Skip to main content

Full text of "History of Zionism : 1600-1918"

See other formats

lii 610 



i^ fLc<rd^ ^^^'^ 

History of Zionism 






\ Selected and Arranged 









In this work an attempt is made to deal with a considerable 
portion of the history of Zionism that has hitherto been very 
imperfectly explored, namely, the origin and development 
of the Zionist idea principally in England, and partly in 
France, during the last centuries, among Gentiles and 

In reviewing the gradual evolution of the Zionist idea 
over such a wide field, I could not restrict the meaning of the 
term " Zionism " to the Zionist Movement and Organization 
of the present day. I had to go back to the beginning of 
this idea, and to extend the meaning of " Zionism " to all 
aspirations and efforts tending in the same direction. 
There was in these aspirations, undoubtedly, a diversity of 
reasons and methods which continues to this day. It is the 
object of the present work to trace these various currents 
of the idea so that the reader, passing from period to period, 
and from section to section, may become acquainted 
with their relative value and their influence upon one 

In this book I have striven more especially to consider the 
attitude of the English people towards Zionism, as revealed 
in the political history and in the literature of England, The 
i'hristian religious idea of the Restoration of Israel having 
been a subject of pre-eminent interest and importance and 
an influential factor in shaping public opinion in this 
country for many generations, the greatest care has been 
bestowed upon the investigation of this aspect, no less than 
on that relating to the support and encouragement which' 
Zionism has received in England and in France merely on 
humanitarian or political grounds, apart from religious 

While tracing in detail the growth of these sympathies, 
I have endeavoured to throw some light on the motives and 
sentiments appertaining to the most significant instances 
on record. I had, therefore, to deal with a great variety of 
subjects which, at first sight, may seem somewhat remote 


from the main object of this book, but are after all closely 
connected with it, as for instance : — 

The Biblical character of the English People ; 
The Bible in English Literature ; 
The Love for Palestine in England, and 
English Politics in the Near East. 

Concerning the last-mentioned subject, it is perhapji 
necessary to explain why I was compelled to deal at such 
length with the Wars and Treaties of 1839-40, of 1853-54, 
and The Lebanon events of i860, etc. It can hardly be too 
often repeated that Zionism has to consider political condi- 
tions, and that its realization depends much on the general 
political situation. It is for this reason that it is necessary to 
devote much attention to all the events which have more or less, 
determined English policy, and have influenced — in a favour- 
able or unfavourable manner — the evolution of the Zionist 
idea. The events of 1839-40, for instance, were responsible 
for the extension of English protection to Palestinian Jews ; 
those of 1853-54 caused a revival of Zionist schemes : The 
Lebanon developments of 1860-61 created a precedent in 
Syria for the Charter which modern Zionism included in its 
programme ; while England's engagements in the Near East 
in 1878 and 1882 on the one hand, and the Turkish Revolu- 
tion of 1908 on the other hand, both of which, in different 
■ways, led to the idea of a rejuvenation of the East, indicate 
the possible course of future events. 

Taking the same view with regard to Zionism among tlie 
Jews themselves, I had to deal with the expression of 
different aspirations of that character in their successive 
and gradual evolution, no matter how they were named 
From what is stated in the following pages, it is obvious that 
Messianic traditions and hopes led to the efforts put forth 
for the colonization of Palestine ; but it is also evident that 
colonization requires political guarantees. Modern Zionism 
cannot be fully understood without the movement of the 
Choveve Z^*ow= Lovers of Zion, neither can it be properly 
appreciated without a knowledge of the influence of Hebrew 
literature, national propaganda, the movement at the Uni- 
versities, and other preparatory agencies of great importance. 
Some readers will be more or less familiar with the most 
important events in connection with the Zionist Organiza- 
tion, but so far as I have been able to discover there are very 
few Zionists who have ever endeavoured to trace the history 


of the Idea. Hence, while the Zionist Organization and its 
institutions have, naturally, received special attention, an 
exhaustive examination of the history of the Zionist Idea 
has been no less necessary. The fact should not be over- 
looked that Zionism has its external and its internal aspects, 
its material realities as well as its spiritual character ; and 
that the outward form of Zionism is the consequence and 
not the cause of the inner spirit. A real knowledge of 
Zionism presupposes an acquaintance with its intellectual 
sources. I felt, consequently, that a history of Zionism on 
broad lines must include a survey of the creative forces 
underlying the Zionist Idea. 

In writing the history of Zionism as evolved principally 
in England and France, I do not intend to imply that the 
history of Zionism in any other country is unworthy of study. 
A history of Zionism in other countries would, no doubt, 
prove of the greatest interest. But it will be apparent that 
in England the Zionist idea has the oldest records, while as 
far as practical help for colonization is concerned, France is 
the great centre. In view, however, of the world-wide 
character of the Zionist Movement, I could not confine my- 
self exclusively to these two countries, and had to deal briefly 
with such subjects as Zionist literature, colonization work, 
Zionism at the Universities, and the Zionist Organization 
in Palestine, Russia, and other countries. 

In a single book, which deals with a vast mass of facts and 
with records extending over a period of nearly three centuries, 
it is impossible to do more than indicate in very general 
terms the nature of the different cm-rents and variations of 
the fundamental Zionist idea. It would be a tedious, and 
indeed an impossible task, to attempt a full examination of 
the mass of material accessible in the form of literature and 
personal reminiscences. It would require several volumes. 
While, then, the magnitude of the subject prevents me from 
attempting to present my case with absolute completeness 
within the limits of this work, nevertheless it is sufficiently 
important to justify the endeavour to summarize its most 
prominent features. I shall indeed be thankful if my work 
succeeds in disposing of the most important points I touch 
upon. This book has not been written with a view to Zionist 
propaganda among the masses. But the propagandist may 
be able to make use of some of the material and reproduce it 
in popular articles and pamphlets. The book may also 
prove of interest to those who have the will and the patience 


to study the problem of Zionism more deeply. Students 
with the inclination to examine more closely into the subject 
will find the necessary indications in the text, as well as in 
the Appendices and the Indexes. 

I have spared no pains in my endeavour to obtain the 
best sources of information and to secure accuracy, and 
have also made every effort to consult all the literature 
bearing upon the subject, making liberal use of all material 
accessible to me. I have given the authorities for my state- 
ments wherever possible, so that those who may be desirous 
of investigating the subject more fully may have an oppor- 
tunity of judging for themselves as to the credibility of the 
evidence upon which my conclusions are based. It is almost 
certain, however, that small mistakes have crept in occasion- 
ally, and I shall be grateful for any corrections which may 
at any time be indicated to me by readers. This will be 
particularly the case with regard to the records dealing with 
the workers in the various countries, the movement at the 
Universities, and so forth. It was in some instances difficult 
to select names, and I have been under the necessity of omit- 
ting some just as important as those which I have recorded. 
And in connection with this part of my work I had very 
little literature, and it is quite possible that my memory has 
failed me in respect of the order and details of certaiti facts 
and events. But I hope that such errors can be easily 

As regards general treatment, the subject presented the 
usual difficulty in the choice of a chronological or analytical 
method. In a strict chronological arrangement things of a 
similar character would often be widely separated, and the 
chain recording a certain development would be broken. 
In the other arrangement the points appertaining to the 
influence of a particular period would be obscured, and the 
survey rendered difficult. I have therefore combined as 
far as possible the advantages of both methods, and have 
endeavoured to avoid their drawbacks. I have arranged the 
material chronologically for every subject, but in order to 
explain activities connected with one another, I have often 
had to take a retrospective glance at an episode or a person- 

The elucidation of Zionist aims, with special reference to 
the present situation, is, apart from several allusions to it in 
the text of the present volume, mainly dealt with in the 
Introduction. The whole history, and particularly the 


Introduction, is, as I am perfectly aware, written from the 
Zionist standpoint. A historian should, it is true, put aside 
party interest. But nobody not himself a Zionist could 
penetrate into the kernel of Zionism, because one cannot 
fully comprehend any spiritual phenomenon without feeling 
it within himself. Those who have no experience in Zionism 
may have their opinions, but they are invariably found to 
be ignorant of the more minute features and finer points 
which are essential to a faithful portrayal of Zionism. 
Zionists, on the other hand, may be partial, but they are 
certainly better informed. Anyhow, I have endeavoured to 
be just to the best of my ability. 

To Zionists themselves this history needs no recommenda- 
tion. The records of an ideal of thousands of years for which 
the best of our nation have laboured, struggled, suffered and 
died cannot fail to interest most profoundly those who have 
inherited their principles and continue their work, thoroughly 
convinced that it is in harmony with humanity and justice, 
as well as with Jewish tradition. 

Having said so much, I need only add one word of explan- 
ation concerning the term " Jewish Nationalism," which is 
frequently used in this book. " Nationalism," generally 
speaking, is a modern description of certain political parties 
and schools, which stand for an exaggerated racial self- 
consciousness. It is difficult to define this word without 
importing into our thought the idea of the contrast between 
broad-minded humanity and tribal or national exclusiveness 
and hostility towards other nations. This, however, would 
be an extremely unfair rendering of what we call " Nation- 
aHsm" in relation to the Jews. In the present book, as 
indeed in the whole of Zionist literature, the word is used 
without any reference to narrow-minded exclusiveness, and 
it stands only for the recognition of the national character 
of the Jews in so far as they are an ethnic, historic, and 
cultural unit in the Diaspora, and in so far as they aim at a 
revival of their full national life in the land of their fathers. 
Obviously, this idea has nothing in common with what is 
usually called " Nationalism." This distinction must 
always be borne in mind. 

It is now my pleasant duty to express my grateful acknow- 
ledgments to colleagues and friends who have so generously 
and zealously assisted me in the preparation of this work. 

Mr. Elkan N. Adler has kindly allowed me to take extracts 
from the correspondence that passed between his father. 


the Very Reverend Chief Rabbi Dr. Nathan Marcus Adler, 
and Sir Moses Montefiore, Bart., concerning the 'Holy Land. 

Mr. Leon Simon has made many valuable suggestions, and 
most generously devoted considerable time to the reading 
and correcting the proofs. 

I am, however, particularly indebted to Mr. Israel 
Solomons, who revised the chapters of the first volume, 
added considerably to the biographical and bibliographical 
details, and volunteered to see the work through the press. 

He also placed at my disposal his unique collection of 
books and tracts on Anglo- Judaica, and having decided to 
illustrate the book, he generously undertook this part of the 
work, giving me the benefit of his great knowledge and 
experience and furnishing from his many portfolios rare 
portraits and other engravings. He also devoted much time 
and energy in procuring from sources far and wide the 
illustrations deemed necessary, when not in his own collec- 
tion, j^ s. 

N.B. — All Biblical references have been taken from 
cninrn cs^s: ri-'.^n The Holy Scriptures accordiiig to 
the Masoretic text. A new translation with the aid of 
previous versions and with constant consultation with Jewish 

Philadelphia : The Jewish Publication Society of America. 

London : George Routledge and Sons, Limited. 5677 — 


The Zionist idea has two distinctive features. On the one 
hand there is nothing in Zionism which is not more or less 
found elsewhere. The Promised Land, Jewish national 
distinctiveness, the future of the Jewish people — these 
ideas exist in Judaism and in Christianity. They go back 
to the remotest past ; they take, during many generations, 
a thousand forms — sentimental, practical, sublime, even 
mystical. In Modern Zionism we find them all. On the 
other hand, while the elements of the older Zionism seem 
familiar, the total effect of Modern Zionism is that of some- 
thing new and strange. The reason is that there is some- 
thing in Modern Zionism which stamps it as unique, and 
raises it far above all older ideas and aspirations. Some of 
the old ideas of the Middle Ages about the restoration of 
Israel would nowadays be hardly acceptable. But the same 
ideas, when we see great masses of Jews inspired by them 
and aiming at their realization, become attractive. The 
same holds good as regards details. 

In the Zionist programme every point of the old Zionist 
idea is preserved, but everything is modernized. Modern 
Zionism is the logical consequence of Jewish History. It 
does not appeal merely to old memories, which, however 
noble and moving, cannot be permanently sustained ; it 
works by simple, intelligible means, by means of a Renas- 
cence. This Renascence kindles enthusiasm, renews courage, 
awakens in the heart fresh fervour and stimulus to action. 

Zionism has tradition to support it ; but if it were simply 
a thing of antiquity, it would perish ; if it were simply a 
matter of history and not of living experience, it would be 
relegated to the sphere of archaeology. Zionism, although 
old, like the Jewish people, thinks freshly and independently 
on Jewish subjects. The roots of Zionism are in the past, 
but its blossom is in the present and its fruit in the future. 
The reason is simply that everything really Jewish must be 
bound up with history. Zionism is, first of all, undoubtedly 


a great historical idea. It is a simple matter of fact that 
Israel's history begins with Zionism. Israel's history in 
ancient times shows the path to the realization of Zionism. 
The exodus from Egypt was an example of combined emigra- 
tion and colonization. The Jewish people entered Canaan, 
occupied lands, and in a few generations became a glorious 
nation. The return from Babylon was a great Zionist event, 
without any supernatural miracle, dependent only on the 
grace of God and the approval of Cyrus the Great. The 
Jews who returned from Babylon were only an insignificant 
minority in numbers, but they were inspired, and therefore 
they succeeded in founding a centre, and that centre, 
Palestine, became a new light for Jews and Gentiles. In 
fact, the favourite idea of Modern Zionism, the idea of a 
spiritual centre in Zion for the v/aole Diaspora, tlie focussing 
of a pure Jewish life in Palestine, the creation of an intel- 
lectual and moral reservoir, from which a stream of in- 
fluence should flow all over the scattered nation, and waves 
of Je-u'ish inspiration and knov%ledge should spread in all 
directions, makino the little Innd a metropolis of Judaism 
in religion and life — was not this Zionist programme laid 
down and carried out in the intentions and achievements of 
Zerublab. I, Ezra an i Neh miah ? 

In after years Jews went forth as emigrants to all parts of 
the world. They submitted to the laws of the various 
countries, and were capable of adapting themselves to 
surrounding circumstances. Wherever they went they 
carried with them their God and their traditions, their 
literature and their customs, ]ior did they ever forget the old, 
holy home which they had li;ft. 

This faithfulness is one of the most stirring and pathetic 
facts in the history of the world ; it is the most sublime fact 
in the history of the Jews. The Jews never forgot Jirti- 
sahm, its ruined walls, its shattered palaces, its former 
grandeur, its old associations ; they never forgot the old 
land and its desolate fields. This feeling never depended on 
individual Jews, it depended on the whole Jewish nation. 

The Jews never ior^ot their old nationality. They never 
forgot that they were a nation apart, distinct in morality, 
in learning, in literature, in social arrangements and in 
agriculture : a ci\'ilized nation at a time when Western 
civilization was still unknown. For two thousand years 
after the loss of political independence, they believed with 
passionate intensity in their future as a nation in Palestine. 


WTiile they were mingling with the world around them, no 
temptation, whether the hope of material success or the 
still more irresistible force of emulation, could withdraw 
them from their allegiance to the future. No inducement, 
however powerful, no suffering, no martyrdom, no agony 
could make them forget the sacred debt they owed to God, 
to their ancestors and to themselves. They always con- 
sidered it their duty to be members of one great family, 
bound together not alone by a common past, but by a 
community of undying ideas, aspirations, and hopes for a 
national future. They remained unmistakably true to their 
duty. This strong conviction is deeply rooted in the hearts 
of millions of Jews. It is an unbroken chain stretching from 
the dawn of Jewish history through all generations from 
Abraham to our own times. This unshaken belief, which 
kept and still keeps together the Jews all over the world, is 
the quintessence of all Jewish prophecies, from Moses to 
Malachi, of all Jewish teaching, from the men of the Great 
Synod to Maimoniies and to the present day.^ 

This idea of a national future for Israel is the essence of all 
Jewish prayers, from the time when the " Eighteen Benedic- 
tions " were composed to the last of the Paitanim. It is the 
keynote of all Hebrew poetry, old and new, from the holy 
Psalms to the inspired poems of Jehudah Ha'levi, and from 
Jehudah Ha'levi to the living Hebrew poets of our own day. 
This everlasting, all-absorbing and unconquerable idea of a 
national future is absolutely Jewish. It has accompanied 
the Jews from the cradle to the grave. It is the secret of 
their long existence, which has no parallel in history. It has 
nothing to do with nationalistic tendencies and currents 
among the Gentiles in modern times. It existed as well in 
times of distress and misfortune as in times of prosperity. 
It was never the invention of individuals ; on the contrary, 
there can be found occasionally the expression of individual 
views, in passages of little importance, which reveal a some- 
what different standpoint. But the Jewish people as a whole, 
including even the most extreme sects, such as the Karaites 
and the Samaritans, remained faithful to this idea. 

From an historical point of view, to speak of " Germans, 
Hungarians or Turks of the Jewish faith " in order to 
describe the Jews simply as persons of a certain religious 
faith similar to Protestants, Catholics or others, is nothing 

* See Appendix i : Th6 Hebrew Prophets and the Idea of National 


short of defying authentic history and hard facts. The Jews 
do not form a State within a State, as some anti-Semites 
maintain ; but they are undoubtedly an old historic nation 
within other nations, an old nation which has outlived 
Egyptian Pharaohs, Assyrian Kings and Arabian Khalifs. 
That they at present do not live in their own land, but are 
scattered everywhere, that they have become acclimatized 
in different countries, and not only conform to their laws 
but belong to their most loyal citizens, that fact does not in 
the least alter the truth of our assertion. With a few un- 
important exceptions Jews marry among themselves, and as 
far as the majority is concerned maintain their racial and 
historic peculiarities. Moreover, their entire religion abounds 
in historical ideas and national reminiscences. They can 
by no means be compared with Catholics or Protestants : 
there are French Catholics and German Catholics, English 
Protestants and German Protestants, but the Jewish religion 
has been a religion of the Jewish nation alone for thousands 
of years. 

It is only in quite modern times that a kind of opposition 
to this idea has begun to find expression in some Jewish 
quarters, influenced by the general tendencies of the end of 
the eighteenth century, and chiefly represented by the so- 
called Mendelssohnian school. This opposition has been 
intensified to a certain extent, since Modern Zionism came 
into being with its clear programme and its up-to-date 

The principal points of this opposition to the Zionist 
cause are the following : — 

1. The Spiritual Character of Judaism. 

2. The so-called Mission of the Jews. 

3. The Progress of Modern Civilization. 

4. The Duty of Patriotism, and 

5. The Problem of Equality of Rights for the Jews. 

The slightest examination of these objections shows that 
they are partly based on misunderstanding, and partly merp 
verbal criticism, which in no way affects the essence of 

I. It would be absurd to suppose that Zionism denies the 
spiritual or universal character of Judaism. Zionism does 
not worship " tribalism." Far from it. Jewish religious 
doctrines are of value to the whole world, and their ethics 
undoubtedly tend to unite humanity. This is a truth so 


evident as to need no contirmation. But Jews are not 
ghosts ; they are human beings, and they have to look upon 
Judaism in a human sense. And the human sense is that 
Jews, notwithstanding the spiritual character of their teach- 
ings, are, like any other ethnic group, a species of the genus 
homo, a distinct people united by their origin and by their 
common history. " God," said Mazzini, " has written one 
line of His thought upon each people, and consequently each 
is to bring its gifts into the market-place of the world's good." 
In this sense Zionists are Nationalists : they look forward 
to the gradual and ultimate triumph of all national types, 
including their own. There is no reason for humanity to 
deny this natural right to the oldest nation of the world, 
and no justification for the Jews themselves to commit a 
sort of national hari-kari because of the spirituality of 

2. The Zionist conception of a living nationality, with all 
universal qualities, yet living and distinctive, holds good also 
for the idea of the Mission of Judaism. Frankly, Zionists 
do not like this idea as a justification of the Jew's " right to 
exist." But what exactly is the meaning of a mission 
of a people ? This uncertain phrase of a mission of a 
people, the mystic form in which the knowledge won by 
a retrospective observation of history is expressed, the idea 
that a given people in a given way has influenced the develop- 
ment of the human moral system. In fact, this mode of 
expression confuses cause and effect. It presupposes that 
definite tasks are assigned to a nation beforehand and that 
it exists and acts with regard to the solution of these 
problems. The truth is, however, that every nation creates 
definite phenomena in the history of civilization, whilst it 
lives and acts as it can and must owing to its natural condi- 
tions and the influence of its surroundings. A nation has no 
other mission but to live and to develop fully all its lateni 
capacities. Without intention and consciousness it then 
fulfils quite alone a role in human history. An oppressed, 
persecuted and despised Jewish people is worthless to 
humanity ; a free, strong, happy Jewish people becomes 
a useful partner in the task of the progress of the whole 
human race. The co-operation in this task may be called a 
mission. In any case, this mission will certainly not be ful- 
filled by a Jewish people harassed by persecution or ab- 
sorbed by assimilation ; but, on the other hand, it may be 
fulfilled by a national sclf-c«ntred Jewish people. Let us 


suppose that there are prospects of a " Jewish Mission " to 
spread far and wide the moralities that were revealed to the 
Jewish nation at the foot of Mount Sinai, to influence 
humanity by teachings given them and by examples which 
they are called on to offer. Surely, though such a mission 
may perhaps be carried out to a certain extent in the 
Diaspora, if circumstances are favourable and if the Jews 
themselves do not amalgamate and are not absorbed by 
others, it can be carried out best and most completely from 
a Jewish centre, from a Jewish Commonwealth living in that 
land from which the spirit of Judaism first passed into 
morality, into human society and institutions. There this 
mission will be on firm ground. Thence came the Divine 
literature, which has affected all subsequent literature, all 
hearts, all minds, and all studies. From Palestine the light 
of the Jewish genius will shine forth again with the light of a 
modern civilization according to the ideas and teachings of 
the Prophets. This will be the most efficient instrument of 
propaganda, because it will be the clearest manifestation of 
the real Jewish spirit and activity. 

3. The progress of modern civilization has come to be 
regarded as a sort of modern Messiah for the final solution 
of the Jewish problem. Zionism considers this conception 
superficial and misleading. " Modern Civilization " is one 
of those vague, indefinite expressions which convey to the 
mind ideas large enough, no doubt, but still verj^ nebulous, 
very indistinct. But our age is a mystery-dispelling age. 
Somehow during the last generations mysteries have become 
fewer and fewer ; the light of truth has become more 
penetrating. Men begin to know what " modem civiliza- 
tion " is in its separate and distinctive aspects. " Modern 
civilization " connotes advanced thought, domestic com- 
fort, railroads, telegraphs, telephones, airships, and many 
other things of the kind. It connotes the development of 
those rich physical resources by which man is surrounded ; 
it connotes also guns and super-dreadnoughts and sub- 
marines, diplomacy and power. Zionists do not see how this 
" civilization " will become a Messiah for the Jews ; they 
do not see how this " civilization " will solve any human or 
national problem. They see that in spite of all the admirable 
achievements of modern civilization something is wrong. 
Indeed, except for technical improvements everything is 
still lacking. One must go back and seek again the proper 
fountain-head of that real civilization, of that culture of the 


heart, whose triumph will be the " new heavens and the new 
earth wherein dwelleth righteousness." If any one idea 
running through all the teachings of the Jewish prophets, 
and embodied likewise in the teachings of Christianity, is 
needed nowadays, it is the doctrine of Love and Justice and 

Where are these ideals ? We have seen all the Demons of 
Earth, all the Powers of Darkness let loose. The signs on 
Belshazzar's wall appear again on the wall of modern civiliza- 
tion : Mene, Tekel, Upharsin. Never at any time has a 
crisis more momentous impended over humanity. Never 
at any time has a gloom more heavy darkened the 
world. Never did humanity long more than nowadays for 
Truth, Justice and Liberty, for the salvation of small, dis- 
inherited and oppressed nations. We all hope that good will 
come out of evil. But this good will not come automatically 
out of " Modern Civilization." It will come from that 
Universal and National Justice to which Zionism appeals. 

4. Of greater apparent importance is the question of 
Patriotism. But in reality, so far as Zionism is concerned, 
this is no question at all. It was an offensive and insulting 
question asked by anti-Semites : " Can a Jew be a patriot ? " 
It is equally insulting to ask : " Can a Zionist be a patriot ? " 
As a matter of fact there are no conflicting sentiments to be 
reconciled ; there is only one sentiment : loyalty. A selfish 
materialist will never be attached to the old home of his 
fathers, nor to his present country. His maxim will be : 
Ubi bene, ibi patria. On the other hand, a man of character 
will as easily combine two objects of loyalty as he easily and 
naturally combines the love of his country and of his family. 

The heart of the Jew beats warmly for the country in 
which he lives, the land in which is the home of his child- 
hood, the school of his boyhood, the household of his mature 
life : the land in which he labours in his busy years, and in 
which he expects to rest when his struggles are over. No 
Englishman can love England better or labour for it more 
zealously than does the English Jew. The child will never 
forget the fostering warmth of the breast on which it has 
rested in happier days. This is natural. And Zionism has 
never interfered with this feeling. Zionists are as faithful 
patriots as non-Zionists : they work for their native lands, 
they sacrifice their fortunes and their lives. Even in 
countries where Jews have been deprived of the rights of 
citizenship they have been active as citizens, not only in 


war-time, but also in peace-time. There is no body of 
individuals more loyal, more charitable, more anxious at all 
times to do what they can for the country and to promote 
to their utmost its industry, arts and sciences. There is not 
the slightest difference in this respect between Zionists and 
non-Zionists. Zionists do not know or care whether it will 
please anti-Semites to recognize Zionist patriotism or not. 
It is equally impossible to know whether anti-Semites will 
recognize the patriotism of Jews who are not Zionists. 
Against sheer prejudice nothing can be done. But among 
Jews themselves and broad-minded Gentiles this question 
of the incompatibility of Zionism and patriotism should be 
eliminated at once on account of its manifest absurdity. 

5. The question of equality of rights is another problem 
out of which anti-Zionists have endeavoured to make con- 
troversial capital. The Russian Revolution, with its recogni- 
tion not only of individual but also of national equality of 
rights in the country where of all others this problem was 
most acute for the Jews, has taken the ground from under 
their feet ; and we are no longer called on to treat seriously 
the contention that there is any sort of incompatibility 
between the Zionist claim for recognition of Jewish nation- 
ality and the claim of the individual Jew, wherever he may be, 
to be allowed the privileges, as he is ready to fulfil the duties, 
of citizenship. There is, in fact, unconscious humour in the 
attempt to reduce the problem to a sort of alternative 
formula : " Either rights or Palestine," and therefore choose 
for yourself! "Hie Rhodus, hie salta!" This is surely 
the very height of naivete. Such a dilemma is a senseless 
invention. Every student of Jewish history knows that if 
there has been and if there is persecution of the Jews or any 
limitation of their rights, this has not been, and is not because 
the Jews were or are Zionists or non-Zionists, Orthodox or 
Reformers, and so on. One might more easily find some 
connection between anti-Semitism and the assimilation of 
those Jews who endeavoured to amalgamate too quickly. 
But even this point is irrelevant. The Jews must not ignore 
themselves, and ignoring themselves would not help them 
to get rights. The more they respect themselves the more 
they will be respected. And what is the self-respect of an 
ancient nation ? Self-respect is faithfulness to one's own 
history and traditions. There is no duality and no alterna- 
tive. There is only one Jewish problem that requires solu- 
tion. There is only one Justice — to man and to nations. 


Justice will consider Jewish needs ; injustice will be deaf to 
any demand. Weak-minded and nervous people feared that 
Zionism which recognizes the Jews as a nationality will 
allow the anti-Semites to reproach us triumphantly as hav- 
ing no native land. Weakness of mind and nervousness are 
bad counsellors. The anti-Semites did not wait for Zionism 
in order to brand us as having no fatherland. The Christian 
peoples, however, amongst whom we may presuppose a sense 
of justice to exist, will beheve us when we speak thus to 
them : " We Jews are true citizens of the States to which 
we belong. All interests of the country are also ours. We 
have no single interest which is opposed to any interest 
whatsoever of our country. We are strong and of deep 
feeling, and are attached therefore with more than ordinary 
love to that spot where our cradle stood and where the 
remains of our ancestors are buried." 

This self-reliance is of the essence of Zionism, Zionism is 
a Jewish programme. It is a Jewish programme because it 
requires of Jews courage, initiative, resourcefulness, tenacity, 
will-power and sacrifice. For Jewish emancipation the most 
important condition is that others should be humane. For 
Zionism the most important condition is that Jews should 
be Jews, adhering with tenacious consistency to this truly 
national idea of their own. In the first case the real work 
has to be done by others ; Jews can do very little, their role 
being chiefly passive. They may be persecuted or not ; they 
may get rights or not. Essentially it depends on many 
factors outside their influence and their control. But 
Zionism is essentially an active Jewish programme. Zionism 
is real Jewish self-help. Zionism tends to make the Jews 
creators, not creatures of conditions and situations. 

Zionists, like all Jews, are fundamentally optimists ; but 
theirs is no mere " wait and see " optimism. Confidence in 
the Future has been the curse of the Jew. Confidence in 
" Progress " as an idol has been blindness. Away with 
idols ! Jews have to take their cause into their own hands, 
for God helps those who help themselves. First of all, they 
have to look on the general situation of the world and on 
that of their own people as it is. They have also to read the 
signs of the time. Time does not stand still. We are no 
longer at the end of the eighteenth century. The funda- 
mental character of the present age is clear. This is a 
Nationalist age. 

Zionism looks at the 2000 years of the Jewish tragedy in 


the perspective of national justice. The Jewish problem is 
essentially (and independently of the necessity of human 
rights for the Jews everywhere) a question of national 

The world has been passing through a period which some- 
times seems like a nightmare of blood and ruin, and sometimes 
like one of the greatest eras in which man can be called upon 
to live. All over Europe, almost all over the world, the storm 
of the greatest and most terrible war in history has burst 
with the fury of a thousand volcanic eruptions and a 
thousand hells. Flourishing countries have been reduced to 
heaps of smoking ruins. Vast fields have been saturated 
with the blood of millions of men. Large masses of popula- 
tion, almost whole peoples, have been ruined or driven out 
of their countries. 

But, after all, peace will return to the troubled world, that 
peace which will be peace indeed — the peace of security, of 
justice for great and small nations everywhere. The present 
Armageddon is succeeded by new problems and their 
solutions. We are facing political, economic, and, above all, 
national problems. It is plain common sense, and needs no 
argument, that all present developments tend inevitably to 
accentuate afresh and emphatically historic traditions, 
claims and distinctions. " There will be difficulties in settling 
all these questions, but all such difficulties will be overcome 
by determination and necessity. Plenty of work will have 
to be done, for it may be long before the set-back which the 
war has given to the progress of the world is made good and 
the effects of this cruel destruction are obliterated. But this 
work will be achieved sooner or later. The whole energy of 
Governments and nations will have to be devoted to re- 
construction. At last the ploughman will return from the 
battlefield to the cornfield, the tradesman from the camp to 
the market, and everybody to his old home and business. 
Every nation which possesses a country of its own will be 
restored. They will make a slow or rapid recovery from the 
ills and losses of the war. Finally, the shattered agricultural, 
domestic, industrial and spiritual lives of the people will be 

Now, among all the battlefields and graveyards of the 
war, there is not one to be compared with the battlefield of 
the Jewish Ghetto in Eastern Europe. Millions of Jews 
have waded through seas of blood and tears. Towns and 


villages have been dyed with their blood. The Jews have 
sacrificed their trade, their fortunes and themselves. The 
flower of theii- manhood has been lost or mutilated. The 
sources of life have been cut off, every link of the chain of 
existence has been broken. Their schools and spiritual 
centres are no more. The sword of Damocles is suspended 
over the heads of the survivors. Starving and ruined 
communities are trembling on the edge of the precipice. 

And what has the future in store for these millions ? 
What will be the outcome of this terrible crisis for the dis- 
inherited and homeless masses ? Where are the fields to 
be cultivated by them again ? Where will they be able to 
convert spears into pruning-hooks ? They are in the air. 
Have all their sufferings been for naught ? Will the Jewish 
masses have to migrate again to England and to America 
and elsewhere, to face the world again as mendicants and 
" undesirable aliens " ? Much Jewish benevolence is use- 
lessly diffused, losing itself in the sands of vain or ill-directed 
effort, and most runs to absolute waste. With all these 
diverse floods of unutilized kindness and brotherly love that 
yearns to help but lacks the means and knows not how to 
put an end to the suffering, the situation remains unchanged. 

There is a solution for this problem. This solution is 
Zionism. Give to the Jews a footing on their own soil, house 
and home of their own ! Palestine (and gradually the 
thinly populated neighbouring districts) can become a 
great outlet for Jewish population : Palestine can again be 
made to " blossom like a rose," and be capable of supporting 
a great population as in the glorious days of David and 
Solomon. Vast tracts of the so-called Syrian Desert are 
only regions deforested, and wherever the hum of men comes 
peacefully, the arid soil bursts into life. The plains of the 
Hauran, the villages of the Jordan, and the land of Gilead 
would form one of the richest and largest food-producing 
areas in the world. 

Palestine can again become a centre. Napoleon I. and 
Alexander the Great, in their days, recognized this country 
as the key to the gate between West and East. The latter 
won it and penetrated to the Punjab ; the former failed and 
had to go home again. But whatever value Palestine 
possessed in those days is immensely enhanced now by the 
vast extension of European civilization and industry over 
Africa, Australia, India and all the East, and by steam 
power, railways, the telegraph and the Suez Canal, which 


have shortened distances, and made the world so very small 
in comparison with what it was before ; so that Palestine 
is now ten times more valuable and is suited by her position 
to become a blessed and happy country. 

Now the present situation is full of possibilities and 
significance. Great developments have taken place in con- 
nection with the old home of th° Jewish nation. This is the 
hour of the Zionist. The time has come to act. History will 
condemn the Zionists if they do not use their present oppor- 
tunity. But what can their activity be ? The reply has been 
given by the Programme of Zionism, the Basle Programme, 
adopted at the First Congress, in 1897 : — 

" The object of Zionism is to establish for the Jewish people 
a home in Palestine secured by public law. 

" The Congress contemplates the following means to the 
attainment of this end : — 

*' I. The promotion, on suitable lines, of the colonization of 
Palestine by Jewish agricultural and industrial workers. 

"2. The organization and binding together of the whole of 
Jewry by means of appropriate institutions, local and inter- 
national, in accordance with the laws of each country. 

"3. The strengthening and fostering of Jewish national 
sentiment and consciousness. 

" 4. Preparatory steps towards obtaining government consent, 
where necessary, to the attainment of the aim of Zionism." 

In constituting the organization for the purpose of carry- 
ing out this work Zionists are animated by one desire, 
namely, to establish a centre in the home of their fathers, 
where Jews shall earn their bread, and where the soul of the 
nation can be active in its own way. They wish to combine 
a judicious use of Jewish energies with the forces of Jewish 
capital and Jewish emigration. By means of these efforts 
they will lift some of the masses out of the Jewish homeless- 
ness of the Diaspora to a new level of material contentment 
and moral dignity in Palestine. 

Zionists have started this work, and it has proved to be 
good work. The Choveve Zion and Zionists have created 
the new colonization of Palestine. They are engaged in 
selecting suitable elements, in conveying them, in helping 
them to establish themselves, in supplying them with all 
kinds of information and encouragement. It has been said, 
and is still being obstinately repeated by anti-Zionists again 


and again, that Zionism aims at the creation of an independent 
' ' Jewish State." But this is wholly fallacious. The " Jewish 
State " was never a part of the Zionist programme. The 
"Jewish State " was the title of Herzl's first pamphlet, which 
had the supreme merit of forcing people to think. This 
pamphlet was followed by the first Zionist Congress, which 
accepted the Basle Programme — the only programme in 

The opposition, driven from one point of vantage to 
another, has made a certain confusion of ideas, arising from 
the term " political Zionism," a pretext for decrying Zionism 
as a " political " movement. Zionism, it is true, is a political 
as well as a practical and a cultural movement. But wherein 
lies the political character of the movement ? The term 
" political " covers two different conceptions. One is con- 
nected with the idea of adventure, intrigue, rivalry, antagon- 
ism or revolt ; the other is that of a system which takes into 
account political conditions. A political movement in the 
first sense aims at carrying out its undertaking on the lines 
of political speculation ; but a political movement in the 
second sense, like Zionism, aims at carrying on its work 
under all circumstances, and at the same time at convincing 
those in power of the utility of the work, in order to get the 
best possible conditions. The Basle Programme and the whole 
of Zionist activity bear witness to the fact that Zionism 
has nothing in common with political adventure. Zionists 
have never been influenced by any political aggressive spirit, 
nor have they in any way proposed to place themselves in 
antagonism to any Government or any other nation. 
Zionists have always desired to be supported (§ 4 of the 
Basle Programme) by all Governments on the merits of their 
object, and by all nations who know that Zionist work can 
only advance the interests of Justice and Freedom. 

Zionism has the following objects in view : — 

A home for Jews who are materially or morally suffering. 
A home for Jewish education, learning and literature. 
A source of idealism for Jews all over the world. 
A place in which Jews can live a healthy Jewish life, 
A revival of the language of the Bible. 
The resurrection by civilization and industry of the old 
home of our fathers, long neglected and ruined. 

The creation of a sound, strong Jewish agricultural class. 

In this w ay Zionism will establish a Jewish society, bound 


together by similarity of feeling and unity of common ideas, 
working out its destiny in its own way. Zionists want a 
commonwealth of Jewish colonization and labour, a settle- 
ment of Jewish pioneers and workers who will be able to 
create and to develop a civilization of their own, undisturbed 
by any restrictions. This is possible only in Palestine, and 
is the paramount necessity of the whole Jewish people all 
over the world. 

The creation of a settlement of this kind will help the Jews 
economically, but how much and how quickly it will help 
depends on the intensity of the work. It may be slow work, 
but it will be fundamental work. It is the foundation-stone 
for a great structure. Palestine may even become the home 
of considerable masses of Jews. But in any case the creation 
of a national home for the Jews will raise their prestige 
among the nations. It will never be an obstacle in the way 
of rights ; on the contrary, it will help in this direction also. 

On the spiritual and intellectual side this work will un- 
doubtedly bring about a great revival of Judaism. Judaism 
will be no mere abstraction, but something real and living. 
" Jewish science " or Hebrew studies will not be merely a 
careful post-mortem analysis, to be undertaken exclusively 
by scholars and specialists. These studies will appear as 
the unbroken chain of the common cultural heritage of a 
living nation. 

Zionists are under no misapprehension as to the gravity 
of the difficulties which may confront them. But they will 
meet these difficulties as serious men inspired by a great ideal 
and with a just cause. With a clear and distinct purpose in 
view, Zionists desire to work in full harmony with all the 
friends of Justice and Liberty and Truth, and while striving 
for the rescue of their own people they would not only not 
interfere with any just principle or cause injury to any 
patriotic aspiration of any other nation ; they would accom- 
modate and co-ordinate their cause with others. It is in this 
sense that we speak of " political Zionism." 

History shows that the Zionist idea and the continual 
renewal of efforts in this direction have been a tradition 
with the English people for centuries. English Christians 
taught the undying principles of Jewish nationality. Zion- 
ism was thus permanently connected with England. The 
Jewish national idea has always particularly appealed to 
English feeling, has touched the heart of the EngHsh nation. 
The facts and records disprove the absurd yet deeply rooted 


idea that Zionism is only a vision of sectarians or a hallucin- 
ation of dreamers. The documents cited in this volume give 
ample and convincing proof of the high moral dignity and 
political value of the Zionist cause as championed by 
prominent English thinkers, men of letters and poets 
throughout many generations. For nearly three centuries 
Zionism was a religious as well as a political idea which great 
Christians and Jews, chiefly in England but to some extent 
also in France, handed down to posterity. And moreover, 
all the available evidence points to the fact that whenever 
the attention of the world has been invited to the question 
of Palestine and to measures for improving the development 
of the Near East, English opinion has given the most careful 
and sympathetic consideration to the Zionist idea. Thus 
the present Zionist movement is essentially a logical con- 
clusion of all the premises which have been accepted from 
different points of view, not only by a considerable number 
of Jewish authorities, but also by public opinion in great 
civilized countries of Western Europe. Zionists, therefore, 
hope that English Christians will be worthy heirs and suc- 
cessors to the Earl of Shaftesbury, George Eliot, and many 
others ; English Jews to Sir Moses Montefiore, French 
Christians to Henri Dunant, and French Jews to Joseph 
Salvador, Bernard Lazare, and others. One may also hope 
that as Zionism is not a source of conflicting element but 
a source of peace and unity, all the nations of the world 
will be open to conviction and will give strong support to 
its aims. 

Zionism has started its work in Palestine, and will pursue 
it. Recognising the aspirations of the Jewish people with 
regard to Palestine and their historic rights, the British 
Government on November 2nd, 1917, made the well-known 
Declaration. This Declaration had been anticipated by the 
letter from the French Government of 4th June, 1917, and 
was fully endorsed in the letter from M. Stephen Pichon, 
Minister for Foreign Affairs, to myself, dated 14th February, 
1918, and the letter to me communicating the concurrence 
of the ItaHan Government with these declarations, dated 
9th May, 1918. (See the chapter on "Zionism and the ''''^' 
War.") It will be the task of Zionism to accumulate by 
every effort the resources, material and moral, required 
for this purpose. Those Jews who are not yet in the 
movement will be brought into it by time and experi- 
ence, because there is indeed no argument against this 


peaceful idea of national justice, except pure and un- 
scrupulous prejudice, which must disappear. But Zionism 
is anxious to have also the moral support of the nations, and 
particularly in this country it is impossible for any Jew 
with a historic consciousness to forget the noble Zionist 
tradition of England during many centuries. Some of the 
most glorious pages in British history have been those in 
which she took a part, and an honourable and leading part, 
in the revival of ancient nations. The friends of Greece, 
of Italy, cannot forget this record. 

Zionists can define only what they need. They need not 
only to continue their work, but to develop it on the largest 
possible scale. They want to do the peaceful work of agri- 
culturists, craftsmen and intellectuals. They are ready 
to invest capital, energy and intelligence in order to establish 
a home for the Jews. Palestine is to be re-made. To this 
end national autonomy safeguarding the welfare of a Jewish 
Palestine is needed. 

Let humanity do for Palestine only a small part of what 
has been done so liberally for the most exotic colony — nay, 
less than that, because Zionists ask for no material support, 
and for no embarrassing responsibility. They ask only for 
sympathetic consideration and help, for recognition and 
protection. And let humanity be sure of the loyalty of a 
people which, although sorely tried, has never grown cold 
in its affections, a people which by its resurrection will 
become again what it was in very ancient times, not a 
military power but a spiritual and peaceful power. Then 
the time will come when this people's gratitude will recognize 
its indebtedness to the world for the co-operation which will 
assist its great and just cause. 

By the Rt. Hon. A. J. Balfour, M.P. 

Whether it be helpful for one who is not a Jew, 
either by race or religion, to say even the briefest 
word by way of introduction to a book on Zionism 
is, in my own opinion, doubtful. But my friend, 
M. Nahum Sokolow, tells me that I long ago gave 
him reason to expect that, when the time came, I 
would render him this small measure of assistance ; 
and if he attaches value to it, I cannot allow my 
personal doubts as to its value to stand in his way. 

The only qualification I possess is that I have 
always been greatly interested in the Jewish question, 
and that in the early years of this century, when 
anti-Semitism in Eastern Europe was in an acute 
stage, I did my best to support a scheme devised by 
Mr. Chamberlain, then Colonial Secretary, for creat- 
ing a Jewish settlement in East Africa, under the 
British flag. There it was hoped that Jews flying 
from persecution might found a community where, 
in harmony with their own religion, development on 
traditional lines might (we thought) peacefully 
proceed without external interruption, and free from 
any fears of violence. 

The scheme was certainly well-intentioned, and 
had, I think, many merits. But it had one serious 
defect. It was not Zionism. It attempted to find a 
home for men of Jewish religion and Jewish race in 
a region far removed from the country where that 
race was nurtured and that religion came into being. 
Conversations I held with Dr. Weizmann in January, 
1906, convinced me that history could not thus be 
ignored, and that if a home was to be found for the 


Jewish people, homeless now for nearly nineteen 
hundred years, it was vain to seek it anywhere but in 

But why, it may be asked, is local sentiment to be 
more considered in the case of the Jew than (say) in 
that of the Christian or the Buddhist ? All historic 
religions rouse feelings which cluster round the 
places made memorable by the words and deeds, 
the lives and deaths, of those who brought them into 

Doubtless these feelings should always be treated 
with respect ; but no one suggests that the regions 
where these venerable sites are to be found should, 
of set purpose and with much anxious contrivance, 
be colonized by the spiritual descendants of those 
who originally made them famous. If the centuries 
have brought no change of ownership or occupancy 
we are well content. But if it be otherwise, we 
make no effort to reverse the course of history. 
None suggest that we should plant Buddhist 
colonies in India, the ancient home of Buddhism, 
or renew in favour of Christendom the crusading 
adventures of our mediaeval ancestors. Yet, if this 
be wisdom when we are dealing with Buddhism and 
Christianity, why, it may be asked, is it not also 
wisdom when we are dealing with Judaism and the 
Jews ? 
V \ The answer is, that the cases are not parallel. 
Tlhe position of the Jews is unique. For them race, 
/ religion and country are inter-related, as they are 
/ inter-related in the case of no other race, no other 
' religion, and no other country on earth. In no other 
case are the believers in one of the greatest religions 
of the world to be found (speaking broadly) only 
among the members of a single small people ; in the 
case of no other religion is its past development so 
intimately bound up with the long political history 
of a petty territory wedged in between States more 
powerful far than it could ever be ; in the case of no 
other religion are its aspirations and hopes expressed 


in language and imagery so utterly dependent for 
their meaning on the conviction that only from this 
one land, only through this one history, only by this 
one people, is full religious knowledge to spread 
through all the world. By a strange and most un- 
happy fate it is this people of all others which, re- 
taining to the full its racial self-consciousness, has 
been severed from its home, has wandered into all 
lands, and has nowhere been able to create for itself 
an organized social commonwealth. Only Zionism — 
so at least Zionists believe — can provide some miti- 

' gation of this great tragedy. 

Doubtless there are difficulties, doubtless there are 
objections — great difficulties, very real objections. 
And it is, I suspect, among the Jews themselves that 
these are most acutely felt. Yet no one can reason- 
ably doubt that if, as I believe, Zionism can be 
developed into a working scheme, the benefit it 
would bring to the Jewish people, especially perhaps 
to that section of it which most deserves our pity, 

i would be great and lasting. It is not merely that 

I j large numbers of them would thus find a refuge from 
! I religious and social persecution ; but that they 

I I would bear corporate responsibilities and enjoy 
; corporate opportunities of a kind which, from the 
} nature of the case, they can never possess as citizens 

of any non-Jewish StateJ^ It is charged against them 
By "their critics" IKat they now employ their great 
gifts to exploit for personal ends a civilization which 
they have not created, in communities they do little 
to maintain. The accusation thus formulated is 
manifestly false. But it is no doubt true that in 
large parts of Europe their loyalty to the State in 
which they dwell is (to put it mildly) feeble compared 
with their loyalty to their religion and their race. 
How indeed could it be otherwise ? In none of the 
regions of which I speak have they been given the 
advantage of equal citizenship, in some they have 
been given no right of citizenship at all. Great 
suffering is the inevitable result ; but not suffering 


alone. Other evils follow which aggravate the 
original mischief. Constant oppression, with occa- 
sional outbursts of violent persecution, are apt 
either to crush their victims, or to develop in them 
self-protecting qualities which do not always assume 
an attractive shape. The Jews have never been 
crushed. Neither cruelty nor contempt, neither un- 
equal laws nor illegal oppression, have ever broken 
their spirit, or shattered their unconquerable hopes. 
But it may well be true that, where they have been 
compelled to live among their neighbours as if these 
were their enemies, they have often obtained, and 
sometimes deserved, the reputation of being un- 
desirable citizens. Nor is this surprising. If you 
oblige many men to be money-lenders, some will 
assuredly be usurers. If you treat an important 
section of the community as outcasts, they will 
hardly shine as patriots. Thus does intolerance 
blindly labour to create the justification for its own 

It seems evident that, for these and other reasons, 
Zionism will mitigate the lot and elevate the status 
of no negligible fraction of the Jewish race. Those 
who go to Palestine will not be like those who now 
migrate to London or New York. They will not be 
animated merely by the desire to lead in happier 
surroundings the kind of life the}^ formerly led in 
Eastern Europe. They will go in order to join a 
civil community which completely harmonizes with 
their historical and religious sentiments : a com- 
munity bound to the land it inhabits by something 
deeper even than custom : a community whose 
members will suffer from no divided loyalty, nor 
any temptation to hate the laws under which they 
are forced to live. To them the material gain 
should be great ; but surely the spiritual gain will 
be greater still. 

But these, it will be said, are not the only Jews 
whose welfare we have to consider. Granting, if 
only for argument's sake, that Zionism v\ill on them 


confer a benefit, will it not inflict an injury upon 
others who, though Jews by descent, and often by 
religion, desire wholly to identify themselves with 
the life of the country wherein they have made their 
home. Among these are to be found some of the 
most gifted members of a gifted race. Their ranks 
contain (at least, so I think) more than their pro- 
portionate share of the world's supply of men dis- 
tinguished in science and philosophy, literature and 
art, medicine, politics and law. (Of finance and 
business I need say nothing.) 

Now there is no doubt that many of this class look 
with a certain measure of suspicion and even dislike 
upon the Zionist movement. They fear that it will 
adversely affect their position in the country of their 
adoption. The great majority of them have no 
desire to settle in Palestine. Even supposing a 
Zionist community were established, they would 
not join it. But they seem to think (if I understand 
them rightly) that so soon as such a community 
came into being men of Jewish blood, still more men 
of Jewish religion, would be regarded by unkindly 
critics as out of place elsewhere. Their ancient home 
having been restored to them, they would be expected 
to reside there. 

I cannot share these fears. I do not deny that, in 
some countries where legal equality is firmly estab- 
lished, Jews may still be regarded with a certain 
measure of prejudice. But this prejudice, where it 
exists, is not due to Zionism, nor will Zionism em- 
bitter it. The tendency should surely be the other 
way. Everything which assimilates the national 
and international status of the Jews to that of other 
races ought to mitigate what remains of ancient 
antipathies : and evidently this assimilation would 
be promoted by giving them that which all other 
nations possess : a local habitation and a national 

On this aspect of the subject I need perhaps say 
no more. The future of Zionism depends on deeper 


causes than these. That it will settle the " Jewish 
question " I dare not hope. But that it will tend to 
promote that mutual sympathy and comprehension 
which is the only sure basis of toleration I firmly 
believe. Few, I think, of M. Sokolow's readers, be 
they Jew or be they Christian, will rise from the 
perusal of the impressive story which he has told so 
fully and so well, without feeHng that Zionism 
differs in kind from ordinary philanthropic efforts 
and that it appeals to different motives. If it 
succeeds, it will do a great spiritual and material 
work for the Jews, but not for them alone. For 
as I read its meaning it is, among other things, a 
serious endeavour to mitigate the age-long miseries 
created for Western civilization by the presence 
in its midst of a Body which it too long regarded 
as alien and even hostile, but which it was equally 
unable to expel or to absorb. Surely, for this if for 
no other reason, it should receive our support. 

A. J. B. 

Friday, 20 September, 191 8 


From the Rt. Hon. Viscount Bryce. 

3, Buckingham Gate, 
S.W. I, 

January ^oth, 1918. 
Dear Sir, 

In response to your request for some observations 
by me on the value which your treatise may have for students 
of history, I send you these few Unes. The pressure of 
heavy and urgent work forbids me to deal in any but the 
briefest way with the subject of your book, great as its 
interest is. 

The history of Israel presents some of the most striking 
phenomena in world history. No other nation (with the 
exception of the two very ancient nations of the Far East) 
has annals so long as are those of the descendants of 
Abraham. Those annals go back, dim as are their earUer 
outUnes, to a time long anterior to the earliest records of the 
Hellenic and Italic peoples. The records of the old civiUza- 
tion of Assyria and Egypt are, no doUbt, even more remote 
in time, but the nations that created those civilizations have 
been so changed by conquest and j:he admixture of new 
elements that we can no longer recognise them as the same. 
But Israel has preserved its identity through all vicissitudes. 
It was carried into captivity in a far land, and returned 
thence after seventy years. It was, after the destruction of 
Jerusalem by the Emperor Hadrian, scattered over the face 
of the earth, and now counts its children everywhere, from 
Singapore to San Francisco. Its numbers have grown to be 
fifteen or twenty times greater than they were before th« 
Great Dispersion. It has been kept in existence as a nation 
through many centuries of oppression and suffering by its 
Faith and its Literature, a faith embodied in a law which 
included both a moral and a ceremonial code, a Literature 
small in bulk but splendid in content, which has formed the 


mind of the people, sharpening their intelligence and in- 
tensifying their national self -consciousness. It is one of those 
three great literatures of the ancient world which still rule 
the thought and still help to^^form the character of man- 
kind. This is a unique phenomenon, and perhaps the most 
striking testimony that history can show to the vivif3dng 
power of ideas. 

This consciousness of an enduring national life has been 
constantly associated in the thoughts of Israel with the 
ancient home in Palestine, a little country, no bigger than 
Wales in Britain or Connecticut in North America. To its 
rocky hills and green valleys, its cities and its battlefields, its 
heroes and its prophets, the hearts of the people have turned 
in days of sorrow. The memories of these things have 
maintained the sense of national life. The flame has often 
burnt low, but it has never been extinguished. Quite recently 
it has leapt up with a brilliant glow. The idea that a part 
of the dispersed people should be gathered from the regions 
where their lot was worst and be re-settled in their ancient 
home, long desolated by the tyranny of the cruel and 
rapacious Turk, has gained strength, and the capture of 
Jerusalem by the British arms has now made it seem attain- 
able. The sympathy of many thoughtful and sympathetic 

1 Christians has been gained, and the British Government 
has given clear expression to that sympathy. It is to the 

^ history of this idea of re-settlement, to which the name 
of Zionism is now given, that your book is devoted. There 
are, I am aware, some differences of opinion among Jews 
themselves as to the form in which this idea might be 
practically realized, and as to the way in which that form 
might affect the position of Jews in the countries where they 
now dwell and of which they wish to remain citizens, though 
I gather that these differences do not touch the question of 
the desirabiUty of a large Jewish immigration into Palestine. 
Upon these differences of opinion I must not pronounce any 
judgment, though personally inclined to believe that the 
existence of a national home at the eastern end of the 
Mediterranean will not affect the loyalty to the other 
countries where they dwell of the Jews settled in those 
countries, nor expose them to any suspicion of disloyalty. 
It is as a student of history, and in that capacity only, 
that on this particular occasion I desire to speak, expressing 
my sense of the high interest of the subject of 3'our book, 
and feeling that the rapid growth of the Zionist movement. 


the forces that have produced it, and the enthusiasm it has 
excited, well deserve to be fully, accurately, and impartially 

I am, 

Faithfully yours, 

Mr. N. Sokolow. 

From Colonel Sir Mark Sykes, M.P 

9, Buckingham Gate, 
S.W. I, 

May 2yth, 1918. 
My dear Mr. Sokolow, 

After many days' delay, I write to you my message 
of goodwill and good hope for the success of this your great 
work on the cause which you have at heart and for which 
you have laboured so long. 

It is an odd thought which crosses my mind at this 
moment — if it be egotistical I cannot help it — nevertheless 
I will set it down. I foresee myself handed down to posterity 
as]one of those enduring obscurities, who did nothing in any 
way remarkable, yet whose names last for all time, because 
they scratched their fleeting impressions on the Memnon at 

In languages yet unknown, and in States unborn, this 
your work will be read by people who will know perhaps as 
little of the details of life in these days as we do of those of 
the times of the first dispersion of the Jews. 

Your cause has about it an enduring quality which mocks 
at time ; if a generation is but a breath in the hfe of a nation, 
an epoch is but the space 'twixt a dawn and a sunrise in the 
history of Zionism. 

When all the temporal things this world now holds are as 
dead and forgotten as the curled and scented Kings of 
Babylon who dragged your forefathers into captivity, there 
will still be Jews, and so long as there are Jews there must be 

We Uve in an age when mankind is reaping the whirlwind 
of its wickedness and folly. \\Tiere^n the past men have 
sown those dragons' teeth of intolerance, tyranny, injustice, 
and race hatred, legions of armed men now spring up to 
destroy and shatter the husbanded resources of progress. 


The War of to-day is the logical result of the " peace " of 
yesterday. The grand problem which we have to consider 
is whether or no the peace of to-morrow is to be the pre-' 
cursor of a future war which will overwhelm civilization for 
ever. Unless forces different to those which have counted 
in the direction of the affairs of men hitherto are in the 
ascendant, I feel no doubt that what is called Civilization 
is predestined to suicide, and that in the real meaning of the 
words " felo de se." The blind genius which people call 
" science " wrests mechanical discoveries and chemical 
formulae from the accumulated experience of the past and 
gives men hygiene, transit, and commerce with one hand, 
and explosives and mihtary organization with the other. 
You, my dear Mr. Sokolow, represent a people who have 
watched this process of constructive destruction in the 
course of evolution, and have seen the higher men climb in 
pride and vanity the more deplorable is their fall. 

If the peace which is to follow the War is to be a real 
peace, and not a pause in war, then you and your people 
must be watchers no longer. In Zionism lies your people's 
opportunity. In alliance with those other forces of regenera- 
tion and illumination which are centred on Jerusalem and 
which radiate through the world, it may be that you and 
your successors will play a part in establishing a moral order 
which will enable mankind to combine universal material 
progress with mutual subjection and charity. 

Yours very sincerely, 

Mark Sykes. 


The privilege afforded me by my friend the Author of 
participating in the production of a work on so epoch-mark- 
ing a question as Zionism, has more than compensated me 
for any time and trouble I have expended on the particular 
section allotted to me. There are eighty-nine illustrations 
in the book, to which I have fortunately been able to con- 
tribute thirty, dealing mainly with the earlier period. For 
the portraits, etc., of many of our contemporaries, I must 
accord my sincere thanks to those whose courtesy and 
kindness have enabled me to carry out my purpose. 

I am indebted for the lithograph of Ehm H. i^'Avigdor^ 
to his recently deceased widow. Mr. Semi Tolkowsky 
obtained for me an unpublished photograph of Colonel 
C. R. Conder from his daughter, Mrs. Juhan G. Lousada. 
That venerable lady, Mrs. Finn, lent me a photograph of 
her late husband, " The British Consul of Jerusalem and 
Palestine." Mr. Joseph Cohen Lask granted me the loan of 
the Hebrew periodical, Keneseth Israel, containing a woodcut 
of David Gordon, the editor. The celebrated artist, Leopold 
Pilichowski, entrusted me with the negative of his famous 
painting of Theodor Herzl, known as the " Congress " 
portrait. It was done from sketches taken from life during 
the Uganda Congress, and finished in 1906 to the order of 
the late President, David Wolff sohn, for the Actions Com- 
mittee, to be exhibited at Zionist congresses. The illustra- 
tion of Grand Rabbin Zadok Kahn is taken from a pastel by 
the Jewish artist, J. F. Aktuaryus, in the collection of Mr. 
Elkan N. Adler. Dr. Hartwig Hirschfeld lent me a litho- 
graph of his father-in-law, Dr. Louis Loewe ; and Professor 
Dr. Arnold Netter sent from Paris a lithograph of his uncle, 
Charles Netter. The portrait of Laurence OHphant was 
reproduced from an unpublished photograph in the posses- 
sion of his relative, Mr. Lancelot Oliphant. To procure a 

^ From a pencil drawing by his second daughter, Estelle, Mrs. Georg« 
E. Nathan, 


likeness of Dr. M. J. Raphall I had some difficulty. The 
Birmingham congregation to whom he ministered from 1841- 
1849 knew nothing of any portrait. From an advertise- 
ment in the Jewish Chronicle, 27 July, 1849, it appears 
that the learned Rahbi possessed a painting done of him by 
W. H. Vernon, from which Mosely Levi of Birmingham 
produced a Hthograph, but I failed to discover the where- 
abouts of either. Knowing that on leaving this country he 
settled in the United States, I communicated with Mr. Arthur 
M. Friedenberg, the corresponding secretary of the American 
Jewish Historical Society, to whom my particular acknow- 
ledgments are due for discovering a small oil painting of the 
Doctor, copied from a photograph taken in his later years, 
in the possession of the B'nai Jeshurun congregation of 
New York, whose Rabbi he was from his arrival in America 
until 1866, two years before his demise. With the consent 
of the Trustees, and by the courtesy of Mr. Herman Levy, 
the President, an excellent reproduction was placed at my 

The frontispiece to the second volume, " Edmond de 
Rothschild," is a facsimile of a photograph ^ from the paint- 
ing by M. Aim6 Moro. From M. A. Salvador, Mdme. L. J. 
Raynall and M. Andre Spire of Paris were instrumental in 
procuring a photograph of his uncle M. Joseph Salvador, 
whose portrait has hitherto never been pubUshed. 

Miss Marian 0. Wilson came to my assistance in permit- 
ting me to take a copy of a photograph of her father, Sir 
Charles W. Wilson, and Mr. Joseph Co wen lent J. H. 
Kann's Erez Israel, containing a likeness of President David 
Wolffsohn. The illustration, " Members of the Maccabean 
Pilgrimage," I have been enabled to reproduce, thanks to 
the kindness of Mr. Herbert Bent\\ich, its organizer, who also 
furnished me with the names of the pilgrims. The President 
and Council of the Jews' College were pleased to giant me 
the privilege of having a photograph taken of the historical 
painting, " The Conference between Menasseh Ben-Israel 
and Ohver Cromwell," by Solomon Alexander Hart, r.a., 
formerly in the collection of Sir Juhan Goldsmid, Bart., and 
subsequently presented to the College by Frederick David 
Mocatta in 1896. 

My thanks must also be accorded to the proprietors of the 
Century for the use of the portrait of Emma Lazarus ; to the 
Graphic for the sketch from life of Bernard Lazare taken 

> Autograph presentation copy from the Baron to the Author. 


by Paul Renouard during the Dreyfus trial ; to the Illus- 
trated London News for the hkeness of Baron Hirsch ; to the 
Jewish Encyclopedia for the portraits of Samuel Joseph Fuenn, 
R. Zebi Hirsch Kalischer, Samuel David Luzzatto, and 
Mordecai Manuel Noah ; and to the Jewish World for that 
of Dr. Israel Hildesheimer. 

There are many eminent Zionists whose Uneaments I 
should like to have seen in this work, but owing to present 
conditions the portraits were not procurable. 

The following portraits and illustrations may not be re- 
produced without authority : — Col, C. R. Conder, James 
Finn, Theodor Herzl by PiUchowski, R. Zadok Kahn, 
Laurence OUphant, Dr. M. J. Raphall, Edmond de Roths- 
child, Joseph Salvador, Sir Charles W. Wilson, "The 
Conference between Manasseh Ben-Israel and Oliver Crom- 
well," and the " Members of the Maccabean Pilgrimage." 

Israel Solomons. 

c * 



Preface vii-xii 

The AirraoR's Introduction ..... xiii-xxviii 
Introduction by the Rt. Hon. A. J. Balfour, M.P. . xxlx-xxxiv 

Letters to the Author xxxv-xxxviii 

The Illustrator to the Reader .... xxxix~xli 

CHAPTER I. — England and the Bible . . 1-5 

Hellas, Rome and Israel — The Englishman's Bible — Its 
influence upon English Literature — Rev. Paul Knell, Matthew 
Arnold, Sir H. Havelock, Gordon, Livingstone, Ruskin, 
Carlyle, Taine, Sir L. T. Dibdin, Huxley, and J. R. Green — 
The Puritans — The Pilgrim Fathers — James I — Cromwell. 

CHAPTER II. The Hebreiv Language .... 6-14 

Its survival and revival — Its influence upon the English mind 
— DeQuincey — Bacon — Shakespeare — Milton — Cowley — ^Tay- 
lor— Tillotson — Barrow— Dryden—Parnell — Pope— Addison — 
Young — Akenside — Gray — ^Warton — Cowper — Bjnron — Shelley 
— Southey — Moore — Sir Thomas Brown [e] — Earl of Clarendon 
— John Pym — Viscount Falkland — Sir Henry Vane — Earl of 
Chatham — Browning — ^Tennyson — John Bright. 

CHAPTER III. The Re -admission of the Jews into England 15-30 

Manasseh Ben-Israel — Aaron Levi alias Antony Montezinos — 
Moses Wall — Leonard Busher — David Abrabanel [Manuel 
Martinez Dormido] — OUver St. John. 

CHAPTER IV. Manasseh Ben-Israel . . . . ai-aj 

Manasseh as a Jewish Rahbi and as a Hebrew writer — His 
activity as a pubUsher and corrector of Hebrew books — ^The 
Bible editions, the Psalms and the Mishnah — Manasseh' s 
connection with Safed in Palestine — Ensefia a Pecadores — The 
influence of Rabbi Isaiah ben Abraham Horwitz — Solomon de 
OUveyra — Manasseh' s De Termino Vitae — ^The influence of 
Dcm Isaac Abrabanel — ^The Lost Ten Tribes and the Marranos. 




CHAPTER V. Manasseh's Nishmath CHAvriM . . . 26-31 

Quotations from Gebirol, Bedersi, R. Kalonymus, R. Zerahiah 
Ha'levi, and others — Plato, Aristotle, and Philo — Cabbalistic 
ideas — R. Isaac Luria — Miracles and Christian Saints — 
Manasseh's Jewish Nationalism—" The Jewish Soul " — The 
Zohar — R. Jehudah Ha'levi — ^The holiness of the Land of 
Israel — R. David Carcassone, the messenger from Constan- 

CHAPTER VI. Some of Manasseh's Views . . . 32-39 

The massacres of Podolia — ^The Marrano tragedy — Manasseh's 
views on the mission of Israel — Dispersion and Restoration — 
R. Jacob Emden's annotations — Manasseh's theory of the 
Jewish race. 

CHAPTER VII. Manasseh's Contemporaries . . . 40-46 

The Renaissance and the Reformation — 'John Sadler — Milton's 
belief in the Return — Edmund Bunny — Isaac de La Peyrfire — 
Leibnitz — Thomas Brightman — James Durham — ^The pam- 
phlet " Doomes-Day " — Thomas Burnet — ^The pamphlet 
" The New Jerusalem " — ^Thomas Drake — Edward Nicholas, 
John Sadler, Hugh Peters, Henry Jesse, Isaac Vossius, Hugo 
Grotius, Rembrandt, Isaac da Fonseca Aboab, Dr. Ephraim 
Hezekiah Bueno, Dr. Abraham Zacuto Lusitano, H. H. R. 
Yahacob Sasportas, Haham Jacob Jehudah Aryeh de Leon 
[Templo] — Manasseh's origin. 

CHAPTER VIII. Puritan Friends of the Jews . . 47-54 

Newes from Rome — Rev. Dr. William Gouge — Sir Henry 
Finch, Sergeant-at-law — King James I — Archbishop Laud — 
Archbishop Abbot — Roger Wilhams — Johanna Cartwright 
and her son Ebenezer — John Harrison — Rev. John Dury — 
Rev. Henry Jessey — Rev. Thomas Fuller — Re-admission and 
Restoration — Manasseh and the Puritans. 

CHAPTER IX. Restoration Schemes. .... 55-59 

Dr. John Jortin — ^Thomas Newton, Bishop of Bristol — Edward 
King — Samuel Horsley, Bishop of Rochester and St. Asaph — 
Jewish Colonies in South America — Marshal de Saxe's scheme 
— ^Anecdote by Margravine of Anspach — Earl of Egmont's 
project — Proposed settlement of German Jews in Penn- 
sylvania — Viscount Kingsborough's Mexican colony — John 
Adams, President of the United States. 

CHAPTER X. Palestine . 60-62 

The Love and Knowledge of the Holy Land — The Land ol 
the Bible — ^The Bible Societies and the Institutions for the 
Investigation of the Holy Land — The Palestine Exploration 
Fund — Colonel Conder — Sir Charles Wilson — Sir Charles 
Warren — Lord liitchener. 


CHAPTER XI. Napoleon's Campaign in the East . . 63-66 

The Appeal of Bonaparte to the Jews of Asia and Africa — 
Haim Mu'allim Farhi — The Fortress of Acre — Jewish opinion 
in Palestine — El-Arish — Gaza— Jerusalem — Moses Mordecai 
Joseph Meyuchas — " A Letter addressed by a French Jew to 
his Brethren " — France and England — The real motives of 
Bonaparte's Appeal. 

CHAPTER XII. Haim Farhi 67-71 

Saul Farhi — Ahmad Jazzdr — Saul Farhi's sons : Haim, 
Solomon, Raphael and Moses Farhi — Jewish communities in 
Palestine and Syria — The importance of Palestine in the 
struggle between Bonaparte and the Ottoman Empire — Haim 
Farhi's martyrdom. 

CHAPTER XIII. Napoleon in Palestine .... 72-76 

Bonaparte approaching Jerusalem — Anti- Jewish accusations 
— Bonaparte and the Christians — Suleiman Pasha — Abdallah 
Pasha — Haim Farhi's martyr death — The Farhi family — 
Generations of martyrs. 

CHAPTER XIV. Two Jerusalem Rabbis .... 77-79 

Rabbi Moses Mordecai Joseph Meyuchas — ^The Spanish Jewish 
traditions — Rabbi Israel Jacob Algazi — The importance of the 
Jewish settlement in Palestine— Zionist aspirations. 

CHAPTER XV. Napoleon's Sanhedrm .... 80-85 

The " Sanhedrin " — R. David Sintzheim — M. S. Asser — Moses 
Leman — Juda Litvak — Michael Berr — Lipman Cerf-Berr — 
The Decisions and Declarations — Napoleon I and the Jews. 

CHAPTER XVI. English Opinion on the Saxhedriix . . 86-90 

F. D. Kirwan — Abraham Furtado — Rev. James Bicheno — 
The Declaration of the Sanhedrin and English comment — 
M. DiogSne Tama — The Prince de Ligne. 

CHAPTER XVII. The Zionist Idea in England . . 91-94 

The spirit of the time — Different currents — ^Thomas Witherby 
— Dr. Joseph Priestley — Anti-Socinus, alias Anselm Bayly — 
John Hadley Swain — WilUam Whiston — Bishop Robert 
Lowth — Dr. Philip Doddridge — David Levi. 

CHAPTER XVIII. Lord Byron 95-io» 

The Biblical drama "Cain" — Byron and the Bible — Th« 
Hebrew Melodies — A poet and a hero — The Hon. Douglas 
Kinnaird — Isaac Nathan — John Braham — Lady Caroline 
Lamb — Sir Walter Scott— Dr. John Gill — Dr. Henry Hunter— 
The Rev. John Scott — Mr. Joseph Eyre. 



CHAPTER XIX. The Palmerston Period . , . 101-106 

The conflict between Turkey and Egypt — Mahmud II, 
Sultan of Turkey — Mehemet Ali, Pasha of Egypt — ^The 
victory of Nezib — The Turkish Fleet — WeUington's policy — 
The Eastern Question — Wellington's opinion — ^The London 
Conference, 1840 — ^The Insurrection in S3rria and the 
Lebanon — An Ultimatum — The capture of Acre by th« 
British Fleet, 1840 — Schemes of annexation. 

CHAPTER XX. Thb Syrian Problem .... 107-169 

The conflicting interests of the Powers — Was the conflict 
irreconcilable ? — PubUc opinion — A new principle — The in- 
dependence of Syria — A neutral position — The Zionist idea 
ae the only solution — A practical proposition. 

CHAPTER XXI. England AND THE Jews IN THE East 110-114 

Damascus and Rhodes, 1840 — The anti- Jewish accusations 
— Jewish opinion in England and France — Two views — 
The persecutions and the Zionist idea — The difficulties of 
a Jewish initiative — Sir W. R. W. Wilde. 

CHAPTER XXII. Sir Moses Montefiore . . . 115-130 

The project " for Cultivation of the Land in Palestine " — 
Abraham Shoshana and Samuel Aboo — Sir Moses and Lord 
Palmerston — Great Britain's protection of the Jews in the 
East — Lord Aberdeen — Sir Stratford Canning — Dr. Edward 
Robinson — Burghas Bey — ^A new journey to the East. 

CHAPTER XXIII. Earl of Shaftesbury . . . i3i-i»4 

Diaries of 1830-40 — The first EngUsh Vice-Consul for Jeru- 
salem — Lord Lindsay's travels in Egypt and the Holy Land 
— A guarantee of five Powers — Lord Shaftesbury's concep- 
tion of a spiritual centre for the Jewish nation. 

CHAPTER XXIV. Memorandum of the Protestant Mon- 

ARCHS ......... I25-ia8 

The London Convention of 1840 — The new Treaty of London 
for the pacification of the Levant — Viscount Ponsonby — 
Reschid Pasha — Lord Shaftesbury's " Expos6 " addressed 
to Lord Palmerston — The articles in The Times — A Memor- 
andum to the European Monarchs — " Enquiries about the 
Jews" — The Allgemeine Zeitung des Judentums. 

CHAPTER XXV. Restoration and Protection . 129-13J 

A new Memorandum — The " Balance of Power "—Palestine 
and "Rights" in other countries — A "Memorial of the 
Church of Scotland " — Protection for the Jews in the East. 


CHAPTER XXVI. Protkctiom and Restoration 

The Don Pacilico case — Admiral Sir William Parker — Lord 
Stanley — Mr. J. A. Roebuck — Lord Palmerston's policy 
attacked — Peel and the Opposition — Plans for colonization 
of Palestine — Mordecai Manuel Noah — Warder Cresson — 
Rev. A. G. H. Hollingsworth — Colonel George Gawler — 
" The Final Exodus " — Dr. Thomas Clarke. 

CHAPTER XXVII. Earl of Beaconsfibld 

Christianity and Judaism — ^Disraeli's character — Jewish 
features — Alroy — Tancred — ^The defence of Jewish rights — 
Oriental policy. 

CHAPTER XXVIII. The Crimean War .... 

Russia and Turkey — A protectorate over the Greek Chris- 
tians — The question of the " Holy Places " — The Greek 
Church — Sultan Mahmud II. and the Tsar Nicholas I. — 
Jurisdiction in Turkey — Prince MenschikofE — The Alliance 
between France, Great Britain and Turkey — Sardinia — 
Alexander II. — The fall of Sebastopol — The conclusion of 
peace in Paris — The question of reforms — The Jewish point 
of view — ^The Crimean War and Palestine — Dr. Benisch in 
the Jewish Chronicle — The Christian Zionist propaganda — 
Rev. W. H. Johnstone — Mr. Robert Young. 

CHAPTER XXIX. Britain's Mission in the East . 

Colonel Charles Henry Churchill — Sir Austen Henry Layard 
— " The Key to the East " — European Consuls in Pales- 
tine — The Haiti Sheerif of Gulharch — Lord Palmerston's 
Circular of April, 1841 — Mr. James Finn. 








British Interest and Work in Palbs- 

Mr. Rogers — Mr. Finzi — Agricultural work in Palestine 
under the auspices of the British Consul — W. Holman Hunt 
— ^Thomas Seddon — A new Appeal — Prof. D. Brown — Rev. 
John Fry — Rev. Capel Molyneux — Prof. C. A. Auberlen — 
Dr. W. Urwick — Dr. E. Henderson — Prof. Joseph A. Alex- 
ander — Dr. Patrick Fairbaim — Dr. Thomas Arnold. 


CHAPTER XXXI. The Lebanon Question 

Selim I. — ^The Emir Beshir of The Lebanon — A Conference 
of five Powers — Druses and Maronites — Massacres in 
Damascus — A Military Expedition — The Protocol of 
August 3rd, i860 — General Beaufort d'Hautpoul — Achmet 
Pasha — David Pasha — Joseph Karan — The Constitution of 
The Lebanon — The boundaries — The alterations from 1861 
to 1902 — The Earl of Carnarvon's views — Jewish charity — 
Anti- Jewish accusations and riots — M. E. A. Thou venal — 
Lord John Russell — George Gawler's letter. 




CHAPTER XXXII. Zionism in France .... 176-183 

ioseph Salvador — L. Levy-Bing — Maurice [Moses] Hess — 
>. Nathan — Benoit Levy — Dr. A.-F. Petavel — Ernest 
Laharanne — Cremieux — The " Alliance Israelite Univer- 
lelle " — Albert Cohn — Charles Netter. 

CHAPTER XXXIII. Jewish Colonizatiok 184-187 

New developments — Two tendencies — Societies in London 
for supporting Jewish colonization of Palestine — Rabbi 
Chayyim Zebi Sneersohn — Sir Moses Montifiore's further 
journey to Palestine. 

CHAPTER XXXIV. Zionism ysxsijs Assimilation . . 188-196 

The first difficulties — The traditions of Anglo- Jewry — The 
influence of the English people on the Jews — Assimilation 
and the Jewish National idea — The Zionist conception of 
the Jewish problem — The tragedy of a minority. 

CHAPTER XXXV. Colonization and Restoration. . 197-301 

Hetuy Wentworth Monk — Zionism in France — Jean Henri 
Dunant's " Le Renouvellement de I'Orient " — Napoleon III. 
— Bishop Stephen Watson — " L' Orient " in Brussels. 

CHAPTER XXXVI. Appeals for Colonization . . 202-205 

A Rabbinical appeal — Rabbi Elias Gutmacher — Rabbi Hirsch 
Kalischer — Correspondence with Sir Moses Montefiore — 
Servian Jews ready for Palestine — Rabbi Sneersohn — 
Another appeal of Henri Dunant — A Committee in Paris 
under the patronage of the Empress of the French — Zionism 
in French fiction. 

CHAPTER XXXVII. Christian Propaganda in England . 206-212 

A new Appeal — Earl of Shaftesbury in 1876 — Edward 
Cazalet — Laurence Oliphant — Zionism in English fiction — 
George Eliot — " Daniel Deronda " — The Jewish nationalism 
of Mordecai Cohen — A quotation from Dr. Joseph Jacobs. 

/ CHAPTER XXXVIII. The Russian Pogroms of 1881-1882 313-316 

The new period of Jewish martjn-dom — Public opinion in 
England — Mass meetings, questions in Parliament and 
collections — Protests from France, Holland, America and 
other countries — An instructive lesson — Emigration of 
Jewish masses — The problem — The " Lovers of Zion." 



CHARTER XXXIX. Dr. Leo Pinsker .... 217-327 

His life and experiences — His Auto-emancipation — The old 
idea of self-help in Jewish teaching — Individual and national 
self-help — The revival of an old doctrine — An analysis of 
Auto-emancipation — ^The results of Pinsker's idea. 

CHAPTER XL. The Colonization of Palestine . . 328-331 

Jewish immigration into England — A meeting for the estab- 
lishment of Jewish colonies in Palestine— The foundation of 
the Society " Kadima " — The Opposition — The opinions of 
English authorities on Palestine — Col. Conder — General Sir 
Charles Warren — Lord Swaythling — Earl of Rosebery — A 
petition to Abdul Hamid, Sultan of Turkey. 

CHAPTER XLI. The "Lovers of Zwx" in France and 

England ........ 232-236 

The work in France — Baron Edmond de Rothschild and his 
activity in the colonization of Palestine — The effects in Eng- 
land — Colonel A. E. W. Goldsmid — Elim d'Avigdor. 

CHAPTER XLII. The Movement in England . . 237-246 

William Ewart Gladstone — Father Ignatius — Gladstone's 
ideas on Judaism — Concessions of the Jewish opposition — 
Goldsmid' s and ei'Avigdor's nationalistic replies. 

CHAPTER XLIII. The Movement in America . 24i-«47 

Zionism echoed in America — Emma Lazarus — A call — 
Emma Lazarus and George Eliot — Mrs. Rose Sonnenshein — 
The Opposition — A Tour to Palestine — The Colonies. 

CHAPTER XLIV. Baron o/- Hirsch .... 248-251 

His philanthropic activity — The Oriental Jews and the 
" Alliance " — Emanuel Felix Veneziani — Lord Swaythling 
— Dr. A. Asher — Laurence Oliphant. 

CHAPTER XLV. An Attempt to Solve the Jewish Problem 252-257 

The "Jewish Colonization Association" (1891) — Statutes 
and shareholders — Baron de Hirsch' s letter to the Russian 
Jews — His articles in the Forum and the North Anurican 
Review — Baroness Claxa de Hirsch. 

CHAPTER XLVI. The Argentine ysxsus Palestine . isl-^z 

Expeditions and investigations in various countries — The 
decision in favour of The Argentine — Dr. G. Ldwenthal — 
Colonel A. E. W. Goldsmid — The " Lovers of Zion " and 
Baron de Hirsch in 1891 — Baron and Baroness dc Hirsch' s 
charitable works. 


/• CHAFfER XLVII. Modern Zionism .... 263-367 

Theodor Heril — ^The first conception and the acceptance of 
Palestine — Max Nordau — ^The ideas of Modern Zionism. 

CHAPTER XLVIII. The First Zionist Congress . . -i^-tjt 

The general impression — The proclamation of the Jewish 
national idea — The Basle Programme — The first Executive 
Central Committee — Prof. Herman Schapira — Christian 
visitors at the first Congress — Letters of the Grand Rabbin 
of France, M. Zadoc Kahn, and of the Haham of the Spanish 
and Portuguese Jewish community of London, Dr. Moses 

CHAPTER XLIX. The Motive Forces of Zionism . . 273-387 

Modern Hebrew literature — The ChovevS Zion — ^The pioneers 
in Palestine. 

