot pred,
gbona, attrih., gbigbona ; good, pred., dara ; attrib., didara, etc.
Disyllables with the vowel m as a rule undergo no change, e.g.,
tutu, cold ; dudu, black ; funfun, white, etc. (the n being purely
nasal). Although not in use, the same rule even here may also
be applied.
Pronouns.
Pronouns are used in the same sense as in EngUsh. They are:
I Personal, II Relative, and III Adjective ; there is no distinction
in genders in any of the forms.
The Personal includes the Reflexive.
I. Personal Pronouns,
(a) Nominative Case.
Singular Plural
ist Pers. : I Emi, mo (mo, mi) n We Awa, a
2nd ,, thou Iwo, o, (g) you eyin, e
3rd „ he, she it On, 6, (6) they Awon, won
The full forms (sing.) emi, iwg, oii, (plural) awa, eyin, awon,
are used when emphasis is to be laid on the person, but ordinarily
the second forms (sing.) mo, o, 6, (plural) a, e, won, are used.
Those in brackets (mo, mi, o, 6) are mere provincialisms for the
former.
5J in the ist person is used only with the incomplete and future
tenses, e.g., iilQ for emi yio lo, or Mo iilo, I am going, 5Jo lo for
Emi yio lo, I shall go.
He, when used in an indefinite sense, is eni, as : Eni ti o ba se e.
He that doeth it. Eni ti o ba wa si ihin. He who comes here.
A SKETCH OF YORUBA GRAMMAR xli
(b) Possessive Case.
Singular Plural
1st Pers. : Mine Ti emi Ours ti awa
2nd „ Thine Ti iwg or ti ire yours ti ^yin
3rd ,, his, hers, its Ti on or ti irg theirs ti awon
It will be observed that the possessive forms, are simply the
nominatives with the particle ti (meaning of) prefixed ; so that
hterally they are of me, of you, of him, etc. In ordinary speech,
however, the vowel of the particle always suffers elision in the
singular number, but in the plural it is the initial vowel of the
pronoun that is elided. Thus we have : —
Sing. : t'emi, t'iwo or fire, t'ofi or fire
Plural : ti'wa, ti'yin, ti'wgn.
The apostrophe mark of elision is generally dispensed with in
writing, e.g., we write temi, tiwa, tiwon, etc.
Special notice should be taken of the forms tire and tir^ ; in
the 2nd and 3rd pers. singular the difference lies only in the tone
(or accent) ; in the 2nd pers. the tone of the first syllable is de-
pressed, the second is middle, it is vice versa in the 3rd person.
(c) Objective Case.
Singular
Plural
ist Pers.
: me mi
us wa
2nd „
thee
you yin
3rd ..
him, her, it a, e, e, i, 0, g, u
them wgn
The objective case as may be seen, consists of fragments of
the nominative. It is really the terminal syllables of the first
second and third persons, singular and plural. The third person
singular calls for special rernarks : —
It consists of the whole of the vowels, but the particular vowel
made use of in each case is that of the transitive verb which pre-
cedes the pronoun and governs the case, e.g., pa a (he killed it),
Mo pe e (I called him), Wgn te e (they bent it), A bo o (we covered
it), etc. Where the verb ends in a nasal sound the vowel is also
nasal, e.g., O kan a (he nailed it), A fun u (we gave him), etc.
The tone of the pronoun in the objective case is influenced by
that of the verb which governs it ; when that of the verb is raised
the objective maintains the middle tone, e.g., O 16 g (he twisted
it). Mo ka a (I picked it) ; and vice versa when that of the verb is
middle, that of the objective is raised, e.g., O se ^ (he did it),
O pa a (he killed it), kan mi (it aches me). Again, when the
tone of the verb is depressed, that of the pronoun is raised,
Xlii A SKETCH OF YORUBA GRAMMAR
e.g., kkn mi (it touched me), Mo k^ a (I counted it), A pe won
(we called them).
The Reflexive
The word tikara, incorporated wih the personal forms, is used
to indicate the Reflexive. It is placed between the nominative
and possessive cases, e.g.,
Singular Plural
1st Pers. : Emi tikara mi Awa tikara wa
2nd ,, Iwo tikara re Eyin tikara yin
3rd ,, Ofi tikara r§ Aw on tikara won
The harsh r is generally softened into / so that instead of tikara
we say tikala ; but in a flowing speech the / is dropped off altogether
and the two a's blended and lengthened ; so we often hear
Emi tik5 mi, Oil tika r^, Awa tika wa.
II Relative Pronouns
The Relative pronoun who, whose, whom, which, what, or that
in Yoruba, is the simplest in any language. It consists solely
of the particle ti and is used for every number, gender, person or
case, e.g., I who called thee, Emi ti o pe o. The man whom I
saw, Okgnrin ti mo ri. The birds which flew, Awgn eiye ti won fo.
III. Adjective Pronouns
These are : — (a) Possessive ; (b) Demonstrative ; (c) Distribu-
tive ; (d) Indefinite ; and (e) Interrogative.
(a) Possessive : — Singular Plural
My mi Our wa
thy re your jan
his, her, its rfe their won
Note. — Like adjectives, they come after the nouns they qualify,
e.g.. My king, gba mi ; your children, awon omo jdn ; their cattle,
awon eran-osin won.
(b) Demonstratives : — Singular Plural
this yi, eyi, eyiyi these wonyi, iwonyi
that ni, eyini,na those wonni,iwgnni
Note. — The simple forms yi, ni, wgnyi, wgnni, are used with the
nouns tbey quahfy, e.g., This man, gkgnrin yi ; that book, iwe ni ;
these children, awgn gmgde wgnyi ; those houses, ile wgnni.
But when the nouns are not expressed, the forms with a vowel
prefixed are used, e.g., This is not good, eyi ko dara ; this very one,
eyiyi ; these are not ripe, iwgnyi ko pgn ; those are very good,
i wgnni dara jgjg. Na refers to something spoken of or understood.
A SKETCH OF YORUBA GRAMMAR
xliii
[c) Distributive : —
each
olukuluku, enikankan
every
enikan, or gbogbo
either
enikan
neither
ko si enikan
Note. — The Yoruba use of the distributives is rather idiomatic.
" Each " is olukuluku, but when used in the sense of " one by one "
it is enikankan. For " every one " the Yoruba is gbogbo, i.e.,
all, e.g., it touches every one of us. (In Yoruba) It touches all of
us, Gbogbo wa li o kan. "Either of them," is "one of them."
Either of us may go, Okan ninu wa le lo.
(d) Indefinite : —
All
Any
Both
. . Gbogbo
. . eyikeyi
. . mejeji
One
Other
Another
• •
kan, §nikan
ekeji
elomiran
Certain
. . (eni) kan
One another
Each other
}'
ara won
Few
Many
Much
None
. . die
opolgpo, pupQ
. . pup6, opo
. . ko si enikain
Several
Some
Such
Whole
••
pupo
die (a few)
bayi
ototg, gbogbo
The Yoruba language s very defective in distinctive terms
expressive of the indefinite pronouns. One word must do service
for different terms in which there is a shade of difference of
meaning, e.g.,
Gbogbo is used for all, whole.
PuPq or bpo for many, much, several.
Enikan for certain, one.
None is expressed by " there is no one."
(e) Interrogative : —
Who ? Tahani ? contracted to tani ?
Whose ? Titahani ? contracted to titani ?
Which ? Ewo ? wo ?
Whom ? Tani ? eniti ?
What ? Kini ? '
Note. — -The n in kini is often converted or rather softened into
/ in speech. What shall we do ? Kini awa yio se ? is softened
into Ki r a o se ?
Verbs
Verbs are transitives and intransitives. There are no auxiliary
verbs as known in the EngHsh and other languages ; certain
particles are used to mark out the moods, tenses and other forms.
XllV A SKETCH OF YORUBA GRAMMAR
for which auxiliary verbs are used, consequently the verb " to be "
as an auxiliary is wanting.
In. the English language there are six auxiliary verbs, viz.,
be, have, shall, will, may, do ; each of them may be used as the
principal verb, and also as an auxiUary to other verbs when they
help to form the moods and tenses ; but the particles that are
used in Yoruba for such purposes are not verbs, and cannot be
used as such, and therefore cannot be correctly termed auxiUary
verbs as some compilers of Yoruba grammars have tried to make
out. For example, the particle ti placed before a verb denotes a
completed action, e.g., Ajayi ti lo, Ajayi has or had gone. The
particle jyj'o in the same way points out a future tense, ^.^., Ajayi
yio lo, Ajayi will go. The nasal n prefixed to any verb shows an
incomplete action as Ajayi rilo, Aja)^ is going.
There being no auxiliary verbs as such, the Passive Voice
cannot be formed in the usual way, the first or third person plural
of the verb transitive is used for the passive voice, e.g., " A snake is
killed " will be A pa ejo kan, or Won pa ejo kan. Or if we say
" The snake was killed by Joseph " the Yoruba will be " A ti owo
Yesufu pa ejo na, which is literally, " We by the hand of Joseph
killed the snake," but usually the active transitive is preferred,
viz., Yesuf u U o pa ejo na, " It is Joseph that killed the snake."
As was observed above, the majority of Yoruba verbs in their
simplest form consist of monosyllables — a consonant and a vowel,
e.g., ka, to pick, kd. to count, rd to buy, lo to go, wa to come,
sun to sleep, etc. They are non-inflective and do not show any
distinction in number or person.
Disyllabic verbs are almost invariably compound words
resolvable into their component parts ; they may be a verbal
root compounded with a preposition, a noun or an adverb (some
roots, however, have become obsolete), e.g., Bawi, to scold, from
ba, with, and wi, talk. Dahun, to answer, from da, to utter,
ohun, a voice. Dapo, to mingle, from da, to pour or mix, and
Pq, together. Sunkun, to weep, from sun, to spring, and ekun,
tears.
Some are transitives, others intransitives.
The noun or pronoun governed by the transitive verb is in-
variably placed between the component parts, e.g., Bawi, to scold.
O ba mi wi, He scolded me.
Pade, to close. O pa ilekun de. He closed the door
Here the mi is placed between the ha and the wi. It. is not
O bawi mi for He scolded me, but ha mi wi.
So also ilekun is placed between pa and de, not O pade ilekun,
but pa ilekun de for He closed the door.
A SKETCH OF YORUBA GRAMMAR xlv
Verbs compounded with a Preposition : —
Bawi, to scold. O ba mi wi, He scolded me.
Pade; to shut. Pa ilekun de, Close the door.
Dimu, to take hold of. Di mi mu, Take hold of me.
Dasi, to spare. Da won si, Spare them.
Verbs compounded with an Adverb : —
Baje, to spoil. Ba inu je, Grieve, " Spoil the mind."
Dapo, to mingle. Da won po. Mix them together.
Tuka, to scatter. Tu won ka, Scatter them.
Daru, to confound. Da won ru, Confound them.
Pamo, to keep. Pa mi mo, Keep or preserve me.
In verbs compounded with a noun, the noun always has the
preposition ni (softened into li) before it, e.g.,
Daju, evident, from da, clear, and oju, the eyes — clear to the
eyes. da mi I' oju. It is evident to me
Tiju, to be ashamed, from ti to cover, oju, the eyes — covering
the eyes. ti mi I' oju. It shames me.
Dahun, to answer, from da, to utter, ohun, a voice. Da mi
I'ohun, Answer me.
Jiya, to suffer, from je, to eat, iyk, punishment, je mi ni iyd,
He punished me.
Gbowg, shake hands, from gba, take, owo, hand. gbd mi
I'owQ, He shook hands with me.
Ranse, to send a message, from ran, send, ise, a message. Mo
ran a ni i§e, I have sent him.
The Intransitive verbs of this class are usually neuter verbs
compounded with nouns of similar import and therefore do not
admit of any nouns or pronouns being inserted into their com-
ponent parts, e.g.,
Sunkun, to cry, from sun, to spring, shed, ekun, tears.
Sorg, to talk, from so, to utter, org, a word.
Kunle, to kneel, from kun, to fill. He, the ground.
P^de, to meet, from pa, to keep, ade, a coming.
Duro, to stand, Irom da, to keep, iro, upright.
Moods and Tenses
In the formation of Moods and Tenses certain particles are
made use of. They may have been the roots of obsolete verbs,
but they cannot now be used as verbs but as particles ; we there-
fore refrain from applying the terms " defective " or " auxiliary
verbs " to them. Such are the following : —
Bi, ha or iha, implying if, should, or would, e.g. Bi o ba lo,
if he should go. Oia iba lo, should he go
Xlvi A SKETCH OF YORUBA GRAMMAR
Je or ki, or j ski, implying permission, e.g., Je ki o \q or ki o lo,
let him go.
Lb, implying permission. O le lo, he may go.
Md or Mase, implying prohibition (authoritative).
Maha, impljdng permission (authoritative), e.g., Maha lo, be going
Yio, often contracted to o, sign of the future, e.g., Yio lo, he
will go. Emi o \o, I will go.
Ati or ni ati, softened into lati, implying an intention, e.g.,
Ati lo, to go, Lati jeun, to eat (intending to).
N or ng, sign of incomplete action, e.g., Emi filo, I am going.
Ojo fir6, it is raining.
Ti, a sign of the past tense, e.g., ti lo, he has gone.
From these particles the Moods and Tenses are formed.
Moods
The Indicative, Subjunctive, Potential, Imperative, Infinitive
and the Participal Moods can be well expressed in Yoruba, and
all but the first can be formed by the use of one or other of the
above particles.
The Indicative is the verb in its simplest form, e.g. lo, to go.
Emi Ig, I went. Ojo sare, Ojo ran.
The Subjunctive is formed by prefixing the conjunction hi (if)
before the subject of the verb, with or without the particle
ha, e.g., Bi emi lo or Bi emi ba Ig, If I were to go. Bi emi ba
fe Ig, If I wish to go.
The Potential is formed by adding the particle le before the
verb, e.g., Emi \h Ig, I may go (lit. I am able to go).
The Imperative is formed by the permissive sign J§ ki, e.g.,
Jg ki emi Ig, Let me go. [Besides the direct forms Ig (go thou) ;
^lg(goye).]
The Infinitive is formed by adding the particles ati or lati before
the verb, e.g., Ati lo, to go. Lati mo, to know.
The Participle is formed by prefixing the particle ii (or ng) to
the verb, e.g. nlo, going.; nbQ, coming.
Tenses
There are only three tenses in Yoruba, properly speaking, the
preterite, the incomplete, and the future.
An action just done is a completed action and is therefore past ;
one doing is incomplete, consequently what may be considered
present may be merged in the completed action, and is therefore
taken as preterite, or in the incomplete, as the sense may require.
The simple verb is always expressed in the past indefinite or
A SKETCH OF YORUBA GRAMMAR xlvii
preterite tense, e.g., Mo lo, I went ; Mo we, I washed. O rerin,
he laughed or laughs ; joko, he sat or sits.
The complete tenses, past or present, are expressed by prefixing
the particle ti before the preterite, e.g., Mo ti we, I have, or had
washed. O ti lo, he has or had gone.
The incomplete tense is formed by prefixing the particle ii (orng) to
the verb, e.g., Emi nwe, I am washing. Emi iirerin, I am laughing.
The future tense is formed by placing the particle jyj'o (contracted
to o) before the verb, e.g., Emi yio we, I shall wash. Emi o lo,
I shall go. Awa o maha yo. We shall be rejoicing.
The future complete (or second future) tense is formed by
adding the particles indicating the future and the complete tenses
to the verb e.g., Emijyw ti we, I shall have washed. Emi o ti lo,
I shall have gone.
Adverbs
Adverbs are used in the same way as in the English, to modify
or hmit the meaning of a verb, an adjective, or another adverb,
and are generally placed after the words they qualify, e.g., sorg
daradara. He spoke well. soro jojg. It is very difficult. After
an intransitive verb, they come directly after the verb, as sun
fanfan. He slept soimdly. O sure tete. He ran swiftly. But
after a transitive verb they come after the noun or pronoun
in the objective case, e.g.. Mo mo Yesufu daju-daju, I know
Joseph well. O le won sehin-sehin. He drove them far back.
Adverbs of manner, quahty and degree are mostly formed by a
reduplication of the word (especially an adverb or a verb), e.g.,
O sorg daradara. He spoke very well, O duro sinsin. He stood
firmly. Dajudaju, evidently. Mo feran r^ gidigidi, I love him well.
Adverbs of time, place and quantity are used in the same way
as in the EngHsh, and call for no special remarks. We may note,
however, that in these, words of more than one syllable not
onomatopoetic in origin are capable of being resolved into their
elementary parts — usually into a particle (a preposition) and a
noun, e.g.,
Nigbagbogbo, always, can be resolved into ni (at), igba (time),
gbogbo (all), i.e., at all times.
Kigbose, when, can be resolved into ni (at or in), igba (time),
ti (which), se (it happened), i.e., at the time when it happened,
i.e., when.
Nihiyi, here, ni (at), ihin (here), yi (this), at this place.
Loke, upwards, ni or li (at), oke (the top).
Nibomiran, elsewhere, ni (at), ihi (place), omiran (another), at
another place.
Xlviii A SKETCH OF YORUBA GRAMMAR
But there is also a use of adverbs peculiar to the Yoruba lan-
guage, an onomatopoetic idea is often connected with it, and
consequently it is always formed to suit the word it qualifies, and
thus intensify the idea conveyed by the word. A form that is
applicable to one verb or adjective may not be appHcable to
another, and therefore adverbs of degree or quality cannot be
enumerated. For instance :
The adverb gogoro can only apply to height, as o ga g6g6rd,
It is very high. A reduplication of the word can further intensify
the idea, O ga gogoro gogoro. It is very, very high. In the same
way the word gbagada can only apply to something of a huge
size, and a redupHcation of it, gbagada gbagada, intensifies the
idea. Also the word repete or rapcita-rapata implies not only a
large size, but also a massive one, one in which the space covered
is much more than the height.
Apart from intensifying the ideas, other quaUties can also be
expressed by the character of the adverb made use of ; in other
words, the adverbs often suggest some other ideas inherent in the
qualities they describe although they cannot be so expressed in
Enghsh, e.g., we may say, pon fo 6, It is bright red. Here the
adverb fo 6, besides being aptly applying to what is red, also
suggests the warmth of the colouring. So also O pon roro. It is
deep red ; O p6n rokiroki, i.e., It is bright red, almost yellow.
In the last two examples roro and rokiroki refer simply to the
depth of the colouring.^
One or two more illustrations will develop the above ideas
fully. In the matter of length, we may say O gim tunu tunu.
It is very long. This can only apply to a long road, the idea of
distance being imphed. O gvm gboro-gbgro. It is very long. This
conveys an idea of a long pole, or a rope, or a serpent or the like.
So also with respect to height, we may say, O ga.fio fio, It is very
high. This can only apply to something on the top of a great
height, or the top of a high object — as a tree, standing on the
ground. O ga tian-tian, It is very high. This can only apply to
an object at a great height, not connected with the ground, as a
bird flying at a great height.
In all these examples, the adverb very is used to qualify the
adjectives in English, no other ideas being conveyed ; in this
respect the Yoruba is more expressive.
Prepositions
Prepositions are particles placed before nouns or pronouns to
show their relation to other words in the sentence.
^ See Vidal's Notes to Crowther's Yoruba Grammar.
A SKETCH OF YORUBA GRAMMAR xlix
In Yoruba they are mostly monosyllables, e.g., si, ni, fun, de,
etc., as : O lo si ile. He goes into the house. O wa ni oko. He is
in the farm. O ko ile fun Baba, He has built a house for the
father. Duro d^ mi, Wait for me.
Words of more than one syllable when used as prepositions are
capable of being resolved into their component parts, e.g., O nbo
lehin mi, He is coming behind me. Here, the preposition lehin is
resolvable into li (at) and ehin (the back). O wa leti ile. He is
near the house ; leti is resolvable into li (at) and eti, the ear, or
the edge that is within the hearing or at the edge of the house.
Under Verbs we have already considered those pecuhar forms
compounded with prepositions.
Conjunctions
Conjunctions are particles which serve to connect words or
sentences ; they are copulative and disjunctive.
Copulative.
Ati, and or both. Ati Baba ati omo, Both father and son. The
initial a may be omitted, e.g., Tiwo tir^ for ati iwo ati ixh
(you and he).
On, and or both. O lo t'ofi ti omo. He left both himself and
child. It may be noted that on is never used to copulate
pronouns of the ist and 2nd persons.
Bi, if. Bi o je se omo. If he would be a child. (This is used
for an obedient child).
Nitori, because. Nitori t'emi. Because of me.
Nje, then. Nje o yio lo ? Then will you go ?
Disjunctive.
Sugbgn, but. O de ile sugbon ko ba mi. He called but did not
meet me at home.
Tabi, or. Emi tabi iwg, I or you.
Bikose, unless. Bikose pe o juba re, Unless he pays regard to
him.
Adi. although. Adi o ngbo gbogbo rh, Although he hears it all.
Amgpe, idiomatic for be it known.
Interjections
Interjections are any form of exclamation or ejaculation ex-
pressing some emotions of the mind. Any words may be used
for the purpose, but very few convey any meaning apart from
the tone in which they are expressed.
Exclamations of surprise : Ye ! O ! pa ! emo ! hepk !
Exclamations of disgust : S6 ! Siyo !
1
A SKETCH OF YORUBA GRAMMAR
It is rather curious that tribal peculiarities are marked in some
forms of exclamations.
Favourite expressions of Oyos : Ha ! Kinla ! Em ode ! Gbaga-
dari !
Favourite expressions of Egbas and Ijebus : Here or herek^ 1
heparipk ! payentiwk !
The usual exclamation in law courts for " silence " is : Atoto !
lit, enough of your noise !
Kagbohun ! lit, let us hear the sound of a (single) voice.
The tone of voice thrown into the exclamation in particular
marks the expressions of grief, surprise, admiration or contempt.
We close this portion with the exclamation usually addressed
to kings — Kabiyesi ! May long life be added !
Numerals
Numerals in Yoruba, although formed on a definite plan, yet
are more or less compUcated ; the tone (or accent) plays an im-
portant part in them.
All numerals refer to some noun (person or thing) expressed or
understood. They are Cardinal and Ordinal or Serial. .
The Cardinal has three forms, viz. : (i) simple enumeration ;
(2) numeral adjectives ; and (3) numismatics. To these may be
added adverbs of number and of time.
1. Simple Enumeration
I .
Eni
22 .
... Ejilelogun
2 .
u
23 .
... £talelogun
3 .
£ta
24 .
... ferinlelogun
4 •
5 •
6rin
Arun
25 .
26 .
... Edogbgn
... Jlrindilggbgn
6 .
Efa
27 •
... Stadilogbgn
7 ■
Eje
28 .
... Ejidilggbgn
8 .
Ejo
29 .
... Okandilggbgn
9 •
... Esan
30 .
... Ogbgn
10 .
£wa
35 •
... Arundilogoji
II .
... Okanla
40 .
Oji
12 .
£jila
45 .
... Arundiladgta
13 •
£tala
50 .
... Adgta
14 .
... Erinla
55 .
... Arundilgggta
15 •
£dogun
60 .
... Oggta
16 .
... £rindilogun
65 .
... Arundiladgrin
17 •
... fetadilogun
70 .
... Adgrin
18 .
... ]^jidilogun
75 .
... Arundilgggrin
19 .
... Okandilogun
80 .
... Oggrin
20 .
Ogun
85 .
... Arundiladgrun
21 ..
... Okanlelogun
90 .
... Adorun
A SKETCH OF YORUBA GRAMMAR
Simple Enumeration — Continued.
95 -.
... Arundilogorun
4,000 ...
.. Egbaji
100 ...
... Oggrun
5,000 ...
.. Edegbata
200 ...
... Igba
6,000 ...
.. Egbata
300 ...
... Odunrun
7,000 ...
.. Edegbarin
400 ...
... Irinwo
8,000 ...
.. Egbarin
500 ...
... Edegbeta
9,000 ...
.. Edegbarun
600 . . .
... Egbeta
ro,ooo ...
.. Egbarun
700 . . .
... Edegberin
20,000 ...
., Egbawa or
800 ...
... Egberin
Oke kan i.e
'. one bag (of
900 ...
... Edegberun
cowries) .
1,000 ...
... Egberun
Higher num
bers as 40,000,
2,000 ...
... Egb^wa
60,000, etc. being so many bags.
3,000 ...
... Egbedogun
2.
Quantitative or
Numeral Adjectives
One
Okan
Twenty -nine .
.. Mgkandilggbgn
Two
Meji
Thirty ...
Ogbgn
Three ...
Meta
Thirty-five
.. Marun dilogoji
Four
Merin
Forty ...
Oji
Five
Marun
Forty-five
.. Marundiladgta
Six
Mefa
Fifty ...
Adgta
Seven ...
Meje
Fifty-five
. Marundilogota
Eight ...
Mej g
Sixty
' Ota
Nine
Mesan
Sixty-five
, Marundiladgrin
Ten
Mewa "
Seventy...
... Adgrin
Eleven ...
Mgkanla
Seventy- five
.. Marundilgggrin
Twelve ...
Mejila
Eighty ...
... Oggrin
Thirteen
Metala
Eighty-five
, . Marundiladgrun
Fourteen
... Merinla
Ninety ...
Adgrun
Fifteen ...
Medogun
Ninety-five
..Marundilgggrun
Sixteen ...
Merindilogun
One hundred .
Orun
Seventeen
Metadilogun
One hundred an
d ten ... Adgla
Eighteen
Mejidilogun
>> i> i>
twenty Qggfa
Nineteen
... Mgkandilogun
II 1) >>
thirty Adoje
Twenty
Ogun
II .. II
forty Ogoje
Twenty-one
... Mekanlelogun
II II ..
fifty Adgjo
Twenty-two
Mejilelogun
>> II II
sixty Qggjg
Twenty-three
Metalelogun
II II II
seventy Adgsan
Twenty -four
Meiinlelogun
II II II
eighty Oggsan
Twenty -five
Medggbgn
II II II
ninety
Twenty-six
... Merindilggbgn
Mewadinigba
Twenty-seven
... RIetadilggbgn
Two hundred .
Igba
Twenty-eight
Mejidilggbgn
etc., etc.
3. Numis
matics
One cowry
06kani
Three cowries ..
Eeta
Two cowries
Eejii
Four
E erin
1 Lit., one money, two monies ; cowry shells being used for money.
Hi
A SKETCH OF YORUBA GRAMMAR
N UMI SM ATics — Continued
Five cowries ... ... A arun
Six ,, E eik
Seven ,, ... ... E eje
Eight ,, E ejo
Nine ,, ... ... Eesan
Ten , Eewa
Eleven ,, ... ...0-6kanla
Twelve ,, ... ... E-ejila
Thirteen ,, ... ... Eetala
Fourteen ,, ... ... Eerinla
Fifteen ,, Eedogun
Sixteen ,, ... Eerindilogun
Seventeen cowries Egtadilogun
Eighteen ,, Eejidilogun
Nineteen ,, Ookandilogun
Twenty ,, ... Ok6wo
Twenty-five ,, Eedogbon
Thirty ,, Ogbonwo
Forty ,, ... Ogoji
Fifty ,, ... A-adota
Sixty ,, ... Qgota
Seventy ,, A-adorin
Eighty ,, ... Qgorin
Ninety ,, A-adgrun
One hundred ,, ... Ogorun
no cowries ... ... A-adofa
120 ,, Qgofa
130 ,, ... ... A-adoje
140 ,, ... ... Ogoje
150 ,, ... ... A-adojo
160 ,, Qg6jg
170 ,, ... A-adosan
180 ,, ... ... Ogosan
190 ,, ... Ewadinigba
200 ,, ... ... Igbiwo
210 ,, ... Ewalerugba
220 ,, ... Ogunlugba
230 ,, Ogbonwolerugba
240 ,, ... - Ojulugba
250 ,, A-adotalerugba
260 ,, ... Otalugba
270 ,, A-adorinlerugba
280 ,, ... Orinlugba
290 ,, A-adorunlerugba
300 ,, ... Odunrun
400 ,, ... ... Irinwo
500 cowries . . . E-edegbfeta
600
, Egb^ta
700
E-edegberin
800
Egb^rin
900
E-edegberun
1,000
Egb^run
1,200
'Egb^fa
1,300
E-edegbeje
1,400
Egbeje
1,500
E-edegb^jg
1,600
... Egb^jg
1,700
E-edegb^san
1,800
Egbesan
1,900
,, Egbadin-gggrun
2,000
,, Egbkwa
2,200
Egbokanla
2,400
„ Eg'b^jila
2,500
,, Egb^taladin-gggrun
2,600
Egbetala
2,800
Egb^rinla
3,000
Egbeedogun
3.500
... Egbejidilogun-
din-gggrun
3,600
... Egbejidinlogun
4,000
Egbaji
4.500
... Egbetalelogun-
din-gggrun
5,000
5gbedggbgn
5.500
...Egbetalelggbgn-
din-gggrun
6,000
Egbata
7,000
Edegbarin
8,000
Egbarin
9,000
Edegbarun
10,000
Egbarun
15,000
Edegbajg
16,000
Egbajg
18,000
Egbasan
20,000
Egbawa (Oke kan)
30,000
E-edogun
32,000
Erindilogun
34,000
Etkdilogun
36,000
Ejidilogun
38,000
,, ... Ok&ndilogun
40,000
,, Egbagun (Oke meji)
A SKETCH OF YORUBA GRAMMAR
liii
The Ordinal
The first
,, second
„ third
,, fourth
„ fifth
,, sixth
,, seventh
,, eighth
„ ninth
,, tenth
,, eleventh
,, twelfth
,, thirteenth
,, fourteenth
,, fifteenth ..,
,, sixteenth ...
,, seventeenth
,, eighteenth
,, nineteenth
,, twentieth ..
,, twenty-first
,, twenty-fifth
Ekini
Ekeji
Eketa
Ekerin
Ekarun
Ekefa
Ekeje
Ekejo
Ekesan
Ekewa
Ikokanla
Ikejila
Iketala
Ikerinla
Ikedogun
Ikerindilogun
Iketadilogun
Ikejidilogun
Ikokandilogun
Ogun
Ikgkanlelogun
Ikedogbon
The thirtieth Qgbon
,, thirty-fifth Ikarundilogoji
,, fortieth ... ... Oji
,, forty-fifth ... Ikarundiladota
,, fiftieth Adota
,, fifty-fifth ... Ikarundilogota
,, sixtieth ... ... Qgota
,, sixty-fifth Ikarundiladorin
,, seventieth ... Adorin
,, seventy-fifth Ikarundilogorin
,, eightieth ... ... Ogorin
„ eighty-fifth Ikarundiladorun
,, ninetieth ... ... Adorun
,, ninety-fifth Ikarundilggorun
,, hundredth ... Ogorun
,, hundred and first... Ikokan-
lelogorun
From the first to the ninth —
Ikokanle to Ikokandin — the
tenths merge into those of simple
enumeration.
Adverbs of Number
One by one ...
Two by two ...
Three by three
Four by four
Five by five . . .
Six by six
Seven by seven
Eight by eight
Nine by nine
Ten by ten ...
Continue to
numerals up
nineteen then —
Twenty by twenty
Thirty by thirty
Forty by forty
Fifty by fifty
Once
Twice
Thrice
Okankan
... Meji-meji
Meta-meta
Merin-merin
Marun-marun
... Mefa-mefa
... Meje-meje
... Mejo-mejg
Mesan-mesan
Mewa-mewa
reduplicate the
to nineteen by
Ogo-gun
Ogbggbon
" Ogogoji
Aradgta
Adverbs
Erinkan
Erin me ji
Erin-m §ta
Sixty by sixty ... Oggggta
Seventy by seventy... Aradgrin
Eighty by eighty ... Oggggrin
Ninety by ninety ... Aradgrun
Hundred by hundred Oggggrun
Thus from one to nineteen the
numbers are reduplicated, also
from 21-29 '< 31-39 ; 41-49 J ^iid
so on, but for 20, 30, 40, 60, 80,
100 only the reduplication of the
first two letters takes place, e.g.,
Ogogun, Ogbggbgn ; for 50, 70,
90, the same occurs only the
euphonic " r " takes the place of
" d " e.g., Aradgta for Adgdgta ;
Aradorun for Adodorun.
OF Time
Four times
Five
Six
. Erin-m erin
Erin-marun
. grin-mefa
liv A SKETCH OF YORUBA GRAMMAR
Adverbs of Time — Continued
Seven times ...
Erin-meje
Seventy times
Igba-adorin
Eight .. ...
Erin-mejo
Eighty „
Igba-ogorin
Nine ,,
Erin-mesan
Ninety „
Igba-adgrun
Ten
Erin-mewa
Hundred ,,
Igba-ogorun
The same to nineteen times.
Thus " Erin " is
prefixed to all
Twenty times
Igba-ogun
the numerals, but
the multiples
Thirty
Igba-ogbgn
of ten take " Igba
" before them.
Forty „
Igba-ogoji
Note.—' Erin "
is usually
Fifty
Igba-adota
softened to ee, e.g.,
^|kan, ^gmeji
Sixty
Igba-ggota
and so forth.
Analysis of the Numerals
From one to ten, different terms are used, then for 20, 30, 200 and
400 ; the rest are multiples and compounds. Thus 11, 12, 13
and 14 are reckoned as ten plus one, plus two, plus three and
plus four ; 15 to 20 are reckoned as 20 less five, less four, less
three, less two, less one, and then 20.
In the same way we continue 20 and one, to 20 and four, and
then 30 less five (25), less four, and so on to 30, and so for all
figures reckoned by tens.
There is no doubt that the digits form the basis of enumeration
to a large extent, if not entirely so. Five, ten, twenty, i.e., the
digits of one hand, of two, and the toes included, and their
multiples form the different stages of enumeration.
Beginning from the first multiple of 20 we have ogoji, a contrac-
tion of ogun meji, i.e. two twenties (40), Ogota, three twenties (60),
Ogorin, four twenties (80), Ogorun, five twenties (100), and so on
to ten twenties (200), when the new word Igba is used.
The intermediate numbers (30 having a distinct terminology),
50, 70, 90, no, 130 to 190 are reckoned as : 60 less ten (50), 80
less ten (70), a hundred less ten (90), and so on to 200.
The figures from 200 to 2,000 are reckoned as multiples of 200
(400, however, which is 20 X 20, the square of all the digits, has a
distinct terminology, Irinwo or Erinwo, i.e., the elephant of
figures — meaning the highest coined word in calculation, the rest
being multiples).
Thus we have Egbeta, a contraction of Igba-meta, i.e., three
two-hundreds (600), Egberin, from Igba-merin, four two-hundreds
(800), Egberin, five two-hundreds (1,000), and so on to Egbiwa,
ten two-hundreds (2,000), which in its turn forms the basis of
still higher calculations.
The intermediate figmres 6i 300, 500, 700, 900, 1,100 to 1,900
are reckoned as 100 less the multiple above them, viz., Odunrun,
A SKETCH OF YORUBA GRAMMAR Iv
contracted from Orun-din-ni-irinwo, i.e., loo less than 400 (300),
Orun-din-ni-egbeta, 100 less than 600 (500), Orun-din-ni-egberin,
100 less than 800 (700) ; and so on to 2,000.
By a system of contraction, ehsion, and euphonic assimilation,
for which the Yoruba language is characteristic, the long term
Oriin-din-ni (Egbeta or Egberin and so on) is contracted to Ed^
or Od6, e.g., Edegbeta (500), Edegberin (700), Edegberun (900)
and so on.
But the multiples of 200 do not end with ten times, although
that figure is the basis of the higher calculations, it goes on to
the perfection (or multiple) of the digits, viz. : twenty times (two
hundred) ; thus we have Egbgk^nla, that is, Igba mokinla,
II two-hundreds (2,200) ; Egbejila, twelve two-hundreds (2,400),
and so on to twenty two-hundreds or Egbaji, that is, twice two
thousand (4,000).
With this ends the multiples of 200. The intermediate figures
of 2,300, 2,500, 2,700, 2,900 are reckoned the same way as before,
viz. : 100 less than the next higher multiple.
As already mentioned, Egbawa (or Egba), 2,000, forms the basis
of still higher calculations ; the multiples of Egba are Egbaji,
two two-thousands (4,000) ; Egbata, three two-thousands (6,000) ;
Egbarin, four two-thousands (8,000) on to Egbawa, ten two-
thousands (20,000), which in its turn forms the basis of the highest
calculations.
The intermediate figures of 3,000, 5,000, 7,000, 9,000, 11,000
onwards are reckoned as 1,000 less than the multiple above them.
The more familiar terms for 3,000 and 5,000, however, are Egbe
dogun, or fifteen two-hundreds, and Egbedogbon, 25 two-hundreds.
For those figures beyond 20,000 the contracted forms which are
generally used are : Okanla (for Egbamgkanla) 11 two-thousands ;
£jila, Etkla on to Egbagim, i.e., 20 two-thousands, i.e., forty
thousand.
Summary. — Thus we see that with numbers that go by tens
five is used as the intermediate figure — five less than the next
higher stage. In those by 20, ten is used as the intermediate.
In those by 200, 100 is used, and in those of 2,000, 1,000 is used.
The figure that is made use of for calculating indefinite numbers
is 20,000 Egbawa, and in money calculation especially it is termed
Oke kan, i.e., one bag (of cowries). Large numbers to an indefinite
amount are so many " bags " or rather " bags " in so many places.
THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
PART I
Chapter I
ORIGIN AND EARLY HISTORY
The origin of the Yoruba nation is involved in obscurity. Like
the early history of most nations the commonly received accounts
are for the most part purely legendary. The people being un-
lettered, and the language unwritten all that is known is from
traditions carefully handed down.
The National Historians are certain families retained by the
King at Oyg whose office is hereditary, they also act as the King's
bards, drummers, and cymbalists ; it is on them we depend as
far as possible for any reliable information we now possess ;
but, as may be expected their accounts often vary in several
important particulars. We can do no more than relate the
traditions which have been universally accepted.
The Yorubas are said to have sprung from Lamurudu one of
the kings of Mecca whose offspring were : — Oduduwa, the ancestor
of the Yorubas, the Kings of Gogobiri and of the Kukawa, two
tribes in the Hausa country. It is worthy of remark that these
two nations, notwithstanding the lapse of time since their separa-
tion and in spite of the distance from each other of their respective
localities, still have the same distinctive tribal marks on their
faces, and Yoruba travellers are free amongst them and vice versa
each recognising each other as of one blood.
At what period of time Lamurudu reigned is unknown but
from the accounts given of the revolution among his descendants
and their dispersion, it appears to have been a considerable time
after Mahomet.
We give the accounts as they are related : —
The Crown Prince Oduduwa relapsed into idolatry during his
father's reign, and as he was possessed of great influence, he drew
many after him. His purpose was to transform the state religion
into paganism, and hence he converted the great mosque of the
city into an idol temple, and this Asara, his priest, who was himself
an image maker, studded with idols.
3
4 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
Asara had a son called Braima who was brought up a Moham-
medan. During his minority he was a seller of his father's idols,
an occupation which he thoroughly abhorred, but which he was
obliged to engage in. But in offering for sale his father's handi-
work, he usually invited buyers by calling out : " Who would
purchase falsehood ? " A premonition this of what the boy will
afterwards become.
By the influence of the Crown Prince a royal mandate was issued
ordering all the men 'to go out hunting for three days before the
annual celebration of the festivals held in honour of these gods.
When Braima was old enough he seized the opportunity of one
of such absences from the town of those who might have opposed
him to destroy the gods whose presence had caused the sacred
mosque to become desecrated. The axe with which the idols
were hewed in pieces was left hanging on the neck of the chief idol,
a huge thing in human shape. Enquiry being made, it was soon
discovered who the iconoclast was, and when accosted, he gave
replies which were not unUke those which Joash gave to the
Abiezrites who had accused his son Gideon of having performed
a similar act {see Judges vi, 28-33). Said Braima, " Ask that huge
idol who did it." The men replied, " Can he speak? " " Then,"
said Braima " Why do you worship things which cannot speak ? "
He was immediately ordered to be burnt aUve for this act of gross
impiety. A thousand loads of wood were collected for a stake, and
several pots of oil were brought for the purpose of firing the pile.
This was signal for a civil war. Each of the two parties had
powerful followers, but the Mohammedan party which was hitherto
suppressed had the upper hand, and vanquished their opponents.
Lamurudu the King was slain, and all his children with those who
sympathized with them were expelled from the town. The Princes
who became Kings of Gogobiri and of the Kukawa went westwards
and Oduduwa eastwards. The latter travelled 90 days from
Mecca, and after wandering about finally settled down at He
Ifg where he met with Agb^-niregun (or Setilu) the founder of the
Ifa worship.
Oduduwa and his children had escaped with two idols to He
He. Sahibu being sent with an army to destroy or reduce them
to submission was defeated, and amongst the booty secured by
the victors was a copy of the Koran. This was afterwards pre-
served in a temple and was not only venerated by succeeding
generations as a sacred reUc, but is even worshipped to this day
under the name of Idi, signifying Something tied up.
Such is the commonly received account among this intelligent
although unlettered people. But traces of error are very apparent
ORIGIN AND EARLY HISTORY 5
on the face of this tradition. The Yorubas are certainly not of the
Arabian family, and could not have come from Mecca — that is
to say the Mecca universally known in history, and no such
accounts as the above are to be found in the records of Arabian
writers of any kings of Mecca ; an event of such importance
could hardly have passed unnoticed by their historians. But
then it may be taken for granted that all such accounts and
traditions have in them some basis in actual facts, nor is the subject
under review exempted from the general rule, and this will become
apparent on a closer study of the accounts.
That the Yorubas came originally from the East there cannot
be the slightest doubt, as their habits, manners and customs, etc.,
all go to prove. With them the East is Mecca and Mecca is the
East. Having strong affinities with the East, and Mecca in the
East looming so largely in their imagination, everything that comes
from the East, with them, comes from Mecca, and hence it is
natural to represent themselves as having hailed originally from
that city.
The only written record we have on this subject is that of the
Sultan Belo of Sokoto, the founder of that city, the most learned
if not the most powerful of the Fulani sovereigns that ever bore
rule in the Soudan.
Capt. Clapperton {Travels and Discoveries in Northern and Central
Africa, 1822 — 1824) made the acquaintance of this monarch.
From a large geographical and historical work by him, Capt.
Clapperton made a copious extract, from which the following is
taken : — " Yarba is an extensive province containing rivers,
forests, sands and mountains, as also a great many wonderful
and extraordinary things. In it, the talking green bird called
babaga (parrot) is found."
" By the side of this province there is an anchorage or harbour
for the ships of the Christians, who used to go there and purchase
slaves. These slaves were exported from our country and sold
to the people of Yarba, who resold them to the Christians."
" The inhabitants of this province (Yarba) it is supposed
originated from the remnant of the children of Canaan, who were
of the tribe of Nimrod. The cause of their establishment in the
West of Africa was, as it is stated, in consequence of their being
driven by Yar-rooba, son of Kahtan, out of Arabia to the Western
Coast between Egypt and Abyssinia. From that spot they
advanced into the interior of Africa, till they reach Yarba where
they fixed their residence. On their way they left in every place
they stopped at, a tribe of their own people. Thus it is supposed
that all the tribes of the Soudan who inhabit the mountains are
6 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
originated from them as also are the inhabitants of Ya-ory. Upon
the whole, the people of Yarba are nearly of the same description
as those of Noofee (Nupe)^"
In the name Lamurudu (or Namurudu) we can easily recognize
a dialectic modification of the name Nimrod. Who this Nimrod
was, whether Nimrod surnamed " the strong," the son of Hasoiil,
or Nimrod the " mighty hunter " of the Bible, or whether both
descriptions belong to one and the same person, we cannot tell,
but this extract not only confirms the tradition of their origin but
also casts a side light on the legend. Arabia is probably the
" Mecca " of our tradition. It is known that the descendants of
Nimrod (Phoenicians) were led in war to Arabia, that they settled
there, and from thence they were driven by a rehgious persecution
to Africa. We have here also the origin of the term Yoruba,
from Yarba, their first permanent settlement in Africa. Yarba
is the same as the Hausa term Yarriba for Yoruba.
It is very curious that in the history of Mahomet we read of
a similar flight of his first converts from Mecca to the East Coast
of Africa (the first Hegira), due also to a religious persecution;
this fact will serve to show that there is nothing improbable in
the accounts as received by tradition. Again, that they emigrated
from Upper Egypt to He Ife may also be proved by those sculptures
commonly known as the " Ife Marbles," several of which may be
seen at He Ife to this day, said to be the handiwork of the early
ancestor of the race. They are altogether Egyptian in form.
The most notable of them is what is known as the " Opa Orafiyan,"
(Orafiyan's staff) an obelisk standing on the site of Oraiiyan's
supposed grave, having characters cut in it which suggest a Phoeni-
cian origin. Three or four of these sculptures may now be seen
in the Egyptian Court of the British Museum, showing at a glance
that they are among kindred works of art.
From these statements and traditions, whether authentic or
mythologic, the only safe deductions we can make as to the mosit
probable origin of the Yorubas are : —
1. That they sprang from Upper Egypt, or Nubia.
2. That they were subjects of the Egyptian conqueror Nimrod,
who was of Phoenician origin, and that they followed him in his
wars of conquest as far as Arabia, where they settled for a time.
How subjects term themselves " children " or offspring of their
^ Vide Narratives of Travels and Discoveries, by Major Denham
and Capt. Clapperton, 1826. Appendix XII., Sec. IV.
A' Tropical Dependency, by Flora L.Shaw (Lady Lugard), 1905,
pp. 227 — 228.
ORIGIN AND EARLY HISTORY 7
sovereigns is too well-known in this country, as we shall see in the
course of this history.
3. That from Arabia they were driven, on account of their
practising there their own form of worship, which was either
paganism or more likely a corrupt form of Eastern Christianity
(which allowed of image worship — so distasteful to Moslems).
Again, the name of the priest " Asara " is also a peculiar one ;
it is so much like " Anasara " a term which Moslems generally
applied to Christians (which signifies ' followers of the Nazarene ')
as to make it probable that the revolution spoken of was in con-
nection rather with Mohammedanism, and the corrupt form of
Christianity of those days.
Lastly, the sacred rehc called Idi from its being bound up and
preserved, and which is supposed to have been a copy of the
Koran, is probably another error. Copies of the Koran abound
in this country, and they are not venerated thus, and why should
this have become an object of worship ? The sacred book of the
party opposed to them ! One can hardly resist coming to the
conclusion that the book was not the Koran at all, but a copy of
the Holy Scriptures in rolls, the form in which ancient manuscripts
were preserved. The Koran being the only sacred book known to
later generations which have lost all contact with Christianity
for centuries after the great emigration into the heart of Africa,
it is natural that their historians should at once jump to the
conclusion that the thing bound up was the Koran. It might
probably then be shown that the ancestors of the Yorubas, hailing
from Upper Egypt, were either Coptic Christians, or at any rate
that they had some knowledge of Christianity. If so, it might offer
a solution of the problem of how it came about that traditional
stories of the creation, the deluge, of Elijah, and other scriptural
characters are current amongst them, and indirect stories of our
Lord, termed " son of Moremi."
But let us continue the story as given by tradition. Oduduwa
and his sons swore a mortal hatred of the Moslems of their country,
and were determined to avenge themselves of them ; but the former
died at He Ife before he was powerful enough to march against
them. His eldest son Okcinbi, commonly called Idekoseroake,
also died there, leaving behind him seven princes and princesses
who afterwards became renowned. From them sprang the various
tribes of the Yoruba nation. His first-born was a princess who
was married to a priest, and became the mother of the famous
Olowu, the ancestor of the Owns. The second child was also a
princess who became the mother of the Alaketu, the progenitor
of the Ketu people. The third, a prince, became king of the
8 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
Benin people. The fourth, the Orangun, became king of Ila ; the
fifth, the Onisabe, or king of the Sabes ; the sixth, 01up6po, or king
of the Popos ; the seventh and last born, Orafiyan, who was the pro-
genitor of the Yorubas proper, or as they are better distinguished
Oyos.
All these princes became kings who wore crowns as distinguished
from those who were vassals who did not dare to wear crowns,
but coronets called Akoro, a high-crowned head-gear, embroidered
with silver.
But it may be remarked that the Olowu's father was a commoner,
and not a prince of the blood, and yet he became one of the crowned
heads. The following anecdote will explain how this came about.
The Yoruba princesses had (and still have) the Hberty of
choosing husbands according to their fancy from any rank in life ;
the King's eldest daughter chose to marry her father's priest, for
whom she had the Olowu.
This young prince was one day playing on his grandfather's
knees, and he pulled at the crown on his head ; the indulgent
parent thereupon placed it on the child's head, but Hke some spoiled
children, he refused to give it up when required, and so it was left
with him, the grandfather putting on another. The child had the
crown on his head until he fell asleep in his mother's arms, when
she took it off and returned it to her father, but the latter told her
to keep it for her son, as he seemed so anxious to have it. Hence the
right of the Olowu to wear the crown like his uncles. The same
right was subsequently accorded to the Alaketu, i.e., the progenitor
of the Ketu people.
It was stated above that Orafiyan was the youngest of Oduduwa's
grandchildren, but eventually he became the richest and most
renowned of them all. How this came about is thus told by
tradition : —
On the death of the King, their grandfather, his property was
unequally divided among his children as follows : —
The King of Benin inherited his money (consisting of cowry
shells), the Orangun of Ila his wives, the King of Sabe his cattle,
the Olupopo the beads the Olowu the garments, and the Alaketu
the crowns, and nothing was left for Orafiyan but the land. Some
assert that he was absent on a warlike expedition when the partition
was made, and so he was shut out of all movable properties.
Oranyan was, however, satisfied with his portion, which he pro-
ceeded forthwith to turn to good account with the utmost skill.
He held his brothers as tenants living on the land which was his ;
for rents he received money, women, cattle, beads, garments, and
crowns, which were his brothers' portions, as all these were more
ORIGIN AND EARLY HISTORY 9
or less dependent on the soil, and were deriving sustenance from
it. And he was the one selected to succeed the father as King in
the direct line of succession. ^ To his brothers were assigned the
various provinces over which they ruled more or less independently,
Oranyan himself being placed on the throne as the AlAfin or Lord
of the Royal Palace at He Ife.
According to another account, Oranyan had only a bit of rag
left him, containing earth, 21 pieces of iron, and a cock. The whole
surface of the earth was then covered with water. Oraiiyan laid
his portion on the surface of the water, and placed on it the cock,
which scattered the earth with his feet ; the wide expanse of water
became filled up, and the dry land appeared everywhere. His
brothers preferring to live on dry land rather than on the surface
of the water were permitted to do so on their paying an annual
tribute for sharing with their younger brother his own portion.
It will be noticed that both traditions attribute the land to
Oraiiyan ; hence the common saying " Alafin I'oni ile " (the Alafin
is the lord of the land) : the pieces of iron representing underground
treasures, and the cock such as subsist on the land.
The former account seems more probable, the latter being httle
else but a travesty of the story of the creation or the flood. But
it is fair to mention that the more generally received opinion is,
that Oranyan became more prosperous than his brothers owing to
the fact of his living virtuously, they bemg given up to a life of
unrestrained licentiousness ; and being also by far the bravest of
them all, he was preferred above them and was seated on the
ancestral throne at Ile Ife which was then the capital of the Yoruba
country.
The Alake and the Owa of Ilesa are said to be nearly related to
the Alafin ; the former was said to be of the same mother with
one of the earliest Alafins. This woman was called Ejo who after-
wards took up her abode with her youngest son until her death :
hence the common saying " Ejo ku Ake " Ejg* died at Ake.
The Owa of the Ijesas claimed to be one of the younger brothers,
but his pedigree cannot now be traced; the term "brother"
being a very elastic one in Yoruba and may be applied to any
relative far or near, and even to a trusty servant or to one adopted
1 The reason assigned for this was that he was "born in the
purple," that is to say born after the father had become King.
This was at one time the prevailing custom for the " Aremo Ovh,"
i.e., the first born from the throne, to succeed the father.
2 Ejo means a palaver. The phrase then means a case decided
at Ake is final.
10 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
into the family. ^ In olden times when there was universal peace
throughout the country, before the commencement of the destruc-
tive intertribal wars which broke up the unity of the kingdom
and created the tribal independence, this relationship was
acknowledged by the Owa paying a yearly tribute of a few heads
of cowries, mats and some products of his forests to the AlAfin,
while the latter sent him presents of tobes and vests, and other
superior articles well worthy of him as an elder brother.
That the AlAfin, the Alake, and the Owa were children or
grandchildren of Oraiiyan seems probable from the fact that to
this day none of them is considered properly installed until the
sword of state brought from He Ife where Oraiiyan was buried is
placed in his hands.
Oraiiyan was a nickname of the prince his proper name being
Odede. He was a man of great physical powers. He first
obtained renown as a mighty hunter ; and in process of time he
also became, like Nimrod, a mighty conqueror.
The expedition against Mecca. — When Oraiiyan was sufficiently
strong, he set off for an expedition against " Mecca " to which he
summoned his brothers, to avenge the death of their great-grand-
father, and the expulsion of his party from that city. He left
Adimu one of his father's trusty servants in charge of the royal
treasures and the charms, with a strict injunction to observe the
customary worship of the national gods Idi and Orisa Osi.
This is an office of the greatest importance pertaining to the
King himself • but how slaves or high servants are often entrusted
with the duties of the master himself is well-known in this country
as we shall see in the course of this history.
It is said that the route by which they came from " Mecca "
and which occupied 90 days, was by this time rendered impassable
owing to an army of black ants blocking up the path, and hence,
Oraiiyan was obliged to take another route which led through the
Nupe or Tapa Country. All his brothers but the eldest joined
him, but at Igangan they quarrelled over a pot of beer and dispersed
refusing to follow his lead. The eldest brother calculating the
distance through the Tapa country lost courage and went eastward
promising to make his attack from that quarter should his brother
Oraiiyan be successful in the West.* . Orafiyan pushed on until
he found himself on the banks of the River Niger.
The Tapas are said to have opposed his crossing the river, and
as he could not force his way through, he was obhged to remain
for a while near the banks, and afterwards resolved to retrace his
^ A fuller account will be found under "The origin of the Ijesas."
"^ The geography of our historians may be excused. — Ed,
ORIGIN AND EARLY HISTORY II
steps. To return, however, to He Ife was too humiliating to be
thought of, and hence he consulted the King of Ibariba near whose
territory he was then encamping as to where he should make his
residence. Tradition has it, that the King of Ibariba made a
charm and fixed it on a boa constrictor and advised Orafiyan to
follow the track of the boa and wherever it remained for 7 days
and then disappeared, there he was to build a town. Orariyan
and his army followed his directions and went after the boa up to
the foot of a hill called Ajaka where the reptile remained 7 days,
and then disappeared. According to instructions Oranyan halted
there, and built a town called Oyo Ajaka. This was the
ancient city of Oyo marked in ancient maps as Eyeo or Katunga
(the latter being the Hausa term for Oyo) capital of Yarriba (see
Webster's pronouncing Gazetteer). This was the Eyeo visited
by the EngHsh explorers Clapperton and the Landers.
Orafiyan remained and prospered in the new home, his decendants
spread East, West, and South-west ; they had a free communica-
tion with He Ife, and the King often sent to Adimu for whatever
was required by him out of the royal treasures for the new city.
In process of time Adimu made himself great because he was
not only the worshipper of the national deities, but also the
custodian and dispenser of the King's treasures, and he was
commonly designated " Adimu Ola " i.e. Adimu of the treasures,
or Adimu 1^ i.e. Adimu is become wealthy.
But this Adimu who became of so much consequence from his
performing royal functions was originally the son of a woman
condemned to death, but being found at the time of execution
to be in the way of becoming a mother she was temporarily
reprieved, until the child was born. This child at its birth was
dedicated to the perpetual service of the gods, especially the
god Obatala, to which his mother was to have been sacrificed.
He was said to be honest, faithful and devoted to the King as to
his own father, and therefore he was loved and trusted.
When Adimu was announced to the Kings and Princes all
around as the person appointed by the King to take charge of
the treasures, and to worship the national deities during his
absence, it was generally asked " And who is this Adimu ? The
answer comes " Omo Oluwo ni " the son of a sacrificial victim :
this is contracted to Ow6ni (Oluwo being the term for a sacrificial
victim). So in subsequent years when the seat of government
was removed permanently to Oyo but not the National Deities,
Adimu became supreme at He Ife and his successors to this day
have been termed the Olorisas i.e. high priests or fetish worshippers
to the King, and people of the whole Yoruba nation. The name
12 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
Adimu has since been adopted as the agnomen, and the term Owoni
as the title of the " Kings " or more properly the high priests of
Ife to this day, the duties of the office being not local or tribal,
but national.
According to another account, after the death of Okknbi,
Oraiiyan having succeeded and assumed the command emigrated
to Oko where he reigned and where he died, and the seat of
government was removed thence in the reign of Sango to Oyokoro,
i.e., the aforesaid ancient City of Oyo.
Oraiiyan may have actually died at Oko, but his grave with an
obelisk over it is certainly shown at He Ife to this day. It is a
custom among the Yorubas — a custom observed to this day — to
pare the nails and shave the head of any one who dies at a con-
siderable distance from the place where they would have him
buried. These relics are taken to the place of interment, and there
decently buried, the funeral obsequies being scrupulously observed
as if the corpse itself were buried there. Hence although (as we have
on probable grounds assumed) Oraiiyan may have died at Oko, and
the art of embalming lost or unknown, his relics could thus have
been taken to He Ife where to this day he is supposed to have been
buried. A more romantic account of his death, however, will be
given in Part II of this history.
As the Yorubas worship the dead, and have the belief that
prayers offered at the grave of deceased ancestors are potent to
procure temporal blessings, all succeeding Yoruba Kings on their
accession and before coronation are expected to send to perform
acts of worship at the grave of Oduduwa and to receive the benedic-
tion of the priest. The sword of justice known as Ida Oranyan
(Oranyan's sword) is to be brought from He Ife and ceremoniously
placed in their hands ; without this being done, the King has no
authority whatever to order an execution. Orafi5^an's descendants
in process of time were divided into four distinct famihes, known
by their distinctive dialects, and forming the four provinces of
Yoruba proper viz. the Ekun Otun, Ekun Osi, Ibolo and Epo
provinces. The Ekun Otun and Ekun Osi or right and left, i.e.,
Eastern and Western provinces are the towns lying to the East
and West of the City of Oyo.
I. The Ekun Otun or Western province included all the towns
along the right bank of the River Ogun down to Ibere kodo, Igana
being the chief town. The other important towns are : — Skki,
Oke'ho, Ise5nn, Iwawun, Eruwa, Iberekodo, etc. In this province
two distinct dialects are spoken ; the people inhabiting the outer-
most borders are known as Ibai^apas and are distinguished by a
nasal twang in their speech.
ORIGIN AND EARLY HISTORY I3
2. The Ekun Osi or Metropolitan province comprised all the
towns east of Oyo, including Kihisi and Igboho in the north,
Ikoyi being the chief town. Other important towns are, Ilorin
Irawo, Iwere, Ogbomoso etc. including the Igbonas in the utmost
limit eastwards, and the Igbon-nas as far as Or6.
The Igbdnas are distinguished by a peculiar dialect of their own.
The Ekun Osi Oyos are regarded as speaking the purest Yoruba.
The ancient cit}' of Oyo alsp lies in this province.
3. The Ibolo province lies to the south-east of the Ekun Osi
towns as far down as Ede, Iresa being the chief town. The
other important towns are Ofa (?) Oyan, Okuku, Ikirun, Osogbo,
Ido, Ilobu, Ejigbo, Ede.
4. The Epos are the towns lying to the South and South-west of
Oyo the chief town of which is Idode. Other important towns
in this division are : Masifa, Ife odan, Ara. Iwo, Ilora, Akinmoirin
Fiditi, Awe, Ago Oja.
They are called Epos (i.e. weeds) because they were then in the
remotest part of the kingdom, rude and uncouth in manners, very
deceitful, and far from being as loyal as the other tribes. The
Owns were usually reckoned amongst them, but they are rather
a distinct tribe of Yoruba although now domiciled amongst the
Egbas.
Great changes have been effected in these divisions by means
of the revolutionary wars that altered the face of the country
about the early part of the XlXth century.
In the Ekun Otun district Igana has lost its importance and its
place taken by Iseyin.
In 'the Ekun Osi, Ikoyi the chief town has been destroyed by
Ilorin, and Ilorin itself brought under foreign allegiance by the
Fulanis. The city of Oyo now lies in ruins, its name and position
being transferred to Ago Oja in the Epo district. In the Ibglg district
Iresa has ceased to exist being absorbed by Ilorin and its place taken
by Ofa, which in its turn was partially destroyed by the Ilorins in
1887 with several other towns in this district. Modakeke a large
and growing town, peopled by Oygs of the Ekun Osi, has sprung
up in the Ife district just beyond the borders of the Ibolgs.
Owu has been destroyed never more to be rebuilt.
The Epo district now includes Ibadan, Ijaye and other towns
formerly belonging to the Gbaguras. Idode has ceased to be the
dhief town, that position now properly belongs to Iwo, being a
royal city. But Ibadan which was originally an Egba village
then the military station of the confederate army which destroyed
the city of Owu and the Egba villages, and afterwards a settled Oyg
town, has by means of its mihtary force assumed the lead not only
C
14 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
over the Epo district, but also over a large area of the country as
well. It has a mixed population including every tribe of the
Yorubas.
Ijaye formerly an Egba town became peopled by Qyos chiefly
from the 5kun Osi (Ikoyi) districts.
All these including hundreds of important towns within the
area are peopled by Yorubas proper or Oyos as they are generally
called, and constitute the more important portion of Yoruba proper.
The Egbas, who were for the most part off-shoots of these, and
formerly Uving in hamlets and villages independently of one another
have through the exigencies of these wars collected themselves
from 153 hamlets or " townships " to form one town, Abeokuta.
A further account of this will be given in its place. All these
are reckoned as descendants of Orariyan.
By the advent also of the white men from the coast, the centre
of light and civilization has removed to the south, so that the
Epos may soon cease to be the " weeds " of the country, as they
may receive the inspiration of civilization from the south instead
of from the north as hitherto.
Chapter II
THE ORIGIN OF THE TRIBES
All the various tribes of the Yoruba nation trace their origin
from Oduduwa and the city He If§. In fact He Ife is fabled as
the spot where God created man, white and black, and from
whence they dispersed all over the earth. We have seen in the
previous chapter which are the principal tribes that sprang from
Oduduwa's seven grandchildren, viz. : The Yorubas proper from
Orafiyan, the Benins, Has, Owns, Ketus, Sabes, and the Popos.
Some of the other tribes were offshoots of one or other of these, as
we shall see further on. Some authentic tradition will be given
relative to the formation of some of them.
An important fact which must also be borne in mind is, that the
country was not altogether unpeopled when Oduduwa and his
party entered it from the East ; the probabiUty is, that the abori-
ginal inhabitants were conquered and absorbed, at least at the
central if not at the remote provinces of the Yoruba kingdom.
In ancient patriarchal times, the king of a country was
regarded as the father or progenitor of his people. This view will
to some extent explain what would otherwise appear to be a
marvellous (if not impossible) instance of fecundity in any one
king, e.g., Orafiyan peopling so vast a region as that attributed
to him, in so short a time — the more warlike the king, the more
extensive his dominion, and the more numerous, it would seem, his
progeny.
In fact we may almost take it as proved that as Orafiyan and
his army, as well as his brothers', pushed on their conquests in
every direction, the princes and the war-lords were stationed in
various parts to hold the country, and from them sprang the many
provincial kings of various ranks and grades now existing.
This also accounts for the tradition that the Yoruba sway once
extended as far as Ashanti and included the Gas of Accra, for the
Gas say that their ancestors came from He Ife ; and the constitution
of the Ga language is said to be more like Yoruba than hke Fanti,
the language of the Gold Coast, and the area in which that language
is spoken is strictly hmited. And, certainly, until comparatively
recent times the Popos and Dahomians paid tribute regularly to
Oyo as their feudal head ; it is certain, therefore, that the generals
and war-lords of Orafiyan pushed on far beyond the Umits of the
Yoruba country as now known, and although in places remote from
»5
l6 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
the centre, as the Benins and Sekiris in the east and the Popos,
Dahomians and Gas in the west, the Yoruba language is not
spoken, yet the knowledge of it exists among the ruling chiefs
and the priestly caste who still maintain their connection with He
Ife, the place of their common origin. This view will also to some
extent explain the mutual understanding and bond of sympathy
existing between the Ifes, Ekitis, and allied families as remnants
of the largely diluted aboriginal elements still having many things
in common, and their natural antipathy — more or less — to the
Oyos or Yorubas Proper.
It is also worthy of remark that all the principal rulers of the
country, to show the validity of their claims, must trace their
relationship by one way or another to the AlAfin of Oyo, who is the
direct descendant of Orafiyan, son and successor of Oduduwa, the
founder ; which simply impHes that the children and offspring of
the conqueror are the chief rulers over the different parts of the
conquered territories.
Yoruba Proper
Oranyan was already distinguished as a brave and war-like
prince during his father's lifetime, and he probably owed his
succession to this fact, as was usual in those stormy times. On
his accession to the throne, when he set out from lie Ife on his
famous expedition to " Mecca " to avenge the death of his great
grandfather, he was certainly accompanied by his conquering
hordes ; and if we trace his route from He Ife northwards to the
banks of the Niger, whence he turned westward to the borders of
the Baribas, and then to the ancient Oyo (Eyeo) which he founded,
and where he settled, and from whence he spread southwards
towards the coast, we shall see that the people embraced in this
vast region, viz., with the Ifes in the east, the Niger on the north,
the Baribas on the west as well as the Dahomians, and the
Egbados on the south, are those known as the Yorubas Proper,
or as they are generally termed by the other tribes the Oyqs,
and are the so-called descendants of Orafiyan, and the cream of
his conquering army. These then constitute Yorubas Proper.
We have stated in a previous chapter how they are divided
into four distinct provinces, but there has always been among them
a bond of sympathy and union, apart from what they have in
common with the other tribes. They have always retained
their loyalty — more or less — to the successors of Orafiyan, their
common father, even when the revolutionary wars left the country
no longer united under one head as in the days of Sango down to
those of Abiodun
THE ORIGIN OF THE TRIBES I7
The Egbas
The Egbas are a small offshoot of the Yorubas Proper, who
occupy the south-eastern districts of that province. They origin-
ally occupied the area bounded by certain imaginary lines drawn,
say, from Ijaye to meet the Ogun River at Olokemeji, and along
it to its mouth, and another from the same point via Ibadan to
the west of Jebu Remo down to the coast. They lived in hamlets
and villages for the most, part independently of one another, and
never under one rule. All the principal families of the Egbas trace
their origin from Oyo, hence the common saying " Egbas who have
not their root in Oyo are slaves," i.e., belong to the conquered
aboriginal population. Most of the chiefs sprang from the Esos
of Oyo. It would seem then that during the wars of conquest, a
number of these warhke Esgs, under the leadership of the King's
half-brother, was detached from the main army, carrying their
arms to those regions where they subsequently settled, in the
immediate neighbourhood of the Owns. Abeokuta, as we now know
it, of course had no existence then. Each of what is now called
the " townships " was a separate village or hamlet with its own
chief ; they were loosely grouped into three divisions, but rather
independent of one another, but all acknowledging the King's
brother (the Alake) as their Primus. They were :
1. Egba Agbeyin. These were the Egbas proper, and nearest
the I jebu Remos. The principal towns were : Ake, the chief town,
Ijeun, Kemta, Iporo, Igbore, etc.
2. Egba Oke Ona, i.e., those situated near the banks of the
River Odo Ona. Oko the chief town, Ikereku, Ikija, Idomapa,
Odo, Podo, etc. Their chief is called the Osile.
3. Egba Agura or Gbagura : these were situated near the Oyo
districts, and indeed they contain genuine Oyos in large numbers,
and generall}'^ they partake of their characteristics largely, hence
they are nick-named " Oyos among Egbas." The principal towns
were : Agura the chief, Ilugun, Ibadan, Ifaye, Ika, Ojo, Ilawo,
etc.
The Egbas were on the whole few in number, and occupied a
limited territory ; this can very well be proved by the fact, that
after a period of more than half a century, they have been
compelled by stress of circumstances to live together within one
wall, and in spite of large accessions from other tribes, they still
form but a single large town. Situated, as they were then, far from
the centre of life and activity, they were little thought of. They
had no separate king because all the principal chiefs and
distinguished personages were office bearers of the AlAfin, hence
l8 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
the common saying, " Egba ko I'olu, gbogbo nwon ni nse hi Oba "
(Egbas have no King, they are all of them like masters) " Olu wa'
rOyo " (The King is at Oyo). It may be noted, that every child
born to a reigning Alake must have an Oyo facial mark ; and that
is so to this day. In early times the Alake ranks among the
junior members of the Royal Family ; for that reason there has
never been a distinct royal family arnong the Egbas. The chief
rulers in each division were usually elected (by divination) from
any one of the 153 townships ; an Ikija man for instance has been
" king " of Itesi, an Ijeun man an Alake, etc., as we shall see in the
Appendix. In this respect also the Gbaguras differ from the
others.
In later times, at Abeokuta, one Jibode, a wealthy trader and
traveller, who vainly endeavoured to obtain the Primacy of Ake,
left children and grandchildren who eventually attained the
coveted position, which was a singular instance of more than one
member of a family becoming an Alake, ^ but then they were
all born in different townships.
The Osile is said to be an unfortunate title because, more than
any of the other divisions, the Oke Ona people were more ptone to
slaughter human victims ; everytime the Osile entered the Ogboni
house, he must walk on the blood of a male victim, and when he
comes out on that of a female ! Also that Osiles never die a natural
death ; when their excesses became unbearable they were usually
stoned to death ; hence the appellation of their chief town, " Oko "
— i.e., a pelting stone. For that reason the Egbas were reluctant
to resuscitate the title at Abeokuta until Governor McCallum
of Lagos in 1897 on the occasion of the Queen's Diamond Jubilee
ordered the Egbas and others to reorganise their government, and
fill up vacant titles.
Since the destruction of the City of Owu (as we shall see below)
and the unification of the Egba villages, the Owus have domiciled
amongst them. Hence the so-called Four United Kings of the
Egbas : although Owu is not Egba.
The Ijebus
The origin of the Ijebus has been variously given ; one account
makes them spring from the victims offered in sacrifice by the
King of Benin to the god of the ocean, hence the term Ijebu
from Ije-ibu, i.e., the food of the deep. The Ijebus themselves
'The case of Gbadebo, son of Okukenu, occurred subsequently to
the estabhshment of the British Protectorate.
THE ORIGIN OF THE TRIBES I9
claim to have descended from Oba-nita, as they say of themselves,
" Ogetiele, eru Obanita," i.e., Ogetiele/ servants of Obanita.
But who was this Oba-nita ? Tradition says he also was a victim
of sacrifice by the Olowu or King of Owu. It was said that the
Olowu offered in sacrifice a human being where two roads cross ;
this was termed " Ebo-ni-ita," a sacrifice on the highway, the
victim being mangled and left for dead ; he, however, revived at
night, and crawled away into the forest, where he subsequently
recovered and survived. He lived on fruits, on the chase, and
then did a bit of farming. With an access of population, being
the oldest man met in those parts, he was regarded as the father,
and subsequent generations call him their ancestor, and so the
Ijebu tribe was formed, and the term " Ebonita " (a sacrifice on
the highway) was converted to " Obanita " (a king on the high-
way). There was really nobody of that name. A forest is still
shown near the village of Aha where he is annually worshipped,
from whence he was supposed to have ascended into heaven.
It is rather curious that both accounts should have made them
descended from victims of human sacrifices. This latter account
is reconcilable with the former, which says they are " the food of
the deep," for the population of which Ebonita was the head may
have been largely augmented by the victims of the ocean so as to
give the name Ije-ibu to the whole of them.
There are also other important facts and curious coincidences
connected with the Ijebus which have strong bearings on this
tradition of their origin.
1. Of all the Yoruba tribes, with the exception of the Ifes
they were the most addicted to human sacrifices, which they
practised up to 1892 when the country was conquered by the
Enghsh. The \'ictim also usually offered to " Obanita " annually
was always a human being, but this was never killed ; he was,
however, always acted upon in some way or other unknown (by
magic arts) that he always became demented, and left to wander
about sheepishly in the Aha Forest, until he perished there. This
is, no doubt, due to the fact that the ancestor " Ebonita " himself,
when a victim, was not killed outright.
2. They were, before the conquest, the most exclusive and
inhospitable of the whole of the tribes. Very few, if any, out-
siders were ever known to have walked through the country with
impunity under any circumstance whatever ; not a few of those
who attempted to do so were never seen nor heard of any more !
^An untranslatable word, an onomatopoeic expression for
whatever is immense and magnificent.
20 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
Commercial transactions with outsiders were carried on in the
frontier or in the borders of neighbouring towns.
3. And if the latter account of their origin from the Owu
victim be the correct one, it is very singular indeed that it was
mainly due to the Ijebus with their firearms that the Owns owed
their fall and complete annihilation as an independent state to
this day. A full account of this will be given in due course.
The King of the Ijebus is known as the Awujale. His origin
was thus given by authentic tradition, the event with which it is
connected having occurred within authentic history :
There were formerly two important towns called Owu Ipole
and Iseyin Odo in a district between the Owns and If §s ; they were
settlements from the city of Owu and Iseyin respectively. A
quarrel once arose between them on the matter of boundaries,
and the dispute having been carried on for many years, developed
into an open fight, and both the Olowu and the Owoni of Ife
(both being interested parties) were unable to put an end to the
strife. Messengers were now sent to the King at Oyo who sent out
a special Ilari and a large number of attendants to put an end to
the strife. The person of an Ilari being inviolable, he came and
settled down between the two contending parties, in the midst of
the disputed plot, and thus compelled them to keep, the peace.
The Ilari was named " Agbejaile or Alajaile " (an arbiter of landed
dispute). This term was subsequently sof termed, down to Awujale.^
This event occurred during the reign of King Jayin.
As it was customary to pay royal honours to the King's mes-
sengers out of courtesy, this Ilari was accorded royal honours
in due form, and he remained there permanently and became the
King of that region over the Ijebus who up to that time had
no tribal " king " of their own and rather held themselves aloof
from their neighbours. Subsequently he removed to Ode.
The Awujale ranks after the Oyo provincial kings such as the
Onikoyi, Olafa, Aresa, Aseyin.
Origin of the Ijesas and Ekitis
Two accounts are given of the origin of the Ijesas ; both may
practically be regarded as in the main correct, so far as they are not
really contradictory ; for it would appear that the Ijesas of the
present day are not the same people or, rather, not the descendants
of the aboriginal inhabitants of that province.
The first account relates to the earUest period when the Yorubas
have just entered into, and subdued, the country, and the AlAfins
^An Ilari title at Oyo to this day.
THE ORIGIN OF THE TRIBES 21
then resided at He lie, i.e., prior to the reign of Sango. Human
sacrifices were common in those days, and in order to have victims
ready to hand, it is said that a number of slaves were purchased
and located in the district of Ibokun ; there they were tended as
cattle, under the care of Owaju, and from them selections were
made from time to time for sacrificial purposes ; hence the term
Ijesa from Ije Orisa (the food of the gods). They are described as
stumpy, muscular, and sheepish-looking, with a marked want
of intelhgence : they never cJffered any resistance to this system,
hence the saying "Ijesa Omo Owaju ti ife opo iyk " (Ijesas children
of Owaju, subject to much sufferings). There is also a legend
that when the nations began to disperse from He Ife and members of
the Royal Family were appointed kings and rulers in divers places,
a young and brave scion of the house was appointed the first
Owa or king over the Ijesas, but that he returned to the AlAfin
and complained that his territory was tocv small, and his subjects
few, the sire thereupon ordered a large bundle of sticks to be
brought to him, and these sticks he converted into human beings
for the Owa, in order to increase the number of his subjects. Hence
to this day the Ijesas are often termed by their neighbours " Qmo
igi " (offspring of sticks !)
This, of course, is a pure myth invented by their more wily
neighbours to account for the notorious characteristics of the Ijesas
generally, who are as proverbially deficient in wit as they are
remarkably distinguished for brute strength.
But one fact holds good down even to our days, viz., that up
to the recent total abohtion of human sacrifice by the British
Government (1893) the Ifes, who, far more than any other, were
addicted to the practice, always preferred for the purpose to have
an Ijesa victim to any other ; such sacrifices were considered more
acceptable, the victims being the " food of the gods."
This preference was the cause of more than one threatened rupture
between the Ifes and their Ijesa aUies during the recent 16 years'
war, and would certainly have developed into open fights, but
for the Ibadan army vis-d-vis threatening them both.
The other account relates chiefly to the present day Ijesas of
Ilesa (the home of the gods) the chief town. According to this
account, they hailed from the Ekitis ; or as some would more
correctly have it, they were the Ijesas from the neighbourhood of
Ibokun who first migrated to Ipole near Ondo, and thence back
to Ilesa. It appears that a custom then prevailed of going out
hunting for their king three months in the year, and on one such
occasion they found game so plentiful in the neighbourhood of
Ilesa, the chmate very agreeable, the country well-watered, and
22 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
the Ijesas there extremely simple, peaceful, and unwarhke (probably
the remnants and descendants of the old sacrificial victims) whilst
at home they endured much oppression from their Owa, that
they there and then conceived and carried out the idea of settling
on the spot at once, making it their home, and of reducing into
subjection the aboriginal inhabitants.
These objects were easily enough accompHshed ; but they spared
the principal chief, a kindly old gentleman who had an extensive
garden plantation. He was called " Oba Ila," i.e., Okra king,
from his Okra plantation, and he was placed next in rank to the
chief of the marauders. That nickname is continued to the present
time as a title Oba'la^ and is conferred on the most distinguished
chief after the Owa of Ilesa. It would appear then that although
the term Ijesa is retained by the people of that district, and those
who are ignorant of the origin of the term take some pride in it,
yet it is evident that the present inhabitants are not all of them
the descendants of the aboriginal settlers, the " food of the gods,"
but are largely from the Ekitis by admixture ; the pure type
Ijesas are now and again met with at Ilesa and neighbourhood.
This fact is fuither shown by the want of homogeneity amongst
the principal chiefs of Ilesa at the present day, for when the town
was growing, the settlers did cast about for help ; they sought for
wiser heads to assist them in the building up and the management
of their country, e.g., from the Oyos or Yorubas Proper they had
the Odgle from Irehe, the Esawe from Ora, the Saloro from Oyo
(the ancient city), and the Sorundi also from the same city — all
these came with a large number of followers ; from the Ondos, the
'Loro, and the Salosi from I jama in the Ondo district ; from the
Ekitis, the Arapate from Ara, the Lejoka from Itaje ; and
lastly, the Ogboni from the white cap chiefs of Lagos, the
only one privileged to have on his headgear in the presence of the
Owa. The Owa himself is as we have seen, a junior member of
the royal house of Oyo.
It is also said that when the town of Ilesa was to be laid out a
special messenger was sent to the AlAfin to ask for the help of
one of the princes to lay out the town on the same plan as the
ancient city of Oyo. That prince ruled for some years at Ilesa.
The Ekitis
The Ekitis are among the aboriginal elements of the country
absorbed by the invaders from the East. The term Ekiti denotes
a Mound, and is derived from the rugged mountainous feature of
^Often miscalled Obanla by young Ije§as outside Ilesa.
THE ORIGIN OF THE TRIBES 23
the country. It is an extensive province and well watered, includ-
ing several tribes and families right on to the border of the Niger,
eastward. They hold themselves quite distinct from the Ijesas,
especially in pohtical affairs. The Ekiti country is divided into
i6 districts, each with its own Owa or King (Owa being a generic
term amongst them) of which four are supreme, viz. : —
1. The 6w6re of Otun 3. The Elewi of Ado
2. The Ajero of Ijero 4. The Elekole of Ikole
The following are the minor Ekiti kings : —
5. Alara of Ara it. Qlgja Oke of Igbo Odo
6. Alaye of Efon Ahaye 12. Oloye of Oye
7. Ajanpanda of Akure 13. Olomuwo of Omuwo
8. Alagotun of Ogotun 14. Onire of Ire
9. Olojudo of Ido 15. Arinjale of Ise
10. Ata of Aiyede 16. Onitaji of Itaji
The Orangun of Ila is sometimes classed among them, but he is
only Ekiti in sympathy, being of a different family.
An Ijesa account of the Owa ot Ilesa and some of the principal
Ekiti kings :
The Olofin (? Alafin) king of Ife had several children, grand-
children, and great grandchildren ; amongst them were, the king
of Ado or Benin, the King of Oyg, the Osomowe of Ondo (from a
daughter), the Alara of Ara, the Ajero of Ijero, the Alaye of Efon,
the Owore of Otun, the Orangun of Ila, the Aregbajo of Igbajo,
the Owa Ajaka of Ilesa. When the Olofin became bhnd from old
age he was much depressed in mind from this cause ; efforts were
put forth to effect his cure, all of which proved fruitless, when a
certain man came forward and prescribed for him a sure remedy
which among other ingredients contained salt water. He put the
case before his children, but none made any effort to procure some
for him save his youngest grandson. This was a very brave and
warlike prince who bore the title of Esinkin amongst the King's
household warriors, a title much alHed to that of the Kakanfo,
He was surnamed Ajaka, i.e., one who fights everywhere, (on
account of his procHvities) being fond of adventures. He volun-
teered to go and fetch some wherever procurable.
Having been away for many years and not heard of, the aged
sire and every one else despaired of his ever coming back ; so the
King divided his property amongst the remaining grown-up
children. Although the Alado (king of Benin) was the eldest yet
the Oloyg was the most beloved, and to him he gave the land, and
told him to scour it all over, and settle nowhere till he came to a
24 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
slippery place, and there make his abode ; hence the term Oyg
(shppery) and hence Oyos are such shppery customers !
After they had all gone and settled in their respective locaHties,
all unexpectedly, the young adventurer turned up with water from
the sea ! The monarch made use of it as per prescription and
regained his sight ! Hence the Ijesas who subsequently became his
subjects are sometimes termed " Omg Obokun," children of the
brine procurer.
Having distributed all his property he had nothing left for Ajaka
he therefore gave him a sword lying by his side with leave to attack
any of his brothers, especially the Alara or Alado, and possess
himself of their wealth, but should he fail, to retire back to him ;
hence the appellation " Owa Ajaka Onida raharaha " (Owa the
ubiquitous fighter, a man with a devastating sword).
The Owa Ajaka settled a Uttle way from his grandfather, and on
one occasion he paid him a visit, and found him sitting alone
with his crown on his head and — out of sheer wantonness — he cut
off some of the fringes with his sword. The old man was enraged
by this act, and swore that he would never wear a crown with
fringes on.^
The Aregbajo was one of those who had a crown given to him,
but the Owa Ajaka, paying him a visit on one occasion, saw it,
and took it away, and never returned it : hence the kings of Igbajo
never wear a crown to this day.
The Owa also attacked the Olojudo and defeated him, and took
possession of his crown ; but he never put it on. On every public
occasion however, it used to be carried before him. This continued
to be the case until all the tribes became independent.
The Owa's mother, when married as a young bride, was placed
under the care of the mother of the Qloyo, hence the AlAfin of
Oyo often regarded the Owa as his own son.
The Orangun of Ila, and the Alara of Ara were his brothers of
the same mother.
The Ow6ni of Ife was not a son of the Ololin, but the son of a
female slave of his whom he offered in sacrifice. The Olefin kept
the boy always by him, and when he sent away his sons, this httle
boy took great care of him and managed his household affairs well
until his death : hence the Oloyo on succeeding the father authorised
the boy to have charge of the palace and the city, and he sent to
notify his brothers of this appointment. So whenever it was
asked who was in charge of the house the answer invariably was
^Only those with fringes on are really crowns.
THE ORIGIN OF THE TRIBES 25
" Omo Oluwo ni " (It is the son of the sacrificial victim). This
has been contracted to the term Ow6ni.
The Owa and his brothers used to pay the AlAfin annual visits,
with presents of firewood, fine locally-made mats, kola nuts and
bitter kolas ; the Ow6re of Otun with sweet water from a cool
spring at Otun — this water the AlAfin first spills on the ground
as a Ubation before performing any ceremonies. The other Ekiti
Kings used also to take with them suitable presents as each could
afford, and bring away lavish presents from their elder brother.
This Ajaka subsequently became the Owa of the Ijesas.
The Ondos
The custom of killing twins prevailed all over the country in
early times ; it has died out all over the greater part ot it so long
ago, that no one can say precisely when or by whom a stop was put
to it. But it happened once upon a time when the practice still
prevailed that one of the wives of the AlAfin (King Ajaka) gave
birth to twins, and the King was loth to destroy them, he thereupon
gave orders that they should be removed — with the mother — to a
remote part of the kingdom and there to remain and be regarded
as dead.
So she left with a large number of friends and retinue to the site
of the present Ode Ondo, then sparsely peopled by a tribe named
Idoko, and there settled, hence the term " Ondo," signifying the
" Settlers." The people of the district knowing who the strangers
were, yielded them ready obedience, and the strangers became rulers
of the district.
Probably it was from this time infanticide received its death
blow — in Yoruba Proper at least. It is said to hnger still at Akure
and the adjacent regions, but as a rule, in ancient times, whatever
the custom set or discountenanced at the Metropohs, the effect
thereof was rapidly felt all over the country.
The Ondos are sometimes classed among the Ekitis but that is
hardly correct ; although lying at the border of the Ekitis, they
are really a mixture of Qyos and Idokos, and their sympathy is
with all.
Chapter III
RELIGION
The Yorubas originally were entirely pagans. Mohammedanism
which many now profess was introduced only since the close of
the eighteenth century. They, however, believe in the existence
of an Almighty God, him they term Olorun, i.e., Lord of Heaven.
They acknowledge Him, Maker of heaven and earth, but too
exalted to concern Himself directly with men and their affairs,
hence they admit the existence of many gods as intermediaries,
and these they term Orisas.
We may note here that the term Olorun is appUed to God alone
and is never used in the plural to denote Orisas. Kings and the
great ones on earth may sometimes be termed Orisas (gods)
by way of eulogy, we are also familiar with the common expression,
" Oyinbo ekeji Orisa " i.e., white men are next to the -gods (i.e
in their powers) ; but the term Olorun is reserved for the Great God
alone.
They also beheve in a future state, hence the worship of the dead,
and invocation of spirits as observed in the Egugun festival, a
festival in which masked individuals personate dead relatives.
They have a belief also in a future judgment as may be inferred
from the tollowing adage, " Ohungbogbo ti a se I'aiye, li a o
de idena Orun ka " (Whatever we do on earth we shall give an
account thereof at the portals of heaven).
They also believe in the doctrine of metempsychosis, or trans-
migration of souls, hence they affirm that after a period of time,
deceased parents are born again into the family of their surviving
children. It is from this notion that some children are named
" Babatunde," i.e., father comes again. " Yetunde," i.e., mother
comes again.
Objects of Worship
I, TheKori. — Originally, the Kori was the only object of worship.
It consists of the hard shells of the palm nut strung into beads,
and made to hang from the neck to the knees. In modern times
it is no longer regarded as an object of worship by adults, but little
children go about with it to the market places begging for alms.
The object of worship is then worn by one of their number, who
goes before, his companions following behind him, shouting the
26
RELIGION 27
praises of the ancient god Kori. In this way they parade the
market places, and sellers before whom they halt to sing, make
them presents of money (cowries) or whatever they may happen to
be seUing, usually articles of food. Thus the httle children
perpetuate the memory and worship of this deity, hence the ditty :
Iba ma si ewe, Kori a ku o."
(But for Httle children Kori had perished).
In later times heroes are venerated and deified, of these Sango,
Oya, Orisa Oko, may be mentioned as the chief. The origin of
their worship will be noted hereafter.
2. Orisala. — To Orisala are ascribed creative powers. He is
regarded as a co-worker with Olorun. Man is supposed to have
been made by God in a lump, and shaped as he is by Orisala. Its
votaries are distinguished by white beads worn round the neck,
and by their using only white dresses. They are forbidden the
use of palm wine. Sacrifices offered by them are not to be salted.
Albinoes, dwarfs, the lame, hunchbacks, and all deformed persons
generally are regarded as sacred to this god ; hence they are
designated " Eni Orisa" (belonging to the god), being regarded as
specially made so by him.
Orisala is the common name of the god known and worshipped
by different townships under different appellations, e.g., it is
called Orisa Oluofin at Iwofin ; Orisako at Oko ; Orisakire at Ikire ;
Orisagiyan at Ejigbo ; Orisaeguin at Eguin ; Orisarowu at Owu
Orisajaye at Ijaye ; and Obatala at Oba.
3. Ori. — The Ori (head) is the universal household deity
worshipped by both sexes as the god of fate. It is believed that
good or ill fortune attends one, according to the will or decree of
this god ; and hence it is propitiated in order that good luck might
be the share of its votary. The representing image is 41 cowries
strung together in the shape of a crown. This is secreted in a
large coffer, the Hd of which is of the same form and material.
It is called "He Ori" (Ori's house), and in size is as large as the owner
can afford to make it. Some usually contain as much as 6 heads
(12,000) of cowries, and the manufacturer who is generally a worker
in leather receives as his pay the same amount of cowries as is
used in the article manufactured.
As the Kori is the children's god so the Ori is exclusively
worshipped by the adults. After the death of its owner, the image
of Ori with the coffer is destroyed, and the cowries spent.
4. Ogun. — This is the god of war, and all instruments made of
iron are consecrated to it, hence Ogun is the blacksmiths' god.
The representing image is the silk cotton tree specially planted,
28 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
beneath which is placed a piece of granite on which palm oil is
poured and the blood of slain animals — generally a dog.
5. Esu or Eleghara. — Satan, the Evil One, the author of all
evil is often and specially propitiated. Offerings are made to it.
The representing image is a rough lateritic stone upon which
libations of palm oil are poured. It is superstitiously believed that
the vengeance of this god could be successfully invoked upon an
offender by the name of the person being called before the image
while nut oil is being poured on it. The image of a man, with a
horn on its head curving backwards, carved in wood and orna-
mented with cowries, is often carried by its devotees to beg with
on pubUc highways. Passers-by who are so disposed may give
each a cowry or two, or handfuls of corn, beans, or any product
of the field at hand, as he or she may choose. This curved headed
figure is called " Ogo Eliggbara "—the devil's club.
6. Sgpona or the small pox is generally believed to be one of
the demons by which this lower world is infested, and has its special
devotees. The representing image is a broom- made from the
branches of the bamboo palm, stripped of its leaves, and besmeared
with camwood. To invoke its vengeance parched corn or beniseed
is usually thrown hot upon the image, and then it is beUeved the
epidemic will spread,. But they certainly have a more direct
means of spreading the disease.
Persons dying of this plague are buried only by the devotees of
this god, who account it as their special right to bury such corpses,
being victims of the vengeance of their god. For a propitiation,
they often demand from the relatives of the victims 5 head {i.e.,
10,000) of cowries, a tortoise, a snail, a fowl, a pigeon, a goat, an
armadillo, a ground pig, camwood, shea butter, a quantity of
palm oil, two kinds of beads, green and yellow, called respectively
Otutu and Opon, together with all the effects of the deceased,
which are regarded as theirs by legitimate right. The corpse is
buried either in the bush, or by the side of a river.
The following anecdote was related by a devotee. He was
confirmed — said he — in his belief in the existence of the gods and as
helpers in the government of the world from the following incident.
Said he, " A young man once fell into a swoon, and having revived,
he related the vision which he had seen. He said he saw the Great
God sitting on a throne, covered with a flowing garment, attended
on His right and left by Orisala and Ifa his counsellors : behind
him was a pit into which the condemned were cast. Ogun and
Sopona were ministers of his vengeance to execute justice upon
offenders. Ogun armed with 4,000 swords (or daggers) went out
daily to slay victims, his food being the blood of the slain. Sopona
RELIGION
29
also had 4,000 viols hung about his body. His also was the work
of destruction as he disappeared immediately for another victim
after presenting one. Sango also appeared, a mighty destroyer
who, when about to set forth on his journey to earth, used to be
cautioned by both Orisala and If a to deal gently with their
respective worshippers."
It is with such stories as this that the credulity of the simple folk
is usually wrought upon with a view to strengthen their behef in
the so-called gods.
7. Egugnn. The period when the worship of spirits or the
souls of departed relatives was introduced into the Yoruba country
will be noted in a future chapter. The representing forms are
human beings of the exact height and figure of the deceased, covered
from head to foot with cloths similar to those in which the said
deceased was known to have been buried, completely masked and
speaking with an unnatural tone of voice. This feigned voice is
said to be in imitation of that of a species of monkey called Ijimere.
That animal is regarded with superstitious reverence, the power
of walking erect and talking being ascribed to it and is esteemed
a clever physician. Some professed " medicine men " usually
tame and keep one of these creatures, and pretend to receive
instructions and inspirations from it.
In these later times, the Egiigun worship has become a national
religious institution, and its anniversaries are celebrated with
grand festivities. The mysteries connected with it are held
sacred and inviolable, and although little boys of 5 or 6 years of
age are often initiated, yet no woman may know these mysteries
on pain of death.
The dress of the Egugun consists of cloths of various colours
or the feathers of- different kinds of birds, or the skins of different
animals. The whole body from head to foot is concealed from view ;
the Egugun seeing only from the meshes of a species of network
covering the face, and speaking in a sepulchral tone ot voice. The
women believe (or rather feign to believe) that the Eguguns came
from the spirit world. An Egiigun (the Agan) is the executor of
women accused of witchcraft, and of those who are proved guilty
ot such crimes as murder, incendiarism, etc.
The high priest of the Egiigun is called the Alagb&, and next
to him is the Alaran, and after this the Esorun, and then the
Akere whose insignia of office are a bundle of Atori whips. These
officials are higher in rank than all the Eguguns under the mask,
and hence the common saying : — " Egugun baba Alagba, Alagba
baba Egiigun " (The Egiigun is the father of the Alagba, the
Alagba the father of the Egugun).
30 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
It is considered a crime to touch an Egugun dress in public,
and disrespectful to pass him by with the head uncovered. Even
a boy Egugun is considered worthy of being honoured by his
(supposed) surviving parents, he salutes them as elderly people
would do, and promises the bestowal of gifts on the family.
In every town there are several Alagbas or head priests of Egiigun
out of them a president is elected, at whose house all the others
meet on special occasions.
The individual who fills the highest rank in the Egugun worship
is the Alapini, one of the seven great noble men of Oyo (the Oyo
Mesi). He resides always in the royal city of Oyo. There can
be but one Alapini at a time, and by virtue of his office he must be
a monorchis. Thus qualified, he shares with the eunuchs in all
their privileges, and at the same time enjoys the lion's share in the
Egugun department.
In a large town, every quarter has its own Alagba in whose
house a special apartment is dedicated to the Egugun worship,
where all the Egugun dress in that part of the town are kept until
required for use on special occasions or at the annual festivals.
Eguguns are generally worshipped with a kind of cake made
of beans and palm oil (Olele) in the month of February, after the
beans harvest in January ; and the Egugun anniversary is usually
held in the month of May or Jane. These festivals are lucky
times for the men, for on these occasions, the women are made to
spend largely to feast " deceased relatives," while the food is
consumed by the men in the Alagba' s department. The number
of fowls and goats killed and devoured at such times is simply
prodigious. Such is the force of habit engendered by blind
superstition, that although in reality the women are no longer
deceived, as regards these alleged visits of their dear departed,
yet they make their offerings with cheerfulness, and with a sure
expectation of blessings.
It has already been noted above that the Yorubas believe in a
future state. It cannot be considered too far fetched to say that
this periodical re-appearance of the dead as symbohzed in the
Egugun " mystery " is an embodiment of the idea of the Resur-
rection, although that doctrine as taught by Christianity cannot
be said to be identical with what they hold and practise ; but this
festival is usually observed with all the zeal and fervour with which
Christians celebrate the Christmas and Paschal festivals.
This anniversary is the time of reunion among absent friends
and relatives. The town then puts on its best appearance, the
streets are everywhere cleaned and put under repairs, and the
citizens appear abroad in their holiday dress.
RELIGION 31
The celebration is usually preceded on the eve of the festival by a
vigil termed in Yoruba " Ikunle " or the kneeling, because the
whole night is spent in kneeHng and praying in the grove set apart
for Egugun worship, invoking the blessings and the aid of the
departed parent. The blood of fowls and animals offered in
sacrifice is also poured on the graves of the ancestors.
On the morning of the festival the whole of the Eguguns,
including all the principal forms accompanied by the Alagbas
and minor priests form a procession to the residence of the chief
ruler of the town ; they there receive the homage of the chief,
and in turn give him and the other chiefs and the whole town their
blessings ; they then spend about three hours doing honours
to the chief, playing and dancing to theii* peculiar music ; and after
receiving presents they disperse to continue the play all over the
town, each confining himself more or less to his own quarter of the
town.
The festival is continued for seven days, and on the eighth day,
there is another gathering at the Chief Alagba's and the festivities
are brought to a close with games, sports, and a display of magic
tricks.
For three weeks to a month, lesser Eguguns may still be seen
making their appearance ; these as a rule, belong to poorer districts
which weie backward in their preparations for the annual feast.
Everyone, however, still keeps to the same rule of seven days'
appearance and disappearing likewise on the eighth day after a
grand display.
The Adamuorisa and the Gelede.
In imitation of the Eguguns, some littoral tribes adopt similar
forms of representation of their departed dead ; such are the
Adamuorisa among the Aworis, and the Gelede among the Egbado
tribes.
The Adamuorisa is sometimes called Eyg ; the former term
signifies the god with the nasal twang — on account of the arti-
ficial voice they affect, and the latter, Eyg, simply means Oyg
being an imitation or parody of the Oyg system of Egugun worship.
But whereas the Egiiguns appear annually, at a fixed period of
the year, viz. at the feast of the first fruits in June, these are used
as a part of the funeral obsequies of a chieftain, or well-to-do citizen
who can afford a carnival in connection with his funeral rites. The
effigy of the departed is set up in state in the house, the immediate
relatives are dressed in their very best, and all hold horse-tails in
their hands to dance with. The play lasts for one day only and
generally ends with a big feast.
32 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
The Geledg is also a human being in a mask the head of which
is exquisitely carved in wood, and made to represent that of a
man or woman with all their tribal marks and sometimes any of
the lower animals such as the alligator. They are more generally
of a female form, with carvings of plaited haii, and magnificent
busts ; they are elaborately or fantasticall}^ dressed, bedecked
with a wealth of female ornaments of native manufacture, such as
ear-rings, bangles, beads, etc., with jingles on their ankles ; they
dance and move majestically, treading heavily to the rhythmic
sound of drums and other musical instruments.
They are much besmired with chalk and camwood, presenting
rather a frightful (if harmless) appearance.
8. Orb. The Oro system is also said by some to have been
borrowed from the red monkey called tjimerh. It consists of a
fiat piece of iron or stick, with a long string, attached to a pole.
This when whirled swiftly in the air produces a shrill sound which
is called " Aja Oro" (Oro's dog). A larger kind whirled with
the hand gives a deep bass tone. This is the voice of the Oro
himself. Amongst the Ijebus and the Egbas, Oro is much more
sacred and important than the Egiigun, and is the executor of
criminals. The Egbas pay homage also to another god called
Ologboijeun, who is personated by a man under a mask with a
drawn sword in his hand.
Other gods of the same class are the Igis (trees) also personified
by human beings, masked and carrying an image on the head.
Some of these are male figures with branching horns, on which
are carved figures of monkeys, snakes and other animals. Others
are female figures which are called Efun-gba-roku.
Amongst the Oyos (Yorubas Proper) the people of Iseyin
and Jabata are the principal Oro worshippers. Seven days are
set apart annually for its worship. Except for a few hours during
which they are permitted to procure provisions, women are kept
indoors throughout the day. On the seventh day even this small
indulgence is not allowed, but they are rigidly shut up the entire
day. It is certain death for any one of them to be found without
and this penalty is exacted whatever may be the title, or wealth,
or position of respectability of any woman who ventures to have
a peep at the Oro.
9. tfa. — This is the great consulting oracle in the Yoruba country
and was introduced at a late period by King Onigbogi, who was
said to have been dethroned for having done so.
Another tradition says it was introduced into the Yoruba country
by one Setilu, native of the Nupe country, who was born blind.
This was about the period of the Mohammedan invasion.