CHAPTER L. Zionism in France 288-294 

David Wolffsohn — France — M. Leon Bourgeois — Michel 
Erlanger — Zadoc Kahn — Baron Edmond de Rothschild — 
Professor Joseph Halevy — Dr. Emil Meyersohn — Dr. 
Waldemar Haffkine — The brothers Marmorek — Bernard 

CHAPTER LI. Zionism in England .... 295-30* 

The first leaders — Herzl before the Royal Commission on 
Immigration — ^The East Africa offer — Death of Herzl — 
Holman Hunt — Report of United States Consul at Beirut 
on Zionism — Lord Robert Cecil — The Palestine Exploration 
Fund — Colonel Conder — Lord Gwydyr — Zionism and the 
Arab question. 

CHAPTER LII. British Policy in the Ne.\r East . 303-S«* 

The Russo-Turkish War, 1877-78 — The Turkish Revolu 
tion — Disappointed hopes — Jewish colonization and British 
commercial mterests in Palestine. 

CHAPTER LIII. The Principles of Zionism . . ioj-%t% 

Palestine as the Homeland — The rebirth of Jewish civiliza- 
tion — The security of public law — The aims of Political 
Zioftiam — A modem Commonwealth for the Jewish p«opl». 


Thbodor Herzl ........ 

Conference between Manasseh Ben-Israbl and Olivkr 

H.H.R. Yahacob Sasportas 
Dr. Ephraim H. Bonus . 
Dr. Abraham Zacut 
H.H.R. Manasseh Ben- Israel 
H.R. J. J. A. DF. Leon (Templo) 
H.H.R. Isaac Aboab da Fonseca 
Sir Oliver St. John 
Thos. Brightman 
Rev. Dr. William Gouge 
Hugo Grotius 
Rev. Henry Jessey 
Gkn. Sir Charles Warren 
Maj.-Gen. Sir Charles W. Wilson 
Earl Kitchener 
Dr. Edward Robinson 
Col. Claude R. Conder 
Grand Sanh6drin, 1807 
Abraham Furtado . 
Rabbi Abraham de Cologna 

Baruch Gouguenheim 

Emmanuel Deutz . 

Jacob Meyer 

J. David Sinzheim 
Napoleon Le Grand r^tablit le culte des Isra:6utes, 1806 
Rev. James Bicheno 
David Levi 

Rev. William Whiston . 
Dr. Joseph Priestley 
President John Adams . 
Sir Moses Montefiore, Bart 
Joseph Salvador 
Benjamin Disraeli . 
Samuel David Luzzatto . 
Bernard Lazark 
Albert Cohn . 
Charles Netter 


Fating ^ 







Isaac M. A. CRtMiEUx 

h'acinn p. l80 

Rabbi Zadok Kahn. 


Salomon Munk 


Rabbi Zebi Hirsch Kalischbr 


Isaac Jacob Reines 




,, Samuel Mohilewer 


Dr. Israel Hildesheimer 


Isaac Rt)LF . 


Rt. Hon. Joseph Chamberlain 


Earl of Shaftesbury 

.. 208 

George Eliot 


James Finn 



Laurence Oliphant 


David Gordon 

. „ 217 

Samuel J. Fuenn . 

,. 217 

Dr. Leon Pinsker . 


Moses L. Lilienblum 

,. 217 

Perez Smolenskin . 

.. 217 

Elim H. d'Avigdor . 

.. 234 

Col. a. E. W. Goldsmid 

.. 234 

Jean Henri Dunant 

.. 234 

Father Ignatius 

.. 234 

Dr. E. W. Tschlenow 

.. 234 

Dr. Max Mandelstamm 

.. 234 

JuDAH Touro . 

,, 241 

Emma Lazarus 

„ 241 

MoRDECAi Manuel Noah . 

„ 241 

Rabbi Dr. Morris J. Raphall 

.. 241 

The Maccabean Pilgrimage, 5657=^ 

1897 . 

.. 246 

Theodor Herzl . . . . 

,. 263 

Dr. Max S. Nordau 


Dr. Louis Loewe . . . . 

.. 268 

Rabbi Dr. N. M. Adler . 

„ 268 

Baron Maurice de Hirsch 

.. 268 

Prof. Dr. Hermann Schapira . 


Moses Hess . . . . . 

„ 268 

David Wolffsohn . 

„ 288 





Hellas, Rome and Israel — The Englishman's Bible — Its influence upon 
English Literature — Rev. Paul Knell, Matthew Arnold, Sir H. Have- 
lock, Gordon, Livingstone, Ruskin, Carlyle, Taine, Sir L. T. Dibdin, 
Huxley, and J. R. Green — The Puritans — The Pilgrim Fathers — 
James I — Cromwell. 

No great idea, once proclaimed, has ever yet perished 
from the earth. An idea may assume new forms, may 
change its mere outward semblance — for all great ideas 
are plastic in their attributes and immutable in their 
essentials — but, once it has been enunciated, human life 
absorbs it within itself for ever. 

The Greek spirit of freedom, and the order, discipline 
and law of Rome survive in Anglo-Saxon institutions, 
not by mere enforcement of victorious arms, but because 
men have recognized them as the happiest approximation 
to the independence of each and the subordination of all 
that has ever yet been conceived. 

To Greece was entrusted the cultivation of reason and 
taste. Her gift to mankind has been science and art. To the 
Greeks we owe the science of logic, which has dominated the 
minds of all modern thinkers. Much of the spirit of modern 
politics, too, comes from Greece. On the other hand, the senti- 
ments and the organizing force behind all States and Govern- 
ments, which are absolutely indispensable to their vigour, are 
to a great extent Roman. Justinian's^ laws have penetrated 
into all modern legislation. Thus Greece may be said to 
have disciplined human reason and taste, and Rome human 
organization and power. 

But England has been influenced by Israel even more 

» Flavius Anicius Julianus Justinian I [The Great] (483-565). 
I.— B 


than by Hellas and Latium ; by the power and the light of 
the Hebrew genius — ^by the Bible. 

The mission of the Hebrew race was to lay the foundation 
of morality and religion on earth. Their works and their 
Book are great facts in the history of man ; the influence 
of their mind upon the rest of mankind has been immense 
and peculiar. The Hebrews may be said to have disciplined 
the human conscience ; and to the pages of their sacred 
books humanity has turned again and again for new 

No people has been so devotedly attached to the Bible as 
the English, and the effect may be traced in all the great 
movements of English history. The Bible has dominated 
the whole domestic and political life of the English people 
for some centuries, and has provided the basis of the English 
conception of personal and political liberty. 

The education of a large number of Englishmen has 
consisted mainly in the reading of the Scriptures. There is 
indeed no book, or collection of books, so rich in teaching 
or capable of appealing so forcibly to the unlearned and 
the learned alike. That the growth and gradual diffusion 
of religious and moral thinking is due to the supreme 
influence of the Bible is a fact which can be recognized 
throughout the whole of English history. As a single in- 
stance, we may take two writers who lived at different 
periods, and dealt with this subject from dissimilar points of 
view — ^the Rev. Paul Knell (1615-1664) and Matthew 
Arnold (1822-1888). Knell compared England with Israel. 
The name " Israel " was used by writers of his age with so 
much laxity, that it is impossible to define the sense which 
it was generally intended to convey. It often meant the 
Religion of Israel ; at other times it was used as if it was a 
synonym of the word " Church." But Knell used the word 
in its plain meaning : for him " Israel " meant simply the 
People of Israel in the Land of Israel (Appendix ii). If we 
compare the general tone and attitude of Christian preachers 
in those times in other countries with the attitude taken up 
by the English clergy, we must acknowledge that the latter 
have a much greater appreciation of the value and dignity 
of the Jewish people and of its great influence on the 
character of the English nation. 

In spite of all modern developments, and notwithstanding 
the fact that modern science has undermined some of the 
old beliefs, the fundamental attitude of Englishmen to the 


Bible remains unchanged. There is no need to quote many 
writers ; it is sufficient to refer to Matthew Arnold, who 
insists that Righteousness is the burden of Old Testament 
teaching, and that this idea has greatly influenced the 
formation of the English character (Appendix iii). 

The indebtedness of English literature to the Bible is 
immeasurable. The Bible has inspired the highest and 
most ennobling books in the EngHsh language. No other 
book has been so universally read or so carefully studied. 
The Bible has been an active force in English literature for 
over twelve hundred years, and during that whole period it 
has been moulding the diction of representative Enghsh 
thinkers and literary men. The Bible is " the book upon 
which they have been brought up," says Thomas Carlyle 
(1795-1881), Nor has its influence on men of action been 
less marked. Englishmen picture Sir Henry Havelock (1795- 
1857) sustaining himself upon the promises of the Bible 
through the darkest hours of the Mutiny; Charles George 
(Chinese) Gordon (1833-1885) writing with his Bible in 
front of him at Khartoum ; and David Livingstone (1813- 
1873) in the loneliness of Central Africa reading it four 
times through from beginning to end, drawing from it 
patience, fortitude and perseverance. One of the mightiest 
moral forces of the last century in England, John Ruskin 
(1819-1900), acknowledges his great indebtedness to the 
Bible. " In religion," he says, " which with me pervaded 
all the hours of life, I had been moved by the Jewish ideal, 
and as the perfect colour and sound gradually asserted their 
power on me they seemed finally to agree in the old article 
of Jewish faith that things done delightfully and rightfully 
were always done by the help and spirit of God." 

" I have before me one of those great old folios in black 
letter in which the pages, worn by horny fingers, have been 
patched together," writes Hippolyte Adolphe Taine (1828- 
1893), in his Histoire de la Litterature Anglaise (Paris, 
1863-4). 1 ..." Hence have sprung much of the English 
language and half of the English manners. To this day 
the country is Biblical ; it was these big books which 
had transformed Shakespeare's England. To understand 
this great change, try to picture these yeomen, these shop- 
keepers, who in the evening placed this Bible on their table 
and bareheaded, with veneration, heard or read one of its 

* History of EngHsh Literature, by H. A. Taine. Translated by H. Van 
Laun, . . . Edinburgh : . . . 1871 ... (2 vols.). 


chapters. Think that they had no other books, that theirs 
was a virgin mind, that every impression would make a 
furrow, that they opened this book not for amusement but 
to discover in it their doom of Hfe and death." 

" The Bible stands for so much in England : it is the 
foundation of our laws," said Sir Lewis Tonna Dibdin, " for 
when you get back behind judicial decisions and Acts of 
Parliament you come at the bottom to the moral laws, of 
which the Ten Commandments were the first written 

" The Bible," says Thomas Henry Huxley (182 5-1895), 
in his Essays on Controverted Questions, " has been the 
* Magna Charta ' of the poor and the oppressed." 

There is no Christian people even among the Protestant 
nations which could be compared with the English in 
knowledge of the Old Testament and in devotion to its 
teachings. This was the avowed object and the undeniable 
result of the English Reformation. 

" Ehzabeth (1533-1603) might silence or tune the pulpits," 
says John Richard Green (1837-1883), " but it was im- 
possible for her to silence or tune the great preachers of 
justice and mercy and truth who spoke from the Book. . . . 
The whole temper of the nation was changed. A new con- 
ception of life and of man superseded the old. A new moral 
and religious impulse spread through every class." 

This Biblical influence was felt long before the translation 
of the Bible into English. When King James I. (1566-1625) 
in 1604 sanctioned a new translation of the Bible, he let 
loose moral and spiritual forces which transformed English 
life and thought. But before this the Renaissance, or revival 
of learning, had led to the study of the Scriptures and so 
had helped to make men Puritans. 

The Pilgrim Fathers crossed the ocean with little more 
than this sacred volume in their hands and its spirit in their 
hearts. The men who founded new Commonwealths built 
up their constitutions upon the teachings of the Bible ; and 
tradition has long asserted that every soldier in Cromwell's 
aimy was provided with a pocket edition, which consisted 
of appropriate quotations from the Scriptures, mostly from 
the Bible of the Jews.^ 

A close parallel can be drawn between the Puritans, 
of whom Oliver Cromwell (1599-1658) was the principal 
type, and the enthusiasts who shared with Judas Maccabaus 

* Cromwell's Soldiers' Bible, London, 1895. 


{ob. 3628 a.m.) the dangers and glories of his illustrious 
career. Both were stern warriors forced into battle by the 
stress of great principles, and by the strongest sense of 
obligation to a sacred cause. Both fought for liberty against 
tyranny, against religious persecution and unrighteousness. 
The spirit which inspired them all was the secret of the 
world's greatest achievements. The parallel can be traced 
even further. Cromwell's life was shaped by the influence 
of the Bible. For a figure to compare with Cromwell we 
must turn neither to ancient history nor to early English 
history, but to the pages of Jewish national history in the 
Bible. Cromwell's examples were Joshua (2406-2516 a.m.), 
Gideon {fl. 2676 a.m.) and Samuel {ob. 2882 a.m.). Hebrew 
warriors and prophets were his ideals. And that is not to be 
wondered at, for Cromwell studied the Bible every day with 
attention and reverence and with a desire to, be guided by it. 
He was an intellectual and spiritual child of the Old Testa- 
ment, and he " imagined himself to be a second Phineas, 
raised up by Providence to be the scourge of idolatry and 
superstition." ^ 

* Daniel Neal (i 678-1 743) : History of the Puritans, vol. iv. (1738), 
p. 187. 



Its survival and revival — Its influence upon the English mind — De Quincey 
— Bacon — Shakespeare — Milton — Cowley — Taylor — Tillotson — 
Barrow — Dryden — Parnell — Pope — Addison — Young — Akenside — 
Gray — Warton — Cowper — Byron — Shelley — Southey — Moore — Sir 
Thomas Brown[e] — Earl of Clarendon — John Pym — Viscount Falk- 
land — Sir Henry Vane — Earl of Chatham — Browning — Tennyson — 
John Bright. 

The Hebrew language, mysteriously preserved like Israel, 
the people after whom it is called, through the tempests 
of many centuries, politically annihilated, but spiritually 
full of vigour, has never ceased to be a vehicle for the 
expression of sublime thoughts and sentiments. Not only 
in the brilliant epoch of Hebrew literature in Spain, from 
the tenth to the fifteenth centuries, but since then, Hebrew 
has been written in prose and in poetry with power and 
effect unattainable in any of the languages that have 
ceased to live. It is entirely wrong to consider Hebrew a 
dead language. Hebrew has never been dead. At no time 
in its long history has it ceased to be employed by the 
Jewish people, as a medium for the expression, whether in 
speech or in writing, of the living thoughts and the living 
feelings of the Jew, Its use as a national medium of every- 
day speech came, indeed, to an end with the destruction of 
the political organization of the Jewish people. But that 
catastrophe did not destroy the Hfe of the language any 
more than it destroyed the life of the nation. The marvel- 
lous revival of the Hebrew language in our times in Palestine, 
which is one of the greatest achievements of the Zionist 
movement, shows that the language was only neglected, 
and that it was essentially a living language. 

The Hebrew language, with its naturalness and noble 
simplicity, has exerted an influence not less powerful 
than that of Biblical ideas on the English mind. Knowing 
little of artificial forms, it has a natural sublimity of its 
own, and a great logical clearness in discriminating between 
nice shades of meaning. It appeals strongly to the 
English mind, because it is the holy language, bringing 



the Divine Word and coming from the sanctuary of that 
ancient covenant, whose faithful guardians are the people 
of Israel. The Semitic word has within historic times 
exercised on the civilisation of the whole human race an 
influence to which no parallel can be found, and which, 
if the future may be measured by the past, is destined 
triumphantly to extend, for the incalculable benefit of man- 
kind, to the uttermost bounds of the earth. The poetry of 
the Bible has no rival. 

" The Hebrew language," says Thomas De Quincey (1785- 
1859), " by introducing himself to the secret places of the 
human heart, and sitting there as incubator over the awful 
germs of the spiritualities that connect man with unseen 
worlds, has perpetuated himself as a power in the human 
system : he is co-enduring with man's race, and careless 
of all revolutions in literature or in the composition of 
society. . . ."^ 

The Hebrew language deals best with concrete things, and 
is essentially personal. In poetry it is best adapted to 
re-echo the poet's own thoughts, and to set forth the various 
phases of his intimate experience. 

" Now, this poetry derives its excellence from its great 
outward simplicity : it acknowledges no rule of metrical 
art. Its poesy is esoteric, not exoteric. The outward char- 
acteristic of Hebrew poetic style is its parallelism, or the 
logical symmetry between two distichs of the same verse. 
The graceful execution of this difficult problem — unity of 
design under a diversity of forms — constitutes the incom- 
parable charm of Hebrew poetic diction. Parallelism is 
the law of perfection. Thought and speech, body and spirit, 
here and hereafter, are divinely conceived parallehsms." ^ 

The Hebrew language is pre-eminently intuitive, and 
adapted for teaching morality and expressing with authority 
religious and ethical truths in brief, pregnant utterances. 

The best of English literature has been inspired by the 
Hebrew language of the Bible. Throughout the entire works 
of Francis Bacon (1561-1626)^ Scriptural influence is 
sufficiently apparent : but in his Essays — ^his favourite work 
— ^which he so carefully revised and re-wrote in the ripeness 
of his age and experience, and which, therefore, may be 

*■ De Quincey's Works, vol. ix. Leaders in Literature. . . . By Thomas De 
Quincey. . . . London : . . . mdccclviii. Language, p. Si. 

* Study of Arabic and Hebrew, by Tobias Theodores (1808-1886), London, 
i860, p. 23. 

' 1st Baron Verulam and Viscount St. Albans. 


considered the very cream and essence of his genius, this 
characteristic element obtains a prominence that cannot fail 
to strike every reader. So natural was it — ^to borrow a 
figure of speech from Bacon himself — for his great mind " to 
turn upon the poles of truth," and to revert to its great 
fountain-head, in support and confirmation of his own 
profound conclusions. 

But by far the most prominent example of the deference 
and homage paid to the Bible will be found in the works of 
William Shakespeare (1564-1616). As he excels in nearly 
all other points, so also is he greatest in this respect. His 
works are so perfectly impregnated with the Bible that we 
can scarcely open them without encountering one or other 
of the Bible's great truths, assimilated by Shakespeare and 
reproduced in words that renew the Bible's authority and 
strengthen its claim upon men's attention. The influence of 
the Bible is apparent not only in the tone of Shakespeare's 
poetry but also in the shape and character of it.^ Both 
the spirit and the letter bear witness to this fact. The 
Bible has left its impression not only on Shakespeare's 
mind but on his idiom, on the exquisite simplicity of his 
diction, while his innumerable allusions, direct and in- 
direct, to Scripture history, persons, places, events, doctrines, 

^ It is interesting to note that some of Shakespeare's plays have been 
rendered in Hebrew : — 

Othello, The Moor of Venice i«^VV?;i» *^'-13n ^^?^^1*K Translated 
into Hebrew by J.E. S. . . . Edited by P. Smolensky . . . Vienna. . . . 1874. 
(8°, XXV. + 298 pp. + i I.) 

The editor remarks in the preface : " The English people took our 
Hebrew Bible and translated it into all the languages of the world ; we in 
revenge have taken their Shakespeare and translated it into our 
Hebrew language." 

J. E. S., i.e. Isaac Eliezer (06. 1883) [ben ? Solomon {ob. 1868) SaUdnd] 
Salkinson, also translated Romeo and Juliet ^y^ D") • • • Wien, 1878. 
(8°. X11. + X67PP.) 

Hamlet has also been done into Hebrew by Chaim Jechiel Bomstein 
[bom at Koznitz, Poland, in 1845]. 

Macbeth ntJ*p niTn tDDpJD has been rendered into Hebrew by Isaac 
Barb from the German version of J. C. F. von Schiller (1759-1805). 
Drohobyez, 1883. (8°. 123 pp. + ii II.) 

King Lear niirrilTn T"*? "I'PDH has been translated by Samuel Lob 
Gordon. Warsaw, 5659. (8°. iy6 pp.) 

Incidentally may be noted that : — 

Julius Csesar KOSII ymynNID y'L^^-iNUCN* y^'X "iNiy^k* DV^"I» has 
been translated into Yiddish by Bezalel Vishnepolski. Warsaw, 5646. 
(8°. 148 ^^) 

The Merchant of Venice jnyjyil |1Q tK»3^1p "lyn lyiX pN?*NB' by 
lynsi'^lixa / Basil Dahl. New York, 1899. (8*. Portrait of W. S. 
+ 116 pp.) 


parables, precepts, and even phrases show a great famili- 
arity with the Bible.* The Reformation introduced the same 
spirit into all the English literature of the Elizabethan era. 
It was the distinguishing feature of the period, and naturally 
enough culminated in the greatest genius of the time. 

The influence of this Hebrew spirit is clearly visible in 
John Milton's (1608-1674) poetry. " Paradise Lost,"^ the 
most glorious cosmological epic of the world's literature, 
could have been written only by a man who knew the Bible 
by heart, and whose verse, when he so chose, could consist 
simply and solely of combinations of texts from the Bible 
or images influenced by Biblical ideas. The way in which 
he tells his stories, the elevation of his style, the music of his 
verse, changing from the roar of the hurricane and the tramp 
of bannered hosts to the hum of bees and the song of birds, 
the numerous gem-like phrases and passages which are sure 
to be quoted for all time — all these wonderful qualities are 
Biblical. Milton knew Hebrew, and his verse is throughout in- 
spired by the genius of that language. And the spirit which 
found voice in Milton caused England to take the lead in 
bringing about religious liberty. This recognition of righteous- 
ness and fair play among the nations of the world benefited 
not only the Jewish nation : some months before Manasseh 
Ben Israel visited England, the Commonwealth had made 
a most vigorous protest against the outrage on humanity 
perpetrated by the persecutors of Protestants in Piedmont. 

" We shall conclude our account of this period by . . . 

* Bible Truths with Shakespearean Parallels. [James Brown.] London, 
1862. Preface, pp. xv.-xvii. 

2 Paradise Lost. ] A | Poem | Written in | Ten Books | By John Milton 
jLicensed and Entered according|to Order. 

London I Printed, and are to be sold by Peter Parker\\indeT Creed Church 
neer Aldgate ; And hylRobert Boulter at the Turks Head in Bishopsgate- 
street ; \ And Matthias Walker, under St. Dunstons Church | in Fleet-street, 
(4/0. Title page-f A— Z+Aa— V in 4 s.) 

In 1 87 1 a version in the Holy Language was issued : — 

Milton's Paradise Lost In Hebrew Blank Verse. Translator J. E. S. . . . 

. . . DnsD nK'y d^ji:^^ \>bn:i mxn nx ^'\y'\ mnan imiD"* tb^ 
. . . D,v/ ^-ii^r^ nro t3-inni r^-w^^ ns'^io nnin» namnoi 

(8". 4//. + 351 />/>.). "The second English edition, 1674, was divided in 
twelve books." 

Twenty-one years later a free Hebrew rendering was pubUshed, under 
the following title : — 

p ^NiDtJ' ^"y ... nay nst'^ >K'an pnyj . . . mm onx m^in 
p'sb n":"in nr^n N"33in D'?:^'n» p"nys Dsn: i^^nx'pNDK-i ni*^- 

Milton's Paradise Lost. Translated in Hebrew by Samuel Rafialovich- 
Jerusalem, 1892. (8°. 63 pp.) 


[referring to] the * Davidies^ of the melancholy [Abraham] 
Cowley (1618-1667) in which he seems to have borne in 
mind the language of the Bible. . . .' 'It will be in the recol- 
lection of every person, that there flourished in the latter 
half of the seventeenth century three churchmen, whose 
works are still regarded as models of style and mines of 
learning and thought — [Bishop Jeremy] Taylor (1613-1667), 
[Archbishop John] Tillotson (1630-1694) and [Dr. Isaac] 
Barrow (1630-1677) ; whose writings, if they have ever been 
equalled, have certainly never been surpassed. The famili- 
arity with the pages of Holy Writ which these illustrious 
men must infallibly have acquired during the course of that 
severe education which made them what they were, could 
not but have exercised a very great influence upon their 
works. . . .' " 

" There are many allusions to Sacred Writ in the works of 
[John] Dryden (1631-1700), particularly in his polemical 
works, ... In the Hind and Panther. . . .2 

" In [Thomas] Parnell's (1679-1718) beautiful poem 
of the ' Hermit,'^ there are several traces of BibHcal in- 
fluence : . . . 

" A perusal of [Alexander] Pope's (1688-1744) Messiah,* 
in which many of the expressions are taken, word for word, 
from the book of Holy Writ, will convince any reader of the 

1 Poems : ... IV. Davideis, Or, A Sacred Poem Of The Troubles Of 
David. Written by A. Cowley. . . . London, Printed for Humphrey Moseley, 
at the Prince's Arms in St. Paul's Church-yard, m.dc.lvi. 

2 The|Hind|And The j Panther. |A| Poem, | In Three Parts.] . . . London,| 
Printed for Jacob Tonson, at the Judges Head in\Chancery Lane near Fleet- 
slreet, 1687. (4/0. 4II. + 145PP. [B. M.]) 

Licensed April the nth, 1687. 

' Poems On Several Occasions. Written by Dr. Thomas Parnell, Late 
Arch-Deacon of Clogher : And Published by Mr. Pope. . . . London : Printed 
for B. Lintot, at the Cross-x eys, between the Temple Gates in Fleet-street, 

1722. (8^ 4,ll.-\-22l pp.-\-i I.) 

" The Hermit," pp. 164-180. 

* A sacred pastoral first published in the Spectator, May 14th, 171 2. 
It has also been translated into Hebrew : — 

Messiah. A Sacred Eclogue. By Pope, t D^yi" ^TP' n'i-"^? By 
Stanilaus Hoga. London : . . . mdcccxxxvii. (Sm. 8°. 8 //., in printed 

The translator had been a Government Censor of the Hebrew press in 
Russia. On coming to London, he came under the influence of the Rev. 
Alexander McCaul (Father-in-law of James Finn, the British Consul at 
Jerusalem), who induced him to become an apostate. They co-operated 
in the production of " The Old Paths "... London : . . . 1 836-1837, which 
Hoga translated into Hebrew. He died repentant about the end of the 
year 1849. The Hebrew translation he had made of " The Old Paths," 

entitled D^IV nu*n3 was not published until ^851. ("The evil that 
men do lives after them ; . . .") 


influence which has been exercised by it upon this poet. 
We have the authority of Mr. [Joseph] Addison (1672-1719) 
himself for the assertion, that he was fully sensible of the 
beauties of the English translation. ' Our language,' says 
the writer, in the 405th Number of the Spectator, * has 
received innumerable elegancies and improvements from 
the infusion of Hebraisms which are derived to it out of the 
poetical passages of Holy Writ ; — they give a force and 
energy to our expression, warm and animate our language, 
and convey our thought in more ardent and intense phrases 
than any that are to be met with in our own tongue.' 
Addison was the founder of that pure, classical, and polished 
style which has, ever since the pubHcation of the Spectator, 
been considered as the neplus ultra of that manner of writing. 
Knowing then, as we do, the sentiments of this accomplished 
writer, it is not to be supposed that he would, in the forma- 
tion of his own style, have neglected to borrow largely from 
that which he praised so much ; and thus it appears prob- 
able that the translation, throughout in this case itself a 
direct agent, has yet exercised a beneficial influence upon 
the prose even of modern writers. ..." 

" In the poems of [James] Thomson (1700-1748) there are 
a few passages for which he was, probably, in some measure, 
indebted to the Bible Translation — ..." 

" In the writings of [Edward] Young (1683-1765), many 
expressions may be found indebted for the idea or manner of 
expression to Scripture. In his paraphrase of the Book of 
Job, one of his earlier works, first published in 1719." 

" In the Night Thoughts,'^ traces of BibHcal influence are 
not so traceable, but it is probable that they exist. ..." 

" [Dr. Mark] Akenside (1721-1770), in one of his poems ;^ 
[Thomas] Gray (1716-1771), in his admirable lines on 
Milton, 3 and [Thomas] Warton [the Elder] (1688 ?-i745), in 
his Address to Night, ^ had clearly in mind some of the 
passages in the Psalms." 

" There is a real strain of religious feeling, of the very 
strongest description, which breathes through the poetry of 

* The Complaint : or, Night-Thoughts on Life, Death, and Immortality. 
. . . . London: . . . 1742. . . . (Fol. 20pp.) 

* The Pleasures of Imagination. A Poem. In Three Books. . . . 
London : . . . m.dcc.xliv. (4^0. 125 pp.) 

^ Odes By Mr. Gray. . . . Printed at Strawberry Hill, For R. and J . 
Dodsley in Pall-Mall, mdcclvii. (4^0. 21 pp.) \j>. 10, iii., 2. " Progress 
of Poesy " : A Pindaric pde written in Cambridge in 1754.] 

* The Pleasures of Melancholy : A Poem. . . . London : . . . 1747 . . . 
(4<o. 2^ pp.) 


[William] Cowper (1731-1800) ; but though he no doubt 
felt that admiration for the translation with which a person 
of his great taste and love of religious writings especially 
must have been imbued, there is no very perceptible evidence 
of its having exercised more than a general influence upon 
his language. ..." 

"The mind of [George Gordon] Byron [Sixth Baron 
Byron] (1788-1824) had been early tinctured by a love of 
the poetical parts of the Bible ; . . and there are several 
traces to be found in his works of the influence which this 
book exercised upon his mind. ..." 

" There are some expressions in the Revolt of Islani^ that 
would seem to indicate that the author of that poem had 
kept in memory some of the descriptive and mystical 
passages of Ezekiel. ..." 

" In [Robert] Southey (1774-1843) there are several 
Biblical expressions and ideas, . . ."^ 

" In the beautiful songs of a justly celebrated . . . writer, 
Mr. [Thomas] Moore (1779-1852), there is much that can be 
traced to a scriptural origin."^ 

It can now be seen, we hope, satisfactorily demonstrated, 
that the translation of the Bible into English has exercised 
a considerable influence upon the poetry of the last two 
centuries ; it is now time to speak of the effects which it has 
produced upon our prose. . . . There are, ... to be found in 
the writings of many of the most distinguished prose authors 
in our language, passages which, from the general character 
of their style, or the foim of the ideas they express, may be 
concluded to have been suggested, or at least modified, 
by the influence of the Bible Translation. ... in the 
writings of Sir Thomas Brown [e] (1535 ?-i585), an author 
who enjoyed a considerable degree of fame in the days 
of Queen EHzabeth (1533-1603), great traces are to be 
discovered of Biblical influence ; — while at a much later 
period [Edward] Hyde (1609-1674), Earl of Clarendon 
(particularly the introduction, and part of the first volume)* 

^ The Revolt of Islam ; A Poem, In Twelve Cantos. By Percy Bysshe 
Shelley. [1792-1822.] London : . . . 1818. 

* The Curse of Kehama : By Robert Southey. . . . London : . . . 1810. 
(4/0. 16+376 pp.) 

* " Fallen is thy Throne, O Israel ! " — " Sound the loud Timbrel, 
Miriam's Song " — " War against Babylon." 

* The History of the RebelUon and Civil Wars in England, Begun in the 
Year 1641. . . . Written by the Right Honourable Edward, Earl of 
Clarendon, Late Lord High Chancellor of England, . . . Oxford, . . . 



will convince the most sceptical reader, that the trans- 
lation of the Bible has not been disregarded by that 
writer. ..." 

" It may, perhaps, . . . seem paradoxical to affirm, that 
the art of public speaking, . . . can have been indebted to so 
remote an event as the translation of the Bible ; but this 
supposition will nevertheless be found to be correct : . . . 
The speeches of [John] Pym (1584-1643) and others upon 
the Earl of Strafford's (1593-1641) impeachment [1640], of 
Viscount Falkland (1610 ?-i643). Sir Henry Vane (1589- 
1655), etc., upon the Episcopacy Reformation question, will 
suffice as instances of discourses in which many proofs may 
be found, upon perusal, of Biblical influence." 

" It is well known that [William Pitt] the [First] Earl 
of Chatham (1708-1778), the most eloquent orator that 
England has ever produced, recommended to every person 
who wished to become acquainted with the force of the 
English language, and to acquire the power of expressing 
himself with facility, to study the writings of the copious 
Barrow. Now we loiow that Barrow was deeply read in the 
Holy Scriptures ; we know that his style is greatly tinctured 
by the influence which they exerted upon him ; will it, then, 
be too much to assert that English speaking, in general, . . . 
has been considerably influenced by the Bible transla- 
tion ? . . ." 

" It may be concluded from the foregoing observations, 
that the translation of the Bible into our language is a most 
remarkable event in the history of English literature : . . . 
Those who have compared most of the European transla- 
tions with the original have not scrupled to say that the 
English translation is the most accurate and faithful of the 
whole. . . . Besides, our translators have not only made a 
standard translation, but they have made their translation 
a standard of our language. The English tongue of their day 
was not equal to such a work ; but God enabled them to 
stand as upon Mount Sinai ; and crane up their country's 
language to the dignity of the originals, so that after the 
lapse of two hundred years, the English Bible is still with a 
very few exceptions the standard of the purity and excel- 
lence of the English tongue."^ 

This influence of the Hebrew language can be traced not 

* An Essay upon The Influence of the Translation of the Bible upon 
English Literature, ... By [William Thomas Petty (1811-1836) afttywards 
Fitz-Maurice, Earl of Kerry] Lord Kerry. . . . Cambridge : . . . 1830. 
(8°. il.-\.82pp.) 


only in the masterpieces of great poets ; it was also of a 
general and popular character. The study of the Hebrew 
language among Christians, which had only casually and at 
intervals occupied the attention of ecclesiastics during the 
Middle Ages, received an immense impulse from the revived 
interest in the Bible caused by the Reformation. 

Scientific progress in Hebrew was perhaps more con- 
siderable in other countries where the Reformation was 
gaining ground, but while in other countries this influence 
was felt chiefly among scholars, in England the influence has 
been popular and has been felt in the daily life of the nation. 
The process of enrichment and ennoblement of the English 
language has been going on for centuries among all classes 
of the population, and one of the chief agencies by which it 
has been effected is certainly the influence, direct and 
indirect, of the Hebrew Bible. 

To penetrate into the history, prophecy, and poetry of 
the Hebrew Bible, to revere them as the effusion of Divine 
inspiration, to live in them with all the emotions of the 
heart, and yet not to consider Israel, who had originated all 
this glory and greatness, as the " Chosen People," was 
impossible. * 

Hence among the Puritans there were many earnest 
admirers of " God's Ancient People," and Cromwell himself 
joined in this admiration. It was by this Biblical Hebrew 
movement that public opinion in England had been pre- 
pared for a sympathetic treatment of the idea of a readmis- 
sion of the Jews into England. 

* Among modern English poets and writers, Robert Browning (1812- 
1889) was a great friend of the Jews and a good Hebraist, and very often 
quoted Hebreiv sentences. In a letter to a friend Browning wrote : 

" The Hebreiv quotations are put in for a purpose as a direct acknow- 
ledgment that certain doctrines may be found in the Old Book, which the 
concocters of Novel Schemes of Morality put forth as discoveries of their 

In Jeivish Fancies there are many Hebrew phrases, also in the Melon 
Seller and in the Two Camels. In Rabbi Ben Ezra and The Doctor the 
reader will find essentially Je\vish thoughts. 

Alfred, Lord Tennyson (i 809-1 892) also read the Bible in the original 
Hebre-w. Lady Tennyson (1813-1896) writes in her journal in 1867 : 

" A." (meaning her husband Alfred) " is reading Hebrew [Job and the 
Song of Solomon and Genesis) . He talked much of his Hebrew. He brought 
down to me his psalm-Hke poem ' Higher Pantheism.' " 

John Bright's (1811-1889) sublime oratory was avowedly based on the 
Bible ; from it, not from the classics of Paganism, came the inspiration of his 
highest eloquence. The memorable party nickname, " The Adullamites," 
which he conferred on the Liberal seceders on the Franchise Bill in 1866, 
shows his familiarity with the details of Bible history and the readiness 
with which he could adapt his knowledge to political illustrations. How 
minutely he knew the Old Testament is apparent to any reader of his 

O 2 


t/5 < 





5?; ^ 

o ^ 



Manasseh Ben -Israel — Aaron Levi alias Antony Montezinos — Moses Wall 
— Leonard Busher — David Abrabanel [Manuel Martinez Dormido]— 
Oliver St. John. 

Manasseh Ben-Israel (1606-1657), the Amsterdam Jewish 
preacher and H ebr ew-Spa.msh author, was the chief pro- 
moter of the readmission of the Jews to England and the 
leading figure in the history of that great event. He had all 
the virtues and accomplishments of a leader. He was a man 
of fine intellect and high moral character, unselfish in thought, 
word and deed, straightforward and sincere, extraordinarily 
endowed and irresistibly attractive, at the same time a faith- 
ful religious believer and a practical man of action. All 
the sorrows and all the hopes of the old Jewish nation 
were in him, and all the beauty of the Bible was in his 

Manasseh was neither a first-rate Talmudical authority, 
nor the principal of a great Rahhinical schocil, nor a celebrated 
and officially recognized leader of Rabbis. He achieved 
nothing striking in the field of Halachah,^ where alone, 
according to traditional views, authority can be won among 
learned Rabbis and their followers. In high Rabbinical 
quarters he may have been considered a dilettante or an 
eclectic, perhaps a sort of dreamer ; and not without justice. 
The " practical " people of the period, again, may have 
pointed out that there was plenty of immediate " practical " 
work for Manasseh to do in congregations, in societies, in 
charities and in schools among the Portuguese Jews of the 
" Jodenbreestraat " in Amsterdam, and that he would do 
better if he devoted himself to ordinary local work, instead 
of chasing chimeras and planning Utopian schemes in close 
agreement with the Puritan Saints and Marrano travellers. 
And yet, in spite of all the immediate needs of the hour, this 
remarkable man, inspired by a vision of the lost Ten Tribes 

^ Jewish Jurispnidence. 


of Israel, wrote one book after another ; not the traditional 
commonplace Rabbinical books dealing with questions and 
details of the conduct of everyday Jewish religious life, but 
books about the past and the future, about the Ten Tribes 
and about Israel as a nation — and with an inimitable touch 
of mysticism and poetry. He thought that Judaism required 
something more than local activities, that it needed clear- 
sighted and fearless self-defence, emancipated from routine, 
and not localized within the boundaries of one country. 
And he not only wrote books in Hebrew, Spanish, and Latin 
on this subject, but had several of them translated into 
other languages ; he also entered into personal relations 
with non- Jewish " dreamers " who had proved by their 
ideas their intellectual kinship with him, although they 
challenged him to controversy on some essential points. 
He wrote petitions and proposals, and interfered to a 
certain extent with what should, according to some 
other rabbis, be confidingly left to Providence. It had 
dawned upon him that the Jews should resettle in 
England, to pave the way for their final resettlement in 

Manasseh was nothing if not a Zionist, if we look upon 
Zionism in the light of his time. He was undoubtedly 
a dreamer, but one of those dreamers to whom the word 
of the Psalmist applies, "... We were like unto them that 
dream." 1 He combined worldly wisdom with the prophetic 
spirit. There was some ancient magic about him ; there was 
a deep sense of religion in all his writings. This religious 
character enabled Manasseh to stir up Christian England 
at a time when there was a great rekindling of the religious 
consciousness. No wealthy Jew could have influenced 
England as did this poor Hebrew scholar ; no powerful 
Jewish community could have produced an impression equal 
to that produced by this Jewish dreamer, not only by his 
boundless activity, determination and persistence, but 
chiefly because he was an inspired man. He brought to 
his task deep religious feeling, and a mind ripened by 
Jewish historical studies. He thus set himself to perform 
with energy and moral courage an exceedingly responsible 
service to the Jewish people, which he carried out with 
singular fidelity, inspiration and enthusiasm, as well as 
with discretion and tact. 

He sent his brother-in-law, David Abrabancl [Manuel 

* Psalms, chap, cxxvi., v. i. 


Martinez Dormido]^ to England in 1654, to present to the 
Council a petition for the readmission of the Jews, and 
followed up this visit by his own journey to England, in order 
to support this petition. 

There were undoubtedly several auxiliary causes which 
made the readmission of the Jews possible, and the general 
conditions of the time and the country were assuredly 
favourable. Still, the fact remains that Manasseh's 
powerful imaginative impulse and his emotional Messianic 
conception were the most important driving force in the 
wonderful story of the resettlement of the Jews in England. ^ 
It is true that he did not succeed in obtaining that formal 
permission for the resettlement which he wanted, but by the 
publicity of his appeal he brought the subject prominently 
before the ruling minds of England, and thus indirectly 
led to the recognition of the fact that there was 
nothing in English law against the readmission of the 

One can say, without exaggeration, that there was a 
Biblical and Messianic idea at the very root of this great 
event. In effect, Zionism stood at the cradle of the 
resettlement of the Jews in England. This is clear to 
everybody who has studied Manasseh's writings, par- 
ticularly in the original Hebrew, the language in which he 
can best be understood and appreciated. His favourite 
idea was that the return of the Jews to their ancient land 

1 He was a native of Andalusia, Spain, and was imprisoned for five years 
(1627-1632) by the Inquisition, and tortured, together with his wife and 
her sister. On being released he went to Bordeaux, and in 1640 to 

In the preliminary leaves of Thesouro dos Dinim, by Manasseh Ben- 
Israel, Amsterdam, 5405 (1645), his name appears as one of the dedicatees 
and is described as the Parnas da Sedakd e Talmud Tora. In 1663 he 
settled here, and in the following, year " David ABrabanel dormido " 
appears as one of the signatories to the first A scamot of the Sephardi Kahal 
in London in the year 5424. He died 2 Nisan 5427, and was interred in 
the second carera at the Beth Haim in the rear of the Beth Holim at Mile 

• Not that there had not been Jews in England since the expulsion. The 
researches of Sir Sidney Lee and Mr. Lucien Wolf have shown that hardly 
for a single year was English soil without Jewish inhabitants, some of 
them of considerable distinction : Dr. Rodrigo Lopez (pb. 1594), Antonio 
Fernandez Carvajal (1590 ?-i659), Manuel Martinez Dormido [David 
Abrabanel] [ob. 1667) ; but they were tolerated only as privileged in- 

' Mr. Lucien Wolf, to whose researches our knowledge of the secret 
services of Carvajal and his friends to Cromwell and the Commonwealth 
is due, is inclined to give them all the credit for the readmission. But it 
is clear that had not public opinion been aroused on the side of Jtwish 
rights, nothing could have been done. 

I— C 17 


must be preceded by their general dispersion. The Dis- 
persion, according to the words of the Bible, was to be 
from one end of the earth to the other, and must therefore 
include the British Isles, which lay in the extreme 
north of the inhabited world. Manasseh made no secret of 
his Messianic hopes, because he could and did reckon upon 
the fact that the " Saints " or Puritans wished for the 
" assembling of God's people " in their ancestral home and 
were inclined to help and promote it. 

What was the difference between Manasseh and other 
Rabbis ? No Rabbi could fail to be well acquainted with the 
familiar prophecies of the Bible, and to know that the Disper- 
sion was to be from one end of the earth to the other. Are 
not these prophecies quoted in the Jewish daily prayers, 
prayers that have been lost unheard, as it seems, in the 
dark depths of 2000 years of dispersion, and are known to 
every Jewish child ? Or did not the Rabbis cherish those 
Messianic hopes which inspired Manasseh ? There was only 
one difference : the difference between passivity and activity, 
between purely spiritual impulses and impulses which lead to 
action. If the dispersion has to be complete, let Providence 
make it complete — this was the usual point of view. 
Those who merely believed declined to do anything, as they 
did not wish to face the danger of failure. They hved 
on that, of which other nations die — on sorrow. Their 
melancholy had much of majesty in it, but it led to nothing 
and ended in nothing. They dared not attempt to penetrate 
into the secrets of the Almighty ; for God alone can see 
what will happen, and no man can avoid his destiny. They 
refused to undertake any effort for the readmission of their 
brethren not only into Palestine, but even into England. 
They were believers, not men of action. Manasseh took 
matters into his own hands. He not only believed, he 
acted in accordance with his belief. He collected evidence 
with judicious care, weighing and measuring difficulties, 
keeping facts calmly before his mind, studying the facts 
of the dispersion with interest and zeal. He occupied 
himself with Messianism more than any Jewish scholar since 
Don Isaac de Judah Abrabanel (1437-1508), and more 
'effectively than the latter, because of the active character 
of his plans. 

In his ^NiK** nipis, Esperanca de Israel (Appendix iv), 
Manasseh relates how the Marrano traveller, Aaron Levi, 
alias Antony Montezinos, while travelling in South America, 


had met a race of natives in the Cordilleras, who recited the 
Shema, practised Jewish ceremonies, and were, in short, 
Israehtes of the tribe of Reuben. Montezinos had related 
his story to Manasseh, and had even embodied it in a sworn 
affidavit before the heads of the Amsterdam Synagogue. 
Montezinos' story seemed to be a proof of the increasing 
dispersion of Israel. Daniel (xii. 7) had foretold in his 
prophecies that the dispersion of the Jewish people would 
be the forerunner of their restoration. 

" And the Lord shall scatter thee among all peoples, from 
the one end of the earth even unto the other end of the 
earth; ..." (Deuteronomy xxviii. 64) . 

It was clear from Montezinos' and other travellers' 
reports that the Jews had already reached one end of the 
earth, " Let them enter England and the other end would 
be reached." In this sense Manasseh wrote his book, 
which, at the instigation of John Dury (1596-1680) was 
translated into English by the Puritan Moses Wall,^ from 
the Latin version (Appendix v), of the original Spanish under 
the title of The Hope of Israel (Appendix vi), which produced 
a profound impression throughout England. It was followed 
in the next few years by two other tracts by Manasseh, The 
Humble Addresses [1655] (Appendix vii) and Vindiciee 
JudcBorum [1656] (Appendix viii). 

These tracts followed the remarkable evolution of Enghsh 
religious ideas which occurred in the seventeenth century. 
It is a well-known fact that the recognition of religious 
liberty in England was due chiefly to the struggle between 
the True Believers and other Nonconformists. The Reform- 
ation had granted only a limited form of religious liberty : 
when the True Believers themselves began to be persecuted 
the demand for religious liberty became very strong. The 
earliest pamphlet on this subject, by Leonard Busher, 
pubhshed in 1614,2 had already demanded religious liberty 
for the Jews as well. 

^ "... Moses Wall, of Causham or Caversham in Oxfordshire, a scholar 
and Republican opinionist, of whom there are traces in Hartlib's corre- 
spondence and elsewhere." {Life of John Milton, by David Masson 
(1822-1907), vol. V, 1877, PP- 601-2). 

See also The Diary and Correspondence of Dr. John Worthington 
(1618-1671). Edited by James Crossley (1800-1883). . . . 1847, pp. 355 
and 365. 

* Religious | Peace : | Or, | A Plea for Liberty of | Conscience. | Long since 
presented to King 1 James, \ and the High Court of Parliament then | 
sitting, by Leonard Busher Citizen of London, and Printed in the Yeaxe 
1614. 1 Wherein is contained certain Reasons against | Persecution for 
Religion, Also a designe for a|peaceable reconciling of those that differ io 


The English refugees in Amsterdam came into contact 
with the Jews of that town, and above all with Manasseh, 
whom they admitted to the innermost circle of friendship. 
The intercourse was continuous, and did much to dispel the 
mutual prejudices which old enmities had created and 
ignorance had nourished. Intimacies were formed which 
proved salutary to both, particularly to the Saints. 
Manasseh was also on terms of intimacy with Oliver 
St. John (1598 ?-i673), the Enghsh Ambassador in Holland 
(165 1), who was afterwards a member of the Committee 
selected to consider the readmission of the Jews into 

opinion.] . . . London, | Printed for John Sweeting at the Angel in Popes- 
head-aUey,|i646.| (4/0. 4«. + 38/)/7. [B. M.]) 

Imprimatur : — This useful! Treatise (Entituled Religious Peace), long 
since Presented by a Citizen of London to King James, and the 
High Court of Parliament then sitting ; I allow to be Reprinted. 
Aprill I. John Bachiler. 

A copy of the first edition, published in 1614, has not yet been discovered. 
p. 28 : "... but shall offend also the Jews, . . . who account it tyrrany 
to have their consciences forced to religion by persecution." 

p. 71 : " Then shall the Jews inhabit and dwell under his majesty's 
dominion, to the great profit of his realms. ..." 




Manasseh as a Jewish Rabbi and as a Hebrew writer — His activity as a 
publisher and corrector of Hebrew books — The Bible editions, the 
Psalms and the Mishnah — Manasseh's connection with Safed in 
Palestine — Ensefia a Pecadores — The influence of Rabbi Isaiah ben 
Abraham Horwitz — Solomon de Oliveyra — Manasseh's De Termino 
Vitae — The Influence of Don Isaac Abrabanel — The Lost Ten Tribes 
and the Marranos. 

The literature concerning Manasseh, which is chiefly 
in EngHsh, but partly also in Dutch, German, Hebrew 
and Spanish, is very rich in detail and affords an accurate 
and thorough insight into Manasseh's intellectual relation- 
ship to contemporary Christian scholars and statesmen, 
and extensive information as to his writings in defence 
of Judaism, his missions, etc. The Jewish Historical 
Society of England has played a prominent part in 
the researches on the subject by arranging lectures and 
publishing excellent papers, and the ground has been 
covered on the whole very thoroughly. There is, how- 
ever, one point which has not yet been sufficiently 
elucidated, viz., Manasseh's attitude as a Jewish Rahhi 
and as a Hebrew writer. His literary communications with 
Christian divines, his apologetic writings in Spanish and 
Latin, and his Spanish translations present after all only 
one view of his individuality and activity, the view seen by 
the outside world. If, however, we wish to describe Manasseh 
in his private, inner life, and to understand his particular 
views and methods, we have to leave the apologist and the 
polyglot translator and to discover the author when he 
writes for his nation in the national language. Here, and 
only here, we discover the Jewish scholar in his originality. 

In this connection we meet Manasseh as publisher or 
corrector (proof reader) of his three partial and complete 
Bible editions : (i) Chamisha Chumshe Thora, Amsterdam, 
1631 ; (2) Sefer T'hillim (Psalterium Hebraicum ex recens. 
Manasseh, etc.), Amsterdam, 1634 ; (3) Esrim V'arba 
(Biblia Hebraica), Amsterdam, 1639. 

These books were edited by Manasseh with great care and 



fine judgment. Heer J. M. Hillesum, the scholarly librarian 
of the Bibliotheca Rosenthaliana (Universiteits — Biblio- 
theek, Amsterdam), supposes that the first Hebrew book 
printed in Amsterdam ^ was the " Daily Prayers " according 
to the Spanish rite dated January, 1627, and edited by 
Manasseh.^ Whatever view may be taken of this assump- 
tion, it is, at all events, certain that Manasseh was one of 
the pioneers of Amsterdam Hebrew printing, which will for 
ever have a distinguished place in the annals of Hebrew 
publications. He not only displayed artistic taste worthy 
of the friend of Rembrandt in creating the first specimens 
of beautiful Hebrew books, but by the precision of his cor- 
rections he proved himself an excellent Hebrew grammarian. 
It must be borne in mind that Hebrew grammarians among 
the Rabbis of his time were seldom met with, and found only 
among scholars of a somewhat progressive type. 

He showed his competence also in the Mishnah, three 
volumes, Amsterdam, 5404, corrected with great care by 
Manasseh Ben-Israel, Teacher of the Law and Preacher, 
and published by Eliahu Aboab.^ In this edition we see 
mere corrector's work. As we gather from the preface, manu- 
scripts of the Mishnah were brought from " the town which 
is full of Scholars and writers, Safed in the Land of Israel, 
may God rebuild it soon ! " 

In the course of our inquiry we shall show that Manasseh 
was in close touch with the Holy Land ; here attention is 
called only to the fact that in this editorial work Manasseh 
was actuated by a desire to compare the various manu- 
scripts. These Mishnaioth are a wonderful pocket edition, 
containing the text without any commentary, and evidently 
destined for repetition. Talmud students will find here a 
good many instructive variants. 

Another book edited by Manasseh, though it is merely a 

^ Het eerste te Amsterdam gedrukte Hebreeuwsche Boek. Verbeterde 
overdruk uit maanblad " Achawah " van i Februari en i Maart 1910 
(No. 185 en 186) by Heer J. M. Hillesum. 

. . . msD vip bnp in3»3 ni^ftn mo (S) 
^nanv Dmnxi )y»)2 DnsNon^iun n^vioa nnv DMi 

(i6mo. I /. + 360 pp. (paginated, 2-361) + ! I. [Bodleian.]) 
The only other copy known is in the Ubrary of Elkan N. Adler. 
(3\ fi^{{>^-i» {j»>K i^ED ^pV is inscribed on the prehminary leaves ol 
the British Museum copy. He was known as Eben Sappir, Rabbi, Author 
and Traveller. Born in Russia 1822 and died in Jerusalem 1886. 


translation, throws some light on the tendencies of the 
time and on Manasseh's Jewish connections. This is the 
Lihro Yntitulado Ensena a Pecadores.^ (Appendix ix). This 
little book contains, in addition to a translation of a prayer 
composed by Rabbi Isaac (1534-1572) ben Solomon [Ash- 
kenazi] Luria, a translation of a section of Rabbi Isaiah 
(1555-1630) belt Abraham Horwitz's Sepher Shne Luchot 
Ha'brith . . . Amsterdam . . . 5409. The author's name has 
come down to posterity by the initials of his great work 
" S. L. H."2 with the attribute Hakadosh.^ He was Rabbi in 
Frankfort-on-the-Main, Prague, Posen, and Cracow, and 
then went to the Holy Land, where he was called mo 
bN"i5i'» pKT * His Shne Luchot Ha'brith is a work of 
admirable erudition in the Agadah (Legend, Saga) of the 
Talmud, as well as in homiletics and Cabbalah. Rabbi Isaiah 
Horwitz was a rehgiously inspired Zionist. His enthusiasm 
in expounding the glory of the Holy Land {Shne Luchot 
Ha'brith, p. 275, sermon to Lech L'cha, and p. 389, 
sermon to Va'etchanan) was almost unique in the literature 
of that time. He combined moreover a rare religious 
ecstasy and Cabbalistic visions with progressive ideas on 
education, in which he recommended a systematic method, 
contrary to the customs of that time — a tendency also 
found in Manasseh. Rabbi Isaiah lived to an advanced age, 
and his activities came to an end in the Holy Land. His 
manuscript was brought to Amsterdam and published there, 
with additions by his son David, who was also a distinguished 
scholar. This book seems to have impressed Manasseh so 
much that he published a translation of a part of it, contain- 
ing prayers and contemplations for repentant sinners, 
evidently for Marranos, for whom a great many prayer- 
books and religious tracts were published at that time in 
Spanish and Portuguese. 

This book, while proving the fact of Manasseh's con- 
nection with a great Palestinian authority, shows also that 
he was in touch with the Hebrew poet and grammarian, 
Haham Ribi Solomon^ de David de Israel ^'Oliveyra, the 
author of Sharshot Gabluth — Ayeleth Ahabim, which were 
both published in Amsterdam in the year 5425 [1665], and 
many other books and treatises on Hebrew poetry. He is 
considered to be one of the precursors of the revival of 

^ Instruction for Sinners. 

2 Pronounced " Shloh." ^ The Saint. 

* Lord of the Land of Israel. * Ob. 23 May, 1708, at Amsterdam. 


modem Hebrew literature in Holland, and wrote poems and 
compositions of a didactic character. In the course of our 
inquiry we shall discover that Manasseh himself had a great 
predilection for Hebrew poetry. Embodied in the Ensefia a 
Pecadores is a " Confession of Penitence " composed by 
Haham <^'01iveyra in Hebrew mSD *nM and Portuguese 
[Vidvy Penetencial], which includes a prayer for the rebuild- 
ing of the " Holy City," using the Biblical phrase : — 
D^^s^n* niDin n^nn Fabricards murallas de Yerusalaim. 

Another work of Manasseh in Latin, De Termino Viiae, 
Amsterdam, 1639 (Appendix x), was written with the object 
of answering a question which was addressed by his friend 
the Christian scholar Jan van Beverwijck [Johannes Bever- 
ovicius] (1594-1647) to various divines and scholars, and is, 
consequently, apologetic in character. But two passages 
throw some light on Manasseh 's views as to the Land of 
Israel and Messianism. In one of them he emphasizes the 
fact that the Jews frequently collect alms for those who live 
in the Holy Land ;^ and in the other he says that " if any- 
one desires to know all the controversies of the Jews con- 
cerning the explanation of Daniel's [fl. 3389 a.m.) Prophecies, 
he may read Abrabanel's Treatise, which the learned 
Johannes Buxtorf II (1599-1664) has translated into Latin." ^ 
In this way he identifies himself with the ideas expounded 
by Abrabanel in his Mayy'neh Hayeshuah, which showed 
that Abrabanel was not only Messianistic in the usual sense, 
but was firmly convinced that the end of the Captivity 
might be expected in the near future. 

Manasseh was a Hebrew grammarian concerned with the 
correctness of ancient sacred texts, and an editor of keen 
discrimination. In his scholarly work he kept in close touch 
with the scholars of Safed ; he was moreover influenced by 
the religious Zionistic enthusiasm of Rabbi Isaiah Horwitz. 
In his Messianic hopes he was a disciple of Abrabanel, and 
he highly appreciated the modem though religious Hebrew 
poetry of his time, which poetry he introduced in his devo- 
tional book as a Viduy, concluding with an apotheosis of 
Zion and Jerusalem. 

Regarded from the point of view of these ideas, Manasseh 
of the " Conciliador " appears to us in his proper light. 
Broad-minded, highly accomplished, interested in all the 

* " Hinc etiam in Synagogis Hebraeorum . . . vel eovum qui terram 
sanctum incolunt ..." (De Termino Vitae, p. 103). 
» Ibid., p. 184. 


discoveries of his time — an important period for discoveries 
— he sincerely believed in Montezinos' report concerning 
his distant brethren, while, on the other hand, his great 
devotion to Palestine and his belief in Abrabanel's pre- 
dictions made the question of the Lost Ten Tribes for him 
not one of curiosity but one of vital importance for the 
national salvation. Jiidah and Israel are to return — ^where, 
then, is Israel? Is the Return thinkable so long as Israel 
is lost ? All the legends concerning the Samhatyon and 
the various reports of Eldad ben Mahli Ha'dani {fl. 9th 
century) concerning the tribe of Dan and the " Sons of 
Moses " who Uve somewhere as an independent, strong 
nation, were essentially the reflex of a powerful national 
aspiration. The descendants of Judah, Benjamin and 
half of the tribe of Manasseh felt themselves too weak, 
too humiliated and too few in number to achieve the 
great work of Restoration, but believing as they did in 
the impossibility of the disappearance of the ancient nation, 
they were sure that the descendants of Israel, uniting with 
and absorbed by other nations though they might be at 
present, would one day be awakened to consciousness as to 
their origin and join Judah in repopulating the Loly Land. 
This is the reason why they were so fascinated by the reports 
respecting the Lost Ten Tribes. Is it to be wondered at that 
Marranos were particularly ready to believe in this miracle ? 
Were they not themselves like one of the Lost Ten Tribes 
in that, after all the tortures of the Inquisition, and after 
having apparently been ultimately denationalized, converted 
and absorbed, they had reasserted themselves and were now 
awakening to a new Jewish revival ? Considering that 
these aspirations happened to coincide with the hope for 
the Restoration and the rediscovery of the Lost Ten Tribes, 
in which reformed Christianity, and especially the Puritans, 
believed, we can fully realize the popularity which Manasseh's 
ideas had gained in these circles, and we can quite understand 
how they led to the readmission of the Jews to England. 


manasseh's nishmath chayyim 

The most important of his Hebrew writings — Quotations from Gebirol, 
Bedersi, i?. Kalonymus, R. Zerahiah Ha'Ievi, and others — Plato, 
Aristotle and Philo — Cabbalistic ideas — R. Isaac Luria — Miracles and 
Christian Saints — Manasseh's Jewish Nationalism — " The Jewish 
Soul " — The Zohav — R. Jehudah Ha'Ievi — The holiness of the Land 
of Israel — R. David Carcassone, the messenger from Constantinople. 

The most important of Manasseh's Hebrew writings, 
though it is only alluded to incidentally, or dismissed with 
derisive criticism in some biographies, was his Nishmath 
Chayyim . . .,* Amsterdam, 1651 (Appendix xi). Sarcastic 
observations have been made with regard to the legends and 
superstitions with which this book abounds. It is true that 
the book contains many legends and superstitious beliefs ; 
but that is just why, from a literary point of view, it con- 
tributes far more to a real knowledge of Manasseh than the 
writings in which he advocated certain causes as apologist 
or translator. In this book we get Manasseh himself, a 
national Jew, preaching to his brethren in the national 
language. A careful study of the book in the original, with 
its peculiar style, its wide range of allusion, and its distinctive 
spirit, gives us a clear idea of Manasseh's religious views, his 
Jewish national self-consciousness, or — to use the modern 
term — his Zionism. 

The book is a careful compilation, skilfully put together 
and well chosen in every part. Though somewhat florid 
in certain portions, it is on the whole excellently written. 
Its style reminds one of that of Abrabanel, with a touch of 
R. Isaac (1402 ?-i494) hen Moses Arama. The author often 
quotes poetical sentences of Solomon (1021 ?-i058) ben 
Judah Ibn Gebirol [Abu Ayyub Sulaiman Ibn Yahya Ibn 
Jabirul], known as Avicebron : R. Jedaiah (1270 ?-i340 ?) 
ben Abraham Bedersi [Bedaresi].^ R. Kalonymus (1286- 

1 " The Breath of Life " : on the existence of the soul, the future 
life, etc. 

" He quotes Bedersi also in De Termino Vitae : " Quando aspicis coelum, 
quod supra te est " — with the Hebrew original {p. 17). 



post 1328) ben Kalonymus ben Meir [Maestro Calo] ; R. 
Zerahiah (1131 ?-ii86 ?) ben Isaac Ha'levi Gerondi, and 
others, and thus shows himself well versed not only in the 
ancient texts, but also in the beauties of comparatively 
recent Hebrew poetry. 

Manasseh's argument aims at proving that the immortality 
of the soul is an old Biblical as well as a Talmtidical, Rab- 
binical and Cabbalistic principle. He defines the Nefesh 
(Soul) as the internal ultimate principle by which man 
thinks, feels and wills. The term Ruach (Mind) denotes 
this principle as the subject of man's conscious state, while 
Nefesh denotes it as the source of man's physical activities 
as well. The question of the reality of the soul and its 
separate existence apart from the body is for him one of the 
most important problems of religion, for with it is bound up 
the doctrine of a future life. He knows Plato (427 ?-347 ? 
b.c.e.), Aristotle (384-322 b.c.e.) and Philo (20 ? b.c.e. — 
post 40 c.e.). It is well known that Mysticism shares to a 
great extent the ideas of the system of Plato, e.g. in his 
theory of the world of ideas, of the origin of the world-soul 
and the human soul. The two standpoints, the cosmological 
and the epistemological, are found combined in Plato. In 
the PhcBdo the chief argument for the immortality of the 
soul is based on the nature of intellectual knowledge inter- 
preted by the theory of memory ; this of course implies the 
pre-existence of the soul. This doctrine developed into an 
extreme Transcendentalism. Aristotle, on the other hand, 
emphasized the intimacy of the union of body and soul. 
The difficulty in his theory is to determine what degree of 
distinctness or separateness from the matter of the body is 
to be conceded to the human soul. He fully recognizes the 
spiritual element in thought, and describes the " active 
intellect " as separate, but the precise relation of this 
" active intellect " to the individual mind was an obscure 
point in his theory. Philo combined the Platonic theory 
with the data of the Bible, and taught that every man, by 
freeing himself from matter and receiving illumination from 
God, may reach the mystic, ecstatic or prophetic state, 
where he is absorbed in the Divinity. The Stoics taught 
that all existence is material, and described the soul as a 
breath pervading the body. They also called it Divine, a 
particle of God. Manasseh's system is a syncretism of the 
ideas of Plato, Philo and the Stoics, while he rejects the 
Aristotelian ideas. He endeavours to prove that Moses 


Maimonides (1135-1204) did not follow the great Peripa- 
tetic, and opposes the commentator of Maimonides' Moreh- 
Nebuchim Moses (fl. 14th cent.) ben Joshua Narboni [Mestrc 
Vidal], in a somewhat forced dialectical manner. 

Accepting on these grounds the pre-existence of the soul, 
the continuance of the soul in the world to come, and re- 
incarnation, he comes to the Cabbalah, quotes the Zohar, 
and declares himself a disciple of R. Isaac Luria. According 
to the Zohar, man is composed of three things : Life, or 
Nefesh, Spirit, which is Ruach, and Soul, which is Neshamah. 
By this man becomes a Ruach Chajah (Living Spirit).* 
Manasseh's doctrine may be summarized as follows : — 

(i) The human soul is endowed with special gifts fitting 
it for an intimate union with the Divinity — the Stoic 
" particle of God," corresponding to the Hebrew " Chelek 
Eloha Mimaal " ; 

(2) The gifts or graces through which every man is 
equipped for his perfection form his Life, Spirit and Soul 
into an organized whole, whose parts are knit together; 

(3) Through contemplation and piety the human soul 
enters into that higher heavenly soul, into the mystical 
cosmos whose parts are united in divine eternity. This is, 
to his mind, the meaning of the Biblical teaching that man 
is made in the image and likeness of God. 

The Cabbalistic ideas once accepted, Manasseh accepts 
also the transmigration of souls, physical resurrection, 
expelling of demons, and so on. He indulges in theo- 
sophical visions and metaphysical speculations. All these 
seem strange from a modern point of view, but he should 
be considered in the light of his time. He believed in 
miracles. Did not the Fathers of the Christian Church 
believe in them ? Origen (185 ?-253(4)) says that he has 
seen examples of demons expelled. ^ St. Athanasius (293- 
373) writes in the Life of St. Anthony (25i(2)-356(7)) from 
what he himself saw and heard from one who had long been 
in attendance on the saint. Justin Martyr (100 ?-i6^-y), 
in his second apology to the Roman Senate appeals to 
miracles wrought in Rome and well attested. Tertullian 
(155 ?-222 ?) challenges the heathen magistrates to work 
the miracles which the Christians perform ^ ; St. Augustine 
(354-430) gives a long list of extraordinary miracles wrought 
before his own eyes, mentioning names and particulars. 

* See p. 157, The Secret Doctrine in Israel, by A. E. Waite, 1913. 
» c. Celsum, i. 2. * Apol., xxiii. 


And even in the time of the Reformation, did not Johann 
von Reuchhn (1455-1522) adhere to Cabbalistic mysticism 
in his Dc arte cabalistias and Dc vcrbo mirifico ? Paradox- 
ical as it may seem at first sight, Manasseh even in his 
metaphysical beliefs was somewhat of a rationalist, in the 
sense that he accepted only evidence of trustworthy 
authority. The Safed authorities, who were supposed to 
have witnessed the miracles of Luria, of course impressed 
him in the same way as Montezinos' reports, because they 
were in harmony with his theory. At any rate, it is char- 
acteristic of his way of thinking that he was anxious to build 
upon facts and evidence. 

We have had to wander to some extent into a domain 
outside our province in order to appreciate fully Manasseh's 
general ideas. His Jewish nationalism, which is for us the 
principal point, can be understood only in connection with his 
whole system of ideas. This nationalism is outspoken in the 
Nishmath Chayyim. What we, in modern language, call race, 
national (from natus — natio) individuality, i.e. what the 
Jew is by himself, by the fact of being born a Jew, is termed 
by Manasseh " the Jewish soul." His system is rooted in 
his faith in the excellency of the Jewish soul, which is a pro- 
found act of homage to the race ; that is the point of view 
from which he regards Jewish history. History, he thinks — 
and in this point again he is guided by the evidence of 
historical facts — bears witness to the beneficial influence 
that the soul of Israel, or — more precisely — the Israelitish 
soul, has exerted on the intellectual life of mankind. 

On this point he is even carried away by his imagination 
to make exaggerated statements of the following kind, 
again backed up by authorities : "It is a truth confirmed 
by innumerable writers, that all the learning of the Greeks 
and Egyptians was derived from the Jews : Justin Martyr, 
Clement of Alexandria (150 ?-2i3 ?) and Theodoret (386 ?- 
247) assert that all the best philosophers and poets owe their 
learning to the Holy Scriptures, for which reason they 
call Plato the " Attic Moses " ; the " Athenian Moses." 
Clearchus the Peripatetic (320 b.c.e.) writes that Aristotle 
gained most of his learning from a Jew with whom he had 
much conversation ; Ambrose (340 ?-397) writes that 
Pythagoras {fi. 540-510 b.c.e.) was by origin a Jew, and like 
a pilferer robbed them of many things ; Cornelius Alexander 
Polyhistor (80 b.c.e.) writes that he was a disciple of the 
prophet Ezekiel (Ji. 3332 a.m.). Lastly, it is certain that 


Orpheus {14th or i^^th cent, b.c.e.), Plato, Anaxagoras (500- 
428 h.c.e.) Pythagoras, the Milesian Thales (640-546 b.c.e.), 
Homer (Ji. 962-927 b.c.e.) and many other very learned men, 
derived their knowledge from the wide ocean of the know- 
ledge of Moses (2368-2488 a.m.) and the Sages and professors 
of his most Holy Law ; for, according to the Psalmist, 

" He declareth His word unto Jacob, ..." 

(Psalm cxlvii. 19). 
" He hath not dealt so with any nation ; . . ." {Ibid. 20) . 

In his preface to Nishmath Chayyim he makes this state- 
ment in a more general form, saying that "wherever he 
quoted the non- Jewish authorities, he wanted only to show 
that most of their teachings were derived from our ancient 
sources." He repeats that " Pythagoras was a Jew, and 
all he taught and wrote was copied from our Holy Law 
and true Tradition " {Jol. 171a), and that " Plato had learned 
the teachings of our prophet Jeremiah " {fol. 1716) (Jl. 3298 
a.m.). Not that he was lacking in love and consideration for 
other nations. Far from it : on the contrary, he lays stress 
upon the sentence of the Mishnah, that the pious men even 
of heathen nations have their share in the future life, inas- 
much as they observe the Seven Commandments of the 
Noahides ; and, needless to say, he highly respected Chris- 
tianity, and was practically the first Hebrew author who 
quoted so often and with such great reverence the authority 
of the Christian Church. Even when he speaks of the 
Spanish Inquisition, of which his father was one of the 
tortured victims, no word of contempt or hostility escapes 
his pen, although, living in Holland, and dealing almost 
exclusively with the adherents of the Reformation, he could 
have expressed his ideas on this subject quite frankly. But, 
nevertheless, he is convinced that " God gave to the Israel- 
iiish soul a very special grace, by which it is enabled to feel 
his sensible presence," that " the Israelites are and have to 
remain a distinct nation, having essentially the prerogative 
of sanctifying life," and he continually quotes and illustrates 
the Biblical verses : — 

". . . Blessed be . , . Israel, Mine inheritance " 

(Isaiah xix. 25). 
"... Israel is the tribe of his inheritance ; . . . " 

(Jeremiah x. 16). 
" And who is like Thy people, like Israel, a nation 
one in the earth, ..." (2 Samuel vii. 23). 


as well as several passages of the Zohar, which emphasize 
the particular dignity of the Jewish soul, and R. Judah 
(io85(6)-^os^ 1140) ben Samuel Ha'levi's [Abu al-Hasan al- 
Lawi] well-known views, expounded in the Kuzari {chap, i., 
par. 46) : — 

" The Israehtes are favoured, for God gives them 
holy souls." 

This sentence from the Zohar is the keynote of Manasseh's 
teachings, and his favourite phrase when he speaks of all 
Israel is, 

"... shall . . . surname himself by the name 
of Israel " (Isaiah xliv. 5). 

Whenever he means to lay stress on Jewish origin, without 
distinction of country, party, school, etc. (a significant 
allusion also to the Marranos), he uses this phrase. If we 
add that he emphasizes the holiness of Palestine, enumerat- 
ing the seven degrees of sanctity, explains the desire of pious 
men to find their rest after death in Palestinian soil by the 
fact that the Shechina will dwell in the Holy Land, and so on 
— ^we can realize the depth of his national Palestinian en- 
thusiasm. His devoted attachment to the cause of his 
persecuted brethren is expressed when he speaks of Rabbi 
David Carcassone, the messenger from Constantinople, 
" who came to our city to collect fands for the relief of our 
brethren who had fallen a year before into the hands of the 
Cossacks, . . . may God send His angel before him " {fol. 1736) 
— referring to the massacres in Poland, 1648. The most 
interesting reference to his propaganda among Christians on 
behalf of the Restoration is made in his preface, where he 
relates that towards morning he had a vision : " And I raised 
my eyes and I saw behold an Angel touched me and said 
unto me ... I have given thee for a light to the Nations in 
the book which thou hast written about the Ten Tribes to 
possess desolated heritages. ..." 



The massacres of Podolia — The Marrano Tragedy — Manasseh's views 
on the mission of Israel — Dispersion and Restoration — R. Jacob 
Emden's annotations — Manasseh's theory of the Jewish race. 

The frightful massacres of the Jewish communities in 
Podolia, Volhynia, and other provinces of Poland, entirely 
startled and horrified Jewry all over the world. For 
months and years the murder of the Jews went on. No 
language can describe the cruelties and sufferings inflicted 
upon this unfortunate people from the Dnieper to the 
Vistula. There was " a kind of chase taking place within 
an enclosed area." Some of the aged and prominent Jews 
were kept as hostages in the hands of the mob, who 
demanded heavy ransoms from the Jews of other 
countries. This was the purpose of Carcassone's mission 
from Constantinople to Amsterdam. Tiu-key offered an 
asylum for the hunted refugees who were fortunate enough 
to cross the boundary, but only very few succeeded, 
while thousands of those who tried to escape were murdered, 
or languished in the galleys and prisons as hostages. 
Manasseh, himself the son of a refugee and a martyr, felt 
this tragedy. On the other hand, the news concerning the 
Inquisition in the country of his birth was still horrifying the 
world, for Jews were still being burnt alive there. Putting 
together the brief note in the Nishmath Chayyim regard- 
ing the massacres of 1648 with the remarks in De Termino 
Vitae on the Inquisition, we obtain a terrible picture. 
In De Termino Manasseh alludes to the emigration of the 

The Marranos ! What a splendid record of noble deeds, 
of spontaneous, gentle piety, of triumphant suffering, is 
called to memory at the mere mention of the word ! What 
powerful endurance is described in the history of these 
Jewish martyrs ! WTiat an inspiration to attempt even the 
impossible in the cause of liberty of conscience ! What a 
great tragedy theirs was — a tragedy illumined by personal 
deeds of self-sacrifice ! Their story is a story of thrilling 



personal experiences and of sorrow and separation and 
death. 1 

They flock, says Manasseh, in thousands to other countries, 
and it is useless to attempt to tell in a few words the incalcul- 
able loss that Spain and Portugal have sustained in losing 
wealth, and inhabitants, by the inhuman acts of the Inqui- 
sition. Apart from their execrable inhumanity, the utter 
folly of the atrocities is apparent from the fact that the 
Inquisition forces the wealth, trade and skill of the country 
to leave it. Here he speaks as a statesman who knows the 
countries in question. In Nishmath Chayyim the note is one 
of sober-minded resignation. He does not inveigh against 
the Cossacks as he did against the Portuguese ; he simply 
expresses the hope that Carcassone may raise the necessary 
funds, and that God may send His angel before him. By 
using this BibUcal phrase ^ Manasseh expresses his high 
appreciation of the importance of the mission. The general 
situation of the Jews in the Diaspora is described by him in 
short but plain terms : "If the nations would ask. Why are 
you in captivity, exposed to outrage and contempt, dispersed 
and scattered . . . ? " Manasseh clearly rejected the idea 
that Israel's mission demands an everlasting dispersion. It 
seemed to him that the dispersion ought to be made com- 
plete, because it must lead to the Restoration. In this 
respect his views were not only in accordance with Scrip- 
ture, but the outcome of a train of reasoning. The 
process of dispersion has to reach its climax, and then the 
process of restoration will begin. The Hagadic sentence : — 

often quoted by the adherents of the dispersion in support 
of the Galuth, was interpreted by Manasseh to mean that so 
long as the Israelites must live dispersed they should hve 
dispersed among several nations, because in this way their 
complete destruction is more difficult than if they were 
dependent upon one or two nations. But dispersion is not 
for him the ideal state of the Jewish nation. 

* H. H. R. Jacob de Aaron Sasportas gives in his Ohel Jacob (Amsterdam, 
1737) a most eloquent and stirring description of the tragedy of the 
Marranos {Respon. III.). 

*".... He will send His Angel before thee, . . ." (Genesis xxiv. 7). 

• " The Holy One Blessed be He did justice with Israel by scatter- 
ing them among the nations" (Pesachim, fol. 87). 

[The only sentence of this kind, against innumerable others in the 
opposite sense.] 

I.— D 


The law of Divine providence with regard to the nation 
of Israel has ever been that defection is eventually to be 
followed by dispersion and reconciliation by restoration. 

" Son of man, when the house of Israel dwelt in 
their own land they defiled it . . ." 

(Ezekiel xxxvi. 17). 

"... and I scattered them among the nations, 
and they were dispersed through the countries ; . . ." 

{Ibid. 19). 

"... from all your uncleannesses, and from all 
your idols, will I cleanse you " (Ibid. 2«>). 

" And ye shall dwell in the land that I gave 
to your fathers ; and ye shall be My people, and 
I will be your God " (75^-^ 28). 

There is not one passage in which the promised restoration 
is represented as anything other than a distinct proof of recon- 
ciliation between God and his ancient People, or dispersion 
as anything other than a punishment. The People and the 
Land of Israel are so linked with one another that what- 
ever continuity is ascribed to the one must, on all strict 
principles of interpretation, be also attributed to the other. 
In the twenty-sixth chapter of Leviticus we find Moses 
giving the people, as warning and encouragement, a pro- 
phetic outline of their future history, which forms the 
real basis, and, in fact, makes up the substance of all 
that is found in the later prophets as regards the people of 
Israel. It is true that both the judgments there threatened 
and the mercies there promised are set forth hypothetically, 
on the supposition of their wickedly departing from the 
Lord and afterwards repenting — " if ye walk contrary unto 
Me, and will not hearken unto Me," on the one hand; "if 
they shall confess their iniquity " on the other. But since 
the conditional statements are changed — as they are in other 
places — into absolute announcements of what is to take place, 
the hypothetical forms of expression must be regarded as 
merely the appropriate mode of conveying warnings against 
defection and an encouragement to repentance : — 

" And they shall confess their iniquity, and the 
iniquity of their fathers, . . . and also that they have 
walked contrary to Me " (Leviticus xxvi. 40). 


" I also will walk contrary unto them, and bring 
them into the land of their enemies ; . . . and they 
then be paid the punishment of their iniquity " 

{Ihid. 41). 

" then will I remember My covenant with Jacob, 
and also My covenant with Isaac, and also My 
covenant with Abraham will I remember ; and I 
will remember the land " {Ihid. 42). 

It is impossible to deny that the " remembrance of the 
covenant " and the " remembrance of the land " here go 
together. If we allegorize the one, we must allegorize the 
other as well, and then there is neither land, people, 
covenant, prophets nor law — an obvious absurdity which 
at once refutes itself. The fundamental Mosaic principle is 
clear, plain and positive. The land is to be held in 
perpetuity by the Jewish nation, provided the conditions 
of the covenant are fulfilled. The infringement of the 
covenant subjects the rebel to bondage and makes him 
an outcast from the land of his inheritance. The promise 
of redemption is a rescue from the penalties thus incurred. 
Therefore, he explains, the Agadist did not say heglom, " He 
drove them out," which is the usual expression, but pizrom, 
" He spread, scattered them," because, so long as the Galuth \ 
lasts, they have to live in various countries. Yet it is absurd J 
to think that the state of Galuth, predicted by Moses as a 
curse, is a blessing. Here we have in short Manasseh's ideas 
as to the Galuth and Restoration. We know that he also 
acted in full accord with these ideas. ^ 

The constitiition established by Moses was a theocracy. 
The true King of Israel was God, and the constitution was 
the Law. The priests and Levites w^ere God's ministers ; the 

^ The British Museum has a copy of the Nishmath Chayyini, Amsterdam, 
1651, with autograph annotations of R. Jacob Emden [Jacob Israel] 
(1697-1776) ben Zebi Hirsch Ashkenazi (1658-1718). Two of these anno- 
tations are of special interest. Manasseh writes {fol. 66) about the physical 
weakness of the Jews when compared with Gentiles. On this Emden 
remarks : I admit this only with regard to the Jews in the Galuth ; when 
the Jews Uved in their own land they amazed the Romans by their great 
heroes and athletes, and more so at the time of the First Temple. In 
another passage (fol. 8a), where Manasseh writes about the shorter Ufe of 
those who keep the Law as compared with others, Emden again remarks : 
But in Palestine the Jews distinguished themselves by much greater 
longevity. (M. Seligsohn, the author of Emden's biography in the Jewish 
Encyclopedia, who enumerates various books with Emden's autograph 
annotations, does not seem to have had any knowledge of these annota- 


prophets were God's ambassadors, commissioned to convey 
his instructions not only to the people but to the King 
himself. The Kingdom was thus emphatically the Kingdom 
of God, and the King was the earthly viceroy of the invisible 
Sovereign. He was more limited than a constitutional 
monarch ; he was subject not only to the Law, but also to 
those who were entitled to explain the Law. Such a state 
of things never existed in any other nation, either in ancient 
or in modern times. The Jewish nation regards it as an 
Ideal State, and looks forward to a future in which this idea 
will be accepted by the whole world, when God will be the 
King ; but this will take place only after the establishment 
of this Divine order in Palestine. Therefore Jews pray to 
God to give them their judges and their counsellors as in 
ancient times, i.e. to restore their life under God's order, a 
life of justice and peace and wisdom ; they hope also that 
this will influence all mankind to recognize the Kingdom of 
God, i.e. the rule of justice, mercy and love. Then the 
promise to Abraham will be fulfilled : — 

"... and in thy seed shall all the nations of the 
earth be blessed ; . . ," (Genesis xxii. i8). 

and the blessings and privileges of God's Kingdom will be 
offered freely to all mankind. Here the influence of Abra- 
banel is evident.^ Another interesting point in Manasseh's 
theory is his combination of the idea of the Nefesh Ha'y- 
israelith with the principle of heredity. He terms this 
principle Mizge^ Ha'aboth, that is, the particular character 
of the nationality inherited from the ancestors. This is 
Jewish nationality, which is part of the Jew's inheritance 
at birth. ^ 

^ Abrabanel's commentary on i Samuel viii. 

2 In Biblical Hebrew " Mezeg" means blended, or mingled [" Al Yechsar 
Hamazeg" [Cant. vii. 3)]: in mediaeval Hebrew it signifies "Character," 
" Individual Nature," " Temperament." 

3 It is worthy of notice that some Christian theologians have come — 
from another point of view — to the same conclusion as to the importance 
of the Jewish race : 

" The question of their National Restoration is one of blood 
and not of creed, of race and not of conversion, of nationality which 
might include as many sects as in the days of Christ. One only 
question can be demanded by the hallowed soil of that country, and 
by the Providence of God — Are you a Jew ? In this sense the twelve 
Apostles were Jews, and if now on earth their title to their land is as clear, 
undoubted, and equitable as that of Nehemiah or any modern Jew. The 
Christian creed does not make any of that nation less a Jew and a descen- 
dant of Abraham. . . . The question of Jewish nationality, and consequently 
of restoration, is not one of creed but of race, and as such it should be 


This is more than the religious idea of the Z'chuth Aboth 
(Merits of the Fathers) ; it is, though mixed up with 
Cabbalistic notions, an ethnological conception — the real 
basis of the modern Jewish national idea. 

Manasseh's conception of the character (or particular 
blood mingling) of ancestors, which lives on in the nation, 
accords entirely with the mode of thought of a modern 
national Jew as this finds expression in the best writings 
of the new Zionistic literature. When the Jew feels the 
pulse-beat of nature in his heart, then the history of his 
forefathers comes to life within him. He no longer struggles 
alone through life, he is sensible of connections between 
himself and millions who have been and of whose spirit 
and soul he has received a share in life. The most glorious, 
invigorating feeling which an old race can offer ; the con- 
sciousness of individual transitoriness and universal con- 
stancy, begins only then to be of value for him because the 
easily intelligible national future has made comprehensible 
his own infinite one. This psychic process is the uncon- 
scious aim of that which he perceives as national longing. 
The free individual must become a problematic nature if 
he cannot force the roots of his spiritual and physical 
personality into the soil of a soul-related community. The 
unit goes adrift in the chaos of social struggles when it is 
not linked by a thousand tender and yet untearable threads 
with the ethnical community of a nation. This ethnical 
community is the fount of two infinite perceptions which 
have become the mightiest supports of human civilization ; 
first of all arises the consciousness of national control which 
develops into the unnoticed, yea, self-evident foundation 
of the ethnical unit, the moral consciousness of duty and 
sense of responsibility. National responsibility finds its 
complement in the right of recovery of the individual 
against the community. In the wrestle with other morals 
and conceptions of life, the individual has often to lean on 
those who are like-minded because like-born so as not to 
lose himself. It has been repeatedly experienced in Jewish 

kept before the mind. The isolation of the Jew would be as great, if all 
were Christians, as at present. His separation from amongst the nations 
has been pronounced by that omnipotent word, whose truth and will in 
effecting its purposes are only equalled by the unalterable character of 
the Divine nature. They shall dwell alone. They are not amalgamated 
with the nations. In their final return, a peculiarity of religious rites and 
laws will keep them apart from other people. Once a Jew, he is always a 
Jew. whatever may be his creed " (Rev. A. G. H. HoUingsworth, Remarks, 
etc., London, 1852, p. 21). 


history that many Jews have not only lost their veriest 
substance but have voluntarily surrendered it, so that 
their culture subsisted only through an ingenious system 
of exquisite imitations of foreign nature and foreign 

What Manasseh understood under " Character of Ances- 
tors " pertains as little to atavism as the modern Jewish 
national idea. Atavism is something unconscious, it is 
found even among the dejudaized Jews. But what with 
the dejudaized is atavism becomes with nationalist Jews 
the historic basis of their whole life tendency. The com- 
prehension of the past wafts the first breath of life into 
the present, upon the wreckage of bygone times dawns 
the premonition of the greatness of each lived moment — 
and new life blossoms upon the ruins. Therein lies also 
the power of the national consciousness to create cultural 
values. What is based upon heredity and tradition is no 
longer sacrificed to thoughtless recession of self — miscon- 
strued as civilization — but replenished with national love. 
It is no longer the anarchy of aimless " culture " which 
wants to link up with the attainments of unfamiliar races 
so as to become like them, and which as an imitation it 
can never attain, but it is a strongly rooted culture, which 
reaches deep down to the national wells of life, and can 
thereby become equal to all other great and deep-rooted 

The individual is the outcome of a nation, its ultimate 
aim. The nation is the circuitous way of nature to produce 
an individual. A nation is great, not only when great 
creative minds arise from its midst, but also when the 
many live intensively, so that they receive impulses from 
the few, and return impulses to the few^ — and when the 
past lives on in the present. It is this idea of Jewish 
nationality which Manasseh had forefelt in spite of his 
mysticism. He was permeated with religious enthusiasm 
and, at the same time, all aglow with intense national 
feeling. Therefore, his thoughts and sentiments tended 
to greatness ; he understood that the best means of 
strengthening and reaffirming the national consciousness 
of a people about to lose the knowledge of its ethnical 
individuality, is just that it should be told its history, 
that its ancestors should be recalled to memory, their 
great deeds sung and praised, and that pride of the past 
should be instilled. As he poetised so sublimely he could 


also accomplish great deeds, because he kept his eye upon 
Palestine he was also able to achieve great results in the 
Diaspora. He was the father of post-exilic English Judaism, 
and this Judaism ought to follow in his footsteps. 

To conclude, reference should be made to the Hebrew 
writer Perez Smolenskin, himself a pioneer of modern 
Zionism, who, though he did not deal with the matter in 
detail, was guided by a sound intuition when he charac- 
terized Manasseh in his Am Olam (1880) as a great pioneer 
of the national idea. 


manasseh's contemporaries 

The Renaissance and the Reformation — John Sadler — Milton's belief in 
the Return — Edmund Bunny — Isaac de La Peyrere — Leibnitz — 
— ^Thomas Brightman — James Durham — The pamphlet " Doomes- 
Day " — Thomas Burnet — The pamphlet " The New Jerusalem " — 
Thomas Drake — Edward Nicholas, John Sadler, Hugh Peters, Henry 
Jesse, Isaac Vossius, Hugo Grotius, Rembrandt, Isaac da Fonseca 
Aboab, Dr. Ephraim Hezekiah Bueno, Dr. Abraham Zacuto Lusitano, 
H. H. R. Yahacob Sasportas. Haham Jacob Jehudah Aryeh de Leon 
[Templo] — Manasseh's origin. 

As a result of the impulse given to Letters generally by the 
Renaissance in the fifteenth century, and by the Refor- 
mation in the sixteenth century, the knowledge of the 
Hebrew language and literature spread rapidly in the 
literary world, and particularly in the first half of the seven- 
teenth century. Hebrew was a favourite study with Puritan 
ministers, who dwelt much upon the Messianic hopes and 
promises of the Scriptures and Rabbinical works. A great 
stir was caused among Jews as well as Christians by Monte- 
zinos' report and other rumours concerning the lost Ten 
Tribes. John Sadler (1615-1674) (Appendix xii). Town Clerk 
of London, a friend of Cromwell, and probably also of Milton 
and Dury, stated that there was an old prophecy which 
fixed the time of the Restoration at the year 5408 = 1648 a.d. 
Puritans and Sectarians began to take the greatest interest 
in Jewish Messianic affairs just before King Charles I (1600- 
1649) was executed, for most of them were looking forward 
to some new reformed Commonwealth, some new com- 
munion of saints, some republic, some peaceful kingdom of 
Truth and Justice, and they connected the restoration of 
Israel scripturally with its advent. That was one reason 
why Sadler and Cromwell and others were favourably 
disposed towards the Jews and inclined to let them come 
back to England, for the idea prevailed that the Jews had 
first to be dispersed throughout the whole world before the 
Lord would return to set up His millennial Kingdom. Milton 
thought that the whole twelve tribes would return to 
Zion ;i and similar sympathetic views are expressed in an 

1 Paradise | Regain'd. | A | Poem. | In iv. Books. | To which is added | 
Samson Agonistes. [ The Author | John Milton. [ London, | Printed by 



anonymous romance published in London in 1648, entitled 
Nova Solyma (Appendix xiii), of which it has been claimed 
he was the author. 

Edmund Bunny (1540-1619), a theological writer, devoted 
himself to the work of an itinerant preacher, visiting towns 
and villages. His doctrine was Calvinistic, but his warm 
attachment to the ideals of ancient Israel was a singular 
feature of his theological views. ^ 

The distinguished French-Huguenot scholar Isaac de La 
Peyrere (1594-1676) of Bordeaux, probably of marrano 
Jewish blood, author of many works, wrote and published 
anonymously Dy Rappeldes Ivifs, m.dc.xliii.^ (Appendix xiv) 
which was intended to be part of a greater work on the same 
subject.^ He demands in this book the restoration of Israel 
to the Holy Land in an unconverted state, in the belief that 
this restoration will lead to the final triumph of Christianity. 
He expects France to carry out this idea, and appeals in 
this sense to the Royal Djoiasty in a somewhat strange 

J. M. for John Starkey at the | Mitre in Fleet street, near Temple-Bar 
MDCLXxi (8°. 2 W. + iii-l-ioi + i /. errata). " Licensed July 2, 1670." 

[Samson Agonistes was translated into Hebrew by Joseph Massel and 
published under the title of "lUJn pK'DtJ' in Manchester, in 1890. 
(8°. 3//. + i07^/7. + 3«.)] 

Joannis Miltoni Angli De Doctrina Christiani . . . Cantabrigiae, . . . 
M.Dccc.xxv. (4^0. 6 W. + 544^^. + i /.) 

^ The I Scepter of |Ivdah :|0r, what maner of Government it\was, that unto 
the Common-wealth \ or Church of Israel was | by the Law of God|appointed.| 
By Edm. Bunny. \ . . . Imprinted at London by N. New- \ton, and A. 
Hatfield, for|7oAw^S^.l 
{Sm. 8°. 4 11. + 160 pp. + 31 II. [B. M.] 

The j Coronation of | Dauid : \ Wherein out of that part of the | Historie 
of David, that sheweth how \ he came to the Kingdome, wee have set | forth 
unto us what Is like to be the end | of these troubles that dayUe arise | for 
the Gospels sake. | By Edm. Bunny. ] . . . Imprinted at London by Thomas 
Orwin for | Thomas Gubbin and John Perin. j 1588. | 
(4^0. 6 //. -f- 108 pp. [B. M.]) 

Of The I Head-Corner- Stone : [ by Builders still over- | much omitted : 
... By Edm : Bvnny, Batche-] ler of Divinitie. | . . . Printed by W. 
laggard, 161 1. | 
(Sm. Folio. 11 II. + 577 pp. [B. M.]) 

* "... the curious will be rather surprised to learn that the Abbe [Henri] 
Grdgoire (i 750-1 831) and others have been under a mistake in asserting 
that Peyreyra's Rappel des Juifs was printed during his life-time, upwards 
of 120 years : for this singular book, as it appears from the learned Jesuit, 
his friend, he could never obtain a license ; but the fair copy, which he 
deposited in a public library, only appeared in print in Paris, after it 
became the pleasure of the head of the French government to assemble a 
Jewish Sanhedrin in May, 1806, for reasons that are obvious. . . ." 

{Gentleman's Magazine, vol. Ixxxii., November, 1812, p. 432.) 

* P\ 373 : Advis av Lectevr. Ce petit TraittS n'est qu'vn Essay et un 
Extraict d'un plus grand Desseing que i'ay conceu ; intifuli Synopsis 
DOCTRINE Christians; ad vsvm Ivd^eorvm et Gentivm. 


homiletical manner.* In 1644 he was appointed French 
Ambassador at Copenhagen. Being on intimate terms with 
the eminent scholars Isaac [Vos] Vossius (Appendix xv) 
(1618-1689) and Hugo Grotius [Huig van Groot]^ (1583- 
1645) he became acquainted with their mutual friend 
Manasseh and with Manasseh's friends, Caspar [van Baerle] 
Barlaeus (1584-1648), Simon Episcopius (1583-1643), 
Gerard John [Vos] Vossius (i577-i649),3 Johannes [van 
Meurs] Meursius (1579-1639), David Blondel (1591-1655), 
[Peter] Petrus [Serrurier] Serrarius [fl. 1650-1700) and 
Paulus Felgenhauer {circa 1625), who all supported similar 

The Rev. Thomas Draxe^ {oh. 1618), a theologian of great 
knowledge and influence, demonstrated that " all the 
particular promises, such as the land of Canaan, a certain 
form of government . . . were proper to the Jews . . .," and 
" that we (Christians) must therefore acknowledge ourselves 
debtors unto the Jews, and deeply engaged unto them, we 
must be so far off from rendering or returning them evil for 
good. . . ."^ 

Thomas Brightman (1562-1607), a Puritan Divine and 
Bible exegete, in his comment on : — 

' "le fonde cette Coiecture sur ce que cette grade Deliurance des luifs 
f lit traittce & conclue das la ville Royale de Susan : Svsan, qui signifie 
Le Lys. Ville Royale de Susun qui est done mesme chose que la ville 
Royale du Lys : and mesme chose ville Royale de France." 

This appeal recalls another of a similar kind addressed in 1672 by Baron 
G. W. von Leibnitz (1646-1716) during his sojourn in Paris (1672-1676) 
to Louis XIV (1638-1715) about the conquest of Egypt. " Epistola ad 
regem Franciae de expeditione Egyptiaca." This interesting appeal, wliich 
contains also some references to Jerusalem and Syria, was discovered in 
Hanover during the first occupation by the French and transmitted to the 
First Consul Bonaparte, who wrote from Namur on the 4th August, 1803 : 
" Mortier m'envoie a I'instant meme un manuscrit, en latin, de Leibnitz, 
adress6 a Louis XIV., pour lui proposer la conquete de I'Egypte. Cet 
ouvrage est tres-curieux." M. de Hoffmann published this document in a 
pamphlet which appeared in French in 1840 : " Memoire de Leibnitz k 
Louis XIV. sur la conquete de I'Egypte." 

^ Swedish Ambassador in Paris, 1635- 1645. 

" William Laud, Bishop of London (1628-1633), presented Gerard John 
Vossius to a canonry in Canterbury Cathedral in 1629. His son, Dionysius 
Vossius (1612-1633), translated the Conciliador (Pentateuch), Francofurti 
1632 [I. S.] of Manasseh Ben Israel into Latin, Francofurti, 1633 [I. S.] 
and Amsterdami, 1633 [I. S.]. 

* The History Of The Worthies Of England. Endeavoured by Thomas 
Fuller, D.D., London, . . . mdclxii., pp. 125-126. 

• The Worlde's Resvrrection, or The gener'all calUng of the leiveb . . ■ 
By Thomas Draxe, Minister of the word of God ... At London . . . Anno 
1608. {4to. 6U. + 124PP. [B. M.]) 


H. H. Reby Yahacoh Saportas 

From a line eugravin- (proof before all leiters) 
lent hy Israel Sotniicns 


" And the sixth [angel] poured out his vial upon 
the great river Euphrates ; and the water thereof 
dried up, that the way of the kings of the east 
might be prepared " (Revelation xvi. 12). 

gives reasons why these " kings of the east " must mean the 
Jews, and then says : " What ! Shall they return to Jeru- 
salem again ? There is nothing more certain : the prophets 
do everywhere confirm it."^ 

The Rev. James Durham (1622-1658) not only upholds, 
but gives solid reasons for his belief in the Restoration of the 
Jews. 2 

Mr. Vavasor Powel (1617-1660) expounds with abundant 
references to scriptural prophecy, the return and re-establish- 
ment of the Jews, attended with many miracles and peculiar 

An anonymous writer relates : — 

". . . . the Jewes . . . are . . . assembling . . . 
from out of all countreys ... to regaine the holy f 
land once more out of the hand of the Ottaman : "* 

(Appendix xvi). 

Thomas Burnet (1635 P-ryis), Master of the Charterhouse, 
a great scholar and celebrated author in English and Latin, 
writes : — 

Deum nunquam deserlurum esse finalifer populum 
suum Israeliticum. 

Secundo, Nondum impleta esse promissa omnia 
Israelitis data. ^ 

'*■ A Revelation Of Mr. Brightman's Revelation, Whereon Is shewed, 
how all that which Mr. Brighiman, . . . hath fore-told . . . hath beene ful- 
filled, and is yet a ful-filling, . . . whereby it is manifest, that Mr. Brighiman 
was a true Prophet. . . . Printed in the yeare of fulfilling it. 1641. 
(4to. Eng. Front. + 1 I. + 37 pp. [B. M.] 

* A Commentary Upon the Book of Revelation. . . . Delivered in several 
Lectures, by . . . Mr. James Durham, Late Minister of the Gospel in Glasgow. 
.... Edinburgh . . . 1680. 

' A New and Useful Concordance to the Holy Bible. . . . Also a Collection 
of those Scripture-Prophesies which relate to the Call of the Jews, and the 
Glory that shall be in the latter days. 

Begun by the industrious Labours of Mr. Vavasor Powel, late deceased : 
.... London, . . . 1671. 

* Doomes-Day : . . . The gathering together of the Jews ... for the 
conquering of the Holy Land. . . . London, . . . 1647. 

' De Statu Mortuorum et Resurgentium Tractatus. Ajicitur Appendix 
de Futura Judaeorum Restauratione. ' v 

Autore Thoma Burnetio, S. T. P. Editio Secunda. Londini : . . . 
M.Dcc.xxxiii. (8°. VIII. -1-432 pp. [B. M.]) 

p. vi. : Editoris Praefatio. . . . Londini, ex Hospitio Lincolniensi, mense 
Oct. A.D. 1727 : pp. 315-432 : " Appendix de Futura Judaeorum Restaura- 
tione. Autore Thoma Burnetio, S. T. P." 


Another anonymous theologian pubhshed in 1674, 
A Paper, shewing that the great . . . Restauration oj 
all Israel and Judah will be fulfilled . . . and that 
the New Jerusalem is most probably then to be set up 
(Appendix xvii). 

Among the Christian friends of Manasseh, the following 
distinguished persons may be named : Edward Nicholas, 
the author oi An Apology for the Honorable Nation of the 
Jews, 1648 (Appendix xviii) ; the above-mentioned John 
Sadler, who petitioned Richard Cromwell (1626-1712) for a 
pension for Manasseh 's widow ; Hugh Peters (1598-1660), 
one of Oliver Cromwell's army chaplains, and a strong 
advocate for the unrestricted admission of the Jews 
(Appendix xix), Isaac Vossius, the scholarly Protestant 
ecclesiastic, with whom he was in correspondence.^ Vossius, 
at one time a member of the Court of Queen Christina of 
Sweden, was instrumental in bringing Manasseh to her 
notice. 2 Dr. Nathanael Homes (1599-1678), the famous 
Puritan divine and author, ^ and the great painter Rem- 
brandt Harmenszoon van Ryn (i6o6(7)-i669). The most 
notable of his Jewish friends were, Isaac da Fonseca Aboab 
(1605-1693) (Appendix xx), Haham of the Sephardi com- 
munity at Amsterdam, on whose initiative the Great 
Synagogue there was erected. Dr. Ephraim Hezekiah 
(o&. 1665) [de Dr. Joseph* {ob. 1641)] Bueno (Bonus), author 
of several liturgical works ^ and the subject of Rembrandt's 

1 Two of these letters have been pubhshed by Heer J. M. HiUesum, in 
his article " Menasseh Ben Israel," in the Atnsterdamsch Jaarboekje, 1899, 
pp. 27-56. 

* Manasseh in her honour pubhshed in Portuguese : — Oracion Pane- 
girica a su Magestad la Reyna de Suedia. Amsterdam, 1642. 4^0. 

^ The Resurrection — Revealed Raised Above Doubts & Difficulties. 
In Ten Exercitations. . . . By Doctor Nathanael Homes. . . . London, 
Printed for the Author, a.d. 1661. 

* Wrote one of the " Aprovaciones " for "La primera parte del Con- 
ciUador enel Pentateucho, 1632." " Del excelente Senor Doctor Joseph 
Bueno, Philosopho, y Medico preclaro." : and also a Soneto wliich appears 
on the ninth introductory leaf of " Menasseh Ben Israel De I^ Resvr- 
reccion De Los Mvertos, ... En Amsterdam. En casa, y k costa del Autor. 
Ano. 5396. delacriaciondelmundo." (i2h«o. 12 W.4-187 pp.-t-i I. [I S.j 

* At the joint expense of Ephraim Bueno md Jona Abrabanel (who 
both contributed Sonetos to De La Resvrt^ccion De Los Mvertos) th« 
S«pher Ptne Rabah [I. S.] was issued at Amsterdam in the year 5388. It 
was edited, re-arranged and printed by Manasseh Ben Israel. Jona 
{ob. 1667) Abrabanel was a poet, and son of Dr. Joseph (ph. 1620 ?) Abra- 
banel, a physician in Amsterdam, whose sister Rachel was the wife of 
Manasseh Ben Israel. Their father, Isaac Abrabanel. a scientist (06. i573). 
lived and died in Ferrara. Italy, and was on intimate terms with the famous 
marrano physician, Juan Rodrigo de Castel-Branco [Amatus Lusitanus] 

Dr. Ephraim H. Bonus 

Dr. Abraham Zacut 

H. H. R. Manasseh Ben-israel 

Hexham J. J. A. de Leon 
[ Templo] 

H. H. R. Isaac Aboab 
da Fonseca 

From rare engra7<ings lent by Israel Solomons 


famous etching " The Jew Doctor " ; Dr. Abraham Zacuto 
Lusitano (1580-1642) (Appendix xxi), one of the most 
celebrated physicians of his age ; Jacob Jehudah Aryeh de 
Leon [Templo] (1603-1675), chiefly known as having designed 
models of the Tabernacle and Temple and was called 
" Templo " for that reason, which was assumed as a surname 
by his descendants. In anticipation of his visit to England, 
to exhibit the models before Charles II (1630-1685) and his 
Court, he published in Amsterdam a pamphlet in English 
describing them (Appendix xxii) : and H. H. R. Yahacob 
Sasportas (1610-1698), who accompanied Manasseh to 
England in 1655, was appointed in the month of Nisan, 1664, 
Haham of the Sephardi community in London. He was the 
author of one of the treatises in Sepher Pene Rabah edited by 
Manasseh Ben Israel . . . Amsterdam 5388, and also wrote 
Sepher Ohel Ya'acob and Sepher Kizur Zizath Nobel Zebi, 
which were published together at Amsterdam 5497, against 
the adherents of Sabbatai Zebi (1626-1676). His stay here 
was of short duration — ^not quite two years. He left the 
country to escape the plague which was then raging, and 
subsequently, in 1681, became the Ecclesiastical Head of 
the Sephardi Jews in Amsterdam. It is noteworthy that 
two of these friends of Manasseh, Aboab and Sasportas, were 
particularly interested in the Messianic hopes, though from 
different points of view. Aboab, a Cabbalist, whose religious 
poetry is remarkable for chaste diction and wealth of 
imagination, was supposed to be a secret Sabbatian, while 
Sasportas, sober-minded and a strict Talmudist, was strongly 
opposed to the mystical tendencies of pseudo-Messianism, 
and hoped for the restoration in the traditional way. 

In 1603 Joseph Ben-Israel, the father of Manasseh, and 
his wife Rachel Soeiro, secretly left Lisbon. He had been a 
victim of the Inquisition, which deprived him of bis wealth, 
and on three distinct occasions had been subjected to 
excruciating tortures, which undermined his health. They 
apparently fled to La Rochelle, France, for it was here that 
Manasseh was shortly afterwards born, in 1604, as is attested 
by his marriage certificate, deposited in the Archives of the 
City of Amsterdam (Puiboek, No. 669, fo. 95 verso, 15 Aug. 
1623). Here he was also baptized, as it was not until his 
parents arrived at Amsterdam that they dared avow their 

(1511-1568). He was the son of Joseph Abrabanel (1471-1552), a doctor 
of medicine, bom at Lisbon and died at Ferrara, whose father, Don Isaac, 
was the illustrious Bible'commentator and statesman. 


faith in the God of Israel. In a holograph letter* of Manasseh 
to an unknown correspondent (suggested by Mr. E. N. Adler, 
the owner, to be Gerard John Vossius) he writes : "... and 
the Thesoro delos Dinim (Appendix xxiii) of our rites and 
ceremonies, the last in my Portuguese mother tongue, for I 
am a Lisbonian by patrimony. ..." He did not claim Lisbon 
as his own birthplace, but as that of his father. Most of his 
connections were with Spanish and Portuguese Jews, though 
he was opposed to any sort of separation, condemning it in 
his writings, and emphasizing the necessity of Jewish unity 
and brotherhood. It is noteworthy that a hundred and 
twenty-six years later, when the father of Jewish Rational- 
ism, Moses Mendelssohn (1729-1786), had to defend Judaism 
and the Jewish people, he found no better apology than 
Manasseh's Vindiciae JudcBorum (1656), which was trans- 
lated into German, and for which he wrote the admirable 
Vorrede (Appendix xxiv). 

* Amsterdam, ultimo de Jan'", 1648. 
]\lageo y muy docto S' 

. . . y el Thesoro de los dinim de nuestros ritos y ceremonias, este en 
mi lengua maierna lusitana, porq' yo soy por pairia Lixbonense. . . . Con esto 
me despide, hora vale amantissimo S. 

El Haham Menasseh Ben Israel. 

Jeivish Quarterly Review, No. 63, p. 569, vol. xvi., April, 1904. — About 
Hebrew Manuscripts, by Elkan Nathan Adler . . . London . . . 1905. 
pp. 65-77 — ^'/se Jewish Historical Society of England Transaction-^ . . . 
Edinburgh and London. 1908 . . . pp. 177-183. 



Newes from Rome — Rev. Dr. William Gouge — Sir Henry Finch, Sergeant- 
at-law — King James I — Archbishop Laud — Archbishop Abbot — Roger 
Williams — Johanna Cartwright and her son Ebenezer — John Harrison 
— Rev. John Dury — Rev. Henry Jessey — Rev. Thomas Fuller — 
Re-admission and Restoration — Manasseh and the Puritans. 

The publication of a tract in 1607, entitled : — 

" Newes from Rome . . . of an Hebrew people . . . 
who pretend their warre is to recouer the land of 
Promise ..." (Appendix xxv) 

is remarkable for the interest evinced at a time when the 
presence of a Jew in England was deemed unlawful. It 
purports to be a translation from the Italian of a letter dated 
I June, 1606, sent by Signior Valesco to Don Mathias de 
Rensie of Venice. In it he is informed of the perturbed state 
of the world, and that Hungary, Bohemia and Muscovia are 
to declare war, seize Constantinople, and drive the Turk out 
of Europe. Tunis, Morocco, with the Arabians, and others, 
are to expel the Turk entirely out of Africa. The Soffie, the 
Medes, the people of Melibar on the border of India are in 
revolt. The most alarming news is to the effect than an un- 
known people, strong, mighty and swift, from beyond the 
Caspian mountains, claiming to be descendants of the lost 
Ten Tribes, are coming to recover the Land of Promise from 
the Turk. This is followed by a detailed account of the 
leaders of each tribe, the strength of each army, with the 
particulars of its equipment. The letter concludes by a 
promise of more news in a few days. 

It was, however, a Puritan England that welcomed back 
the Jews as an ancient nation and as the " People of the 
Book." In 1621 the Rev. Dr. William Gouge (1578-1653; 
published the anonymous work : — 

The World's Great Restauration. Or, The Calling 
ofthelewes (Appendix xxvi). 

In the preliminary leaf, " To the Reader," signed " Thine 



in the Lord, William Gouge. Church-Court in Black-fryers, 
London 8. lanuary. 1621." he states : — 

". . . / hatte bin moued to publish this Treatise . . . 
and to commend it to thy reading. And this is all that 
I haue done. The worke it selfe is the worke of one 
who hath dived deeper into that mysterie then I can 
doe. His great understanding of the Hebrew tongue 
hath bin a great helpe to him therein. How great his 
paines haue beene, not in this onely but also in other 
poynts of Diuinitie, his Sacred doctrine of Diuinitie, 
first published in a little Manuel, after set forth in a 
larger volume, his Old Testament, or Promise, 
Therein the mysteries of the Jewish types and cere- 
monies are opened, his Exposition of the song of 
Salomon,^ and this, The World's great restauration, 
or Calling of the lewes {workes of his heretofore and 
now published) doe witnesse." 

The writer, Sir Henry Finch (155 8-1 625), Serjeant-at-Law 
(161 6), was a distinguished author of many legal works. 
Mr. J. M. Rigg, in the Dictionary of National Biography, 
vol. xix., 1889, tells us, that in this treatise "he seems to 
have predicted in the near future the restoration of temporal 
dominion to the Jews and the establishment by them of a 
world-wide empire." This caused James I to treat the work 
as a libel, and accordingly Finch was arrested in April, 1621. 
He obtained his liberty by disavowing all such portions of 
the work as might be construed as derogatory to the 
sovereign and by apologizing for having written unadvisedly. 
William Laud (1573-1645), Bishop of St. David's, 1621,2 
in a sermon preached in July of that year, took occasion to 
animadvert on the book. It was suppressed, and is now 
extremely rare. 

In spite of the official proceedings, in consequence of 
which he was forced to sign his recantation and acknowledge 
his loyalty to the sovereign. Finch clearly never renounced 
the principal idea of his book. A letter from the pen of a 
celebrity of the day gives a fair idea not only of the sensa- 

* The Sacred Doctrine of Divinity, 1589, 1613 ; and Exposition of the 
Song of Salomon, 1615, issued anonymously, are in the Bodleian Library. 
Neither Wood's AthencB, Bohn's Lowndes, The Dictionary of National 
Biography, nor The British Museum catalogue mention them. 

* Bishop of Bath and Wells, 1626 ; Bishop of London, 1628 ; Arch- 
bishop of Canterbury, 1633. 


tion which Finch's Apocryphal Apocalypse created at the 
time, but also of the personal and somewhat strange motives 
underlying King James's indignation (Appendix xxvii). 

Dr. Gouge was considered equally culpable. He was 
imprisoned for nine weeks, and only released on giving 
certain explanations, which [George Abbot (1562-1633)] the 
Archbishop of Canterbury (161 1) deemed satisfactory. He 
was a fellow of King's College, Cambridge, where he taught 
Hebrew, having been the only steadfast pupil of a Jew 
(Appendix xxviii) who came to Cambridge to give instruc- 
tion in that language. 

Roger Williams (i6o4(5)-i683), the son of James {oh. 1621) 
and AUce Williams, was a native of London. He was one 
of the great pioneers of Religious liberty, his prime con- 
tention being that the civil powers should have no authority 
over the consciences of men. Ecclesiastical tyranny induced 
him to emigrate in 163 1 to America. In 1635 he was banished 
from the state of Massachusetts for his heretical and political 
opinions. The following year he and a few other mal- 
contents, after many hardships and trials arrived at Rhode 
Island, and in gratitude to God's mercy he named the first 
settlement " Providence." In 1638 he purchased land from 
the aborigines, and the state of Rhode Island was founded. 
In June, 1643, he set sail for his native land to obtain a 
charter, which was granted, dated 14 March, 1644, giving 
the " Providence Plantations " full power to rule them- 
selves by any form of government they preferred. During 
his stay here of but a few months, he published two tracts 
advocating rehgious and political freedom. In one he 
writes : " For who knowes not but many ... of the . . . 
Jewish Religion, may be clear and free from scandalous 
offences in their life, and also from disobedience to the 
Civill Lawes of a State ?^ 

In July, 1644, he left the EngHsh shores, and in the 
following month, the tract containing this plea for the Jews, 
was by the order of the Commons publicly burnt by the 
common hangman. The author arrived at Boston on the 
seventeenth of December following. In 1651 he again 
embarked for England, in connection with matters concern- 

^ The|Blovdy tenent,|of Persecution, for cause of|Conscience, discussed, 
in] A Conference betweene\Trvth and Peace. |Who, In all tender Affection, 
present to the High|Court of Parliament, (as the Result of|their Discourse) 
these, (amongst other | Passages) of highest consideration. \ 
Printed in the Year 1644. 
(4to. 12 «. 4-247 />/). [B. M.]) Chap. Ivi., ^. 171, 

I.— E 


ing the State he had founded and remained for two and a 
half years. 

Ecclesiastical affairs here were in an unsettled condition, 
so a " Parliamentary Committee," known as " The Com- 
mittee for the Propagation of the Gospel," was formed, of 
which Cromwell himself was a member, to consider certain 
proposals of some twenty leading divines. Among the 
papers, one presented by Major Butler and others, contained 
the following clause : — 

4. " Whether it be not the duty of the Magis- 
trates to permit the Jews, ... to Uve freely and 
peaceably among us." 

This was accompanied by a comment, signed R.W.,* in 
which he argues at length under seven different heads why 
" this wrong " — their exclusion should not be continued : — 

" I humbly conceive it to be the Duty of the 
Civil Magistrate to break down that superstitious 
wall of separation (as to Civil things) between us 
Gentiles and the Jews, and freely (without this 
asking) to make way for their free and peaceable 
Habitation amongst us." 

" As other Nations, so this especially, and the 
Kings thereof have had just cause to fear, that the 
unchristian oppressions, incivilities and inhuman- 
ities of this Nation against the Jews have cried to 
Heaven against this Nation and the Kings and 
Princes oiit." 

" What horrible oppressionsand horrible slaughters 
have the Jews suffered from the Kings and peoples 
of this Nation, in the Reigns of Henry 2 (1133- 
1189), K. John (1167-1216), Richard I. (1157- 
1199) and Edward I. (1239-1307), concerning which 
not only we, but the Jews themselves keep 

He returned to Providence in 1654, and in September, 
shortly after his arrival, was elected President or Governor 

1 Roger Williams. 

■ The fourth paper presented by Major Butler to the honourable 
Committee of Parliament for the propagating the Gospel. . . . 

Also a letter from Mr. Goad, to Major Butler, upon occasion of the said 
paper and proposals. 

Together ^rith a testimony to the said fourth paper. By R. W. 

Unto which is subjoyned the fifteen proposals of the Ministers. 

London, 1652. 4^0. 


of Rhode Island, one of the thirteen original states of the 
Union, and the first to accord Jews rights and privileges 
similar to other colonists. He held office until May, 1658, 
and it is worthy of note that one who took a significant part 
in securing the admission of Jews to England in the Old 
World, was the founder of a state in New England in the 
New World, which was the first to grant equal rights to 
Jews at a time when he was its President. He died at 
Providence in the early part of April, 1683.^ 

In 1899 a tablet, with the following inscription : — 

In Memory of Roger Williams, 

Formerly a Scholar of Charterhouse 

Founder of the State of Rhode Island, and the 

Pioneer of ReUgious Liberty in America. Placed here by 

Oscar S. Straus, United States Minister to Turkey, 1899. 

was presented to the Charterhouse, where Williams was a 
scholar in the year 1624. 

In 1649 two Baptists of Amsterdam, Johanna Cartwright 
and her son Ebenezer, presented a petition to Lord Fairfax 
(161 2-71) and the " generall Councell of Officers " in favour 
of the Jews (Appendix xxix). Religious fervour had been 
stirred to a high pitch, and there were few men whose minds 
had not been influenced by Messianic beliefs and other 
religious and mystical ideas. 

John Harrison {fl. 1630), a famous traveller and diplo- 
matist, envoy to Barbary, published The Messiah already 
come, etc. (Appendix xxx). He took a lively interest in the 
disputes which arose between partisans of the new Puritan 
movement and those who adhered to the old doctrines, 
besides dweUing on the question of religious liberty, and he 
argued that so long as the Jews were not equal in their 
rights to others as a nation, " the heart will be filled with 

John Dury (Durie), the ubiquitous Protestant divine, 
who travelled much and endeavoured to bring together all 
sections of Protestantism, was a great friend of the Jews. 
He was one of those who drew up the " Westminster Con- 
fession " and " Catechisms." In 1649-50 he wrote An 
Epistolicall Discourse of Mr. lohn Dury, to Mr. Thorowgood, 
concerning his conjecture that the Americans are descended 
from the Israelites (Appendix xxxi), and during his stay at 
Cassel, in Germany, A Case of Conscience, Whether it he 

^ Roger Williams, The Pioneer of Religious Liberty. By Oscar S. Straua. 
. . . New York . . . 1894. 


lawful to admit Jews into a Christian Commonwealth? 
(Appendix xxxii).^ 

Another great friend of the Jews was Henry Jessey, or 
Jacie (1601-1663), a Baptist divine. He began his studies 
in 1618 at Cambridge, where at St. John's College in 1662 
he was admitted Constable's scholar. Hebrew and Rabbinical 
literatures were his favourite studies. He projected a revised 
translation of the Bible and made some progress in it. He 
collected ;^300 for the poor Jews of Jerusalem, who in con- 
sequence of the war between the Swedes and Poles in 1657 
were reduced to great extremity, as the main source of in- 
come derived from their charitable corehgionists in European 
countries was thereby cut off. This is, as far as is known, 
the earliest instance of English Christians helping the Jews 
of Palestine (Appendix xxxiii). 

In 1653 he wrote a treatise for the purpose of reconciling 
the various religious opinions of Jews and Gentiles, entitled, 
The Glory of Jehudah and Israel (Appendix xxxiv). 

His liberality to Jews was memorable on other occasions. 
He claimed for them the rights of citizenship and admission 
to this country which was then under consideration. 

He was one of the members of the Assembly convened by 
Cromwell to consider Manasseh Ben Israel's proposals for 
the return of his coreligionists to England. He is supposed 
to be the author of an anonymous tract, entitled A Narrative 
of the late Proceeds at White-Hall, concerning the Jews 
(Appendix xxxv). 

Thomas Fuller (i6o8-i66i),2 Prebendary of Sahsbury, 
delivered several sermons, in which he argued that the 
Jewish nation was fulfilling an important office in the world 

* The Rev. Walter Begley, in his issue of Nova Solyma, 1902, vol. i. p. 350, 

refers to the Commonwealth of Israel, 1650, as one of Dury's works. The 
catalogues of the British Museum and the Bodleian Libraries do not record 
a copy. The D.N.B. does not include it in its list of his works, but men- 
tions 20. Epistolary Discourse [on Israelitish origin'], 1649, and 27. Epis- 
tolary Discourse [on Americans being Israelites'], 1650, both equally un- 
known. The latter, however, may be " An Epistolicall Discourse Of Mr. 
lohn Dury . . . that the Americans are descended from the Israelites." 
printed in the preliminary leaves of I ewes in America . . . Tho: Thorow- 
good . . . 1650. 

2 Author of " A Pisgah-Sight of Palestine "... London . . . mdcl. 
He was the elder brother of Francis Fuller (163 7-1 701), at whose obsequies 
the Rev. Jeremiah White (1629-1707) said : "... But I will add no more 
concerning his Learning, because it was not only a Personal, but hereditary 
Accomplishment : For I think it did belong to his Family to be learned ..." 
\p. 112 : "A Funeral Sermon Preached upon the Death Of the Reverend 
Mr. Francis Fuller . . . By Jeremiah White, . . . London . . . 1702."] 
(Sm. 8°. 4 «. + 119 pp. [B. M.]) 

Sir Oliver St. John 

Thos. Brightman 

Rev. Dr% WiiJ.iAM Gouge 

Hugo Grotius 

Rev. Henrv Jessev 


and was, under the order of Providence, an instrument in 
giving the victory to good over evil. This nation ought not, 
therefore, to content itself with mere existence, but should 
throw its elements, or the best of them, into another mould 
and constitute out of them a new society which would 
become a blessing to the world. 

All these Christian pioneers of religious liberty and Zionism 
were in close connection with Manasseh, and helped him to 
prepare the way for the re-admission of the Jews into 

The view held by many Christians, especially in England, 
was that the Israelitish race, now scattered over the face of 
the earth, would eventually be brought back to its own 
land. To this was generally added the belief that the Jews 
would return in a converted, i.e. Christian, state. ^ In con- 
formity with the general spirit of the period, all these ideas 
had a religious colouring in the minds both of English 
theologians and writers and of the Jews themselves. 

Why were these considerations particularly important 
with regard to England ? In seeking an answer to this 
question we are met at once by the significant fact dealt 
with in the first chapter of this book : the attachment of 
Englishmen to the Bible, 

The men and women who live in the pages of the Bible 
had long ago become recognized types , for the English 
nation. As early as the seventeenth century interest in 
the restoration of Israel had become deep and general, 
England providing the earUest stimulus to Zionism. The 
connection between this idea, and the idea of the readmission 
of the Jews into England after long years of exclusion, 
following their final expulsion under Edward I. in the year 
1290, and the steady progress of the latter idea, supported 
and determined by the former, is characteristic not only of 
Manasseh's writings, efforts and plans, but of the whole epoch. 
Facts prove with what steadfastness of aim and consist- 
ency of thought the problem was attacked and conquered 
by the Puritan theologians and writers, and to what an 
extent their defence of the Jews formed one comprehensive 
and consistent scheme, of which the readmission of the 
Jews (justice apphed to individuals) was one part, and 
the Restoration of Israel (justice applied to the nation as a 
whole) was another. 

^ The final ingathering of the Jews is taught in both the Jewish and 
Christian Bibles. 


Whoever studies Manasseh's writings and the Puritau 
literature of that epoch will have no difficulty in recog- 
nizing that the idea of national justice to the Jews underlies 
all the discussions and controversies and is common to all 
schools of thought. Thus Zionism has but brought to light 
and given practical form and a recognized position to a prin- 
ciple which had long consciously or unconsciously guided 
English opinion. The ideas of Readmission and Restoration 
originally formed a single stream in England, before they 
separated to flow in distinct but parallel channels. Read- 
mission, however, became an immediate practical result, 
whilst Restoration was left for the future. 



Dr. John Jortin — ^Thomas Newton, Bishop of Bristol — Edward King — 
Samuel Horsley, Bishop of Rochester and St. Asaph — Jewish Colonies 
in South America — Marshal de Saxe's scheme — Anecdote by Mar- 
gravine of Anspach — Earl of Egmont's project — Proposed settlement 
of German Jews in Pennsylvania — ^Viscount Kingsborough's Mexican 
colony — John Adams, President of the United States. 

The books and pamphlets, consisting largely of interpre- 
tations of the Bible, naturally contain many ideas open to 
serious criticism on the part of a modern reader. Inevitably 
also (seeing that the writers were theologians) they exhibit 
a persistent tendency to conversionism. But one thing that 
continually impresses one is the earnestness and sincerity 
revealed throughout. The readmission of the Jews into 
England was likewise connected in some quarters with con- 
versionist tendencies, but on the whole it was an act of 
justice, and the Jews profited by it. 

The writers with whom we have been dealing were men 
trained from childhood to read the Holy Scriptures, to 
reflect upon what they read, and to consider every question 
from the standpoint of their religious convictions. A certain 
weakness will no doubt be found in the one-sided exegetical 
tendency shown in the numberless explanations of the 
seventh chapter of the Book of Daniel, and various Apoca- 
lyptic prophecies. But have not all the different denomin- 
ations done the same ? Has not each one made use of some 
part of the Bible in order to support its ideas ? Does not 
every sect explain the word of God according to its own way 
of thinking ? Do not the opinions of one sect conflict with 
and contradict those of another ? It must be remembered 
that this method of Scriptural interpretation was in keeping 
with the spirit of the time, and that the entire question was 
still in its infancy. Be that as it may, one cannot but be 
grateful for the devotion of these Christian champions, in 
spite of the peculiarity of some of their notions. Although 
as Jews we often differ from them as regards the interpre- 
tation and application of certain verses, still we cannot 



withhold our admiration for the sincere enthusiasm which is 
evinced in most of their writings. 

Dr. John Jortin (1698-1770), an ecclesiastical historian 
and critic, the author of The Life of Erasmus . . . London . . . 
1758-1760, and of many books dealing with the problem of 
the Jewish people, developed the idea that the preservation 
of this people, " under such long, such signal and such un- 
exampled persecutions and calamities inclines one to think 
that they are reserved for some illustrious purpose of 

Thomas Newton (1704-1782), Bishop of Bristol (1761), 
a divine of great authority, defended the idea of the Restora- 
tion of Israel in words which no Jewish national enthusiast 
could excel. The Jews, he believes, will be restored to their 
native city and country. At the same time, he emphasizes 
the dignity and the necessity of Jewish distinctiveness all 
over the world, and condemns anti- Jewish prejudice : — 

" We see that the great empires, which in their 
turns subdued and oppressed the people of God, 
are all come to ruin ; because, tho' they executed 
the purposes of God, yet that was more than they 
understood ; all that they intended was to satiate 
their own pride and ambition, their own cruelty 
and revenge. And if such hath been the fatal end 
of the enemies and oppressors of the Jews, let it 
serve as a warning to all those, who at any time or 
upon any occasion are for raising a clamor and 
persecution against them "^ (Appendix xxxvi). 

Edward King (1725-1807), a miscellaneous writer and 
essayist, was a zealous champion of more enhghtened 
theological views than were approved in his day by the 
orthodox behevers. In one of his books, ^ which is written 
with intense faith and enthusiasm, and abounds in beautiful 
passages that appeal to the imagination and heart, the one 
point in which he is particularly emphatic is the return of 
the Jews as Jews to the Holy Land. 

Samuel Horsley (1733-1806), Bishop of Rochester (1793- 
1802), Bishop of St. Asaph (1802-1806), considered King's 
book of sufficient importance to publish another^ in reply, 

^ Dissertations on the Prophecies, . . . vol. i. . . . mdccliv. pp. 241-242. 

» Remarks on The Signs of the Times ; By Edward King, Esq., f.r.s.a.s. 
.... London: . , . 1798. (4/0. /[opp. [B. M.]) 

» Critical Disquisitions on the Eighteenth Chapter of Isaiah, in A Letter 
to Edward King, Esq.. f.r.s.a.s. By Samuel, Lord Bishop of Rochester, 
F.R.S.A.S. London :... M.DCC.xcix. {^to. v.-\-ioopp- [B. M.]) 


from which one gathers, that the opinions expressed by 
King were not entirely rejected. " I agree with you," wrote 
the Bishop, " that some passages in Zechariah {fl. 3408 a.m.) 
in particular, make strongly for this idea of a previous 
settlement . . . and so far I can admit. ..." 

This declaration must have made a profound impression. 
It was the declaration of a man who was, as a contem- 
porary biographer says, " an ornament to the Senate, an 
honour to the Church of England, and one of the first 
characters of the age in which he lived." 

In some tracts written at the beginning of the nineteenth 
century a semi-political note is already sounded, as, for 
instance, in the tract A Call to the Christians and the Hebrews, 
by Thecetetus (Appendix xxxvii). This call did not find an 
immediate response ; nevertheless, the political idea of the 
Restoration of Israel reappeared at various epochs in 
England as well as in the other English-speaking countries 
and elsewhere. 

The various efforts to estabUsh autonomous Jewish 
Colonies in America during the early history of that country 
are not strictly Zionism, but are not without interest from 
the Zionist point of view. " Under the authority of the 
Dutch West India Company. ... In 1652, a tract of land . . . 
was granted in the island of Curasao to Joseph Nunez da 
Fonseca, and others, to found a colony of Jews in that 
island . . . but it was not successful. . . ." ^ 

About 1654 a project was formed for a settlement in 
Surinam, then a British colony, with Jewish fugitives from 
Brazil. The scheme is referred to as " Privileges Granted to 
the People of the Hebrew Nation that are to goe to the 
Wilde Cust " {Egerton MSS., vol. 2395, No. 8. [B. M.] ). 

A grant was made by the French West India Company to 
David Nasi, a Portuguese Jew, in 1659, by a charter which 
authorized him to found a Jewish colony in Cayenne. 

Some of the later projects are even more interesting. 
About the year 1749 Marshal de Saxe^ contemplated erecting 

^ The Settlement of the Jews in North America. By Charles P. Daly, 
LL.D. . . . New York . . . 1893. p. 9. 

^ Hermann-Maurice (i 696-1 750) [Moritz von Sachsen], Comte de Saxe, 
Marshal of France, was the illegitimate son of Friedrich August (i 670-1 733) 
the First, Elector of Saxony (1694-1733), who reigned over Poland (1697- 
1733) as August the Second [the Strong] ; and Maria Aurora (1668-1728) 
Grafin von Konigsmark. His father's legitimate son (1696-1763), who suc- 
ceeded to both dignities as Friedrich August the Second, Elector of Saxony, 
and as August the Third, King of Poland (i 733-1 763), was the father of 
Maria Josepha, the wife of the Dauphin Louis {1729-1765), and mother of 
that unfortunate Monarch, Louis XVI (i 774-1 792) of France. 


a Jewish state in South America of which he would be King. 
"... We have only meagre accounts of this scheme ; I am 
unable even to say whether he had abandoned it prior to 
his death. . . ."^ 

The Margravine of Anspach* tells us in her anecdotes 
about him, that " He took a fancy to become a king : and 
on looking around . . ., as he found all the thrones occupied, 
he cast his eyes upon that nation which for seventeen 
hundred years had neither sovereign nor country ; which 
was everywhere dispersed, and everywhere a stranger. . . . 
This extraordinary project occupied his attention for a con- 
siderable time. It is not known how far the Jews co- 
operated with him, nor to what point their negotiations 
were carried ; nor was his plan ever developed : but the 
project was well known to the world, and his friends some- 
times even joked with him on the subject."^ 

John Perceval (1711-1770), the second Earl of Egmont, 
when scarce a man, had a scheme of assembling the Jews, 
and making himself their King.'* 

Hardly was the constitution of Pennsylvania of September 
28th, 1776, adopted. ... A German Jew, whose name and 
domicile are not mentioned, forwarded a letter to the 
President of the Continental Congress . . . that a number of 
German Jews had the intention of setthng in America. . . . 
Let the conditions be stated to us, gracious President ^ 

Edward King (1795-1837), Viscount Kingsborough, 
eldest son of George, third Earl of Kingston (1771-1839), 
promoted and edited with copious notes a magnificent work, 
entitled Antiquities of Mexico ... 9 vols. Imperial Foho and 
60 pp. of a tenth volume. London, 1830-1848. The drift of 
King's speculations was to estabhsh the colonization of 
Mexico by the Israelites.® 

* Early American Zionist Projects, by Max. J. Kohler, a.m., ll.b., in 
Publications of the American Jewish Historical Society, 1900, No. 8 
pp. 76-79. 

2 Elizabeth (i 750-1 828), youngest daughter of the fourth Earl of 
Berkeley, k.t. (i7I5(6)-I755), who in 1767 married WiUiam Craven (1738- 
1791), afterwards the sixth Baron Craven. In the month following his 
death, she espoused the Margrave of Anspach {ob. 1806). 

^ Memoirs of the Margravine of Anspach. Written by Herself . . . 
London: . . . 1826. Vol. ii., />p. 132-133. 

* Note by Lord Holland (i 773-1840) in Memoirs of the Reign of King 
George II (1683-1760), by Horace Walpole (1717-1797) . . . London . . . 1847. 
Vol. i., second edition, p. 35. 

' A Memorial sent by German Jews to the President of the Continental 
Congress. By Dr. M. KayserUng. (Publications of the American Jewish 
Historical Society, No. 6, 1897, pp. 5-6.) 

* Gordon Goodwin in the Dictionary of National Biography. 


In this connection special mention should be made of a 
great American who was undoubtedly inspired by English 
Puritanism and displayed the same broad-mindedness as the 
Puritans in relation to the Jewish problem. This was John 
Adams (i 735-1 826) , the second President of the United States 
of America (1797-1801), and one of the most distinguished 
patriots of the Revolution. He was one of the most en- 
thusiastic supporters of the Zionist idea. In a letter ad- 
dressed to Major Mordecai Manuel (1785-1851), he says : 
" I really wish the Jews again in Judea, an independent 
nation, for, as I believe, the most enlightened men of it have 
participated in the amehoration of the philosophy of the age ; 
once restored to an independent government, and no longer 
persecuted, they would soon wear away some of the asperities 
and peculiarities of their character, . . . ," But, anticipating 
that he might be wrongly supposed to desire the return of 
the Jews to Palestine for the purpose of getting them away 
from America or limiting their rights in that country, he con- 
tinues : "I wish your nation may be admitted to all the 
privileges of citizens in every part of the world. This 
country (America) has done much ; I wish it may do more, 
and annul every narrow idea in reUgion, government and 
commerce. "1 

* Discourse on The Restoration of the Jews : Delivered at the Taber- 
nacle, Oct. 28 and Dec. 2, 1844. By M. M. Noah. With a Map of the 
LAud oi Israel. New York: . . . 1845. (8°. viii. + 55 /7^. + folded map.) 
p. vi. : "I find similar and stronger sentiments in a letter from President 
John Adams, written to me when nearly in his ninetieth year, with all the 
fervour, sincerity and zeal he exhibited in the early scenes of our 
Revolution," etc. 



The Love and Knowledge of the Holy Land — The Land of the Bible — The 
Bible Societies and the Institutions for the Investigation of the Holy 
Land — The Palestine Exploration Fund — Colonel Conder — Sir Charles 
Wilson — Sir Charles Warren — Lord Kitchener. 

The love and knowledge of the Holy Land were scarcely less 
valuable than the influence of the Bible and its language 
in paving the way for an understanding of Zionist aspira- 
tions. What is more natural than that the Land of Israel 
most strongly attracted the Christian Englishman by its past 
history and its present condition ? He could not lay 
his hand upon his Bible without being reminded of the 
Jordan, of the Lebanon, of the Mount of Olives. Every 
Sunday called to his mind the ancient history and lost 
prosperity of the "glory of all lands," while the existing 
ruin and desolation of the country gave testimony to the 
truth of the Bible and the certainty of the promised blessings. 

While the familiar passages of Scripture concerning the 
Restoration were calculated to promote human effort in this 
great cause — for in many of these passages the spiritual 
application is not the most obvious, and all of them seem 
inspired by the vision of a real and natural return to the 
Land — the Biblical descriptions of the Holy Land contributed 
not less to the propaganda of what we may call the Zionist 
idea. There is no country whose geography is, if not better 
known, at any rate dearer to the heart of man than that of 
the land of which the Bible speaks. 

Apart from the divine character of the Scriptures, they 
have handed down through the centuries the earliest history 
of which we have any records, and have preserved for all 
time records of the economic, domestic and political life of a 
people which inhabited one of the most important provinces 
of the ancient world. The people and the land are no 
allegory, no abstraction ; they are realities. They still 
exist, and they can be brought together again as they 
were in their natural condition. They are both equally 
typical, almost unique. There is no other country whose 



geographical features are so strongly marked as those of 
Palestine, the character of whose inhabitants so strikingly 
depends on peculiarities of position, soil and climate. 
And there is no other people whose character, history 
and destinies are so peculiar as those of the Jewish 

Two kinds of English organizations, without parallel in 
any other country — Bible Societies and Palestine Societies — 
have contributed particularly to the investigation of Palestine. 
Apart from their conversionist tendency, the Bible Societies 
were founded in order " to promote the circulation of the 
Holy Scriptures, both at home and in foreign lands." This 
idea could take deep hold of the minds of the people only 
in England. The first Bible Society of Great Britain was 
founded in 1802 (Appendix xxxviii). Shortly afterwards — 
in 1805 — a " Palestine Association "^ was established for the 
purpose of promoting the knowledge of its geography, 
natural history and antiquities, with a view to the illustra- 
tion of the Holy Writings. The inquiries of the Society were 
directed in the first place to ascertaining the natural and 
political boundaries of the several districts within the hmits 
of the Land of Israel, the topographical situation of the 
towns and villages, the courses of streams and rivers, the 
ranges of mountains, and the manners and customs of the 
inhabitants. They extended to the natural products of the 
Holy Land and adjacent countries, to peculiarities of soil, 
climate and minerals, and to the exploration for Jewish 
antiquities. This was, however, by no means the beginning 
of the study of Palestine : it was rather a new organization 
of the studies in question. But notwithstanding the learned 
and laborious compilations of Christianus Adrichomus 
(1533-1585), Petrus Ravanellus {ob. 1680), Christophorus 
Cellarius (1638-1707), Thomas Fuller (1608-1661), John 
Lightfoot (1602-1675), and the more recent work of Dom 
[Antoine] Augustin Calmet (1672-1757), Johann Heinrich 
Michaelis (1668-1738), Thomas Harmer (1715-1788), Willem 
Albert Bachiene (1712-1783), and Ijsbrand van Hamelsveld 
(1743-1812), many of the most important points were still 
left unexamined. " No country should be of so much interest 
to us as Palestine, and at the same time no country more 
urgently requires illustration." With this motto the 
" Palestine Association " started its fruitful work, which it 

* Palestine Association. 1805. (Proposals.) p. 4. Saville Row, March 
31.1805. [B. M.] 


continued during the whole of the last century with growing 
skill and success. 

The Society known as the " Palestine Exploration 
Fund " was first formally constituted in 1865. The object 
of the founders was the prosecution of systematic and 
scientific research in all branches of inquiry connected with 
the Holy Land, and the principal reason alleged for con- 
ducting this inquiry was the illustration of the Bible which 
might be expected to follow such an investigation. The 
Society numbered among its first supporters both Christians 
and Jews. The War Office granted the services of Royal 
Engineers for the execution of excavation work — Colonel 
Claude Reignier Conder (i 848-1 910), Sir Charles William 
Wilson (1836-1905), and Sir Charles Warren. Colonel 
Conder devoted his whole life to Palestinian research. 
Earl Kitchener (1850-1916) surveyed Galilee for the Society, 
and his work aroused general interest and led to impor- 
tant results (Appendix xxxix). Hitherto knowledge regard- 
ing the country had been very limited ; reconnaissance 
sketch-maps of parts of the country had been made, but 
every successive traveller was able to point out deficiencies, 
errors and unexplored tracts. With trained skill, thorough- 
ness and conscientious work the Society combined a love 
and enthusiasm for Palestine which made it possible to 
obtain the most admirable results. The progress from 
the theological character of the first " Palestine Associa- 
tion " to the scientific methods of the " Palestine Explora- 
tion Fund " typifies the evolution of the whole Palestinian 
idea from a traditional belief to a great human and his- 
torical aspiration — the same evolution which can be traced 
in the development of the Zionist idea. 

Gen. Sir CHARLES Warren 

Elliott and Fry, Ltd. 

Sir Charles W. Wilson 

Earl Kitchener 

Londo7i Stereoscopic Co. 

Dr. Edward Robinson 

Col. Claude R. Conder 


napoleon's campaign in the east 

The Appeal of Bonaparte to the Jews of Asia and Africa — Haim Mu'allim 
Farhi — The Fortress of Acre — Jewish opinion in Palestine — El-Arish 
— Gaza — Jerusalem — Moses Mordecai Joseph Meyuchas — " A Letter 
addressed by a French Jew to his Brethren " — France and England — 
The real motives of Bonaparte's Appeal. 

Napoleon Bonaparte (i 769-1821) issued in 1799 a sum- 
mons to the Asiatic and African Jews to march under his 
banner, promising "to give them the Holy Land," and " to 
restore ancient Jerusalem to its pristine splendour " (Appen- 
dix xl). One hardly knows whether this was to be taken 
quite seriously. The Jews in Jerusalem appear either not to 
have put much trust in Bonaparte's flattering words, or to 
have been utterly ignorant of the proclamation. The ques- 
tion was so important, and so much confusion prevailed 
regarding it, that the appeal, being vague in its terms, 
could not lead to any practical action. Some historians 
suppose that this proclamation was only a trick which Bona- 
parte played with the intention of winning over to his cause 
the Jewish minister of the Pasha of Acre, Haim Mu'allim 
Farhi (1750 ?-i82o), the soul of the defence of that im- 
portant sea-fortress. This supposition, however, is based 
on no evidence. It is pure speculation, and is highly 

No Jew seriously believed in the success of Bonaparte's 
ambitious design or in the possibility of his victory, and 
no attention was paid to his promises. On the other hand, 
it would not have been impossible to suppose that Bona- 
parte's plan might succeed after he had conquered Syria 
and carried the war into the heart of Turkey. He would 
then perhaps have assigned a share in his government to 
members of the Jewish nation upon whom the French 
could rely. 

Bonaparte's idea was simple and his intentions were 
sincere. He regarded the Jews — particularly those living 
in Asia and Africa — as a nation, and as having indisputable 
historical claims on the Holy Land and Jerusalem. He was 



sure that they would help him and hail his victory as a 
happy triumph 1 if they knew that their national ideal was 
to be realized and " ancient Jerusalem " to be restored to 
its " pristine splendour." Was this not the same policy 
which he applied in later years in his relations with the 
small nationalities in Europe ? 

Jewish opinion in the East was reserved and somewhat 
pessimistic, not with regard to the purpose, but concerning 
the opportunity and the means. The Jews were willing to 
make any sacrifices in order to restore " ancient Jerusalem " 
in a peaceful way, but not to revolt against the rulers of the 
country. Moreover, they knew that this campaign was 
bound to be a failure. 

The Turks followed the plan of allowing the inadequate 
forces of Bonaparte to advance as far as possible from their 
Egyptian base, while they massed heavy forces in Syria. 
El-Arish and Gaza in the south-west of Palestine fell into 
the hands of Bonaparte's army on the 17th and 25th 
February, 1799. The Jewish community of Gaza had fled. 
In Jerusalem the news of victories and atrocities created a 
general panic. It was rumoured that Bonaparte was about 
to enter the Holy City. At the command of the deputy 
Governor the inhabitants began to throw up ramparts, the 
Jews also taking part in the work. One of the Rabbis, 
Moses Mordecai Joseph Meyuchas, encouraged and even 
assisted them in their operations. After these occurrences 
the success of Bonaparte in Egypt and Syria was arrested, 

^ In an Order, in which he confirms the prerogatives of the Monks of 
the Mount Sinai convent, he refers to the Jews. 

Au Caire, le 29 frimaire au 7 (19 d6cembre, 1798). 
Bonaparte, gdn^ral en chef, voulant favoriser le convent du mont 
Sinai : . . . 2° Par respect pour Moise et le nation juive, dont la cosmo- 
gonie nous retrace les Sgres les plus recules ; . . . Bonaparte. 
{Correspondance inedite ofjicielle et confidentielle de NapoUon Bonaparte . . . 
Egypte. Tome Deuxidme. Paris . . . m.dccc.xix. p. 179.) 

In another Appeal, Bonaparte ordered his troops to treat the natives 
with tolerance : " Agissez avec eux comme vous avez agi avec les Juifs, 
les Italiens ; ayez des 6gards pour leur mufti et leurs imams, comme vous 
en avez eu pour les rabbins et les eveques ; ayez pour les c6r6monies que 
prescrit I'Alcoran, pour les mosquees, la mdme tolerance que vous avez 
eu pour les convents, pour les synagogues, pour la rehgion de Moise et de 
J6sus Christ" (Proclamation of General Bonaparte of the 22nd June, 1798). 

Colonel Sebastiani wrote concerning the Jews in his report on his mission 
to Constantinople in 1802 in a somewhat anti-Semitic spirit: " Les Juifs 
sont, comme partoutailleurs,indiff6rents surtoutchangement de gouvcme- 
ment qui ne leur oflfre pas la matidre k de nouvelles sp6culations " (Biblio- 
thique Diplomatique — Recueil des Traitds de la Porte Ottomane . . . Par le 
Barcn J. de Testa . . . Tome Premier France. Paris . . , mdccclxiv. 
P' 513)- 


chiefly by the arms of Great Britain, and his schemes in the 
East were frustrated. 

The appearance of Bonaparte in Palestine was like the 
passing of a meteor, which, after causing much perturbance, 
disappears. His dream of becoming Emperor of the East 
faded away quickly. Still the fact remains that the idea 
of the Restoration of Israel had occupied the mind of this 
great conqueror in the prime of his youth, at the very begin- 
ning of his unexampled career. He and his adherents 
seemed, even after this failure, to persist in gazing with a 
wistful eye towards the same quarter, and their ambitious 
plans evidently involved the future fortunes of those 
Eastern countries which have so long been the monotonous 
scenes of isolation and ignorance. 

Whatever judgment we may form as to the practical 
value of Bonaparte's scheme in those days, the suggestion of 
restoring Palestine to the Jews remains highly significant. 
It is obvious that had there not been Jewish aspirations 
of this kind in France such a suggestion could not have 
arisen even as a fantastic plan or as a caprice of military 
headquarters in a distant country. Bonaparte had too 
much political foresight even in his younger years to run 
the risk of engaging himself in an undertaking before he 
had sounded the competent circles in his own country. 
As a matter of fact these aspirations were expressed, and, 
imaginary as they were, seem to have been very popular 
among French Jews. There is, consequently, reason to 
conclude that Bonaparte's scheme was, in reality, more 
serious than it might have seemed at first sight. 

A most curious document, almost entirely overlooked or 
underestimated by French historians, throws some light 
on the real tendencies of that time among French Jews. This 
is a " Letter addressed to his brethren by a Jew " in 1798^ — 
one year before the Bonaparte Proclamation (Appendix xli). 
This letter is a sort of Zionist programme. It is a mixture 
of different elements, partly Jewish, partly pan-French 
Imperialist, expounded in a manner that only a deep Jewish 
national feeling could have inspired. The impenetrable 
political speculations of those days already contain the 
germs of some ideas which are developed to full conscious- 
ness and clearness a hundred years later in modern Zionist 
speeches, pamphlets and programmes. 

1 Restoration of the Jews . . . Second Edition ... By J. Bicheno, 1807. 
pp. 60-62. 

I.— F 


The author of this " Letter " rightly proclaims in the 
first place the pre-eminent interest of his theme, " the 
greatest theme of Jewish history." " It is at last time to 
shake off this insupportable yoke — it is time to resume 
our rank among the other nations of the universe." The 
nations of the world — he now hopes — will support the 
Jewish claim that the Jewish nation should be treated on 
the lines of the national idea. The design of the author, 
then, is to stiggest a solution of no less a problem than the 
Jewish Tragedy. He begins with a review " of the Jewish 
situation during many ages under the weight of the cruellest 
persecutions," and this review is not less tragic than the 
Jewish elegies of the Middle Ages, though it was written 
a few years after the great Revolution. He then addresses 
himself to his main task, the exposition, based, as far as 
he is able to base it, on lessons learnt from contemporary 
events, of that system of Restoration which he regards as 
the most practical. 

This author was, no doubt, the agent and mouthpiece of 
the people behind him. The fact that this " Letter " was 
published at the suggestion of those then in power in France 
shows that the scheme suggested in it was in accordance 
with the views of the Government. This being the tendency 
of the Government, the appeal addressed by Bonaparte to 
the Jews of Asia and Africa one year after the publication 
of the " Letter," in 1798, appears to be a logical consequence 
of prevailing opinions. Moreover, the fact that schemes of 
this kind had gained great currency in England, and that 
the Restoration of Israel was a favourite idea of the English, 
could not be unknown in France. It is scarcely necessary to 
point out what was the fundamental idea of the Egyptian 
and Syrian campaign. The idea of the Restoration of Israel, 
as suggested in the " Letter of the French Jew " in 1798 
and in Bonaparte's Appeal of 1799, was merely a link in the 
same chain. 

To sum up, the situation of affairs, in view of the possi- 
bility of great changes in the East, seemed to afford an 
opportunity for the solution of the Jewish problem on 
national lines. Bonaparte may also have been anxious to 
avail himself of the services of the Jews of Asia and Africa. 
But the essential point is that many influential Christians 
as well as Jews considered the Jewish problem from a 
national point of view at the end of the eighteenth century. 



Saul Farhi — Ahmad Jazzar — Saul Farhi's sons: Haim, Solomon, 
Raphael and Moses Farhi — Jewish communities in Palestine and 
SjTia — The importance of Palestine in the struggle between Bonaparte 
and the Ottoman Empire — Haim Farhi's martyrdom. 

In order to grasp the real importance and meaning of 
Bonaparte's idea, we have to occupy ourselves with the 
dramatis personce, and first of all with Haim Farhi. The 
life of this man was full of romance and of a devotion which 
has not yet met with such appreciation from Jewish his- 
torians as it deserves. 

Haim Farhi was born at Damascus about the middle 
of the eighteenth century. The Farhis were an old Jewish 
family, whose members for several generations devoted 
their energies to the task of defending their ancient nation, 
while remaining loyal subjects of the Ottoman Government. 
Haim's father, Saul, was " Katih " to Ahmad Jazzdr (1735 ?- 
1808), who was first Pasha of Acre and Sidon, then for a few 
years Pasha of Damascus, and afterwards for many years 
again Pasha of Acre and Sidon, and exercised a great 
influence over Syria and Palestine. Ahmad Jazzar (the 
Butcher) was a man without morals, as cruel as he was 
capricious and impetuous. Instead of using his influence 
and great wealth to promote the happiness of his subjects, 
he left the large plain near Acre almost a marsh. Pomp and 
luxury were greatly encouraged by him. while agriculture 
was neglected. His conduct was tlje exact opposite of 
that of the Sheikh Daher, his predecessor, who raised Acre 
from a village to a large town, and during whose reign 
the population of the district increased immensely. The 
main source of the riches of Jazzar was the pashalik of 
Damascus, which he contrived to add to his former dominion. 
Till the year 1791 the French had factories at Acre, Sidon 
and Beyrout. In that year they were all expelled from the 
territory of Jazzar by a sudden edict, which allowed them 
only three days in which to leave their respective abodes, 
under the penalty of death. 



Jazzdr retained his ill-gotten pashalik of Damascus 
a few years only. His government knew no methods but 
those of oppression and cruelty ; he extorted from his 
people a considerable part of its fortunes, and put to 
death several hundred persons, who were mostly innocent. 
His own suspicious conduct, as leader of the caravan to 
Mecca, combined with the machinations of his enemies at 
the Porte, led finally to his deposition ; but he left behind 
living monuments of his cruelty in the shape of mutilated 
subjects who by his orders had had their noses and ears 
cut off. Thus driven from Damascus, he returned to his 
former pashalik of Acre and Sidon. 

Jazzir, who was full of energy and life, and was possessed 
of some heroic qualities, but was a monster in human form, 
and a true specimen of the Eastern " satrap," addressed him- 
self to his Kafib for assistance and advice. Katib in Arabic, 
like Yazgy in Turkish, means no more than "writer" or 
*' scribe," but the office confers greater power than the name 
implies. The Katib is often at once government secre- 
tary and treasurer ; and, as he is generally a permanent 
official in the pashalik for life, while the pashas are often 
changed, by removal or death, it necessarily happens that 
he is master of the business of the pashalik, and of its 
revenues and resources, while the pashas, coming from 
distant provinces, enter upon a rule of which the key is in 
the Katib' s hands, and are compelled to keep him in their 
service and to be guided by him. The pashalik of Damascus 
was, moreover, singularly placed, in so far as its pasha 
and chief officials had to go every year on the pilgrimage 
to Mecca, and consequently were more than ever bound to 
confide their affairs to the Katib. It is said that the order 
of march, the ordinances and regulations for the pilgrims, 
the quantity of provisions required and various other essen- 
tial facts connected with this important occasion, had some- 
how become secrets in the keeping of the Jews, and that 
Saul Farhi was considered a great expert and a recog- 
nized authority in these matters. He had four sons : 
Haim, Solomon, Raphael and Moses {ob. 1840) and one 
daughter. Haim, the eldest, was initiated by his father into 
all the professional secrets of his office. He was a young man 
of excellent abilities and learning. In the early part of his 
life, when he was still in Damascus, the machinations of his 
enemies prevailed in so far that he was summoned to 
Constantinople to answer certain accusations made against 


him ; and, being mulcted in a fine which he was unable to 
pay, he was thrown into prison. His sister, a woman of great 
energy, undertook the journey from Syria to Constanti- 
nople to petition for her brother's release. She succeeded, 
and brought her brother back to his house, Haim's loyalty 
and integrity were placed beyond doubt, and his experi- 
ences in Constantinople must have helped to give him know- 
ledge of the laws and insight into the central government, 
to which he was sincerely devoted. He was then appointed 
by Jazzdr to the post of Katih or minister at Acre, where 
there lived at that time thirty-six Jewish families. Jeru- 
salem had, besides 9000 Moslem and Christian inhabitants, 
about 1000 Jews ; and old communities of considerable size 
existed in Tiberias, Safed, Jaffa and Hebron. Although not 
important in numbers, the Jews, owing to their connection 
with the communities of Damascus, Aleppo, Bagdad, Con- 
stantinople, Smyrna and Salonica, which possessed numerous 
religious schools, and big business enterprises extending as 
far as Egypt and India, were justly considered an im- 
portant element. The fact that Saul Farhi was Katib at 
Damascus, and his son Haim at Acre, and that, accord- 
ing to the general opinion, the Jews were better acquainted 
than anyone else with the route to Mecca, and with the 
ordinances and regulations, which were not only of a fiscal 
and commercial value, but also of great strategic impor- 
tance — this fact did not fail to appeal to the imagination of 
Bonaparte. From this point of view, and considering all 
the circumstances, it would appear that Bonaparte's appeal 
to the Jews was not so fantastic as it might seem at first 
sight. It was a well-considered scheme. 

Haim Farhi's activity was twofold. It fell to his lot 
to look after the communications with Damascus and the 
Hedjaz, to remain in touch with all the distant centres 
of commerce and resources, and at the same time to 
cultivate very carefully relations with Constantinople. 
Both these departments of ofi&cial activity abounded 
with diiBficulties and responsibilities. The roads were bad, 
the tribes, clans, and families much divided and con- 
tinually at feud with one another. Communications were 
unsafe, and the danger of being cut off was always immi- 
nent. On the other hand, the maintenance of peaceful 
relations between a powerful, capricious Pasha and the 
Padishah with all his camarilla was naturally a hard 
task. Farhi had secured a reputation for exceptional 


ability in both directions. Having been brought up 
in the atmosphere of the Katih's profession, he was better 
informed than anyone else concerning the communications 
and the state of affairs in Damascus and elsewhere, while his 
dignity of manner, worthy of the descendant of an old Jewish 
family, his intellectual gifts and wonderful knowledge of 
Eastern languages, enabled him to cope most successfully 
with the duties of a diplomatic career. As to the latter 
function, there is the testimony of Jazzdr, to whom is 
ascribed the statement that " Farhi's notes to the Porte 
have the wonderful quality of being polite as well as ex- 

Needless to say, Farhi's influence and activity, which 
would have been important even in times of peace, proved 
of exceptional importance at the eventful period when for 
the first time since the Crusades East and West were in- 
volved in a struggle for existence. It was one of the 
strangest caprices of history that this contest of strength 
between the greatest powers of the world — Bonaparte and 
the Ottoman Empire of that time, backed up by Great 
Britain — ^was to be decided in the Holy Land, in the 
neighbourhood of that little port, and that a son of the 
nation which had possessed this land and made it a land of 
glory, and to which God had promised it as an " everlasting 
inheritance," was the very soul of the defence, frustrating 
all the plans of the enemy. 

Haim's career, romantic as it was, derives a peculiar 
interest from one of its incidents, which makes the Pasha 
appear as a monster of barbarity and madness. The 
story sounds like the invention of a wild imagination, 
but is a real, indisputable fact. We mentioned with regard 
to Jazzar's activities in Damascus that living monuments 
of his cruelty remained behind in the shape of the noseless 
faces and earless heads of the Damascenes. This passion 
for maiming and mutilating seems to have gro'WTi with him 
in Acre. 

The Rev. John Wilson ^ (1804-1875) tells us : " Almost 
every one in his domestic establishment was maimed. 
Some wanted a hand, some a foot ; others mourned over 
the loss of a toe, a finger or an ear, according as the rage of 
the tyrant happened to be directed. Haim Farhi was an 
able man and withal of fine figure and prepossessing address. 
He enjoyed the confidence of the Pasha, and grew rich in his 

» Land of the Bible . . . Edinburgh, 1847. Vol. ii., pp. 341-342. Note i. 


employment. One day Ahmad (Jazzar) said to him : 
' Haim, you have a fine person, you are very beautiful, you 
are the most athletic of men ; when visitors come, it is you, 
not me, they admire ; every one seems to say how happy is 
the Pasha to have such a man : Now, because of this I had 
some thoughts of dismissing you from your office ; but my 
great love to you prevents that ; you cannot, however, have 
any objection to my putting out one of your eyes.' The 
barber was instantly sent for ; and Haim Farhi lost his eye. 
He continued in his office, and faithfully discharged its 
duties, and the Pasha continued to heap favours upon him. 
The Jew, however, was attentive to his appearance, and 
dexterously contrived to edge down his turban so skilfully 
that his visual defect was not much observed. Jazzar 
noticed this, and said to him one day, ' All I have done has 
been of no use, you have become as beautiful and as attrac- 
tive as ever ; I must cut off your nose.' The barber was 
again sent for, and Haim lost his nose. He still continued 
in the service of the Pasha, and discharged his duties faith- 
fully, and even presided over the obsequies of his tyrannical 



Bonaparte approaching Jerusalem — Anti- Jewish accusations — Bonaparte 
and the Christians — Suleiman Pasha — Abdallah Pasha — Haim Far hi 's 
martyr death — The Far hi family — Generations of martjTS. 

Through the primitive but excellent channels of informa- 
tion of the Eastern caravans, Bedouins and Dervishes, 
Bonaparte must have heard of this treatment of the 
Jewish minister by the " Butcher," and of the other atro- 
cities committed by him. The expulsion of the French 
from Acre, Sidon and Beyrout by this Pasha in 1791 was 
still fresh in his memory as an insult to France. 

Haim Farhi continued his services ; his popularity 
suffered no diminution, and it was evidently he who 
provided Acre with the necessary supplies, kept com- 
munications open with the hinterland, and made it 
possible to offer the stoutest resistance ever recorded in 
history. Great Britain helped, the Turks and Arabs were 
brave, and Jazzcir with all his savage caprices possessed, 
no doubt, remarkable abihties as a general ; but the soul 
of the entire organization was Haim. Winning him over 
would have meant breaking down the defence ; but it was 
impossible to win him over. 

Under such conditions Bonaparte approached Jerusalem. 
He had reached Ramleh (between Jaffa and Jerusalem) and 
intended to besiege the Holy City, but he changed his mind 
and turned to Acre. Meanwhile rumours spread that the 
Jews were helping the French as spies, and that they 
sympathized in their hearts with Bonaparte. This is 
the familiar story which hatred and calumny set on foot 
whenever people are excited, and there is any opportunity 
of stirring up thoughtless creduUty and brutal instincts 
against a weak and defenceless minority. Bonaparte 
captured Gaza on the 25th December, 1799. The Jews of 
that place had to endure brutal treatment at the hands of 
Bonaparte's soldiers, so that many seized the opportunity 
of escaping. The Jews of Jerusalem were, meanwhile, in the 
greatest danger of being massacred by the Mohammedan 



inhabitants, who accused them of being in secret communica- 
tion with Bonaparte with a view to the surrender of the city. 
The Mohammedans actually believed that all the Jews of 
Jerusalem were spies and traitors, and they secretly resolved 
among themselves to kill all the Jewish inhabitants as soon 
as Napoleon marched on Jerusalem. This resolution, how- 
ever, got abroad and was communicated by a Mohammedan, 
a confidant and friend of the Jews, to two Rabbis named 
Algazi and Meyuchas, who saved Palestinian Jewry, and 
particularly the Jerusalem Jews, by their presence of mind 
and wise precautions, such as arranging public prayers, 
helping to fortify the city, etc. The sight of the venerable, 
grey-headed Haham Meyuchas standing with a spade in his 
hand did not fail to impress the Mohammedans. The Jewish 
community was thus saved ; still at Tiberias and Safed the 
Jews were savagely treated by Bonaparte's soldiers. 