RELIGION 33
Setilu's parents regretting their misfortune in having a Wind son,
were at first of doubtful mind as to what course they should
pursue, whether to kill the child, or spare its life to become a burden
on the family. Parental feehngs decided them to spare the child.
It grew up a peculiar child, and the parents were astonished at his
extraordinary powers of divination. At the early age of 5, he
began to excite their wonder and curiosity by foretelling who
would pay them a visit in the course of the day and with what
object. As he advanced in age, he began to practise sorcery and
medicine. At the commencement of his practice, he used 16 small
pebbles and imposed successfully upon the credulity of those who
flocked to him in their distress and anguish for consultation. From
this source, he earned a comfortable liveUhood. Finding that the
adherents were fast becoming Setilu's followers, and that even
respectable priests did not escape the general contagion, the
Mohammedans resolved to expel Setilu out of the country. This
being effected, Setilu crossed the river Niger and went to Benin,
staying for a while at a place called OwQ, thence to Ado. Subse-
quently he migrated to He Ife, and finding that place more suitable
for practising his art, he resolved to make it his permanent residence.
He soon became famous there also, and his performances so
impressed the people, and the reliance placed in him was so
absolute, that he had little difficulty in persuading them to abolish
the tribal marks on their faces, such marks of distinction not being
practised in Nupe, Setilu's own country.
In process of time palm nuts, pieces of iron and ivory balls
were successively used instead of pebbles. At the present day,
palm nuts only are used as they are considered more easily pro-
pitiated, the others reqairing costly sacrifices and even human
blood.
Setilu initiated several of his followers in the mysteries of
Ifa worship, and it has gradually become the consulting oracle
of the whole Yoruba nation. In order to become an Ifa priest,
a long course of serious study is necessary. To consult Ifa, in the
more common and ordinary way, 16 palm nuts are to be shaken
together in the hollow of both hands, whilst certain marks are
traced with the index linger on a flat bowl dusted with yam flour,
or powdered camwood. Each mark suggests to the consulting
priest the heroic deeds of some fabulous heroes, which he duly
recounts, and so he goes on with the marks in order, until he hits
upon certain words or phrases which appear to bear upon the matter
of the applicant before him. Very often answers are given much
after the rnanner of the ancient oracle at Delphi.
Ifa was really met in this country by the Yorubas, for Oduduwa
34 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
met Setilu at He Ife, but the worship of it was officially recog-
nized by King Ofiran son of Onigbogi.
10. Sango. — Sango was the fourth King of the Yorubas, and
was deified by his friends after his death. Sango ruled over all the
Yorubas including Benin, the Popos and Dahomey, for the worship
of him has continued in all these countries to this day.
It is related of him, that being a tyrant he was dethroned by his
people, and expelled the country. Finding himself deserted not
only by his friends, but also by his beloved wife Oya, he committed
suicide at a place called Koso. His tragic end became a proverb
and a by-word, and his faithless friends were ashamed on account
of the taunts cast upon the name and fame of the unfortunate
King. To atone for their base action in deserting him, as well as
to avenge the insults on his memory they went to the Bariba
country to study the art of charm-making, and also the process
of attracting lightning upon their enemies' houses.
On their return home they put to practice with a vengeance the
lessons they had learnt. From the too frequent conflagrations
which were taking place, as well as deaths from lightning strokes,
suspicions were aroused, and enquiries were set on foot. Then
Sango's friends said that the catastrophe was attributable to the
late King taking vengeance on his enemies on account of the
indignities they had heaped upon his memory. Being appealed
to, to propitiate the offended King in order that he may stay his
vengeance upon the land, his friends offered sacrifices to him as
god, and hence these intercessors became the " Mogba " (advocate)
and priests of Sango ; and to this day their descendants hold the
same office.
The emblems of worship representing Sango are certain smooth
stones shaped like an axe head commonly taken for thunder bolts.
They are supposed to be hurled down from the heavens when the
god would kill any one who has incurred his displeasure.
The following is the process to be gone through at the initiation
of any one into the mysteries of Sango worship : — The priests
demand a ram, a water bird called Osin, a tortoise, a snail, an
armadillo, a large rat called Okete, a toad, a tadpole, the Otutu
and Opon beads, the red tail of a parrot, a guinea fowl, shea butter,
salt, palm oil, the flesh of an elephant, venison, the ihih (greens)
the leaves of the evergreens called Etiponola, Odudun, and iperegun
tree ; a small knife called " abe-esu " (the devil's razor) a white
country cloth of lo breadths, a mat called fafa (mats made of the
pith of bamboo palm branches) together with 7 heads of cowries
(14,000 cowry shells) as carriage fee.
The leaves are bruised in a bowl of water, and with the infusion
RELIGION 35
the candidate is to purify himself. He is then seated on a mortar
and shaved. The birds and tortoise are killed and their hearts
taken out, and these with slices of the flesh of all the animals
above-mentioned are pounded together with the evergreens,
and a ball is made of the compound. The candidate now submits
to incisions on his shaven head and the ball of pounded articles
is rubbed into the wounds. The neophyte now becomes a recog-
nised devotee of Sango.
Important ceremonies are performed when a house is struck
by lightning. The inmates are not allowed to sleep in any house,,
but in booths or blacksmith's shops, until the so-called thunder-
bolt is dug up and removed from the premises. A garland of palm
leaves is generally hung up at the entrance of the devoted house to
forbid any but Sango priests to enter. A watchman is kept on
the premises at the expense of the sufferers from the divine visita-
tion, and it is the duty of this man to ward off trespassers from
what is now regarded as sacred ground, till the ceremonies shall
have been performed, and the offended god appeased. With the
sole exception of the great King, the AlAfin of Ovo, all the pro-
vincial kings and ruling chiefs in whose town the catastrophe
happens to take place, are bound to repair to the spot to do
homage to Sango, who is said to pay a visit to earth.
Such occasions are greatly prized by the worshippers who swarm
to the place in numbers with their Bayani, a sort of crown made of
cowries, and they are all to be entertained at the expense of the
sufferers and also by the neighbours.
The king or chief coming to pay his respects to Sango is to
receive ii heads of cowries, a goat, and a slave in three payments.
In the case of a poor house, a member of the family is seized
if not quietly given up, and has to be ransomed at a considerable
sum, which must be paid and the above mentioned articles pro-
cured, before the ceremony can be performed. Then all being ready
the priests having now assembled, the tete (greens) etipgnQla,
together with the evergreens Odudun and peregun are bruised in
a bowl of water, and with this they purify themselves before
entering the house. They are preceded by one holding an iron
instrument (the divining rod) with which a search is made for the
spot where the bolt is believed to have entered the ground. After
some pretence they arrive at a spot in which one of their number
had previously buried one of these sharp stones. Here the ground
is ordered to be dug, with a show of solemnity, and, of course, the
thunder-bolt is found and exhumed with well-sustained marks of
piety and reverence.
Thus the common people are deceived and imposed upon, and
36 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
very few besides the priests are aware of the tricks systematically
played upon their credulity.
The concluding ceremony stiU bears hardly on the poor sufferers.
They are required to give over a son to the priests to be initiated
in the mysteries of the cult, and further they are to pay something
in order to obtain permission to rebuild their houses. Hence an
accident of this kind means great calamity to any one, and heavy
debts are incurred. The unfortunate sufferers already deprived
of their all (much or little) by this sudden stroke of ill-fortune are
often obliged to put their children to service in order to raise
money sufficient to meet the demands of the greedy worshippers
of this heartless god. The fines obtained are shared between the
king or head chief, and the town authorities ; but the articles
purchased for the performance of the ceremonies are perquisites
which are appropriated by the priests alone.
This " descent of Sango " on earth is never done but with a view
to show his displeasure on persons who are guilty of perjury
and lies. The town for a while is as it were placed under an
interdict, and during that brief period the worshippers of the god
are allowed to seize with impunity whatever they can come at in
the public streets in the vicinity of the catastrophe, such as
sheep, goats, poultry and things of greater oi less value.
Sango worshippers are forbidden to touch the large white beans
called Sese, because it is used for counteracting the evil effects
of the agencies employed in attracting lightning on people's
houses.
II. Qya. This was the name of Sango's faithful and beloved
wife. She alone of all his wives accompanied him in his flight
towards the Tapa (Nupe) country his maternal home. But courage
failed her at a place called Ira, her native town which she was
never to see any more should love for her husband prevail to
make her resolve to share with him in his destiny. B ut the prospect
of making her home among entire strangers in a strange land among
a people speaking a strange tongue, and of leaving parents and
home for ever, so overpowered her that she hesitated to proceed.
As she could not for very shame return to Oyq she remained at
Ira ; and hearing that her husband had committed suicide,
she summed up sufficient courage to follow his example.
She also was deified. The river Niger is sacred to her, and
hence that river is called all over Yoruba land Odo Oya after
her name. As thunder and lightning are attributed to Sango
so tornado and violent thunderstorms, rending trees and levelling
high towers and houses are attributed to Oya. They signify her
displeasure.
RELIGION 37
Deified heroes and heroines are never spoken of as dead, but as
having disappeared. Thus the saying : —
" Oya wole ni ile Ira
Sango wgle ni Koso."
(Oya disappeared in the town of Ira
Sango disappeared at Koso).
Two naked swords and the horns of a buffalo are the representa-
tive image of Oya. Her followers are forbidden to touch mutton,
they are distinguished by a particular kind of red beads which are
always tied round their necks.
12. Erinle. Erinle was originally a hunter, native of Ajagbusi.
He was poor and unmarried. Having no home, he dwelt in a booth
erected under a large gbinghin tree by the river side, whence he
made his expeditions to shoot monkeys for sale by which he earned
his livelihood. He is said to have been accidentally swept down
the river by a strong current and was drowned. A river flowing
by the present town of Ilobu, which empties itself into the Osun
river was named after him. The representing image consists of
black smooth stones from that river, and an image of iron sm-
mounted by the figure of a bird. The followers are distinguished
by wearing a chain of iron or brass round their necks, and bracelets
of the same material.
13. Orisa Oko. Orisa Oko was also a hunter, a native of
Irawo. He used to entrap guinea fowls in nets set in the farm of
one Ogunjeiisowe, a wealthy farmer, and bj^ this means he gained
his livelihood. He kept a dog and a fife, and on several occasions
when lost in the bush his whereabouts were discovered by his dog
at the sound of the fife. He lived to a good old age, and when
infirm and unable to pursue his calling as a hunter, he practised
soothsaying and numbers flocked to him.
It may be observed that in countries where letters are not known
and the language not reduced to writing the aged are the reposi-
tories of wisdom and knowledge, hence the younger generation
regard their seniors as guides and prophets, and their vast stores
of experience serve as keys to unlock many a doubtful point in
the affairs of the young. The latter used to regard the foresight
displayed by the elders as a marvel ; it is easy, therefore to under-
stand how it came about that extraordinary powers are attributed
to them. It is only thus that one can account in a way for the
success of those who are often styled " medicine men " " sorcerers "
" soothsayers," etc.
As witchcraft was punished with death, persons accused of it
were taken to Orisa Oko for trial. He was accustomed to lead
38 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
the accused to a cave supposed to be inhabited by a demon called
Polo. In this cave Orisa Oko practised his sorcery. In cases
where an accused was innocent, he would return with him ; if
otherwise, then his head is thrown out to those awaiting a decision.
Polo the demon executed the guilty. The fame of Orisa Oko
spread and numbers resorted to him in taking oaths. His oracle
was regarded as infaUible, and appeals to him were final.
After his death, his followers practised his methods taking
the precaution to secrete a strong man in the cave to act the part
of the supposed Polo.
But a striking exposure soon brought the practice into disrepute,
and it was aboHshed. It happened thus. A man was accused
and as usual, was taken to the cave ; but he proved to be a far
stronger man than the supposed Polo, and the result was that he
killed the counterfeit demon, and threw his head out of the cave
to those who were eagerly waiting for the decision of the god.
The representing image is a fife made of ivory or a flat piece of
iron 5 or 6ft. in length similar to what is given as a sign of
acquittal to those in whose favour the god had decided.
The Erugun mystery is of a kind similar to that of the Orisa Oko
worship. It also was practised in a cave by the side of a mount
called the Erugun mount.
The above are the principal gods worshipped by the Yorubas.
There are besides many inferior divinities to whom offerings
are made. In fact the whole number of gods and goddesses
acknowledged is reckoned at 401. Propitiatory sacrifices are
also offered to whatever in nature is awe inspiring or magnificent
such as the Ocean, huge rocks, tall trees, and high mountains. To
the last named especially offerings are made for the procreation
of children.
Mohammedanism as was observed above, was introduced
towards the close of the eighteenth century ; it numbered very
few adherents up to the time when the Fulanis by stratagem,
seized Ilgrin and overran the northern provinces, as we shall
find related in the second part of this history. The towns in
the plain were swept with fire and the sword, with the alternative
of the acceptance of the Koran, and submission to the Fulanis ;
the southward progress of the conquerors, however, was stopped
at Osogbo, where the Ibadans met and crushed them, and in the
direction of the Ijesa and Ekiti provinces, the forests and mountain
fastnesses offered insurmountable obstacles to these intrepid
horsemen, who could neither fight on foot nor engage in a bush
warfare ; hence Mohammedanism prevailed chiefly in the north,
but latterly it spread southwards by peaceful means, chiefly by
RELIGION 39
traders and itinerant mendicant preachers. It is now embraced
by thousands, as it appears to be a superior form of rehgion to the
paganism of their ancestors.
Christianity. Christianity was introduced by the Church
Missionary Society in 1843, first into Abeokuta via Badagry,
and from thence to Ibadan in May 1851, and also to Ijaye. On
January 10, 1852, the C. M.S. removed their base from Badagry
to Lagos. From Abeokuta, mission stations were planted at the
Oke Ogun and Egbado districts, from Ibadan missions were planted
at Iwo, Modakeke, Ife, Osogbo and Ilesa. Missions were established
also at Oyo and Ogbomoso before the Ijaye war broke out in i860,
which put a stop to the progress of missions all over the country.
The intertribal wars which followed and which convulsed the
greater part of the country, and devastated large areas, prevented
its growth northwards, but at Abeokuta where it was first planted,
it grew so rapidly that at the time of the British occupation,
Christian adherents could be numbered by thousands ; schools
had been established, and evangelistic work among the surrounding
kindred tribes systematically undertaken and was being vigorously
carried on.
The Bible in the vernacular was the most potent factor in the
spread of the religion. The sincerity of the converts, and the
firm hold the religion has attained, have been fully tested by
several bloody persecutions endured for the faith, through which
they came out triumphant.
The forces organized for home defence chiefly against the
Dahomian attacks contained a compact body of Christians under
their own captain, the esprit de corps existing among them, and the
invariable success which always attended their arms, won for them
the respect and admiration, of their pagan rulers and countrymen.
This contributed not a little to the cessation of persecutions and the
increase of their number.
The establishment of the British protectorate saw the mission,
established at Ijebu, where it has since been spreading phenomenally
and also in the Ijesa and Ekiti provinces. It is self propagating
by means of the people learning to read the Bible in their own
tongue. To God be the praise.
Chapter IV
GOVERNMENT
The entire Yoruba country has never been thoroughly organized
into one complete government in a modern sense. The sj^stem that
prevails is that known as the Feudal, the remoter portions have
always lived more or less in a state of semi-independence, whilst
loosely acknowledging an over -lord. The king of Benin was one
of the first to be indepei dent of the central government, and was
even better known to foreigners who frequented his ports in early
times, and who knew nothing of his over-lord in the then unexplored
and unknown interior.
Yoruba Proper, however, was completely organized, and the
descriptions here given refer chiefly to it. With some variations
most of the smaller governments were generally modelled after it,
but in a much simpler form, and solely in their domestic affairs ;
foreign relations so far as then obtained, before the period of the
revolution were entirely in the hands of the central government
at Oyo (Eyeo or Katunga). It should be remembered that the
coast tribes were of much less importance then than now, both
in population and in intelhgence ; light and civilization with the
Yorubas came from the north with which they have always
retained connection through the Arabs and Fulanis. The centre of
Hfe and activity, of large populations and industry was therefore
in the interior, whilst the coast tribes were scanty in number,
ignorant and degraded not only from their distance from the
centre of light, but also through their demoralizing intercourse
with Europeans, and the transactions connected with the oversea
slave trade.
This state of things has been somewhat reversed since the latter
half of the XlXth century, by the suppression of the slave-trade,
and the substitution therefor of legitimate trade and commerce :
and more especially through the labours of the missionaries who
entered the country about the same time as the springing up into
being of the modern towns of Lagos, Abeokuta, and Ibadan,
through which western light and civiUzation beam into the interior.
The government of Yoruba Proper is an absolute monarchy ;
the King is more dreaded than even the gods. The office is
hereditary in the same family, but not necessarily from father to
son-. The King is usually elected by a body of noblemen known
as Qyo Mesi, the seven principal councillors of state.
40
GOVERNMENT 4I
The vassal or provincial kings and ruling princes were 1060
at the time of the greatest prosperity of the empire which then
included the Popos, Dahomey, and parts of Ashanti, with portions
of the Tap^s and Baribas.
The word " king " as generally used in this country includes
all more or less distinguished chiefs, who stand at the head of a
clan, or one who is the ruler of an important district or province,
especially those who can trace their descent from the founder,
or from one of the great leaders or heroes who settled with him in
this country. They are of different grades, corresponding some-
what to the different orders of the English peerage (dukes,
marquises, eails, viscounts and barons), and their order of rank is
well-known among themselves. The Onikoyi as head of the
Ekicn Osi 01 metropohtan province was the first of these " kings "
and he it was who used to head them all to Oyo once a j'ear to pay
homage to the AlAfin or King of the Yorubas.
The AlAfin
The AlAfin is the supreme head of all the kings and princes
of the Yoruba nation, as he is the direct lineal descendant and
successor of the reputed founder of the nation. The succession as
above said is by election from amongst the members of the royal
family, of the one considered as the most worthy, age and nearness
to the throne being taken into consideration. It might be
mentioned also in passing that the feelings and acceptance of
the denizens of the harem towards the king-elect are often
privately ascertained and assured of previously.
In the earliest days, the eldest son naturally succeeded the father,
and in order to be educated in all the duties of the kingship which
must one day devolve upon him, he was often associated more or
less with the father in performing important duties and thereby
he often performedroyal functions, and thus gradually he practically
reigned with his father under the title of Aremo (the heir appaient)
having his own official residence near the palace ; but as the age
grew corrupt, the Aremo often exercised sway quite as much as or
more than the King himself, especially in the course of a long reign,
when age has rendered the monarch feeble. They had equal powers
of life and death over the King's subjects, and there are some
cases on record of the Aremo being strongly suspected of termin-
ating the father's Hfe, in order to attain full powers at once. It
was therefore made a law and part of the constitution that as the
Aremo reigned with his father, he must also die with him.
This law had the effect at any rate of checking parricide. It
continued to take effect up to the last century when (in 1858)
42 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
it was repealed by Atiba one of the later Kings in favour of his
Aremq Adelu. The Aremo may now succeed if found worthy,
but he must be elected in the usual way ; but if passed over or
rejected by the king-makers he must leave the city and resort
to a private retirement in the provinces. This however, is not
really obhgatory, but as he must be superseded in his office,
such a course is inevitable, unless he chooses of his own accord
to die with the father.
The choice may sometimes fall upon one of the poorer princes,
in the quiet pursuit of his trade, with no aspiration after the
throne ; such a one is sent for, and unnecessarily ill-used for the
last time to his own surprise ; this was done probably for the
purpose of testing his temper and spirit. He may not be aware
of the intentions of the Oyo Mesi until he is being admonished
by them as to the duties and responsibilities of the exalted position
he is soon to fill.
The nominators are three titled members of the royal family,
viz., the Ona-Isokun, the Ona-Aka, and the Omo-Ola, uncles
or cousins of the King, but generally entitled the " King's fathers."
These have to submit or suggest the names to the noblemen for
election, but the Basorun's voice is paramount to accept or to
reject.
Curious and elaborate ceremonies precede the actual accession
to the throne. After all arrangements have been made, the
ceremonies begin by a sacrifice brought from the house of the
Ona-Isokun by a body of men called Omg-ninari ; these belong
to a family specially concerned in carrying out all menial duties
connected with the offering of sacrifices and in waiting upon the
King and the priests. As soon as they enter the house where
the King-elect is, he is called out, and he has to stand up with an
attendant by his side. He is touched on the chest, and on the
right and left shoulders with the bowl of sacrifice, the attendant
in the mean time uttering some form of words. This is the signal
that he has been called to the throne. On the evening of the same
day, he is conducted quietly into the house of the Ona-Isokun
where he spends the first night. In order to avoid the crowd, the
attention of the populace is usually diverted by a procession of the
Kings' slaves and others with much noise and ado, as if escorting
him, whilst the king-elect accompanied by the Aregbe'di, a titled
eunuch, and a few of the Omo-ni-nari come up quietly a long way
behind.
At the Ona-Isokun' s house, he is attended solely by the Omo-
ni-nari. He is admonished and advised by those who stand to
him in place of a father. Some ceremonies of purification are gone
GOVERNMENT 43
through, propitiatory sacrifices are again offered which are carried
to various quarters of the city by the Onto-ni-nari.
The next night he passes at the house* of the Otun-Iwefa (the
next in rank to the chief of the eunuchs). This official being a
priest of Sango, it is probable that the king-elect spends the night
with him in order to be initiated into the sacerdotal part of his
office, the Alafin having as much spiritual as well as secular
work to perform, being at once King and Priest to his people ;
and probably' he learns there also the usages and doings of the
huge population in the inner precincts of the palace with which
the eunuchs are quite conversant. After this, he is conducted
into one of the chambers in the Outer Court of the palace (Omo ile)
where he resides for three months, the period of mourning, until
his coronation.
The main gateway to the palace being closed at the demise of
the King, a private opening is made for him in the outer wall
through which he goes in and out of his temporary residence.
During this time he remains strictly in private, learning and
practising the style and deportment of a King, and the details of
the important duties and functions of his office. During this period
he is dressed in black, and is entitled to use a " cap of state"
called " Ori-k6-gbe-ofo." (The head may not remain uncovered).
The affairs of state are at this time conducted by the Basorun.
The Coronation
The coronation takes place at the end of three months, really
at the third appearance of the new moon after the late King's
death. The date is generally so fixed as to have it if possible
before the next great festival. It is attended with a great public
demonstration. It is a gala day in which the whole city appears
in holiday dress. Visitors from the provinces and representatives
of neighbouring states also flock into the city in numbers.
This day is generally known as " The King's visit to the BarA."
It is the first but most important act of the ceremonies.
The Bara or royal mausoleum is a consecrated building in
the outskirts of the city, under the care of a high-priestess named
Iyamode ; there the Kings were formally crowned, and there
buried. The King enters it but once in his lifetime, and that is
^ Tradition says that in the early times while the King -elect
is in the Otun'efa's house among other dishes brought to
him to partake of is one prepared from the heart of the late King
which has been extracted and preserved. After partaking of
this he is told he has " eaten the King." Hence the origin of the
word Je Oba, to become a King (ht. to eat a King).
44 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
at the coronation with marked pomp and ceremony. The
actual crowning does not now take place in the Bar A as it seems
to have been, but at Koso the shrine of Sango, but the visit to
the Bara is so important and indispensable a preliminary that it
has become more closely identified with the coronation than that
to the other shrines visited on that occasion.
Leaving the Ipadi — his temporary chambers — there are two
stations at which the King elect has to halt before reaching the
sacred building ; the' first is the Ahdtd or area in front of the palace
where a tent of beautiful cloths has been erected tor him. Here
he has to change his mourning dress for a princely robe. He then
proceeds to the second station at the Alapini's midway on his
route where a large tent and an enclosure have been erected for
his reception. Here he is awaited by a vast concourse of people
and welcomed with ringing cheers. Here he receives the congratu-
lations and homage of the princes, the nobles, the chiefs and the
people and is hailed as the King. Some ceremonies are here gone
through also which include distribution of kola nuts, etc., to
the princes and chiefs without.
After this he proceeds to the Bara accompanied by the whole
concourse of people who have to remain outside. He enters the
sacred precincts attended by the Magaji lyajin (his official elder
brother) the princesses, the Ona-Onse-awo (an official) , the Otun-
wefa (the next to the chief of the eunuchs) who is a priest and
the Omo-ni-nari, a set of servants. These last are to slaughter
and skin the animals to be offered in sacrifice.
At the Bara he worships at the tombs of his fathers, a horse,
a cow, and a ram being offered at each tomb ; portions are sent
out to each of the noblemen, princes, and chiefs waiting outside, the
Basorun receiving the first and the lion's share oi the whole.
He invokes the blessings of his deceased fathers and is hereby said
to receive authority to wear the crown. The visit to the BarA
then is for the purpose of receiving authority or permission from
his deceased ancestors to wear the crown, hence it is spoken of as
the coronation. It is a fixed rule that the whole of the meat is
to be totally consumed at the BarA ; under no circumstance should
any be taken home.
This over, the King returns hence with great pomp and show
to his temporary chambers, amid the firing of feu de joie, the
bleating of the Kakaki trumpet, drumming, etc.
On the fifth day after this he proceeds to Koso, the shrine of
Sango, for the actual crowning. Here he is attended by the
Otun-wefa who has the charge of the shrine, the Bale (mayor)
of Koso a suburban village, the Omo-ni-naris, and the Isonas.
GOVERNMENT 45
[The Isgnas are a body of men whose sole employment is to do
all needle and embroidered work for royalty. They are also the
umbrella-makers. The crown, staff, robes, and all ornamental
beadworks, and workings in cotton, silk, or leather are executed
by them].
Surrounded by the principal eunuchs and princes the great
crown is placed on his head with much ceremony by the lykkere.
Who the ly^kere is, for whom is reserved this most important
function will be seen below. The royal robes are put on him,
the Ejigba* round his neck, the staff and the Sword of Mercy
are placed in his hands.
On the fifth day after this, he proceeds to the shrine of Orafiyan,
here the Great Sword or Sword of Justice brought from Ile Ife
is placed in his hands, without which he can huve no authority to
order an execution.
After another interval of five days, he proceeds to the shrine
of Ogun the god of war, and there offers a propitiatory sacrifice
for a peaceful reign. The offerings consist of a cow, a ram, and
a dog ; this last being indispensable in any sacrifice to the god of
war.
From the shrine of Ogun, the procession goes straight on to the
palace, entering now for the first time by the main gate opened for
him, the former opening through the outer wall to the temporary
chambers being quickly walled up. Thus he enters the palace
proper as The King.
But a new opening is made for him at the Kohi Aganju through
which he enters the inner precincts of the palace. This entrance is
tor his exclusive use in and out of the Kgbi during his reign : at
his death it is closed up. At this entrance they offer in sacrifice a
snail, a tortoise, an armadillo, a field mouse (emo) a large rat (okete)
a toad, a tadpole, a pigeon, a fowl, a ram, a cow, a horse, a man and
a woman, the last two being buried at the threshhold of the
opening ; on the blood of the victims and over the grave of the
two last, he has to walk to the inner court.
Human saciifices however (now totally abolished) were not
commonly practised amongst the Oygs, but such immolation
was always performed at the coionation and at the burial of the
sovereign. By these sacrifices he is not only crowned King with
^ The Ejigba is a string of costly beads reaching down to the
knees. Beads are used for precious stones. This represents the
chain of office. Chains — they say — are for captives, hence they use
beads instead.
D
46 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
power over all, man and beast, but he is also consecrated a priest
to the nation. His person, therefore, becomes sacred.
All this having been performed, it is now formally announced
to the assembled pubUc, that King " A " is dead (or rather has
entered into the vault of the skies — O wo Aja) and King "B "
now reigns in his stead.
During the interval of the late King's illness, up to the time of
his death, the business of state is carried on normally by the palace
ofl&cers, the Osi-'wefa personating the King, even to the extent of
putting on his robes and crown, and sitting on the throne when
such is required ; but as soon as it is known that he is dead the
Basgrun at once assumes the chief authority, and nothing can
be done without him.
The King having been crowned, he is henceforth forbidden to
appear in public streets by day, except on very special and extra-
ordinary occasions ; he is, however, allowed evening strolls on
moonhght nights when he may walk about incognito.
This seclusion not only enhances the awe and majesty due to
a sovereign, but also lends power and authority to his commands,
and is the best safe-guard for public order at their present
stage of civiUzation. Besides, it would be very inconvenient
to the citizens it the King were always coming out, for according
to the universal custom of the country, whenever a chief is out,
all his subordinates must go out with him. It is an inviolable
law and custom of the country, and is appHcable to all, whatever
their rank : thus, if the Basorun is out, all the Oyo Mesi must be
out also. If the Bale of any town is out, all the chiefs of the town
must be out also, and if the King is out, the whole city must be
astir and on the move, all business suspended, until he returns
into the palace.
Igba Iwa
At the commencement of every reign, the Igba Iwa or Calabashes
of divination are brought from Ile Ife to the new King to divine
what sort of reign his will be.
Two covered calabashes, of similar shape and size but with
quite different contents are brought, one containing money,
small pieces of cloth and other articles of merchandize, denoting
peace and prosperity ; the other containing miniature swords and
spears, arrows, powder, bullet, razor, knives, etc., denoting wars
and trouble for the country. The King is to choose one of them
before seeing the contents, and according as he chooses so will be
the fate of the Yoruba country during his reign.
GOVERNMENT 47
The Aremo
The very first official act of the new King after his coronation
is to create an Aremg, and a Princess Royal or an eqmvalent.
The Aremo is the Crown Prince. The term simply denotes an
heir, but it is used as the title of the Crown Prince of Oyo.
The title is conferred upon the eldest son of the sovereign in a
formal manner, the ceremony being termed the "christening"
as of a newly born child, hence he is often termed " Qmo " (child)
by way of distinction The title of Princess Royal is at the same
time and in the same manner conferred upon the eldest daughter
of the sovereign as well ; this, however, is of much less importance
than the other. When the King is too young to have a son, or his
son is a minor, the title is temporarily conferred upon a younger
brother, or next of kin that stands to him in place of a son, but
as soon as the son is of age, he must assume his title and begin to
act under the guardianship of the eunuchs who are his guardians.
The method is as follows : — Both of them must have a Sponsor,
or " father " as he is called, chosen by divination from among the
titled eunuchs ; this done, the Aremo repairs to the house of the
Ona-Isokun to worship at the graves of the deceased Aremos, who
were all buried there, and the princess to that of her deceased pre-
decessor in her mother's house ; the King supplying them with a
bullock each. The whole day is thus spent in festivities. On their
return in the evening they both proceed direct to their sponsor's
house where they must reside four days, each day being marked
with festi\'ities, the king supplying two bullocks every day, and
this is further supplemented by the Aremo himself. The feasts
are open to the general public, whoever Hkes to repair to the house
is a welcome guest, portions are also sent out to the princes, the
noblemen, and other distinguished personages. At the end of the
fourth day the Aremg, invested with the robes of his office and
with a coronet, is conducted to his official residence where he takes
up his permanent abode, and the princess suitably clad hkewise
repairs to her own home.
Public Appearances of the King
The King generally appears in public on the three great annual
festivals of Ifa, Orun, and the Bere. In two at least of these
festivals (that of the Orun and the Bere), the Basorun is equally
concerned with him.
These festivals have certain features in common, although each
has its own marked characteristics. They are all preceded by the
48 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
worship of Ogun (the god of war) and on the third day after, the
firing of a royal salute, and the sound of the ivory trumpet announce
to the public, that the King may now be seen in state, sitting on
his throne, and all loyal subjects who wish to have a glimpse of
his majesty now may repair to the palace.
The festival of I fa or Mole takes place in the month of July,
nine days after the festival of Sango. The Ifa is the god of divin-
ation. One day in the week is generally given to the consultation
or the service of Ifa, but an annual festival is celebrated in its
honour at Oyq.
The Orun festival takes place in September. At this festival
the King and the Basorun worship together the Ori or god of fate.
The Orun from which it appears the Basorun derives his name
and title is a curious if not rather a mystical rite. The word
" Orun " signifies heaven. The title in lull is Iba Osorun i.e.
the lord who performs the Orun or heavenly mysteries.
The King and his Osorun are often spoken of as " Oba aiye "
and " Qba Orun " i.e.. King terrestrial and King celestial. In
what way His Supernal Highness performs the Orun, or what
position he assumes towards the sovereign in this ceremony, is
not generally known, because it is always done in private. But the
rite seems to deal with affairs connected ■s\'ith the King's life. It
is to him a periodic reminder of his coming apotheosis, and the
emblem of worship is said to be a coffin made of or paved with
clay in which he is to be buried. It is kept in charge of the " lya
Oba " (the King's official mother) in a room in her apartments,
visited by no one, and the ceremonies are performed in private
once a year by the King himself, his " mother " and his Osorun,
the latter taking the chief part ; consequently very little is actually
known of the doings of these three august personages. But this
much is allowed to be known, that the Basorun is to divine with
kola nuts, to see whether the King's sacrifices are acceptable to
the celestials or not, if the omen be favourable the Alafin is
to give the Basorun presents of a horse and other valuables ; if
unfavourable, he is to die, he has forfeited his right to further
existence. But there can be no doubt that under such circum-
stances, it can always be managed between them that the omens
be always favourable.
From this and other circumstances, it would appear that the
King on this occasion occupies a humiliating position as one whose
conduct is under review, hence the great privacy observed, for
it is a cardinal principle with Yorubas that the Alafin, as the
representative of the founder of the race, is to humble himself
before no mortal ; if such a contingency were to occur, he is to die.
GOVERNMENT
49
Hence, no doubt, that his natural mother (if then living) is to make
way for her son ascending the throne, so there will be no occasion
to violate any filial duty imperative on a son who is at the same
time the King. His majesty must be supreme. Even in per-
forming reverential duties before the priests of Sango, when such
are required, some privacy must be observed.
The Bere festival takes place in January, towards the end of
the year, the new year commencing in March. It is the most
important and the grandest of the three. It is primarily the harvest
home festival, symboUzed by ceremoniously setting the fields
on fire to indicate that it has been cleared of the fruits of the earth.
It is an important one at Oyo, not only because it closes the
civil year, but also because by it the King numbers the years of
his reign.
The Bere itself which seems to be the symbol of so many cere-
monies, is a common grass which grows only in the plain country
and is used mainly for thatching houses. It is considered the most
sumptuous of all other materials used for covering houses : it is
the coolest, the neatest, the most durable, and lends itself best
for ornamental purposes ; consequently it is highly thought of.
The festival proper is always preceded by two important
ceremonies, the Pakudirin indicating the beginning, and the
Jelepa the end of the ingatherings.
The Pakudirin is performed by the Ona-'wefa or chief of the
eunuchs, by the Basorun or his representative and the Ab'obaku
or master of the horse.
The King in semi-state appears in the Kobi Aganju to witness
the same, with several of the ladies of the palace around him,
and at the entrance of the Aganju, the musicians making the
occasion very lively.
The King is supposed not to have seen the new Bere grass of the
year, the Ona-'wefa first steps forwards before him with a scythe
made of brass or copper, performing in the air a mimic act of
mo\ving the grass, and one of the ladies of the palace deputed for
the purpose, extending her wrap as it were to receive the same,
hugging it as something precious. This is done two or three
times, the Basorun then follows and goes through the same forms,
and then the master of the horse. Each of these chiefs now makes
a short speech congratulating the King on the advent of a new
year, wishing him a long life and prosperous reign.
After this, about half-a-dozen men with small bundles of the
Bere grass, neatly done up, enter the palace, with measured steps
to the sound of music, and come dancing before the King in front
of the Aganju. His Majesty is supposed to see the grass now for
50 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
the first time that year. This ceremony is brought to a close
by presents given to the men, and then all spectators disperse.
From nine to seventeen days are now allowed for harvesting
before the fields are set on fire.
The Jelepa is the ceremony of setting the fields on fire. This
is performed by the Basorun outside the city walls. Booths and
enclosures of palm leaves having been erected for the purpose,
the Basorun with a princely train repairs thither on the day
appointed. He is met there by a number of women from the
palace bringing a large calabash draped with a white cloth and
containing 01^1^ (a sort of pudding made of white beans and
palm oil) and Eko (a kind of blanc -mange made of soaked corn
flour), corn and beans being taken as the staples of Hfe, the
principal products of the field.
His Supernal Highness first offers a morsel of these in sacrifice
as a harvest thank-offering for the Yoruba nation, after which
both himself and those with him partake of the rest accompanied
with palm wine or beer made from guinea corn, thanking God for
the blessings of the field. This over he orders the fields to be
set on fire : but if by an accident the fields have already been fired,
a bundle of dry grass brought from home is used instead, for the
purpose of the ceremony.
The firing of a feu de joie now serves to show that the ceremony
is over and the parties are returning to the city. This is done
in state. The Basorun robes in one of the enclosures : he is
attended by hundreds of horsemen and footmen, horsemen gallop-
ing backwards and forwards before him, the firing and the fifing
and drumming are quite deafening. With such a right royal pro-
cession His Supernal Highness re-enters the city. On the evening
of the same day, the King worships the Ogun which is a prehminary
to every annual festival.
The following day is a very busy one at Oyq. It is a day of
paying tributes of Bere grass. The whole of the Oyo Mesi first
send theirs to the King, the Basorun alone would send about
200 bundles, the subordinate chiefs send to the senior chiefs, every
one to his feudal lord or chief, each man according to his rank
and position and so on to the lowest grades, the young men to the
heads of compounds, so that it is usual to see loads of Bere passing
to and fro all over the town the whole day. From the provinces
also tributes of Bere come to Oyo later on ; e.g. from the Aseyin
of Iseyin, the Oluiwo of Iwo, the Bale of Ogbomoso and other
cities of the plain where the Bere grows.
This being the recognized principal festival of the AlAfin other
towns in lieu of Bere send congratulatory messages with presents,
GOVERNMENT 5I
or tributes ; the Ibadans in their marauding days used to send
slaves ; from the Ij§sas and Ekiti countries come kola nuts, alligator
pepper, firewood and other forest products. Towns nearer the
coast send articles of European manufacture, and so on during this
season.
The day after, being the third day of the ceremony of Jglepa and
the worship of Ogun, the public festival takes place.
The King in State
The King generally appears in state on these three festive
occasions.
Facing the large quadrangle of the outer court are the six
principal Kobis, that in the centre is what is known as the Kqbi
Aganju or throne room where the AlAfin always appears on
state occasions. It is always kept closed, and never used for any
other purpose but this.
On such occasions, the floor is spread all over with mats, and the
front . of the throne overspread with scarlet cloths ; the posts
all around are decorated with velvet cloths, and the walls with
various hangings.
The throne or chair of state was made of wood at a time when
the knowledge of carpentry was not common in this country ;
it cannot boast of any artistic merit, but it is highly valued for
its solidity, hoary age, and tr?.dition. It is of a large size and
covered over with velvet.
The crown is made of costly beads such as coral, agra, and the
like, which in this poor country stand to the people instead of
precious stones. It is artisticsdly done up by experts, with fringes
of small multi-coloured beads depending from the rim, which serve
to veil the face.
The robes are usually silks or velvets, of European manufacture,
which were of much greater value in earlier days when inter-
course with the coast was not so common or easy as it now is.
The Ejigha is the " chaiYi of office." This is made of a string of
costly beads going round the neck and reaching as far down as
the knees.
The Opa Ileke is the staff or sceptre artistically covered all over
with small multi-coloured beads.
The Iru here is a specially prepared cow's tail of spotless white
which the King generally holds in front of his mouth when speaking
for it is considered bad form to see him open his mouth in public.
He makes his speech sotto voce, and it is repeated to the assembly in
a loud voice by the chief of the Eunuchs. The white tail is more-
over an emblem of peace and grace.
52 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
The State Umbrellas. Umbrellas in this country are part and
parcel of state paraphernalia. In fact there was a time when
private individuals dared not use an umbrella ; that was in the
days before cheap foreign ones were obtainable. The prohibition
was first done away with at Ibadan, where the war boys were
allowed to enjoy themselves in any way they liked, and use any
materials of clothing and ornament they could afford, as it might
be for only a few days before they laid down their lives on a
battlefield.
However, those of a chief are easily distinguished now by their
size and quality. They are almost always of bright colouring
usually of damasks. The size and number are in proportion to
the rank of the chief, usually of European manufacture now,
though there is a distinct family of royal umbrella makers kept at
Oyo who make those of the largest size. Most of the umbrellas
foreign or locally made are decorated with certain emblems indica-
tive of rank. About two dozen or more are used on these festive
occasions.
Music. The Kobi, third or fourth to the Agahju is occupied
by the musicians. The musical instruments consist of almost
every description of fifes, trumpets and drums, of which the ivory
and Kakaki trumpets and Ogidigbo drum are peculiar to the
sovereign.
The King enthroned is surrounded by his favourite wives, one
of whom, the Are-ori-ite, holds a small silk parasol over his head
from behind as a canopy.
About 30 or 40 female Ilaris with costly dress and velvet caps
on, are seated on the scarlet cloth on the right and on the left in
front of the throne, but in the open air, under two large umbrellas,
one on either side, a wide space being left between them.
Then there is a row of about ten large umbrellas each on the
right and the left, both rows facing each other, leaving a wide
avenue between from the throne to the main entrance gate ; under
those on the right are seated the Crown Prince supported by all
the princes and the principal eunuchs : under those on the left
are the younger eunuchs, the Ilaris, the Tetus, and other palace
officials. Behind these on either side are the crowds of
spectators.
At a considerable distance in front of the throne, in the avenue
left between the two groups, stand the Basorun and the rest
of the Oyo Mesi to do homage. This is done by taking off their
robes, wrapping their cloths round their waists, leaving the body
bare ; three times they have to run to the main entrance gate,
sprinkle earth on their heads and on their naked bodies, and run
GOVERNMENT 53
back half way towards the throne, prostrating themselves on the
bare ground, on the stomach and on the back !
Then follows the customary oration from the throne, the King
speaking in an undertone with the iru kere in front of his mouth,
and the chief of the eunuchs, who with his lieutenants the Otun and
the Osi'wefa is standing midway between the throne and the
noblemen in the avenue between the spectators, acts as his spokes-
man, repeating his message in a loud voice to the Basorun and his
colleagues. The Basorun replies first, congratulating His Majesty,
wishing him long life and prosperity, the other noblemen follow
in regular order, the Asipa being the last. The chief of the eunuchs
in like manner repeats the congratulatory address to their lord.
That over, the sacrificial feast is now brought forward for
distribution. About 40 dishes of stewed meat, 40 baskets of
eko, 15 pots of beer, a bowl or two of boiled yam, a large quantity
of boiled corn (maize) to these is added in later years a demijohn
of rum.
The Add-hd or king's taster now steps forward with a rod in
his right hand, and a shield on his left, accompanied by his drummer.
He first dances before the King and then retreats taking with him
his own portion, a basket of eko, a plate of meat, a pot of beer, one
yam, a head of corn ; he is to have a taste of each of these in the
presence of the king, and the concourse of spectators present, after
which his followers make away with the rest of his portion.
Next comes the Olosa or king's robber, plajang the clown.
He is dressed in a flowing garment, creeps about on all fours,
performing mimic acts of robbery for the amusement of the
spectators. After a few more amusements, the curtain drops.
The rest of the dishes are cleared away into the dining hall where
the Asipa by virtue of his office subsequently distributes them
among the noblemen and their followers according to their
rank, that of the Basorun being one half of the whole. When
the curtain rises again, the King appears in a more gorgeous
robe, with another crown on his head. His Majesty now steps
out of the Kobi with his staff in hand, and walks towards
the Ogidigbo drum, stately and majestic, and the Basorun comes
dancing to meet him ; all at once the drums, fifes, and trumpets
strike up in concert, the two rows of umbrellas move forward
meeting in the centre to form a shady avenue for the two august
personages, the King stepping forward with measured treads
to the sound of the music, and the Basorun, dancing, and meeting
him, receives from him one head of stringed cowries. This however
is expected to be returned the next day, the apparent gift being
merely a part of the ceremony.
54 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
This usually ends the show, but on the B§re festival the King
continues his walk right on to the great entrance gate, then half
round the quadrangle giving the spectators a full view of himself,
then by a side door disappears into the inner precincts of the palace.
The spectators thereupon disperse.
These three festivals are concluded by a few male Ilaris carrying
sacrifices to certain quarters in the outskirts of the city in a state of
perfect nudity, which is rather a trying time for them ; there is
always a rush of the women clearing out of their way, on the
approach of them ; the performance being symbolic of some
religious rite. If it is violated by any show of natural excite-
ment, it must be atoned for, and there is but one penalty,
viz., decapitation ! But there is no record of any such case
occurring within living memory. Their reward for this trying ordeal
is, that after their return, being properly dressed, they are admitted
into the King's presence, who, sitting in state, receives them with
marks of honour.
This ends the ceremonies of the festivals.
But at the Bere season, one more ceremony remains, that known
as the ceremony of " Touching the grass." About 5.30 p.m. on
a day appointed, the King issuing from the palace is accompanied
by his slaves who have been engaged in piling into two or three
heaps the bundles of bere grass scattered about in the area in front
of the palace, including those brought from the provinces. The
piles are done up in an artistic manner, 8 or loft. high in an open
space away from any risk of fire. His Majesty now steps forward,
and lays both hands upon each of the heaps, making a short speech,
invoking blessings on the Yoruba nation, congratulating himself
for being spared to see another year. This brings the Bere festival
to a close.
The Funeral of the King
Although the funeral of the King cannot properly he said to be
one of his public appearances, yet it is considered more convenient
to describe it in this place along with other public ceremonies of
which he is the centre.
The Kings are buried in the Bard. The funeral usually takes
place at night. It is notified to the public by the sounding of the
Okinkin (a musical instrument Uke the bugle), the ivory trumpet,
and the Koso drum, a drum which is usually beaten every morning
at 4 a.m. as a signal for him to rise from his bed ; to beat it at night
therefore, is to indicate that he is retiring to his final resting place.
The body is removed to the Bard on the back of those whose
office it is to bury the Kings the chief of whom is a titled personage
GOVERNMENT 55
known as the Ona-onse-awo, and his lieutenants. At certain
stations on the route between the palace and the Bard, eleven in
all, they halt and immolate a man and a ram, and also at the Bard
itself, four women each at the head and at the feet, two boys on
the right and on the left, were usually buried in the same grave
with the dead monarch to be his attendants in the other world,
and last of all the lamp-bearer in whose presence all the ceremonies
are performed.
All these practices, however, have long been aboUshed, a horse
and a bullock being used instead of human beings.
The King is buried in black and white dress ; but the crown
on his head, the gorgeous robe with which he was laid out in
state, and with which his corpse was decked to the Bard, and
the bracelets on his wrists and ankles are never buried with him,
these become the perquisites of the Ona-ofise-awo and his
lieutenants.
The Bard in which the Kings are buried is distinguished by its
aloof situation from public thoroughfares in the outskirts of the
city, and having to it as many kohis as there are Kings lying there,
one being erected over each. The present Bard enshrines the bones
of King Oluewu the last of ancient Ovg with those of the late
Kings of the present city. It is not open to the pubHc ; several
of the late King's wives are secluded here (as in a convent) and
charged with the sole duty of taking care of the graves of their
departed husbands.
Their mother superintendent is the lyamgde generally styled
" Baba " (father). She is thus styled because being entirely
devoted to the worship of Sango, one of the earliest deified Kings,
she is often " inspired " or " possessed " by the god, and thus came
to be regarded as the embodiment of that famous King.
Additions are made to their number at every fresh burial,
usually from among the favourites of the deceased husband.
These women must all be celibates for life, unfortunately among
the number are usually found some who are virgins and must
remain so for life : any misbehaviour is punished with the death of
both culprits, the man on the day the crime is detected, and the
woman after her confinement.
Besides those who are immolated at the death of the sovereign
there used to be some " honourable suicides " consisting of certain
members of the royal family, and some of the King's wives, and
others whose title implies that they are to die with the King when-
ever that event occurs. With the title they received as a badge a
cloth known as the " death cloth," a beautiful silk damask wrapper,
which they usually arrayed themselves with on special occasions
56 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
during the King's lifetime. Although the significance of this was
well-understood both by themselves and by their relatives, yet it
is surprising to see how eager some of them used to be to obtain the
office with the title and the cloth. They enjoyed great privileges
during the King's lifetime. They can commit any crime with
impunity. Criminals condemned to death and escaping to their
houses become free. These are never immolated, they are to die
honourably and voluntarily.
Of the members of the royal family and others to die were : —
1. The Aremo or Crown Prince who practically reigned with his
father, enjoyed royal honours, and had equal power of life and death.
2. Three princes with hereditary titles viz., the Magaji lyajin,
the Agunpopo, and the Olusami.
3. Two titled personages not of royal blood viz., the Osi'wefa
and the Olokun-esin (master of the horse) who is generally styled
" Ab'obaku," i.e. one who is to die with the King.
4. The female victims were : —
lya Oba, the king's official mother ; lya Naso, lyalagbon
(the Crown Prince's mother) ; lyale Mole (the If a priestess), the
Olgrun-ku-mefun, the lyamonari, the lya'-le-ori (these are all
priestesses) and the Are-ori-ite the chief favourite.
It will be observed that all the above-mentioned are those who
by virtue of their office are nearest to the King at all times, and
have the easiest access to his person ; to make their hfe dependent
on his, therefore, is to ensure safety for him against the risk of
poisoning, or the dagger of the assassin.
The custom is that each should go and die in his (or her) own
home, and among his family. The spectacle is very affecting.
Dressed in their " death cloth," they issue from the palace to their
homes surrounded by their friends, and their drummers beating
funeral dirges, eager crowds of friends and acquaintances flocking
around them, pressing near to have a last look at them or to say
the final farewell as they march homewards. The house is full
of visitors, mourners and others, some in profuse tears ; mournful
waitings and funeral odes are heard on all sides enough to break
the stoutest heart. While the grave is digging, the coffin making,
a parting feast is made for all the friends and acquaintances ; and
as they must die before sunset, they enjoy themselves as best they
can for that day by partaking of the choicest and favourite dishes,
appearing several times in changes of apparel, distributing presents
with a lavish hand around, and making their last will disposing
of their effects. When everything is ready, the grave and the
coffin approved of, they then take poison, and pass off quietly.
But if it fails or is too slow to take effect, and the sun is about to
GOVERNMENT 57
set, thelast office is performed by the nearest relatives (by strangling
or otherwise) to save themselves and the memory of their kin
from indelible disgrace. The body is then decently buried by the
relatives and the funeral obsequies performed.
In many cases voluntary suicides take place. Some of the
King's favourite slaves who are not required to die often
commit suicide in order to attend their master in the other world
expecting to enjoy equally the emoluments of royalty in the other
world as in this.
But these customs are now d5dng out with the age especially
since King Atiba in 1858 abolished that of the Crown Prince
dying ; the loss of experienced princes like the lyajin around
the throne is also felt irreparable. With the exception of the
women, all the men now refuse to die and they are never forced
to do so, but are superseded in their office if the next King wills
it ; they must then retire quietly from the city to reside in any
town in the country in order to prevent the confusion of two
individuals bearing the same title. As for the Crown Prince,
he expects to succeed his father on the throne but if he is rejected
by the king-makers, he also has to retire from the city.
Courtiers and Household Officers of the Crown
The palace officials consist of : —
I. Titled officers. II. The Eunuchs. III. The Ilaris.
Some reside in the palace, others attend at regular hours every
day for duty.
I. The principal officers having duties in the palace are : —
1. The Ona-Olokun-esin or Ab'Oba-ku i.e. the master of the
horse, i.e. one who is to die with the King. This officer resides
in his own house but repairs to the palace daily on duty. He has
free access equally with the Eunuchs to all the apartments. The
title is hereditary. As his name implies he is to die with the
King to be his attendant in the other world, and consequently
he is granted unrestricted liberty to live as he likes, and to do what-
ever he likes, and, like all other officials who must die with the
King, his house is a sanctuary of safety and reprieve for all
criminals condemned to death, if they can escape thither.
2. The Ona-ile-mole is the Ifa priest or chief diviner, a kind of
domestic chaplain. He has for his assistants the Are-awo and
others. They are to consult the Ifa oracle for the King every
fifth day called Ojo-Awo i.e. the day of the mysteries.
3. The Ona-Onse Awo. The daily duties of this officer are not
so well-defined, but he has to attend daily at the palace. He has
58 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
his lieutenants to the sixth grade. But their chief duty is to carry
the jemains of the deceased monarch from the palace to the
Bard for interment.
4. The Qna-modekh. This is the civil counterpart of the mihtary
title of Seriki. This officer is the head, or leader of all the youths
in the city and country, capable of bearing arms, whoever may be
their father or master. He forms a band of them all, and is sup-
posed to train them in manly sports and civic duties. It is his
prerogative to shield members of his band from the penalties of
the law whenever they have become liable to such, by any rash
act.
5. The Isugbins. These are members of the palace orchestra.
They number about 210 per.sons, playing on fifes, the Okinkin
and the Ivory trumpets, and the special drums Koso and Gbedu,
etc.
(«) The Ahikoso or Koso drummer's chief duty is to wake
up the King every morning at 4 a.m. with his drum.
(b) The Aludundun or the Dundun drummer. He has to
attend at the palace every day within certain hours,
including the \dsiting or business hours. He has one of
the front Kobis assigned to him, where he sits discoursing
events with his drum, all during his office hours. With
it, he pre-announces the presence of any visitor in the
palace, so that in whatever part of the palace the King
may be, he can tell by the sound of the drum who has
entered the court yard before the personage is actually
announced. This is one of the peculiarities of the Yoruba
language, and the art of the drummers. The names,
praises and attributes of every family of note are known
to all drummers, and musicians, and they are experts
in eulogizing and enlarging on the praises of any one they
wish to honour, speaking it with their drums. If for
instance a white man enters the palace, the drummer
would strike up : " Oyinbo, Oyinbo, afi okun se gnk "
(the white man, the white man who makes of the ocean a
high way). In strains like this he would continue for a
while enlarging upon his praises.
6. The Arokins. These are the rhapsodists or national historians,
an hereditary title ; they have an apartment to themselves where
they repeat daily in songs the genealogy of the Kings, the principal
events of their lives and other notable events in the history of the
Yoruba country.
7. The lie tndle is the palace surveyor. He has charge of all
GOVERNMENT 59
the buildings within that vast compound, especially of the Kgbis.
He is to see that every part is kept in good repair. He is also
to attend to the drains and the grounds, especially after a heavy
fall of rain. He is said to be the principal officer who is to wash
the corpse of the King and dress it before it is placed in the coffin.
8. The Tetus. These are the sheriffs or King's executioners.
They are about 19 in number, each one of them with his
subordinates has specified duties to perform e.g., it is the duty
of the 15th with his subordinates to clear the grounds and dishes
after the King has entertained the Oyq Mesi. They number
about 150 in all.
II. The Eunuchs. The Eunuchs are called Iwefa or Iba-afin
(contracted to Baafin) i.e. lordlings of the palace. The principal
are : — The Ona'efa or chief of the Eunuchs, the Otun'efa and the
Osi'efa his principal Ueutenants, and others to the sixth grade.
Besides these are the untitled ones, and boys.
The Ona'efa is a high legal personage ; he hears and decides
suits and appeals brought to the King whenever His Majesty
cannot sit in person, and his decision is as good as the King's
whose legal adviser he is. We have seen above the principal part
he plays in public festivals and state ceremonies.
The Otun'efa has the charge of the suburban town of Koso,
built in honour of the national god Sango. It is his duty to worship
at the shrine at stated periods on behalf of the Yoruba people.
He sometimes helps to decide cases. He is also one of the chief
guardians of the King's children.
The Osi'efa or Olosi although the least of the three yet is the
most honoured. He represents the King on all occasions and in
all matters civil as well as military. He sometimes acts as
commander-in-chief in military expeditions, he is allowed to use
the crown, the state umbrellas, and the Kakaki trumpet, and to
have royal honours paid to him . On such occasions he is privileged
also to dispense the King's prerogatives. His ordinary duties
are : to be near the King's person at all times, having free access
to every part of the palace including the harem ; to see that the
King's bed is properly made, before he retires every night ; to
visit him at midnight and at cock-crow to see if he has had a
restful night, and to call him up at 4 a.m. before the Koso drum
begins to sound. He is to head those of the King's wives who
are to dance at the Akesan market once a year, after the deity
presiding over markets has been propitiated. With Eni-gjk one
of the titled ladies of the palace, he has charge of the King's market
and enjoys in part the emoluments accruing therefrom.
Why these exceptional honours are bestowed upon the third
6o THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
ih rank among the Eunuchs, will be told hereafter in the history
of one of the early kings.
The Eunuchs are a grade higher than the Ilaris and must be
respected by them ; however young a Eunuch may be, he must be
addressed as " Baba " (father) by any Ilari even the oldest.
The custom of castrating a man is said to have originated from
the punishment inflicted for the crime of incest or ot beastiaUty.
The Eunuchs are distinguished by the manner they wear their
gowns gathered on the shoulders, leaving their arms bare. They
are now generally chosen from boys bought with money, and
employed first as pages to the King, or attendants on one of his
wives. The custom of choosing boys was introduced by one of
the later Kings ; his reason for it was, that before the age of
puberty, boys will hardly be cognizant of their loss, and he would
thus spare himself the remorse of conscience which would follow
the mutilation of an adult, and also save his victim from a Ufe-long
mortification.
Emasculation of an adult is now only resorted to instead of
capital punishment in cases of adultery with the wife of a king ;
but in order that the system may not be abused, provincial kings
are not allowed to resort to this mode of punishment, nor even to
keep Eunuchs ; any one really guilty must be sent to the capital
where a special surgeon is kept for the purpose who is skilful in
the art.
The Eunuchs are the guardians of the King's children, the
princes and princesses as a rule are born in the house of one of the
principal Eunuchs for as soon as any of the King's wives becomes
a mother, she is separated from the other women, and placed
under the guardianship of one of them, and she is not to return
to the palace until the child is weaned.
The titled ones among them are masters of large compounds,
and they also keep their own harems as well ; their wives are called
" Awewo," i.e. one with hands tied ; because they are doomed to
be for ever childless. In cases of adultery disclosed by pregnancy
both the defaulters in early days were to suffer capital punishment ;
the man on the day the crime was proved against him, and the
woman with the issue on the day she is delivered. These extreme
measures, however, have been allowed to die out, in favour of
fines or other less severe punishments.
The Eunuchs have the exclusive right of seizing anything in
the market with impunity. They have also the unenviable
privilege of mingling with the King's wives either in the harem
or whenever they appear in public on any festive occasion.
Ill The Ilaris. The term Ilari denotes parting of the head,
GOVERNMENT
6i
from the peculiar way the hair of the head is done. They are
of both sexes, they number some hundreds, even as many as the
King desires to create.
The individual to be created an Ilari is first shaved completely,
then small incisions, are made on the occiput (if a male) and on
the left arm, into both of which a specially prepared ingredient is
rubbed, supposed to be a charm capable of giving effect to whatever
the name given to the individual at the same time signifies. Their
names generally signify some attributes of the King, or are
significant of his purpose, intention or will, or else the preservation
of his life, e.g. Oba I'olu, the King is supreme ; Oba-ko-se-tan,
the King is not ready ; S'aiye ro, the upholder of the world (i.e.
the kingdom) ; Oba gb'ori, the King the overcomer ; Madarikan,
do not oppose him. The following are the names of some of the
principal Ilaris, all of which will be seen to be significant.
I Kafiaiye f ' Oba
30
Ote d'afo
2 Madarikin
31
Aiye-gbemi
3 Ikudefun
32
Magb'orimipete
4 Ilugbenka
33
Kutiya
5 Obajuwonlo
34
Kape laiye
6 Opaykkata
35 Agbasa
7 S'aiyero
36 Ilugbohun
8 Mob'oludigbaro
n
Oba gb'aiye
9 Obagbeiile
38 Agbelegbiji
10 Obagbori
39
Oba diji
II Ayunbo
40
Kosiku
12 Ote o lowg
41
Olu orin-kkn
13 Kotito
42
Kosiji
14 Obakosetan
43
Enu f'oba
15 Ori§a fetu
44
Oba I'agba
16 Oba d'origi
45
Mako'hun
17 Sunmo-Oba
46
Osan
18 Olukobinu
47
Oba gbede
19 Kafilegbgin
48
Oba femi
20 Obadirere
49
Oba gba-iyo
21 Makobalap§
50
fkufo
22 Mab'obadu u
51
Orikunkun
23 Temileke
52
Mako'hun
24 Oba-ni yio jilo
53
Olufowoti
25 Ori-ehin
54
Img kojo
26 Oba-tun-wa-se
55
Ilusinmi
27 Agbklk
56
Ododun
28 Agbkro
57
Eni-iran
29 Kutenlo
58 Agbe defun
62 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
59 Oba-li-a-isin 64 Madawo t'gba-lori
60 Emi-mo rOba-mi 65 Ma-ni-Oba lara
61 Igba-abere 66 Maro-Oba-lohun
62 Oba I'olu 67 Oridagogo
63 Akegbe 68 Apeka
Every male Ilari has a female counterpart who is called his
companion. The Ilaris themselves by courtesy call them their
" mother." They are both created at one and the same time and
they are supposed to seek each other's interest, although there
must be no intimacy between them ; the female Ilaris being
denizens of the King's harem ; the only attention they are allowed
to pay each other is to make exchange of presents at the yearly
festivals.
Each Ilari has a representative image made of clay called
" Sugudu," having incisions on its head and arm similar to his own,
with the same ingredient rubbed into them.
The Ilaris are to keep the head shaved, one half being done
from the middle line downwards alternately every fifth day except
the circular patch on the occiput where the incisions were made ;
there the hair is left to grow as long as possible being always plaited
and sometimes dyed black with indigo.
The male Ilaris are the King's body guard or " The keepers of
his head." They are of different grades including high-placed
servants, messengers, and menials. Some of the favoured ones
are made masters of large compounds, the King supplying them
with horses and grooms, and assigning to them certain gates where
they collect tolls, the proceeds being divided between their master
and themselves for their maintenance ; they are also feudal lords
of some masters of large compounds in different parts of the city
who serve them in various capacities in war or in time of
peace.
All the inmates of their houses are for the most part the King's
slaves, and every newly made Ilari is handed over to the charge
of one or other of these highly-placed ones.
These favoured ones ride upon the tallest horses whenever the
King goes out in public, forming his body guards ; others are
servants to these ; but their chief work one and all is that of house
repair year by year.
On any festive occasion when the King appears in state, as
many of the male Ilaris as are required to be present must each
one take his " sugudu " with him to his seat. They are on such
occasions to be without a headgear or breeches with only a cloth
over the body, passed under the right aim, and knotted on the left
shoulder, the arms being left bare.
GOVERNMENT 63
It is the especial privilege of the Ilaris, male or female, to carry
nothing on the head save their hats or caps.
Ladies of the Palace
The ladies of the palace consist of eight titled ladies of the
highest rank, eight priestesses, other ladies of rank, besides Ilaris
and the Ayabas or King's wives.
The whole of them are often spoken of loosely as " the King's
wives," because they reside in the palace, but strictly speaking the
titled ladies and the priestesses at least should not be included
in the category. Again, all the ladies of rank are often spoken
of as Ilaris, but there is a marked difference between them.
The following are the ladies of the highest rank in their due
order : —
1 lya Oba 5 lya-fin-Iku
2 lya kere 6 lyalagbgn
3 lya-Naso 7 Orun-kumefun
4 lya-monari 8 Are-orite
I. The lya Oba is the King's (official) mother. For reasons
stated above (vide p. 48) the King is not to have a natural mother.
If his mother happens to be living when he is called to the throne,
she is asked to " go to sleep," and is decently buried in the house
of a relative in the city. All the inmates of that house are accorded
special piivileges and enjoy marked deference as " members
of the household of the King's mother."
The King sends to worship at her grave once a year. One of the
ladies of the palace is then created lya-Oba, and she is supposed
to act the part of a mother to him. It is her privilege to be the
third person in the room where the King and the Basorun worship
the Orun in the month of September every year.
She is the feudal head of the Basorun.
2 The lya kere. Next to the King's mother, the lya kere holds
the highest rank. Greater deference is paid to the lya Oba indeed,
but the lya kere wields the greatest power in the palace. She has
the charge of the King's treasures. The royal insignia are in
her keeping, and all the paraphernalia used on state occasions,
she has the power of withholding them, and thus preventing the
holding of any state reception to mark her displeasure with the
King when she is offended. We have seen above that she is the
person entitled to place the crown on the King's head at the
coronation.
She is the " mother " of all the Ilaris male and female, for it is
in her apartment they are usually created ; she keeps in her custody
64 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
all the " sugudus " bearing the marks of each Ilari in order to
ensure the safety of the King's life.
Great and honourable as is the Olosi, she exercises full power
over even him, and can have him arrested and put in irons if he
offends. She is the feudal head of the Aseyin, Oluiwo, and the
Bale of Ogbomgso. With the assumption of this office, she is, of
course, to be a celibate for life.
3. The lya-Naso has to do w^th the worship of Sango generally
and is responsible for everything connected with it.
The King's private chapel for Sango worship is in her apartment,
and all the emoluments and perquisites arising therefrom are
hers. She has also to do with the same at Koso.
4. The lya-monari is the first lieutenant and assistant to the
lya-Naso. It is her office to execute by strangling any Sango
worshipper condemned to capital punishment, as they are not to
die by the sword, and hence cannot be executed by the T^tus,
5. The lya-fin-Ikii is the second lieutenant and assistant
to the lya-Naso. She is the King's " Adosu Sango," i.e. the King's
devotee to the Sango mysteries. As all Sango worshippers are
to devote one of their children to the worship of the god, she stands
in place of that to the King. She has the charge of the sacred
ram which is allowed to go everywhere and about the market
unmolested, and may eat with impunity anything from the
sellers.
6. The lyalaghon. — The mother of the Crown Prince is always
promoted to the rank of lyalaghon. In case she is not living
whoever is promoted to that office acts like a mother to him. She
enjoys great influence, and controls a portion of the city.
7. The Orun-kumefun is also connected with the Aremo.
8. The Are-orite. This official is the King's personal attendant.
She is to see that his meals are properly prepared, and his bed
properly made, and also to see him comfortably in bed before
retiring to her own apartment. She is to hold the silken parasol
over his head as a canopy when enthroned, and is constantly
by his side to perform small services for him on state and other
occasions.
These eight ladies holding responsible positions are each of
them the head of a small compound within the palace walls.
The Priestesses
1. lya'le Ori 5. lya Olosun
2. lyale Mole 6. lyafin Osun
3: lya Orisanla 7. lyafin Eri
4. lya Yemaja 8. lyafin-Orunfumi
GOVERNMENT 65
(i) lya le Ori is the priestess of the god Ori or god of fate.
In her apartment is the King's Ori and she is the one to propitiate
it for him.
(2) lya' le mole has in her keeping the King's If a god, and when
the If a priests come every fifth day to worship and to consult
it, she takes an active part in the ceremonies. She is the head of
all the Babalawos (Ifa priests) in the city.
(3) — (S) ^s their names denote, are priestesses of the gods indicated
by the title.
Other Ladies of High Rank
1. The Iyamod§ 5. The Eni-Oja
2. The lya'le Oduduwa 6. The lya'le-Agbo
;-]. The Ode 7. The lya-Otun
4. The Obaguntg
(i) The lyamode. — This high official resides in one of the out-
houses of the palace, but her duties are not specially in the palace.
She is the superior of those celibates living in the Bard and is
styled by them " Baba " i.e. father.
Her office is to worship the spirits of the departed Kings, calling
out their Eguguns in a room in her apartments set aside for
that purpose, being screened off from view with a white cloth.
The King looks upon her as his father, and addresses her as such,
being the worshipper of the spirits of his ancestors. He kneels
in saluting her, and she also returns the salutation kneeling, never
reclining on her elbow as is the custom of the women in saluting
their superiors. The King kneels for no one else but her, and
prostrates before the god Sango, and before those possessed with
the deity, calling them " father." These are among those set
apart for life-long service at the Bard. When any one of them
is thus " possessed " by the spirit of deceased monarchs (it is said
of them " Oba wa si ara won ") and comes raving from the Bara
to the palace, she is im.mediately placed under the charge of the
lyamode ; the possessed on such occasions prognosticates, and
tells the people what sacrifice they are to offer to avert impending
evils. The ceremony on such occasions is to pour some water
into a mortar, covering it with a wide calabash, and this the other
women in the palace beat vigorously as a drum ; the possessed
and others infected with the excitement dancing to the sound of
this drumming.
The Akunyungbas (the King's bards) are instructed in her
apartments, their teacher comes there three times daily for three
months or more until the learners are perfect in their studies.
Small corporal punishments, twitchings, of the ears, and cracks on
66 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
the head are not spared on these occasions, if they are not quick
at catching the words or if their memory fails them.
With the assumption of this office, the tyamgde is, of course,
to be a celibate for hfe.
(2) The lya'le-Oduduwa is the priestess, of Oduduwa the supposed
founder of the Yoruba nation. A special temple is built in the
palace for him where his image is enshrined and worshipped. She
is the head of all Oduduwa worshippers in the city. She resides
in one of the out houses, and does not rank with the eight priestesses
mentioned above.
(3) The Ode is the head of all the worshippers of the god Os6si.
On state occasions she appears dressed as a hunter (hence her name)
wearing on her shoulder a bow ornamented with strings of cowries
neatly strung.
(4) The Obagunte is not regarded as having a very high position,
although she represents the King in the Ogboni house on ordinary
occasions, her work being strictly connected with that fraternity.
She enters the Ogboni chamber on all occasions and acts in the
King's name, reporting to his majesty the events of each day's
sitting. Whenever the King wishes to entertain the Ogbonis,
she has to undertake that duty.
(5) The Eni-ojd is at the head of all the devil-worshippers in the
town. She also has charge of the King's market, and enjoys all
the perquisites accruing therefrom. She wears a gown like a
man, on her arms the King leans on the day he goes to worship
at the market, i.e. to propitiate the deity that presides over
markets. She has under her (i) the Olosi who has joint responsi-
bility with her for the market, and (2) the Aroja or market keeper,
an officer whose duty it is to keep order, and arrange the manage-
ment of the market, and who actually resides there.
(6) The lya'le-agbo is a private attendant on the King, having
charge of his private pharmacy. His agunmu (powders) and agho
(infusions) are all in her care : she is to see that they are in a
condition fit for use when required.
All these ladies, except the Qhagunte and lya'le niQle although
generally styled " Ilaris " are not really so, and that is known from
the manner their hair is done up. They are really above the
Ilaris.
The lya-Oba, and lya mode are always shaven, the others plait
their hair in small strips from the forehead to the top of the head
and gather the rest from the back to the top, tying all into one knot
with a string. This style is termed the Ikokoro.
The Ode, Eni-ojk, lyafin-Iku, lya-Olosun and the lya'le
Oduduwa adorn theirs with the red feathers of the parrot's tail.
GOVERNMENT
67
The Ilaris. — The female Ilaris are somewhat differently shaved
from the male, their incisions being made from the front to the
back of the head along the middle line ; the hair is allowed to
grow along the same line, and it is plaited into two horns front and
back, being twined with a string or thread, and the sides of the
head shaved alternately every fifth day.
The following are the names of the principal female Ilaris,
every one of which is significant : —
I
Obaloyin
2
Maje-Oba-koye
3
Didun-l'Obafe
4
Ire-l'Oba-ise
5
Igba-ewe
6
Ire k'aiye
7
Ori-ogbo
8
Arosin
9
Ajinde
10
Oju're
II
Alosin
12
Akosin
13
Omi-su-yarin
14
Bam wo wo
15
Afeka
16 Awoda
17 Irebe
18 Agbejo ^
19 Awujale
20 Ori're
21 Oju're
22 Awigba
23 Alogbo
24 Oridijo
25 Tijotayo
26 Aiye f'obase
27 Aji gbohun
28 Iwadero
29 Omuye
30 Ajigbore
31 Obadaro
33 Aronu
34 Apa-6-ka
35 Ina-Oba-koku
36 Agbala
37 Ota-ko-ri-aye
38 Ma-dun-mi-de-inu
39 Oledetu
40 Madajo-l'Oba
41 Ajijofe
42 Olu-f'oba
43 Iwapgle
44 Ohungbogbo
45 Aiyedero
46 Ehin-wa
47 Maha-ro-t'oba
48 Onjuwon
32 Alanu
These female Ilaris have the exclusive privilege of using the
female head ties, or men's caps, the ordinary Ayabas or King's
wives are distinguished by carrying their heads bare, always
shaved, and their head ties used as a belt round the breasts.
At the demise of the King the whole of the Ilaris male and female
go into mourning by dropping their official (Ilari) names, and
letting their hair grow. At a new accession, the whole of them
shave their heads. One of the earliest acts of the new sovereign
after the coronation and the investiture of the Aremo (Crown
Prince) and just before the next great festival is to create all
the Ilaris afresh by batches every 5 days, giving a new name
to each and adding a new set of his own ; only the lances of the
head are re-done, not those of the arm. Each batch is to remain
seven days at the He Mol|. This " distribution of honours" is
eagerly sought after.
Members of the Royal Family Occupying Responsible
Positions
As a rule, distinguished members of the Royal Family except
those holding responsible positions do not reside in the metropolis, a
68 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
great number of them may be found scattered all over the provinces
especially in the Ekicn Osi or Metropolitan province, where each
one resides as a lord of the town or village. They may take no
part in the administration of affairs in the town, lest they over-
shadow the chief of the town who is generally the founder or his
descendant, but due deference is loyally accorded them, and certain
privileges are granted them as befitting their rank. One such was
Atiba the son of King Abiodun who resided in the town of Ago
with Oja the foundet, after whose death Atiba became practically
the master of the town before he was subsequently elected King.
Some of the princes with a large family and a large following
build their own town and become lord of the town. Such was
Ayeijin who built the town ot Surii near the ancient Oyo popularly
known as He Gbager^ from the attributive of the founder.
There are those however, who hold high positions in the govern-
ment such as the following : —
I. The OxNA Isokun. 2, The Ona Aka. 3. The Omo-Ola.
These are known as thejathers of the King, hence the saying : —
" Ona-Isokun baba Oba,
Ona-Aka, baba Isokun." i.e.
The Ona-Isokun the King's father, the Ona-Aka, father to the
Isokun. That is to say that they stand in the relation of a father
to the King, who naturally cannot have a father living. To them
it appertains to advise, admonish, or instruct the King, especially
when he comes to the throne at a very early age, and as such lacks
the experience indispensable for the due performance of his all-
important duty. The titles are hereditary.
We have seen above that the nomination to the throne is in
their hands. The Ona I§okun seems to be the most responsible
of the three. We have seen that the King-elect is to sleep in his
house the first night after his election, as the formal call to the
throne comes from him. Lustrations, divinations, and propitiations
for the new King are done in his house. Part also of the ceremony
of creating the Aremg is periormed in his house ; there all the
princes are entertained in festivities, and there also all crown princes
are buried if they die in that position.
Next to the above are those who are termed " brothers " to the
King, they are : —
1. The Magaji lyajin 4. The Atingisi
2. The Olusami 5. The Agunpopo
3. The Arole Oba 6. The Arole lya Oba.
GOVERNMENT ^9
Officially, the Aremg takes his rank among these princes,
especially in public assemblies and is generally reckoned as the
last of them in official order.
As the king must have official " father " and " mother " so also
must he have official " brothers." Of these the Magaji lyajin is
the most distinguished. He is known as the King's elder brother,
whose duty is to perform the part of an elder to a younger brother
by defending his interests.
The term " Magaji " is the natural title of every heir to a great
estate and is usually borne by the eldest son (or anyone in that
relation) in the family. In this official royal circle the lyajin
is the eldest son. The term " lyajin " impUes the repelling of insults
and indignities. The title therefore means the elder brother,
who wards off insults and indignities.
This will often be found necessary when the King is young and
inexperienced, and too conscious of his power, or sometimes rash.
It is the Magaji's place to let the consequences of his action fall
on himself rather than on the King who is the embodiment of
the nation.
The Ar-ole Ob.\ is the official in whose house all the princes are
to be buried, and in the month of July every year the whole of
the princes and princesses, from the Ona-Isokun downwards
including the Ar§mg repair to his house to worship the spirits
of their deceased ancestors. A horse is usually offered in sacrifice,
and all have to feed on the flesh of the same. The lyajiu's portion
is the head.
The Aremo as we have seen above is the Crown Prince. The term
signifies an heir apparent, lit. Chief of the sons. How the title is
formally conferred has been seen above.
The Aremo practically reigns with his father, having nearly
equal power, especially when the monarch is old and feeble.
From the period of the greatest prosperity of the nation to the
time of the intertribal wars, the Aremgs v/ere almost invariably
tyrannical, and given to excess : they contributed largely to the
disloyal explosion that caused the civil wars and the breaking up
of the unity of the Yoruba kingdom ; they were.therefore, required
to die with the father at his demise. Otherwise they expect
to succeed to the throne as in earliest times, but they had to be
elected thereto by the constitutional king-makers who would
never elect one who has been infamous.
Since King Atiba in 1858 disallowed the practice in favour of
his Ar§mo Adelu, the custom has died out both for the Aremo
and the other princes.
70 the history of the yorubas
The Nobility
There are two classes of noblemen at Oyo ; in the first, the
title is hereditary ; the second which is strictly military is the
reward of merit alone, and not necessarily hereditary. In both,
each member is styled " Iba " which means a lord being a dimuni-
tive of " Oba " a king.
A. The Oyo Mesi
The first class of noblemen consists of the most noble and most
honourable councillors of state, termed the Oyq Mesi. They are
also the king-makers. They are seven in number and of the
following order : —
(i) The Osorun, (2) Agbakin, (3) Samu, (4) Alapini, {5) Laguna,
(6) Akiniku, (7) A§ipa.
The title of each (as above said) is hereditary in the same
family but not necessarily from father to son ; it is within the
King's prerogative to select which member of the family is to
succeed to the title or he may alter the succession altogether.
They represent the voice of the nation ; on them devolves the
chief duty of protecting the interests of the kingdom. The King
must take counsel with them whenever any important matter
affecting the state occurs. Each of them has his state duty
to perform, and a special deputy at court every morning and
afternoon and whom they send to the AlAfin at other times when
their absence is unavoidable ; they are, however, required to
attend court in person the first day of the (Yoruba) week, for the
Jakuta (Sango) worship and to partake of the sacrificial feast.
(i) The OsQrtm or Iba Osorun (contr. to Basorun i.e., the lord
that performs the " Oran ") may be regarded as the Prime Minister
and Chancellor of the kingdom and something more. He is not
only the president of the council but his power and influence are
immeasurably greater than those of the others put together. His
is the chief voice in the election of a King, and although the King
as supreme is vested with absolute power, yet that power must be
exercised within the limit of the unwritten constitution, but if
he is ultra-tyrannical and withal unconstitutional and unacceptable
to the nation it is the Basorun's prerogative as the mouth-piece
of the people to move his rejection as a King in which case His
Majesty has no alternative but to take poison and die.
His Highness being a prince is practically as absolute as a King
in his own quarter of the town.
Next to the AlAfin in authority and power, he often performs
the duties of a King. He takes precedence of all provincial
GOVERNMENT 71
kings and princes. There were times in the history of the nation
when the Basoruns were more powerful than the Alafin himself.
During the long course of history there have been several alliances
between the two families so that, in the older line of Basoruns
at any rate, the blood of the royal family runs also in their veins.
Several points of similarity may be noted between the AlAfin
and his Basorun The AlAfin is Oba (a king) he is Iba (a lord).
The AlAfin' s wives are called Ayaba, the Basorun's Ayinba.
They are similarly clothed, carrying their heads bare and shaven,
and their head- bands used as belts ; but the Ayinbas are not equally
avoided by men as the Ayabas are.
The Iha Osorun has kgbis to his palace as well, but a limited
number ; those of the AlAfin being unlimited. He too has a
number of Ilaris as a king, but they must be created for him by the
AlAfin.
The AlAfin has his crown, his throne, his Ejigba round his
neck. The Osorun has a specially made coronet of his own, a
specially ornamented skin called the Wabi on which he sits, and a
string of beads round his neck also like the Ejigba.
We have seen that at the principal festivals of the AlAfin, the
Basorun also has minor festivals to observe in conjunction and
has his part to plaj' at the main observance also.
When the AlAfin reigns long and peacefully enough to celebrate
the Bebe, a festival akin to the royal jubilee, the Basorun must
follow with the Owark.
But it is a peculiarity of theBasorun's children that the boys are
never circumcised.
Although the title is hereditary in the same family yet it is
within the King's power to change the line of succession when
necessity demands that course.
Thus the whole unwritten constitution of the Yorubas seems to
be a system of checks and counter-checks, and it has on the
whole worked well for the country.
There have been five different families of the Basorun line,
each one with its distinctive cognomen. The first and oldest
belonged to the family totem of Ogun (the god of war) and have
for appellatives Moro, Ma§o, Mawd, Maja, Ogun. This was the
original line contemporary with the earh'est Kings. It covers
the reign of i8 Kings and ended with Basorun Yamba, in the reign
of King OjiGi.
With the long lease of power and influence enjoyed by this
family, it became as wealthy and great as, or even greater than the
sovereign himself, especially as some of the Basoruns out-lived
two or three successive Kings. Therefore King Gberu the successor
72 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
of Ojigi transferred the succession to his friend Jambu of another
line, whose appellatives were Maja Maro. This hne embraced
the reign of seven Kings and ended with Asamu in Abiodun's
reign.
The third began with Alobitoki in Aole's reign, having the
appellatives of Maja Majo of the totem of Agan.
This line was not allowed to continue, it flourished during the
reign of one King only, for Ojo Abuiumaku the son of Onisigun
and grandson of Basorun Ga was of the older line. The fourth
line began with Akioso in King MaJOTU's reign, and also ended
with himself in the reign of Oluewu, the last of ancient Oyo.
This family was rather insignificant.
Oluyole the first Basorun of the new city was the grandson of
Basorun Yamba, and therefore of the older Ogun Hne.
The fifth and last line commenced with Gbenla in the reign of
King Atiba, the totem is Aye and is the family now in office
and has already lasted through the reign of three kings.
The Basoruns of Ibadan after Oluyole are only honorary with
no national duties attached to the office.
A Synopsis of the Basorun Family
Ba§oruns. Appellatives. Family Totems.
1. Efufukoferi to Yamba Moro, Maso, Maja Ogun
2. Jambu to Asamu Maja Maro (?)
3. Alobitoki Maja Majo Agan
4. Akioso (?) Ese
5. Gbenla to Layode (?) Aye
(2) The Aghakin. — The duties of this official are not so well-
defined, but the present Agbakin has the charge of the worship of
Oraiiyan.
(3) Satnu. The duties of the Samu are not clearly known.
(4) The A lapini. — He is the head of the Egugun mysteries, and
as such he is at the head of religious affairs in general. He has
the charge of the famous Jenju, who is the head Egugun of the
country, and who executes witches ! He is at once a religious
and a secular personage ; he shares with the priests all rehgious
offerings, and in secular matters with the noblemen of his class.
By virtue or his peculiar office he must be a monorr.his.
(5) The Laguna is the state ambassador in critical times.
^6) The Akiniku. — The real duties of this officer are not known.
(7) The Asipa as the last of them performs the duties of the
junior. He is called the " Ojuwa," i.e. the one who distributes
whatever presents are given to the Oyo Mesi. The Basorun in
GOVERNMENT 73
these cases has always the lion's share viz., one half of the whole,
the other half being equally divided between the rest of them.
The Asipa of the present Oyo being the son of Oja the founder
of the town, has the chief voice in all municipal affairs. He is
thereby acknowledged to be the master of the town.
The provincial kings and ruhng princes rank also as the noblemen
of the first-class.
B. The E§qs
Next in importance to the Oyo Mesi and of a rank below them
are the Esos or guardians of the kingdom. These constitute the
noblemen of the second class. They also are addressed as " Iba."
It is a military title, not necessarily hereditary. It is the reward of
merit alone, and none but tried and proved soldiers are selected
for that rank.
First and foremost among them and apart by himself stands the
Kakanfo, an Esq of the Esos. Then the 70 captains of the guard
ten of whom are under each of the seven councillors. Each wears
an Akoro (or coronet) and carries in his hand no weapon, but a baton
or staff of war known as The Invincible.
There is a common saying which runs thus : —
" Ohun meji I'o ye Eso
Esg ja O le ogan
Esq ja O ku si ogun."
One of two things befits an E§g
The 5so mast fight and conquer (or)
The E§o must fight and peiish (in war).
He is never to turn his back, he must be victorious or die in war.
There is another saying : —
" Esq ki igba Oik lehin
Afi bi o ba gbogbe niwaju gangan."
An Esq must never be shot in the back
His wounds must always be right in front.
Also another saying : —
" Alakoro ki isa ogun."
One who wears a coronet must never flee in battle.
They are of two ranks 16 superior and 54 inferior, 70 in all
and they all must reside in the capital.
are
The following
are the titles
of the former,
all of which
significant : —
GbQnka
Esq Qraiiyan
Sagbedo
Obago
Esiel§
Kogbonk
Ole
Orunt^
Owdta
Sakin
Odigbon
Sagbua
Sadoe
Erukii
GbQingboin
Adaha
74 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
So much is this title thought of by military men and others
and so great is the enthusiasm it inspires, that even the children
and grandchildren of an Esq hold themselves bound to maintain
the spirit and honour of their sires. The Eso is above everything
else noble in act and deed.
" Emi omo Eso " (me born of an Eso) is a proud phrase generally
used even to this day by any ot their descendants to show their
scorn for anything mean or low, or their contempt tor any difficulty,
danger, or even death itself.
Most of the Egba chiefs sprang from the Esgs of Qyq, Okukemu
the first " king " of Ab§okuta was a Sagbua,
A special notice must now be taken of the Kakanfo who stands
at the head of the Esos.
The Kakanfo. The title given in full is Are-Ona-Kakanfo.
It is a title akin to a field-marshal, and is conferred upon the
greatest soldier and tactician ot the day.
This title was introduced into the Yoruba country by King
AjACBO, one of the earliest and most renowned of Yoruba Kings.
Like the Ilaris, at the time of his taking office, he is first to
shave his head completely, and 201 incisions are made on his
occiput, with 201 different lancets and specially prepared ingredi-
ents from 201 viols are rubbed into the cuts, one lor each. This is
supposed to render him fearless and courageous. They are always
shaved, but the hair on the inoculated part is allowed to grow
long, and when plaited, forms a tuft or a sort of pigtail.
Kakanfos are generally very stubborn and obstinate. They
have all been more or less troublesome, due it is supposed to the
effect of the ingredients they were inoculated with. In war, they
carry no weapon but a baton known as the " King's invincible
staff." It is generally understood that they are to give way to
no one not even to the King, their master. Hence Kakanfos are
never created in the capital but in any other town in the kingdom.
There can be but one Kakanfo at a time. By virtue of his office
he is to go to war once in 3 years to whatever place the King named,
and, dead or aUve, to return home a Victor, or be brought home a
corpse within three months.
The ensigns of office are : —
1. The Ojijiko. This is a cap made of the red feathers of the
parrot's tail, with a projection behind reaching as far down as the
waist.
2. An apron of leopard's skin, and a leopard's skin to sit on
always.
3. The Asis6 or pigtail as above described.
4. The Staff Invincible.
GOVERNMENT 75
The following are the Kakanfos who have ever borne office
in the Yoruba country : —
1. Kokoro gangan of Iw6ye
2. Oyatope ,,
3. Oyabi ,, Ajase
4. Adeta ,, Jabata
5. Oku ,, Jabata
6. Aignja I'aiya I'ok^ ,, Ilorin
7. Toyeje ,, Ogbomoso
8. Edun ,, Gbogun
9. Amep6 ,, Abem6
10. Kurumi ,, Ijaye
11. Ojo Aburumaku „ Ogbomoso (son of Toyej§)
12. Latosisa ,, Ibadan the last to hold office.
Nearly the whole of them were connected with stirring times and
upheavals in the country. Afonja of Ilorin, Toyeje of Ogbomoso
Kurumi of Ijaye, and Latosisa of Ibadan being specially famous.
Ojo Aburumaku of Ogbomo.so fought no battles, there being no
wars daring the period ; the change that has taken place in the
country left the Ibadans at this time masters of all warlike oper-
ations. But in order to keep his hand in, he fomented a civil
war at Ogbomoso wliich he also repressed with vigour.
Provincial Governments and Titles
Every town, village or hamlet is under a responsible head,
either a provincial " king" or a Bale (mayor). In every case
the title is hereditary (excepting at Ibadan) as such heads are
invariably the founder or descendants ot the founder of their town.
The provincial kings are styled the lords of their town or district,
and from it they take their title, e.g. : —
The Onikoyi, lord of Ikoyi ; Aseyin, lord of Iseyin ; Alake,
lord or Ake ; Olowu, lord of Owu ; Oluiwo, lord of Iwo ; Alakija,
lord of Ikija, etc. There are a few exceptions to this rule, where the
first ruler had a distinctive name or title before he became the
head of the town or district, e.g. : —
Timi of Ede, Atawoja of Osogbo, Awujadg of Ijebu, Okere of
Saki, Onibode of Igboho, etc., in which case the distinctive name
becomes the hereditary title of the chief ruler.
A provincial king is, of course, higher than a Bale as a duke or
an earl is higher than a mayor. They are privileged to build
kobis to their palaces, and to create Ilaris which Bales are not
entitled to do. They are also allowed an Akoro (coronet) which
Bales are not allowed to have ; but few of them indulge in large
76 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
state umbrellas. They are invested originally with power from
Oyo whither they usually repair to obtain their titles, the sword
of justice being given them by the AlAfin at their installation.
Every one of them as well as every important Balg has an official
at Oyo through whom they can communicate with the crown.
They are also invested with an Qpaga by which they are em-
powered to make and keep an Ilari. The Qpaga is an iron instru-
ment of the shape of an Osain, but taller and is surmounted with the
figure of a bird. This is the Qsain worshipped b}' Ilaris. To be
deprived of it is equivalent to being deprived oi one's rank.
To dethrone a kingling, he is publicly divested of his robe
and sandals and the announcement is made that XYZ having
forfeited his title, he is deprived of it by AB his suzerain or teudal
lord.
The following are the kinglings in the Oyo provinces.
1. In the Ekun Osi or Metropohtan province : — •
The Onikoyi of Ikoyi ; Olugbon of Igbon ; Aresa of Iresa ;
the Ompetu of Ijeru ; Olofa of Ofa.
2. In the Ekun Otun province : —
Sabigana of Igana ; Oniwere of Iwere ; ^Alasia of Asia ; Onjo
of Oke'ho ; Bagijan of Igijan ; Okere of Saki ; Alapata of Ibode ;
Ona Onibode of Igboho ; Elerinpo of Ipapo ; Ikihisi ol Kihisi ;
As§yin of Is§yin ; Alado of Ado ; Eleruwa of Eruwa ; Qloje of
Qje.
3. In the Ibolg province : —
The Akirun ot Ikirun ; Olobu of Ilobu; Timi of Ede. the Ata-
woja of Osogbo ; Adimula of Ife Odan.
4. In the Epo province :
The Oluiwo of Iwo ; Ondese of Idese.
Of these vassal kings the Onikoyi, Olugbon, the Aresa and the
Timi are the most ancient.
Since the wave of Fulani invasion swept away the first
three, those titles exist only in name. The Onikoyi has a
quarter at Ibadan, the bulk of the Ikoyi people being at Ogbomoso,
the family is still extant and the title kept up.* The same may be
said of the Aresa at Ilorin. But wherever the representative head
of the family may be, he is completely subject to the ruler of the
town, be he a Bale or a king. Thus the Olugbon at Ogbomoso
is subject to the Balgof Ogbomoso, the Aresa to the king or Emir
^ The Alasia is the only man privileged not to prostrate before
the Alafin in salutation according to the custom ot the country.
He sits on a stool with his back turned towards him.
* The town has been rebuilt and the Onikoyi returned home in
1906.
GOVERNMENT 77
of Ilorin, and similarly the Olowu at Abeokuta is nominally subject
to the Alake, the primus of the Egba chiefs.
In the Ekun Osi and Ekun Otun provinces, no special remarks
are called for in the arrangement of the titles in the government ;
they are for the most part a modified form of the Oyo titles.
IbglQ titles. — Amongst the Ibglgs the royal family is called
Omolaisin. The title next to that of the king which answers to the
Basorun is the Osa, next to the Osa comes the Aro, then the
Odofin and then the Ejemu. These are the principal councillors.
The other subordinate titles are chiefly military viz., the Jagun
and his heutenants the Olukotun and Olukosi. Then the Agbakin,
Gbonka, Asipa which are Oyo titles that have been borrowed.
Then the Saguna, Sakgtun, Sakosi, Asape, Oladifi Esinkin, and
the Ar'oguny6.
The Elesije is the chief physician.
Smaller towns are governed by the Bale, and the Jagun (or
Balogun) is the next to him. In time of war, the Bale appoints
the Jagun to go with the Kakanfo to any expedition to which the
AlAfin may send the latter ; but if it is a great expedition to which
he appoints the Onikoyi, all the other vassal kings, and the Bales
of every town were bound to go with him. The affairs of the town
are then left to be administered by the Bale Agbe, i.e. the chief of
the farmers. The duties of the Bale Agbe on ordinary occasions
are to superintend the tax collectors, and to assist the Jagun who
superintends the cleaning ot the roads.
The Iy.\lode, i.e. the queen of the ladies is a title bestowed
upon the most distinguished lady in the town. She has also
her lieutenants Otun, Osi, Ekcrin, etc., as any of the other principal
chiefs of the town. Some of these lyalodes command a force of
powerful warriors, and have a voice in the council of the chiefs.
Through the lyalode, the women of the town can make their
voices heard in municipal and other affairs.
The King's civil officers judge all minor cases, but all important
matters are transferred to the AlAfin of Oyo whose decision and
laws were as unalterable as those of the ancient Medes and Persians.
The Egba Province
" Egba k6 I'Olu, gbogbo won ni nse bi Oba (i.e. Egbas have
no king all of them act like a king), is a common saying. That
is to say, they have no king that rules. The king is acknowledged
as the head of the government, but only as a figure head. More
marked was this when they lived in separate townships before
their concentration at Abeokuta. The Ogbonis constitute the
town council, and they are also the executive, and even the
E
78 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
" king" was subject to them. The same rule holds good even
at Abeokuta for each township.
Amongst the highest Ogboni titles are : —
The Aro, Oluwo, Apena, Ntowa, Bala, Basala Baki, Asipa,
Asalu, Lajila, Apesi, Esinkin Ola, Bayimbo, Odgfin.
The warriors rank next after the Ogbonis, the Balogun and the
Seriki being the most important.
The Ijebu Province
Among the Ijebus the civil authorities are of three divisions,
viz., the Osugbos or Ogboni, 2, the Ipampa, and 3 the Lamurin.
Without these acting in concert, no law can be enacted or repealed.
Of these bodies, the Osugbos are the highest for even the king him-
self must be of that fraternity. The Lamurins are the lowest.
Amongst the Egbas and Ijebus, the Ogbonis are the chief
executive, they have the power of life and death, and power to
enact and to repeal laws : but in the Oyo provinces the Ogbonis
have no such power ; they are rather a consultative and advisory
body, the king or Bale being supreme, and only matters involving
bloodshed are handed over to the Ogbonis for judgment or for
execution as the king sees fit.
The actual executioners at Oyo are the Tetus, amongst the
Ibglos, the Jagun, and in the Epo districts the Akgdas or sword
bearers of the principal chiefs, acting together.
The Ijesa and Ekiti Provinces
In the Ijega and Ekiti provinces the form of government is
more or less alike, with slight modifications. The tendency is to
adopt the Oyo forms ; but they have some admirable systems of
their own. The municipal arrangements of the Ijesas are quite
excellent.
It has been mentioned above that there are 16 provincial
kings recognised in the Ekiti province under four principal ones.
The title of Owa is a generic term for them all, including that of
Ilesa. The Owa of Ilesa stands by himself, for the Ekitis hold the
Ijesas separate from themselves.
The Orangun of Ila is sometimes reckoned amongst the Ekitis ;
but he is not an Ekiti although his sympathies are with them.
He aims at being the head of the Igbomina tribes, but Ila seems
to stand by itself.
Titles in ancient times may be obtained by competition, and it
was not always the most worthy but the highest bidder that
often obtained them.
Chapter V
YORUBA NAMES
The naming of a child is an important affair amongst the
Yorubas ; it is always attended with some ceremonies. These of
course differ somewhat, amongst the different tribes.
The naming usually takes place on the 9th day of birth if a
male, or on the 7th if a female ; if they happen to be twins of
both sexes, it will be on the 8th day. Moslem children of either
sex are invariably named on the 8th day.
It is on that day the child is for the first time brought out of
the room, hence the term applied to this event — Ko omg jade
(bringing out the child). The mother also, is supposed to be
in the lying-in room up to that day.
The ceremony is thus performed : — The principal members
of the family and friends having assembled early in the morning
of the day, the child and its mother being brought out of the
chamber, a j ugf ul of water is tossed up to the roof (all Yoruba houses
being low-roofed), and the baby in the arms of the nurse or an
elderly female member of the family, is brought under the eaves
to catch the spray, the baby yells, and the relatives shout for joy.
The child is now named by the parents and elderly members of
the family, and festivities follow ; with presents, however trifling,
for the baby from every one interested in him.
This is evidently an ancient practice, a form of baptism which
the ancestors of the Yorubas must have derived from the eastern
lands, where tradition says they had their origin, and is another
proof of the assertion that their ancestors had some knowledge
of Christianity.
In some cases there is also the offering of sacrifice and
consultation of the household oracle on the child's behalf.
For the sake of convenience we call this the Christening of the
child. There are three sets of names a child can possibly have,
although not every child need have the three ; one at least will
be inapplicable.
1. The Amutorunwa i.e. the name the child is born with.
2. The AhisQ i.e. the christening name.
3. The Oriki i.e. the cognomen or attributive name.
A few remarks on each of these sets of names will serve to
elucidate their meanings.
79
80 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
I. The Amutqrunwa
r A child is said to be "born with a name" {lit. brought from
heaven) when the peculiar circumstance of its birth may be
expressed by a name which is apphcable to all children born under
like circumstances. The most important of these is twin-births.
No condition is invested with an air of greater importance, or has
a halo of deeper mystery about it, than that of twin-births ;
the influence is felt even upon children that may be born after
them. Twins in Yoruba are almost credited with extra-human
powers, although among some barbarous tribes they are regarded
as monsters to be despatched at once.
Taixvo or Eho. — The name of the first born of twins, applicable
to either sex. It is a shortened form of To-aiye-w6 (have the
first taste of the world). The idea is that the first born was sent
forward to announce the coming of the latter, and he is considered
the younger of the two. [Compare the stories of Esau and Jacob,
and of Pharez and Zarah,in both of which the first born of the twins
virtually became the younger of the two.]
Kehinde " He who lags behind," i.e. the second born.
tdowu. The child born after twins, male or female, Idowus
are cdways considered heady and stubborn, hence their usual
appellation " J)su lehiu ibeji " (the d 1 after twins). There is
also a current superstition that the mother who has had twins
and fails to get an Idowu in due course, may likely go mad ; the
wild and stubborn Idowu " flying into her head " will render her
insane ! Hence all mothers of twins are never at ease until in
due course the Idowu is born.
Idogbe. — The child after Idowu if male.
Alaba, — The child after Idowu if female.
Thus we see the influence of the twins affecting the second and
third births after themselves.
Eia Okd. — The name given to the third of triplets.
The next to twins in importance is the child named Oni Oni.
This name is given to a small neurotic child which at its birth
cries incessantly day and night. The child after Oni is called
Ola, the next O^^^nla, and so on.
These names signify to-day, to-morrow, the day after to-morrow,
etc. With a small tribe termed the Isih people, it is carried on
as far as Ijgni i.e. the 8th day, if the mother have as many.
Asa or Oroyh are names applied under conditions similar to
those of Oni by some clans. The latter is generally preferred
by worshippers of the god Orisa Oko.
Igh is a child born with breech or footling presentation.
YORUBA NAMES 8l
llgri is a child who was conceived during absence of menstru-
ation.
Qtnope signfies " the child is late " that is, a child born later
than the normal period of utero-gestation.
Ojo or Aina is a child born with the cord twined round its neck.
The choice of name is a matter of preference partly clannish or
by the decision of the family Oracle. Ojo, however, is never
given to females, Aina may be male or female.