It is impossible to know who circulated the accusation 
against the Jews. Such accusations are like proverbs ; 
nobody knows their author, they are in the air, they appeal 
to the imagination, gain currency and subsequently become 
dogmas ; nobody has examined their soundness, there is no 
evidence, no reason, there is merely a vague generalization, 
and yet people believe in them. We cannot know what 
some Jews may have thought of Bonaparte's attempt : 
oppressed, persecuted, insulted as they were by the Jazzdrs, 
some of them may have thought that Bonaparte's victory 
would be their salvation, although, on the other hand, the 
behaviour of his soldiers caused great suffering. But in 
practice the Jews were most loyally devoted to the Ottoman 

The Jews were saved, and the outraged Farhi remained 
in service. According to the testimony of all his Christian 
contemporaries, this Jew, like a real Christian, " loved his 
enemy." When Jazzdr died, in 1808, he arranged the cere- 
monies of the funeral with remarkable devotion. Jazzir 
was succeeded by Suleiman Pasha, who confirmed Haim 
in his dignity. Suleiman, an ex-mameluk, ruled with 
Farhi sixteen years, and this was the happiest period for 
Palestine. Suleiman died in 1824, and Abdallah, the son 
of Ali PasJia of Tripoli {ob. 1815 at Acre), who was educated 
and looked after with great care by Farhi, was appointed 
Pasha of Acre. Very son after the appointment of Ab- 
dallah Pasha the Jewish minister came to a tragic end. 
Abdallah showed himself not an impetuous barbarian of the 


Jazzir type, but a miserable and treacherous murderer. 
Jealous of his benefactor's popularity, and seeing that it was 
impossible to disfigure him further, he ordered his Kiaja 
(minister of the pohce) to assassinate the old and venerable 
statesman, and to throw his body into the sea. The im- 
placable tyrant was deaf to the entreaties of the dead man's 
family and friends, who implored him to allow the body to 
be buried. It is said that the body was left floating for 
several days near the harbour, and that the Pasha ordered 
his servants to attach heavy stones to it and then to throw 
it into the sea. Farhi's property, the personal fortune which 
he had acquired not as the result of his official occupation 
but as a member of an old and wealthy family, was ran- 
sacked and confiscated. His family escaped, and his widow 
died, in consequence of hardships, on her way to Damascus, 
As to the pretext for the murder of Farhi there are 
various accounts. According to Damoiseau, a French 
renegade, Abdallah (in whose service he was) proposed the 
building of some new fortifications. There was no practical 
reason for the fortifications ; relations with the European 
powers being friendly, the measure could only stimulate 
the suspicions of the Porte. Moved by these reasons and 
by considerations of economy, Farhi objected. He was 
sentenced to death, and the Kiaja was authorized to carry 
out the execution. This he did by attacking the old man 
suddenly in his house, and murdering him in the night. But 
Abdallah never thought afterwards of building any new 
fortification. The version given by Rahhi Joseph Schwarz 
(1804-1860) in his T'buoth Ha'arez (Jerusalem, 1845) is 
somewhat different in details, but the facts are essentially 
the same. Another traveller, Professor J. M. A. Scholz 
(1794-1852), happened to be at that time in the neighbour- 
hood of Acre, and he confirms the first version. He gives 
also the precise date of the assassination : the 24th August, 

Peaceful and loyal as the Jews in the East were, this 
monstrous crime seems to have put an end to their great 
patience. The brothers of Haim in Damascus arranged 
to send an expedition of revenge. This was the first time 
for several centuries that Jews had gone forth as fighters 
in their own cause. The Pashas of Aleppo and Damascus 
concluded a treaty, and supported the expedition arranged 
by the Farhis. They besieged Acre, and had it not been for 
a spy sent to the camp of the Farhis, who succeeded in 


treacherously poisoning Solomon Farhi, the expedition 
would have had an excellent chance of success. The death 
of Solomon, however, put an end to the expedition, of which 
he was the organizer and leader. The last survivor of 
Haim's brothers was Raphael. He also was a distin- 
guished statesman. He was Minister at Damascus in 1820, 
and after the restoration of Ottoman rule in Syria was 
elected to the Council of that town. 

Rev, John Wilson^ gives a further account of his visits to 
Damascus in 1843. " 6th June. — Mr. Graham and I visited 
the house of the chief Rabbi, Haim Maimon Tobhi. He had 
been eighteen years resident at Damascus, but is a native 
of Gibraltar. He had obtained, he said, an English passport, 
entitling him to British protection, from Lord Palmerston 
(1784-1865) ; and he had been elected to office on account of 
the privilege which he thus enjoyed, it having been con- 
ceived by the Jews, that the name of an English subject, 
borne by him, would give weight to his dealings with the 
Turkish Government " {lb. 330). " On the second day of 
our excursions among the Jews we visited one of the 
princely mansions of the Farhis, the richest bankers and 
merchants of Damascus," In a footnote Wilson quotes 
[Sir John] Bowring's [f.r.s.] (1792-1872) Report on Syria, 
p. 94 : " As a class, the Jewish foreign merchants of 
Damascus are the most wealthy. . . . The two most opulent 
are believed to be Mourad Farhi and (Raphael) Nassim 
Farhi, whose wealth in trade exceeds one and a half millions 
each. Most of the Jewish foreign houses trade with Great 
Britain," In the first of these mansions Wilson admired the 
library, containing nearly the whole of Jewish literature, 
to which Jewish students had free access for purposes of 
study. He met there some of the Rabbis, who told him that 
the Jews of Damascus were supposed to number 5000 souls, 
and those of Aleppo 6000, He and Mr, Graham, who accom- 
panied him, were then introduced to the female members 
of the household, who " deported themselves with a dignity 
and grace which would have done credit to the nobility of 
Europe." " On the 8th of June we visited the mansion of 
Raphael, the chief of the Farhis. On our arrival we were 
received by a Jew, who humbly described himself to us as 
the ' worthless Jacob Peretz,' a quondam tutor to the 
children of the great man, and who in acknowledgment of 
his services is, with his whole family, retained as part of his 

^ Land of the Bible. Ibid., pp. 330-341. 


household, which, he informed us, consists of from between 
sixty to seventy souls." This estabhshment was even 
grander than that which we visited yesterday. . . . Mr. 
Graham expressed his doubts whether those in our own 
Royal palaces are superior to them." He then gives particu- 
lars of the principal apartments and reproduces a Hebrew 
inscription with an English translation (of his own). 
Of special interest is Mr. Wilson's description of the head 
of the family, Raphael, the Nasi of the Damascus Jews, an 
old man who was at that time seriously indisposed, but 
received him and his friend with great kindness, and took 
them to his library, which was very large. 

In 1840, during the riots following the accusation against 
the Jews, Raphael and his sons suffered very severely. 
Raphael died very soon after Wilson's visit. This was the 
end of this Jewish family, whose history is bound up with 
the history of Palestine and Bonaparte's expedition. They 
have a twofold claim upon our attention, first as eminent 
Jewish statesmen, and secondly as Palestinian martyrs. 



Rabbi Moses Mordecai Joseph Meyuchas — ^The Spanish Jewish traditions — 
Rabbi Israel Jacob Algazi — The importance of the Jewish settlement 
in Palestine — Zionist aspirations. 

To obtain an idea of the views and aspirations of the Jews 
of Palestine in that period we may glance at two Hahamim of 
Jerusalem — Moses Mordecai [Joseph Meyuchas and Israel 
Jacob Algazi. 

Haham Samuel Moses Mordecai Joseph de Raphael de 
Meyuchas was born in 1738 and died in Jerusalem in 1806. 
He was the descendant of a family of Rabbis and Talmudic 
scholars of great fame in Palestine and elsewhere. His 
most valuable contributions to Talmiidic literature are his 
three works : Mayim Shaal (Salonica, 5559), Shaar Ha'mayim 
(Salonica, 5528) and B'rehot Ha'mayim (Salonica, 5549), 
which show profound scholarship and wide learning. He 
was on terms of intimacy with the great Talmudic scholars 
of his time, who addressed to him questions on various 
religious and communal matters. In the Preface to his 
B'rehot Ha'mayim he speaks in exalted terms of his love 
"of the dear land, the Golden Jerusalem," and of " the 
changeable events of his time." He says that he has had 
much to suffer, and that, poverty-stricken as he is, he enjoys 
his miserable existence and keeps in good spirits ; he ex- 
presses his humble gratitude to God for having allowed him 
to earn " a piece of dry bread," and to bear his share in 
building up the city ; and adds that his only hope and 
aspiration is to be able to spend his life there to a very 
advanced age. His use of the verse : — 

" For He hath made strong the bars of thy gates ; . . ." 

(Psalm cxlvii. 13). 

in connection with what he describes as the "good idea," 
which he " carried out," might be taken as an allusion to his 
remarkable action in 5559 (1799), when this old Rabbi 
" stood with spade in hand labouring on the fortification of 
Jerusalem, digging and working with the greatest industry 
to make a new bastion and rampart around the fort, the 



Kallai,"^ were it not for the chronological fact that his book 
was published in 5549 (1789). He is said to have practised 
medicine, and though this was not uncommon among the 
Sephardi Hahamim of the old generation, it probably 
indicates that he was a man of wider outlook than that of 
the usual Rahhi type. It is a mistake to suppose that all 
Palestinian Rabbis of the older generation were superstitious 
and hostile to science. The Sephardi Hahamim of that time 
in particular had preserved something of the scientific and 
rationalistic tradition of the Judseo-Spanish school. Some 
of them were men of great ability, well versed not only in the 
Talmud, but also in Oriental languages. They cherished an 
intense and sincere love for the Holy Land, and, if the 
position of the Jewish people in the country was maintained, 
through all the horrors and dangers of war and plague, stress 
and danger, it was due to the self-denial and the wonderful 
moral strength of those noble martyrs who guided and 
inspired the down-trodden people. Mostly descendants of 
the Spanish- Jewish fugitives who found refuge and shelter 
in the dominions of the Sultan, their loyalty and gratitude 
to their rulers were sincere and deep-rooted. The Jerusalem 
Rabbis were attached to their masters and friends in Con- 
stantinople, Salonica, Smyrna, Damascus and Aleppo. The 
Jewish communities, particularly those in distant parts of 
the Ottoman Empire, suffered severe afflictions from time 
to time, but they bore their heavy burdens with fortitude 
and resignation in order to maintain and to strengthen their 
foothold in the country. They trusted in the justice of the 
Central Government, and did not expect anything of Bona- 
parte's invasion, or of any other invasion of the kind. 

Haham Meyuchas was at that time Dayan.^ Another 
scholar of great authority was the Chief Rabbi of Jerusalem, 
H.H.R. Israel Jacob Algazi, a great-grandson of Haham 
Solomon Algazi the Elder (who was Rabbi in Smyrna and in 
Jerusalem in the seventeenth century, wrote on aU subjects 
of Rabbinic literature, and contributed much to the science 
of Talmudic methodology). Haham I. J. Algazi wrote some 
valuable books on homiletics and Halachah, which testify to 
his exceptional genius and astonishing industry. He was 
an excellent Rabbi, possessed of a keen intellect and a high 
sense of duty. His books She'erith Jacob (Constantinople, 

1 Sepher T'buoth Ha'arez, by Joseph ben Menachem Schwaurz, Jerusalem, 

* Ecclesiastical Assessor. 


5511) and Neoth Jacob (Smyrna, 5527) contain many 
chapters that bear testimony to his ardent desire for the 
development of the Jewish community in the Holy Land. 

We read with special interest the books written by these 
two rabbis during that troublous period. These books are 
distinguished by the highest intellectual ability. There is 
nowhere a trace of weariness, languor or even indifference 
to be found ; on the contrary, freshness, strength and un- 
satisfied intellectual impulse are throughout discernible. 
Li\'ing ideas pervade them all. It is impossible for any 
reader who is a Talmudic student not to be touched by 
their depth and force of sentiment, and their exceptional 
vigour and eloquence, in spite of the usual clumsiness and 
complexity due to the old Rabbinic language. It is indeed 
a rehef to turn from the intrigues of the Pashas and the blood- 
shed of the expeditions to Haham Jacob Israel Algazi, who 
writes in a reply to the Leghorn Jews : " We are here in- 
significant in numbers, modest in our requirements, and we 
pray God that we may become self-supporting. We have to 
be here for the sake of our ancestors and our children's 
children. This question is not of appearances, but of real- 
ities ; not of dehghts, but of duties ; not of private option, 
but of divine authority." Both these Rabbis deal with 
Palestinian affairs in an elevating spirit and from an ideal- 
istic point of view. Whatsoever is in Palestine is holy and 
subhme, and all Jews are bound to support the Yishub.^ 
This is the keynote of all their ideas. Haham M. M. J. 
Meyuchas writes to Salonica : " We have in our community 
some artisans, too few for our nation — because they should 
be more numerous here — and too many for the charities to 
support them when they are workless ; more wealthy people 
should come here." And Haham Algazi discusses the 
question of the special Rabbinical rules concerning the right 
of the community to inherit the property of rich Jews who 
die in Palestine leaving relatives in other countries. " It is 
not the community," says the learned Rabbi, " it is the whole 
of Israel which is the iheritor in this way. . . . Our people, so 
long scattered, oppressed, and trodden down, and wonderful 
from the beginning till now, should never despair, Israel is 
not deserted," he says in another passage. The aspirations 
of an ancient people, as he knew, do not depend on the 
intrigues and adventures of Pashas, and will outlive all these 
passing incidents. 

J A Settlement. 



The " Sanhedrin " — R. David Sintzheim — M. S. Asser — Moses Leman — 
Juda Litvak — Michael Berr — Lipnian Cerf-Berr — The Decisions and 
Declarations — Napoleon I and the Jews. 

Meanwhile circumstances had undergone a material 
change, and eight years after the failure of the Syrian 
Campaign and the Appeal to the Jews of Asia and Africa, 
Bonaparte, now Napoleon I, issued an order to convene a 
Jewish " Sanhedrin " in Paris (1807). 

This came as a joyous surprise to the Jewish nation. The 
" Great Sanhedrin," a feature of the ancient Jewish Govern- 
ment which had perished together with the Second Temple, 
and which alone had been endowed with unlimited reUgious 
authority in Israel, was to be revived in modem times, in 
the centre of civilized Europe, for the purpose of taking 
decisions which would command indisputable recognition on 
the part of Jews in all countries and throughout all centuries. 
" A great event," wrote one of the leading Jews of that 
time, " is about to take place, one which through a long 
series of centuries our fathers, and even we in our own 
times, never expected to see, and which has now appeared 
before the eyes of the astonished world. The 20th of 
October (1807) has been fixed as the date of the Great 
Sanhedrin in the capital of one of the most powerful Christian 
nations, and under the protection of the great Prince who 
rules over it. Paris will thus show to the world a remark- 
able scene, and this memorable event will open to the dis- 
persed remnants of the descendants of Abraham a period of 
deliverance and prosperity." 

On the 9th February, 1807, the Grand Sanhedrin assembled 
at the Grand Synagogue in Paris under the Presidency of 
Rabbi David Sintzheim (1745-1812) of Strasburg. Service 
was read in Hebrew, French and Italian ; an excellent dis- 
course was delivered by the President in the first -named 
language. After his discourse he took a scroll of the Law 
from the Ark and blessed the Assembly, and then recited a 




prayer for the Emperor, the glory of his arms, and the return 
of peace. From the S3magogue the Assembly adjourned to 
the Hotel de Ville, where, after appropriate speeches from 
the most distinguished members, the Committee appointed 
by the late First Consul laid before the Sanhedrin a general 
plan of organization for Mosaic worship, consisting of twenty- 
seven articles. According to this plan a Consistory and 
Synagogue were to be established in each Department con- 
taining 2000 Jews ; those of the persuasion who intended to 
reside in France were to announce their intention to the 
Consistory within three months of their arrival on French 
territory ; there was to be a Central Consistory in Paris, 
consisting of five persons, of whom three were to be Rabbis ; 
and none were to be appointed Rabbis who were not natural- 
ized in France or in the Kingdom of Italy. The ftmctions of 
the Rabbis were to be : — 

1. To give instruction in religious matters. 

2. To inculcate the precepts contained in the decisions of 
the Grand Sanhedrin. 

3. To preach complete obedience to the laws, and parti- 
cularly to those enjoining the defence of the country, and 
above all, to exert themselves every year during the time of 
conscription, from the first summons to the complete carry- 
ing out of the law, in exhorting their followers to conform to 
that measure. 

4. To impress the need for military service upon the Jews 
as a sacred duty, and to explain to them that so long as they 
devoted themselves to that service, their religion would give 
them a dispensation from such laws and customs as were 
incompatible with it. 

5. To preach in the Synagogues, and to recite the prayers 
which were offered up for the Emperor and the Imperial 

6. To solemnize marriages and give divorces. 

On the 1 2th February the Sanhedrin met again formally 
and commenced its deliberations as to the plan of organiza- 
tion. During the ensuing March the Deputies from Holland, 
Moses Solomon Asser (1754-1826),^ Moses Leman (1785- 
1832), the learned Polish Jew, Juda Litvak (1760-1836), 
and the delegates of Frankfort-on-the-Main were admitted 
into the Sanhedrin, and declared, in the name of their con- 
stituents, that they would adhere to the doctrinal decisions 

* Great-grandfather of the eminent Dutch Jurist, Tobias Michael Carel 
Asser (1838-1913). 

I.— G 


of the great Sanhedrin of France and Italy. ^ The President 
answered both delegations in Hebrew, congratulating them 
upon their resolutions, and also the Assembly on having 
them in its midst, and himself on having to answer co- 
religionists from a community so highly distinguished for 
its piety, and now governed by a just and liberal Prince, 
from whom the friends of humanity had everything 
to hope and expect. In brief, he considered himself 
fortunate in having to congratulate the Deputies of a 
country in which equal participation in the common 
rights of men had long since been granted to all the 
inhabitants, including the Israelites, who were quite as 
industrious as the best of the citizens. The President after- 
wards gave a discourse in French, which made a most 
favourable impression on the Assembly, and offered them 
the opportunity of expressing their gratitude to the great man 
whom Providence had chosen to be the instrument of its 
blessings and its miracles. He expressed the most sanguine 
hopes as to the salutary influence which that august 
Assembly and its labours would have upon the future destiny 
of the Jews. Having expressed sentiments of lasting 
devotion to all his colleagues, who had been convoked by 
the voice of this great man, from the Pyrenees to the 
borders of the Maine, and from the shores of the Adriatic to 
the Zuyder Zee, to form a religious Assembly unparalleled 
in modern history, and having done justice to the talents 
of the two Assessors, he paid, in the name of the Sanhedrin, 
a tribute of homage to the Commissaries of the Emperor, 
MM. le Comte Louis Matthieu M0I6 (1781-1855), Etienne 
Denis, Baron et Due de Pasquier (1767-1862), le Comte 
Joseph Marie Portahs (1778-1858), and others, whose 
assiduity, zeal and indulgence had so powerfully contributed 
to the success of the common cause. M. Abraham Furtado 
de la Gironde (1756-1816) afterwards proposed a vote of 
thanks to the Chief of the Grand Sanhedrin, which was 
adopted with acclamation. M. Michael Berr (1780-1847) 
then read the Proces Verbal, and the President concluded by 
announcing that the sittings of the Sanhedrin were closed. ^ 

^ The Times reported on the 17th January, 1807, from Warsaw, the 
capital of Poland : " It is stated, that there are no less than nine thousand 
Jews in Warsaw. Buonaparte will very probably confer on them the privi- 
lege of sending their Representatives to the Jewish Sanhedrim, at Paris. 
At all events, it is likely that his Corsican Majesty will have some business 
to settle with them. [Baron Alexander tie] Talleyrand (i 776-1 839) is 
going there, and will want beau^oup d' argent." 

* Collection des Proems- Verbaux et Dicisions du Grand Sanhedrin, . . . 
Publi6e par M. Diogene Tama. Paris' . . . 1807. [B. M.] 


Some historians have been incUned to regard the Paris 
Sanhedrin as a denial of Jewish nationality. This view 
is wrong, and no conception of history could be more 
contrary to the facts. A careful study of the litera- 
ture of that time will show that the Sanhedrin was inspired 
by traditional Jewish ideas. One of the most prominent 
French Jews, who was the first Jew to practise in France as 
a barrister, M. Michael Berr, had sent a request to all princes 
and nations " to release the Jews from bondage." Another 
member of the Sanhedrin, M. Lipman Cerf-Berr (1760-1831), 
said in his public speech : " Let us forget our origin ! Let 
us no longer speak of Jews of Alsace, of Portugal, or of 
Germany ! Though scattered over the face of the earth , we 
are still one people, worshipping the same God, and as our law 
commands, we are to obey the laws of the country in which 
we live."^ This is not the language of men who aim at 
assimilation and the disintegration of their nationality. 
The ideas of these men are not to be confused with what 
modem Jewish assimilation preaches. Modern Jewish 
assimilation denies and rejects all Jewish " separatism " 
except on the religious side. Consequently, it would not 
allow the Jew the right to forget that he was in Alsace, in 
Portugal, and so on. According to the assimilation doctrine, 
a Jew must be merely an Alsatian, or a Portuguese, " of the 
Jewish persuasion." The purpose of the Sanhedrin was 
evidently quite different. The Sanhedrin intended to re- 
construct European Jewry on French imperial lines, with a 
reUgious centre in Paris. It therefore examined, with great 
care and minuteness, those passages in the Bible and the 
Talmud which showed that the general laws of the Empire 
were binding on the Jews. On these premises was based a 
declaration of loyalty given by united Jewry, and sanctioned 
by the revival of the Sanhedrin, an ancient national institu- 

For Napoleon, however, the Sanhedrin had another pur- 
pose, connected with his imperial ambitions. He hoped that 
the Jews, living scattered all over the world, would contri- 
bute to the strengthening of his world-empire. Two years 
prior to the edict of 1806-7 he had conceived the idea of 
utihzing the special talents of his Hebrew subjects to that 
end. He had probably discovered that their financial skill 

1 Collection des Actes de I'Asserablee des Israelites de France et du 
royaume d' Italic, . . . Publico par M. Diogene Tama. Paris, . . . 1807 
[B. M.] pp. : 71. 124, 157, 158. 


was unrivalled, that their commercial correspondence 
and intercourse throughout Europe was more speedy and 
reliable than any other, and that the ramifications of their 
business in various countries gave them a great advantage 
over all their rivals. He intended to make them his devoted 
co-workers in carrying out his universal political plans, and 
with that end in view he contemplated granting them many 
concessions. As, however, the pohtical and legal position 
of the Jews in France, as well as in other countries, was 
still insufficiently defined, and numberless accusations were 
directed against their religious principles and Talmudic 
laws, he deemed it necessary to lay the foundations of a 
more definite status. As a preliminary step in this direction 
he summoned this meeting of the great Sanhedrin, which 
was to consist of the most eminent and learned Rabbis from 
every part of France, as well as from adjacent countries over 
which his influence extended. The purpose for which this 
convention was avowedly called was to " convert into 
religious doctrines the answers given by the assembly, and 
likewise those which may result from a continuance of these 
sittings." But these statements admit of various interpre- 
tations : they may mean a confirmation as well as a reforma- 
tion of the old traditional laws. And while confirmation by 
a Sanhedrin is unnecessary, reformation would appear im- 
possible. The Sanhedrin had no authority whatever to 
reform Judaism, and no intention of doing so. No conser- 
vative Jew would accept the Sanhedrin' s opinion in a matter 
of religious tradition, and, on the other hand, " reformed " 
Jews would not be satisfied with its decisions, or, not being 
bound by any tradition, would not require Rabbinical 
decisions at all. 

In reality the patriotic Declaration of the Sanhedrin 
was intended to discredit and demolish the dangerous 
accusations against the Jewish people and against the 
teachings of Judaism. It is a mistake to regard it, as some 
writers have done, as an indication of a desire for the reform 
of Judaism or for assimilation. The statements of the 
Sanhedrin were in accordance with the traditional Jewish 
Law. Its solemn declaration of loyalty and patriotism was 
not an innovation. The fathers and grandfathers of the 
Rabbis who made this declaration were not less faithful and 
loyal to their Governments and to the coimtries in which 
they lived than the Rabbis of the Sanhedrin. The Declara- 
tion was practically a new edition of the Modaa Rabba 



Rabbi Abraham de Coi.ogna 



Rabbi T. David Sinzheim 

Rabbi JACOB MeyeR 

From rare engravings lent by Israel Solomons 


printed as a preface to every treatise of the Talmud. This 
Modaa declares for human soUdarity, community of interests 
with other nations and loyalty to the Government in the old 
traditional way ; the Sanhedrin expresses identical views in 
modern language, in accordance with the spirit of the new 
age and environment. The purport of both is undoubtedly 
the same. 

Far from being a natural product of internal Jewish 
development, the Sanhedrin was a governmental affair 
intended to organize Jewry in the new world-empire. But 
it remained an episode, because Napoleon's attitude towards 
the Jews was, generally speaking, far from consistent. At 
one time he offered them Jerusalem; at another he was 
inclined to transport Jerusalem to Paris. Some time before 
the Sanhedrin assembled, he seemed to be vexed with the 
Jews — a feeling of a temporary character, which was prob- 
ably the reflex of disappointment in his far-reaching plans. 
On other occasions he showed exceptional kindness to 
Jewish soldiers and other Jews. ^ 

All these facts combined lead to the inference that the 
Jewish problem had often engaged his attention. He 
seems, like his adherents, to have wavered as to the accep- 
tance of the idea of the Restoration of Israel or of that 
of Assimilation, but finally embraced the doctrines of the 
Sanhedrin, which could be applied easily to the small Jewish 
population in France. The elimination not only of the 
Jews of Asia and Africa, but also of the Jews in other 
European countries, from the Jewish problem in France, 
caused by the failure of great schemes of conquest, neces- 
sarily narrowed the scope of the Jewish problem and de- 
prived it of its former grandeur. 

^ See NapoUon et les soldats juifs, par Petit de Lagave, p. 29. 



English opinion on the Sanhedrin — F. D. Kirwan — Abraham Fuitado — 
Rev. James Bicheno — The Declaration of the SanJiedrin and English 
comment — M. Diogdne Tama — The Prince de Ligne. 

Coming back to English history, we now propose to trace 
the impression produced in this country by Bonaparte's 
Palestine Appeal of 1798 and the Proclamation of a Sari- 
hedrin in 1807. 

English opinion on this point was quite clear. No objec- 
tions were ever raised to the restoration of the Jewish nation 
to Palestine : this idea had been cherished in England for 
centuries. But English opinion was opposed to its becoming 
a strategic or political instrument in the hands • of an am- 
bitious conqueror. Moreover, that opinion was not inclined 
to separate the idea of the Restoration of Israel from that of 
the emancipation of the Jews. Thus the Sanhedrin was con- 
sidered merely a tentative preliminary step towards Restora- 
tion, and the Declaration made by that body against Jewish 
national aspirations produced an impression of surprise and 
bewilderment. This Declaration was not, in fact, intended 
to be a denial of Jewish nationality in its ethical, historical, 
cultural or religious aspect : it was rather an avowal of 
political loyalty. Yet such a Declaration, expressed as it 
was in exaggerated terms, was calculated to surprise and 
puzzle the genuine friends of the Jews in England, and give 
rise to misunderstanding. 

F. D. Kirwan, the English translator of the Parisian 
Sanhedrim, pubhshed in French by the French- Jewish editor, 
M. Diogene Tama (Appendix xlii), says, in his preface : 
". . . The ultimate views which Bonaparte may have on the 
Jewish nation are, to this day, involved in obscurity ; while 
the supposed advantages he so pompously conferred on 
them may reasonably be called in question. When we 
consider that the Jewish population of France and Italy is 
not calculated, by the deputies themselves, at more than 
one himdred thousand souls (a small number indeed when 
compared with the population of those countries), we are at 



a loss to see what great advantages could immediately 
result to Bonaparte from the Jews embracing zealously the 
profession of arms. We well know that his gigantic plans of 
ambition rest on the laws of conscription ; but the Jews are 
already liable to them ; they can hardly escape their 
excessive rigour ; and even the whole of the Jewish youth, 
of the requisite age, would, in point of number, make but a 
contemptible reinforcement to the immense armies of 

" These exhortations to embrace the profession of arms, 
so zealously repeated by the leading members of the French- 
Jews, are besides, always coupled with strong recommenda- 
tions to follow mechanical trades and husbandry ; in short, 
those professions without which a nation cannot exist by 
itself, but which are not more particularly useful than any 
others to a small given number of people, who consider 
as their country an Empire in which these professions 

" We find these same recommendations strongly inforced in 
the answer of M. Furtado to the commercial Jews of Frank- 
fort, who hardly can have a choice of employment. ' We 
have,' says he, ' too many merchants and bankers among 
us, and too few artificers and husbandmen, — and, above all, 
too few soldiers ' : but if their countrymen thoroughly fill 
these branches of employment, what necessity is there for 
having husbandmen, artificers, and soldiers of their own? 

"The Jewish deputies say that Bonaparte conceived the 
idea of their regeneration, or their political redemption, in the 
land of Egypt and on the hanks of the Jordan. This we doubt 
not ; and though we are almost ashamed to hazard the 
extravagant supposition, we feel a conviction that his 
gigantic mind entertains the idea of re-establishing them in 
Palestine, and that this forms a part of his plan respecting 
Egypt, which he is well known never to have abandoned. 

" No one will contend that this idea is too wild for his con- 
ception ; it is, on the contrary, perfectly consonant with his 
love for extraordinary, dazzling enterprises ; he acts in this 
even with more than his usual foresight, by attempting to 
prepare the Jews for the new situation he intends for them. 
It is with this view that he encourages them to follow those 
professions which are necessary for men forming a distinct 
nation in a land of their own ; for certainly, a body wholly 
composed of merchants and traders could never exist as 
such. . . ." 


" The answer to the sixth question, by which the French 
Jews acknowledge France as their country, without any 
restriction whatever, is a still more heinous derehction of 
the tenets of the Mosaic law ; for they give up, by it, the 
hope of the expected Messiah, and of the everlasting 
possession of the promised land of Canaan, which they deem 
a part of the sacred covenant between God and His chosen 

" While we thus inculpate the Jewish deputies, it cannot be 
expected that we shall lay too great a stress on the fulsome 
and frequently impious flattery which characterizes all their 
productions. . . . 

" But fkttery is the opiate of the guilty conscience ; it 
sooths the pangs of remorse ; . . ."^ 

A similar view was expressed with considerable eloquence 
by the Rev. James Bicheno (1751-1831), of Newbury, an 
Anapabtist minister who attained some distinction in his 
day through his works on the Prophecies, and of others on 
various subjects (Appendix xliii). He was the author of The 
Restoration Of The Jews. The Crisis Of All Nations ; . . . 
1800 2 (Appendix xliv). 

This book is a valuable contribution to Christian pro- 
Zionist literature. The author is a great beUever in the 
future of Israel and of Palestine, but he looks upon the 
problem mainly from a reUgious point of view, though he 
does not demand any conversion of Jews prior to their 
Restoration. Many of his conclusions are unacceptable, 
and others are incapable of proof, but even these are useful 
in so far as they may " stimulate the minds of rulers to 
meditation, and thus suggest to them new aspects^ and new 
ways of inquiry"; and although there is little thought 
in his book, and some of its main themes are not 
developed with completeness or accuracy, the ingenuity 
which leads to so many suggestions, and the elegance 
which groups them so artistically, give the book vivacity 
and diversity. The author refers to the Parisian San- 
hedrim, and accepts the view of the Enghsh translator, 
F. D. Kir wan. 

". . . If the Sanhedrim were to consult only on what was 

* Transactions of the Parisian Sanhedrim . . . London, 1807. pp. (iii.), 
vii.-ix., XV. 

* A Second Edition, " To which is now prefixed a brief history of the 
Jews," was pubUshed in 1807: 

» Ibid., pp. 1-63. 




































.— H 





r^. -*^ 



domestic, why invite the co-operation of all the Jews in 
Europe ? The time was not come for the design to be ex- 
posed at full length. What grand scheme is developing, 
and whether Napoleon is devising the commercial aggran- 
dizement of France, and the ruin of the EngHsh interest in 
the East, by the re-settlement of the Jews in their own 
land, time will discover. But it needs but little discernment, 
when, besides all this, the state of things both in Europe 
and in the East, and the character of the extraordinary 
man who has taken this people under his protection, are 
taken into consideration, to perceive, that something is 
intended more characteristic of the vast grasp of Napoleon's 
ambition than that of squeezing out of the Jews a few 
millions of hvres. ..." 

Bicheno concludes thus : "... it must be allowed by all 
serious minds, . . . that the great question relative to the 
future fortunes of the Jews, who, for so many ages, have been 
preserved as by a continued miracle, possesses considerable 
interest : . . . that the Jews, after their present long cap- 
tivity, will be gathered from all nations, and be again restored 
to their own country, and be made a holy and happy people. 
That their restoration will be effected at a time of 
great and general calamities. . . . That it is most likely 
they will be first put in motion by some foreign power, and 
that this power is some maritime one in these western parts 
of the world. . . . How long it is to the time when ' the 
dry bones of the House of Israel ' will begin to move, it is 
impossible to say ; . . . But although no one can say how 
near, or how distant, the time may be, when God will fulfil 
his promises to the Jewish nation ; yet it is certain there 
never were so many reasons for concluding it not to be very 
far off, as at present. We Hve in awful times. We and our 
fathers have seen wars, but, since man leamt to shed blood, 
there never was one similar to the present, in which the 
nations are dashing each other to pieces. . . . Events the 
most alarming follow each other in quick succession. . . . 
Palestine itself is becoming the scene of contest ; and that 
ferment, which has been productive of such imexpected and 
awful catastrophes in Europe, has reached the shores of 
Egypt and Syria. "^ 

In conclusion. It may be pointed out that Bonaparte's 
idea of the restoration of the Jews was not quite new in 
France. Some suggestions of the kind had been made in 

* Ibid., pp. 59-60 : 228-230. 


French literature before. Thus the Prince de Ligne^ wrote, 
in his Memoirs upon the Jews, in 1797 : 

" After having traced to the Christian states their duties 
and their interests in regard to the amehoration of the con- 
dition of the Jews of Europe, we may prophesy what will 
happen in case they ignore this counsel. ... If the Turks 
have a little common sense they will try and attract the 
Jews to them in order to make them their political, military 
and financial advisers, their police agents, their merchants, 
in short to become initiated by their advisers into all wherein 
lies the strength and weakness of the Christian states. 
Finally, the Sultan will sell to them the Kingdom of Judah, 
where they would act better than aforetimes. . . . The 
Jews who would have found again their country would be 
compelled to make therein flourish the arts, industry, agri- 
culture and the commerce of Europe. Jerusalem, a horrible 
nest at present (this was written in 1.7(^7), giving a heart- 
ache to the pilgrims who come there now, would become a 
splendid capital. They would rebuild the Temple of Solomon 
upon its ruins. They would fix the waters of the torrents of 
Kidron, which would supply canals for circulation and 

^ Charles Joseph, Prince de Lignc, was born in Brussels, 1735, and 
died in Vienna, 18 14. He distinguished himself as a general during the 
Seven Years' War. He was an immensely wealthy nobleman and a great 
traveller, and after the war he settled at Vienna, where he was attached 
to the Imperial Court, and became a friend and adviser of the Emperor 
Joseph II. (1765-1790). He addressed to the Emperor — who was much 
interested in the reformation of the Jews and granted them some measure 
of rights — a " Memorial about the Jewish problem," and suggested a scheme 
of a return of the Jews to Palestine (CEuvres choisis, Paris et Geneve, 1809). 



The spirit of the time — Ditlerent currents — Thomas Withcrby — Dr. 
Joseph Priestley — Anti-Socinus, alias Anselm Bayly — John Hadley 
Swain — William Whiston — Bishop Robert Lowth — Dr. Philip Dod- 
dridge — David Levi. 

In the early years of the nineteenth century religious 
ideas exercised considerable influence on the English 
mind, and penetrated deeply into the soul of the nation. 
Public opinion was, therefore, favourably disposed to- 
wards Zionism, and prepared to accept it from the re- 
ligious point of view. But that was not the only point 
of view from which Zionism was advocated and accepted. 
Zionism had two aspects, corresponding to the two meanings 
expressed by the words " Restoration of Israel." Those 
words sometimes denoted simply the tendency towards a 
Jewish national revival, an aspiration as elementary and 
natural as any other of the kind ; at other times the idea 
of the " Restoration of Israel " was connected with the 
realization of religious prophecies, and it was held that 
Judaism or Christianity (according to the point of view) 
was to be glorified by the resettlement of Jews in Palestine, 
As religion, and especially the Bible, was one of the most 
potent agencies in the formation of political and moral 
theories in England, it came about that the history of the 
Zionist idea was interwoven with that of religious opinions. 
But, on the other hand, it is impossible to overlook the in- 
fluence of nationalist ideas which supported the Zionist 
cause from another point of view, and were expressed in a 
different tone and spirit. While on the one hand religious 
imagination gave to the conception the richness and warmth 
that belong to sentiment, statemanship contributed the clear- 
ness and firmness that reason alone can give. 

Every keen student of the literature of that epoch con- 
cerning Zionism will readily notice that there were two 
different cuiTents of thought. We will refer only to one 
wiiter who was altogether averse to conversionism, yet 
adopted the Zionist view — Thomas Withcrby (1760-1820). 
He was a London solicitor of repute, who after his retirement 



lived at Enfield and took up the study of political and social 
problems. He wrote An Attempt to Remove Prejudices 
Concerning the Jewish Nation (Appendix xlv), and was 
opposed on some important points to Mr. Bicheno's pro- 
phecies (Appendix xlvi), but, essentially, shared the latter 's 
opinions concerning the rights of the Jewish nation. He 
was the first English author who dealt with the imaginary 
incompatibility of Jewish citizenship with Jewish national 
claims to Palestine. He confessed that prejudices against 
the Jews, though not as vigorous then as they had been in 
times gone by, were still very strong. He admitted " the 
sad conduct of Christians against Jews " ; he praised " the 
Jewish sincerity and their attachment to their nationality 
and reUgion," and on those grounds he defended the claim 
of the Jews' citizenship. " Bad Jews would be bad citizens ; 
good Jews would be good citizens." According to his view, 
the just demand for equahty of rights for the Jews does not 
conflict with the claim of the Jewish nation to a land of its 
own, in which he decidedly believed. We may let him speak 
for himself : 
--7 " Previous to the great and most conspicuous return of 
the Jews to their own land there will be a partial restoration 
of many of them to their land, which will probably be 
effected by the Protestant powers who may renounce their 
prejudices against them, and see that the non-acceptance 
of the Christian doctrines is not the bar to their restoration 
to the favour of God." 

He recognized both the right of the Jews to decide for 
themselves in matters affecting the preservation of the race, 
and the independent validity of the considerations which 
lead to the recognition of Jewish rights in all countries. It 
was his opinion that while humanity and justice must refuse 
to recognize anything in the laws of any country which was 
at variance with the principle of equality, they should be 
the more ready to admit the higher claim of the Jewish nation 
to a home of its own. 

Witherby stood, then, for the Restoration of Israel as 
well as for Jewish Emancipation. There can be no stronger 
and more convincing protest against the fallacious assump- 
tion of the irreconcilability of Zionism and Emancipation 
than Witherby's interesting and instructive pamphlet. His 
ideal — a noble and statesmanlike ideal — was to do justice 
to those Jews who lived in the country, and accordingly 
formed an integral part of the organism of the State, work- 

Rev. James Bicheno 

David Levi 

Rev. William Whiston 

Dr. ju.-^Kt'H Fkiestlev 

President John Adams 


ing like others for the prosperity and safety of the reabn. 
Equally he considered it a sacred duty of humanity to 
enable this ancient and disinherited nation to rebuild a 
central home for those of its members who saw the necessity 
of such a home, and had the inclination to go there. The 
poUcy of the State towards the Jews was to be based on 
these broad principles. Witherby was a man of practical 
sense and clear sight ; he stated clearly and forcibly the 
anomalies of the Jewish position, and, unhampered by petty 
prejudices, sought earnestly for a solution of the Jewish 
problem in its entirety. 

In concluding this part of the review of the Zionist idea 
in Christian England, we may mention the name of Dr. 
Joseph Priestley (1733-1804). Dr. Priestley was an eminent 
English philosopher, theologian, and chemist. Though not 
a conversion ist in the true sense of the term, he was 
nevertheless somewhat influenced by that point of view. 
He was assisted by the Rev. Anselm Bayly (1719-1794), 
LL.D., Sub-Dean of His Majesty's chapels, alias Anti-Socinus, 
and John Hadley Swain . In his Letters to the Jews (Appendix 
xlvii) and in A Comparison of the Institutions of Moses . . . 
And An Address to the Jews on the present state oj the World 
(Appendix xlviii) he threw his arguments into a series of 
hypothetical syllogisms, the only defect in which is that his 
premises could hardly be proved. Yet the stress which he 
laid on the acknowledgment of Israel's dignity atones for the 
sophistry of the argument. Having cast a good idea in the 
stereotyped mould of conversionism, he seems to have ex- 
pected that a great impression would be produced upon the 
Jews; but, naturally, his conversionist methods evoked a 
storm of protest. 

He found a strong opponent in David Levi (1742-1808), 
a Hebraist and well-known author of books dealing with 
Jewish theology and ritual. In his controversies with 
believers and non-believers David Levi attempted to show 
that the divine mission of the prophets was fully established 
by the present dispersion of the Jews. He pubHshed a reply 
— Letters to Dr. Priestley, in answer to those he addressed to 
the Jews: London, 1787 (Appendix xlix) — in which the 
orthodox standpoint of passive, religious Zionism is defined 
in the following terms : " And, as all the calamities that 
were to befall our nation, in consequence of our transgressing 
the Law, as foretold by that great prophet, and divine 
legislator, Moses, have been fulfilled in all respects ; con- 


sequently, those great and glorious promises, also foretold 
by the same prophet, must likewise have their full comple- 

" But the exact time of this accomplishment is not known 
to any, save the eternal God Himself ; . . . These prophe- 
cies, Sir, are our consolation in this long, and dreadful 
captivity, and have been our support, in enabling us to 
bear up against the many grievous and miserable persecu- 
tions, we have suffered. . . ." ij>p. 2-3). In this way Levi 
withdraws Messianism altogether from human experience 
and the operation of the ordinary laws of thought. 

On the other hand, WiUiam Whiston (1667-1752),^ Bishop 
Robert Lowth (1710-1787)2 and Dr. Philip Doddridge (1702- 
1751),^ supported the idea of a speedy restoratiorl of the 
Jews, and, with the exception of the liberal-minded Whiston, 
adopted the conversionist view. There was, unfortunately, 
too much hasty and captious objection on the one hand, 
and of settled and invetera te prejudice on the other ; too 
strong a tendency to lose sight of the broader features of the 
main question in the eagerness to single out particularly 
salient points of attack. Nevertheless, the steady progress 
of the Zionist idea is unmistakable on both sides of the con- 
troversy. Regardless of all these polemical discussions, 
public opinion began to understand that Zionism was not 
opposed to and did not interfere with the Christian Millen- 
nium or the Jewish Messiah, but was simply a definite con- 
ception of the way in which humanity has to prepare for the 
realization of the great ideal. 

^ The Literal Accomplishment of Scripture Prophecies IV. 

Natural Preparations . . . for the Restoration of the Jews, . . . By Will. 
Whiston, M.A. . . . London : . . . Mdccxxiv. 

2 Isaiah, A New Translation; With a preliminary dissertation and 
notes, critical, philological, and explanatory. By Robert Lowth, d.d. 
. . . Lord Bishop of London. . . . London : . . . mdcclxxviii. 

' The Works of the Rev. P. Doddridge, d.d. Volume viii. . . . The 
Epistle of St. Paul to the Romans ; . . . . Leeds : . . . 1805. 



The Biblical drama " Cain " — Byron and the Bible — The Hebrew 
Melodies — A poet and a hero — The Hon. Douglas Kinnaird — Isaac 
Nathan — John Braham — Lady Caroline Lamb — Sir Walter Scott 
—Dr. John Gill— Dr. Henry Hunter— The Rev. John Scott— Mr. 
Joseph Eyre. 

At that time the ideal aspirations of the Jewish nation 
found their most forceful expression in English poetry. 
George Gordon Byron (1788-1824), the sixth Baron Byron, 
who was conversant with every phase of human hfe, 
and touched every string of the divine lyre from its 
faintest to its most powerful and heart-stirring tones, rivals 
Milton, in his own sphere, in his noble and powerful Biblical 
drama Cain. He was one of the greatest of English poets, 
and his genius, like that of Milton, was penetrated with the 
aspirations of the Bible. ^ Byron had seen much in his 
Eastern wanderings, and by his Hebrew Melodies had con- 
stituted himself in some sort the laureate of Disraeli's 
own race. 2 There is in his work an intensity of grief and 
yearning, a vigour of thought combined with enchanting 
beauty of imagination, a tenderness which make him com- 
parable only to the sweet Hebrew Muse of Jehudah Halevi. 
Zionist poetry owes more to Byron than to any other Gentile 
poet. His Hebrew Melodies, which are among the most 

* "The Pilgrim Poet: Lord Byron of Newstead." By Albert Brecknock 
. . . Illustrated . . . London ...1911,^.61. " Old Nanny " often spoke of 
the reverence and love Lord Byron had for his Bible, and states that in his 
quieter moments he could often be seen reading it. The verse Byron wrote 
on the fly-leaf of his Bible was taught to William Smith when quite a boy. 
by his mother. It runs as follows : — 

Within this sacred volume lies 
The mystery of all mysteries. 
Oh ! happy he of human race 
To whom our God hath given grace — 
To read, to learn, to watch, to pray. 
To lift the latch, to force the way. 
But better he had ne'er been born 
Who reads to doubt, who reads to scorn. 

* Shelley (i 792-1822) and Lord Beaconsfield. by Richard Gamett. 
London: Printed For Private Circulation Only (1835-1906). 8'', pp.22. 
1887, p. 9. 



beautiful of his productions, have been translated several 
times into Hebrew, and there are no lines more popular and 
more often quoted than : 

The wild dove hath her nest, the fox his cave. 
Mankind their country, Israel but the grave, 

which might well have been a Zionist motto. Byron 
was a poet and a hero ; the keynote of his character 
is to be found in the word " revolt." Whenever the 
cause of liberty was in danger, his entire being was 
roused to indignation ; this was the passion of his soul, and 
for this he gave his life. This " Pilgrim of Eternity, "^ 
who died a martyr to his zeal in the cause of the freedom of 
Greece, might perhaps have been equally able to sacrifice 
his life for the freedom of Judaea, had the deliverance of 
Judaea offered scope for a similar struggle in his time. As 
it was he expressed the Jewish tragedy, not only in its 
poetical but also in its political aspect. 

The genius of pure imagination is usually apt to evade the 
actual facts of political and social life, and to wing its way 
into an ideal world of abstractions. But some there are 
who derive their material from the realities of social and 
national life, and transmute into poetry the prevailing ideas 
of the actual world. The Pilgrim Poet belonged to the latter 
category. He re-echoed the aspirations of his time. Thorough 
understanding of and sincere compassion for the sorrows of 
Israel found eloquent expression in the English writings of 
that epoch. At that time EngUsh writers were keen students 
of Jewish history, and since the time of Vespasian (9-79) 
Jewish history has recorded only sorrowful scenes : it tells 
mainly of fugitives banished to all quarters of the world, 
where they have sought asylum and have been compelled to 
realize the unanimity of the desire to annihilate them, 
" The Jews were a prey to innumerable calamities, and their 
existence was little else than a protracted agony." " The 
numberless banishments, oppressions, exactions, persecu- 
tions, massacres and miseries of all kinds, which they have 
undergone in almost every age and nation from their first 
dispersion down to these latter times — ^the various causes 
which have concurred to wipe off the very name and 
memorial of them from the face of the earth . . . are in- 
describable." This was what Byron read in the Enghsh 
literature of his time, and what he reahzed in his wanderings. 

' Adonais ... By Percy B. Shelley . . . mdcccxxi. Stanza xxx, line 3. 


A homeless nation — that was the fact which impressed 
itself most forcibly upon his mind. 

Byron's Hebrew Melodies, which were written at the sug- 
gestion of the Honourable Douglas James William Kinnaird 
(1788-1830),^ were pubHshed with music in January, 1815. 
Kinnaird was a man of considerable ability and great intel- 
lectual attainments. He introduced a Jewish composer, 
Isaac Nathan (1791-1864), to Lord Byron about 1812, 
This was the beginning of a friendship which ended only 
with the death of the poet. Byron wrote the Hebrew 
Melodies with the express purpose of their being set to music 
by Nathan, who subsequently bought the copyright of the 
work. Nathan decided to raise the means for the publication 
of the Melodies by subscription, and with that object associ- 
ated himself with his co-religionist, the melodious tenor 
John Braham (1774 ?-i856), who began his musical career 
as a chorister at the Synagogue in Duke's Place. Braham 
composed several operas, one of them the Americans, con- 
taining that famous song, The Death of Nelson ; and achieved 
a European reputation in his time. On signing the sub- 
scription list, Braham intimated his desire to assist in the 
publication of the Melodies and to sing them in public. 
Hence on the title-page of the first edition, which was pub- 
lished in 1815, it was recorded that the music was newly 
arranged, harmonized and revised by I. Nathan and 
I. Braham. 

The Melodies consisted mainly of a selection of favourite 
airs sung in connection with the observance of Jewish 
religious ceremonies (Appendix 1). It is interesting to 
observe that the music was reviewed first. Some of the 
remarks respecting Hebrew music are worthy of note. " In 
our very limited Review, it cannot be expected that we 
should attempt to throw any new Ught on the dark subject 
of Hebrew musick. . . . Whether the present Melodies were 
ever performed by King David's 4000 Levites, ... we shall 
not venture to decide : their age and originality are left 
entirely to conjecture, having been ' preserved by memory 
and tradition alone.' Some of them possess an interesting 
wildness of character, which leaves no doubt as to their real 
antiquity ; and the Editors assure us that they have pre- 
served as much of this feature as the rhythm of written 
musick and the adaptation of the words, would permit." ^ 

• Fifth son of George (06. 1805), seventh Baron Kinnaird of Inchture. 

* Gentleman's Magazine, June, 1815, p. 539. 

I.— H 


The Literary Review of the same Magazine devotes a very 
few lines to a criticism of the poems : "To say that these 
Melodies are Lord Byron's, is to pronounce them elegant. 
We select the following Poem, in addition to that already 
given in Part I, p. 450 " {i.e. " I saw thee weep "). There 
follows the poem " Saul."^ 

More light is thrown on the subject of Byron's attitude 
to the Jewish people and the Zionist idea in Nathan's 
Fugitive Pieces andReminiscences of Lord Byron (Appendix li) . 
In a note {p. 24) to " Oh ! Weep for those," Nathan writes : 
" Throughout the composition of these melodies, it will be 
observed by the attentive reader that Lord Byron has 
exhibited a peculiar feeling of commiseration towards the 
Jews. He was entirely free from the prevalent prejudices 
against that unhappy and oppressed race of men. On this 
subject, he has frequently remarked, that he deemed the 
existence of the Jews, as a distinct race of men, the most 
wonderful instance of the ill-effects of persecution. . . . 
That a period of 1800 years should have elapsed, and that 
these people should still preserve their own religion, their 
laws, and their customs, in defiance of ecclesiastical and 
civil oppression, does indeed seem astonishing ; but less so, 
when the effect of his Lordship's observation is sufficiently 
imderstood. On one occasion he remarked, " unfortunate 
men, surrounded by enemies among whom they are com- 
pelled to live ; oppressed, scorned, and outcast : condemned 
as criminal, because they cannot succumb to their op- 
pressors, . . . "In another note (/>. 61) contributed to the 
poem, " From the last hill that looks on thy once holy dome." 
On the day of the Destruction of Jerusalem by Titus, Nathan 
says : "In the composition of the foregoing stanzas, he 
professed to me, that he had always considered the fall of 
Jerusalem, as the most remarkable event of all history ; for 
(in his own words), " who can behold the entire destruction 
of that mighty pile ; the desolate wanderings of its in- 
habitants, and compare these positive occurrences vdth the 
distant prophecies which foreran them, emd be an infidel ? " 

The authenticity of Nathan's co-operation is beyond 
question. Nathan was a composer of acknowledged ability, 
and a writer on various subjects. He was bom at Canter- 
bury, Kent, and early in Hfe was sent to Cambridge to study 
Hebrew and the classical languages. Lady Caroline Lamb 
(1785-1828) was among Nathan's friends, and wrote poetry 

* Ibid., August, p. 141. 


for him to set to music. Sir Walter Scott (1771-1832), was 
also an admirer of Nathan's Jewish musical productions. 

Enthusiasm for the revival of Hebrew music was charac- 
teristic of the time, and was partly due to the prevailing sym- 
pathy for the Jewish people, for their sufferings and their 
hopes (Appendix Hi). If Hebrew Melodies were written at 
the suggestion of Kinnaird, this must not be taken to mean 
that poems like Hebrew Melodies can be written merely in 
response to the suggestion of a personal friend : they must 
be the product of a certain aspiration. 

At the same time, the idea of the Restoration of Israel 
made considerable headway in other quarters. Rev. Dr. 
John Gill (1697-1771) remarks that " the Protestant Princes 
will be assisting the Jews in replacing them in their own 
land."^ Rev. Dr. Henry Hunter (1741-1802) says : " It is 
indeed now pretty generally agreed among the learned, that 
we are warranted by the Scriptures to expect . . . their return 
to their own land ; . . ."^ 

The Rev. John Scott (1777-1834), speaking of the preserv- 
ation of the Jews, asks : " But wherefore are the Jews thus 
preserved ? Is it only as monuments of divine vengeance, 
and to bear testimony to others of blessings which they shall 
never taste themselves ? ' Hath God ' for ever ' cast off His 
people ' ? * Have they stumbled that they might fall,' to 
rise no more ? God forbid ! All the facts before us, and 
particularly their preservation, might well raise hopes in our 
minds that mercy was still in reserve for Israel."^ 

The " Advertisement " to Extracts from a work on the 
Prophecies, by Mr. Joseph Eyre, informs us that "The 
design in re-pubhshing them is to call the attention of 
Christians to those Prophecies of the Scriptures, which have 
a primary reference to the Jewish people, and which predict 
events concerning them that have not yet been fulfilled, 
and promise blessings to them of which they have not yet 
been partakers."* 

" Civis " writes : " With respect to the restoration . . . 
permit me to refer your readers to Mr. (George Stanley) 

* A Body of Doctrinal Divinity ; . . . By John Gill. d.d. . . . London: 
. . . M.Dcc.LXix. Vol. ii., p. 715. 

* The Rise, Fall, and Future Restoration of the Jews. . . . By the late 
Dr. Hunter, . . . London : . . . 1806. 

3 The Destiny of Israel : ... By the Rev. John Scott, a.m Hull : . . . 

1813. pp. 17-18. 

* Extracts from a work, entitled Observations upon the Prophecies, 
relating to the Restoration of the Jews. By Joseph Eyre, Esq. Originally 
published in the year 1771. . . . London : . . . 1823. 


Faber's (b.d.) (1773-1854) work on that subject, and also to 
The Sacred Calendar of Prophecy, 1828. The reasons . . . 
are . . , satisfactory and convincing. Even if there were no 
other passage to prove it, the one where God declares that 
it shall in future times be said ' The Lord liveth, who brought 
up and who led the children of Israel out of the north 
country, and from all the countries whither I had driven 
them, and they shall dwell in their own land,' would, I think, 
be sufficient to prove it ; because it seems too minute and 
circumstantial to admit of a merely figurative interpreta- 
tion ; and, indeed, what can it be a figure of ? What is the 
reality which the figure is supposed to represent ? I would 
ask, if a prophecy were intended to declare a literal restora- 
tion, what more plain and forcible terms could have been 
made use of ? We should never resort to figures except 
where the nature of the subject, or common sense, impera- 
tively requires it."^ 

" Paulinus " taking the opposite view, says : "In some 
circles a writer is almost unchristianized if he does not follow 
the opinion therein current . . . the literal restoration of the 
Jews to Palestine ; in favour of which there is a much more 
general concurrence of opinion than in any other of the 

^ Christian Observer, 1838, p. 443. 

To this period belong the following articles on the Restoration of the 
Jews in The Christian Observer (Church of England) : 
1838 May, pp. 286-7 
1838 July, p. 443 
1838 August, pp. 518-520 
1838 September, pp. 554-556 
1838 November, pp. 665-670 
1 841 January, pp. 2-4 
1 841 May, pp. 271-273 
2 Ibid.. 1838, p. 286. 



The Conflict between Turkey and Egypt — Mahmud II, Sultan of Turkey — 
Mehemet Ali, Pasha of Egypt — The victory of Nezib — The Turkish 
Fleet — Wellington's policy — The Eastern Question — Wellington's 
opinion — The London Conference, 1840 — ^The Insurrection in Syria 
and the Lebanon — An Ultimatum — The Capture of Acre by the 
British Fleet, 1840 — Schemes of annexation. 

The Palmerston period, 1837-52, was a great time in England 
for the idea of the Restoration of Israel. It was a time of 
stirring events in the East, events which raised some of the 
most momentous problems that can engage the statesman's 
mind. The English people watched from day to day with 
the deepest interest the progress of annexations, of con- 
quest, of negotiations, which they believed would go far to 
decide the future development and destinies of the greatest 
nations of the world. The European horizon was so dis- 
turbed that a^great political authority of the day is said to 
have declared that "if an angel from heaven were in the 
Foreign Office he would not preserve peace for three 

The facts are sufficiently familiar to most readers. But 
it will be necessary for our purpose to go over the oft- 
trodden ground, which must be done rapidly. 

In 1839 a tremendous crisis broke out between Turkey 
and Egypt as the result of a series of conflicts and struggles. 
In the brief space of eight years (1831-39) Mehemet Ali 
(1769-1849) had contrived to overrun the whole of Syria, 
having organized a fleet and an army beyond the legitimate 
necessities of his government, by acts of tyranny and op- 
pression against the very people for whose defence he pre- 
tended to have raised them ; and he forced these wretched 
people, whom he was bound to protect, to join him in rebel- 
lion, thus fastening more firmly the chains with which he had 
shackled them. Having concentrated 100,000 men on the 
Turkish frontier, he at once threw off the mask and inti- 
mated to the European consuls his intention of declaring his 
independence unless his demand for the government of Syria 
for life and of Egypt en heredite were conceded. 



He struck the first blow, and was very successful during 
the first stage of the war. The victory of Nezib (24 June, 
1839) was the last of his triumphs. The new army, which 
he had taken pains to organize, was only half trained. Still 
his power was unshaken, and his advantage was not confined 
to the land. The Turkish admiral, beaten by Mehemet Ali, 
and fearing for his life if he returned to Constantinople, 
determined on an act of treachery, which would ingratiate 
him with the victorious ruler of Egypt. He took the 
Turkish fleet, with some 20,000 men aboard, to Alexandria, 
and surrendered it to Mehemet Ali. 

The surprise and astonishment which the suddenness of 
these occurrences caused did not allow English diplomacy 
much time to consider. It was necessary to intervene at once, 
unless the Ottoman Empire was to be broken up. Palmer- 
ston determined to carry out WeUington's (1769-1852) 
policy, and to reduce the apparently invincible Pasha to 
"a state of obedience and subordination to the Sultan" 
(1808-1839), Mahmud II (1785 -1839). The difficulties 
seemed formidable, but Palmerston's conception of the 
diplomatic situation was unerring. He scouted the idea of 
actual intervention on Egyptian soil. The lessons of the 
battle of the Nile and of the earlier siege of Acre had not 
been thrown away upon a survivor of the struggle with 
Napoleon Bonaparte. A different strategic plan was adopted : 
a British squadron was to compel the evacuation of S5a-ia by 
Mehemet Ah. 

The imminent perils and dangers which surrounded 
this undertaking from the political point of view were 
evident. A great international problem arose. The 
solution of those important and complex problems 
which include what is usually called the " Eastern 
Question " had long occupied a considerable place in 
the field of international politics, especially in England. 
There was scarcely one, perhaps, of the more eminent 
EngUsh diplomatists -who had not distinguished himself in 
this department in a greater or a less degree ; and there was 
scarcely an aspirant to foreign poUtical activity and dis- 
tinction who had not thought it one of the surest paths 
to his ambition to come forward as a champion in this arena. 
It must, however, be borne in mind that this question 
was continually taking on a new form, and accordingly 
opinions and interests were always changing. In 1839-40 
controversy about this question attained its greatest inten- 


sity, and the interested powers were in a position of the 
darkest perplexity.^ 

After the traitorous defection of the Turkish fleet to the 
side of Mehemet Ali, five great Powers of Europe officially 
intimated to the Porte that they had determined to discuss 
and settle together the embarrassing Eastern question, and 
ultimately a Conference was called together in London, at 
which the Ambassadors of these Powers were to meet with 
full authority from their Governments to bring the matter 
to a definite issue. It appeared throughout that France 
was favourable to Mehemet All's ambitious projects, whilst 
England had decided to compel him to evacuate Syria forth- 
with and to restore the fleet before it would entertain any 
proposition of his to be allowed to retain Egypt in hereditary 
possession, or any part of Syria during his lifetime. The 
negotiations in London dragged on slowly ; month after 
month passed by, and the high contracting parties came to 
no definite decision. Everybody in England was anxious 
that Great Britain should play an important role in the 
Eastern Question. The state of the East had become 
utterly corrupt and hopeless. Great Britain considered that 
it was in its interest to maintain the integrity of the Otto- 
man Empire. What was meant by this principle ? Great 
Britain as an Asiatic not less than a European Power was 
interested to see that the Ottoman Empire was made 
thoroughly independent and enabled to progress by con- 
solidating and developing its provinces. As to Syria, every- 
body in England was aware that its possession was essential 
for the security of the richest and most important provinces 
of Asiatic Turkey, to which it was the military key. This 
was sufficiently demonstrated by the events which actually 
took place. 

On the 25th May, 1840, an insurrection of an alarming 
character broke out in Syria and The Lebanon among the 
Druses and Christians against the Emir and the Egyptian 
Government. On the 15th of July, 1840, an event occurred 
which brought the affairs of the Levant to a crisis. A conven- 

* WcUiiigton wrote in iSag to the Earl of Aberdeen : (i 784-1 860) 
" . . . it cannot be doubted that the measures completed by this Treaty 
of Peace must encourage other nations of Christians to endeavour to attain 
the same advantages by similar means. The other Powers of Europe and 
all parties in Europe must view the Treaty of Peace in the same light as we 
do . . . they must all consider it in the same light as the death-blow to the 
independence of the Ottoman Porte, and the forerunner of the dissolution 
and extinction of its power" {The Eastern Question: Extracted front the 
Correspondence of the late Duke of Wellington, London, 1877, p. 40). 


tion was signed in London between England, Russia, Austria 
and Prussia, without the concurrence of France, whereby 
an ultimatum was dehvered to Mehemet Ali, calling on him 
to evacuate Palestine. The four Powers demanded of him, 
first, a prompt submission to the Sultan (1839-1861) Abdul 
Medjid (1823-1861) as his Sovereign ; secondly, the im- 
mediate restoration of the Turkish fleet ; thirdly, a prompt 
evacuation of S5n:ia, Adana, Candia, Arabia, and the Holy 
Cities. Moreover the four Powers declared the ports of 
Syria and Egypt to be in a state of blockade. Consequently 
Acre, the fortress which had been the great depot and 
arsenal of Mehemet Ah, and which in 1799 had withstood 
Bonaparte after the twelfth assault, when he had been 
defeated by Admiral Sir William Sidney Smith (i 764-1 840) 
with a few sailors and marines and a force of undisciplined 
Turks, was now successfully bombarded by the English 
Admiral, Sir Robert Stopford (1768-1847), and placed in 
possession of the Sultan's troops. The fortress, which was 
considered invulnerable, surrendered on the 3rd of November, 
1840. Jaffa surrendered to the new garrison of Acre, a few 
days after the fall of the fortress. On the 3rd of November 
the happy tidings of the fall of Acre were brought to Con- 
stantinople, and the Government issued orders for public 
rejoicings; on the 19th of that month the Turkish Governor 
was officially informed that the garrison and inhabitants 
of Jerusalem had given allegiance to the Porte. 

The question of the future of Palestine now arose. Was 
Palestine simply to be left to Turkey or was Great Britain 
to secure some important places ? The prevalent tendency 
in English opinion was in favour of the annexation of Acre 
and Cyprus. Acre, in the hands of England, or of any other 
nation commanding the sea, could be made really impreg- 
nable, and Cyprus seemed also to be of great strategic im- 
portance, especially to England. The reasons for such an 
annexation were palpable. England and her Allies had not 
merely rescued Syria, they had absolutely saved the whole 
Ottoman Empire. After the battle of Nezib had given the 
defiles of Mount Taurus to Mehemet Ali, nothing could have 
obstructed the rebels' triumphant march to Constantinople. 
The AlUes had thus rendered to the Ottoman Empire the 
greatest possible service that one State can receive from 
another. Gratitude alone might have suggested a more 
valuable acknowledgment of this service than Acre and 
Cyprus ; but as the service had been rendered at some risk, 


and at enormous expense, justice demanded that it should 
be paid for ; and nobody could suggest that it would be 
paid for too dearly by a strip of territory which was of little 
value to Turkey, though useful to England, and which in 
British hands would assuredly supply the Porte with 
a fortress that could never be established in its own 
territory. Acre and Cyprus garrisoned by British troops 
would give Turkey the surest protection. Attention was 
also called to the fact that no spot in the world was 
associated with so many proud recollections as Acre, the 
theatre of British gallantry from the days of Richard Cceur 
de Lion (1157-1199) to those of Admiral Sir W. Sidney Smith 
and Admiral Sir Robert Stopford. Another consideration 
had great weight with English opinion. The possession of 
Acre would open a road for the return of Biblical truth to the 
land from which that truth had spread to the human race ; 
and Englishmen would feel guilty of sin if they failed to 
impress upon their Government the need of seizing this 
glorious and blessed opportunity. To take, however, the 
more utilitarian view of the matter, Great Britain, occupy- 
ing the impregnable position of Acre, would not be under 
the necessity of seeking the freedom of the overland route to 
India from any other Power. She would command it at all 
times. Acre in the hands of Great Britain would be a 
perfect guarantee against revolts in Egypt or in Syria, 
and would in fact ensure the Turkish Empire against the 
only danger that could threaten it on the side of Asia. 

The effects of an English settlement in Syria on the 
general interests of mankind presented a more serious 
question. Syria and the adjacent countries were in a 
worse state than they had been 2000 years ago. While the 
deserts of America and Australasia had been regained for 
the use of man, while India had been brought to peace and 
unity and its worst superstitions had been modified, if not 
altogether extirpated, by the influence of European civiliza- 
tion, man had given place to the savage creatures of the 
wilderness in those countries from which all that he knows 
of good, was originally derived. An English settlement 
in Syria would begin the work of regeneration in the 
most venerable and interesting country in the world. 
England would be to Syria and to the adjacent countries 
all that she had been to India — ^the protector of the weak, 
the common arbiter, the universal peacemaker. Her laws 
and her Uberties enable her to fulfil that function, her com- 


mercial interests fit her to undertake it, while her wealth, 
her naval supremacy and her colonial power furnish her 
with the means required for the purpose. Why should any 
other power oppose her acquiring that region ? That its 
acquisition would add to her commercial resources and to 
her defensive strength had to be conceded. But had no 
nation ever before sought to increase her commercial re- 
sources and add to her defensive strength by means in 
themselves legitimate, which would not in any way infringe 
upon the rights or interests of others ? The advancement 
of the world in civilization and happiness must remain for 
ever at a standstill, if each nation is to be held in check by 
the jealousy of the others. This was the attitude of public 
opinion on this question from the point of view of human 
progress and of British interests. 



The conflicting interests of the Powers — Was the conflict irreconcilable ? 
— Public opinion — A new principle — The independence of Syria — 
A neutral position — The Zionist idea as the only solution — A practical 

Public opinion had for a long time laboured under the 
impression that the intricacy of the Eastern question was 
due much more to the conflicting interests of the Powers 
engaged in its solution than to any insurmountable barrier 
between them and the Sultans Mahmud II, Abdul Medjid and 
Mehemet Ali. With France and Mehemet Ali on the one side 
and the four European Powers on the other, it was evident 
that war would have the most disastrous effect on the con- 
tending parties. The question arose whether the interests of 
the parties were irreconcilable, and whether it was not pos- 
sible to devise an arrangement acceptable to both sides and 
thus to avert war. Some political leaders thought that they 
could settle the question, and that it would be possible to 
adopt a policy sufficiently far-reaching and just to satisfy 
the expectations of the five Powers. 

It was common knowledge that the great dilemma in which 
Turkey and Egypt found themselves had throughout hinged 
on the question of Syria. Without the possession of Syria 
the power of Mehemet Ali became insecure ; with it he 
would be in a very strong position, because Turkey could 
only exist by his sufferance. In fact, the possession of Syria 
would give a tremendous advantage to either side. 

The problem was therefore to enable each of the Govern- 
ments to prevent Syria from passing into the hands of the 
enemy. And there was only one possible solution — namely, 
the establishment of an independent state in Syria. The 
grounds for this conclusion may be stated in the following 
series of propositions : 

(i) That the Sultan, unassisted, was powerless to retain 

(2) That Egypt had no right to Syria, except in so far as 

lawlessness and violence might make its possession 




(3) That Egypt had a right to independence, if she could 

achieve it. 

(4) That if Syria remained part of Turkey, the inde- 

pendence of Egypt would be constantly menaced. 

(5) That if Syria remained part of Egypt, the existence of 

Turkey would be rendered insecure. 

(6) That the insecure position of Turkey would endanger 

the peace of Europe. 

(7) That Syria, being a conquered kingdom, had the right 

to regain her independence if she could. 

(8) That by the existence of Syria as an independent 

state both Turkey and Egypt would remain intact. 

(9) That the neutral position of the new state would keep 

both Turkey and Egypt in check, and prevent 
either from becoming too powerful. 

Mehemet Ali could not object to a solution on these lines. 
He would be protected by the Sultan, Abdul Medjid, and 
would be at liberty to extend his influence in other directions. 
But the Sultan, having been paramount lord of Syria, might 
reasonably claim some consideration for consenting to the 
independence of Syria. Who was to pay this consideration ? 

It is at this point that we have to turn to the old idea of 
Zionism to find the only just and natural solution. Bishop 
Newton's commentaries, Witherby's moralisings, Byron's 
poetry — ^to these lines of approach to Zionism was now 
added the tendency of British politics. A hundred times 
the promoters of the Zionist idea had been disheartened, 
a hundred times they had taken it up again. Now poUtical 
developments offered the background for a new propaganda 
for Zionism. The Restoration of Israel, an idea dear not only 
to the sentimentalist, the essayist and the litterateur, but 
also to every believer in the Bible and to every friend of 
liberty, had become an actual question of the day. 

If only the five European Powers could agree to settle 
the Eastern question upon the basis of Syrian independence, 
the carrying out of the details would be an easy matter. 
France would no doubt agree to such an arrangement. The 
amount of the consideration required by Turkey would be 
raised from the resources of Syria, augmented by a sum to 
be contributed by the Jews. Their contribution might be 
looked upon as consideration for their admission into S3n:ia. 

An arrangement of this character would satisfy all the 
parties concerned. Mehemet Ali would become the hereditary 


Sovereign of Egypt. France would be contented. The Jews 
would be virtually restored to their land. The Syrians would 
gladly agree, as their country would in this way achieve 
independence, while the Jews would help them to gain this 

From then onwards, the Jews would begin to immigrate 
into Syria from every part of the world ; they would carry 
in their train the apparatus of civilization, and would form 
a nucleus for the creation of European institutions. They 
would acquire and exercise the rights and duties of citizen- 
ship in their own country, and would build up, under the 
protection and auspices of the five European Powers, the 
government and independence of the Turco-Syrian State. 
And from this change other advantages also would accrue. 
Turkey would be relieved of the pressure that had been 
destructive of her interests. The consideration that she 
would receive for her consent would be the means of 
resuscitating her energies and restoring her strength. It 
would enable her to push on her reforms and again take 
her position as a powerful nation. 

It must at once be admitted that the condition of Syria 
presented a host of difficulties, on account of the division of 
the inhabitants into a number of separate tribes. But this 
fact only proved the necessity for the introduction of fresh 
material, with a view to welding together all classes into 
one harmonious community. The necessity of introducing 
fresh material into the social fabric of Syria once admitted, 
it followed as a matter of course that the immigration of 
the Jews into Syria would provide the most acceptable 
material. The establishment of European institutions in 
Asia (so far as they might be suitable) would follow, and 
in all probability England would in that way find a new 
ally, whose friendship might eventually prove of advantage 
to her in dealing with Eastern affairs. 



Damascus and Rhodes, 1840 — The anti- Jewish accusations — Jewish 
opinion in England and France — Two views — ^The persecutions and 
the Zionist idea — The difficulties of a Jewish initiative — Sir W. R. W. 

At that time an occurrence of a grave character troubled the 
Jews in the East. The Jews resident at Damascus and 
Rhodes were subjected in 1840 to cruel persecution on the 
false and atrocious charge that they used human blood in 
the celebration of the Passover. On the 7th February a 
Catholic Priest named Father Thomas suddenly disappeared 
from the quarter of Damascus where he resided. As he had 
last been seen near the shop of a Jewish barber, the latter 
was seized and examined, and finally subjected to torture. 
In his agony he accused several of the principal Jews 
of having put Father Thomas to death. Many of the 
Jews were immediately thrown into prison, and the most 
revolting barbarities were inflicted upon them to induce 
them to confess. An appeal was made to Mehemet Ali, the 
Pasha of Egypt, to put a stop to these horrors, and he issued 
peremptory instructions to that effect, ordering that the 
matter should be investigated before a tribunal composed of 
the European consuls specially delegated for that purpose. 
At a later period of the year, the Jews of Rhodes were 
accused of having abducted a Greek boy for the purpose of 
murdering him, and using his blood at the Passover, but 
after a trial and a long investigation the charge was pro- 
nounced to be false. In this case also great barbarities had 
been inflicted, and the Porte, in order to show its sense of 
the injustice done to the Jews, deposed the Pasha of Rhodes. 
These events awakened Israel from a long stupor. They 
stirred up Jewish public opinion all over the world, and 
especially in England and France. Like all persecutions, 
they served to accentuate Jewish solidarity. The first 
thing to do was to save the innocent martyrs ; next to this 
immediate necessity the question arose how to prevent 
similar attacks on Jewish life, and on the honour of Judaism. 
It was necessary to raise a powerful protest against these 



abominable accusations, to make representations to the 
Governments to protect and to assist the oppressed Jews. 

Up to this point Jewish leaders of all shades of opinion 
travelled the same road. It was only at this stage that 
commonplace charity and political foresight had to part 
company. To the former it seemed easy to surmount all 
difficulties and all objections instantly by a few plausible 
generalities, which to such minds were invested with the 
force of axiomatic truth, and to question which they would 
regard as useless. Persecution, it was said, is a temporary 
phenomenon, and consequently the defence should be tem- 
porary. But is the persecution of the Jews really only tem- 
porary ? Are not all these outrages and accusations links in 
one chain ? Are they not, to a certain extent, the conse- 
quences of the precarious and untenable position of a people 
without a land ? Short-sighted philanthropists, harassed by 
no doubts of this kind, asserted as facts what they knew in 
reality to be only probabilities. There is no doubt as to 
their perfect good faith, nor should any wilful misrepresenta- 
tion be attributed to them. They had seized on one part of 
the truth, namely, that justice should be applied to the 
Jews. With regard to questions of nationality and territory 
they had no experience. They knew little of the conditions 
of the countries where the Jewish masses lived ; the psy- 
chology of the non- Jewish masses in those countries was 
unknown to them. 

But history was against their superficial optimism, 
and in the minds of really thinking people grave 
doubts arose whether the future of the Jewish people 
could be secured by haphazard defence and immediate 
relief. It would be idle for the optimists to treat anxieties 
of this kind as if they were heresies. They were not re- 
actionary aspirations ; nor were they the pretensions of 
ignorant spirits to be wise beyond the limits of man's 
wisdom. They were in reality the logical consequences of 
experience and observation. They reveal a true conception 
of the Jewish problem, which is belittled and watered down 
by commonplace optimism. 

The Damascus affair, like similar events before and after 
it, stimulated Zionist aspirations, not because Zionism is 
merely a reflex of persecution, but because persecution 
reveals to the Jew his real situation, which, during the short 
intervals of peace, he does not clearly understand or is 
inclined to overlook. 


Though far from being the real cause — the real cause is the 
whole of Jewish history — the sufferings of the Jews have 
always been a stimulus to Jewish national f eehng. The Mor- 
tara case in i860 gave rise to the Alliance Israelite Universelle, 
the persecutions which began in 1882 to the movement of the 
" Lovers of Zion," and the Dreyfus affair in 1894 to Herzl's 
pamphlet The Jewish State, 1896, which heralded modem 
Zionism. In the same way the Damascus and Rhodes affairs 
were the immediate cause of Montefiore's journeys, the repre- 
sentations to Mehemet Ali about both the innocent martyrs 
and the establishment of Jewish colonies in Palestine, and 
the societies in England for the support of Palestinian 
colonization. A number of Jews in several countries, and 
especially in England, began to ask themselves : What will 
be the end of all these sufferings ? The reply was : Two 
things are necessary : — 

(i) The protection of Great Britain for the Jews in the 

(2) The colonization of Palestine. 

Public opinion had now taken a different turn ; and, what 
is more important, the character of the difficulties and 
objections generally raised had become wholly different. 
People began to inquire about the Jews themselves : would 
they or would they not be inclined to form a new society for 
the colonization of Palestine ? A greater disposition to 
follow up this kind of discussion had developed. The 
political sense of the day required definition, argument, 
and proof, where religion had been content to appeal 
merely to the instinct of reverence, and to put the whole 
matter on the plane of devotional feeling or exalted 

Would the Jews go to Palestine ? 

In the nature of things it could not often happen that a 
nation would undergo rapidly any great, although at the same 
time peaceful and salutary change. A nation may, indeed, 
develop almost in a day. Empires have evaporated in fury 
or exploded in passion. But then such violent changes have 
usually been vicious and destructive. An utterly demoralized 
people will abandon itself in a moment to a dream of 
ambition, turn its ploughshares into swords, and break 
from its borders to conquer the world. A new field for 
cupidity or pleasure, the discovery of a continent, the 
sudden acquisition of a fertile territory or a mine of wealth. 


has ere now turned an ancient and noble race into a rabble 
of adventurers. But it is very rare, almost unparalleled, for 
a peaceful people to find a new opening all at once. There 
was doubt, then, about the Jewish desire for redemption. 

Side by side with their attachment to the land of their 
birth, the sense of a long-lost home lies deep in the hearts of 
the Jewish masses, and they are drawn towards it by a long- 
ing expressed in heartfelt songs and prayers, in wishes and 
in hopes, not in rebelHous efforts. But could the Jews by 
themselves, as a whole nation, or as scattered and divided 
masses, as a defenceless and persecuted minority, take up 
the realization of their cherished hope ? Although it was 
an international political scheme, leading Jews would have 
to raise their voices and start the work if they wished to 
see its accomplishment. 

Sir William Robert Wills Wilde (1815-1876) wrote :— ^ 
" This extraordinary people, the favoured of the Lord, 
the descendants of the patriarchs and prophets, and the 
aristocracy of the earth, are to be seen in Jerusalem to 
greater advantage, and under an aspect and in a character 
totally different from that which they present in any other 
place on the face of the globe. In other countries the very 
name of Jew has associated with it cunning, deceit, usury, 
traffic and often wealth. But here, in addition to the usual 
degradation and purchased suffering of a despised, stricken, 
outcast race, they bend under extreme poverty, and wear 
the aspect of a weeping and a mourning people ; lamenting 
over their fallen greatness as a nation, and over the prostrate 
grandeur of their once proud city. Here the usurer is 
turned into the pilgrim, the merchant into the priest, and 
the inexorable creditor into the weeping suppliant. ..." 
"It is curious, ... to read the indications of fond attach- 
ment of the Jew to the very air and soil, scattered about in 
Jewish writings ; . . . ' The air of the land of Israel' says 
one, ' makes a man wise ' ; another writes, ' he who walks 
four cubits in the land of Israel is sure of being a son of the 
life to come.' The great Wise Men are wont to kiss the 
borders of the Holy Land, to embrace its ruins, and roll 
themselves in its dust."^ 

* Narrative of a Voyage to . . . the Shores of the Mediterranean, in- 
cluding a visit to . . . Palestine, etc. Dublin, 1840, vol. ii., pp. 358-363. 

* The German Jewish weekly, Dev Orient (Leipzig, 1840, N 16), mentions 
" a Christian divine, Rev. William Filson Marsh (1775-1864), who wrote 
to the then Chief Rabbi in London, the Rev. Solomon Hershell (1761-1842), 
about the necessity of a Jewish state in Palestine." 

I.— I 


The following extracts are taken from Der Orient, a 
German newspaper. They seem to betoken a movement 
among continental Jews in relation to the late crisis in 
Syria : — 

" We have a country, the inheritance of our fathers, finer, 
more fruitful, better situated for commerce, than many of 
the most celebrated portions of the globe. Environed by 
the deep-delled Taurus, the lovely shores of the Euphrates, 
the lofty steppes of Arabia and of rocky Sinai, our country 
extends along the shores of the Mediterranean, crowned by 
the towering cedars of The Lebanon, the source of a hundred 
rivulets and brooks, which spread fruitfulness over shady 
dales. ... A glorious land ! situate at the farthest extremity 
of the sea which connects threequarters of the globe, over 
which the Phoenicians . . . sent their numerous fleets to the 
shores of Albion, near to both the Red Sea and the Persian 
Gulf ; . . . the central country of the commerce between the 
east and the west. Every country has its peculiarity ; every 
people their own nature. ... No people of the earth have 
lived so true to their calling from the first as we have done. 

" The Arab has maintained his language and his original 
country ; on the Nile, in the deserts, as far as Sinai, and 
beyond Jordan, he feeds his flocks. In the elevated plains 
of Asia Minor the Turkoman has conquered for himself a 
second country, the birthplace of the Osman ; but Palestine 
and Syria are populated. For centuries the battlefield 
between the sons of Altai and of the Arabian wilderness, the 
inhabitants of the West and the half-nomadic Persians, 
none have been able to establish themselves and maintain 
their nationality : no nation can claim the name of Syrian. 
A chaotic mixture of all tribes and tongues, remnants of 
migrations from north and south, they disturb one another 
in the possession of the glorious land where our fathers for 
so many centuries emptied the cup of joy and woe, and 
where every clod is drenched with the blood of our heroes 
when their bodies were buried under the ruins of Jeru- 
salem. . . ."^ 

^ The Times, Thursday, December 24, 1840, p. 4. 

Painted hy G. Richviond, R.A.D.C.L. Engraved by T. L. Atkinson 

Sir MosKS MoNTEFiORE, Bart., F.R.S, 

From a mezzotint engraving (^ proof hefot-c all letters) 
lent hy Israel Solomons 



The project " for Cultivation of the Land in Palestine " — Abraham 
Shoshana and Samuel Aboo — Sir Moses and Lord Palmerston — Great 
Britain's protection of the Jews in the East — Lord Aberdeen — Sir 
Stratford Canning — Dr. Edward Robinson — Burghas Bey — A new 
journey to the East. 