Ajayi is a child born "with face downwards" it is styled
Adojude, that is to say, when rotation is absent during the exit
of the shoulders.
Oke is a name given to a child which faints away on being fed
in a horizontal position as is the custom of the country.
Oke (a bag) is a child born with membranes unruptured.
Salako (male), Talabi (female), a child born with the head and
body covered with the caul, or ruptured membranes.
Dada is a curly-headed child styled " Olowo Ori."
Olugbodi is a child born With supernumerary digits.
Abigna means " born by the way side." i.e. a child born when the
mother is on a journey, or away from home.
Abiodun born at the new year or any annual festival.
Abiose born on a holy day.
Babatunde means " father comes again," a name given to
a male child born soon after the death of its grandfather. The
sire is supposed to re-appear in the newly born.
Abiba is applied to a female under similar circumstances.
Yetunde means " mother comes again " a name given to a female
child born soon after the death of its grandmother. The granny
is supposed to re-appear in the newly born.
Babarimisa (father fled at my approach) is the name given to a
posthumous child.
Jg'hdJQ a child whose mother died at its birth (Ichabodlike)
or during the puerperium.
II, — The Abiso or Christening Name
All children need not be " born with a name " but all must
be named. Names are not given at random because of their
euphony or merely because a distinguished member of the family
or of the community was so named, but of a set purpose from
circumstances connected with the child itself, or with reference
to the family fortunes at the time etc. Hence the saying : — " He
la iw6 kia to so omo I'oruko (the state of the house must first be\
considered before naming a child). The names then are always
B2
THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
significant of something, either with reference to the child itself
or to the family.
A child may have two or more christening names given it
one by each parent or grandparents if living or by any elderly
member of the family. Whichever is most expressive of the present
circumstances of the family will be the one to stick.
(a) Names having reference to the child itself directly and indirectly
to the family : —
Ayodele Joy enters the house.
Onipede The consoler is come.
Morenike I have some one to pet.
Moseb'olatan Joy hitherto despaired of.
Omoteji A child big enough for two.
Akinyele A strong one befits the house.
Ibiyemi Good birth becomes me.
Ibiyinka Surrounded by children.
Ladipo Increase honour (of children born).
(b) Names having reference to the family directly and indirectly
to the child itself : —
Ogundalenu Our home has been devastated by war.
Otegbeye Warfare deprived us of our honours.
Ogunmola The river Ogun took away our honour,
lyapib Many trials.
Olabisi Increased honours.
Laniyonu Honour is full of troubles,
Kurumi Death has impoverished me.
Oyebisi Increased titles.
(c) Names compounded of Ade, Ola, Olu, Oye originally belonged
to one of high or princel}^ birth, but are now used more or
less indiscriminately : —
Adebiyi The crown has begotten this.
Adegbite The crown demands a throne.
Olaleye Honour comes fittingly, or is full of dignity.
Olubiyi A chief has begotten this.
Oyeyemi Title becomes me.
Oyewole Title enters the house i.e. where the parent
has a title.
N.B. — Ade does not always signify a crown, it may be taken
from the verb de to arrive, it may then mean coming, e.g.,
Adebisi or I .,
. , . t My commg causes an increase.
Adesina My coming opens the way.
Adepeju My coming completes the number (of births)
Adepoju The coming has become too much.
YORUBA NAMES 83
(d) Some names are compounded with fetish names showing the
deity worshipped in the family : —
Sangobunmi Sango (the god of thunder and Hghtning)
gave me this.
Ogundipe Ogun (the god of war) consoles me with this.
Ogunseye Ogun has done the becoming thing.
Omi yale The god of streams visits the house.
Oba-bunmi The King (i.e. god of small pox) gave me this
Fabunni Ifa has given me this.
Fatosin Ifa is worthy to be worshipped.
Fafumke Ifa gave me this to pet.
Osuntoki Osun is worthy of praise or honour.
It msLy be noted that names compounded with Ifa are very
common amongst the Ijesas which shows that they are devoted
Ifa worshippers.
(<;) Compounds of Ode shows that the father is a worshipper of
Ogun or Erinlc : —
Odewale Ode comes to the house i.e. visits the family.
Odemuyiwa Ode has brought me this.
These names are often confounded with Adewale and
Ademuyiwa.
(/) Compounds of Oso or Efun shows that the family is a
v/orshipper of Orisa Oko i.e. the god of the fields : —
Osodipe Oso has granted a consolation.
Osodeke Oso has become a roof i.e. shield and shelter.
Efunsetan Efun has done it (by granting the child).
Efunlabi Efun is the one born.
(g) Compounds of Oje are peculiar to the children of Elewi of Ado.
Names pecuUar to the royal family of Oyo : —
Male : Afgnja, Tela, Ajuan.
Female : — Ogboja, Siye, Akere.
Yoruba names are with few exceptions common to both genders.
Ojo and Akerele, however, are never applied to females. Also
names compounded oi Akin which means strength ; and, of course,
such names as Babatunde, Babarimisa can only apply to males,
and Yetunde to females.
Abiku Names
There are some peculiar names given to a certain class of children
called " Abiku " i.e. born to die. These are supposed to belong
to a fraternity of demons living in the woods, especially about and
within large Iroko trees ; and each one of them coming into the
84 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
world would have arranged beforehand the precise time he will
return to his company.
Where a woman has lost several children in infancy, especially
after a short period of illness, the deaths are attributed to this
cause, and means are adopted to thwart the plans of these infants
in order that they may stay ; for if they can only tide over the
pre-arranged date, they may go no more, and thus entirely forget
their company.
Besides charms that are usually tied on them and ugly marks
'they are branded with, in order that their old company may
refuse the association of disfigured comrades which must oblige
them to stay, certain significant names are also given to them in
order to show that their object has been anticipated.
Such are the following names : —
Malomo Do not go again.
Kosokg There is no hoe (to dig a grave with).
Banjoko Sit down (or stay) with me.
Durosinmi Wait and bury me.
Jekiniyin Let me have a bit of respect.
Akisatan No more rags (to bury you with).
Apara One who comes and goes.
Oku The dead.
Igbek6yi Even the bush wont have this.
Enu-kun-onipe The consoler is tired.
Akuji Dead and awake.
Tiju-iku Be ashamed to die.
Duro-ori-ike Wait and see how you will be petted.
Periodical feasts are usually made for these children of which
beans and a liberal quantity of palm oil must form a principal
dish. To this children of their age and others are invited, and their
company of demons, although unseen are supposed to be present
and partake of these viands. This is supposed to appease them
and reconcile them to the permanent stay of their comrade, so
that they may always have such to feed upon.
This superstition accounts for a rather high rate of infant
mortality, for parents are thereby led away from the proper treat-
ment of their ailments, while occupying themselves in making
charms to defeat the purpose of imaginary demons !
It is fair, however to add that thoughtful men have begun to
perceive the absurdity of this superstition, for many have been
heard to say " There is really no such thing as Abiku ; disease and
hereditary taints are the true causes of infantile mortahty."
YORUBA NAMES 85
III. — The Oriki or Cognomen or Pet Names
This is an attributive name, expressing what the child is, or
what he or she is hoped to become. If a male it is always expressive
of something heroic, brave, or strong ; if a female, it is a term of
endearment or of praise. In either case it is intended to have a
stimulating effect on the individual.
Yorubas are always particular to distinguish between the
Oruko (name) and the Oriki (cognomen or attributive).
Male attributive names :-=—
Ajamu One who seizes after a fight.
Ajagbe One who carries off after a contest.
Akunyun One who buzzes to and fro
Ajani One who possesses after a struggle.
Alawo One who divides and smashes up.
Ak h' I ^"^ conceived after a single touch.
Alabi or ) Is a male that comes after several female
Alade ) births.
Female attributive names : —
Amoke Whom to know is to pet.
Aygka One who causes joy all around.
Abebi One born after a supplication.
Apinke To be petted from hand to hand.
Akanke To meet whom is to pet.
Asabi One of select birth.
Aw^ro One to be washed and dressed up.
Alake One to be petted if she survives.
The use of the attributive name is so common that many children \
are better known by it than by their real names. Some do not ^^
even know their own real names when the attributive is popular.
But there is a method in the use of it ; as a rule, only children
are addressed by their Oriki by their elders, especially when they
wish to express a feeling of endearment for the child. It is con-
sidered impertinent for a younger person to call an elder by his
Oriki or pet name.
Certain names carry their own attributive with them e.g.
Adeniji (the crown has a shadow), the attributive to this is Apata
.(a rock). Hence Adeniji Apata, Apata ni iji i.e. Adeniji is a rock, a
rock that casts out its shadow.
IV. — The Orile or Totem
This is about the best place to take note of this singular system.
The term Orile denotes the foundation or origin ; and is of an
immense importance in the tracing of a pedigree. Each one
86 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
denotes a parent stock. The Orile is not a name, it denotes the
family origin or Totem. The real meaning of this is lost in obscurity.
Some say they were descended from the object named, which must
be a myth; others that the object was the ancient god of the
family, the giver of the children and other earthly blessings,
or that the family is in some way connected with it.
The Totem represents every conceivable object e.g. Erin (the
elephant), Ogun (the god of war), Opo (post), Agbo (a ram),
etc. The number of totems of course is large, representing as
each does a distinct family. Some families, however, have become
extinct, and some obscure ones there are who have lost their totems.
A married woman cannot adopt her husband's totem, much
less his name. Intermarriages within the same totem was
originally not allowed, as coming within the degree of consanguinity
but now the rule is not rigidly observed. The children both boys
and girls take their father's totem, except in rare cases, where the
father has lost his, or more usually when the mother's indicates
a higher or nobler rank. Some girls of noble birth will marry
below their rank, but would have their children brought up in
their own home, and among their father's children, and adopt
his totem. An illegitimate child if not acknowledged by the
supposed father cannot adopt his totem but the mother's,
especially if a female.
The following are some distinguished Totems : —
Erin, the elephant, the totem of the original line of the Kings.
Ogun, the god of war, the totem of the original line of the
Basoruns.
Both were merged in King Abiodun, who chose to adopt
his mother's totem, the Basoruns being pre-eminent in
those days. Hence the present line of Alafins' is Ogun.
Opo (a post). The totem of a noble Oyg family.
Okin (the love bird) Totem of the Olofa and the Oloro.
Iko ,, Onigusun.
Agan ,, Elese.
Edu ,, Onigbayi.
Ojo (rain) ,, Ologbin.
Agbe or Ade ,, Olukoyi.
Agbo (a ram) ,, Ajagusi father of Erinle.
Oge ,, Enira and the Onipe.
Ekan ,, Olufan
Elo ,, Elerin.
Eri ,, Oloyan
Tji ,, Onigbeti.
Ogo ,, Ijesa families.
YORUBA NAMES
87
WTien the Orukg (name) the Oriki (attributive) and the Orile
(totem) are given, the individual becomes distinctive, the family
is known, and he can at any time be traced.
Two men may be found with the same name, but rarely with
the same cognomen together, and more rarely still with the same
totem as well. The man is universally known by his Oruko
(name) familiarly by his Oriki (attributive). The Oriki is always
used in conjunction with his Orile (the family stock or totem)
expressed or understood : always expressed when endearment or
admiration is intended. The Orile of course is nevef used by itself
as it would be meaningless.
A name given in full will appear thus : —
Male.
Female.
Orukg
Oriki
Orile
Orukg
Oriki
Orile
Adewale
Agana
Erin
Ibiyemi ,
Abebi
Ikg
Abigdun
Ajamu
Ogun
Olawale
Asabi
Opo
Adejumg
Ajagbe
Oguri
Morenike
Abeje
Agan
Oyebgde
Akunyun
Opo
Mgwumi
Agbeke
Agbo
Adegboye
Isgla
0km
Layemi
Atgle
Ogun
Fagbemi
Akawo
QgQ
Ibisgtg
Akanke
Iji
Moslem
children although n
amed trom
the Arabic
: calendar
yet must have their Oriki and (
Drile ; thus
: —
AUhu
Isgla
Opo
1 Fatumg
Akanke
Ojo
\
Irregularities Introduced
The introduction of Christianity and the spread of British
influence over the country have been the causes of great irregulari-
ties in names which one meets with now in the Yoruba country.
The early missionaries, notably those of Sierra Leone, abolished
native names wholesale, considering them " heathenish," and
substituted European names instead : such names are naturally
transmitted to their children anglice, hence the incongruities
of names that puzzle a foreigner on his first landing in West Africa.
But with more enlightenment and better knowledge, a gradual
change is coming over this ; educated Yorubas cannot see why
Philip Jones or Geoffrey Williams should be more Christian than
Adewale or Ibiyemi ; he knows what these mean, the former to
him are but mere sounds, nor are their meanings — even wh( n
known — an improvement on his own.
But nothing sticks so fast as a name, and nothing more difficult
to eradicate ; for even in spite of the better knowledge Christians
still give to their children foreign names although in conjunction
with a Yoruba name. That an English name should be given at
88 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
all can hardly be contended to be necessary, but the practice is
defended by many who plead for it a universal custom, e.g. that
a convert to Mohammedanism adopts a Moslem or Arabic
name ; analogously therefore only Biblical names ought to be
given, but in the British West African colonies, Yoruba and other
tribes with Christian names include English, Scotch, Irish, Welsh,
German and Dutch names !
But there is another consideration that helps to rivet the yoke.
It invariably appears that most of those who have EngHsh or other
foreign names, are in some way connected with English education
and with Christianity, and are certainly in a way more enlightened
than their pagan brethren, or considered to be so ; hence it comes
to pass, that many who originally were free from the brand of a
foreign name, nevertheless still regard it as a mark of enhghten-
ment, and would voluntarily adopt one or more with their own
real names in order to be considered " up-to-date ! " Nothing
but a thoroughly sound education all round (and not limited to
individuals here and there) can remedy this evil : but in the mean-
time educated Yorubas are losing the knowledge and the genius
of the method of Yorubas in naming their children. Thus according
to the system now prevailing, where one English name is given
or adopted, it is used as the first name, and the Yoruba name as
the second or surname, e.g. James Adesina. Where two Enghsh
names are given the Yoruba is placed either in the middle as James
Adesina Williams, or at the end, as James Williams Adesina.
The reason for this want of system is due to the introduction of
another element unknown to Yorubas and is, therefore, a compli-
cation, viz., the prefix of Mr. to the names. This is foreign to Yoruba
genius arid language and makes a hybrid mixture, as it would
appear if attached to any historic Biblical name ! The essence of
the incongruity in this matter lies in the conversion of Yoruba
names into a surname or family name and it is in this particular
that the most appalling absurdity occurs. Thus some retain
their own Yoruba name as a family name to the exclusion of their
father's. Others use their father's name as a surname and suppress
their own native name or use it as a middle name. Some adopt
a brother's name as a family name if he is considered more eminent,
thus excluding the father's name and suppressing their own.
Some use the father's " Amutorunwa" as Taiwo, Idowu, Ige.
Some use the father's " Abiso " as Adejumo Layode, etc. Some
use the father's Oriki as Akawo, Alade, Ajasa, some use the
father's title as Apena, Dawodu, Mogaji, etc. All this in order —
as is alleged — to make the individual distinctive but as a matter
of fact to make the Yoruba conform to the English method,
YORUBA NAMES 89
because that is considered more civilized ! Some ridiculous results
have thereby been obtained e.g. a woman is called Mrs. Taiwo,
who was not twin-born, and probably her husband was not either,
but it may be his father or his uncle ! One fails to see how that
system makes her distinctive among thousands of Taiwos in the
land whilst it is so inappropriate.
A man was called Babarimisa because he was a posthumous
child ; on his becoming " civilized " his children according to the
English system of transmitting names became so many masters
and misses " Babarimisas " with himself alive I And yet these
absurdities are supposed to be necessary to Christianity and
civilization ! But when we remember that the fathers of western
civilization, as also the founders of Christianity with the early
Christians and martyrs have transmitted their names down to
history in a simple form as Yoruba names, it becomes evident
that the present method is not essential to Christianity or
civihzation.
And even now, we know that the familiar English method
does not prevail all over Europe, not even all over Britain, for
in the north of Scotland, it is usual for married women to retain
their maiden names, and children take their father's Christian names
for their own surnames, and yet, not only are the Scotch a highly
civilized people, they are also intensely Christian. From all this
we may learn that it is not necessary to do violence to an original
language as the Yoruba in order to be considered civilized or
Christian. Whatever incongruities may have been perpetrated
in the past, it behoves those who are responsible for the keeping
of the language in its purity to cease from inflicting these anomalies
on those brought under their influence, especially among converts
to Christianity.
Neither Christianity nor civilization requires a man's name to be
given to his wife or children, considering the purpose for which
children are named amongst the Yorubas.
On the coast, the corruption of the Yoruba language is pro-
ceeding at a rapid pace. What began with the names is now extend-
ing to phrases and expressions which are idiomatic English in
Yoruba words. The writer thinks it will require a strong effort
to preserve the Yoruba language in its purity.
Chapter VI
YORUBA TOWNS AND VILLAGES
All Yoruba towns with very few exceptions are built on one
uniform plan, and the origin of most of them is more or less the
same, and all have certain identical features. A cluster of huts
around the farmstead of an enterprising farmer may be the starting
point : perhaps a halting place for refreshments in a long line
of march between two towns. In any case it is one individual
that first attracts others to the spot ; if the site be on the highway
to a large town, or in a caravan route, so much the better ; the
wives of the farmers ever ready to cater refreshments for wearied
travellers render the spot in time a recognised halting place : the
more distant from a town, the more essential it necessarily
must be as a resting place ; if a popular resort, a market soon
springs up in the place, into which neighbouring farmers bring
their wares for sale, and weekly fairs held : market sheds are built
all over the place and it becomes a sort of caravanserai or sleeping
place for travellers.
As soon as houses begin to spring up and a village or hamlet
formed, the necessity for order and control becomes apparent.
The men would thereupon assemble at the gate of the principal
man who has attracted people to the place and formally recognise
him as the Bale or Mayor of the village (Ht. father of the land)
and thenceforth the mayoralty becomes perpetuated in his family,
with a member of the family either the son or the brother or a
cousin, succeeding in perpetuity. This however is the only
hereditary title in the village. The house of the Bale becomes the
official residence, and is thenceforth kept in good repairs by the
men of the town, and the frontage of his house becomes the
principal market of the town.
The Bale having been elected, he in turn appoints his Otun
(or right hand man), Osi (the left) and other civil officers of a town.
Even in this early stage, the necessity for defence is felt ; the
bravest man among them will be chosen as the Jagun or Balogun
and he in turn picks out his heutenants, so that in any matter
that may spring up, either civil or mihtary everybody knows his
duty and whom to look up to.
The village must necessarily be answerable to the nearest town
from which it sprang and thus an embryo town is formed. There
90
YORUBA TOWNS AND VILLAGES 9I
are cases in which an influential personage with a large following
deliberately built a town, and is from the beginning the recognised
head of the same.
In fact if there are but half a dozen huts in the place, that of
the headman or embryo Bale would be recognised.
From this we see how it is that the principal market of the town
is always in the centre of the town and in the front of the house of
the chief ruler. This rule is without an exception and hence the
term Oloja (one having a market) is used as a generic term or title/
of all chief rulers of a town be he a King or a Bale.
Minor chiefs also have smaller markets in front of their houses.
Market squares as a rule mark out the frontage of a chief or a
distinguished man, and the principal entrance to his compound
is marked out by its having a street verandah added to it right
and left, and if a King two or more kobis are added to the street
verandah. The larger the town, the larger the principal market
to which everyone resorts for morning and evening marketings
and is the general rendezvous of the town on every national or
municipal occasion. It is planted all over with shady trees for
sellers and loungers of an evening. The central market also
contains the principal mosque of the town, and the fetish temple
of the chief ruler, if he be a pagan.
Every town is walled, deep trenches are dug all round it outside,
the more exposed to attack the more substantial the wall and
for the greater security of smaller towns a bush or thicket called
Igbo He (home forest) is kept, about half to one mile from the
walls right round the town. This forms a security against a sudden
cavalry attack, and a safe ambush for defence, as well as hiding
places in a defeat or sudden hostile irruption. The tall trees in
them are sometimes used as a watch tower to observe the move-
ments of the enemy : except in tim.es of profound peace, it is penal
to cut trees in the home forest. Highways are made through them
straight to the town gate, and are always kept in excellent repair.
Towns in the plain that are greatly exposed to sudden attacks, or
those that have had to stand long sieges have a second or outer wall
enclosing a large area which is used for farming during a siege.
This wall is called " Odi Amola " (wall of safety), sometimes it
is called " Odi Amonu " (wall of ruin) as the wall has been to them
the means of safety, or has been unavailing for its purpose.
The town gates are always massive and a gateman lives in a
house adjoining the town wall, he collects the tolls from passers by.
Market people have a fixed amount to pay, varying from 40 to
200 cowries, and farm people contribute a trifle from whatever
they are bringing home, a head or two of corn, a handful of beans,
92 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
a yam or two, a few dry sticks and so forth, for his sustenance,
r' The gates are named after the most important town they lead to.
^ Each of these gates is in charge of a chief who is responsible to the
town for whatever may occur there or along the route to which it
leads right on to the frontier, also for keeping the walls of that
part in good repairs, as well as the highway leading out of the town.
This chief it is who is to put his servant there for collecting tolls,
the amount to be collected from each person being fixed by the Town
Council. This servant is expected to pay to his master a certain
sum every 9 or 18 days, being the average of what the gate yields.
Whatever surplus there may be in a brisk season, he appropriates
to himself or if there is a deficit, he is expected to make it good.
In Yoruba Proper (including the Egbas) streets are not properly
made or named except large thoroughfares leading to town gates,
and the squares and markets of chiefs.
It does not appear that any care is ever taken to choose the site
of a town, as the neighbourhood of large streams : wells are
sunk by individuals to supply drinking water. The streams that
may be flowing through the town are fouled beyond degree, and
are by no means fit for drinking purposes. For keeping the town
clean every compound looks after its own frontage and surround-
ings, in the market place every seller sweeps the space around her
stall.
The system of sanitary arrangements is the most primitive
imaginable ; near every large thoroughfare or a market place is
a spot selected as a dust heap for the disposal of all sorts of refuse
and sweepings of the neighbourhood, and at intervals, fire is set
to the pile of rubbish.
Here and there about the town are found leafy groves, usually
clumps of fignut trees, the neighbourhood of which is unsavoury
from the disposal of sewage. These sites are always infested by
crowds of those keen-scented scavengers of nature, the hungry -
looking vultures. Important chiefs have a large area of land
enclosed within their compounds within which spots are selected
for sanitary purposes.
Every chief is responsible to the town council for the quarter of
the town in which he resides.
When a town has grown up to the town wall, the town council
has to determine the amount of area to be taken in, and a new wall
is built enclosing such area. The whole of the town participates
in the work, even women and children also are engaged in fetching
water to mix the swish and in providing refreshments for the men-
folk ; the streets of the area simply follow the old line of the
foot paths to the farms now enclosed within the town.
YORUBA TOWNS AND VILLAGES 93
It must strike the most casual observer who has travelled over
the Yoruba country that those portions of the country which are
supposed to be more backward in intelligence viz. the Ijesa, Ekiti, If e
andother provinceshave betterstreets than themoreintelhgentones.
Old men attribute this fact to the effect of the intertribal wars. E.g.
in the case of Abeokuta, however well laid may have been the
streets of the original farm villas, when the refugees began to flock
in, attention could scarcely be paid to the ahgnment of the houses
each one simply tried to find out the whereabouts of the members
of his township, and thus they grouped themselves by their famihes
in every available space around the chief of their town.
The same may be said of all the towns of Yoruba proper which
have suffered from the vicissitudes of war. In later years the
.people seem to have lost altogether the art of laying out and naming
streets as is the case in Ijesa and Ekiti towns.
Roads. — ^Before the period of the revolutionary and intertribal
wars, the bulk of the Yoruba people Hved in the towns of the plain,
the towns in forest lands were small and unimportant, except the
city of Owu, all below this being regarded as in the outskirts.
Roads at that time were comparatively good. The country being
flat was interspersed with hundreds of towns and villages, the
inhabitants of which enjoyed the blessings of peace, and the
fruits of their industry. Good roads were then made from one
town to another, and were annually repaired at the time of the
drummers' and Egugun festivals. They were wide enough for the
easy progress of the company of dancers at these festivals and also
for nuptial processions.
But they are now neglected not only that they may impede the
easy advance of invaders, but also to aid the concealment of the
panic-stricken inhabitants, who at the first alarm disappear at
once in the bushes surrounding their towns and villages.
§ 2 Peculiar Yoruba Towns
There are some important towns which form exceptions to some
of the rules above given ; in their case the cause is due to intertribal
and the revolutionary wars as we shall find in detail in the second
part of this book.
I. Abeokuta. — This large town is a conglomeration of villages,
to the number of 153 with Ake as the chief. Each township (as they
are called) has its own organization. Ake can scarcely be said
to have any authority over them in their own local affairs, except
such authority as is granted by the Principal Chiefs or " Ogbonis "
who form the chief political organization. Hence we see that there
is not one central market for the town as such, in the frontage of
94 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
the chief ruler. There may be several Baloguns or Serikis, there
are at least four kinglings, and several Ogboni houses, each section
being jealous of its liberty and tenacious of its rights. Abeokuta
in short was never organized as a single town : its pecuhar pohtical
organization should be the subject of another chapter.
Ibadan. — This town was originally a small Egba village around
the site of the central market, but occupied by a portion of the
army that destroyed the city of Owu and devastated the Egba
villages. After the withdrawal of the Egbas into Abeokuta, the
motley crowd forming the army settled at Ibadan. Ibadan has
since been the mihtary encampment of Yoruba; the titles, order of
precedence, etc. are chiefly military. For that reason there is
not one family in which the title of Bale is hereditary and no official
residence for the Bale. The Bale is always chosen from old
retired war-chiefs, always by sufferance of the Balogun, who has
equal authority and more real power. But when the Balogun has
become old and has already won his laurels, he is expected to be the
next Bale. A young Balogun with his future to make yields the
mayoralty to an older chief, usually the Otun Bale. This is the
only town where such arrangement exists. Ibadan has no hom.e
forests. Attempts were made from time to time to form one, but
always without success through the habit of firing the fields year
by year at the dry season. They are in no fear of invasion. To be
in Ibadan is to be in a place of safety. Hence the Ibadans style their
town " Idi Ibon " i.e. the butt end of the gun ; for the same reason
also the town walls are very indifferently kept.
Ilorin. — Ilorin is in one respect different from the other Yoruba
towns, in that the ruhng powers are aliens to the place. How it
came about that Ilorin a pure Yoruba town, and one time the third
city in the kingdom fell into the hands of ahens and to this day
owns allegiance to other than its rightful sovereign, will be told in
its place ; but to this day the principal market and the chief mosque
of the town remain still in front of the house of the founder and
rightful owner of Ilorin.
These three towns, Abeokuta, Ibadan, and Ilorin are the largest
towns in the Yoruba country, and probably in West Africa, and the
three are the outcome of the revolutionary and intertribal wars.
Chapter VII
PRINCIPLES OF LAND LAW
The Land laws of the Yoruba country are simple and effective,
there being no need of any complicated or elaborate laws, as there
is enough land for all the members of the various tribes. Whatever
land is not effectively occupied is for the common benefit of all ;
no one need own any land which he cannot utihze, except farm land
left fallow for a short period.
Theoretically and traditionally we have seen above that
Yoruba land belongs to the AlAfin of Oyo as the supreme head of
the race. " The land belongs to the King " has passed into a
proverb. But it must be understood, that it is not meant that the
land is the private property of the King, it is only his as representing
the race, in other words, Yoruba land belongs to the Yoruba people
and to no other, hence as the Yorubas are split into so many tribes,
the head of each tribe, as representing the Alafin is the King for
that tribe, and he holds the land or division of the. country for the
benefit of the tribe, and even he has no power to alienate it perma-
nently of his own accord, to an ahen. All lands, therefore, includ-
ing forests and the plain are owned by some tribe or other, and no
one belonging to another race or another tribe can make use of
the land without the permission of the king and chiefs who hold /
the land for their tribe. Members of the tribe have no difficulty
at present in obtaining as much land as each requires for agricultural
purposes in which every one is supposed to be engaged ; with the
increase of population however, it is felt that some difficulties
will arise in future, but the chiefs can cope with such cases.
Lands are never sold, but may be granted to outsiders for life, and ^
to their heirs in perpetuity ; but where the land so granted had
been under cultivation, it is understood in every case that the fruit-
bearing trees, especially the palm trees, and kola-nut trees, etc., on
the land are not included in the grant ; hence the common
expression " The grantee is to look down not up," i.e. he is to
confine his attention to plants he has cultivated and not on fruit-
bearing trees he met on the spot.
Land once given is never taken back except under special
circumstances as treason to the state which renders the grantee
an outlaw, and he is driven altogether from that state or tribe,
and his land confiscated. Even when left unutilized, if there
95
96 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
are marks of occupation on it, such as trees planted, or a wall
built, etc., it cannot be taken back without the consent of the
owner.
There is no subject in which the Yoruba man is more sensitive
than in that of land. This normally quiet and submissive people
can be roused into violent action of desperation if once they per-
ceive that it is intended to deprive them of their land.
We shall see in the course of this history that the non-ahenation
of their land forms one of the main conditions of their admitting
a European officer among them by the Ibadans at the beginning
of the British Protectorate.
The forests are under the direct guardianship of the hunters
who form among themselves a fraternity recognized all over the
land, subject of course to the town authonties. Any laws, rules,
or regulations relating to forests that are to be made, must recognize
the rights, privileges and services of the hunters, especially, as
it is by them effect can be given to those laws. It is their duty to
apprize the chiefs of any town, of any spies, expeditions, or raids
that have that town or its farms for their objective. Crimes
committed in the forests must be traced, and the authors tracked
and unearthed by them. Any animal bearing traces or marks of
their bullets or arrow-wounds must be restored to them. All
information relating to forests must be given by the hunters to the
chiefs of the town.
The forests are free to every member of the tribe for procuring
building materials, medicinal herbs, firewood, etc.
Inlieritance. — When a man dies, his farms are inherited by his
children, and so from father to son in perpetuity, and, Hke the house
are not subject to sale. If his children are females, they will
pass on to the male relatives, unless the daughters are capable of
seeing the farm kept up for their own benefit. If minors, they may
be worked by their male relatives until the boys are of age to take
up the keep of the farms.
No portion of such farms can be ahenated from the family without
the unanimous consent of all the members thereof.
These are the simple, fundamental and universal laws appUcable
to all the tribes in general, but subject to modifications and
development according to the local exigencies of each place.
These exigencies may be due to the proximity of large populations,
and consequently higher value of land, the nature of the land,
whether forests with economic plants in them or pasture land, and
the locality whether near the coast where foreign intercourse affects
local habits, or far inland where the tribes remain in their sim-
plicity. But in every case the ruling of the local chiefs, and their
PRINCIPLES AND LAND LAWS 97
councillors must necessarily be the law for that tribe since the
fundamental laws are not violated.
None but citizens born or naturalized can own land permanently
in this country. Land granted to foreigners for a specific purpose
reverts to the owner or the state on the grantee leaving the country.
These are the general laws, to be observed rather in the spirit
than in the letter.
Chapter VIII
MANNERS AND CUSTOMS
§ {a) Social Polity
The ancient Yorubas were very simple in their manners, their
tastes, and habits. Their houses all on the ground floor are built
in compounds called Agbo He (lit. a flock of houses), that is to say
in the form of a hollow square, horse shoe or a circle, enclosing
a large central area, with one principal gateway the house being
divided into compartments to hold several families, all more or less
related or united by ties of kinship, or friendship. One piazza
runs right round the whole, and is used for all ordinary purposes
by day, and for the reception of visitors. The central area is
used in common by all the inmates for general purposes ; usually
horses, sheep and goats are found tethered in it.
The compartment of the head of the house is usually opposite
the main gateway or a httle to the right. It is larger, the roof
1 loftier and the piazza more spacious than the rest. Here the master
\ is expected to be found at all times (during visiting hours) by a
1 doorway which leads to his harem at the back of the house. This
J particular doorway is known as where the master " shows his face "
\ (for the reception of visitors) ; it is an essential adjunct to the
/ houses of chiefs or important personages, being used for no other
Vvpurpose, for at all other times it is kept closed. A high wall often
encloses a garden attached to the back of the building, the space
enclosed is always in proportion to the size of the house, the rank,
and the means of the owner. The houses of great men contain
smaller compounds at the back attached to the main compound,
these are called Kara or retiring quarters, each devoted to some
purpose from a harem to stables for horses.
The houses of chiefs are distinguished by a " street verandah "
(as it is called) on either side the main gateway on the outside,
varying in length according to the taste and capacity of the owner ;
the roof of which is an extension or projection of that of the main
building. It is used for lounging in the afternoons, at the cool
of the day. A small market is almost always to be found at the
frontage of such houses. The walls of the houses rising from 7 to
8 feet in height are built of mud, the roof consequently is low, and
is covered with a tall grass called Bere or with Sege or Ekan. In
forest lands where these are not obtainable, a kind of broad leaf
98
MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 99
called Gb6d6gi is used instead. The houses are without any decor-
ations ; the walls are plastered and polished with black and
sometimes red earth by the women whose work it generally is.
The houses of Kings and Princes are embellished with a sort of
wash which is a decoction made from the skin of the locust
fruit.
Now and then attempts are found at artistic decorations, by
figures traced on the wall ; but more commonly the front posts of
the verandah consist of carved figures of various kinds, equestrians
swordsmen, hawkers, etc. The floor is generally rubbed and
polished once a week.
The household furniture consists chiefly of cooking utensils,
waterpots, and a mortar with pestles, all of which are deposited in
the front and back piazzas of the house.
The use of bedsteads, tables and chairs being unknown, they
squat or lie on mats instead. In modern times those who can
afford it keep a few chairs for the accommodation of visitors in
European garb, who find it difficult or are unaccustomed to squat
on the ground. It is not unusual to find skins of buffaloes, leopard,"")
lion, or a large bullock hung up on the walls of the front piazza t
which are taken down for distinguished visitors to sit on. ^
All their valuables are kept in pots or bags made of bamboo
fibres, and placed in one corner of the sleeping room, so that in all
cases of alarm, whether of fire, or night attack by robbers or slave-
hunters, everything of value is soon taken away to a place of
safety whenever possible.
As all the houses are invariably built with mud ceilings which
are themselves fire-proof, the losses in cases of fire are small, and
of hardly any account, especially if the doors are kept rigidly
closed. The property of the women consists chiefly of cloths,
beads, with goats, sheep and poultry, these usually form a sub-
stantial part of their " dowry."
The head of the compound's principal wife is the mistress of 1
the compound, as himself is the master, and all heads of the /
several families within the compound are bound to pay their \_
respects to them the first thing every morning, the men prostrating
on the ground, and the women sitting on the ground and reclining
on their left elbow.
[This is the ordinary mode of saluting a superior in this country; ")
but when greater respect is to be shown, or pardon asked for some
offence committed, the men while prostrating lay the right and
left cheek alternately on the ground, and the women wrap their
cloth lower down, loose their head tie, and recline alternately on
the right as well as on the left elbow.
J
\
100 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
r~ Before Kings and great rulers, for a show of homage, they run
y to the porch of the house and back three times, throwing dust on
/their head or roll on the ground].
They are chiefs in their respective domains, where they transact
all business affecting the welfare or interest of the people in their
respective households. All important cases are judged and
decided in the master's piazza, and he is responsible to the town
authorities for the conduct of the inmates of his compound ; hence
the saying: — "Bale ni gloran awo " (the master of the house
must be privy to all secrets). His word is law, and his authority
indisputable within his compound, hence also another saying,
" Ob^ ti Bale ile ki ij§ lyale ile ki ise e " (the sauce which the
master of the house cannot eat or which is unpalatable to him,
the mistress of the house must not cook), which when applied
simply means that no one should go contrary to the wishes of the
master of the house.
To this high authority belongs a leg of whatever is slaughtered
in the compound, from a chicken to a bullock ; whether killed for
sacrifice, or for a festival, or for any other purpose of whatever kind.
At the death of the master of the house, when the period of
mourning is over, his successor be it his son, or his brother or
cousin as the case may be, removes from his own compartment
into that of the master. He is installed into his place by his feudal
lord, or in case the deceased be a public man, by the Town Council,
with a title that attaches him to one of the senior chiefs. But
before the ceremony can take place, the roof over the late master's
compartment (be it old or recent) is taken down and rebuilt afresh ;
hence the term for a successor, Arole i.e. one who roofs the house.
Personal Appearance. — In early times very little regard was
paid to personal appearance. Boys and girls up to the age of 8
years walked about in puris naturalihus ; from that period up to
the age of puberty they were allowed the use of aprons, the cut and
shape for either sex being different, the one from the other, that
for boys being called hante, that for girls tdhi. The whole period
was regarded as one of unencumbered freedom which ceases with
the act of marriage. It was not an uncommon thing to find girls
of the age of 15 when engaged in hard work whether at home or
in the farm with absolutely nothing on,' and even their mothers
on such occasions were but scantily clothed. This custom, how-
ever, excepting among some tribes as Ijgsa and Efon has completely
died out. The extreme poverty of the people in those early times
was probably the chief cause of such disregard of personal attire.
In modem times better attention is paid to their outward appear-
ance, and although from the standpoint of an enlightened civiliz-
MANNERS AND CUSTOMS lOI
ation there may be much to be desired still among the ordinary
class of people, yet on the whole, especially amongst the well-to-do,
the Yorubas dress very decently and becomingly as compared with
former generations of the same people.
Great regard, however, has always been paid to personal
cleanliness, and for this the tribe is specially remarkable. The
word Qbitn (filthy) as applied to a person carries with it such a
feeling of disgust which beggars description. The men are always
shaved and hence, when one appears unshaven, unwashed, and with
filthy garments on, you may safely conclude that he is mourning,
for these are the signs of it. Children and youths are either
entirely shaved or a strip of hair running from the forehead to the
occiput along the top of the head is left which is sometimes made
into circular patches. As it is considered decent and cleanly
for men to carry their heads bald so on the contrary " the hair is
the glory of the woman," and much attention is paid to it. Wom.en
have their hair done up in all sorts of ways dictated by their usual
vanity; the unmarried ones are distinguished by their hair being
plaited into small strips (from 8 to 14) from the right to the left
ear, the smaller and more numerous the plaited strips the more
admired. Married women on the other hand adopt other forms of
plaiting ; usually they commence on both sides and finish up in
the middle in a sort of net-work running from the forehead to the
occiput ; ornamental forms are adopted by some, such as stuffing
the hair in the middle of the head after being gathered from all
sides ; and others again as the Ijebus finish up theirs in the shape
of a pair of horns.
Character. — As regards the social virtues, the ancient Oygs or
Yorubas proper were very virtuous, loving and kind. Theft was
rare as also fornication in spite of the scantiness or often times
complete absence of clothing to which they were accustomed.
Friendship was more sincere. Children were more dutiful to their
parents, and inferiors respectful to their superiors in age or position.
Liars were formerly punished by exclusion from society and from
the clubs ; but as the whole people took dehght in ambiguous
forms of speech which were not understood by those unaccustomed
to their habits they were regarded and spoken of as prevaricators.
Now, as formerly they are remarkably patient of injuries, and
would never resist or retaliate except in extreme cases when
provocation became insupportable. They are characteristically
unassuming in their manners and submissive to their superiors.
They are very shrewd in driving bargains, and hence foreigners
speak of them as " African Jews " in reference to their commercial
instincts.
102 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
No nation is more remarkable for cautiousness and for putting
themselves generally on the safe side. When powerless they would
submit to oppression and wrong to any extent so long as they find
resistance useless ; but when an opportunity offers for asserting
their rights and overthrowing their oppressors, they are never
slow to embrace it. The common proverb embodies this trait
in their character : — " Bi owo eni ko te ekii ida a ki ibere iku ti o
pa baba eni," i.e., if one has not grasped the handle of his sword
he should not attempt to avenge the death of his father.
Intercourse with other nations has caused various forms of
vice to creep in among modern Yorubas or Oyos ; their natural
timidity and submissive spirit have produced a degeneracy of
manners so as to be considered essentially lacking in straightfor-
wardness ; they can effect by diplomacy what they cannot
accompHsh by force, in which proceeding the Oygs differ widely
from the other tribes, some of whom are characterised by a proud
and intractable spirit, but they are no less determined in carrying
out their object although the means used to effect their purpose
is essentially different.
Yorubas as a whole are social, polite, and proverbially hospit-
able. Licentiousness is abhorred. There are well attested cases
where a member of a family would be condemned to slavery by a
unanimous vote of all the relatives when he has brought disgrace
on the family. Sometimes forcible emasculation is resorted to as
a punishment (as in cases of incest) or total banishment from the
town and neighbourhood to where the offender is not likely to
be known.
A peculiar custom was prevalent amongst the ancient Oyos.
Young men were permitted to have intimate friends among the
fair sex, and they were often the guests of each other. At the
annual festivals the young man and his female friend would meet
and take an active part in the ceremonies, and render pecuniary
services or manual assistance to each other. At the time of harvest
the female friend with the full consent of her parents would go
for about a week or a fortnight to assist her male friend in bringing
home his harvest while he himself may be engaged on his father's
farm. Yet notwithstanding so much mutual intercourse strict
chastity was the rule not the exception. The practice, however,
has long been discontinued, owing to the degeneracy of the present
age.
Filial Duties. — It was the duty of every male child to serve
his father although he might be married and have a family of his
own unless he was exonerated from the obhgation by the father
himself. As a general thing a small portion of farm work was
MANNERS AND CUSTOMS I03
allotted to him as his day's work after attending to which he may go
and see after his own business. So while serving his father, every
son had his own private farm also to manage ; and it was on his
own portion of land that the female friend used to render assistance
in time of harvest.
All married women were also engaged in their husband's farm
and the harmony that usually prevailed between them and the
young people was very remarkable.
Young men were not allowed to marry until they could give
their father 10 heads of cowries, equal in those days to ;^io sterling.
They were seldom married before the age of 30 and the young
women, not before 20. Promiscuous rnarriages were not allowed,
freeborn must be married to freeborn, slaves to slaves, and
foreigners to foreigners. Except amongst the Igbonas consan-
guineous affinity however remote was not allowed.
Privileges of the Great. — Kings and nobles who kept harems
were exempted from this rule of affinity ; they were at liberty to
multiply wives from any tribe, and these wives might be of any
condition of life. It was the pride of Kings to fill their harems
with women of every description, such as foreign women, slaves,
hostages, daughters of criminals given as the price of redemption,
or seized in confiscations ; dwarfs, albinoes, hunch-backs, and any
other in whose persons there should appear any signs of lustis
naturcB. Such beings, being considered unnatural, were the King's
peculiar property. Hence the saying " Oba ni ije ^rg" (it is Kings
who are to feed on the uncommon).
104
THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
OYO MARKS
/idq/a //? je^ ^//?ree
/ii?q/<7//7se/j gf/oi/r
/ar/affb/7j ^fAe/\dq/a
Ae/re or Gp/rpdg Ae/re orOo/??^
Pe/e
Ture
OWU MARKS
Ada/a O/otve/
Ae/re O/om/
MANNERS AND CUSTOMS
io5
EGBA MARKS
JEBU MARKS
FE MARKS
IJESHA MARKS EFON MARKS
) 'I \ 'I
IGBOMNA MARKS YAGBA MARKS
ON DO MARKS
I06 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
§ {b) Facial Marks.
The facial marks are for the purpose of distinguishing the
various Yoruba families. Of these, only those of the principal
ones can be indicated. They are designated : — (a) Abaja, (b)
Keke or Gombo, (c) Ture, (d) Pele, {e) Mande and (/) Jamgbadi.
I. The Oyo marks are : — The Abaja, Keke or Gombo,
Ture.
{a) The Abaja are sets of three or four parallel and horizontal
lines on each cheek ; they may be single or double, each line
being from half-an-inch to one inch long.
Lines in sets of three : —
~ ~ or ~
The double sets are those of the Royal Family' of Oyo the
single that of the older line of Basoruns.
Lines in sets of four : —
^11 or =
These marks distinguish some noble families of Oyo.
Variations of these marks are made by adding three perpendi-
cular lines to them as a family distinction thus : —
iU _ or LU
The latter of these is common amongst the Ibolos and Epos.
{b) The Kek^ or Gombo consists of four or five perpendicular
and horizontal lines placed angularly on each cheek ; they
occupy the whole space between the auricle and the cheek bone ;
three small perpendiculars are also placed on the horizontal
lines on both cheeks thus : —
1 Besides the above, broad ribbon marks termed Eyo drawn
along the whole length of the arms and legs are distinctive of the
Royal Family of Oyo. For whereas homeborn slaves and others
closely related to Royalty may have the facial marks distinctive
of the house to which they belong, the Eyo marks are reserved
strictly for those actually of Royal blood.
MANNERS AND CUSTOMS
107
A variation of this is sometimes made by adding on the left
cheek the Ibamu i.e. a line running aslant from the bridge of the
nose to the horizontal lines. This also is for the purpose of distin-
guishing a family.
\
When the lines are rather bold, the mark is termed Keke,
when fine and faint it is termed Gombo. The K^ke or Ggmbg
is a common mark of all Qyos and of the Egbado tribe.
(c) The Ture consists of four perpendicular lines somewhat like
the Gombo, but longer, with the three small perpendiculars
but without the horizontals.
,.,l !
{d) The Pele are three short perpendicular lines over the cheek
bones, each about an inch long. They are not distinctive
of any particular family, but are used generally by some men
who disapprove of tribal distinctions, usually Moslems, but are
loth to remain plain-faced, e.g.
{e) (/) The Mande and Jamgbadi are no longer in use ; the
latter is said to be distinctive of aliens naturalized amongst
Yorubas.
These are the principal facial marks. The other principal
Yoruba families are distinguished by a slight variation of these
marks : —
II. Egba marks: — The Abaja dr6 i.e. the upright Abaja
is distinctive of the Egbas. They consist of three perpendicular
lines each about 3 inches long on each cheek. The younger
generations, however, have their lines rather faint or of shorter
lengths undistinguishable from the Pele.
III. The Egbado marks are the same as the Oyo marks
generally as this family remained in close connection with Oyo
and in their allegiance to the Alafiin long after the break-up of the
kingdom, and the establishment of tribal independence.
io8
THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
IV. Owu marks. These are of two kinds, both being
variations of Oyo marks. They are: — (a) Ahaja Olowu and
{b) Keke Olowu.
(a) The Abaja Olowu are three horizontal lines surmounted
by three perpendiculars each about one and a-half inches long.
(b) The Keke Olowu is like the Keke or Gombo with the lines
discrete or interrupted.
V. Ijgbu marks are also of two kinds (a) the first is much like
the A baja Olowu (the tribe from which they are partly descended)
but with the horizontals curved.
(b) The other is the Abaja Oro of the Egbas. The former is
more distinctive of Ij§bus.
VI. If§ marks are three horizontal lines like those of the
original Basgrun's marks, each being shorter, about half-inch
long. Otherwise Ifes are usually plain faced.
VII. The Ondos and Idokos have only one bold line or
rather a gash about one and a half inches to two inches long over
each malar bone.
VIlI. The Ijesas as a rule have no distinctive marks ; they
are mostly plain-faced ; some families, however, are dis-
tinguished by having on each cheek 5 or 6 horizontal lines.
They are closely drawn, and much longer than any Oyo mark,
e.g.
Amongst the Efons an Ekiti family, the lines are so many
MANNERS AND CUSTOMS lOQ
and so closely drawn that the whole together form a dark patch
on each cheek, e.g.
IX. The Yagbas are the most north-easterly tribes of
Yoruba ; they are distinguished by three long lines on each
cheek, far apart behind, but converging to a point at the angle
of the mouth, e.g.
X. The Igbominas are by some classed with Qyos, and by
others with Ekitis. It will, perhaps, be more correct to say they
are Oyos with Ekiti sympathies. They occupy a midway
position between the two ; and so their facial marks are parallel
like those of Qyos, but long and far apart like those of Yagbas,
yet not convergent in front e.g.
On the whole, speaking generally, the finer and more closely
drawn lines, are more elegant than the same drawn bold, and
too far apart.
We may note how each of the principal marks is indicated
by a different verb signifying "to mark": —
To be marked with the Pele is O kQ Pele
„ „ „ Abaja ,, O hu Abaja
Keke ,, O ja Kekg
,, ,, ,, Gombo ,, O iva Gombo
§(c) Diet
The diet of the common people is plain but substantial. The
morning meal is a kind of gruel made from corn flour (maize or
guinea corn) and taken between 7 and 8 a.m. with Akara an oily
cake made of beans, ground and fried. There are no fixed hours
for meals. After midday, dinner is served, each family consulting
its own convenience as to the precise time of eating. Supper is
taken in the evening generally between 7 and 9 p.m.
In ancient times pounded yam is served out in a large bowl
or earthenware vessel, and both the father and his children and
grandchildren sit around it to partake of the food. Each one dips
his hand into the dish and takes a morsel in strict order of seniority.
^
no THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
the youngest present acts the part of a servant and waits on his
seniors ; and whether the food be sufficient or not care was usually
taken to leave some portion for him.
The staple articles of diet are yam and yam flour, corn and
corn flour, beans of various kinds, cassava, sweet potatoes, etc.
Only the well-to-do can afford to indulge in flesh diet daily, the
poorer people are mostly vegetarians, except when animals are
slaughtered for sacrifice they seldom partake of meat ; game,
however, is plentiful. Dwellers on the coast have a plentiful
supply of fish.
Of fruits the principal are : — The shea fruit in the plain, the
Oro {Irvinga Barter i Hook) in forest lands. The Ori or black
plum {verbenacea cuneata), locust, bananas, plantains, pawpaws,
oranges, lime (citron), pine-apples, the well-known kola nut, and
the bitter kola {garcinia kola-Heckel) , ground nuts {Arachis hypogea) ,
etc. Their drink consists of palm wine, bamboo wine, and beer
made from the guinea corn or from maize.
§ {d) Dress
The Yorubas clothe themselves in loose flowing robes like the
people of the East, whence indeed they trace their origin. The
men wear gowns, vests, and a very free and ample kind of trousers
called S6k6t6. In lieu of the gown sometimes a sheet of cloth
three yards by two is thrown around the body for a covering,
passing under the right arm-pit, and overlapping over the left
shoulder.
In ancient times the gowns were made very plain and were
, of purely native manufacture. They were without embroidery
on the breast and around the neck as at present ; only kings and
chiefs wore gowns made of superior stuffs richly embroidered.
The covering for the common people is called Eleg6d^. The
weavers have a standard of breadths for all home-made cloths.
Men's coverings are made of 14 breadths, and women's of 10,
of about 5 inches each. Cloths of wide breadths— say about a
yard — were first imported from Or6 or Ila in the Igbomina
province, and were known as Akoko cloths being chiefly the pro-
duction of Akoko women ; hence the practice spread all over the
country for women to manufacture broad width cloths, and men
narrow ones. Formerly only men were weavers and tailors, but
from intercourse with other nations the women now engage in the
same craft.
The vest spoken of above is known as kukumg over which the
gown or loose cloth is thrown. It is sleeveless and without a collar,
and open in front ; it may be made of any kind of native stuff.
i
MANNERS AND CUSTOMS HI
but that which is made of Alari (crimson dye) or of SSmayan
(rough silk) is the most respectable, as it is at the same time most
costly.
Another kind of vest is termed Ewii ; this is much like the former,
but with sleeves ; it is more commonly used in modern times ;
in full dress it is often worn under the gown, and is always made of
white stuff.
There is another form which seems to be of foreign importation
used only by big men ; it is- full of pleats below reaching to the
calves, but the sleeves are very ample and long, about 12 inches
longer than the arms, very wide at the end. It is called Dandogo,
and is worn in lieu of the gown.
Togo is a sleeveless dress like kukumo but smaller and simpler ;
it is the soldier's dress and is often worn with a turban wrapped
round for a belt.
There are three sorts of gowns, the Suliya, Agbada and Girike.
The Suliya is the smallest, plainest and lightest ; always made
of white material, it reaches much below the knee, open at the
sides, with the arm stretched the sleeve would reach as far as the
wrist, but long and pointed below. The Agbada is a larger form,
always made of dyed or coloured stuff. It reaches as far as the
ankles, much embroidered at the neck and breast, open at the
sides, and quite covers the arms. The Girike is the largest and
heaviest, it is like the Agbada but more ample ; it is much
embroidered, reaching also as far as the ankles, and extends
beyond the arms.
Trousers (called Sokoto) are made of different shapes and
lengths, but all are kept round the waist by a strong cord. They
are worn below the vests. They consist of the following : —
(a) Ladugbo is the commonest, worn by young and working
men, it is quite free, but somewhat tight at the knee where it
terminates. It is now out of fashion.
(b) Aibopo, also common, worn by all classes. It is free but
tightened towards the knee where it terminates.
(c) The Alongo. This is tight throughout, and is not unlike a
bishop's gaiters. It reaches below the knee, and is used chiefly
by sportsmen.
(d) The Kdfo is a tight-legged dress like the Alongo, but reaches
as far down as the ankles. It is worn by warriors and ruffians
generally.
(e) The Ketnbe. This is made like the Aibopo but richly
embroidered about the legs with threads of crimson dye. This
is the kind usually worn by nobles and gentlemen.
(/) The Efa or Abenugbangba. The name (wide-mouthed) well
112 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
describes the nature of the trousers. It is a kind that is very
free, longer than the Aibopo, is somewhat shaped like European
trousers, but stops short a little below the knee.
(g) The Wondo is made entirely like the European trousers.
Though once fashionable, yet is now entirely out of use.
{h) The last is the Agadansi. This is adopted from the Nupes,
by whom it is commonly used. It extends from the waist to
the ankles ; it is very free throughout save at the ankles where
it terminates and is heavily embroidered there. It is often made
of two or three j^ards wide (sometimes more) so that when the feet
are thrust in at either end, and the cord drawn above, it gathers
into a large volume between the legs.
The men's head-gear is usually a cap (Filk) of which there are
two kinds ; the ordinary filk which is about lo inches long, rather
close fitting, and is bent upon itself on the top. The turban is
generally wound round it by Moslems and full-dressed gentlemen.
The other kind is used generally by young folks, and is called
Fild Ab'eti i.e. the ear-covering cap. It is shaped like the sector
of a circle, the pointed ends being used — as its name denotes — for
covering the ears in cold weather. But when used otherwise the
pointed ends are tmned fore and aft, the point on the forehead
being tilted up in a sporting manner to show the under -surface
prettily done up wth cloths of bright colouring : it is then termed
Lahankadd.
Hats made of straw, and ornamented with coloured leather are
worn solely for protection from the sun : the crowns are large
enough to accommodate the turbaned head.
The women's dress is much simpler, two or three wrappers
and a head dress or circlet complete their toilet. Unmarried
women generally use two wrappers, the under wrapper being fixed
above the breasts. This is made of fine cloth and is heavier.
The upper is fixed about the middle of the body ; and is made of
lighter cloth. To these married women add a third, used as a
shawl, or covering for the head and back. Underneath all these,
and immediately next the body is worn from the age of puberty
a short apron or petticoat reaching the knees, and tied round the
waist with a strong cord or band. This is called T6bi.
Female headgear consists of a band, of about 6 to lo inches
wide and 5 feet long (more or less). This is wound twice round
the head and tucked on one side. It may be of plain cloth
or costly, as she can afford. Well-to-do ladies use velvet
cloths.
Hats are used only as sunshades ; the crown is small for the head
but the rim is as wide as an open umbrella.
MANNERS AND CUSTOMS II3
Camwood to the feet and stibium to the eyelids complete the
female toilet.
§ {e) Marriage
In ancient times the Yorubas were mostly monogamic ; not
from any enlightened views on the subject however, but rather
from necessity ; for, although polygamy was not actually forbidden,
yet only rich folk could avail themselves of indulgence in that
condition of life.
Besides, in a community mainly pastoral and agricultural,
where all were peaceful, and no one engaged in any occupation
perilous to the lives of its male population e.g. warfare, sea-
faring, deep mining, etc., where wants were few, and those easily
satisfied, the young men married as soon as they were of an age to
support a family, and therefore a superfluous female population
was hardly ever known.
The marriage laws and customs have undergone changes brought
about by intercourse with other peoples, but the chief features in
them are still preserved.
Where all things are equal and normal, there are three stages
to be observed, viz. i. An early intimation. 2, A Formal
Betrothal. 3, The Marriage.
1. An early intimation. — It is generally the duty of the female
members of the family to look out for a wife for their male relative ;
girls are generally marked out from childhood as intended for a
particular young man, with or without her knowledge ; this is the
first stage in the process. Mutual relations at this time are of
an informal nature ; much depends upon subsequent events,
especially on the girl's liking for the man when she is of age, and
the consent of the parents. There are other important factors
in the matter, but for the former, ways and means are found for
the girl to make the acquaintance of the future husband. This
period is also employed in making a close acquaintance with each
other's family, for before a formal betrothal is made the relatives
on both sides will first satisfy themselves that the family of the
other side is free from the taint of any hereditary disease such as
insanity, epilepsy, leprosy, etc. and also whether they be insolvent
debtors. As mutual understanding becomes established, presents
are usually given at the New Year, and at other annual festivals.
This period will last until the girl is of marriageable age.
2. The Betrothal, — This is called the " Isihun " or formed consent.
No girl will marry without the consent of her parents ; and it is
rare for a girl to refuse the choice of her parents. The family oracles
are invariably consulted before the final decision is arrived at.
114 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
The ceremony of betrothal is a very important one ; it is
generally performed in the night, when all the most important
members of the family on both sides will be at leisure to be present,
as well as their intimate friends. The young man is to present
40 large kola nuts, some money, and several pots of beer for the
entertainment of those present. The kola-nuts have to be split,
and all present as well as important absentees must have a share
of them, indicating thereby that they are witnesses of the betrothal.
From this day, the girl is not to meet her fiance or any member of
his family without veiling or hiding her face.
Then follows what is known as the AnS or " dowry." The
bridegroom-elect has to present to the parents of the intended
bride, choice kola-nuts, some alligator pepper, and bitter kolas.*
Also a fine wrapper of good quality, a large covering cloth,
a head tie, and some money according to his ability. . Well-to-do
families rarely require more than 10 heads of cowries in these
days, in earlier times one head was considered ample — only as
a token.
Whatever variations may be in these presents, the kola-nuts of
both kinds and the alhgator pepper are invariable and essential.
If the girl happens to be doing debtors' service at the time, the
young man will pay the debt and release her, before the marriage
can take place.
This event (the betrothal) is also an occasion of rejoicing,
feasting, and offering of sacrifices. The parties themselves are
to carry special propitiatory sacrifices offered to the evil one.
This is termed " Ebg lyawo " i.e. A bride's sacrifice.
3. Marriage. (Igbeyawo). — Marriages may be solemnized at
any time of the year, except during the fasts, but the most usual
time is after the season of harvest, and following the Egugun
festival.
The bride is conducted to her new home always in the night,
attired in her best with a thin white cloth for a veil, and attended
by her companions all well clothed, with drums, and singing and
dancing. The bridal party is met at the entrance gate of the
bridegroom's compound by a female band of the house specially
selected for the purpose, and by them the ceremony of washing
the bride's feet is performed, and then the bride is literally lifted
and borne into the house. Hence the term for marriage " Gbe
lyawo " i.e. lifting or carrjdng the bride. She is then conducted
into the bathroom where she is washed, rubbed down, perfumed,
' This is really not dowry but symbols of future relationship
between both families.
MANNERS AND CUSTOMS II5
and dressed up afresh, and then conducted into the apartment of
the head lady of the house. She now becomes the inmate of that
house for life.
The bride is usually brought with her idols, and furnished from
her home with every thing that appertains to the female depart-
ment of house-keeping, including cooking utensils, brooms, and
other articles for house use.
If she gives satisfaction to her husband, and friends, presents
are sent on the next day to her parents, she herself is covered
with trinkets (consisting chiefly of corals and other costly beads,
gold necklaces where they are obtainable, etc.) and the festivities
continue for at least three days.
A bride who is found unchaste is rather hardly used and some
times severely punished to the extent of having her tied^ and
severely flogged, thus compelling her to name her violator so as
to have him severely fined. No ornaments are allowed her
and she may be ordered to perform errands out of doors unveiled,
the next day, or may be sent out with a pitcher for water ! Other-
wise, a bride is never seen out of doors for 12 months at least
after her marriage, except closely veiled, and with attendants.
In the case of Moslems, liturgical forms of ceremonies are per-
formed by the priest in the house or in the mosque. This is
termed Isoyigi. Such women alone in former times had the
privilege of covering their head with a light shawl when out
of doors ; but the practice has now been extended to all married
women.
Widowhood and Remarriage. — Three months is the period of
mourning in Yoruba, during which time widows remain closely
indoors ; they may spin, dye, or do any home work, but must do
nothing that will take them out of doors. Among other signs of
widowhood is an entire absence of personal attention, they neither
bathe nor do up their hair, nor change the cloth they had on at
the time of the husband's death.
This period over, they are open to offer of marriage from mem.bers
of the deceased husband's family. Where there are several
women, the heir (usually the eldest son or younger brother) who
succeeds to the headship of the house, usually inherits the majority
of the women, except of course his own mother. The custom
is for each man to send his chewing stick (tooth brush) round to
the woman of his choice, she is expected modestly to decline
' This gave rise to the proverb " Tani de o ti o nka oko " i.e.
who has tied you that you begin to name a violator ? The equiva-
lent of Qui s'excuse s'accuse.
Il6 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
it once or twice ; but if she refused it the third time, the refusal
is taken as final.
The following peculiarities mark Yoruba wedded life : —
1. Women are never really married twice ; they may be inherited
as widows, or taken for a wife outside the late husband's family,
but the marriage ceremony is never gone over again under any
circumstances.
2. Once married they are attached for ever to the house and
family of their deceased husbands ; hence it is more usual for widows
to choose another husband from the same family.
3. No woman is without a husband, except in extreme old age,
but every woman must in any case have a male protector who is
responsible for her.
4. Divorce is very rare ; so rare as to be practically considered
X as non-existing. It is by no means easily obtained especially
when there are children of the union.
The causes that may lead to a divorce are : — Adultery with the
husband's blood relation, kleptomania, repeated insolvency,
especially such as may bring trouble to the house. A woman
may apply for a divorce for extreme cruelty, which can be testified
to, and ill-usage.
But these causes notwithstanding a divorce is never granted by
the rulers of the town until all possible means of reclamation have
been exhausted.
5. A woman divorced from her husband can never be married,
or taken up legally by another man ; hence the saying A ki isu
opo alkye (no one can inherit the relict oi a living man).
Under purely Native Government the above rules still hold
good.
Other Recognized Forms of Marriage
There are cases in which all the above forms and ceremonies are
not gone through, and yet the woman is regarded as the lawful
wife of the man of her choice. Mutual consent is the only thing
indispensable. Of such cases, some may be girls who when of
age, will not accept the man chosen for them from childhood,
except one of their own choice. Some may be widows who failed
to be mated at the house of her late husband. Some may be
slaves who have redeemed themselves, or a captive of war, or
one bought to be made a wife of. In all such cases, the woman's
free consent, and the recognition of her by the members of the
man's family, are all that is required for her to be regarded as the
man's lawful wife.
There is a third form of marriage which is more common among
MANNERS AND CUSTOMS II7
Moslems of modern times. In such cases, it is not usual to
mark out a husband for the girls from childhood ; but when
they are of age, the father, seeing a young man he delights in, or
an elderly man with whom he desires to form a connection, if he
expresses himself willing to accept the gift, the father after a very
short notice will order his daughter to be washed and dressed
up and taken over to the man in the evening, as a " Sarahk"
i.e. a free gift of God ! The|;irl may not even know the man until
she is taken to him !
In such cases a girl that is wild and unruly who is likely to
bring disgrace on the family receives but a few hours' notice ;
but a dutiful and obedient daughter will always have her
feelings consulted, and her wishes granted as to her choice of the
man and the time of the marriage. Festivities are performed in
these cases also.
These are the three forms of wedlock recognized by the Yorubas
the first being far more binding than the latter two.
Moslems hold that the Koranic law limits them to four wives,
and, therefore, the ceremony of Isoyigi is never performed for the
same man above that number.
Other wives taken without the ceremony of Isoyigi are known
as Wahari (a Hausa word) ; they are legal in every way and their
children quite as legitimate, but both mother and children are
regarded as somewhat inferior to those others. Amongst pagans
the " customs " detailed above take the place of Isoyigi with the
status it confers upon both the mother and the children.
Only the products of an illicit intercourse are regarded as
illegitimate.
§ (/) Trades and Professions
The principal occupations of men are: — Agriculture, commerce,
weaving, iron-smelting, smithing, tanning and leather working,
carving on wood and on calabashes, music, medicine, barbing,
and other minor employments.
Agriculture. — This is the most general occupation of the bulk
of the people. It is carried on with simple and primitive instru-
ments, viz. a hoe and a cutlass, and nothing more, both of home
manufacture. Ploughing is unknown, and it is very doubtful
indeed whether a plough would be of much service to them
under present conditions ; experiments with that instrument
by those who understand the use of it have not proved successful.
The principal articles of food and of commerce grown are : —
Corn (guinea corn in the north and maize in the south), beans of
several varieties, ground nuts [arachis hyPogea), yams of various
Il8 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
species, sweet potatoes, koko (colocasiaantiquorum), pepper, piper,
calabashes and other kinds of gourds, coffee, cocoa, kola nuts,
vegetables of all sorts for home consumption, cotton for weaving,
etc.
When a plot has been worked with rotation of crops for a
few years, it is left to lie fallow for some years whilst contiguous
plots are put under cultivation, and so on alternately ; manuring
is unknown. The soil is remarkably fertile under present system.
Women and children assist in reaping and in bringing harvest
home. No beasts of burden are employed in agricultural operations.
All farmers and men of any importance have generally smaller
farms nearer home " Oko Utile " and a more distant one generally
in the forest " Oko Egdn." When engaged in the nearer one,
they work from 6 or 7 a.m. to 5 p.m., with intervals for meals, and
then return home ; but at the distant farm, they invariably
remain there for weeks and months before returning home.
Regular farmers do so only at -the annual festivals. In these
farms, not only are fruits of the earth cultivated but also poultry
and smaller cattle are reared for the market. Fairs are held period-
ically in some central farm markets where these products are dis-
posed of to market women from surrounding towns and villages.
Although the soil is well adapted for raising fruits, yet fruit
trees are rarely cultivated for the supply of markets.
Commerce. — Commerce comes next in the order of im.portance.
Yorubas are keen traders, they are to be found in every part of
neighbouring countries for that purpose. A large trade is carried
on by barter. Cowry shells, the medium of exchange, being too
clumsy for large transactions, are used only for small exchanges
locally ; the very small species are used by travellers. Costly
beads are used by many on distant journeys for trade, they are
valued as precious stones. Thus the products of the north are
given in exchange for those of the south, and those of Yoruba
land for those of neighbouring states always by barter. Both
sexes are engaged in trade but each in his own line.
Currency. — Metallic currency was unknown previously to the
arrival of European traders, and even as lately as 1897 in places
far off from the coast coins were regarded more or less as a curiosity.
Silver was better appreciated than gold or copper, because it can
be converted to ornaments. Silversmiths abound in the country
whilst there were no goldsmiths. Shells then stood for money
and are thus calculated : —
40 cowries = i string
50 strings = i head
10 heads = i bag
MANNERS AND CUSTOMS UQ
The value of a cowry was never fixed. Countries nearer the
coast can obtain them with greater faciUty than those inland,
and therefore they are of higher value in the interior ; but since
the British occupation of Lagos the principal port of the Yoruba
country, and English coins began to circulate in the country,
the rate of exchange became practically fixed at 6d. for a " head "
(the usual standard of calculation) i.e. 2,000 cowries ; hence 3d.
= 1,000 cowries. But coppers being considered inferior in value, one
penny is taken at 300 cowries each ; 3d. in coppers then would be
900 cowries. Cowries are an absolute necessity at the present
stage of the country, and should be used pari passu with coins
for purchases below one penny. Fruits, herbs, and small articles
of food may be purchased for a few cowries, beggars collect them
by two's and three's from passers by, and thereby earn enough
to keep life going ; to what extent they are rcire, to that extent
the hardships of life are felt in the land. .
The custom of stringing cowries was for the facility of counting
large sums ; they were usually strung by 200 in 5 strings of 40
each, three of 66 or two of 100 each and with a discount of one per
cent.
Esusu is a universal custom for the clubbing together of a number
of persons for monetary aid. A fixed sum agreed upon is given
by each at a fixed time (usually every week) and place, under a
president ; the total amount is paid over to each member in rotation.
This enables a poor man to do something worth while where a
lump sum is required. There are laws regulating this system.
Weaving. — This also is carried on by both sexes but in different
styles of manufacture. Men weave cloths of narrow breadths
about 5^ inches wide called Alawe. The loom is operated upon
N^dth both hands and feet ; the threads of the warps are so arranged
that they open and close by a mechanical contrivance worked
by both feet moving alternately as the pedals of an harmonium,
whilst the shuttle about 8 by 2 inches carrying the woof is
tossed and caught by the right and left hand alternately through
the opening, the disengaged hand being rapidly used in ramming
in the thread. The cloth is woven in one long strip and then cut
to the required lengths and tacked together.
Tailoring is done mostly by men only as it is only men's dress
which requires a tailor. It includes embroidery made in the neck
and breast of men's gowns. Women being wrapped in plain
cloths hardly require tailoring. The stitches are made the
contrary way to that of European tailors, the needle being pushed
away from the seamster, and not toward himself.
Iron Smelting was carried on more largely in earlier than in
120 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
modern times. Certain districts are rich in iron ores, its iron
production gave its name to the city of Ilorin, from Ilo irin, iron
grinding, also to El eta a district of Ibadan " Eta " being the term
for iron ore. Certain districts in the Ekiti province are also famous
for their iron ores from which good steel was made, such as Oke
Mesi. Charcoal from hard wood, and the shells of palm nuts are
the materials generally used for generating the great heat required
for the furnace (called Ileru) which is kept going all the year round.
Iron rods and bars of European commerce being cheaper are fast
displacing home-made products, and here and there all over the
country the furnaces are being closed, and soon will doubts begin
to be expressed as to whether Yorubas ever knew the art of smelting
iron from the ores !
Other products of the mines e.g. gold, silver, tin, etc., are not
known among the Yorubas.
Smithery is carried on largely. Before the period of intercourse
with Europeans, all articles made of iron and steel, from weapons
of war to pins and needles were of home manufacture ; but the
cheaper and more finished articles of European make, especially
cutlery though less durable are fast displacing home-made wares.
There are also brass and copper smiths who make ornaments
from these materials ; for this purpose brass and copper bars are
imported from foreign parts.
Workers in leather were formerly their own tanners, each one
learns to prepare for himself, whatever leather he wants to use ;
black, white, green, yellow, and brown are the prevailing colours
given to leather. They are now largely imported from Hausa-
land, principally from Kano.
Every worker is expected to know, and to be able to execute
the various crafts performed with leather, e.g. saddlery, sheaths
to swords and knives, leather ornaments on hats, waistbands for
children, leather cushions, bolsters, boots and shoes, sandals, etc.
It may be remarked that shoes and boots are used only by riders
on horseback, and therefore they are always made with spurs
immovably fixed upon them.
Music is a favourite pastime and gives occupation to many,
both men and boys.
Musicians also have first to learn how to manufacture the
instruments they have to perform upon, hence each one can easily
repair a damaged instrument.
Yoruba music has yet to be studied and reduced to a system
by a competent musician ; how essential this is can easily be
recognized when we consider how much time and trouble is spent
in acquiring the art, and how much the practice of it enters into
MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 121
the varied life and conversation of the people. Having learnt
how to make their instruments, they then begin to learn how to
speak with them, an operation to which the Yoruba language
readily lends itself, as it consists chiefly in modulation of the
voice ; this the instruments try to imitate. The praises and
attributes of great men and distinguished names are got up, and
the various measures in dances are learnt. There is no sound
more common in Yoruba towns than what Europeans term
" tomtoms." Musicians are in requisition at weddings, funerals,
in processions of all kinds religious and otherwise ; they are constant
attendants on all great men, and many of them parade the streets
asking alms on their drums.
Musical Instruments used by the Yorubas are of two classes
only, viz. wind and percussion.
{a) The Ivory trumpet and the Kakaki introduced from the
Hausa and Nupe are used for the AlAfin alone. The Fami fami,
Okinkin, Igba, Tiyako fife and the Oge. These are the principal
wind instruments.
{h) The Koso is the AlAfin 's drum, and the Ogidigbo is used
only on the occasion of the AlAfin and theBasorun dancing on the
annual festivals.
The Calabash drum — ornamented with strings of cowries —
is called Sek^r^. The Yangede, Dundun, Bata, Aye, Sami,
Siki and the Apinti are all ancient drums. The Aro (cymbal)
the Bembe, introduced from Hausa, and the Gangan the noisiest
but most popular are of recent invention. These are the percussion
instruments.
Stringed instruments are rarely used, except by Hausa mendi-
cants.
Medicine. — There are certain persons, doctors by profession
(general practitioners) to whom people resort on an emergency.
They are called Adahunse. There are no institutions like hospitals,
but some of these doctors do keep on their premises a number of
invalids suffering from chronic or constitutional diseases, e.g.,
leprosy, insanity, chronic ulcers, etc. Many of these patients
being unable to pay the doctor's fees, style themselves " Gba
mi o ra mi " i.e., help me and appropriate me. Such persons
on being cured become the property (or perpetual house servant)
of the doctor.
Formerly there were certain clans known as medicine people,
and were licensed as such by the King. For instance, the
inhabitants of the towns of Ogur6, Ogidi, Abe, Agberi, Apat^,
Arohungbe. They were remarkable for their skill in using secret
poisons, and crimes committed by them generally went unpunished,
122 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
they being under the special protection of the King. They are
expected to be at the King's service when required, but it meant
death to any of them if the poison given to the King for his use
upon his enemies did not take fatal effect.
There was also a particular family of Efon descent living at
one time at Oyo said to have belonged to the Ondasa tribe. Their
great ancestor was said to have been invited to the capital bj'
one of the early Kings of Oyo for medical advice when all his
wives were barren. His prescriptions were successful, and so he
was detained at Oyo and rewarded with a high rank and position
in the palace amongst the household officers. His descendants
are now distinguished from the citizens of Oyo by the totem OgQ
(a club) being affixed to their names.
The art of medicine is kept a profound secret by those who
profess it ; an increase of knowledge can only be gained by an
interchange of thoughts between brother professionals ; many
die without imparting their secrets to others, and thus much
valuable knowledge is entirely lost. But some do impart their
secret to those of their children male or fern. ale who show special
aptitude for such knowledge and whom they particularly l6ve.
On the whole we can unhesitatingly assert that those men
who are specialists in one or two particular branches but who do
not make the practice of medicine a profession can be more con-
fidently relied upon.
Carpentry is in a very backward condition. Of joinery they
have no idea whatever. Carpenters are called Gbenagbena.
They are the crudest and most primitive of handicraftsmen ; their
services are not much in requisition.
Carving in wood is executed in a rather primitive way but such
natural genius is displayed by some men, that it is a matter of
surprise that such artistic achievem.ents can be displayed by an
illiterate person, and with tools so simple and primitive.
The Yorubas of the Egbado district are said to be the best artists
in the country. They certainly have in their forest&^^vood most
suitable for carving purposes. /
Calabash dressers are always found in a row in market places
plying their trade ; all sorts of geometrical figures are traced or
cut in calabashes ; some designs are exquisitely correct and
beautiful. Names, mottoes, and phrases are burnt into calabashes
by educated artists, figures only by the uneducated. These
designs are recently being imitated by Europeans under the term
of Poker Work.
Seamanship. — There are very few large rivers in Yoruba land
and nearly all of them fordable during the dry season, consequently
MANNERS AND CUSTOMS I23
only in coast towns and on the Niger are canoemen found who
make any pretence to seamanship.
When the inland rivers are swollen by rains, large bowls and
very large calabashes are used in ferrying passengers across. The
passengers sit on them with their luggage, with the ferryman in the
water, pushing the freight across.
All canoes are dug out from large trees. Our canoemen cannot
really be called experts, as they rarely sail out of sight of land,
and canoes can ill endure any storm or tempest ; nevertheless,
when war canoes are rigged up and manned, they are handled with
no little skill in their fights, sham or real. In the title of Aromire
(i.e. one in friendly terms with water) we have preserved a chieftain
who ranked as an admiral in the olden days of sea fights.
Fisheries. — Deep sea fishing is but little practised, the rivers
and lagoons furnish all that they can harvest. Shrimps and oysters
are plentiful in their season. The fishing industry is of course
confined to coastal towns, and as there are no means of supplying
inland towns the consumption of the fresh article is confined to
the coast.
Building as a profession is almost unknown ; houses as a rule
are built by men clubbing together, but there are always a few
experts among them in particular lines, either in building the mud
walls or in roofing and they distribute themselves accordingly.
These are always in requisition whenever they can be spared
from their farms. Large works are undertaken and arranged for,
when all hands can conveniently be spared from their farms.
Pastoral Work as a profession is carried on only in the northern
provinces more suited for that purpose from the extensive plain
and pasture land of those regions. But very few Yorubas are
found engaged in it. Gambaris (i.e. Hausas) are generally engaged
by the chiefs to tend their cattle.
The barbers and ropemakers are also mostly Hausas and
Fulanis, these are crafts rarely practised by Yorubas.
These Hausas also perform some minor surgical operations
such as cupping, bone-setting, tapping hydroceles, etc. Some
are even oculists, and profess to be able to operate for cataract.
It goes without saying that much mischief is often done by their
crude performances. They are unskilled and the instruments
used are rather clumsy. It is a wonder that more mischief
is not done, or that they occasionally get good results at all.
Occupations of Women
It is specially the province of women advanced in age to seed
cotton and spin thread. The former is done by rolling out the
124 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
seeds from the wool between a smooth log of hard wood and a
polished iron rod, the latter by weighting a thin rod of about
12 inches long with a small ball of clay about i inch distant from one
end, attaching the cotton to the other end and setting the ball spin-
ning like a top, the wool being rapidly drawn out to the required
fineness. Seeded cotton is rendered fluffy for spinning by being
attached to the string of a bent bow, and the string constantly
pulled as if shooting an arrow. These operations being an occupa-
tion of a sedentary nature, and more suitable for old women are
performed by them leisurely all day. Reels of spun thread are
sold to dyers.
Aged women who reside in the farms also employ their time
in shelling the kernels from the pcdm nuts, and also tending
poultry, goats and sheep for the market.
Dyeing is done by women. They buy a quantity of the yarn,
bleach and dye them in various colours, and sell them to the
weavers, male or female. The commonest colour is blue or blue
black from the indigo dye. The preparation of indigo balls for
the market is also an important industry. Women are equally
with men engaged in trading and weaving ; but whereas men
weave in small breadths and carry on their occupation in courtyards
or secluded squares in the streets where they can stretch their
warp 20 yards or more, the women on the contrary fix their
looms in the piazza of the house, close to the door of their apart-
ments where they may be seen sitting on the ground, with their
legs in a hole under the loom ; they weave the cloths in broad
pieces called Kijipa two or three breadths forming a covering.
The warp is wound round two stout bamboo poles fixed athwart
two strong upright posts, top and bottom. There is a mechanism
by which the threads can be made to cross each other. The
woof in rods of about a yard long is passed slowly right and left
as the warp is opened and separated one way and the other, being
rammed down each time by a flat smooth staff.
Besides indigo dyes of light blue and dark shades, the scarlet
called ilaharl and roagh silk, Samayan in grey are the prevailing
colours of Yoruba yarn.
Palm oil making and nut oil making from the kernels of the palm
nuts, as well as shea butter from the shea fruit are exclusively
female industries.
Beer-brewing from guinea corn or maize is done also by women ;
for this they have a sheltered place within or near the compound
to insure protection against fire.
A large class is engaged in preparing articles of food. They are
purveyors of cooked food, keepers of refreshment stalls and other
MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 125
branches of dietary for the market, especially to accommodate
working men and caravans.
The manufacture of beads from the hard shells of palm nuts, or
from the cocoa nut shells, is an important female industry. The
former quality is more highly valued.
Pottery is also a female industry. Men may sometimes be seen
assisting to dig up the clay and to perform some rough initial
work, but as a rule the whole industry is in the hands of women.
The drying, pulverising, sifting, mixing and moulding, are all
done by women and girls.
Large pots for brewing beer, and for setting indigo dyes, and
cooking Eko (the morning gruel) for sale are turned out with
marvellous skill. Cooking utensils, dishes, water pots, etc., are
also made for the markets. Some parts of the country furnish
clay of superior quality, notably Ilorin.
Although ignorant of the use of the wheel, or any such mechanical
contrivance used in pottery, yet the figures, forms and shapes of
the articles turned out are wonderfully correct.
Every woman whatever her trade may be, is expected to keep
a few chickens and a goat or two from which she derives smeill
income for house keeping and general " pin money." The rearing
of poultry then must be reckoned among female occupations.
Hair dressing may also be mentioned among female occupations,
for although the race has not much to boast of in that form of
natural adornment, yet they often contrive to bring out styles
and fashions which satisfy them ; but a marked distinction must
always be made between that of married women and the
unmarried ; this is a social law which on no account should ever
be infringed.
On the whole the women seem to be far more industrious than
the men, for whereas the men always contrive to have leisure
hours and off days from work, the women seem to have none.
Boys and young men certainly have more idle hours than the girls.
The care of the children also devolves almost entirely upon their
mother, an inevitable result of polygamy.
§ {g) Learning
As the Yorubas have no knowledge of letters, their learning
consists chiefly in oral traditions. The historians are the King's
cymbaUists and ballad singers, the chief of whom is called the
Ologbo or Arokin. They may be compared to the rhapsodists
of the Homeric age, as they perform almost precisely similar
functions. They chant to the King the story of the nation, and
history of former reigns, for his information and instruction. They
126 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
are kept in the royal service and are well supported. The office
is hereditary.
Like many other heathen nations the Yorubas have their
tradition about the creation and the deluge. It is their belief
that at the creation men fed on wood and water, that they had a
long projecting mouth ; that the bat was originally a creature in
human form, and was a black-smith by trade, and that with his
instrument he reduced men's mouths to their present shape, for
which cause he was condemned to lose the human form and to
assume that of a beast, and to use one and the same mouth for
receiving food as well as for evacuation. The allegation that
water was the original food of man is supported by the fact that
it is the first thing taken by a new-born babe, as well as the last
thing taken at a man's dying moments.
§ (h) Wealthy Personages
There were certain historical personages in Yoruba who were
noted for their great wealth, viz., Amoloku of Oro, Gedegbe of
Qfa, Lapemo of Ijomu near C>r6, Onibiy6 of Guguru, Minimi
of Erubu. There is also a sixth spoken of who resided at Gbudu.
There was also a lady known as the Olowo of Ijebu.
§ (i) The Iwofa System and the Laws Regulating it
The term Iwofa has no equivalent in English. It denotes one
who serves another periodically in lieu of the interest on money
lent. In short, it is one in service for interest.
It has been mistranslated a "pawn" by those who fancied
they saw a resemblance to it in that system, and are trying to
identify everything native with those that are foreign, and conse-
quently, as in other similar cases, much mischief has been done
thereby.
The Yoruba man is simply shocked to hear of " pawning "
a man as is done with goods and chattels ; to pawn in Yoruba is
ft dogd which term is never applied to a human being.
It has also been compared to slavery by those ignorant of
the legal conditions ruling the system ; but an Iwofa is a free
man, his social status remains the same, his civil and political rights
are intact, and he is only subject to his master in the same universal
sense that " a borrower is servant to the lender."
Iwofas are held quite distinct from slaves ; the verbs applied
to each system mark the distinction e.g. rd to buy is applied to
a slave, yd to lend or engage (a hand) to an Iwofa ; consequently
you can buy a slave, but engage an Iwofa or service man.
The derivation of the term- is probably from Iwo the entering
MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 127
into, and Efk a period of six days ; hence an Iwgfa is one who
enters into a recurrent sixth day service.
The Iwofa system is a contract entered into in the presence
of witnesses called Onigbgwo i.e. sponsors, the money-lender
is termed Oluwa i.e. master, and the worker Iwofa, i.e. a service
man.
It is a legal transaction recognized and protected by the laws of
the country. Whatsoever the amount of money lent, it is the
law that the service rendered goes for the interest, and only the
principal is paid back whenever payment is made whether after
a few days or after many years.
An Iwgfa may be a man or a woman, a boy or a girl, and the
laws for each differ accordingly.
A man Iwgfa lives in his own house and plies his own trade,
but he is required to clean a piece of land equal to lOO yam
heaps or an equivalent in his master's farm once a week, the
Yoruba week consisting of five days.
The people being mainly agricultural, farm-cleaning is the
work of their daily life, and is the recognized ordinary system of
labour.
Cleaning three hundred heaps is the ordinary amount of an
average man's day's work, consequently a strong man often
found it possible to work in three different farms on the same
day, for different masters, or to do three week's work at a time in
one farm, and have 14 off days at a stretch, in which he is free
to follow his own trade without interruption. Special arrange-
ments can also be made if a longer period is desired, but the
Iwgfa is bound to make up for the number of days lost.
This is the original law, but it is subject to slight modification
or variation in various places, according to the local value, or the
amount of money lent ; e.g. amongst the Egbas, a whole day's
work is required instead of a morning's work. But whatever
modification of the original law is made in any particular locality,
the law for that tribe is always fixed by authority, and never subject
to the whims and caprice of an individual money-lender.
The master is to treat the service man as his social rank demands,
he mingles freely with his equals in the house or in the field as
a member of the household. A kind master often allows him
his breakfast before he quits the field although he is not bound to
do so, and if a master be too exacting or disagreeable, he may be
changed any day without any previous notice, once the money
lent is paid back in full.
Where the master is a great chief or a rich man, the service man
may live under his protection and own him his feudal lord ; hence
128 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
some men never troubled themselves to pay back the money,
but may rather incur further obligations, being safe and free under
the protection of a great name. Some men there are ,who are
better able to do another man's work than their own.
An Iwofa is never subject to punishment physical or otherwise,
if he fail in his weekly service, the sponsors are called upon to make
good the deficiencies.
In fine an Iwofa differs from a slave in that a slave must live
with his master, an Iwofa in his own house. A slave can be
compelled to work for his master every day, an Iwofa for a limited
amount of work for half a day in the week, and that not by com-
pulsion but from obligations of honour. A slave can be punished,
an Iwofa cannot be. A slave has lost his independence and
political rights, an Iwofa retains both. A slave has no one
responsible for him, an Iwofa has two at least. In fine an Iwofa
can go and come as he likes, a slave cannot.
For women the same law holds good generally but with some
modifications on account of their sex ; they work generally as
char-women once a week, and have a meal in the house before
returning home. In some cases they may live among the women
folk in their master's house, carrying on their own work, and lending
a helping hand in the housework and in harvest time do their own
share of the day's work in the field along with the other women.
Some are engaged in trade, in which they sell for their master at
the same time, and bring him the proceeds of his own articles
as the allotted service rendered. When the trade is done in the
home market, payments are made every nine days which are
market days ; when out of town, at the return of the caravan.
If a service woman is tampered with by the master, the money
is thereby considered absolutely paid, and the debt discharged.
If forced against her will, not only is the debt cancelled, but he
is also liable to prosecution and heavy fines besides to be paid
both to the woman's husband as damages and to the town author-
ities as court fees.
If a young unmarried woman is tampered with, not only is
the debt ipso facto discharged, but the master has to repay the
fiance all the money he has spent on her and also a betrothal
" dowry " to the parents besides.
If the matter is not arranged amicably and the case has to go
before the town authorities, the master has to pay, and heavy
fines are inflicted on him besides. Often has a rich man been
reduced to poverty by this means and consequently they are
always very careful.
If a betrothed girl becomes marriageable whilst in service
MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 12^
and her fianU wishes to get married at once, he has only to pay
back the loan and lead his intended bride away. A woman
cannot be married whilst doing service work.
A boy or a girl in service has to live entirely with the master or
mistress as a domestic servant, inasmuch as their services are
not worth much and they have to be trained besides, and the
parent or whoever placed him there is supposed to have his whole
time to ply his trade and withdraw his child as soon as possible ;
therefore, the boy must give the master his whole time whatever
that may be worth. The master is bound to feed him but not
necessarily to clothe him, although many kind masters do that as
well. They have a fixed time to visit their parents, usually once
a week.
The boys generally tend horses and run errands, and the girls
engage with the house-wives in domestic affairs. They are
always with the boys and girls of their own age in the family.
The law protects such children very strongly. If the child
refuse to stay any longer with the master or mistress for any cause
whatever, they are never forced against their wish, but the parent
or guardian must provide a substitute, or perform himself the
weekly task.
If a child die during his or her service, the master must prove
to the satisfaction of the parents and (if need be) of the town
authorities that it was not due to any act of carelessness or neglect
on his part, and that he provided ample medical aid for him.
The troubles accruing from young Iwofas are often a deterrent
to the acceptance of them for service ; some folks would expect
and demand more comforts for their children in service than they
can provide for them at home. Marriages and funerals are the
two great causes of money borrowing.
But this system is not limited alone to the business of pro-
fessional money-lenders, it enters much into other transactions
of their everyday life.
The system of engaging domestic servants for service with
a monthly wage is unknown in this country, the Iwofa system is
what is resorted to for that purpose. A parent will even put his
child into service that way when there is no debt to pay in order
to train him into habits of discipline and industry, and return
the money when they feel that the child has been safhciently
trained.
Some would do so and put the money into trade and when
satisfied with the profits made, return the principal and bring the
child home.
The system is used also for apprenticeship. A man who wants
130 THE HISTORY OF THE YOROBAS
his son to learn a particular trade would put him under the crafts-
man for the purpose, and obtain from him a certain amount of
money ; the master, wishing to get his interest out of the boy
willsee that he learns speedily and well, so as to be of some use
to him. In this way both are benefited.
A chief or a well-to-do gentleman with a wild and unruly son
whom he wishes to tame, or who is indulged at home, would also
resort to this method for training and discipline ; in such a case
the boy will remaiii with such a handicraftsman until he is able to
earn his own livelihood by his craft, then the money is paid back
and the boy returns home.
This method of lending money is the only one known for invest-
ment and is therefore resorted to as their banking system.
So the Iwofa system may be regarded at one and the same
time as one for banking, apprenticeship, and domestic service.
Since the establishment of the British Protectorate there
•has been more than one attempt made to abolish the system as
a " species of slavery ! " The Yorubas themselves never at any
time regarded it as such ; to so regard it must be due either
to an ignorance of the/ laws regulating it, or because an exact
equivalent cannot be found in any European system. It can,
however, be imagined what chaos will result in any European
country if the banking system, apprenticeship, and domestic
service were abolished at a stroke — if that be possible. Like any
other system it may be reformed if given to abuse, that is more
reasonable and statesmanlike. But to abolish it outright because
it has no foreign analogue would be to disorganize the social life
of a people with no compensating advantage to borrower or lender.
If such were done in this case the greatest sufferers will be those
it was intended to benefit, viz., the service men themselves. But
with the country now settled, and everyone free to prosecute his
business, there must be less of money borrowing and service for
interest, and thus a gradual change or modification is naturally
effected in this system, with no tendency to abuse.
§ (j) Distraining for Debt
The Yorubas have a peculiar method of forcing paj'ment out
of an incorrigible debtor. When a creditor who has obtained
judgment for debt finds it impossible to recover any thing out
of the debtor, he applies to the town authorities for a licensed
distrainor. This individual is called Og6, he is said to d'dgd ti
i.e. to sit on the debtor (as it were). For that purpose, he enters
the premises, seeks out the debtor, or esconces himself in his
apartment until he makes his appeeirance, and then he makes
MANNERS AND CUSTOMS I3I
himself an intolerable nuisance to him and to the members of the
house generally until the money is paid.
The distrainor is a man of imperturbable temper, but of a foul
tongue, a veritable Thersites. He adopts any measures he likes,
sometimes by inflicting his presence and attention on the debtor
everywhere and anywhere he may go, denying him privacy of
any kind, and in the meantime using his tongue most foully upon
him, his own person being inviolable, for touching him implies
doing violence to the person of the authorities who appoint him
the task. He demands and obtains whatever diet he may require,
however sumptuous and may help himself if not quickly served.
If he thinks fit, he may lay hold on any poultry or cattle he finds
in the premises, and prepare himself food, and all at the expense
of the debtor. He must not take anything away but he may enjoy
the use of anything he finds in the house.
Loud in his abuses, intolerable in his manners to all in the
house whilst going in and out with the debtor, he goes on in
this way all day, and from day to day if needs be, until even the
inmates of the compound get tired of this, and then means will
quickly be found of getting rid of the distrainor by paying off the
debt.
§ {k) War
In early times war expeditions were sent out every other year by
the AlAfin of Oyo to distant countries chiefly amongst the Popos.
War then was for spoils and to keep their hands in, and not for
captives ; the victors rarely pursued the vanquished ; those who
concealed themselves behind heaps of rubbish, or in any hiding
place in the town or in the fields were quite safe. When a town
was taken the shade trees about the principal market — which is
always in front of the official residence of the chief ruler of the
town — are cut down as a sign of conquest. Slave-raiding and the
traffic in human beings did not then exist. Long sieges were
unknown, for whether victorious or defeated, the presence of the
Kakanfo or his corpse was expected home within 60 days.
There never was or has been a standing army, nor any trained
soldiers (except at Ibadan latterly where the idea began to
germinate, and some of the chiefs had a number of their slaves
trained solely for war ; some chiefs had also a corps of boys, not
to bear arms, but to be attendant on them in battle, in order to
famiharize them with the horrors of war 1) But according to the
custom of the country, every man capable of bearing arms is
expected to serve in war ; but the law did not make it compulsory
except for men of rank and title, and for home defence.
132 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
At the close of every war, each one goes away to his farm,
and, except on an occasion of importance, as when the King's
messengers are to be received, even the Bale and the Balogun
could not be found at home during the day at the busy seasons.
Before the introduction of fire-arrtis (a comparatively recent
affair) their weapons of war consisted of bow and poisoned arrows,
a short sword called J^m6 and Ogb6 a kind of heavy cutlass
used chiefly by the common people.
As sieges then were of short duration and dways carried on
in the dry season, there was no necessity to provide against severe
weather ; the chieftains generally used awnings made of Ayin
mats spread on four poles. Since sieges began to be carried on
for more than 60 days, booths of palm branches have come into
use, and in later times even these have given way to huts and
houses built of swish.
The preserved food used in earlier expeditions consisted of
parched beans, and a sort of hard bread made of beans and corn
(maize) flour called Akara-kuru.
By the rules of warfare piye or foraging was permitted. The
Ibadans, who, more than any of the others carried on war operations
for longer periods, and over wider regions, were accustomed to
cultivate the lands all around their camps and in the neighbourhood
whenever a long siege was anticipated.
War Titles and Methods
War titles are of two grades, senior and junior, but both
are modelled on one and the same plan.
Senior Grade : — The Balogun or Commander-in-Chief comes
first with his principal lieutenants the Otun and Osi, that is
Generals commanding the right and the left wings, then the
(Asipa), Ekerin, Ekarun and Ekefa i.e. the fourth, fifth and sixth.
These command the veterans.
Junior Grade : — The Seriki with his principal lieutenants also,
viz., the Otun, Osi, with the Ekgrin, Ekarun, and Ekefa. These
command the young warriors, and those not attached to any of the
greater war-chiefs.
The AsAj u is the leader of the van, he too has his lieutenants.
The Sarumi or chief of the cavalry and his men form a class by
themselves ; he also has his Balogun of the cavalry, with the
Otun, Osi, etc.
" These titles constitute what is termed " Oye Ilu" or "Town
titles," because they are conferred by Bale or chief of the town and
the town council, and they are all members of the town council
with a right to speak and vote.
MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 133
Among the senior war titles may be mentioned the Bale's war
chiefs. The Bale himself does not go to war ordinarily, but he
has his war-chiefs, the Otun Bale, Osi Bal§, Ekerin, Ekarun,
Ekefa as well, who represent him in war ; they are always chosen
from among the older men who have past their best days.
Signification of the Titles
The term Balogun is contracted from Iba-li-Ogun i.e. lord in
war. In time of war, and generally in the camp, the Ibalogun
is not only supreme, but he is also above all laws, he commands
implicit obedience from all, and he can do whatever he likes.
The Balogun's Otun and Osi (right and left) are also the Otun
and Osi of the town and of the army ; they command respectively
the right and left wings, and they rank next after the Ibalogun.
The Asipa is a title borrowed from Oyo to satisfy any war-chief
who, being equal by merit to the Otun and Osi, yet just missed
becoming either.
The Ekerin, Ekarun, Ekafa are the fourth, fifth and sixth
respectively of the senior generals.
Seriki is a Hausa word signifying a " king." He is practically
like the Balogun, and is as important among the young warriors
as- the Balogun is among the veterans. A brave Seriki ranks
himself next to the Balogun, the Otun and Osi Balogun notwith-
standing ; for it often happens when he is exceptionally brave,
that he skips over these and succeeds the Balogun, when a vacancy
occurs. Otherwise the Otun succeeds.
All booty and perquisites that fall to the army are divided
into two unequal parts, the larger portion belongs to the Balogun
and his lieutenants and the lesser to the Seriki and his lieutenants
also. The Balogun and the Seriki are each entitled to one half
of the portion that falls to them, the other half being equally
divided among the subordinate war chiefs of each respectively.
In every successful expedition each of the subordinate war chiefs
is expected to give one half of his plunder or captives to his chief,
the seniors to the Balogun, the juniors to the Seriki, and they
themselves also receive the like from their subordinates.
Subordinate Titles : — Every one of the above chiefs. Senior and
Junior had his own subordinate chiefs modelled on the same
plan of Balogun, Otun, Osi, etc., in the same way, these also
form their companies on the same plan, and so on throughout
the whole army. By this system every man capable of bearing
arms knows his right place in the army, so that what appears to
be a motley crowd is really a well-organised body every man being
in his right place at the front, the right or the left of his immediate
134 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
chief, although they lack that co-ordination and precision of
movements which are the outcome and advantages of discipline
and drill.
Other subordinate titles Areagoro, Bada, Ajiya.
Ar§agoro. — This is the first title borne by a young chief of great
promise, who, as the heir of a great war chief has just succeeded
to the headship of a great house. It is a stepping-stone to one of
the senior grade titles. He is always attached to one of the
senior chiefs, as his alter ego ; he represents his chief in the councils
and other important assemblies in the absence of the latter, where
he can speak and vote with equal right and authority ; hence the
saying : " Ar§agoro ti o ba gboju t'on ti Oluwa re I'egb^ra "
i.e. an Areagoro who is bold is the equal of his master. An
Areagoro remains as such only till a vacancy occurs in one of the
higher titles suitable for him.
Bada. — The title of Bada answers in many respects to a knight
of the middle ages. He is one who is expected to keep at least
one or two war steeds and a few followers at his own charges,
to be ready to take the field at a moment's notice, to be an accom-
plished horseman, a skilful swordsman or lancer, and to fight
always on horse-back. All the principal chiefs have each at least
a Bada. The Badas stand in the order of seniority of their respec-
tive masters and form a corps by themselves.
Ajiya is a non-descript title borne by any junior war chief who
cannot for the time being find a place among his peers. He is
rather a free lance.
Arrangement of the War Chiefs in Battle
The Asaju or leader of the van comes first. His company
begins the fight by skirmishing, and provoking the opposite party.
He is supported by all the Badas.
The Seriki comes next with his lieutenants in their proper order,
and then the real pitched battle begins. Last of all comes the
Balogun with his lieutenants. The Balogun himself, however,
does not take any active part at once, until later on, except
to watch the various movements and generally to direct the
fight.
The duties of the cavalry are to reconnoitre, to hover about the
enemy watching for an opportunity they can take advantage of
such as a weak or an unguarded point through which they can dash
to break the ranks of the enemy, and throw them into confusion.
Also to cover retreats on a defeat or to cut off stragglers when
pursuing an enemy.
Occasionally at the height of the battle a brave horseman would
MANNERS AND CUSTOM'S 1 35
demoralize the enemy by dashing suddenly into their midst, and
return with a captive on his horse !
The usual method of a pitched battle is for all the war chiefs to
be disposed, each in his right place, according to their rank and title,
or as the commander-in-chief disposes, and then each in turn to
march forward, company by company to the middle line of battle
to discharge their arms, trying each time to gain more ground.
This method they call Tawusi. But when later on, the Balogun
himself rises to fight, that denotes a general charge throughout
the whole host ; every man must be engaged in fight ; and where-
ever he fixes the war standard, every one is bound to dispose himself
about it in due order. • His going forward means that the whole
army must push forward at whatever cost, for no one whose
right place is in front dares fall to the rear of the Balogun except
when hors de combat.
The Bale's war chiefs need not take any prominent part in the
fight, but they guard the camp and baggage, support weak points,
and make themselves useful generally as men vvho must keep cool
heads while the others are engaged in the excitement of a fight.
Their chief duty otherwise is to act the part of advisers and
moderators of rash and hot-headed warriors.
A synopsis of the arrangement in battle : —
The AsAju
Supported by all the Badas
Osi Seriki Seriki Qtun Seriki
Ekerin to Ekefa disposed as strategy requires
Osi Balogun Balogun Otun Balogun
Asipa, Ekerin to Ekefa disposed as strategy requires.
The Otun and Osi Bale and other older warriors are to guard
the rear, camp, and baggage and support weak points.
War as a profession in this country was always said to date from
the time of the Fulani invasion and seizure of Ilorin when the
necessity arose for an organized resistance but the Yorubas generally
are not considered a fighting race, although they have now and
again thrown up a general who would be considered distinguished
in any race. In the later period of their history circumstances
have brought things about that Ibadan became a centre for all
warlike spirits of whatever tribe, and consequently it is to that
place we have to turn, to see the development of warlike proceedings.
How war is declared. — Every expedition is supposed to be sent
out by the King (Alafin). It is in his name war was generally
declared, and his permission or at any rate his assent must be
obtained before an army can march out.
136 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
When it has become evident that a place is marked out for
an attack, a system of exclusive dealings is first established
between that town and its neighbours ; then follow preparations
for attack and defence, and when plans are matured then,
at the usual meeting of the town council in the house of the chief
ruler, the announcement is made.
The Balogun (commander-in-chief) rising, would address
the assembled crowd outside and end with " I leave (such and
such a place) at your mercy." He is greeted with shouts of
applause, and a day would be fixed when the war-staff will be
taken outside the town walls. The marching out of the Balogun
is always so denoted as the war-staff is always kept with him.
The War Staff or standard of war is a bamboo pole of about
four feet in length, and 2\ inches in diameter. It is wrapped all
over with charms and amulets, and finished up with a globular
head, the size of a large cocoa-nut. The size of course varies with
the cost. It is encased in leather with the charms hanging all
over it. It is always an object of worship. To this day, proper
standards of war are procured from He Ife and are dedicated to
Oranyan. Human sacrifices were usually offered to such standards
before they are taken out to any campaign. Whenever war is
declared, and it is to be worshipped, priests and priestesses are
always required for the purpose of offering the sacrifice.
The Propitiation of Oranyan. — The victim is usually subjected
to much inhuman treatment on these occasions before being
despatched. With his hands tied behind his back, he is led to
the market place, and there paraded from one spot to another,
and made to do homage to the fetishes there, and to invoke blessings
on the town and on the chiefs thereof. As he could not conveniently
prostrate himself before the gods in his bound condition, he is
assisted with a forked stick, with which he is pushed violently
down from behind ! Bruised and bleeding, he is to receive
three strokes on the back with a rod before he is helped up
agam
In this way, the unfortunate one is soon exhausted ; he would
then be literally dragged along into the grove sacred to Oranyan,
and there beheaded.
The blood is considered sacred and hence the commander-in-
chief of the army who must be present on such occasions with
his staff of principal officers must come forward with each of them
and have a touch of the blood to rub on their swords, and after
them the common soldiers would all rush in for a drop to rub in
their hands, for success in the war.
The corpse is not to putrefy before the Balogun leaves the town :
MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 137
it is considered an ill omen if it does. Hence Orauyan is never
worshipped until they are quite ready to march out.
The corpse is exposed for seven days, and it is the duty of some
of the priestesses to bathe it daily and smear it with camwood
preparations, and pray for the speedy return of the victim to this
world and to be born in their family !
We see in these revolting practices, not an act of studied cruelty,
but one of supposed highest form of religious worship of a poor
deluded people.
The blood of certain animals is forbidden to be used in the
worship of Orariyan e.g. the tortoise, he- goat, hen and pigeon.
§ (/) Funerals
The Yorubas do not bury their dead in graveyards or cemetries,
but in their houses. Infants, however, are not buried in the house,
but their dead bodies are either thrown away into the nearest
bush or forest, or are partially buried with a bit of earth sprinkled
over them, and are thus left a prey to jackals prowling by night.
Such children are called " Abiku " (born to die) and are
supposed to belong to a company of young demons roaming about.
They are beUeved to be capable of being born as young children,
and (except forcibly detained by charms) of returning to their
company at will, or at the instance of the members of their
company.
The graves of aged people are dug generally in the piazza or in
one of the sleeping rooms. In case of the wealthy dead, after the
ground has been dug to a depth of about 6 feet in the piazza it is
then carried on horizontally towards one of the bedrooms, so that
the corpse is literally buried in the bedroom. It is then shut up
in this horizontal hole with a piece of board plastered over with
mud ; the whole grave is then filled up and the floor of the piazza
levelled and polished, the rest of the earth being cast into the
streets.
Only the well-to-do can afford a coffin, the workmanship of
which is usually very rough and coarse, the many chinks and
interstices being filled up with cotton-wool and soap. As a rule,
coffins are made much larger than we should think necessary, but
the superabundant space is filled up with some of the dresses be-
longing to the deceased, and with presents from all the relatives, it
being a custom amongst them that all the nearest relatives should
give each a piece of cloth for the burial. In the absence of cloths
seeded cotton is put in to fill up the coffin tight, as they have a
superstitious dislike of leaving any empty spaces in a coffin.
In the practice of filling up the coffin with cloths, one may catch
138 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
a faint glimpse of the popular ideas in regard to another state of
existence.
If the family is wealthy, after a couple of months another
ceremony is gone through, consisting chiefly of feasting and dancing
in honour of the dead, and this they term laying the dead upon its
other side.
In cases where coffins cannot be had, after wrapping up the
corpse in a mat like a mummy it is laid in the grave and a few
sticks of the Akoko tjee are laid across upon which a mat is spread.
If a piece of board could be procured, it is laid over the corpse
instead, and then earth is put upon it, and the grave filled up.
The funeral ceremonies are further continued by the following
observances : — The wife or wives of the deceased are to lie on the
bare ground over the grave without even a mat or cloth being
spread for full three months from the date of the funeral. On
the 7th day they are led out of their town wall by an Egugun to a
place where mounds of earth had been raised according to the
number of the women with a yam placed on each mound. There
is an extra mound raised, on which no yam is placed ; this represents
the deceased. The widows are led out clad in rags with both
hands on the opposite shoulders, their heads being left bare.
Each takes a yam from the heap, and this is understood to be the
last subsistence they should expect to receive from their dear
departed. After this they return home weeping.
On the 13th or 17th day the final ceremony is thus performed :
By the advice of the Alagba, they provide some heads of cowries,
a dog, two dishes of pounded yam or cooked yam flour, two pots
of native beer, kola nuts, parched corn, a hoe and a cutlass, and
two coverings of native cloth for an Egugun dress. At dead of
night a man goes and sits on the roof of the house of the deceased ;
another who is to personate the dead, is secreted at the back yard,
but within hearing distance of the former ; a third is the Egugun
called Agan undressed, coming in the Alagba's company, speaking
in a hollow, but thrilling tone of voice, crying out, " E gbe mi."
(Do lift me up). Immediately several voices are heard " Lift here,
lift there," as if they were carrying the Agan and found him rather
heavy. As they enter the compound the widows and the other
women are to rush into the rooms and ex'tinguish all lights. The
Agan is then conducted to the piazza of the deceased where the
special ceremony is performed. He sings out distinctly the name
of the deceased so that the substitute might hear him, at the same
time warning him not to answer to his call, but to that of the man
on the roof. The latter then strikes the hoe in his hand with the
cutlass as a signal to attract the attention of the secreted substitute.
MANNERS AND CUSTOMS I39
After this, he calls out in loud tones the name of the deceased
as did the Agan. He calls out three times, and at the third call,
which is also the last, a still small voice is heard from the counterfeit,
simulating that of the dead. At this stage, the widows and all
the other mourners begin to weep and wail for the dead ; the dog
is then slaughtered and the flesh is taken to the Alagbas.
On the following morning, the Egugun of the deceased, appears
in his usual dress, with an attendant Egugun, both emerging from
the Alagbi's house. He proceeds to his old home where a mat is
spread outside to receive him. He embraces all his children, sits
them by turns on his knees, and blesses them, promising to bestow
health, strength, long life, and the rest. He accepts presents
from all the relatives, who are the mourners — of stringed cowries
from the men, and unstringed from the women. After which
they repair with all the presents received to the Egugun grove
or to the Alagba's where the Egugun is undressed and a good
feast is made of the flesh of the dog slaughtered on the previous
evening. The stringed cowries contributed by the men are there
returned to each of them, being participators in the organised
imposture that was being practised. The unstringed cowries of
their dupes, the women, are distributed amongst those who took
part in the ceremony including of course the AlagbS..
. This is the last farewell between the deceased and his family
if we except the supposed annual visits made by the former
during the Egugun festivals.
In case of a woman the ceremony is simpler. The same offerings
are usually required, excepting the hoe and the cutlass. The
relatives are ordered to procure a miniature hearth, and put it
into a new calabash to meet the Egugun of the deceased matron
emerging from the Egugun grove.
On the day appointed they proceed to the grove with drums,
the orphans carrying each a horse's tail on his shoulder, as a
sign of mourning. Then one of the Alagba's men calls out thrice
the name of the dead matron, just as in the similar ceremony
detailed above ; an Egugun answers from the grove and the
voice is drowned with drumming and singing. The Egugun with
the Paka (an attendant) now issues from the grove, and walks
towards the orphan children to receive the new calabash containing
the miniature hearth ; blesses the giver, and returns with it to
the grove. The hearth is subsequently buried quietly by the river
side or within the grove.
This is the last office of a dutiful child to its mother and this is
understood as their last meeting in this world. The hearth pre-
sented to her is for her to cook with in the other world.
140 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
The period of mourning for either man or woman is as aforesaid,
three months, during which time the men are to remain unwashed,
unshaven and the women with dishevelled hair and dress unchanged.
At the expiration of this term on a day appointed the whole of them
shave for the dead, and their hair is thrown outside by the wall
of the house. They then parade the streets, dressed in their best,
singing and dancing in honour of the dead, and calling at one house
after another to return thanks to the sympathizers. The children
of the deceased, begotten or adopted, now carry the horses'
tails in their hands by which they are distinguished from those
who have no immediate connection with the family.
In the division of the property the widows as aforesaid pass into
the possession of the children and the nearest relatives, the right
to each being determined by ballot. Each male relative sends
round his chewing stick (native tooth brush) with his name to
the woman of his choice ; they are expected to reject the proposal
twice as if they were resolved to remain widows all their life ; but
at the third and last proposal, with tears in their eyes, they
make their choice and are taken over. This concludes the final
ceremony.
In the case of young men or young women, the proceedings
are essentially different. The companions of him or her that is
gone proceed in a body to a spot where two roads intersect each
other, preceded by one of their number who stands at a great
distance from them. The call as in the case of the Agan is made
thrice, the usual answer follows, and then he or she is told by
all the friends and companions " A yk o O ! " (we separate you
from our companionship). The substitute returns home with the
rest, and the simple ceremony comes to an end.
THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
PART II.
YORUBA KINGS AND CONTEMPORARY EVENTS
EMBRACING FOUR PERIODS.
I. The Mythological Period : Oduduwa to Ajaka
II. The Period of Growth and Prosperity : Aganju to
Abiqdun
III. The Decline, Revolutionary Wars and Disruption:
Aole to Oluewu
IV. The Arrest of Disintegration, Efforts at Restoration
OF Unity, Tribal Wars, the British Protectorate :
Atiba to Adeyemi
FIRST PERIOD— MYTHOLOGICAL KINGS AND DEIFIED
HEROES
Chapter I
THE FOUNDERS OF THE YORUBA NATION.
§ I. Oduduwa
Oduduwa the reputed founder and ancestor of the race is really
a mythical personage. The Etymology of the term is from Odu
(ti o) da Iwk. Whatever is unusually large as a large pot or
container is termed Odii : the term then implies, the great container
the author of existence. According to Ife mythology Oduduwa
was the son of Olodu mare, i.e. the father or Lord of Odu ; ma r6
implies cannot go beyond i.e. the Almighty. Oduduwa was sent
by Olodumare from heaven to create the earth. Olokun i.e.
the goddess of the ocean was the wife of Oduduwa, Oranmiyan
and Isgdale their children, and Ogun a grand-child.
Such is the desire of most nations to find a mythical origin
for themselves through their kings and ancestors.
All that was known of him has been told in Part I of this history,
which gives an account of the emigration of the ancestors of the
Yorubas from the east to He Ife where Oduduwa died in peace
and was deified, being worshipped to this day by the Ifes, and up
to the time of the British Protectorate, human sacrifices were
offered to him at regular intervals. The soil of He Ife is said to be
sacred to him. He was the grandfather and great-grandfather
of renowned Kings and Princes who ruled and made history
in the Yoruba country.
The number of years embraced by this period is unknown,
but it includes the time during which the Yoruba kingdom was in
prosperity, and the Kings despotic. The capital of the kingdom
then was He If§.
The Basgrun of this reign was Qlorunfun-mi.
§ 2. Oranyan
Orafiyan the grandson of Oduduwa succeeded his grandfather
on the throne. He was a very brave and warlike Prince, and of
an indomitable courage. He was the founder of the order of the
Esos vide Pt. I page 73. His body-guard consisted of 150 well-
tried soldiers.
143
144 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
How he headed his brothers on an abortive expedition to the
east to avenge the death of their great-grandfather, and how they
quarrelled at Igangan and dispersed from that place, has been
told in Part I. After founding the city of Oyo where he resided
for a time he was said to have pushed on to a place called Okd,
leaving Oyo in charge of one of the princes. This is not unlikely
when we remember that that was not an age of settled government,
but that the warlike and restless King was engaged in extending
his dominions far and wide. Much that was known of him has been
told in Part I. He resided at 6k6 for many years and according
to some died there, but others affirmed that he died at He Ife,
where his grave is shown to this day. But the Yorubas have a
custom whenever any one died away from home, to cut the hair
of his head and pare his nails, and these are taken to the place
where they would have him buried, and there ceremoniously
and religiously deposited. It may thus have been the case here.
But an anecdote connected with his later years must here be told :
It was said that after a long period of reign an urgent necessity
made him revisit the city of He Ife, which he had left for so long a
time ; perhaps to arrange some family affairs, or to possess himself
of some of his father's treasures left in charge of Adimu. He left
his son Ajaka as Regent and went. Having stayed much longer
than the time fixed for his return (communication between the
two places being then dangerous and difficult) the people thought
he was dead, or that at any rate he would no more return to 6k6 ;
the OYO MESI who were the authorised rulers of the town conse-
quently confirmed Ajaka on the throne, investing him with full
powers, and all the insignia of royalty.
But his father was returning ; and having come within a short
distance of the city, his attention was arrested by the sound of the
Kakaki trumpet — a trumpet blown for the sovereign alone.
Upon enquiry, he learnt what had taken place. He thereupon
retraced his steps quietly to He Ifg where he spent the rest of his
days in peaceful retirement. An obelisk termed Opa Oranyan
(Orafiyan's staff) erected on the spot he was supposed to have been
buried is shown at He Ife to this day. This would seem to confirm
the view that he died and was buried at He If§ and not at 0k6.
THE FOUNDERS OF THE YORUBA NATION
145
Opa Or(7/7c/an
*WT^
146 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
This obelisk is about 10 or 12 feet in height/ and about 4 feet
square in width at its base ; it tapers to a point, and has upon
one face of it, several spike nails driven into it, and some carvings
as of ancient characters. The nails are arranged in such an ordered
manner as to render them significant. First, there are 61 in a
straight line from the bottom upwards at intervals of about
2 inches in midline; and next, at about a distance of 4 inches
on either side of this, and from the same level on top, two
parallel lines of 31 nails ea.ch running downwards and curving
below to meet those of the midline. Then in the space
between these three rows of parallel lines, and about the level
where they converge, is found the most conspicuous of the
carvings, i*^^.
What is conjectured as most probable in these arrangements
is that the 61 nails in midline represent the number of years
Oraiiyan lived, and that the 31 each on either side indicates that
he was 31 when he began to reign, and that he reigned 31 years,
the year he began to reign being counted twice as is the manner
of the Yorubas ; and that the carvings are the ancient characters
Resh and Yod which stand for Oranyan.
Besides Opa Orafiyan, there are to be found to this day, in
groves at He Ife, and at other Ife settlements outside the city,
carvings in stone of natural objects such as tongs and anvil,
table, stool, fish, and several other objects of curiosity which
are generally hidden from strangers, because they are held
sacred ; they represent the handicrafts of the founders of the
race.
The art of carving on stones or drilling holes in them has since
become lost among Yorubas, and consequently, how nails could
have been driven into stones and various figures cut out of them
is usually explained to be, that these objects were once carved out
of wood, and when the carvers were deified, their work became
petrified ! As these gods were once men, so these stones were once
wood !
The Ifes are the guardians and custodians of these sacred
relics from ancient times.
Nearly all legends and folklore are attributed to the age of
Orafiyan, among these may be mentioned the following told by an
ffe :—
1 About four feet was broken off from the top of this obelisk
during a storm in the year 1884. The obelisk has since twice
fallen down and inartistically re-erected. But a stump of it now
remains.
the founders of the yoruba nation t47
The Legend of Moremi and her Son
" Moremi was the wife of one of the ancient heroes of He Ifg,
probably Oranmiyan. She was a woman of great beauty and
virtue, and had an only son named Ela or Olurogbo.
It happened that the city of Ife was at one time in a state of
frequent commotion and unrest, owing to the repeated raids of a
tribe of people called the Igbos. This continued for a series of years.
The Ifes attributed this affliction and distress to the displeasure
of their gods, because those that attacked them from the Igbo
territory appeared not to be human beings, but gods or demi gods,
and consequently the Ifes felt they could not withstand them, and
so these raiders used to make away with easy plunder, including
their valuables, with their women and children. For this they
propitiated and called upon their gods for help, but received no
response.
Now, this Moremi, fired with zeal and patriotism was determined
to do what she could to free her country from this calamity.
She was resolved to find out what these Igbos really were, and
how to fight them. To this end she repaired to a stream called
Esinmirin, and there made a vow to the deity thereof, that if
she was enabled to carry out her plans, and they proved
successful, she would offer to the god the most costly sacrifice
she could afford. Her plan was to expose herself to the raiders,
and get caught, and be taken to their country where she could
best learn their secrets: 'But,' she said, ' if I perish, I perish.'
At the time of the next raid she undertook to carry out her
plans, she was caught by the Igbos and taken to their country ;
and being a woman of great beauty, she was given up amongst
others, and sundry booty to their king. Her beauty and virtue
soon won her a place in the country and the confidence of the
people ; she became familiar with all their customs, and learnt
all their secrets : then she also learnt that those who were such
objects of terror to her people were mere men, who covered them-
selves from head to foot with Ekan grass and bamboo fibres,
making them appear extra human, and are nicknamed Eluyare.
She extracted from her husband also the secret of attacking them
successfully. ' If your people know how to make a torch, and have
the courage to rush amongst them with lighted torches, they
cannot stand that.'
Moremi feeling she was now conversant with everything amongst
the Igbos, having disarmed any suspicion they may have enter-
tained of her as a captive, suddenly escaped one day to her native
land, and by making use of the secrets she had learnt, freed her
148 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
country for ever from the raids of the men once their terror. It
remained now for her to fulfil her vows.
She repaired to the stream with her offerings of lambs, rams, and
goats for sacrifice, but the god would not accept any of these.
She then offered a bullock, which the god also refused to accept,
then she prayed the priests to divine for her what would be accept-
able ; this was done, and the god demanded of her, her only
son !
She then gave up her only son in sacrifice to the gods in the
fulfilment of her vcws. The If§ nation bewailed her loss and
promised to be to her sons ind daughters, for the loss she had
sustained for the salvation of her country.
Olurogbo however, when supposed to be killed, was but half
dead ; he afterwards revived and rose again, and made a rope
with which he climbed up into heaven ; and all Ifes to this day
have a full hope that he will come again to this world, and reap
the full reward of his good deeds."
We may discern in this legend a confused idea of the story
of Jephtha, and that of the Blessed Virgin and her Son perverted,
Orafiyan was the father of al^ Oyos or Yorubas proper, and
was the universal conqaeror of the land. He left behind him
two renowned sons, Ajaka and Sango, both of whom succeeded
him in turns, and both of whom became famous in Yoruba history,
and were deified after death.
The Basorun of this reign was Efufu-ko-fe-ori.
§ 3. AjuAN alias Ajaka
Ajuan alias Oba Ajaka was at first only a Regent when his
father left for He Ife, but was subsequently confirmed on the
throne as was mentioned above. He alone of all the Yoruba
Kings had the singular fortune (or misfortune) of being called
to the throne twice, being once deposed, but afterwards recalled
to the throne.
Very little was known of his earlier reign, except that, unlike
his father, he was of a peaceful disposition, loved husbandry and
encouraged it.
Being too mild for the warlike spirit of the age, and tamely
suffering the encroachments of provincial kings, he was dethroned,
and he went to Igbodo where he remained in retirement seven years
during which period his brother Sango reigned in his stead. His
Basorun was nick-named Erin-din-logun-Agbgn k6 se da ni Ha
(i.e. sixteen cocoa nuts is unsuitable for Ha divination). That is
to say cocoa nuts are not suitable substitutes for palm nuts. The
reason for this sobriquet is not known.
the founders of the yoruba nation i49
§ 4. Sango or Olufiran
Sango son of Oranyan, and brother of Ajaka was the fourth
King of Yoruba. He was of a very wild disposition, fiery temper,
and skilful in sleight of hand tricks. He had a habit of emitting
fire and smoke out of his mouth, by which he greatly increased the
dread his subjects had of him.
The Olowii at this time appeared to have been more powerful
than the King of Ovo, for after the death of the uncle Oranyan,
he compelled his cousin the peaceful Ajaka to pay tribute to him.
This was probably the reason why Ajaka was deposed.
On Sango's coming to the throne, being a much younger man,
the Olowu meant to take advantage of his youth ; he demanded
the tribute of him, but Sango refused to acknowledge his primacy,
notwithstanding the Olowu' s threat to deprive him of his wives
and children ; consequently his capital was besieged and a sharp
fight ensued. Sango there displayed his wonted bravery as well
as his tricks ; volumes of smoke issuing from his mouth and nostrils
so terrified the Olowu and his army that they became panic stricken
and were completely routed and put to flight.
Sango pushed on his advantage, and with every fresh victory
he was the more firmly established on the throne ; he thereby
became elated and was tyrannical.
It was his ambition now to remove the seat of government
from Oko to Oyo then called Oyokoro, he knew he would meet
with strong opposition from the prince of that city and so he set
upon devising plans by which he could effect his purpose with
as little fighting as possible.
Sango was now possessed with a desire of performing an act
of filial piety. He wished to worship at the grave of his dead
mother, but he did not so much as remember her name for she
died when he was but a babe. She was the daughter of Elempe
a Nupe king, who formed an alliance with Oranyan by giving him
his daughter to wife, of which marriage Sango was the issue.
Sango therefore commissioned a Tetu and a Hausa slave to proceed
to the Tapa country, to his maternal grandfather Elempe for the
purpose giving them a horse and a cow for the sacrifice.
' The King's charge to these messengers was, that they should
listen carefully to the first name uttered in the invocation which
evidently will be his mother's name.
The messengers were heartily welcomed and highly entertained
by Elempe, their King's grandfather, so much so that the Hausa
forgot himself and the duty he was charged with. At the time
of the sacrifice, the priest said at the grave " Tor6si, lya gbodo,
150 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
listen to us, thy son Sango is come to worship thee." The Tgtu
noted the name Torosi, but the Hausa, being far from sober paid
no heed to what was said ; therefore, on their return home, the
Tgtu who had faithfully carried out his orders was highly rewarded,
and the Hausa slave severely punished. The punishment meted
out to him was 122 razor cuts slashed all over his body as a lasting
warning for all time.
The scars left by these wounds strangely took the fancy of the
King's wives who thought that they added comeliness and beauty
to the man, and therefore they advised that in future such marks
should not be performed upon a slave, but on actual members
of the royal family as distinctive of royalty.
Sango took this advice, and placed himself first in the hands
of the " Olowolas " (the markers) named Babajegbe Osan and
Babajegbe Oru ; but he could stand only two cuts on each arm,
and forbade them to proceed any further. This is what is termed
£y6. The marks are to this day retained in the royal family,
as a distinctive badge of royalty, and hence members of the royal
family are termed Akey6. They are two broad ribbon marks on
the arms from the shoulder to the wrist.
When the King had determined upon taking Oyokoro, it
occurred to him to employ this as a device by which he could
effect his purpose easily without loss of lives. He thereupon
sent the Hausa slave to Oloyo-koro for him to see how beautiful
this slave looks with these marks, and that it has been resolved
to use the same as a mark of royalty ; he therefore advised the
Oloyo-koro to submit himself to be thus marked, with his principal
chiefs for rank and beauty, stating that he himself had done so. To
this they consented, Babajegbe Osan and Babajegbe Oru were
sent over there, and admirably did they perform their tasks.
But on the third day, when the Oloyo-koro and his chiefs were
very sore, Sango appeared with his forces against them ; no
resistance could be offered, and the city fell easily into his hands :
shamefully and brutally he put to death the prince and his chiefs,
the dupes of his stratagem.
Thus the seat of government was permanently removed from
Oko (or as some would have it, from He Ife) to Oyo the ancient
" Eyeo or Katunga."
Sango reigned for seven years, the whole of which period was
marked by his restlessness. He fought many battles and was
fond of making charms. He was said to have the knowledge
of some preparation by which he could attract lightning. The
palace at Oyo was built at the foot of a hill called Ok^ Ajaka
(Ajaka's hill). One day the King ascended this hill accompanied
THE FOUNDERS OF THE YORUBA NATION I5I
by his courtiers and some of his slaves, among whom were two
favourites, Biri and Omiran ; some of his cousins went with him,
but none of his children. He was minded to try the preparation
he had in hand ; thinking it might have been damp and useless,
he first made the experiment on his own house. But it took effect,
a storm was immediately raised and the lightning had struck the
palace before they came down the hill, and the buildings were on
fire. Many of Sango's wives and his children perished in this
catastrophe.
Sango who was the author of his own misfortunes became
alarmed and dismayed at what had happened and from a broken
heart he was resolved to abdicate the throne and retire to the court
of his maternal grandfather, Elempe king of the Nupes.
All Oyo was now astir, not only to sympathize with the King,
but also to dissuade him from carrying out his resolution ; but
he could not bear any opposition, and so mad was he, that he
even used his sword against some of his loyal subjects who ventured
to remonstrate with him, and who promised to replace for him
his dead wives by others, by whom he might beget children, and
so in time make good his present losses.
According to other accounts, he did not abdicate of his own
freewill, but was asked to do so by a strong party in the state.
Both accounts may be true, there may have been two parties,
for to this day, Yorubas have an abhorence of a King given to
making deadly charms ; because for one who already has absolute
power invested in him by law, this strange power can only be used
spitefully, so that no one near him would be safe.
He was said to have caused 160 persons to be slain in a fit of
anger, of those who were showing much concern and over-anxiety
on his behalf, and who would prevent him by force from carrying
out his resolve.
Thus determined he set out on his fateful journey with a few
followers. Biri his head slave and favourite was the first to regret
the step taken, and to urge on his master to yield to the entreaties
of those citizens of Ovo, who with all loyalty promised to replace
his losses, as far as man can do it, and to rebuild the palace ; but
finding the King inexorable, he forsook him and returned to the
city with all his followers ; Omiran likewise followed his example,
and the King was thus left alone. He now repented his rashness,
especially when he found himself deserted by his favourite Biri.
He could not proceed alone, and for shame he could not return
home, and so he was resolved to put an end to his own life ; and
climbing on a shea butter tree, he hanged himself.
His friends hearing of this tragedy went immediately and
152 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
performed for him the last act of kindness, by burying his remains
under the same tree.
On hearing of the King's death, his personal friends followed
his example, and died with him. Biri committed suicide at Koso
(where the King died), Omiran did the same. His cousin Omo
Sinda committed suicide at Papo, Babayanmi at Sele, Obei at
Jakuta and Oya his favourite wife at Ira.
Thus ended the life of this remarkable personage, who once
ruled over all the Yorubas and Popos. He was afterwards deified,
and is still worshipped by all of the Yoruba race as the god of
thunder and lightning.
In every Yoruba and Popo town to this day, whenever there is
a flash of lightning followed by a peal of thunder, it is usual to
hear from the populace shouts of " Ka wo o," " ka biye si "
(welcome to your majesty, long live the King.)
Ajaka his brother was now recalled from exile, and he once
more held the reins of government.
Salekuodi was the Basorun of this reign.
§ 5. Ajaka's Second Reign
King Ajaka who was dethroned for being too peaceful was
now recalled to the throne. He proved after his re-instatement a
totally different man to what he had been before, and showed
himself more warlike than even his brother Sango,
He led an expedition into the Tapa country. Tradition has
it, that he employed large and well-trained birds, armed with
arrows, and after crossing the Niger they showered down these
deadly weapons upon the maternal relations of his brother Sango.
What is certain is, that the expedition was successful but by
what means, it is not really known. But thus it was with the
Yorubas (as with all superstitious people) that brave deeds and
extraordinary acts of daring are always attributed to the super-
natural.
He spent the latter part of his years in waging intestine wars
with his subjects. He was said to have been engaged in civil
wars with 1060 of his chiefs and princes among whom were the
principal vassal or provincial kings, the Onikoyi, the Olugbon,
and the Aresa.
He had in his service certain " medicine men," who made charms
for him, viz., Atagbgin, Omo-onik6k6, Abitibiti Onisegun, Paku,
Teteoniru, Y5nk, Oko-adan Egbeji, Alari baba isegun, and
Elenre.
The following fable was related of him : —
After his wars, some of these " medicine men " went up to him,
THE FOUNDERS OF THE YORUBA NATION I53
and humbly prayed to be allowed to return home ; but the King
refused to grant them leave, fearing lest their services might be
required by some other kings, and in that way, others might be in
possession of the charms they made for him. As they were
determined to go home they showed the King by demonstrative
proofs, that they made the request simply out of courtesy but
that the King could not detain them. Paku fell down before him,
and disappeared. Tete oniru, Abitibiti Onisegun, and Alari
baba I§egun performed the same feat and vanished. Egbeji
threw up a ball of thread which hung suspended in space, and he
climbed up it and disappeared. Elenre alone remained standing
before him. Then said the King to him " Elenre, you had better
follow the examples of your colleagues and vanish, or I shall
wreak my vengeance upon you for their disobedience." " Kill
me if you can " replied Elenre. The King thereupon ordered him
to be decapitated ; but the sword was broken in two on the
attempt. He then ordered him to be speared but the spear
became bent and the spearman's arm withered ! He ordered a
large stone to be rolled over him to crush him to death but it
fell on him as light as a ball of cotton-wool.
The King and the executioners were now at their wits' end,
and then it occurred to one of them to " plough with his heifer."
His wife Ijaehin being prevailed upon, told them that no iron or
steel can affect him: "Pull off a single blade of grass from the
thatch of the house, and with that you can decapitate him."
This was done, and the head was struck off, but instead of
falling to the ground, it fell into the King's hand, and he
involuntarily grasped it. The King tried all his best to drop it
off, but to no avail. Any food brought to the King the head
devoured, and drank all the water likewise. The King soon
became famished, he was losing flesh, and was really dying from
hunger.
All the " medicine-men " of every tribe in the kingdom were
sent for, to disenchant this alarming phenomenon : as soon as
anyone entered, the head would call him by name, tell out the
composition of his charms, and then ask " Do you think that
can affect me ? " Thus many were baffled, until at last came one
Agawo ; this man at once pro:-trated at a distance and entreated
the head to forbear with him, saying : — " Who am I to oppose
you ? In what am I better than my predecessors whom you have
already foiled ? I came only in obedience to the King's commands
as I dare not refuse to come." The head replied " I will respect
you because you are wise and respect yourself ; I yield to your
entreaties." Then, falling suddenly from the King's hands.
154 "^"^ HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
Elenre's head became a flowing river known at Oyo to this day as
Odo Elenre (Elenre's river).
His wife Ijaehin who disclosed the secret of his strength was
also converted into a stream, but Elenre's head said to it " Thou
shalt not flow," therefore Ijaehin became a stagnant pool at Oyo
unto this day.
From this incident King Ajaka made it a rule that from hence-
forth no King should be present in person at an execution.
He put to death all the vassal kings 1060 in number taken in
war ; the relics of their skulls were put together and are worshipped
under the name of Orisa'la to this day. This is the probable
origin of that worship.
The reign of the mythological heroes abound in garbled forms
of scriptural stories, showing as was remarked in the earlier part
of this history that the ancestors of the Yorubas were acquainted
with Christianity in the land of their origin. The fable here related
is evidently the story of Elijah in a perverted form.. His putting
to death so many priests of Baal has been perverted into Ajaka
slaying all his vassal kings and their skulls converted to an object
of worship. His judgment of fire on those sent to arrest him finds
a counterpart in Elenre's head anticipating those who came to
exorcise it, both yielded to a wiser delegate who substituted
entreaties for authority. The name Asawo (i.e. one who deals
in mysteries) is very significant ; it is evidently a mythological
rather than a real name. Elijah going up to heaven became
Egbeji climbing up a cord and disappearing as the saying goes
" Egbeji ta 'kun O lo si Orun," i.e. Egbeji suspended a cord and
by it went up to heaven. The river Jordan crossed by Elijah
suggested Elenre's head becoming a river, etc.
The Ogidigbo drum was introduced into Oyo during this reign.
It is of all drums the most inartistic, and is totally devoid of any
embellishment. It consists of a block of wood about 3ft. in length
hollowed out from the centre to about 6 inches of both extremities,
and is beaten with a rod.
It is used only for the King and theBasorun at the great festivals
when they dance together at his public appearance.
Nothing is known of the end of Ajaka, probably he died in
peace.
Salekuodi continued as the Basorun of this reign also.
SECOND PERIOD.— THE PERIOD OF GROWTH AND
PROSPERITY AND OPPRESSION.
Chapter II
HISTORICAL KINGS
§ r. Aganju
As Sango left no issue, the crown fell to Ajaka's son Aganju without
any dispute. His reign was long and very prosperous. He had
a remarkable faculty of taming wild animals and venomous
reptiles, several of which may be seen crawling about him. He had
also in his house a tame leopard.
He greatly beautified the palace adding piazzas in front and
back, with rows of brazen posts. He originated the custom of
decorating the palace with hangings on state occasions, being a
sovereign of accomplished taste.
Towards the end of his reign, he waged war with a namesake
of his, Aganju the Onisambo, for refusing him the hand of his
daughter lyayun. In this war, four chiefs, viz. the Onisambo and
his allies the Onitede the Onimeri and the Alagbona were captured,
their towns destroyed, and the bride forcibly secured.
The close of his reign was clouded by great domestic troubles.
His only son Lubeg6 was discovered having illicit intercourse
with his beloved lyayun, on whose account so many princes and
people have lost their lives. The stern father was enraged beyond
words, the sentence pronounced on him was the extreme penalty
of the law, and it was rigidly carried out. But the King was
overcome with grief, he died not long after this, even before the
birth of a successor to the throne. The name of his Basorun was
Banija, succeeded by Erankogbina.
§ 2. KoRi
The late King having no surviving son Erankogbina the Basorun
was left to manage the affairs of the kingdom. The only hope of
a direct successor to the throne was the child of lyayun still in
utero ; hence sacrifices were offered frequently on the grave of
Aganju praying him to grant lyayun a son if his name is not to be
forgotten, and the dynasty end with him. When in due course
therefore lyayun gave birth to a son, the joy of the populace was
unbounded. He was named Kgri.
155
156 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
During Kori's minority, lyayun was declared Regent ; she
wore the crown, and put on the royal robes, and was invested
with the Ejigha, the Opa ileke and other royal insignia, and ruled
the kingdom as a man until her son was of age.
It was during this reign that Timi was sent to Ede and not in
Sango's reign as was supposed.^
The Ijesas proving very troublesome to their neighbours by
kidnapping them in their farms, and molesting caravans to and
from Apomu a frontier town where a large fair is periodically
held for the exchange of goods with the Ijebus, and also getting
frequently embroiled with the king of Ido their neighbour, com-
plaints from time to time reached the AlAfin of Oyo. It was
now determined that a stop be put to these inroads ; for this
purpose the King sent a notable hunter to that district who
succeeded in checking these marauders. He took up a position
at a place called Ede as his headquarters, and there he subsequently
established himself as a kinglet with the title of Timi.
Timi was a famous archer, notable for his deadly arrows, and
he more than justified his appointment. The Owa of Ilesa
imitating the same appointment, posted an opposition kinglet
at Osogbo named Atawoja ; but his chief duty was to worship
the fish in the river Osun.
As the Timi's duties required all his time, skill and valour,
he had no time left to provide for himself and family ; the traders
and caravans being now well protected, he obtained permission
from the AlAfin to levy a toll of 5 cowries each on every trader ;
by this means he soon had more than enough for the support
of his family, and as a good and loyal subject, he paid the surplus
into the royal treasury.
After some years of this act of loyalty, he regretted this self-
imposed tribute, taking another view of the matter, that whatever
he could collect this way should be his own by right as a compen-
sation for the loss of the advantages of a city life, as well as a
reward for his labours. So he abruptly stopped the tribute.
When the King missed the usual tribute, he sent to demand
the same, but Timi refused to pay it, and gave his reasons for not
doing so. This did not satisfy the King, so a more peremptory order
was sent to Timi to deliver up what he had withheld. This order
was also disobeyed, and so the King resorted to force, a body of
troops was sent to arrest him, and to seize all his belongings. But
Timi was prepared for this, he resisted with all his might, and
routed the King's forces.
^ Vide Yoruba Reading Book.
HISTORICAL KINGS 157
But the King was resolved to punish Timi as a warning to others
who might follow his example. Eliri-onigbajo the Gbonka was
proposed to him as the only man equal to the task. But the
Gbonka was already a powerful subject at Oyq, being the only
man who dared to oppose the King's encroachments upon the
liberties of the people, therefore, he was at first loth to accede to
this proposal, lest a success might add an additional lustre to the
Gbonka's glory, and make him more elated than before ; but on
second consideration he consented, secretly hoping he might fall by
the hand of his brave antagonist. So the Gbonka was appointed.
The fight was limited to a single combat between the two
chieftains, Timi armed himself with his bow and arrows, but
the Gbonka carried a shield with which to defend himself against
the powerful darts of his assailant. His own weapon of offence
was a viol containing a drug with strong narcotic properties when
inhaled, and by means of this Timi was soon rendered unconscious,
and in this state, he was dispossessed of his weapons, and taken
bound to Qyo.
The King received the tidings with mixed feelings of joy and
disappointment that neither of them fell in the combat, especially
the Gbonka whom he wished to get rid of. When the illustrious
captive was brought before him, the King pretended to be dis-
satisfied with the issue of the contest, doubting its fairness, except
the same could be repeated in his presence, so that he may witness
it personally, secreth^ hoping that Timi might have a better
chance this time, and that the Gbonka might fall. This desire
was apparent to all present, and to the Gbonka himself ; however,
he addressed himself to the renewed combat. The King ordered
the Timi's weapons to be restored to him, and the fight resumed.
To his mortification the Gbonka was again victorious amid shouts
of applause from the people. Timi was not only subdued but
was also instantaneously killed by the victor before the King and
without his orders.
The Gbonka to show further what he could do, and to strike
terror into the King, ordered a pile to be made, and pots of palm
oil, nut oil, and shea butter to be poured on it ; he then went
coolly and sat on the top of it, and ordered it to be set on fire.
All present were anxious for the consequence ; but when the pile
was ablaze, the Gbonka disappeared.
Courtiers now began to congratulate the King on the fall of
his enemy by his own hands ; but he was apprehensive of some
other issues " Not too fast" said he, " we must first wait and see."
Tidings soon reached the court that the Gbonka followed by
drummers, was seen dancing about the town.
158 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
The Gbonka knowing the public feeling towards the King, and
his unpopularity, entered the palace and challenged His Majesty
to display feats similar to his own and said if he could not, he
would be rejected. There being no alternative, the King took
poison and died.
Esugbiri succeeded Erankogbina as Basorun during this reign.
§ 3. Oluaso
The unfortunate King was succeeded by a handsome and
amiable prince called Oluaso, who was remarkable for his longevity
and peaceful reign. His agnomen was Osarewa S'akin i.e.,
handsome but strong. He was a wise and affable sovereign
fabled to have reigned for 320 years, and had 1460 children !
Three times did nine of his wives bear him male twins in one day.
The first set he named Omgla, the second Ona-aka, and the third
Ona-isokun. Of these three sets of twins the last (Ona-isokun)
were the most popular and Kings were chosen from amongst them
and their descendants. These names have become hereditary
titles unto this day. The King built 54 palaces for these 54
princes all of whom rose to positions of trust and responsibility
by their own merits.
He originated and built 120 kobis to the royal palace. He was
ably assisted by his Basorun, Esugbiri-elu. He lived to a good
old age, and died full of days and honour, and his longevity has
passed into a proverb. " O ni ki o gbo ogbo Oluaso, o le jiya
Oluaso ? " You pray to live as long as Oluaso, can you endure
the trials of Oluaso ? Old age has its own trials and sufferings.
His son Onigbogi succeeded him on the throne. Esugbiri was the
Basorun of this reign also.
§ 4. Onigbogi
Onigbogi was one of the sons of Oluaso by Aruigba-ifa an Ota
woman. She had left Oyq during the previous reign for her own
native town, but on hearing that her son ascended the throne, she
returned to Oyo in order to assist him in his government by her
advice. She was a very superstitious woman. Wishing her son
to have a long and prosperous reign, she advised him to introduce
the worship of Ifa into Oyo as a national deity. The Oyo citizens
asked the King and his mother what offerings are required with
which to propitiate Ha. She replied, 16 rats, 16 bags of cowries,
16 fishes, 16 fowls, 16 arm lengths of cloth and 16 ground pigs.
The Oyo citizens answered that they were prepared to give the
offerings, but they could not worship palm nuts. Thus the advice
of the King's mother was rejected and the worship of Ifa cancelled.
HISTORICAL KINGS 159
When Aruigba-ifa was going to Oyq she was accompanied by
the personification of several common objects used in fetish
worship e.g. Aje, Opon, Ajere, Osun, Elegbara, and Iroke. When
the citizens of Oyo rejected her god, she returned on her way to
Ota with all her followers, weeping as they went. On reaching
the foot of the Ado hill, the Alado's wife came out to see the cause
of a company of people weeping and wailing, saying " We are
driven out of the country." She reported this at home, and the
Alado came out and invited the party to lodge with him. His
inquisitiveness led him to ask why such august personages should
be driven out of the city ; when he had learnt the whole story, he
sympathized with Arugba, and asked her to stay, promising to
give some of the things required, as they were too poor to be able
to afford all. This was done, and Arugba not only initiated him
into the mysteries, but also conferred upon him the right of initiat-
ing others. Hence in the subsequent reign when the Oyos decided
to adopt Ifa worship, it was this Alado who went to the city to
initiate them into all the mysteries, rites and ceremonies of Ifa
worship.
A war broke out after these events, and the King sent out the
Basgrun at the head of his army to Ita-ibidun with all the war
chiefs. The king of the Tapas (Nupe) between whom and the
Yorubas there have been strained relations since the death of
Sango, seized this opportunity for crossing the river, and pouring
his army into the Yoruba country, carried everything before
him, until he stood before the gate of Ovo. There being no avail-
able force to oppose him, the city was soon taken. The King
fled to Gbere in the Bariba country, and there he died not being
used to the hardships incidental to the life of an exile ; leaving his
son Ofinran a refugee in a strange land. In the land of his exile.
King Onigbogi made it a law that only 35 of the Esos should be
absent from home at any time, leaving 35 for the defence of the
city and country, the Tapa King having entered Ovo practically
without any opposition.
Ayangbagi Aro was the Basorun of this period.
§ 5. Ofinran
The Oyo refugees were at first received with open arms by the
King Eleduwe and his Balogun Bokgyo because Ofinran's mother
was a Bariba woman. The refugees having no regular employment
here, joined theBaribas, who are a race of marauders, in all their
expeditions. In one of these expeditions Irawo in the Yoruba
country was taken, and also Oke Isero where died the famous
warchief Gbonka Eleri-onigbajo.
l6o THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
After this, the Baribas began to ill-treat the refugees, but the
young prince proved himself equal to the occasion ; he collected his
people together, and set out at their head for Oyo.
When they arrived at a place called Kusu, they encamped
there to complete their preparations for the journey to Oyo.
From Kusu the King sent delegates to Ota for Ifa priests, as he and
his chiefs superstitiously believed that their misfortunes arose
from their rejecting the worship of Ifa ; the Alado then came to
initiate the AlAfin and his people into the mysteries of the Ifa
worship. Thus Ifa was accepted by Yoruba proper among the
gods of the land.
The Egugun mysteries also were hitherto unknown to the
Yorubas, by this means the Tapas have long imposed upon them,
they believing in the reality of the so-called apparitions. On the
hill Sanda at Kusu the secret was made known to Saha the King's
head slave.
The first Alapini with the other Egugun priests the Elefi,
Olohan, Oloba, Aladafa, and the Olgj^, emigrated from the Tapa
country to Yoruba, joining the remnants returning from the
Bariba country. These became the first priests, and instructed
the Yorubas further in the Egiigun worship ; therefore the honours
and emoluments to be enjoyed in this worship by right belong to
them and their successors unto this day.
Before the encampment at Kusu was broken up, the King died,
and was succeeded by his son Eguguoju. The deceased King's
body was wrapped in an ass's skin to be taken to Oyo. At a place
called Okutu-gbogbo the cord broke, and the body had to be bound
up afresh before they could proceed. On the very spot in which
this happened, the palace at Saki was built.
Sokia " ti iwo ewn irin " (clad with a coat of mail) was the
Basorun of this period.
Chapter III
THE KINGS OF OYO IGBOHO
§ r. Eguguoju
Eguguoju having succeeded his father, became the leader of his
people to Oyo ; the camp at Kusu was broken up and they carried
the remains of the late King with them for state funeral at home.
They encamped next at Iju Sanya, a desert place. Whilst there
two large birds an Igbo and an Oyo were seen fighting, and they
chased each other from the bough of the tree under which the
King sat until they came down to the ground, and he ordered both
to be caught and killed.
This occurrence was regarded by him as a happy omen ; he
therefore resolved to build a city there and to remove the seat of
government to that place. From the example of the birds, he
was resolved to fight to the last drop of blood in his veins any army
that came against him there, never showing the " white feather."
The city was accordingly built there, and was named Oyo Igboho,
after the two birds, Igbo and Oyo, and there he buried the remains
of his father.
Nothing remarkable was recorded of this King except that he
built Igboho, which became the last resting-place of four Yoruba
Kings before the government was again removed to the ancient
capital.
Obalohun was the Basorun of this reign.
§ 2. Orompotq
Prince Orompoto, brother of Eguguoju, and son of Ofinran
succeeded to the throne. Shortly after his accession, troubles
began to assail him ; he, however, proved himself to be a skilful
and experienced commander, and as a statesman, he was unrivalled.
In his reign Oyo regained the military fame it had lost. He was
swift in action, darting upon his enemies as an eagle upon his
prey, when they least expected his approach. He used all skill
to conceal his movements from the enemy. His rearguard con-
sisted of 1,000 foot and i,ooo horse, for each of whom he provided
a broad ghaju leaf to sweep and obliterate the foot prints of his
army on the march, the horsemen tying the leaves to the tails
of their horses.
But at the battle of Ilayi the King's army was routed although
i6i
l62 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
he fought with unusual bravery. He lost in this battle, three
Gbonkds, leaders of the van. When the first fell, he there and then
created another ; he also fell, and he created a third who also fell,
but whose fall converted the rout to victory under a peculiar
circumstance
As he fell under showers of arrows in a kneeling posture his
mouth remained fixed in a state as if grinning; the Baribas observing
two white rows of teeth under his helmet thought he was playing
them a trick, and that he was laughing at their fruitless attempts
to kill him and put his army to flight, not knowing that he was
stiff dead and that the Oyos were on the point of retreating. A
sort of dread overcame them for a man it was impossible to kill
notwithstanding showers of arrows hanging on him ! so they
retreated thinking they had lost the day, and the Oyos remaining
in the field claimed the victory. Hence it was commonly said of
this man " Gbonka Orogbori ti o ft ehin le ogun." (The Gbonka
of the ghostly head who routed an army with his teeth).
How long this King reigned is not known but he was the third
buried at Igboho.
Asamu was the Basgrun of this reign.
§ 3. AjIBOYEDE
Ajiboyede succeeded to the throne. He was a most successful
King but he was a tyrant.
During this reign, the country was invaded by Lajomo, king of
the Tapas. The King marched against him ; brave deeds were
done on both sides ; at last, however, the Yorubas were routed,
and the King would have been slain but for a circumstance which
not only saved his life, but also turned the tide of victory in his
favour.
When it became apparent that the battle was lost, Ajanlapa
the Osi'wefa hastily exchanged dress with the King, and told him
to escape for his life. He put on the King's crown and his robes,
and the Tapas supposing him to be the King turned their attention
chiefly on him, and showered upon him such a number of darts,
that in falling his body was propped up by the shafts of the arrows.
As the crown fell off his head (like Gbonka Orogbori of the preceding
reign) a coward observed his teeth with the face set as if he were
grinning ; thinking he was laughing at their futile efforts he con-
cluded at once that they had supernatural beings opposed to them !
He was alarmed, communicated his fears to his comrades, and
panic immediately spread throughout the Tapa host ; and before
they could be rallied, the stampede had become general, and
he pursued now became the pursuers ; the Yorubas returned to
THE KINGS OF QYQ IGBOHO I63
the charge, and the Tapas were completely routed, and put to
the sword. Lajomg their King was taken and the victory was
complete.
The King was so grateful for his life being saved by the devoted
Osi'wefa, that he took counsel of all the Oyo nobles as to what
honours he should bestow on Ajanlapa's son. He wished him to
be his constant attendant, to be about him night and day, and that
he should be free of any part of the palace. But such a post cannot
be held by any other than a eunuch and to make him so would
seem cruel and ungrateful ; but the Oyos counselled that unless
he is so, he cannot enjoy the full liberty desired by the King. A
painful necessity that seemed to be, but the King yielded to that
advice, and he was emasculated.
This circumstance accounts for the great honours attached to
that office to this day, vide p. 59. The Osi'wefa is always the
first as well as the last in the King's bed chamber. If the King
is ill, he takes his place on state occasions, putting on his robes
and the crown ; in war, he often appears as the King's deputy,
invested with all the paraphernalia of royalty, including the state
umbrellas, the kakaki trumpet, etc. Thus Ajanlapa by sacrificing
his life converted what would have been a crushing defeat into a
triumphant victory, and so saved his country from humiliation, and
purchased royal honours for his family and for his official successors
for ever. To mark this victory as well as his long reigp, Ajiboyede
celebrated the Bebe festival.
The Bebe is akin to a jubilee or golden age of a king's reign.
There have been but few such in the history of the Yorubas. It
lasts for 3 years, and during this period liberty of speech and
action is granted to everyone, high and low, rich and poor through-
out the kingdom, without any fear of being accused of sedition
or treason. No riot or fighting is to be heard of anywhere, all
provocations must be suppressed while the Bebe lasts, for no one is
to be prosecuted during that period. All is peace. The King's
Ilaris are rarely seen about on duty at this time, and when met,
ne«d not command that worship and deference usually accorded
them. No toll or tribute is paid. Everyone appears in his holiday
dress. Country folks go to Oyo to enjoy themselves without fear.
Festivities mark the occasion. Provincial and feudatory kings
and princes, and those of adjacent countries pay visits to Oyo
to offer congratulations ; presents are given and received in a
lavish manner. The corridors and courtyards of the palace, and
all the trees in the King's market used to be decorated with
hangings of cloth of various hues, native and foreign make, as
with bunting. One deplorable act, however, is a blot on theBeb§
l64 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
celebration ; it is always accompanied with human sacrifices
offered to the memory of all preceding Kings from Oduduwa
downwards ; two to each, and their blood mingled with those of
animals slaughtered without number is poured out, for the King
and his courtiers are required to have a religious dance upon it ;
and this part of the ceremony is regarded as the highest act of
worship, and of thanksgiving.
The Bebe is sometimes termed the Iht or funeral rites, as if
intended to mark the close of a long reign, from the fact that the
few Kings who celebrated it died a short time after.
The three years festivities of the Bgbe being over, the Ba§orun
celebrates a minor form of festival termed the Owara, and this
lasts three months.
A short time after these festivitives were over, the King lost
by death his first-born son, Osemolu to his inexpressible grief.
All the Oyo nobles who came to sympathize with him were by his
orders put to death, alleging that their feigned condolence was but
a mock sympathy, for since he was fasting from grief, their hands
smelt of food recently partaken. An insurrection against him was
quite ripe when a Moslem priest from the Tapa country called
" Baba-kewu " sent his son " Baba-Yigi " to remonstrate with
him for his unjust and cruel acts in avenging his son's death on
innocent people, when his son had died a natural death. " This,"
said he, " is a sin against God who took away the life of your
son."
The King pondered seriously over this message, and became
convinced of his tyranny. He convened an assembly of the
Oyo citizens, and publicly asked their pardon for his unjust acts.
He was making preparations for removing the seat of govern-
ment back to Oyo when he died.
This is the fourth and last King buried at Igboho.
The Ba§grun of this reign was Ibat^.
§ 4. Abipa or " Oba M'oro " (the ghost catcher)
Prince Abipa succeeded to the throne, being the fourth and last
King who reigned at Gboho.
His first effort was to carry out the last wishes of his father,
viz., to remove the seat of government back to the ancient capital.
The Nobles however, and those born at Gboho were strongly
opposed to the removal, but could not prevent or dissuade the
King from carrying out his purpose ; they therefore had recourse
to a stratagem by which they hoped to thwart his purpose.
When they knew that the King was about to send to inspect
the old sites, and to propitiate the gods as a preliminary to re-
THE KINGS OF QYQ IGBOHO 165
occupation, emissaries were secretly despatched by them to precede
the King's messengers. The Bagorun sent a hunchback, the
Alapini an albino, the Asipa a leper, the Samu a prognathi, the
Laguna a dwarf, the Akiniku a cripple. All these emissaries
are considered in this country as unnatural beings, suffering the
vengeance of the gods, hence they are termed " Eni Orisa " (the
belongings of the gods). They are usually kept as priests and
priestesses to Obatala and other gods, especially the albinoes,
dwarfs, and hunchbacks.
As the King's messengers were about to offer the sacrifices at
the place appointed, these counterfeit apparitions who, according
to instructions had posted themselves on the hill Ajaka, at the
foot of which the palace was built, by a preconcerted plan suddenly
began to shout " Ko si aye, ko si aye " (no room, no room).
At night they roamed about the hill, hooting and cooing with
lighted torches in hand, and they were taken for the spirits of
the hill refusing them readmission to Oyq.
This report was very distressing to the King, and he was at
a loss what to do. The Ologbo or Arokin (chief cymbalist)
shrewdly suspecting the real facts of the case advised his master
to send hunters to investigate the truth of the matter. B6ni,
Igi^ubu, Alegbktk, Lgkd, Gbandan^and Olomo were the six famous
hunters sent. They armed themselves with weapons and with
charms to meet any contingency for self-defence.
When these hunters discovered that they were human beings
they came upon them, and one of them took his aim and would
have shot one of the deformed beings, had he not cried out and
begged for his life. They were all taken alive and brought before
the King ; and being questioned they were obliged to betray their
masters who were at this time ignorant of what had taken place.
The King adopted a most characteristic way of administering to
his Nobles a silent rebuke which told.
At the weekly meeting of the King and the noblemen for the
Jakuta sacrifices (which occur every 5 days) after the usual pro-
ceedings and religious ceremonies of the day were over, and they
retired into the banqueting hall for refreshment as was their
wont, the King on this occasion sent to each of the noblemen a
calabash full of beer by the hands of his own emissary the
" apparition " of Oyo ! The Basgrun saw with ineffable surprise
his hunchback whom he thought was playing the ghost at distant
Oyo emerging from the King's inner apartment with a calabash
full of beer for him, the Alapini his albino, and so with all the
others, each one being waited upon by his own emissary ! Instantly
a deep silence pervaded the room and the rest of the time was passed
l66 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
in an ominous stillness. The King and his Nobles parted with-
out a word being spoken on the subject. The noblemen, however,
showed their resentment by poisoning the Ologbo the King's
adviser ; but he, in order to show his love and esteem for the
deceased, ordered for him a semi-state funeral, and had his body
wrapped in ass's skin to be taken to Oyo for interment.
From this incident. King Abipa was nick-named Oba M'gro
(the King who caught ghosts).
Another nickname given to the King that had connection
with this event was derived from his head slave Bisa, a Bariba,
who was his favourite, and one time had great influence with his
master. The King found out that Bisa was an accomplice with
the Nobles in thwarting his designs. His Majesty now adopted a
characteristic method of administering him a very sharp rebuke
which he never forgot.
He one day called Bisa, and told him that the Eleduwe (the
king of his native country) was dead, and that the Baribas have
sent to him to pay the ransom of Bisa, who has been elected to
the vacant throne. "Now Bisa, will you go?" "Yes, your
Majesty " replied Bisa, " and your majesty may be sure of this,
that when I ascend the throne, the Bariba country to its utmost
limits will be free and open to all Yorubas." The King then
rejoined " Why do you wish to go to your country and yet you
were trying to prevent me going to my birthplace and ancestral
home ? Therefore, yoti shall not go." Bisa begged hard, but his
master remained resolute, hence he was nicknamed " Ogbolu
Akohun, Akohun Bisa jale " Ogbolu the Refuser who totally
refused Bisa's entreaties.
From this time Bisa lost all influence with the King. The design
of removing the seat of Government to Oyo was now carried out,
and Oyo from that time was known as Oyo O^Q ie- Qyq of the
ghosts.*
Those famous hunters remained three years with the King
in the capital as his guests, until he was perfectly settled. When
they were about to return home, the King in order to do them
honour, sent a special messenger with them as his representative,
and lest this servant of his should prove a source of expense to
them, he was allowed the privilege of receiving tolls for his liveli-
hood. He became really the new Governor of the town with the
title of Onibode (receiver of customs) . Hence that title is bestowed
on the chief ruler of Gboho to this day.
The remaining act of this King was the consolidation of his
^ Oyo is also sometimes called Oyo Egboro from the name of the
prince from whom Sango seized it.
THE KINGS OF OYO IGBOHO 167
kingdom. He buried charms in several places in the city that it
might never be destroyed by war.
When his " medicine men " asked for a new born babe to be
used as an ingredient in the composition of the charm, it happened
that one of his wives had just then been confined ; this being
reported to him, he ordered the new born babe to be brought in its
blood as it was, and he handed it over to the men to be pulverized
and used for their purpose. This act is to this day highly com-
mended by the people, and the King accounted a great public
benefactor who so loved his country, that he sacrificed his son for
the welfare of his people.
O Yo was never destroyed by war after this event, but all the same,
when the hour of retribution came, the blood of the innocents
was avenged, for she suffered the fate of all cities destroyed by
war. She was deserted, and thus she is in ruins unto this day.
Ibate continued as the Basorun of this reign also.
Chapter IV
A SUCCESSION OF DESPOTIC AND SHORT-LIVED KINGS
§ I. Obalokun Agana Erin
Obalokun succeeded to the throne of his fathers. His mother
was the daughter of the Alake, the Primus of the Egba chiefs.
The most memorable event of this reign was the introduction
of salt into the Yoruba country. The article hitherto used for
it was an insipid rock salt known as Obu. Salt now known as
iyo was at first called dun-mdmd.
This King was said to be in friendly relations with the King
of France (probably Portugal) with whom he had direct communi-
cation. It was said that the King sent 800 messengers with
presents to that European sovereign, but that they were never
heard of again. Tradition says that the sounds of bells ringing
in the skies was plainly heard in the Akesan (King's) market,
and it was conjectured that it was the voices of the unfortunates
speaking to them from the other world to tell their fate.
What natural phenomenon this may have been due to which
was interpreted thus, we do not know, but so it was believed at
the time, and similar omens are not unknown to history.
It was said that a white traveller visited Oyo during this reign.
This King placed the first Ajele (political resident) at Ijana
near Ilaro, with the title of Onisare. The appointment of an
Onisar^ was regularly from Oyo and he must be a Tapk by birth.
More of this will be noted hereafter.
He sent an expedition into the Ijesa country which was ambushed
and defeated by the tribe known as Ijesa Arera, the Ovos being
then unaccustomed to bush fighting. So great was the loss of
life in this expedition that the Ologbo was sent out as a town crier
to inform the bereaved of their losses in this war.
During this reign Sabigana emigrated from the Sabe to the
Yoruba country.
TheBasorun of this reign was Iba Magaji.
§ 2. Ajagbo
Ajagbo who succeeded Obalokun was remarkable for a long
reign. He was said to have reigned 140 years and is an exception
to the recent rule.
He was born a twin, and so striking was the resemblance
168
A SUCCESSION OF DESPOTIC AND SHORT-LIVED KINGS 169
between himself and his brother Ajampati that the one was often
mistaken for the other, and very often royal honours were paid
to the latter as to his brother.
Ajagbo was also a warlike prince ; several expeditions were
sent out by him.
He had a friend at Iwoye called K6koro-gangan whom he made
his Kakanfo (vide p. 74). This was the first Kakanfo in the
Yoruba country.
It was his custom to send out four expeditions at the same time
under four commanders. One under the Basorun, the next
under the Agbakin, the third under the Kakanfo, the fourth under
the Asipa. Those under this last consisted of the youths of the
metropolis.
He destroyed Iweme in the Popo cpuntry. He Olgpa, Onko
and his maternal town Ikereku-were an Egba town. The rest of
his reign was peaceful.
The Basorun of this reign was Akidain.
§ 3. Odarawu
Odarawu was the successor. His reign was very short. He
had a bad temper which was the cause of his being rejected.
His short reign became a proverb, and often used to point a
moral, and as a warning to succeeding Kings and also to inculcate
a lesson of patience and forbearance.
On his accession he was asked according to custom who was his
enemy ; he replied Ojo segi, i.e. a town in the kingdom named
after the Bale thereof.
The reason he gave for this was that when a private man, he
was once insulted by the Bale's wife. The alleged insult was
under the following circumstances : —
He was accustomed then to trade in the provinces, and on one
occasion he went to the market to buy eko for his dinner, the seller
whom he approached happened to be the Bale's wife ; both buyer
and seller were ignorant of each other's position. Eko then was
sold for one cowry each ; he bought six and paid five cowries as a
privilege of his birth. The seller not knowing that he was an Akeyo
(prince) and considering herself insulted thereby, in the heat of
passion gave him a slap, and called him a thief for the one cowry
withheld !
The King's order for the destruction of the town was obeyed,
but the Oyo people surmised that this would be a heartless tyrant,
who, on account of a single cowry harboured such malice and
resentment within him as subsequently to order the destruction
of so many lives of his peaceful and loyal subjects. On this
170 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
account, having fulfilled his wishes, he was rejected. He, therefore
committed suicide.
Akidain survived the late King and was the Basorun of this
reign also.
§ 4. Karan
Karan succeeded Odarawu, but he proved to be an unmitigated
tyrant. He tortured many of his subjects by ordering them to be
scourged front and back until they expired ; so great were his
cruelties that his name ha-^ ^"^c-^^ i^f^ a proverb " as cruel as
Karan " and this led to a c,^^. ^ . mation of his reign.
He sent out an expedition against Aga Oibo, and there the
conspiracy against him was quickly developed.
When the insurrection was ripe for execution, they sent a
message home to him craving for his fan, as it has been told them
by divination that the town cannot be taken except the King's
fan be offered in sacrifice to the gods. This was complied with, and
a portion of the sacrificial meat was sent him to partake of.
As soon as he had tasted thereof, it was said to him " The King
has eaten his own fan, his word is now of no value, " i.e., his
commands have returned to his own mouth. This is a characteristic
round about method the' Yorubas have of conveying intimations
of what they intend to do. The army is now absolved from a
charge of disobedience if they withdraw from the siege for the King
has recalled his words ! All those who would stand by him were
included in the plot. Iba Biri was elected to be the Basorun in
place of Woruda who had succeeded Akidain. The Agbakin's
son was chosen to succeed his father, and so on with the other
titles. This done, they raised the siege and encamped against the
city demanding the King's abdication or death.
The King unwilling to die offered a stout resistance. He was
personally courageous and brave, but he had the whole of his
army against him. When they entered the city, he held out
against them in the palace ; overcome by odds, he shot arrows
until his hands were swollen. Dislodged from within the courtyard
he climbed to the top of the roof, and there he sat fighting until
the palace was set on fire and he perished in the flames.
Thus ended a short and an inglorious reign. He was succeeded
by his son, Jayin.
Woruda was the Basorun of this reign.
§ 5. Jayin
Jayin was the son of the late King Karan. He was an effeminate
and dissolute prince. He had his harem full of all sorts of
characters. His son Olusi was kind and generous ; he was the idol
A SUCCESSION OF DESPOTIC AND SHORT-LIVED KINGS I7I
of the nation, and on him they built their hopes for a better future
for the country.
Brought up amidst such demoralizing influences, in an evil
hour, he fell under the charms of one of his father's numerous
wives and was caught in her embraces. The father already jealous
of the son's popularity with the people never forgave this offence.
According to one account he summoned the prince before him,
and whilst reprimanding him for his conduct, he was for a moment
off his guard and thus betrayed himself by letting out the feeling
rankling in his breast. " Villain " said he, " the citizens of Oyo
prefer you to myself, and you are at one with them against me."
Whilst speaking thus to him, he had in hand a club, the top of
which was spiked and tipped with poison ; this he pressed upon
his head to the point of bleeding, and the poison proved fatal to
him.
According to another account, it was a poisoned cake made
of beans that his father gave him, and of which he partook that
caused his death. Anyhow, it was certain that he died of poison
by the hand of his father.
He was universally mourned. The Oyo chiefs were detei mined
to find out the cause of his death. They had a strong suspicion
of foul play and were determined to avenge it.
The King gave it out that his death was due to an accident
from the kick of his horse. The secret however, was divulged
by one of his wives, and the disappointed citizens became much
disaffected towards their King.
The late Olusi had a public funeral, a national mourning was
proclaimed, and the public undertook to perform his funeral
obsequies. His Egugun was brought out, i.e. an appearance of
his apparition clothed with the cloths with which he was known
to have been buried.
The Egugun was said to have repaired to the palace, as was
usual to pay honours to the chief ruler of the town, and as soon
as the King showed his face, he was grasped by it. He was then
told to die, having been touched by an Egugun.
3ut according to another and a more probable account, when the
King heard that his late son's Egugun in the company of others
was coming to the palace, knowing what the most probable out-
come of such a visit must be, he hastily took poison and died.
And this has passed into proverb " O ku dhde ki a ko iwi wo
Akesan, Oba,Jayin te ori gba aso. (At the approach to Akesan
of a company of chanting Eguguns, King Jayin buried his head in
a shroud.) Used of one who anticipates the inevitable.
It was during this reign that an Ilari " Agbeja-ilfe " was sent
172 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
to settle a land dispute between the Aseyin odo, and the Olowu
Ipole ; he became the first Awujale of the Ijebus.
Iba Biri was appointed Basorun in place of Woruda deposed.
§ 6. Ayibx
An inter-regnum of some years followed the last reign, the
affairs of the kingdom being left in the hands of the Basorun.
The heir to the throne was the late King's grandson, the infant
son of the lamented Olusi, who was too young to administer the
government. The Oyo Mesi elected him in order to do honour to
the memory of his deceased father. Ayibi was crowned when he
came of age. Unfortunately he proved unworthy of the honour
and respect done him ; he greatly disappointed the hopes of the
nation. This may have been due to a great defect in his training
when a minor, over-indulgence taking the place of strict discipline.
He proved to be a tyrant who took delight in shedding blood.
When any suit was brought to court for his decision he often
gave judgment by ordering both com.plainant and defendant
to be executed. He had no respect for age, or rank, but terribly
abused his power.
As an example of his cruelty and arbitrariness, the following
story was told of him : —
He was one day in his bath, being attended by one of his
favourite wives ; and she, in a moment of self-forgetfulness (or
rather of amorous regard) said jocularly to him, " And this is all
of the man so much dreaded by all ! " He took offence at this
remark, but disguised his displeasure by a smile, but inwardly
he was determined to convince her practically of the power which
made him an object of dread to all.
After leaving his bathroom, he gave an order to a Tetu (execu-
tioner) privately to fetch the heads of the wife's father and mother
each in a calabash, and decently covered up. This order was
promptly executed The wife had by this time forgotten her
remarks in the bathroom, as she had no reason to be apprehensive
of any evil consequences arising therefrom. The calabashes
being brought and set before him, he sent for her from her apart-
ment, and asked her to uncover those , calabashes and tell the
contents of them ! " Do you know them ? " asked he, " Yes I
do," she replied trembling. " Then," rejoined he " that is the
secret why I am so much dreaded by all, although to you I seem
but commonplace and ordinary." She fully expected her own
execution to follow, but he was satisfied with the pain and misery
into which he had thrown her, and he graciously pardoned (sic)
her.
A SUCCESSION OF DESPOTIC AND SHORT-LIVED KINGS I73
For this and similar acts of cruelty, an insurrection was stirred
up against him by all the people, and being rejected he committed
suicide.
Oluaja, and after him Yabi were the Basoruns of this reign.
The reason why these Kings after rejection invariably committed
suicide is this. The person of a King is regarded as sacred.
Kings are venerated as gods, indeed many of them have been
actually deified ; but the moment a king's enormities provoke an
open rebuke, or on being told publicly " We reject you," by the
constitution of the country he must die that day. He cannot
from the sanctity with which he has been regarded abdicate
and continue to live as a private individual, or Continue to reign
by sufferance, by the clemency of aggrieved subjects. Hence he
must die ; and by his own hands, for it is an unthinkable horror
among the Yorubas for any man to lay hands upon a being
regarded as sacred. It is the prerogative of the Basorun to utter
the sentence of rejection when the people are determined on it.
Ev^en Noblemen also from their exalted positions are never
ordered to execution. " The King rejects you. The ancient Kings
Oduduwa, Orafiyan, Aganju, and others, reject you." He must
then take poison and die. Such deaths are accounted honourable,
public and decent funerals are accorded them.
If any one allows himself to be executed his carcase will be treated
like that of a common felon, and his house pulled down. Therefore
a faint-hearted individual would be despatched by his nearest
relatives to save themselves from indelible disgrace. An honour-
able burial will then be. accorded to the illustrious dead.
§ 7. OSINYAGO
Osinyago who succeeded to the throne was equally worthless.
He was an avaricious man who by exactions, massacre, and con-
fiscations amassed wealth which he did not live long to enjoj'.
His firstborn son, like his father, was of a grasping propensity,
which led to his early death. The second child Omgsun, although
a female, was of a masculine character, and she considered the
rank and privileges of the Aremo (Crown Prince) her own ; but the
King adopted a cousin Woruale (contracted to Wurale or Irale)
son of Gbagba, a physician, his maternal uncle, as the Aremo, and
this Omosun resented.
It happened that a dispute arose between these two as to
the right of appointing a new Aseyin at the death of the then king
of Iseyin, and Omosun from wounded pride that she was opposed
by a commoner, in the heat of passion slew Irale !
H
174 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
Irale's father Gbagba the physician was determined to avenge
the death of his son, and this he did by poison said to have been
extracted from one cowry worth of shea butter, 200 grains of
beniseed, and other ingredients by which he effected the deaths of
the King, Omosun, Apala the Basorun, and other notabilities of
Oyo who were concerned with the misgovernment that was going
on.
He was said to have escaped to his own country by means
of charms. One report says, he flew away like a bird, and was
found at Ede ; another says he died and was buried, but his
corpse became a red monkey which escaped into the bush. What
was more probable was, that from the dread he inspired by his
powers, he had an opportunity of escape, and was not slow to make
use of it. The country was bereft of King and Basorun simul-
taneously.
The Basorun of this reign was Apalk.
§ 8. OjiGi
Ojigi who was elected to the vacant throne, was a powerful and
warlike King. He extended his conquests to the Dahomian
territory. In three expeditions headed by the Basorun and the
Gbonka Latoy6, the Dahomians were brought fully under sub-
jection.
Yansumi an Idahomian town was taken and destroyed. He sent
an expedition also against the Igbdnas.
This King in order to show his undisputed sovereignty over
the whole of the Yoruba country, including Benin, sent out a
large expedition which struck the Niger in the north, near the
Ibaribas, and coasted along the right bank until they arrived at
the coast and returned to Oyo by the Popo country. Great
exploits were reported of the leaders.
Personally, he was a very good man, but a too indulgent father.
The Aremo by his cruelties and excesses brought about the father's
rejection and death. He ordered Oluke the Basoran's son to be
unlawfully beaten. As this wrong could not be avenged without
serious consequences, and as the King did not punish the wrong doer,
it was thought more expeditious to effect the King's death ; for
about this time the custom began to prevail for the Aremios to
die with the father, as they enjoy unrestrained liberty with the
father. A pretext was soon found for rejecting the King and
fond father, and consequently he died, and his eldest son with
him.
One of the most famous men in Yoruba history Yamba was the
Basorun of this reign.
a succession of despotic and short-lived kings i75
§ 9. Gberu
Prince Gberu who now succeeded to the throne was a wicked
and superstitious King, much given to making charms. Before
his accession to the throne he had a friend called Jambu whom he
afterwards raised to the high rank of Basgrun. But it was not
long before these former friends became disaffected towards
each other. Both of them were one day sitting under a large
Ose tree (the Adamsonia digitata) at Oyo. TheBasorun remarked
on the magnificence of the tree which " bade fair to last for ever."
The King made no reply, but afterwards poisoned the tree in
order to cast the suspicion on the Basorun who had made remarks
on it ; and before the next morning it had withered.
Oyo we may remark is situated in a vast plain where trees
are rarely seen. This was one of the few that grew there and it was
much thought of, and was highly prized for* its magnificence when
in full bloom.
This circumstance caused a great sensation in the city among
all who saw the tree flourishing in all its glory only the day before !
Enquiries as to the cause were keen and close ; it was at first thought
this deed was done by the Basorun in order to frame an accusation
against the King as both were seeking each other's life ; but the
author of the deed was soon known.
The chiefs of the town now grew suspicious and apprehensive
of their own safety should the King add the use of secret poison
to his unlimited regal power. They soon found a pretext for
rejecting him, and he had to put an end to his own life. His
quondam friend Jambu the Basorun who divulged the secret was
not spared either, he soon shared the fate of his friend and
sovereign.
Gberu's reign was short and inglorious. He was succeeded by
Amuniwaiye.
Jambu was the Basgrun of this reign.
§ 10. Amuniwaiye
Prince Amuniwaiye who now ascended the throne promised
well at first, by his clemency and grace; but subsequently his low
morals rendered him weak and despicable, and, as such, a disgrace
to his high office.
He had for mistress the wife of his principal " medicine man "
Olukoyisi, with whom he became acquainted under the following
circumstances : —
The King engaged this " medicine man" to help him against
the friends of Jambu the powerful Basgrun who effected the death
176 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
of the former King. Being afraid that if his services to the King
were known, his own life would be in danger, he worked warily
by sending his wife Ololo with the pots instead of going himself
personally. In this way the King had the opportunity of coming
into contact with her, which he disgracefully abused, and the
husband got to know it.
He could not bring an open charge against the King nor had
he any other means of obtaining redress but by secret revenge,
and this he effected terribly !
Olukoyisi prepared certain ingredients from the root of the
Opgki tree which he applied to his wife unsuspected ; it was a
fatal " tell-tale," for when next she was being indulged in the
royal embraces, the pair of them got so inextricably adhered
together, that it became necessary to resort to a surgical operation
in order to separate them ! Thus both of them died in the act.
Thus ended this inglorious reign.
The Basgrun of this reign was Kogb6n son of the late Jambu.
§ II. Onisile
Onisile who now ascended the throne was quite a different
man from the former occupant. He was a great warrior, and
for his exploits was nicknamed " Gbagida ! Wowo I'^won ab'esiri
fo odi " (Gbagida [an expression of admiration] a man with
clanging chains [for prisoners] whose horse can leap over a town
wall.)
He was remarkable for his indomitable courage and lion-
hearted spirit. He was moreover very artistic, and was said to
have made seven silver doors to the seven entrances of his sleeping
apartment.
During this reign the Sekere (calabash) drum was ornamented,
not only with cowries, but also with costly beads e.g. lyiin (corals)
Okun (stone beads, Benin) Erinla (striped yellow pipe beads) and
Segi (blue pipe beads), strung with silk thread dyed red ; all of
native manufacture.
His rashness and fearlessness was the ultimate cause of his death.
He was cautioned against experim.enting with the "sun leaf"
a plant known to possess electrical properties, by which lightning
can be attracted ; but he was not the man to heed any such remon-
strance. The consequence was that the Sango worshippers managed
to attract lightning on the palace, the King was struck, and from
the shock he became paralysed. Thus he was incapacitated from
performing the duties of his office.
The chiefs of Oyo then assembled and waited on him, and told
him that as he had challenged Sango to a single combat and had
A SUCCESSION OF DESPOTIC AND SHORT-LIVED KINGS I77
been worsted, he could no longer continue to live. Thus he was
rejected, and he had to die.
The feeling had gained ground by this time that Kings should
not be allowed to die a natural death. Unchecked despotism,
unrestrained licence, insatiable greed, and wanton voluptuousness
should not be allowed to flourish throughout the full term of a
natural lifetime. The excesses of the Crown Prince also were
unendurable hence the earliest opportunity was usually sought,
for putting an end to their reign.
His Basorun's name was Soyiki alias £)sij6gb6.
Chapter V
BASORUN GAHA AND HIS ATROCITIES, HIS FALL,
AND ABIODUN'S PEACEFUL REIGN
§ I. Labisi
This unfortunate Prince was nominated to the vacant throne,
but was never crowned. Only 17 days after he commenced the
preliminary ceremonies, the new Basorun Gaha rose to power, and
commenced those series of atrocities which made him notorious
in Yoruba history.
Olubg and Ajibadu the King-elect's friends were sum.marily
put to death, and he, having no supporters was not even allowed
to enter the palace, much less to sit on the throne. He had to
put an end to his own life.
Gaha had great influence with the people, and a great many
followers who considered themselves safe under his protection,
from the dread in which they stood of the Kings, because of their
cruel and despotic rule.
Gahk was also famous for his " charms ; " he was credited with
the power of being able to convert himself into a leopard or an
elephant, and on this account was much feared. He lived to
a good old age, and wielded his power miercilessly. He was noted
for having raised five Kings to the throne, of whom he murdered
four, and was himself murdered by the fifth.
§ 2. AwoNBioju alius Ouuboye
Gaha the Basorun had by this time attained to great power and
influence. He made himself the King maker and King destroyer.
He did not aspire to the throne, for that was impossible of attain-
ment, but he demanded the homage of all the Kings he raised to
the throne. He raised Awonbioju into the place of Labisi. His
reign was very short, having wielded the sceptre for only 130 days.
He was murdered by the all-powerful Basorun for nobly refusing
to prostrate before him, his own Chancellor.
§ 3. Agboluaje
Agboluaje who succeeded the late King on the throne was a
very handsome and prepossessing Prince, and as he submitted
to the powerful Basorun, he was allowed to reign for a longer
period than the two preceding Kings. He was not as ambitious
178
BASORUN GAHA AND HIS ATROCITIES I79
as some of his predecessors, he had no wars, the kingdom had
extended to its utmost limits, bounded by the river Niger on the
north and a portion of the Tapa and Bariba countries, on the
East by the lower Niger, on the South by the seacoast, and on the
West it includes the Popos and Dahomey. From all the provinces
included within these boundaries, and by some including the Gas
and Ashanti, tributes were paid to Oyq. Tranquility prevailed
all over the land.
The King thought this a fitting opportunity for celebrating
the Beb§, not so much for the length of his reign, but for the
peace and prosperity that prevailed all over the Kingdom.
During the three years celebration, visitors from all parts
thronged Ovg as was usual, but the most distinguished guest was
the Elewi-odo, a Popo king, who visited Oyq in state and had a
reception befitting his rank. He was a particular friend of the
Alafik's, and usually supplied him. with cloths and other articles
of European manufacture, being nearer the coast and having deal-
ings with European traders of those days.
As on such occasions everybody visited Oyo in his best holidaj'
dress, so the Elewi-odo who was accounted proverbially rich
appeared at this time. On public occasions the Elewi-odo sat
on a throne opposite the King ; as often as the King changed
his robes, he changed his covering cloth to one of the same
material ; when the King puts on a robe of silk or velvet, he covers
with a cloth of the same material. Both Kings were an object
of interest and admiration by the 1060 vassal kings and chiefs
of Yoruba, with the populace who were present on that occasion.
But the citizens of Oyo grew jealous for the honour and glory
of their King and wished him to appear superior to the Elewi-odo
by robing himself with something the like of which even the Elewi
had not ; but they found that he had nothing the like of which his
friend had not ; so they had recourse to a device. The manu-
facturers were summoned and the case put before them, and they
promised to rise to the occasion. A simple gown was thereupon
woven, of common stuff indeed, but embossed all over with the
silken wool of the large cotton tree ; seen at a distance the nature
of the cloth cculd not be made out by the crowd ; when the sun
shone upon it, it reflected a silken hue to the admiration of all ;
when the breeze blew, detached flosses of silk floated all around
his majesty. Even the Elewi-odo and the provincial kings could
not help admiring the curious robe which they took for something
so superior, that none but the great Ai.afin of Oyo alone possessed !
The crowd went into ecstatic frenzy about it, and shouted an
applause.
l8o THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
But the conduct of the Elewi on this occasion offended the
Basorun because he vied with his sovereign. Therefore, after his
return home at the expiration of the Bebe and the Basorun had
celebrated his Owara as usual, he denounced the Elewi before His
Majesty in the severest terms : that he came, not to honour the
King but to disgrace him, to show off his wealth to the King's
disadvantage, and, therefore, he was determined to punish him
for his conduct.
The King pleaded hard for his friend but in vain. " Every
one " said he, " is allowed by custom to appear at Oyo during
Bebe in his best, how much more should a king do so ? His action
in this matter is pardonable, and therefore, should be overlooked."
But Gaha was inexorable, and war was declared.
The Elewi having been privately forewarned, attempted no
resistance, but sent a private message to the King not to be anxious
on his account, and that his safety was assured. He speedily
crossed the Esuogbo river and escaped to the Tapa country.
Unfortunately the private messenger arrived af Oyo too late
to meet the King alive. Unwilling that the head of his friend the
Elewi should be brought in triumph to him at Oyo, he took poison
and died before the return home of the expedition His brother
Majeogbe was placed on the throne by the all-powerful Basorun
Gaha.
§ 4. Majeogbe
Majeogbe did not fare any better than his immediate pre-
decessors. His first care was to find means of checking the ambition
of the Basorun. He could not order his execution, and the
Basorun was too much on the alert to be taken off by poison ;
but he set about making charms offensive and defensive in order
to rid himself of this terror.
Gaha had by this time attained the zenith of his glory ; his
sons were scattered all over the length and breadth of the kingdom,
they resided in the principal towns and all the tributes of those
towns and their suburbs were paid to them. No tribute was now
paid to the AlAfin ; Gaha's sons were as ambitious and as cruel
as their father.
Several anecdotes illustrating their wanton cruelties were told
of them, e.g. :
One of them once engaged a carrier to whom he gave a load too
heavy for him to carry, but he dared not refuse to do so. He
walked behind the man amusing himself with the sight of the man's
sufferings from the weight of the load. He remarked in jest that
the man's neck had become so thick that he doubted whether a
BASORUN gAhA AND HIS ATROCITIES l8l
sword could cut through. He suited his action to his words,
drew his sword, and actually tried it ! The man was decapitated,
and his body was left wallowing in his blood, and another man was
compelled to take up the load.
Another of his sons was said to have shot a farmer dead, whilst
engaged in making heaps for planting yam, wantonly charging
him with disfiguring the King's ground by making horns on it !
Another similarly shot a farmer dead whilst hoeing the ground,
pretending that he mistook him for an ape on all fours !
Thus Gaha and his sons usurped all power of the government
the King himself living in dread of his own fate at the pleasure
of the notorious regicide.
The King's own " medicine men " were not idle either. A
lighted lamp was said to have been placed in one of his inner
apartments which was kept burning for three years untrimmed,
and while it was burning there can be no peace to the regicide.
A horse was said to be in one of the stables and was heard
neighing every day, and yet was kept there 3 years without
fodder !
The AlafIxN's death was brought about by one of his sons quarrel-
ling in theBasorun's quarter of the town ; this act Gahk resented
as a daring affront which the father's life must atone for, the son
being too insignificant for him to take any notice of. But the
AlAfin had succeeded by this time in poisoning the Basorun that
he became paralysed in both his legs. On the other hand the
nature of the charms in the King's apartment had been made known
to Gaha, who now bent all his energies to extinguish the ever-
burning lamp. Its effect was so great that all who approached
that apartment instantly dropped down dead. All the " medicine-
men " in the kingdom were summoned by Gahk but none succeeded,
and it cost many their lives. At last an Agberi man appeared,
who sacrificed the life of his slave in order to gain the honour,
nor did he survive it himself. In this service the Agberi tribes
gained the pre-eminence over others of the same craft, and became
friends of the Basorun. And thus the King died.
But from this time the power of Gahk began to decline, old age
set in, and impaired his strength of body and mind. His wives
began to desert his harem, but some faithful domestics stood by
him and they concealed from the general public the fact of his being
lame. The door opening to the audience chamber was always
kept shut whilst the King and the other noblemen were in waiting
every morning to pay their respects to him. The opening and
closing of the doors of the inner apartments announce the approach
of his supernal highness. He crawled on all fours, and was usually
l82 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
seated before the door of the audience chamber was sUd back,
so that he was never seen on the move ; but in order to inspire
dread, his drummer used to beat " Iba kanbo, irin ija ni nrin."
His Highness comes majestic, striding as one spoiling for a fight.
§ 5. Abiodun alias Adegolu
Abiodun, whose peaceful reign has passed into a proverb was
described as a tall and slender prince, of a very dark complexion,
a comely person, of dignified manners, and altogether fit to wear
a crown. He also was raised to the throne by the order and
influence of the Basorun.
The young King was wise and prudent, and at first made no
attempt at any opposition to the powerful Basorun. He went
regularly every morning to pay him his respects, and invariably,
received his presents of 10 heads of cowiies (which as a matter of
fact, never exceeded 6 heads, not with the knowledge of the
Basorun however, but by the action of the attendants).
This state of things continued for many j^ears so much so that
even the Basorun himself was becoming tired of this abject
submission, and wanted but a decent pretext for which he might
kill him, just for a change ! This man of blood was often heard
to say " Who taught this King to be so wise ? These daily presents
are getting to be too heavy a charge on my exchequer now."
All power was in his hands and so were the responsibilities. His
lust for power drained his exchequer, for his sons lording it all
over the country deprived him of the revenues which might have
come to him.
That he was in great straits for money seemed evident from the
fact that he requested his " medicine men " to make him charms
to get him plenty of cowries. " Of all that constitutes v/ealth
or power," said he, " I have, save money (cowries) enough to
support my position."
One of his " medicine men " assured him that he can make
him a soap to wash with, and before sunset, his wish will be
realized. He made the soap, and His Supernal Highness used it
according to directions, and strange to say, it took effect, but in a
way no one anticipated. Whatever the cause was due to, nobody
knew, but fire broke out in the Basorun's house that afternoon,
and all efforts to extinguish it failed, and so the palace was burnt
to the ground. Owing to His Highness' influence and power,
and the dread all had of him, every rank and station, from the
AlAfin downwaids now vied to be the foremost in contributing to
repair his losses, 10, 15, 20 bags of cowries came in from all quarters.
BASQRUN gAhA AND HIS ATROCITIES 183
The heads of the different wards of the city, the Modade, Molkbi,
Nsise-og\in, Ntetu, T'onse-Awo, Aremu, Ita-Ologbo, Ajofk,
and the Ogede quarters, all brought presents in cowries.
Then the provincial kings and chiefs from the Onikoyi down-
wards brought building materials, and also their own contributions
in cowries, which greatly augmented his store. The Basgrun
then asked the " medicine mam " " Is this the way you promised
to get me cowries ? " He replied, " Yes, your Highness ; by what
other means could you have amassed such an abundance in so
short a time ? "
But the Basorun was still thirsting for the blood of the AlAfin,
and he was never so wise in his dealings with him, till at length,
King Abiodun took a bold step, upon which he had devoted no
little consideration. Having given orders to his courtiers and his
wives privately to report to the Basorun that he was suffering from
indisposition he left Oyo privately in the night for a town called
Akala to his namesake Adegolu the powerful chief of that place.
Being in disguise, he was not recognised by the Bale's wife, who
told him her husband had gone to his farm. The feigned poor
stranger asked the lady kindly to fetch him home in haste, as
he had an important message for him. The kind hostess did so,
and Chief Adegolu came home immediately, wondering what the
message could be.
" Who are you ? Where from ? And what is your message ? "
\\eie the eager questions the Bale put to the sti anger. " I want
a private interview " was the reply. Both of them retired to a
convenient place, and the Bale was startled, and was scarcely
himself when he heard from this humble stranger " I am your
namesake Adegolu the AlAfin of Qyo." It was with some difficulty
he could restrain the Bale from doing homage there and then with
earth on his head, etc. " No, no," said the King, " another time
will do for that. I am come to confer with you upon the present
crisis, how to rid the throne of Oyo of the great usurper, the King
maker and King destroyer. You know very well, that in all the
6,600 towns and villages of the Yoruba kingdom, Gaha and his
sons have the dominant rule."
After conference. Chief Adegolu went with the stranger to rhe
powerful Kakanfo (Field Marshal) Oyabi at Ajase ; here the plot
was matared, of a strong and secret combination against the
Basgrun and his sons. This was communicated by swift posts
to all the principal kings and chiefs in the country, and it was
arranged that on a fixed day, they should all rise and destroy all
Gahci's children.
The arrangement being complete King Adegolu returned home
184 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
as he came out ; and next morning paid his respects to the
Basorun as before.
At the day appointed, the whole country rose up against Gahk's
children, and butchered them to pieces ; and in order to exter-
minate the seed in toto, those of their wives who were enceinte
were ripped open, and the embryo chopped in pieces !
The whole army of the country headed by Oyabi, and Adegolu
now marched for Oyo according to the secret arrangement, and the
Oyo chiefs with the AlAfin opened the gates to them.
Gahk's people single-handed were preparing to resist, but it
was evident that his time was come and nothing could stop the
inevitable and fatal end. Gahk summoned his relatives together,
and handed to them a bundle of here grass, well tied, and asked
them to break it ; when all had tried and failed, he had it loosed,
handing round a few blades to each ; that was easily crunched ;
then said he to them " Combined we shall stand, but if disunited
we shall be broken to pieces like the blades of ber^ in your hands."
But his brother Olubii who might have offered the stoutest
resistance, had been won over by the Oyo chiefs, who promised
him his brother's title when all shall have been over ; but this
turned out to be a ruse, devised to weaken theBasorun's resistance,
for Olubu never escaped the fate of all Gahk's people, but was
butchered in the general massacre of the great man's adherents
and relatives. To the last, Olaotan, Gahi's eldest son, stood by his
father. The troops from the country poured in from all quarters
and were joined by those of the city, all equally tired of
the iron rule of Gahk and of the enormities being perpetrated by
his children. His palace was surrounded, and attempts were
made to beat down the walls thereof ; but they were heroically
defended by his trusty domestics, and the few faithful adherents.
Gahk in vain tried to transform himself into an elephant as
of yore. He ordered four mortars to be placed in position for the
fore and hind legs, and two pestles for the tusks ; old and feeble
and lame, he could not even help himself up the mortars, and when
helped to them, his trembling limbs could not support his body
weight : his incantations proved a failure. At the sight of this
failure Olaotan groaned with disappointment and said, " Father,
have I not always said it were better you should secure a charm
for ensuring perpetual youth ? It was because I was strongly
convinced that these charms will be of Uttle avail to you, when old
age has set in."
From the walls and from the roofs of his palace, the Basgrun's
men kept the army of the Kakanfo at bay. A sharp shooter in
particular did havoc amongst them ; but a certain young man.
BAgQRUN gAhA AND HIS ATROCITIES lS$
bold and astute, observing this, ran close to the wall at some
distance from the spot where he was, and walked along so close
under it right on to the spot, that he was not seen from above or
within, and as soon as the marksman put his head out again for
another shot, he grasped and dragged him down, and immediately
the men rushed forward and beat down the wall. The house was
immediately fired, and all the domestics found within were put
to the sword. The Basorun and Gbagi a faithful and favourite
Ilari were taken aUve and brought before the King. He was
soon on his chair of state with all insignia of royalty in full display
about him, and the fallen minister made to prostrate at a distance
before him, under a hot burning sun. The old man pleaded for
his life, and even asked to be degraded and made the keeper of
His Majesty's poultry yard, but it was felt that no quarters could
be granted to him now. Being bulky in size, the ground under him
where he lay prostrate under the mid-day sun became saturated
with the profuse perspiration oozing from him. He neither deserved
nor- received pity of any one. There were great rejoicings in the
city and in the King's palace, and especially among the King's
wives.
So great were the indignities and contempt this fallen minister
was subjected to, that even children could approach him now
and pull at a pedunculated tumour in his forehead, hanging down
his face, which the fear and dread of him did not allow people to
notice before, for who could approach so near as to gaze on him ?
But the fate awaiting him was of greater concern to him now, than
to take notice of these trifling jests.
By the order of the AlAfin, the posts of his house and everything
that could be used as firewood, which had escaped the burning,
were brought together and piled as a stake ; pots of palm oil,
nut oil, and shea butter were poured on it, and set ahght ; he was
then approached by a menial saying in mockery " Master, the fire
is alight, will you not warm yourself a bit in such a weather as
this ? " Then he was lifted up to the top of the stake and made
secure, together with Gbagi, his faithful Ilari.
His fate has been a lesson to all usurpers and abusers of power.
It has passed into a proverb " Bi o I'aiya Osika, bi o ri iku Gahk,
yio so otitg. If you have the heart of a cruel man, take note of
Gaha's death and be true."
A one day bebe i.e. a public holiday with the freedom of a
Bebe (vide p. 163) was proclaimed, after which Qyabi the Kakanfo
returned home with the thanks and good wishes of the King and
nation.
Abiodun now commenced the work of reformation beginning
l86 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
from the capital. In order to make himself secure on the throne,
he suppressed or executed all those known or suspected to have
been Gahk's friends secretly, and who might raise an insurrection
against him, for Gaha was not without friends even among the
chiefs, such as the Esiele, the Sakin, and the Sahadow^.
From this time commenced that period of peace and prosperity
for which King Abiod UN's reign was famous. Tributes poured into
Oyo from the remote states and from Dahomey, agriculture and
commerce flourished, and the people to the remotest part of the
kingdom were so far happy and contented.
The Kakanfo Qyabi did not live long to enjoy the peace he was
so instrumental in effecting ; two years later, the AlAfin invited
him to Oyo in order to bestow on him special honours, and marks
of favour in recognition of his services to King and country, but
unfortunately, his health was in a precarious condition, and in
obeying the commands of his sovereign, he died on his way to
Oyo.
§ 6. Abiodun's Peaceful Reign
King Abiod UN had a long and prosperous reign. He was
said to have been the father of 660 children ! The firstborn
Agunpopo was said to have been the issue of an ilUcit intercourse
with one of his father's wives, during the father's lifetime : hence
the Oyo citizens refused to have him as the Argmg (Crown Prince).
Ige Gbengberu his legitimate firstborn was accepted for that title,
but he \yas of a delicate constitution, and died prematurely ; the
office of Aremo now devolved upon the next prince Adesina.
Wlien Abiod UN was fully established on the throne he found out
that a Mohammedan had hidden one of Gahk's childien for about
40 years^ ! The King not only graciously spared the young man,
but also amply rewarded his preserver for his generous act, and
confirmed his goodwill by giving one of his daughters to the
Moslem for wife ; " for surely," said the King, " you would have
done the same for myself also."
Towards the latter part of the King's reign, certain of the
Popo tribes had a quarrel among themselves, and two of their
kings came to Oyo with a large retinue of about 4,000 people
for an appeal. They were detained for 3 years without their
case being heard, and in the end they were informed that they
were no more to return to their own country, but kept as the
^ The Yorubas always exaggerate their time period by a bad
method of calculation. If, for instance, a child is born 5 days
before the new moon appears, he is then 2 months old, and at the
next new moon he is 3 months, when in reaUty he is only a month
and some days. So also is the calculation for years.
BASORUN gAhA AND HIS ATROCITIES 187
King's body guard under the command of his son Agunpopo
whom the Oyo citizens insisted upon reckoning among his
brotherstheOlusami, Atingisi.andlyajinforthereasonstated above.
One act of revenge marred this distinguished sovereign's
reputation. Long before his accession, he was a trader in potash.
He once had a quarrel at Ijaye with the Bale's son but the Bale,
out of deference to his high birth interposed and sharply repri-
manded his son. Upon his accession he avenged the alleged insult by
ordering the destruction of the town. Ijaye was then an Egba town.
This fact is noted because this was the first time Ijaye was taken,
a town which was destined hereafter to play a notable part in
Yoruba history. His other wars were against the Popos every
other year. They were completely subdued.
The Crown Prince Adesina turned out to be a very vain and
extravagant young man, weak in character, yielding to flattery.
E.g., it was said that some of his followers used to say to him
" Prince, you can give me lo heads of cowries now (equivalent
to ;£io in those days), if only you wish ; why, you have only to
say the word and it would be done ; come now, why be reluctant
about it ? It is only to speak, etc." The Prince would yield, and
order the money to be given.
King Abiodun attained to a good old age, full of honours, having
subdued all his enemies. The Aremo had hoped to succeed his
father. Not satisfied with the high honour and unrestricted
liberty he was enjoying, he was too eager to occupy the throne,
and so he hastened his father's death by poison.
The end of this reign marked an important epoch in Yoruba
history. With the death of Abiodun ended the universal and
despotic rule of the Alafins of Oyo in the Yoruba country. He was
the last of the Kings that held the different parts of the Kingdom
together in one universal sway and with him ended the tranquility
and prosperity of the Yoruba country. The revolution ensued,
and the tribal independence, with the loss to Yoruba of the Tapa
and Bariba, and Dahomey provinces, and the Popos later on,
which has continued to our own day. In a word, with Abiodun
ended the unity of the Yoruba kingdom.
Kangidi succeeded Gahk as the Basorun of this reign.
THE THIRD PERIOD.
In which revolutionary wars devastated the whole of Yoruba-
land, ending in the Fulani usurpation and tribal independence.
It embraced a period of the reigns of five Kings, from the
accession of Aole to the death of Oluewu, the last of the Kings,
who reigned at the ancient Oyo.
Chapter VI.
THE REVOLUTION
§ I. AOLE SURNAMED AROGANGAN
None of Abiodun's numerous children succeeded him on the throne.
Aol^, a tall and handsome . Prince, a cousin of the late King was
elected in his stead. But unfortunately, his reign was a very
unhappy one ; it marked the commencement of the decline of
the nation until it terminated in the tragic, end of the fifth
King after him. The cup of iniquity of the nation was full ;
cruelty, usurpation, and treachery were rife, especially in the
capital ; and the provinces were groaning under the yoke of
oppression. Confiscation and slavery for the slightest offence
became matters of daily occurrence, and the tyranny, exactions,
and lawlessness of the Princes and other members of the royal
family, were simply insupportable. Oaths were no more taken
in the name of the gods, who were now considered too lenient
and indifferent ; but rather in the name of the King who was
more dreaded. " Idk Oba ni yio je mi " (may the King's sword
destroy me) was the new form of oath ! Aole was unfoitunately
saddled with the ill fate of the nation, as the following ditty
commonly sung would show : —
" Laiye Abiodun I'afi igba won 'wo
Laiye Aol^ I'adi adikal^."