England and English Jews deserve indisputably to be 
placed in the forefront of Zionism. A great pioneer of 
Anglo- Jewish Zionism during the Palmerston period was 
Sir Moses Monteiiore (1784-1885). He was a man of great 
stabiUty and magnanimity of character, and was much 
admired by Jew and Gentile alike. There have been few 
Jews in history who have been able to look back on a life of 
useful and beneficial activity with so much gratification as 
he, or who were so entitled to feel proud of the fact that 
throughout their lives they had done their duty not only to 
the country in which they lived, but to the ancient land of 
their fathers, to the English people as EngUsh patriots and 
to the Jewish nation as faithful sons of their race. 

Sir Moses was an enthusiastic supporter of "The Fund for 
the cultivation of the land in Palestine by the Jews." This 
was the harmless name given to Zionism at the beginning of 
his activity. We read in the Diaries oj Sir Moses and Lady 
Montefiore^ : — 

"Friday, May 24th (1839, Safed) . . . 

" The heads of the Portuguese and German congregations 
came to pay their respects to Sir Moses and Lady Montefiore 
(1784-1862). Two of these gentlemen, the Rev. Abraham 
Shoshana and Samuel Aboo, were landowners in a neigh- 
bouring village, and gave their opinion on the subject of 
agriculture. Sir Moses, referring in his diary to the con- 
versation, says : — 

' From all information I have been able to gather, the 
land in this neighbourhood appears to be particularly favour- 
able for agricultural speculation. There are groves of olive 
trees, I should think, more than five hundred years old, 

^ Diaries of Sir Moses and Lady Montefiore . . . Edited by Dr. L. Loewe, 
... In Two Volumes, With Illustrations. Vol. i. London . . . 1890, p. 167. 



vineyards, much pasture, plenty of wells and abundance oi 
excellent water ; also fig-trees, walnuts, almonds, mul- 
berries, etc., and rich fields of wheat, barley, and lentils ; 
in fact it is a land that would produce almost everything in 
abundance, with very little slall and labour. I am sure if 
the plan I have in contemplation should succeed, it will be 
the means of introducing happiness and plenty into the 
Holy Land. In the first instance, I shall apply to Moh- 
hammad (Mehemet) Ali for a grant of land for fifty years ; 
some one or two hundred villages ; giving him an increased 
rent of from ten to twenty per cent., and paying the whole 
in money annually in Alexandria, but the land and villages 
to be free, during the whole term, from every tax or rate 
either of Pasha or Governor of the several districts ; and 
liberty being accorded to dispose of the produce in any 
quarter of the globe. The grant obtained, I shall, please 
Heaven, on my return to England, form a company for the 
cultivation of the land and the encouragement of our 
brethren in Europe to return to Palestine. Many Jews now 
emigrate to New South Wales, Canada, etc., but in the Holy 
Land they would find a greater certainty of success ; here 
they will find wells already dug, olives and vines already 
planted, and a land so rich as to require little manure. By 
degrees I hope to induce the return of thousands of our 
brethren to the Land of Israel. I am sure they would be 
happy in the enjoyment of the observance of our holy 
religion, in a manner which is impossible in Europe.' " 

Political steps were undertaken and representations 
made. Sir Moses spoke to Lord Palmerston about agri- 
culture for the Jews in Palestine : — 

" On April 30th (1840) the Committee proceeded to 
Downing Street, and were most kindly received by Lord 
Palmerston. He promised to use his influence with 
Mohhammad Ali and the Turkish Government to put a stop 
to such atrocities.^ Sir Moses mentioned on this occasion, 
when Lord Palmerston was speaking of his visit to Palestine, 
Mr. Young's humanity at Jerusalem, and also the fact that 
the Jews were desirous of being employed in agricultural 
pursuits, "2 

Then arose the question of Great Britain's protection of 
the Jews in the East : — 

" His brethren in the East appealed to Sir Moses to 
intercede with the English Government to take them under 

^ Damascus. * Ibid., p. 214. 


their protection. They complained of being compelled by 
local governors to pay heavier taxes than any of the 
non-Israelite inhabitants. Both Lord Palmerston and his 
successor Lord Aberdeen listened with great kindness to the 
statements made to them on that subject by Sir Moses. Lord 
Palmerston, in reply to his representations, said the Chris- 
tians had suffered more than the Jews from the Governor 
being a fanatic, and added that he (Sir Moses) had his 
authority to wTite to the Jews in the East that if they had 
any serious complaints to make, the English Consuls would 
attend to them, and foru^ard them to the Ambassador at 
Constantinople, who would represent them to the Ministers 
of the Porte. . . . 

" Lord Aberdeen, with whom he subsequently had an 
interview on the same subject, said that he saw no objection 
to the British Consul receiving the statements of grievances 
made by the Jews, and transmitting such statements to the 
British Ambassador in Constantinople, who would be 
directed to confer thereon with the Ministers of the Porte, 
with a view to the redress of the grievances complained of." 

" On Sir Moses pressing the desire of the Jews in the East 
to be brought under British protection, his Lordship said 
that he did not see how it could be accomplished. All the 
European Powers were extremely jealous of any interference 
on the part of England. His Lordship added, however, that 
he would consider the best means to afford the Jews pro- 
tection for the sake of humanity and justice. 

" On the 7th November, Sir Stratford Canning (1786- 
1880),* previous to leaving for Constantinople, called on 
Sir Moses, and afterwards sent him a note, appointing to see 
him on the following day at twelve o'clock. Sir Moses 
accordingly went to him. The purpose of this interview 
was to solicit protection for the Israelites in the East. Sir 
Moses informed him of the directions given by Lord 
Palmerston, and Sir Stratford said he would be happy to 
do all that his duty permitted, and to hear from Sir Moses 
whenever he pleased. They had a long and interesting 
conversation respecting the Jews and the Holy Land, and 
Sir Moses was exceedingly satisfied by Sir Stratford's 

It may be pointed out here that the extension of Great 
Britain's protection to the Jews in the East was at that 

^ The Rt. Hon. Sir Stratford Canning — afterwards Viscount (1852) 
Stratford de Redclifie, g.c.b. * Ibid., pp. 303-304. 


time regarded in other countries as something to which 
the Jews were justly entitled, and the granting of this 
protection was supposed to be necessitated by Enghsh 

Dr. Edward Robinson (1797-1863), the eminent American 
scholar, wrote : — 

" France has long been the acknowledged protector of the 
Roman Catholic religion, in the same Empire ; and the 
followers of that faith find in her a watchful and efficient 
patron ; ... In the members of the Greek Church, still more 
numerous, . . . the Russians have even warmer partisans. . . . 
But where are England's partisans in any part of Turkey ? 
That England, while she has so deep a political interest in 
all that concerns the Turkish Empire, should remain in- 
different to this state of things in Sjnria, is a matter of 

Notwithstanding the formal difficulties indicated by Lord 
Aberdeen the scheme grew, and Sir Moses received very 
sincere promises, for despite the force of Lord Aberdeen's 
reasoning, it was too subtle to commend itself to the common 
sense of Sir Moses, who was acting not as a diplomatist, but 
as an ardent protector of his oppressed people. The two 
points in Sir Moses' programme were his scheme for the 
colonization of Palestine and his efforts to obtain British 

Sir Moses had started his second voyage to Palestine 
in 1838. He was then already a friend of Mehemet Ali. 
Reaching Alexandria on July 13th, he was cordially re- 
ceived by the Pasha, who listened attentively as he 
unfolded his scheme. Mehemet Ali promised every assist- 
ance. " You shall have any portion of land open for sale in 
Sjn-ia," he said, " and any other land which by application to 
the Sultan may be procured for you. You may have any- 
one you would like to appoint as Governor in any of the 
rural districts of the Holy Land, and I will do everything that 
lies in my power to support your praiseworthy endeavours." 
He further gave instructions to the Minister of Finance, 
Burghas Bey, to confirm these assurances in writing. 

" A new era seemed dawning for the Jews of the Holy 
Land. Sir Moses returned to England with a light heart, 
and prepared to put his plans into execution. ... He was 
still connmg over the voluminous data he had collected, 

1 Biblical Researches in Palestine, ... By Edward Robinson, d.d. 
Vol. iii. London, mdcccxli., pp. 464-465. 


and was constructing in his mind the foundation of a new 
commonwealth for Palestine, when he was suddenly called 
upon to proceed again to the East, — this time, not as a 
peaceful reformer, but as the champion of his people, 
charged to vindicate their honour in the face of a foul con- 
spiracy. He cheerfully laid aside his agricultural schemes, 
and girded up his loins for the new enterprise. When he 
returned home in the following spring, crowned with laurels, 
and hailed on all sides as the deliverer of Israel, his triumph 
was clouded by one sad thought — the projects to which 
he had devoted the whole of the previous year were no 
longer possible. Mehemet Ali had ceased to be lord of 
Syria, and his improving rule had been replaced by the 
asphyxiating authority of the Stamboul Effendis, under 
whom questions of social well-being could expect little 

In these words Mr. Lucien Wolf, in his excellent Life, 
describes the change that took place in the plans of 
Sir Moses. The change was, however, quite superficial. If 
we consider all the facts and documents, we cannot doubt 
that Sir Moses was a great Zionist throughout his whole life. 
His type stands midway in the evolution of Zionism. 
He was not unconscious of the exaltedness, the pathos, 
the revulsion of feeling that the struggle for the revival 
of a nation awakens in the normal mind of a Jew. 
His role as a " champion of his people " in his Zionist 
efforts is of far greater importance than his defence of the 
unfortunate Jewish sufferers in Damascus. The latter was 
a necessity, and it was indeed a great honour for any man 
to be entrusted with the perilous mission of defending these 
innocent martyrs. But unquestionably noble and neces- 
sary as it was to struggle against those shamelessly fabri- 
cated charges which have unfortunately been brought 
against the Jews again and again, and to protest against 
that gross libel upon the honour and humanity of Judaism, 
a libel that accused the Jews of being murderers and can- 
nibals, can such a struggle be compared for dignity and 
greatness with the stimulating effort for national regenera- 
tion ? What was the result of all these pleas of defence ? 
Some individuals were saved from martyrdom ; but since 
then the same terrible accusation has been levelled against 
the Jews a hundred times over, and it is hurled at them 

* The Life of Sir Moses Montefiore, by Lucien Wolf. London, 1884, pp. 


in our own time with still greater malice and wickedness 
than in 1840. No one would underrate the great value 
and the imperative necessity of Jewish self-defence ; but the 
efforts undertaken by Sir Moses in 1838 were more than 
merely defensive — they were an attempt to transform the 
whole situation. 

Reviewing the results of the whole period here surveyed, 
we see that what Sir Moses attempted was in fact Zionism, 
political Zionism. It was, however, left to a later genera- 
tion to take up the work afresh, on lines dictated by sound 
political reasoning. Th^ new generation had already an 
organization behind it ; Sir Moses acted as an individual. ' 
He could not have succeeded even if the political circum- 
stances had been radically different. The first essential to 
colonization, though one which has been generally over- 
looked, is a national movement to support it. So many 
illusions are shattered by the cold touch of reality : the 
best that the regenerator can do is to close his eyes and 
to go boldly forward, supported by the strength and the 
enthusiasm of the masses, for in that way he can overcome 
the most formidable obstacles. But the practical side has 
also to be considered. Colonization can never be success- 
fully established without large capital and carefully laid 
plans. All these conditions were lacking in Sir Moses' day. 
It is, therefore, no matter for surprise that the plan on 
which Sir Moses had so confidently relied slipped out of his 

But Zionism was undoubtedly the greatest and noblest 
of Sir Moses' aspirations. He made seven journeys to 
Palestine together with his wife, who shared his devotion 
and enthusiasm : and many of these journeys were very 
dangerous. Jerusalem was the watchword of his life. 
One of his last expressions, as quoted by a biographer, 
was : " I do not expect that all Israelites will quit their 
abodes in those territories in which they feel happy, even 
as there are EngHshmen in Hungary, Germany, America 
and Japan : hut Palestine must belong to the Jews, and 
Jerusalem is destined to become the seat of a Jewish 
Commonwealth. ' ' 



Diaries of 1830-40 — The first English Vice-Consul for Jerusalem — 
Lord Lindsay's travels in Egypt and the Holy Land — A guarantee 
of five Powers — Lord Shaftesbury's conception of a spiritual centre 
for the Jewish nation. 

The Zionist idea not only has a long and unbroken history 
in England ; it links together periods and men of the most 
widely different convictions and emotions. This truth is 
illustrated by the fact that at the very time when Sir 
Moses was endeavouring to found a Jewish Commonwealth 
in Palestine, another famous man, one of the greatest 
Christians in this country, was working in his way and 
according to his lights, with similar enthusiasm and 
strength of conviction, for precisely the same cause. 
This was the seventh Earl of Shaftesbury (1801-1885), one 
of the most interesting personalities of the age, a man of the 
soundest intellect and the keenest perceptions, sagacious, 
far-seeing, of great honesty of purpose, modest and averse 
from notoriety, an ardent Christian and a broad-minded 
philanthropist. 1 

Lord Shaftesbury writes in his Diaries^ on September 
29th, 1838 :— 

" Took leave this morning of Young, who has just been 
appointed Her Majesty's Vice-Consul at Jerusalem ! He 
will sail in a day or two to the Holy Land. If this is duly 
considered, what a wonderful event it is ! The ancient city 

* In Lord Shaftesbury, the earnest Christian philanthropist, the world 
was not slow to recognize the most eminent social reformer of the nine- 
teenth century. The Duke of Argyll (1823-1900) thus described him in a 
memorable speech in the House of Lords, and the eulogy wEis endorsed by 
Lord Salisbury (i 830-1 903) : " The family motto of the Shaftesburys, 
' Love, serve," was well exempUfied in the character of his Ufe. His efforts 
and his influence were interwoven with many of the most humane move- 
ments of two generations. Pre-eminently the friend of the poor, the 
degraded and the outcast, his generous sympathies and his ceaseless 
labours on behalf of the »:ljLSses in whom he took so deep an interest, have 
given him a high place in the illustrious roll of benevolent Englishmen. 
The epitaph which the Eastern Rabhi desired for himself might with 
perfect truth be appUed to Lord Shaftesbury, ' Write me as one who loves 
his fellow-men.' " 

* Edwin Hodder : The Life and Work of the Seventh Earl of Shaftesbury, 
LondoD, iSSb. 



of the people of God is about to resume a place among the 
nations, and England is the first of the Grentile Kingdoms 
that ceases ' to tread her down.' If I had not an aversion 
to writing, almost insuperable, I would record here, for the 
benefit of my very weak and treacherous memory, all the 
steps whereby this good deed has been done, but the 
arrangement of the narrative, and the execution of it, 
would cost me too much penmanship ; I shall always, at 
any rate, remember that God put it into my heart to con- 
ceive the plan for His honour, gave me influence to prevail 
with Palmerston, and provided a man for the situation, who 
' can remember Jerusalem in his mirth ' " (vol. i., p. 233). 

It was, as we see, a sublimely conceived notion of Lord 
Shaftesbury's that Jerusalem was about to resume a place 
among the nations, and that England was destined to carry 
out God's designs. 

He continues on October 3rd, 1838 : — 

" Lord Lindsay's^ ' Travels in Egypt and the Holy Land ' 
are very creditable to him, . . . Egypt will yield largely in 
confirmation of the Jewish records ; and Palestine, when dug 
and harrowed by enterprising travellers, must exhibit the 
past with all the vividness of the present. The very violences 
of Ibrahim Pasha^ (1789-1848) (the Scourge of Syria) have 
opened the first sources of its political regeneration by offer- 
ing free access to the stranger in the repression of native 
lawlessness ; hundreds now go in a twelvemonth when one 
trod the way in a quarter of a century, and the Bible is 
becoming a common road-book " (Ibid.). 

The last sentence proves the Biblical character of England's 
devotion to Palestine. English thinkers and statesmen 
particularly appreciated the fact that no country has 
been the scene of the principal drama of human develop- 
ments for so many centuries as Palestine, and no other bears 
upon its memory so many of the scars of those great convul- 
sions that have shaped the main features of history. 

He writes on July 24th, 1838 : — 

" It seems as though money were the only thing wanting 
to regenerate the world. Never was an age so fertile in good 
plans, or with apparently more and better men to execute 
them, but where are the means ? . . . Why money would 
almost restore the Jews to the Holy Land. Certainly so 
far as Mehemet Ali is the arbiter of their destinies. . . . 

» Afterwards the twenty-fifth Earl of Crawford {1812-1880). 
* Second son of Mehemet Ali. 


" Anxious about the hopes and destinies of the Jewish 
people. Everything seems ripe for their return to Palestine ; 
' the way of the kings of the East is prepared.' Could 
the five Powers of the West be induced to guarantee the 
security of life and possessions to the Hebrew race, they 
would now flow back in rapidly augmenting numbers. 
Then by the blessing of God I will prepare a document, 
fortify it by all the evidence I can accumulate, and, con- 
fiding to the wisdom and mercy of the Almighty, lay it 
before the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs" {Ibid., 

It may be observed that the Zionist formula of the Basle 
programme, demanding a home for the Jewish people 
secured by pubUc law, is identical with the " guarantee of 
the Great Powers " suggested by Lord Shaftesbury. 

Not only the questions of nationality involved in the 
realization of this important programme, but also the 
question of the creation of a spiritual nucleus for the 
Hebrew genius — one of the cherished aspirations of Zionists 
■ — occupied Lord Shaftesbury's mind quite as much as the 
political proposition : — 

The inherent vitality of the Hebrew race reasserts itself 
with amazing persistence ; its genius, to tell the truth, 
adapts itself more or less to all currents of civilization all 
over the world, nevertheless always emerging with distinc- 
tive features and a gallant recovery of vigour. There is an 
unbroken identity of Jewish race and Jewish mind down to 
our times : but the great revival can take place only in the 
Holy Land. 

He then proceeds to the practical steps. 

" August ist, 1838. — Dined with Palmerston. After 
dinner left alone with him. Propounded my scheme, which 
seemed to strike his fancy ; he asked some questions, and 
readily promised to consider it. How singular is the order 
of Providence ! Singular, that is if estimated by man's 
ways ! Palmerston had already been chosen by God to be 
an instrument of good to His ancient people, to do homage, 
as it were, to their inheritance, and to recognise their rights 
without believing their destiny. And it seems he will yet 
do more. But though the motive be kind, it is not sound. 
I am forced to argue politically, financially, commercially ; 
these considerations strike him home ; he weeps not like his 
Master over Jerusalem, nor prays that now, at last, she may 
put on her beautiful garments . . ." {Ibid., pp. 310-11). 


In these few lines we see the Zionist problem in its two 
aspects : Lord Shaftesbury dealing with it sub specie 
ceteynitatis, so thoroughly infused with the sense of its 
dignity that the reader's imagination is constantly stirred 
to the same feeling, and Lord Palmerston, the diplomatist, 
though of opinion that the scheme, constructed in a mist of 
hazy ideas, aspirations and emotions, required more clearness, 
yet agreeing in the main and demanding more details regard- 
ing the economic and statistical side of the subject. The 
difference between the two men was this : Lord Palmerston 
was a great political leader, Lord Shaftesbury was a great 

The Quarterly Review for January, 1839, pubHshed a 
masterly article by Lord Shaftesbury. It is a review and 
an appreciation of " Letters on Egypt, Edom, and the Holy 
Land, by Lord Lindsay, 1838." He writes : " We have 
alluded, in the commencement of this article, to the growing 
interest manifested in behalf of the Holy Land. This 
interest is not confined to the Christians — it is shared and 
avowed by the whole body of Jews, . . . Doubtless, this is no 
new sentiment among the children of the dispersion. The 
novelty of the present day does not lie in the indulgence of 
such a hope . . . but in their fearless confession of the hope ; 
and in the approximation of spirit between Christians and 
Hebrews, to entertain the same beUef of the future glories 
of Israel, ... In most former periods a development of 
religious feeling has been followed by a persecution of the 
ancient people of God ; . . . But a mighty change has 
come over the hearts of the .Gentiles ; they seek now the 
. . . peace of the Hebrew people. One of them . . . went a 
journey into Poland . . . informs us that several thousand 
Jews in that country and of Russia have recently bound 
themselves by an oath, that, as soon as the way is open for 
them to go up to Jerusalem, they will immediately go 
thither, ... Dr. [Joseph] Wolff (1795-1862) [Journal, 1833)1 
[sic) heard these sentiments from their lips in the remotest 
countries of Asia ; and Buchanan asserts that wherever he 
went among the Jews of India , he found memorials of their 
expulsion from Judaea, and of their belief of a return thither. 
... In Poland, the great focus of the Hebrew people, the 
sentiment is most rife that the time is near at hand for the 
turning of their captivity : . . ." {pp. 176-9). 

^ Journal of the Rev. Joseph \\'olff for the year 1831. London : . . 
MDCccxxxn. (8^. il.+jopp. [B. M.]) 



The London Convention of 1840 — The new Treaty of London for the 
pacification of the Levant — Viscount Ponsonby — Reschid Pasha — 
Lord Shaftesbury's " Expos6 " addressed to Lord Palmerston — ^The 
articles in The Times — A Memorandum to the European Monarchs — 
" Enquiries about the Jews " — The Allgemeine Zeitung des JudenUnns. 

We have to go back to the political changes which we 
indicated in connection with Sir Moses' activity. 

After the Convention which was signed on the 15th July, 

1840, in London for the pacification of the Levant, the 
terms were duly proposed to Mehemet AH and were rejected 
on the 5th September. Then the war intervened, Me- 
hemet Ali was obliged to come to terms, and on July i8th, 

1841, the new " Treaty of London for the Pacification of the 
Levant " was signed. Mehemet Ali abandoned his claim to 
Syria on condition that the Khedivate of Egypt was made 
hereditary in his family. This was a turning-point of much 
significance in the history of Palestine. At that moment 
the Jews might have been able to regain their ancient land, 
if only they had had an organization for carrying out the 

The only country in the world where this idea found 
influential expression at the time was England. The events 
in the East were naturally of intense interest to Lord 
Shaftesbury, and stimulated him to greater activity. 

He writes in his Diary, on August 24th, 1840 : " The 
Times of 17th August filled me with astonishment. I wish 
I had put down at the moment what I felt at reading it ; half 
satisfaction, half dismay ; pleased to see my opinions and 
projects so far taken up and approved ; — alarmed lest this 
premature disclosure of them should bring upon us all the 
charge of fanaticism. Now who could have believed, a few 
years ago, that this subject could have been treated in a 
newspaper of wide circulation, gravely, sincerely, and 
zealously, yet so it is ; and who sees not the handwriting of 
God upon the wall ? The very insults, misrepresentations, 
and persecutions of the Jews at Damascus bring forward the 



main question ; and Mehemet Ali, ' howbeit he thinketh not 
so,' is a mighty instrument for the benefit of this people ! 

" Palmerston told me that he has already written to Lord 
Ponsonby^ (1780 ?-i855) to direct him to open an inter- 
course with Reschid Pasha (1802-1858) at Constaninople 
respecting protection and encouragement to the Jews. This 
is a prelude to the Antitype of the decree of Cyrus, but, 
humanly speaking, we must pray for more caution. Those 
gentlemen who have now got access to the columns of the 
Times will, by over-zeal, bring a charge of fanaticism on the 
whole question. O God, from whom alone cometh all 
counsel, wisdom, and understanding, be Thou our Guide, 
our Instructor, and our Friend " {Ibid., p. 311). 

On August 29th, 1840, he writes : — 

" The newspapers teem with documents about the Jews. 
Many assail, and many defend them. I have as yet read 
nothing (except [the Rev. Alexander] M'Caul's (1799-1863) 
treatise) which exhibits any statement either new or clever. 
The motion of the Times in this matter has stirred up an 
immense variety of projects and opinions ; everyone has a 
thought, and everyone has an interpretation. What a 
chaos of schemes and disputes is on the horizon, for the time 
when the affairs of the Jews shall be really and fully before 
the world ! What violence, what hatred, what combina- 
tion, what discussion. What a stir of every passion, every 
feeling in men's hearts ! . . ." {Ibid., p. 311). 

On September 25th, 1840, he writes : — 

" Yesterday began my paper for Palmerston, containing 
in full the propositions for the recall of the Jews to their 
ancient land. ' Recall ' is too strong ; it is simply a ' per- 
mission,' should they think fit to avail themselves of it. I 
wish to prepare a short document, which may refresh his 
memory, and exist as a record both of the suggestion and the 
character of it " {Ibid., p. 312). 

We may confess that at times we find Lord Shaftesbury's 
ideas somewhat too largely influenced by his religious zeal ; 
yet he did succeed in mastering his emotions and dealing 
with the problem in a sound and statesmanlike manner. In 
this document of his we find not only generous ideas but 
also excellent arguments, simply and convincingly stated 
(Appendix liii). 

On November 4th, 1840, he writes : — 

" I hope I have done right in this : I have suppressed all 

1 John Viscount Ponsonby. 


party considerations, and have used every effort to persuade 
the Times to take just views of the Sj^ian question. I have 
been successful. Lord Palmerston told me this evening that 
the concurrence of the Tory papers had smoothed ten 
thousand difficulties ..." {Ibid., p. 315). 

The articles in The Times, to which Lord Shaftesbury 
refers, appeared in that newspaper at various periods. On 
the gth March, 1840 {p. 3), The Times published the follow- 
ing notice : — 

" Restoration of the Jews. — A memorandum has been 
addressed to the Protestant monarchs of Europe on the 
subject of the restoration of the Jewish people to the land 
of Palestine. The document in question, dictated by the 
peculiar conjuncture of affairs in the East, and the other 
striking ' signs of the times,' reverts to the original covenant 
which secures that land to the descendants of Abraham, and 
urges upon the consideration of the powers addressed what 
may be the probable line of Protestant Christendom to the 
Jewish people in the present controversy in the East. The 
memorandum and correspondence which has passed upon 
the subject have been published." 

This Memorandum (Appendix liv) is written entirely from 
a Christian point of view. Lord Shaftesbury, although 
himself a staunch believer in Christianity, was more inclined 
to give the project a practical character. 

On the 17th August, 1840, The Times {p. 3) published the 
following article : — 

" Syria. — Restoration of the Jews. 

" The proposition to plant the Jewish people in the land 
of their fathers, under the protection of the live Powers, is no 
longer a mere matter of speculation, but of serious political 
consideration. In a ministerial paper of the 31st of July an 
article appears bearing all the characteristics of a feeler on 
this deeply interesting subject. However, it has been reserved 
for a noble Lord opposed to Her Majesty's Ministers to take 
up the subject in a practical and statesmanhke manner, 
and he is instituting inquiries, of which the following is a 
copy :— 

" I. What are the feelings of the Jews you meet with 
respect to their return to the Holy Land ? 

"2. Would the Jews of station and property be inclined 
to return to Palestine, carry with them their capital, and 
invest it in the cultivation of the land, if by the opera- 


tion of law and justice life and property were rendered 
secure ? 

" 3. How soon would they be inclined and ready to go 
back ? 

" 4. Would they go back entirely at their own expense, 
requiring nothing farther than the assurance of safety to 
person and estate ? 

" 5. Would they be content to Uve under the Govern- 
ment of the country as they should find it, their rights and 
privileges being secured to them under the protection of the 
European Powers ? 

" Let the answers you procure be as distinct and decided 
and detailed as possible : in respect as to the inquiries as 
to property, it will of course be sufficient that you should 
obtain fan- proof of the fact from general report. 

"The noble Lord who is instituting these inquiries has 
given deep attention to the matter, and is well known as the 
writer of an able article in the Quarterly on the subject, in 
December, 1838." 

The adherents of the idea of Jewish assimilation in Ger- 
many started a kind of opposition. 

The Allgemeine Zeitung des Judentums dealt with this 
matter on the 19th September, 1840, and admitted with re- 
gard to the articles in the Globe, which it described as " a 
London Ministerial newspaper," that " the plans may all be 
classed among the things devoutly to be desired." On the 
other hand, this paper quotes from the Courier Frangais of 
August 26th, 1840, a comparison between M. A. M. L. de P. de 
Lamartine (1790-1869) (the poet, and at that time Deputy) 
and Lord Palmerston in the following words : — 

" M. de Lamartine intends to form a Christian kingdom 
at the sources of the Jordan, and at the foot of Mouni 
Lebanon ; if only Jerusalem, the Holy City, came into the 
power of France, he would gladly leave the rest of the world 
to England and Russia. But what is odd in the whole affair 
is that Lord Palmerston has chosen the same spot. Where 
the celebrated Deputy dreams of a Christian state, Lord 
Palmerston projects a Jewish Repablic." 

This jest caused the Allgemeine Zeitung des Judentums to 
" protest against the project in question," and " to warn the 
young people." All we learn from this pronouncement is 
that the Jewish youth was at the time inclined to listen to 
the Zionist idea. 



A new Memorandum — The " Balance of Power " — Palestine and " Rights " 
in other countries — A " Memorial of the Church of Scotland " — 
Protection for the Jews in the East. 

Some time afterwards a new Memorandum appeared in the 
press, which may be considered one of the highest eulogies of 
Zionism ever written (Appendix Iv) . It combines reHgious 
conviction with an appreciation of poHtical reahsm. The 
writers — this article being the expression of the opinions of 
a group of statesmen — deal with poUtical problems which 
were then of the highest interest and importance, and indi- 
cate with sufficient clearness a probable solution, emphasiz- 
ing the view that " the cause of the Restoration of the Jews 
to Palestine is one essentially generous and noble." They 
do not fail to realize the complexity of the problem and the 
many cross-currents and jealousies, but arrive at the con- 
clusion that there is a remedy for all these conjfiicts in the 
colonization of Palestine by the Jews. They even go much 
further than this, for they point out that " it would be a 
crowning-point in the glory of England to bring about such 
an event." 

The writer of an article entitled " A Regard for the Jews,"^ 
drew the following historical parallel : — 

" To afford the Jew an opportunity of returning to 
Palestine, if he chooses, and of dwelling there in peace and 
security, will hereafter form one of the brightest gems in the 
crown of Britain. Cyrus, for permitting the captive Jews to 
go up to Jerusalem, was honoured with an everlasting memo- 
rial upon the pages of inspiration. Britain will not miss a 
recompense of equal worth and honour for an act of the 
same enhghtened benevolence. For this the present time 
is most happy and opportune — for the stirring and philan- 
thropic portion of the public are alive to the case of the 
Jews, and would hail with loudest applause that government 
which would thus lay the top-stone upon all the kind 
exertions hitherto made in favour of that people." 

^ Globe, August 14, 1840. 
I.— K 129 


It is a common notion, particularly among some Jewish 
opponents of Zionism, to suppose that some non- Jewish 
supporters of this idea may be jealous of Jewish equality 
in the countries where they live, and may hope to get rid of 
the Jews. As a matter of fact, however, the promoters of 
the idea of Restoration have always been opposed to any 
sort of persecution or degradation. 

Here the writer touched upon one of the most important 
controversial points : the alleged incompatibility of the 
Restoration of the Jews to Palestine with their rights of 
citizenship in other countries. This contention has been 
made use of by some Jewish opponents of modern Zionism. 
We have dealt with the point in the Introduction, and 
shall have to return to it again. Here we only call attention 
to the broad-minded and lofty manner in which this 
English writer pointed out the fallacy of this supposed 
contradiction between Palestine and " rights," which has 
arisen only through narrowness of judgment and want of 
logic. It is curious indeed to find that Jewish opponents 
were always wont to speak on this point in the name of 
Christians, but in a strain quite opposed to expressed ideas 
and the attitude of the Christians most competent to 
decide. The plain fact is, as the writer says, that "the 
promoters of the idea of Restoration have always been 
opposed to any sort of persecution and degradation." 
This theory of a supposed irreconcilability of Palestine and 
" rights " is logically fallacious from another standpoint. 
The defenders of the theory refuse to consider sufficiently 
the question of the nature of rights and freedom. At 
times they seem to opine that Jews have to renounce their 
traditions in order to get " rights " ; at other times they 
appear to emphasize that freedom which is obtainable by 
means of " rights." But in reality rights are not necessarily 
freedom ; a man who aspires to culture but is forced to 
renounce his aspirations is not free. On the other hand, 
for a group of persons to abandon their traditions is not 
freedom. Freedom in the positive sense, the only sense 
which gives it any value, is the privilege of a wide 
choice, because the privilege of choice is the primary con- 
dition of real development and productiveness. Hence the 
only logical and liberal formula is that indicated by the 
WTiter of the Memorandum ; "to afford the Jew an oppor- 
tunity of returning to Palestine if he chooses." Modern 
Zionism has expressed the same idea in other words : 


Palestine should be for those Jews who cannot amalgamate 
with others or are not desirous of doing so. 

In the meantime, the question of the protection to be 
granted to the Jews in the East continued to occupy 
Enghsh minds a great deal. The Times, December 3, 1840, 
p. 6, has an article on " The Jews " which reads : — 

" The following Memorial has lately been presented by the 
Church of Scotland to the Secretary for Foreign Affairs : — 

'"To the Right Hon. Lord Viscount Palmerston, Her 
Majesty's Principal Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs. . . . 

" ' Your memorialists cannot help expressing the thank- 
fulness which they, and all others interested in the welfare 
of the Jewish people, must feel to your Lordship, for the 
countenance which you have given to other societies having 
at heart the same objects with your memorialists at the 
Porte and with the Pasha of Egypt, and for recommending 
the Jews to the especial protection of the consul sent to 
Syria by Her Majesty's Government. 

" ' Your memorialists look with deep interest on the 
transactions now going on in Syria, which they trust will 
result in the more firm and more extensive establishment 
of British influence in that interesting land : and deeply 
impressed with the conviction that it is a revealed truth of 
the word of God, that the blessing of God is promised to 
those who succour His ancient but now afflicted people, 
whether nations or individuals, they are most anxious that, 
in any future settlement of that country, under the auspices 
of Britain, your Lordship and Her Majesty's Government 
shoftld take measures as far as possible for protecting the 
Jews against oppression and injustice. . . .' " 

With reference to this Memorial the Glohe made the 
following remarks : — 

" Great Britain has taught the nations a lesson of charity, 
as well as faith, by taking God's ancient people under her 
special protection. Whilst some of the Powers of the earth 
have wavered, and continue to do homage to the spirit of 
unjust prejudice and the practice of persecution, to Great 
Britain belongs the just praise of asserting the claims of 
justice and mercy by interposing in several periods of her 
history on behalf of the unhappy victims of national and 
reUgious hatred. All that are interested in the cause of 
suffering humanity turn their eyes towards Great Britain." 

The writer continues : — 

" Why has England been so watched over and so pre- 


served ? Has any other country such a history ? The 
histories of many other countries are made up of wars and 
rumours of wars in defence of their homes from foreign 
invaders — England, save civil wars, chiefly in the struggle 
for civil and religious liberty. Why should so small a speck 
on the earth's surface as England be able to control an 
enormous and populous-scattered Empire on which the sun 
never sets ? Why should England be the terror of the 
oppressor and the asylum of the oppressed ? It is by the 
spirit of God, by the great zeal and industry to be profitable 
and useful to the world, by readiness to take any pains, and 
give any assistance to the furthering of justice. Therefore 
England gave special protection to the Jews." 

From this we gather that public opinion regarded the 
protection of the Jews in the East by England as an accom- 
plished fact, though not officially proclaimed. 



The Do7i Paciiico case — Admiral Sir William Parker — Lord Stanley — Mr. 
J. A. Roebuck — Lord Palmerston's policy attacked — Peel and the 
Opposition — Plans for colonization of Palestine — Mordecai Manuel 
Noah — Warder Cresson — Rev. A. G. H. Hollingsworth — Colonel 
George Gawler — " The Final Exodus " — Dr. Thomas Clarke. 

A SERIOUS conflict broke out between England and Greece, 
and consequently in England itself, in 1850. The cause was 
Lord Palmerston's quarrel with the Greek Government, 
which had failed to protect Don David Pacifico (1784-1854), 
a Gibraltar Jew and a British subject, from the violence of 
the Athenian mob. The British fleet, under Admiral Sir 
William Parker (1817-1866), was ordered to the Piraeus and 
seized a number of Greek ships to enforce compensation. A 
vote of censure upon this high-handed proceeding was moved 
and carried by Lord Stanley^ (1775-1851) in the House of 
Lords. The majority against the Government was thirty- 
seven. In the House of Commons Mr. J. A. Roebuck (1801- 
1879) moved a counter-resolution, expressing confidence in 
the Government, and Lord Palmerston defended himself in a 
speech five hours long. He uttered upon that occasion the 
celebrated phrase " Civis Romanus sum," and declared that, 
wherever a British subject might be, the watching eye and 
the strong arm of England would protect him. 

Gladstone, on the other side, pointed out the dangers of 
this policy. " What, sir," he asked, " was a Roman citizen ? 
He was the member of a privileged class ; he belonged to a 
conquering race, to a nation that held all others bound 
down by the strong arm of power. For him there was to be 
an exceptional system of law, for him principles were to be 
asserted, and by him rights were to be enjoyed that were 
denied to the rest of the world. Is such the view of the noble 
lord as to the relation which is to subsist between England 
and other countries ? " 

Such, at all events, was the view of the House of Com- 

* Edward (Smith-Stanley), Baron Stanley of BrokestafiEe (1832-1851), 
thirteenth Earl of Derby, k.g. (1834-1851). 



mons, for Mr. Roebuck's motion was carried by a majority 
of forty-six. However, on both sides of the controversy, 
protection was considered as an obligation involving great 
and far-reaching responsibilities. This conflict gives us an 
idea of the difficulties with which the question of the pro- 
tection of the Jews in the Ottoman Empire was beset. 

At the conclusion of this memorable debate, which took 
place on June 24th, 1850, [Sir Robert] Peel [Bart.] (1788- 
1850), in a brief speech of singular eloquence and wisdom, 
expressed his " reluctant dissent " from the motion, and 
uttered his final caution against perverting diplomacy, " the 
great engine used by civilized society for the purpose of 
maintaining peace, into a cause of hostility and war." 

Needless to say, the Opposition had no intention what- 
ever of blaming the Government for undertaking the pro- 
tection of the Jews. There was only a difference of attitude, 
not one of principle, between the Palmerston Government 
and the Opposition. The Opposition became alarmed about 
the dangerous consequences which they thought likely to 
result from certain steps taken by the Government ; the 
Government, on the other hand, had to consider carefully 
every new scheme of protection for the Jews, particularly 
after the conflict with Greece in the Don Pacifico case. 

Reviewing the whole period and all the petitions, projects 
and experiments in connection with the colonization of 
Palestine by Jews, we see that Great Britain's protection 
was considered a " conditio sine qua non " for their success — 
at least as far as EngUsh Jews were interested in the move- 
ment. It is the same idea which modern Zionism expressed 
half a century later in the Basle Programme (1897) by de- 
manding the consent of the Powers in the form of a legal 
guarantee or public recognition. The formula was different ; 
but the fundamental idea is the same. It means security. 
The " Civis Romanus " system of Palmerston, a Government 
which sends a fleet to demand satisfaction for one pro- 
tected Jew, was justly considered a sufficiently reliable 
guarantee of security. It is therefore quite clear that when 
the opponents of modern Zionism half a century later en- 
deavoured to draw a line between the old schemes and 
efforts on the one hand, and political Zionism on the other, 
apparently approving of the former and anathematizing the 
latter, they were merely plajdng with words, and had no 
notion of the real facts. 

Why did the plans for the Restoration of the Jews to 


Palestine remain unfulfilled ? Was it through poHtical 
changes, for want of preparation, or through the absence of 
adequate organization on the part of the Jewish people ? It is 
not our business to criticize the past . Let us deal instead with 
the further development of the idea, which in fact was never 
dropped, but, on the contrary, continually gained ground. 

In 1844 it was proposed to encourage the settlement of 
the Jews in Palestine by giving them employment on the 
land. Lady Montefiore writes in her journal : — 

" General satisfaction was expressed at the suggestion of 
a plan which might enable them to obtain an honourable 
independence. Energy and talent, they said, existed. 
Nothing was needed but protection and encouragement." 
In another letter, referring to the same subject, she writes : — 
" Our high-spirited nationality, under a judiciously exer- 
cised protectorate, might be assisted to work out, in due 
time, its own civilization, and to become a flourishing 
autonomous community with an extending commerce."^ 

From this it is evident that Sir Moses was continuing his 
efforts under the new circumstances. His correspondence 
with the Chief Rabbi, Dr. Nathan Marcus Adler (1803-1890) 
shows that this famous Ecclesiastic was also greatly in 
sympathy with the idea (Appendix Ivi), 

At the same time the notion of establishing a Jewish 
Commonwealth found ardent champions among another 
section of English-speaking Jews and among Christians of 
Puritan aspirations in America. - 

Major Mordecai Manuel Noah was one of the most pro- 
minent American Jews. He was Consul of the United States 
to Morocco from 1813 to 1816. On his return he established 
the National Advent and afterwards the New York Enquirer, 
subsequently also a weekly paper, The Times. He was 
Surveyor of the Port and Sheriff. In 1819 he published a 
book of his travels in England, France, Spain, and the 
Barbary States. 

His attempt to establish a Jewish city of refuge on Grand 
Island, near Buffalo, is the one incident in his career 
that caused some sensation ; but there was a great deal 
more of interest in the Major's life than that famous 
episode. It would be a great pity indeed were the rest 
of his career allowed to pass into oblivion. Major Noah 

^ Notes from a private journal of a visit to Egypt and Palestine, by way 
of Italy and the Mediterranean. [Not Published.] London: . . . 1844. 
(8°. 2 //. + 410 p/j.+foldcd leaf), p. 249. 


would have deserved to be remembered had he never 
gone to Buffalo, and there dedicated the City of Ararat in 
the Episcopal Church. It was on the dedication of the 
Shearith Israel Synagogue in New York City in 1818, seven 
years before the Ararat episode, that Noah said : " The 
Jews will possess themselves once more of Syria, and take 
their rank among the governments of the earth." Again, 
in 1844, nineteen years after Ararat, he delivered a public 
discourse in New York, in which he expressed to an 
audience of Christians his firm belief in the Restoration of 
Israel to the Promised Land. The tenacity with which 
Noah held to his Jewish nationalistic ideas is all the more 
remarkable in view of the fact that he was so thoroughly 
American. His great-great-grandfather, he said in one of 
the addresses referred to, was buried in the Cemetery at 
Chatham Square, He himself was a great literary and 
political personality in New York. It was said that he told 
the best story, rounded the best sentence and wrote the best 
play of all his contemporaries. He was one of the most 
prominent editors of the City. He held, at different times, 
the offices of Consul-General at Tunis, Sheriff of New York 
County, Surveyor of the Port, and Judge of the Court of 
Sessions. " No man of his day had a better claim to the 
title of ' American,' yet all his life he cherished .the idea of a 
Restoration of the Jews to Palestine. "^ 

In 1845 he published a Discourse on the Restoration of 
the Jews, delivered at the Tabernacle on October 28th and 
December 2nd, 1844. In the Preface to his book he refers 
to some Christian supporters of the idea, and says : — 

" True, the efforts to evangelize them (the Jews) contrary, 
as I think, to the manifest predictions of the prophets, con- 
tinue to be unceasing, yet even in this there is charity and 
good feeling, which cannot fail to be reciprocally beneficial." 
He then quotes the letter of the late President of the United 
States, Mr. Adams, to which we referred above (sec Chapter 
IX.), and draws the attention of the Americans to the idea 
of Restoration in most forcible and often eloquent language. 

Another American, Warder Cresson (1798-1860), United 
States Consul in Jerusalem, was a great Zionist in his time. 
He wrote a book^ on the subject, in which he says : — 

* M. M. Noah. The First American Zionist, by Dr. Abraham Lipsky. 
The Maccabean, New York, December, igo8, p. 231 f. 

^ Jerusalem — the centre and joy of the whole earth. . . . By Warder 
Cresson, United States Consul at Jerusalem. . . . Second Edition. 
London. . . . m.dccc.xlix., p. 3. 


" All the different nations have appointed consuls in Jeru- 
salem, as in anticipation of some very important and general 
movement ; which is regarded with a jealous eye by the 
Turks, as well as the other European Powers. ' Britain has 
had a consul in Jerusalem three years before any other 
nation, except Prussia ; but no sooner did she send a bishop, 
than France, Russia and Austria sent consuls forthwith; 
and thus in Jerusalem — which is, in a commercial point of 
view, but a paltry inland Eastern town, without trade or 
importance of any kind — sit the five consuls of the Great 
European powers (as well as one appointed by the United 
States of America), looking at one another, and it is difficult 
to say why and wherefore.' To use the words of Dr. Alex- 
ander Keith (i 791-1880) : ' A country which for previous 
centuries, no man inquired after, excites anew the liveliest 
interest among the greatest of earthly potentates.* "* 

Having devoted some considerable time to Biblical study, 
Cresson embraced the Jewish faith, and after his conversion 
was named Michael Boaz Israel. He founded a colony in 
Palestine which was one of the pioneer enterprises of its 

Meanwhile, the propaganda in England made considerable 
progress. The Rev. A. G. H. Hollingsworth aroused 
public opinion and appealed to the British Government for 
help for the Jews to regain the land of their fathers. He 
says :— 

" Such objects are worthy of the efforts of a great people. 
These designs are to be brought into maturity by the settle- 
ment and the protection of the Jew in Palestine. It is his 
native climate and home. There he can feel the deathless 
energies of his race, and the high destinies of his future. He 
is poor, he is powerless, he is alone ; scattered like iron amid 
the clay of surrounding nations. But let him ask in peace 
for the common rights of a subject of Turkey, in a country 
where the very hills have voices to remind him of what he 
has been and may be; and under the protecting flag of 
Victoria, he will be able, divinely permitted, to prove him- 
self possessed of heroic virtues in all that makes man great, 
noble, religious and free." 2 

Another famous Englishman, Colonel George Gawler 

* The Laud of Israel. ... By Alexander Keith, d.d., Edinburgh : . . . 
1843. p. 476. 

- Remarks upon the Present Condition and Future Prospects of the Jews 
ill Palestine. By the Rev. A. G. H. Hollingsworth, m.a., Rural Dean, and 
Vicar of Stowmarket and Stowupland. . . . London : . . . mdccclii. p. 14. 



(1796-1869), Governor of South Australia (1838-1841), 
who devoted his whole life to religious and philanthropic 
pursuits, was more of a political Zionist, and dealt with the 
question from the standpoint of Britisli politics. He 
declared : — 

" Divine Providence has placed Syria and Egypt in the 
very gap between England and the most important regions 
of her colonial and foreign trade, India, China, the Indian 
Archipelago and Australia. She does not require or wish for 
increase of territory — already has she (that dangerous boon) 
more direct dominion than she can easily maintain ; but she 
does most urgently need the shortest and the safest lines of 
communication to the territories aheady possessed. . . . 
Egypt and Syria stand in intimate connection. A foreign 
hostile power mighty in either, would soon endanger British 
trade and communications through the other. Hence the 
providential call upon her, to exert herself energetically for 
the amelioration of the condition of both of these Provinces. 
Egypt has improved greatly by British influence, and it is 
now for England to set her hand to the renovation of Syria, 
through the only people whose energies will be extensively 
and permanently in the work,— the real children of the soil, 
the sons of Israel."^ 

An anonymous author considers it a sign of the times that 
extraordinary events are announced to take place in regard 
to Jews. He is the writer of some of the most beautiful 
passages in Zionist literature by a Christian Enghshman^ 
(Appendix Ivii). 

Dr. Thomas Clarke, author of Palestine for the Jews, 
wrote : " Any one who has studied the features of the 
past, and watched intently the signs of the present, can see 
that a terrible convulsion is coming ; and if, out of the chaos, 
Poles, Huns, Magyars, Sclaves and ItaUans — ... are to 
be resuscitated, is not also that nation through whom we as 
Gentiles derive a title to our blessings, and whose ancestor, 
above four thousand years ago, was the friend of God? 
^ And I, as an Englishman, caimot blind myself to the fact 
that, while it would be an inestimable boon to the house of 

^ Syria, and its near prospects ; the substance of an Address delivered 
... on Tuesday, 25th January, 1853 ... By Colonel George Gawler, k.h., 
F.R.G.S., Late Governor and Resident Commissioner of the Province of 
South Australia. London : . . . {pp. 48-49)- 

2 The Final Exodus ; or. the Restoration to Palestine of The Lost Tribes, 
. . . with a description of the Battle of Armageddon, ... as deduced wholly 
from prophecy. London : . . . 1854. . . . 


Israel, it would be also of the greatest possible advantage 
to us; for if it has been a necessity in times past that 
the kingdom of Turkey shall exist as a neutral power, 
and that its boundaries should remain intact as a 
defence and barrier . . . surely, . . . the occupation of 
Palestine by . . . the Jews, under the protection of Eng- 
land, must be a greater necessity than ever. ... If England, 
again, is . . . relying upon its commerce as the corner- 
stone of its greatness ; if one of the nearest and best 
channels of that commerce is across the axis of the three 
great continents ; and if the Jews are essentially a trading 
. , . people, what so natural as that they should be planted 
along that great highway of ancient traffic ? Is not the 
mind struck with astonishment at the contemplation of such 
a possibility ? How the cycles of ages seem to be but the 
revolutions of the giant wheel of time, and how the past is 
but the seed ... of the future, . . . For, in the realisation 
of what is certainly more than a probability, the now almost 
forgotten and long buried cities of Palmyra, Babylon, Bagdad 
and especially of ancient Balsorah {sic), at the junction of 
the two great Eastern rivers — a position scarcely second to 
Constantinople itself, — must again become emporiums {sic) 
of v\^ealth, and rise to a splendour and importance equal, 
or superior, to what they were in the acme of their glory. — 
. . . Syria must be occupied by a trading . . . people — it lies 
in the great route of ancient commerce ; and were the 
Ottoman Power to be displaced, that old commercial route 
woiild immediately re-open. Trade would flow once more 
in its old channel across Syria and along the valley of 
the Euphrates . . . and in what more skilful hands could 
the exchanges betwixt the East and the West be placed ? 
In his harbours would the ships of Europe discharge the 
fabrics and manufactures of the industrious West, and 
return laden with the wine and oil, and silks and gems of the 
East. In fine, Syria would be safe only in the hands of a 
brave, independent, and spirited people, deeply imbued with 
the sentiment of nationality, . . . Such people we have in the 
Jews. . . . Restore them their nationality and their country 
once more, and there is no power on earth that could ever 
take it from them."^ 

' India and Palestine : or, the Restoration of the Jews, viewed in 
relation to The Nearest Route to India. ... By Thomas Clarke, m.d. . . . 
Manchester : . . . (pp. 12-15). p. vi., Wilmslow, July, 1861. 



Christianity and Judaism — Disraeli's character — Jewish features — Alroy — 
Tancred — The defence of Jewish rights — Oriental policy. 

The most original combination of an Englishman and a 
Jew was Benjamin Disraeli (1804-1887), Earl of Beacons- 
field (1876), whom Zionists may claim as one of the greatest 
representatives of their movement. Was Lord Beaconsfield 
a Christian or a Jew ? For Jews the question is satisfactorily 
answered by their instinct of sympathy. Lord Beaconsfield 
felt towards the members of his race as a Jew feels for his 
fellow- Jews. That being the test, Lord Beaconsfield proved 
himself a good Jew in that respect. In reHgious matters, 
however, Lord Beaconsfield was a Christian — and a Zionist. 

He was purely Jewish by descent, and was the eldest son 
of Isaac Z) 'Israeli (1766-1848), the author of The Curiosities 
of Literature (1791), The Genius oj Judaism (1833), etc., by 
his wife Miriam (Maria), a daughter of Naphtali {d. 1808) de 
Solomon Basevi of Verona, Italy. He was born in London 
on Friday, 21 December, 1804, and was initiated into the 
Abrahamic covenant on the following Friday, 26 Tebet, 5565, 
by David Abarbanel Lindo (1772-1852). Isaac /J> 'Israeli 
severed his connection finally with the Bevis Marks 
synagogue in March, 1817, and on the 31 July following, at 
the instigation it is said of Samuel Rogers (1763-1855), the 
banker poet, the future Premier was baptised at the parish 
church of St. Andrew, Holborn. In his public conduct 
and pronouncements he proved undeniably that an English- 
man, by birth a Jew, can be as much an Englishman as any 
descendant of Saxon, Norman, or Dane living in these 
islands, and can share v/ith as warm a glow the common 
sentiment of patriotism that unites Englishmen roimd their 
ancient throne and institutions. 

Disraeli was a living monument of the greatness of the 
Jewish race, of its capacity to produce individuals equal in 
mental stature to the loftiest among mankind. What he 
thought of his ancestral and of his adopted faith respec- 
tively may be gathered from the well-known words in one 



of his earlier writings : " Christianity is Judaism for the 
multitude," a sentence which to his brethren in race is 
equivalent to saying : "Ye are the salt of the earth." The 
perseverance and zeal which acknowledged no defeat and pro- 
duced such extraordinary successes were essentially Jewish. 
The most superficial acquaintance with Jews is sufficient 
to reveal the fact that there is no Jewish trait more distinc- 
tive than this unconquerable determination. It is a heritage 
bequeathed to them by their ancestors. With the many 
different experiences of a race dispersed in every corner of 
the globe, without a home for nearly twenty centuries, 
hunted from country to country, carrying their lives in their 
hands, and bound to be on the alert for every emergency, it is 
not strange that the Jews display great resourcefulness. 

The Disraeli family had been expelled by the persecutions 
of the Spanish Inquisition, in the fifteenth century, and 
found an asylum in Italy. Two centuries and a half later, 
Benjamin (1730-1816) [de Isaac] Israeli of Cento, in Ferrara, 
Italy, grandfather of the Earl of Beaconsfield, settled in 
England. Thus the experience stored in the mind of a 
typical Jew like Beaconsfield represents more than a single 
trait of heredity ; it is a combination of such traits. But 
what was most Jewish in him was his affection for the Holy 
Land. This pious feeling, which he shared with his race, 
became with him a tremendous power ; it influenced his 
policy and caused him to consolidate England's power in the 
East. He also constantly supported every movement 
towards Jewish emancipation. 

As a historic figure he possesses a charm of his own, 
and romanticism pervades his whole career. Neither his 
birth nor the religion of his ancestors nor his own ante- 
cedents prevented him from conquering the prejudices 
which the aristocracy is wont to show towards a self-made 
man ; for the English aristocracy possesses the wonderful 
quality that ensures the preservation of its strength — 
that if once it recognizes genius, far from opposing or 
avoiding it, it defends it, attracts it, and completely absorbs 
it. And so Disraeli, instead of becoming a fiery tribune of 
the masses, developed into an able and successful leader of 
the aristocracy. This man, whom his opponents had abused 
as a foreigner, so conducted himself as finally to become one 
of England's most famous champions. 

It was no common energy and perseverance that Benjamin 
Disraeli needed to climb to fame as he did. It was a con- 


tinuous struggle for him, from the time when, hooted by the 
Whig majority in Parhament, he retorted that the day 
would come when they would hear him, to the time when 
the great Conservative Party chose him as its leader and he 
was acclaimed by all his countrymen. Without inheriting a 
fortune in this country — ^where wealth and birth had always 
been, if not altogether indispensable, at least a most im- 
portant qualification for admission to public life — he was 
yet able to overcome obstacles that were then deemed in- 
surmountable and to attain by sheer force of his own un- 
conquerable will to a position that powers unfathomable 
seemed joined to prevent him from gaining. By race a Jew, 
he was at bottom a clear-sighted sceptic. With remarkable 
foresight he had been able to weigh the advantage which, 
from the point of view of a Cabinet Minister, he could gain 
from the position offered him by the Conservative party. 
No one foresaw more clearly than he the future in store for 
it. As a Jew he also knew well that it was impossible to 
prevent the Liberal evolution from being slowly accom- 
plished in England. Instead of declaring war upon Liber- 
alism he compromised with it, and, by means of concessions 
cleverly granted at the right moment, he contrived to con- 
cede only a portion of what public opinion demanded. His 
tendencies, however, were democratic, and in an age in 
which greed for material advancement was levelling all 
things to the lowest plane, he was able to rescue England 
from a grovelling servility to blatant commercialism, uplift 
her soul and rouse her to a recognition of the fact that 
ephemeral interests are not ever5d:hing to a great people. 

As Premier he showed Europe that " England was some- 
thing more than a counting-house." He obtained possession 
of the Suez Canal by the purchase of shares — a transaction 
in which he was assisted by the late Lord Rothschild 
(Appendix Iviii). 

He placed the Imperial Crown of India on his Sovereign's 
head. Without firing a shot, he took possession of Cyprus 
(Appendix lix), and caused the might of British arms to be 
felt in e^ ery continent. 

His genius, with its many interesting characteristics, was 
perceived long before his abilities in international states- 
manship and diplomacy became known. But as a man of 
letters, no less than as a statesman, he was first of all a 
son of his race (Appendix Ix) and a Zionist. His speeches 
and writings w^ere never those of a renegade anxious to 


vilify the faith he had forsaken, or to condemn the ancestry 
from which he had sprung. There never was a Jew who 
wrote in more glowing terms of the greatness of the Jewish 
race. No Jew has borne more fervid testimony to the sub- 
limity of the religion by which the Jewish people has 
been sustained through all persecutions. No one could have 
used more persuasive arguments, or adopted wiser measures 
to remove restrictions from which the Jews were suffering. 
He had a deeply-rooted respect and love for his ancient 
people and for its ancient land. 

To restore the Jews to their rightful place in the esteem of 
the world, he wrote and spoke and toiled (Appendix Ixi) . For 
this he imperilled the prospects of his own career. For this 
he was content to expose himself to the scoffs and gibes of 
opponents who almost to his last hour never forgave him the 
" crime " of being a Jew. He held the firm belief that " the 
Lord still fights for Israel." Unlike those degenerate sons of 
Israel, who are ever eager to conceal what should be a source 
of honour to them, he was never ashamed of his origin : and 
when taunted with being of common extraction he would 
maintain that his ancestors were already noble when those 
of the proudest aristocracy in the world were still barbarians, 
roaming helplessly about the woods. 

Although he was educated in the bosom of the Christian 
Church, his heart never ceased to beat for the greatness and 
to feel for the sufferings of the Jewish nation, to which he be- 
longed by the blood in his veins and the honoured name he 
bore. Wherever there was a struggle for the rights of Jews in 
matters that concerned their honour and well-being, wherever 
there was a fight for truth and uprightness, there we see him 
stand — a conqueror. While so many authors made it their 
business to depict the dark side of the Jewish character or 
history, he used his gifted pen to show the worthier traits of 
the Jewish character and the influence of the Jews in the world. 

As a writer Lord Beaconsfield was essentially an Orien- 
tal. Even the tales in which he describes the clubs and 
drawing-rooms of London are like an Arabian Nights' 
entertainment transplanted to St. James'. Over persons 
and scenes he casts an Oriental magnificence. His Oriental 
tales are, to our mind, the most natural that he wrote. 

The wonderful tale of Ahoy (1833)^ is an Oriental romance 

. . . ^'737Knr"T va^33 . . . nsa ^s-i-b« i« >w^ 37W» niDn (*) 
. . . ''pDiiNpNi S3H Dn-i2s ^"^ HHS nn23? riDtcb ^n'^':i^ 
.1883 . . . p"aV y'Dtn naK' . . . nb'n-ih 


founded on a Hebrew tradition concerning the Princes of 
the Captivity — rulers whom the Jews continued to elect 
from among the descendants of the House of David (2854- 
2924 a.m.) even after their dispersion. Alroy is one of them, * 
who after a long interregnum possesses himself, by super- 
natural assistance, of a part of the sceptre of Solomon 
{oh. 2964), and establishes the Hebrew monarchy on the 
ruins of the new Caliphate of Bagdad. His life is short, and 
his reign much shorter. The tale is full of enthusiasm for 
the hopes of Israel. One little passage may be cited : "All 
was silent : alone the Hebrew prince stood, amid the regal 
creation of the Macedonian captains. Empires and dynasties 
flourish and pass away ; the proud metropolis becomes a 
solitude, the conquering kingdom even a desert : but Israel 
still remains, still a descendant of the most ancient kings." 

A biographer of Disraeli remarks on this passage : " This 
(with its after-irony of ' Alroy 's seizure by the Kourdish 
bandits ') may be compared with the satire in which 
Disraeli encountered Mr. [Charles Newdigate] Newdegate's 
[M.P.] (1816-1887) appeals to ' prophecy ' : . . . They have 
survived the Pharaohs, they have survived the Caesars, 
they have survived the Antonines and Seleucidse, and I 
think they will survive the arguments of the right honourable 
member " Mr. Morley tells that (1838-1918)2 Mr. Glad- 
stone said that Disraeli asserted that only those nations 
that behaved well to the Jews prospered. . . .^ 

Disraeli loved the East, and particularly Palestine. Its 
picturesqueness, both in scenery and in history, fascinated 

"Say what they like," says Herbert in Venetia, "there 
is a spell in the shores of the Mediterranean Sea which 
no others can rival. Never was such a union of natural 
loveliness and magical associations ! On these shores have 
risen all that interests us in the past — Egypt and Palestine, 
Greece, Rome and Carthage, Moorish Spain and feudal Italy. 
These shores have yielded us our religion, our arts, our 
literature and our laws. If all that we have gained from the 
shores of the Mediterranean was erased from the memory of 
man, we should be savages."* 

* David Alroy, or Alrui (El David : Menahem ben Suleiman ibn Alruhi), 
born at Amadia in Kurdistan. A pseudo-messiah flourished about 1160. 

2 Afterwards Viscount (1908-1918) Morley of Blackburn. 

' Disraeli: A Study in Personality and Ideas, by Walter Sichel . . . 
London, 1904, p. 223. 

« Ibid. Note i. 


The great merit of Tancred (1847) * lies in the description of 
Syria, and of Hfe in the mountain and desert, in which it 
abounds. Tancred is a high-born youth dissatisfied with 
modern society, yearning for the restoration of true faith, 
and resolving to visit the land in which the Creator had 
conversed with man, as the only spot in which it is at all 
likely that enlightenment or inspiration will be vouchsafed 
to him. The story of his adventures is told with wonderful 
spiritual beauty. The author leads his reader to the desert, 
the cradle of the Arabs, from which they spread East and 
West, and come to be known as Moors in Spain, as Jews in 
Palestine. Nothing can be more interesting than his 
account of the manners and the men, neither of which are 
much changed since the days of the Patriarchs ; nothing 
finer than the pictures of the rocks and towers of Jerusalem, 
or the grey forests of The Lebanon. 

It was quite natural that the East should engage his 
attention. He believed in the glory of Great Britain's 
imperial mission, and was interested to the bottom of his 
heart in the past history and future welfare of her venerable 
and still vigorous institutions. He was anxious to see the 
influence of Great Britain strong and decisive in the East. 
His policy on the Eastern question was constantly ascribed 
by his enemies to his " Semitic instincts," which were sup- 
posed to taint his views of the relations between Turkey and 
all her Christian subjects. But they could know little of 
Beaconsfield who supposed that his Semitic instincts led 
him to any partiahty. What guided him was his deep con- 
ceptipn of Great Britain's policy and highest interests, 
working in conjunction and in harmony with his feeling for 
the real East, for the Jews, the Semites, for Judaism in its 
idealism and Oriental beauty. The conditions were not yet 
ripe for practical progress in Zionism, but he was throughout 
an enthusiastic supporter of the Zionist idea, and he worked 
for the future. 

.1883 .. . p'th yonn n^e' . . . nkhnii 

1.— L 



Russia and Turkey — A protectorate over the Greek Christians — The ques- 
tion of the "Holy Places" — The Greek Church — Sultan Mahmud II. 
and the Tsar Nicholas I. — Jurisdiction in Turkey — Prince Menschikofi 
— The Alliance between France, Great Britain and Turkey — Sardinia 
— Alexander II. — The fall of Sebastopol — ^The conclusion of peace in 
Paris — The question of reforms — The Jewish point of view — The 
Crimean War and Palestine — Dr. Benisch in the Jewish Chronicle — ^The 
Christian Zionist propaganda — Rev. W. H. Johnstone — Mr. Robert 

In 1853 a great struggle broke out between Russia 
and Turkey, the immediate cause of which was the 
desire of Russia to force a protectorate upon the Greek 
Christians in the Turkish dominions. This was accom- 
panied by a dispute between Russia and other European 
powers, especially France, which had arisen over the 
guardianship of the " Holy Places." The fate of Palestine 
was involved in the issue of this struggle. 

The pretension of the Greek Church to exercise the right 
of possession of the " Holy Places " dates back to the early 
days of Christianity. The Greek Church has always posed 
as the genuine representative of the Eastern Church, pro- 
fessing to have inherited its claim to the allegiance of the 
orthodox when the cleavage came, in the second century, 
concerning the proper season for the celebration of Easter, 
and divided its community into two distinct sections. 

The alleged and proved purpose of the Church was to 
obtain complete and undisturbed possession of the " Holy 
Places," where the Greek Church deems it of vital import- 
ance that certain religious ceremonies shall be observed, to 
which pilgrimages are to be made by its devout members. 
Some of these members furnished the Russian Government 
with reasons for its claims, presumably based on facts. 
At that period the greater part of the Christian Communi- 
ties in the whole of Syria and Palestine adhered to the 
Greek Orthodox faith. In the whole Ottoman Empire their 
number was very considerable ; the estimate in 1852-53 
reached as high a total as 11,000,000 members of the Greek 
Church. In Greece it was the established religion, while 



throughout the Greek islands its members outnumbered 
those of any other Christian denomination. North of the 
Danube, Wallachia and Moldavia were under its sway and 
were considered to be under the protection of Russia. 

The Greek monasteries of the Holy Land were not only 
under the protection and control of Russia, but were chiefly 
supported by loans from that country. Under this influence 
these communities continued to make the greatest progress 
possible, and put forth every effort to advance themselves 
step by step, leaving no stone unturned in their endeavour 
to raise themselves above the other Churches. 

Rumours gained currency that a strong Russian propa- 
ganda was on foot. It was even said that the late Sultan 
Mahmud II gave an assurance to the effect, that at the 
death of Mehemet Ah, the Holy Land should be given up to 
Russian dominion on certain stipulated conditions. Imagin- 
ation had, of course, free scope in inventing myths of this 
kind. But at any rate there was a general impression abroad 
that Russia was anxious to conquer and annex the Holy 

The unhappy empire for which England and France had 
shed so much blood and made so many sacrifices continued 
to give anxiety and trouble to Europe. Turkey had gained 
much by the war in the way of security from invasion and 
extension of the central authority to provinces which pre- 
viously had been partly independent. The Western Powers, 
and particularly England, waited anxiously for the reforms 
and progress which were promised by the sanguine friends 
of the Turkish cause. But Turkey did nothing. Her finances 
were in confusion. The schemes which English enterprise had 
kept going were delayed. While the Porte was borrowing at 
enormous interest the money required for current expen- 
diture, it could hardly be expected to guarantee dividends 
on many millions sterling, and it would have inspired little 
confidence if it had done so. This, then, was the time for 
statesmen to study the question and to elaborate their 

Of all the evils with which the Turkish State was afflicted, 
corruption — in the sense of the denial of justice — seems to 
have been the worst. Each of the non-Mohammedan nations 
was permitted to appear before tribunals of its own 
bishops in matters of litigation in which only its mem- 
bers were concerned. The civil law was administered 
in the Greek courts ; the Armenians were subject to many 


regulations brought from the interior of Asia. The Turkish 
courts were presided over by functionaries who had much of 
the character of priests, and the law founded on the Koran 
was what might have been expected from a text-book inter- 
preted by such commentators. The literal sense meant one 
thing, the metaphorical sense another, and the best chance of 
getting justice was when the judge could find nothing to fit 
the case and decided according to his own common sense. 
Both his Scriptural authorities and his private opinions 
were, however, continually influenced by arguments more 
persuasive than any pleadings. The corruption of this sort 
of court was notorious, and the Christian bishops were not 
considered much better than the believers. As for the 
Frank^ jurisdiction, it was chaos, being void of all system. 
Each man came under the representative of his own 
nation ; through this official or his deputy he had to be sued, 
and by him he had to be tried for any offence. If a French 
officer and a German shoemaker had differences concerning 
a pair of boots, one had to make his application through the 
Austrian Internunciate, the other had to respond through 
the French Embassy. The matter was in the first instance 
referred to the Consuls, who knew little of law, and the 
appeal came before the Ambassadors, who knew less. Com- 
mercial courts existed in some of the chief cities, and exer- 
cised a good influence ; but as the country was opened more 
and more to commercial enterprise, and this increased with 
the progress of the non-Mohammedan populations, these 
courts became inadequate. 

The country was, no doubt, very badly in need of material 
improvements : roads and canals are generally the initial 
work of a renewed civilization. But the real basis of im- 
provement is confidence in the Government, and the 
guarantee of undisturbed ownership of property. Such 
confidence cannot exist without impartial courts and 
sensible laws. The most capable judge could not do justice 
according to the Koran, while the codes of Justinian and 
Napoleon were unavailing so long as the longest purse was 
the best argument. 

It was therefore the duty of the Western Powers to con- 
sider how justice might be administered so as to encourage 
both the native and the settler to join in the work of ameli- 
oration. Few thinking men had visited the East without 
formulating some plan for supplying this first and greatest 

1 European. 


want. The general conclusion was based on the supposition 
of the necessity for continuing the " Capitulations." It was 
supposed to be impossible for strangers to submit them- 
selves to the authority of the monarch who ruled the land ; 
and indeed the experience of the native courts, and the fact 
that no man ventured to undertake any commercial business 
without security, naturally suggested foreign protection. 
More than one traveller, therefore, recommended that a code 
of laws should be agreed to by the Great Powers, and that 
in every seaport French, EngUsh, etc., judges should 
decide such cases as involved the liberty or property of 
Europeans. Such a system was regarded as being superior 
to the earlier ineffective regulations. But, on the other 
hand, it was held that such an expedient should only be 
resorted to temporarily. 

Turkey had already suffered greatly through the power of 
European Embassies and their enmity towards one another. 
The Western Powers did not forget that they had gone to 
war for the independence and integrity of the Ottoman 
Empire. They knew that a mixed court sitting in its capital 
to try foreigners was a thing that no high-spirited nation 
would permit, and that, if circumstances made it necessary 
to demand jurisdiction for foreigners in the capital of the 
Sultan, that could only be until the elements of a better 
state of things came into being. The Powers had, therefore, 
to look forward to a time when Turkey would stand alone, 
and all protection and jurisdiction in the way of Capitula- 
tions would cease to exist. A well-framed code of laws 
sui^d to all races and religions, administered by well- 
educated men, and obeyed by native and foreigner alike, 
was the ideal object for which the supporters of Turkey 
had to work. The sovereign of the country must be at 
the head of this system and supreme in his own dominions. 
Although such a scheme was deemed visionary at that time, 
and the gap had to be filled by " mixed " courts, yet public 
opinion in England thought that nothing should be done 
that could prevent the subsequent establishment of the 
better system. It was also believed that if a suitable legal 
system were set up, men might be found in England, France 
and other countiies to administer it successfully. But it 
was admitted on all hands that the judicial system of 
Turkey deserved the immediate attention of thinking 
politicians ; that questions of taxation and the tenure of 
land were especially interesting in view of the increasing 


commerce with the East and of possible developments 
in the matter of immigration ; that nothing that could 
throw light on the causes of Turkish decay should be 
neglected ; and that the absence of good laws and security 
was the first obstacle to improvement, and should therefore 
be the first thought of the statesman and philanthropist. 

Here we see all the elements of the political Zionist 
problem. All this development prepared the way for the 
idea of the protection of the Jews in the East, and gave a 
powerful stimulus to projects for the colonization of Palestine 
b;^'i;he Jews. 

In the spring of 1853 the Russian Government sub- 
mitted to the Porte, through Prince A. S. Menschikoff {lySy- 
1869), an ultimatum in regard to the Greek Christians and 
other matters. England and France prepared to support 
Sultan Abdul Medjid against Russia, and stationed their 
fleets in Bezika Bay. In July the Russian forces advanced 
into the Danubian principalities. On October 4th, 1853, 
Turkey declared war. The English and French fleets there- 
upon passed through the Dardanelles. On March 12th, 1854, 
France and Great Britain concluded an alliance with 
Turkey, and two weeks later they declared war against 
Russia. At the beginning of October the Allies began the 
regular siege of Sebastopol. Sardinia joined the AlUes in 
January, 1855. Meanwhile the Emperor Nicholas I died,* 
and Alexander II acceded to the throne. On November 8th 
Sebastopol fell into the hands of the Allies. 

The Western Powers completed the occupation of 
Turkey within two years ; but the reforms, of which they 
spoke so much, were still to come. Turkey remained 
what it was in internal rule and mismanagement. Fear 
may have controlled the abuses of fanaticism, despair may 
have destroyed whatever remained of national pride ; but 
the abuses which ages had fostered still prevailed. Now 
the social regeneration of the Ottoman State was part of the 
legitimate policy of the Western Powers. The presence of 
large foreign armies had broken down the pride of the 
Mussulmans, or enforced its concealment ; the Sultan, 
though less exposed to the vagaries of diplomatists, had 
become more responsible to the European States and the 
brotherhood of sovereigns among whom he now held a 
place ; the Turk himself, in spite of courage and a certain 

» Feb. 18, 1855 [o.s.]. 


amount of dignity, was degenerating day by day, through 
want of modern culture ; the Christian tribes were increasing 
in numbers and power ; the merchants of Constantinople, 
Smyrna, and Alexandria were growing rich with British gold, 
while British enterprise seemed to be surely, though gradually, 
adding the Sultan's empire to the area of its wide activities. 
Justice, humanity, England's promises, the arguments with 
which she had opposed her enemies, demanded that her 
tutelage should not suddenly cease. She and France were 
now the protectors of the Ottoman territory and its out- 
lying provinces ; they were the masters of every military 
position ; every sea was traversed by their fleets ; every 
port was full of the merchandize required for their vast 
armies. Nor was their supremacy one of force alone. What- 
ever may have been the feelings aroused by their policy, each 
class and creed had learned to respect their motives and to 
acquiesce in their presence. Whatever may have been thought 
on racial and religious grounds, certainly material interests 
in the end prevailed over every other. Every business man 
saw clearly that his own prosperity was enhanced by the 
presence of two wealthy nations, in need of large and con- 
stant supplies, and willing to pay liberally and at once. In 
their hearts they had no wish to be again reduced to a 
miserable traffic with their own bankrupt Government, or 
with the poverty-strickeil towns of the Turkish and Persian 
interior. The peasants who tilled the ground had gained 
wherever local tyranny did not rob them of the just rewards 
of their labour. The landed proprietor had also become 
wealthy, and had no reason to regret the Western crusade, 
which gave his possessions a fourfold value. So tangible 
was the advantage, and so soon did the Turks acquiesce in 
what affected only their patriotism and self-esteem, that it 
was doubtful whether even the most bigoted Mussulman 
wanted the evacuation of the country by the Allied armies. 
Englishmen, of course, looked upon the advancement of 
Turkey in a different light from that in which it was seen by 
its own people. Still, even Englishmen could not fail to 
realize that if they wdthdrew there was no doubt that the old 
stagnation would immediately return, and that it would 
even become worse than before, for old fame and the habit 
of command kept the Mussulman in his pre-eminence, while 
the " Rajah " was accustomed to obey, and the foreigner 
was a mere sojourner, who cared for nothing but his own 
peace and prosperity. Now all was changed : the Turk was 


still master, without the authority to rule ; the Christian 
was without rights, but had felt his power ; while every 
country had its adventurers or capitaUsts in the land, each 
with his own scheme launched or prospective, and all agree- 
ing in the demand that this rich land should no longer be the 
heritage of sloth and fatuity. 

Peace was signed at Paris — where a Congress of the 
Powers had been in session — on March 30th, 1856. The 
integrity of the Ottoman Empire was guaranteed by the 
Powers ; reforms were promised by the Sultan ; Russia 
renounced her protectorate over the Danubian principal- 
ities, and ceded a strip of Bessarabia to Moldavia ; the 
Black Sea was neutralized. The Congress united in the 
" Declaration of Paris," which laid down some principles of 
international law. 

The question in which the Jews were interested was first 
of all that of their position in Palestine, as well as in the 
whole of the Turkish Empire. According to the wording of 
the treaty the Jews were excluded from the general guaran- 
tee and the immunities of the " Rajahs " under the protec- 
tion of the contracting powers. But, on the other hand, all 
the rights hitherto granted by the Sultan to his Christian 
subjects had been extended to the Jews as well ; and it was 
clear that, if Turkey understood her position rightly, this 
would also be her future poUcy, seeing that it was in her 
interest not to create dissatisfaction among a large and 
loyal body by refusing to one section of non-Mohammedans 
what had been conceded to another, and thus aUenating the 
only non-Mohammedan section of the population which did 
not entertain sentiments of revenge, and the only section 
which was capable of neutralizing any possible machinations 
on the part of other sections. 

The war having on the one hand raised very consider- 
ably the prices of provisions, and on the other hand cut 
off the supplies obtained by the Palestinian Jews in times 
of peace from those countries in which the masses of Jews 
reside, an awful famine broke out in the Holy Land, and 
affected most severely all those who had hitherto depended 
for their livelihood upon the small pittances doled out to 
them by the Jews in foreign countries. A pitiable cry of 
distress was raised in the East and resounded throughout 
the Western world. Now the right time had arrived. We 
find, wrote Dr. Abraham Benisch* (1811-1878), no other 

' Jewish Chronicle, March 21, 185G, p. 524. 


parallel in Jewish history to it save that offered by some of 
the events narrated in the books of Ezra {fl. 3413 a.m.) and 
Nehemiah {fl. 3426 a.m.). The generous Abdul-Medjed has 
his prototype in the God-fearing Cyrus {oh. 529 h.c.e.) ; and 
the pious affection for brethren and country, the devotion 
and patriotism then kindling in the bosoms of patriots on 
the shores of the Euphrates have transferred their seat to 
the banks of the Thames. So far God's blessing had rested 
upon the work. But Rome was not built in a day, nor is a 
nation regenerated within a few years." 

Needless to say, the reference here was to the regeneration 
of the Jewish nation in Palestine. But for this purpose 
safety and full security were wanted — ^the very problem 
with which modern Zionism was confronted, and which was 
answered by the Basle programme of 1897. " The Jew, it 
is true, may now sow and plant. But will he also be per- 
mitted to reap ? Will not the wild son of the desert trample 
down and carry off the crop ev^n before it is ripe for the 
sickle ? The SuUan may emancipate his Jewish subjects in 
the Holy Land, but, in order to be enabled to reap any 
benefit from the boon conceded, he must give them a 
government strong enough to protect life and property. The 
mighty arm of justice must repress lawlessness and strike 
down the wrong-doer. . . . Will the Porte as easily be able 
to establish in Palestine a strong government as it was to 
bless her with liberal institutions ? This is another question 
which time, and time alone, can answer, and yet upon the 
reply thereto the success of the agricultural scheme for the 
Palestinian Jews must depend entirely." 

No doubt 1856 offered a great opportunity, had the legal 
guarantees been available and the Jews prepared. Unfor- 
tunately these essential conditions did not yet obtain at 
that time, and no practical result was achieved. 

The Rev. William Henry Johnstone, Chaplain of Addis- 
combe, and an author of several theological works, preached 
the Restoration of Israel to the Holy Land : — 

" If political events are hastening a crisis, when it may be 
desirable to consider what is to be done with Palestine, it 
behoves the Jews to take earnest heed to their duty. . . . 
It is not an extravagant supposition that Palestine may be 
placed within the grasp of its ancient owners. ..." 
" In one matter I feel that the Jews have just reason to 
complain of many Christians. The Divine Law, of which 
they have been the guardians, has never been repealed. 


Jehovah gave it, and Jehovah has never taken it away." 
" For the present I waive all consideration of Scriptural 
predictions. But, without any reference to the Bible, it 
must be clear to all that the residence of Israel in the Holy 
Land would be fraught with the greatest blessings to man- 
kind. The Jews, though now scattered over the entire 
habitable globe, are united by every national tie, . . . They 
have connections with all large towns ; they possess the 
moving spring of modern industry and enterprise ; and 
they are renowned for vigour and intelligence. They have 
that gift, also, which no other nation had since the disper- 
sion of Babel, — they can con^'erse with all people in their 
own languages. They have naturally, what the apostolic 
Christians received by miraculous interposition, the gift of 
tongues. They may, therefore, not only undo the work of 
Babel, but may carry on the work of the apostles."^ 

Another religious writer gave poetical expression to this 

Arise, great God ! and let thy grace 

Shed its glad beams on Jacob's race ; 

Restore the long-lost scatter 'd band, 

And call them to their native land. 

Their mis'ry let thy mercy heal. 
Their trespass hide, their pardon seal : 
O God of Israel ! hear our prayer. 
And grant them still thy love to share. * 

1 Israel in the World: or, The Mission of the Hebrews to the great 
military monarchies. By William Henry Johnstone, m.a., . . . Illustrated 
with a map. London : . . . 1844. {pp. viii., I93-I95-) 

2 Hebrew Melodies, p. 74. Published by Robert Young (1822-iJ 
Edinburgh [1855]. 



Colonel Charles Henry Churchill — Sir Austen Henry Layard — " The Key 
to the East " — European Consuls in Palestine — The Haiti Sheerif of 
Gulharch — Lord Palmerston's Circular of April, 1841 — Mr. James 

The theory of Great Britain's'mission in the East has been 
put forward by representatives of different classes of 
English people in different epochs and from various 
points of view. The idea existed in greater or less degree 
wherever Englishmen thought seriously about the Eastern 
problem ; it was a flame which was never extinguished. 

Colonel Charles Henry Churchill (1814-1877), a grandson 
of the fifth Duke of Marlborough (1766^1840), was a staff 
officer in the British Expedition to Syria, and wrote one of 
the best works in English about The Lebanon and its in- 
habitants. In the " Preface " to which he writes : — 

" The genius of England, which seems so peculiarly fitted 
to lead and govern the populations of the East, has, by the 
happily-combined influence of arms, commerce, and legisla- 
tion, estabUshed in that quarter of the globe, a dominion 
which no purely military conqueror could ever have con- 
solidated, much less upheld and sustained." 