(In Abiodun's reign money we weighed by bushels. [Lit. with
calabashes.] In Aole's reign, we packed up to flee).
But there was nothing more in his actions than in those of his
predecessors to warrant this saying, on the contrary, he was
probably too weak and mild for the times. The nation was ripe
for judgment, and the impending wrath of God was about to fall
upon it ; hence trouble from every quarter, one after another.
On the King's accession, according to custom when the time
came for him to send out his first expedition, he was asked who
was his enemy, that they should fight him. He named the Bale
of Apomu, and hence Apomu was doomed.
The alleged cause of offence will clearly show how much of
corruption there was at the fountain head in those days.
Apomu was the market town where Oygs, Ifes, Owus, and
Ijgbus met for trade. It was situated in Ife territory, and m the
1 88
THE REVOLUTION 189
border of the Olowu's dominion. Raiding and man-stealing were
rife at those times. Oyos particularly were in greater danger,
as they came from afar. During the last reign several Oyos were
stolen and sold here, and hence King Abiqdun sent orders to both
the Olowu and the Owoni of Ife to keep a strict watch and prevent
the recurrence of these practices. The Owoni and the Olowu in
turn sent strict orders to the Bale of Apomu to be on the watch,
and arrest any offender.
Aole who was then a private man used to trade in these parts
with a friend who was also his attendant ; and on one occasion,
he bartered away his friend for merchandise ! So faithless and
heartless were the princes in those days. The Ijebus were actually
taking him away when it was reported to the Bale of Apomu that
an Oyg man was being sold away. Fortunately for the man
by the prompt action of the Bale he was rescued at a certain spot
named Apata Odaju (the rock of the heartless), perhaps so named
from this circumstance, and brought before the Bale. Investig-
ation soon showed who the slave-dealer was ; but as Aol^ was an
Akeyo (Prince) and could not more severely be dealt with, in
order that justice may not miscarry, he was ordered by the
Bale to be severely flogged. This was the reason why Aole now
named the Bale of Apomu as his enemy.
When the Bale of Apomu heard that war was declared against
his town on his account he took refuge in the court of the Ow5ni
of Ife his over-lord, and whose orders he had obeyed. But as
the offence was against the Suzerain, even the Ow6ni could not
save him ; so this faithful chief, in order to save his town and his
people from destruction, committed suicide, and his head was cut
off and sent to Oyo to appease the offended monarch !
But an expedition must in any case be sent out, the King was,
therefore, approached again and asked to name his enemy. But
he replied, " My enemy is too formidable for me." Being pressed,
he named the powerful chief Afonja the Kakanfo residing at Ilorin
with great reluctance, as he foresaw evil ahead.
§ 2. The King's Enemies
After the death of the Kakanfo Oyabi, Afonja of Ilorin demanded
the title ; but as a Prince (through the mother) the title was below
his rank, for the Kakanfo ranks after the Basorun, but being the
highest mihtary title, it suited his restless nature best, and so he
obtained it, almost by force.
But King Aole was unwilhng to initiate any civil war, and
refused to take any action against Afonja after he had granted
him the title.
igO THE HISTORY OF THE YORUDAS
Hitherto, Afgnja alone was his enemy, the other chiefs were
as yet loyal to him, but circumstances occurred, one after the other
which created a disaffection between him and theBasorun and the
other chiefs, fanning into a flame the destructive fire already
smouldering in its embers.
The cause of quarrel between the King and Asamu theBasorun
was this : —
One Alaja-eta a Hausa trader at Oyo was plundered of his
goods, under the pretext that he was bringing bad charms into
the city. Among his confiscated goods was his Koran which he
prized more than all his other stolen property. He appealed to
the King, and he, from a sense of justice ordered that all his goods
be restored to him. All but the Koran were accordingly restored.
The Hausa again appealed to the King for this his most valued
treasure ; the King insisted that search should be made and the
lost Koran be restored.
The Basorun in whose possession it probably was, or who
at any rate knew where it could be found, refused to restore it
and told the King it could not be found ! His Majesty felt this
keenly as an insult to his dignity ; he was heard to say " Is it
come to this that my commands cannot be obeyed in my own
capital ? Must it be said that I failed to redress the grievance
of a stranger in my town ? That he appealed to me in vain ? "
Turning to the Basorun and pointing upwards he said, " Very
well then, if you cannot find it my father (meaning the deified
Sango) will find the Koran for me."
As the god Sango is reputed to take vengeance on thieves and
liars by burning their houses, so the next day, when lightning
struck the Basgrun's house, great was his rage against the King
for being instrumental in convicting him of theft and lying !
The ceremony of appeasing the god by the devotees, entailed
heavy expenses on the Basgrun who, had it been another man's
house might have gone shares with the Alafin in the fines imposed
upon the sufferers. He knew where the trouble came from, for
he noted the King's words " My father will find it for me." In
this way be became the King's enemy.
Another circumstance occurred which added the Ow6ta one of
the 5sgs to the list of the King's enemies.
One Jankalawa who had offended the late King and who had
escaped to the Bariba country when he sought to kill him, now
returned after the King's death and was flaunting about the streets
of OYg under the protection of Lafianu the Owota. The late
King's wives were angry at this and complained to Aole against
Jankalawa. Said they " You have inherited our late husband's
THE REVOLUTION I9I
wives, his treasures, slaves and his throne. Why nut make
his cause your cause and his enemies yours as well ? Why do you
allow this Jankalawa to stalk so defiantly about the streets of
Qyo?"
By thus appealing to him from day to day, he yielded to their
entreaties and remonstrances, and ordered the arrest and subse-
quent execution of Jankalawa.
The Owota's pride was wounded, because he was not respected
by the King, in that one known to be under his protection should
be so summarily dealt with. Thus the Bagorun and the Kakanfo
found an accomplice in the powerful Owota. A conspiracy was
formed but not being ripe for execution, they awaited a
favourable opportunity.
At length the time arrived when an expedition must be sent
out, and the King was again asked "Who is your Majest3''s enemy?"
He replied, " I have told you that my enemy is too formidable
for me, and besides we are the same kith and kin." However, he
advised that as the last campaign ended at Gbeji, the war should
be prosecuted from that place.
But in order to gain their object in view, viz., the removal
of the Kakanfo, the King's counsellors advised that the Kakanfo
and the army should be sent against Iwere, a place fortified by
nature and by art, and impregnable to the simple weapons of
those days, and as the Kakanfo by the oaths of his office must
either conquer within three months or die, and Iwere is impreg-
nable, he will have no other alternative, but as in honour
bound to make away with himself.
It was, however, arranged that he should not be foiewamed,
but decoyed as it were to that place until he found himself at the
foot of the hill on which Iwere was built ; hence it was given out
that war was declared against Gbeji.
But the royal party leading the army received private instruc-
tions to lead the army to Iwere and when there to inform the
Kakanfo that that was the place he was sent against.
But private intelligence had reached the Kakanfo at Ilorin,
of all the plots and intrigues going on in the capital. However,
he with his accomphces in the city deferred the execution of their
design till after their arrival at the seat of war.
The army at length stood before Iwere and the Royal party,
consisting of the King's brother, the Eunuchs, and the principal
slaves, and their men, pointing to it said " This is the town to be
taken by the order of the AlAfin."
The time was now come for the mutiny to break out. The
Basorun and the Owota at the head of the troops from the city,
192 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
the Onikoyi and the Kakanfo leading those from the provinces
now alleged as a pretext for the mutiny that " If the King had not
aimed at our destruction, he would not have ordered us to this
impregnable town. And besides, is not this the maternal town of
King AjAGBO ? Are there not Kobis in the Queen Mother's palace
there ? "
The watchword was now given " O Ya " (now is the time) and
so the whole army turned their swords upon the royal party and
massacred them ! Chief Qpele of Gbogun in particular was famous
as a swordsman ; he made himself notorious on that occasion,
and took to himself a name " A ri agada pa aburo Oba " (one who
has a blade for slaying the King's brother).
The siege was immediately raised, and the whole army stood
before the city for forty and two days. The King sent word to
say if they have returned from the expedition, whether successful
or unsuccessful, let them come in for an interview. The insurgent
chiefs sent word back to say that the royal party had offended them
and that the result had proved unfortunate. " Very well," Sciid
the King, " in any case, come in for an interview." Several weeks
passed, and they were still encamped before Oyo irresolute as to
what they should do next. At last an empty covered calabash
was sent to the King — for his head ! A plain indication that he
was rejected. He had suspected this all along and was not unpre-
pared for it. There being no alternative His Majesty set his house
in order; but before he committed suicide, he stepped out into the
palace quadrangle with face stern and resolute, carrying in his hands
an earthenware dish and three arrows. He shot one to the North,
one to the South, and one to the West uttering those ever-memor-
able imprecations, " My curse be on ye for your disloyalty and
disobedience, so let your children disobey you. If you send them
on an errand, let them never return to bring you word again.
To all the points I shot my arrows will ye be carried as slaves.
My curse will carry you to the sea and beyond the seas, slaVes will
rule over you, and you their masters will become slaves."
With this he raised and dashed the earthenware dish on the
ground smashing it into pieces, saying " Igba la isg a ki isg awo,
beheni ki org mi o se to ! to ! " (a broken calabash can be mended,
but not a broken dish ; so let my words be — irrevocable !)
He then took poison and died, after which the camp was broken
up, and each of the chiefs repaired to his own place.
Thus ended an unhappy reign of about seven years, and Prince
Adebg succeeded him on the throne.
Asamu Agba-o lekan was the Basgrun of this reign.
the revolution 193
§ 3. The Rebellion of the Oyo Chiefs
The death ot the late King was all that the rebel chiefs demanded,
after which, the army entered the city, pillaged the palace and then
dispersed each to his own place. From this time the spirit of
rebelHon and independence began to spread throughout the king-
dom. Adebo was placed on the throne with the nominal title of
King, but without the authority and power of a King. It was his
misfortune to have come to the throne at such a time, and he held
the sceptre for only 130 days.
Afonja the Kakanfo of Ilorin and Opele the Bale of Gbogun
were the first to proclaim their independence, other chiefs soon
followed their examples. This was the commencement of the
break-up of the unity of the Yoruba kingdom, and the beginning
of the tribal independence. Tribute was no longer paid to the
King. The King's messengers and Ilaris no longer carried that
dread as before, nor were they allowed to oppress people or enrich
themselves with their goods as before.
As the King's authority waned, so also the respect and deference
hitherto paid to the citizens of the capital ceased ; they were
even treated disrespectfully and became the subjects of vulgar
songs all over the country, a thing unheard of before ! Law and
order were subverted, might triumphed over right, and the
powerful chieftains turned their arms towards subverting town
after town in the kingdom in order to increase their own wealth
and power. Chief Opele of Gbogun took Dofian and Igbo-Owu;
he besieged Gboho but fell in that place, being shot with an arrow
by the brave defenders.
Opele was the only powerful chief Afonja respected and having
now no rival he resolved upon a scheme to reduce the provinces
under his own sway, leaving the capital severely alone in complete
isolation. He made no attempt on Oyo, had no aspiration after
the throne knowing that was impossible of attainment ; it was
sufficient tor him that the King was powerless to check his ambition.
In order to strengthen his hands in the enterprise he was about to
undertake, he invited a Fulah Moslem Priest named Alimi to
Ilorin to act as his priest. Alimi in responding to his call came
with his Hausa slaves and made Ilorin his home. These Hausa
slaves Afonja found to be useful as soldiers. He also invited to
Ilorin a rich and powerful Yoruba friend at Kurwo named
Solagberu, who quartered himself at the outskirts of the town.
All the Hausa slaves in the adjacent towns hitherto employed
as barbers, rope-makers, and cowherds, now deserted their
masters and flocked to Ilorin under the standard of Afonja the
Kakanfo, and were protected against their masters.
194 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
Under Solagberu's standard also flocked Mohammedans from
Gbanda, Kobayi, Agoho, Kuwo, and Kobe. All in his quarter
being Moslems, he named that part of the town Oke S una, i.e.,
the quarter of the faithful. They held themselves separate not
only from the pagans, but also from the Fulahs or Fulanis their
co-religionists.
From this time beg?in the Jehad or religious war in the Yoruba
country. Those who were enlisted as soldiers called themselves
Jama (a Hausa word for the rank and file, as distinguished from
the leaders). The mark of distinction between themselves and
others was the Kende, two large iron rings one on the thumb,
the other on the 3rd or 4th finger of the left hand ; with this they
welcome each other, striking the rings against each other to produce
a sound. This io the sign of brotherhood ; hence they often say
'■ O re kende si mi, okan na ni wa," (he welcomed me with the
Kende, we both are one).
The operations of the Jamas were directed against the Igbdna
tribe. The only towns of Yoruba proper destroyed were amongst
the Ibolos viz., Iresk, Ejigbo, and Ilobu. The reason why these
towns were destroyed we shall notice afterwards.
§ 4. The Rising of Ojo Agunbambaru
Ojo surnamed Agunbambaru was one of the surviving sons of
the renowned Basorun Gahk. He had escaped to the Bariba
country at the general massacre of Gahk's children and relatives
in the reign of King Abigdun. Hearing of the present state of
the country, he thought there could never be a more favourable
opportunity for him both to avenge his father's death, and also
to obtain his title without opposition.
He returned from the Bariba country with an immense army,
entered Qyo, and under the pretext of espousing the King's cause,
he put to death indiscriminately most of the influential citizens
who were named as Afonja's friends and allies. The Owota was
the first victim of his ambition and revenge. On the whole, about
100 chiefs were despatched, who were either his father's enemies,
or who might have opposed him -in his main object.
He now set off for Ilgrin to measure strength with Afgnja the
powerful Kakanfo, whose father was one of those who swelled
Oyabi's army for the overthrow of his father the Basorun Gahk,
and who had succeeded the same Oyabi in his title as Kakanfo,
These were his grievances against Afgnja ; but besides these,
Afgnja was the only person in the land after Op§le of Gbogun,
who might have opposed him in his designs.
If Ojo had acted with prudence, he might have succeeded without
THE REVOLUTION 195
the slightest doubt ; but his indiscriminate slaughter of the Oyo
chiefs and others in his track, and his threats against the Onikoyi,
tended to weaken his own strength on the outset. Fire and the
sword marked his path to Ilorin, and so great was the dread of him,
that such towns as Ogidi, Ogele and others, were deserted at his
approach.
Adegun the Onikoyi being one of Afonja's secret friends, was on
his hst for destruction but he was reserved till after the war. Both
were kept informed of all Ojo's movements, policy, and designs
by the Oyo people who followed him trembhng, not really as
friends, but rather as traitors, their minds having been prejudiced
against him, on account of his excesses, and a secret combination
was formed between them and the Onikoyi, to desert Ojo at the
most ciitical moment.
Ojo's army was further swelled by recruits from all the Yoruba
towns who feared his vengeance should victoiy crown his efforts
without their help ; and even the Onikoyi who knew himself to
be a marked man, declared for him and swelled his army.
Afonja met this large army a great way off but he was defeated
on three successive engagements. His army being completely
routed he fled precipitately to Ilorin to fortify the town against
the approach of the conqueror. Ilorin had not been walled, and
there was no time to think of doing so now, so he had to extemporise
fortifications, erecting stockades with the locust and shea-butter
trees.
Ilorin was soon besieged and was nearly taken, as Afgnja's
courage was faiUng from repeated reverses, when private messages
from the enemy's camp were sent to encoiurage him to hold out
a Uttle longer.
At last, the final decisive battle was to be fought, Afonja and
his army were hard pressed on every side, being shut up within
their forts, and the town was on the point of being taken when
Adegun the Onikoyi and his accomplices suddenly gave way,
in the heat of the battle, and the great conqueror irretrievably
lost the day !
The traitors fled away in confusion, but Ojo and his trusty
Bariba troops retreated orderly ; the Kakanfo could not follow up
the victory by pursuing him from the dread he had of the Baribas,
who were renowned for being good archers, and for their poisoned
arrows. Ojo made good his escape with the remnant of his army.
Being thus deserted by those whose cause he professed to espouse,
Agunbambaru considered himself unsafe among them, and there-
fore returned to the Bariba country with the wreck of his army
watching for another favourable opportunity.
196 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
After the fall of Opele of Gbogun, King Adebo declared war
against the town of (Gbogun, but he died at home during the
progress of the siege. His reign was short and specially marked
by troubles. The people now longed for peace, hence their
pathetic songs . —
" A pete, a pero, a fi Adebo joba,
Abiodun, pada wa joba o ! "
(With deliberation, and thought we made Adebg King, O
Abiodun, do thou return to reign !)
Asamu was also the Basorun of this reign.
§ 5. Maku
Afonja by new conquests and especially by his recent victory
over Ojo became mightier still. The Igb6nas having already been
subjugated, he now proceeded to punish Iresa for being in league
with Ojo, because no private message came to him from that place
during the war.
Prince Maku ascended the throne without Afonja's being con-
sulted, and therefore he never sent any congratulations, nor
repaired to Oyo to do homage as usual. A deputation was therefore
sent to inform him that " The New Moon has appeared," meaning
a new King has ascended the throne ; and he sent back this
arrogant reply " Let that New Moon speedily set."
Maku's reign was very short, not exceeding two months (or
three moons as Yorubas reckoned it).
He declared war against Iworo, and took the field in person. He
suffered a defeat and retreated to I wo (in the Metropolitan district).
From shame he did not return to Oyo till the Oyo Mesi sent word
to him that he should not think of removing the seat of government
to I wo, or else why did he remain there ? His Majesty thereupon
returned to the capital, and then he was poUtely told that rio Yoruba
King must survive a defeat. He thereupon committed suicide.
The Bagorun of this reign was the same Asamu.
Chapter VII
THE RISE OF THE FULANIS TO POWER
§ I. The Spread of Anarchy and Fall of Afonja
An interregnum folloNved the last reign but for how long, it is
not known ; after which Majotu was placed on the throne. The
whole country was at this time in the greatest disorder, wars and
rumours of war being the order of the day. The tocsin of war
resounded from every quarter, and the new King found himself
incapable of coping with the situation.
The Epos, imitating the Kakanfo at Ilorin organized a military
band which they called Ogo Were (i.e. the Jackals) at the head of
which was the Aresa but with what object in view, it was not
known. The Kakanfo received the news with mixed feelings
of jealousy and suspicion ; he sent and enquire.d of Toyeje the
Bale of Ogbomoso his Otun i.e. commander of his right, what he
understood by that movement. Toyeje could not say. War was
in consequence declared against the Epcs, and several towns in
that province were taken, only Ogbahagbkha and Iwo amongst
the principal towns escaped. Ilobu and Ejigbo amongst the
Ibglos were also taken, and the Ogo Were suppressed.
Afonja was now the sole power in the kingdom ; the King and
the capital were left to manage their own affairs by themselves.
The Jamas were increasing in number and in rapacity, to the
utter distress and ruin of the country. When there was no war
in hand they usually scattered themselves all over the land plunder-
ing the people and committing outrages. They would enter any
house, make it their headquarters, from which they would pillage
the neighbourhood and surrounding districts. They fed upon the
cattle of the house and led the rest away at their leisure and
pleasure.
Knowing the consequences to themselves and to the town if
they were to attack these marauders, the country folk became
rather disinclined to rear up any cattle or poultry to feed these
thieves ; every one helped himself and family to whatever remained
of their livestock, so that at one time there was not a single livestock
to be found in country towns.
To further illustrate the gross licences of these Jamas, slaves
who had deserted their masters often returned to the same town,
and even to the very house as a Jama, making their former
197
198 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
master's house their headquarters for their rapine : masters who
were kind to them formerly were now repaid by protection against
the rapacities of their comrades ; unkind ones were now treated
with heartless revenge. These fellows were not regarded now as
slaves bat as the Kakanfo's servants.
Thoughtful men were now apprehensive of the evils to the nation
which the unrestrained licences of these Jamas portended, but no
one was bold enough to remonstrate with the Kakanfo, or even to
appeal to him against their rapacities. Fagbohun the chief of
Jabata alone had the courage to do so by virtue of his office as
the commander of the left wing of the Kakanfo's arm}-, and he
incurred his displeasure for his boldness.
In order to get Fagbohun into his grasp, Afonja summoned
all the provincial Bales to him at Ilorin, but Fagbohun having
got wind of his intention escaped back to his town.
But Afonja perceived his error when it was too late. Haughty
and passionate, his very egotism was the cause of his fall. Fortune
had carried him to such a high pitch of glory, he thought his fall
was impossible ; besides, he had unlimited confidence in his
Jamas, and was not aware ot their growing disaffection and dis-
loyalty towards himself. He thought he could put them down
whenever he liked, and was sometimes very severe with any act of
insubordination, openly threatening them with suppression and
annihilation. This threat only served to increase their disaffection.
Too late, he saw what Fagbohun had warned him against. He
failed completely to check their ambition, rapine and lawlessness.
His threats and warnings were not heeded. Long impunity had
increased their boldness.
At last, the Kakanfo was resolved to give effect to his threats
and to disband the Jamas, but he miscalculated his own strength.
By the death of his brother Agbonrin, and his head slave Lasipa
he had lost his mainstay for these were men of power. He had
offended all the powerful chiefs in the kingdom including his
former friend and ally Solagberu of Oke Suna, and his priest
AUmi by his high-handedness, lofty airs and haughty spirit.
Fearing lest these Jamas should attack him suddenly if he were
to delay their destruction, he sent a private message to the Onikoyi
and other powerful chiefs in the country inviting them to make
their appearance in Ilorin suddenly, and to assist him in
annihilating these Jamas.
But the secret was divulged to the Jamas, and they, losing
no time, being headed by Alimi the priest, rose up against him
before he could obtain help from abroad. Solagberu being a
Yoruba, professed neutrality. The Kakanfo was closely besieged
THE RISE OF THE FULANIS TO POWER I99
in his quarters, but he fought with his characteristic bravery.
When he found himself overwhelmed by numbers, he despatched
Bugare his head slave to solicit the aid of Solagberu ; but Solagberu
treacherously detained him, saying, " Your Master has hitherto
looked down upon us as his menials, and why does he now require
our aid ? " This treachery, he lived to regret. The great Kakanfo
was disappointed on all sides. As neither Bugare nor Solagberu
made an appearance, he could not hold out till the Onikoyi's
arrival ; he was compelled to fight within the walls of his house ;
but when the house was set on fire, he rushed out again into the
streets surrounded by his faithful few. The insurgents surrounded
them, charged again and again, but could not break their ranks,
Afonja himself in the midst of them was fighting most desperately,
surrounded by the corpses of some of his faithful attendants.
Seeing the day was lost, some of his followers became disheartened
and deserted him., but the rest chose to die with him. He fell
indeed like a hero. So covered was he with darts that his body
was supported in an erect position upon the shafts of spears and
arrows showered upon him.
So much dread had his personality inspired that these treacher-
ous Jamas whom he had so often led to victory could not believe
he was really dead ; they continued to shower darts upon him
long after he had ceased fighting. They were afraid to approach
his body as if he would suddenly spring up and shake himself for
the conflict afresh ; not till one of them, bolder than the rest
cautiously went near and placed an arrow in his hand and they
saw he could no longer grasp it, that they believed he was really
dead ! His corpse was taken up and burnt to ashes.
The crafty AUmi his treacherous friend took his helpless children
and family under his own protection, a leging that it was a mis-
understanding that led to the civil fight between himself and his
old friend, in which the latter unhappily lost his life. His house
was rebuilt, and the remnant of his people were permitted to occupy
it, but the government of the town passed over to the conqueror.
His family, however, are highly respected at Ilgrin to this day.
Thus passed away one who will always be remembered in the
annals of the Yoruba country as the leader of the revolution which
ended in the dismemberment of the Yoruba country.
The late Afonja was a native of Ilorin. The city was built by
his great grandfather, Laderin, whose posterity bore rule in her in
succession to the fourth generation. Laderin the founder, was
succeeded by Pasin, his son, a valiant chiet who opposed the
renowned Gaha when he was in the zenith of his glory. Fearing
his rising power, Gahk drove him out of Ilorin and he escaped to
200 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
Ol^. He sent an army after him there which reduced the town and
Pasin was taken and slain. Alagbin the son of Pasin succeeded
his father, and in turn handed the government to his vaUant son
Afonja with whom the rule ended.
Ilorin is sometimes spoken of as Afonja's Ilorin. This is because
he was the most renowned of her rulers, and not only so, but
also because it was he who made it into the large city it now is.
There were several towns and villages around at no very great
distance from Ilorin e.g. Kanla, Oke Suna, Ganma, Elehinjare,
Idofian, Oke Oyi, Ibare, Igbon, Iresa etc. Most of them this
restless warrior captured one by one and resettled them around
Ilorin so as to make it into what it has become. The able-bodied
men he enrolled among his soldiers, and several women and
children he sold into slavery, in order to have wherewith to
maintain and supply arms to his war boys.
He was not actually of the royal family although often reckoned
as such, but his mother was said to have been a home born slave
of the palace, and he was brought up among the children of the
royal family, hence the Ibamu facial mark across the face seen
in his descendants to this day.
Ilorin now passed into the hands of foreigners, the Fulanis
who had been invited there as friends and allies. These being
far more astute than the Yorubas, having studied their weak
points and observed their misrule, planned to grasp the whole
kingdom into their own hands by playing one chief against another
and weakening the whole. Their more generous treatment of
fallen foes and artful method of conciliating a power they could
not openly crush, marked them out as a superior people in the art
of government.
§ 2. The First Attempt to Recover Ilorin from the Fulanis
The Battle of Ogele
The tragic end of Afonja the Kakanfo by the hands of his
Jamas had long been anticipated by thoughtful men who depre-
cated their formation, and had predicted the worst for the nation
when slaves became masters.
The death of the Kakanfo struck the whole nation with such
awe and bewilderment that it took the people nearly a whole
year to bring them to their right mind. Seeing that the fate of
the whole nation was trembling in the balance as it were, all the
people united to avenge the death of Afonja, while in the meantime,
the crafty Fulani had been strengthening himself for the conflict.
He had studied the Yorubas and knew how to circumvent them.
THE RISE OF THE FULANIS TO POWER 201
Toyeje the Bale of Ogbomosg and commander of the late
Kakanfo's right, was promoted to the post of Kakanfo, and the
whole nation was united under his standard to expel the Fulanis
from Ilorin. They encamped at a place called Ogele, where they
were met by the Fulani horse aided by the powerful Yoruba
Moslem Chief Solagberu of Oke Suna. Another fatal mistake of
Sglagberu's.
A sanguinary battle was fought in which the Fulanis were
victorious. They routed the Yorubas and followed up their
victory, which resulted in the desertion or destruction of a great
many towns in the Ibolo province. The only important towns
left in that part were Ofa, Igbona, Ilemona, Erin, and a few others.
The refugees could only carry away such of their personal
effects which could be snatched away in a hasty flight, as the
Fulani horse kept hovering in their rear. They found temporary
refuge in any walled town where a powerful chief happened to be,
there, it may be, to await another siege by the conqueror.
The distress caused by this calamity cannot be described.
Aged people who could not be carried away were left to perish.
The doleful lamentations of parents who had lost their children,
and of thousands of widows and orphans were heartrending.
Bereft of every thing, without money, or anything that could
be converted into money in such hasty and sudden flight, they were
reduced to abject misery and poverty among strangers, and could
only support life by doing menial work by procuring firewood or
leaves for sale and such like. A people who until recently lived
in what for them was affluence and plenty, are now oppressed
with want and misery brought about by the want of foresight, and
the vaulting ambition of their rulers.
§ 3. The Second Attempt to Expel the Fulanis and Recover
Ilorin
The Mugbamugba War
After a short respite the Yorubas again rallied and resolving
to rid the country of these hordes of marauders the Jamas, made
an alliance with Monjia, the King of Rabbah, that he may help
them to extirpate the pests. The war took place somewhere
between March and April at the time when the locust fruit was
ripe for harvest.
The country was already devastated by the late wars, many
towns were left desolate, and consequently there were no farms for
foraging. What food there was in the Ilorin farms were soon
eaten up, and both the besiegers and the besieged were without
202 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
provisions and had to live on the locust fruit (igba) . Hence the war
was termed Mugbamugba.
The Yorubas were again unsuccessful in this expedition. They
had not yet learnt how to cope with cavalry and the Fulanis were
expert horsemen. From successive defeats the Yorubas lost all
courage, and victories one after another made the Ilorins more
confident, so that in the open fields they gained easy victories over
the Yorubas ; and when they were protected within walled towns
they reduced them by long sieges and famine.
On this occasion, the Ilorins attacked the alUes to advantage.
They hid their horses in the rear of the allied armies and while
a party of horsemen engaged them in front the main body of the
cavalry suddenly bore down upon them from the rear and routed
them. Monjia fled precipitately to his own country, leaving the
Yorubas at the mercy of the victors. The Ilorins followed up their
victory and swept away all the towns in the direction of ^ia,
Erin, Igbona etc. The Olofa with Asegbe his favourite and wise
Ilari escaped to Ikoyi.
§ 4. The Battle of Pamo
Alimi the Moslem priest, who was at the head of the foreigners
at Ilorin died after the last war and was succeeded by his son
Abudusalami, who became the first King, or Emir, of Ilorin.
Ilorin now passes definitely into the hands of the Fulanis as rulers,
and affords a home for the Gambaris (Hausas) from whom the
Jamas were reciuited.
The late Alimi was much respected at Ilorin from his arrival
there as a mere priest. At fiist he had no intention of making
Ilorin his home much less to embark upon a career of conquest ;
and indeed when Afonja and his Jamas commenced their excesses
he was prepared to return to his own country from disgust, but
the eldeis of the Yorubas prayed him to stay and act as a check on
Afonja for there was no one else to whom he would defer and there
was no telling how far he would go without someone to put the
fear of God into him. The Kakanfo and the people of Ilorin pre-
vailed upon him to send for his family and make Ilorin his home.
Alimi was a pure Fulani by birth and his wife also a Fulani
lady. They lived together for a considerable time without any
issue. The wife then consulted a Moslem priest as to her state of
childlessness, and she was told to give out of her abundance to a
distinguished Moslem priest a slave as an alms to the glory of
of God, and she was sure to have children.
Having considered this matter over, she came to the conclusion
within herself that she knew of no distinguished Moslem priest
THE RISE OF THE FULANIS TO POWER 203
greater than her own husband, and therefore she gave to her
husband one of her maidens as " an alms to the glory of God."
This maiden as Ahmi's secondary wife became the mother of
Abudusalami and Shitta his two eldest sons. The Fulani lady
herself subsequently gave birth to a son named Sumonu, who was
nick-named Beribepo (one who cuts off head and post). Alimi
afterwards took to himself a third wife by whom he also had a
son, and, therefore at his death he left four sons to inherit his
property. As will be seen below however, no advantage in the
matter of government accrued to the son of the real wife (who was
a pure white Fulani) above those of the slave wife who were
coloured. Hence in the third generation, the chief rulers of Ilorin
have become black.
The power of the Fulanis was now very great, and they aimed
at nothing short of the subversion of the whole Yoruba country,
and the short sighted Yoruba war-chiefs were playing the game for
them by their mutual jealousy of one another. One expedition
followed after another and the result was the devastation and
depopulation of the country. Far seeing men had predicted all
this, if the various Yoruba families did not unite and expel the
foreigners ; but jealousy and rivalry among the chiefs prevented
unity of purpose. Allegiance was no longer paid to the King, not
even in the capital. Intestine wars not only weakened the country,
but offered it an easy prey to the common enemy.
Thus Toyeje the Kakanfo at Ogbomosg had a difference with
Adegun the Onikoyi which at length broke out into an open war,
each of them being now independent, and neither would submit
to the other. The Kakanfo formed an alliance with the Oluiwo
of Iwo, the Timi of Ede and Solagberu of Ilorin, and besieged
the Onikoyi in his city of Ikoyi.
Solagberu had his own personal grievance to vent because the
Onikoyi did not do homage to him or pay him tribute ; so he came
with all the Ilorin forces at his command. Abudusalami the
Emir alone remained at home. The combined forces encamped
at a place called Pamo. The conflict was very fierce, and Ikoyi,
hemmed in on all sides, was nearly taken, when Asegbe the Olofa's
Ilari, who was then with his master, a refugee at Ikoyi, saved the
city by wise and judicious measures. He told his master and
it also came to the Onikoyi's hearing that if he could be allowed
to use his wisdom without being forbidden or thwarted, he could
save the city. The besieged who were prepared to agree to any
terms in order to obtain peace accepted the offer, although
reluctantly, as Asegbe kept his plans to himself.
He sent a private messenger to Abudusalami the Emir of Ilgrin
204 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
in the name of the Onikoja, that he was besieged in his city,
for the sole reason that he declared himself for the Emir of Ilorin.
The Emir again questioned the messenger " Is it true the Onikoyi
declared for me? " " Quite true, your Majesty," was his reply.
" Then the siege must be raised," said the Emir.
Orders were now sent to recall Solagberu with all the Ilorin
forces, but he refused to obey orders. Again and again peremptory
orders were sent, with the same result. The fifth and last message
was to the Princes and other chiefs, to the effect that whoever
would prove himself loyal should return home at once by the order
of the Emir. The Ilorin army now left the camp, leaving Solagberu
alone behind together with the aUies.
The next effort of the Emir of Ilorin was to raise the siege at
all cost, and hence he sent his army to reinforce Ikoyi. These
Ilorin troops entered Ikoyi, but for ten days did nothing but help
themselves to every thing they could lay hands on, eating and
drinking to excess. On the eleventh day they asked to be
conducted to the scene of action. Then they joined battle, and
completely routed the Kakanfo's army. Solagberu fled back to
his quarters at Ilorin, and the Yorubas were dispersed. Solag-
beru's feelings towards Abudusalami, can better be imagined
than described. The men of note who fell in this war were, —
The Timi of Ede, the king of Erin, the Chief Aina-Abutu-Sogun,
and Ay ope.
Although Solagberu was allowed to remain in his quarters, yet
the disaffection between him and the Emir of Ilorin was very
great, and every incident served but to heighten it. . It grew
from jealousy and illwill to opposition and resentment, and at
length into a civil war. The Emir's party besieged Oke Sun a,
desperate battles were fought, but the besieged held out for a
long time until they were reduced by famine. They were hard
put to it in order to sustain life, living on frogs, lizards, barks
of trees, etc., till no green thing could be found at Oke Suna,
Solagberu had cause to remember with regret his tieachery towards
his friend Afonja, in his hour of need, at the hands of these very
Jamas. At last, Oke Suna was reduced and Solagberu slain.
Abudusalami the Fulani Emir having now no rival in any
Yoruba King or Chief, the Onikoyi having declared for him, the
Kakanfo's army shattered, and Solagberu slain, resolved upon
subverting the whole kingdom, and making himself the King of
the Yoruba country. The remaining Yoruba towns spared were
placed under tribute. He was aided in his enterprise by the
Jamas whose tyrannies and oppression greatly exceeded those
which they practised in the days of Afonja, which were so galling
THE RISE OF THE FULANIS TO POWER 205
to the Yorubas : formerly it was only the livestock that were freely
taken away, but now, they entered houses and led away women
and young persons at their pleasure. It was Hterally enslaving
the people !
To such a wretched and miserable condition were the people
reduced, especially in the provinces.
Chapter VIII
THE CONSEQUENCES OF THE REVOLUTION IN THE
SOUTH
§ I. The Owu War
The kingdom being now in a disorganized condition each tribal
unit constituted itself an independent state. The Ifes in the east,
and the Ijebus in the south formed an alliance against the Owns
to the south-west of the former and north west of the latter.
The Owns (although now domiciled with the Egbas) are a family
quite distinct from. Egbas or Oyos. Hardihood, stubbornness,
immorality, and haughtiness are marked traits in their character,
so much so that it has passed into a proverb " A bi omg I'Owu,
o ni ako tabi abo ni, ewo ni jdo se omg nibe ? " (a child is born at
Owu, and you ask male or female : which will be a proper child ?)
Either sex when roused by passion would sooner die than not take
dire revenge. Their manners were totally different from those of
the Oyos, but from the days of Sango they have been very loyal
to the AlAfin of Oyo.
As warriors, the Owus were hardy, brave, and courageous,
they had no guns, their weapons consisting of the Agedengbe
(a long heavy cutlass) with bows and arrows. Coming to close
quarters with cutlass in hand was the mode of fighting characteristic
of these brave people.
The cause of the war between these three families was this : —
We have already stated above that during the reign of King
Abiodun, express orders were sent from Oyo to the Ow6ni of If§,
and the Olowu to prevent Oyos being kidnapped and sold at
Apomu, the great market town where the interior and the coast
people met for trade. Now, since the commencement of the
revolution, and the disorganized state of the kingdom, the practice
was revived. The rebellion has rendered the Central Authority
powerless, but there were still some men of considerable power and
influence in the land, such as Adegun the Onikoyi who was the
premier provincial king, Toyejg theBal§ of Ogbomoso the Kakanfo,
and Edun of Gbogun.
A message similar to that sent by King Abiodun was now sent
by the Onikoyi and the Kakanfo conjointly to the Olowu, and he
in carrying out his orders had to chastise several towns ; hence
206
THE CONSEQUENCES OF THE REVOLUTION IN THE SOUTH 207
Ikoyi Igbo, Apomu, Ikire, Irkn, He Olup^mi, Itahakun, Iseyin
Od6, Iw^ta, Akinboto, Gbkngan, Isope, Iwar6, and Jagun, were
destroyed by war, all in Ife territory.
The Ow6m of Ife was highly incensed at this and declared war
against Owu. The command of the war was entrusted into the
hands of his commander-in-chief Singunsin. Other war-chiefs
associated with him were : — Okansk, Gbogbo Olu, Wasin,
Alodeloko, etc. Their first encampment was at a place called
Dariagbon a farm village of one 01up6na, next at Sifirin at the
confluence of the Osun and Ohk rivers.
The Ifes thought they would make an easy conquest of Owu
for they themselves are a brave people, and hence this war song
in their peculiar dialect : —
E maha ja (a) gba, Let us cut ropes,
Igbekun la mu a di Our captives to bind.
If a Olowu The Olowu's If a (god of palm nut)
£wa la mu a se With our corn we'll cook.
The Owns received the news that war was declared against them
with great indignation. They considered themselves the power
in these southern regions, and what infatuation has led the Ifes
to this presumption ? With one consent they immediately marched
out to meet them at this great distance. The engagement was a
hand to hand fight in which the Ifes were completely routed ; their
army was all but totally annihilated, only about 200 escaped to
tell the tale of their dire misfortune !
The King of Iwo, in whose territory this disaster took place
did not admit the survivors into his town for fear of incurring the
displeasure of his formidable neighbours the Owus, whom he
dreaded ar;d of whom he was jealous, but he so far sympathized
with them that he advised that they should not undergo the
humiUation of returning home, and he allowed them to rendezvous
in a place called Adunbieiye for the purpose of recruiting their
army and to try another chance, secretly hoping that fortune may
favour them next time, and being ill at ease with such a formidable
neighbour as the Owus.
This small army remained in this place for about 5 years,
unable to return home from shame, and yet could not obtain
re-inforcement adequate for the great enterprise.
Just at this crisis the Owus and the Ijebu traders had a serious
complication at the Apomu market. The dispute arose from the
sale of alligator pepper, and it resulted in the rash expedition
against Apomu by the haughty Owus ; the town was destroyed,
and many Ijebu traders and residents lost their lives or their all.
208 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
The king of Iwo thereupon advised the Ifes to form an alliance
with the Ijebus, who, like them, have now a grievance against
Owu. When this was done, the lies at home were now wilUng
to re-inforce their wrecked army for a conjoint attack upon Owu.
The Ijebus now declared war against Owu, and crossing the
Osun river, encamped at the farm of one Oso.
The Ijebus were better armed than either their allies or their
foes, and indeed, than any of the interior tribes, for, being nearest
to the coast, they had the advantage of obtaining guns and gun-
powder from Europeans in exchange for slaves. They were
remarkable marksmen. The older men with their cloths tied
round their waists, and the ends left flowing behind, constituted
the regular fighting column : being too old pr too heavy to run
away, they were obhged to be courageous.
The Owns were mad with rage at the receipt of the news that
anyone, such as the Ijebus, had presumed to declare war
against them who (as they considered themselves) were the first
power in these parts (southern Yoruba). They rushed out to
check the progress of the Ijebus as they did that of the Ifes, and
attacked them furiously cutlass in hand. But they were compelled
to fall back from the steady fire of the Ijebus which did great
havoc amongst them. Summoning courage, the Owns offered
another obstinate battle, but they were again repulsed with a
heavy slaughter, having lost in the first and second engagements
about 40 of their leaders. This was the first check to their pride.
They ralUed, however, and retreated to a short distance, and then
again ventured upon another attack, the Ijebus advancing as
they were retreating : they finally met, and once more fortune
was against the Owus, and they fled precipitately to fortify their
city against the expected siege.
The Ijebus with their allies the Ifes encamped to the west of the
city of Owu, under a large tree called the Ogilngun, east of the
town of Oje. We may here remark that although the Egba towns
of Of a and Oje were about a mile and two miles respectively from
Owu, yet so bitter was the animosity between them that not only
did these towns refuse their aid to Owu, but rather rejoiced at
its misfortunes !
The Owus fought with their accustomed bravery, and in one
furious assault, routed the aUies, and pursued them to Oje, Ofa,
and Ibadan. The first two places were deserted in the general
confusion and panic, and all sought refuge at Ibadan. Here the
allies received reinforcements from the Egbas, and from the Oyo
refugees from the north whose homes had been devastated by
the Fulanis and who were now scattered about the provinces
THE CONSEQUENCES OF THE REVOLUTION IN THE SOUTH 209
homeless, and without occupation. Glad to find some occupation
in arms, these refugees flocked to the standard of the allies in
numbers ; and thus strengthened, the war was renewed. The siege
lasted about 5 years (usuaJly reckoned as 7). The city was obstin-
ately defended by the brave inhabitants from the walls, and from
the forts built on the walls of the city. One Skkulk was an expert
sharp shooter who was never known to miss his aim ; he contri-
buted much to the defence of the town. But he was at the same
time a good-natured man, kind and merciful to his enemies.
Whenever he saw a young man hazarding his life too close to the
forts in order to show valour, pitying his youth, he used to hail
at him from the fort, and warn him as follows : — " I give you your
life for to-day, but do not venture here to-morrow or you shall
die." And he was alw^ays as good as his word. Thus Sakulk
defended the city heroically and killed many a valiant warrior.
At last, the allies held a council of war, and were determined
to get rid of S^kulk on the next day. The Ijebus, who had guns
were the foremost, and the whole army directed their fire and
showers of darts at the fort where S^kiila was fighting, all kept
shooting at that one spot, until they saw Skkiilk fall, suspending
from the fort !
Owu was now deprived of her bravest defender, and famine
also began its fatal work within its walls.
It was at this time the Owns began for the first time to eat
those large beans called popondo (or awuje) hitherto considered
unfit for food ; hence the taunting songs of the alUes : —
Popondo I'ara Owu nje. The Owns now live on propondo,
Aje f'ajaga bo 'run. That done, their necks for the yoke.
Unto this day, whoever would hum this ditty within the hearing
of an Owu man, must look out for an accident to his own person.
For all the famine within, the besiegers could neither scale the
walls, nor force the gates open, until Akinjobi the Olowu opened
a gate, and escaped to Erunmu, one of the principal towns in his
territory. The chief of this place was one Oluroko who was
nearly related to the Ow6ni of Ife. Oluroko protected his over-
lord. The allies pursued the Olowu to this place, but Oluroko
when called upon to answer for his conduct, submitted himself,
and asked for pardon, showing that he could not have acted
otherwise and be blameless. ^ The allies saw with him, and pardon
was accordingly granted him.
Ikija was the only Egba town which befriended the city of
Owu in her straits hence after the fall of the latter town, the
combined armies went to punish her for supplying Owu with
provisions during the siege. Being a much smaller town, they
210 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
soon made short work of it. After the destruction of Ikija,^ the
allies returned to their former camp at Idi Ogungun (under the
Ogiingun tree) .
"Owu was thenceforth placed under an interdict, never to be
rebuilt ; and it was resolved that in future, however great might
be the population of Oje — the nearest town to it — the town walls
should not extend as far as the Ogungun tree, where the camp was
pitched. Consequently to this day, although the land may be
cultivated yet no one is allowed to build a house on it.
[In the year 1873 Akinyemi one of the sons of one Bolude of
Ibadan happened to build a substantial farm house at Owu.
Latosisk then the Kakanfo at Ibadan ordered it to be pulled down
immediately, and Akinyemi was fined besides].
After the fall of Owu and Ikija, the army was not disbanded,
but the commanders of the Ife and of the Ijebu armies returned
home to give an account of the war to their respective masters,
but the remnants still in the camp were continually swelled by
recruits from Oyo refugees whom the Fulanis had rendered home-
less.
After a time the Ijebus in the camp invited the allies home to
their country as friends ; then they broke up the camp at " Idi
C)gungun " and withdrew to Ipara in the south.
It should be noted that the Owu war marked a definite period
in Yoruba history. It was here for the first time gunpowder was
used in war in this country, and it was followed by the devastation
of the Egba townships and the foundation of modern Abeokuta
and Ibadan, to be related in due course.
§ 2. Consequences of the Revoution : — The Lasinmi War
Whilst the Owu war was raging in the south, the northern
provinces were in no less disturbed condition. The Onikoyi,
not content with being the first and greatest of the provincial
kings took advantage of the disturbed state of the country to usurp
the King's prerogative and aimed at subjugating the other chiefs
under his own authority. Toyeje the Kakanfo at Ogbomosg was
alone his rival and in order to oppose him, the Onikoyi created
Edun of Gbogun an opposition Kakanfo to him. But Toyeje
continued in office, and so there were two Kakanfos at this period,
a thing quite unprecedented.
During this reign, it was said that a European traveller visited
Oyo to whom the King granted an interview. This was most
probably Clapperton (vide Clapperton'sL as^ Expedition to Africa,
^ The site of Ikija is now an Ibadan farmstead known as Karaole.
THE CONSEQUENCES OF THE REVOLUTION IN THE SOUTH 211
Vol. I., Chap. IV.). The King was said to have complained bitterly
of the rebellion of his subjects, and that he was King only in name :
he craved for military assistance in order to reduce his rebellious
chiefs ; but as it was impossible for the stranger to afford this,
he tried persuasive measures. He visited the several powerful
chiefs in the country, remonstrated with them pointing out forcibly
how " Unity is strength." His advice was favourably received
and the result was a congress held at Ikoyi in which all the principal
chiefs were present, and to which the King sent an Ilari.
After a prolonged deliberation they came to an agreement to
return to their former loyalty and allegiance. The Onikoyi
then asked that the Ilari be called in to bear the good tidings to
his master ; but when called aloud by his official (Ilari) name
" Kafilegboin," the chiefs all gave a start and were much surprised
to hear the name of the Ilari sent to them. " What ! Kafilegboin !
(i.e. let's have it on stiff) Is that then the King's intention ? A
name which implies implacabiUty, resolute determination and
inexorableness! Very well then, let the rebellion continue. No one
among us can consider himself safe at the hands of the King should
we return to our allegiance, since he can send us such an Ilari at a
time as this when he wants to win us back!" The congress was
then dissolved.
Whether the King did this intentionally or not, we cannot say;
but Yorubas being very diplomatic, and very suspicious of one
another, he should have sent one whose name implies conciliation
or harmony if he wished to win back the chiefs.
But we consider all this from God in order that the sins of
the nation may be purged by judgment from above.
Shortly after this, there was a serious compUcation between the
Kakanfo at Ogbomoso and the Timi of Ede. Ede had been
tributary to Ogbomoso, but after the Pamo war it threw off
its allegiance, and the Kakanfo had long been seeking for an
opportunity to reduce it again to subjection. One cannot
say what was the real cause of the war, but there can be no doubt
that the Kakanfo made something or other a pretext for commenc-
ing hostilities. The Kakanfo, however, did not take the field in
person as he considered it only a small affair ; he sent Lasinmi
his Balogun to reduce the town.
Ede was beseiged, and for 15 days desperate battles were fought,
but the town was defended heroically.
Bamgbaiye the Timi of Ede at that time, was one of the richest
of the provincial kings, and it was due to his largesses that the town
was able to hold out so long. Every morning he ordered bushels of
corn (maize) to be well cooked, and placing large earthenware pots
212 THE HISTORY OF THE YqRUBAS
at certain intervals right round the walls of the town, he filled
them alternately with the cooked corn and cool drink (well-
mashed Eko) or pure water, for the combatants, so that no one
need compldn of hunger or find an excuse for leaving his post
by day or by night.
The strength of the besiegers and the besieged was well-nigh
spent, when Asegbe the Olofa's wise Ilari appeared again on
the scene to prevent further bloodshed and to save the town.
With a small body guard, he approached the walls of the town,
so as to be heard. With his usual persuasive eloquence he induced
the people to surrender in order to avoid further bloodshed. " We
are all the same tribe and one family, and why should we destroy
one another in the very face of our common enemy, destroying us
from without ? I give you my word, that if you capitulate the
siege will be instantly raised. "
These words were soon conveyed to the Timi, and so glad was
he that he sent Asegbe a bottle of gin, which he and his attendants
drank on the spot and the empty bottle was sent back as a token
of good-will, that the gift was accepted.
The Timi sent again to enquire how the negotiations might
best be carried on. Asegbe advised him to send lo bags of cowries
and 10 goats, and to capitulate and the siege would be raised.
Asegbe returned to the camp to report his success, and the chiefs
were all glad and thankful. Towards the evening the Timi paid
the fines imposed and capitulated and the siege was raised.
Bamgbaiye was the richest Timi that ever ruled Ede. His large
garden was full of goats and sheep without number so that all the
green grass in the garden was eaten up. But the creatures were
all miserable looking as they were more in number than could be
properly fed at home ; they should have been driven by herdsmen
to the pastures to graze, but the war without prevented this.
It was even said that they were so hungry that any one entering
the garden would have to defend himself with a stick to prevent
his clothes being eaten off his body ! When presents had to be
given, or fines and indemnities paid in token of subjection, or to
purchase peace as above related, selections were made from the
well-favoured ones among them and the enemy appeased. He
could afterwards recoup himself by taxation.
Ede prospered under the rule of this king.
§ 3. State of the Capital During this Period
King Majotu was well advanced in age, before he was called
to the throne, and consequently the business of state was for the
most part left in the hands of the Crown Prince Adewusi surnamed
THE CONSEQUENCES OF THE REVOLUTION IN THE SOUTH 213
Fuhiiniji : unfortunately, he was neither wise nor prudent but
rather a dissolute and licentious prince, extravagant and cruel
to a degree. His weak qualities were, however, eclipsed by his
largess. He acted more like a monomaniac than like a rational
being. His father was too old and weak to check him. Not-
withstanding his exalted position he usually spent days and nights
out-of-doors, roaming from one quarter of the town to another
without returning home.
Whenever he was going to s.pend a night in a house in any quarter
of the town, he usually gave orders that his suite should start about
half-an-hour after he had preceded them. He would clothe
himself in tatters, carrying an axe, a club, or a stick just hke a
madman ! He would reach the gate of the chief whose guest he
intends to be, long before the arrival of his suite, and mingle with
the crowd of spectators who were there waiting to see the sight of
a royal equipage, listening to their remarks and especially to
those of his intended host.
If the host were to complain of the undesired visit of an un-
principled coxcomb putting him to unnecessary trouble and ex-
pense, and that he would rather do without the honour of his visit,
or any other such remarks that he might make, he would hear it
all with his own ears. As soon as his attendants arrived he would
instantly get himself into the midst of them, change his rags for
a magnificent robe, and step forth as becomes a prince. When
the host now rushed forward to show his respect, and bid him a
hearty welcome, etc., he would burst out "You hypocrite, did you
not say so and so, when you heard I was coming to you on a visit ?
I'll curb your lying tongue." When the host lay prostrate and
trembling, conscious of guilt and pleading for mercy, he would
deal him heavy blows with his club, which more often than not
killed or disabled him for life, and in some cases, if he survived,
he would order him to be sold into slavery.
But if the host were really solicitous about giving him a loyal
welcome, and showed himself desirous of giving him an entertain-
ment worthy of his rank, he would hear and know for himself,
so that when he joined his attendants and came forward to greet
his host, he would accept his welcome and bid him not to care
about how he should entertain him, but would himself order
refreshments and entertain the host and all present out of his own
bounty, and give him presents lavishly besides. If this prince is
spoken of as cruel, and as having killed or sold into slavery several
of his father's subjects, it was in this way.
An instance related of his liberahty was as follows : —
Upon a festival called Isul^ customarily held in the month of
214 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
July, all the members of the royal family gorgeously dressed go
in procession to a certain place to worship the spirits of their
dead ancestors. The demonstrations on these occasions are
very imposing, and usually end with gifts from the Crown Prince.
On one such occasion, this Prince gave the Ologbo who accom-
panied him a common gown, but the latter refused to accept it, say-
ing it was not worthy of the dignity of His Royal Highness. The
Crown Prince thereupon took off his robes in which he went to
the Isule, and gave them to the Ologbo, and ordered other members
of the royal family to do the same.
Adewusi had his own good qualities but his enormities were
revolting ! He accounted it a privilege to commit indecencies
under the open sky, surrounded by his attendants and Eunuchs
holding large cloths in the four corners as a curtain to shield him
from sight. In his train were always some of his wives and
mistresses.
He would commit rape with impunity, and whether to show
that he was above law, or out of pure spite to the chiefs, in his
visits to any of them it was his custom on entering their houses,
to perform the same act in the open court-yard before he took his
seat in the piazza !
This beastly conduct bemeaned him in the estimation of the
Oyo chiefs, and not only had he lost all respect from them on that
account, but, on one occasion, he very nearly lost his life at
the hands of the Basorun, in whose palace he had the temerity
to venture on the same action ! On his arrival, his supernal
highness came out to receive him as his guest, but was shocked
to find that Adewusi made no exception in his lewd practices
in regard to himself. He returned in a rage to his inner apart-
ment, to reappear with a drawn sword, and would have despatched
him and his mistress on the spot had not the Prince and all his
attendants fled away in confusion. The Basorun's servants
pursued after them with clubs and dispersed them.
Adewusi had no one among all the chiefs to appeal to for
sympathy, as he had offended every one of them in the same
way, although none but the Basorun was able to resent it; hence
their sympathy was rather on the side of the Basorun.
But the ultimate result of this would have been serious for the
Prince had not his wise and aged father conciliated the chiefs.
Knowing what the outcome would probably be, His Majesty
summoned a meeting of the chiefs, noblemen, and other important
personages in the city and said to them in a parable : — " The
Crown Prince was my creditor when we were in the other world,
and when I could not pay the debt, I escaped to this world. He
THE CONSEQUENCES OF THE REVOLUTION IN THE SOUTH 215
pursued me hither demanding payment, and being born of royalty,
I was able to pay off my debt.
But my difficulty is this — for the purpose of which I have
summoned you all my chiefs for your advice and help. The
Crown Prince not content with the payment, demanded that I
should carry back the amount paid to the other world ; and for
this I crave your advice and help."
The Oyo chiefs asked His Majesty for an explanation of the
parable and his reply was as follows : —
" The enormities of the Crown Prince in your quarters and in
your houses, I have heard of, and what would have been the result,
if the Basorun had killed liim in his house, we all know. Would
it not have cost me my own life also ? What I crave of you is
that in future I should be exonerated, and not be charged with
his conduct." The Oyo chiefs were appeased and promised not to
implicate the father in the crimes of his son.
Added to the scourge of the sword, divine judgment fell upon
the nation in famine also and pestilence. Towards the end of this
reign there was a famine in the land for two years which obliter-
ated every trace of the plenty they revelled in when there was peace
and prosperity. Many died from it. It was a struggle for many
to be able to support their family, especially those in exile ; but
the richness of the soil enabled those whose towns were not
destroyed to render great assistance to their guests the refugees.
But unfortunately there was a dearth of the latter rains and the
dry season crops could not be planted. This following closely
after the Lasinmi war caused the distress to be more severe.
Gbogi, an Ijesa town was attacked and destroyed only for the
sake of the provisions it contained, no one caring for slaves or
booty. The staple of the Ijesas being yam and not corn, the
famine was less felt amongst them, as the yam crop does not
depend upon the latter rain. This famine was called lyan
Yamord.
It was said that a subscription was made by several famihes to
the amount of 6 heads of cowries, and a special messenger was
sent to the Egba territory to buy corn. The return of the messenger
was eagerly looked forward to, and at length he returned with a
merry heart whistling as he walked along : but there was no load
on his head, the 6 heads worth of corn was carried in a bag slung
on his shoulders ! and he protected it beneath the cloth he wrapped
himself with, so that no one may know what he had with him.
It was a treasure ! It was shared by the subscribers by counting
the grains.
This calamity was followed by a pestilence called the Pehe,
2l6 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
a disease of the respiratory organs like the recent {1892) fatal
epidemic of Influenza ; thousands were swept away by it, and
King Majotu was among its victims. Of a long succession
of Kings, it was his good fortune to have died a natural death.
At the death of the King, the Crown Prince was told to die
with his father, according to the custom now prevailing. But he
was unwilling to do so, and was giving out bribes liberally to the
chiefs that they should give him their support ; and trusting
to his former largess to the people, he was determined upon a
civil fight, hoping for a general rising in his favour ; but Akawo,
his bosom friend quietly undeceived him, and advised him to die
honourably, or he would have the mortification of seeing himself
deserted at the most critical moment by those on whom he counted
most to espouse his cause. Adewusi then committed suicide,
and Prince Amgdo was placed on the throne.
Chapter IX
FURTHER DEVELOPMENT OF THE ANARCHY
§ I. Evil Days for the Capital
Prince Amod6 was one of the grandchildren of Ajampati the
twin brother of King Ajagbo. He came to the throne at a time
when the kingdom was distracted by anarchy and confusion.
The Fulanis having an eye on the capital of Yoruba-land, but not
being confident enough to make an attack on the city whilst there
were so many powerful chiefs in the land, who might suddenly
return to their allegiance, were using prudence and astuteness to
spread the disaffection. They were fanning the flames of discord
by allying themselves with one or other of the chiefs known to be
rebellious against their lawful sovereign. None of the provincial
kings now paid tribute to Oyo or acknowledged the authority of
the King. He was virtually King of the capital only.
In order to have a powerful friend and ally in whom he could
confide in time of emergency, King Amodo made an alliance with
Lanloke the chief of Ogodo, a market town, at the confluence
of the river Niger, where Yorubas and Tapas met for an exchange
of merchandise. Ogodo was originally a Tapa town, but subse-
quently the Yoruba population predominated, nearly all the
children of influential Oyo chiefs resided there permanently for
the purpose of trade. King Amod6 cemented and strengthened
this aUiance by giving his daughter to Lanloke to wife, and
treating him as an independent sovereign.
To show how weak and contemptible the AlAfin has become,
Lanloke most brutally and cowardly beat the princess his wife
actually to death, and boasting over it, took to himself the nick-
name, " My name is Amod6, and I put Amod6 to death. My name
is Ajebaba, and I enslaved Ajebaba."
Fearing the resentment and vengeance of Oyo for this act,
he hastily formed an alHance with the Ilgrins, and assumed the
aggressive, and so besieged Oyo. Oyo at length capitulated and
the Ilorin troops entered and sacked the city. Oyo was plundered
of nearly everything, but no captives were made excepting
some Oyo beauties who were carried away with the spoils,
Jimba, one of the head slaves of the Ilorin Emir was the chief
spoiler. He took away all the Egugun dress, and forced the
citizens to accept the Koran, which necessitated every one to
217
2l8 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
change his name for an Arabic name, the only alternative being
the sword.
Thus at length Oyo became tributary to Ilorin !
§ 2. The Third Attempt to Expel the Fulanis
The Kanla Expedition
Amod6 was ill at ease under the yoke of the Fulani Emir of
Ilorin, and he prevailed upon all the Yoruba chiefs throughout
the country to unite and rid themselves of their common enemy.'
Apparently they were united, but between the capital and the
provinces, the spirit of disaffection and jealousy was strong.
It was understood full well that the King's policy was to use
them together to rid himself first of the common enemy, and then
to subdue the rebel chiefs one after another, by force of arms.
But the Ilgrins on the other hand were more diplomatic. In
order to facilitate their plans, they made friendship with some of
the Yoruba chiefs who were men of power, and who, if united,
would be able to oppose them successfully ; such were Prince
Atiba of Ago Oja, Edun chief of Gbogun, the most powerful
Yoruba general of the day, and Adegun the Onikoyi the premier
provincial king.
Whenever there was war with the Ilorins these chiefs usually
acted against their own real and national interests, either by
betraying their own nation and people, or by giving their backs
to the enemy without shooting an arrow, and thus allowing the
Ilorin horse the advantage of out-flanking their foes.
King Amod6 having prevailed upon all the chiefs to come
together, declared war against the Fulanis, and Ilorin was besieged
by a formidable army raised throughout the country.
Adegun the Onikoyi was suffering from indisposition and
was really unfit to take the field ; but Edun of Gbogun his rival,
forced him to go to the war, secretly planning with the Ilgrins
that he would give way in the heat of the battle, in order that
Adegun might be taken alive ! This battle took place at Kanla
from which the expedition was named.
Edun having carried out his act of treachery, the Onikoyi
was surrounded by the Ilorin horse ; but he fought, and fought
bravely and fell like a hero. Thus the AlAfin's army was routed,
and the people fled away in confusion.
It was at the time when the rivers overflowed their banks,
and a number of people were drowned at the river Ogun. The
most notable chief drowned on this occasion was Oja the founder
of Agd (the present Qyo). Prince Atiba, one of the rising power,
FURTHER DEVELOPMENT OF THE ANARCHY 2I9
rode his powerful horse into the river, and narrowly escaped being
drowned.
The Yoruba towns deserted at this defeat were Esiele and
Pop6.
§ 3. The Vicissitudes of Ikoyi
The fall of Adegun at the Kanla war left the kingship of Ikoyi
vacant. There were two aspirants to the title, viz., Siyenbola,
the son of the late Adegun, and Ojo, the son of Adegun's prede-
cessor. The majority of the people was for Siyenbola, and Ojo's
partisans were but few. Ojo, however, went to Oyo to have
the title conferred on him by the Suzerain as of yore, and he
succeeded in obtaining the Alafin's favour in his claim.
King Amodo was glad for this mark of recognition and hoped
for the gradual return of the provincial kings to their allegiance.
He therefore made Ojo take a solemn oath that he would ever be
loyal to him. His Majesty strictly charged him against making
any league with Edun the rebel chief of Gbogun through whose
town he must pass to reach his home at Ikoyi. This charge was
occasioned by the treacherous conduct of Edun at the Kanla
war by which the Alafin lost the day. "I am a King," said
Amodo, " and you are now a king. Kings should form aUiance
with kings and not with a commoner."
The King justly anticipated what would happen, for when
Ojo the new Onikoyi reached Gbogun on his way home, Edun
sought his friendship and alliance, and pressed him to take an
oath with him, that they would always be faithful to each other.
Ojo stoutly refused to take the oath, alleging that it was unbecoming
for a king to take an oath with one not of royal blood. But
Edun was a man of power, and the Onikoyi was already in his
clutches being in his town and he felt he could do whatever he
hked with him ; ; he therefore insisted that the oath should be
taken before the Onikoyi could leave his town. Ojo was in a
dilemma, his oath of allegiance to the Alafin forbade him to dis-
obey the King's charge, and now he was at the mercy of this
miscreant. He had now no option, the oath must be taken and
the only way out of it the Onikoja could find was to delegate one
of his attendants to perform the business for him, as the fitness
of things required from the inequality of their respective ranks.
The Kakanfo considered this an insult to his dignity, and he
resented it by ordering Atanda one of his own attendants to take
the oath with the Onikoyi's delegate.
Whilst this was taking place at Gbogun, tidings reached Ikoyi
that Ojo had succeeded in obtaining the title from the AlAfin,
220 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
and Siyenbgla who had usurped it therefore fled from the town
with all his party to Ilorin.
The remnant of Ojo's party at home who did not accompany
him to Ovg met him at Esiele with the news that the town had
been deserted from disgust that he should reign over them.
The Onikoyi was too weak to proceed to occupy Ikoyi with his
small party, he therefore remained at Esiele.
A week after this, the Ilorin horse came against Esiele to espouse
the cause of Siyenbgla, and they had seven days of hard fighting,
but finding it not such an easy business to rush the town, as they
had supposed, they retreated home to make full preparation for
a regular siege at the ensuing year.
The siege was accordingly laid in the following year. Esi§le
held out for a long time, being heroically defended by its balogun
Kurumi, and another notable war-chief Dad6 (of both of whom
we shall hear more afterwards) . When they could hold out no
longer, the war-chiefs deserted the town, leaving mostly the women
and children at the mercy of the conquerors. Ojo the Onikoyi
was slain, and Siyenbgla having now no rival obtained the title of
Oniko5a from the Emir of Ilgiin, and returned with those of
his party who went with him to Ilgrin to re-occupy the town.
Thus Ikoyi was re-peopled but no longer as a vassal state of
Ovg but of Ilgrin. The city was rapidly refilled by those of Ojo's
party that escaped the fall of Esiele and they now acknowledged
Siyenbgla as their king.
Esiele also was again re-peopled, as it was not actually destroyed
by war but deserted under stress. The inhabitants were per-
mitted to remain as they were because the siege was laid against
the town on account of the late Onikoyi — no longer alive.
Shortly after this there was a serious complication between
Edun of Gbogun the Kakanfo and Dada the Bale of Ade)d which
broke out into a war. Edun marched his army through Esiel§
to besiege Adeyi, but Fasgla the Bale of Esiele hearing that the
Kakanfo's army was to pass through his town having hardly
recovered from the effects of the late war, and dreading the
devastation and pillaging of farms consequent on such a march,
deserted the town. So Esiele was again desolate, the people
finding refuge at Ogbomgsg and Ikoyi.
The expedition, however, was unsuccessful. The Kakanfo's
army suffering many reverses, it had to be given up.
§ 4. The Gbogun War and Fall of Edun the Kakanfo
Gbogun was the last of the powerful towns in the country
and as the aim of the Fulanis was the subversion of the whole
FURTHER DEVELOPMENT OF THE ANARCHY 221
country, a pretext for war was soon found in order to lay siege
against her.
Abudusalami the Emir of Ilorin threatened the Kakanfo with
war if he refused to pay allegiance to him ; Edun accepted the
challenge and began at once to make a vast preparation, offensive
and defensive.
Ikoyi being already a vassalage of Ilorin and a neighbouring
town, Edun regarded her as an enemy and insisted that it should
be deserted at once or he would take her by surprise. Siyenbola
the Onikoyi sent ambassadors to Gbogun to arrange terms of peace
but Edun refused to hear ot any such thing and threatened to
destroy the town the next day, if not deserted at once as he would
not afford the Ilorins a base of operation against him at such
close quarters. There being no alternative, Ikoyi was a second
time deserted and Siyenbola escaped to Ilorin.
Gbogun was soon besieged by the Ilorins and desperate battles
were fought, the defenders fighting heroically and could not
be overwhelmed until at last the city was reduced by famine and
thus Gbogun fell, the last of the powerful towns of Yoruba.
Edun the greatest Yoruba general of the day escaped by way
of Gbodo where he was overtaken, being hotly pursued by the
Ilorin horse. He had with him a handful of veterans and such
was the terror his very name inspired that the pursuers did not
dare to offer him battle.
The men of Gbodo were torn between two opinions whether they
should afford protection to their fallen general or allow him to escape
in peace. But the pursuers insisted on his destruction, saying ' ' If you
allow him to escape, your lives will go for his life as you will show
yourselves thereby to be an enemy to the Emir of Ilorin." This
decided the men of Gbodo; in order to save themselves they took up
arms against the fallen general and overwhelmed him and his
faithful few, the brave man himself falling under a shower of darts
fighting gallantly at the head of his little band. His head was
taken off, raised upon a pole and carried in triumph to the camp
and from thence to Ilorin ; OdQewu his eldest son and some of
the distinguished war-chiefs who were taken being compelled to
ride behind it in order to grace the triumph of the conquerors.
On the 3rd day after their arrival at Ilorin Oduewu succeeded
in purchasing the head of his father and had it decently buried
to save himself from disgrace.
After the fall of Gbogun, Siyenbola returned the second time
to Ikoyi. Fasgla the Bale of Esiele, who had escaped with his
family and a few followers to Ogbomgso, also returned to his town.
On his way to E§i§le, he was the guest of Siy§nbola the Onikoyi
222 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
for three days. He and his sons Sinolu and Abgsede and his
eldest daughter Omotajo were feasted on the flesh of an elephant
just killed and brought to the Onikoyi. This was regarded as an
auspicious omen.
§ 5. The Pole War and the Death of the Abuousalami
The Fulanis having subdued all the chiefs in Yoruba proper
and reduced the large towns by conquest or annexation, his
ambition led Abudusalami to turn his attention to the Ijesa tribes
for conquest, and hence he sent an expedition to that province.
The Fulanis depended more on their cavalry than on their
infantry, the latter being armed with only a sword and a club.
In a country with primitive forests like those in the Ijesa province
horses were of no avail, and hence the Ijesas chased the enemy in
their mountain tracks and cut in pieces the greater part of their
horsemen. In pursuing their foot soldiers, they cry after them
" Pole, Pole," which in their dialect means Down, Down. From
this circumstance this expedition was termed the Pol^ war.
After the return of this expedition Abudusalami fell sick and
died. He was a successful king who raised the Fulani power to
that pitch of glory which Ilorin has attained.
The late Abudusalami and Shitta were the children of the slave
wife of Alimi and being the two eldest they naturally took the lead.
On their father's death Abudusalami divided his property into
four equal parts, called all his brothers to take each one his portion
beginning from the youngest. His half brothers took theirs
and went away, but as Shitta was about to take his Abudusalami
stopped him and sent him away with a walking stick. With the
slaves and riches of himself and his brother, he kept up his royal
estate and had sufficient means to carry on the war and to effect
the conquest of Yoruba proper and hence at his death the throne
and the property devolved upon Shitta, the half brothers having
no longer any claim. Abudusalami hereby secured the throne of
Ilorin to his own and his brother's descendants to the total
exclusion of the half brothers and the succession to this day
alternates between the family of the two.
The children of the lawful wives (especially those of the Fulani
lady) considered the throne theirs by right, but as they could not
claim anything of the royal estates they were excluded from the
throne as well. Abudusalami was succeeded by his brother
Shitta. Olusi the Bale of Ogbomgso also died about this time.
Chapter X
THE SPREAD OF ANARCHY AND POLITICAL
DISPLACEMENTS
§ I. The Destruction of Egba Towns
We have seen above (Chap. VII) that after the fall of Owu, and the
punishment inflicted upon some Egba towns for secretly befriending
the beleagured city, the camp at Idi Ogugun broke up, and the
leading Ife and Ijebu generals returned home to their respective
masters, but the rest of the aUied armies with the Oyo refugees
were invited by the Ijebus to Ipara, a town of Ijebu Remg.
Making this place their headquarters, these restless bands of
marauders found occupation for their arms in conquering and
subjugating several towns in Ijebu Rem.o under the Awujale of
Ijebu Ode, viz Ode, Iperu, Ogere and Makun.
Pretext was soon found for waging war with the Egbas who were
then living in small villages scattered all over the area between
Ipara and Ibadan. Several expeditions were made from their
base at Ipara, and Iporo, Eruwon, Oba, Itoko, Itesi, Imo, Ikereku,
Itoku, etc., were taken.
The following are the names of the distinguished war-chiefs in
this campaign : — Oyo chiefs — Oluyedun, Lakanle, Oluyole,
Adelakun, Opeagbe, Abitiko, YSmati, Oluoyg, Koseiko, Abidogun,
Apksa, Osun, Laleitan, Bankole, Fadeyi Ogani-ija, Agbeni, etc.
All these chiefs oined the allied army as private soldiers, but
the fortunes of war raised them to positions of great distinction.
Notwithstanding this, they were looked down upon by the Ife
and Ijebu leaders under whose auspices they joined the war against
Owu, and had no voice in their councils. But they were soon to
show their superiority.
Ife chiefs — Maye (the generahssimo in the absence of Singusin)
Ogugu, Derin-Okiin, Labgsinde, Ogini, Aregbe, Olufadi, Degoke,
Kugbayigbe, Oluygde, Epo, Kudayisi.
Ijebu chiefs — Kalejaiye, Amoibo, Osunlalu, Oguade, Argwgsanle,
etc.
Rich with the booty of these expeditions, and finding no fresh
fields of operation for their arms they decided to disband the
army. The Ijebu war chiefs returned home and the Ifes set out
to return by way of Oorun ; the Oygs who had nowhere to go to
223
224 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
accompanied them. There were thousands of Oyos already in
Ife districts.
At 06run (a Gbagura town) they found fresh employment
for their arms when the men of that place refused them a passage.
Another circumstance also occurred which hastened the siege of
Oorun and the fall of the remaining Egba townships.
A dispute arose between the people of Idomapa a neighbouring
town and the Gbaguras about territorial limits which at length broke
out into war and Oluwole the king of Idomapa who was the
weaker of the two combatants asked the aid of Labgsinde one of
the leading Ife war-chiefs, and through him the rest of the Ife
and Oyo war-chiefs against Ajiboso the king of the Gbaguras. The
allies encamped at Idomapa and Oorun was the scene of conflict,
where the Gbaguras concentrated all their forces to oppose the
Idomapas and their allies.
The Gbagura army was swelled by re-inforcement from Ika,
Owe Ikija, Iwokoto. The contest was furious and one Oga
Oh5roagallantwar-chiefgreatlydistinguishedhimself in the defence
of 06run. As long as he could handle his bow and arrows, the
enemy was kept at bay ; but he fell in an engagement, and at the
same time famine had commenced its direful work, and so the
assailants successfully reduced the town.
As their fighting men had all fallen at Oorun the conquest of
all the rest of the Gbagura towns was complete. Oorun when
captured was fired ; being a town situated on a high hill, the
conquerors were able by the aid of the light to pursue their
victory to the next town which they found deserted, and so on
to the next and the next until they reached Ojoh6.
The towns deserted and overrun that night were Oorun, Ijaiye-
maja, Kosi-kosi, Ikerekuiwere, Ora, Ibadan. Ofa and Oje were
also deserted, but the conquerors did not know of this till three
days after as they lay outside their line of march.
From Ibadan they followed up the conquest to Ojokodo Iwohaha,
and Eguoto ; all these places were deserted and plundered in
one night and by the dawn of day they were before 0]6h6. Ojghb
offered a stout resistance and being weary from long marches the
conquerors retired to find a resting place. Of all the towns overrun
the previous night, Ibadan alone they found not destroyed by
fire, and so this marauding band hastily occupied it, the
war-chiefs taking possession of any compound they chose, and their
men with them and thus Ibadan was again re-peopled but not by
the owners of the town, but by a composite band of marauders,
consisting of Oyos, Ifes, Ijebus, and some friendly Egbas, Maye
a bold and brave Ife chieftain being their leader. Next to him
THE SPREAD OF ANARCHY AND POLITICAL DISPLACEMENTS 225
was Labgsinde also an Ife, but, through his mother, of Oyo descent.
These two leaders were men of different character and opposite
temperament. Maye was of an irritable temper, in manners
rough and domineering, and never failed at all times to show his
contempt for the Oyos, chiefly because they were homeless refugees.
At the head of the Oyos was Lakanl^ a bold and brave leader who
alone of all the Oyo war-chiefs could venture to open his mouth when
Maye spoke. Labosinde on the contrary was most agreeable and
very fatherly in his manners and therefore much respected by all.
Ibadan now became the headquarters of these marauders from
which place Ojoho was besieged and at length taken. At this
time also Ikeiye Owe and a part of Ika were deserted ; the Ika
people escaping to Iwokoto. All these were Eeba villages of the
Gbagura section.
§ 2. Foundation of the Present Abeqkuta
As stated in the preceding section there were some friendly
Egba chiefs who joined the marauders at Idi Ogiigun and at
Ipara, and now they were all living together at Ibadan. The most
influential among them were : — Lamgdi, Apati, Ogunbona, Oso,
Gbewiri, and Inakoju. OgQdipe, who afterwards became a notable
chief at Abeokuta was then but a blacksmith and a private soldier.
Rivalry was so rife among these various tribes that altercations
were frequent, and one led to a civil war. In a public meeting
held at the Isale Ijebu quarter of the town, Lamodi an Egba
chief shot Ege an influential Ife chief down dead with a pistol,
and in the commotion which ensued Lamodi himself was slain.
For fear of the Ifes avenging the death of Ege the Egbas withdrew
in a body from Ibadan and encamped on the other side of the
Ona river, about 3 or 4 miles distant Here also they were ill at
ease and after divination they sent for one Sodeke to be their
leader, and they escaped to Abeokuta then a farm village of an
Itoko man, and a resting place for traders to and from the Oke
Ogun districts. Sodeke was at the head of this new colony until
his death. This was about the year 1830 They were continually
swelled by Egba refugees from all parts of the countr}^ and also
by Egba slaves who had deserted their masters. At Abeokuta the
refugees kept together according to their family distinctions, viz. : —
1. The Egba Agbeyin comprising Ake the chief town, Ijeun,
Kemta, Imo, Igbore, etc. These were under the Alake as chief.
2. Egba Agura (or Gbagura) comprising Agura the chief town
Ilugun, Ibadan, Ojohg, Ika, etc., under the Agura as chief.
3. Egba Oke Ona with Oko the chief town. Ikija, Ikereku,
Idomapa, Odo, Podo, etc., under the Osile as chief.
226 tHE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
Here also the Owus joined them, one common calamity throwing
them together. It was some considerable time after that Ijaiye
joined them, and so by degrees all the Egba townships about 153
became concentrated at Abeokuta, the new town comprising Ijemo
Itoko and a few others who were already on the spot.
Until the death of Sodeke in A.D. 1844 the Egbas never
spoke of having a king over them, Sodeke wielding supreme
power in a very paternal way. Of external relations, very little (if
any) existed, each of these families managed its own affairs, and
there was no properly organized central government.
Even after the foundation ot Abeokuta there were still some
Egbas residing at Ibadan. Egba women also who were unable
or unwilling to go with their husbands to the new settlement were
taken as wives by the new colonists at Ibadan and they became
the mothers of most of the children of the first generation of the
new Ibadan.
From this it will be seen that the current tale of the Egbas
being driven from Ibadan by the Oygs is lacking in accuracy.
Such then is the foundation of the present Abeokuta.
§ 3. The Egbado Tribes
The Egbados are a Yoruba family bordering on the coast.
They were very loyal subjects of the AlAfin^ before the revolution
that altered the pohtical state of the country. The Olu or king of
Ilaro was the greatest king of the Egbados, having about 443
ruling chiefs under him, himself a crowned vassal of Oyo.
The ancient custom was for the Alafin to crown a new Olu
every three years. After the expiration of his term of office the
retiring Olu was to take 10 of his young wives, and whatever else
he chose and proceed to the metropohs, and there to spend the
rest of-his days in peace. There was a quarter of the city assigned
to them known as Oke Olu (the quarter of the Olus).
The parting between these young wives and their mothers
was most touching. The relatives generally accompanied them
as far as to Jiga or Jakg, and the wailings and lamentations on such
occasions were as one mourning for the dead. Hence the sa5nng
^ In the year 1902 the head chief of Ifo died, an Egbado town
about 6 hours distant from Ilaro. Sir Wm. MacGregor, then
Governor of Lagos, asked the chiefs of the town who their overlord
was, to appoint a successor, they replied the Alafin of Oyo. He
was much puzzled at this. He told them he was too far, they
had better apply to the Alake of Abeokuta. Evidently they
at least were not affected by the revolution.
THE SPREAD OF ANARCHY AND POLITICAL DISPLACEMENTS 22/
" A ri erinkan I'Egba iri Olu " (the Olu is seen by the Egbas but
once in ahfe time).
Next to the Olu of Ilaro came the Onisare or king of Ijana,
but his was not a crowned head. The appointment of the Onisare
was also from Oyo, and a Tapa was always selected for that office.
The reason for this is not known. The Olu and the people of Ilaro,
as well as the Onisare and the people of Ijana were so to speak but
one people ; they observed the same national customs, and the same
laws, their national deity was the god Ifa and the annual festivals
in its honour were observed in both places one after the other in
the same month, each lasting for a week, the one commencing the
day after the completion of the other so as to give the people
of both places an opportunity of taking part in each other's
festivities.
The following ceremony usually brought the anniversary to a
close : — ^Both these kings were to meet in a certain place in the
open field midway between the two towns : two mounds of earth
previously raised opposite each other served for each king to
enthrone himself upon, the one turning his back to the other
as they were not to see each other's face. The one to reach the
spot first would sit with his face turned homewards, the other
on his arrival does the same, and thus they sit back to back, each
one looking homewards ; communication with each other was by
messengers. A numerous retinue always attended either to take
an active part in the proceedings or as mere spectators.
This custom served as a bond of union and friendship between
them, a people having identical interests.
The kings of Ijakoand Jiga are called Abepa : they had a strange
custom of standing seven days and seven nights in the seventh
month of the year during the anniversary of their national deity,
after which they may sit down.
The Egbados were a commercial people and of a quiet and
peaceful disposition and. as a result, were considered very wealthy.
They termed themselves "Egbaluw§" to distinguish them
from the Egbas in forest lands (now inhabiting Abeokuta) whom
they designated " Egbalugbo." They traded in kola nuts, palm
oil, and fish. They had very few slaves, and their wealth consisted
in beads and native cloths. From Kano and Sokoto they imported
what they termed Erinla and Esuru beads in quantities, as they
esteemed them very valuable.
The Beginning of Disturbance in the Egbado Districts.
The Ijaka War. A serious complication arose between the
people of Ijana and Ijaka which ended in the conquest and fall of
228 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
this peaceful tribe. War was very foolishly declared against Ijaka
by the Onisare of Ijana which resulted in the defeat ot the aggressor.
There was a rich and influential chief at Ijana called Dekun,
in whom the Ijanas trusted when they rashly declared war, not
knowing that he was a great coward. At the height of the battle
Dekun dastardly gave way and the IjcLnas were completely routed.
He escaped to Oniyefun and those who like himself escaped with
their lives murmured against him, and even insulted him to his
face, calling him " white-feathered," " a poltroon," " the cause of
their defeat." Dekuri was offended at this, and more from shame
than from the insult he resolved never to return to Ijana. He
remained at Oniyefun for a considerable time, until a war
(which we shall notice afterwards) met him there.
On the return home of the remnants of the defeated IjSnas
Dekun's house was plundered.
Dekun afterwards spent several years at Ijaka with whose
king he contracted friendship, and later perhaps in order to avenge
the insults received, he took refuge with the king of Dahomey whom
he asked to espouse his cause. The king of Dahomey destroyed
Inubi where thousands of Oyo refugees made their home ; of these
about 13,000 were children or grandchildren of Oyo nobles or
well-to-do people " whose fathers had kept horses " before the
devastation of the Yoruba country by the Fulanis. They were
all put to the sword by the Dahomians with the exception of one
Ekuola to whom Dekun was under some obligation, and he
evidently interposed and had his life spared. Thus did
Dekun resent his so-called insdlt. Such was the beginning
of the fall of this peaceful Egbaluwe tribe, and the inroads of the
Dahomians into the Yoruba country.
Two years after the destruction of Inubi, the king of Dahomey
took Refurefu by capture in war.
A Short Account of Dekun. Dekun was an Ilari of Oyo, placed
at Ijana by one of the AlAfins as the King's representative.
Instead of upholding the King's interests when the great chiefs
of the kingdom rebelled against their sovereign, he also rebelled
against his master, and made himself great at Ijclna, by appro-
priating all taxes and tributes he should have forwarded to Oyo.
He joined the marauders at Ipara in the devastation ot the Egba
principalities, but at the occupation and settlement of Ibadan he
returned to Ijana, and did not reside with the new settlers. In
one of their expeditions Sodeke was captured by him, and served
him for years as his horse boy. But providence destined Sodeke
for a great position in life and hence he eventually became the
renowned leader of the Egbas to Abeokuta.
THE SPREAD OF ANARCHY AND POLITICAL DISPLACEMENTS 229
Dgkun was rich but childless, although he kept a numerous
harem. There is a story told in connection with him which is
worth recording : —
A woman ot an abandoned character called Isokun had left
her husband and children at Ipokia to become Dekun's mistress.
This woman on one occasion went on a long journey and required
some justification for her prolonged absence ; on her way home,
she saw at the last sleeping place of the caravan, a mother with
her new born babe 3 days old, she quietly stole this babe from its
mother's side while she was fast asleep, and immediately went off
with it. On reaching home she gave it as an excuse for her long
absence that she was enceinte of this child before she left home, and
when she might have returned she was unfit for travelling but
immediately after delivery she was able to hasten home.
Dekun rejoiced that after all he was now a father and to
demonstrate his joy he invited all the principal men and chiefs of
Ijana and of the adjacent towns to a feast held in honour of the
event. Presents poured in from every rank and station for the
child and the supposed mother according to the father's dignit}'
and every care and attention were bestowed on them.
Meanwhile the real mother was in eager search for her lost
baby. She at first supposed that it might have been a wolf
that snatched it away from her side, and consequently she explored
the surrounding woods if haply she might find the bones. Failing
in this she was resolved to seek for it in the town ; and taking it
quarter by quarter she entered every house asking the mothers
to produce their babies, in order to identify her own. On the
i8th day of search she reached Dekun's house and discovered her
baby with Isokun. Then there arose an uproar about the child
and a regular " to do " about the whole affair with assertions
and denials on either side. A proper investigation of the case
having been instituted, and signs of recent delivery not found
in Isokun she was thus brought to book ; the whole truth was at
length extorted from her when her arms were bound behind her
back with a new rope, till both elbows and wrists met.
From shame she escaped from Ijana to her former home at
Ipokia where she had left her sons and daughters to become
D§kun's mistress. Her name was put to vulgar street songs,
being branded as a man-stealer.
Dekun lived in Dahomey till the accession of King Atiba of
the present Oyo who demanded him from the King of Dahomey,
and he was given up. He was charged as a rebel and a traitor,
condemned, and pubhcly executed at the market-place. The
sentence was universally held to be a just one.
230 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
Dekun it seems had a son called Onibudo ; perhaps an adopted
one as is customary with childless chiefs ; his life was spared, but
he was degraded by the AlAfin and the mean title of Agbomopa
was conferred on him and his descendants.
§ 4. The Founding of Modakeke
By the Fulani conquest of all the principal towns in Yoruba
proper, fugitives from all parts escaped southwards and settled
in all Ife towns except at He Ife the chief town. They were in
great numbers at Moro, Ipetumodu, Odiiabon, Yakioy6, Ifa-lende,
Sope, Waro, Ogi as well as in Apomu and Ikire.
Just about the time of the Lasinmi war a Mohammedan at
Iwo called Mohomi invited the Folanis of Ilorin to extend theii
conquest to the towns of these Eastern districts, as the Oyos
were then engaged in a civil war. The Ilorin army accordingly
came and overran the above mentioned towns. The latter made
no attempt at resistance but simply deserted their towns and with
all the Oyo refugees escaped to He Ife their chief town and were
well received and protected by Aldnmgyero (aUas Odunle) the
then reigning Ow6ni of Ife. The most important Oyo chief
amongst the refugees was the Asirawo, the king of Iraw6.
Before long, a feeling of disaffection became evident between
the Ife citizens and the exiles. The Owoni spared the Ife refugees,
but enslaved all the Oyos making them " hewers of wood and
drawers of water " after having murdered the Asirawo their chief.
One ot the Asirawo's sons enslaved was the afterwards renowned
chieftain of Modakeke, Ojo Akitikori by name.
The Oyos built their houses, cleaned their farms and performed
all sorts of menial work for them. This was towards the close
of Akinmoyer6's reign. Gbanlare who succeeded him was more
favourably disposed towards the Oyos, and they now received
better treatment, but this was not for long. Gbegbaaje succeeded
Gbanlare, and the bad feeling and cruelty against Oyos were
revived ; many of them were even sold into slavery. This king
also was soon murdered.
Winmolaje who succeeded Gbegbaaje utilized the services
of these Oyos in repelling the inroads of the Ijesas into his territory.
From appreciation of their services, he was kindly disposed toward
them ; but the hatred and malice of the Ife citizens generally was
so strong that not even the well-disposed could curb the virulence
of the opposite party.
A pretext was soon found again for murdering the well disposed
Ow6ni. Adegunle succeeded to the throne: he was partly of
THE SPREAD OF ANARCHY AND POLITICAL DISPLACEMENTS 23I
Yoruba descent on the mother's side and hence was the benefactor
of the Oyos all his days.
Before he accepted the crown of Ife he made the chiefs take
an oath that they would not find a pretext for murdering him as
they did his predecessors, but would allow him to die a natural
death ; they readily agreed to this request. Soon after his accession
knowing full well the disposition of his people, he took the pre-
caution at once of accumulating ammunition of war, in order to
make himself strong against any attack from the populace. He
was not of a warlike disposition but was rather given to agricultural
pursuits ; hence his nickname " Ab'ewe ila gbagkdk gbagada "
(one whose okra leaves are very broad) from his garden plantations.
The Oyos were by this time growing to be an important section
in the community, having for their chief one Wingbolu a smelter
of iron.
The Ife nature and spirit of the times soon became evident.
Notwithstanding the oath, a pretext was soon found for a
civil war against their king, but he was too strong for them; he
defeated and suppressed all the refractory chiefs among them.
After the civil fight the Owoni called Wingbolu and asked him
why he and the Oyos were neutral at the time of the insurrection.
He replied boldly " Had I been invited by your opponents, does
your majesty think yoa would have proved victorious ? Or if
you had invited us, would not 3''our victory have been more
complete? "
Thinking over these significant remarks the Owoni who had
some strains of Oyo blood in him was resolved not on exter-
minating these Oyos as some others would have done but rather
on emancipating them. He appointed them a settlement outside
the walls of the city deputing one Adewgro to accompany Win-
gbolu to the site and mark out the settlement. On the Oyo chief
himself he conferred the title of Ogunsuwa signifying One whom
Ogun (the god of war) has blessed with a fortune. That has
become the title of all the chief rulers of Modakeke to this day.
By a royal proclamation all Oyos were to leave the city of He
Ife for the new settlement, and accordingly the settlement grew
rapidly from new arrivals every day. The new settlement was
named Modakeke, a term said to have been derived from the cry of
a nest of storks on a large tree near the site.
Modakeke was first built in a circular form as a single vast
compound of about 2 miles in circumference ; the enclosed area
was left covered with trees and high grass, each individual clearing
out a small space in front of his dwelling. This was done for the
sake of mutual protection as no one need to go out of the com-
232 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
pound for sticks or thatch for roofing purposes. Modakeke was
in 1884 a town of between 50,000 and 60,000 inhabitants.
By dwelling in a separate settlement it was not meant that they
should hold themselves independent of the Ifes. They were still
loyal to the Ow6ni.
A sedition was again raised for the purpose of murdering the
Ow6ni for emancipating the Oyos, but he receiving help from the
new settlement crushed the rising completely, and all the ring-
leaders were put to death among whom was the son of a rich lady
called Olugboka.
As Ab'ewe-ila could not be murdered by force of arms, the
Ifes finally succeeded in poisoning him and the first intimation
the settlers had of the death of their benefactor was from the
street song of the Ifes " They are deprived of their King, woe
betide the Oyos."
The late king was denied a royal funeral, and was buried like any
common man and all his slaves were seized b}- the Ifes, but the
Oyos amongst them went over in a body to the new settlement.
Modakeke was soon besieged by the Ifes, but they were repulsed
with a heavy loss in dead, wounded, and captives. The Modakekes
captured aboat 12070 of them, but they had not the heart to
enslave their former masters and benefactors and hence all were
released. Thirty days after this defeat, one Ogunmakin an Ife
chief receiving re-inforcement from Oke Igbo, Modakeke was
again attacked. The Ifes were again badly beaten and
they were pursued right home, and the city of Ife taken
by an assault. The victors now ventured to sell their Ife captives
as slaves, but reserved of their women-folks for wives. The Ifes
escaped to Isoya, Oke Igbo, and other Ife towns where they
remained for many years till about the year 1854 when the Ibadans
were engaged in the Ijebu Ere war. Chief Ogunmola of Ibadan
sent messengers from the camp to negotiate terms ot peace and
bring the Ifes home, as it would never do to let the cradle of the
race remain perpetually in desolation and the ancestral gods not
worshipped. Kubusi was the then reigning Owoni who could no
longer remain in exile, but promised that if allowed to return
home the past would be obliterated ; no restitution of anything
will be demanded of the Modakekes, not even of their wives who
might have been appropriated.
But no sooner did they return home than all the Ife women
deserted their present husbands with all the children born to them
and returned to He Ifg.
Notwithstanding their present relations the Modakekes still
acknowledged the supremacy of the Ifes and by mutual arrange-
THE SPREAD OF ANARCHY AND POLITICAL DISPLACEMENTS 233
ment they had their representatives in the If e assembly. Thus they
Uved together harmoniously till the year 1878 when the whole of
the Yoruba country was again embroiled in war, and the latent
animosity broke out afresh in an open fight, and the If§s were
again worsted as we shall noti e hereafter.
Chapter XI
THE REVOLUTION IN THE EPO DISTRICTS
§ I. The Destruction of the Epos and the Death of
Ojo Amepo
Notwithstanding the Fulani devastations, there were not
wanting still among the Yorubas powerful generals, who could
successfully oppose them if only they would act together. One
such was Ojo Amepo the Kakanfo.
Ojo Amepo was one of the generals of the late Kakanfo Afonja
of Ilorin ; he inherited the lion-like spirit of his chief. After the
fall of Afonja he resided at Akese, where he found employment
for his enterprising spirit in waging intestine wars with the Epos,
and became a great man and a terror in that district. Thus Ojo
Amepo usurped the prerogatives of the AlAfin in that district.
He took Iware, Okiti, Ajerun, Koto, Ajabe, towns near Ijaye, and
he assumed the title of Kakanfo in opposition to Edun of Gbogun
whom, however, he survived (as Edun himself formerly did in
opposition to Toyeje of Ogbomoso) showing the state of anarchy
in the kingdom as there can be but one Kakanfo at a time.
Amepo was a good horseman and an intrepid warrior. Ago
was one of the towns in the Epo district. Oja the founder perished
at the Kanla war as we have already noticed, and the only man
of power then in that town was Prince Atiba formerly of Gudugbu,
and he was in friendly alliance with the Ilgrins and abetted them,
when they were resolved upon subjugating the Epds.
Chiefs Amepo, Salako, and Ojomgbodu were opposed to the
Ilorins, and the latter soon found a pretext to wage war upon
them and to destroy their towns.
The Ilorins encamped at Ago Oja against Ojomgbodu which
was about 6 or 7 miles distant. The Kakanfo at Akesfe sent Dado
his commander-in-chief at the head of a detachment to reinforce
the beleaguered town ; associated with Dado were Adekambi,
Soso, Dese and Lagbayi, all distinguished men. A portion of the
Ilorin army was encamped against Wonworo at the same time, and
the Kakanfo also sent Ayo another distinguished war chief to
protect the place. Both these places were obstinately defended
and, but for the tragedy which befell the Kakanfo at home, they
might have held out longer even if they could not repel the enemy
eventually.
234
THE REVOLUTION IN THE EPO DISTRICTS 235
Amepo the Kakanfo being anxious about his men when he
heard no news from the seat of war, rode out one morning dressed
in his red uniform with only about 20 boys as his attendants.
He took the path leading to the seat of conflict to listen if per-
chance he would hear the sound of musketry showing that his people
were still holding out and the town not yet taken.
He dismounted under a large tree in the fields, and most un-
fortunately for him was discovered from afar by a company
of Ilorin horsemen, who had made excursion into the W6nw6ro
farms, and were returning to their camp at Ago-Oja by way of
Akesfe. He found himself in a predicament all too late, his body
guards were, alas ! too young to defend him, and his corpulency
prevented him from springing at once upon his horse and making
good his escape. So he was slain there under the tree, and his head
and hands were cut off and carried in triumph to the camp before
Ojomgbodu. But before doing so, the Ilorin horsemen rode back
to Akese and called upon the town to surrender under threats of
immediace destruction. The Kakanfo being slain, and the
war-chiefs absent at Ojomgbodu, the town Akese surrendered at
discretion ; but as soon as the horsemen were gone the inhabitants
packed up and deserted the town.
The Kakanfo s army at Ojomgbodu of course did not know
of the tragedy that had befallen their master at home until they
were informed the next morning in the battlefield by the Ilorin
horsemen taunting them. To confirm the truth of their statement,
Amepo s speckled hand which was cut of! was thrown to them
within the town wall for identification. " Know ye whose hand
that was ? We have slain your master ! What is the use of further
fighting ? Woe betide you if you do not surrender at once."
The men were panic stricken and would have fled there and then
but for the presence of mind and brave speech of Dado the com-
mander-in-chief. He said to them " The death of our master is
no reason why we should give way, let us fight like brave men and
not show the white feather." Turning to the besiegers he said
" We are here to defend the town not our master whose misfortune
is only an incident though a lamentable one. You prepare yourself
for a battle to-morrow, for you shall receive such a severe encounter
as you have never experienced before ; you will then know how
brave men can resent treachery." This speech created order
among the troops and the Ojomgbodu people also were re-assured ;
but it was only a ruse in order to make good their escape, for by
daybreak, before the Ojomgbodu people knew that they were
deserted. Dado had retreated with his army in good order and
escaped to Ika-Odan.
236 the history of the yorubas
§ 2. The Occupation of Ijaye and end of Dado
Ika-Odan now became the home of the flower of the army
from the Oyo provinces. The leaders here were the only brave
generals who would not submit under the yoke of the Ilorins,
and who held out still until such time that fortune would veer
round to their side.
These refugees soon became masters of the town, the wives and
daughters of their hosts became theirs, and the hosts themselves
practically their menials.
Everything at home and in the farms was soon devoured as they
lived only by foraging. When nothing remained in the Ika-Odan
farms they extended their operations into the Ijaye farms. When
the I j ayes could no longer endure it, and their farms were nearly
all eaten up they attacked these marauders ; a skirmish ensued
and the foragers finding the men of Ijaye too strong for them, sent
home for re-inforcements.
Kurumi's advice was for conciliatory measures, considering
that these proceedings were rather hard on the people, who
really could not help attacking the foragers. But Dado their
leader was for opposition. " Cowards " said he, " what can the
I j ayes do ? " Saying this, he hastily put on his armour and rushed
on to the scene of the conflict. He was allowed to go on alone,
none of the other war-chiefs followed him.
The foragers seeing their leader coming were inspirited and
put forth more efforts, and he led them to victory. They drove
the Ijayes home, and pressed so closely on their heels that the latter
could not rally to defend the town, but deserted it and fled on, till
they escaped to Ika-Igbo. Ijaye now fell into the possession of the
assailants who did not fire it, but simply occupied it as was done
at Ibadan, each one taking possession of the finest compound he
could get.
Dado now sent to invite Kurumi and the rest of the war-chiefs
at Ika-Odan, and they came and took possession of Ijaye. Thus
that town passed out of the hands of the Egbas, and became an
Oyg town to this day.
At a special meeting convened to consider their future course
it was resolved that they should make Ijaye their home at least
for the present until they could see a brighter prospect of dis-
lodging the Fulanis from Ilorin and then return to their own
homes. They therefore took possession of the lands and farms
along with the houses and proceeded to so.v the farms, lest
famine should follow the present abundance. Thus they became
proprietors of houses, lands and farms not their own. The fields
THE REVOLUTION IN THE EPO DISTRICTS 237
were extensively cultivated, all the war-chiefs with the sole exception
of Dado their leader, paid great attention to agriculture, going to
their farms daily.
Dado was of a more restless spirit and was indifferent to
agriculture. Nothing delighted him more than the rattle of
musketry, for he was never in his element unless he was at the
head of his army directing a battle. He often frightened his
people home from farm, mistaking the volleys Dado ordered
to be fired for an attack on the town. The other war-chiets
petitioned him again and again not to cause such an alarm, but
he usually replied in a haughty manner: " Cowards, were I such
as you I could not have brought you here, when yoi" wished to
negotiate peace with the aborigines."