" The development of the capabilities and resources of that 
unparalleled empire in the East, over which England pre- 
sides — and that without a rival or compeer — has thus 
become essentially necessary to her national prosperity, it 
may be to her national existence, and must ever possess 
imperative, though not exclusive claims upon her national 
feelings and sympathies." 

" I say not exclusive and advisedly ; for the East, to an 
important portion of which I now invite public attention, — 
the East, whose shores are washed by the Mediterranean 
Sea, — the East of rock-hewn cities and colossal tombs, of 
heavenly poesy and gigantic art, of Jacob's (2108-3255 a.m.) 
might and Ishmael's (6. 2034 a.m.) wandering power, of 
David's lyre and of Isaiah's {fl. 3140 a.m.) strain, of Abra- 
ham's faith and Immanuel's love, — ^where God's mysterious 
ways with man begun, and where in the fulness of time they 



are to be accomplished, — ^this East, which may yet become 
the seat and centre of the Universal Reign ! — it also lias 
claims on England's watchful vigilance and sympathizing 
care. . . ." 

After having so forcibly expounded the sentimental side, 
the author strikes another note, in addition to that so 
eloquently struck by Disraeli and others : — 

" WTiatever part England may take in the temporary 
complication of affairs which will probably ensue on that 
mighty consummation, which the timid dictates of diplo- 
macy would defer, but which the urgent demands of 
humanity and civilization would fain accelerate, it must, 
for obvious reasons, be clear to every English mind, that if 
England's Oriental supremacy is to be upheld, Syria and 
Egypt must be made to fall more or less under her sway or 

He argues then as a military expert : — 

" Napoleon declared Acre to be the key to the East, 
and most correctly did his military genius appreciate 
the importance of that land into which he vainly sought 
to enter, as a basis of operations against our Indian 
Empire. ... I call upon my countrymen, therefore, to 
adopt this political doctrine, and nail it to the National 
Colours : — ^That when Palestine ceases to be Turkish, it 
must either become EngUsh, or else form part of a new 
independent State, which without the incentives to terri- 
torial aggrandizement, or the means of military aggression, 
shall yet be able to maintain its own honour and dignity, 
and more especially to promote the great object for which 
it will be called into existence, for which indeed, by its 
geographical position it will be so eminently qualified ; that 
of creating, developing and upholding a commercial inter- 
course in the East, which shall draw together and unite the 
hitherto divergent races of mankind in the humanizing 
relations of fraternity and peace. . . ." 

"... the time is probably fast approaching when Syria, 
instead of being merely the land of dreamy and luxurious 
travel, — of exhilarating emotions, and fascinating though 
transient delights, will have to become one of sound prac- 
tical legislation, of resuscitating institutions, of vigorous 
and comprehensive government ; . . ."^ 

At the back of an analysis of the historical and geogra- 

' Mount Lebanon, a ten years' residence, from 1842 to 1852. ... By 
Colonel Churchill. . . . London, 1853 (vol. i., pp. v-x). 


phical conditions of the country offered by the author is his 
conviction that Palestine must become and will become the 
seat of a great, peaceful and prosperous settlement, which 
must be ruled by England or under English influence, or 
must have its independence and normal development secured 
by England. He holds that this position will strengthen 
England's power ; and he feels subconsciously that England 
ought to be wherever the greatest interests of humanity are 
at stake. Similarly he contends that with this object in 
view England must adopt a very active policy in the East. 

Another authority on Oriental politics, Sir Austen Henry 
Layard (1817-1894), whose discoveries and investigations 
in the East are the pride of English Oriental science, ex- 
pressed his opinion, in a speech delivered in the House of 
Gammons, in very similar words : — 

" We should not forget that, although Egypt is a high road 
to India, Syria and the valleys of the Tigris and Euphrates 
form the high road, and any power holding those countries 
would command India." ^ 

British diplomacy seems to have been influenced by all 
these considerations. 

Mr. W. Young was the first British Consul in Jerusalem, 
1838. As we know from Lord Shaftesbury's Diaries, this 
appointment had been made in consequence of his own 
representations and efforts. France and Prussia followed 
suit in 1843, and Austria in 1849. A Sardinian Consulate 
had been founded in 1843, but it was abolished in the year 
in whigh the Austrian was established. A Spanish Consulate 
was founded in 1854. 

The two Protestant Consulates, those of England and 
Prussia, had no share in the altercation about the Holy Places. 
Their relations with the local government were restricted to 
protection of the property and persons of their nationals. 
The Prussian Consulate had at that time but few subjects 
and small affairs to look after ; while the English had its 
own subjects, both residents and travellers, besides Maltese, 
Indians, Canadians and other British Colonists, with the 
lonians as a protected people, and also a number of pro- 
tected Jews, together with considerable property, including 
a church hospital, various schools, and a cemetery, to 
watch over. 

* The Turkish Question. Speeches delivered in the House of Commons, 
on Aug. 16, 1853, and Feb. 17, 1854, by Austin Henry Layard, Esq., M.P. 
for Aylesbury. London: . . . 1854 (jb. 10). .. 


It is interesting to note how British protection for Pales- 
tinian Jews, though not formally confirmed, was practically 
developing. This is the only case in history of Jews enjoying 
the protection of a great Power without being subjects of 
that Power. Let us see how this remarkable development 
took place. In 1838 Lord Palmerston's directions to his 
first Consul in Jerusalem were to " afford protection to the 
Jews generally."'^ The words were simply these, broad and 
liberal as under the circumstances they had to be, leaving 
after events to work out their own modification. The 
instruction, however, seemed to bear on its face a recog- 
nition that the Jews there are a nation by themselves, and 
that contingencies might possibly arise which might alter 
their relations v^ith the Mohammedans, though it was im- 
possible to foresee the shape that future negotiations would 
assume after the impending expulsion of the Egyptians from 

Then came the atrocities of the Passover of 1840 in 
Damascus, inflicted on the Jews there during the Egyptian 
regime. A few months later the bombardment of Acre and 
the restoration of Syria to the Turks took place. The episode 
of the Egyptian hold upon Syria from 1832 to 1840 came to 
an end. The Turks were restored at the end of 1840, being 
then rather more liberal in disposition than they had been 
before leaving the country, and in the following year the 
Sultan promulgated the Hatii Shereef of Gulgarch, which 
conceded equality in theory (but by no means in practice) 
to all classes of subjects. 

The British Government at once brought before the con- 
sideration of the Porte the condition of the Jews "already 
settled, or who might afterwards settle themselves in Pales- 
tine." This was evidently a direct encouragement towards 
the colonization of Palestine by the Jews, made officially by 
the British Government. In April, 1841, Lord Palmerston 
forwarded a circular to his agents in the Levant and Sj'ria, 
which began by stating that, as far as documents could 
avail, the law of Turkey had by that time become as favour- 
able as might reasonably be expected to the Jews, but that 
there remained the difiiculty of enforcing an honest admin- 
istration of that law. The Porte, however, being at that 
time entirely under the beneficial influence of British 
diplomacy, had declared its determination that the law 

1 Stirring Times, or Records from Jerusalem Consular Chronicles, of 1853 
to 1856. By the late James Finn, m.r.a.s. . . . Vol. i. . . . London, 1878, 
pp. 106^. 


should be righteously administered, and had even promised 
Her Majesty's Ambassador that " it will attend to any 
representations which may be made to it by the Embassy 
of any act of oppression practised against Jews." The 
Consul was therefore to investigate diligently all cases of 
oppression of the Jews that might come to his knowledge, 
and report to the Embassy, and although he might only act 
officially on behalf of persons actually by right under 
British protection, he was on every suitable occasion to 
make it known to the local authorities that " the British 
Government felt an interest in the welfare of Jews in general, 
and was anxious that they should be protected from oppres- 
sion." He was also to make known the offer of the Porte 
to attend to cases of persecution that might be reported to 
the Embassy. 

In 1842 a bad case was represented as occurring at Hebron 
through acts of violence on the part of Shaiki Baddo and 
others. In 1847 again it seemed probable that Christian 
fanatics were about to reproduce the horrors which occurred 
at Rhodes and Damascus in 1840. The British Consul, 
James Finn (1806-1872), then interfered and protected the 
Jews. In the same year he was again obliged to interfere on 
behalf of the Jews. In consequence of various occurrences 
of this kind in Jerusalem, another instruction was issued by 
the Foreign Office, to the effect that whenever any Aus- 
trian, French, or other European Jew was suffering from 
persecution or injustice, and was repudiated by his own 
Consul, the English Consul might take up the case, unless 
the repudiating Consul, when applied to, should assign some 
strong and sufficient reason for his objection. The spirit 
underlying this instruction, notwithstanding the establish- 
ment, since 1839, of other European Consulates, was in 
conformity with the rule laid down in that year, " to afford 
protection to Jews generally."^ 

One out of many tokens of gratitude from the people so 
benefited will be found in an address in Hebrew to Her 
Majesty Queen Victoria (1819-1901), received from Jeru- 
salem in July, 1849 (Appendix Ixii). 

There were, as usual, many cases in which the Palestinian 
Jews needed the official aid of the British Consulate, and 
numerous documents refer to the instances in which active 
official intervention with the Turkish Government was 
exercised on their behalf. Notwithstanding the just jealousy 

^ Ibid., p. 112. 


of the Turkish Government, says Finn/ there were many 
individual ways of ameliorating the condition of Jewish 
Ottoman subjects, as well as of the Jews under British pro- 

During the first case mentioned above no other Consul 
took part in the business, except that the Sardinian Consul 
assured Finn in private conversation that there could be no 
doubt about Jews using Christian blood in the Passover 
rites whenever they could get it, or, at any rate, they did 
in the Middle Ages. 

> Ibid., vol. ii., pp. 55-56. 



Mr. Rogers — Mr. Finzi — Agricultural work in Palestine under the 
auspices of the British Consul — W. Holman Hunt — Thomas Seddon 
— A New Appeal — Prof. D. Brown — Rev. John Fry — Rev. Capel 
Molyneux — Prof. C. A. Auberlen — Dr. W. Urwick — Dr. E. Henderson 
— Prof. Joseph A. Alexander — Dr. Patrick Fairbaim — Dr. Thomas 

" The greatest advantages had resulted to the Jews from 
this indirect protection, and as a natural consequence Jews 
of all kinds continually resorted to the British Consulate 
at all times for advice when in distress, and they received 
every kind of help which could be properly afforded them. 
They were no longer outwardly persecuted, being well 
known to be under British protection. . . . The Russian 
Jews, now since 1850 British proteges, enjoyed, especially 
in Safed and Tiberias, a tranquillity to which they had long 
been strangers, and the Consulate was well seconded in 
regard to them by Mr. [Edward Thomas] Rogers (1830(1)- 
1884), the new Vice-Consul at Haifa, besides whom we had 
had from long previous years, as British Consular Agent, 
at Acre, Mr. Finzi, who was a Jew,"^ 

The British Consul also started works of philanthropy 
which seemed to be the beginning of an experiment in 
Jewish agriculture. 

" A plot of ground of about eight to twelve English acres 
had been purchased in 1852, on which as soon as money 
could be obtained for supplying wages some of the poor 
had been set to work. That land was set apart for ever 
under the name of ' the Industrial Plantation for em- 
ployment of Jews of Jerusalem,' and it was in due time 
placed under the security of three trustees. 

" The design was not so much to constitute a rural colony 
of farmers on this spot, as to afford daily employment to 
residents of the city, returning from work every evening to 
their families. 

" It was always designed that other branches of Jewish 
agricultural employment, that might be carried on in other 

* Ibid., vol. ii., pp. 56-57. 
I.—* 161 


places in the vicinity, should be associated with this institu- 
tion under the general name of ' Industrial Plantation/ 

" We were not so sanguine as to expect pallid creatures, 
weakened by hunger and disease, to perform the labours of 
healthy robust peasants of the villages, but at least they 
could clear off the loose stones from the land in baskets, 
they could assist in building up dry walls of enclosure with 
the guidance of a few peasants ; they could carry water 
from the cistern, and they could learn to do other things. 

" These tasks would be profitable and preparatory. Upon 
such tasks we had already in 1850 to 1853 employed as 
many poor Jews as the small funds at our disposal had per- 
mitted. Now in 1854 we applied to friends in England, and 
elsewhere, to send us the means of reheving some of the 
vast amount of misery around us, by means of employ- 
ment in the open air. The appeal was responded to and 
funds were sent from England, from India, and also one or 
two contributions from America. By the month of April 
money had arrived, and we were able to set the people to 
work. , . . Notice was given to the Jews that employment 
on the land might be obtained for wages on the ground 
above-mentioned ; the Arabic name which it bore among 
the peasants, of its former owners, was Ker'm el Khaleelr—- 
the vineyard of the Friend — i.e. Abraham (1948-2123 a.m.), 
by which epithet Abraham is always known. The very name 
of the ground was attractive, and the effect of the announce- 
ment fulfilled our best expectations." 

" The foreman in charge of the work was a Polish Jew 
who had been in the Russian Army."^ " The idea of labour- 
ing in the open air for daily bread had taken root among the 
Jews in Jerusalem — ^the hope of cultivating the desolate soil 
of their own Promised Land was kindled. These objects 
were never again lost sight of. The Jews themselves took 
them up." 2 

Sir Moses Montefiore was one of the first Jews who took 
up these objects. On his second visit to Jerusalem he was 
received by Colonel Gawler, the ardent Christian Zionist. 
After this visit the impression was left upon the public mind 
that the Jews, hitherto so despised, had, in England at 
least, powerful representatives, through whom their 
grievances might make themselves heard in Europe. 

At the same time England's interest in Palestine was 
growing in all directions. In 1849 an English Literary 

» Ibid., pp. 64-66. • IM., p. 76. 


Society was founded by the Consul, for the investigation of 
all subjects of literary and scientific interest in the Holy 
Land. English artists were also the first European artists 
who started serious work in Palestine. Two English artists 
of note, WiUiam Holman Hunt, O.M. (1827-1910) and 
Thomas Seddon (1821-1856), came to reside in the Holy 
City in 1852, in order to study Bible scenes and Eastern 
customs. Hunt was the first painter who attempted to 
depict the true colours of the mountains of Moab. He 
began in Jerusalem his great picture of " The Scapegoat in 
the Wilderness." Seddon pitched a tent among the pome- 
granate trees in the neighbourhood of Jerusalem, and his 
picture of " Olivet and Siloam," now in the South Kensington 
Museum Gallery, was taken from that spot. 

In English Uterature we find another appeal made by an 
anonymous poUtical writer in 1856 in a lofty moral tone, 
which is at the same time a high appreciation of Judaism. 

"To do justice at once to a people approved of God as 
' His Inheritance,' ... a simple course is open to us — ^to the 
nations. Let us prevail upon the Porte to allow the Jews 
facihties to return to their own land ; to appoint Palestine 
as a place of refuge for them, from the anarchy and confusion 
from which they suffer, but in which they have no share. . . . 

" If the allies are sincere in their professions towards 
the Porte, and its eyes are open to its own interests and 
safety ; if Christians really believe in a Just and Holy 
God, and that the Bible fs His Word ; if Mohammedans 
feel that God is great, who hath appointed them the keepers 
of his holy place against this time, while their elder brother 
has been in exile ; ... If then, we say, integrity in belief 
or duty has any place at all with the parties concerned ; 
this matter of a refuge for the Jews — has only to be men- 
tioned to be accompUshed. . . . 

" Britons, let us at least be true to the position which the 
integrity and foresight of our fathers have, in the providence 
of God, earned for us ; true to the mission of our faith, . . . 
seek at once to wash our hands of this monstrous rebellion 
against Judgment and Righteousness — the peace of the 
world and the progress of the human race — and do an act of 
tardy justice to a people to whom mankind owe all their 
higher privileges and better civilization."* 

The Christian propaganda for the Restoration of Israel 

^ The Crisis, and Way of Escape. An Appeal for the Oldest of the 
Oppressed, . . . London : . . . 1856 .{pp. 5-6). 


made further progress. Even those who felt disinclined to 
connect the events of the time with any particular predic- 
tion were ready to admit that these events were coming as 
something more decisive in history than anything that had 
happened since the Reformation. " With such impressions 
abroad, the multitude of treatises on prophetic subjects 
soon exceeded all precedent ; . . ."^ 

" What most surprises us is, that a ritual of worship, so 
like the Mosaic ceremonial, should again be restored by 
divine appointment, . , . For we read of all the various 
offerings of the Levitical economy; . . . We can only 
reply : — Such is the divine pleasure." ^ But this one Divine 
is not the only precursor of Rahli Hirsch Kalischer in this 
idea ; there were others who believed in it. The Rev. Capel 
Molyneux (1804-1877) announced the restoration of the 
Mosaic sacrifices, and explained its necessity from a Christian 
point of view.^ The most curious and interesting opinion is 
that of a Swiss Protestant divine, Carl August Auberlen 
(1824-1864) of Basle : — " Israel is again to be at the head 
of all humanity. ... In the Old Testament the whole Jewish 
national life was religious ; but only in an external legal 
manner ... in the millennial kingdom, all spheres of life will 
be truly Christianized outwardly from within. From this 
point of view it will not be offensive to say that the Mosaic 
ceremonial law corresponds to the priestly office of Israel — 
the civil law to its kingly office. The Gentile Church could 
only adopt the moral law ; in like manner her sole influence 
is by the word working inwardly, by exercising the prophetic 
office. But when the royal and priestlyoffice shall be revived, 
then . . . the ceremonial and civil law of Moses also will 
develop its spiritual depths in the Divine worship and in the 
constitution of the millennial kingdom," etc.^ In a word, 
the Jews have to be restored, and to live according to their 
Law, which, as the learned professor believes, will " develop 
spiritual depths," an idea which the most orthodox Jew 
would accept, and which is even more conservative than 

* The Restoration of the Jews : ... By David Brown, d.d., . . . Edin- 
burgh. . . . London. 1861 {p. 60). 

* The Second Advent ; . . . The Restoration of Israel — . . . By the Rev. 
John Fry, b.a. ... In Two Volumes. . . . London : . . . 1822 (vol. i., p. 583). 

» Israel's Future. . . . By the Rev. Capel Molyneux, b.a. — London : . . . 
{pp. 257-258). 

p. vi, 68, Gloucester Terrace, Hyde Park, July 17, 1852. 

* The Prophecies of Daniel . . . with an exposition on the principal 
passages. By Carl August Auberlen, . . . Translated by the Rev. Adolph 
Saphir. Edinburgh : . . . mdccclvi. 


that of some of the Talmudists, who maintain that the ritual 
prescriptions Mizvoth will be abolished in the Messianic age. 
Exaggerations of this kind may have stimulated the 
opposition which was represented by the Rev. Dr. William 
Urwick (1791-1868) (the elder), ^ the Rev. Dr. Ebenezer 
Henderson^ (1784-1858), Professor Joseph Addison Alex- 
ander ^ (1809-1860), the Rev. Patrick Fairbaim* (1805-1874), 
Dr. Thomas Arnold^ (1795-1842), Head Master of Rugby, 
and many representatives of the so-called Spiritual school, 
who were strongly opposed to these Judaizing tendencies. 
They endeavoured to transform the plain statements of the 
Bible into airy visions, and explained all the names {Israel, 
Jerusalem, etc.) in a peculiar way. Thus it is to the 
" spiritual " Christian and not to the natural Jew that the 
name of Israel belongs, as it is the Roman and the Greek to 
whom alone the promises of Restoration to the Holy Land 
were made, and not the " seed of Abraham." In fact, the 
Spiritualists are far from being consistent. They would, for 
instance, spiritualize the Israel which is blessed, and accept 
in a literal sense the Israel that is cursed. A departure from 
the literal meaning of words has always proved a source of 
error and confusion, as words are often taken literally when 
they agree with certain theories, allegorically when they do 
not — a process by which the Bible may be made to say 
something to please everybody. Spirituahstic interpreters, 
as a rule, go to the Bible to find support for their own views, 
rather than to be guided by the standard of the Word as to 
whether they be correct or not. Where they find what they 
want, the Bible is plain, where they do not, it is difficult ; and 
they have to have recourse to the expedient of what is called 
" spiritualizing " the Word, a term imposing enough, but 
most inapphcable — camaUzing would be a far more suitable 
designation of the process. 

^ The Second Advent. ... By William Urwick, d.d. Dublin : . . . 


* The Book of the Prophet Isaiah . . . with a commentary, critical, philo- 
logical, and exegetical : ... By the Rev. E. Henderson, D.Ph. . . . London: 

. . . MDCCCXL. 

* The EarUer Prophecies of Isaiah. By Joseph Addison Alexander, 
Professor in the Theological Seminary, Princeton, New Jersey, New 
York & London : . . . 1846. 

The Later Prophecies of Isaiah. By Joseph Addison Alexander . . . 
Ne-'- York & London : . . . 1847. 

- The Typology of Scripture, . . . With an Appendix on the Restoration 
of the Jews. By Rev. Patrick Fairbaim, Salton. Edinburgh : . . . 


^ Two Sermons on the Interpretation of Prophecy, ... By Thomas 
Arnold, d.d. . . . Oxford, . . . mdcccxxxix. 


In Jewish exegetical literature there is an excellent rule : 
no Biblical verse should be explained differently from its 
literal meaning. To this may be added what the learned 
Joseph Mede (1586-1638) said on the same subject from the 
Christian point of view : "I cannot be persuaded to forsake 
the proper and usual import of Scripture language, where 
neither the instruction of the text itself, nor manifest tokens 
of allegory, nor the necessity and the nature of the things 
spoken of do warrant it. For to do so were to lose all footing 
of Divine testimony, and instead of Scripture to believe 
mine own imaginations." 



Selim I. — ^The Emir Beshir of The Lebanon — A Conference of five Powers — 
Druses and Mcironites — ^Massacres in Damascus — A Military Ex- 
pedition — The Protocol of August 3rd, i860 — General Beaufort 
d'Hautpoul — Achmet Pasha — David Pasha — Joseph Karan — The 
Constitution of The Lebanon — ^The boundaries — ^The alterations from 
1861 to 1902 — The Earl of Carnarvon's views — Jewish charity — Anti- 
Jewish accusations and riots — ^M. E. A. Thou venal — ^Lord John Russell 
— George Gawler's letter. 

After the conquest of Syria in 15 16 by Sultan Selim I. 
(1467-1520), The Lebanon was ruled by a succession of 
Mussulman Emirs, the most famous of whom, Beshir 
Shehaab,^ governed benevolently from 1789 to 1840, in the 
later years of his reign by the help of Mehemet Ali. The 
withdrawal of the Egyptian troops from Syria in 1841 was 
followed by anarchy in the mountains. Lord Palmerston 
accordingly wrote, on 15th June of that year : " Her 
Majesty's Government feel especially called upon to address 
the Turkish Government on this matter on the account of 
the oppression which Haji Nejib is said to practise upon the 
Christians. For England having, in conjunction with other 
Christian Powers, succeeded in restoring S5n:ia to the Sultan, 
she is entitled to expect that the Sultan, in return for such 
assistance, should secure his Christian subjects from op- 
pression." A conference of representatives of Austria, 
France, Great Britain, Prussia and Russia met at Constan- 
tinople on 27th May, 1842, with the ultimate result that the 
Turkish Minister for Foreign Affairs annoimced on 7th 
December that the Porte would act upon the advice of the 
five Powers, and appoint separate Kaimakams for the Druses 
and Maronites respectively. This arrangement was in vogue 
with but shght success for nearly twenty years. 

In i860 the lasting feuds of the tribes in The Lebanon 
suddenly burst into a furious attack, on the part of the 

^ Emir Bechir Shehaab (late), Prince of The Lebanon. 
Fra' Halpen, Lith. M. & N. Hanhart, Imp. 
Saunders & Otley, 1853. 

This portrait is the frontispiece of Mount Lebanon. . . . Colonel 
Churchill, vol. i. . . . 1853. 



Druses, on their Maronite neighbours. The Turkish author- 
ities connived at the massacres which were committed. 
On the 9th of July, i860, riots broke out in Damascus in 
consequence of the punishment inflicted upon a few Mussul- 
mans who had insulted the Christians. These Mussulmans 
rushed, armed to the teeth, to the Christian quarter, and 
began slaying, burning and pillaging. The Turkish soldiers 
came to their assistance on the pretence of quelling the 
disturbance, made common cause with the rioters, and 
joined in the killing, robbing and plundering. A few 
old Mussulmans attempted to stop the massacres, but the 
Turkish officers had no desire for peace ; on the contrary, 
they spurred on their soldiers to further aggression against 
the unfortunate Christians, and the soldiers were assisted by 
hordes of looters of every sect. This state of things lasted 
two days, during which the rioters did not cease to massacre 
the Christians, to whom the Governor did not afford any 
help. The number of the victims was estimated at 3300. 
The places where their houses had stood were not recogniz- 
able, all their dwellings having been reduced to ashes. 

The Sultan sent Faud Pasha (1815-1869) as an Extra- 
ordinary Commissioner with a military force. Faud Pasha 
issued a Proclamation to the inhabitants of Syria, in which, 
after alluding to the grief felt by the Sultan on hearing of the 
outrages, he said : — 

" According to the Imperial commands, invested with a 
special and extraordinary mission, and possessing full 
powers, I have arrived, accompanied by a military force, to 
punish the guilty authors of so many crimes. 

" The Imperial firman will inform you what is my mission, 
and enable everyone to judge of the extent of the Imperial 
justice, which accords refuge to the oppressed and punishes 
the oppressor. 

" All may remain here in safety ; the condition of the 
families driven from their homes will be taken into considera- 
tion, and I undertake to reassure them, and to extend to 
them the protection of the Imperial justice. 

" I command, above all, that from this day forth dis- 
sensions cease ; whichever nation dares to use violence 
against the other shall be attacked by the military force 
which accompanies me, and every person who forgets his 
duty will undergo immediate punishment." 

But Faud did not succeed in removing the difficulties, and 
each new account added to the horrors of the massacre. It 


appeared that the country had almost been swept clean of 
its Christian inhabitants. In The Lebanon not a Christian 
village had been spared ; all the commerce of the region 
was interrupted ; a journey from one village to another was 
no longer safe. 

To put an end to these excesses and to restore peace and 
safety to the province, the " Protocol of the 3rd of August " 
was signed. In August the first French troops were landed 
on the Syrian Coast. It was a gratifying sign of the unan- 
imity prevailing among all civilized Powers that although 
the state of Europe was at that time far from tranquil, the 
European nations were yet capable of unison in the cause of 
justice. It was certainly in the cause of justice that the 
forces of the Western world were brought to the Syrian 
coast, though political intrigue was busy circulating 
rumours such as are bound to be spread abroad when an 
expedition of this kind is undertaken by European Powers. 
That France should send troops to a country which, accord- 
ing to popular belief, she had coveted for years was, indeed, 
enough to excite world-wide attention. But opinion that 
mattered was inclined to assert that France had acted 
generously and loyally. It was, indeed, too absurd to 
profess the belief that intrigues in the East had given rise to 
these disturbances, and that the Christians themselves had 
caused the massacre so that France should achieve glory and 
influence. Undoubtedly there was in every Levantine town 
a host of Catholic emissaries, Jesuits, Lazarists, and the like, 
and it was only natural for Roman CathoHcs to use the name 
and invoke the protection of the Power which had once been 
the only Cathohc Power known in the East. 

The expedition of i860 was made at the instance of France, 
but according to an international convention all the Powers 
had to participate in it. A contingent of European troops, 
which was to be increased to 12,000 men, was to be despatched 
for the purpose of restoring peace. France engaged to 
furnish half of these troops at once. If it became necessary 
to increase the force beyond the stipulated number, a further 
understanding was to be arrived at among the contract- 
ing Powers. The Commander-in-Chief of the expedition 
was to enter into communication with the special Commis- 
sions of the Porte. All the Powers were to keep sufi&cient 
naval forces on the Syrian coast to assist in the maintenance 
or re-estabhshment of tranquilhty there. The contracting 
parties fixed the term of the occupation at six months, being 


convinced that this period would be sufficient to ensure the 
paciiBication of the populace. These were the principal terms 
of this important Convention, as laid down in the Protocol 
by the representatives of Great Britain, Austria, France, 
Prussia, Russia and Turkey at Paris on the 3rd August. 

" The Plenipotentiaries of, etc., desirous of estabUshing, 
in conformity with the intention of their respective Courts, 
the true character of the assistance afforded to the Sublime 
Porte, by the provisions of the Protocol signed this day, the 
feelings which have dictated the clauses of this act, and their 
perfect disinterestedness, declare in the most formal manner 
that the contracting Powers do not intend to seek for, and 
will not seek for, in the execution of their engagements, any 
territorial advantage, and exclusive influence, or any con- 
cession with regard to the commerce of their subjects, such 
as could not be granted to the subjects of other nations." 

Troops were landed on the i6th of August under 
General C. M. N. Beaufort ^'Hautpoul (&. 1804). Subse- 
quently a Commission representative of the Powers was 
appointed to investigate the facts. The Druses escaped into 
the Hauran Desert, and it was found that Turks and Damas- 
cene fanatics were really responsible for stirring up the 
strife, in which the Maronites had acted with a vindic- 
tiveness equal to that of the Druses. Punishment was 
meted out to the Mohammedans who were principally 
responsible, and among others Achmet Pasha, the Governor 
of Damascus, was shot. The French occupation continued 
till the 5th June, 1861, and the French and English squadron 
patrolled the coast for several months after. In June, 1861, 
the troops returned to France, and the Commissions drew 
up a scheme of government for The Lebanon. It provided 
for the appointment of a Christian Governor, to be chosen 
by the Porte, and for dividing the region into seven districts, 
each of which was to be controlled by a chief professing the 
religion held by its inhabitants. David Pasha, an Armenian 
Christian, was the first Governor. He was installed on the 
4th of July, 1861. In spite of many difficulties, he succeeded 
in restoring order ; and by raising a military force from the 
inhabitants of The Lebanon he made the presence of the 
Turkish soldiery unnecessary. The district Council included 
four Maronites, one Druse, one Orthodox Greek, and one 
Separatist Greek. The constitution did not satisfy the 
Maronites, whose revolt, imder Joseph Karan, kept The 
Lebanon in a very unsettled state for several years. The 


privileged province of The Lebanon was finally constituted 
by the Organic Statute of the 6th of September, 1864. 

The Lebanon was constituted a sanjak or mutessarifiik, 
dependent directly on the Porte, which was to act in this 
case in consultation with the six great Powers. The province 
extended about 93 miles from north to south (from the 
boundary of the sanjak of Tripoli to that of the caza of 
Sidon), and had a mean breadth of about 28 miles from one 
fort of the chain to the other, beginning at the edge of the 
littoral plain behind Beyrout and ending at the western edge 
of the Beka'a : but the boundaries were ill-defined, especially 
on the east, where the original line drawn along the crest of 
the ridge had not been adhered to, and the mountains had 
encroached on the Beka'a. The Lebanon was under a 
military Governor (mashir), who had been a Christian in the 
service of the Sultan (1861-1876), Abdul Aziz (1830-1876), 
approved by the Powers, and who had, so far, been chosen 
from the Roman Catholics, owing to the great preponderance 
of Latin Christians in the province. He resided at Deir-al- 
Kamar, an old seat of the Druse Emirs. At first appointed 
for three years, then for ten, his term has been fixed since 
1892 at five years, the Porte fearing that the longer term 
might lead to a personal domination. Under the Governor 
were seven Kaimakams, all Christians except a Druse in 
Shuf, and forty-seven mudirs, who all depended on the 
Kaimakams, except one, in the home district of Dier-al- 
Kamar. A central mejliss or Council of twelve members was 
composed of four Maronites, three Druses, one Turk, two 
Greeks (orthodox), one Greek Uniate and one Metawel. 
This was the original proportion, and it has not been altered, 
in spite of the decline of the Druses and the increase of the 
Maronites. The members are elected by the seven cazas. 
In each mudirich there is also a local mejliss. Judges are 
appointed by the Governor, but Sheikhs by the villagers. 
Commercial cases, and law-suits in which strangers are con- 
cerned, are carried to Be57rout. The pohce is recruited 
locally, and no regular troops appear in the province except 
on special requisition. The taxes are collected directly, 
and must meet the needs of the province before any sum is 
remitted to the Imperial treasury. The latter has to make 
deficits good. 

This constitution has worked well on the whole. The only 
serious hitch that occurred was caused by the attempts of 
the Governor-General and the Kaimakam to supersede the 


mejliss by autocratic action, and to impair the freedom of 
the elections. The attention of the Porte was called to these 
tendencies in 1892, and again in 1902, on the appointment 
of new Governors. The railway is French, and a precedence 
in ecclesiastical functions is accorded by the Maronites to the 
official representatives of France. 

Henry Howard Molyneux Herbert (i 831-1890), the fourth 
Earl of Carnarvon, wrote : " In estimating the past, and in 
taking security for the future, it must never be forgotten 
that for generations the policy of the Turkish Government 
has been eminently hostile to the maintenance of Druse 
nationality. As charity obliges us to believe that no state in 
Christendom would deliberately instigate the massacre of 
several thousand Christians, so the common instincts of 
humanity, and even self-interest, oblige us to acquit the 
Imperial Government of Constantinople from planning, or 
recommending to the execution of others, a policy of such 
detestable iniquity towards the subjects for whose protec- 
tion they are responsible. Both suppositions are too 
monstrous to be entertained. But as it would not be the 
first time that Christian rulers have fostered the disputes or 
exasperated the irritation of other nations, and have set the 
rock in motion, unforeseeing and to a great extent reckless 
of the course which it will take, or the misery which it will 
inflict ; so the local authorities in Syria might not unreason- 
ably count upon a favourable interpretation in Constanti- 
nople of conduct, which might result either in some moderate 
spoUation of the Christian population, or in a humiliation 
of the Druse mountaineers, or in a convenient oppor- 
tunity for intervening in the affairs of The Lebanon. It is 
a natural expedient, it is doubtless the wish of the Turkish 
Government, to divide and rule the tribes of The Lebanon; 
. . . The desire to break down Druse independence enters 
at least equally into these schemes. ... It is equally clear 
that it is not for the advantage of England, as far as she 
has an interest in these questions, to consent to the annihila- 
tion of Druse nationality Again whilst convents 

and schools, . . . have long laboured to create a French 
party among the Maronites, and to establish a French 
influence in The Lebanon, a strong connection of gratitude 
on the one hand, and of good offices on the other, has 
existed between the Druses and England ; at all events. 
The Lebanon has to be relieved of Turkish administration, 
because it would be indifferent statesmanship to stimulate 


still further the centralizing policy that threatens Turkey 
equally with every other nation in Europe, and to allow the 
independent strength of local institutions and a peculiar 
race to be confounded in the ruin of an empire now tottering 
to its fall." 

This was a sound political opinion, clear, logical, based 
upon justice. It is to be regretted that the same policy was 
not applied to other provinces and other distinct races. As 
regards British interests, we find again the old and indisput- 
able truth expressed as follows : — 

" Territorial extension, indeed, need never enter into the 
dreams of English statesmanship ; but it would be an act 
of infatuation to overlook the vast importance of Syria in 
any present or future distribution of European Power, 
which either the weakness or the crimes of other nations 
may necessitate. The country which now, not less than in 
the reigns of the Ptolemies and the Mamelukes, guards and 
therefore governs the northern frontier of Egypt — ^which 
now, as in the days of Alexander [(III) the Great] (356-323 
b.c.e.), commands one at least of the great approaches to 
India — is no petty principality, to be surrendered to the love 
of ease or the importimities of allies."^ 

The calamity that had befallen the Christians of Syria 
had aroused the deepest commiseration among the Jews all 
over the world. Sir Moses Montefiore led the way with a 
letter in the Times, July 12, i860 {p. 9), and M. Cremieux in 
France followed his lead. Several Rabbis and Presidents of 
Jewish communities addressed appeals to the Jewish popula- 
tion, and handsome contributions were collected. 

But unfortunately false accusations were again brought 
against the Jews in Damascus. Some of the fanatics were 
envious of the Jews, especially because they had escaped the 
slaughter. The accusations commenced whilst Faud Pasha 
was still there and was conducting the inquiries in person. 
The Maronites accused the Jews of being in league with the 
Druses, the orthodox Greeks charged them with being on 
terms of reciprocity with the Maronites, and after all these 
slanders the blood accusation was circulated. Faud, who 
knew perfectly well that the Jews had nothing in common 
with the Druses or the Maronites, and that they were a 
peaceful and law-abiding people, would not listen to these 
calumnies. But after the Pasha had left. Christian and 

^ Recollections of the Druses of the Lebanon, and Notes on their 
Religion. By the Earl of Carnarvon. London : . . . i860, {pp. 1 17-120.) 


Mohammedan fanatics, by means of bribery, conspired 
against the unfortunate Jews, and had some prominent 
members of their community arrested, bringing forward 
false witnesses to testify that they saw such and such a Jew 
committing murder. Happily, most of them were at once 
released by Faud Pasha on his return to the city. This act 
of justice was performed by the Turkish functionary 
spontaneously, before any remonstrance from Europe could 
have reached him. Nevertheless, the two European Powers 
acted with promptness and used their influence in the 

M. E. A. Thouvenal (1818-1866), Minister for Foreign 
Affairs of France, had on September 23rd, i860, given the 
most stringent orders to his agents in Syria to protect the 
Jews, and to prevent any injury being done to them ; and 
so had Lord John Russell (1792-1878), who had also gener- 
ously joined the defenders of the Jewish population in the 
East. This united action on the part of the two Govern- 
ments prevented misfortunes and the perpetration of crimes 
against the Jews, and as a consequence i860 bore no analogy 
to 1840. 

But if the Jews were saved from massacre and riot, this 
did not solve their problem. Dr. Abraham Benisch, in an 
editorial,^ pointed out that " In permitting this terrible 
outbreak of fanaticism in Syria, Providence has once more 
prominently directed the attention of the world to the 
country forming the inalienable inheritance of the descen- 
dants of the patriarchs, and the cradle of the institutions 
that have regenerated and reinvigorated a decrepit and 
decaying civilisation, and has once more forcibly reminded 
the world that ever since the ruthless Romans exterminated 
the Jew from the land of his ancestors, no race has found 
there rest for the sole of its feet, and no population has been 
permitted to enjoy in peace, for any length of time, the 
blessings of a ground due to the wandering tribe of the sore 

With reference to these remarks, the following letter was 
received from the Christian Zionist, Colonel Gawler : — 

" Dear Sir, 

" I cannot refrain from giving expression to my 
sincere gratification at your valuable leading article of the 
27th inst. I need scarcely mention that your views are 
* Jewish Chronicle, July 27, i860. 


met by my very warmest reciprocity on the point that, ' in 
permitting this terrible outbreak of fanaticism in Syria, 
Providence has once more prominently directed the atten- 
tion of the world to the country forming the inalienable 
inheritance of the descendants of the Patriarchs.' 

" You may remember a plan to which I gave publication 
on the occasion of the war between the Druses and 
Maronites in 1845, upon the ' tranquillisation of the East 
by planting Jewish (agricultural) settlements in Palestine.' 
I entertain strongly the anticipation that something of this 
kind may arise from the present disturbances. 

" To give Jews in Palestine the means of maintaining 
themselves and their families by honest and healthy industry 
would be the best preparation of the way for better things, 
to the Jewish nation and to the whole human race, that 
could be desired. 

" In maintaining such projects I am not at all proposing 
faithlessness to ' our allies ' the Turks. So long as the 
empire stands, Jewish civilised settlement in Syria would 
be a strength and a blessing to it. It is only in the event of 
its ever falling that I should be glad to see the claim boldly 
enforced in reference to Palestine, ' This portion belongs 
to the God of Israel, and to his national people.' 

" I should be truly rejoiced to see in Palestine a strong 
guard of Jews established in flourishing agricultural settle- 
ments, and ready to hold their own upon the mountains of 
Israel against all aggressors. I can wish for nothing more 
glorious in this Ufe than to have my share in helping them 
to do so. 

*' May your anticipation be richly realised, that great good 
will come out of the existing Syrian evils. 

" George Gawler.^ 

" , . . July 30, i860." 

All these developments stirred up Jewish public opinion 
in England and in France. Great possibilities threw their 
light into the future like a beacon of hope. The new 
Lebanon G^nstitution was, indeed, an indication of the 
future of Palestine : but the time was not yet ripe for the 
realization of these hopes. 

* Ibid,, August 10, p. 6. 



Joseph Salvador — Lazar Levy-Bing — Maurice [Moses] Hess — D. Nathan — 
Benoit Levy — Dr. A.-F. Petavel — Ernest Laharanne — Cr6mieux — The 
" Alliance IsraeUte Universelle — ^Albert Cohn — Charles Netter. 

In France the Zionist idea found a supporter in one of the 
most prominent French Jews of the last century, Joseph 
Salvador (1796-1873). He was the first French Jew after 
the emancipation of the Jews in France to express the great 
ideas of ancient Judaism. From 1789 to 1822, when the first 
edition of his Essay on Mosaism made its appearance, a 
period of thirty-three years had elapsed — approximately the 
span of a generation, and generally the time it takes for a 
new epoch to develop. Salvador, as the intellectual leader 
of his epoch, was inspired by those fine moral instincts 
and that devotion to humanity which are fostered by the 
influence of the Bible. 

When in 1840 the Eastern question presented itself in all 
its disquieting developments, Salvador seemed already to 
anticipate the stress and strife that were destined to break 
forth in those regions where the cradle of the Jewish nation 
had stood ; and these anticipations were strengthened 
when fifteen years later the Christian nations of the Western 
world came to wage a sanguinary war for the Holy Places. 
According to Salvador, Palestine was destined to become 
the economic centre of Jewry, just as much as it was the 
centre of Jewish national aspirations. " A new Ufe will be 
infused into the mountains of Judah, into that platform of 
the Moriah which to-day is in the hands of the Turks, and of 
which it was figuratively said of old that, sooner or later, it 
would rise above all hills, all mountains. The Oriental 
question, for a while put off or veiled by other pubhc affairs, 
will exhaust all the present generation. It will extend into 
the next century. To-day, in 1853, its character is above all 
a political one : it is a question of Constantinople and the 
Dardanelles. To-morrow, perhaps, the discussion will be a 
commercial one in regard to Egypt, the Red Sea, Suez. The 
unity of Europe, so much desired, so much praised, and 


JosKPH Salvador 

Hknjamin Disraeli, M,P. 




never obtained, is already a question of secondary im- 
portance. The centre of the affairs of the world is changed. 
The Jew of the new era must rise upon the very soil where 
the Jew of the old era was built." 

" Asia Minor has but two elements of life, two races capable 
of civilization and progress, the Greeks and the Jews. Not- 
withstanding the deep degradation of the Jews of the East, 
on the day when new Hfe (which, by the way, is drawn from 
the Occident) shall have reanimated this population, the 
Jew, by the force of his name, by the promises of his future, 
will again become a centre of irresistible attraction to all the 
Jewish forces of the Orient, and even of a part of Europe. 
A new State will be formed upon the coasts of Galilee and in 
old Canaan, where the Jewish claim will dominate under the 
combined pressure of historic remembrances, of persecution 
in some countries, and of the Puritan sympathy of Biblical 
England." These words of Salvador sounded like the cry 
of a forgotten generation. It must be borne in mind that 
they were written at a time when French Jews cherished 
only one hope and one ideal : absorption and assimilation 
by their surroundings. It is indeed remarkable that this 
venerable man, who was a staunch Jew as well as a French 
patriot, and is one of the most eminent figures in Franco- 
Jewish literature, defended the Jewish national idea and 
the restoration of the Jews to Palestine with such clearness 
and force. ^ 

To state that he wrote this passage just before the out- 
break of the Crimean War, which seemed a suitable 
moment for considering the possibilities in the East more 
thoroughly than had previously been done, suffices to 
indicate the immediate cause. But the mere opportunity 
could not by itself awaken such thoughts without the 
strong foundation and support of deeper convictions. As 
he justly says, " the Jew of the new era must rise upon 
the very soil where the Jew of the old era was established." 
It is clear that he did not think of the half -united Jews 
who do not feel the existence of their spiritual nationality, 
and wish to eradicate every trace of it. He was eager to 
insist that " the Jewish forces of the Orient and even of a 
part of Europe " should create this new Jew. 

Joseph Salvador was, like all progressive thinkers of his 

^ J. Salvador, sa vie, ses oeuvres et ses critiques, par le Colonel Gabriel 
Salvador [1812-1889]. Paris . . . 1881 . . . (i /.-f-539 PP-) P- 231- 
Joseph Salvador, par James Dannesteter [1849-1894], Versailles, 1882. 

I.— N 


age, inspired by the great Revolution, the emancipation 
of the Jews, and the brotherhood of all nations. The 
main thesis of his books about the Laws of Moses was 
the "universal mission of Judaism." No Jewish thinker 
of the Assimilation school has defended this theory more 
consistently and more powerfully, in language more eloquent 
and magnificent. He was therefore generally regarded as 
the father of modern progressive Judaism in France. But 
he did not see any contradiction between his idea of a 
spiritual achievement and the idea of a terrestrial centre, 
which was suggested by the political thinking of his day. 
This fact, in our judgment, proves that the first idea of a 
Jewish mission, as conceived by the great Jews of the last 
century, was far from negating the desirabiUty of a Jewish 
national future. 

We find a reference to this subject in a long controversy 
which was published in the Franco-Jewish fortnightly 
Archives Israelites in 1864. One of the contributors to 
this magazine, M. Lazar Levy-Bing, in a letter entitled 
" Retabhssement de la Nationalite Juive," dated from Nancy 
21 Mars,^ and in another, "Suite d'une pol^mique," Nancy, 
2 Mai, 2 tells us in clear, straightforward terms, that he 
firmly believes in a Jewish national future, and considers it 
the only solution of the Jewish problem. He had strong 
rehgious convictions, and his most earnest hope was to 
reconcile the spirit of the age with the eternal truths of 
Judaism ; for he held that a nation which repudiated its 
faith in God would abandon the very foundation of morality 
He regarded union between Jews and the friends of hberty 
as an indispensable condition of human progress. He main- 
tained that the Jews would best serve the universal cause of 
civiHzation by working mainly for their own commonwealth, 
by preparing for their own future. Obviously, he says, the 
minority of Jews in free countries will be chiefly concerned 
about the present, and their energies will be consumed in 
their own environments, but the majority of Jews will work 
in a Jewish direction. There is no incompatibility between 
the Restoration of Palestine promised by the prophets, and 
Jewish patriotism which strives for the welfare of different 

He was strongly supported by a series of articles entitled : 

1 XXVe Ann6e.— ... 15 Avril, 1864. 
Archives Israelites . . . sous la direction de Isidore Cahen . . . (i 826-1902). 
Paris, 1864, pp. 330-335- 

« Ibid., 15 Mai, pp. 427-432. 


Lettres sur la mission d'Israel dans I'histoire de Vhumanite, 
signed " Maurice Hess "^ (1812-1875), a well-known author 
and distinguished Jewish nationalist. On the other hand, 
M. D. Nathan, Chef d'escadron d'artillerie, in a letter, " Une 
Question Soulevee," dated from Toulon 21 Avril,^ and 
M. Benoit Levy, in " Tentative de Conciliation," 15 Juin,' 
denounced the idea of the restoration as a sublime and im- 
realizable dream. The heated controversy arose through 
the intervention of a Christian theologian. Dr. Abram- 
Frangois Petavel of Neuchatel, who appealed to Jews in 
favour of their restoration to Palestine.* He published two 
books, ^ in which he dealt with the question from a theo- 
logical point of view. His letters to the Jews, however, 
lacked clearness. He attempted to bring about a sort of 
compromise, but created a bad impression. His action 
spurred the opposition afresh, with the result that instead 
of arguing ad rem it took to arguing ad hominem. 

At the same time another French writer, Ernest 
Laharanne, private secretary to Napoleon III., although 
a Roman Catholic, wrote a pamphlet in favour of the re- 
constitution of the Jews as a nation.* He was inspired with 
the idea of " progress in human civilization and the rights 
of nations." There is a certain amount of sentimentality in 
his pamphlet ; but his enthusiasm, although too emotional 
and rhetorical, is very dignified. It remains to be said that 
all the French writers of that epoch dealt with the question 

* Ibid. I" Janvier, pp. 14-17 : i^' Fevrier, pp. 102-106 : 15 Fevrier, 
pp. 145-149 : i^r Mars, pp. 198-202 : 15 Mars, pp. 240-244 : i" Avril, 
pp. 287-292 : 15 Avril, pp. 336-340 : i" Mai, pp. 377-382 : 15 Mai, 
pp. 432-436 : I" Juin. pp. 472-477- 

His Rom und Jerusalem (1862) is one of the masterpieces of modem 
Zionist literature. Hess insists that despite all attempts on the part of the 
Jews the Jewish national instinct cannot be eradicated. The only solution 
of the Jewish question, according to him, was the colonization of Palestine ; 
and he looked to France to make it possible. The historian Graetz was 
influenced by Hess' book in the direction of Jewish nationaUsm. 

2 Ibid. I" Mai, pp. 372-377. ^ 

3 Ibid. 15 Juin, pp. 507-510. 

* Ibid. 15 Mars, pp. 234-235. " Une brochure publi6e k Geneve et la 
reconstitution de la nationaUte juive." — Isidore Cahen. 

Ibid. i«f Avril, pp. 273-274. " De quelques observations en rSponae 
aux notres une brochure publiee a Geneve " : M. L6vy-Bing, M. Petavel. — 
Isidore Cahen. 

Ibid. 15 Mai, p. 416. — Isid. Cahen. 

* Israel Peuple de I'Avenir . . . Par A.-F. P6tavel . . . Paris . , . 1861. 
La FiUe de Sion ou le r6tabUssement de Israel . . . Par Abram-Fran9ois 
P6tavel . . . Paris . . . 1868. 

* La Nouvelle Question d'Orient. . . . Reconstitution de la Nationality 
Juive. Paris . . . i860 . . . (8°. 47 pp. in printed wrapi)er) p. 46. Ernest 
Laharanne, p. 47. E. L. 9 Septembre i860. 


in the abstract. Instead of giving definite indications of 
what was to be done, they were content to express empty 
hopes and formulate vague suggestions and appeals 
(Appendix Ixiii). 

One of the greatest French Jews, Cremieux, deserves 
special mention here. Isaac Moses Adolphe Cremieux was 
born at Nimes in 1796. Having studied law for some time, 
he was called to the Bar of his native town in 1817, and 
immediately began to practise. He gained a reputation for 
eloquence and moral courage. In 1827 he removed to 
Paris, where his name was well known. His splendid ora- 
tory soon gained him high esteem in the Law Courts. 
He gradually rose to fame on account of his political 
sagacity and integrity of purpose. In 1840 he came over 
to England as the accredited representative of the French 
Jews to take part in the deliberations held on the initiative of 
Sir Moses Montefiore concerning the Damascus massacres. 
He was at that time Vice-President of the " Consistoire 
Central " of the French Jews. Soon after his arrival in 
England he became, with the exception of Sir Moses Monte- 
fiore, the most prominent figure in the agitation which was 
inaugurated in this country to obtain reparation from 
Mehemet Ali for the anti- Jewish outrages which had been 
perpetrated within his jurisdiction. Cremieux then accom- 
panied Sir Moses on his mission to the East, and by his 
sound advice and diplomacy helped to surmount many 
difficulties. When the success of the mission had been 
ensured he proceeded with Sir Moses to Constantinople, 
where he assisted him in obtaining from Abdul Med j id 
the Firman of the 12th Ramadan in favour of the Jews. 
Two years after this brilliant achievement he made his 
d6but in the pohtical arena. He took his seat in the 
Chamber of Deputies, and rose to a position of consider- 
able influence. He identified himself prominently with the 
extreme left, and not only exercised great influence among 
the members of his own party, but associated himself more 
actively than anyone else with the efforts that paved 
the way for the Revolution of 1848. From that time he 
became one of the political leaders of his country, being 
always in power though not always in office. He was 
several times member of the French Cabinet, and in 1870 
he was one of the members of the Govemment^^of National 

The emancipation of the Jews in Algeria was due to his 

Albert Cohn 

Charles Netter 

Isaac M. A. Cremieux 

Rabbi Zadok Kahn 

Salomon Munk 


initiative and exertions. In i860 he co-operated with Sir 
Moses Montefiore in raising a fund for the Christians in 
S5n-ia. During the same year he assisted in founding the 
" AUiance Isra^Ute Universelle." He was its first President, 
and remained at its helm till his death (1880), taking a 
prominent part in all its affairs. He was the central figure 
of a great and glorious struggle not only for "Jewish rights," 
but also for the honour, the greatness and the real signifi- 
cance of Jewish brotherhood and of the ideas of Judaism. 
From the defence of the Jewish martyrs of Damascus down 
to the Berlin Congress (1878) his career was one long 
record of strenuous and enthusiastic effort on behalf 
of the Jewish people all over the world. He typified and 
personified all that is sublime in the Jewish cause. His 
whole Ufe proved the consistency of his Jewish convic- 
tions. His attitude and tone were those of a Jewish 
Victor Hugo. There was no more inspiring orator and 
no greater intellect. He was the creator of the " Alliance 
Isra^Hte Universelle" in the highest sense. He raised it 
from insignificance to the importance it had achieved 
before he died. His last official act as the President of 
the "AUiance" was to sign an appeal on behalf of Jewish 
schools in Jerusalem. 

A ruthless agitation was raised against the " Alliance," 
and Cremieux was personally attacked owing to his advocacy 
of the emancipation of the Jews in Algeria, and the inter- 
national character of the " Alhance." The wildest rumours 
were circulated with regard to the intentions and activities 
of the " AUiance," which were condemned as anti-patriotic, 
anti-Christian, and even anti-humanitarian. The greatest 
absurdities found their way into the sensational anti- Jewish 
Press of several countries, attributing to this humanitarian 
and charitable institution innumerable crimes and wicked- 
nesses. Had Cremieux been one of those weak-minded 
Jewish assimUants who are so easUy frightened by accusa- 
tions and perturbed by anti- Jewish prejudice, he would have 
made concessions or have entirely abandoned this sphere of 
activity. But he had sufiicient moral strength to disregard 
senseless accusations. 

Cremieux was not a Zionist in the modem sense of the 
term. But one may say, without exaggeration, that his 
Jewish enthusiasm, his conception of the greatness of Israel, 
and his love for Palestine were Zionistic. He was a happy 
combination of a great Jew £ind a great French patriot. 


Visions of the future of Israel elevated his intellectual out- 
look. The resurrection of the Holy Land was for him a 
question of first-rate importance. " This is," he said, " the 
comfort, the sunshine of our life." On another occasion he 
said : "It must be admitted that heretofore insufficient 
attention has been paid to the Eastern aspect." Speaking 
of the agricultural school " Mikveh Israel," near Jaffa, he 
said : " This will become the very bulwark of the future. 
When once the Jews set foot on their own native soil they 
wiU never leave it again." In all his speeches he laid em- 
phasis upon the need for knowledge of the Hebrew Bible. 
The Jewish ideal, to use his own term, " is quite distinct," 
and those who trample upon justice will have to come back 
to us, the progeny and successors of those who first received 
" the Divine Word." This is the spirit which animated the 
" AUiance Israehte Universelle," particularly during the 
earlier stages of its existence. 

One of the most active members of the "Alliance," and 
a devoted friend, pupil and admirer of Cremieux, was 
Albert Cohn (1814-1877). He filled numerous communal 
and other offices with distinction. He was a member of the 
Central Consistory of France, President of the Paris Benevo- 
lent Society, a prominent member of the " Alhance," and 
President of the Society of the Promised Land. He sympa- 
thized with all who were in distress, and participated in their 
grief ; he expended a great part of his wealth in mitigating 
their sufferings ; his time was always at the command of the 
poor. He combined the characteristics of an ideaUstic and 
a practical Jew. He was an ardent communal worker in the 
Jewish community in Paris, but at the same time was 
engaged throughout his life in Palestinian work. He had a 
remarkable gift of intuition, and foretold great future 
developments in Palestine.^ 

Another French Jew of special note, as one of the first 
pioneers of the colonization of Palestine, was Charles 
Netter (1826-1887). As early as 1858 he was the chief 
promoter of the " Societe de Patronage des Ouvriers Juifs 
de Paris." In 1859 (after the Mortara case) he conceived, 

^ Albert Cohn wrote in a letter, in French, from Jiruscdem, ce 15 juillet 
(in a moment of extraordinary clairvoyance) : — 

"Monsieur le Redacteur, 

"... when we succeed to make this patriarchal City a centre of 
religious studies, a sort of a Jewish University for the Orient and the 
adjacent countries ... we shall have erected a worthy monument to the 
spirit of the age " (Archives Israelites, N". 16 — 15 AoQt, 1864, p. 715). 



together with Cremieux and others, the idea of a 
" Universal Jewish AlUance." The " AlHance " was defi- 
nitely formed in 1861. Netter was a member of a Com- 
mittee of six charged with drawing up the rules and 
the general work of organization. A few schools having 
been established by the "AUiance " in Turkey and Morocco, 
Netter began to direct his attention to the condition of 
the Jews in Palestine. He undertook a journey to Jerusalem 
and made very exhaustive inquiries. On his return he laid 
before his colleagues a plan for the establishment of an 
agricultural school in the Holy Land, which was immediately 
adopted. Returning to Palestine, he selected a large and 
convenient site in the vicinity of Jaffa, and personally 
superintended the erection of the school Mikveh Israel, 
the construction of the various buildings, the boring 
of the wells and the laying out of the grounds and gar- 
dens. That Cremieux could not be silent or idle while 
the work for Mikveh Israel proceeded, goes without 
saying. The school became the favourite institution of all 
the original leaders of the " Alliance." It is a curious 
coincidence that the title of Manasseh Ben- Israel's most 
famous book, Mikveh Israel (1650),^ became, two hundred 
and twenty years after its appearance, the name of the first 
Jewish agricultural school in Palestine. Netter visited 
Palestine very often in subsequent years. In 1882 he left 
Paris for his last visit to Jaffa, paying a visit to London on 
his way in order to consult the Jewish organizations of 
England on some pressing questions connected with the 
Jews in Palestine. He died at Jaffa whilst on a visit to 
Mikveh Israel. 

^ The Hope of Israel. 



New developments — Two tendencies — Societies in London for supporting 
Jewish colonization of Palestine — Rabbi Chayyim Zebi Sneersohn — 
Sir Moses Montefiore's further journey to Palestine. 

The various projects and suggestions discussed above fell 
far short of real Zionism, although some of them were 
permeated with Zionist ideals. Between the Restoration 
of Israel preached by Christians and that advocated by 
national Jews, between theological combinations and 
rational organized work, lie innumerable intermediate 
phases. And each phase may be said to furnish a certain 
kind of evidence of the changes undergone by pubUc 
opinion towards the Zionist idea. Often enough, indeed, 
the attitude of the public mind is one that eludes rigid 
classification. Yet, while the currents of ideas and imagi- 
nations crossed and recrossed, joined and interlinked one 
with another, two alternating tendencies were plainly ap- 
parent even to the least practical observer : the philan- 
thropic and the national. 

The philanthropic tendency had undoubtedly as its raison 
d'etre the plan of settling small groups of Jewish agricul- 
turists in Palestine. A succession of experiments in this 
kind of work was necessary. Just as, for instance, vegetable 
products have been introduced into a country by a single 
individual, the recognition of their utility being sufficient 
to induce the inhabitants to take advantage of the novelty, 
so the estabUshment of small settlements in Palestine might 
be expected to lead to imitation and consequent further 
development. But at the same time, even if the results of 
these experiments remained for years much less extensive 
than might be desired, and instead of thousands of Jews 
only hundreds settled on the land, it would still be too 
much to assert that the first societies had failed to fulfil 
their legitimate purpose. It was not unimportant to have 
made a beginning, and to have sown even a few scattered 
seeds, which during a fruitful season, aided by the dew of 
God's blessing, might yield an abundant harvest. If public 
activity to promote such plans had been as energetic as 



the intrinsic merits of the cause deserved, an objection on 
account of the insignificance of the work would have mattered 
but little, because a comparatively small measure of success 
would have been deemed of sufficient importance to counter- 
balance many cases of failure. It was not surprising, how- 
ever, that where scepticism prevailed the results of Palestinian 
colonisation were not such as to silence the objections of 
practical people who were insufficiently inspired by the 
Zionist idea. The breadth of Zionist premises seemed to 
them out of proportion to the results which Zionists suc- 
ceeded in obtaining. They ridiculed the apparent poverty 
of the achievement as compared with the powerful ma- 
chinery which had been set in operation, the strewing of 
abundant seeds for the sake of reaping a few mature plants. 
But to the sincere supporter even a comparatively small 
measure of success appeared highly important, for he 
measured the value of that success by his eager desire for 
the boon of a new future. 

Three Societies for the support of Jewish Colonization in 
Palestine were founded in London at the beginning of the 
sixties of the last century. One, managed by Jews and 
Christians together, was mainly " for promoting Jewish 
settlements in Palestine " through the encouragement of 
agricultural pursuits.^ Another, also under the manage- 
ment of Christians and Jews, comprised several separate 
undertakings in the neighbourhood of Jerusalem. A third 
was foimded by the American Consul in Jerusalem, with the 
idea that the direction should be placed in the hands of the 
Jews only. Its first efforts were to be centred on Jerusalem 
and its neighbourhood. 

Whether it was possible to frame a workable scheme of 
colonization on an extensive scale, and whether any such 
scheme could be carried into practice with any chance of 
success, were questions difficult to answer. It was a fact 
that beyond the walls of the old (Jewish) Jerusalem 
there was no safety for Hfe or limb, and still less for 
property. But, on the other hand, it was known that this 
evil was not ineradicable, for during the few years when 
Syria was under the control of Mehemet Ali the energetic 
government of that Prince effectually curbed the lawlessness 
of the wandering tribes, and so thoroughly established 

1 Dr. Abraham Benisch — ^William Henry Black (i 808-1 8 72), founder of 
the Palestine Archaeological Association (1853) and pastor of the seventh 
day Baptists— Alfred Hall — ^Montague Leverson — Rev. John Mills (1812- 
1873) — Hugh Owen — Solomon Sequerra were among its members. 


security that a person might have travelled from one frontier 
town of Sjn-ia to the other with a .bag of money in his hands, 
without fearing any attempt at robbery. Moreover, before 
the evacuation of Syria by the Egyptian troops. Sir Moses 
Montefiore had been seriously engaged in the plan of estab- 
lishing a Jewish centre of settlement in the Holy Land, and 
had entered into negotiations with Mehemet Ali, the Viceroy 
of Egypt, when the surrender of Syria to the Porte frustrated 
his great design. Those who have had the opportunity of 
referring to the second private journal of Lady Montefiore will 
find in the Addenda (Appendix Ixiv) full particulars of this 
project. This experienced philanthropist had not therefore 
considered such a scheme impracticable twenty-three years 
earUer. The question was : Had circumstances so altered since 
the accession of the Sultan Abdul Aziz to the throne that 
any plan of this kind would have as good a chance of success 
as it had offered under Mehemet Ali ? " Difficulties," said 
a great statesman, " are made to be overcome " : and after 
all, why should those presented by such a scheme prove in- 
superable ? The proposition of itself was, unquestionably, 
worthy of the attention of a generation so enterprising and 
so eminently practical in its philanthropic exertions as that 
of the sixties of the last century. 

It was at this time that Rabbi Chayyim Zebi Sneersohn, 
of Jerusalem, addressed to the Jews of England an open 
letter (Appendix Ixv) advocating the promotion of Jewish 
colonization. One of the replies was the announcement of 
Sir Moses Montefiore's new journey to Palestine. Possibly 
this visit had no further object than the gratification of a 
natural desire to see again the places so holy and so closely 
connected with Israel's most sacred associations, which had 
been especially endeared to him as the centre of his repeated 
pilgrimages in past years. 

Nevertheless, pubUc opinion inclined to the view that 
there was a connection between this journey and the Jewish 
Commonwealth projected many years before, which would 
indeed have been established had not Syria unfortunately 
passed from the power of Mehemet Ali, under whom life 
and property were well protected, into the weak hands of 
the Sultan, under whom the land had soon relapsed into 
its former state of lawlessness. A whole generation had 
passed away since then, and during this interval much had 
changed for the better in Syria, 

Foreigners were now enabled to hold landed property in 


the dominions of the Porte. The Government of the country 
had become much more settled. Roads had been made : 
the fierce Bedouins were held in check. Travelling in the 
country was much safer than in former years. An incessant 
stream of pilgrims from all directions had begun to pour 
into the land. The bounds of Jerusalem had been con- 
siderably extended, and the approaching completion of the 
Suez Canal had given a new impetus to the cultivation of 
the soil and trade in general. 

Was it not now possible to take up the project contem- 
plated in 1839, but abandoned after a time, under more 
favourable auspices ? Such an undertaking was not to be 
carried out by one section of the Jewish people : it required 
the united forces of the Jews of the civilized world. And the 
magic spell which should weld all these scattered forces into 
one united whole had not yet been spoken. A publicist 
wrote at that time in the Jewish Chronicle : — 

" Can it be doubted that the name of Monteliore would 
prove the magic spell, were only authority given to utter 
it ? It is Ukely that in the first instance not all standard- 
bearers of Jerusalem would join the movement. The Con- 
tinent might for a time hang back. It might at first be found 
impracticable to enlist for such a project the phlegmatic 
Germans. But practical England and her dependencies, as 
well as the acute Americans, would hail such a project : and 
after a while all other sections of Israel would join." 

We may appropriately pause at this point to consider the 
attitude of English Jews to the conflicting ideas of Zionism 
and assimilation. 



The first difficulties — ^The traditions of Anglo- Jewry — The influence of the 
English people on the Jews — Assimilation and the Jewish National 
idea — ^The Zionist conception of the Jewish problem — The tragedy 
of a minority. 

In order that Zionism might be prevented from becoming a 
metaphysical theory instead of a practical principle, and 
might achieve concreteness and real life, it was most advis- 
able that its development should proceed by steady and slow 
degrees, that it should meet with opposition at every step 
and be challenged to produce logical proof of its soundness. 
For it is only after antagonism has been overcome that 
truth reigns triumphant in the human mind. There is 
consequently no cause to regret that Zionism met with 
opposition among the Jews themselves. 

At the time with which we are dealing — ^the sixties of last 
century — a number of Jews in some countries of Western 
Europe already showed a desire to assimilate with their 
fellow-countrymen in every possible way. This desire arises 
merely from a confusion of aspirations and ideas. It is of 
course natural for a Jew born in England to be proud of 
being an English citizen, for a Jew born in France, Italy or 
elsewhere to be proud of the greatness and progress of his 
native land. Everybody thoroughly understands and appre- 
ciates this sentiment. There are few feelings more noble 
than patriotism, and few have been responsible for greater 
deeds and more heroic achievements. It is a good thing 
when the " amour sacre de la patrie " fills one's breast. But 
a Jew may be a good and loyal citizen and yet a thoroughly 
national Jew. The two things are in no way incompatible, 
and have been made to appear so only by inaccuracy in 
definition, and failure to understand the difference between 
ethnological and religious nationaUty on the one hand, and 
pohtical nationality on the other. 

The Jews are a nation, although they have not retained 
their full national status. Most non-Jews, whether they are 
anti- or pro- Jews, regard Judaism as a national tie, and if 
weU-wishers hesitate to express this opinion it is only for 
fear of hurting the feelings of those Jews who wish to be 



thought merely a religious community. Delicate natures 
shrink from incurring the suspicion of anti-Semitism, and 
comply from conscious or unconscious kindliness with this 
singular wish of a few Jews. So this minority has contrived 
to suggest to many Christians a view which, in reality, they 
do not share at all, and which will not stand careful scrutiny. 
The best proof of the national quality of a given community 
is the conviction of the outside world that it is a nation. 
Whether the Jews are an absolutely pure race or not 
(absolute purity does not exist, but relatively the Jews are 
doubtless the purest race among civilized nations), they 
have a specific past, a peculiar temperament, a special 
mentahty, which persist even when the Jewish religion has 
long ceased to be a Uving force, and make the most assimi- 
lated Jews a nation. And so it will remain, for, on the whole, 
the Jews are a tenacious people, and withstand extreme 
tendencies to assimilation. When some assimilated Jews, 
who really believe in nothing, call themselves genuine 
Teutons, Latins, etc., of the Jewish faith, it may be psycho- 
logically interesting to close observers, but it is in reality 
only an imconscious impulse on the part of self-despairing 
Judaism to survive in any shape whatsoever. And these 
assimilationists have never been — though the Jews have gone 
through greater and more extensive periods of assimilation 
than the present — more than a handful. 

Of course the national force of present-day Judaism is in 
a latent state, and it can only become manifest when 
Judaism resumes its history. The Jewish nation has the 
cultural power to attain that goal, to form a national com- 
munity, to maintain it and to make it prosper. Its intel- 
lectual and ethical aptitudes are denied by none but the male- 
volent and the envious. One cannot glance into the history 
of civilized nations, and of civilization itself, without meeting 
at every point with men of Jewish race who have achieved 
great things in poetry and science, in economics and politics. 

" Yours is a mighty genius," the French statesman Ernest 
Laharanne wrote in i860, " and we bow before you. You were 
strong in the days of antiquity, and strong in the Middle Ages. 
You have preserved your existence throughout the dispersion, 
of course not without paying the heavy tax of eighteen cen- 
turies of persecution. But the remainder is still strong enough 
to erect anew the gates of Jerusalem. This is your task."^ 

Orientals through their inherited aptitudes of intellect 

^ La Nouvelle Qu0stion d'Ori$nt, ibid. 


and mind, Occidentals through eighteen centuries of educa- 
tion, the Jews are the only qualified intermediaries for the 
great work which is to begin with the civilizing of the 
peoples of Asia and to end with the conciliation of the races. 

What is nationally Jewish ? The word national implies 
racial unity not merely in the sense of a common origin, but 
as a present fact and an abiding influence, with a particular 
fervour and strength of its own. This racial unity has its 
psychological counterpart in a certain intense racial spirit, 
by virtue of which the whole nation is animated by a definite 
aspiration towards a common ideal, and becomes merged 
with it into a living unit. This characteristic spirit permeates 
the whole people " like a salve, and causes it to glow as with 
one flame." Or in the words of the Zohar : — 

" Israel and its Torah are one."^ This Torah is precisely 
the ethos of the fundamental racial unity of the Jews. 

To the singular and exceptional nature of the Jewish 
nationality is due the fact that it is frequently difficult to 
determine with any degree of exactitude in how far certain 
terms and assertions which are applied to other nations may 
properly be applied to the Jews. Hence, while it is a matter 
of the greatest importance for the preservation of the full 
and precise significance of Judaism to use the most definite 
and imequivocal expressions in speaking of Jewish nation- 
aUty, it inevitably happens that certain terms as used by the 
upholders of assimilation have to be characterized as in- 
accurate because their ordinary connotation is misleading, 
though they may in themselves be legitimate. An examina- 
tion of the whole series of phrases which occur in the 
polemics of nationalism and assimilation would take us too 
far ; but it will be worth while to draw attention to certain 
fundamental principles in the discussion of which misunder- 
standings frequently arise. 

In any attempt to define Jewish nationality, it is necessary 
first of all to bear in mind that the only elements of nation- 
ality that enter into consideration are the historical and the 
ethnographical. The predicates of the conception of nation- 
ality as applied to all other nations fall under the headings : 

(i) Origin, historical solidarity, racial characteristics. 
(2) State organization, political functions and civic 


The predicates of the first category alone are germane to our 
subject. Those of the second category are partly inappHc- 
able (political union, political functions), and partly Hmited 
in their application, for example, to the sphere of local 
interests. In this connection attention may be drawn to the 
fact that the local organization of the Jews is strong and 
well-marked wherever the state or society drives the Jews, 
by means of exceptional laws, ostracism or prejudice, to an 
instinctive or organized self-defence, and is absent only 
where the Jews enjoy complete emancipation not only in 
the eyes of the law, but also in the view of public opinion 
as a whole, and not merely in that of certain of the upper 
classes which are everywhere more or less privileged.^ 

Exceptional laws tend to isolate the Jews ; the attacks 
and accusations directed against them collectively, the 
differential treatment meted out to them, the anti-Semitic 
poUcy, all necessarily contribute to strengthen the walls of 
the Ghetto. Every discrimination made against the Jews, 
be it only the merest chicane, is a stone added to the walls 
of the Ghetto. It is not to the Jews that the erection of a 
" State within a State " is to be credited ; it is the anti- 
Semitic movement which is responsible for this anomaly. 
As soon as the Jews are subjected to differential treatment, 
they must likewise alter their attitude. Whether they will 
or no, there arises out of these conditions a complex of 
problems in consequence of the instinct for self-preservation, 
which acts with the force of an iron law. These problems, 
which in their origin have nothing to do with the national 
Ufe and character of the Jews, invest them with the char- 
acter of a politico-economic nationahty, artificially isolated 
within the State. That is a kind of nationality to which the 
Jews do not aspire ; it is forced on them from without. And 
it is in such conditions that the majority of the Jews live. 
It is a superficial method of computation which estimates the 
condition of the Jews according to the majority of the 
countries in which they live ; the right method is to consider 
the condition of the majority of the people. That is the 
decisive factor. A well-known Jewish author has taken the 
trouble to collect in a book all the laws promulgated against 
the Jews in Russia under the old regime. These laws 
numbered more than a thousand, and subsequently they 
were increased by many hundreds. This code of laws — a 

* The desire to remove this sort of separatism was the fundamental 
idea of the Alliance Israilite Universale . 


kind of anti-Bible — affects half of the Jewish race. The 
originators of these special laws have consciously or un- 
consciously bestowed upon the Jews the predicates of a 
nationahty within the domain of the State, but in a negative 
sense and with (as it were) inverted political rights. A group 
of men may thus be converted into a nation isolated within 
the State, not only by granting them special privileges, but 
also, and perhaps more thoroughly, by subjecting them to 
special restrictions. 

As an inevitable result of this treatment, the thoughts, 
feeUngs and aspirations, the daily interests, the public 
opinion, the collective will of the Jewish masses have been 
driven to assume a tendency necessarily pecuhar to them- 
selves even in economic and general questions, in which they 
would otherwise have no special concern as Jews. In spite 
of the exceptional conditions artificially created for them 
they yet contrive on the whole to maintain their loyalty to 
the State, and make supreme sacrifices for it. 

It stands to reason that when, in the course of one 
generation, a certain class of men has been called upon 
to suffer the martyrdom of violent persecutions and is 
constantly threatened by this gruesome spectre, the con- 
sequence is that whether they will or no, the members of 
the group become welded and cemented together into one 
body. It is also self-evident that given a certain class of 
men confined within a Ghetto or debarred from many pro- 
fessions — only a few in fact remaining "open to them — the 
members of the community are bound to become a people of 
entirely exceptional character, with cares and problems of 
their own. In our day, as on innumerable previous occasions 
in Jewish history, maUce makes use of this fact to bring 
forward fresh accusations against the Jew. The Jews are 
driven into certain positions, and are then held responsible 
for them. It is of no avail to give serious consideration to 
these charges. They are so numerous and so obstinate that 
it would be impossible to dispose of them aU in an apology. 
Impartial observers will understand that the exceptional 
status of the Jews within the States, and the separate 
interests resulting therefrom, were not a consummation 
desired by the Jews, but a necessity imposed upon them 
against their will and of which they are compelled to bear 
the consequences. They are obliged to combine in many 
countries, just as any people taken collectively usually 
combine, when their interests as a collective body are at 


stake. This is a necessity even in the most ordinary matters 
of daily life, and it results in a national combination for 
economic interests, as, for instcince, in the case of boycott or 
of social ostracism. But for these aggravations, it would 
not occur to the most zealous of Jewish nationalists to make 
attempts at organization in this direction. The distinctive 
Jewish national concept is not embodied in these organiza- 
tions, nor dependent upon them. But the demand that 
these special organizations shall cease, is first of all a chimera : 
and secondly an injustice : a chimera because it transgresses 
the law of the instinct of self-preservation, and an injustice 
because one must not forbid a man who has been attacked 
to defend himself. One can only demand that the grievances 
shall be removed. Whether they will ever vanish, and when, 
is another question. The Russian revolution, with its boon 
of freedom to oppressed nationalities, will mark, we hope, 
an epoch in the struggle of the Jewish masses for the right 
to live freely in the political and economic sense. But 
history and experience warn us against believing too readily 
that salvation has come. 

However that may be, Jewish nationality, as we said 
above, in no way depends on the political status and the 
position of the Jews in various countries. This question 
may be left entirely out of consideration. In dealing with 
Jewish nationality, we are concerned only with those predi- 
cates which are based upon the natio, that is the origin and 
the spirit or type of the race in question. 

The Jewish national idea is not merely an historical 
tradition, it is a programme for outward as well as inward 
use. Outwardly it manifests itself in an energetic struggle 
for its own existence, in the development of its self-con- 
sciousness, in an active regard for its own interests ; in- 
wardly as a union of the Jews of all countries, rites, grades 
of culture and political parties on all questions which aftect 
Jews and Judaism (though it is and must be set on one side 
in all non- Jewish questions relating to the State). As in the 
natio the fact of being at one with the race is the really 
characteristic feature, it is necessary to regard all Jews as 
members of the Jewish nationaUty without reference to their 
religious opinions or points of view. This is the meaning of 
the Talmtidic dictum : — 

^ Although he sinned he is an Israelite. — Sanhedrin 44^7. 
I.— o 


Nationality has nothing to do with the differences of 
theological opinion between the various sections of Jewry ; 
it is based simply upon oneness with the race. The en- 
deavour to form this union is the foundation of the national 

By those who do not understand it the Jewish national 
idea is reproached with constituting an antithesis to the 
idea of the State and of citizenship on the one hand, and to 
the spiritual and the Torah on the other. This reproach has 
no foundation : Jewish nationality cannot find expression 
in political citizenship in the Diaspora, simply because it 
lies outside that sphere. On the other hand, from the 
point of view of the inner, spiritual strength of Jewry, the 
sense of nationality is a source of vitality, and produces a 
fusion which transcends all parties. It is foUy to regard it 
as a degradation of the spiritual character of Judaism. 

Those who were unable to comprehend this distinction, 
and could not or would not recognize the true nobility of 
their Jewish nationality, were impelled by a desire to destroy 
the distinctive characteristics which recalled their origin. 
They wished to submerge their nationality, glorious in 
tradition and history, illustrious in its record of heroism, 
venerable in its antiquity, holy by the inspiration of reUgion, 
They failed to see that their people's history abounded in 
events and incidents sufficient not only to stamp a nation as 
glorious, but to confer upon themselves, as men and as 
citizens in the countries of their birth, greater dignity, more 
native worth and integrity of purpose. They forgot that 
assimilation involved the sacrifice of a glorious historical 
tradition, of a living national sentiment, and, worst of all, 
of their national genius. However, the pursuit of assimila- 
tion did not always extend to a desire for total absorption ; 
its effect was to weaken rather than to destroy. 

The attitude of assimilation was not adopted in its fulness 
by the Jews in England. This was due to the influence of 
the English nation. Jews in England could not fail to see 
the attachment of Englishmen to time-honoured political 
observances, sometimes meaningless in themselves, yet full 
of significance through their symbolism or associations ; that 
strong under-current of traditional feeling which, though 
held in check by the swifter stream of progress, manifests 
its presence and power in a dignified reverence for the 
past. With such fellow-countrymen as the British people, 
in a land whose greatness is built on the past, on tradition, 


on the Bible, the Jews had no need to be ashamed of point- 
ing to their own traditions, of dwelling upon their own 
history and the glory of their own past. The Jews, whose 
history is an epic, had no need to slur over that chapter of 
the poem whose scenes are laid in the Holy Land. They 
knew that the ancient glory of their annals shone brightly 
on those sacred shores. They knew that that holy soil had 
been trodden by the prophets, the poets, and the warriors of 
their race, and that there they had first impressed themselves 
on their age and on the ages which were to follow. They 
knew that amid the most splendid states of antiquity or of 
the modern world no land had produced such brilliant ex- 
amples of valour, wisdom and virtue ; that no land had ever 
rendered more wonderful services to the world than this 
Holy Land of theirs ; that no land had ever had so great 
a past. And though the future is wrapped in darkness, 
national hope sees a glimmer of promise even through the 
veil of mist. 

English Jews understood, then, that the relationship of 
the Jewish people to the Holy Land was a tie of a peculiar 
character. They understood that in ordinary circum- 
stances the connection between an exiled people and its 
land would probably have been severed long ago. It could 
hardly have resisted the influences that had been at work 
to bring about its dissolution. Everybody knows of numer- 
ous instances of such dissolution recorded in history. When 
a people, or a section of a people, leaves the country which 
was the cradle of its nationality to live in a distant clime, 
under the aegis of new institutions, the hnk that bound it to 
the ancient soil loosens and gives way in course of time and 
by force of events. At first old associations assert themselves. 
Familiar names are resumed on the unfamiliar shore. The 
followers of Cadmus {fl. 1493 h.c.e.) planted a new Thebes 
in the land to which they migrated. The Pilgrim Fathers 
raised a new Plymouth on the shore which the Mayflower 
touched at the end of its outward voyage from the Plymouth 
of the motherland. For long years the American exile called 
the old country his home. But even this feeling scarcely 
survives the changes of which we are witnesses. Generations 
pass by. New institutions take root : new feelings prevail, 
they ripen and burst into fruit. There is no revolution more 
complete and more enduring than that caused by the trans- 
planting of a nation. But with the Jews and the land of their 
lost glory the case is wholly different. Elements of a higher 


character than those of an ordinary historical nature enter 
into consideration. The Holy Land is the country of their 
past greatness, present longings and future hopes. It is a 
bridge which links the past with the future through the span 
of the present. It is still a land of dreams, but it is to become 
a land of wakeful activity, it is to be stirred to new life and 
progress. To carry out such objects combined, sustained and 
intelligent action is required. How could English Jews, living 
amongst the greatest colonizing nation in the world, over- 
look this great necessity ? 