Casting this at their teeth day by day, his colleagues felt hurt
but were afraid of opposing him till one day Kurumi summoned
up courage to do so and was backed by the other chiefs, a civil
war ensued and Dado was expelled the town.
Dado's Later Career. — To trace the subsequent career of Dado
we have to anticipate some events of history yet to be narrated.
Dado was bold and brave as a warrior, but in his disposition, he
was irritable and very proud. On his expulsion from Ijaye he went
first to Iware, and from thence he crossed the river Ogun going
to a small town near Isede called Tobalogbo. He encamped
outside the town walls with his few followers, and sent to apprise
the Bale of his arrival. His fame as a great warrior having
travelled far and wide the Tobalogbo treated him with every mark
of respect, supplying him and his followers with provisions, and on
the next day he came out with his chiefs to pay his respects to
the fallen general.
Whilst the Bale and chiefs prostrated before this monster
in the act of salutation, he ordered them all to be decapitated !
He and his men then rushed into the town and captured it. He
cared only for the booty and not for making it his residence ;
he, therefore, passed on to the town of Aborerin near Iberekodo
and there he built a house and resided with his family and about
400 men. Subsequently he left Aborerin with his family and
belongings and wishing to try the fortunes of war once more,
he joined an Ibadan contingent under Osun the chief of the Ibadan
cavalry in an expedition in aid of Oniyefun. When Osun fell in
battle, and Oniyefun was reduced by the Egbas, he narrowly
escaped with a handful of his men, leaving his wives and children
at the mercy of the conquerors and escaped to Ijaka. Divine
retribution now began to overtake him for his cruelties and for his
heartless treachery and cold-blooded murder of Tobalogbo and
K
238 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
his chiefs. He lost everything at Oiiiyefun, and from that time
he went up and down the country as a " fugitive and vagabond."
After some time spent at Ijaka he came to Ibadan ; he accompanied
Lakanle the Ibadan commander-in-chief to the Arakanga war
(to be related afterwards) ; on their leturn he went to Ilorin and
returned again to Ibadan. Fortune was altogether against
him He outlived his fame and glory, suffered from penury
and want and was reduced to a nonentity.
After Lakanle's death, having no one to befriend him at Ibadan
again, he went once more to Ijaye. Kurumi was then at the zenith
of his glory, with the old animosity against Dado still rankhng
in his breast. He sent for him one day and as Dado lay prostrate
before him Kurumi ordered him to be decapitated !
Thus the same measure was meted to him, as he once meted
to his hosts of Tobalogbo.
The Occupation of Abento, — Kuriimi of Ijaye was an arbitrary
and domineering chief, and moreover tribal jealousies and clanship
were rife among the chiefs who now occupy Ijaye as they were
from different provinces and townships brought together here
by one common calamity. Kurumi and the Ikoyi chiefs with
him were from the MetropoHtan province.
The notable war-chiefs from Akes^ were : — Ay6, Adekambi,
Ajadi, Sukotg, Bankgle, Lahkn, Aruno-agba-ni-igbe and Oluwol^.
These chiefs from the Ep6 districts could not endure the hauteur
of Kurumi who was backed up by the Ikoyi chiefs. They hold
themselves superior to the Akes^ chiefs. Ikoyi was indeed the
premier provincial city next to the Metropolis, and the Onikoyi
the AlAfin's viceregent, but these chiets seem to have forgotten
that they were no longer worthy of the honour they now claimed
since they have become disloyal to the Crown.
However, in order to avoid a civil war from constant
friction the above-mentioned Akes| chiefs with their men left
Ijaye in a body and retired to Abem6, a town 12 miles distant
(midway between Ijaye and the present Oyg) under the leadership
of chief Ay6. We now have two rival towns, Ijaye occupied
by the Ikoyi chiefs, and Abemo by the Akes^ chiefs,
§ 3. How Ibadan Finally Became a Yoruba Town
The Fall of Maye
The marauders who settled at Ibadan after the fall of Ooriin
and all the Gbagura towns (as we have mentioned above) com-
prised the Ife, Ijebu, Qyo, and Egba chiefs with their men. Chief
Maye an Ife was the acknowledged head of them all. He was a
THE REVOLUTION IN THE EPO DISTRICTS 239
proud, haughty, and irritable man, overbearing to all ; Lakanl§
the Oyo leader (as above mentioned) was the only man who could
speak when May§ was in a rage. The Ifes generally regarded the
Oyos of the settlement as slaves because they were homeless
refugees ; they treated them httle better than they would dogs.
Maye handled them with an iron hand, and denied them every
security either of their goods or of their lives ; they were oppressed
and beaten with impunity.
The Oyos, groaning under this yoke of bondage sought every
opportunity for lifting up their heads, but the very name of
Maye inspired such a dread in all, that no plan could be acted
upon. The bards sang of him as the greatest general of the day,
a man who commanded an amount of dread and respect, un-
surpassed by any, etc. But, like Napoleon after Moscow, " From
the highest to the lowest, there is but one ^tep ;" so it was with
Maye. His fall was sudden and cornplete.
Two neighbours were quarrelling over a piece of ground used in
common as a dunghill, one was an Own man, Amejiogbe by name,
one of May§'s soldiers, the other an Oyo man ; both of them private
soldiers. But as Oyos were treated like dogs, when Maye came out,
he asked no questions about the case, but sided with the Owu
man and simply drew his sword and cut off the headof the Oyoman.
Instantly a hue and cry was raised, and an alarm given that Maye
was putting all Oyos to death ! The Oyos became desperate, and
all flew to arms. Maye was taken aback with surprise to see them
making a dead set at him. They refused to hear his plea for self-
defence, and would not allow him to re-enter his house ; he was
beset on every side and driven out of the town. He escaped on
foot by the way of the present Abeokuta gate and crossed the river
Onk followed by some of the If e chiefs e.g. Aponju-olosun, Aregbe
Deriokun, etc.
After this, the Oyo chiefs began to feel ill at ease, and were the
first to offer him terms of reconciliation. They knew his fame
and valour and were trembling for the possible consequences.
In the afternoon an embassy was sent to him with a humble
apology and petition saying " Our Father should return home, our
Father should not spend the night in the bush." He answered
the messengers roughly and swore by the gods that he would surely
destroy the town and that before long.
The next day higher grades of ambassadors were sent to sue
for peace, and with them large baskets of provisions for himself
and his followers because "Father must be hungry since yesterday."
These were not even allowed to approach his camp, and some of
the Oyos who accompanied him as personal friends sent privately
240 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
to apprise their country-men that it was of no use their waiting
for an answer, the great chief would neither hsten to them nor even
grant them an interview and it was in vain to hope that he would
agree to return to Ibadan.
The ambassadors had to return home to report their ill success
but they left behind all the provisions they took with them in
hopes that his followers would take them away after they had gone.
The chiefs were much disappointed at this turn of affairs and
blamed themselves for their rashness and instructed the ambas-
sadors not to wait for further orders but that by early dawn they
should proceed once more and offer their humble submission and say
that they would agree to any fine he would be pleased to impose
upon them as a condition of his returning home.
In the meantime a meeting was convened to consider what
further steps should be taken ; they decided to levy a tax upon all
the people in order to raise money for the fine. But the messengers
soon returned with a distressing report : — " The master's camp,
has been broken up, the food they carried the previous day was
left untouched, for hawks, crows, and vultures to feed upon, nor
could anyone tell his route or destination ! "
It was surmised that he probably went to join the Egbas at
Abeokuta to raise an army to fight them : but a few days after, a
farmer reported that he saw a broad path leading to Idomapa
in the south. Maye then was the guest of Oluwol^ of Idomapa,
but the people of Erumu invited him to Erumu, offering him their
support and friendship because his calamity was caused by his
espousing the cause of an Owu man. We have seen above, that
Erumu was the chief vassal state of Owu and that to this place the
Olowu and his people escaped when the city of Owu was taken.
They were determined to avenge Maye's wrongs, and with such
a distinguished commander on their side, they hoped to be able to
annihilate these Oyo marauders, the principal agents in the
destruction of their capital city.
Before they were prepared to lay siege to Ibadan, the Erumu
people and their guests began at once to make predatory incursions
into the Ibadan farms, kidnapping also the caravans with corn
and other foodstuffs from Ikir^ so as to cut off theii food supplies
and distress them by starvation before reducing them by war at
the ensuing dry season.
This state of things continued nearly a whole year and during
that time vast preparations were made to crush Ibadan by an
overwhelming force. An alliance was formed with the Ife towns
of Ikir^, Apomu, Ipetumodu and other towns in their neighbour-
hood, and a large army was raised against Ibadan. The Egbas
THE REVOLUTION IN THE EPO DISTRICTS 24T
also were invited as allies, as all have their grievances to avenge
on the new occupants of Ibadan. Two famous commanders
Degesin and Ogini led the Egba contingents ; they marched through
the Ibadan farms in the south to join the main army at Idomapa.
The Gbanamu War. The Ibadan chiefs met this overwhelming
force with courage and determination bat the odds were against
them ; at every battle in spite of all they could do, they lost
ground and the assailants advanced to within a mile or a mile and
a half of the town. The Ibadans in their extremity were obhged
to ask help from Kurumi of Ijaye who readily responded to their
call. They were all one people whom a common calamity compelled
to these parts, and they had to make a new home and defend it.
Kurumi arrived at Ibadan on a Friday, but as Fridays were con-
sidered inauspicious days the Ibadan chiefs suggested that the
fight should be postponed till the next day. Kurumi repHed,
"It is true Fridays are inauspicious, but it is only so to aggressors,
not to defenders of hearth and home." The last decisive battle
then was fought on that day. It was a bloody day. Equal
courage and valour were displayed on both sides, but in the end,
though outnumbered by far, the superior military skill of Kurumi
and the Ibadans won the day. For the Ibadans it was a life and
death struggle, and because it was mostly a hand to hand fight in
which swordsmen proved themselves a match for those with fire-
arms the battle was named " Gba'namu " (grasping fire). Rushing
upon their assailants sword in hand and grasping the barrel of the
gun, the Ibadans averted the fatal discharge of the weapon while
using their swords and cutlasses with effect. Thus the Ife, Owu, and
Egba alUes were completely routed. Several of their leaders were
made prisoners and put to death. Maye the great commander was
taken prisoner by a common soldier, and as he was being led to the
town all the war-chiefs refused to see his face.
It is a common belief amongst warriors in this country that any
war-chief, who ordered a brother war-chief, his equal in arms, to
execution, will surely meet with the same fate at no distant date.
Therefore, although the whole of the chiefs desired his execution
yet no one was bold enough to show his face and order it, and take
upon himself the responsibility for what all desired. Both the
captor and the captive fully understood the import of the phrase
" Let him not see my face." It meant his death warrant. Maye
therefore cried out : " E m.a da a se, E fi oju mi kan alagbk ! E
ma da a se, E fi oju mi kan Lakanle. (Do not take the responsi-
biUty, bring me before a chief ; do not take the responsibiUty,
bring me before Lakanle) . But all in vain, his fate had been sealed
by the chiefs declining to see him, and so the great Maye was
242 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
beheaded by a common soldier. Degesin and Ogini the Egba
commanders also shared his fate.
Chief Kurumi claimed the honour of the victory and hence his
bards sang to his praise "Opa Maye, o pa Ogini, O pa Degesin,
O fi oko ti Ife laiyk " (he slew Maj^e, he slew Ogini and Degesin
and thrust his spear into the bi easts of the Ifes).
By this victory the remnant of the Oyo refugees was saved.
The Erumu War
The victors followed up their victory and encamped against
Erumu. Reinforcements came for them from Iwo, Ede, Apomu
and other places ; the Oyo refugees in those parts joining their
brethren at the siege of Erumu so that the doomed town was
hemmed in on every side : indeed they had to fight from within
their walls. As the besiegers could neither force the gates nor
scale or beat down the walls, they were content to reduce the
town by famine. The most disgusting creatures were used for
food, and even greedily devoured in order to sustain life ! It
passed into a proverb " When the price of a frog came to 120
cowries then Erumu was taken."
The siege of Erumu recalled that of Oke Suna in the fight
between Solagberu and Abudusalami.
The following anecdotes illustrative of the horrors of the siege
of Erumu were told by eye-witnesses : —
Corn planted within the walls of the town wanted but a few
weeks for ripening when the famished inhabitants could no longer
wait for a full corn, everyone helping himself not only to the
immature corn but also the corn-stalks. It was so much relished
that one of them was heard to say that he did not know before
that corn stalks were so delicious and that henceforth he would
ever be using it as an article of food.
Another reported the case of a good-looking and well-to-do
young woman, a snuff seller, at Erumu. Before the war broke
out, her beauty and style always attracted young men to her side
in the shed where she was grinding and retailing snuff. Her stall
was so clean and so well-poUshed that they required no mats to sit
upon, they would just squat on the ground about her. This
well-to-do woman was so famished that she died of starvation
at her stall in the open thoroughfare, and of all her admirers not
one was found to do her the honour of a burial !
Again, another eye-witness among the besiegers related that
whilst bathing in a stream which flowed through the town to the
camp, he often saw myriads of maggots which he could not account
for as if the water bred them, but when Erumu was taken he saw
THE REVOLUTION IN THE EPO DISTRICTS 243
hundreds of putrefying bodies in the stream within the town and
this accounted for the maggots he saw in such abundance lower
down as the stream flowed by the camp.
On the town being taken the Oluroko (or king) of Erumu and
the king of Idomapa were caught and slain. Also the Olowu
was now caught who (cLs was related above) escaped thither when
the city of Owu was destroyed. Now, he was a provincial King
of great importance, a real crowned head, and his case caused the
victors some embarrassment. No pure Yoruba would venture
to lay hands on a king even if worthy of death ; in such an event
the king would simply be told that he was rejected and, noblesse
oblige, he would commit suicide by poison.
The Olowu, although now a prisoner of war, was regarded
with so much reverence that none of the chiefs would dare order
his execution, and yet they could not keep him nor would they
let him go. His death was compassed in a diplomatic manner.
The conquerors pretended to be sending him to the Ow6ni
ol Ife, who alone may be regarded as his peer in this part of the
country, and he was to be accompanied by one of his own slaves
as a personal attendant and by some messengers to the Owgni
as his escort. But the slave, who was supplied with a loaded gun
as his master's bodyguard, had been privately instructed that at
a given signal from the escort he was to shoot his master dead,
and that he would be granted his freedom and loaded with riches
as well. Thus they proceeded on their way until they came to
the bank of the river Osun when the signal was given and the slave
shot his master dead on the spot ! These "messengers" now set
up a hue and cry of horror and surprise: " WTiat ! You slave ! How
dare you kill your royal master ? Death is even too good for you."
And in order to exonerate themselves of all complicity in the
matter, they set upon the poor slave attacking him on all sides
and clubbed him to death saying " The murder of the king must
be avenged." They then dammed up the river in its course and
dug the king's grave deep in the bed of it, and there they buried the
corpse whilst uttering this disclaimer : —
" O King, we have no hands in your cruel murder. The onus
of it rests with your slave and we have avenged you by putting
him to death, and he is to be your attendant in the other world."
They then allowed the river to flow on in its channel over the
grave. Burying the king in the bed of the river was regai ded as an
expiation made for his murder, because they were conscious of guilt
although they attributed the act to the slave. With such reverence
and sanctity was the person of a king regarded. The divine
right of kings is an article of belief among the Yorubas.
244 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
Such was the end of the last king of the famous city of Owu,
The title is continued by a representative of the family at Abeokuta.
§ 4. The Settlement of Ibadan
After the fall of Erumu the war chiefs returned to Ibadan and
the rest of the people who joined the war as volunteers returned
to their respective homes. It was not till this time that Ibadan
was peopled by Oyos chiefly. Everyone of these war-chiefs
entered the allied army of Ife and Ijebu at Idi Ogugun as a private
volunteer, but they soon showed their capabilities in the various
wars. Oppressed and enslaved by the Ifes, scorned by the Ijebus,
in pure self-defence they banded themselves together under a
leader for mutual protection and notwithstanding the great dis-
advantage under which they were placed, they vindicated their
superiority and at last obtained the ascendancy in the town.
Under such circumstances did the Oyos become masters of
Ibadan. Hence the allegation that it was they who expelled the
Egbas from their original home and took possession of the same is
wholly inaccurate, and the bad feeling which this impression has
created and perpetuated between the two peoples unto this day
is hereby shown to be groundless.
Ibadan then consisted of the central market and about half,
a mile of houses around. The town wall was where the principal
mosque now stands.
Hitherto Ibadan has been occupied as a miUtary headquarter
for marauding and other expeditions, but after this war, at a public
meeting held to consider their future course, it was resolved that
as they now intend to make this place their home they should
arrange for a settled government and take titles. Oluyedun came
first. He was the son of the late Afonja of Ilorin, and as such,
the scion of a noble house. He was honoured and respected by all.
He might have been the Bale, but he preferred to adopt his father's
title of Kakanfo and it was conceded him, not for his valour, but
for his age and dignity, being a survivor of the men of the preceding
generation.
Next came Lakanle " the bravest of the brave." He might
have taken the title of Balogun or commander-in-chief, as he had
hitherto been their principal leader in M'ar, but Kakanfo being
a miUtary title, that of Balogun would be superfluous. He then
became the Otun Kakanfo and Oluyole the Osi Kakanfo.
The others were : Adelakun the Ekerin (fourth), Olumaiye the
Ekarun (fifth) Abitiko Ekefa (sixth) Keiiihe Are Ah ese. To Osun
was the honour given to confer these titles, and he in turn was
created the Sarumi (chief of the cavalry). Only a single Ife
THE REVOLUTION IN THE EPO DISTRICTS 245
chief remained at Ibadan and that was Labosinde, and even he
(as was mentioned above) had Oyg blood in his veins through
his mother. He was very gentle, good-natured and fatherly to
all. Even during the days of Maye the Oyo chiefs had an
affection and great respect for liim as a father. At the expulsion
of Maye when the other Ife chiefs joined him, he took no sides and
hence he was allowed to remain. After Maye's tall he did not
aspire to the leadership of the people, preferring private life to
the responsibilities of government. He was a man who loved
peace; he would never carry arms nor allow any to be carried before
him even in those turbulent days, except in the battlefield. A
bundle of whips was all usually carried before him, as used to be
done before the Roman Tribunes of old, and with this token of
authority he was able several times to disband men in arms
and put an end to civil fights. The combatants as soon as
they saw the bundle of whips coming would cease firing,
saying to one another '!Babambo " " baba mb^" (father is
coming, father is coming). His title now is Baba I sale i.e. chief
adviser, lit father underneath (for counsel).
It will be noticed that (except this last) all the principal titles
were military titles. Ibadan has kept that up unto this day.
Although they seemed to be now settled, yet they really lived
by plunder and rapine. A single stalk of corn could scarcely
be seen in an Ibadan farm in the days of Maye, and although
Lakanle encouraged husbandry, yet the people were so much
given to slave hunting that they could not grow corn enough
for home consumption. The women of those days were as hardy
as the men, and often went in a body — as caravans — to Ikird and
Apomu for corn and other foodstuffs although the road was unsafe
from kidnappers. They supplied the town with food whilst the
men were engaged in slave himting. One company returning
would meet another just going out, and often, an unsuccessful
individual returning would go back with the outgoing company to
try another chance without first reaching home. Ill-luck of one
did not prevent another company venturing out.
At home violence, oppression, robbery, man-stealing were
the order of the day. A special gag was invented for the mouth
of human beings to prevent any one stolen from crying out and
being discovered by his friends. No one dared go out at dusk for the
men-stealers were out already prowling about for their prey.
Thus even the great Maye was once stolen on going out
one night. He offered no resistance but went quietly with
the man-stealer, who, on reaching home, called for a light to
inspect his victim. Finding to his dismay that it was the great
246 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
chief Maye himself, he nearly died of fright. Quaking and trem-
bling he prostrated at his feet and begged for his life. So bad were
those days at Ibadan and so callous had the people become that
if a woman or a child was heard to cry out "Egbkmi, won mu mi
o " (O help me, I am taken) the usual answer from indoors was
" Maha ba a lo " (you can go along with him). The moral and
social atmosphere of such a place as has been described could
easily be imagined. Yet they were destined by God to play a most
important part in the history of the Yorubas, to break the Fulani
yoke and save the rest of the country from foreign domination ;
in short to be a protector as well as a scourge in the land as we
shall see hereafter.
A nation born under such strenuous circumstances cannot but
leave the impress of its hardihood and warlike spirit on succeeding
generations, and so we find it at Ibadan to this day. It being
the Divine prerogative to use whomsoever He will to effect His
Divine purpose, God uses a certain nation or individual as the
scourge of another nation and when His purposes are fulfilled He
casts the scourge away.
Chapter XII
WARS FOR THE CONSOLIDATION AND BALANCE OF
POWER BETWEEN IBADANS, EGBAS AND IJEBUS
§ I. The Evacuation of Apomu
We have seen above that the people ot Apomu being Ifes alHed
themselves with Maye at the Gbanamu war, hence after the
destruction of Erunmu, they were afraid that the next wave will
overwhelm themselves. They theiefore sent an Oyo resident at
Apomu, chief Agbeni by name, to encamp on the further side of
the river Osun as an outpost, to watch and report upon the move-
ments of the Ibadan army.
But the Ibadans were not meditating any revenge on them;
yet they were so ill at ease that they would not even wait for a
report from their outpost, but one chiet after another, one master
of a large compound after another deserted the town for Ipetumodu
till only the Oyo lefugees remained at Apomu.
At Ipetumodu they were however restless ; it seemed unreason-
able that they should be famishing in another town when food
could be obtained in their own farms ; therefore bands of pillagers
and kidnappers issued daily from Ipetumodu to the Apomu
farms destroying whatever they could not carry away. They also
grew suspicious of Agbeni and sent a strong force to drive him
away from the post where they had located him. But Agbeni
was determined to maintain hisground, and he therefore despatched
messengers to Ibadan to ask foi help. Only one desperate battle
was fought between them, and the Ipetumodu men apprehending
danger to themselves if they should wait to offer a second, as by
that time reinforcements from Ibadan might have come, they
retreated hastily home.
The Ibadan army arrived too late and were disappointed to
find the Apomu army gone ; they were loth to return home
empty handed as they lived by plunder, they therefore began to
loot the houses of the residents at Apomu. But these were their
kinsmen, the Oyo refugees who were left behind by the townsmen,
and nearly every one of them saw a friend or a relative whom he
was in duty bound to protect from violence and robbery. These
relatives went over to them and with them to Ibadan. Lakanl^
their leader took away all his, and his friend Agbeni came over also
347
24S THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
with him. Lanase went over with all his belongings to Osun the
chief of the cavalry, and so Apomu became deserted.
Agbeni was located in Lakanle's farm and the site has since
been included in the overgrown town and known as Agbeni 's
quarter to this day with a market in front ot his house. Chief
Agbeni survived Lakanle and all his contemporaries and died
at a good old age in May i860.
Thus the Oyo refugees at Apomu were merged with the Ibadan
settlers, and helped to swell the population of that important
town.
The Ipetumodu and Owiwi Wars about A.D. 1819
The Apomu and Ipetumodu people having drawn attention
to themselves, after a short respite the restless Ibadan chiefs
declared war against Ipetumodu for allying with Apomu to
kidnap the Ibadan caravans, who went to buy corn at Ikire, Iwo,
He Igbo before the Erumu wars. Any pretext, however flimsy,
would do when they were on mischief bent.
It was just at this time that the Ijebus declared war against
Abeokuta, and sought the alliance of the Ibadans. But they
could not send them adequate help and advised the Ijebus rather
to wait a while and let them get Ipetumodu off their hands.
But the Ijebus would not wait, the Ibadans, therefore had to
send them a small contingent under one Olugun^. The last
decisive battle between the Ijebus and the Egbas was the cele-
brated battle of Owiwi (a stream so called) where the Ijebus
were sorely defeated; they lost all their principal fighting men and
their power was completely crushed ! Olugunk with his small force
escaped to Oniyefun a town on the right bank of the river Ogun
where he remained for a long time, apparently seeking for an
opportunity to return home.
The Ibadans on the other hand were successful in their own
expedition, Ipetumodu was taken and those who escaped fled to
He Ife their chief town.
§ 2. The Fall of Ilaro and Ijana
During the siege at Owiwi the Ijebus sought and obtained
the alhance of the Egbaluwe kings. Abinuwggbo the Onisare
of Ijana sent his forces under the command of two of his war-chiefs
Lapala and Ajise ; the only war-chief remaining at home was Akere
the Areagoro. Lapala fell in battle and the command devolved
upon Ajige alone.
The Ilaros sent no re-inforcement because of a great disaffection
among the people towards their Olu on account of his t5n-annies.
WARS FOR THE CONSOLIDATION AND BALANCE OF POWER 249
For a small matter which he might very well pass over, he would
impose exorbitant fines, hence the affection ot his people was
alienated from him and they were seeking an opportunity for
his overthrow. His was a long reign, for this age of anarchy, and
he did not retire to Oyo after three years, like his predecessors,
to spend the rest of his days there as was customary. He
became lame on both his feet, from poison by his people as was
alleged.
A private message was sent to the Egbas by the people inviting
them to come and rid them of their tyrant, thinking they would
come and simply remove the Olu and leave them in peace. The
Egbas thereupon sent from Owiwi a detachment of 134 men
under chief Angba who entered Ilaro without opposition, fired
it, and began to kill and plunder indiscriminately ! As the Egbas
cared more for booty than for captives the Olu (their principal
objective) had an opportunity for making his escape to Ifoin,
being borne on a litter by his slaves, while most of the Ilaro people
escaped to Ijana. A bride was said to be so frightened by the hasty
flight that she fell down dead at the gate of Ijana, and was buried
behind the house of one Tagi the gate-keeper.
They had scarcely had breathing time here when news came
that the Egbas had gained a victory over the Ijebus at Owiwi
and a rumour gained ground that they were coming to take
vengeance on the 'Luwes of Ijana for allying themselves with the
I j ebus. The consternation became general when Ajise the surviving
war-chief arrived home. Neither the Ilaro refugees, nor the Ijana
people themselves could stay in the town any longer, all sought
safety in flight, and so Ij§,na was deserted. The flight took place
on a dark and stormy night, and hundreds of people were groping
in darkness trying to find the way to the town gate. Fortunately
it was only a rumour or the Egbas might have met them within
the town for at break of day the dawn found them at Dekun's
quarters late of Ijana.
Ak^re the Areagoro the only war-chief left at home instead of
preparing for the defence of the town deluded the people by having
three lighted lamps burning at the three entrances to his house
making it appear as if he was still at home whereas he had already
escaped.
An incident of interest occurred during this flight. A child
of about 3 years of age was found the next day at Afehinte weeping,
its mother having disencumbered herself ot it in her flight. A
kind-hearted man Ajayi by name took it up from pity and carried
it in his arms wherever he went. They did not meet the Areagoro
at Refvu-efu but joined him at Osoro ; there the heartless mother
250 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
seeing the child with Ajayi, claimed it but Ajayi refused to give it
up till it was duly ransomed.
The refugees left Osoro for Ifoin where they met the 01 u and
here they were resolved to wait and offer some resistance in case
of an attack, as they were afraid to proceed to Porto Novo. The
Olu, however, left Ifoin for Itoho his maternal town, where he
would wish to die ; here Sodeke with an Egba army met him and
he was taken with his family and slain. One Okete the executioner
carried the head about at Refurefu for money ; at the gate of
whomsoever the Olu's head was placed Okete received 3 heads of
cowries before removing it. It was brought to Abeokuta and was
buried at the threshold of the main entrance to Sodeke's house.
vSodeke took Ayawo the Olu's daughter to wife, but she had
no child by him. After Sodeke's death she was " inherited "
by Somoye, who subsequently became the Basorun of Abeokuta.
She went with him to the late Ijaye war and was taken captive
when Ijaye fell on the 31st March, 1862. The captor gave her
up to Chief Ogumgla. She was sent back to her husband in the
year 1865 and was the means of reconciliation between Ibadan
and Abeokuta, after the return of the latter from the Ikorodu
war. The accounts of these wars will be given below in due course.
After Somoye's death Ayawo refused the hand ot Chief Ogundipe
and went back to her early home at Ilaro where she died.
After the death of the Olu Asade at Itohg the Ilaro refugees
at Idggo near Igbeji created another Olu, Ojo Kosiwon by name.
For 19 years he reigned at Idogo and after his death there was an
interregnum of many years.
Ilaro was, however, again repeopled but under Egba suzerainty,
who created one Tela the Olu in 1857. Ilaro continued under
the Egbas till the year 1891 when they gave themselves over to
the British Government on account of the incessant raids and
molestations of the Dahomians from which their Suzerain failed
to protect them. They now form a Protectorate in the " Western
Waters " of Lagos.
§ 3. The Oniyefun War
After the return of the Ibadans from the Ipetumodu war,
hearing of the disaster at Owiwi, and that their contingent under
Oluguna had escaped to Oniyefun and was there hemmed in by
the Egbas, some of the war-chiefs headed by Osun the chief of the
cavalry, and Elepo also a great warrior, decided to go to their
rescue. But Oluguna was met rather on the offensive, waging
a desultory warfare in Egba territory. Being now re-inforced
from home he commenced regular operations against the small and
WARS FOR THE CONSOLIDATION AND BALANCE OF POWER 251
weaker Egba towns such as Imosai, Iboro, and Jiga. Jakg was
deserted and these marauders were infesting the Isaga farms
and wou)d have taken Isaga had not the Egbas sent a strong
force to protect the place.
After a short time, however, Elepo left them and returned
to Ibadan and with him nearly all the other war-chiefs, as he was
a man of great power and influence.
The army at Oniyefun being now considerably reduced in
number, the Egbas attacked it in full force ; several battles
were fought and the Egbas gained an advantage at every engage-
ment. They succeeded in cutting off all supplies and in laying a
close siege against Oniyefun. All the Ibadan common soldiers
under colour of going foraging escaped from the doomed town
one by one never to return, but the war-chiefs themselves, with
their immediate followers and bodyguards, could not leave without
attracting attention or creating a panic and a rush, with an
immediate destruction of the town. Osun fell in an engagement ;
being shot through the head he tumbled off his horse. Sogunro was
wounded and Dado — late of Ijaye — who was also there, prevented
Sogunro being taken to Jako as an invalid, lest they should lose
the services of his fighting men. Dado remained the only war-
chief in command, but he was no longer the commander he once
was before his fall. He held out for only five days longer, and then
left Oniyefun secretly with the other war-chiefs and escaped to
Ibadan, leaving Oniyefun at the mercy of the invaders.
The Ibadan war-chiefs who fell at Oniyefun besides Osun were :
Sogunro, Keji, Ilupakin, lyanburu, Otopo, and Esan.
§ 4. The Arakanga or Jabara War
The Ibadan war-chiefs were indignant at the fall of their
comrades at Oniyefun, especially Osun who was held in high
esteem, and were bent on avenging his death. This was really
the cause of the Arakanga war, and not in order to show that
they were more powerful than the Ijebus as some have erroneously
averred.
In this expedition they secured theallianceof Kurumiof Ijaye and
Ayo of Abemo, whose contingent met the Ibadan army at Olokemeji.
This expedition was one of the most stupid ever undei taken
by the Ibadans. Divided counsels prevailed and therefore no
adequate preparation was made, one half of the so-called kegs of
gunpowder carried before the chiefs contained nothing but
yam flour, thereby deceiving the people who followed them. Some
asserted that the Egbas were more afraid of poisoned arrows than
of ballets and therefore never supplied themselves with fire-arms.
252 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
Others went just mechanically because they were obliged to go, but
without any preparation. We may here notice that this is how
the junior chiefs behave when the war is unpopular, for they dare
not remain behind when the head-chiefs march out.
They marched out through the Ido gate and encamped by the
Ogun river at Olokemeji for a long time till their stores were
exhausted, and before the enemy was in sight ! Meantime their
wives used the empty kegs as water pots.
After a long time they pushed forward towards Abeokuta, and the
Egbas met them a great way off. Four hard battles were fought
and the Egbas retreated to Arakanga, a river behind their town
wall. Here the Ibadans found themselves with their powder
exhausted and no time to procure more from Porto Novo or
Ado ; the arrows some depended upon were found to be of little
use. Adekambi the war-chief sent from Abemo was the first
to return home being disgusted at the conduct of the war. With
him went a good many war-chiefs, and recruits which they met
on their way back also returned home when they heard the ill
report of the campaign.
Five days after Adekambi had left the Egbas appeared in
full force, determined on death or victory. At a given signal by
the sound of their god Or6 to which they responded with a shout,
they made a sudden dash and attacked the enemy vigorously,
cutlass in hand.
With their powder exhausted some of the Ibadans resorted
to the gourd bark planted all over the battlefield, and with this
they pelted their assailants. From this ciicumstance the
campaign was termed the " Jabara war." At the height of the
battle, Bada Akeyan one of the chief swordsmen fell ; and when
another chief named Adelakun was mortally wounded, the Ibadans
gave way and the rout was general and complete.
This desperate method of attack — cutlass in hand — is the peculiar
method of the Owus, the bravest element in the new settlement,
and the honour of the victory was theirs.
The Egbas however had not the courage to pursue their victory
to any extent seeing amongst the war-chiefs many of those who had
but recently driven them to Abeokuta : "a lion at bay " may
prove a dangerous customer to tackle. The Ibadans instead of
escaping home by the direct route went by way of Ijaye, being
suspicious of the Ijebus.
§ 5. The Onidese and Oke Isero Wars
After a short period of rest Kurfimi the chiei of Ijaye invited
the Ibadans to an expedition against Onidese. He gave as a
WARS FOR THE CONSOLIDATION AND BALANCE OF POWER 253
reason for this war that they were troublesome to him, but as a
matter of fact, it was from pure jealousy at the growing importance
of the people of that place and that of their neighbours of He Ode
famous for their poisoned arrows.
Seeing the overwhelming force from Ibadan and Ijaye, Owoko
the chief of Ode was so terrified that he deserted the town with his
people and escaped to Onidese, but this place was besieged and
taken. Sejo the chief of Onidese and Owoko of He Ode were
both taken together.
Oke I§ero. — The following dry season the Ibadans captured
Oke Isero for no alleged cause of grievance but simply out of a
desire for slave raiding. The people of this place were quiet
agriculturists. Ibadan and other towns were fed with yam flour
exported from this place.
§ 6. The Iperu War
After the defeat of the Ijebus by the Egbas at Owiwi there was
a series of desultory warfare between them with little or no success.
Neither of them could encamp or take a town from the other,
neither would- yield though both were tired. Whereupon the Egbas
had resort to a cowardly trick, at once disgraceful and perfidious.
They proposed to the Ijebus of the Remo district who were their
neighbours, terms of peace which these gladly accepted, being tired
of the war, and a treaty was made between them. But while
the Ijebus were rejoicing and congratulating one another in songs
and dances : —
" Omode Ijebu, E ku ewu
Agba Ijebu, E ku ewu
Ote yi jaja pari o ! "
(Young folks of Ijebu, we congratulate you
Old folks of Ijebu, we congratulate you.
This long-drawn war is at an end at last).
Suddenly, the Egbas who had lain in ambush sprang upon them
and began to make captives of them. Makun and other towns
were taken and destroyed and Iperu was besieged. The Ijebus
beingharassedandgreatly straitened sent to Ibadan for help. All
the war-chiefs were sent forward except Lakanle the Commander-
in-chiet, who remained at home with the aged Oluyedun the
Kakanfo, and the venerable Labgsinde the Baba Isale.
The Egbas proved too strong for the allies, and all their efforts
to raise the siege of Iperu were fruitless. The difficulty of pro-
visioning a besieged town without stores at the best of times
and with a large access of auxiliaries proved insurmountable. The
254 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
allies lost several battles and the Egbas hemmed them in very
closely. Iperu was nearly taken when the Ibadan allies sent
home to their commander to come at once to their rescue as all
hopes of deteating the Egbas were gone.
Lakanle responded to the call of his people and took the field
in person. On his arrival at Iperu he assumed no lofty airs nor
did he allow one word of reproach to fall from his lips. On the
contrary he praised the war-chiefs and harangued the men as
follows : — " Fellow countrymen and companions in arms, I am
not more surprised at your valour and prowess than at your
chivalry in inviting me to share with you the honours of the field.
For what can I do singly without your aid ? I know your love and
esteem for me and that you only wish for me the honour and fruits
of the victory ; I am come therefore to grant you your hearts'
desire and lead you on to victory. Be assured also that I.
reciprocate your feelings of love towards me, for since your
absence from home I have entered every compound now and
again to ask after the welfare of your families and I am this day
able to assure you that they are in good health.
I have gone the round of all the farms and when I saw any over-
grown with weeds and learnt that the owner was at the seat of
war, I ordered the farm to be immediately cleaned. I am now able
to assure you also that your farms are in good order and your
families in good health. Be of good cheer my brave men and by
this time to-morrow let victory crown our efforts."
The soldiers gave long and loud shouts of "Muso, Muso, Muso."
They made the heavens reverberate with their shouts and were
heard at a very great distance.
When the Egbas heard that Lakanle had reached the camp
they extemporized a ditty including his name : —
" Nigbati a ba pade t'awa ti Lakanle
Igi t'o ba se oju re a wl o ! "
(When we do meet, ourselves and Lakanle
The trees that witness the sight shall tell the tale.)
And so it was. It must here be admitted that since the Egbas
have been driven to Abeokuta and have had almost constantly
to engage in wars both offensive and defensive against the Oygs
in one direction, Ijebus in another, and the Egbaluwe provinces,
they have developed a wonderful aptitude for fighting, and capable
generals have been thrown up amongst them. A most sanguinary
battle was fought the next day, and so great was the courage which
the presence of their commander-in-chief infused into the Ibadan
soldiers, and with such skill were they led that the tide of victory
WARS FOR THE CONSOLIDATION AND BALANCE OF POWER 255
turned in their favour that day. The Egbas were utterly defeated
but their skilful commanders encouraged them to keep up the fire
until sunset so as to be able to retreat in good order. Moreover
they also tried to prevent a panic among their soldiers by not
allowing the bodies of the wounded and the slain to be taken to
the camp or to lie scattered about in the battlefield, and so they
made a pile of the corpses so as to have the field cleared up. But in
spite of it all, the Egbas could not hold on till the evening ; they
were completely routed and Lakanl^'s victory was decisive.
In the pursuit, Lakanl^'s attention was drawn to the pile of
corpses, and for the first time his lion-like heart was m.elted by
the dreadful carnage, and the following exclamation escaped
from his lips "Are these the bodies of mortals once born of women? "
" Of course they are " retorted a private soldier " and whose
work it was but yours? Was there any such butchery seen before
you came into the camp ? " The great general turned away quietly
without uttering a word more.
Thus Iperu was saved to the great disappointment of the Egbas
and this they afterwards expressed in their street songs : —
Ki a ko Iperu ki a ko Ode
Ni Barapa ru imu re de
(Iperu and Ode we had all but taken,
When officious Barapas came poking their noses.)
§ 7. The Fall of Ota
The Egbas at this time were equally as restless as the Ibadans
waging a series of wars with the surrounding tribes, A serious
complication arose between them and the Otas about this time
which resulted in the latter place being besieged by them.
Ota is the name given to a small town and clan of the Awori
tribes situated about 24 miles north of Lagos. They are usually
reckoned amonst the Egbaluwes.
Prince Kosoko of Lagos was an ally of the Otas and it was he
who asked the help of the Ibadans in defence of Ota.
A force was sent from Ibadan under the command of Oliiygle
the Osi. He made Ipara his headquarters and sent two war-chiefs
Elepo his own lieutenant and Inakoju the Seriki with some minor
war-chiefs to the scene of conflict ; these encamped at Agerige,
Lagosward, from which place they marched to Ota when there
was to be a fight.
The Egbas fought bravely but the besieged defended their town
most heroically assisted by their ally. The Egbas in order to
harass the allies began kidnapping the Ibadan caravans, who were
supplying them with provisions from home, as there was none to
256 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
be got locally, so that the station at Ipara coiild not supply that
at Ageiige. Lakanle hearing this at home left the town and
stationed himself at Ikija, from which place he sent escorts with the
weekly caravans to Ipara ; by this means Agerige was also relieved
and communication established with Ibadan.
The Otas are known to be an obstinate people, and in the defence
of their homes every man amongst them was a hero ! The Egbas
had nearly given up the campaign in despair ; a good many of the
war-chiefs had returned home and others became rather listless,
but for the shame of being baulked by such a small clan which
kept them in the field, the whole undertaking would have collapsed.
But the situation was improved by the diplomacy of one of the
Egba chiefs ; he advised that unbounded licence be granted to
the soldier}' in the field to gratify their passions in any manner
they liked with impunity, himself setting the example : the amount
of bravery displayed under fire, was to be the measure of indulgence
in the camp. The device proved successful, the camp was
refilled with characters of all sorts, and the campaign was prosecuted
with renewed vigour. The small town was hemmed in on all sides
and famine effected what the sword failed to accomplish.
When their Ibadan allies saw that the Otas were not likely
to hold out much longer, and that it was with difficulty they could
obtain supplies from home, they left Agerige secretlj' and hastened
homewards.
Ota was at length taken by the Egbas and they wreaked their
vengeance on the inhabitants so mercilessly, especially on the men
for their obstinate resistance, that the clan was nearly extinguished
altogether. From that time to this Ota has been subjected to
the Egbas.
The Ibadan contingent under Elepo and Inakoju met Oluyole
at Ipara. Whilst here, a most pernicious plot was hatched with
consequences so far-reaching and so disastrous resulting in repeated
civil fights at home, until nearly the whole of the important war-
chiefs perished one after another. Oluyole aspiring to the position
of commander-in-chief planned a scheme by which Lakanlfe
and Bankole his lieutenant should be wiped out, but the plot was
discovered and it aroused great indignation at Ibadan. There
was a determination that he should not be allowed to re-enter
the town and steps were taken to prevent it. All the other chiefs
returned one by one.
It was due to his friend Elepo alone that Oluyole re-entered
Ibadan. He kept him informed of all that was taking place at
home. Oluyole remained out but kept advancing by small
stages, with the connivance of Elepo, till one night he entered by
WARS FOR THE CONSOLIDATION AND BALANCE OF POWER 257
the town gate from another direction. Once at home E16po
prevailed on all the senior Chiefs to forbear with him and
pardon him.
Then Oluyole's men began firing a feu de joie but with guns
charged with bullets, directing them towards Lakanle's house,
and Lakanle's men returning the compHment did the same towards
Oluyole's, the houses of the principal war-chiefs ranging round the
central market. This continued for several days, the chiefs of
both sides taking no part, but leaving the skirmishing to their boys.
The tension of affairs affected the whole town, all business was at a
standstill, till Labosinde the Baba-Isale came forward with some
elderly chiefs and put a stop to these proceedings.
This pacification however lasted but a short time, for soon
afterwards there arose a complication between Oluwaiye, one
of Lakanle's lieutenants and one of Oluyole's men. This developed
into something approaching a civil fight, the town was soon in an
uproar. Then Bankole unarmed approached Oluyole's men, and
with soothing words was urging them to desist, and not to disturb
the recently made peace, when one of Oluyole's men levelled
his gun at him for interfering and shot him down dead ! This
was a signal for a civil fight in the heat of which Oluwaiye fell.
Thus Lakanle was deprived of both his lieutenants, and Oluyole's
party gained the upper hand ; Lakanle had to take refuge with his
old friend Agbeni at his quarters.
Oluyole now obtained the object of his ambition, and would not
listen to any adjustment of affairs except the death or expulsion of
Lakanle. The brave man hearing this put an end to his own
life by ripping his bowels open with a jack-knife, and passing the
entrails around his own neck. In a few minutes he expired
in the arms of one of his men.
Thus Oluyole became supreme at Ibadan.
Chapter XIII
THE LAST OF KATUNGA THE GREAT METROPOLIS
AND THE END OF A DYNASTY
§ I. Final Efforts to Throw off the Fulani Yoke
The Metropolis had long been left to herself whilst great and
stirring events had been taking place all over the country. The
outcome of the rebellion of the chiefs and the revolution Was the
foundation of modern Ibadan, Abeokuta, Modakeke, the occupation
of Ijaye, Abemg, the destruction of the city of Owu, and the fall
of many ancient towns in the plain, and above all the ascendancy
of Ilgrin under the ravaging foreigners.
That such important events as these should take place, one
after another, altering the face of the country, and the King
not be able to promote or retard the accomplishment of any —
a King only in name, the direct descendant of absolute monarchs
and deified heroes— could not but be a matter of pain and grief
to the sovereign. Added to all this was a great calamity which
befel him at home, one that distressed him sore and accelerated
his death. A fire broke out in the palace and all efforts to arrest
its ravages failed, and most of the accumulated treasures of his
ancestors were consumed in the conflagration ! Great efforts were
made to remove some to out-houses away from the direction of
the flames, but unfortunately by a turn of the wind, those out-
houses also caught fire and everything was lost !
Between the distress caused by the Ilorins now masters of the
country, and the destructive fires the King died of a broken heart.
Prince Oluewu was elected his successor with the general consent
of the nobles and the King-makers.
Oluewu was said to be a prince comely in person, but all too
conscious of his own dignity and importance ; haughty and irritable
in temperament. His one aim and determination was to recover
his dominions from the Fulanis first, and then subdue all his
refractory chiefs.
Soon after Oluewu 's accession, Shitta the King of Ilgrin, required
him to come to Ilgrin in person to pay homage to him as his vassal.
But Oluewu was unwilling to go ; however, his great chiefs, and
especially Prince Atiba of AggOja brought pressure and entreaties
258
THE LAST OF KATUNGA THE GREAT METROPOLIS 259
to bear upon him, and he was prevailed upon to accede to the
wishes of the conqueror in order to save the capital and the remnant
of the towns that still paid their allegiance to Oyo.
Shitta received him with every mark of honour and distinction;
but all the same, the shame and disgrace of it all, with unutterable
resentment rankled in the breast of King Oluewu. The
Gbedu drum was beaten before him as he went, and also on his
returning. Shitta's attention was drawn to that particular drum
and he asked some questions about it. When he was told it was
a royal drum beaten before the ICing alone, he ordered it to be
taken away, saying " There cannot be two Kings in my dominion
but one only, and that is myself."
Oluewu felt his humiliation keenly and was resolved to resent
it at all cost or die in the attempt. But that was not all ; the Emir
of Ilorin sent Jimba one of his head slaves after Oluewu to ransack
the palace at Oyo and to bring away anything of value he could
lay his hands upon so that Oyo may not be said to have anything
which Ilorin has not. This Jimba did, and among other things
removed were the 100 brass posts in the long corridor of the palace
erected by King Aganju.
Again, a short time after, Shitta required the Alafin of Oyo
to come over to Ilorin to perform the ceremony known as " tapping
the Koran," in order to become a true Moslem, but the AlAfin
was resolved never to go to Ilorin a second time come what may.
The chiefs urged him to do so in vain. However, Akioso the
Basorun and Ailumg the Asipa went, against the express order of
the King forbidding them to go ; and on account of this he was
resolved to punish them, although they were too powerful for
him to order their execution at once.
The AlAfin's refusal to go to Ilorin being considered an offence
to Shitta, the latter sent an army with Lanloke the chief of Ogodo,
which ravaged the suburbs of Oyo and the city itself was
threatened. At this crisis the AlAfin invited the aid of the
Baribas, to assist him in subduing his enemies " within and
without." Those within were the Basorun and the Asipa who
went to Ilorin against his commands.
On a fatal morning the Basorun and the Asipa went with the
other noblemen to a council at the palace gate, for consultation
about the impending Ilorin war, and the defence of the city.
Whilst there, they heard that the Baribas were entering the city
by the Modahade gate. Thinking that they were invited by the
King merely to help to defend the city, the A§ipa rode to meet
them and was according them a hearty welcome in the usual
manner of men on horseback shaking the fist, when all of a sudden
260 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
a shower of darts came pouring down upon him, and the son of
one Fagbayibi shot him dead on horseback!
The Baribas then pursued after the Basgrun who fled to the
palace begging the King to spare his life. " Ah," said the King,
" why should you beg me now, are you not the master and I the
subordinate ? Why crave your life from your servant ? "
In the noise and confusion that ensued with the entrance of
the Baribas, the Basorun managed to escape to his own house ;
express messengers were thereupon sent to his relatives that
he should be kept under strict surveillance whilst the King and his
allies were engaged in the defence of the city, and that they would
be held responsible for his escape. But a family council was held
and in order to save him from a disgraceful death in public, his
relatives put an end to his life by strangUng.
The forces of nature came to the defence of Oyo on this occasion.
There was a great storm, and whether it was due to the great
number of gUttering Swords and spears brandished, or whatever
may have been the cause, hghtning was attracted and so Izirge
a number of men were struck in the Ilorin host that their army
was discomfited, and the men fled away in terror. Oyo was a
great city, which could not be rushed by the Ilorins nor could it be
invested and reduced by along siege, for there was always the fear
that a prolonged siege of their metropoUs by aliens might rouse the
great chiefs of the country to its aid. Thus failing to take the
city, Shitta's next tactics were the subversion of the remaining
large Yoruba towns that still showed any allegiance to Qyo, and
hence Gbodo was besieged. He also succeeded in securing the
alliance of some powerful Yoruba chiefs among whom were the
Onikoyi, Chief Elebuof Ago Oja, and Prince Atibaof the same place.
This last named having resided at Ilorin for some time was well
known to the Fulanis.
The AlAfin again secured the help of the Baribas. Eleduwg
the Bariba king promised to help him not only to conquer the
Ilorins but also to subdue his rebel chiefs. Gbodo which was
closely besieged by the Ilorins was well nigh taken when timely
help arrived in the person of the Eleduwe and his Bariba hordes.
Some of the Yoruba chiefs were serving in the Ilorin army at the
time, notably those of Ago Oja mentioned above, but be it said to
the praise of Prince Atiba that he was acting merely out of
policy, for his soldiers, from private instructions previously
received, were firing only gunpowdei. This was suspected when in
spite of the vigorous attacks of Atiba, his fire never killed or
wounded anyone ; the guns of his men were thereupon examined,
and the truth had to be confessed.
THE LAST OF KATUNGA THE GREAT METROPOLIS 261
The Baribas were good archers, the siege of Gbodo was raised
and the defeated Ilorins and their alUes were hotly pursued.
It was about the month of June, when the rivers were swollen
by rain, and thousands of Ilorin horse and foot were driven into
the river Ogun and were drowned. Elebu the brother and
successor of Oja the founder of Ago found here a watery grave.
He would have escaped death but for the plot against his life.
It is said that the late Oja was a dear friend to Prince Atiba and
the friendship continued all through his life until he perished
at the Kanla expedition ; but Elebu his brother begrudged that
friendship : he always suspected the influence and good faith of
the prince, regarding him as a potential usurper of his family
rights ; and when he succeeded his brother as the Bale of Ago,
there was always friction between them. Consequently on this
occasion as Elebu plunged into the river during the flight and
with great difficulty swam across he caught hold of a Gbingbin
tree that stretched its branches far out into the river, but one
Lohosa who had preceded him and got on to the tree, seeing
Elebu in his exhausted condition, and in order to do good service
to Prince Atiba, cut off that branch of the tree and Elebu was
swept away and was drowned.
Prince Atiba himself nearly lost his life there also, had not
Yesufu his uncle, carried him across on his back and given him
his horse on the other side to ride home.
But the prince and many others owed their life really to Maje
his balogun. The Baribas would have overtaken them at the banks
of the river before they could cross had he not kept them at bay
whilst horses and men were struggling across, and so he gave up
his life to save theirs, for he fell there.
The wreck of the Ilorin army gathered at Bala and Iwo from
which places they returned home.
But the Eleduwe was not satisfied with raising the seige of
Gbodo, he was determined to free the country entirely of these
foreigners, and hence he was resolved to conquer Ilorin. Oluewu
the AlAfin, whose cause he was espousing was right glad and
sent round to invite the co-operation of all his subjects includ-
ing those who were alhes of the Ilorins, knowing that they
were aUies only out of policy, but not wilhngly, and that they
would be glad to be free from the foreign yoke.
But matters were complicated by the fact that most of the Oyo
chief towns in the eastern and western provinces had been subju-
gated by the Ilorins and were vassals of that state. Hence at a
council of war held by the two Kings it was decided that they
should not march straight from Oyo to Ilorin, but make a detour
262 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
by the western province, in order to secure the alliance and good
faith of these vassal states, and thus to collect an overwhelming
army against Ilgrin. Accordingly the Eleduwe sent Jankgrg
one of his war-chiefs to garrison Ago Oja, whose chief was an Ilgrin
ally, and Jegede another war-chief to garrison Otefan whilst he
himself was following with his invincible army in their wake.
The Ilgrins hearing of the threatened invasion were not idle
either, but were making full preparations offensive and defensive.
Jimba the head slave of the king of Ilgrin headed an expedition
of horse and foot to the Otefan farms when they heard of the
garrison there, and brought away several captives. Jimba's
route in going was through the Esiele farms, but was so far from
the town that his company was not seen. On his return he came
through the town and halted at the gate to receive Fasgla the
Bale, who came to pay him his respects. Jimba did not dismount
as he was in a hurry to get away with his captives lest he be over-
taken, for he was sure of a pursuit. On horseback he accepted
the hospitality of a drink of cold water, and before hurrying away
gave the following advice to Fasgla " You are between two fires
and you would be wise to vacate this town at once. I am
just returning as you see with captives from the Otefan farms.
Although you were not aware of my passing through your farms
yet had I been detected, I would have suspected you as a traitor,
and would have punished you on my return although you may be
innocent. And now as I return through your town the Otefan
pursuers will track me to this place and you may likely suffer for
it and we have no means of protecting you, hence I advise you
speedily to vacate this place."
The Esiele people after consultation together decided at
once to follow his advice. Otefan being the nearest large town
and wishing to cast in their lot mth the new conqueror, they
decided to escape thither and accordingly despatched oneBankgle
to apprise Idowu the Bale of Otefan of their intentions. At
Bankole's instance they promised not to desert their home before
his return as they treated him on a previous occasion ; but their
cowardice got the better of them. On returning Bankgle met the
fugitives by the way and this was the third and last time Esielg
was deserted, and is to this day an uninhabited desert.
It was in the month of March 1830, that the Eleduwe accom-
pam'ed by Prince Atiba of Agg Oja and Jatq, Eleduwe's general,
joined the garrison at Otefan the rendezvous of the Oyo army.
Kurumi of Ijaye, the Aseyin of Iseyin, the Sabigana of Igana,
the Okere of Saki and others of the western province met them
there. Here King Oluewu and the Eleduwe pledged the confidence
THE LAST OF KATUNGA THE GREAT METROPOLIS 263
of all the Oyo war-chiefs save the Bale of Ogbomoso and the
Onikoyi, both of whom were in secret alliance with the Ilorins,
although they outwardly professed loyalty to their lawful
sovereign.
Meanwhile, the Emir of Ilorin alarmed by this great host sent
to the Sultan of Sokoto his suzerain for help. The Sultan sent
17 kings under Esugoyi of Rabbah to his aid, and they came
with such an overwhelming force that those of the two kings were
as a mere handful before them. The two kings were besieged at
Otefan by the Ilorin and Niger hosts, several battles were fought,
and they were nearly overwhelmed by numbers. At the last great
battle, but for the courage, wisdom and experience of Eleduwe
theBariba King, the fate of the whole expedition would have been
decided on that day. He fought in the centre, the AlAfin and
Oyo chiefs in the right and left wings. He sent aid to those
fighting in both wings, so that thej, forced the enemy into the
centre, and in one furious charge he bore down upon them and
dispersed them. Esugoyi's army was routed with great slaughter
and fled away in confusion. The victory however, was dearly
bought, for Yenibini, King Eleduwe's first-born son fell in the
battle.
The Oyos pursued their victory too far till they met with a
disaster. They dearly learnt the lesson that in the pursuit of a
foe footmen are no match for horsemen. The Ilorins having
recovered from the panic of their defeat, a body of horsemen
suddenly wheeled round and charged upon their pursuers and
speared about 400 of them, thereby forcing them to desist from
the pursuit. They were then able to retreat in good order, and
made good their escape.
§ 2. Failure. The Eleduwe War
About the month of June, 1830, the two Kings left Otefan for
Adeyi, and thence proceeded to Ogbomoso. Here King Oluewu
sent round to the whole of the Yoruba chiefs to join him in the last
effort to throw off the Fulani yoke. There responded to his call
Oluyole of Ibadan with several Egba war-chiefs, Kurumi of
Ijaye, Ayo of Abem6, Timi of Ede and others. This mighty host
remained here for about six months wasting time. They were
holding councils almost every day as to how best they might
attack Ilorin with success. But here also the future of the expedi-
tion was foreshadowed and the doom of the allied Kings was
sealed. There were two principal causes for this, viz., the rapacity
of the Bariba soldiers, and the imprudence of the Kings.
The excesses of the Baribas made the Yoruba chiefs and
264 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
people fear lest they pass from one master to another and a
worse. The Fulanis weie after all a superior race, but the Baribas,
a race of bandits, as masters would be more intolerable. The
country was literally being ravaged b^ them. They considered
themselves licensed to all the goats in the country. Even when
kept in the inner apartment of the houses, they would get at
them and devour them. Sheep they did not care for, but goats,
say they are traitors and must be devoured. For this reason the
Yorubas termed them " Arun-eran " (cattle devourers) while the
Ilorins termed them Ikoriko (wolves).
Their excesses consisted not only in devouring cattle, but also
in stripping and depriving helpless ones of their cloths ; at length
they spared not even men though they might be armed. Organized
bands would attack and deprive men of all their valuables.
The Oyos could offer little or no resistance because the persons
of the Baribas were held sacred, already being considered the
deliverers of the country.
The following instance will show how sacred their persons were
regarded. One of them attacked an Oyo man, who was not
wilHng to give way Hghtly and the Bariba was shot dead by him.
The Oyo man ran away. So much noise and hubbub were raised
about this, that both Kings rode in person to the spot to see the
corpse. The converse to this might have happened every day
without provoking any comment. But the eyewitnesses of the
affray were so much in sympathy with the murderer that he was
not betrayed, so disgusted was everybody with the excesses of the
Baribas. All this might have been avoided if instead of wasting
time at Ogbomoso they had given the soldiers work to do by
marching at once on Ilorin, half demoralized by two successive
defeats. On the contrary they allowed them time to regain
theii confidence and perfect their defences. Small blame indeed
to the soldiers as each one had to provide for himself, how-
ever prolonged the campaign.
The two Kings were imprudent enough to betray their
feelings. It leaked out that after the conquest of Ilorin all
the refractory Yoruba chiefs who had usurped the King's prerog-
ative would be murdered by the help of theBariba king ; and the
kingdom would again be one under the Alafin.
One or two instances might be given of how the Kings betrayed
themselves.
L. Timi Bamgbaiye of Ede on his arrival at the camp went
straight to pay his homage to the King. Being a corpulent man
the Eleduwe was heard to remark " See this corpulent fellow,
one of those who have made themselves fat upon the King's
THE LAST OF KATUNGA THE GREAT METROPOLIS 265
diverted revenues. Never mind, he also will be dealt with after
the war as he deserves."
2. Above all the others the one who appeared the most offensive
to the Bariba king was Prince Atiba of Ago Oja. He was all
Fulani in his manners. He had resided at Ilorin for some time
and adopted the Fulani custom of being lifted up and helped
off his horse by his attendants, and one of his menials ready
with his sandals so that he might not have to walk barefoot when
his riding boots were off.
The two Kings were one day sitting at a pubUc meeting, and
Prince Atiba arrived late with an august pageantry to the disgust
of the kings and chiefs present, who could not afford as much.
He was preceded by his Junior war-chiefs mounted on strong
ponies, with their attendant footmen ; then those mounted on
larger horses came after, then himself followed on a specially
powerful animal richly caparisoned, with a large retinue. He
was lifted off his horse his sandals being ready for him to
put on, contrary to the etiquette of the country to be shod before
a king. This was disgusting to both Kings and to many of the
Oyo chiefs present, who, notwithstanding the rebellion and
revolution still going on, have yet full respect for royalty.
Olurinde the chief of Sepeteri in the eastern province, could
not bear to see this act of disrespect pass unreproved, so he
went near and pulled off the sandals from Atiba's feet, and thus
reprimanded him : " Know you not before whom you are ? How
dare you be shod in the presence of our King ? " Atiba could
not brook a reproof from a commoner and from wounded pride
fiercely retorted; "And who are you ? And what is that to you ?
The King is my father and, as a prince, I have privileges which
the likes of you can never aspire to. I can even pass by him into
the harem which none of you can dare do ; but who are you ? "
The contention was so sharp that Kitoyi the Okere of Saki had
to interpose begging Prince Atiba to have respect for the two
Kings, to take off the sandals, and not to persist merely for the
purpose of spiting the Sepeteri chief.
The Kings noticed all this and marked Prince Atiba out as one
of those to be dealt with after the war.
Lastly the disaffection towards Oluewu was increased by the
unreasoning stubbornness he displayed to whatever advice was
given him, however good. The Oyo chiefs who were left to guard
the city were kept informed of everything that transpired. They
were very anxious as to the fate of the expedition ; their own
interests were chiefly involved in the fate of the capital. They
were sure the offended chiefs would take revenge and wreck the army
266 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
of which they formed a part. Consequently they sent message
after message to advise the King not to advance on Ilgrin direct
from Ogbomoso but to come by way of Ikoyi, Iwo, Gbogun,
and Sah6 making the attack from the north so that having the
capital and the Niger provinces behind him he might in case of
defeat have safe places within easy reach to retire- upon. And in
order to give strength and force to the advice, they represented it
as the express advice of the god Ifa by divination. Knowing his
haughtiness they sent their messages through the Bariba king,
to whom alone he might perhaps listen ; but as they anticipated,
not even from the Eleduwe would he brook any such advice.
He was for marching straight on Ilorin from Ogbomoso.
Before the army marched out of Ogbomoso the disaffected
Yoruba provincial kings and chiefs entered into a conspiracy to
desert the King and his ally at a critical moment and therefore in
order to apprise the Ilorins of their intentions they sent them- a
parabolic message in soap, camwood, and karinkan (flesh brush)
implying " We are attending the bride to the bridegroom's house."
This was fully understood at Ilorin.
The huge host left Ogboragsg in December 1830 by slow stages
encamping first at Aduin, where they were for nine days. (Ilorin is
but one good day's walk from Ogbomoso). On the tenth day they
advanced to Jayin, thence to Ogele, and from Ogele they encamped
at the farm of one Ajiya of Ilorin. Never before was Ilorin
threatened by so large a force, consequently the consternation
there was great, and vast preparations were made for battle,
offensive and defensive. The face of every man was marked by
grim determination to do his best. The Moslem priests were very
busy making charms and amulets not only for individual self-
protection but also in order to defeat the enemy completely. A
crow, a cat, and a crown bird (the Agufan) with charms tied round
their necks were sent by special messengers to be left in the camp
of the allied armies. These messengers were caught and when
threatened they boldly showed that they despised death and said
to their captors " Take our advice and decamp at once for as for
the yams you are now cooking in our farms it is a question whether
you will be able to eat them before you are^ defeated, and even if
you should, we are quite sure that the survivors will evacuate
them at the Ogbomoso farms."
Shortly after this a company of Ilorin horse surprised a body
of men who went foraging, and the Bariba troops who went out
against them were repulsed, but Prince Atiba whose men were
armed with guns came to their timely aid, drove back the horsemen
and captured a horse.
THE LAST OF KATUNGA THE GREAT METROPOLIS 267
To show the wanton excesses of these Baribas, even after this
skirmish in which they figured so badly, they went unceremoniously
to Prince Atiba's tent and coolly loosed the horse that was captured
and were taking it away ! They laid claim to it not because it was
captured by them, but because they considered themselves now
the masters as it was they who had the first brush with the enemy.
But the Prince was not the man to forego his claims easily, he
pointed out forcibly how, but for his timely succour there could
not have been any question as to the ownership of the horse, for
instead of capturing, they themselves would all have been killed,
or captured. The contention was so fierce between them that
the Alafin had to send a special message to Atiba to forego
his claims and give up the horse for the sake of peace.
The following day being Friday the Kings did not take the field
until 2 p.m., Fridays being considered unlucky up to that hour.
The Kings again fought in the centre in the highway called
the Pakaba road, and located the Yoruba war-chiefs on the right
and left wings of the army.
But Prince Atiba of AgQ and the Timi Bamgbaiye of Edg
did not fire a shot or shoot an arrow before they gave way, affording
the enemy an advantage to surround the two Kings. It was
Oluyole of Ibadan alone who seemed not to have been apprised
of the plot, for he fought for some time on the road leading to Oke
Suna and pressed the florins hard towards the town wall. The
camp was taken behind them and fired before the Kings were
aware of the perfidy of the Yoruba chiefs. There was no alterna-
tive now for them but to fight desperately and sell their Uves as
dearly as possible. The Eleduwe fought with his usual bravery
and exhausted all his skill to retrieve the position if possible, but
he was overpowered by numbers and fell among the slain. His
head was taken off and carried in triumph to the town and exposed
upon the town WcQl.
King Oluewu's heir seeing that the day was lost rode up to his
father and bade him farewell, to meet again in the other world.
Putting spurs into his horse he galloped to meet the enemy and
fought gallantly until he fell among those he had slain.
The Ilgrin horse and foot were in pursuit all night and
unfortunately for the wreck of the Oyo army whilst escaping to
Ogbomoso they missed the way taking one that led back to Ilorin ;
they met the pursuers at a short distance and were all either
captured or slain.
Thus was fulfilled the prophecy of the charm bearers who were
caught, that the yams they were then cooking might be eaten at
the Ilorin farms but would be evacuated in the Ogbomosg farms.
268 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
Lanloke the chief of Ogodo who had always been an inveterate
enemy of Oyo and an active ally of Ilorin, taking advantage of
the absence of the King and principal war-chiefs from the city,
came and attacked Oyo, but he was repulsed by the Ohota nick-
named Ari-ibon-peji eyin, (one whose gun can create a gap in the
upper front teeth) , who was left in charge.
When the news of the disaster reached Oyo and that both Kings
had perished, Lanloke again attacked the city but was again
repulsed. The citizen's fearing that he would receive re-inforce-
ment from Ilorin did not wait to try any further conclusions ;
the great metropolis was deserted, some fled to Kihisi, some to
Igboho, and some even to Ilorin. As it was not a flight from an
enemy in pursuit many who reached Kihisi and Igboho safely
with their family returned a^ain and again for their household
goods and chattels till one Agandangban went and told Lanloke
that Oyo had been deserted, and the latter proceeded immediately
to plunder, and carry away what was left by the citizens.
Thus failed the fourth and last campaign against Ilorin, and such
was the fall of the great Metropohs " Eyeo or Katunga," the
ancient Oyo, still in rains.
Chaptep XIV
THE INTERREGNUM
§ I. Civil War at Abem6
Before the Eleduwe war broke out, a marked disaffection and
rivalry was rife between the two leading chiefs of Abem6, Ayo
the Bale and Okoyan alias Lahan the next man to him.
The latter claimed relationship to Oyabi the late Kakanfo
at Ajase and hence to Kurumi of Ijaye also. This rivalry became
apparent during the expedition, for Lahan out of spite to his chief
Ayg, went over to Kurumi, encamped with him and fought under
his standard as if he was an Ijaye rhan. The disaffection now
became an open rupture and it was evident to all that Lahan was
secretly abetted by chief Kurumi of Ijaye. It subsequently
became known that Lahan and Kurumi were plotting to fall upon
Ayo suddenly and despatch him after their retreat, before reaching
home. Ayo apprised of this, suddenly broke up his encampment,
and by forced marches reached home a considerable time before
Lahan who followed hard after him.
But Ayo instead of entering his house remained squatting on
a mat in the square in front of his compound, close by the spot
where his women folk were dyeing cloths, his horse standing by
his side, and his spear stuck in the ground close by him,
Lahan halted outside the town walls, afraid to enter. When
Ayo heard of it he sent to invite him to return to his house in
peace, but Lahan suspicious and afraid to enter by the main gate
took a circuitous route and entered by the one nearest to his
quarter of the town where he commanded about 200 compounds.
Their designs having now failed Kurumi became very anxious
about the safety of his friend Lahan, and not wishing to leave him
thus at the mercy of Ayg he attempted to bring about a reconcili-
ation between them before proceeding home to Ijaye ; but Ayo
politely declined his interference saying that having just returned
home from this great war it was too early to talk about such
matters. Kurumi thus disappointed proceeded homewards but
first despatched Amodu one of his distinguished captains on
horseback to bid Ayo good bye and to say he would return in a
short time to settle their difference.
Amodu met Ayg on the same spot his horse still unsaddled
but all his men had dispersed, only about 5 attendants remained
L 269
270 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
with him. Amodu having delivered his message returned to his
master, and suggested to him that a better opportunity than this
cannot be had of making short work of the whole affair ; Ayo's
men having dispersed he could easily be surprised and killed.
Kuruni took the hint and made for Ayo ; the latter surprised
to see an armed force coming on towards him, hastily jumped
upon his horse and was ready for action. Kurumi perceiving it
would not be an easy matter to accomplish his purpose, did not
venture upon an attack but speedily wheeled round and left the
town by another gate.
Ayo and his men thereupon became mad with rage and they
fell upon Lahan, fired his quarter of the town, took his men with
their wives and childien as captives of war ! Lahan himself was
spared with but a few attendants, and allowed to shelter himself
in a small house in that quarter which had escaped the conflagra-
tion. Here he spent a most miserable night of grief, remorse
and disappointment, having lost all his family and all his
property.
Chief Oluygle of Ibadan arrived at Abemg only a day too late
to be of any service to his friends, and was very sorry that this had
happened, especially at this crisis. He visited Lahan where
he was to sympathize with him for his misfortunes having a
reminiscence of his own troubles on his return from the Ota war.
He went straight from Lahan to Ayo to effect a reconciliation
between them and the release of those who were seized, contending
that they cannot be regarded as prisoners of war but fellow towns-
men and victims of a civil fight. He further showed the impolicy
of having one part of the town desolate. He succeeded with Ayo
and with some of his chiefs ; some had even set free their own
captives. Thus, in order to assure Oluyole, one Oga appealed
to Kukomi one of his followers in the presence of them all, "Have
I not released mine ? " In the same way one Eku6debe appealed
to one Bankole. The reply in both cases was in the affirmative.
Thereupon one Akilapa and Agidi-ko-ko-iku who had not yet done
so asked leave to go home and release theirs at once. Everything
now seemed to make for a peaceful settlement, when one Ogun-
gbade an Own man then residing at Abem^ raised a strong objection
to the proceedings ; he declined to set his captives free and
declared himself unconcerned as to the results even if it be the
destruction of Abem6 and the loss of his own liberty. Said he
" I am an Owu man by birth, my parents came from the ancient
Owu Ipole to the city of Owu where I was born. The same fortune
that smiled on my parents at Owu Ipole, smiled on them at the
city of Owu, Here am I, fortune is smiling on me to-day although
THE INTERREGNUM 27I
I was taken captive at the fall of the city of Owu. Let Abem6
be destroyed to-day and let me lose all I have and be taken captive,
I shall still be a great man wherever I may be. 'Tis enough, Abem^
may be destroyed in part or in whole ; it matters nothing. We
shall not release our prisoners."
Unfortunately at such a crisis as this, Chief Ayo was in an
inebriated condition, although he was conscious of what was going
on and was able to signify his acquiescence to Chief Oluyole ; yet
throughout all the proceedings and the wicked proposals of the
Owu man he remained silent, and further, he displayed in the
presence of Oluyole some of those disgusting habits customary
with him of soiling himself while in that state.
Oluyole was indignant with Ayo and his councillors and looked
upon them all as a number of fools ; he, however, concealed his
anger, but the whole affair was terminated abruptly and unsatis-
factorily.
About the time of Oluyole's departure however, Ayo was
able to thank him for the interest he kindly took in the affairs
of the town, and presented him with a young woman among the
captives. Oluyole was dehghted with this acquisition to his
harem. She was described as a young woman of great beauty,
of a fair complexion and a slim figure. But the mother hastened
forward with a tender appeal to Oluyole, and prostrating (after the
manner of men) before him, said " She cannot be your wife,
for she is your relative ; we also are of the Basgrun descent like
yourself." Oluyole yielded to her entreaties but demanded 15
heads of cowries for her release; this was paid and the girl was
handed to her mother.
Oluyole left Abemo for Ibadan by way of Ijaye where he spent
5 days with Kurumi, and both of them being offended at Ayo's
conduct the fate of Abemo was thereupon settled and sealed.
§ 2. The Destruction of Abem^
According to the settled arrangement between Kurumi and
Oluyole during the stay of the latter at Ijaye, their movements
were to be kept private as much as possible. Abem6 was to be
taken by surprise in order to avoid the necessity of a siege. The
Ibadan forces were to join those of Ijaye and in order to do this
without their objective being known, Oluyole gave it out that the
Aseyin was paying a visit to Ibadan and that they should go out
and escort him to the town.
As the head chief went outside the town wall, no war-chief
dared remain behind ; hence, all went out according to custom.
They went as far as Ijaye but when they saw the Ijaye army
272 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
also marshalled forth then they knew that they were going against
Abem6.
It was quite late before Ayg knew that evil was determined
against him. He went out that morning to review his troops.
Two of his generals Aruna and Ajadi being accused of treason
were before him, and whilst he was enquiiing into the charge they
were interrupted by the approach of the enemy. The intrepid
warrior at once jumped upon his horse, and dashed into the ranks
of the enemy. He performed feats of valour that day, he broke
through their ranks, had his horse shot under him and himself
wounded in the leg. But he was not dispirited ; he called for another
horse and fought bravely at the head of his people. The men of
Abemg, however were overpowered by numbers, for whilst fighting
braveh' at one gate of the town, the Ibadans entered by another
and set fire to the town. All hopes being now lost, Ayo escaped
with a few horsemen and followers to Ago Oja (the present Oyo)
being hotly pursued by Ijaye and Ibadan troops.
In order not to incur the displeasure of KurGmi and Oluyole
the two leading chiefs of the country whom he hoped hereafter
would be his back stay. Prince Atiba of Ago Oja told Ayo that he
could not protect him and consequently he should leave the town
before his pursuers arrived there. Ayo took the way to Ojomgbodu
on his way to Ilorin, but after a while on considering the humiliation
of it all and the grave probabilities that lay before him, he chose
death rather than dishonour.
He dismounted at a certain spot and sat. under a tree, his horse
standing by him. He sent away his little band of devoted followers
in order to die alone like a soldier. Here he calmly awaited his
pursuers.
According to one account, at the sight of them he sprang again
upon his horse and made for them. He threw one Lakonu off his
steed and brandishing his spear round and round him, exclaimed
" But for Atiba you are a dead man," then the men opened fire
upon him and he dropped down dead.
But another account says he sat with calm dignity under the
tree and offered no resistance whilst they showered their deadly
weapons upon him and he dropped down dead.
Thus perished one of the best and ablest of the Oyo or Yoruba
generals. His remains were brought back to Ago Oja and interred
there.
Ayg like the late Ojo Amepo was a good horseman and one
of the best generals of the day, but drink was his greatest vice,
and to that may be attributed the cause of his ruin as well as that
of Abem^. His aide-de-camp was nick-named Am u-igba-legb§-giri,
THE INTERREGNUM
273
i.e., one who grasps tight the sides of a drinking bowl ; because
he himself was hardly inferior to his master in that respect as the
name implies.
Although the ruler of the town yet he often spent as much as
three days and nights out of home attending " wakes " at night
wherever he was invited, and during daytime dancing to the bMa
drum in various quarters of the town hke the commonest citizen.
He offered the right hand of fellowship to anyone who could drink
like himself.
He was by nature generous and merciful, in which respect he
was most unlike his bloodthirsty peers of that age. As an
instance of this a story was told of his favourite Amu-igba-legbe
who on leaving the Bale's house quite late one night the worse
for drink missed his way into his chief's harem, and slept by the
side of one of his wives thinking he had got home ! When the
woman awoke in the early hours of the morning, and saw a stranger
by her side she cried out and roused the whole estabHshment.
Amugba starting from his sleep being now sober, took in the
situation at once and resigned himself to the only fate he felt sure
was awaiting him under the circumstances.
Overcome with fear he went home in great distress and when
the matter was known in the house the whole compound was
deserted for fear of the usual confiscation and punishment in such
a case. Amugba expected nothing but death and when about noon
he heard his chief's drum coming towards his house, he thought
the fatal hour was come. Ayo entered and saw him trembling and
attempting an apology ; he simply jeered at him and said : " Why
are you looking so dejected ? Is it because you missed your way
last night ? Never mind the mistake, let's go out and drink
away yesterday's occurrence."
Amugba thought it was only a stratagem to get him out of his
house to be arrested and executed ; he followed, however, but
was still dejected. Whilst drinking in a friend's house Ayo
observed him still in that mood, and said to him with surprise,
" Are you still downcast on account of yesterday's affair ? Why
that is past and gone ; it only proved I can beat you in drink, for
I drank far more than you did on that occasion, but was not in
the least affected, whilst you, could not find your way home."
So the matter passed off in jokes.
Abemo and Ijaye were rival towns and the former had the
sobriquet of " Abem6 siiru okg ilu bantatk " (Abemo small and
compact, but the husband of a huge town) meaning Ijaye.
FOURTH PERIOD. — ARREST OF DISINTEGRATION —
ILORINS CHECKMATED— ATTEMPTS AT RECONSTRUC-
TION—INTERTRIBAL WARS— BRITISH PROTECTORATE.
Chaptek XV
THE NEW CITY AND NEW GOVERNMENT
§ I. Prince Atiba : His Early Life and History
Prince Atiba was the son of King Abiodun by an Akeitan
woman. According to one account, he was born in the city of
Oyo, his father died when he was but a child, and when Abiodun's
children were being ill-treated by King Aole his mother fled with
him to her own town in the country.
Bat another account was of a more romantic interest and is
more probable, as being characteristic of that age. According to
this account, his mother, a slave at Gudugbu, was given as a hostage
to the Alafin of Oyo. She had an intimate friend who was much
distressed by this separation. After 8 or lo weary months, she
was resolved at all costs to go up to the city to visit her friend with
whom she had been associated from childhood.
The Gudugbu hostage was too insignificant to be noticed among
the crowd of women in the King's harem until- this strange visit
of her friend drew the King's attention to her. The visitor from
the country loitering within the precincts of the palace was asking
all whom she saw coming from the women's quarters to call her
Eni-Olufan one of the King's wives, but no one knew who that
was. At length King Abiodun was told that a woman from the
country was asking for one of his wives, and this unusual incident
aroused the King's curiosity. The Gudugbu woman was called
to his presence to state the object of her visit. She replied . —
" May your majesty live long. The young woman from Gudugbu
given as a hostage was my bosom friend, and for the past 8 months
or more I have had no one to talk to, and hence I was resolved to
visit her."
The King then said to her, " Are you not afraid to come here
and to enquire for my wife ? Suppose I add yourself to the harem
or kill you or sell you ? " Sherephed, " For my friend's sake I am
prepared to undergo any treatment, and if your majesty make a
wife of me I shall be happy as my friend and I will see each other
every day."
274
THE NEW CITY AND NEW GOVERNMENT 275
The King greatly admired their friendship ; he gave permission
for her to be lodged with her friend, and was by this led to pay some
attention to the Gudugbu hostage.
For three months these two friends enjoyed each other's company
and as the King's wife was now in the way of becoming a mother,
he was graciously pleased to send them home. He sent for both
of them one morning, and after a few approbatory remarks
on their friendship, he loaded them with presents, and said to his
wife's friend, "I am sending your friend home with you in order
that you may not fail to have some one to unbosom your mind to
as hitherto. I make you both my deputy for that part of the
country. All matters to be referred to Oyo will henceforth be
brought to you for decision, all the tribute monies will be paid to
you also, and as my wife will be unable to undertake a journey,
I expect your visit here as often as you can come." With this
instruction he dismissed them and sent several Eunuchs and Ilaris
with them as escort and to commend them formally to the
care and protection of the Bale of Gudugbu. Both these women
returned to Gudugbu in quite a different capacity from that in
which they left it. The little town was all astir on their arrival,
and many were the private murmurs against Eni-Olufan's friend
for the heavy responsibilities she had brought upon them. Great
deference, however, was paid to them both, and they became
practically the supreme rulers and judges of that district. The
King's wife in course of time gave birth to a son who was named
Atibk ; her friend also (who was a married woman) gave birth
to a son named Onipede. The intimacy existing between the
two mothers re-appeared also in the boys from childhood up to
manhood.
[This account is reconcilable with the first as it is possible that
as an infant, Atiba may have been taken to Oyo to see his father,
and may have been there till Aole's reign when the mother had to
flee with him back to the country as stated above].
Atiba grew up a wild and reckless lad. When he was of age, his
father ordered that the mother should apportion to him the tribute
money of that district, this continued until the succeeding reign
when the country was thrown into confusion and anarchy.
This circumstance probably led his mother to remove with
him from Gudugbu to Akeitan her own home. Here Atiba was
under the care of his maternal uncle who was now head of the house
and the family estate.
Atiba was brought up as a tailor, but he preferred a wild and
predatory life, for which the circumstances of the times afforded
great opportunities. A story was told of him that once being very
276 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
hungry, he asked his uncle for a yam, and the uncle not only refused
it him, but took the opportunity of reprimanding him sharply
for living the idle life of a kidnapper. " If I had lived on man-
stealing like you," said he, " I could not have got any yam,"
But Yesufu the younger uncle felt sorry for his nephew and said
to Atiba that whilst he (the uncle) was living, he (Atiba) would
never suffer the pinch of hunger. This incident had its reward
hereafter as will be noticed in its place.
From Akeitan Prince Atiba made several incursions into the
Gudugbu farms, and was generally a pest to the country round
about.
In order not to bring trouble on the Akeitan people, Atiba was
urged to remove his residence to the town of Ago where he would
find in Oja- the chief of that place a man of a like spirit to his own,
of a warlike disposition, and he did so.
But when Atiba arrived at Ago, Oja was strongly advised not
to let him settle down there, because a man like him would eventu-
ally become master of the town. Elebu, Oja's brother was the
chief opponent. But Oja did not follow this advice. " How can
I," said he "an ofhcer on the staff of the Kakanfo, and a title-
bearer in the kingdom, turn away my prince ? " Oja continued
friendly to him until his fall in the Kanla expedition.
Their kidnapping expeditions were at that time chiefly directed
against the Egbas in the Oke Ogun districts near Sagaun. They
found them so simple and unsophisticated in those days that when
a kidnapper had captured several of them and was in quest for
more he had only to leave his cap or his spear or any other personal
property by the side of them, and bid them wait for him there, and
should another kidnapper fall in with them he was to be shown the
sign of prepossession, and thus they would be left untouched until
their captor returned. These captives never made any effort to
escape.
Atiba rose to importance by committing acts of violence and
extortion with impunity, from the great deference paid to his
high birth. In that age of anarchy and confusion he collected
around himself all lawless men, insolvent debtors, slaves who
had deserted their masters. His wealth was continually aug-
mented by fresh marauding expeditions, his men behaving like
the Jamas, himself at the head of them.
By his address and largess Atiba won to himself the following
chiefs of Oyo, viz., Aderinko, Ladejobi, Olumole, Oluwajo, Lgsk
Oluwaiye (the Alagba), Adefumi, Lakonu, Told Maje, Falade,
and Gbenla.
His slaves who had horses and a large retinue each were : —
THE NEW CITY AND NEW GOVERNMENT 277
Eni-d'Olgrun (who subsequently became the Apeka), Galajimg,
Otelowo and Ogboinu his mounted trumpeter.
Elebu succeeded his brother as the Bale of Ago. As might be
expected he was not on good terms with Atiba ; but the latter
had already risen to such a height of greatness and popularity
that Elebu could neither crush him nor turn him out of the town ;
they remained antagonists till Elebu was drowned in the river
during the Gbodo war, as related above.
Before Elebu's death, Ajanaku of Ilorin to whom Ago Oja
paid tribute summoned them both to Ilorin and asked Shitta his
sovereign to effect a reconciliation between them. The turban
was given to both as a sign of brotherhood in the Moslem faith.
This reconciliation was only on the surface, but by no means real.
It was at this time that all children born at Ago had Moslem
names given to them and many adults and aged people
changed theirs in order to be in good favour with the Jamas of Ilorin,
who then infested the country
Atiba had nearly lost his life in the Gbodo expedition; his horse
was shot dead under him and theBaribas were pressing hard behind
him in pursuit. His life-long friend Onipede galloped past him
paying no heed to the despairing cry of his friend and master:
" Onipede here am I, will you leave me behind to perish ? " Onipede
notwithstanding this rushed on into the river Ogun and swam
across safe to the other side. But when Atiba's uncle, Yesufu came
up and saw him in such straits he dismounted and offered him his
horse. Atiba declined to take it, but Yesufu forced him to accept
it, saying " Even if I perish in this war I know that you will take
care of my children." Yesufu was a powerful swimmer and he
assisted both the horse and the rider safe to the other side.
Adekidero the Lemomu also offered his own horse to be used
alternately with Yesufu's until they reached home.
Onipede did not wait for him although he was riding on a horse
bought for him by the very Prince he now deserted. It was even
reported of him that after he had reached the other side of the
river, he halted to watch with amusement the distress and danger
of his friend battling with the swift current until Yesufu came to
his assistance, and that on the Prince's reaching the other side
Onipede came up with a smile and an untimely joke saying " The
intrepid warrior that you are, I did not know that a riveF
current could conquer you." The Prince said nothing, and showed
no sign of resentment, but Onipede from that day became a
marked man, because it was evident to Atiba that his death
would have excited no feelings of sympathy and regret in
Onipede.
278 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
Up to this time Onipede enjoyed his entire confidence. What-
ever he said or did was indisputable ; any criminal pardoned by
him was free, and latterly he would not even take the trouble of
acquainting the Prince with all that he did. He was
known beyond the confines of the kingdom as the confidant of
the Prince and all foreigners residing at Ago were under his pro-
tection. He was always attended by a large retinue of foot and
of horsemen as a Prince, whenever he paid visits in town or in
going to his farm. He was the greatest favourite at the Prince's
palace ; no one was allowed to see the Prince or obtain favours
from him except through Onipede. The love Atiba had for this
companion of his childhood and youth made him bhnd to all
his faults until his eyes were opened by the incident narrated
above.
Onipede at the zenith of his popularity quite forgot himself and
regarded the Prince rather as his equal or co-partner, although as
a matter of fact he was in no way equal to one of his war-chiefs
or his notable slaves enumerated above. Still all of them used to
show him due respect and pay him marked deference as one above
them, so he came to set himself as a rival of his master ; but the
incident of the Gbodo disaster was the means of his fall.
On their arrival home from the unsuccessful war, they hastened
to fortify the town against an expected invasion. Atiba attended
by all his great warriors was digging a trench right round the
town, when Onipede rode up attended by a retinue of mounted
servants. Atiba could no longer suppress his anger but ordered
him to take up a digger and work like any of the common labourers.
For one who had always lived an easy life Onipede's hands became
blistered and sore. There are two accounts given of his death :
one was that after this Atiba ordered him to be slain and buried
in an upright posture when they returned home ; and that his
slaves carried out his orders by showering darts upon Onipede,
cut off his head and buried him in a house near the present Akesan
market.
But a more probable account given of his death was as follows :
The Prince and his servants began by slighting him, the latter
losing no opportunity of showing him marks of disrespect. He
now observed that he was no longer in favour but the exalted
position he had already attained placed him above fear ; and indeed
the Prince could not attack him in an open civil fight without
dire results, for he was the commander of some of the greatest
war-chiefs in the town. An opportunity at length was offered
when he was unattended. He met Atiba where he was busy
with his servants storing up hisBere grass, and there and then he
THE NEW CITY AND NEW GOVERNMENT 279
ordered his slaves to club him to death. Such was the end of
Onipede.
By the death of Elebu, Oja's children lost their natural protector
and guardian, and the people their chief. Prince Atiba who was
aiming at the supreme power placed none of Oja's children who
were capable as head of the house and chief of the town, but rather
his younger brother Ailumo, whom he knew to be weak in intellect.
He placed him over the house with the title of Mggaji till after the
Eleduwe war, he should be formally installed as Bale of
Ago. In the meantime Atiba constituted himself the administrator
of the affairs of the town in the place of Oja's children and over-
shadowed even the Mogaji himself. Thus the fears of the late
Elebu were fully realized and the town of Ago practically passed
out of the hands of the children of Oja the founder.
§ 2. Atiba's Accession to the Throne
That Atiba was aspiring to the throne was evident to all when
they were assembled for the Eleduwe war. He was even then far
more powerful than the King and all eyes were turned upon him
as the one who would eventually save the country from the Fulani
yoke, In order to obtain the object of his ambition he plotted
with others to bring about the downfall of the King. He bought
the support of the two most powerful war-chiefs left in the land,
viz., Oluyoleof Ibadan by promising him the title of Ibasorun, and
KuriJmi of Ijaye by promising him that of Kakanfo.
After the fall of the ancient capital and the death of King Oluewu
the crown was offered to Lagiiade, but he dechned it and advised
that it should be offered to that powerful aspirant Prince Atiba,
of Ago Oja; the only one with men and means, who seemed able
to cope with the Ilorins and save the country from tyranny and
oppression. This was done, and Atiba accepted it with the general
consent and approval of all, but it was with the distinct under-
standing that he would lead the people home from Saki, Gboho,
Kihisi, Ilorin and other places whither they had taken refuge.
For this purpose Prince Lajide. son of Onsolu, and Fabiyi with
32 other messengers were sent by the Oyq Mesi at Kihisi and Igboho
to invite him home to the ancient capital. They were his guests
till the coronation, after which he detained them permanently
at Ago and conferred on Prince Lajide the title of Ona'sokun.
After he was estabhshed on the throne, he sent Lakonu one of
his powerful chiefs to Kihisi and Gboho for the remnant of the
Kings' wives, and the eunuchs and other court officials that could
be found in those regions.
Thus Ago passed out of the hands of Oja's family and became
28o THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
the royal city of Yoruba and as such it was no longer called
Ago-Oja but Oyo as the AlAfin now resides there. And hence
it is often styled by way of disparagement Ago-d'Oyg (Ago which
became Qyg). This is the present city of Oyo.
§ 3. Conferring of Titles
At the conferring of titles and re-organization of the kingdom
the AlAfin confirmed on those who came to him from Kihisi and
Gboho the titles they had formerly borne. Those who did not
care to leave the more salubrious north for forest lands were
superseded in their offices.
The following are those who were confirmed in their titles.
Name. Title.
Makaaiye 0h6ta
Odusola Agbakin
Ariori SWu
The following were those newly conferred at the present Oyo.
Obagbolu Ona-modek^
Gbenla Lagunk
Aiyewun (from Ise5dn) Alapini
Ailes6 Tetu
Adefalu Olokuesin
Ailumg (Qja's brother) Asipa
Yesufu (Atiba's uncle) Parakoyi*
The following were titles conferred on members of the loyal
family, not all of whom however were deserving.
Olukokun (grandson of King Onisile) Atingisi
Telaokbki Magaji lyajin
Abioro (son of King Ajagbo) Arole Oba
Idowu (son of King Ojigi) Olusami
The following were commoners, but favourites and formerly
companions-in-arms of Atiba, on whom were conferred titles
usually borne by members of the Royal Family exclusively : —
Falade Agunpopo
Lakonu Ogigimagi
Ladejobi Olosun
Toki La'dilu
Eniaiyewu the Alapini of the ancient city was still alive when
Aiyewun was brought from Iseyin for the same office. The
former remained and died at Saki.
^ In recognition of his kind services to him at the Gbodo
Expedition.
THE NEW CITY AND NEW GOVERNMENT 281
Ailgs^ had been created chief of the Tetus (they are 150 in
number) before those from the ancient city arrived to claim their
rights ; they had to be satisfied wth minor ranks.
Ancient Oyo was a very large city comprising the following
wards : — Oke Eso, Modade, Molaba, Nsise-Ogan, Ntetu, Ondasa,
On§e-awo, Aremu, Ile-Ologbo, Ajofa, Isale-Ogede.
Now, Ago d'Oyo was very small in comparison, and hence the
AlAfin adopted forcible means to enlarge it. Several of the
surrounding towns and villages were depopulated and the inhabit-
ants transported to the new city e.g. Akeitan, Apara, Idod§,
Ajagba Seke, Gudugbu, Jabktk, Ojomgbodu, Aguwo, Opapa and
Ijoga. These places were all within lo or 20 miles from Ago.
The King's army would surround each of them by night, and at
break of day, the inhabitants were offered the choice of a peace-
able migration to the new city or (in case of resistance) the town
would be destroyed. Thus they were transported with all their
household effects and as they arrived the King assigned to each a
quarter of the town for their residence. Thus Igaga was taken
in the month of May during the Egugun festival.
Higher Titles
(a) The Basgrun. — Oluyole of Ibadan received the title of
Ibasorun as was conditionally promised him at the Eleduwe
war. He based his claim on his descent from Basorun Yamba
whose cognomen was Ok61o Ogun. His father's name was
Olokuoye, his mother was Agbonrin daughter of King Abiodun
and thus he was the AlAfin 's nephew.
Oluyole now came to Ovo to have his title conferred upon him
by the King.
This was a new departure from the old custom for the Basorun
to reside in the country. His right place is in the city being the
next man to the King, and the chief of the seven principal
councillors of state comprising the Oyo Mesi. He, moreover,
has distinct official duties to perform at the principal annual
festivals especially at theBere at which he is the chief actor.
But this new departure must be allowed in order to meet the
exigencies of the times. The King could not be secure on his
throne if he were to cause a disaffection to arise between himself
and the powerful war-chiefs of Ibadan and Ijaye by denying
them the titles of their ancestors which they were so ambitious
to obtain.
But a provision had already been made in the constitution
for performing the state ceremonies in the absence of the Basorun :
his place could be filled by either the Otun'wefa, the Qna Onse«
282 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
Awo, or the Ariwo. Thus what would have proved a serious
constitutional difficulty had already been obviated by past
experience, and adequately provided for.
(b) The Are-ona-Kakanfo or Yoruba Field Marshal. This
title was now conferred upon Kurumi of Ijaye according to the
conditional promise made to him also at the Eleduwe war by
Prince Atiba. He was undoubtedly the greatest Yoruba general
and tactician of the day in the Yoruba country. He was a great
friend of the King and during his term of office he shielded the
sovereign against the encroachment on his prerogatives of his
nephew of Ibadan for he was by no means loyal to him. He also
on this occasion went to Oyo to have the title conferred on him.
Thus it came to pass that the two most distinguished titles next
to the sovereign were held by the chiefs of the two largest towns in
the south, viz. that of Basorun the head of all civil affairs, and that
of Kakanfo the head of the military department.
State Policy. — In order that a collision may not take place be-
tween these two warlike towns, so contiguous to each other, a
compact was now arrived at between the AlAfin a,nd his principal
chiefs : —
1. That they should make it their primary aim to defend what
was left of the Yoruba country, and gradually regain if they could
their lost provinces under the Fulanis of Ilorin.
2. As the last King died in war, the sovereign should not be
allowed to go to war any more, but conffiie himself to all religious,
civil, and political matters (external relations) on behalf of the
nation.
3. That the Ibadans were to protect all Yoruba towns to the
north and north-east, and meet whatever danger might arise in
those quarters, to have a free hand over all Ijesas and Ekitis,
and the eastern provinces generally, to reduce them to subjection.
4. That the Ijayes should protect all Yoruba towns of the
western provinces, and meet whatever danger appeared in that
direction and carry on their operations against the Sabes and dis-
loyal Popos.
Thus the disintegration of the country would be arrested.
But the ancient cities of Iluku, Saki, Gboho and Kihisi with
their towns, containing the remnant of the citizens of the ancient
Oyo and members of the royal family preferred not to be placed
under the protection of either of these powers, but under the King
direct ; and this was allowed. Thus it was hoped that in time the
unity of the kingdom would be regained, and those who still longed
for their old homes would be able to return thither.
In this way it appeared latterly that the province under the
THE NEW CITY AND NEW GOVERNMENT 283
AlAfin is small, and foreigners ignorant of the history of the
country are apt to consider Ibadan of more importance than
Oyo especially when by the destruction of Ijaye the former claimed
the overlordship of the territories formerly under Ijaye.
Provincial Affairs
The affairs of the new Metropohs having been settled both the
Basgrun and the Kakanfo returned home to arrange their own
local affairs.
Ibadan. At this time the war-chief next to the Iba himself
who was head and shoulders above all his compeers at Ibadan
was chief Elepo, consequently the title of Ibalogun was offered
him ; but he declined it, for reasons which no one could tell.
He was urged over and over again in pubhc as well as in private,
both by the Basorun and his brother chiefs to accept it, but he
declined, saying his name Elepo alone was enough for him. And
yet he would submit to no one but the Basorun alone who was his
old colleague. The title of Balogun was, therefore, conferred
upon Oderinlg.
The following were the titles conferred upon distinguished
war-chiefs : —
Names. Titles.
Od§rinlg Balogun or commander-in-chief.
Lajumgke Otun i.e. general commanding the right
Opeagbe Osi i.e. general commanding the left wing
Toki Seriki
Babalgla Asipa
Oyesile Abese
Ogunrenu Sarumi or chief of the cavalry
Yerombi Agbakin
Dele Areagoro
Ijaye. — The Are-ona-Kakanfo of Ijaye was a bloodthirsty
tyrant. He put to death all the chiefs rising into power who
might become his rivals. His Balogun's name was Olasilo
alias Ogun-koroju, a Mohammedan, and the friend of Balogun
Oderinle of Ibadan. He was the only man at Ijaye for whom
Kurumi entertained any regard. One Ajayi was his Areagoro,
and this was about all the titles given at Ijaye. Nevertheless
there were other powerful men at Ijaye such as Lakusk, AgSlna
Epo, Fanyaka, Akigla, Asegbe, Amgdu and Labudanu. Lahan
after the destruction of Abemg came to reside at Ijaye.
Kurumi usurped all power both civil and religious ; all were
centred on him or his family, and all the profits accruing from
284 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
them flowed to his exchequer. His brother Popoola was the AlagbS,
or Egugun high priest, himself the Mogba or head Sango priest.
His chief executioner was one J6mgban. The Kakanfo was
more dreaded at Ijaye than even the gods as the common sajnng
shows " Are npe o o ndifa ? Bi If a fo rere ti Are fg ibi nko ? (You
receive the Are's summons and you are divining with your Ifa ?
What if Ifa is propitious and the Are is not ?) He did not value
the life of a human being more than that of a dog. For the least
offence he ordered the offender to execution and plundered his
house. But he was more of a terror to rank and station, for
to the poor, he granted liberty and redress.
The Agbamaja War
It has become the custom at Ibadan that a newly created
Balogun should lead the army out on an expedition in order to
prove his worth to the title and thereby commend himself to the
respect of the soldiery. But no town at this time gave any cause
of offence for an attack, all the same the Balogun was sent
against Ede- —a town under their own protection. But it would
appear that Elepo vetoed the destruction of Ede and so they
marched on towards Ilobu.
The people of Ilobu became alarmed. They had not committed
any offence, but although they were assured of peaceful measures
yet they brought a large amount of presents to the Ibadan camp
to buy off their hostihty, and showed every sign of submission.
All the same, the soldiery becoming restive from inaction would
have sacked the town but for Elepo, especially when it happened
that lightning struck a house in the town and the war boys became
wild, and rushed to the spot under pretext of doing homage to
Sango, while others were already scahng the walls when E16po and
his men undertook to beat them off and save Ilobu. From that
town and the surrounding villages presents came pouring into the
Ibadan camp but instead of going to the Balogun all went to
Elepo, before whose tents all the presents were piled up. He
neither directed them to the commander-in-chief nor made use
of them for himself. He ruled the army according to his will,
and consequently the Balogun was indignant at this usurpation
of his rights and the other chiefs sympathized with him. After
frittering away their time doing nothing the men became dis-
heartened and began to steal away home. Hence this expedition
was termed " Agbamaja," i.e. fully armed but engaging in no fight.
The Basorun at home was kept informed of all that was going
on at the seat of war and when they arrived at home a mass
meeting was held of all the war-chiefs and men and the whole of
THE NEW CITY AND NEW GOVERNMENT 285
them complained bitterly against Elepo ; he was accused to his
face of usurping the rights of the Balogun when he had himself
declined the office, but on account of the love and respect they had
for him they were prepared to let bygones be bygones, only he
must prostrate before the Balogun and offer an apology and the
matter would end there He apologised but would never bemean
himself by prostrating before the Balogun. This last act therefore
set a seal upon his downfall ; his humiliation was there and then
decided upon.
The next step taken was to deprive him of his principal subordi-
nate war-chiefs by conferring town titles on each of them, making
them members of the town council with equal votes. Elepo's
eyes were now open to his own folly, but almost too late. At
the next public meeting, he apologized again but was too proud to
prostrate before any one save the Basorun alone. He was told
all round that his apology was accepted and the pardon granted.
He went home glad at heart, but was soon to be undeceived, for
when he went the following day to the houses of all the principal
chiefs to thank them, not one of them would see him ; at every
house he called he was told " The master is not at home." He
understood the full import of this, and moreover none of his subordi-
nate chiefs called at his house as before, and all matters in his
quarter of the town were taken straight to the Balogun. Thus
Elepo saw himself isolated.
§ 4. The Osogbo War. The Ilorins Checkmated
After a short pause that followed the Eleduwe war, the aggressive
spirit of the Ilorins once more impelled them to the accomplish-
ment of their aim, viz., the subversion of the entire Yoruba
country, and hence for the third time they laid siege to Osogbo.
The command this time was entrusted to their brave and experi-
enced general AH, the Hausa Balogun of Ilorin.
Osogbo was closely besieged, and terrible battles were fought
between the assailants and defenders to the advantage of the
former. When the king of Osogbo found the Ilorins too strong for
him he sent to Ibadan for help.
It now devolved upon the Ibadans as defenders of the north
and north-east to meet the coming danger. They sent them some
auxiliaries under the leadership of one Ob^le alias Mobitcin, and
Alade Abinupagiin. As this force proved insufficient for the
defence of the town, another contingent was sent under a more
experienced leader. But still the Ilorins were gaining ground
after every battle until the besieged and their auxiliaries were
confined to the thickets surrounding the town which in all Yoruba
286 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
towns were reserved for the purposes of defence. The Ibadan
contingent thereupon sent an express report home to theBasorun
that they would soon be overpowered and the town taken if timely
aid was not forthcoming.
The Basorun unwilling that the Fulanis and Jamas of Ilorin
should be masters of the forest lands to which they had been
driven from their homes in the plain, was resolved to raise the
siege at all cost. It was with the Ibadans a matter of now or
never and hence the Balogun was instructed to endeavour to deal
a decisive blow to the Ilgrins once and for all, for should he fail
now the Fulanis would be masters of the whole Yoruba country.
Balogun Oderinlg now marched out with the whole of the Ibadan
mighty men save Elepo and the Basorun, the former having been
rejected by the war-chiefs for his actions at the late Agbamaja
expedition. TheBasorun approved of this resolve and therefore
Elepo stayed at home, but he felt himself far too exalted to care
for any of them.
When the Ibadan army arrived at the seat of war and saw the
situation they had some misgivings as to the probabihty of success
without the aid of Elepo their champion. They could not show
their face in the open field for fear of the Ilorin horse, and for
about 20 days after their arrival at Osogbo, they also could not
fight outside the town thickets.
The Basorun himself having some doubts as to the hopes of
success of his generals in the absence of Elepo was much depressed
in mind on hearing the news from the seat of war, and he was
minded to send Elepo to meet them ; he gave him a cow to worship
his god On and told him to prepare to join his comrades in the field.
The Ibadan war-chiefs hearing this were fired with jealousy lest
the honour of the victory might be his and hence were resolved to
risk a battle at all cost. Again and again they held councils of
war, and at length they fixed a day for the venture. Still they
were afraid to attack the florins during the morning hours, Osogbo
being practically in a plain, the Ilorin horse might have the advan-
tage of them with disastrous results : from prudence therefore they
resolved to make the attack in the afternoon, as they might be
able to hold on until dusk when the florins would no longer be
able to use their horses to advantage, or if defeated, the shades
of night would assist them in their retreat.
About 2 p.m. the standard of the Ibadan army left the gate of
Osogbo for the battlefield. Again, another council of war was held
and it was finally resolved that they should not proceed
until dark, as it was necessary that their movements be as private
as possible. About sunset they were again on the move and the
THE NEW CITY AND NEW GOVERNMENT 287
vanguards were instructed to keep a strict watch and arrest anyone
suspected as a spy on their movements.
About a mile from the Ilorin camp they halted and arranged
the order of the attack. The Osogbo army and the earlier auxil-
iaries were to maintain the centre of the battle, Chiefs Abitiko
and Lajubu to command the right wing, Balogun Oderinlo with
the rest of the Ibadan war-chiefs to form the left wing of the army.
About midnight the Ilorin camp was attacked on all sides. The
watch word was Elo ni owo odo ? (The fare of the ferry ?) [The
river Osun had to be crossed in entering Osogbo from the south.
Any one who could not tell was known to be an enemy.] The
first camp attacked was that of the Elese, and as soon as they
rushed in, they set it on fire. The Elese himself was shot dead as
soon as he showed his face at the tent door. A panic seized the
whole Ilorin army thus startled from their beds ; they could
not offer the slightest resistance, they simply melted away !
Those who fell by the hands of their own friends to make way for
their hasty flight were probably more than those who fell by the
hands of their enemies. Several who summed up courage enough
to saddle their horses had not the presence of mind to loose them
and were caught in the stables digging spurs into the poor beasts
and wondering why they would not go, forgetting that they were
still tethered by the feet.
But Ali the commander-in-chief was calm and resolute ; he
ordered his horse to be saddled, and gathering around him a
goodly portion of his cavalry they dashed through the ranks of
the Ibadan army ; these quickly making a way for them to gallop
through without daring to oppose them, especially as numbers
of the men were scattered about on plundering bent.
The principal Ilorin war-chiefs captured in this defeat were : —
1. Jimba the head slave of the Emir of Ilorin.
2. One of the sons of Ah the commander-in-chief.
3. Chiet Lateju and
4. Ajikobi the Yoruba Balogun of Ilorin.
The first two were released and sent home privately by the
Ibadan war-chiefs, a form of chivalrous etiquette among the
war-chiefs. The latter two being Yorubas by .birth were regarded
rather as traitors to their country, and were sent home to Ibadan
as distinguished captives of war.
The Basorun sentenced Lateju to death alleging that it was in
his house that King Oluewu, the last of the ancient Oyo, was
fettered when taken at the Eleduwe war, before he was put to
death. That was the ostensible charge but the chief reason
really was because Oluyole's wives fell into Lat§ju's hands at
288 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
the collapse of that expedition, and he was not chivalrous enough
to release them and send them to him as a brother chief.
Ajikobi being a more distinguished personage was sent to the
AlAfin of Oyo for capital punishment.
The messengers with the illustrious captive met the King
engaged in one of his annual festivals, and he ordered that the
feti de joie his servants were then firing should be directed on
Ajikobi. This was- accordingly done, and he was roasted to death
with gunpowder.
Besides a large number ot captives the Ibadans captured
numbers of horses but very few of them were brought home.
These hardy people cared very little then for the luxury of riding
on horseback : what they cared for more was the horses' tails
upon which to tie amulets as preventives against bullets in war.
These were always a part of their war kits. The only attention
bestowed on the hundreds of tailless horses now roaming about
the field was for replenishing their larder as occasion required !
This victory at Osogbo was a most important one and forms a
turning point in Yoruba history. It saved the Yoruba country
as such from total absorption by the Fulanis as a tributary state.
From this time forth the power of the Ilorins for an independent
aggressive warfare in Yoruba land was for ever broken and the
Ibadans gained the ascendancy. The Ilorins without losing sight
of their ultimate objective to '' dip the Koran in the sea," i.e. the
subjugation of the entire Yoruba land, henceforth contented them-
selves with allying themselves now with one, and then- with the
other of the contending tribes with the hope of ultimately weaken-
ing the whole, so that eventually the entire country might fall an
easy prey into their hands.
That the AlAfin did not seize this opportunity to gather
all the forces of the kingdom and strike a final blow at the enemy
was a matter of surprise to many, but a great dread was still
entertained of meeting the cavalry in the plain, in which case it
would not be that of Ilgrin alone, but also those of Sokoto and
Gando. Hence the return home to the ancient capital was fraught
with danger, the probabihty of their being continually harassed
and attacked and taken by surprise being very great.
Other reasons also have been advanced for remaining in their
present position, among which was the comparative proximity
to the coast and greater facilities for trade. As new generations
sprang up who knew Httle or nothing of the old country they grew
less and less disposed to abandon the comparative safety and
advantages of the present position for the old cities with all the
attendant risks, however fertile and salubrious they might be.
THE NEW CITY AND NEW GOVERNMENT 289
After the siege of Osogbo was raised, Ibokun an Ijesa town not
far from Osogbo was taken by the Ibadans, being one of the tribu-
tary towns and allies of Ilorin. On the approach of the enemy,
having heard of the defeat of the Ilorins at Osogbo, Kusi the
Ilorin Resident of the town escaped to Ilorin leaving Ibokun
to its fate.
§ 5. The Expulsion of Elepo from Ibadan
Chief Elepo not being allowed by his colleagues to go with them
to the Osogbo expedition, and having heard of their success marched
out with his own troops against Otefan, a Yoruba town in the
western province, which he took, and returned home with many
captives and much booty by which he satisfied the cravings of his
war boys, whose loyalty to him prevented them from going with
their comrades to a successful expedition.
After his return from Otefan, Elepo was told by the Basorun
that the other war-chiefs in the field had sent home to say that
he should leave the town, alleging that he was heard to have said
that they could not achieve any victory without his leadership,
and now that the Ilorins had received a crushing defeat at their
hands without his presence, it was evident they could do without
him. Whether this message was actually sent or whether it was
an arrangement concocted between the Basorun and the war-chiefs
is not certain, but as a matter of fact the whole of them stood
in dread of him and he was also an object of envy and jealousy.
It is evident that if the Basorun had been as true to him as he was
loyal to the Basorun such a question could not have arisen at all.
Elepo was said to have been the greatest general Ibadan ever
produced ; before him and after him there has yet been none
to be compared to him whose very name strikes terror and confusion
in all around. Eyen the Basorun himself was secretly afraid of
him, as with one breath he could upset him and his government,
and yet there has never been a chief at Ibadan so humble, so
loyal and devoted to his chief as Elepo was to the Basorun. But
for him Oluyole could never have attained to his present position
nor could have maintained it for a month, before his murder or
expulsion would have ended his career.
Oluyole was blind to his own interests when he was arranging
this plot against Elepo. Elepo on the other hand, unsuspicious
of the intrigues of his chief, was negotiating through him with
the other chiefs. He loved and trusted him too well for him to
entertain the slightest doubt of his good faith.
As the war-chiefs were on their homeward march, threatening
messages were said to have been sent to Elepo through the Basorun ;
290 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
the latter, in order that he might be able to accomphsh his design,
ill-advised Elepo to leave his house a while, assuring him that
all would be right in the end. He knew quite well that as long as
Elepo was in his own house their plansmust fail, for no one would
dare to face the lion in his den.
Atipo his brother at once suspected the intriguer by such
advice, and asked, " Why should it be deemed necessary for the
Mogaji (i.e. Elepo) to leave his house when you the chief were
employing your good offices for him ? Which of the war-chiefs
would be bold enough either to go against your declared wish or
to attack Elepo backed by his chief the Basorun ? " But the
Basorun evaded the question ; on the contrary he kept pressing
the point with great urgency knowing that once Elepo left his
house he would never be allowed to return to it.
Elepo disheartened by the bad faith of his hitherto trusted
lord jdelded with pain' and disappointment only out of respect
to him. He removed all his effects to the Basorun's house as
well as all the captives and booty from the late Otefan expedition.
Thus unmindful of the good Elepo had done him when he was
somewhat similarly situated after the O^a expedition, Oluyole
requited him with ingratitude out of sheer jealousy ; he desired
to wield an absolute power and felt he could not safely do so
with such a man under him, and thus he plotted to gain his end
at the expense of a faithful and loyal friend and colleague.
When the war-chiefs were nearer home, Oluyole told Elepo
that he had failed in his negotiations with them and that they
threatened a civil war in case he sided with him, and consequently
should Elepo leave the town he, the Basorun, would arrange
matters with them so that he might return home in peace.
By this Elepo saw plainly the intrigues of his friend and master.
Thrice he asked him pointedly " Do you really mean me to leave
the town ? " Each time the reply was " Yes for the present but
all will be right in the end." Then chiet Elepo uttered the following
parable : — " Once upon a time the leopard was king of the beasts,
and the god Orisa was the only object of his dread. The Orisa's
house was built in the open fields, and he was protected with an
earthenware pot. The beasts of the field had no respect for
Orisa but used to walk and graze around the pot with which he
was covered without incurring any harm. But at the yearly
festival when king Leopard headed all the beasts to worship
the Orisa, to their surprise, he used to prostrate at a distance,
and do homage by putting earth on his head, and never allowed
any of the beasts to approach too near lest they give offence to
the Orisa. The beasts used to say among themselves ' And why
THE NEW CITY AND NEW GOVERNMENT 29I
all this precaution ? We often grazed around that pot without
experiencing any harm, can Oiisa kill at all as king Leopard would
have us believe ? ' Now upon one such occasion when the Leopard
and all the beasts in his train were prostrating at a distance, the
Orisa said to the Leopard ' Why not allow these my children to
draw near to me ? ' The Leopard rephed, ' O most adorable Orisa,
the beasts you would have to approach your sacred presence are
ignorant creatures that know not your worth ; were they allowed
to do so they will tread on the mat on which you are seated and
will soon after end by treading on yourself.' This parable is
for you, Basorun. The war-chiefs you are making so much of
do not know your worth, they pay honours to you only on my
account, and should I leave the town as you say, they will soon
tread upon the mat on which you are seated and finally upon
yourself."
After this Elepo left the town with about 1,000 followers and
retired first to Ipara a town in Ijebu Remo and resided there for
a while.
Civil War at Ibadan
Not long after the departure of El^po the truth of his parable
became quite evident, the prophecy had all but obtained a terrible
fulfilment.
Enriched by the treasures of the expelled chieftain, and his
wealth further augmented by the portion allotted to him by his
war-chiefs from the successful expedition of Osogbo, Oluyole
became much elated, feeling himself now the sole and absolute
master of the town of Ibadan without the fear of any possible
rival. But it was not long before an insurrection was raised
against him ; Chiefs Olubodun, Akiliyi, Atipo, Lajubu, Akinlabi
and Ogidi took up arms against him and the whole town was soon
in an uproar. Nothing but the mere chance of their leader
Olubodun being killed before the action really commenced
brought the rising to a sudden close.
One of OluyQle's men from the roof of his house espied Olubodun
hastening to the scene of action and as he m.ust pass by the corner
of his house to gain the main street, the man raised the thatch
of his roof, levelled his gun at Olubodun at very close quarters
and shot him dead on the spot ! The suddenness and unexpected-
ness with which this was accomplished created a panic among his
followers and it spread instantly among the other chiefs and their
men, and they fled precipitately pursued by Oluyole's men.
Akiliyi and Ogidi were taken but the rest escaped to Ijaye. Akihyi
was executed. Ogidi was pardoned, but was ordered out of his
292 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
house and district at Isale Ijebu, the former being levelled to the
ground and left in ruins, and he had to occupy a small house at
Isale Osun under strict surveillance.
[The site of the house was subsequently given to the Rev. D.
Hinderer the first missionary of the Church Missionary Society at
Ibadan in 1851 and has since become the C.M.S. station at Oke
Kudeti.]
IjAYE AND THE IbADAN REFUGEES
Of the three men who escaped to Ijaye after the tragic end of
Olubgdun, Lajubu somehow effected a return home and was
pardoned, but Atipo and Akinlabi did not return but made Ijaye
their home permanently.
They occupied the house of one Akiola who was put to death
by the Are of Ijaye under the following painful circumstances : —
In one af their expeditions to the Sabe provinces Akiola captured
a young maiden of whom he became enamoured ; he first shared
his bed with her, and on the return home of the expedition this
captive was among others he apportioned to their chief Kurumi
the Are of Ijaye. But the Are also was captivated by
the charms of this young woman and he at once included her in
his harem. And so it happened that on finding afterwards that
she had already been tampered with, he became enraged with
Akiola and constituted this a crime for which he murdered him !
Atipo and Akinlabi retaining the spirit and energy of Ibadan
were restless at Ijaye ; they made two expeditions to the banks
of the Niger on their own account, captured Ogodo in the first
and Gbajigbo in the second expedition, and brought home many
captives and much booty.
After this Atipo went to Ipara to fetch his brother El^po to
Ijaye by way of Ilugun. Elepo's followers had by this time
dwindled to about 70 men, the rest having returned home to
Ibadan weary of the inaction at Ipara.
Oluyole became very jealous of the success and the popularity
of these men at Ijaye, and Kurumi ever suspicious of any brave
and distinguished man, readily listened to the insinuations of the
former that these men would one day prove a danger to the state,
that they would sooner or later desert him for Ilorin (their common
enemy) and that Kurumi should at once dispose of them.
Kurumi invited them both to a banquet and there, completely
in his power, he murdered them both and seized all their property.
Thus ended the career of these brave men of Ibadan and Ijaye.
Chapter XVI
A SERIES OF FRATRICIDAL WARS
After the events narrated above, the history of the Yorubas
centred largely at Ibadan which, down to the time of the British
Protectorate continued to attract to itself ardent spirits from
every tribe and family all over the country, who made it their
home, so that while the rest of the country was quiet, Ibadan was
making history.
An Episode. — The Osu War. — After the return of the Ibadans
from the Ota war, and the civil war which placed Oluyole at the
head of the government, Inakoju the Seriki died and was succeeded
by one Ladanu. After his promotion, Ladanu led out an expedi-
tion to Osu which turned out disastrous. He was accompanied
by most of Oluyole's men, e.g , Akinsowon, Abipa, Aijenku and
Erinle S^nku.
Osu not being far from Ile§a the capital of the Ijesa country,
the Ijesas, hearing of their approach, lay in ambush, and cut the
Seriki's army in pieces. The Seriki himself in an attempt to rally
his discomfited army was slain. Chiefs Akinsowon and Abipa
were also slain leaving Aijenku and Erinle Sanku who escaped
with difficulty alone to tell the tale.
The Eleduwe war which followed soon after, and the Abemo and
Osogbo wars subsequently, fully engaged the attention of the
Ibadans ; now they were at leisure they were resolved to avenge
the loss of their late Seriki. Balogun Oderinlg led out the whole
Ibadan army. Their route lay through the Ede farms and there
they were encamped for many days foraging. The Ije.sas of the
capital joined by the army of Osu met them at Iloba which was
4 hours to Osu eastward, and between 6 and 8 hours to Ile§a,
Osu itself being about 6 hours to Ilesa. Here several battles were
fought, and when the Ijesas could stand the fire of the Ibadans no
longer, they evacuated the town, and the place was taken. The
Ibadans followed up the victory to Osu their objective, but the
town had been deserted ; they made no captives there but carried
away booties, and returned home to Ibadan in triumph. After
this there arose a series of neighbourly strifes all over the
country.
m
294 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
§ I. A A YE AND OtUN
Whilst the revolutionary wars were raging all over the rest
of the Yoruba country, the Fulanis devastating the Metropolitan
province, the Oygs the Egba province, and the Ifes, Ijebus and Oygs
striving for predominance in the south, the Ijesa and Ekiti
provinces, save for the late Pole war, were enjoying the blessings
of peace. Entrenched in their mountain fastnesses, they were
safe from the Fulani horse and other foes.
But it seems they were not to be exempt from the ban that hung
over the rest of the Yoruba nation, and hence they commenced an
internal strife among themselves, which led to their inviting
outside help and resulted in their final subjugation.
A^ye and Otun were two towns in the Efon and Ekiti districts
contiguous to one another ; the people bear the same relationship
to each other as the Egba bear towards the Oyos or Ijebus. They
are all included under the term Ekiti.
A feud arose between these two towns about their boundaries
which culminated in a war in which Otun was worsted, but so
determined on revenge was the Olotun (king of Otun) that he
sought help from abroad ; he sent to Ibadan for that purpose
and Balogun Oderinlo was sent out with the whole of the Ibadan
army, and Akye was besieged.
Finding that the Ibadans were too strong for them the Alaye
(king of Aaye) sought help from Ilorin, and the Ilorin horse under
their general Afunku appeared in the field in aid of Aciye. The
choice fell on the Fulani Balogun as the Hausa and Yoruba
Baloguns of the Ilorins had already failed at Osogbo.
The Ilorins did their best to raise the siege by attacking the
Ibadans in the rear, but the Ibadans rounded on them and inflicted
on them a severe defeat. Their leader general Afunku fell in
the conflict, about lOO Ilorins were made prisoners, and the rest
escaped home, leaving Aaye to its fate.
Such a turn of affairs was least expected at Aaye. The town
was now closely invested, and when they were reduced to feeding
on roots of trees, reptiles, and other loathsome objects they
went about the streets bewailing their misfortunes and endeavour-
ing to move the sympathy of their kinsmen of Otun, and sang
" Olotun nje otito li o yio fi kini yi se ? " (O king of Otun, will
you then make of this matter a stern reality ?)
But there were some men in the town who were encouraging
them to hold out a Httle longer, saying that great as their distress
was in the town, greater still was it in the Ibadan camp where they
were reduced to pounding hay for food ; and if their allies could
not raise the siege, famine would do it for them.
A SERIES OF FRATRICIDAL WARS 295
Thus encouraged, the men of Aaye held out heroically, they
built forts upon the town walls from which sharp shooters harassed
the Ibadans continually, and among those killed by that means
was a notable chief Toki Onibudo^ the Seriki of Ibadan. But
when they could hold out no longer, when men, women, and children
were dying in the stieets from starvation, Fagbefiro the Alaye
with his mother were resolved to risk going in person to the
Ibadan camp to sue for peace.
When they entered the camp and were being conducted to the
Balogun's quarters, the Alaye was overcome with surprise on
finding yam, corn, flour, and other articles of food exposed in the
market for sale, " What do I see ? " exclaimed he " What about
the famine we were told existed in the Ibadan camp so that men
were reduced to feeding on pounded hay? " He there and then
ordered some yam to be purchased for him, even before he got to
the presence of the Balogun.
The Balogun received the Alaye in a friendly manner, and terms
of peace were agreed upon, the Alaye promising to serve the
Ibadans. But he was told that as they could not return home to
Ibadan empty-handed, he should give them a small force and a
guide to Isan the next town of importance ; and in order to allay
the Alaye's apprehensions the Balogun ordered a chief named
Lajubu to return with the Alaye to the town to protect the same
against the wild soldiery until the whole army had passed on to
Iskn. But this seems to have been a ruse, for Lajubu and the
Alaye had scarcely reached the gate of the town when the whole
Ibadan army was on the move, Lajubu himself rushed forward not
to protect the place, but to be amongst the first in plundering and
slave-catching. Very few however were the captives taken,
as famine had done its worst with them ; most of the survivors were
weak and sickly, with oedematous hands and feet, and only about
100 comparatively able-bodied were found amongst them, and even
these nearly all soon perished from the indiscretion of their captors,
who in hopes of restoring them speedily to sound health fed them
immoderately after a long spell of starvation.
The Ibadan army pushed on and took Oro, Yapa, Isi and Isan.
At the last mentioned place all the war-chiefs remained, but the
war-boys followed up the conquest as far as to Itagi, where they
suffered a disaster and were checked.
The people of Itagi left their town and hid themselves in the bush
hard by. The Ibadan war-boys having rushed in, dispersed
1 This chief was succeeded by his nephew, Ibikunle, who
became a famous Balogun.
296 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
all over the town, intent on plundering ; when the Itagi armed
men came out and hunted them down everywhere butchering
them to pieces. Chief Lajubu was amongst those caught in
the market place and there he ended his career.
This expedition opened the way for the Ibadan raids into
the Ekiti country, which continued year by year until the whole
of that province was brought under subjugation by them as will
be seen hereafter, and they remained a subject people under the
Ibadans until, united in one, they struck for freedom, which was
won by the aid of the British government many years after.
§ 2. The Egbas and Egbados
About the same time as the events recorded in the previous
section, the Egbas were waging war with some of the Egbado
tribes. Ado was besieged, but held out for many years. All
the Baloguns of Abeokuta were there present except their chief
Sodeke ; but they spent their strength and skill to no purpose.
It was just about this time (A.D. 1843) that the Missionaries
of the C.M.S. arrived at Abeokuta for inspection with a view
to carrying on mission work in this country. The pioneer was
the Rev. Henry Townsend a European missionary, with Mr.
Andrew Wilhelm Desalu his interpreter, both from Sierra Leone.
They met Chief Sodeke the Balogun of Itoku and leader of the
Egbas to Abeokuta who received them with a cordial welcome.
Mr. Townsend left Abeokuta after a short stay with a promise
to return soon for a permanent stay amongst them tor missionary
work.
Thus light began to dawn on the Yoruba country from the
south, when there was nothing but darkness, idolatry, superstition,
blood shedding and slave-hunting all over the rest of the country.
There was an old tradition in the country of a prophecy that as
ruin and desolation spread from the interior to the coast, so light
and restoration will be from the coast interior-wards. This was
a tradition of ages. Is not this event the beginning of its fulfil-
ment ? Whilst the Egbas were encamped before Ado, the Daho-
mians led out an expedition, and were on the march for Ilaro.
It was privately reported to the Egbas that the Dahomians would
suddenly fall on them and raise the siege. Hearing this the Egbas
first sent out spies to ascertain their situation ; they thereupon
surprised the Dahomians one morning as they spread themselves
about their camp airing and drying their accoutrements that had
got wet from a drenching rain after a storm that took place on the
previous evening. In the confusion of the flight the Egbas captured
the standard of the Dahomian army, which was an umbrella made
A SERIES OF FRATRICIDAL WARS 297
of the skins of different kinds of animals, and burnt it. It was
said that the King of Dahomey negotiated for it, and would have
redeemed it at any price, but as it had been destroyed, it could
not be restored ; and this was the cause of the mortal enmity
and s>vorn hatred that has existed between successive Kings of
Dahomey and the Egbas of Abeokuta unto this day. By the
intervention of the Rev. Hy. Townsend, the siege of Ado was
raised after a duration of 5 or 6 years, and the Egbas returned
home.
§ 3. Ibadan and Ijaye. The Batedo War, a.d. 1844
Inflated with the success of his intrigues at home and his arms
abroad, the Basorun of Ibadan was aspiring to the throne of
Oyo ! That this was so was evident from his style and manner
at this time, and the insinuations his drummer was permitted to
make when greeting him : —
" Iba, kuku joba, (Be the King at once, my lord,
Mase bi Oba mo." Cease acting like a King).
He, however, had his own misgivings ; he was the King's nephew
but by the female line, and no such succession is possible in the
Yoruba country. He would however make a venture trying might
where he had no right, and in order to effect his purpose he was
seeking occasion for a rupture with the AlAfin, and at the same
time, by entreaty and bribery, endeavouring to secure the
connivance if not the alliance of the Are of Ijaye, the only obstacle
in his way. The latter refused to listen to him, and even remon-
strated with him for his presumption and disloyalty to his lawful
sovereign whose first minister he was. But as he would not
be dissuaded from his projects, the Are finally sent word to say
no one would venture to attack Oyo unless he the Are-ona-Kakanfo
be first removed out of the way.
The Are kept the King well informed of all that was passing
between himself and the Basorun. His Majesty also was well
aware of the Basorun's intentions and of his power, hence he dealt
wisely and patiently with him, never evincing any hostile spirit
towards him, nor taking any notice of his insults. Thrice did
Oluyole the Basorun send word to the King to say he should now
fulfil the promise he made before his coronation to lead the people
back home and remove the seat of government back to the ancient
capital. The King knowing his intentions, thus replied to the
messengers on the tliird and last time : " Tell your master that
if he is ready let him come on, I am ready. As the present
Oyo is on the high way to the ancient capital, he should start
298 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
first and meet me here." At the same time the AlAfin was
fortifjang the town against a sudden attack, and employed a
fetishman one Latubosun to bury charms at all the gates leading
to the city as a preventive. As he was evincing much anxiety
for the safetj' of the town both this fetishman and the Ondasa
(the official fetishman) assured him that not a single shot would be
fired against this place.
Oluyole on the other hand lost no opportunity of seeking an
occasion for a rupture between himself and the King. He sent
a body of troops to intercept Abudu Alelo and Kosija the Ilari
whom the King sent to Porto Novo for a supply of ammunition.
Abudu's teeth were shattered by the fire of one of Oluygle's men,
for this the King neither remonstrated with Oluyole nor demanded
a redress knowing it to be a deliberate casus belli ; he treated the
matter as an accident.
With Kurumi the Are also Oluyole was provoking a rupture
as he was the only obstacle in the way of his carrying out of his
projects. He demanded that Kurumi as Kakanfo should acknow-
ledge the seniority of himself as Basorun by coming in person to
Ibadan to pay his respects to him, as he goes to Oyo to do homage.
Kuriimi was too wide awake to venture his head into the lion's
mouth, notwithstanding that Ogun-ko-roju his Balogun urged
him to comply for the sake of peace. The Basorun constituted
this refusal a casuf belli.
A circumstance, however, occurred which accelerated the war.
One Asu the Areagoro of Ladejo, an Ijaye chief, was expelled the
town for treason, and he escaped to Fiditi, a town mid-way
between Ijaye and Oyo; he rebuilt the ruins and had the town
re-inhabited. The Kakanfo sent a company of 100 men to surprise
and disperse this Httle band, but they found Asu and his men ready,
and proving too strong for them, they were defeated and driven
back. Fearing therefore the resentment of the Are, Asu sent to
Ibadan for help. TheBasor un who had long been seeking an oppor-
tunity for war against Ijaye hailed the present offer and sent out
Balogun Oderinlo and Ibikunle the Seriki with instructions to
confine their operations to kidnapping expeditions in Ijaye and
Oyo farms, in order to harass them, and render farming both
useless and unsafe so that famine might do half the work before a
direct attack was made.
This continued for many months and several skirmishes took
place on the Aregbe hills in the Ijaye farms with varying results.
At length the Ibadans suffered a great disaster at Odogido in
the Ijaye farms which put an end to the Fiditi campaign. On
that eventful day the Balogun arranged to lead an expedition
A SERIES OF FRATRICIDAL WARS 299
to the Oyo farms and entrusted that to the Ijaye farms to the
Seriki. At a place called Odogido the Ijayes lay in ambush
and suddenly attacked the Seriki's army on all sides and routed it
completely. About 140 masters of compounds " who went to
war on horseback " were caught and slain exclusive of private
soldiers. It was said that Ibikunle the Seriki himself only escaped
by falling into some friendly hands and was quietly let off. The
Ijayes pressed hard in pursuit until it was dark and the shadows
of night saved the remnant ot the defeated. Hence this expedition
was sometimes named " Oru gba mi 1^." (The night saved me.)
One Lampejg was wounded in about 60 places all over his body,,
and was left for dead, but at night he revived and found his way
home.
The expedition to the Oyo farms under the Balogun was also
unsuccessful, though not disastrous ; not a single captive was
brought back with him for they met nobody in the farms.
The Are of Ijaye put to death all the captives that fell into his
hands ; and made a platform on which he piled up the heads of
the slain. For three months after this, the Ibadans remained
inactive at Fiditi.
Oluyole received the news with great indignation. He was
resolved upon a siege of Ijaye ; and at once declared war and ordered
his army at Fidih to meet him on the way thither ; they met him
at Ojoho his first encampment about six miles from Ibadan.
Thence they removed to Ika about midway between the two
belligerent towns. From this place they began to clear the bush
taking a north-easterly direction to the Ijaye farms which they
reached on the 5th day and there encamped. Here the Ijayes
met them and for two full years hard battles were fought with
equal success on both sides ; but the war was very unpopular.
Also an incident reported from home contributed largely to the
failure of the expedition on the part of the Ibadans. The war-
chiefs were told of the Basorun's boast when he heard of the
disaster of Odogido that if there remained but himself alone and
Oyainu (his favourite wife) he would take Ijaye. Oyainu herself,
a lady of a masculine temperament and very popular was heard
to swear by the Egugun gods (a thine; forbidden to women) that
if the war was left to herself alone, she would take Ijaye.
The war-chiefs were naturally hurt by this impHed slur cast
upon them by the Basorun and his wife. This, added to the un-
naturalness of the conflict, rendered them perfectly indifferent to
the issue of the war, they followed their chief and his wife half-
heartedly, rather as spectators to see how far they could do without
them ; it was even asserted that some of the chiefs fired only
300 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
blank ammunition. Whatever maybe the truth of these reports,
it was qiiite certain that the war was unpopular, and that the
Basgrun and his wife had to bear the brunt of the battle.
The war at length became a general one. Both sides sought the
alliance of the Egbas ; the Egba chiefs were divided, Sodek§ and
Anoba declared for Ijaye, but Apati being Oluyole's friend and
relative declared for Ibadan. Sodeke himself never went beyond
Arakanga, 3 miles from home, but sent his eldest son forward
to Ijaye.
The alliance of Ogbomoso was also sought ; there was also a
division here, the Bale declared for Ijaye but Ogurunbi a notable
war-chief, for Ibadan. Oluygle further sought the alliance of the
Emir of Ilorin and the aid of his powerful Balogun Ali. He also
sent provisions for the Ilorin troops on account of the great
scarcity of food then at Ilorin, and asked them to beseige Ogbomoso.
He also sent a contingent force of infantry in aid of the Ilorins.
The men of Ogbomoso defeated this army but could not pursue
them far, for fear of the Ilorin horse.
The Oke Ogun districts also were divided in their allegiance
Iseyin declared for both Ijaye and Ibadan. [The fact is that that
town was practically situated between two fires]. But He Bioku
Berekodo, Igbo Ora and Pako were for Ibadan.
In the Eastern districts Apomu, Ikire and Osogbo were vassals
of Ibadan and had no choice, but Iwo and Ede revolted. The
people of Ede were at first the allies of the Ibadans, and Folarin
their prince was in the Ibadan camp from the beginning of the
campaign, but when he received information that his people at
home had revolted, he one day went over with all his men to Ijaye
and was there received with open arms. The Are sent him home
in peace under the escort of Chief Elepo late of Ibadan.
Lodifi an Iwo chief also went over and was similarly sent home.
But Kolokg and Adepo two Ibadan war-chiefs were stationed at
Ejigbo to raid the Ede farms ; when therefore Prince Folarin and
Chief Elepo arrived at Ede, they went against Ejigbo to drive away
these raiders. Elepo, confident in the terror his very name
inspired thought they would not dare await his approach, but alas,
that time for Elepo was past and gone ; Prince Folarin fell in an
engagement and Elepo was seriously wounded in the arms. He
was thus invalided at Ede for about a whole year before he was
sufficiently recovered to return to Ijaye.
Thus the war between Ibadan and Ijaye involved nearly the
whole country ; it lasted for two full years and during this period,
the deadly conflict was chiefly between the Basorun and the Arg,
for Odgrinlo the Balogun of Ibadan and Oguoroju the Balogun of
A SERIES OF FRATRICIDAL WARS 30I
liaye had free though private communication with each other,
and so all the minor chiefs and privates on both sides met each his
kinsman and exchanged greetings and presents with one another.
The Alafin of Oyo held himself quite neutral and rendered
no aid to either party and was thus able to come forward as
an arbitrator between the contending parties. He sent the emblems
of the god Sango with the high priest from Oyo to Ijaye, and thence
to the Ibadan camp saying, " What the king on earth may not be
able to effect, surely the King from the other world can do, and
this unnatural conflict must now cease."
Sango's intervention was respected by both parties now tired
of the war, and peace was immediately concluded. The Ibadans
in the camp flocked to Ijaye and vice versa, ^dich. one to see his
friends and relatives and to offer congratulations.
It was during this war that locusts were first seen in the Yoruba
country. They swarmed through the land and devoured every
blade of green grass, but there was no famine in consequence for
providentially it occurred just before cereals were planted, and
they did not pass over the same region again ; but there was
agricultural depression in some parts of the country for the locusts
did not altogether disappear from the land for about two years.
§ 4. Abeokut aand Abaka. The AbAka War, a.d. 1846
About a year after their return from the Ado war, and after
the death of Sodeke the Egbas found a pretext for waging war
against Abak^ a suburban village. It was at first considered
an easy task, but the Abaka men defended theii town so vigorously
that they compelled the Egbas to beat a hasty retreat. The war
was, however, renewed and the small town closely invested for
fully four months and was reduced by famine. The distinguished
Egba war-chiefs then were ; Apati the Generalissimo, Anoba,
Olufakun, Somoye, Ogunbgna of Ikija and others. On their
return from this expedition about 150 captives were allotted
to Anoba alone.
The Egbas being now fully settled in their new home, Abeokuta,
deemed it necessary to organize themselves for complete civil
duties and have a king over them ; and Okukenu one of their
war-chiefs who bore the Oyo title of Sagbua (one of the junior
Esos of Oyo) was unanimously elected the first king of Abeokuta.
§ 5, The Ile Bioku Expedition and End of Chief Elepo
At the same time the Abaka war was going on, Kuriimi the
Are of liaye sent an expedition against Ile Bioku one of the Oke
Ogun towns to punish them for having sided with the Ibadans
M
302 The history of the yorubas
during the late Batedo war. This expedition was entrusted
to Chief Elepo late of Ibadan. This chief was for carrying the
place by a coup de main, but the men of Bioku having heard before-
hand of the impending danger were on the alert, and were fully
prepared to offer a determined resistance. Elepo arranged for a
night attack and headed his men for the assault. The men of
Bioku fought desperately, but so vigorous was the assault that they
were compelled to retreat into the town and some captives were
made among them.
But Elepo the leader of the expedition had been wounded with
a poisoned arrow at the first onslaught, and as he stepped aside
as was his wont, for his troops to rush forward, he expired soon after
unknown to them.
But the men of Bioku rallied and repulsed the attack, and when
at this moment Elepo was expected to re-appear on the scene to
support his men he was not to be found. The repulsed assembled
at the foot of the hill on which He Bioku was built waiting for
their leader ; his drum was kept up beating and calling him if per-
chance he had missed his way, but alas he had fallen and they
knew it not.
The Bioku men had not the courage to descend from their
heights and attack them, nor could the Ijaye in vadeis venture on
another assault without their leader. Thus both parties retired.
At dawn, the men of Bioku in removing their slain observed
the corpse of Chief Elepo, and they called to the Ijaye men from
their heights : "Examine among j'ourselves and see who is
missing ; here is the corpse of a fallen soldier with striped trousers."
Then the Ijaye men knew that they had lost their leader. Thus
the expedition against He Bioku failed.
The Late Chief Elepo. — Chief Elepo was a native of Iwdgbk
and was acknowledged to be one of the greatest generals Ibadan
ever produced. In no other man was power ever seen so combined
with hamiUty, loyalty, and devotion as was characteristic of
Elepo. He was remarkable for simplicity of manners, and could
not be distinguished among his common soldiers by dress or any
futile accessories. At home or in the field he mingled freely with
them all and carried a gun on his shoulders hke one of them. He
was almost always victorious. Unhke the other generals of the
day, he used to march at the head of his troops leading them to the
fight, and when on the scene ot action he stepped aside with his
attendants, for his men to rush forward, and if they were
repulsed he would at once re-appear on the scene and repel the
enemy.
The following anecdote told of him will serve to illustrate how
A SERIES OF FRATRICIDAL WARS 303
much was the dread which his very name inspired in people's
breasts.
It was once rumoured at Iwo that Elepo was coming against
them at the head of his army. There was a great consternation
in the town and a Babalawo (Ifa priest) in consulting his god as
to his safety and that of his family was so distracted with fear
that he transposed the words of divination, substituting the name
of Elepo for that of the god, and vice versa ; said he, " Elepo nkan
kan, Orunmila li o gbe ogun de oke odo yi. Ngo ti se ku ti omo ti
omg," i.e. O Elepo the ineffable, heie is Orunmila (the god Ifa)
with his army at the banks of the river. ^ By what means shall I
perish children and all ! Upon his son calhng his attention to
the mistake saying " Father, you are saying it wrong, it is just the
other way," he turned round and dealt him a blow on the head
saying, "Bi mo ti nfe e ki fito da iya re nu u" (i.e. that is how I used
to be engaged to it, before ever I divined with your mother),
intending to say that was how he used to divine with it before he
was ever engaged to the lad's mother. Such was the dread
Elepo's name inspired.
He was generally loved and respected by his colleagues, but
his oldest friend and chief to whom he was devoted proved false
to him and contrived to bring about his ruin. Such is man !
When the corpse was recognised by the Bioku people his head
was taken off and sent to the Basorun of Ibadan. What grim
pleasure or delight that great intriguer took in it, tradition did
not say, but such was the end of that great man.
§ 6. Sagaun and Igbo-Ora
The fires of theBatedo war were still smouldering in the embers.
The Basorun of Ibadan at the zenith of his glory, but unable to
attain the height of his ambition became very oppressive at home.
No one escaped the virulence of his tongue ; he had no regard for
any, least of all for the Balogun who was the next man to him in
the town. A general insurrection was therefore raised against
him which involved nearly the whole town. The Balogun and
Otun connived at it, but professed neutrality ; the Seriki and the
Asipa alone were for restoring order in the town, and through their
intervention, by remonstrating with the two senior chiefs, and
addressing a strong appeal to the Basorun to check the excesses
of his men, the insurrection was quelled. The Ibadans however
soon found a vent for their overflowing energies by events trans-
piring elsewhere, as an outcome of the late Batedo war.
^ The River Obk near Iwo.
304 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
We have seen above how parties were divided in their allegiance
in the Oke Ogim districts during the late Batedo war, how Sagaun
declared for Ijaye, andBerekodo, Igbo Ora, and Pako for Ibadan.
Agidi the chief of Sagaun found a pretext for declaring war against
Igbo- Ora, and besieged it, but finding the place too strong for
him, he appHed to Ijaye for help, and the Are sent out theBalogun
to his aid. The Igbo Ora people on the other hand sent to Ibadan
for help as their misfortunes were occasioned by their loyalty
to Ibadan, The Basorun at first sent to their aid a war-chief
named Akawo but Akawo soon sent home for a larger force ;
then Ibikunle the Seriki, Opeagbe the Osi and others were sent as
re-inforcement. The principal war-chiefs remained at Berekodo,
but they sent all the Badas to Igbo-Ora. But the Ijaye army was
still too strong for them and when they could hold out no longer
they retreated with the whole of the Igbo-Ora people to Pako.
The Balogun of Ijaye besieged them here also and would have
crushed them had not timely aid come from Ibadan. The
Basorun hearing of the straits in which his men were, ordered the
Balogun to the rescue. But Oderinlo the Balogun of Ibadan and
Lasilo theBalogun of Ijaye were sworn friends, and rather than
prove false to him, Oderinlo from his first rendezvous at Odo
Ona sent to tell his friend that he was coming with an overwhelming
force which the I j ayes could not possibly withstand, and there-
fore he would advise him to retire from Sagaun as soon as
possible; nothing could be gained by the enormous loss of lives that
must ensue, and the pangs of broken friendship ; and Sagaun
must fall. Lasilo and his men accordingly letired from Sagaun, and
on that very day the Ibadan hosts entered and Sagaun was taken.
Chief Agidi who originated the war fell from the heights of Oke
Tapa and was killed. Within 13 days of their departure the
Balogun of Ibadan with his armj' returned home but met the
Basorun seriously ill. During their absence in the field the Basorun
called at the houses of all the principal chiefs and respectable
citizens to ask after the welfare of their households ; he was
everywhere received with marks of honour. In one of these rounds
he unfortunately met with an accident, by being thrown off his
horse and he sustained an internal injury from which he was laid
up and was unable to see or welcome home his army. Five days
after their arrival, he breathed his last.
What the populace could not do during his lifetime they were
determined to do now, viz., to pull down and plunder his house on
account of the enormities perpetrated by him. But the Balogun
prevented this, he posted the Agbakin with his men at the entrance
of the palace to prevent any outrage or disorder.
A SERIES OF FRATRICIDAL WARS 305
Thus passed away one of the most distinguished figures in the
Yoruba countr5\
The Late Oluyole Basorun of Ibadan. — Oluygle was the son
of OlokQoye, grandson of Basorun Yamba, and Agbgnrin the
daughter of King Abiodun the Alafin of Oyo. He was born
during the period of the Fulani ascendancy and the ravages of
the Jamas, and hence his parents were reduced to absolute poverty.
As a lad, he was apprenticed to a metallurgist for whom he carried
charcoal. It was during this period that he obtained the friendship
of Oyainu (his favourite wife) whom he afterwards married ; but
his first wife was Latofide. When he first asked for her hand she
refused him on account of the idle life he was then leading as a
dancer ; but his friends Lanose and others begged her to accept
him, pledging their honour to see her taken care of and properly
supported.
When Oluyole rose to power and eminence he took revenge
on her for this circumstance which he never forgot.
Oyainu had no children but Latofide was the mother of his
first born Akiola whom he loved very much ; so much so that when
the lad was seriously ill, at the advice of an Ifa priest he offered
a slave in sacrifice as a ransom for the life of his son. Akiola however
died.
Oluyole joined at Ipara the band of marauders which subse-
quently settled at Ibadan. Fortune favoured him there and he rose
to a position of some distinction in the army, first as an Areagoro,
then the Osi of Ibadan, and lastly he became the Basorun of the
kingdom.
He was the friend of Ologun I'Eko and of Kosoko of Lagos
whose ally he was during the Ota war : he survived all his colleagues
and after the Eleduwe war obtained the title of Basorun from the
AlAfin Atiba.
As a ruler he was arbitrary and oppressive and that was the
cause of several civil wars at Ibadan. As a commander he was
almost always successful although he had many narrow escapes.
As an excuse for him, his was an age of anarchy and lawlessness,
and a ruler who showed himself weak would soon be compelled to
give place to another. He could endure no rival and was exceed-
ingly ambitious, hence the two inexcusable flaws in his life history,
the perfidy to his faithful friend Elepo, and the disloyalty to the
AlAfin his uncle and sovereign.
He cannot be properly spoken of as a bloodthirsty tyrant
because although sometimes inexorable, yet he was frequently
merciful and forbearing. We may note for instance his treatment
of those caught in the insurrection against him. In this respect
306 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
he contrasted most favourably with his contemporary Kurumi
of Ijaye.
Ogunmgla who subsequently rose to distinction was but a
private during his early administration: he had only a single
drummer as his attendant whom he used to mount on a tree in
front of his house and himself sitting on an empty keg of powder
challenging the Basgrun to a civil war ! His drummer used to
beat : —
" Ogunmola, ija 'gboro ni yio pa a dan, dan, dan !
O nyi agba gbiri, gbiri, gbiri !
O mu agbori Igwg, o nwo ona Orun yan, yan, yan ! "
(Ogunmola, of a civil fight he shall die for sure, sure, sure !
He keeps kegs of powder a rolling, rolling, rolling !
With a jack knife in hand he is looking heavenwards steadily,
steadily, steadily !)
His Highness, amused at this imp, used to send him some presents,
sa5ang " He is hungry hence he is challenging me to a fight."
His contemporary of Ijaye would have made short work of
him for this.
Oluygle was fond of husbandry ; he had extensive plantations
of okra, beans, vegetables, corn and yams, a separate farm for
each, and whenever he had to take any to the market, no farmer
was allowed to sell that particular article that day as he had sufii-
cient to supply all the traders in the town, and could undersell
any farmer. He made an experiment in yam planting so that a
single root should be large enough for a load. The soil was first
prepared, and a hole dug about 3 or 4ft. deep, and as many in
diameter ; this was filled with weeds and pieces of banana stalks,
earth was raised upon it, and the yam planted therein ; as the
underlying rubbish decayed room was made for the yam to extend
in all directions until the hole was filled and the size of the yam
large enough for a load.
The Basorun owned nearly all the kola trees in the town as
well as the kola groves, and often offered human sacrifices in
them in order to make the trees fruitful One of his wives, the
mother of his son Owolabi, was for a trifling offence punished by
being sacrificed in one of these groves.
Silk velvet was then very rare and of a high value ; he allowed
no one but himself alone to use a velvet robe ; the chiefs might use
velvet caps only, but this no common man dared to do. The argu-
ment for this was that when poor people begin to aspire to what
they could not easily obtain, they neglect the more necessary
things of every day life and thereby impoverish those dependent
A SERIES OF FRATRICIDAL WARS 307
upon them. Moreover, it fosters the spirit of ambition and
covetousness which may lead to robbery and other evils. It is
better, therefore not to encourage such, and thus they were for-
bidden altogether.
Oluyole kept a large harem, for when he had become great his
wives used to seize any good-looking maiden found in the street
or market place, and bring her to him to become his wife. Hundreds
of these he did not even know by sight, his palace being an enormous
compound. On his death, the relatives and betrothed husbands
of these maidens boldly entered his palace and took them away.
He had many children, the most distinguished among them were :
Owolabi who perished in the Ara expedition (to be noticed hereafter) ,
after him Alade who became the head of the house, but he also
died not long after, and Aborisade the next eldest who stood for
many years the head of the house.
The central market at Ibadan known as " Oja Iba " was so
named after him when he became Ibasorun ; fo merly it was
Oja Labosinde after theBaba Isale of the early settlers.
By the death of the Basorun the government of the town
devolved upon Oderinlg theBalogun, but as some of the important
chiefs were then absent from home, he was not disposed to assume
a higher title till their return, and a general re-arrangement of
titles take place. But he survived his chief only a year, and Laju-
mgke the Otun and next in rank to him having died, the headship
devolved upon Opeagbe the Osi, but he survived them only 11
months, and after his death, by a unanimous vote Olugbode an
Owu man was elected Bale, but he was not properly installed
into office until the war-chiefs returned from an expedition now
to be noticed.
Chapter XVII
SUBJUGATION OF THE IJESAS AND EKITIS BY THE
IBADANS— SOME IMPORTANT EPISODES— SOCIAL
REFORM AT IBADAN
§ I. The Opin War
After the crushing defeat of the Ilorins at Osogbo and the Ibadan
ascendancy, the Ilorins ventured no more into the Oyo provinces,
except for the Httle help they endeavoured to give to the Ibadans
during the Batedo war, by attempting to besiege Ogbomoso,
which ended disastrously for them. They appeared now to have
recovered somewhat from their military depression, at least
sufficiently to essay an aggressive warfare into the Efon districts.
A man called Esu, a native of lye, a town between Ilemoso
and Eluku who had been a slave at Ilorin was redeemed by one
Lai eye for 12 heads of cowries ; the latter also redeemed one Oni for
25 heads of cowries, and gave her to him to wife. Esu, however,
turned out to be a ne'er do weel of a roving disposition, unfit for
any trade. He left Ilorin and settled first at Egbe then at Itagi
and finally at Isan, leading a predatory life in those regions, kid-
napping peaceful traders, sparing none, and was particularly
hard on the Ilorin traders. In that way he became a person of
some importance in those parts ; hence the Ilorins were now
resolved upon capturing him alive.
Finding himself obnoxious to the Ilorins he hastily declared
his allegiance to the Ibadans their great antagonist. Through
the assistance of Oluokun a distinguished Ibadan gentleman
residing at Ila, he received an introduction to the Basorun
of Ibadan (then living) who received him cordially, and in dis-
missing him, gave him a war standard and commended him to
the care of Yemaja his tutelary deity, Oluyole being a very
religious man in his own way. In his incursions Esu never forgot
his patron, for during the Basorun's Ufetime, he continually sent
him slaves and booty taken in his raids. After the death of
Oluyole the Ilorins were resolved to besiege Esu at Opin where
he then was.
Ali the braveBaloganof Ilorin was entrusted with this expedition.
He sought the alUance of the Ibadan chiefs, as the relation between
Esu and Ibadan was only a personal one with the late Baoruns;
and besides, the Ibadans were somewhat under an obligation to
308
SUBJUGATION OF THE IJESAS AND EKITIS BY THE IBADANS 309
Ilgrin for assisting them in the futile siege of Ogbomgso during
the late Batedo war, but as a matter of fact in order to forestall
his opponent. Although any pretext however small was quite
sufficient as an excuse for the Ibadans to mobilize, yet in this
case only a junior war-chief named Kgloko with a small force
was sent to represent the Ibadans,
For three years Opin held out heroically and had nearly baffled
the prowess of AH when a sudden accident occurred which extin-
guished their hopes. Aganga Adoja a noble citizen was the hero
of the town ; one night Aganga was inspecting his magazine
with a naked lamp in hand, when suddenly a terrific explosion was
heard and the hopes of Opin with her heroic defender perished
together in a moment.
Esu escaped to Isan, thence to Oye, and then to Ikole. These
places were taken one after another as Esu was being pursued
to be taken alive. He escaped finally to Omu Ijela, a place
fortified by nature against primitive weapons of warfare. Situated
on a high hill, and surrounded for a mile on all sides by a thorny
hedge and thickets, it was impenetrable to the Ilorin horse. Ali
died soon after Opin was taken and his body was conveyed to
Ilorin for interment. The command of the army now devolved
on Hinna-konu the Fulani Balogun, assisted by Alanamu the
Yoruba Balogun of Ilorin.
After the capture of the above named towns the camp was
broken up, and the Ilgrin army as well as the Ibadan contingent
returned to their respective homes. Kglgkg of Ibadan, however,
did not reach home, but fell sick by the way and died at Osogbo.
§ 2. Subjugation of the Ijesas
After th-e return home of the war-chiefs from the Opin expedition
and all were now present at home. Chief Olugbode was regularly
and formally installed into office as the Bale of Ibadan. It was
now his turn to confer the principal titles on the war-chiefs. The
important titles of Balogun, Otun, Osi, i.e., the commander-in-
chief, commander of the right and of the left, were vacant. As
titles were sometimes given not to the most worthy but to the
highest bidder, Ibikunle the Seriki was advised to bid for the
title of Balogun ; but he refused to do so with words which have
become memorable, showing the character and qualit}' of the man
" A ki ifi owo du oye alagbara," i.e. the title of the valiant should
never be contested with mone}'. As the most worthy of his
compeers, the title of Balogun was conferred upon him without
a dissentient voice. The other titles followed in due course.
The Ibadan army as now constituted being the instrument of
310
THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
raising the reputation of that military state to its highest pitch
of fame, which was maintained for many years afterwards and
has never been surpassed, the names of the principal leaders and
their offices may here be given : —
Bale — Olugbode
Titles.
Names.
Titles.
Names.
Balogun
Otun
Osi
Ibikunle
Ogunmola
Osundina
Seriki
Asaju
Otun Bale
Ajayi Jegede
Madarik^n
Sumala
Asipa
Ek§rin
Ekarun
Akere
Orowiisi
Oyasaw§
Osi Bale
Ajiya Bale
Areagoro Balogun
Tub6sun
Abayomi
Aij^iiku
Of these the first three and last two were exceptionally brave men.
There was at this time in the Yoruba country a great increase
in the population, a marvellous agricultural prosperity, and an
abundant energy not always directed to useful purposes.
It was always the custom after conferring of titles especially
that of Balogun to seize the first opportunity that offered to prove
one's fitness for the title ; an opportunity was soon afforded for
the purpose.
The Ijebu ERg War
The Ijgsas of Ilase and Ibokun reinforced from Ilesa were
at this time making incursions into the Osogbo farms. Osogbo
being under the protection of Ibadan, the Bale of Ibadan therefore
sent out his Balogun on his first expedition to punish Ilase for the
raids.
On reaching Osogbo, the Ibadan army marched direct to the
Ilas§ farms, clearing the bush, making wide paths and encamped
by the Yawo stream.
But the expedition nearly collapsed before ever they came in
sight of the enemy. A quarrel broke out between Orowilsi the
Ekgrin and two of the Bale's war-chiefs Ojo Orona and Okunlk,
which nearly involved the whole camp. There appeared to be an
old grudge between them and they clashed with each other when
choosing sites for their tents. The Bale's principal war-chiefs
the Otun and the Osi took no part in the fight but their men did.
Neither the Balogun nor Ogunmola the Otun could interfere with-
out appearing to take sides and then the strife would be general.
Ogunmola who was distinguished for his tact and diplomacy
therefore sent to the Balogun that he should give orders for battle as
if the Ij§sas were coming upon them. This was done. They marched
out in order of battle, crossed the Yawo stream and opened fire
SUBJUGATION OF THE IJgSAS AND EKITIS BY THE IBADANS 3II
upon an imaginary foe. They then sent a company of men to the
camp to raise an alarm " The Ijesas in sight." When therefore
those rival chiefs heard the sound of musketry they left off fighting
among themselves. The matter was amicably adjusted on the
next day.
The Bale at home was informed of everything that transpired
by a special messenger Oni by name (afterwards Josiah Oni)
and he sent to pacify both parties.
For a whole year Ilase withstood the attacks of the Ibadans.
In order to raise the siege, the Ijesas of Ibokun attacked the Ibadan
camp from the rear, but the Balogun had provided against this
contingency. Ali the powerful Balogun of Iwo was always left
in the camp with a reserve force whenever they were engaged
in battle. The Ibokuns were routed, driven back, and pursued
right home, and the town was taken. The Ibadans were now able
to concentrate all their forces on Ilase. When Ilase could no
longer hold out, their Ilesa auxiliaries withdrew and the town was
taken. The Ibadans now left the camp at Yawo and pitched in a
plain having the ruins of Ilase and Ibokun on one side, and on the
other Esa Egure and Esa Olusopo. Olusopg and Mesin Oloja
Oke surrendered through Oluokun of Ibadan, a resident in those
parts, and peace was concluded with them. From thence they
removed to Ijebu Ere.
A large number of the people of Ilase escaped to Ijebu Ere.
This was a large town, and a large force from Ilesa the capital was
sent to defend it. The Ibadan army was met at a considerable
distance from the town. • Three severe engagements took place ; at
the third the Ijesas were defeated and 160 of them made prisoners.
Ijebu Ere was now closely besieged. Being a large town, the
Balogun divided the Ibadan army into three parts ; he
encamped at Iwaye, and placed the Otun at the Erinmo road and
the Seriki with all the Badas at the Efon Aye road. He intention-
ally left the Ilesa road free as if to suggest a way of escape for them.
The Ijesas made a desperate effort to carry the Iwaye camp, but
found the Balogun too strong for them. Next they concentrated
their attack on the camp at the Erinmo road ; thrice they attempted
to carry it by assault, bat they were repulsed. The Balogun
thereupon left a few of his war-chiefs in the Iwaye road, took the
Seriki's place in the Efon Aye road, and sent him to reinforce the
Otun where the fight was now strongest.
The Ibadans were then in the habit of using coloured or
variegated umbrellas in the field as banner j, and the Ijesa war-chiefs
having then no umbrellas raised their broad sun hats upon a pole
covering them with a red cloth, to serve the double purpose.
312 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
Opejin the chief of Ibokun, was one of the bravest defenders of
this place.
Finding that the defenders continued stubborn, the Ibadans
began to kidnap on the only route left them, viz. the road to Ilesa.
The Ijesas fearing that this also would be lost to them quietly
deserted Ijebu Er^ and escaped with the people of the town.
After they had clean gone the information was conveyed to
the besiegers by a man left in shackles ; not a soul was found in
the town when they entered. The principal chiefs remained there,
but the juniors went in pursuit : they found many of the smaller
towns had likewise been deserted.
At Erinmo a feeble resistance was made. About 200 men
kept up fire from the forts ; this continued for some time, but they
escaped, leaving two cripples who were good marksmen to keep
up the show. When the town was attacked on all sides and the
walls scaled then the Ibadans found to their amazement that the
town had been wholly deserted, and that the fire was kept up by
only two cripples. They were brutally dragged down from the
fort and slain ; the gates were then thrown open for their comrades
to rush in. The Ibadans continued their pursuit to Omo Erin
where they found a few aged men and women, the able-bodied
having fled away ; next to Erinta-dogun where a feeble resistance
was made until night-fall when the men had an opportunit}' of
making good their escape. Leaving Erinta-dogun they came to
a place where three roads met, one leading to Ipindun, another to
Akata, and the third to Ikeji. Those who took the way to Akata
met all the women and children of the several towns and villages
that were deserted, and they were all taken captives. But the
section that took the way to Ikeji (which was four days distant
from their base at Ijebu Ere) met with a disaster by an ambuscade
and were nearly annihilated but for the timely aid of Ali of Iwo and
Jefiriyin of Ibadan. This disaster was subsequently avenged
by the Otun whom the Balogun sent to their assistance when the
news reached him at the Ijebu Ere headquarters.
This expedition was termed Ijebu Ere because of the amount
of mud and slush along the way from Ijebu to Ikeji the terminus
of the present expedition.
The Ijesas of Ilesa the capital here surrendered to the Ibadans
bringing them presents of cowries, beads, etc., and also hostages.
The people of Og6tun put up a white flag at the approach of th
pursuers and surrendered to Osundina the Osi. Igbara did the same
and surrendered to Ajayi Jegede the Seriki. Some of the minor
chiefs who were not satisfied with what they got asked leave to
make incursions in other directions; they were allowed to do so.
SUBJUGATION OF THE IJgSAS AND EKITIS BY THE IBADANS 3I3
Some met with good fortune, others with privations and terrible
disasters from ambuscades. The wreck of this subsidiary expedi-
tion reached the camp at Ijebu Ere. Nine days after this the
standard of the Ibadan army wended its way homeward.
Before starting on this expedition the Ibadans sent presents to
the Ilorins, requesting their co-operation. The Ilorin army marched
out, but on reaching Otun it was reported to them that their old
enemy Esu was encamped on a rock about a mile from Otun.
Knowing that he was sure to be attacked there, the principal
war-chiefs of Otun, against the protest of the Ow6rc their prince,
admitted Esu into the town, and the Ilorins instead of joining
their allies thereupon encamped against Otun. But Otun is a
tributary town of Ibadan, the Balogun and Otun of Ibadan there-
fore sent to remonstrate with the Ilorins for fighting with their
friends when they were asked against their enemies. The reply
was, " Not Otun but Esu ; we find our old enemy here, and we
must not pass him by." The Ilorins, however could not take Otun
till the Ijebu Ere campaign was over. Ajayi Jegede the Seriki,
therefore asked permission to go to the help of his friend Esu
at Otun, and Lisibade the over-lord of Otun did the same. Not
only was permission granted, bat the Balogun, Otun, and each of
the principal war-chiefs also sent a small detachment with hira,
about 3,000 strong to re-inforce the town. The rest of the Ibadan
army now returned home. Thus the whole of the Ijesas were
subdued by the Ibadans.
§ 3. The First Dahomian Invasion of Abeokuta, a.d. 1851
The first Dahomian invasion of Abeokuta took place on Monday
the 3rd of March, 1851, during the absence of the Ibadans at the
Ijebu Ere expedition. We have seen above Chap. XVI, § 2 what
was the cause of their sworn hostility to Abeokuta.
Commander Forbes a British naval officer, and Mr. Beecroft,
Her Britannic Majesty's consul for the Bights of Benin and Biafra
were at Abomey (the capital of Dahomey) when preparations were
being made for the invasion of Abeokuta, and they communicated
a full account of the same to the English Missionaries there with
a view to forewarning the Egba chiefs, while they themselves
were exerting their good offices in dissuading the Dahomians from
these periodic raids on their neighbours.
It was alleged by an eye-witness that as the troops were assembled
in the market square, the leaders pledged themselves to their
sovereign not to shrink before the foe, and exhibited what prowess
they would display in the coming struggle. The leader of the
Amazons demanded for her regiment the honour of leading the
314 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
attack upon the ground that on previous expeditions they (the
Amazons) had always carried the positions when the male regi-
ments failed to do so. The arrangement was accordingly agreed
upon.
But the Egba chiefs were rather indifferent to the representations
of the missionaries urging them to a vigorous preparation, except
Sagbua the Alake and Ogunbona the Balogun of Ikija, who
repaired the walls of the town in the direction of the main gate to
Aro : the rest were left in a dilapidated condition.
When the Dahomians reached Isaga, a small town about 17
miles from Abeokuta, the people tendered their submission to
them and whilst concluding terms of amity and friendship with
them, they despatched private messengers to Abeokuta to apprise
the chiefs of the situation. It was now too late for the Egbas
to begin to repair their walls. The whole town was seized with
panic and consternation, some fleeing to Osiele, some to Atadi,
others going where they knew not. The women everywhere
raised the cry of alarm " Elel6 m'el6 " (every man to his matchet),
and hurried the men to the walls to watch the approach of the
enemy. Fortunately for Abeokuta the Isaga people had induced
the Dahomians to alter their plan of attack from a night to a noon
day assault, and from the north west where the walls were in a
dilapidated condition to the western gate where repairs had
recently been executed ; and to this circumstance alone Abeokuta
owed her safety ; had they followed their original plan, nothing
could have saved the town. Even as it was many eye-witnesses
do aver that what contributed most to their safety was confidence
in the presence of the missionaries in the town. " The God of the
white man " said they "is on our side." From this they derived
moral com age.
On that memorable Monday the Dahomians were descried
advancing towards the Ar6 gate. Some of the Egba chiefs went out
to arrest their progress, but they could not withstand the force of
those brave warriors. They were said to be advancing in the order
of battle, marching steadily and solidly onward, ignoring the fire
of the Egbas and paying no attention to those among themselves
who fell, but kept marching stolidly onward. They never fired, but
at the word of command, and when they did, their volleys were
demoralizing. By this we can see that the Dahomian soldiers
were discipUned troops such as the Egbas had never faced before.
Those who went to arrest their progress fled precipitately and
would not even stay to man the walls ; some of them never halted
till they reached the Abetu stream within the town. The general
idea that the Dahomians cared more for skulls than for captives
SUBJUGATION OF THE IJgSAS AND EKITIS BY THE IBADANS 315
and that the drinking cup each soldier carried in his knap-sack
was a human skull added greatly to the dread entertained of them.
But Ogunbona the Balogun of Ikija, and Sokenu the Seriki of
Ab§okuta displayed undaunted courage and bravery, opposing,
the enemy with all their might.
The courage and noble deeds of the Egba women on this occasion
were beyond all praise, and demand our special notice. But for
them some of the men who were cowardly would have fled before
the enemy. In the thick of the tight, with bullets flying right and
left the Egba women could be seen in the ranks of the fighting
men with water, mashed eko (a cooling drink), refreshments and
encouragements, so that they need not fall to the rear for any-
thing but continue the fight. Some of the missionaries were
also there encouraging them by their presence, and doing what
they could for the wounded.
Notwithstanding all this the trench around the town wall being
full of dead bodies, the Dahomians were actually scaling the
walls. Some of them with one hand cut off would hold on with the
other or with the stump with grim determination in their faces;
they kept pressing on, and a few did actually get into the town.
Up to this time the Egbas did not know that they were fighting
with women. Following the barbarous custom of the age, it was
customary to send as a trophy to the chief ruler of the town, the
head and the private parts of the first enemy caught in warfare ;
when those who actually entered the town were caught and slain,
and the trophy was to be sent, then the Egbas knew that these
terrible fighters were the Amazons !
Immediately the news spread among all ranks that they have
been fighting with women, and lor very shame all the Egba
men were exasperated beyond measure and rushed upon them with
one accord and compelled them to retreat. The Dahomians left
thousands dead behind the walls of Abeokata.
The Egbas thought they only retreated to prepare for a more
vigorous attack the next day, and they also went to prepare for a
more determined resistance; but the Dahomians were already on
their homeward march, they were not accustomed to lay siege
or repeat an assault ; if an assault failed they retreated altogether
to renew it at another time. They were determined to punish
the Isaga people for their treacherous conduct towards them.
The Egbas, finding that the attack was not renewed the next day,
followed in pursuit and met them at Isaga, the chiefs of which were
just then apologizing and defending their conduct. The battle
fought here was said to have been more fierce than that before
the walls of Abgokuta. The Egbas contemned the idea of being
3l6 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
attacked by women hence the furious onslaught they made at
them.
The Dahomians left more dead behind them than the captives
they succeeded in taking away, including the skulls of the unfor-
tunate victims caught in the farms.
Soon after the invasion, on the i6th of May, 1851, the Rev. D.
Hinderer, a German missionary of the C.M.S., who was then
labouring at Abeokuta and witnessed the attack, obtained per-
mission from Sokenu and the other chiefs to carry the gospel to
Ibadan. At this period, none of the surrounding tribes was at
peace with Ibadan. The Ijebus especially were kidnapping on the
roads, and one had to reach the town by a circuitous route of four
instead of two days from Abeokuta. Caravans to Ijaye and Ibadan
were under escorts up to a certain point, and the Rev, D. Hinderer
was obliged to risk the rest of the journey by himself when the
escorts could proceed no further for fear of Ijebu kidnappers.
The Rev. D. Hinderer was received kindly by the Balgandthe
other leading chiefs of Ibadan. When he told them the object
of his visit, the five leading chiefs, viz., the Bale, Balogun, Otun,
Osi, and an elderly chief Lanoso by name, in whose house lie was
lodged, held consultation whether they should receive the white
man and the message he brought or not. Osundina the Osi a
staunch Moslem raised great objections, evidently on religious
grounds ; he stoutly opposed his stay amongst them. Said he
" Awgn obaiye je ni iwonyi." (These are the world spoilers),
" There is no country they enter but misfortune will follow for
that place." Ogunmola the Otun said: "But white men are at
Lagos, Badagry, and Abeokuta ; why should we refuse him ? We
are not the first nor shall we be the last to receive them, and what-
ever be the consequence to others let the same be to us also."
Ibikunle the Balogun suggested that the national god Ifa should
be consulted, and if Ifa prognosticated evil let the white man
be ordered out of the town at once ; but if favourable, let
him be received. These five chiefs accordingly repaired to the
Ogboni house at the Ibasorun market and consulted the brazen
Ifa which is the national god. The omen was favourable and Mr.
Hinderer was accorded a cordial welcome and well entertained.
A place of residence was assigned to him, the house of the late
Chief Ogidi, and he was placed under the special care of chief
Abayomi the Ajiya Bale the head chief of that part of the town
through whom he could always approach the chiefs in council ;
and he in turn entrusted him to Olumiloj^o his Balogun whose house
was not far from the mission premises.
Mr. Hinderer remained five months at Ibadan on this his first
SUBJUGATION OF THE IJESAS AND EKITIS BY THE IBADANS 317
visit, preaching and teaching and making general observation
on the place as a field of missionary enterprise. He then returned
to England to recruit his health and to prepare for a permanent
stay there.
§ 4. The Ara War and Relief of Otun
Ara is a town of considerable importance in the Ekiti country.
This expedition was named after it, although Ara was not the
primary objective when the Ibadan standard left home, but it
was the last important place taken before the Ibadans returned
home.
We have seen above that the Ibadans invited the Ilorins to the
Ijebu Ere expedition and that the Ilorins instead of joining them
as allies encamped against Otun a tributary state of Ibadan because
of Esu their inveterate enemy ; and at the close of the campaign,
certain Ibadan war-chiefs who were interested in Esu or the
town of Otun obtained leave to go to the assistance of their
friends.
Now, although the Ilorins failed to conquer the defenders,
and they could not drive the Ilorins away, yet by overpowering
numbers, Otun was closely invested and famine began to do its
dreadful work within the town ; therefore the Ibadan contingent
there sent home to ask for a larger relieving force, and " if possible,
let the Balogun himself come."
The Ibadan army was once more on the march to the Ekiti country
for the rehef of Otun, but other complications occurred which
diverted their attention from Qtun.
Prior to this expedition the Alara (or king of Ara) had been
deposed by his people for stealing and selling their children ; the
poor victims were bound and conveyed out of the town in hampers
of cotton. The Alara appealed to the Ibadan chiefs at Otun for
their kind offices and they composed the difference between king
and people and reinstated the former, the people yielding more
from fear of the consequences a refusal might entail.
But about a year after, he was deposed again for his atrocities
and he escaped again to the Ibadan chiefs at Otun. By this
time the Balogun of Ibadan and his hosts were on the way to the
relief of Otun, the chiefs therefore sent their messengers along with
the Alara to meet the Balogun at Igbajg to tell his own tale Thence
the Balogun and the principal war-chiefs sent special messengers
with the Alara once more to compose the difference between him
and his people and to reinstate him. He was accepted with very
great reluctance, more from fear of the Ibadans than otherwise.
This ended the first act in the tragedy which sealed the fate of
3l8 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
Ara. up to this point there was not the slightest intention of
destroying the town.
The Ibadan expedition left Igbajo for the Ila farms and every-
thing having been eaten up far and near except the farms at Koro,
the war chiefs after consultation sent special messengers to the
Ajero of Ijero the paramount chief of Koro for permission to forage
in the Koro farms. The Ajero replied " The Koros are wild boys :
a yam may cost you a human head." The Ibadans felt insulted
at this reply and sent back to the Ajero to say " We only applied
out of courtesy, and if our peaceful overtures are not complied
with, two ' wild boys ' will meet in the field within three days,
and, therefore, all Yoruba (Oyo) residents at Ijero should leave the
town at once."
The Ajero called together the Oyg residents in his town and had
the message repeated in their ears, then he said to them " You may
go now, but you need not go far, you can wait at Ara or Eriwo
until the Koros have driven away this Ibadan army, then you can
come back." So confident was he of the strength of the Koros.
The Oyo residents accordingly left the town.
The Ibadans now wended their way to Koro and the Koros
about 2,000 strong came out to meet them on their frontier at a
place called Ita Oniyan. The Ibadans were marching according
to their ranks, the Balogun and Agipa being in the rear, and the
junior war-chiefs in front, but the Koros had lain in ambush
and the Ibadans walked into it ; suddenly they fell upon theBalo-
gun's and the A§ipa's ranks, but in both places they were utterly
defeated with great slaughter. The Ibadans advanced to the river
Oyi, the scene of the next fight ; the Koros met them here, and
again they were defeated. The Ibadans advanced to Yawo a
place not far from the town, and here the Koros made a stand.
The Ajero their paramount chief now got alarmed and hastened
to their assistance. He applied to the Ilorins before Otun, for
help, and the Ilorins whose sole poUcy was to help one set of Pagans
against another until they had weakened each and both fall a
prey to them, lost no time in sending two war-chiefs Adedeji
and Magobon with horse and men to help the Koros. The Ajero
sent also to all the towns in his territory including Efon and
Ara to come to their help and save Koro the strongest town
in their district which now seemed doomed to destruction.
Ara alone refused to comply; the Alara said he had just been
re-instated by the Ibadans, and he could not take up arms against
them. But the men of Ara were angry with their king's decision,
they were all for going to the help of their kinsmen against the
" Qyos "
SUBJUGATION OF THE IJggAS AND EKITIS BY THE IBADANS 3I9
But there were two rebel chiefs of Ara who had been expelled
the town and were living at Ohan ; they considered themselves
free to join the coalition, and they defiantly came outside the walls
of Ara inviting their townsmen to come along to the aid of their
kinsmen. The Alara, unwilling that Ara should be represented in
the coalition against his benefactors summoned his people to come
out and drive these rebel chiefs back ; but his summons was not
obeyed, and he went out himself unaided to intercept them ; there
was a brief but sharp fight between them in which fell a stout and
well-to-do citizen who exposed himself between them, trying to
put an end to the fight, thinking that his person would be respected.
So the rebel chiefs went on to the help of Koro.
Ara was not officially represented, as the Alara refused to
go, and Lejofi the most powerful man in the town whom the
people would rather follow remained sulky and neutral.
But when these rebel chiefs saw that there was little hope
for Koro they sent a private message to apprise the Ard people
that they would leave Koro at such and such a day and that they
were to hold themselves in readiness that together they might fall
upon the Alara and murder him before Koro was taken and his friends
the Ibadans were free to avenge him.
The Alara having an intimation of this, summoned the Oyo
residents at Ara, inviting them to be ready at once to leave the
town with him, reminding them how on the former occasion
Chief Ogunmola had reprimanded them for not leaving the town
when he did, thereby casting their lot as it were with rebels.
The Alara and these Oyg residents quitted the town fortunately
just a day before the rebel chiefs came, who together with the
townsmen gave chase, and pursued after the fugitives and overtook
them. These had to fight their way to Efgn Ah aye ; they lost
nearly everything. At a place called Oke Ogbe they made a stand
and offered a determined resistance to enable the women and
children to escape safely to Ahky^. This action sealed the fate
of Ara as we shall see.
In the meantime the Ibadans were drawing a cordon round
Koro, and the Ilorin contingent true to their characteristics were
prepared to escape and abandon their friends. Magobon one of
their leaders conceived the bold idea of marching right through
the Ibadan lines, trusting that he would escape undetected. The
Ibadans who never imagined any venture so foolhardy, at first
mistook them for a company of their own men, as Magobon stood
by the standard of chief Sumala the Otun Bale while his people
were marching past. But as a chief on horseback rode past,
a man eyed him closely and recognized in him an Ilorin man and
320 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
at once took his gun and shot him down dead on the spot.
Being now discovered, they took to their heels and were
pursued and many were caught, but a few swift-footed escaped.
Another company which took another route hkewise was dis-
covered and captured.
But Adedeji the other leader remained at Koro being afraid
to run the risk : the Ibadans therefore offered him protection if
he would commit himself unreservedly to their clemency ; he did
so (there being no alternative) and was allowed to come to the
Ibadan camp. He remained there a few hours ; he and his men
were well entertained, and were sent away in peace. Even a
hatchet one of them left behind at the Ibadan camp in their haste
to get away the chiefs sent to them in the Otun camp.
This noble deed of the Ibadans so put the Ilgrin general to
shame that he negotiated peace with the Ibadans and raised the
siege of Otun.
The siege of Otun being raised, the Ibadan contingent there
together with Esu whom they went to defend were now able
to join the Ibadan army at Koro ; the " bad boys " were finally
beaten and the town fell. Ijero the chief town of the district,
and three other towns also which assisted them were taken,
Oro surrendered and was placed under tribute but Ara held out
for two years, being well defended by the powerful chief Lejofi.
Finding further resistance useless Ara now surrendered and
brought presents to the camp, and an armistice was concluded.
On account of their past conduct, and the useless waste of life
occasioned, the Ibadans while accepting the presents imposed two
conditions upon them : —
1. That they should recall their king from Ahaye.
2. That all the Ara chiefs with Lejofi at their head should come
and meet him in the camp so that they might have the opportunity
of hearing both sides, and adjust matters between them.
The Ara chiefs thought this was a stratagem to get them all
into their power for capital punishment. They sent for the Alara
into the camp but the chiefs declined to venture themselves there :
they offered to pay whatever fines might be imposed on them.
Then another proposal was made, if they would not come then
let them send them their fighting men and a guide to Igede in
the Ado territory. Neither would they comply with this but
they begged to be subjected to whatever fines they pleased and to
be placed under tribute, and they would serve them.
The armistice was now declared at an end, and fighting resumed,
till the Balogun at length forced his way into the town by an
assault, and Ara was taken.
SUBJUGATION OF THE IJESAS AND EKITIS BY THE IBADANS 32I
The scene that followed showed how courageous and stout-
hearted the Ara people were. A band of about i,6oo young men
choosing death rather than slavery put the muzzle of their loaded
guns in their mouth, pulled the trigger with their great toe and
shattered their brains to pieces.
The great and wealthy Lejofi, in order that the Ibadans might not
profit at all by his wealth, destroyed all his valuables, with his
store of provisions, cutting the yams into bits and strewing them
all over the yard (provisions being so scarce for this great host).
Then two of his wives were killed to be his attendants in the other
world, and himself with his own jacknife cut his own throat.
His eldest son met him weltering in his blood, life not extinct,
being unable to complete the deed ; he, therefore put an end to
his father's agonies, loaded the gun afresh and shattered his own
brains !
A man from Oke Mesin, Ladojude by name, whose brother had
been killed by Lejofi came to avenge his brother's death upon the
corpse. He kindled a fire from wood obtained in Lejofi's own
house, threw his body into it and burnt it.
Thus ended the Ara campaign, as it was called, in 1854 and the
Ibadan army returned home triumphantly.
Esu who was relieved and was the indirect cause of this campaign,
did not go home with them, neither stopped in the vicinity any
longer, but penetrated further into the Yagba country and there
established himself.
§ 5. Raids by the Minor Ibadan Chiefs
The subjugation of the Ekitis, including the Ijesas, Efons and
others, may now be said to be complete, but the process seems to
have reacted to the demoralization of the Ibadan war-chiefs and
others. Slave-raiding now became a trade to many who would
get rich speedily, and hence those who felt themselves unlucky
in one expedition, and others who quickly spent their illgotten
gains in debauchery and all excesses would band together for a
raiding expedition on those minor places that have hitherto escaped
the misfortunes of war. A brief notice will be taken of some of
them.
Ayorinde. — Chief Ayorinde did not return home with the
army after the destruction of Ara, but went on first to Isan with
Esu ; thence they went against the Ades, whom they conquered,
and then he returned with his hands full.
Intoxicated with pleasure at his own success, he was lavish
in his enjoyments and out-stepped the bounds of moderation.
He offered a thanksgiving sacrifice to his Ori (god of good
322 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
fortune). About the same time for an alleged offence he flogged one
of his wives to death. For this he was brought under the power
of the civil authorities, and was told to die. It must be remembered
that a private individual would be executed at once for murder,
but a chief must commit suicide by any method he may prefer,
for if executed pubhcly his house would be demoHshed and his
family ruined.
But Aygrinde begged hard for his life. He surrendered nearly
all he had to no purpose ; then Chief Ogunmgla his patron advised
him privately to leave the town speedily and go into voluntary
exile to those regions he lately came from, for even he could not
save him from the penalties of the law.
Ayorinde left Ibadan secretly with only 12 followers out of all
he brought back with him ! When his escape became known
he was hotly pursued and narrowly escaped with his hfe. He
went back to Esu with a tale of woe, and located him in a place
called Irun, and there he remained and organized a band of
marauders and ravaged all those regions till he encamped against
a place of some importance named Ogb^gi. He was here for fully
tei years with varied fortune. Adoyan Okorigi a great and
powerful warrior came to the help of Ogbagi and Ayorinde was just
on the point of being defeated when by a skilful move he took
Okorigi in the rear and inflicted on him a crushing defeat and slew
him.
Next the Ogbagis obtained help from Rabbah and Ilorin. Sinabu
King Masaba's son and Hinakonu the Fulani Balogun of Ilorin
came against him ; thrice was Ayorinde routed, and many of his
fighting men speared, but he ralHed again and maintained his
ground. Ogbagi was at length taken. Ayorinde became lord of
the Akokos and Ido Ani. He opened a caravan way to Ow^
through which he obtained ammunition from Benin. He was
kind to all Oyos, who flocked to his standard ; every one could
enjoy himself to any extent he liked but he absolutely forbade
the introduction of intoxicating liquor into that country. They
might buy whatever they hked with their slaves and booty. He
himself undertook to supply all ammunition required for their
raids.' But no one must think of deserting him ; in order to ensure
this, he posted men in all the exits of'his tenitory : any Oyg
caught escaping lost all he had and returned home as he came ;
but any Ekitisor Has similarly caught were seized with their slaves
and sold to 0^^-
At last after many years as old age approached Ayorinde longed
for home. But he knew that he would not be allowed by the
people of Irun, who befriended him all these years, to depart
SUBJUGATION OF THE IJEIAS AND EKITIS BY THE IBADANS 323
with all his effects to Ibadan, so he manufactured a quarrel with
them, and captured Irun the headquarters of all his expeditions
and destroyed the place. In spite of all this precaution not one
tenth of his slaves returned with him to Ibadan,
Ayorinde returned to Ibadan in 1872 after a very long absence.
Nearly all the chiefs he left and the whole of his compeers had
died out. He met at the head of the government subordinate
chiefs, who had risen into power during his absence, and to his
mortification he had to submit to them. He was, however,
honoured with the title of Osi, but he did not holdit long; he died
in the following year.
Abayomi. — Abayomi the Ajiya Bale with Olumiloyg hisBalogun
got up an expedition to reheve Is^ a tributary town of his in the
Ekiti country. He met Ayorinde at the siege of Ogbagi but he
passed off and encamped against Agbad6. The town was soon
taken and he had an immense number of captives and booty.
From hence he was proceeding to the relief of Is^. But the cap-
tured town Agbado being in the territory of Ado, the Balogun
of the king of Ado was sent to intercept him ; an ambush was laid
for him, and he was hemmed in on every side. He had to fight his
way to Is^, and lost all he had taken, and what was more he left
behind him some of his best fighting men including two of his power-
ful slaves and Olumiloyo hisBalogun. He arrived at Ise with the
wreck of his army and returned to Ibadan in a worse condition
than he left. This was in the year 1857. It will be remembered
that Olumiloyo was the chief who had direct supervision of the
missionaries at Ibadan. Readers of " Seventeen years in the
Yoruba country " (Life of Anna Hinderer) will find frequent
mention of the name of this chief and how kind and friendly he
was to the missionaries. He gave Mr. and Mrs. Hinderer two of his
children a boy and a girl to train, in which he showed himself
more enlightened than the sirperior cliiefs. The boy was trained
first by these good missionaries themselves: subsequently at the
C.M.S. Training Institution at Abeokuta, then he was employed
as a schoolmaster, Mr. Hinderer himself continuing his education.
Later he was employed as a catechist in 1885, and finally as an
ordained missionary of the C.M.S. at Ogbomoso in 1892, where he
is still labouring.
Ajobg and the Badas. — While the sieges of Ogbagi and of
Agbado were going on, all the Badas of Ibadan headed by Ajobg
the senior Bada got up an expedition against Pakunde. All the
Efon, Ijesa, and Akoko territories had now become a field for
slave hunting for any number of men who could band themselves
together for an expedition.
324 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
The Badas at first meant to take the place by stratagem,
encamping outside the walls, professing friendship and asking
for a guide to Ogbagi to meet Esu. But the men of Pakunde
were too wideawake, and so when strategy failed, hard fighting
was resorted to.
But it was reported at Ibadan that these Badas meant to
establish themselves there after the capture of Pakunde and not
to return home. This would eventually mean the loss of all the
tributary towns t6 Ibadan ; consequently Chief Ogunmola of
Ibadan sent to all the surrounding kings and chiefs subject to
Ibadan not to let Pakunde be taken. The town was almost on
the eve of faUing when tidings reached the camp that all the
men sent to procure provisions at Ikolo, Ado, Oye, Odo Ijesa,
Ikoyi had been seized and either slain or sold into slavery ! This
was a blow to the Badas. In whatever direction they sent to
procure food, they could not get any and no farms were near them
for foraging. Being in a strait, the camp was broken up in the night
and they made for home. Their guide took them by a way
between Ikgle on the left and Omwo in the right ; the Ikoles
waylaid them and they had to fight their way through. At
Omu Ijelu whilst they were satisfying the cravings of hunger
in the farms, the men of the town fell upon them and killed
many with poisoned arrows. At Aiyede, a town built by Esu
they were not allowed to forage in the farms. So by forced
marches, and in a starved condition the wreck of Ajgbo's army
arrived at Ibadan.
§ 6. Social Reforms.
The Present Condition of Slaves. — Ibadan had by this time been
greatly augmented, not only by immigrants from the provinces
and elsewhere who repaired there as affording a safer place of
abode, but also by the thousands of slaves brought in annually.
It had now become necessary to crystaUize into law a custom that
had gradually grown amongst the chiefs and people generally,
who had thousands of them in hand.
Except under especially pressing circumstances the chiefs do
not now sell their slaves or rather captives of war excepting the
old and infirm and that chiefly to procure arms and ammunition.
The able-bodied men are kept and trained as soldiers, and it has
become the law and custom that soldier-slaves are never to be sold
under any circumstances ; they are to remain permanently as
members of the house. The fair young women are added to the
harems by the great, and young men save themselves the expenses
of a dowry by making wives of any that come into their hands.
SUBJUGATION OF THE IJESAS AND EKITIS BY THE IBADANS 325
Any slave-woman taken as a wife becomes ipso facto a free woman.
All the rest are sent into the farms, each to be employed in his
or her own line of work. The chiefs had large farms and farm
houses containing from a hundred to over a thousand souls. The
men are engaged in clearing the bush, cultivating the soil, cutting
palm nuts and doing other male work ; the women in making
palm oil, nut oil, soap, weaving mats, rearing poultry and the
smaller cattle, cultivating kitchen vegetables of all kinds for the
weekly markets and the fairs ; older women in preparing and
spinning cotton, sheUing palm nuts, etc. All are engaged as
" hands " in time of harvest.
These extensive plantations not only support their huge
establishments but also supply the markets, so that a miUtary state
though Ibadan was, food was actually cheaper there than in many
other towns.
The male slaves had wives given them by their masters from
among the slave women, whomsoever they may choose, or if
their choice lay elsewhere, the master would redeem any woman
for them. Their offspring are home-born slaves, belonging to the
master ; their condition is hardly different from that of the
freeborn, all grow together as children of the house. Thus by
slave-raiding and procreation the great houses are enlarged and
the population of the town increased.
Well-to-do women in the town also buy slaves of both sexes,
their offspring belong to them in the same way as the parents
themselves, but barring exceptional cases of distress occasioning
the ruin of the house they are never to be sold.
Of the slaves who are kept as soldiers, some are selected as body-
guards or personal attendants; these are provided for in every way
by the master. The rest follow their own avocation and provide
for themselves ; their services are only required in time of war.
If the slave is successful in war and catches several slaves, he is to
surrender them to his master ; a kind master will return him one
or two fifths for his own purpose and keep the rest. An unkind
master will keep all, as the service he has rendered him is his
duty. Some masters would give money as consolation from the
proceeds of any of the slaves he may sell. Any of these slaves
is at liberty to procure his own freedom at any time. A wise one,
who has captured one or two slaves in war, gives them
back to his master in the presence of witnesses in lieu of
himself, and thereby his ransom is paid ; he is free now to go
any where he likes. Those who wish to remain permanently
with the master nevertheless remove to a friend's house for
a short time and in that way publicly make known their freedom;
326 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
and then they may return to the master's house, and serve under
him in war as freeborn soldiers and in that case give to their
master as any other freeborn does one or two captives as the case
may be and appropriate the rest. They are protected by the law
as any freeborn citizen.
Others who consider themselves free and safe under the pro-
tection of a great name, as slaves of a powerful chief, will squander
whatever they may have in hope of replenishing their stock at the
next opportunity.
Freeborn soldiers who are independent give to their captain a
proportion of i or 2 out of 5 and appropriate the rest ; but if he
is an idle fellow and dependent on his captain for everything,
including his war accoutrements and his debts, he has to give up
more than a half or nearly all of what he captured.
Highly Placed Servants. — At this period the chiefs were in the
habit of installing favourite slaves into a position of trust and
responsibility especially if they were brave and energetic and
proved themselves worthy of trust. These keep horses of their own,
farms and farm-houses, have harems, a drummer and lifer, etc.
Young slaves and recruits are placed under them to be trained
for war. At the return of every expedition a fourth or a fifth
of the captives taken are given to the master; they appropriate the
rest. They are generally more richly dressed and make more
show than their lord. Whatever the misfortunes of the house
these of course are never sold : they remain the guardians of the
house and of their master's sons. Their children may be considered
as home born slaves, but practically are indistinguishable from
freeborn children. These servants are "slaves" only in name
for want of a better term. These customs originating at Ibadan
have been followed by all the Oyo states throughout. The
more of these highly placed servants a chief has, the greater he
is held to be.
The Law of Inheritance. — Hitherto when a man dies all his
effects are inherited by his brother or brothers in succession until
the turn of the eldest son comes, then he gets whatever may
remain of what was once his father's, but in most cases, he gets
nothing at all. It has happened within the experience of the chiefs
that whilst one is toiling and saving, some brothers are idle and
dissolute, and yet at his death, the idle and dissolute will step
in and squander all he has saved, leaving his children to welter
in poverty and want.
At a deliberative council held in the year 1858 it was proposed
to alter this custom. For whom is a man toiling and saving?
The answer comes naturally " For his children." Why then
SUBJUGATION OF THE IJgSAS AND EKITIS BY THE IBADANS 327
should a brother displace one's children in the succession ? If
the children are minors the uncle may act for them until they
are of age, otherwise the eldest surviving issue of the founder
of a house must succeed as the head of the house in rotation until
it comes to the turn of the children of the next generation. This
is not like the English law of primogeniture in which only the
eldest sons succeed, but it is the eldest surviving issue of the
founder of a house that succeeds, until the turn of the eldest
son of the first successor comes round.
But the members of the family are not totally overlooked. At
the time of the succession the personal effects are distributed
amongst the nearest relatives, every one having a share of the
clothes, slaves, money, etc., but the house, inalienable slaves,
principal farms, in a word, the real property, and all that goes to
make the house what it is, are never to be ahenated. These are
assigned to the eldest surviving son and successor.
Every house is under the protection of a chief, a chief's house
is under the protection of the paramount chief or the town council
and these will see about the installation of the successor. In a
great house, the highly placed servants will be in charge to train
and direct their young master in the ways of his father.
These resolutions were communicated to the AlAfin of Oyo
for his approval, and he not only approved but adopted the same
for all Oyo states, and moreover he adopted the same for the Crown
also. He ruled thereupon that the custom that has arisen during
the degenerate times of Old Oyo that the Aremo (Crown Prince)
die with his father should cease and the earlier custom reverted
to. He wished his eldest son Adelu to succeed him, and after him
the eldest surviving issue of the house as seems fit to the King Makers.
In the year 1858 Ibadan was so thickly populated that it was
found necessary to extend the town walls. The new wall was
known as Odi Ibikunle (Ibikunle's town wall) after the Balogun,
as it was he who suggested, planned and superintended the carry-
ing out of the work. This is the present town wall.
Ogunmola also suggested that Ibadan should have what is
known as " Igbo He," i.e. home forest, the thick bush surrounding
every town in the Yoruba country, which may be exposed to
raids and sieges. But the Ibadans did not care for any such
thing and it could not be carried into effect, for they had no one to
fear. The annual bush fires were allowed to nullify Ogunmola's
suggestion.
Chapter XVIII
A GLORIOUS END AND THE GORY DAWN OF TWO
REIGNS— THE IJAYE WAR.
§ I. Death of King Atiba.
Atiba the AlAfin of Oyq lived to a good old age. Of few Kings
do we know so much as we do of him ; he was a link with the past,
and lived within the days of authentic history. He was the father
of several princes and princesses whose names are the following : —
Princes.
Princesses.
Adelu {The
Crown Prince)
Boje
Adeweni
Adelabu
Adeleye
Atowurg
Ogboja III.
Adesiyen
Adesetan II.
Adedgja
Ade Oy6
Adeyemi
Adedgtun
Durokilu
Adeyimka
Adediran
Afonja
Ogboja I.
Ogboja IV.
Adejumo
Agbonrin
Ogboja II.
Siy6
Olawoyin
Tela Okiti papa
Akere I.
Ogboja V.
Tela Agboj
u Qgo
Akere II.
Popogla
I'ogun
c f Adeduntan
f, \ Adewale
Lapemg
Aid
Momgdu
Ogboja" VI.
Adewusi
Adesokan
Akere III.
Adetgla
Adesetan I.
Adejojo
Of these the ist and the 4th succeeded to the throne.
A few remarks on some of the princes : —
Adelu was much older than his brothers or sisters, for he was
born when his father was qiiite a young man, long before he entered
into his career of a war-like prince. He was much beloved by
his father because he was a very dutiful son and shared with him
most of the dangers and privations of war in those turbulent days
of his early career. By virtue of his birthright he became the
Aremo when his father ascended the throne.
Ogo was the Aremg Oy^ i.e., the first born after the father's
accession.
Adewusi was Adelu's brother, of the same mother, and was
of a contrary disposition. He was wild, undutiful and cruel.
Re once quarrelled with his father, and with a cutlass cut off
all the mattings that enclosed the Aganju (throne room). He
quarrelled with his half brother Ala by seizing from him a plot
of land the latter had obtained for farming, containing many
328
A GLORIOUS END AND THE GORY DAWN OF TWO REIGNS 329
palm and kola trees. Adewusi went and secured the same spot
for himself by affixing thereon a symbol of the Egugun curse on
any trespasser. When Ala went to remonstrate with him,
he stabbed him to death with a knife ! The father thereupon
sentenced him to be executed by strangling !
Aid was of the same mother with Adelabu.
Adeyemi who subsequently succeeded his brother on the throne
was of the same mother as Olawoyin. He enjoyed the longest
reign of modern times ; more of him hereafter.
Agbgnrin, nick-named Allah ni yio bo Asiri (God will hide
secrets) was also a prince of a most cruel disposition. His
favourite (?) wife was once preparing his Okra leaf sauce with
strained ash, which was a milder form of the carbonate of potash
used in such cases. He thereupon compelled her to drink a
calabashful of caustic potash, and she died soon after from inflam-
mation of the stomach and bowels. He once caught a young man
in his farm cutting palm nuts. Upon his begging him to spare his
Ufe Agbonrin said he would do so if the young man could climb
up again and replace the nuts ; this being impossible he clubbed
him to death !
The conduct of many of these princes brought great discredit
on. royalty. Very few of the crimes they committed ever reached
the ears of their father for who would undertake to report them.
Hence the licence they allowed themselves without the father's
knowledge for he never spared them.
King Atiba was now old and full of years. Early in the year
1858 he was resolved on celebrating the Bebe (the Bebe is akin
to the Royal Jubilee, and only Kings who have had a long and
peaceful reign celebrate it). Yorubaland is now free from the
incursions of foreign foes, the Fulanis of Ilorin permanently
checked. All now was peace ; the people were content and prosper-
ous, and therefore the King thought a Bebe should be celebrated.
But inasmuch as the few Kings who celebrated it died soon after
doing so, that festival came to to be regarded as celebrating one s
funeral rites, hence Beb§ is sometimes termed the " Iku " (death).
The Are of Ijaye and others who were attached to him strongly
advised him not to doit, as it might portend his death. His Majesty
replied " Well, I am old enough and do not care to live much
longer."
Notification of this was sent round everywhere and delegates
came from every part of the Yoruba country to observe this
festival with the King. From Saki alone came about 200 Eguguns,
and so from all other Oke Ogun towns for the ceremonies.
Booths were erected all over the palace street from the Abata
330 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
(frontage of the palace) to the Akesan market for the visitors.
The Oyo noblemen also hved in tents, in front of their houses, until
the ceremonies were over.
The ceremonies partook of the character partly of the coronation
and partly of the funeral rites, the principal part of it being done
privately, at dead of night.
On the eve of the Bebe the King paid a visit to the Bkrk to
perform certain ceremonies there as a thank-offering sacrifice
to his fathers. We have mentioned in Part I. that only on the
coronation do the Kings ever enter there, and never afterwards
till they are taken there for interment. This festival forms an
exception.
Tents made of beautifully woven cloths were set up and enclosed
with mattings at the Abata, the Akesan, the Apini, and near the
Bkrk for the King as on the coronation. Attended by all the
noblemen he issued from the palace and entered each of these
tents in succession, the noblemen waiting outside and only one
woman (probably a priestess) accompanied him into the tent.
He remained half an hour or an hour in each performing certain
ceremonies, and sent presents of kola nuts to those waiting outside
and so on till he reached the Bkra. On his return, that very evening
the general festivities began. All the Eguguns observed a vigil,
the voice of the Agan being heard all night. The next day an
Egugun confinement was proclaimed in which all women and
children must remain indoors. The Egiiguns our readers will
remember are the denizens of the other world, and are supposed
to be our dead relatives on a visit to us.
For a limited space of time during the day, licence was granted
to all the Eguguns' attendants to seize goats, sheep or fowl found
in the streets : none was to exceed that fixed time, whoever did
was arrested and made to pay a fine of 25 heads of cowries (equiv.
to {,1 5s. then) for each animal. In the afternoon of this day the
King came outside the palace attended again by a woman, the large
gate being shut ; the whole area between the palace and the Akesan
was full of Egiiguns. He sat on a hide, and rechned on a bolster,
the wife sitting by his side was by special permission initiated into
the Egiigun mysteries. Then appeared the supposed spirit of his
father dressed in the skin of the red monkey ; the King prostrated
before his father and the " monkey " rubbed him all over with its
tail and blessed him.
It was supposed that Eru-if a one of his slaves was under the mask
on this occasion. The King's " funeral " expenses on this occasion
can only be imagined.