No other country under the sun can unite all the advan- 
tages which the restored home of the Hebrews will present, 
can attract the Jewish people, with the knowledge which it 
has gained of the ways of the world and its pre-eminence in 
commerce, can become the home of a Commonwealth which 
will restore its national greatness. 

From a purely practical point of view, again, there is no 
reason why property in the land of Israel should not offer 
as safe an investment as any other. Surely it is within the 
realm of probability that those who regard the idea as 
the ridiculous notion of a mad enthusiast, or at least their 
children after them, may find it to their interest to labour 
for the restoration of Palestine as the surest method of 
placing their worldly possessions in safety, even without 
taking into consideration the benefits which would accrue 
to the Jews as a religious community, through their obtain- 
ing once more a home for the practice of their laws, a spot 
where the ark of the covenant may rest without being ex- 
posed to malevolence and prejudice. 

These ideas, in fact, were prevalent among English Jews. 
There were some adherents of Assimilation, but they were 
insignificant both in numbers and in influence. It is note- 
worthy that the idea preached by modern Zionism in the 
first years of the movement, namely, that the Jewish 
tragedy is due to the fact that the Jews are everywhere in 
a minority, and that therefore the only solution of the 
problem is to make them a majority in their own country, 
was expressed in England by a Jewish publicist in 1863 
(Appendix Ixvi) . 



Henry Wentworth Monk — Zionism in France — Jean Henri Dunant's 
" Le Renouvellement de I'Qrient " — Napoleon III. — Bishop Stephen 
Watson — " L'Orient " in Brussels. 

Philanthropy, not nationalism, was the basis of the 
" London Hebrew Society for the Colonization of the Holy 
Land " (Appendix Ixvii), founded by Jews in 1861. This ex- 
periment, generous as it was, could not succeed, even as a 
philanthropic scheme, because it lacked the great national 
idea, which is the soul and essence of Zionism, and without 
which no revival can possibly succeed. It is worthy of 
note that an English Christian who was one of the 
promoters of Palestine colonization grasped this truth ; 
and addressed the following letter from Jerusalem to the 
Jewish press in England : — 

November 6, 1863. The Jewish Chronicle and Hebrew 
Observer (^.3). 

" Projected Agricultural Colonies in the Holy Land." 

" To the Editor of the Jewish Chronicle. 
" Sir, 

" Yesterday my attention was called to your editorial 
of the 4th ult. by Rabbi Sneersohn, who at the same time 
requested me to try and explain why the poor Jews in this 
country have not yet succeeded in earning an independence 
by the cultivation of the soil, as poor people in other countries 
generally do to some extent. He supposes that I ought to 
know something about it, as I have been brought up to 
farming in Canada, where poor people generally do succeed 
in earning a good living by agriculture ; and for about 
two years (in 1854 and 1855) I also had some experience 
in reference to agriculture in this country, where it must 
be admitted that lately it has been far otherwise. . . . The 
cause of the great want of success hitherto, it appears to 
me, is, because people have not fairly considered the great 
magnitude and importance of the object to be accompUshed, 
and seriously gone to work to accomplish that object with 
that kind of earnestness with which men go to work to 



build a railroad, or engage in any other great undertaking, 
which they have decided would conduce greatly to the 
advantage of the pubUc, and for their own profit also. . . . 
When the Greeks are making efforts to become a people 
again, and the Italians or Romans trying to restore some- 
thing of their former greatness, shall Israel alone be totally 
indifferent as to whether they are a nation or not ? The 
poor of Israel have done their part — they have come here 
in thousands to Uve or die, as God or man shall permit. 
Let the rich and enterprising do their part, and then let 
us see whether we shall eventually succeed even better 
than did the remnants of the Greeks or Romans. 
" Very truly yours, 

"Henry Wentworth Monk. 
"Jerusalem, Palestine, Oct, i, 1863." 

At the same time the political idea was taken up in 
France by Jean Henri Dunant (1828-1910), the author of 
Un Souvenir de Solferino. Technically a Swiss citizen, hav- 
ing been born in Geneva, nevertheless in all his ideas he was 
French. In 1859 he launched the idea of a permanent 
organization of voluntary groups of humanitarian workers, 
and also of an international treaty agreement concerning 
the wounded in war. He then presented himself to Napoleon 
III., who became interested in his project and immediately 
gave orders to his army to cease making prisoners of the 
physicians and nurses of the enemy. Soon Dunant organized 
an " Aid Committee " in Geneva, and shortly afterwards 
published his Souvenir de Solferino (1859), which was en- 
thusiastically received and greatly applauded. The philan- 
thropic ideas of his book were received with interest by 
many European sovereigns, with whom he was on friendly 
terms, through correspondence or conversation. He in- 
terested the Governments so much in his project that 
various nations sent delegates to the International Con- 
ference, which was held in Geneva in 1863, when it was 
decided to estabhsh a National Committee. A diplomatic 
International Congress on the subject was held in 1869 
at Geneva, by invitation of the Swiss Government. 
The treaty there drafted accepted Dunant's project, 
and the formation of the Red Cross Societies was decided 
upon. Thus a single individual, inspired by the sentiment of 
kindness and compassion for his fellow-creatures, had by his 
own untiring eif orts achieved the reaUzation of his ideas, and 


thus aided the progress of mankind. Dunant was a states- 
man, and might have been a saint. His most earnest desire 
was to carry the message of sympathy, faith and knowledge 
to the hearts of poor men and oppressed nations. During 
his zealous propaganda, in the course of which he edited 
pamphlets and articles in many languages, and travelled 
continually through the whole of Europe, he spent all 
he possessed, and for many years nothing more was heard 
of this modest and good man. In 1897 he was discovered 
in the Swiss village of Heiden,^ where he was living in poverty 
in a " Home of Rest " for old men. In 1901, when the 
A. B. Nobel (1833-1896) Peace Prize was awarded for the 
first time, it was granted to the founder of the Red Cross 

These biographical details are interesting in so far as 
they enhance our appreciation of the activity of this great 
man, who advocated also the idea of the regeneration of the 
East, and the resurrection of Palestine by the Jewish people. 
Dunant was inspired more by political convictions than by 
religious emotion. He was a champion of humanitarian 
ideas in the political life of Europe, and he dealt with the 
problem of the East and the Jews from this point of view. 
He addressed to the public an " Open Letter," which, far 
from repeating the older ideas and suggestions which had 
been put forth on several occasions in England and France, 
gave the impression of a fascinating spontaneity and origi- 
nality (Appendix Ixviii). 

A peculiar feature of so many Zionist writings is the 
writer's unfamiliarity with what has been written re- 
peatedly before. There is no reference to earlier suggestions 
and attempts, no allusion or reminiscence whatever. Every 
writer begins ah ovo ; everyone makes new discoveries. Is 
this due to the fact that there was no literary concentration, 
no history of Zionist literature, no bibliography ? Partly 
so : but the true reason was, in our opinion, the indepen- 
dence of the idea in all these writings. Every writer was 
impressed not by what he had read — most of them had 
not read anything about Zionism — ^but by the appearance 
of the problem as it presented itself to him. Everybody 
discovered the truth in his own way, and all came to the 
same conclusion quite independently. Henri Dunant 
planned out and calculated for himself all the details of 
his great scheme. He had, as we see, a clear poHtical con- 

^ Died there October 31, 1910, 


ception of Zionism ; his style, too, was lucid and pleasant. 
He had a wonderful faculty for disposing of difficulties. 
Moreover, he started political activity, and was in this 
respect a forerunner of Herzl. 

He started his work in France. Different rumours were 
current at that time (1866) in England about a great Zionist 
propaganda in France. "A curious and interesting movement 
has been in progress for a considerable time affecting the 
state and prospects of the Jewish race in all quarters of the 
world," we read in an editorial in The Morning Herald, 
London (6th Feb., 1866). " It is of national rather than of 
a religious character. As is well known, the generous 
exertions of Sir Moses Montefiore in Morocco, Persia and 
elsewhere have greatly tended to ameliorate the conditions 
of the Jews locally, although they are still in many regions 
persecuted and oppressed : but the most remarkable fact 
of all, has been the interview between the French Emperor 
and the leading members of the community in Paris. The 
object of this informal proceeding was, on the part of 
Napoleon III., to ascertain how far there yet lingered in 
the Jewish mind a belief and desire, that they might become 
repossessed of their native country ; and certainly no idea, 
since that of the Crusaders, could be more romantic or bold, 
than one which should promise them through any means the 
fulfilment of this ancient wish. ..." The author of this 
article concludes : " Whatever our creeds, we cannot forget 
the good words of Bishop Weston^ when he said that, upon 
seeing a Jew, his best thoughts were always carried back to 
the beginning and earliest blessing of the world. Therefore 
it is with more than a mere antiquarian spirit that we observe 
with sympathy the refusal of this race to raise, whenever 
challenged to resume their lost position in the world, the 
cry Hierosolyma est perdita. ..." This rumour concerning 
an interview which the French Emperor had granted to the 
leading members of the community in Paris was undoubtedly 
due to the propaganda of Henri Dunant, who was a persona 
gratissima at the French Court. 

The appeal was afterwards re-echoed in a political paper 
started in Brussels under the title of L'Orient, which devoted 
much attention to Eastern affairs. 

" Palestine," we read in one of the articles, " situated at 
the point of junction of the three continents, is the key of 
Asia : it occupies a central position in reference to the East 

^ Stephen Weston (1665-1742), Bishop of Exeter, 1724. 


as well as the West : its situation is the same between the 
countries of the North and South : no other on earth can in 
this respect be compared with it. What European power 
could take possession of it without bringing upon itself, on 
the part of the others, the most protracted and sanguinary 
wars ? However, one solution would still be possible for 
which, despite the rivalries and revolutions which keep the 
people of Europe on the alert, the way might be paved. 
The final solution of the Eastern question might be accom- 
plished if Palestine were reopened to the Israelitish people. 
We have, further, to take into consideration the principles 
of nationality which in our days play such a prominent part : 
to bear in mind the isolated position of the Jewish people in 
the world, which has been dispersed among the nations of 
the earth for thousands of years without being absorbed by 
them ; and to study the condition of the Israelites within 
the last seventy years, their wealth, the influence acquired 
by them in the commercial world, in industrial pursuits and 
on Governments. The inference from all this will be that 
something grand is in store for the Jewish people. The 
return of the Jewish people to the Holy Land may be con- 
sidered from two different points of view : the religious and 
the political. There exist several Scriptural passages which 
predict the return of the Jews. . . . The Israelitish people 
and the Arabic or Ishmaelitic tribes, which with justice may 
be called the oldest nations on the earth, have been pre- 
served by Providence, while the others among which they 
lived in captivity have disappeared from the stage of the 
world. We may depend upon it, the destinies of the 
Israelites, so unique and mysterious in their kind, will in 
the future be still grander than they were in the past : and 
they must be counted upon if we wish eventually to arrive 
at the solution of the Eastern question, which appears so 



A Rabbinical appeal — Rabbi Elias Gutmacher — Rabbi Hirsch Kalischer 
— Correspondence with Sir Moses Montefiore — Servian Jews ready for 
Palestine — Rabbi Sneersohn — Another appeal of Henri Dunant — A 
committee in Paris under the patronage of the Empress of the French 
— Zionism in French fiction. 

In 1867 an appeal in favour of the colonization of Palestine 
was addressed to English Jews by two well-known Rabbis, 
Elias Gutmacher (1796-1874) of Gratz, and Zebi Hirsch 
Kalischer (1795-1874) of Thorn. This appeal contains 
interesting references to a letter of Sir Moses Montefiore 
dealing with the same subject, to Servian Jews who were 
ready to go to Palestine, and to the activity of the " Alliance 
Israelite Universelle " in Paris in the same direction (Appen- 
dix Ixix). Conceived in an orthodox Jewish spirit, it seems 
to have produced a favourable impression on some portions 
of the Jewish population in England ; but it elicited few 
contributions. This is evidenced in another letter ad- 
dressed to England by Rabbi Sneersohn of Jerusalem in 
1866 {Ab. 8, 5626). "And now, my brethren in England, 
it is for you to be among the foremost in accomplishing 
the divine will. Hasten to buy fields and vineyards 
on the Holy Ground without looking for any immediate 
advantage. Do you not see that all nations around lay out 
large sums in buying up land here ? Why should we not 
follow this good example, when thereby great benefits would 
be conferred on our brethren here : for they would till the 
ground and thereby maintain themselves, and no longer 
depend upon charity from abroad ? By this means also 
would hatred and sorrow be removed from their midst, for 
being engaged in their work they would have no time for 
prying into the affairs of others. The time is most favour- 
able for such an undertaking. About eighty heads of 
families, both Sephardim and Ashkenazim, lately bought 
fields along the road to Jaffa, and some of them have com- 
menced to till the ground. Who knows how soon the ground 
will be worth double the price for which it can now be had ? 


}Rabhi Zebi Hirsch Kalischkr 

Rabbi ISAAC Jacob Rkines 


Rabbi Samuel Mohilewer 

Rabbi Dr. Israel 



There is now a large and most eligible piece of ground at a 
very reasonable price to be had, etc. . , ." 

At the same time Dunant continued his propaganda, 
and addressed the following letter from Paris to the Jewish 
press in England : — 

Jewish Chronicle, Dec. 13, 1867 {p. 6). 

" Palestine Colonisation " 

" To the Editor of the Jewish Chronicle. 

" Sir, 

" Permit me to recall to your mind the remembrance 
of me. At that time you were pleased to take a truly 
humane interest in the work in favour of wounded soldiers, 
of which I am the founder, for which I then laboured, and 
which still occupies my attention. You are no doubt aware 
that this work has been as successful as such a work of 
philanthropy can be. It has obtained the adhesion not 
only of all the Sovereigns of Europe, and even those of 
the Sultan of Turkey and Emperor of Brazil (1831-1891),^ 
but also the unanimous suffrage of all benevolent persons in 
all civihzed countries. 

" In the whole European and American Continents — both 
of them liable to the chances of war — committees and 
societies for the relief of wounded soldiers have been formed, 
and are in activity, and it may be said, without exaggeration, 
that the service rendered by this institution during the late 
war surpassed all expectation. Official reports from this 
society, as well as from mihtary authorities published more 
than once, have sufficiently shown it. At present, sir, I am 
engaged in another work, for which I hope you will not feel 
less interest than for that to which I have just referred, 
the more so as it concerns Palestine, the country made 
over by God to the glorious people of which you have the 
honour of being a member. 

" You will find enclosed two copies of a notice which a 
committee formed in Paris for the Colonisation of Palestine — 
a committee of which I am a member, and which Her 
Majesty the Empress of the French 2 has deigned to honour 
with her patronage — have just published. The notice will 
explain to you the object and tendency of our foundation. 
The labours of your whole life, and the great merits acquired 
by you m serving the cause, rights, and interests of your 

' Dora Pedro de Alcantara (1825-1891). 
* The Empress Eugenie, b. 1826. 


co-religionists, inspire me with the Uvely desire to obtain 
your valuable advice on the work on which we are engaged. 
I hope that if you find our publication conformable to your 
ideas, you will have the goodness to cause a translation 
thereof inserted in the estimable journal which you edit, 
the Jewish Chronicle. 

" I also hope that you will likewise acquaint me with the 
names and addresses of persons in England, whom you may 
believe inclined to sympathise with the moral and economical 
re-constitution of the ancient patrimony of the Hebrews; 
for our work, supported by the greatest and most aristo- 
cratic names among Christians, sympathises not the less, 
nay, before all, with the Israelites, whose rights to Palestine 
are superior to all others. 

"I do not doubt but that the international sentiments 
which animate you will call forth in old England, and 
among the readers of the Jewish Chronicle, a sympathetic 

" Receive the assurance of my high consideration. 

" [Signed) Henri Dunant, 

" Founder and promoter of the international undertaking 
« in behalf of the wounded soldier, on land and at sea. 

" Paris, 24, Rue de la Paix, Dec. 3, 1867." 

Evidently Dunant expected more from England and 
EngHsh Jews than from any other country in the world. 
The liberties and rights of citizenship of the Jews have been 
more respected, and their social and political standing made 
more secure in this country than in any other. Here, at all 
events, the days of Jewish persecution have long since passed 

In France, where a favourable atmosphere for Jewish 
national aspirations had scarcely been created, M. Dunant 's 
scheme does not appear to have made much headway in a 
practical direction ; but there is no doubt that his efforts 
were watched with sympathetic interest. We quote again 
M. L. L6vy-Bing, who advocated the Zionist idea in several 
articles from 1864 onwards, ^ In French fiction M. Alexandre 
Dumas {fils) (1824-1895) had made one of the heroes of his 
play La Femme de Claude a Zionist character (Appendix Ixx) . 

^ In one of his last letters M. L. L6vy-Bing wrote : " Quant aux destinies 
du peuple Juif , la restauration de ce peuple est I'une des conditions essen- 
tielles du systdme divin. II n'est pas un de nos ^crivains sacres, depuis 
Molse jusqu'^ Malachi, qui nc parle du retour infaillible." 


Many more such quotations could be traced, but we mention 
this only as an example. Further, there was, at all events, 
the idea of Jewish brotherhood in the creation of the 
" Alliance Israelite Universelle " : as we pointed out above, 
the activities of the " AlUance " were directed chiefly to the 
East, where it found a vast sphere of labour. All this was 
consciously or unconsciously Zionist work. 



A new appeal — Earl of Shaftesbury in 1876 — Edward Cazalet — Laurence 
Oliphant — Zionism in English fiction — George Eliot — " Daniel 
Deronda " — The Jewish nationalism of Mordecai Cohen — A quotation 
from Dr. Joseph Jacobs. 

In Palestine the Jews continued to cherish the hope of 
colonization, though they had a hard struggle for existence. 
In a new appeal addressed to the Jews in England, Rahhi 
Sneersohn describes the situation in Palestine, and gives a 
clear idea of the efforts previously made in the direction of 
colonization. This appeal is very instructive as to the 
history of the colonization efforts in the earUer stages 
(Appendix Ixxi), 

At the same time, while the Jewish organizations grappled 
with the problem from the standpoint of charity, the great 
Zionist idea was again put forth by English Christians. In 
the first place, Lord Shaftesbury wrote in 1876 a most 
remarkable Zionist article, from which we quote a few 
sentences : — 

" Is there no other destiny for Palestine but to remain 
desolate or to become the appendage of an ambitious 
foreign power ? Syria and Palestine will ere long become 
most important. On the Euphrates and along the coast old 
cities will revive and new ones will be built : the old time 
will come back on a scale of greater vastness and grandeur : 
and bridging the districts the stream will run in the track of 
the caravans. Syria then will be a place of trade pre- 
eminence. A'ld who are pre-eminently the traders of the 
world ? Will there, when the coming change has taken 
place, be any more congenial field for the energies of the 
Jew ? The country wants capital and population. The 
Jews can give it both. And has not Kngland a special 
interest in promoting such a restoration ? It would be a 
blow to England if either of her rivals should get hold of 
Syria. Her Empire reaching from Canada in the West to 
Calcutta and Australia in the South-East would be cut in 
two. England does not covet any such territories, but she 
must see that they do not get in the hands of rival Powers. 



She must preserve Syria to herself. Does not pohcy then — 
if that were all — exhort England to foster the nationality of 
the Jews and aid them, as opportunity may offer, to return 
as a leavening power to their old country ? England is the 
great trading and maritime power of the world. To England, 
then, naturally belongs the role of favouring the settlement 
of the Jews in Palestine. The nationality of the Jews exists : 
the spirit is there and has been there for 3000 years, but the 
external form, the crowning bond of union is still wanting. 
A nation must have a country. The old land, the old 
people. This is not an artificial experiment : it is nature, 
it is history." Needless to say, the political idea, as 
expounded in these sentences, could not have been put 
more convincingly by the staunchest Jewish political 

A few years later, two distinguished Englishmen started 
propaganda work on the same lines as Lord Shaftesbury : 
Edward Cazalet and Laurence Oliphant. 

Edward Cazalet (1827-1883) was a man of great political 
ability. He was a staunch friend of the Jews, and he knew 
the East. His idea was that " wrong should be righted and 
freedom allowed a place in the world." He had a very high 
conception of Great Britain's duty in the East. His appre- 
ciation of a centre for "Jewish culture " is especially remark- 
able. Hardly a single point seems to have escaped him ; 
he covers the ground thoroughly, from criticism of the old 
English pohcy to discussion of the new Eastern problem, 
taking the question of the Palestinian population, the 
jealousies of the sects, and a hundred other things by the 
way. There are naturally a few debatable points in this 
comprehensive treatise (Appendix Ixxii). But as a whole it 
shows remarkable insight. 

A place of honour in the realm of England's Zionism 
belongs to another remarkable personality : Laurence 
Ohphant (1829-1888). He was a friend of Lord Shaftesbury, 
and had been a high official in connection with Indian 
affairs, secretary to the Earl of Elgin and Kincardine (1811- 
1863), traveller, journalist, diplomatist and member of Par- 
liament. He took up a scheme for colonizing Palestine 
with Jews, and early in 1879 went to the East to examine 
the country and endeavour to obtain a concession from 
the Turkish Government. In consequence of jealousies this 
attempt to influence the Turkish Government failed, and the 
scheme broke down, as did many others that were launched 


about this time. He again took up the Palestine coloni2Ki- 
tion scheme in 1882. He travelled to Constantinople in the 
summer of that year, and settled for a time in Therapia. At 
the end of the year he moved with his wife to Haifa. 

He reports thus on his efforts in his book^ : — 

"... Prior to starting, however, it seemed to be my 
first duty to lay the matter before the Government, with 
the view of obtaining their support and approval, and I 
therefore communicated to the then Prime Minister and 
Lord Salisbury the outline of the project. From both 
Ministers I received the kindest encouragements and 
assurances of support, as far as it was possible to 
afford it without officially committing the Government. 
And I was instructed to obtain, if possible, the unofficial 
approval of the French Minister of Foreign Affairs of the 
scheme. I therefore proceeded to Paris, and submitted it to 
M. W. H. Waddington (1826-1894), who was sufficiently 
favourably impressed with the idea to give me a circular 
letter to the French Ambassador at Constantinople and other 
diplomatic and consular representatives in Turkey. I was 
also similarly provided with letters of recommendation from 
our own Foreign Office. 

" I would venture to express most respectfully my 
gratitude and thanks to His Royal Highness the Prince of 
Wales^and to their Royal Highnesses the Prince (1831-1917) 
and Princess Christian of Schleswig-Holstein for the warm 
interest and cordial sympathy with which they regarded the 
project and which encouraged me to prosecute it." 

" It appeared to me that this object might be attained by 
means of a Colonisation Company, and that one of those 
rich and unoccupied districts which abound in Turkey 
might be obtained and developed through the agency of a 
commercial enterprise which should be formed under the 
auspices of His Majesty, and have its seat at Constantinople, 
though, as in the case of the Ottoman Bank and other 
Turkish companies, the capital would be found abroad, pro- 
vided the charter contained guarantees adequate for the 
protection of the interests of the shareholders."^ "It is 

^ The Land of Gilead with Excursions in the Lebanon. By Laurence 
Oliphant. . . . Edinburgh and London, mdccclxxx. Introduction, 
pp. xxxv-xxxvi. 

' Afterwards King Edward VII (1841-1910). 

' Ibid., p. xv: " In his endeavours to obtain a concession for an autono- 
mous Jevidsh state in Palestine from the Porte, Oliphant had the support 
of both Lord Salisbury and Lord Beaconsfield." 

Rt. Hon. Joseph Chamberlain 

London Stereoscopic Co. 

Earl oj Shaftesbury 

George Eliot 

London Stereoscopic Co. 

James Finn 

Laurence Oliphant 


somewhat unfortunate that so important a political and 
strategical question as the future of Palestine should be in- 
separably connected in the public mind with a favourite 
religious theory. The restoration of the Jews to Palestine 
has been so often urged upon sentimental or Scriptural 
grounds, that now, when it may possibly become the 
practical and common-sense solution of a great future 
difficulty, a prejudice against it exists in the minds of those 
who have always regarded it as a theological chimera, 
which it is not easy to remove. The mere accident of a 
measure involving most important international conse- 
quences, having been advocated by a large section of the 
Christian community, from a purely Biblical point of view, 
does not necessarily impair its political value. On the 
contrary, its political value once estimated on its own 
merits and admitted, the fact that it will carry with it the 
sympathy and support of those who are not usually par- 
ticularly well versed in foreign politics is decidedly in its 
favour. I would avail myself of this opportunity of observ- 
ing that, so far as my own efforts are concerned, they are 
based upon considerations which have no connection what- 
ever with any popular religious theory upon the subject."^ 

These last remarks are particularly worthy of the at- 
tention of those who, ignorant of the actual facts, are 
inclined to represent Zionism merely as a theological or 
sectarian idea. There is undoubedly a strong religious feel- 
ing underlying it, but the idea has been dealt with, defended 
and propagated in England from all points of view. 

Laurence Oliphant continued to take an interest in the 
question until his death on December 23rd, 1888. 

Among English writers who have understood the idea 
in all its depth and breadth, the place of honour belongs 
unquestionably to George Eliot (18 19-1880). ^ She chose 
the Zionist idea for the theme of an imaginative creation, 
wherein she displayed unequalled depth of comprehension 
and breadth of conception. In "Daniel Deronda "^ (1874- 

' Ibid., pp. xxxii-xxxiii. 

* Mary Ann (Marian) Cross, nee Evans. 

.1893 . . . p^th rjin n3B» . , . KB'TKII 
(8°. I /.-}- 774 ^p., in printed wrapper as issued. {[B. M.]) 

Yinn ,KKnNn . . . ■jwnsn m3«-T»i b«''3'7 nrbv wmnti 

(8'. 308 pp. [B. M.]) 

I.— p 


1876) the Jew demands the rights pertaining to his race, 
and claims admittance into the community of nations as one 
of its legitimate members. He demands real emancipation, 
real equality. The blood of the prophets surges in his veins, 
the voice of God calls to him, and he becomes conscious, and 
emphatically declares that he has a distinct nationality ; 
the days of levelling are over. Where calumny and obtuse- 
ness see nothing but disjecta membra, the eye of the English 
poetess perceives a complete national entity destined to 
begin life afresh, full of strength and vigour. 

It is a memorable book, written by an author devoted 
to humanity and to the deeper realities of English national 
life. Its atmosphere is far removed from the conception of 
a materialistic world. Yet it is practical in a higher sense. 
It preaches a great idea. The Jewish nationality is repre- 
sented as it actually is : not as an artificial combination, but 
as an ethnological group which possessed the glory of inde- 
pendence in the happier past and has been kept alive to 
hope for the future by a deep historical consciousness and 
a lofty devotion to humanity. This is a Zionist message 

The wonderful completeness aiad accuracy with which 
George Eliot represented the Jewish character is particularly 
remarkable. The sketches of Klesmer and Alcharisi are 
triumphs of artistic skill. Ezra Cohen is the embodiment 
of the successful commercial faculty. The influence of 
the mother and the home on the inner life of the Jew, 
as described in the novel, must impress every reader. 
Pusti, the " Jew who is no Jew," typifies excellently the 
despised class of which he is a specimen. The more tem- 
perate Gideon represents a large section of the Jews who 
are neither ashamed of their race nor proud of it, but are 
prepared to let the racial and religious distinctions for 
which the Jewish nation has fought so valiantly perish un- 
expressed. But the great character of the book is Mordecai 

Mordecai Cohen is a hneal descendant of three great 
spiritual houses which, in past ages, have waged a moral 
warfare in defiance of the whole world against terrible odds ; 
and the fact that those noble souls are descendants of the 
Jewish race affords ample proof of the physical, intellectual, 
and moral stamina which Judaism has always preserved. 
Mordecai is the leader of a party which refuses to believe that 
Israel's part in history is accomplished, and maintains that 


Israel's future policy should be to join the nations as soon as 

George Eliot explains the traditions, habits and character- 
istics of the Jews with the affectionate accuracy of a de- 
lighted scientific observer and with the fine enthusiasm 
of a humanitarian spirit. The abundance of detail and 
the sensitiveness of the fine shades are marvellous. With 
subtlety, restraint and delicacy, without the excitements of 
sensationalism, she succeeds in throwing into relief the real 
Jewish problem. Something is passing away that once 
possessed a life and value of its own. The labour of thou- 
sands of years is lost ; a flame has burnt in vain, a fire is 
extinguished without having fostered life. There is a 
terrible sadness in it. The human soul turns to what has 
been the highest aspiration of its life. Mordecai has a pro- 
found contempt for the arts of emulation ; he wants creative 
originality. His idea is to be wholly what he is partly, his 
o\vn self, his own self restored. He wants to live entirelj^ 
at home, to live by the work of his hands, to bring to 
maturity the ideas which he feels developing in his mind.' 
Where would this be possible ? Only within an organization 
of his own people in theix" ancient home, in the mother- 
country of his own kin and ancestry, in a commonwealth 
which should focus and embody the whole of Jewish life as 
it should be, not ossified, dried, cut up, preserved in the 
form of saintly relics and adapted by interpretations 
and compromises to different zones, cultures and customs. 
He has, it is true, a great reverence for these saintly relics, 
and — faute de mieux — ^in the Diaspora he feels it a sacred 
duty to preserve them. But he feels that this is not the 
ideal, he sees that it is going to vanish, and therefore he longs 
for his home, for a cultural entity working independently 
in harmony with similar entities. This and only this would 
bring the Jews nearer to the world, nearer to humanity. Is 
this " nationalism " ? In the absence of a happier name, 
let us accept this term. " What's in a name ? " In reality, 
it is human liberty ; it involves no secession from the stream 
of common humanity. There is no aspiration more in har- 
mony with the spirit and deeper tendencies of our age, more 
in accordance with liberty and justice, for nations as well as 
for individuals. This is Zionist "nationahsm." No writer 
defends it more enthusiastically than George EUot.^ 

1 The late Dr. Joseph Jacobs (i 854-1 91 6) was more Zionist than the 
Zionists themselves when he wrote : " Unless some such project as 


In the Valhalla of the Jewish people, among the tokens 
of homage offered by the genius of centuries, "Daniel 
Deronda" mil take its place as the proudest testimony to 
English recognition of the Zionist idea. 

Mordecai has in view be carried out in the next three generations, it is 
much to be feared that both the national Ufe of the Jews and the reUgious 
hfe of Judaism will perish utterly from the face of the earth " {Macmillan's 
Magazine, June, 1877, p. no). This opinion is rather too gloomy, 
and he took a different view in later years. But his first opinion is 



The new period of Jewish martyrdom — Public opinion in England — Mass 
meetings, questions in Parliament and collections — Protests from 
France, Holland, America and other countries — An instructive lesson 
— Emigration of Jewish masses — The problem — The " Lovers of 

The year 1882 was a turning-point in the history of the 
colonization of Palestine by the Jews. 

The anti- Jewish riots and massacres which broke out 
in Russia in the spring of 1881 had attracted attention 
to the position of the Jemsh people, but not to a degree 
commensurate with the importance of the subject. Just 
when it seemed probable that the martyrs of 1881 would 
leave no record behind them, new massacres occurred in 
1882 and again drew attention to the subject. All the 
EngUsh newspapers dealt sympathetically with the 
position of the persecuted Jews, and gave full accounts of 
the atrocities. These articles caused an outburst of pity 
and sympathy throughout England. Several mass meet- 
ings were held and funds were started. Questions were 
addressed in both Houses to the Secretary and Under- 
Secretary for Foreign Affairs. This spontaneous outcry 
in England soon spread to all the countries of Europe. 
In Paris the veteran poet Victor Hugo (1802-1885) headed 
the appeal for justice and pity. In Holland the University 
of Utrecht rivalled that of Oxford in its protests. Across the 
Atlantic the Government of the United States went further 
than any other Government, and entered a powerful protest 
in the President's Message to Congress. All these move- 
ments took their origin from the first emphatic outburst of 
pity in England. 

The racial and national instincts which in times of pros- 
perity often lie dormant in the hearts of the Jews were 
thoroughly aroused and stimulated by the cruel persecu- 
tions to which their brethren were subjected. It was a 
terribly instructive lesson for those Jews who believed in 
the progress of humanity as a solution of the problefh of the 
Jewish tragedy. They had a sudden and rude awakening. 



More and more the conviction gained ground among the 
people that the helplessness of the Jew in his trials, his utter 
inability to stem the tide of abuse and oppression, was 
chiefly due to the fact that he had no land which he could 
caU a Jewish land par excellence. The best treatment that 
he received in free countries was only toleration. He was 
always supposed to have the right of existence and of 
equality with those among whom he lived, but in no case 
could he enforce it by stronger measures than an appeal 
to the goodwill and kindness of those who could either 
give or withhold it. Appeals to the sacred principles of 
humanity and justice, beautiful and inspiring as they were, 
were practically futile. Renewed persecution brought these 
facts once again to the cognizance of the Jews. 

Besides, there was the visible fact of an enormous number 
of homeless Jews who had no place of refuge anywhere 
in the wide world. For the great exodus had begun. The 
necessity of providing the homeless wanderers with shelter 
was most pressing, the more so as it had to be done without 
much delay. The persecutions grew in intensity, and 
emigration increased by leaps and bounds. The sufferers 
attempted to settle in almost every part of the world. Every 
country objected to the influx of so many immigrants, and 
more than one country prohibited their entry altogether. 

While most of the poor wanderers themselves struggled 
manfully to brave the tide of poverty and of exile, the bulk 
of their brethren who dwelt under more favourable condi- 
tions in other countries made it their business to devise plans 
for the succour of the exiled. Fortunately for the immi- 
grants, and to the credit of human nature, there were noble- 
minded men in America who saw that there was work to be 
done, and undertook it without hesitation, sparing neither 
expense nor trouble in devising measures for the alleviation 
of the misery of the immigrants and for safeguarding them 
against the temptations and evils of a new country. 

The immediate help which America gave was very impor- 
tant, but the question of the future still remained unsolved. 
The problem created by Jewish emigration presents many 
difficulties. The tie that binds the heart of the emigrant to 
the soil of his birth is gradually weakened. The attachment 
of the parents to the traditions of their native land slowly 
weakens. The children find new ties. The new surround- 
ings claim their attention. The distant land of their infancy 
appears to them only dimly on the horizon. A few years 


pass, and the old Ghetto has become to them a mj^hical 
vision. Nothing, indeed, is so remarkable as the rapid 
absorption of English, Irish, Scotch, German, and even 
French immigrants, not to speak of some half a dozen 
smaller nationalities, by the ordinary American type. One 
would have expected to see citizens of the States learning 
to regard this continual fusion as a natural political con- 
dition, to reckon with it, to encourage it, to remove all 
difficulties out of the way of those who devoted themselves 
to the task of bringing new immigrants into the " land of 
unhmited possibiHties," and of reconciling and harmonizing 
the numerous heterogeneous elements. But there are men 
who do their best to hinder this great work, and thanks to 
their efforts, legislation is engaged in placing various restric- 
tions upon free immigration. Jewish immigrants in particular 
are still looked upon in some quarters as intruders. They 
are received with frigid looks not only by non- Jews, but also 
by some of their own brethren, who have had the good for- 
tune to settle in the country earlier, and have learnt to feel 
quite at home. And it is not only the economic question 
which makes Jewish immigration en masse difficult : it is still 
more the question of the national culture, religion and tradi- 
tions of the Jews, which are endangered by assimilation. The 
question of bread, important as it is, is not the whole of the 
Jewish problem. The old Roman " panem et circenses " 
could never become a Jewish principle. The Jewish principle 
is expressed in the words : — 

"... man doth not live by bread only, but by every- 
thing that proceedeth out of the mouth of the Lord doth 
man live " (Deuteronomy viii. 3). 

Now members of other nations can find a home in America 
while their nation remains and develops its own life in the 
mother-country. But where is the mother-country of the 
Jews, of Judaism ? 

Various schemes of Jewish colonisation were planned 
and partly carried out in America at the time of which 
we speak. Some of them met with some success, others 
proved utter failures. On the other hand, great masses 
of Jews were inspired by the conviction that good 
results could be expected only in Palestine from an effort 
to turn the exiled Jews into agriculturists. That view 
was strongly opposed by others who, living themselves 
in affluence, thought that they would always be secure 


against persecution in the countries in which they dwelt. 
They consequently thought that the Jewish problem could 
be solved only by a real union between the Jews and their 
non- Jewish neighbours, by a process in which the Jews would 
cast off all that separated them from non- Jews. They were 
blind to the fact, established by the whole of Jewish history, 
that the more the Jew denies his distinctiveness the more 
he is attacked and accused of it ; and that whilst small 
groups of Jews may sometimes succeed in getting rid of 
their dissimilarity, the Jewish masses neither can nor "will. 
They thought that Palestine should be the last place for the 
Jew of to-day to think of, being under the mistaken impres- 
sion that the Holy Land was unsuitable for colonisation and 
agriculture on a large scale. They argued from a technical 
standpoint which had a bad foundation. They had no know- 
ledge of the facts, and Palestine was for them really a terra 
incognita. But the masses turned with a unanimous impulse 
to Palestine. Everywhere societies of " Lovers of Zion ' ' were 
founded for the realization of the cherished hope of making 
Jews once more owners of land in Palestine. Sometimes 
the idea was taken up with more enthusiasm than practical 
sense, and many hurried to Palestine in the belief that, once in 
the country, they would find it easy to make a living. Not un- 
naturally there was much disillusionment, and many a bitter 
lesson was learnt by sad experience. So it became incum- 
bent upon the existing societies to keep the enthusiasm of 
their adherents within the bounds of sanity and practic- 
ability. The societies had to grope their way carefully. 
They had to find out suitable localities for estabUshing 
colonies, to direct the energies of those most fit to undertake 
colonising work into the proper channels, and to check the 
efforts of those who did not show the capacity for success 
and would only have proved a hindrance to the capable and 
the efficient. 

David Gordon 

Samuel J. Fuenn 

Dr. Leon Pinskek 

Moses L. Lilienulum 

Perez Smolenskin 



His life and experiences — His Auto-emancipation — The old idea of self- 
help in Jewish teaching — Individual and national self-help — The 
revival of an old doctrine — An analysis of Auto-emancipation — 
The results of Pinsker's idea. 

Leo Pinsker (1821-1891) was the son of the well-known 
Jewish scholar Simchah Pinsker (1801-1864), the celebrated 
author of Lekute Kadmonioth (Wien, i860), an important 
work on the history of the Karaites, and of other valuable 
Hebrew works. Pinsker was educated at Odessa, where he 
studied law at the local Richelieu Lyceum, Law, however, 
was not to his hking, and he went to Moscow, where he 
studied medicine and took the degree of M.D. He returned 
to Odessa and took up practice as a medical man. Shortly 
afterwards the Crimean War came to an end, and Odessa 
was full of soldiers suffering from typhoid fever. There 
was danger of an epidemic. Pinsker gave up his practice 
and devoted himself entirely to the stricken soldiers. This 
self-sacrifice was not overlooked by the higher officials, who 
brought it to the notice of the Czar Alexander H. (1818- 
1881), and Pinsker received a generous reward. Pinsker, 
besides being an authority on medical matters, was one of 
the editors of the Russian- Jewish paper Zion. Educated as 
he had been in the dark days of the reign of Nicholas I. 
(1796-1855), and witnessing the somewhat improved con- 
ditions brought about for the Jews by the accession of 
Alexander IL, Pinsker believed for a time in emancipation 
and amalgamation ; but after long years of observation and 
experience he came to take a different view. He was an 
eye-witness of the anti- Jewish riots in 1859, 1871, and 1881 ; 
and in the latter year, he issued a pamphlet in German, 
under the nom de plume " Ein Russischer Jude," in which 
he most forcibly expresses the conclusions he had arrived 
at. It was entitled "Auto-emancipation," of which an 
English version appeared in London some ten years later.* 

* Seli-Emancipation ! The only Solution of the Jewish Question. 
Translated from the anonymous German original, by Albert A. L. Finken- 
stein. . . . London, E. W. Rabbinowicz, Printer and Publisher, 8 Little 
Alie St., E., 1891 (8vo. 51 pp. [I. S.]) *• 

Dedicated to Lieutenant-Colonel A. Goldsmid as a token of esteem 
for his zealous championship of Palestine colonisation." 



Self-emancipation was Pinsker's great idea. Not that the 
idea did not exist before he preached it : as a matter of 
fact it is as old as Judaism. But Pinsker started his career 
as a Jewish nationalist by giving renewed expression to this 
idea of self-help, and from that moment he kept it in the very 
forefront of his aspirations and activities. Electricity is a 
comparatively recent discovery ; it is only within the last 
half-century that it has come to be fully understood and 
harnessed for man's purposes. But this mysterious power 
is not of recent birth ; although unknown to man it was 
latent in the universe from the beginning. In the fullness of 
time inquiring minds discovered it and gave us our modern 
triumphs of power, of lighting and of communication. The 
analogy, though weak, may convey to us in a certain degree 
what happened in the case of the idea of self-help. It had 
permeated the Jewish nation from the beginning of the ages. 
The importance of free will and independent action had 
been a leading Jewish principle from time immemorial. 
But it needed the "Lovers of Zion" and the advent of a 
great interpreter to bring home the lesson to the Jewish 

Self-help implies the duty of the nation to be on its guard 
and to use its own endeavours to secure its position. It 
implies the moral obligation of self-defence and of self- 
salvation by one's own efforts and sacrifices, without the 
assistance and protection of others. The principle comes 
to the surface over and over again in the Bible, where we 
catch glimpses of a doctrine that is to be fully worked out 
only in the development of a national movement. The 
author of the Book of Joshtm strikes the keynote of Israel's 
duties when he says : — 

" Be strong and of good courage ; . . ." (Joshua i. 6). 
" Only be strong and very courageous, ..." {Ibid. 7). 

Phiases similar to those in Deuteronomy xxxi. 6, 7, 23. 
Joshua obeyed the precept, and abundantly realized the 
promise with which it was accompanied. The historical 
sections of the Bible are filled with this idea — every 
deliverance is attributed directly to the moral integrity of 
the Jew and to the help of his God. It is remarkable how 
large a place exhortations to courage hold in the Bible ; we 
cannot easily count the " fear nots " of the Scriptures. And 
these are not merely soothing words to calm, they are 
quickening words, calling to conflict and to victory. This is 


the lesson which the individual as well as the nation had to 
learn. In the light of it may be read the whole history of 
Israel. The course of ages reveals a thousand ways in which 
Israel vainly tries to remedy the disaster into which it has 
brought itself by relying on the aid of others. Now it was 
Egypt (Isaiah xxx. 2, xxxvi. 6), now Assyria (2 Kings xvi. 7), 
now their own kings and nobles. When threatened by the 
Syrians, they made treaties with the Assyrians ; when 
threatened by the Assyrians, they tried to strengthen 
themselves by the support of Egypt. The proved useless- 
ness of reliance on others brought the nation at last to 
recognize the virtue of entire and obedient trust in God. 

" Trust in the Lord with all thy heart, ..." (Prov. iii. 5), 

was a protest against self-sufficiency, self-conceit and 
vanity, and also against relying on others. Entire reHance 
upon God, implied in the words " with all thy heart," 
is here appropriately placed at the head of a series of 
admonitions relating especially to God and man's rela- 
tions with him, inasmuch as such confidence or trust is 
a fundamental principle of all religion. The admonition 
does not mean that men are not to use their own under- 
standing, i.e. to make plans and to employ legitimate 
means in the pursuit of their ends ; but that, when they 
use it, they are to depend upon God and his directing and 
overruling providence. For there is a true and a false self- 
reliance : that which forgets God is ignorant and impious ; 
that which recognizes Him as the source of all true intelli- 
gence is genuine and blessed. 

" If thou art wise, thou art wise for thyself ; 

And if thou scornest, thou alone shalt bear it " {Ibid. ix. 12). 

This was a proclamation of the principle of personality, the 
great truth that each individual, in his single personality, has 
been endowed with full and equal rights of self-determination 
and self-control. The old civilizations annihilated the rights 
of the many in the privileges of the few, and put the manhood 
of the masses under the heel of power. The very idea of com- 
mon rights had scarcely dawned upon the minds of men. The 
grandeur of human personality, as complete and inviolably 
sacred in every individual, was not discerned. The idea, 
now so familiar to every civilized human being, that every 
man is entitled to all the rights of manhood on his own 
responsibility was originally Jewish. The meaning of the 
verse quoted above is clear : our wisdom or folly is our own 


ajffair, both in origin and consequences. We must reap as 
we sow, must bear the brunt of the conflict we have pro- 

This principle concerns nations as well as individuals. 
The book of Proverbs contains many maxims with regard to 
nations : — 

" Righteousness exalteth a nation ; . . ." {Ibid. xiv. 34). 

National righteousness consists in the possession of a rever- 
ent spirit and the practice of justice, purity, and mercy. In 
this is a nation's strength and superiority, for it will surely 
lead to physical well-being, to material prosperity, to moral 
and spiritual advancement, and to estimation and influence 
among surrounding nations. The Pagan view of an eternal, 
inevitable force coercing and controlUng all human action 
was in conflict with the Jewish conception of a free human 
and national will : man is not a helpless creature, borne along 
by destiny. Man's moral freedom and responsibility is at 
the very root of all Jewish teaching, and is most strongly 
emphasized with regard to the nation : — 

" Is Israel a servant ? 
Is he a home-born slave ? . . ." 

(Jeremiah, chap. ii. v. 14.) 

A slave can be emancipated only by others, a free man 
emancipates himself. Hope comes to those who rouse 
themselves from dejection, and " power to him that power 
exerts." History proves the practical folly, as well as the 
ingratitude and rebelliousness, of " Israel forsaking God." 
When trust is placed in other powers they prove like Egypt 
— inactive, do-nothing (Isaiah xxxi. 7). The "captive 
daughter of Zion," which is a poetical image for the Jewish 
nation, brought down to the dust by suffering and oppression, 
is commanded to rise and shake herself from the dust. 

" Awake, awake. 
Put on thy strength, O Zion ; . . ." 

(Isaiah hi. i) . 
Shake thyself from the dust ; 
Arise, and sit down, O Jerusalem ; 
Loose thyself from the bands of thy neck, 
O captive daughter of Zion " {Ibid. 2). 

In these words Zion was exhorted to do her part, to 
put on her own strength. What we term in modern 
language "self -emancipation," the Prophet, in his simpler 


phraseology, calls " Loose thyself." When the bonds can be 
broken, break them ; when the door can be opened, unbar 
it ; when the way is clear, take it without hesitation and 
delay ; and if this seems to be impossible, try and try again. 
God's providence requires of men, as a condition of his 
assisting them, their own efforts. When the Jews were 
delivered from Babylon, those only were delivered who 
braced themselves for a great effort, left all that they had, 
confronted peril (Ezra viii. 31), undertook the difficult and 
wearisome journey {Ibid, xliii.) from Chaldea to Pales- 
tine, and made all sorts of sacrifices. They saved the nation. 
A small beginning was facilitated to some extent by the 
favourable decree of Cyrus, but the most important and 
essential part was left for the people to do itself. 

" Put not your trust in princes. 
Nor in the son of man, in whom there is no help." 

(Psalm cxlvi. 3.) 

This psalm was evidently composed at a time of great 
national depression, when the community, sick of depend- 
ence on the favour of foreign princes, turned more and 
more to the thought of self-help coupled with a strong 
belief in the eternal righteousness and faithfulness of the 
"God of Jacob." It bears evident traces of belonging to 
the post -exilic period, and the subsequent verses : — 

"... The Lord looseth the prisoners ; " {Ibid. 7) 
"... The Lord raiseth up them that are bowed 
down ; . . ." {Ibid. 8) 

are an appropriate expression of the feeUngs which would 
naturally be called forth at a time immediately subsequent 
to the return from Captivity. 

This idea was handed on as a legacy from the prophets 
and psalmists to the men of the Great Synod, and from the 
latter to the Jewish philosophers and teachers of the Middle 
Ages. No doubt it had vastly changed in form and in con- 
tent ; but in essence it was the same. Political independ- 
ence was lost in course of time ; and the place of the 
political state was taken by national unity and an unshaken 
beUef in the Restoration of the people to its old land. In 
substance it was a combination of consciousness of the 
past and hope for the future that made Jewish life in the 
present worth Uving. The sluggard was still inert, the 
credulous man still trusted " in man in whom there is 


no help," and had need of a live coal from the altar. But 
now it was not an angel that brought to man the purifying 
agency. The sufferings of the nation had been exalted far 
above the coal of the altar. National martyrdom had 
assumed a more intense and vivid meaning. It was more 
insistently set over against the thoughtlessness of a mate- 
rialistic life. 

When we read the maxim of Hillel the elder (112 ? b.c.e.- 
8 ? c.e.) which Pinsker used as the motto of his pamphlet : 

■»aM nD '^ri'2's'b ^aN^Di "b ^a ^b ""DM r« ^^ "^^'^''^ ^^'^ *^i^ Q) 
'T 'K nn« v"iB : ti^s w^v sb dki 

We cannot help thinking that this aphorism, as well as 
the rule : — 

'Vs " : 27^s nvrh bmwn n^ti?2S rN2? cip^m ..." (-) 

refers not only to individual matters, but also to national 
duties. Several centuries later, Bahia ben Joseph Ibn 
Pakuda {fl. 1000-1050), who devoted a whole chapter of his 
Duties of the Heart to the exaltation of trust in God, 
wrote : — 

"Trust in God should not prevent man from doing his 
utmost in the way of human effort and enterprise. Like- 
wise it is folly to put too much trust in benefactors, however 

The self -emancipation of the Jewish people is, accordingly, 
not simply a Jewish idea, it is the Jewish idea. This idea is 
not of the Ghetto, it is truly Hebraic ; it may be opposed 
to some superstitious notions, but it is religious in the 
highest sense. BeHef in predestination tended to make many 
Asiatic nations lethargic and indolent. Fatalism killed their 
energy and stopped all their progress. Relying on others 
was essentially fatalism. This doctrine was Babylonian ; it 
was never Jewish. 

" Ethiopia andEgypt were thy strength, and it was infinite; 
Put and Lubim were thy helpers " (Nahum iii. 9). 

This was the burden concerning Nineveh, but Israel 
trusted in God, i.e. in its Genius, in its own moral power, 
in its self-sacrifice and faithfulness to its ideals. 

* He used to say, " If I am not for myself, who will be for me ? 
And being for my own self, what am I ? 

And if not now, when ? " {Ethics'of the Fathers, chap. i. v. 14.) 

* " . . . and in a place where there are no men, strive to be a man." 
(Ibid. ii. 6.) 


" That walk to go down into Egypt, 
And have not asked at My mouth ; 
To take refuge in the stronghold of Pharaoh, 
And to take shelter in the shadow of Egypt ! 

(Isaiah xxx. 2). 

" Therefore shall the stronghold of Pharaoh turn to your 
And the shelter in the shadow of Egypt to your con- 
fusion " {Ibid. 3). 
" Woe to them that go down to Egypt for help, ..." 

{Ibid. xxxi. i). 

"... Both he that helpeth shall stumble, and he that 
is helped shall fall. 
And they all shall perish together " {Ibid. 3). 

In the period of the Second Temple, the Hellenists again 
made frantic efforts to be emancipated by the Greeks, The 
Jewish Law, which was the life and progress of the nation, 
was for them the stronghold of Jewish unity and the obstacle 
in their path. But the more they strove after equality 
with the Greeks, the more futile seemed their strivings. 
It was the loss of their faith in God and their nation 
that made them cast about for another power to deliver 
them. They preferred the attractions of Hellenic culture to 
Hebrew morality ; Syrian power to the Divine Spirit ; the 
material army of the Seleucides, whose forces they could 
count and whose weapons they could handle, to the unseen 
moral power of their nation. This was the sin of the Hellen- 
ists. When their success was at its height, they gave them- 
selves with savage energy to the persecution of those of their 
brethren who remained faithful to their own nationality. 
With a zeal that far excelled that of the enemy, they hunted 
to death the innocent followers of the old prophets. But 
just when this persecuting fury was burning at its hottest, 
the Maccabeans came forward and exhorted the " captive 
daughter of Zion " to shake herself from the dust. Hence- 
forth they became the blessed messengers of national self- 
help, and it was their chief joy to sing the glories of the 
Divine grace which enabled them to be more abundant in 
works than all others. 

Was not Rabbi Akiba (50 ?-i32 ?) ben Joseph the spiritual 
hero and martyr, a preacher of self -emancipation ? Did not 
the same idea inspire Judah Halevi [Abu al-Hassan al-Lawi] 
{io85{6)-post 1140), Moses ben Nachman Gerondi [RaM- 



BaN] : Nachmanides : [Bonastruc da Porta] (1194-1270 ?), 
Obadiah (Yareh) {circa 1475-1500 ?) 6^w Abraham Bertenoro, 
and that splendid host of scholars who endeavoured to re- 
establish the ordination in Palestine, and to encourage the 
Jewish settlement, in that country, amidst terrific troubles 
and dangers, as well as Don Joseph Nasi [Joao Miguez] — 
{circa 1510-1579), Duke of Naxos, who spared no effort to 
help his brethren to settle in the promised Land ? 

This same idea lies at the root of Pinsker's conception. A 
clear-minded and quiet thinker, he was deeply impressed by 
the events of 1880-1881. The grave anxieties through which 
the Russian Jews passed, and the awakening of anti- Jewish 
feeling in Western Europe, particularly in Germany, led 
him to reconsider the conventional Emancipation doctrine, 
in which he, like all highly educated Russian and PoUsh Jews, 
had formerly believed. Being a medical man, he may have 
seen the tortures of the victims ; as an old inhabitant of 
Odessa, he no doubt remembered the anti- Jewish riots of 
1859 and 1871 ; and now the eighties, with all their horrors, 
began. He then enunciated " the message of political Zion- 
ism."^ " Pinsker, Uke all subsequent political Zionists, 
arrived at the idea of Zionism not through the problem of 
Judaism — through the necessity of seeking for a new founda- 
tion for our national existence and unity, in place of the old 
foundation, which is crumbUng away — but through the 
problem of Jewry — through a definite conviction that even 
emancipation and general progress will not improve the 
degraded and insecure position of the Jews among the 
nations, and that anti-Semitism will never cease so long as 
we have not a national home of our own." Pinsker dis- 
covered that the root causes of "our being hated and despised 
more than any other human beings ... lie deep in human 
psychology. "2 

" We cannot know whether that great day will ever 
arrive when all mankind will hve in brotherhood and con- 
cord, and national barriers will no longer exist ; but even 
at the best, thousands of years must elapse before that 
Messianic age. Meanwhile nations Uve side by side in a 
state of relative peace, which is based chiefly on the funda- 
mental equality between them. . . . But it is different with 
the people of Israel, This people is not counted among the 

* Zionist Pamphlets. Second Series . . . Pinsker and Political Zionism, 
by Achad Ha'am (Translated by Leon Simon), London, 1916, p. 7. 
» Ibid., p. 8. 


nations, because since it was exiled from its land it has 
lacked the essential attributes of nationality, by which one 
nation is distinguished from another. . . . True, we have not 
ceased even in the lands of our exile to be spiritually a 
distinct nation ; but this spiritual nationality, so far from 
giving us the status of a nation in the eyes of the other 
nations, is the very cause of their hatred for us as a people. 
Men are always terrified by a disembodied spirit, a soul 
wandering about with no physical covering ; and terror 
breeds hatred. This is a form of psychic disease which we 
are powerless to cure. In all ages men have feared all kinds 
of ghosts which their imaginations have seen ; and Israel 
appears to them as a ghost — ^but a ghost which they see with 
their very eyes, not merely in fancy. Thus the hatred of the 
nations for Jewish nationality is a psychic disease of the 
kind known as ' demonopathy ' ; and having been trans- 
mitted from generation to generation for some two thousand 
years, it has by now become so deep-rooted that it can no 
longer be eradicated. "^ 

The great value of Pinsker's doctrine does not lie in the 
fact of its originality in literature. Original to him — he 
undoubtedly came to his conclusion by his own reflection — 
it was not a discovery in the usual sense of this word : views 
of this kind had been expressed before him. Neither does 
its great value lie in its possessing the indisputable character 
of a scientific axiom. It may be said that although the Jews 
are perhaps the most perfect example of a spiritual exist- 
ence in dispersion, still they are not quite unique in that 
respect. Other disinherited nations have existed more or 
less spiritually for many centuries in a degraded state of 
national homelessness, " lacking the essential attributes of 
nationality," dispersed or dependent on other nations, and 
yet have not produced, even in a smaller degree, that fear 
which is evoked by a " disembodied spirit." It may also be 
urged that the Jews were hated and branded by all sorts 
of calumnies and malicious accusations [Apion [fi. 15-54 ^•^•)» 
Tacitus (55 1-post 117 e.g.)], mainly on account of their 
distinctiveness, their isolation, their different views and 
customs, and the inveterate prejudices of others — even when 
they had a land of their own. And although they may, and 
probably wiU, meet with the sympathy of some nations, 
which are not entirely blinded by prejudice, and whose 
interests may not clash with theirs, if they succeed in estab- 

» Ibid., pp. 8-g. 
I.— Q 


lishing their own home, still the supposition that they will no 
longer be hated by others, plausible though it may be, cannot 
claim any scientific certainty. It must be remembered that, 
apart from " demono phobia," which is undoubtedly an impor- 
tant motive, hatred of the Jews is continually stimulated by a 
deep-rooted religious fanaticism, by economic competition a nd 
jealousy, by racial prejudice, and that it is rather a tnixtum 
compositum of causes, conditions, passions, and interests too 
numero us to be destroyed by the removal of a few of them , and 
perhaps too various to be focussed in any single formula. 

But that is not the main point. The psychology of 
anti-Semitism, as Pinsker formulated it, may be from a 
scientific point of view absolutely true, or it may be open 
to some criticism : the finest and most original achieve- 
ment of Pinsker is rather that he was one of the first 
Russian Jews to treat the Jewish problem as a whole, and 
to treat it scientifically, while others deal only with frag- 
ments of it, and always in an apologetic spirit. The new 
S3mthesis, the new line of thought, foreshadowed by great 
minds in the past, but now fully disengaged and standing 
clearly revealed as the beacon-light of the future, was, to our 
mind, not his formulation of the causes of the problem, but 
his formulation of the programme — self -emancipation.* Perez 
Smolenskin had voiced the demand of the Jewish conscience 
to maintain its historic tradition, and its condemnation of all 
that spirit of assimilation that betrays it with new formulas 
or deliberately denies it. Superior to Pinsker's in being inde- 
pendent of the way in which the Jewish people is treated by 
others — to Smolenskin the fact of anti-Semitism was not one 
of fundamental importance — ^his message, eloquent as it was, 
suffered from being expressed in many different books, mixed 
up with other subjects, and confined to Hebrew readers, 
and thus cannot be compared with Pinsker's concise and 
definite teaching. There were, however, many imperfec- 
tions in that teaching. " Our great misfortune is that we 
do not form a nation — we are merely Jews. . . . And where 
shall we find this national consciousness ? "^ How different 
Smolenskin and others, who spoke from a secure tower of 
faith ! " When he wrote his pamphlet Pinsker did not yet 
regard our historic land as the only possible home of refuge ; 
on the contrary, he feared that our ingrained love for 
Palestine might give us a bias and induce us to choose that 
country without paying regard to its political, economic 

» Ibid., p. 19. 


and other conditions, which perhaps might be unfavourable. 
For this reason he warns us emphatically not to be guided by 
sentiment in this matter, but to leave the question of terri- 
tory to a commission of experts."^ He evidently saw in 
Palestine no more than a fraction of Asiatic earth, peopled 
by a certain number of inhabitants, while Smolenskin, 
David Gordon, and many others looked on it as the sanctuary 
of the nation, the historic centre, whence came the Jewish 
message to men, and the Jewish initiative in the world. 
Pinsker, like many others after him, had not yet realized 
at that time that one's country is not merely a territory. 
Territory is only its basis ; country is the idea that rises 
on that basis, the thought of a common history that 
draws together all the sons of that territory. But in 
spite of all these imperfections, Pinsker 's pamphlet neces- 
sarily led to faith in a national revival and to Palestine 
— not because of its arguments, but because it was a 
wonderful human document. Earnest, true, without a trace 
of affectation, Pinsker's appeal bore the stamp of great 
sincerity, and if there was in his pamphlet some of the spirit 
of the prophets, 2 this was essentially in his cry for self-help, in 
his warnings not to trust in others, in his appeal to national 
dignity and energy. To superficial minds, the idea of this 
modern scientist unconsciously re-echoing the warnings of the 
prophets not to trust in Egypt or in Assyria may seem 
exaggerated, but the apparently far-fetched comparison is 
absolutely sane, for it is based on the sanest of all concep- 
tions — the unity of the Jewish national idea throughout 
hundreds of generations. 

" He came to take part in the work of the Choveve Zion. 
... He understood perfectly well that their work was very far 
removed from the great project of which he dreamt . . . but 
when he saw a small group of men, with insignificant means, 
putting forth every possible effort to carry out a national 
project, small and poor though it was in comparison with 
his own ideal, Pinsker could not help lending a hand to those 
who were engaged in this work, seeing in them the nucleus 
of an organization, and the small beginning of the national 
resolution. "3 He encouraged and supported the work of 
the Choveve Zion (Lovers of Zion) as the first President of 
the Odessa Committee, and paved the way for modem 
Zionism. He died at Odessa, his native town, at the age of 
sixty-nine, on the 21st of December, 1891. 

» Ibid., p. 21. » Ibid., p. 21. • Ibid!, p. 24. 



Jewish immigration into England — A meeting for the establishment of 
Jewish colonies in Palestine — The foundation of the Society " Kadima " 
— The Opposition — The opinions of English authorities on Palestine — 
Col. Conder — General Sir Charles Warren — Lord Swaythhng — Earl of 
Rosebery — A petition to Abdul Hamid, Sultan of Turkey. 

Through the persecutions of the Jews in different countries 
large numbers of fugitives had found their way to England. 
Many of these, ignorant of the language and customs of 
this country, had to endure great hardships. Although 
some of them succeeded in the struggle for existence under 
such unfavourable conditions, there were many others to 
whom England could not afford the prospect of gaining a 

Their difficulties were forcibly brought home to the Jews 
who lived in the East of London. They had been eye- 
witnesses themselves, if not of the persecutions, at least 
of some of their worst consequences. The first move- 
ment to remedy this unfortunate state of affairs began in 
1885, when a meeting was held for the purpose of founding 
a society for the promotion of the Jewish National Idea, and 
the estabhshment of Jewish Colonies in Palestine. This 
meeting achieved no practical results at the time ; but it 
gave expression to feelings which were bound ultimately to 
lead to practical and useful action. Two years later a 
society was formed in East London under the name of 
" Kadima." Meetings were held at which papers were 
regularly read on some Jewish national subject. But the 
members were much divided as to the best method of real- 
izing their aims. While some wanted the society to be 
nothing but an educational institution for the refugees 
who had taken up their abode in England, others desired 
to extend the sphere of its activity, and to make coloniza- 
tion one of its main objects. The newly awakened national 
consciousness had not yet gained mastery over the inveterate 
national apathy, and was still groping in the dark to find a 
basis for practical operations. 

The enthusiasm manifested among the Jewish masses, 



important as it was, could not raise sufficient means, and 
was unable to influence the upper classes. The old questions 
arose again : Is Palestine suitable for colonization ? What 
are the conditions of the soil and the climate ? How many 
people could be accommodated there ? By what means 
could a change in the conditions of Palestine be brought 
about ? 

It is strange how obstinately some Jewish opponents of 
the colonization of Palestine strained against believing in 
the future of Palestine. To the past they paid in icy dis- 
comfort the tribute of their remembrance, for this past 
imposes no duties upon those who are already quite detached 
from it in spirit. But the future ! By denying the possibility 
of a future one beguiles an elastic conscience, which longs 
to evade the apparent conflict between duty to humanity 
and national instinct. But it avails httle to pay no heed to 
truth because it is inconvenient, for where historical facts 
and direct experience point the same way, to deny them is 
but empty sophistry. 

The opponents of Palestinian colonization could not deny 
that Palestine was once the " land of milk and honey," but 
to justify themselves they tried to make out that two 
thousand years of desolation and neglect had laid the Holy 
Land waste and transformed it for all time into an im- 
productive desert. No more fallacious idea ever obtained 
currency. True, Palestine is no longer the luxuriant garden 
it once was, for history has crushed it under an iron heel, 
and what traces were left of its former richness lacked care 
and protection, so that disintegration and sterihty took 
possession of the Holy Land as though it were a land 
acciu-sed. Nevertheless, there is not the sHghtest reason to 
despair of a new development of the country, if only the 
task of carrying out this new development be entrusted to 
those who are willing to devote themselves to it, head, heart 
and hand, with the passion of patriotism and the zeal that 
springs from the consciousness of a historic responsibihty. 

The appendices to this book contain many excerpts from 
the works of competent authorities, which afford reUable 
information as to what maybe achieved by a systematic and 
devoted cultivation. One may infer from these quotations, 
which are not in any way coloured by a facile optimism, 
what indestructible germs of future prosperity remain, in 
spite of all " injuricB temporum." If only an indolent ad- 
ministration and a lazy and retrograde population are re- 


placed by capable national elements, the promise will be 
turned into a rich fulfilment. Figures and facts show too 
that notwithstanding all the unkindness of history, not only 
has the soil of Palestine retained its capacity for develop- 
ment, but trade has maintained itself, all things considered, 
at a high level. The ports of Jaffa and Haifa teem with 
traffic, although Httle enough is being done in harbour con- 
struction ; and exports considerably exceed imports, which 
shows that, despite the neglect of centuries, the natural 
productiveness of the soil is still capable of adjustment to 
present-day conditions. No factory chimneys bear witness 
to active industry, no convenient means of communication 
favour trade ; a phlegmatic, sparse population, entirely un- 
touched by modern civilization, takes indolently what 
nature proffers, without any thought of supplementing it 
by its own endeavours. But given capable agricultiirists, 
engineers and technicians, trained and enterprising mer- 
chants, and ample capital, how quickly could stagnation be 
turned into living and creative vigorous prosperity. The 
idea of the colonization of Palestine is, moreover, connected 
with the remarkable colonizing impetus which has taken 
hold of the entire modern world. And, judged by outward 
characteristics, are the European migrations to foreign lands, 
their colonization and development, so very different from 
this feature of Jewish aspirations ? Exuberant energy finds 
no appropriate outlet in Europe, and seeks it far away, 
where it may be usefully employed for the furthering of 
civiUzation in the midst of backward countries and nations. 
Fruitful Jewish energy, which is being kept under in the 
Diaspora, will be gathered and transplanted to Palestine, 
that it may prove true to itself and to the whole of civiUza- 
tion, like Antaeus brought back to contact with the earth. 

Still, questions were naturally asked as to the condition 
of the soil of Palestine and the possibilities of expansion. 
It was also repeatedly asked, whether the Jews would 
be capable of hard pioneer work in the sphere of agricul- 
ture. These questions have been answered in a series of 
pamphets and articles by such authorities as Colonel 
Claude Reignier Conder, General Sir Charles Warren, and 
others. They have shown that Palestine is capable of sup- 
porting a nation such as the Jews. Men who for many years 
had made the scientific exploration of Palestine their sole 
aim, whose judgment in the matter must be universally 
admitted to be decisive, have given testimony to the fact 


that the land " may be made one vast garden, not merely by 
rebuilding the great aqueducts, remains of which still exist, 
and by means of which the great cities were watered, but by 
means of the Jordan river itself." They also af&rmed that 
" the time has at last arrived to restore the desolations of 
Zion, and to rebuild the wasted places of the land of Israel." 
Some of them referred to the Scriptures, but others dealt 
with the matter from a purely scientific point of view. 
They suggested the formation of a company similar to 
the old East India Company to administer Palestine 
(Appendix Ixxiii). 

In brief, all these English Christian authorities put forward 
in the most definite and clearest terms what we know as 
political Zionism. 

These testimonies of English authorities concerning Pales- 
tine encouraged the " Lovers of Zion " in England to carry 
on their philanthropic work, and also to take certain political 
steps. A great and far-reaching step was taken by them in 
1893, when a petition to Abdul Hamid, Sultan of Turkey 
(1876-1909), was presented by Mr. Samuel Montagu, m.p. 
(afterwards Lord Swaythling) (1832-1911), to the Earl of 
Rosebery, with a request to transmit it to Constantinople (Ap- 
pendix Ixxiv). The petition was signed by the officers of the 
Executive Committee and the secretaries of each Tent of the 
" Lovers of Zion." It had no effect, because negotiations 
with the Turkish Government are generally very tardy, and 
the circumstances of the time were not favourable. There 
were obstacles, difficulties, uncertain political influences, 
currents and counter-currents which could not be got rid 
of immediately. But at any rate the English " Lovers of 
Zion " endeavoured to do precisely what the Zionists did at 
a later period. 



The work in France — Baron Edmond d,e Rothschild and his activity 
in the colonization of Palestine — The effects in England — Colonel 
A. E. W. Goldsmid — Elim ti'Avigdor. 

To come back to France, it is significant that whilst England 
took the first place in the propaganda of the idea, its practical 
progress was due to French Jewry, or, to be more precise, to 
an individual French Jew. The work of the " Lovers of 
Zion " entered upon a new period when Baron Edmond de 
Rothschild of Paris started his great activity in the colon- 
ization of Palestine in 1895-1896. 

Baron Edmond de Rothschild is one of the most honoured 
figures of Jewish contemporary history. Born to an exalted 
station in life and to a large fortune, he has devoted the 
best of his Hfe and of his thought neither to pleasure nor 
to personal advancement, but to the furtherance of the 
material and moral well-being of the oppressed Jewish 
people. It is not too much to say that he has acquired a 
world-wide fame as a philanthropist, and that his name is 
indissolubly connected with all the greatest achievements 
of the Jews in Palestine. He is pre-eminently the friend 
of the persecuted and the outcast, without distinction of 
nationality or creed, and his generous sympathies and 
ceaseless efforts on behalf of his brethren entitle him to the 
foremost rank in the illustrious roll of Jewish leaders. His 
philanthropic enthusiasm can be traced to his profound 
Jewish national feeling. 

Recent improvement in the condition of Jewish life in 
Palestine is due to many causes and to the efforts of many 
men, but to none more than to the noble work of Baron 
Edmond. He was not the originator of the idea of colonizing 
Palestine, but he carried it further than any of his prede- 
cessors or contemporaries, and he is responsible for develop- 
ments beyond any that they conceived. His activity should 
serve as the grandest example of what can be accomplished 
when work is undertaken for the sake of a great ideal and 
carried out with staunch conviction. The creation of a 



sound Jewish settlement in Palestine is his vocation and his 
life-work. Nor is it the least interesting feature in his 
character, or the least honourable incident of his career, that 
the idea took hold of him at a time when there was every 
reason for even a generous man to dissociate himself from 
such thankless work. 

Baron Edmond began to take an interest in Palestine at a 
time when the doctrine of assimilation was still triumphantly 
making headway throughout the whole of West-European 
Jewry. Under the guidance of the preachers of disintegra- 
tion, Judaism was supposed to emancipate itself from the 
antiquated traditions of Palestine and from a behef in its 
future renascence. All this was to be altered. Neither the 
past nor the future was to interfere with the present. All 
that Jewish leaders could do to mitigate the lot of their unfor- 
tunate co-religionists was — charity. It was in such a world 
as this that Baron Edmond found himself when he first be- 
came a public character and a public force. Breaking away 
from the assimilation doctrine, he co-operated most cordially 
with the " Lovers of Zion." 

His activity found appreciation and emulation in England. 
Representatives of English Jewry, who were at the same 
time English patriots, supported the colonization of Pales- 
tine movement. One of the most prominent "Lovers of 
Zion," and an ardent supporter of the Jewish national 
idea, was Colonel Albert Edward Williamson Goldsmid, 
M.v.o. (1846-1904),^ a scion of an old and distinguished 
Anglo-Jewish family. He made the Army his career, and in 
January, 1869, after serving two and a half years with the 
Fusiliers at Walmer, proceeded to India with his regiment. 
He was appointed Deputy Assistant Adjutant-General at 
headquarters in 1889, and held this position till 1892. In 
1892 he accepted the responsible task of organizing the 
Jewish agricultural colonies in the Argentine, and, having 

^ *lSn ^nX \1 ♦Sn P pHN 13 "pN^^O, son of Henry Edward 
Goldsmid (1812-1855), m.e.i.c.s., Chief Secretary to the Government, 
Bombay, who in 1845 married Jessie Sarah Goldsmid. Her paternal 
grandfather, Benjamin (Baruch) (1755-1808) 6e« Aaron (06. 1782) Goldsmid 
was one of the pillars of Anglo- Jewry, and a noted philanthropist in the 
early days of the nineteenth century. Her father-in-law, Edward Moses 
{oh. 1853), on his marriage in 1804 to Rose (06. 1851), a daughter of Eli£is 
Joachim, discarded his own, for the maiden surname of his mother-in- 
law Esther {oh. 1811), a sister of Benjamin Goldsmid. Maria [Mrs. Nathan 
Levien], another daughter of Elias Joachim, was the great-grandmother of 
Col. A. E. W. Goldsmid's widow, one of whose daughters is Gladys Helen 
Rachel, the Baroness SwaythUng of Swaythling in the county of Hamp- 


obtained a year's leave of absence, he proceeded to South 
America as Director-General. During his administration 
there enormous tracts of land were surveyed and parcelled 
out. About seven hundred families were settled in four 
great colonies, the majority of whom, being quite ignorant of 
agriculture, had to be instructed in its first principles. The 
G:)lonies were organized on a system whereby, as the 
colonists gained sufficient experience, the administration 
could be so materially reduced as to render the Colonies 
virtually self-governing. On returning from the Argen- 
tine, Colonel Goldsmid was unanimously elected chief of 
the "Lovers of Zion" Association of Great Britain and 

Another active leader was Elim Henry f^'Avigdor (1841- 
1895).^ By profession a civil engineer, he supervised the 
construction of railways in Syria and Transylvania, and of 
waterworks at Vienna. He was the author of several works 
in connection with his profession, and had literary leanings 
in other directions. Under the pseudonym " Wanderer," 
he published many hunting stories of merit, for which he 
was well quahfied, being himself an intrepid rider to hounds. 
At one time he was associated with Vanity Fair ; and after- 
wards owned the Examiner, and subsequently brought out 
the Yachting Gazette. 

He was like Colonel Goldsmid, one of the first English Jews 
to join the new movement for establishing agricultural colonies 
of Jews in the Holy Land. Such an idea was unwelcome to 
the prosperous and assimilated Jews, for the idea of assimila- 
tion had by now made some progress even in English Jewry. 
The impression left on the minds of many who heard of the 

^ hn)^^ pnv* p no'?5J> p din. eldest son of Salomon Henri 
d'Avigdor {ob. 1870) by his wife Rachel (1816-1896), third daughter of 
Sir Isaac Lyon Goldsmid, Bart., Barao de Goldsmid da Palmeira, of 
Portugal {1778-1859) [son of Asher (1751-1822), the elder brother of 
Benjamin Goldsmid] by his wife Isabel (1788-1860), a daughter of his uncle, 
Abraham Goldsmid (1756-18 10). <i'Avigdor was a personal friend of 
Napoleon III (1808-1873), who conferred upon him the titles of Comte 
d'Avigdor, and subsequently that of Due d'Acqua-Viva. His father, Isaac 
Samuel Avigdor (1773-1850), was secretary of the "Grand Sanhddrin" 
(1807) convened by NapoleonI (1769-1821), and represented the department 
of the " Maritime Alps " in that assembly. He was the author of " Discours 
Prononce A L'Assembl6e Des Isra61ites De L'Empire Fran9ais Et Du 
Royaume D'ltalie " ; Par J. S. Avigdor (De Nice), Secretaire de L'Assembl6e, 
Membre du comit6 des Neufs et du Grand Sanhddrin. Paris, De L'lm- 
primerie De.Levrault Rue MdziSres, 1807 (8°. i /. + 16 pp. [B. M.]) 

It may be noted here, that " A Jewish State," issued in 1896, was the 
EngUsh translation by Sylvie, the third daughter of Elim H. <i'Avigdor, of 
Theodor Herzl's " Judenstaat." \. 


Col. Albert E. W. Goldsmid 

Jean Henri Dunant 


Dr. E. W. Tschlenow 

Dr. Max Mandelstamm 


idea was that there was a large number of Jews desirous of 
forestalling the promised advent of the Messiah. They had 
grown accustomed to the notion that Palestine was a thorny 
desert, infested by hoards of marauding Bedouins, and only 
fit for beggars and pious pilgrims. They were ignorant of 
all that had been written to the contrary by a number of 
authors, particularly by the indefatigable workers of the 
Palestine Exploration Fund. They had learned to discredit 
the sacred promises as to the future of the country. They 
felt themselves secure in the positions they had gained 
for themselves, and ridiculed the thought of renouncing 
them at the bidding of a few enthusiasts and dreamers, as 
if anyone had ever thought of placing such an alternative 
before them. They considered this idea mauvais ton, and 
thought that it might endanger their newly acquired social 
position, such as it was. These motives, and others like 
them, induced most of the prominent Jews to turn away 
from a movement with which they could have no sympathy. 

Not so d'AvigdoT. His intuitive mind showed him the 
futility of such fears and the possibility of attaining the 
grand results hoped for and partly achieved already by 
kindred societies, if only the e^orts made were kept within 
the bounds of prudence. He took up the cause of the Jewish 
colonization of Palestine with ardour and energy. When he 
began work the " Lovers of Zion " Association did not 
yet exist, but numerous meetings had already been held in 
support of the movement for colonizing Palestine by Jews, 
though no steps had until then been taken to give the 
agitation a practical turn. It was necessary first of all that 
a proper organization should be established, not only for the 
purpose of utilizing the energies of the more practical pro- 
moters of the scheme, but also to prevent rash measures, 
which would have had the effect of destroying the under- 
taking at its very birth. 

With both these objects clearly in view, ^'Avigdor urged 
the speedy completion of a constitution calculated to give 
the movement shape and substance, and to establish a 
system of work on defined and methodical lines. To this 
end he brought his organizing abilities into full play, and 
together with Colonel Goldsmid drafted a set of rules, which 
was made the basis of future procedure. The services 
rendered by him to the society were innumerable. He 
addressed public meetings in various parts of London, and 
travelled to the provinces for the purpose of rousing 


general interest in the work. He went to Paris and carried 
on important negotiations for the acquisition of land in 
Palestine, a task for which he was eminently fitted by reason 
of his wide experience and great business ability. He 
secured 10,000 dunams of land in the Hauran on favourable 
terms. The departure of Colonel Goldsmid for the Argen- 
tine made his work more arduous. ^'Avigdor was then 
elected chief of the Association, while at the same time, as 
Commander of the Western Tent, he attended to the working 
of that particular branch. 

A prominent feature in his activity was his chairmanship 
of the Central Committee of the " Lovers of Zion " in Paris. 
The idea had seized hold of some branches of the Association 
on the Continent and in America, that valuable results might 
be achieved by united efforts in various countries. A meet- 
ing to consider proposals for the realization of this idea was 
held in Paris, and some progress was made in the direction 
of co-ordination (Appendix Ixxv). 



William Ewart Gladstone — Father Ignatius — Gladstone's ideas on Judaism 
— Concessions of the Jewish opposition — Goldsmid's and d'Avigdor's 
nationalistic repUes. 

William Ewart Gladstone (1809-1898), the "Grand Old 
Man," statesman, orator, and scholar, gained the undying 
gratitude of humanity for his championship of right against 
might in countries which were striving for freedom from 
the iron grip of tyrannical government. He stood for 
liberty, liberty of race and creed. Wherever liberty had 
to be championed he was always to the fore as one of its 
most valiant defenders. It fell to him to help the cause of 
the English Jews rather than that of the Jews of the 
world. Powerful as were his efforts in the cause of national 
righteousness, he did nothing on behalf of the Jews as a 
people. But we have it on the authority of Father Ignatius 
(1837-1908) that he was "a friend of the Zionist move- 

Father Ignatius himself was for many years an enthusi- 
astic supporter of the movement from the religious stand- 
point, but without any conversionist tendency. He defended 
the national idea of Israel for many years in numerous 
addresses, speeches and pamphlets. In one of his lectures^ 
he said : — 

". . .he was sorry to say that the magnificent truth 
respecting the Chosen People has been set aside by certain 
Jews themselves. There were some who were unconscious 
of the miracle of the preservation of the Jewish race, in spite 
of the efforts of the whole world to assimilate them — of the 
miracle of their distinct existence unassimilated with the 
other nations of the earth. Where was there a literature 
produced by any nation that had had that moral civilising 
and enfranchising power over the hearts and minds and lives 
of men that the literature of Israel had exercised ? . . . 

*' . . . It was necessary to incite the national idea and 
national ambition in the heart of Israel throughout the 
world. Why should an intelligent and powerful race be 

1 " The World's Debt to the Jews." 14 Oct., 1896. 


content to be vagrants on the face of the earth ? Why 
should they be content to be a homeless race now that cir- 
cumstances were pointing to facilities for giving them a 
home ? . . ." 

"... The national movement was a reahty and a fact. 
It is not a spasmodic movement, but one that was being 
carried on with great practical business-like skill and deter- 
mination. ..." 

"... Let the world give the Jews their home. Palestine 
was the cradle of their race, its ancient and proper home, 
the centre of its great and glorious history, and it was the 
outpourings of sorrow for it that has rendered the literature 
of the Jews the most precious and beautiful one extant. 
The Jews had a right to Palestine, it was God's gift to them, 
and that was a greater right than an Englishman's right to 
England. ..." 