Not long after this celebration, the King's health which had
A GLORIOUS END AND THE GORY DAWN OF TWO REIGNS 33I
not been very good lately, markedly declined. He was soon
reported ill. Whether anything deleterious to health was applied
on him with the tail of the red monkey or not, we cannot tell,
but His Majesty succumbed under the ailment and was gathered
unto his fathers, and the Bara was soon again the scene of a great
ceremony sombre and sad.
Before the King's death, anticipating trouble for his eldest
son Adelu. from sticklers after precedents, he reminded the Ibadans
of the new law of succession he had sanctioned and begged them
to stand by the Crown Prince and support his claim for he did not
wish him to die with his father. And this they promised on oath.
Thus passed away Atiba the first Alafin of the present Oyo
and Adelu his son was proclaimed King in his stead.
§ 2. Circumstances that led to the Ijaye War.
Adelu the son and successor of Atiba was acknowledged
King by all, except Kurumi the Are of Ijaye.
Towards the latter end of Atiba's reign, there was some dis-
affection between him and the Are ; this breach with the Crown
widened by the succession of Adelu whom the Are refused to
acknowledge as a lawful successor to his father. " It is contrary
to custom " said he, " and the Aremg should die with his father."
He never repaired to Oyo to do homage according to custom, nor
even sent a congratulatory message. He was for seeking for another
prince of the older hne, of the royal family at Igboho or Kihisi
to succeed Atiba, but Adelu having been duly elected and accepted
by the denizens of the palace and obtaining the support of the
Ibadan chiefs, ascended the throne in due form, and the pretext
for an open rupture which the Are had long been seeking was
hereby afforded. The common people also catching the spirit of
the times sang in their dances:
" Atiba ma ti ilg, (" Atiba don't go yet awhile,
Duro de Adelu O ! " Wait for your Adelu pray ! " )
The AlAfin was conciUatory towards the Are, who was the
comrade of his father in their old warHke days, but the Are remained
irreconcilable. Every means of averting war was resorted to,
but the Are remained obdurate and insolent. Matters came to a
crisis when a rich lady Abu by name, died intestate at Ijanna;
she left no heirs, and as such the property reverted to the Crown.
But Ijanna being directly under Ijaye, owing to the breach between
the King and Kurumi, the townfolk were divided in their opinions
as to the disposal of the property. They feared the power of Ijaye
on the one hand and yet loyalty to the Crown dictated a contrary
332 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
action ; so one party sent to Oyq to request that the King should
send to take over the property, the other party sent a similar
message to Ijaye. The King anticipating danger to those whom he
sent for the treasure ordered a well equipped force under Akingbe-
hin Aleyo the Ona-aka, and the Aremg's Balogun to escort them.
But Kurumi sent a body of troops to waylay them, and the Oyo
escorts with the messengers bringing the treasures were attacked
by the Ijaye troops at Apata Miba near Oke 'ho and were dispersed
some escaping to Oke'ho others to Iseyin. Within four days they
collected themselves together at Iseyin and met there with the Oyo
traders who could not return home for fear of the Ijaye kidnappers
but who now availed themselves of the protection of the escorts
to return home.
The Ijaye troops under the command of Amodu intercepted
them again between Iseyin and Oyo. The I j ayes encamped on
a rock named afterwards Apata Jabata because there the Jabata
of Oyo fell. When they met, the Oyo escorts asked, " And
who are ye? " They repUed, " We are from Oyo sent by the
AlAfin to escort you home," allowing them to come very near;
when suddenly the Ijaye troops opened fire upon them and so
dispersed the Oyo troops with the traders and all. About 240 of
them were taken captive exclusive of some minor chiefs, e.g.
Aridede, Algy6, Jigin, etc. The head priest of Sango lost 10 of
his daughters caught in this raid.
The AlAfin sent again and again requesting the Are to release
them but he obstinately refused to do so, saying unless they were
redeemed for 10 bags of cowries each. [The price of slaves at
that period being about half that amount.]
The AlAfin sent back to say " I have a claim on you to demand
the release of these people, for besides being the King of YoRUBA
to whom allegiance is due, remember what I did for you in the
past. When you sent one Dayiro on an expedition and the people
of Saki defeated him and made about 210 of his men prisoners,
did I not use my authority and influence and obtain the release
of them all and send them to you free of charge ? Why should you
now detain my own people ? "
[The above incident relates to one of the acts of the King to
concihate the Are's refractoriness]. Still the Are refused point-
blank to release them. And further, in order to avert war with
Ijaye, His Majesty sent the Samu (one of the Oyo Mesi) via Ijaye
to Ibadan to ask the Ibadan Chiefs to second his remonstrance and
prevail on the Are to release his people. The Are was inexorable,
and even chased the Samu on his way to Ibadan ; the Samu
escaped the pursuers and returned home via Iwo. The AlAfin
A GLORIOUS END AND THE GORY DAWN OF TWO REIGNS 333
then gave orders that the Oyo people should go to Ijaye and
redeem each one his relatives as soon as possible.
The Alafin was now determined to punish Ijaye by the help
of the Ibadans ; he therefore sent to them 40 slaves, 8 demijohns of
beads.with gowns and vests, saying he had declared war against Ijaye.
The matter was taken up warmly at Ibadan ; many remembered
that the town was placed under a ban by the late Basorun Oluyole
who failed to take it himself. The Balogun of Ibadan alone among
the senior chiefs was for peaceful measures. " Kurumi is an old
man " said he, " and will soon die, and the Ijayes are our kinsmen."
The other chiefs imposed a fine on him for thus " betraying
cowardice." But they knew well enough his matchless valour
and undaunted courage, and the real cause of his reluctance
to rush into a war of this kind. Ijaye was a town of equal import-
ance with Ibadan, equal in valour, courage, and skill, and both
with vast connections between each other and all over the country ;
for them to engage in war would mean deluging the whole of Yoruba-
land with blood. But when he could not prevail over his generals,
and the common soldiers affixed a crow to his house at night imply-
ing that he was a coward (as cowardly as a crow is a common
expression in this country) ; and also threw stones into his
house, he yielded to public opinion and commenced his own
preparations for war.
When the Are of Ijaye heard of the movement against him,
being self-confident he was loud in his boastings : " On this post
will I chain that imp of Ogunmola," " Ibikunle will have cause to
remember the Odogido disaster," and so forth. He gave orders
that all the youths of Ijaye should be trained to the use of
bow and arrows, the older men superintending the practice.
To those who succeeded as good marksmen he awarded prizes.
This practice was termed " Se e " and was carried out daily
without intermission.
Being fond of singing and dancing the Are kept amusing himself
with parabolic songs and witty sayings e.g.
" A ta gpolo ni ipa, o sun ikaka,
Gbogbo wa ni yio ku bere."
(A frog is kicked and lies on its back.
We shall all die by myriads.)
The common people took up the same against the AlAfin
and the Ibadans. Against the Ibadans they sang : —
" Ibadan a k6 gba Ajele Ibadan we can accept no Resident,
Orogun li awa ise." For rivals are we.
This meant to say "We cannot serve or yield to you."
N
334 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
Against the AlAfin they sang : —
" L'aiye Onalu^ \i a ro okan le gkan
L'aiye Kurumi U a ro'gba ro'gba
L'aiye Adelu ni ipele di itele idi."
(In Onalu's time we used changes of dress.
In Kurumi's time we used cloths of the finest weaving
In Adelu's time our best becomes our every day's.)
This last description of Adelu's time is a well-understood irony.
It is a common saying in this country " Ibere otosi bi omg
olor6 la iri " (When poverty begins, one appears like a rich man's
son) which means that when one cannot afford to replace the
everyday dress, one resorts to his best for every day use
and thus appears like a rich man ; but the real condition soon
becomes apparent when this cannot be replaced. This condition
is what they would now apply to Adelu's regime.
The tocsin of war was now resounding from one end of the
country to another. Kuriimi disallowed the exportation
of foodstuffs to Ibadan, The Ibadans sought the aUiance
or at least the neutraUty of Abeokuta and Ilorin and pressed
into service the Oyo towns under her protection. Kurumi
sent one Oje to conclude an alhance with the Egbas and to
procure ammunition, but Ogunmola of Ibadan, who was
entrusted with the negotiations with Abeokuta forestalled
him, and they took an oath of friendship and neutrahty with
Ibadan.
The populace of Ibadan were now singing in their dances : —
" Akope Ijaye ki o mk ko ti Ika mo,
Onigbo da 'gbo meji."
(Palm cutters of Ijaye do not venture to Ika,
The lord of the forests divides it in two.)
By a transposition of names the Ijayes were singing the same
ditty, Ika being just midway between the two towns. Inter-
communication now ceased. On all hands were heard " Onile ki o
gbe ile ko kan odi yiyan." (Let every man keep to his own house,
that need not imply animosity.) The kidnappers soon began to
infest the farms; thus the Ibadans kidnapped two American
missionaries who hearing of the rumours of war and incursions
of the kidnappers went in search of Mr. J. C. Vaughan at his
farm at Ido. Mr. Vaughan had escaped back to Ijaye by another
route, and the missionaries were caught and brought to Ibadan
^ Kurumi s other name.
A GLORIOUS END AND THE GORY DAWN OF TWO REIGNS 335
on the 20th of February i860. These war boys, not knowing what
to do with white men, brought them with their horses mounted
as they were, to the Rev. D. Hinderer, sa3ang " White man, we
have brought you your brothers," Mr. Hinderer thanked them and
gave them some cowries to procure refreshments. The gentlemen
were sent on to Abeokuta the next day, communication with
that town being then still free and uninterrupted.
All hopes of a pacific settlement were now given up, for private
messages, advices, and remonstrances were without number to
the Are ; but for all this Kurumi remained unyielding to the King,
and defiant to Ibadan. War was now formally declared. When at
the next meeting of the town council, the Balogun arose in his
place and harangued the assembly ending with " Eyin omo Jama,
Mo fi Ijaye jin o " (Young men, Ijaye is now given up to you)
a loud and prolonged huzza of " Muso, Muso," greeted his
astonished ears. He was painfully impressed with the knowledge
of how popular the war was. Orafiyan was worshipped and the
standard of war was borne out once more by the valiant and
experienced commander-in-chief Ibikunle on the loth of April,
i860. It was known to all that Balogun Ibikunle went forth to this
war with great reluctance. He had seen many battles and known
well the horrors of a siege, and of all sieges one against one's own
blood relations was particularly horrid and heartrending to him.
Inter-marriages and national festivals which they had in common
had made them one ; they were sharers together in times past
of weal and woe ; supply of foodstuffs for overgrown Ibadan came
largely from Ijaye where the soil was fertile and the people
industrious. These considerations therefore made the bravest
shrink from a war that might possibly be averted.
When starting for the expedition, as soon as his foot was on the
stirrup, his Akewi (bard) gave utterance to the following pathetic
strains.
" Baba mi fire igbo gdaju o ! o ! o !
Nibi ti olgmg meji yio ku okan,
Nibi ti olomo kan yio p6h6ra,
' lya mi ni lima wa' — ki o pada lehin Baba mi,
' Baba mi ni fima wa' — ki o pada lehin Baba mi,
Kiniun Onibudo.
' lyawo mi to igbe " — ki o pada lehin Baba mi, i, i,
Kiriniun Onibudo."
(My master is going to the field of the heartless ah ! ah 1 ah me 1
Where the parent of two will be left with but one.
Where the parent of one will be left all forlorn.
336 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
Let him whose mother forbids him to come return from follow-
ing my Lord,
Let him whose father forbids him to come return from follow-
ing my Lord.
The Lion of the Master of camps,
Let him whose betrothed is of age to be wed return from
following my Lord.
The Lion of the Master of camps).
As the expedition started the drummer struck up the war march
" Kiriniun Onibudo."
[Toki surnamed Onibudo, master of camps, it will be remem-
bered was a formidable war-chief, the Seriki of the Ibadan army
and the uncle of this chief. He succeeded his uncle as Seriki
from which post he rose to be Balogun. He is eulogized as the
lion that rendered chief Toki to be so formidable.]
Ogunmola who had gone to intercept Oj^ did not return home,
but awaited the Balogun at Orita Elepo a small resting place
about four miles from Ibadan town, at the junction of the
two roads leading from the Oyo gate and Inalende gate of
Ibadan.
§ 3. When Greek meets Greek
The Ijayes were not idle either, and did not wait at home
with folded arms for the Ibadans to come. The fu-st battle
took place at Apata Ika — the Ika rock just midway between the
two towns — and the Are soon found, too late, and to his cost the
truth of the message sent him that he should yield and accept a
compromise and not haughtily compare the Ibadans of the present
day to those of yore. But he was truly a born warrior and never
lost courage, notwithstanding that he had now to contend with a
younger generation of Ibadans who were quite inured to the hard-
ships of the field and whose trade was war.
But the Are's eyes were now open when too late to yet another
folly of his. In order that he might secure for himself a safe and
despotic position, he had killed so many brave men of Ijaye and
had forbidden any chief to accumulate ammunitions of war, that
only three hard battles were fought before he found his magazines
exhausted. The Ijayes now resorted to bows and arrows and
consequently they lost ground rapidly. But for this probably
the war would have ended in a draw as before.
The Egbas were now resolved to take part in this war. The
majority were for assisting Ijaye. Sokenu alone was against
their taking this course " after the oath of alUance and friendship
A GLORIOUS END AND THE GORY DAWN OF TWO REIGNS 337
taken with the Ibadans," said he, " it will be a serious breach
of faith, and even the gods will be against us."
This opposition, it was said, was the cause of his early death.
The altercation was sharp, and the other chiefs in going said to him
" We must not meet you alive on our return," and he retorted
" If at all you return alive." Shortly after this Sokenu became
paralysed (from poison it was said) and died.
The expedition was commanded by Angba the Balogun of Oba
as generalissimo — all the other Baloguns including Somoye
" Basgrun " the Balogun of Iporo had to serve under him. They
halted for a long while at Atadi, 12 miles from home, undecided
what course to take : then they proceeded to Olokemeji where,
still of two opinions, they debated the matter afresh, whether to go
to the help of the Ibadans with whom they had formed an alhance
or to the assistance of Ijaye. (Olokemeji is a central and neutral
ground for the Ijaye, Ibadan, andtheOke Ogun hunters). They
finally decided to help the Ijayes, " to raise the siege, and drive
away the Ibadans and dispossess them of those kola groves originally
planted by our fathers and grandfathers." This last idea swayed
them. Thus it was subsequently reported at Ibadan. But there is
an Egba version of the reason why they decided to ally themselves
with the Ijayes. Some one alleged that Ogunmgla was reported
to have said that after shaving the crown of the head he would shave
the occiput ! Meaning after taking Ijaye he would also take
Abeokuta ! But there is no proof whatever of this assertion,
especially as there was no occasion for any such thing. And
again Ogunmgla the author of the treaty of friendship and alliance
was not the man to utter such a threat, which he certainly was
not in a position to carry out, being a subordinate officer. And if
he did say it, there would not have been such a prolonged
hesitation amongst the Egbas, and such divided counsel as
to what course they should pursue. The former version there-
fore, is far more probable.
Thus they proceeded from Olokemeji to Ijaye. But the vener-
able Chief Ogunbgna, Balogun of Ikija did not proceed with them;
he remained encamped at Olokemeji to be a protection and guard
to caravans going and coming between that place and Ijaye.
The Ijebus also as kith and kin to a portion of the Egbas seemed
to have entered into an agreement to be one with them for offensive
and defensive purposes. Hence when the Egbas went to Ijaye
against the Ibadans, they also for no other reason entered into a
state of warfare against Ibadan.
Mele the Ibadan state messenger to the Ijebus in the days of
Oluygle the late Ba§grun was again sent with Kobiowu the
338 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
Jagun to conclude a treaty of friendship with the Ijebus before
their attitude was known. But the Ijebus sent a body of troops
which attacked them at Odo Ona even before they had left the
Ibadan farms, on their way to Ijebu ! With shield and spear
Mele bravely defended himself and retreated with his party home
with only slight wounds.
The Emir of Ilgrin also embraced this opportunity for declaring
war against Ibadan. The " Kafiris " (infidels) said he, " are at
war with one another, and we should combine against this Ibadan
which has often baulked us of our prey ; we may yet carry the
Koran to the sea." He sent some horsemen to Ijaye, who when
they observed the starvation and distress that ensued, could not
remain long ; however, they kept kidnapping in the Oyo farms.
The Owa of Ilesa not only revolted against Ibadan, but also
took advantage of the coalition to take revenge upon Efon Ahkye
and other towns which were allies of the Ibadans during the late
Ijebu Er§ and Ar4 wars.
Thus practically all the principal states in Yorubaland were
combined to crush the Ibadans who had rid the country of the
great bug-bear of the Fulani subjugation, but in turn became so
restless as to be a source of anxiety to them all.
But a section of the Ijebus viz. Ijebu Remo with Keher6 the
Balogun of Ipara at their head was friendly to the Ibadans. They
held that they were a commercial people, and Ibadan not only
their best, but also their only customer, and one time their deliverer
in the time of Lakanle ; and they could not see their way to join
in a war that did not concern them. The periodic 9 days' market,
therefore, was continued between them, and as we shall see here-
after the Ibadans had to fight their way there and back, escorting
caravans.
Meanwhile the struggle between the combatants was proceeding.
The third and last battle fought before the arrival of the Egbas
had exhausted the Are's store of ammunition. The battle was
fought in his own farm and was one of the bloodiest ever fought
in this campaign. Nothing but the intrepid personal bravery of
the Are saved him from being taken alive that day ; had he given
ground an inch he would have irretrievably lost the day.
There were only two fierce battles fought afterwards that may be
compared to this last ; on the last occasion the Are at the head
of his choicest troops charged the Ibadan centre with intrepidity
and desperation, with a determination to break through, but the
Ibadans remained firm and impregnable. The circumstances will
be related below.
The Egbas arrived at Ijaye in the nick of time to replenish
A GLORIOUS END AND THE GORY DAWN OF TWO REIGNS 339
the exhausted stores of the Ijayes. The Are who from experience
knew the strength of the Ibadans, forewarned them to be very
cautious and not to encamp outside the walls of Ijaye. The Egbas
fresh from home and buoyant in spirits spurned the idea of
" sheltering " themselves within the walls of the town ; however,
they encamped without but close by the walls of Ijaye.
The camp of the Ibadans was at this time at Olorisa Oko,
about 3 hours' walk from Ijaye. The Balogun of Ibadan could
not at first be made to beheve that the Egbas came as alHes to the
Ijayes after the oaths they had taken with Ibadan. To those who
brought the report he said " Yes, they may have come but it must
be to negotiate peace between us." Over and over again he was
assured that they have come with a mighty army. " Yes," he
repHed, " it must be to put an end to the war." But at last, the
Balogun was taken quite aback when a band of skirmishers returned
and reported that they were driven back by the Egbas who came
in overwhelming numbers against them. The Ibadans were
alarmed and dismayed at the report. " In Kuriimi," said they,
" we have an equal match already, and how to face the combined
force with the overwhelming host of the Egbas ? "
But the principal chiefs encouraged one another and were
determined to die rather than yield. " Death," said they " was
preferable to the shame of a defeat, or the humiliation of being
made a prisoner." " Here is his head is better than here is his
face " said Ogunmola. " If we cannot resist them here, surely we
shall not be able to do so at home if driven from this place." He
then took out his jack knife and displaying it before all his colleagues
he said " It must be victory or Death."
A council of war was held, and it was resolved that they
should wait until the Egbas came and attacked them, and if they
succeeded in repelling the attack then they would have hopes of
being able to maintain their ground ; but if they went and offered
battle first and were forced to retreat, it was certain the men would
be disheartened and really demoralized, and there would be a poor
chance for them — ^it would end for them in a total defeat. One
Kujeiiyo a babalawo or If a priest was thereupon commissioned
to make charms to provoke the Egbas to come forward to fight.
The Egbas on the other hand fresh from home were eager to offer
battle, contrary to the advice of the Are of Ijaye. " Let them
come first and attack you here," said the Are to the Egbas, " but
never go after them," But the Egbas repHed that when they left
home they meant business and were not afraid of the Ibadans.
A period of about a fortnight elapsed in which there was inaction
on both sides.
340 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
At length the day arrived and to the field the Egbas led their
troops with flying colours. The Ibadan outposts reported the
advance of the Egbas in the order of battle. The Balogun of
Ibadan issued orders that no one should fire a gun until the word of
command was given. The Egbas came within a few yards of the
entrenchments and their fire wounded several persons within the
Ibadan camp before the command was given. The Balogun's voice
rang out " Omo Ibadan, e gba e fi ti won " (Ibadan boys, up and at
them). Then the Ibadans rushed out, and the struggle commenced.
At the first onslaught of the Ibadans, the Egbas retreated about
a hundred yards and made a stand, and then ensued a most
desperate fight on both sides. To the Ibadans it was a matter
of life and death, and their one thought was whether they would be
able to maintain their ground against the overwhelming odds of
the Egbas, the I j ayes being now at a discount ; but it was not
long before they became confident that they could certainly
maintain their ground.
Ogunmola being a man of small stature was wont to be mounted
on the tallest horse he could possibly obtain, and move from point
to point in the field observing the men's behaviour, and singling
out individuals for praise or blame. On this occasion, having
observed for a while the methods of the Egbas, he rode up joyfully
to the Commander-in-Chief saying " Ibikunle, a o se won, a o se
won, Egba ko mo ogun jija " (Ibikunle, we shall win, we shall
win. The Egbas have no knowledge of the art of war).
What Ogunmola observed was as follows :— As the combatants
on both sides came company by company to the firing line (what
they call Tawusi), Ogunmola noticed in the first place that the
Egba shooting was too high, and that the men under fire were
rarely ever hit, whilst the Ibadans had been taught to shoot low,
and consequently they scored several hits among their foes. Again
the Egbas discharged all their muskets at once and all turned
back together before the reheving company came up ; whereas
the Ibadans kept a reserved fire with which they accompanied
the retiring foe, so that the retiring was more or less a disorderly
retreat, and again they kept their place until their own relieving
company came up, and more often gained a few yards forward
before those of the Egbas came up, and thus gradually were
gaining more and more ground. Ogunmola noticing all this
was sure that, according to their own method of fighting, when
later on, the Balogun arose to fight, and all men and all arms must
push forward in a general engagement, this disorderly retreat of
the Egbas would be converted to a general rout. Hence he was
confident in assuring the Balogun that they would win.
A GLORIOUS END AND THE GORY DAWN OF TWO REIGNS 34I
But long before it was time for that, another officer, viz.
Abayomi the Ajiya Bale planned out tactics of his own. As all the
Bale's Jfighting men were disposed as strategy requires he seemed
to know that the Egbas left their flank unguarded ; he left the
main body of his men at their post, and chose out a number of
brave fellows to cut through the bush a great way off and suddenly
burst upon the Egbas at the rear with a shout, and away fled the
whole host panic stricken, and the rout was complete. There
was a morass a little way off called Alabata which many of them
were driven into, and were either slaughtered or taken alive. Some
never halted but fled from the battlefield into the camp and from
the camp into the town of Ijaye, others at full speed homewards
the Ibadan boys pursuing.
Ijaye would have been taken that day but for the Are. Watch-
ing the movements of the Egbas, he noticed their lack of skill in
their manoeuvring and fighting, and anticipating a disaster he
held his men in readiness for eventualities. As soon as the Egbas
gave way and the Ibadans were in pursuit, he made a flank move-
ment and intercepted the Ibadans ; and these, seeing there were no
chiefs behind them to back them up, hastily retired from the
pursuit. The chiefs did not give chase for fear of what the Are
might do, but they kept an eye on him ; for he might take them in
the rear and convert their victory into a defeat.
From that day the Ibadans were confident of ultimate
success and the Ijaye chiefs despaired of driving back the
enemy. The Egbas were much enraged and ashamed of this defeat
which they attributed to the cowardice of their Generalissimo
Anoba, and for this they ordered him to " go to sleep " (a
euphemism for suicide). They said that instead of coming up to
their assistance with the reserved forces, he himself gave
way also !
The Ibadan boys ascribed this victory to Ajiya Abayomi
in their songs and dances : —
" Ajiya nikan I'o le'gun, 'Twas Ajiya singly routed the foe,
Iwi I'a ko gbodg wi." But we must not say 'tis so.)
A very large number of captives fell into the hands of Ogunmola,
and as the author of the treaty, which was so perfidiously broken
he took vengeance on many of them, by ordering their faces to be
branded with broad Tapa marks, and exultingly took a name on it
" Emi a so Egba di Tapa " (the transformer of ?gbas into
Tapas). He, moreover, ordered yam peels to be rubbed
on the marks in order that the irritant may cause thick scars
on them.
342 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
In order to show what contempt the Ibadans now had for the
5gbas as fighters, they sang while they danced : —
" Kanakana Ajibade
Ohan, ghan ni ndun.
A ri Egba Igkankan a se bi ogun ni,
Ija suk§ suke ni ija Egba,
Ija Ule lile n'ija Qyo."
(The crows of Ajibade
Ohan ghan they cry.
Egbas at a distance appear Hke men,
Nerveless and feeble Egbas are in fight,.
Strenuous and brave Oygs are in fight.)
Emboldened by this success, the Ibadans removed their camp
further to a place called Ajibade (where the Egbas were defeated)
and the battle ground was now at Alabata (where they were
driven to) about two hours' walk from Ijaye.
Several hard battles were fought before they could establish
themselves here, but at every fight the Ibadans gained ground,
and so they again removed their camp from Ajibade to Alabata,
and the battle ground was now at the River Ose not far from the
walls of Ijaye.
By this time the ammunition of the Ibadans was exhausted,
and but for Kehere the Balogun of Ipara the expedition would
have ended in failure if not disaster to the Ibadans. K§h§re
was faithful to them to the end.
The unfriendly Ijebus of Ode and Igbo were daily raiding the
Ibadan farms. Flying columns had to be organized to protect
the farmers and chase away the Ijebus. They also kidnapped from
the caravans to Ijebu Remg (viz. Ipara, Iperu, Ode, Ikorodu) ; the
Ibadans were obliged to send escorts from the camp from time
to time to protect these traders to Ipara and back. The Ijebus
more than once made a regular encampment and erected forts
to block the way after the caravans had passed on to Ipara, the
intention being to prevent their return ; but the Ibadans
always succeeded in routing them, pulhng down the forts, and
returning home safe with the caravans. In one of these defeats,
one Kongo a well-known Ijebu, who was formerly a trader and a
resident at Ibadan was caught with several others ; but Chief
Ogunmgla lost two of his most vaHant men in this fight, Kukula
and Erin. He showed his resentment by ordering Kongo to be
killed on Kukula's grave, and the rest of the Ijebu captives they
led to the camp at the river Ose, exhibited them to the Egbas
and Ijayes, and then killed them under their eyes, to show that
they had been victorious over their allies as well.
THE GLORIOUS END AND THE GORY DAWN OF TWO REIGNS 343
But there was a memorable battle of this kind fought at the
river Omi in the Ijebu Remo road which was terrible. The Ijgbus
exasperated by the former defeats were determined to deal a
crushing blow to the Ibadans the next time. For some weeks the
caravans could not proceed, the road had become more unsafe
than ever ; all who came from the provinces assembled at Ibadan.
Then the chiefs sent powerful escorts from the camp under chiefs
Abayomi, Tubosun, and Madarik^n, The name of Abayomi
raised the hopes of the caravans, and an extra large number of
them flocked together to take advantage of this opportunity.
After the caravans and escorts had passed on to Remo, a large
Ijebu army was sent to prevent their return. They erected strong
stockades right across the path in three places, and placed bodies
of troops behind each, the main army and the encampment
being behind the strongest stockade towards Ibadan, and there
awaited the return of the caravan. Madarikan the leader of the
van first came at them and fighting ensued ; the first stockade
was won and they came up to the second. Madarikan was
wounded in half-a-dozen places and driven back towards Remo,
bleeding all over and was hors de combat. When Ajiya Abayomi
came up, he dashed upon the Ijebus with great intrepidity and
won the second stockade ; he then repelled the enemy until they
came to the third and strongest stockade with the encampment
behind it of the main Ijebu army. At the sight of the Ibadans,
the Ij§bus raised a great shout of triumph and tauntingly asked
" By what way will you get home now ? You had better try
flying." From behind the stockade they wrought havoc among
the Ibadans with impunity, being protected from the bullets
of the latter by the stockade.
Chief Abayomi thereupon called some of his most trusty
servants, and posted them with their men on the highway with
orders not to yield an inch if all had to perish there. He then
chose a band of trusty veterans, cut a path through the forest
and attacked the Ijebus in the rear. When the Ijebus driven
to bay, saw the foe before and behind, they were furious and
dashed upon the Ibadans with great intrepidity. At the first
onslaught, Abayomi the Ibadan leader was shot off his horse, and
when his veterans saw their master fall and their own fire languish-
ing, they became exasperated, and with drawn swords they rushed
upon the Ijebus with great fury and madness, broke through
their ranks and put to the sword those that could not escape. They
immediately pulled down the stockade and rejoined those of their
comrades who had been posted in the highway and had come up.
They pursued the Ijebus a little way and rescued as many as they
could of the women and others of the caravans whom the Ijebus had
344 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
captured before the main body of escorts came up. Thus the
Ibadans eventually won ; the victory though dearly bought was
complete. Abayomi, however, ralhed, and was able to lead the
people home. When reports of this victory reached the camp and
the cost at which it was achieved the Balogun and other senior
chiefs immediately sent congratulations to Abayomi, Madarikan
and others, and allowed them to remain at home until their wounds
were healed before rejoining their comrades in the camp before
Ijaye.
From this and previous achievements Abayomi (through his
bards) added to his other names " Death to traitors," " Terror to
the Ijebus," " Maker of safe paths through tangled forests,"
There were further skirmishes on this road while the Ijaye war
lasted, but none to be compared to the above two remarkable
ones.
Meantime the war before Ijaye continued with undiminished
vigour the invaders being now replenished with ammunition.
The Ijaye watchman was posted on the top of a tall tree near
the River Ose, from whence he could command the view for
several miles around, and announce the approach of the enemy.
For a long time the River Ose was the scene of action : which-
ever party arrived first at the stream gained the opposite bank
and held it until repulsed. In course of time the Ibadans gained the
river permanently, and the action thenceforth was on the Ijaye
side of it.
At this time all the farms being in the hands of the Ibadans,
the distress, starvation and consequent mortahty at Ijaye were
indescribable. Hundreds, nay thousands died in the streets from
starvation, whole families perished without anyone to bury them.
All the livestock had been consumed, the garden, the streets, and
the yards were all planted with corn, but the cornstalks were
devoured when they could not wait for the corn to develop. The
herb Gb6r6 a common creeper in the streets was planted in every
available place and used for food.
It was generally said then that the advent of the Egbas replen-
ished their magazines but exhausted their granaries. Now the
Egbas procured food for themselves from home, but instead of
succouring their allies, they took advantage of their distress to
benefit themselves. A child who wandered longingly to an Egba
tent and obtained a meal of beans (awuje) thereby became his
slave ! The Egba man who could procure several loads of Awuje
beans from home, covered all his expenses by securing so many
Ijaye children as slaves for feeding them ! All these were sent home
to Abeokuta.
A GLORIOUS END AND THE GORY DAWN OF TWO REIGNS 345
But the good offices of the missionaries of the C.M.S. and
American Baptists at Ijaye at this time were never to be forgotten.
Sympathizing friends at home and abroad sent them supplies, and
they received and maintained as many Ijaye children as they could.
The parents also received some assistance and were glad and
thankful to see their children provided for. The names of the
Rev. Adolphus Mann, C.M.S. and Mr, J. T. Bowen, American
Baptist, can never be forgotten by any Ijaye born.
Mr. Mann's skill in surgery also was in requisition ; he was
of immense service in extracting bullets and binding up wounds.
Thus in ministering to the wants of famished children, sheltering
orphans and performing surgical operations he had his hands
quite full.
The Ijaye people had also to oppose a war behind them from
Oyo. a small force under Amodu was sent to Iran, as he alone
was quite enough to oppose the Oyo army which encamped at
Ilora whence they issued for the fight.
The AlAfin whose battle Ibadan was fighting had to supply
both the Ibadan and Ilgra camps with gunpowder and bullets
and for the latter purpose the services of all Oyo smiths were in
requisition.
The AlAfin also invited the Baribas, but their cavalry on
which they solely depended were of little use in forest lands ; the
I j ayes at Iran concealing themselves in the thickets surrounding
the town had the advantage of them. Although Iran was a small
village yet the men were able to repulse the attacks of the Oyos
and Baribas.
But if they could not capture Iran these Baribas were a source of
great annoyance to the I j ayes by kidnapping in their farms and
thereby increasing the amount of distress and starvation in the
town. This gave rise to the pathetic wail :
" Ibadan mu, Fiditi mu
Ojojumo ni ara Ago iimu ni I'oko
Ojojumo ni ara Ago fiyan mumusin l§hin odi
Oran yi jo bi ala I'oju mi."
Ibadan kidnaps, Fiditi kidnaps.
Daily the men of Ago kidnap in our farms.
Daily the men of Ago capture for service behind our walls,
This matter to me is like a dream ! "
§ 4. Famine and the Sword
As we have already noticed, most of the Oke Ogun towns were
under the rule of the Are of Ijaye ; at this crisis they became
346 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
the source of food supply to Ijaye, and both men and women
frequented these regions for procuring provisions.
By this time the people of Ijaye had recovered from the first
shock and horror of a siege, and as the town could not be carried
by assault, and was now fairly supplied with food from the Oke
Ogun regions, and with ammunition from Abeokuta, the hopes of
taking the town soon became very small.
The Ibadans now tried to cut off their supplies by sending a
small army to Oke Ogun. Isgyin was friendly to Ijaye and
Ibadan, and both were admitted within her walls. A man called
Ojelabi went to Iseyin and began to seize people's things in the
market for " privilege " as an Ibadan man; Majaro the Aseyin
ordered him out of the town, but he not only refused to go
but was also setting houses on fire with a lighted torch. He was
ultimately driven out under a shower of stones. The Ibadans
hearing that Ojelabi was driven out and not knowing the cause,
sent one Rogunto ask whether it wastheirintentiontorebel,or why
had they expelled Oj elabi . B ut as Rogun and his party were likewise
pillaging the town they did not fare any better but were driven
out by force of arms. Before this happened however, the Isgyin
people showed evident signs of impatience at the language and
actions of these men, and sounded in their songs a note of an
impending civil fight : —
" Ibadan ti o k^ ti ko lo
Awowo a w6 o "
(The Ibadan who sticks and won't go.
A great crash will crush him.)
The Ibadan boys on their part took up the challenge and retorted
with
" A f'adamo da 'mo lekun Awowo."
(The shot gun will shut up all crashes and crushings.)
The civil fight soon set in, and Rogun held out till the evening
before he was finally expelled the town.
Iwawun, Erin, and Away^ were for Ijaye, but Bergkodo and
other Ibarapa districts were for Ibadan. One AkSwo was sent
from the camp to ask the Iwawun people why they were supplying
food to Ijaye, the answer returned not being satisfactory the result
was a little war here also. The Are hearing this sent Amodu,
Arawgle, Adelakiin, Abese and Labudanu to reinforce Iwawun.
When Akawo found them too strong for him, he sent to the camp
for re-inforcement, and Latosisa and other petty war-chiefs were
sent to his help. Still they found the power of the I j ayes too much
A GLORIOUS END AND THE GORY DAWN OF TWO REIGNS 347
for them to withstand, so much so that instead of besieging
Iwawun, they were on the defensive, being practically besieged
in their camps.
Iwawun and Erin were advantageously situated for defensive
purposes, being built on a high hill and surrounded by a mass
of huge craggy rocks ; the town wall was built at the foot of the
hill.
The Ibadan chiefs knowing that as long as Ijaye could draw
supplies from these places the town could not be taken, Ogunmgla
was resolved to go himself and deal a decisive blow to their power
here. The Balogun alone with his men and some minor chiefs
being left in charge of the camp, Ogunmola his Otun and Osundina
the Osi headed the rest of the war-chiefs to Oke Ogun.
Passing by the Ijaye farms to Fiditi, they reached the Oyo
camp at flora. The AlAfin sent one of the eunuchs to welcome
them and take them presents of bullocks, sheep, goats, fowls,
etc. Ogunmola respectfully dechned to accept them now : he
sent to tell the King that he would receive them after his return
from taking Iwawun within nine days.
Ogunmola spoke that day as an oracle. He ordered Ajayi
Ogboriefon the captain of the Ibadan contingent there to march
on before him and receive a shot in that well-fed stomach of his.
" You are leading an easy life here with our King under pretence
of fighting against this little place," he said to him.
On reaching Iseyin Ogunmola went to pay his compHments
to the Aseyin, and prostrated before him in salutation. The Aseyin
forgetful of himself received him as a subject, but he had to pay
dearly for it some years afterwards when Ogunmola became a
Basorun of Ibadan, and consequently his official superior. The
army passed on to Iwawun ; rumours of a large reinforcement to
the Ibadan force there reached the ears of the I j ayes at Iwawun,
and some of those among them suggested that they should
withdraw entirely before the break of day, but Arawole and
Amgdu said " Should we not see what is d^i^^ng us before we run
away ? Or what shall we say to the Ar§ at home ? " Up to this
time they had no positive knowledge as to who the leader of the
expedition was.
Early next morning the Ibadans took a hasty breakfast, and
soon after they filed out for the attack on Iwawun instead of
waiting for an attack as usual. Those of the I j ayes who had
suspected an access of reinforcement were now positive, for other-
wise the small Ibadan force could not have been so bold this
morning. In order to keep the expedition as secret as possible,
apart from his rapid movements, Ogunmola forbade his drummer
348 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
to beat and those of the other chiefs Hkewise, lest his arrival be
known to the enemy ; but when the hour for battle was come, he
ordered all the drummers including those of the other chiefs to
strike up his own battle cry. Consequently the I j ayes were all
dismayed and panic stricken when they heard : —
" A f'oke, afi 'gbo (But the hills, but the woods,
Ko s'eni ti o le duro." There's no one to withstand me.)
Now they were forced to credit the report that Ogunmola himself
was the leader of the expedition. It was thought most improbable
that in the face of the Ijaye and Egba armies Ogunmola and staff
with the other war-chiefs would venture to leave the camp.
But the I j ayes were men in the true sense of the word ; after the
first shock of this discovery, they steeled their hearts and threw
themselves on their assailants with great intrepidity but the
odds were greatly against them. It is reported that the chief
of Awaye was bribed or terrorized into disclosing a secret path
by which an enemy might enter Iwawun, but this is very doubtful,
because Awaye herself had to share the fate of Iwawun afterwards.
Whatever it may be, Iwawun was taken by assault, and within an
hour the town was in flames ! The Ijaye heroes had an opportunity
of escape but did not avail themselves of it. Amodu fought and
died a hero's death. He had borne a distinguished part all through
this war, and in him Ijaye sustained an irreparable loss.
Five of the Are's sons were caught and slain, including Arawole
his eldest surviving son. The death of Arawole sent a thrill of
horror and grief throughout the camp and town of Ibadan. Many
were the ill-suppressed murmurs against Ogunmola for this heartless
murder, for, although Kurumi was now a foe, he was still a name
and a venerable figure in the history of Yoruba, a contemporary of
the fathers of these Ibadan chiefs and the last surviving link
between their past in the old homes desolated by the Fulanis,
and these forest lands to which they have escaped. Now he was
old and on the verge of the grave, to extinguish his light in his
eldest son was an event no reflecting patriot could calmly con-
template. Ibikunle the Balogun was said to have shed a tear
when he heard it, and none but that heartless diplomat Ogunmola
could have killed Arawole thus. Of the Ijaye chiefs, the Abese,
Labudanu and Adejumo alone escaped to tell the tale. About ten
others perished there.
Erin also was taken very easily the same day, and numbers
of the Ijaye caravans who went there to buy provisions fell into
their hands but a great many escaped into the bush.
On the return march of the Ibadans Ogunmola had
A GLORIOUS END AND THE GORY DAWN OF TWO REIGNS 349
recourse to a ruse by which he entrapped hundreds of those
who had escaped into the bush. Instead of his own battle cry,
he ordered the drummers to strike up that of the Are of Ijaye,
and when those who had escaped into the bush heard : —
" Ija Orogun koro, Orogun."
(Bitter is the quarrel of rivals, the rivals.)
they naturally thought their master had come to their help
against Ogunmola, and as they issued one by one from their
hiding places to flock to his standard, they fell an easy prey
into the hands of the Ibadans.^
On the 9th day of his leaving the Ilgra camp, he arrived there
again as he promised to do ; and singularly Ajayi Ogboriefon was
also wounded in his " well-fed " stomach, even as Ogunmola said.
But during the absence of Ogunmola and the flower of the
Ibadan army at Iwawun, brave deeds were done behind the walls
of Ijaye. It was now or never with the alHes, and the Are was
determined to take the Ibadan camp before their return. Had
Ibikunle not been a particularly brave and experienced general, he
could never have withstood the force of the impact made upon him.
Appraising the Egbas at their true valuation, notwithstanding
numbers, the Balogun opposed to them his Areagoro Aijenku
but himself withstood the more vigorous attack of the I j ayes.
It was on this occasion that the Are at the head of a choice body
of veterans made a dash on the Ibadan centre with a determination
to break through ; but he might as well have hurled himself upon
an immovable rock ! Again and again he tried and failed, and not
only so, but the young woman, a devotee, who carried before him
into battle his covered calabash of charms for safety and success,
was severely wounded and had to be carried away. An eye-witness
who stood by him all through and who related the events to the
writer, said seeing his non-success, all disconsolate and despairing
he sat under fire in the midst of the battle saying " How can I go
back, how can I ? I cannot, I cannot." His attendants and body-
guard had literally to carry him to the rear. The old general
seemed to have forgotten that he was no longer young, and that
for deeds of might and strength, age must give place to youth.
Aijenku acquitted himself against the Egbas so well, that he had
no need to ask for reinforcement from his chief. There can be
1 History repeats itself. It will be seen hereafter how by a
singular act of retributive justice, Ogunmola lost his only son
and heir in battle by the same trick being practised upon
his son by the Ekitis.
350 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
no doubt that the Balogun gained in prestige enormously by this
action and fully justified the eulogies of his bard
" Odunbudere Okunrin
A to ft ise ogun ran."
(Odunbudere (an untranslatable word) a mighty man,
Fit to be entrusted with the onus of war!)
On the return of the Ibadan expedition after the usual welcome
the Balogun was said to have expressed himself bitterly to
Ogunmola on the slaughter of the Are's sons especially that of
Arawole. " Arawole," said he "is our own companion, and the
Are, a contemporary of our fathers, how long further has he to live,
and who is to uphold his house ? " Ogunmola was said to have
justified his acts by saying " If we want the war to be over soon,
sentiment must give way to something practical, a crushing blow
was needed at Iwawun, and that is what I have dealt."
The cutting off of provisions by the destruction of the Oke Ogun
towns gave a death blow to Ijaye. The Are on hearing the
sad news was crushed entirely by it. It was as if he had received
his death warrant; he saw clearly that all hopes for Ijaye were
now gone, and with a dejected spirit he was often seen in his
house wandering about abstractedly and muttering to himself
" Nje emi ni mo jebi oran yi ? " (am I then in the wrong in this
matter ?) He had hitherto been confident of success from the
supposed justice of his cause, but now he was sadly
disillusioned.
From this time the old general began to languish, and no more
great deeds were recorded of him. He died of a broken heart
in the month of June, 1861.
Thus passed away one of the most venerable and historic
figures in Yoruba history.
Prior to his death occurred that of another notable figure, a
friend, colleague, and brother in arms. The Olu-Ode or chief of
the hunters of ancient Ikoyi with Kurumi were among the bravest
defenders of the old country. After the Fulani destruction of their
homes he retired hither with Kurumi and lived the rest of his life
at Ijaye. During this war he wrought havoc amongst the Ibadans
with his cross bow and arrows. He was never known to miss his
aim. In one of their skirmishes he was caught by the Ibadans.
When brought into the camp it was said that the Balogun met and
saluted him, prostrating before him as to his own father, and there
and then gave him his liberty on parole. This was against the
wish of Ogunmola who would have him killed at once, but the
Balogun overruled it.
A GLORIOUS END AND THE GORY DAWN OF TWO REIGNS 35I
Another chief, a cavalry officer was also caught, one who had
successfully crossed spears with the Fulanis in olden days. He,
too, was set free on parole, and he wisely retired to Ibadan where
he spent the rest of his days.
But the Olu-odg broke his parole, he was caught again trying
to escape back to Ijaye. This time even the Balogun could
not save him, much as he would like to do so ; the other war-chiefs
threatened to mutiny if the Olu-ode was again spared, and the
Balogun was obliged to give way. " Why are you going back to
a doomed city ? " he asked of the old chief. His reply was direct
and simple: " My children are there." " Alas sire, you die,
but for a cause not unworthy, you are laying down your Ufe on
account of your children." Thus did the Balogun address him
before he was led away to execution by Ogunmgla's swordbearers.
After Kurumi's death, Abogunrin his head slave had the honour
of burying him. This was done in secret, and the two slaves
who dug the grave were slain also to accompany their master
so that the spot might not be disclosed ; but the place was found
out afterwards, and the skull taken over to the AlAfin as the
custom was, for all who bore the title of Ar§-ona-Kakanfo.
The government of the town, and the conduct of the war now
devolved upon Abogunrin the Are's head slave, who had been
placed in power even before his master's death. His treasures and
all his ammunition being under the charge of Abogunrin,
implicit obedience was rendered to him by all, in all matters both
civil and mihtary.
The only road left to the I j ayes by which they could obtain
provisions and ammunition was the Ab§okuta road, and on this
the Ibadans began now to kidnap regularly. The caravans had
to be under miUtary escort, and the Egba outpost at Olokemeji
was an immense service to them at this time.
The old chief Ogunbgna the Balogun of Ikija who was stationed
there died of illness, but a small force was still kept there to assist
the caravans half way ; the danger lay between Ijaye and Oloke-
meji, beyond this it was safe. One Oje was a notable escort, but
he was caught in the Ijaye farms, and publicly executed.
Early in 1862 the Ibadans removed their camp once more from
Alabata, and crossing the river Ose they pitched their tents in the
battlefield ; three fierce battles were fought to prevent this but
as the Ibadans were able to maintain their ground, the fate of
Ijaye was sealed.
Leaving the Balogun to face the Ijayes, Ogunmgla now went to
the Abeokuta road and besieged the Egbas in their camp. The
Ijayes thereupon left the town and encamped in the field opposite
352 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
the Ibadan camp. The fighting now was both obstinate and fre-
quent, for besides fighting in the da3', a special band of skirmishers
was organized to keep it up all night.
On the 15th of March, 1862, Lieut. Dolbein, of H.M.S.
Prometheus, accompanied by Mr, Edward Roper, a European
missionary of the C.M.S, came up to Ijaye to the reUef of Mr, and
Mrs. Mann.
A battle was fought on the i6th which he witnessed, and he
was said to have expressed his opinion that the Ibadans were
superior warriors judging from the manoeuvrings on both sides,
and that the town was sure to be taken. But Mr. Mann was
unwilUng to leave his post, the state of Mrs. Mann's health, however,
rendered it imperative that he should take her down to the coast
and he promised to return soon to his post. Mr. Edward Roper
volunteered to hold the station until his return.
The Rev. A. and Mrs. Mann with Lieut. Dolbein left Ijaye
early on the 17th March, 1862, and as soon as it was knowfi that
the white man had left the town, it was regarded as an evil omen
for that town. The Egbas said that the white man's God had
shown them that evil was coming, and would not themselves
wait for it either. Before night fail, there was a rush, fugitives
overtook them even in the course of the day, and they had to
redouble their speed both to avoid the crush of fugitives and also
to escape the expected pursuers. Fortunately the Ibadans did
not know in time that the town had been deserted or they might
have met them by the way ; still some of the stragglers were met
later on when pursuit was made.
Thus fell Ijaye, a town of ease and plenty, a town compact,
and full of brave men, an industrious town, but too despotically
governed, a town in which the citizens were marked by restlessness
and daring.
Ijaye and Ibadan being sister towns and the people one, many
wise heads in the former place made captives (as it were) of their
wives and children, putting halters round, the necks of their
own brothers and led them to Ibadan to the house of their relatives
without being detected. Once there, they were free. But knowing
each other so well, some were detected and captured. Some lost
their bearings and missed their way in the town and were captured,
some fell into the hands of acquaintances and were rescued. The
Ijaye warriors in the camp with their chiefs escaped with the
Egbas to Abeokuta, Abogunrin at their head.
The Egbas assigned them a portion of land where they pitched
their tents, and there they subsequently built their houses. The
spot is known as AgQ Ijaye to this day.
A GLORIOUS END AND THE GORY DAWN OF TWO REIGNS 353
When the Rev. D. Hinderer of Ibadan heard of the capture of
Mr. Edward Roper, he sent to negotiate for his release from
Ogunmola in whose possession he was, but this hard-hearted
soldier refused to give him up unless he was released for 200
bags of cowries (equivalent then to £200) 200 kegs of powder and
200 guns. Mr. Hinderer then went in person and remonstrated
with Ogunmola. The latter grew more stern, refusing to abate
any one of his terms, rather than that he would keep him, and if
he was incapable of performing any material service for him, still
he should be able to tend his poultry yard in his farm. " We have
learnt that white men live on eggs and milk I will feed this one with
parched corn." And he added " We know that this is not the
actual white man of Ijaye, whom we often saw in the battlefield :
this one only entered the town a few days ago, hence you have
such easy terms, otherwise we should have killed him right out,
for he fought us, and we had our eyes on him." Mr. Mann we know
did not fight, but reHeved the wounded men; however, there were
two " Afro American " sharp-shooters,^ who harassed the Ibadans
a good deal with their rifles.
Mr. Hinderer then asked for the interference of the Balogun, of
Aijenku and of Ajiya Abayomi ; they all interceded but in vain,
he remained obdiu-ate. Mr. Hinderer then sent two of his agents
to the Alafin of Oyo to appeal to His Majesty for his interference.
The King then sent the following message to Ogunmola : —
" What your Balogun Ibikunle, and your colleagues Aijenku
and Abayomi failed to obtain from you, I know you have reserved
the honour for me, and now I ask you to give up the white man
freely and without any charges." In obedience to the King
Ogunmola gave Mr. Roper up to his friends, the latter being too
glad to be once more among his countrymen.
Besides the Rev. Mr. and Mrs. Hinderer, Mr. Roper met also
at Ibadan, Mr. George Jeffries a friend and college mate of his,
and both of them resided together.
A few months- after Mr. Roper's arrival at Ibadan, his friend
Jeffries was laid up from diarrhoea. Roper's presence here at this
time cannot but be regarded otherwise than as providential,
to comfort and cheer up his friend's dying hours. Jeffries passed
quietly away and Roper undertook the charge of his station at
Ogunpa, Ibadan. He remained there till he was able to return to
England in 1865.
The good offices of His Majesty the AlAfin to the missionaries
claim our special notice. This was the second of the kind during
this war. Mr. Samuel Cole, a native schoolmaster, was once
» Messrs. Vaughan and Pettiford.
354 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
kidnapped between Ijaye and Iseyin in the early part of the
conflict, (i860). Mr. Hinderer hearing this sent Mr. (now Rev.)
D. Olubi to the AlAfin, who kindly ordered his release and sent
him to Ibadan. Mr. Cole returned to Abeokuta by the Remo road.
The Ijaye war was one of the bloodiest fought by the Ibadans,
as may be expected " When Greek meets Greek." But the only
chief of note that fell was Osundina the Osi (father of the well-
known Ibadan chief Apampa). He was shot in the knee, but he
kept his post till the battle was over that day. He died a few days
after. How many thousands upon thousands of common soldiers
died on both sides it is impossible to say, but a faint idea could be
had from the only authentic account kept.
At the commencement of the war Ogunmola ordered that a
correct account of his soldier slaves who fell in battle should be kept.
For that purpose a huge basket 5 or 6ft. high was kept and the cap
of every slave of his who fell in battle was thrown into it. When
Ijaye was taken Ogunmola counted the caps, they amounted to
1800, representing the soldier slaves of his who fell between April
10, i860, and March 17, 1862, exclusive of freeborn soldiers ; and
that was for only one single chief ,* what then of the whole Ibadan
army and those of the provinces; what of the Ijayes, the Egbas, the
Oyos, and the Oke Ogun peoples, and Ijebus engaged in this war !
It shows the redoubtable courage of the assailants and the
obstinate resistance of the defenders. It justifies Ibikunle's
reluctance to declare war upon their kith and kin. But those
who knew Ijaye best, and were acquainted with the details of
the enormities being committed there in the years before the war,
were satisfied that their judgment was from above ; the cup of
their iniquities was full and not only the besiegers but also their
very allies helped to bring about their ruin. This was evident from
the significant song commonly sung in their dances in those days: —
" Onigbeja li o fo 'gun,
Iwi I'a ko gbodo wi."
('Twas our alHes caused our rout,
But we must not say 'tis so.)
The Egb^s have always been ashamed of this defeat which
did not admit of being explained away, but many regarded it as
a just punishment for their perfidy. And singularly, scarcely any
of the principal chiefs concerned survived the war, thus recalUng
Sokenu's retort on them. Henceforth Oygs never have any
fear in meeting any Egbas in the field, whatever the odds.
Ijaye was taken, but the war was not over, the bad blood left
behind rankled for the next three years.
Chapter XIX.
SEQUELS OF THE IJAYE WAR
§ I. The Awaye War
The Ibadans being determined to punish Away^ for supplying
Ijaye with provisions during the siege, now sent the Asipa and
subordinate chiefs at the head of the army against it, leaving
only the Balogun and the Otun in the Ijaye camp ; and so Away6
was besieged.
Away^ was a small but beautiful town situated on a plateau,
the scenery from which is very picturesque, the Ado mount rising
in lofty magnificence a few miles off, and the open country for
miles around interspersed with the locust and the lya trees. The
inhabitants were a very peaceful and agricultural people, and were
faithful and loyal to Ijaye to the very last. In fact, Ijaye was the
only town of importance to which they could sell their agricultural
produce.
The men of that town had no guns, but they were very expert
in the use of their bow and poisoned arrows, and for full seven
months they obstinately defended the town. It was at last
reduced by famine, being closely invested on every side, so that
they could not get to their farms ; but the able-bodied men cut
their way through the Ibadans and made good their escape. In
fact the Ibadans hastily made way for these desperate men, when
they saw them making a furious charge and were singing the well-
known song of desperadoes escaping life in hand : —
" Oyin su, Oyin Ig o
Oyin a sii, Oyin a pgn roro."
(Bees in a swarm, bees swarming away,
Bees will swarm, the swarm, o how red.)
Thus these brave defenders deserted the town when famine and
the sword rendered it no longer tenable.
The remnant of the Away6 people are now encamped at the foot
of the Ado mount.
The Ibadan army returned from this expedition in the month
of October, 1862. The latter rains were then incessant and the
rivers much swollen ; the Ogun river in particular swept many
away, both horses and men.
35S
356 the history of the yorubas
§ 2. The Iperu War
During the siege of Awayd, the Egbas and the Ijaye refugees
at Abeokuta went also to take revenge on the Remo towns that
were friendly to the Ibadans during the siege of Ijaye.
On the 19th of June, 1862, the Egbas destroyed Makun,
and advanced against Ode, Ogere, aiming specially at Ipara whose
Balogun Rehire was a particularly active ally of Ibadan. The
Rem OS therefore sent to Ibadan for help and Ogunmola went
straight from the Ijaye camp to Remo, theBalogun himself although
in ill health rejoining him soon after, until the army at Awayd
could join them. Ogunmola in the meantime found his way to
Ikorodu for a supply of ammunition.
Iperu easily surrendered to the Egbas and there the triple forces
of the Egbas, Ijayes and Ijebus were concentrated to repel the
Ibadans and overrun Remo.
The Ibadans retook several towns as Ipara, Ogere etc., sweeping
all before them until they came up with their old antagonists
again, re-inforced by the Ijebus at Iperu.
At home, the Ibadans at first made light of the combination,
hence they sang in their'dances : —
" Ijebu ko pe okowo,
Nitori eru I'a se nlo."
(The Ijebus are not worth a sou [lit. 20 cowries]
Only for booty are we going).
But the chiefs knew the difficulties that confronted them,
especially as the foe blocked the route of their supply of ammuni-
tion. Moreover Ajiya Abaygmi pointed out that Remo being a
non-agricultural country, could not supply an army with food :
they must therefore be provisioned from home and would thus be
far from their base ; besides Ijebu is proverbially destitute of
water ; he therefore, suggested that they should attack them from
Ijebu Igbo, which is not far from the Ibadan farms S.E. as
opposition from that point would be almost m7, and in that way they
would withdraw the coaUtion against their friends the Remos, and
with their own farms as base, they would have a safe and easy task.
The other chiefs saw with him, but, said they, their aim was
not to destroy the Ijebus but to protect their friends ; and it would
be most ungracious to leave the Remos who had been so loyal
to them in their hour of danger,.
Thus the encounter was again renewed between the old anta-
gonists in a different battlefield. The Ibadans were again sweeping
all before them, and Iperu was just nearly taken and the con-
federates crushed when Providence decreed the arrest of their
SEQUELS OF THE IJAYE WAR 357
progress. The tide turned dead against them ; a combination
of causes created insurmountable difficulties.
1. The Egbas now introduced superior weapons. They were
armed with breach-loading guns and rifles.
2. One Mr. Pettiford an American sharp-shooter was engaged
to pick down the chiefs, thus Odunjo the Seriki, Madarikan the
Asaju, Chief Adepo, and others fell. Ogunmola himself was nearly
hit, his hat being knocked off his head.
3. The Ibadans having hemmed them up at Iperu were conse-
quently near enough to be within the range of the rifles, and so
from within the town walls and surrounding thickets they were
constantly harassed in their camps.
4. The Balogun's illness grew worse, he could not leave his bed
and several of the leading chiefs were killed.
5. The distance of their base, the difficulty of food supply and
the scarcity of water told against them. The whole camp had
to depend upon one single well which they dug when water could
not be obtained otherwise ; a very deep well it was and the only
one.
6. No scope to deploy their troops for manoeuvring against
superior numbers and superior weapons ; and worst of all they ran
short of powder for the old Dane guns they were using, so that
instead of taking the offensive they were now on the defensive in
their camps ; the Egbas could come out and cut down the corn
they had planted and offer battle.
The direction of the war devolved upon Ogunmola alone in
the absence of the sickBalogun, the Osi killed at Ijaye, the Seriki,
Asaju and others shot down at Iperu. Matters came to such a
pass one day, when Ogunmola was hard pressed that he sent to
call the Balogun from his sick bed " to die if needs be like a soldier
in the field."
Once more the " lion of the master of camps " aroused himself
and appeared on the scene of action for the last time. He was
literally helped and held on horse back, one desperate effort
was made, and the Egbas were pushed a Httle way back. But the
Balogun could not continue long, he left some of his men with
Ogunmola, to hold the ground they had regained and he was
borne back to his tent. His legs had become so cedematous
when he was hfted off his horse, that his riding boots had to be
ripped open with a knife in order to release his legs ! Thus the war
dragged wearily on, Iperu could not be taken by assault or other-
wise, nor could the Ibadans be dislodged from their entrenchments.
Towards the latter part of 1864 the Alafin intervened, as his
father did in the late Bat§do war. His Majesty sent the high
358 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
priest of Sango with the emblems of the deity, and a eunuch to
represent himself, to the belligerents. They came first to the
Ibadan camp, and then passed on to Iperu to the Egbas, Ijayes
and Ijebus ; in each place, homage was paid to the god and fealty
to the representative of the monarch. The " God Sango had
enjoined a cessation of arms and the return of each one to his home."
Peace was then declared between the belligerents.
Congratulatory messages were sent home by friends and relatives
in opposite camps, mutual visitings took place and all went well
for three or four days.
But the Ibadan principal chiefs had no great confidence in
Egba good faith, having the perfidy of i860 before their eyes ;
they, therefore, took certain precautions.
First, they ordered all the sick and wounded home (except the
Balogun), together with the women and children by slow marches.
Secondly, the bones of the fallen chiefs were exhumed and sent home
for re-interment.
They were apprehensive of treachery from the Egbas immediately
they turned their backs, but to prevent a panic they did not disclose
their fears or suspicion, but Ogunmgla knowing himself to be the
most invidious of the lot and a special object of hate hastened away
in the night and before daybreak had reached Ipara. In his
hurry his slaves on occasion made way for him with the sword,
and seeing his only daughter Omosa in the company of women
who had been sent on the day before, he lifted her on to his saddle
and never halted until he reached Fawe in the Ibadan farms,
there to await his comrades.
But the majority of the women lingered by the way, others
in the camp, seeing no reason why they should be in a hurry
as all was peace. The Balogun who was dropsical and could not
ride was borne on a htter.
Now when the day arrived for the breaking up of the camp,
and the Ibadans already on the move, the Egba nature asserted
itself by justifying the worst apprehensions entertained of it.
They had crowded the Ibadan camp in friendly intercourse, and
exchanged greetings, but the prey was now eluding their grasp ;
they pounced upon the unsuspicious and began to make prisoners
and pressed forward in pursuit. Some of the chiefs who did not
suspect treachery were caught. The venerable Sumala the Otun
Bale who would have been made the Bale of Ibadan on their
return home was caught and killed. Chief Abayomi was one of
the unsuspicious, the Egbas had begun to make prisoners before
he was aware of what was going on. Mounting his horse when it
was tethered he forgot to unloose it till one of his slaves severed
SEQUELS OF THE IJAYE VVAR 359
the cord with his sword. He had to fight his way out and escaped.
Soderinde, although a native of Iperu but a resident at Ibadan,
and a distinguished cavalry officer was then at home among his
relatives enjoying himself ; he was there arrested and had to
ransom himself by the payment of a heavy fine, and had to remain
there at home for the time. At the stream Afidiwo the Egba
pursuers overtook theBalogun and his guards ; these stood fighting
whilst those who bore him were hastening on. But the Egbas
were pressing closely endeavouring to take the Balogun alive.
When they reached the river Omi the Balogun ordered his carriers
to put him down and that the Egbas be driven back from that place
Akere the Asipa was the only war-chief who waited to protect the
Balogun besides his own men and bodyguards. Here, when
they had rallied and arranged themselves in order of battle, they
made a furious charge on the Egba pursuers and drove them clean
away with a heavy loss. These soon finding it unprofitable to
pursue armed men when hapless women and children were to be
got, quickly gave up the pursuit.
All, as many as escaped, assembled at Fawe from which place
they returned home one by one, mostly at night on account of the
disastrous ending of the expedition. More women were lost
than men. Kehere the Balogun of Ipara wisely came to Ibadan
until peace had been completely restored.
For weeks and months, people were coming home by degrees,
as numbers had escaped into the bush and lost their way ; some
strayed to Ijebu farms and were captured, some found their
way back to the road or to Ibadans farms and returned home,
whilst some perished in the forests.
A small force of armed men was ordered to proceed as far as the
river Omi with the hopes of rescuing them, following the directions
in which those who had escaped located large bodies of them. A
few were rescued by them, for guns fired to attract their notice
unfortunately had the effect of driving them farther into the
forests, as reported by the few which escaped.
The view taken of this disaster by the Ibadans was expressed
thus in the song and dances of the day : —
" Sango I'o laja ti o d'obirin nu,
Ogun ko le wa."
("Twas Sango's mediation that lost us our wives,
We've suffered no defeat.)^
^It is only fair to mention that the Egbas atoned for this
action in a very diplomatic way as we shall find in §5 following.
360 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
The experience gained from this circumstance was the reason for
the caution displayed many years afterwards when peace was
being arranged between the Ibadans and Ekitis at Kiriji by various
parties. The Ibadans refused to decamp in the face of their
foes without a guarantee against a pursuit until the British Govern-
ment intervened in 1886 and arranged for a simultaneous decamp-
ment.
§ 3. The Ikorodu War
The Egbas instead of returning home after this, led the conjoint
army against Ikorodu. Ikorodu is a town situated on the Lagoon
about 3 hours' steam from Lagos. Whether because as a Remo
town she took no part in the late war, or because she was secretly
in alHance with Ibadan is not certain. They were here for
several months and some good fighting was done on both sides.
But Ikorodu was hopelessly outnumbered. When she was nearly
taken, the chiefs applied for the protection of the British Govern-
ment at Lagos. The Lagos traders and merchants also suffering
from the closing of the markets approved of the interference of
the Governor. His Excellency John Hawley Glover, then governor
of Lagos, therefore sent to the Egbas to raise the siege, as Ikorodu
was a peaceful town on the Lagoon with a regular trade with Lagos,
which was thus beingindirectly injured. On their refusing to do so,
he sent them an ultimatum which was also disregarded. On the
29th March, 1865, the Governor sent about 100 men of the West
Indian regiment then quartered at Lagos with a few shells and
rockets.
Within an hour of the engagement the Egbas had taken to
their heels, large numbers perished in the flight. It was ascertained
afterwards that those who fell from bullets were very few indeed
but the majority died from fright and thirst induced by exhaustion
in the flight ; for as the rockets flew overhead with hideous noise
and streaming fiery tails, a thing unseen before, they were panic-
stricken.
As soon as the report reached Iperu of the flight of the Egbas
from Ikorodu, Soderinde in order to retrieve his losses and to
avenge himself on the Egbas, collected^ his men and as many
Ibadan boys, as he could collect who had come down for trade, and
they fell upon those of the Egbas who had escaped from Ikorodu
and were recovering their breath. He made many captives, and
returning he stayed no longer at Iperu but passed on straight
to Ibadan where he domiciled until his death in 1880 full of days
and honour having attained to the rank of Balogun in the cavalry.
Thus Ikorodu was saved.
sequels of the ijaye war 361
§ 4. The Second Dahomian Invasion of Abeokuta
During the Iperu war, the Dahomians taking advantage of the
absence of the Egba war-chiefs made a second attack on Abeokuta
on the 15th of March, 1864.
It was alleged by some that this was at the instigation of the
Ibadans in order that the Egbas might withdraw from Iperu,
and also that men were sent to teach them how to encamp and
lay siege. How far this is true is not known, but it is certain
that the Dahomians required no instigation for raiding Abeokuta
nor did they at any time lay siege against her.
The Egbas had profited by the experience of 1851, the town
wall was well repaired, and the trenches dug deep, two or three
field guns were mounted on the ramparts and sentinels placed
to prevent a surprise.
The Christian community, now a numerous body, formed a
corps by themselves under John Okenla their Balogun, encamping
apart during intervening Sundays, and having their religious
services in the field.
False alarms of the approach of the enemy and the usual
cry of the women " Ele le m'ele " were constant. The Christians
gave the people a sign that when they heard the booming of
the cannon, then they were to be sure of the approach of the
enemy.
Early in the morning of the 15th of March, the booming of
cannon in rapid succession, and the rattling of musketry told the
town that the enemy was in sight ; the women resumed their cry,
and the men hastened to man the walls.
About 7 a.m. the noise of fire-arms was quite deafening and for
the space of half-an-hour without intermission, all on the side of
the Egbas who wer€ well within the walls having learnt by experi-
ence never to attempt to meet them in the open field to arrest their
progress.
The Dahomians without returning the fire, or breaking their
ranks marched steadily onwards, the Amazons this time bringing
up the rear. On they marched stolidly till they began to scale
the walls. Cannon and muskets were now of little use, it was a
matter of hand-to-hand fighting. The Egbas well within the walls
kept lopping off the hands of the Amazons as they attempted to
scale the walls, and in that way hundreds of their advanced
comrades were left in the trenches.
When they were repulsed, they fell back and took to their guns.
The Egbas kept up a steady fire from the holes made in the walls.
Finding it useless to renew their efforts of taking the town by
assault, the Dahomian army retreated but in good order.
362 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
The Egbas now came out, hovering in their rear until they saw
them pass Ibara to Isaga. Many captives were made, of whom
were Amazons so ferocious, that although chained, many found
means of killing their captors, and were of course killed in turn.
A male soldier penetrated as far as Igbein, being caught near
the C.M.S. station there by the son of an old Ogboni man. He was
put in stocks, but great care was bestowed upon him to soften his
ferocity. He refused to eat, and was resolved to die. He was
heard muttering something in his language, not understood by
those around, his intention therefore was not known. But he
managed to obtain and conceal a large bit of stone near him, and
watching for an opportunity, he dealt a heavy blow with it on the
face of the old Ogboni man, who, thereupon fell down and fainted
away. The women-folk in the house set up a yell, and as the
fellow could not possibly escape he was shot dead on the spot.
The subsequent Dahomian invasions never came up to the walls
of Abeokuta, but almost every year their expedition would come
as far as Ibara, 10 miles from the town, the inhabitants deserting
the place for Abeokuta, and sometimes they would encamp on
the Ata hills 5 or 6 miles distant, remaining for a couple of
months, devastating the farms all around. The Egbas would
remain day and night keeping watch by the walls till the beginning
of May when the rainy season had fairly set in, and the rivers began
to rise. The Ogun river at this time became a wall of protection
for them, as the Dahomians could not ford it nor bridge it, and they
had no canoes. The Yewa river also flowing between the Yoruba
and Idahomian territories had to be forded. The Dahomians
therefore invariably raised their sieges and returned home before the
rains had fairly set in.
During these periods of what is called siege, there were some
desperadoes among the Egbas who would venture across the river
to within two miles of the Ata hills to spy out the enemy, and some-
times to scare them by letting off fire arms. In order to capture
such men the Dahomians would come down unseen as near as
possible to the river, dig trenches at intervals on either side of the
path, and conceal men in them, setting scouts to apprise them of
the approach of Egba spies. After these -had passed on towards
the Dahomian camp, they would emerge from their hiding places
and cut off their retreat, driving them onwards towards their
camp. In this way several were caught, and some of those who
escaped capture died of fright, or of exhaustion and thirst.
The panic and distress caused by these yearly raids became
very great at Abeokuta, depression of trade and the arrest of all
agricultural pursuits followed. The Egbas, although better armed,
SEQUELS OF THE IJAYE WAR 363
yet lacked the courage to leave the security of their walls and
meet their enemy in the field. This national disgrace was subse-
quently wiped off by John Okenla the Christian Balogun, who in
1873 with a company of his men attacked and defeated a body
of Dahomian raiders at Oba who went scouring the fields and
pillaging the farms.
The Enghsh Government was now memorialized by the
secretaries of the CM. Society on account of the Christians at
Abeokuta, and, in response to this appeal, the King of Dahomey
was warned against meddhng with Abeokuta any more.
The Dahomians now turned their attention to the Yorubas of
the western province, and were actually devastating the Egbados
and the Oke Ogun districts until a higher power decreed " Thus
far shalt thou go, and no further."
§ 5. The Atonement
The Balogun of Ibadan died ten days after their return home,
and was given a public funeral with full honours.
The government of Ibadan now devolved upon Ogunmola the
Otun Balogun, and the first thing he did was to assemble the
other chiefs in council with a view to arranging terms of peace with
their neighbours. But the perfidy of the Egbas and the great loss
sustained especially of the women must in some way be avenged
at any rate.
The secret somehow leaked out that the Egba chiefs gave up
Osiele to be taken by the Ibadans to satisfy their honour if it
could be done by a coup before the news of it reached Abeokuta.
Ogunmola himself led out the expedition, but remained with the
reserved forces in the forests, and entrusted the enterprise into the
hands of Ajobo the newly made Seriki. He was to surprise Osiele,
swoop down upon it, make a clean sweep of the place and retire
ere help could come from Abeokuta.
Ajobo, however, lacked the courage to take it by an assault and
hence the expedition failed. Ogunmola keenly regretted having
stayed behind, but as the attempt could not be repeated without
provoking a war with the Egbas he led the Ibadan forces home
again. It was a diplomatic offer and should be done in one stroke.
A few weeks after this Ogunmola again led the Ibadan troops
against Atadi another village of Abeokuta, this time entrusting
it to no one, he went in person, and on the 9th of March, 1865,
Atadi was taken by assault. The two powers now felt that honour
has been satisfied on both sides.
It was said that the news of the Ibadan attempt on Osiele met
the Abeokuta chiefs at a pubhc meeting, but in spite of the excite-
364 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
ment shown by the people, and the urgent requests for a pursuit,
the chiefs gave no heed, but were coolly going on with the business
in hand, which was quite an unimportant affair.
To the peoples' importunities they simply returned a derisive
answer pointing out the impossibility of the thing, and when
they knew the Ibadans must have gone then they bestirred
themselves to find Osiele intact. Hence when the report of Atadi
was given they were able to say " False alarm again, so they did
in the case of Osiele the Ibadans would not dare to think of it"
etc.
This daring attack was not followed by a retaliation or by
further kidnapping on either side which was a proof that it was a
diplomatic affair secretly arranged by the authorities on both sides.
Ayawo the wife of Somoye the Basorun of Abeokuta, who was
taken at Ijaye was now restored to her husband and on the 15th
of July, of the same year, the Ibadan messengers arrived at
Abeokuta for a formal negotiation about the re-opening of the
roads for intercommunication and trade. A month after this
peace was proclaimed, and the roads became free and open to all.
The Egbas, however, forbade the sale of arms and gunpowder to
the Ibadans, and these forbade the sale of horses to the Egbas.
The paths through the forests fields and farms having been
overgrown and blocked by large trees falHng across during the
period they were disused, had now to be cut and cleared on either
side right on to the frontier.
This brings to a close the Ijaye war and its consequences.
Chapter XX
THE CLOSING AND THE OPENING CAREERS OF
TWO HEROES
§ I. Ogunmola's Administration
The attention of the Ibadans was now turned to home affairs,
vacancies among the chiefs had to be filled up, and new titles
conferred. The first to be conferred was, of course, that of
the head of the town as he it is who has to arrange for the others.
It was known that if the Balogun had returned home in good
health, he would have negotiated for the title of Kakanfo, as
he was the conqueror of the late Kakanfo, and being a native
of Ogbomoso, was said to be related to a former Kakanfo of that
place. But when his fatal illness supervened it is said that hopes
were fixed on the venerable Sumala the Otun Bale for the title of
Bale on their return home, but Sumala was caught and killed
at the retreat from Iperu. Ogunmola now found himself the undis-
puted head of the town. He declined the title of Bale alleging it
was an effeminate title, for Bales do not go to war, and so many
brave men having perished at the war, Ibadan would lose her
military prestige by his retiring so early from active life. But he
might have negotiated for the title of Kakanfo now vacant. That
is a miHtary title par excellence, but his vaulting ambition aimed
higher than that, he usurped the title of Basorun notwithstanding
that Gbenla the first Basorun of the present Oyo was still alive,
and there can be but one Basorun of the kingdom.
The Basorun is a prince of Oyo and the title hereditary, but
this impudent upstart who found himself temporarily entrusted
with the great force of Ibadan was a native of an Iwo village
a provincial of a rough type. He demanded that His Supernal
Highness Gbenla should make way for him.
The Alafin, however, was up to the occasion. He agreed to
confer on him the title of Basorun ^ro causa honoris in recognition
of his services at the Ijaye war. He was firmly against the demand
for the death of his aged Basorun. The times said he, demand
that such should be the case, Gbenla must remain the Basorun
of the kingdom with his official duties to perform at Oyo, but
Ogunmola may be a provincial Basorun as a special reward for
services done.
Ogunmola having been installed in office demanded His Highness
o 365
366 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
Gbenla's " chain of office " (represented by the beads round his
neck), and his Wabi (a specially ornamented hide on which only
the Basorun sits). The AlAfin sent him both and consoled his
chief minister by giving him others and begged him not to mind
the insult, nor commit suicide out of grief, as he was inclined to do.
He further sent to tell Ogunmola that he might have all he wanted
but he was not to demand the death of the Basorun any more,
as he the King willed that there should be two Basoruns at this
time, one in the city and the other in the province.
It may here be mentioned that 7 years before this event, that
is before the Ijaye war, the town of Ibadan was one day startled
by the report that Ogunmola (then Otun Balogun) whilst divining
with his Ifa, was told by the priest that he would attain to the title
of Basorun before his death ! What seemed then to be an utter
improbabihty now became a reahzed fact.
The Basorun 's next duty was to confer titles on his chiefs, the
more important of them were the following : —
Akere the Asipa became the Balogun.
Tubosun the Osi Bale his old colleague and supporter, the Otun-
Balogun.
Abayomi the Ajiya Bale, who distinguished himself so much
before Ijaye and at the Ijebu road, the Osi.
Or6wusi, who afterwards became better known, the Asipa.
Ali Laluwoye, brother of the late Osundina, the Ekerin.
Ajobo, the head of the Badas, the Seriki.
Latosisk, who afterwards became famous, the Otun Seriki.
Tahaj6, was made the Sarumi.
Soderinde, a distinguished horseman, the Balogun Sarumi.
These names were given and we shall come across every one
of them again in the course of this history.
Some Oyo titles were now introduced to satisfy distinguished
men who were for some reason or other passed over, but who
could not accept subordinate titles, in the same way as the Asipa
had been introduced for one who failed to get the Otun or Osi.
Aijenku negotiated for and obtained the title of F6w6k6.
Omoteji took the Eso title of Gbonka.
Ojokofo that of C)w6ta. These purely Oyo titles were for the
first time introduced into Ibadan.
According to merit the man who by far was probably the fittest
person for the title of Balogun was the redoubtable Aijenku
the Areagoro or alter ego of the late Balogun Ibikunle — the
man who alone withstood the whole force of the Egbas at Ijaye
when he was left with the Balogun in charge of the camp at the
THE CLOSING AND THE OPENING CAREERS OF TWO HEROES 367
storming of Iwawun by Ogunmola and subordinate chiefs. But
Aijenku failed in his duty to protect his chief at the retreat from
Iperu. • Akere on that occasion performed the duty that was his
and, therefore, obtained his reward. Ibikunle before his death
was said to have bequeathed the title to him.
This offence might probably have been pardoned and an
opportunity given him to retrieve his good name by prowess
in the field for the public benefit ; but the secret underlying this
treatment of him was, that after the death of Oluyole the first
Basorun of Ibadan, who tyrannized over his chiefs so mercilessly,
subjecting them to his cutting wit, the Ibadans were resolved
never to give the higher titles to any Oyos of the pure type, i.e.
one born in the ancient capital or in the Metropohtan province.
■ They far excel the southerners in astuteness and diplomacy and
rather look down on them, Ibolos and Epos being preferred.
Aijenku moreover, was one of Oluyole's household officers and
was said to be of an irritable disposition and inflammable temper.
There was every probabiHty of his emulating his old master.
And besides this, he was one of the original settlers ; he was
one of those who " entered the town on horseback " showing that
unhke most of the present chiefs he was never at any time a
common soldier, and he never ceased to rebuke or educate the men
of another generation in the Hght of former day experience, which
goes the wrong way with them. Having been passed over he
negotiated for and obtained the title of Fow6k6 a lieutenant
of the Kakanfo.
After enjoying a short period of rest, attending to home affairs,
Ogunmola now turned his attention abroad. In communication
with the Governor (Glover) of Lagos, he effected the opening of the
road to Lagos via Remo for intercourse with the interior.
He now thought of avenging all the insults offered to the
Ibadans, by some of the provincial kings, which could not have
been done before this without unnecessarily multiplying enemies
against themselves. Foremost amongst them was the Asejdn who
was fond of extemporising epigrams and ditties directed against
Ibadan in parabolic songs and dances, and who received him
as a subject on his way to Iwawun. Now, as a Basorun takes
precedence of all provincial kings, Ogunmola summoned the Aseyin
to Ibadan. He came attended by his principal chiefs and Prince
Okanlawgn. On their arrival they met all the Ibadan chiefs at
the Basorun 's in full council. It was now the Basorun's turn
to lord it over him. He at once ordered him to do homage ; this he
did by running backwards and forwards to the street three times,
putting earth on his head, and prostrating each time before the
368 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
Basorun, performing acts of humiliation. His life being also
threatened, he had to beg hard for it, and some of the chiefs
who were friendly to him interposed on his behalf and he was
pardoned.
Ogunmola having thus satisfied his vanity afterwards treated
him kindly, and sent him away loaded with presents. Being
in part friendly to Kurumi of Ijaye, he could not have been sincere
in his loyalty to the AlAfin his liege lord during the "war, but he
would sooner entrust himself into the hands of the rough Ibadans,
who would at any rate have some regard for the person of a king,
than into the hands of his Suzerain at Oyo ; he, therefore, took a
bush path to Ibadan and back, and on his return home he
extemporized a ditty in his dances, congratulating himself on his
safe return thus : —
" Kakk ki Aremu ba ti Oyo lo si Ibadan,
Bi o je odun meta Aremu a sun igbe."
Rather than to go by Oyo to Ibadan,
If it takes Aremu three years, he will sleep in the bush.
§ 2. The Igbajo Campaign
About this time there was a civil commotion at Ilesa ; the then
Odole, one of the ministers of the Owa being a man of power and
influence was in great favour with his master, practically holding
the reins of government; without his fiat nothing could be done at
Ilesa.
The Ijesa chiefs about this time were resolved to declare war
against Igbajo, a frontier town of a composite nationality (as its
name implies) not far from Ikirun, because of their sympathies
with Ibadan ; but the Odole, a wise and far-seeing man, was opposed
to that measure, fearing the consequences it may entail. The
other chiefs said they were not going to stoop to him any longer,
and in spite of him they declared war against Igbajo.
The Ijesa standard of war left the town with all their mighty
men under the leadership of the Lokiran, Lejoka, Isihikin with
the Loro at their head ; thus they laid siege against Igbajo.
The Ijesas of Ilesa were never on good terms with the Ibadans
since the late Ijebu Ere and the Ara expeditions and their move-
ments at this time were being closely watched at Ibadan. But
several wild Ijesa boys had come of their own accord to reside at
Ibadan being driven out of the town by chief Odole for their wild
and lawless habits ; these preferring the unrestrained Hfe at
Ibadan, distributed themselves under the principal chiefs Ibikunle,
Ogunmola, Osundina and others, and fought for them in all their
THE CLOSING AND THE OPENING CAREERS OF TWO HEROES 369
expeditions. The most notable amongst them were Omole,
Ayibiowu, Fayise, O^Q Edidi, Jege, Osogbo, and Ogedemgbe.^
Omgle was the chief of them all and knew the Ijesa farms and all
the secret paths quite well. He often led the Ibadan kidnappers
to kidnap his own people and bring them captive to Ibadan ;
for this he acquired the nickname " A ni obara ojulum6 I'apd "
(one who has in his sack a cord for binding an acquaintance).
It was the services of these Ijesas driven out of the town that were
successfully utiHzed by the Ibadans in the Ijebu Ere and the
Ara expeditions. In this way they resented their expulsion from
Ilesa by betrajdng their countrymen, and their exploits served
but to increase the disaffection of the Ijesa chiefs against the Odole.
Just about this time (1866) Mr. Philhp Jose Meffre a well-
known Ijesa at Lagos with some other Ijesas, taking advantage
of the opening of the roads went up for a short visit to their
native land. On their returning to Lagos, they bought as curios
several native mats, fans, etc., with other articles of merchandise
for presents. On both journeys they stayed at the C.M.S.
compound and premises at Kudeti, Ibadan.
But the Ijesas of Lagos being at variance with one another,
sent secret intelligence to Ibadan, and a hint was given to the
Basorun to watch the clandestine movements of Mr. Meffre
against the interests of Ibadan.
In the afternoon of the 2nd of March, 1866, the Basorun sent
for Mr. Meffre and all his countrymen who were with him and
charged them with working secretly against the interests of Ibadan.
They, of course, denied it and declared their innocence. Most of
them had been carried away as slaves to Brazil and other parts and
having effected their ransom and returned to Lagos they now
simply took advantage of the opening of the roads to revisit
their native land ; with poHtical matters they had no concern
whatever. But the Basorun detained them and cast them all
into prison, and sent to the mission premises to confiscate all their
goods. The Rev. J. T. Smith, missionary in charge of the station
during the absence of Mr. Hinderer, interposed on their behalf,
because they were all Christians from Lagos. In vain did he
plead their cause, invoking the aid of some of the friendly chiefs.
They were all put in chains, and there was no peace or rest at the
mission compound on their account. Thus matters stood for nearly
a fortnight.
On the morning of the 14th of March all at the Mission were glad
to see Mr. Meffre and his countrymen released and sent back free
^The youngest and destined to be the most famous.
370 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
unconditionally ! What had happened ? On the previous night,
there was a terrible conflagration in which the house of theBasorun
had a very narrow escape. All the houses around that part of
the building in which these men were chained were burnt to the
ground but their prison house was intact ! The Basorun was so
struck with this miraculous escape that he exclaimed " Surely
these men are innocent persons, and this is naught else but the
interposition of their God, and I am not the man to defy the white
man's God." So he hastily released them and sent them back to
the mission.
In the meantime the siege of Igbajo was being vigorously prose-
cuted by the Ijesas, and Igbajo was nearly hemmed in on every
side. In their extremity they sent to Ibadan for help. The
Basorun sent to them Osuntoki the Maye with some minor war
chiefs, but the Ijesas were too strong for them. The town was well
nigh taken when the Ibadan contingents there sent home to the
Basorun for theBalogun to come to their rescue as mere reinforce-
ments were of no avail.
On the i6th of December, 1866, the war staff was propitiated,
and on the 17th the standard was out under the command of the
new Balogun Akere on its way to Igbajo. They arrived at
Igbajo about the 14th of January, and they obtained. a victory
as easy as it was complete.
On the first day the fight was to take place, while they were
holding a council of war, the Ijesas marched out to give battle.
Abayomi the Osi impatient of much talk left them all at the council,
by a private arrangement he entered the forest, and through a
secret path was led to the rear of the Ijesa army. All of a
sudden he burst upon the principal chiefs where they were lounging
without guards and without protection : the younger men were all
in the battle field. Escape was impossible, he fell upon them and
butchered them all to pieces, carr5ang the camp by assault. The
Ijesas who had marched out to give battle were filled with constern-
ation when they saw the camp in flames behind them, and the
Ibadan army before and behind ! Panic stricken they were simply
pounced upon as does a cat on a mouse. It was a matter of " veni,
vidi, vici," the battle did not last an hour. The Ijesa camp was
at the foot of a hill, neither chiefs nor men went on horseback,
all were on foot and in the chase up the hill not a single chief
escaped to tell the tale ! Those who escaped the sword died of
exhaustion and thirst, many of them corpulent men. Here the
power of the Ijesas was completely broken. Ilesa was partly
deserted as they expected an immediate siege. Esa was taken
on the 26th of January.
THE CLOSING AND THE OPENING CAREERS OF TWO HEROES 371
The news of this tragedy travelled swiftly to Lagos, and the
Ijesas of Lagos approached the Governor (J. H. Glover) beseeching
him to interpose on their behalf, that their capital city be not
destroyed by war.
The Governor sent a messenger to the Basorun of Ibadan,
deprecating the capture of Ilesa, and accordingly repeated messages
one after another from the Basorun were sent to recall theBalogun
who had advanced towards Ilesa.
At the same time also, the Owa had sent demijohns of beads
and heavy presents to the Basorun at home tendering his
submission. Thus Ilesa was spared. The Ibadan army returned
home in triumph on the 17th of February, 1867.
§ 3. The Late Ogunmola Basorun of Ibadan
The Ibadan war-chiefs after their arrival at home paid the
customary tribute in slaves to the AlAfin. The senior war-chiefs
also contributed their share to the Basorun Ogunmola and the
minor chiefs received their share from the subordinate chiefs
according to custom.
After this the Basorun paid a visit of congratulation to each of
the principal war-chiefs on their safe return. Each of them
received him with every mark of honour and offered presents of
a slave and some heads of cowries. They also paid a return visit
according to custom.
A few days afterwards it was rumoured that the Basorun
was sick: the rumour soon gained ground, and from the abundance
of the sacrifices being offered the malady was known to be serious.
It was said to be an attack of small pox, and the Babalawos
(priests of Ifa) advised that a gun loaded with bullets be fired in
the direction of the Isale Osun district ; this was done and more
besides, but all to no purpose. On the morning of the 28th
February, 1867, repeated rattling of musketry announced to the
public that the august patient had passed away.
Not two months after, on the 12th of April, 1867, Abayomi the
Osi died after a few days' illness. On the 30th of the same month
died Tubosun the Otun Balogun also suddenly.
These important deaths in quick succession struck one as
very remarkable, as if to atone for the wholesale butchery of the
Ijesa chiefs at Igbajo. Thus of the five principal chiefs who held
the council of war for the rehef of Igbajo within four months only
the Balogun and Seriki remained alive.
The Cause of the Basorun's Death. — From the nature of the
malady it was generally held that the death was not due to natural
causes. During the absence of the war-chiefs at Igbajo, the
372 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
Basorun in the height of his glory was so elated that he sent to the
AlAfin to send him Ahayan posts and here grass for his Kobi,
As a nobleman he was entitled to a kobi (a bay projecting from the
house with a conical top higher than the roof of the house).
Ahayan is a rare tree found in certain parts of the country, and
used by the great alone. It is neither affected by weather, termites,
or ordinary fire. The here is a grass used for thatching that grows
only in the plain. Annual contribution of this grass is made
by subordinates to their chiefs between December and January
in the country of the plain, so that a gift of bere has come to be
regarded in the Hght of paying tribute ; it has thus passed into
a proverb to illustrate anything most incongruous " Odi ori odi
ki ara Oyo ki o pa bere fun ara Oko " (the height of incongruity
for citizens of Oyo to contribute bere to country folks). This time-
honoured maxim Ogunmola was bent on violating out of sheer
vanity, not caring for the fact of its being an insult and great offence
to his sovereign. The King ordered both to be sent to him, but
it was noticed that the posts were wrapped in mats, and tied
precisely the same way corpses are wrapped in this country for
interment. Ogunmola did not enjoy his acquisition for two
months. This can only be regarded as a paternal imprecation
on an undutiful and disloyal son.
The more probable and direct cause of his death alleged by
those who had access to his presence was the following : —
It was reported to him by one of his roaming followers that he
had seen a cloth with one of the Ekiti Kings, the Hke of which
could be found in the possession of his superiors. The cloth
was so finely-woven that it could be folded up into so small a
compass that it could bestowed away by stuffing it into a moderate
sized conch shell, and yet unfolded was an ample covering for a
man. [The cloth probably was silk, as the best kind of Samayan
or rough silk, comes from that part of the country.]
Ogunmola did not adopt a course which one would have
expected from so astute a man, viz. to ask the said Ekiti king to
send him the weaver to weave one like it for him, or even one of a
superior quality, and also to teach the art to his people. On the
contrary he sent to take possession of the cloth. Here again we
see the operation of that vanity that demanded the title of Basorun,
that required Ahayan and Bere for his kobi, and which displayed
a show of triumph over the Aseyin. The cloth was sent him. It
was noticed that from the moment he unfolded the cloth and
wrapped it around his body, he began to feel some inconvenience,
this grew to a feverish heat which baffled every effort to cool
down, nay not even when they resorted to pouring buckets of
THE CLOSING AND THE OPENING CAREERS OF TWO HEROES 373
cold water upon him ; it went on increasing in intensity, and in
this agony of heat he writhed until he passed away. This gave
colour to the bulletin issued that His Highness died of the fever
of small pox.
Ogunmgla as a private man has been brought to our notice
first during the time of Basorun Oluygle. He was as a soldier
bold, hardy, fearless, and very astute. He rose rapidly to dis-
tinction by the aid of some of his colleagues who saw in him qualities
of a great leader, viz., Awanibaku, who became his Balogun,
Tub6sun, who became the Otun Balogun, Aruna, who afterwards
became a distinguished cavalry officer, Kukoni who afterwards
became a Christian and retired from their company, Odunjo the
Seriki of Ibadan during the Ijaye war, and others. He led them on
several slave-hunting expeditions, and, as their captain received
a lion's share of the booty, so as to be able to fill his position with
credit and provide them with arms and ammunition for another
expedition. His fame brought him many more followers, and he
soon obtained a title and a voice in the government, and thus lose
from one post of distinction to another until he attained the head
chieftaincy of Ibadan.
We may note here that this is the precise way most of the war-
chiefs of Ibadan rose to distinction.
As a general he was unsurpassed for boldness and courage, he
knew not how to give his back to the enemy, and these qualities
often saved him from many a critical position. Being a man of
small stature, he always rode on the tallest horses he could find, with
his eyes on all around, to single out the brave by name for praise
and encouragement, and the coward for disgrace. His fame
eclipsed that of Ibikunle his chief, who was his superior in every
respect, so much so that those who knew little of Ibadan took him
for the head of the town even when he was only the Otun Balogun.
But he knew how to obey commands and yield implicit obedience
to his superior officer. Of the three senior war-chiefs in the early
sixties, Ibikunle, Ogunmola and Osundina, he was their bull dog,
hence his name was universally known and his fame grew.
As an administrator he was very just, and was never influenced by
bribes. On the contrary if money was brought to him to prejudice
his mind in a case to be heard, after patiently hearing the case
if it went against the man who attempted to bribe him, he would
disgrace him openly for what he had attempted to do, bring out
the bribe in public and the fine would be more than the bribe. The
following story will serve to illustrate a case of this kind showing
also his practical common sense : — A disagreeable man's goat
broke through the fence of his neighbour and destroyed several stalks
374 THE HIStORY OF THE YORUBAS
of his standing corn ; the latter in driving it away inadvertently
hit the goat on the head with a stone and killed it. The owner of
the goat demanded redress, and charged an exorbitant price for
his goat, refusing all entreaties, and when the money was not
forthcoming, he summoned the poor man the next day before the
Basorun.
The Basorun saw at once that the act was merely an accident
and that the plaintiff was altogether spiteful; he was, therefore
determined to teach him a lesson.
The case having been stated in open court, the next day the
Basorun acted as if he were all in favour of the plaintiff. He rated
the man, who killed the goat soundly for his clumsiness and want of
caution etc. ; it served him right, he was to pay the price demanded
by the owner of the goat, lo heads of cowries ; but as the man
could not afford the money (on account of which the case came to
court at all) he offered to lend him the amount, and the amount of
10 heads was brought out. Both parties now began to get confused
before this extraordinary judge. As the poor man thanked the
Basorun and was going away (the plaintiff being afraid to take
the money) the Basorun called him back saying " Where are you
going, you duffer? Why don't you bring a counter-charge for the
destruction of your corn ? I suppose about 30 or 40 stalks were
destroyed. As he has received 10 heads of cowries for one goat,
supposing you demand 10 heads for each stalk of your corn
destroyed ? That would be fair according to his own code, won't
it ? " And there in open court he told how this disagreeable
neighbour had come the previous evening with three heads of
cowries to bribe him on this case. He had kept the money on one
side and now ordered it to be brought out in open court saying,
"After carelessly leaving your goat to stray out and destroy
another man's property you have the heart to come here and
charge about double the market price for the loss of it, when this
was due to a pure accident." (The utmost amount for goats then
was about 6 heads.) It was now the plaintiff's turn to beg trembhng
where he lay prostrate before the Basorun. Thus His Highness
dealt with the case, the plaintiff not only losing his bribe, but
also had to pay about 30 or 40 bags for the corn destroyed. It
was generally known that it was of no use bribing the Basorun,
that would not affect the decision of the case.
Previously to Ogunmgla's regime, no young man or youth could
be seen out of doors unarmed with some weapon or other ; it was
considered effeminate to go about without any. Firearms of course
were absolutely forbidden by the fundamental laws of the town
but a young man did not consider himself fully dressed without
THE CLOSING AND THE OPENING CAREERS OF TWO HEROES 375
a short sword or knife girded to his side, a jack knife buckled
to his left wrist, and wielding in his right hand a large-headed
club or cudgel ringed or pegged with iron ; consequently street
fighting was a common affair. To spend a good day out without
wounds and bruises to show for it was not considered manly.
Ogunmola put a stop to all that because thereby the innocent
often suffered at the hands of brute strength.
To prevent fire accidents those whose occupation demands
large fires like brewers and those who cook eko or yam for sale were
ordered to do so during the dry season in open spaces, preferably
near wells or streams, and not under a shed, much less under a roof.
The master of the compound was made answerable for every
case of fire. In order not to escape justice the rough and ready
method pursued was to seize some of the members of the house
and the head of the house would be compelled to effect their
redemption. When everyone in the compound is liable to suffer,
every one will be concerned to see that no mischief arises from
carelessness.
Warriors are honouied by him far more than farmers or traders.
If, for instance, a warrior's wife is outraged by a farmer or a trader
(which was considered one of the most serious offences) he usually
imposed the heaviest fines, i.e. a dog, a goat, and 10 bags of cowries
which in those days was equivalent to ;{io. But if the case was
vice versa the fine is lighter, perhaps only 5 heads of cowries (one-
twentieth of the above) and a goat ; but he was usually reminded
that the rest of the fine would have to be paid with interest on the
battlefield ; i.e. by showing courage and bravery. He was loved
and trusted as a leader because he knew how to appreciate and
reward valour. As an instance of this the following story may be
told : — During the year 1866, one Samuel Peeler, alias Bioran,
a Sierra Leone emigrant, who had distinguished himself in many
a battlefield was summoned before him by certain hunters and
charged with appropriating a deer they had shot, the blood and
footprints of which they traced to his farm ; he did not give it
up to them, on the contrary when it was demanded he offered them
a share ! According to the customary laws of the country that was
a serious offence (hunters are a privileged class of men, they are the
national foresters, scouts, and bush detectives) and heavy fines
were usually imposed on such offenders.
When Bioran was asked what he had to say, he repHed,
" Kabiyesi " (may your highness live long) " When the Ibadan
army was before Ijaye between the years i860 and 1862 on several
occasions when such and such (naming them) important personages
fell in the thick of the fight and a deadly struggle ensued with the
376 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS
enemy for the appropriation of the body, when none could do it,
it was IBioran, who went forward, Hfted the body on my shoulders,
and brought it to the camp. Again before Iperu when certain
important chiefs fell it was IBioran with bullets flying about my
ears who went to the midUne of battle and rescued the body from
the enemy. Now, in walking over my farm 2 days ago, I saw
a dead deer in the border of my farm, so I said to myself. If
Bioran can shoulder a dead man between two fires (lit K\k ijk)
why should he be unable to shoulder a dead animal between two
farms (Ut Alk oko) that was why I shouldered it. Kabiyesi."
The iSasorun who remembered the occasions very well laughed
outright and exclaimed " Behe na ni wayi Bioran, behe ni tire
ri " (and exactly so it was old Bioran, and that is just like you).
The skilful way in which he touched theBasorun's sensitive parts
and his witty play on the words " Ala ijk alk oko," between two
fires, between two farms, amused the whole court, and there before
the assembly theBasorun praised and honoured him for his valour,
and calling for a head of cowries and a bottle of gin (instead of
fining him), he said, "Take these Bioran, you can go home and enjoy
your venison and wash it down with this bottle of gin. I see no
reason why a valiant man should not enjoy a bit of venison."
Turning round to the hunteis he said " That is not the sort of
man to be fined, he is a valiant man." He then satisfied the
hunters with some presents to console them and dismissed the
case.
Ogunmola had only two sons Osun and Ilgri and one daughter
Omosa. He kept a large harem ; his wives could be numbered
by hundreds and having but three children by all these, the
Ijayes during the war often taunted him in their songs : —
" Ogunmola ko bi'mo (Ogunmola without children
Omo Ibadan li o warun." Ibadan lads he would destroy.)
but he left several grandchildren to mourn his loss.
Ibadan lost in him a wise and just Administrator, and a veteran
leader and successful soldier. He was a liberal minded man,
who, instead of crushing delighted in lifting up the hands of a
weaker comrade. For example, Osundina the Osi, his junior
colleague was a powerful warrior but a poorer man than either
himself or theBalogun. Thus in one of their expeditions one of his
tributary towns gave up more than 200 refugees to him. As these
were not captives of war, but refugees (termed £yg) they should
be distributed among the senior chiefs ; but Ogunmola suggested
to the Balogun that they should let Osundina keep all in order to
increase his means of keeping up his position with credit ; the
THE CLOSING AND THE OPENING CAREERS OF TWO HEROES 377
Balogun accordingly agreed. Ogunmgla would never address
him by name or title, always " Ekeji mi " my comrade.
§ 4. Ogedemgbe and the Fall of Ilesa
Ogedemgbe a young Ijesa warrior as we have noticed under
§2 was one of those restless spirits of Ilesa who came to domicile
at Ibadan, where they could find for their energies the scope which
was denied them at home. He was placed under Bada Aki iko o a
distinguished warrior, under whom he learnt the art of war.
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