" Stir yourselves up, agitate, work, labour for your cause. 
I know such a man as Mr. Gladstone is a friend of this 
movement. . . ."^ 

In confirmation of this evidence as to Gladstone's attitude 
towards Jewish national distinctiveness, we find in his 
writings an eloquent recognition of the " Hebrew genius." 

8i. " But indeed there is no need, in order to a due 
appreciation of our debt to the ancient Greeks, that we 
should either forget or disparage the function, which was 
assigned by the Almighty Father to this most favoured 
people. Much profit, says St. Paul, had the Jew in every 
way. He had the oracles of God : he had the custody of the 
promises : he was the steward of the great and fundamental 
conception of the unity of God, the sole and absolute condi- 
tion under which the Divine idea could be upheld among 
men at its just elevation. No poetry, no philosophy, no art 
of Greece ever embraced, in its most soaring and widest con- 
ceptions, that simple law of love towards God and towards 
our neighbour, on which ' two commandments hang all the 
law and the prophets,' and which supplied the moral basis 
of the new dispensation." 

82. " There is one history, and that the most touching and 
most profound of all, for which we should search in vain 
through all the pages of the classics, — I mean the history of 
the human soul in its relations with its Maker ; the history 
of its sin, and grief, and death, and of the way of its recovery 

^ No. 18 . . . Palestina, The Chovevi Zion Quarterly. . . . — December, 
1896. pp. 14-16. 


to hope and life and to enduring joy. For the exercises of 
strength and skill, for the achievements and for the enchant- 
ments of wit, of eloquence, of art, of genius, for the imperial 
games of politics and of war let us seek them on the shores of 
Greece. ... All the wonders of the Greek civilisation heaped 
together are less wonderful, than the single Book of Psalms." 

83. " Palestine was weak and despised, always obscure, 
oftentimes and long trodden down beneath the feet of 
imperious masters. On the other hand, Greece, for a 
thousand years, . . . repelled every invader from her shores. 
Fostering her strength in the keen air of freedom, she defied, 
and at length overthrew, the mightiest of empires ; and 
when finally she felt the resistless grasp of the masters of all 
the world, then too, at the very moment of her subjugation, 
she herself subdued them to her literature, language, arts, 
and manners. Palestine, in a word, had no share in the 
glories of our race ; while they blaze on every page of the 
history of Greece with an overpowering splendour. Greece 
had valour, policy, renown, genius, wisdom, wit ; she had all, 
in a word, that this world could give her ; but the flowers of 
Paradise, which blossom at the best but thinly, blossomed 
in Palestine alone." ^ 

Here we have again the closest connection between 
Zionism and Biblical ideas. 

At the Great Assembly Hall, Mile End, on the 29th May, 
1891, on the occasion when the petition to be presented to 
the Sultan of Turkey, composed in Hebrew and Enghsh, 
was communicated to the public by Mr. S. Montagu, m.p. 
(afterwards Lord Swaythhng), Mr. Elim H. (^'Avigdor 
declared : — 

"... His objection to colonising America was that the 
farther west they went, the greater the distance they placed 
between them and Zion. He wished rather that they should 
go to a country that was once Israel's homestead, where 
brother might work with brother, where the Sabbath would 
be the Sabbath of all, and where Yom Kippur would be the 
day of abstention from food throughout the country. He 
was convinced that many wealthy co-religionists were willing 
to surrender cheerfully all their worldly possessions, and 
resign all their hopes of worldly aggrandisement, in order to 
return with their brethren to the land of their fathers. They 

* Place of Ancient Greece in the Providential Order, 1865, in Gleanings 
of Past Years 1860-79. By the Right Hon. W. E. Gladstone, m.p., vol. vii. 
. . . London : . . . 1879. pp. 79-80. 


express the hope every Passover, ' Next year in Jerusalem,' 
Was this utterance merely a lip service, or did it spring from 
their hearts ? . . ." 

Lieut. -Col. Goldsmid followed, and said : — 

"... The seed of Israel was meant for something more 
than a commercial people. Let them not only strive to find 
a home for their outcast brethren, but let it be their aim and 
object to resuscitate the national idea in Israel."^ 

In an address dehvered in Edinburgh he struck the same 
note : — 

"... there was no nation on the earth nearer akin to the 
Jewish nation than the Scottish, both in their love of the 
Bible and in their sympathy with all that is best in Judaism. 
The Chovevi Zion, he said, was not a charitable institution, 
the main object was to foster the national idea in Israel. 
Had it not been for the national idea we would have been 
wiped off the face of the earth long before now.^ Colonel 
Goldsmid went on to show how we Jews, who are the 
descendants of the faithful minority in Babylon, continue 
to exist as heirs to the promises through all ages, while the 
descendants of the majority, who turned away from the 
national idea, no longer exist. Some people said that 
members of the Chovevi Zion could not be good citizens, 
but he maintained that the true lover of Zion, who could be 
faithful after two thousand years, would die in defence of the 
country he lived in. . . . When I visited Palestine in 1883, 
colonies were just beginning to be formed. People laughed 
at the idea of Jewish agriculturists. There were three small 
colonies, but for want of implements to work, things were 
at a standstill, some were actually tearing up the ground 
with their fingers. Through the kindness of Baron Edmond 
de Rothschild, matters are now very different. In future, 
colonisation, from the experience which has been gained, 
would start with enormous advantages. . . ."' 

^ No. 4 . . . Palestina, The Chovevi Zion Quarterly. . . . June, 1893 
(History of the Chovevi Zion Rise of the Movement), pp. 10-13. 

* Christian Englishmen have ever considered the Jews to be a historical 
unit, and appreciated their distinctiveness. Sir Isambard Owen, Vice-Chan- 
cellor of Bristol University, addressing a meeting of the Union of Jewish 
Literary Societies at Bristol in 1914, said that the work of the Union was of 
interest to him because it was a work which he himself had spent a good 
many years of his life in endeavouring to carry out amongst a nationality 
far smaller in numbers and far less known in history than the Jewish 
nationality — he meant the nationality of Wales. 

* Ibid., No. 5. . . , September .../>. 16. 


Emma Lazarus 

MoRDECAi Manuel Noah Rabbi Dr. Morris Jacob Raphali. 



Zionism echoed in America — Emma Lazarus — A call — Emma Lazarus and 
George Eliot — Mrs. Rose Sonnenshein — ^The Opposition — A Tour to 
Palestine — The Colonies. 

These ideas were echoed in a sublime form in English- 
speaking American Jewry by the poetess Emma Lazarus 
(1849-1887), one of the most eloquent champions of the 
Jewish national idea in the English language. 

The story of Emma Lazarus' Hfe is the story of a soul 
ever striving and pressing ahead towards truth and the 
light. Her works clearly reflect the progress of her ideas. 
She was a born songstress, yet she did not sing like the 
nightingale for the joy of being alive. There was a shadow 
of sadness resting on her entire being, something born with 
her as part of her disposition and temperament, the stamp 
and heritage of a suffering race. Hebraism lay dormant in 
this Jewish poetess. She was much influenced by Heinrich 
Heine (1797-1856). Charmed by the beauty of his poetry, 
the whimsical play of his imagination and the heart's 
muffled outburst audible through it all, she was never- 
theless unaware of the actual bond that united them : the 
relationship in the blood, the unquenchable flame of the 
tragic Jewish passion of eighteen hundred years, which was 
smouldering in her own heart, and was soon to break forth 
and change the entire tendency of her thoughts and feelings. 

The persecutions of the Jews in 1880-1884 were for Emma 
Lazarus a clarion call that awoke slumbering and unrealised 
feelings and aspirations. She was an assimilated Jewess 
herself at the beginning of her literary career. She had 
been in search of heroic ideals in alien fields, in Pagan 
mythology and in mystic, mediaeval Christianity, ignoring 
all the time her birthright — the glorious vista of a great past 
and of a still greater future for the Jewish nation. Judaism 
had been a dead letter to her. But with the outbreak of the 
persecutions she found herself again. From this time dated 
the mission which she undertook on behalf of her race, and 
the expansion of all her faculties, that growth of spiritual 
power which is always stimulated when a great cause is 
I. — R 241 


championed and strong convictions awaken the soul. Emma 
Lazarus became an inspired poetess of the Jewish national 
idea. Her whole being had reshaped itself and found nourish- 
ment at an inexhaustible source. She threw herself into the 
study of her race, its language, its literature and history. 
Breaking the outward shell, she soon reached the kernel of 
the faith and the " miracle " of its survival. What was it 
other than the ever-present, ever life-inspiring spirit itself, 
which cannot die — the religious and ethical zeal whch fills 
the whole history of the Jewish people, and of which she 
herself felt the living glow within her own soul ? She had 
discovered the secret and the genius of Judaism — ^that 
complete transfusion of spirit with body and substance 
which, taken literally, often reduces itself to rites and cere- 
monies, but viewed in a proper light takes a nobler shape 
and form, and spreads its light over humanity in the pro- 
phets, teachers and saviours of mankind. 

The idea that aroused the imagination of Emma Lazarus 
was a restored and independent nationality and the repatri- 
ation of the Jews in Palestine. In an article on the " Jewish 
Problem," she wrote : — 

" I am fully persuaded that all suggested solutions other 
than this of the Jewish problem are but temporary palli- 

" The idea formulated by George EUot has already sunk into 
the minds of many Jewish enthusiasts, and it germinates with 
miraculous rapidity. 'The idea that I am possessed with,' 
says Mordecai, ' is that of restoring a pohtical existence to my 
people, making them a nation again, giving them a national 
centre, such as the EngUsh have, though they, too, are 
scattered over the face of the globe. That is a task which 
presents itself to me as a duty. ... I am resolved to devote 
my Ufe to it. At the least, I may awaken a movement in 
other minds such as has been awakened in my own.' " 
Could the noble poetess who wrote these words have lived 
until to-day, she would have been astonished at the flame 
which her torch has kindled and the practical shape which 
the movement brought to pubUc notice by her has begun to 

In November, 1882, her first Epistle to the Hebrews ap- 
peared as one of a series of articles written for the A merican 
Hebrew. Addressing herself to a Jewish audience, she unfolded 
her views and hopes for Judaism without reserve, on the one 

* Century, February, 1883, p. 610. 


hand passionately urging its claims and its high ideals, and 
on the other dispassionately describing the shortcomings and 
pecuUarities of her race. She says : " Every student of the 
Hebrew language is aware that we have in conjugation of our 
verbs a mode known as the intensive voice, which, by means 
of an almost imperceptible modification of vowel-points, 
intensifies the meaning of the primitive root. A similar 
significance seems to attach to the Jews themselves in con- 
nection with the people among whom they dwell. They are 
the intensive form of any nationality whose language and 
customs they adopt. . . . Influenced by the same causes, they 
represent the same results : but the deeper lights and 
shadows of the Oriental temperament throw their faiHngs, 
as well as their virtues, into more prominent reUef." 

In drawing the Epistles to a close, ^ she summarized the 
special objects she had in view : " My chief aim has been to 
contribute my mite towards arousing that spirit of Jewish 
enthusiasm which might manifest itself : — 

' ' First. In a return to the world pursuits and broad asylum 
of physical and intellectual education adopted by our 
ancestors : 

" Second. In a more fraternal and practical movement 
towards alleviating the sufferings of oppressed Jews in 
countries less favoured than our own : 

" Third. In a closer and wider study of Hebrew literature 
and history : and, finally, in a truer recognition of the large 
principles of religion, liberty and law upon which Judaism is 
founded, and which should draw into harmonious unity 
Jews of every shade of opinion." 

Her verses rang out as they had never sounded before, 
like clarion notes, calling a people to heroic action and imity, 
to the consciousness and realization of a great destiny. 

What the annals of the " Lovers of Zion " in America teU 
us concerning the rise and progress of the Zionist idea shows 
that the seed sown by Emma Lazarus took deep root in 
the hearts of the Jews, and brought forth abundant fruit. 
She created a high sense of Jewish self-consciousness, and 
spread a holy love and devotion to a great ideal in the 
hearts of those who had not hitherto reflected on their 
national duty and its importance. 

In the American Jewess^ an article appeared on the 
" Dream of Nationality," by Mrs. Rose Sonnenshein, the 
editress, one of the few Jewesses who had as yet written a 
* February 24, 1883, • April, 1897. 


word on this question. She wrote : " To our mind there is 
no loftier ideal worth reaUzation than Israel's dream of 
Nationality. . . . What Jew has not dreamed of Israel again 
as a nation ? It can be confidently asserted that among the 
sons and daughters of the Covenant it is an exceptional one 
who has not at some time dwelt upon such a possibility. 
Who has not given the loose rein to fancy and indulged in 
visions of Judah re-born, free, great and glorious, one 
of the Sister States in a modem federation of nations ? 
. . . has not had visions of ourselves as patriotic Jews, 
proudly pointing to the Eagle of Judah, the emblem of a 
free and happy people ? To the wandering son of Israel the 
knowledge that a recognized government stood behind him 
to protect him in his rights when he demands reparations of 
insult or injury and sustain him as the equal of citizens of 
other nations would endow him with a dignity of which 
centuries of oppression have robbed him, and which not even 
the widest modern freedom has fully restored." 

The question of the attitude of the Jews, particularly of 
" the leading and wealthy Jews," towards Zionism arose at 
different times in the English Press. Amid much friendly 
criticism called forth by the pubUcation of Emma Lazarus' 
writings, two plausible objections were raised. The first 
was that before an appeal to the world, an appeal should be 
made to the Jews themselves, in order to elicit some evidence 
as to their feelings on the question. The second was that, 
even were the Jews to be restored, a difficulty would imme- 
diately arise as to the means of subsistence or the kind of 
employment to be found for them. 

It was not an easy task to gain the sympathy and the 
support of many " leading and wealthy Jews " for the 
national idea in Western Europe and America. Many who 
were ready to admit the truth of the Zionist conclusion 
were troubled by their ideas about humanity. It must 
be borne in mind that only in the nineteenth century did 
the idea of nationality reappear in its ancient form, and 
that as late as the end of the eighteenth century it was 
considered a sign of advanced culture to have triumphed 
over national narrow-mindedness and to desire emancipation 
for the whole of humanity. The Middle Ages knew nothing 
of nationality in our sense, and therefore a sense of 
nationality could not be expected of the Jews. But in the 
nineteenth century first hatred and then science began to 
recognize the nationality of the Jews. On the one hand 


antagonists zealously put forth new arguments to prove that 
the Jews were a distinct people, who had never yet been 
absorbed by their environment ; on the other hand scientific 
research brought forward undeniable proofs of the phy- 
sical, intellectual and moral peculiarities of the Jewish race. 
And just because separatism was emphasized and made use 
of by their enemies, some Jews considered that for the 
purpose of self-defence it was best to deny it : or at any rate 
their unjustifiable timidity and unreasonable sensitiveness 
prevented them from admitting it. They forgot that for 
centuries the furious storms of invective and calumny had 
been raging around their people, and that there were no 
malignant suspicions, no treacherous insinuations, no absurd 
accusations, that had not been levelled at them, whether 
they admitted the fact of their distinctiveness or not. Anti- 
Semitism raged most against those Jews who showed par- 
ticularly assimilative tendencies, and aroused against them 
every kind of hatred and rancour, regardless of the question 
whether they were faithful to their past and to their ideals, 
or otherwise. 

Some Jews imagined erroneously that the question at 
issue was one of their rights in different countries. They 
forgot that they must demand equality of rights as Jews, 
and not as a prize for giving up what they could not 
give up — their history, their distinctiveness. Others, 
again, confounded Jewish national self-consciousness with 
what the gentiles regard as nationaHsm — aspirations 
generally of an aggressive and reactionary character. Some 
wealthy Jews were unfortunately lulled into a pernicious 
feeling of security or fatal indifference. What did they give 
to the masses ? A cheque for charity, whenever it was 
wanted, of course ; but that was all. Insurance money or 
conscience money, whichever it may be called, they gave ; 
but of personal devotion, of serious anxiety or steady 
resolve to ameliorate the lot of Israel — nothing. They asked, 
how can a national ideal help poor people ? They did not 
understand that it can help them more than money : that 
it eases their sufferings, renders their sorrows and disap- 
pointments less distressing, teaches them to search their own 
hearts, to consider their own ways. 

It is clear that the " Lovers of Zion " in England and 
America had a hard fight. They knew that if they at- 
tempted to satisfy all sections of Jews they could not remain 
faithful to the nation, whose greatest interest and immediate 


concern it is to pave the ^way for ,^a final solution of its 
problem. The truth had dawned upon them that for thou- 
sands of years there had always been a restless desire on the 
part of the Jews to get back to Palestine, and that this wish 
arose from deep rehgious, traditional and national principles 
and hopes. It is a feeling inherited by the Jew and fostered 
in him from the cradle. The ancient home of the ancient 
nation is Palestine : to that land their eyes, their hopes 
and their hearts are always turned. This attachment 
does not interfere with their sincere patriotism and loyalty 
to the countries wherein they live. Those who hve in other 
coimtries, and are satisfied, may remain there. The Jewish 
masses will go to Palestine as soon as they have the possi- 
biUty of doing so. Palestine must become the home of the 
nation, not merely of individuals. It did not matter to 
the " Lovers of Zion " that some wealthy Jews did not wish 
for the national re-birth ; they simply emulated careful and 
prudent physicians, who, when they visit their patients, 
do not ask them what they like best, and then prescribe 
what is most pleasing to their palates, though perhaps most 
hurtful, but, having carefully studied the ailments of their 
patients, order them to take what they deem most neces- 
sary for them, even though it be not pleasing or acceptable. 

In 1897 Mr. Herbert Bentwich, ll.b., organized in London 
the " Maccahean " tour to Palestine, in which twenty-one 
persons took part. Under his guidance this party of Jewish 
travellers proceeded to Palestine, and got into close touch 
with the Jewish population of the country, especially with 
the colonists. Chi Sabbath Hachodesh (3 April, 5657), the 
late Chief Rabbi, the Very Rev. Dr. Hermann Adler (1839- 
1911), delivered an eloquent sermon^ at the Hampstead 
synagogue, in which he said : — 

"... But one of the most attractive portions of your 
tour will, I think, be your visits to some of the colonies. 
And in this connection I may give an illustration of the 
vivid interest taken in your jom-ney by the residents in the 
Holy Land. A well-informed correspondent writes to the 
Judische Presse expressing his regret that the only Jewish 
colony you contemplate inspecting is Rosh Pinah, certainly 
the most romantically situated, and that you will not see 
the prosperous settlement ' Rishon-le-Zion,' nor the agri- 
cultural school ' Mikveh Israel,' and he advises a route which 
would enable you to <=ee a number of new settlements, and 

1 " God-^peed to the Pilgrims." 






some thirteen Jewish villages that have sprung up within 
the last ten years. Now undoubtedly great things have 
already been accompHshed in training the hapless immi- 
grants from Russia and Roumania to become hardy tillers 
of the soil . . . well-trained Jewish horticulturists are at the 
head of each settlement, that Jewish farmers, peasants and 
labourers toil with splendid diligence . . . 50,000 eucalyptus 
trees planted in Gadra to counteract malarial influences ; 
2,000,000 of vines that have been grafted by Jews in Rishon- 
le-Zion, Petach Tikvah and Zichron Jacob, and of the excel- 
lent wine that is produced there. In Rishon-le-Zion there 
are numbers of smiths and coopers. ... But yet I feel 
confident that this pilgrimage will exercise an abiding effect 
on your spiritual life. It is a well-authenticated fact that 
de Saulcy [L. F. J. Cagnart] (1807-1880), the great Oriental 
traveller, confessed that he went to Palestine as an im- 
believer, and that he returned from there with a profound 
faith in the truth of the Bible. You, I hope, do not need to 
have your faith thus strengthened. But I ardently trust 
that by this pilgrimage there will be engendered in your 
hearts ... a stronger sentiment of brotherhood, ... a more 
enthusiastic devotion to . . . Ztowand Jerusalem, . . ."^ 

The visit of this party was a new feature in the Jewish 
history of Palestine. It was looked upon with satisfaction, 
as indicating the growing interest of English Jews in Pales- 
tine. It took place at the very moment when modern 
Zionism entered upon the scene, on the eve of the first 
Congress, and, so far as English Jews were concerned, it 
had a good moral influence. 

^ Jewish Chronicle, gth April, 1897, p. 21. 




His philanthropic activity — The Oriental Jews and the "Alliance" — 
Emanuel Felix Veneziani — Lord SwaythUng — Dr. A. Asher — Laurence 

Baron Maurice (Moritz) de Hirsch [Freiherr auf Gereuth) 
was born on December 9th, 1831, at Munich. His father, 
Baron Joseph de Hirsch (1805-1895), was a native of that 
city, and son of Baron Jacob de Hirsch (1764-1841), the 
founder of the family fortune. His mother {nee Carohne 
Wertheimer of Frankfort) belonged to an old Jewish family 
which was universally known for its charitable work and 
sincere piety. Hirsch cherished very affectionate recollec- 
tions of his parents, and particularly of his mother, who is 
said to have seen to it that he received good instruction in 
the Jewish religion. 

The scope of his studies was somewhat narrow. He re- 
ceived his education in Munich and Brussels. Being of a 
practical turn of mind, he engaged early in life in several 
business ventures. In 1855 he married Clara (1833-1899), 
eldest daughter of Senator Raphael Jonathan Bischoff- 
sheim (1808-1883), of the firm of Bischoffsheim and 
Goldschmidt, Brussels, which had branches in Paris and 
London. He did not, however, join this firm, as its business 
methods appeared to him too conservative to suit his enter- 
prising temperament. Having inherited a considerable 
fortune from his parents, and received a handsome dowry 
with his wife, he embarked on railway enterprises in Austria, 
in Russia, and — ^with most success — in the Balkans. These 
enterprises, which consisted mainly in the construction of 
light railways, were only the beginning of his activities. 
A huge undertaking came in his way. A Brussels banking 
firm, which had received from the Ottoman Government 
a concession for building a railway through the Balkans to 
Constantinople, was unable to carry the project through. 
Hirsch acquired the concession, went to Constantinople, 
and succeeded in getting some of the conditions altered 
for the better. He then formed a company, and made all 



the necessary arrangements for the building of this great 
railway, which was, for the first time in history, to connect 
Europe with the Near East. In certain financial circles his 
optimism was ridiculed. But those who laugh last laugh 
loudest. It soon became apparent that he knew what he 
was about when he secured the concession. By a bold 
practical stroke he obtained the necessary funds, and his 
success was as immediate as it was complete. This was 
really the making of his career. The success of this trans- 
action gained him recognition as one of the greatest finan- 
ciers of Europe. He became not only a multi-millionaire, 
but also a recognized authority on large industrial under- 

His philanthropic activity, which began early in the 
seventies, was on a scale hitherto unequalled, and showed 
great originality of method. This activity may be divided 
into five branches : — 

1. The East, in connection with the " AlUance Isra6Ute 
Universelle " of Paris. 

2. ReHef for the Russian Jews. 

3. Emigration from Russia. 

4. Foundation of the Jewish Colonization Association, 

5. Various other philanthropic institutions. 

While engaged in working out his plans for the con- 
struction of his railway in Turkey, Hirsch had become ac- 
quainted with the deplorable condition of the Jews in the 
Orient, and had come to the conclusion that their sufferings 
were mainly due to the lack of modern education and of 
opportunities to earn a livelihood. He considered European 
education a great necessity in the East, and therefore 
admired the educational work of the "Alliance Israelite." 
It struck him that too little was done in this direction. He 
consequently placed large sums at the disposal of the 
" AUiance," of which he became a powerful supporter. In 
1873 he gave the " Alliance " 1,000,000 francs to form new 
schools, and from 1880 till his death he undertook to make 
good the deficit of the organisation, which amounted 
annually to several hundred thousand francs. Finding that 
the ordinary schools were not sufficient for the purpose in 
view, he encouraged the "Alliance" to establish trade 
schools, the entire expense of which he bore from 1878 until 
his death. In 1899, in place of his annual grant, he gave 


the "Alliance" a capital sum, which jdelded a yearly 
income of 400,000 francs ; but, none the less, he continued 
to meet the deficit year by year. 

All this time, as indeed throughout his life, he was keenly 
interested in the Jews of the Orient. He procured in the 
seventies the services of an excellent Jew, M. Emanuel Felix 
Veneziani (1825-1889), who made investigations for him, and 
became his almoner in the East, and afterwards also in other 
parts of the world. 

The year 1882, with its pogroms and the atrocious Jewish 
disabilities which it introduced, was a turning-point in 
Hirsch's philanthropic activities as much as in the activities 
of all the Jewish organizations and of individual philanthro- 
pists. When 40-50,000 pogrom refugees in a starving con- 
dition crowded into the already crowded Galician Ghettoes, 
adding their starvation and agonies to the misery already 
there, and the great Jewish organizations and communities 
sent their representatives to afford protection to the suf- 
fering (Mr. Samuel Montagu — afterwards Lord SwaythUng 
— and Dr. Asher Asher (1837-1889) came from London, also 
Mr. Laurence OUphant), M. Veneziani appeared as represen- 
tative of Baron de Hirsch, and offered enormous sums — by 
which, however, only a small part of the appalling distress 
was met. Baron de Hirsch also sent money to Russia for 

At that period Baron de Hirsch, hke most other emanci- 
pated Jews in Western Europe, beUeved that a solution of 
the Jewish problem could be achieved by steps taken in 
Russia itself. Like the others, he knew very little of the 
great complexity and pecuUar conditions of the problem. 
So with the assistance of a Commission he devoted much of 
his time to drawing up a scheme for the improvement of 
the condition of the Jews in Russia. Bearing in mind the 
activity of the " Alliance " in the East, he paid due regard 
to the need for providing Russian Jews with modem educa- 
tion, and his scheme contemplated a fund of 50,000,000 francs 
to be used for educational purposes — imder his own control. 
But this was a Utopian idea. Anyone acquainted with the 
conditions could easily have shown him that this offer would 
be declined. 

He was finally and unalterably convinced that the only 
hope lay in emigration. With the adoption of this view 
began the third period of his activity, in which he supported 
emigration in every shape and form. It is difficult to esti- 


mate how much he spent for this purpose ; but by far the 
greatest part of the support given by the " AlUance" and 
other organizations to emigration came from him. Later, 
however, he realized that this support, useful as it was to 
individuals, was of no permanent value, and then, entering 
upon the fourth and most important period of his activity, 
he became the Baron de Hirsch who will for ever be remem- 
bered in Jewish history — the man who endeavoured to solve 
the Jewish problem not by charities, schools, contributions 
to the " AlHance " or schemes for the benefit of Russia, but 
by a single great effort for Jewish Emancipation. 



The " Jewish Colonization Association" (1891) — Statutes and shareholders 
— Baron de Hirsch's letter to the Russian Jews — His articles in the 
Forum and the North American Review — Baroness Clara de Hirsch. 

Baron de Hirsch was not a Zionist, nor do we desire to 
claim him as a national Jew. Had he been asked whether 
he recognized the national idea, he would undoubtedly have 
repUed that he was opposed to it. He was not much inter- 
ested in abstract ideas, and it is questionable whether he 
could be made to fit in with any cut-and-dried theory at all. 
Nevertheless, his activities became those of a national Jew 
when once he was made fully conscious of the Jewish 
tragedy. Born in Munich, heir to an Austrian title, distin- 
guished for his industrial undertakings in the East, resident 
in Paris, with powerful connections in England, he devoted 
himself at last almost entirely to his brethren in Russia. Was 
the impelling feehng a colourless cosmopolitan humanism ? 
One might have called it so as long as he merely supported 
education and sent contributions to charities. But one 
cannot, without doing violence to facts, regard the work of 
what we have called his fourth period — which was the very 
cUmax of his activity — as the mere charitable routine which 
is characteristic of Jews whose purpose and hope is "assimi- 
lation." Hirsch was more than a Jew of that type. The 
tendency towards assimilation destroys the Jew, discourages 
the man, kills his individuality, " and thus the native hue of 
resolution is sicklied o'er with the pale cast of thought," 
and the Jew becomes an emulator of what other people do, 
a slave of other people's opinions. If a personality like that 
of Hirsch could develop in such an environment, it was 
because his inquiring mind, the experience gained in his 
travels and his absorption during youth of the old traditions 
of his people carried him far beyond his actual surroundings. 
It was due to his individual gifts that he took up the great 
idea of concentration of the persecuted Jewish people by 
means of colonization. He directed all his energies to the 
investigation of the best places for colonization, and the 
result was the formation of an international association, 



incorporated under English law, and known as the Jewish 
Colonization Association, whose Memorandum of Association 
includes the following clauses : — 

" To assist and promote the emigration of Jews from any 
part of Europe or Asia — and principally from countries in 
which they may for the time being be subjected to any 
special taxes or poUtical or other disabilities — to any parts 
of the world, and to form and establish colonies in various 
parts of North and South America and other countries for 
agricultural, commercial and other purposes. 

" To purchase and acquire, by donation or otherwise, 
from any Governments, States, municipal or local authori- 
ties, corporations, firms, or persons any territories, lands, 
or other property, as concessions, powers and privileges, 
which may be necessary or convenient for developing the 
resources of the same and rendering the same available for 

" To accept gifts, donations and bequests of money and 
other property, on the terms of the same being applied for 
all or some one or more of the purposes of the company, 
or such other terms as may be consistent with the objects 
of the company." 

The Articles of Association provide, among other things, 
that no more than half the capital is to be employed in the 
purchase of land, that the governing body shall consist of a 
Council of Administration, who in their turn shall elect 
Directors, and these shall be paid officials and carry out all 
the executive work. The machinery provided by the 
Articles enables representative Jewish institutions to be- 
come members of the Company, and thereby to have a 
certain voice in the management. The constitution further 
provides that under no circumstances shall any of the 
members derive any profit from the undertaking. 

With regard to the objects of the Company, the last clause 
was amplified at an Extraordinary General Meeting of the 
Company by the addition before "or on such terms " of 
the following words : "or for any other philanthropical 
purposes specified by the donor or testator for the benefit 
of Jewish communities or individuals either in Europe or in 

The Jewish Colonization Association was founded with 
a capital of £2,000,000 divided into 20,000 non-dividend 
bearing shares of £100 each. Baron de Hirsch subscribed 
for 19,993 shares ; and Lord Rothschild (1840-1915), Sir 


Julian Goldsmid (1838-1896), Ernest (afterwards Sir Ernest) 
Cassel, Frederick David Mocatta (1828-1905), and Benjamin 
Louis (afterwards Sir Benjamin Louis) Cohen (i 844-1909) 
of London, and Salomon H. Goldschmidt (1814-1898) and 
Solomon Reinach of Paris for one share each.^ 

About the time when the Jewish Colonization Association 
was formed, Baron de Hirsch addressed an appeal to the Jews 
in Russia concerning the emigration schemes which he 
intended to carry out under the auspices of the Company. 
The following is a translation of this appeal : — 

" To my co-religionists in Russia : You know that I am 
endeavouring to better your lot. It is, therefore, my duty 
to speak plainly to you, and to tell you what it is necessary 
for you to know. 

" I am acquainted with the reasons which oblige many of 
you to emigrate, and I will gladly do all in my power to 
assist you in your hour of distress. But you must make 
this possible for me. Your emigration must not resemble a 
rash and reckless flight by which the endeavour to escape 
danger ends in destruction. You know that properly or- 
ganized committees are shortly to be established in Russia, 
with the consent and under the supervision of the Imperial 
Russian Government. The duty of these committees will 
be to organize the emigration in a business-like way. All 
persons desirous of emigrating will have to apply to the local 
committees, who alone will be authorized to give you the 
necessary facilities. Only those persons who have been 
elected by the committees can have the advantage of the 
assistance of myself and of those who are working wdth me. 
Any one who leaves the country without the concurrence of 
the committees will do so at his own risk, and must not 
count on any aid from me. 

"It is obvious that in the beginning the number of 
emigrants cannot be large ; for not only must places of 
refuge be found for those who first depart, but the necessary 
preparations must be made for those who follow. Later on 
the emigration will be able to assume larger proportions. 

" Remember that I can do nothing for you without the 
benevolent and gracious support of the Imperial Russian 

^ Before his death Baron de Hirsch divided his shares among the follow- 
ing corporations : the Synagogues of Brussels and the Jewish communities 
of BerUn and Frankfort-on-the-Main, 3600 each ; the Anglo- Jewish 
Association of London and the AlUance Israelite Universelle, Paris, 4595 
shares each. 


" In conclusion, I appeal to you. You are the inheritors 
of your fathers, who for centuries have suffered so much. 
Bear this inheritance yet awhile with equal resignation. 
Have also further patience, and thus make it possible for 
those who are anxious to help you to do so effectively. 

" I send you these words of warning and of encouragement 
in my own name and in the name of thousands of your 
co-religionists. Take them to heart and understand them. 

" May the good God help you and me, and also the many 
who work with us for your benefit with so much devotion." 

This appeal, though it only urged the Jewish masses to 
assist the great work by obeying certain necessary pre- 
scribed regulations, had the effect of rousing the entire 
Jewish population to a new hopefulness and of stimulating 
communal workers, leaders and publicists to further activity. 
There was not a poor Jewish home in Russia where the 
name of Hirsch did not receive a daily blessing — not for 
what he had given or for what he was about to give, but 
because he had stretched out a hand to them in their misery, 
because they no longer felt themselves forsaken, and because 
a touch of kindness from an unseen hand gave them fresh 
courage, new resolution, and new hope. 

As is usual in such cases, no warnings or denials could 
correct the estimate formed by the popular imagination of 
the possibilities of the undertaking. Baron de Hirsch himself 
was supposed to have said or written that he was going to 
transmigrate five million Jews from Russia in twenty years ; 
and this statement, which was published in an official 
Russian paper, though in the unofficial part of it, gained 
currency at once, and remained in the minds of the people as 
a kind of programme. And, though the immediate excite- 
ment abated, and gave way to disappointment among those 
who had looked forward to a new gigantic exodus, it was 
evident that the chances of a partial solution of the Jewish 
problem were immensely greater than they had ever been 

Baron de Hirsch caused careful inquiries and investigations 
to be made in countries which offered suitable land for 
agricultural development. It may be observed that, though 
the wording of the statutes contemplates commercial 
colonies and the encouragement of artisans, and speaks of 
" any parts of the world," in reality Hirsch had never 
thought of commercial colonies nor of artisans nor of small 
groups scattered all over the world, since first he started 


dealing with the Jewish problem in Russia. Commercial 
colonies for Jews are as unnecessary as they are impossible, 
because Jews engaged in commerce need not and would not 
congregate in colonies ; and as to the industrial education 
and encouragement of artisans, it is true that Hirsch was 
interested in useful work of this kind, but this was at an 
earlier period, and belongs to the kind of philanthropic 
activity which he carried on, particularly in the East, through 
the " Alliance," etc. As to Russia, anybody who had any 
conversation with him, or read his articles^ on the subject, 
or was in touch with his advisers at that period, will testify 
that what Hirsch had decided to initiate was a great under- 
taking for the persecuted Jewish people. Since he had 
received, much to his surprise, the reply that he would not 
be allowed to work in Russia, he had systematically declined 
to undertake anything there except the support of emigra- 
tion. Petitions poured into his office at Paris, rue d'Elys6e 2, 
from innumerable Jewish societies and communities in 
Russia, but he refused to pay any attention to all these 
schemes for the encouragement of artisans and industries. 
He was devoted to the idea of concentrating masses of 
Russian Jews elsewhere, and of making them agriculturists. 
Since 1887 he had practically decided to make the Jewish 
people the principal heirs of his fortune, in order to enable 
them radically to change their status. 

Personal experiences of a sentimental nature had contri- 
buted to this decision. The terrible and unexpected blow, 
in losing his only son Lucien (1851-1887), a young man of 
exceptional gifts and promise, touched his most tender 
affections and gave a fresh impetus to his desire to succour 
human misery. It was feared for a moment that he would 
be overwhelmed by the weight of a catastrophe which had 
ruined so many hopes. But he possessed such energy, such 
powerful resources of character, that he soon recovered. 
His very natural grief found sanctification in the noble 
diversion of devoting himself more eagerly than before to 
his immense task. His wife, a keenly idealistic Jewess, 
exerted a strong Jewish influence upon him, encouraging to 
the utmost the great work which he started. The un- 
fortunate mother, after having lost her only child, found 
comfort in the idea of " estabhshing a home for the oppressed 
Jewish people." 

Another personal experience which had some influence on 

* North American Review, July, 1891 : Forum, August, 1891. 


Hirsch was the anti-Semitic attitude of the Jockey Club 
towards him, an attitude that made him reaHze the futihty 
of dreams of unity. There is no need, however, to lay 
particular stress on these personal experiences. Apart 
from them, he could not fail to notice the workings of anti- 
Semitism, not only in its violent and brutal forms, but also 
in its subtler manifestations ; and this brought home to his 
mind the necessity of a solution which should prove more 
practical than the old methods. 

But the thing that did most to bring him nearer to 
Zionism than to assimilation, in spite of his dissent from 
Zionist views, was his belief in the Jewish people. He 
was a believer in the regeneration of the Russian Jews 
through agriculture, from which occupation they were 
barred in the country in which they lived. What, unfor- 
tunately, was lacking in him was the sense of historic 
tradition and the love of Palestine. 

t— s 



Expeditions and investigations in various countries — The decision io 
favour of The Argentine — Dr. G. L6 wen thai — Col. A. E. W. Goldsmid — 
The "Lovers of Zion" and Baron de Hirsch in 1891 — Baron and 
Baroness de Hirsch's charitable works. 

Baron de Hirsch sent agents to make investigations in 
various parts of America — in Brazil, Mexico, Canada and The 
Argentine. On the advice of Dr. Guillaume Lowenthal, who 
was mainly entrusted with these inquiries, he arrived at the 
conclusion that The Argentine presented conditions most 
favourable for a plan of colonization. Large tracts of land 
were consequently purchased in the districts of Buenos Ayres, 
Santa Fe and Entre Rios. The Russian Government, which 
had rejected his offer for the amelioration of the condition 
of the Jews in the Empire, co-operated with him in the 
organization of a system of emigration. A central com- 
mittee, selected by the Baron, and various provincial com- 
mittees were formed in Petrograd, Warsaw, Odessa, Kiew 
and other centres. He formed also a governing body in The 
Argentine ; and — for a short time — the personal direction 
of the colonies was entrusted to Colonel A. E. W. Goldsmid, 
who obtained temporary leave of absence from the British 
War Office for this purpose. Baron de Hirsch, who did not 
always find the most prudent, devoted and trustworthy 
agents, had in Colonel Goldsmid, the ardent Zionist, an in- 
spired and enthusiastic coadjutor ; but Goldsmid remained 
there only a short time. 

The gigantic plan of colonization met with the measure 
of failure and of success to be expected by such enterprises. 
The work was enormous, and, as far as finance and respon- 
sibility were concerned, it fell almost entirely upon Hirsch's 
shoulders. Hirsch created all the necessary machinery, and 
sent out agent after agent to furnish him with a correct 
account of the facts. He sent Mr. Arnold White to Russia 
four times to negotiate with the Russian Government. A 
number of influential Russian Jews, including Baron Horace 
Giinzburg (1833-1909), a well-known philanthropist and a 
recognized leader of Russian Jewry, as well as Poliakoff, 



Warschawsky, and others, devoted their energies to the 
organization in Russia. David Feinberg, a generous and 
devoted Russian Jew, who had considerable experience in 
Jewish communal affairs in the Russian capital, and had 
given many years' service in connection with Baron Giinz- 
burg's public activities, was appointed general secretary. 

At first the conditions in The Argentine were somewhat 
chaotic ; afterwards matters proceeded in an apparently 
satisfactory manner. Appearances, however, were decep- 
tive. Not that success was wanting : far from it. Colonies 
were estabUshed ; the Baron convinced himself that Russian 
Jews could really become successful agriculturists. But 
the task of transporting great masses there proved to be an 
impossibihty. Undoubtedly a few thousand families were 
helped, and the colonies, some of which are in a flourishing 
condition, are a credit to Jewish agriculture. But this was 
not the original object. These colonies had really been in- 
tended to form the nucleus of one great home, if not for 
millions, at least for hundreds of thousands of Jews. This 
could not be achieved without popular enthusiasm. The 
Jew could not be expected to love the soil of " The Argen- 
tine " as he loves the soil of the Promised Land. He went 
there, as he would go to Brazil, or to Mexico, to improve his 
material condition, but the moment other possibilities were 
offered to him, he would give up his trying occupation and 
go elsewhere. From the national point of view, if he had to 
become an Argentinian Spaniard of the Jewish persuasion, 
he might as easily, and perhaps more easily, become an 
American. If he had to build up a centre for Judaism, he 
could not look forward to any success there, being so far 
removed from his traditional centres. Moreover, Zionism is 
an ideal which to a certain extent regenerates even the Jew 
of the Diaspora, who does not go to Palestine himself, 
because of its national aspect, its historic associations, its 
influence on education . All this was lacking in The Argentine 
undertaking. It was, therefore, bound to remain a matter 
of economic improvement, if not of ordinary charity. 

In 1891 the " Lovers of Zion " tried to persuade Hirsch to 
turn his activities to Palestine. Herzl tried again in 1896, 
unfortunately without success. The fact that Hirsch had 
met with a repulse at the time of his earlier transactions 
with the Sultan, Abdul Hamid, may have made the difficulty 
of obtaining a charter from the Ottoman Government seem 
a greater obstacle to him than it would have seemed to 


others. In his negotiations with the " Lovers of Zion " in 
1891 he was not altogether an opponent ; he wavered for a 
w^hile between different countries, considering exclusively the 
quality of the soil, the price, facilities and so on ; but he 
overlooked the essential fact. The question for him was 
not one of history and national desire, but of the soil, the 
income, and, above all, the extension of his scheme. The 
able and ingenious business man wanted to be practical. 
The builder of a great railway wanted to establish a colony 
for millions, and he believed in the lustre of his gem. Had 
he known that in " The Argentine," in spite of its apparently 
unlimited possibilities, only some ten thousand Jews would 
settle, he would undoubtedly have preferred Palestine, where 
even ten thousand, as true representatives of a nation 
in its old country, have a far greater value. But he felt 
himself called upon to accompHsh great things in the 
economic sphere. It was the very instinct of the man, his 
nature, the bent of his genius. If we wish to understand him, 
we must make full allowance for his surroundings, his educa- 
tion and the times in which he lived. His idea was a long 
step towards Zionism, but some would not have it for that 
particular reason. It is significant that his enormous munifi- 
cence remained quite isolated ; he had no followers, though 
he was very anxious to find some. Could anybody imagine 
a National Fund for Jewish agriculture in " The Argentine " ? 
The masses, it is true, were interested in his scheme, but their 
interest was one of curiosity, of the wish to be helped, 
not of self-help. And not only the masses, but the wealthy 
people too held aloof. A short time before he died, he 
received a few hundred pounds from two or three people for 
his undertaking, and he felt very happy ! 

During his negotiations with the " Lovers of Zion " he 
revealed his idea of creating a Jewish Commonwealth,^ 
saying that he was endeavouring to prepare the conditions 
for such a scheme. On another occasion, discussing the 
difficulties of administration, etc., he exclaimed : — 

" Give me Jewish apostles, and I shall succeed! " 

It dawned upon him that something was missing. 

The fifth period of his activity comprises various philan- 
thropic works. The large number of Russian Jews who 
emigrated to the United States attracted his benevolent 
interest ; and in 1891 he was instrumental in organizing 

^ He used the term " Gemeinwcseiu" 


under the laws of the state of New York the Baron de 
Hirsch Fund, with a capital of 2,500,000 dollars, which 
sum was afterwards increased. The national Jewish 
character of Hirsch's activity lies here again in the fact 
that he identified himself with his suffering brethren all 
over the world. 

Many men of his immense wealth and distinguished 
position would no doubt have used such advantages chiefly, 
if not exclusively, for the promotion of causes that fill a 
large place in the popular estimation. The cause of the 
Russian Jews would have been too remote, too intricate, 
or too small to engage all their sympathies and efforts. 
He made it his life-work to undertake something big 
on behalf of the Russian Jews. His benevolence was 
not that weak sentimentalism which too often obscures 
the plain behests of duty. He liked society, but he 
never stooped to win a cheap popularity by an unbecoming 
complaisance. There have been Jews enjoying the same 
high station, who have put it to quite a different use. 
But to him wealth and social power were simply one 
continuous challenge — a challenge to his nobler self, to his 
reverence for duty. And never could his higher self stand 
forth more conspicuously than when it impelled him to 
think and to work for his disinherited people. His 
leading idea was not to combat the persecutors of the 
Jews, but to emancipate the Jews themselves — to ex- 
tricate them from their mediaeval life, to revitalize them 
with the breath of " Western culture," to give them a 
wider range of occupations, to transform the pedlar into an 
artisan and the shopkeeper into an agriculturist, in short, 
to render their political emancipation a necessity by con- 
vincing their oppressors of their sound economic worth. 
It was a repetition of the programme of the " Alliance 
Israelite Universelle " and the Anglo- Jewish Association 
(Appendix Ixxvi), but it had the merit of being in the 
hands of a man who knew nothing of the difficulty of col- 
lecting resources from an inert public. 

As he lived the greater part of his life in Austria, it is 
quite natural that the deplorable condition of the Jews in 
that empire appealed strongly to him. In 1889, after con- 
sultation with Dr. Adolf Jellinek (1821-1893) of Vienna, he 
formulated a plan to aid the Jews of Gahcia by educational 
work, support for handicraftsmen and agriculturists, loans 
to artisans, etc. In 1891 the Austrian Government agreed 


to the plan, and Baron de Hirsch thereupon placed 12,000,000 
francs at the disposal of the trustees. 

The foregoing are only a few of the foundations established 
by Baron de Hirsch. In addition may be mentioned the 
Canadian Baron de Hirsch Fund, and the large sum given to 
the London hospitals, to which he also devoted the entire 
proceeds of his winnings on the turf. He always said that his 
horses ran for charity. It is impossible to form an accurate 
estimate of the amount of money that he devoted to 
benevolent purposes. Including the large legacy of about 
250,000,000 francs left to the Jewish Colonization Associa- 
tion, it exceeded 800,000,000 francs, is an estimate justified 
by the amounts given by him from time to time to the 
foundations already referred to. He died in 1896, having 
built for himself a monument more lasting than one of brass 
or marble : — 

The Jewish Colonization Association. 

The Baroness died in 1899. The amount devoted by her 
to benevolent purposes exceeded fifteen million dollars,^ and 
she further endowed her various foundations by leaving them 
ten million dollars in her will. 

The present possessors of the shares of the Jewish Coloniza- 
tion Association are : The Alliance Israelite Universelle, the 
Anglo- Jewish Association, and the Jewish Communities of 
Brussels, Berlin and Frankfort -on -the-Main. The adminis- 
trative council now numbers eleven members : five are 
appointed directly, one each by the five corporations, each 
of which holds approximately one-fifth of the capital ; the 
other six are elected for a period of five years by a vote of the 
general assembly of the stockholders, convened once a year. 
Since 1900 the Association has been entrusted by Baron 
Edmond de Rothschild with the care of his Palestine colon- 
ization schemes, and it is to be hoped that this great Jewish 
institution will turn its attention more and more to work in 

^ Baron de Hirsch Trade School in New York City ; Clara de Hirsch 
Home for Working Girls in New York ; Fund for the Officials of the 
Oriental Railways, etc. 


3P17' ;a 3NT |0^J3 

i^tofoid filichotvski 



Theodor Herzl — The first conception and the acceptance of Palestine — 
Max Nordau — The ideas of Modem Zionism. 

Zionism, an idea as old as the Jewish nation, preached by 
the representatives of Jewish thought, accepted and 
supported by prominent Christians in England and France 
and elsewhere, expressed and carried into effect in the colon- 
ization work in Palestine, was still in need of a great leader. 
There had been many eminent champions, thinkers and 
enthusiasts, but no great leader. Theodor Herzl (1860-1904) 
then came upon the scene — a born leader of men. 

There had been no one before him with his indomitable 
energy, his magnificent determination and his inspired rest- 
lessness. He had at his command all the intellectual 
pleasures which the combination of Vienna and Paris could 
offer. He was welcome in society and in literary and artistic 
circles. His outlook on life before Zionism dawned upon 
him had been that of the usual type of the modern, dena- 
tionalized, assimilated Jew. But the old spirit of the Jewish 
nation awoke in him and removed him from this world of 
illusions. At the height of his literary popularity in the gay 
Austrian capital, in the prime of youth and success, he put 
aside everything else to champion the cause of his people. He 
created the politics of a state unborn. He began his Jewish 
career with almost the whole of official Jewry in Western 
Europe opposed to him iand intent on silencing him, until 
he succeeded in outshining his adversaries. Then the public 
conscience awakened, the force of truth prevailed, and he 
found adherents. He imparted to the Jews the greatest 
national impulse that they have had since the Galuth began. 

He found the word which crystallized all the yearnings 
and hopes of centuries. He spoke the truth, although 
four hundred and fifty priests ^ of assimilation clamoured for 
falsehood. He brought freedom to the Jewish soul and, 
kindled Jewish enthusiasm to a flame. He reminded the 

' Then said EHjah unto the people : "I," even I only, am left a prophet 
of the Lord ; but Baal's prophets are four hundred and fifty men. i Kings 


Jews that they were still unalterably attached to the old 
centre of Jewish national life, that Zionism remained the 
ultimate aim of their aspirations, and that the old prophecies 
were still a living force. He devoted all his determina- 
tion and skill to his people, and his endurance and ability 
to the work of organizing the masses. It was the in- 
fluence of his personality over men that made him a great 
leader. His nobility of character shone forth in his actions, 
found expression in his speech, and flashed in his eyes. 

The simplicity and modesty of the truly great man showed 
themselves in all that Herzl conceived and achieved. He 
was a man of vast knowledge, of irresistible logic, a 
brilliant writer and a great artist ; but in Jewish affairs he was 
a homo novus. He was almost ignorant of Jewish learning, 
of Jewish literature, even of Zionism before his time. During 
a discussion on Jewish culture at one of the Zionist Con- 
gresses, he frankly admitted that he did not know exactly 
what " Jewish culture " meant. But he was the embodi- 
ment of the old Jewish genius, a re-incarnation of those times 
when there were Jewish heroes, kings and statesmen. It was 
hardly necessary for him to plead for the ideal of "Jewish 
culture," because his personality supplied the argument re- 
quired. His high-minded disinterestedness, his unselfish 
devotion, his unceasing self-sacrifice, his magnificent energy, 
his wonderful gift of seizing opportunities for the further- 
ance of his great ideal, his high sense of duty, his sincere 
kindness and modesty of heart, marked him out to be the 
first Zionist leader in the Diaspora. 

The depth, tenderness and sincerity of the love he bore 
his nation, his passionate yearning for the achievement 
of the great object before him — these found expression in 
every word he uttered and every action he undertook. 
These noble sentiments, together with the magnetism of his 
personality, accounted for his tremendous influence over so 
large a section of modern Jewry. He sacrificed his whole 
being and all his possessions in furtherance of the ideal 
which he faithfully upheld, satisfied with the prospect of 
bringing his people gradually nearer the sacred goal of their 

Dr. Max Simon Nordau, a son of Rahhi Gabriel Siidfeld 
of Krotoschin, already at that time a writer of inter- 
national reputation, was one of the first to respond 
when Herzl started the Zionist movement ; and he was 
practically second to Herzl in building up the organization. 

Elliott and Fry 

Dr. Max Simon Nordau 


These two men came to be looked upon as the natural 
leaders and the foremost representatives of the new Zionism. 
Nordau was Herzl's faithful friend and assistant from the 
commencement. He placed his genius, his enthusiasm and 
his powerful eloquence at the service of the Zionist idea and 
organization. His authority and influence in the propaganda 
of Zionism became the most powerful and influential force 
in the movement. Nothing could surpass the overwhelming 
logic and the admirable spirit of his speeches, pamphlets, 
essays and articles. From the very beginning he played 
the part of a great leader with splendid confidence, inspira- 
tion, and dignity. No Zionist has exercised a stronger or a 
loftier influence by sheer strength of character and sound 
judgment. No orator or writer in modern times has so 
forcibly portrayed the great tragedy of his people as he has 
done in his memorable speeches at the Zionist Congresses, 
and none has voiced so eloquently the claims and hopes 
of his nation. He had always a message to deliver, and 
delivered it always effectively. He helped to make Zionism a 
world-wide movement, with an appeal not only to the Jewish 
people but also to other nations. His forcible eloquence and 
untiring zeal in the service of Zionism are generally known. 
Nor does his public activity exhaust his services to the 
cause. He gave much useful advice to Herzl, who never 
undertook anything of importance in Zionist politics without 
consulting him. Nordau exercised enormous influence during 
the whole period of Herzl's and Wolffsohn's presidency, and 
is still doing so at the present moment. A man of great 
literary and journalistic achievement, with extensive associa- 
tions and wide interests, a champion of all great causes of 
humanity and justice, zealously engaged in various domains 
of human thought, he has always placed his time, his pen, 
and his matchless eloquence at the service of Zionism. 

Herzl fathomed the causes of the sufferings of his people, 
and saw a radical solution of the Jewish problem of two 
thousand years in the national regeneration of the Jew. 
Like his great predecessor Pinsker, he thought at first 
that it was immaterial where the proposed Jewish centre 
was situated. He had then no opportunity of knowing the 
real feeling of the Jewish people on this point. When he 
tested that feeling he quickly discovered that Palestine was 
the only possible country. Wishing to see a Jewish centre 
established, and knowing that elsewhere it was impossible, 
because contrary to history and tradition, he concentrated 


his efforts on Palestine, and although he realized the diffi- 
culties more than anyone else, he remained till the day of 
his death (notwithstanding the Uganda scheme, which he 
considered only from the point of view of preparation for 
Palestine) a convinced and ardent Palestinian. 

To repopulate this ancient country, to make it a centre 
of human civilization, was his object. He did not think 
that the solution of the problem lay in emigration per se. 
He saw that, however carefully emigration was carried 
out, the result in the long run must be a mere shifting 
from place to place. Colonization on a large scale, in any 
territory that might be found for the purpose, taking no 
account of the historic national sentiment of the Jewish 
people, and lacking the attractiveness necessary to make it 
more than a philanthropic scheme, cannot solve the problem. 
And philanthropy will not solve the Jewish question. 
Zionism alone — the Jewish National Movement — seeks to 
grapple with the Jewish question effectually once and for 
all. It proposes to establish for the Jewish people a secure 
and recognized national home in Palestine — the land to 
which the Jew during two thousand years of exile has never 
relinquished his moral claim. 

While providing a refuge for oppressed Jews from other 
lands, a home in Palestine would become a centre for the 
Jews throughout the world, thereby raising their status 
ever5rwhere, and saving them from the degradation to which 
they are now constantly subjected, merely because they are 
Jews. Such a plan has a spiritual appeal, and rallies to 
its aid such energy, enthusiasm and driving power as no 
scheme of colonization in any other country would ever 
command. And in spite of the contention of the different 
philanthropic Jewish societies that the immediate needs 
of the Jewish masses are best satisfied by improving 
their condition in the countries in which they live and by 
offering them opportunities of emigrating to other countries, 
it was felt in all quarters where intense Jewish feeling 
was still alive that the new vision of Herzl must not be 
allowed to fade away. 

This new Zionism differs widely from all Jewish philan- 
thropic efforts. It was based not on charity, but on an 
appreciation of history — political, economic, social and 
ethical. It proposed the rebuilding of a nation and the 
repopulating of a country. It meant a logical and morally 
satisfactory solution of the general Jewish problem. It 


was not a measure for the moment, but an achievement for 
the benefit of untold generations. It did not profit merely 
the poverty-stricken or persecuted section of our people, but 
affected the whole of Jewry by a complete change in its 
position. It taught again the old lesson that no Jew, 
conscious of his duty towards the unborn generations of his 
people, should ever lose sight of the fact that Palestine, and 
Palestine alone, is the country to which he has a historic 
claim for all time, that in the old country of his ancestors, 
and there alone, it is possible to work out his people's 
destiny, and that nothing short of this ideal can be 



The general impression — The proclamation of the Je\vish national idea — 
The Basle Programme — The first Executive Central Committee — Prof. 
Herman Schapira — Christian visitors at the first Congress — Letters of 
the Grand Rabbin of France, M. Zadoc Kahn, and of the Haham of the 
Spanish and Portuguese Jewish community of London, Dr. Moses 

The first Zionist Congress met in Basle on August 29th, 

This gathering will one day be surrounded by a halo 
of mythical significance and glory. There were about 
200 delegates from almost every country in the world 
at this Jewish national assembly, the first convened 
since the Exile by the Jewish people themselves. The 
enthusiasm was beyond description. For the first time in 
the Diaspora the Jewish people felt strong and free. 
Divided by exile, it was again united by national ties 
as well as by those of a history of common suffering and 
common hopes. The convener of the Congress received 
endless ovations. All those present realized the historic 
event in which they were taking part. The Congress 
solemnly proclaimed to the listening world that the Jews 
are a nation. It pictured accurately the Jewish situation. 

This picture was black. It was terrible, but it was true. 
Regarding it to-day, we must confess it to be prophetic. And 
it was not unfolded for the purpose of lamentation or pro- 
test, but with the object of impelling to strenuous action 
and self-help. The Congress formulated its intentions in 
the following programme, which was carried unanimously 
with the greatest enthusiasm : 

The aim of Zionism is to create for the Jewish people a 
home in Palestine secured by public law. The Congress 
contemplates the following means to the attainment of this 
end : — 

1. The promotion, on suitable lines, of the coloniza- 
tion of Palestine by Jewish agricultural and industrial 

2. The organization and binding together of the whole 


Dr. Louis Lokwe 

Rabbi Dr. N. M. Adler 

Baron M. de HiRSCH 

^ Im 

'1*5 "^ 

Prof. Dr. Hermann Schapira 

Moses Hess 


of Jewry by means of appropriate institutions, local and 
international, in accordance with the laws of each country. 

3. The strengthening and fostering of Jewish national 
sentiment and consciousness, 

4. Preparatory steps towards obtaining Government 
consent, where necessary, to the attainment of the aim 
of Zionism. 

Dr. Theodor Herzl was elected President of the Congress 
and Dr. Max Nordau, Dr. Salz and M. Samuel Pineles first, 
second and third Vice-Presidents respectively. The Execu- 
tive Central Committee elected by the First Congress con- 
sisted of : — 

Vienna: Dr. Theodor Herzl, Dr. Schnirer, Dr. Oser 
Kokesch, Dr. Miintz, Julius M. Kremenezky. Austria (other 
than Galicia) : Dr. Sigmund Kornfield. Galicia : Dr. Salz, 
Dr. Korkis. Bukovina : Dr. Meyer Ebner. France : 
M. Bernard Lazare. Germany: Rabbi Dr. Isaac J. Riilf, 
Dr. Bodenheimer. Russia : Rabbi Samuel Mohilewer, 
Prof. Max Mandelstamm, Dr. Jacob Kohan-Bernstein, 
Isidor Jasinowski. Roumania : Dr. Karl Lippe, Samuel 
Pineles. Bulgaria and Servia: Prof. Gregor Belkovsky. 
Orient: Jacques Bahar. 

One of the most prominent members of the First Con- 
gress was Dr. Hermann Schapira (1840-1898), Professor 
of Mathematics at the University of Heidelberg. He was a 
native of Russia, and had a most remarkable career. Being 
too poor to study, he turned to trade, and when he had 
saved sufficient money became a student once more. He 
was then already forty years of age, but his keen intellect 
and industry soon brought him to the forefront in 
mathematics, which he had studied privately without 
the help of a school or a teacher. He first learned his 
science from old Hebrew books, and then from books written 
in other languages. So much was his pre-eminence recog- 
nized that, notwithstanding his being a Jew and a foreigner 
— a Russian subject — ^he was appointed to the Professorship 
of Mathematics at Heidelberg University. He remained 
in appearance, in manners and in mentality as typical 
and picturesque a member of his people as any old Rabbi. 
He was an excellent Hebrew scholar, and well versed 
not only in ancient Jewish history and literature, but 
also in modern Hebrew literature. Like the whole modern 
Hebraist school, he regarded Hebrew as a li\nng tongue. 
His heart and soul were in the " Lovers of Zion " move- 


ment and in the Hebrew revival. At the first Zionist 
Congress he solemnly called upon the delegates to declare 
allegiance to the cause. When differences of opinion arose, 
the old Professor in impassioned language appealed to all to 
sink their differences and personal prejudices and to work 
unitedly with one heart and soul for the common cause. 
A dramatic scene followed. The Professor called upon every 
delegate present to raise his right hand, and they all did so. 
and repeated after him : — 

This was one of the most solemn moments of the 
Congress. On the other hand, when Professor Schapira 
first spoke about the necessity of a Jewish National 
Fund, an idea which he had advocated some time earher in 
Hebrew articles, the proposal was regarded as a chimera 
rather than as a practical scheme. But he did not feel 
discouraged by the opposition of the " practical people." 
During the first year of the Zionist organization, between 
the first and second Congresses, he devoted himself entirely 
to Zionist work. He died on a Zionist propaganda tour, 
during a stay at Cologne. 

The first Christian clergyman to encourage Herzl was 
the Chaplain to the British Embassy in Vienna, the Rev. 
Dr. W. H. Hechler, who is an ardent student of the 
Bible and a Christian " Lover of Zion." With the lull 
knowledge of his chief, the British Ambassador, he 
supported the Zionist movement, and introduced Herzl to 
several of his Royal and Imperial pupils and friends. He 
was the first English clergyman to go to Russia and help 
the persecuted Jews on the spot : he visited at that time 
Odessa, Mohilew, Kishinew and Balta. He visited the Holy 
Land several times, and regularly attended the Zionist 

Among the most interesting visitors at the Congress 
were, the famous pioneer of Zionism, Henri Dimant ; and 
the Protestant pastor Dr. Johannes Lepsius, son of Carl 
Richard Lepsius (1810-1884), the famous Egyptologist, 
who is thoroughly acquainted with the East, and had 
been pastor of a small community in the Harz Mountains. 
Dr. Lepsius warmly espoused the cause of the Armenians 
in 1895, and when, as the result of his agitation, the 

* " If I forget thee, O Jerusaleip, 

Let my right hand forget her cunning" (PsaJm cxxxvii. 5). 


German Government sent him a warning, he resigned his 
post. He placed his views on the Zionist Congress before a 
meeting held on the 7th September, 1897, at Basle, in a 
paper entitled, " Armenians and Jews in Exile ; or, the 
Future of the East with Reference to the Armenian Question 
and the Zionist Movement." After referring to points of 
similarity between Jews and Armenians, both persecuted 
races, he said : " When the time comes . . . will Jewry 
lay their hands on Palestine and say : this is our land ? 
Will anyone be able to prevent them ? Even if the Zionist 
movement has an exclusively national character, there is yet 
a strong religious undercurrent. We believe that the Jewish 
nation has a future before it, and that this future will be a 
glorious one." The address was followed by an interesting 
discussion, in the course of which Professor Carl Friedrich 
Heman, the Orientalist, of Basle University, heartily en- 
dorsed Dr. Lepsius' views. 

The greatest achievement of the new Zionism was the 
Jewish Congress — the supreme authority in the movement 
based upon democratic principles — and the creation of a 
world-wide organization for the resuscitation of the Jewish 
nationality and for the regaining of Palestine, not by brute 
force or political adventure, and not by any act against the 
government or the population of the country or any other 
government or nation, but by force of conviction, enthusiasm, 
devotion and self-sacrifice. 

M. Zadoc Kahn (1839-1905), Grand Rabbin of France, 
addressed a letter of congratulation to the first Zionist Con- 
gress. The Grand Rabbin wrote that he would not fail to 
follow with much interest the deliberations of the Congress. 
Whatever might be thought as to the utility and oppor- 
tuneness of the Congress, it could not be denied that it 
merited every attention. Differences of opinion were in- 
evitable, but he prayed with all his might that God might 
guide and inspire all the leaders of the movement, and that 
the debates and the resolutions which would be arrived at 
would be for the benefit of Judaism throughout the world. 

In an inter vie v/ on the subject of the Zionist movement, 
which took place immediately after the first Zionist Con- 
gress, M. Zadoc Kahn spoke in the highest terms of Dr. 

"This man of faith is also a man of action. He is an 
apostle, but an apostle who is doctor of political economy. 
I know he occupies a distinguished place in the Austrian 


Press, and that he has excellent relations in the highest 
political spheres. But he appears ready to sacrifice all for 
the triumph of his ideas." M. Zadoc Kahn then criticized in 
very mild terms the exaggerated " pessimism " of Herzl's 
pamphlet, " The Jewish State," and after dweUing on the 
religious aspects of the question, he concluded : — 

" The sympathy of the French Jews, now awakened, is 
assured to the Zionists. To ridicule or condemn a project 
when this project carries with it hope, and thus consolation, 
to thousands of co-religionists who are molested in their 
quality as Jews, this the French Jews have not the right 
to do." 

In opening the proceedings of the final day of the Congress, 
Herzl announced that several letters and telegrams had been 
received. The only one he would mention was that sent by 
the Rev. Dr. Moses Gaster, Haham of the Spanish and 
Portuguese Jews in England, who wrote to express his 
sympathy with the objects of the Congress. 


Modem Hebrew literature — The Chovevi Zion — The pioneers in Palestine. 

Thus the Zionist Movement was launched. Before we 
follow its progress during the intervening twenty years, it 
will be as weh to give some account of the forces at work in 
Jewish life which made the movement and its success 
possible. For Zionism cannot be properly understood if it 
is regarded merely as a result of certain political combina- 
tions or as a reaction against anti-Semitism. It must be 
traced to its roots, which lie deep in the national conscious- 
ness of the Jewish people ; and that national consciousness 
is not simply a vague sentiment, but has long had its con- 
crete expressions in connection with the revival of Palestine 
ard of the Hebrew lai guage. The ii j tr t.isu ry cf Zioj ism, 
then, is to be traced along the lines of Palestinian coloniza- 
tior ar.d the Hebrew rei asctrice. For ccrvd ience we may 
divide our brief survey into three main headings : 

1. Modem Hebrew Literature. 

2. The Choveve Zion and Univeisity Zionist Groups in 

various countries. 

3. The pioneers of the Hebrew Revival in Palestine. 

It must be remembered, however, that these are not 
watertight divisions, and we naturally meet with the same 
men in different fields of work. 

The aim of the present chapter is to trace the develop- 
ment of each of these three forces (so far as that has not been 
done in earlier chapters), giving some account of the out- 
standing figures in each department. There is in each field 
a host of less distinguished but not less devoted workers. 
Of some of these mention is made in Appendix Ixxv. 

I. Modern Hebrew Literature 

From a linguistic and literary point of view, no less than 
from a moral and religious standpoint, the Bible is a great 
and wonderful book : 

I.— T 273 


nn sbDi n2 -f2m na -jsn -i!2*in 22 :2 p Q) 

Not that modem Hebrew writers use the Bible merely as 
a storehouse of words and phrases, depending on reminis- 
cence for their effect. The practice of cramming Hebrew 
writings with scriptural quotations so as to give them an 
artificial brilliance and a second-hand wealth of idiom and 
grandeur of diction was characteristic of the so-called 
M'lizah.^ In our time there is no more of this patchwork 
writing. The Hebrew language has become independent of 
quotations, but none the less the traditional spirit continues 
to live, and the Bible is the corner-stone of modern Hebrew 
literature. It could not be otherwise, for in the Jewish view 
the Bible must enter into every phase of man's hfe, must 
exert an influence upon the words of his mouth, the thoughts 
of his mind, and the feelings of his heart. This is the result 
not of any dogma, but of the tradition of Jewish learning, 
which is a sort of intellectual devotion, a reverent feeling, 
a particular worship of the Torah as knowledge, teaching, 

The revival of the Hebrew language was thus able to 
become the foremost factor in the Jewish national revival. 
Yet little attention has been paid to this part of the history 
of Zionism. Perhaps the most important reason is the 
general ignorance of the Hebrew language or of its modern 
literature and Press. Some writers on Zionism are quite 
ignorant of the whole of this literature, others are misin- 
formed as to its past, and often imperfectly and insufficiently 
conversant with its present, and are only capable of repeat- 
ing mechanically a few names and titles which have gained 
currency. Few have an adequate conception of the real 
activity of hundreds of writers, of the amount of work which 
has been done, or of the succession of the different stages of 
development. This lack of knowledge is the main reason 
for the strange opinion so often expressed by anti-Zionists in 
Western Europe, particularly in England, that Zionism is 
a mere political or materialistic movement. 

Our object here is not to write a history of Hebrew litera- 
ture as such, but only to illustrate a part of Zionist history 
which has hitherto been very imperfectly surveyed, and a 

1 Ben Bag Bag said, ponder in it, and ponder in it, for all is in it. Ethics 
ef the Fathers, v., 25. 

« M'lizah =• "flower of speech." 


certain knowledge of which is necessary for a real and 
adequate conception of the inner intellectual forces which 
have made Zionism what it is. The fact of importance from 
our point of view is that the best, the noblest, and the 
soundest ideas were brought into Zionism from Hebrew 
literature, that certain Hebrew writers are prominent" 
nationahsts, that from them have gone forth " the 
thoughts that inspire " and " the words that ignite," and 
that the wide dissemination of the Zionist idea among 
hundreds of thousands of Jews (Russian Jews or those who 
came from Russia) could not have been produced merely by 
organization and business institutions, had they not been 
prepared for it by the knowledge and every-day use of the 
Hebrew language with its innumerable national, historical 
and Palestinian reminiscences and associations. And not 
only that : in our view even the better elements of the 
Hebrew literature of the period which preceded the Zionist 
movement, and which is commonly known as the " Has- 
kalah " (enlightenment) period, as well as the writings of 
those modern authors who do not support Zionism, have 
contributed to that great regeneration which has enabled the 
national language and literature to reach such an advanced 
stage of development. 

For the beginnings of modern Hebrew literature we must 
go back at least as far as Abraham Dob Bar (1789-1878) ben 
Chayyim Lebensohn (surnamed Michailishker ; pseudonym 
Adam), the Hebrew Klopstock — a serious and somewhat 
dry poet and his son Micah Joseph (1818-1852), a grace- 
ful singer cut off in his early bloom. Contemporary with 
them was F. Rothstein, an almost unknown Polish Chassid 
and Maskil,^ who translated Hermann and Dorothea of 
Johann Wolfgang von Goethe (1749-1832) in stanzas of 
laconic beauty which in precision of outline and complete- 
ness of impression are as sublime as the original. These 
men founded a school of poets, the tradition of which was 
carried on by men like Solomon ben Baruch Salkind (1805 ?- 
1868) ; Bernhard Nathansohn (6. 1832) ; David Moses 
Mitzkun (1836-1887) ; and Isaachar Berush Hurwitz 
(6. 1835). Contemporaneously, the beginnings of a modern 
prose literature were being created. To Mordecai Aaron 
ben Judah Asher Giinzburg (1795-1846) we owe a Hebrew 

* Chassid — member of the sect of Chassidim or " Pious." Maskil — up- 
holder of the ideals of Hakalah (" enlightenment"), as against strict tra- 
ditionalism with its restriction of intellectual interest to ancient Hebrew 


style at once forceful and condensed, in great contrast 
to the limp and diffuse style prevalent before him. Abra- 
ham Mapu (1808-1867), master of a pure biblical style 
and a wonderful imaginative sympathy with the life of 
Bible times, created in his romantic novel The Love of 
Zion a gossamer web in evanescent hues of gold and silver. 
Kalman Schulman (1819-1899), a versatile translator 
and popularizer, did much to break ground for the ideas 
of the Haskalah. Isaac Erter (1792-1851), of Galicia, wrote 
satires which are masterpieces of art in their epigrammatic 
beauty. These and a host of lesser men laid the substantial 
foundations on which later a more specifically nationalist 
Hebrew literature could be built up. For themselves they 
were too busy with their task of acclimatizing European cul- 
ture on Hebrew soil to trouble overmuch about nationalism. 
Their tendency was even towards assimilation, so strong was 
their reaction against the conservatism of their environ- 
ment. This tendency is seen most strongly in the greatest of 
these Maskilim, Judah Lob (Leon) ben Asher Gordon (1831- 
1892), a poet, essayist and story-teller, who united light- 
ness of touch, clearness and elegance of diction with a great 
gift of expression, and combined in one harmonious whole 
accurate reflection and vivid imagination — an exceedingly 
keen satirist, and the most profound among writers of the 
Haskalah in the knowledge and use as well of the biblical as 
of the post-biblical Hebrew idiom. The recently deceased 
veteran novelist Solomon (Shalom) Jacob Abramowitsch 
(1836-1918) " Mendele Mocher Sephorim "^ still continued 
to carry on the Haskalah tradition ; and although dubbed 
" Grandfather of Yiddish," he also produced Hebrew 
works of immortal value, the works of a giant artist in 
language and imagination. But broadly speaking the ideals 
of the Haskalah have given place since about 1880 to a more 
distinctly nationalist tendency. 

The historical and philosophical bases of modern Jewish 
nationalism were laid in the earlier half of the nineteenth 
century by a number of Jewish scholars who wrote in 
Hebrew, and of whom the most noteworthy are Nachman 
Cohen Krochmal (1785-1840), Samuel David ben Hezekiah 
Luzzatto (1800-1865) and Solomon Judah Lob Rapaport 
(1790-1867). Krochmal in his Modern Guide for the Per- 
plexed (a title which alludes, of course, to the great 
work of Maimonides), strove to effect a synthesis beween 

* The Jewish Cervantes. 


traditional Judaism and Hegelianism. The national idea 
is a postulate of his method, and he presents it in a 
rational and constructive manner, entirely free from senti- 
mentality. Luzzatto, who studied deeply and wrote much in 
the fields of history, religious ideas and exegesis, was more of 
a mystic in temperament, but not less fundamentally nation- 
alist in outlook. Rapaport, an encyclopaedic scholar and one 
of the pioneers of the so-called " Jewish Science " (scientific 
study of Judaism and Jewish history), was perhaps less 
directly and consciously concerned with the national idea, but 
his hostile attitude to the extravagances of the " Reform " 
movement sufficiently indicates his leaning. Another pro- 
found scholar who has received too scant attention is Jacob 
Reifmann (1818-1895), whose Hebrew pamphlet The Mission 
of Israel — one of a hundred treatises and articles — is an 
eloquent exposition of the national idea and a thoroughgoing 
condemnation of radical " Reform," not from a theological, 
but from a purely nationalist and historical point of view. We 
may remark in passing that some of the later representatives 
of " Jewish Science," though they wrote mostly in other 
languages than Hebrew (principally German), were essen- 
tially nationalist in feeling : especially Heinrich Hirsch 
Graetz (1817-1891), the historian, who was influenced by 
Moses (Moritz) Hess (1812-1875), and really — though 
perhaps unconsciously — laid the foundations of Jewish 
nationalism in Western Europe, and David Kaufmann 
(1852-1899), whose learning and instinct combined made 
him welcome Zionism and defend its leaders on occa- 
sion. Important, however, as was the work of these scholars 
in giving Jewish nationalism the necessary philosophical 
foundation, the spread of the national idea among the 
people is more directly due to the popular Hebrew writers of 
Russia, who, growing up during the Haskalah period, aban- 
doned the vague, universalistic idea of " enlightenment " 
for the conception of a modernized and progressive Jewish 

Of these David ben Dob Baer Gordon (1826-1886) was one 
of the earUest. In 1856 he became assistant editor of the first 
Hebrew weekly paper, Hamagid. He also assisted in the 
formation and conduct of the Society Mekize Nirdamim 
(1864), established for the purpose of publishing old and 
valuable Hebrew works. In 1884 he went to London as the 
representative of the Choveve Zion to congratulate Sir Moses 
Montefiore on the hundredth anniversary of his birth. 


Peter (Perez) ben Moses Smolenskin (1842-1885), the most 
popular Hebrew writer of his time, was an ardent nationalist 
and Zionist during the second period of his literary activity. 
He rejected the theory associated with the name of Mendels- 
sohn, which makes Judaism nothing more than a reUgious 
confession ; and against this theory he wrote a series of 
articles and essays. About 1880 he began to be interested 
in the colonization of Palestine. He joined Laurence 
Oliphant, through whom he hoped to secure the interven- 
tion of European Powers in favour of the Jews. His realistic 
Hebrew novels, as well as his monthly Hashachar (The 
Dawn), exercised a wide influence. 

Moses Lob Lilienblum (1843-1910) was a progressive 
" radical " during the first half of his literary career. But 
the anti- Jewish riots of 1880 and 188 1 aroused him to a 
consciousness of the unsafe position of the Jews in exile, and 
he started writing articles in Hebrew and in Russian, in 
which he pointed to the re-establishment of the Jews in 
Palestine as the only solution of the Jewish question. He 
wrote several pamphlets, and as Secretary of the ChovevS 
Zion took a most earnest and energetic part in their activity. 

Alexander Ossypovitch Zederbaum of Petrograd (18 16- 
1892) indefatigably advocated the colonization of Palestine 
by Jews in his Hebrew paper Ha'melitz. He did not confine 
his labours in the cause of Jewish nationaHsm to such editorial 
efforts. He took an active part in obtaining the permission 
of the Russian Government for the formation of an Associa- 
tion of Choveve Zion in Russia, with its centre in Odessa, and 
afterwards in organizing the Association. 

Samuel Joseph Fuenn (1819-1891) of Wilna was an 
admirable scholar and a Hebrew writer of wide outlook. 
For many years he was editor of the Hebrew weekly Ha'- 
carmel. His Kiria Neemana (the History of the Jews in 
Wilna) is a standard work. He was also author of Ha'otzar 
{Hebrew dictionary), of a biographical lexicon, and of many 
other books of reference. During the last years of his hfe he 
was engaged in the Choveve Zion movement. 

Jechiel Mendelssohn (1817-1892) of Lublin, was a distin- 
guished Hebraist. The diversity as well as the extent of his 
reading was remarkable. He knew the whole of Hebrew 
literature as well as the classical writers of antiquity, and 
had a wide knowledge of Jewish history. His Hebrew style 
was of great exactitude and beauty. He contributed to 
Hdboker Or, Ha'melitz and Ha'assif, and preached with 


artistic skill and historical discrimination the national idea 
of the Choveve Zion. 

Asher Ginzberg — " Achad Ha' am " — deserves a special 
chapter in the history of Zionism. He was the most 
prominent literary figure in the Choveve Zion movement, 
and he is the most respected and influential representative 
of modern Hebrew literature. Born in Russia, and educated 
in the traditional religious way, he went through a carefully 
arranged course of studies in " Jewish Science " and in 
philosophy and literature. He first attracted notice by his 
articles in Ha'meUtz about the condition of the colonies in 
Palestine. He had the clearness of mind to see things as they 
were, and the courage to publish what he believed to be the 
truth. The absence of exaggeration, the earnestness, and 
the steadfast truth-seeking which are the characteristic 
features of all his writings, and give them peculiar weight, 
were already clearly developed and evident in his first 
essays. He founded the Hebrew monthly Ha'shiloach, 
which became a creative force in the modem Hebrew revival. 
He grouped around himself young men of talent, and dis- 
covered, stimulated and guided many young writers and 
students, who looked upon him as their spiritual father. 
Ha'shiloach soon became the leading literary Hebrew review, 
principally owing to his philosophical and publicistic 
articles. A deep and clear thinker, he expounded with con- 
vincing logic, and in calm, noble and dignified language the 
ideology of Jewish nationalism. His principal ideal is Jewish 
national distinctiveness in the Diaspora, based upon Hebrew 
culture, and making Palestine a spiritual centre or " nidus." 
Some of his essays can be read in an English version by 
Leon Simon of London, pubUshed by the Jewish Publication 
Society of America. We should, however, form a very 
inadequate estimate of the services which this distinguished 
writer has rendered to Zionism, and of the influence which 
he has exerted on his readers, were we to confine our atten- 
tion solely to his writings. It is the combination of a writer 
and a personaUty that gives him his unique position. He 
was successfully active in the Choveve Zion movement, he 
has visited Palestine several times, and he founded in 1889 
the Order " B'nai Moshe," a group of intellectual Jewish 
Nationalists. This Order, which existed for eight years, 
gave rise to the foundation of the Hebrew Pubhcation Society 
" Achiasaf" in Warsaw, of the first modern Hebrew school 
in Jaffa, and of the Palestinian colony Rechoboth. Out ol 


these grew many other institutions for colonization, Hebrew 
hterature and education. 

Chaim Noach Bialik is the greatest hving Hebrew poet, 
and with his name the national revival is inseparably 
connected. Born in Volhynia, Russia, he had a Tal- 
mudical education. He started his hterary career in 
the Ha'shiloach and other Hebrew reviews. He rose 
quickly to great fame, making a new era in Hebrew poetry. 
He has an epic as well as a lyric gift. His marvellous 
artistic instinct, his harmonious Hebrew, his liveliness of 
imagination, the melody of his verse place him in the highest 
rank. He is a national poet in the noblest sense of the term. 
He voices the feelings and traditions of generations. He has 
measured the groans of our people, has counted their sighs 
and tears, has gathered and sung them and played them 
upon the celestial harp of his Hebrew muse. Sometimes, 
like a rebel cherub, he sounds the trumpet of judgment 
against tyranny. He is familiar with every phase of Jewish 
thought and hfe, ancient as well as modern, in the Ghetto 
as well as in nature, but his heart is in Zion, and here the 
freshness and vividness of his colouring, the truth and life- 
like reality of his pictures, the enthusiasm of his hopes are 
unsurpassed. He is also distinguished as a writer of prose, 
and is active in the Hebrew Publication Society " Moriah," 
at Odessa, which has enriched Hebrew literature by many 
valuable works. 

Saul Scernichowsky, born in Michailovka, Russia, by 
profession a physician, is, next to Bialik, the greatest Uving 
Hebrew poet. He is distinguished by depth and tenderness 
of feeling, fertile and ingenious fancy, profound knowledge 
of the classical world, the easy transition by which he passes 
from nature to man, exquisite sense of beauty and a highly 
developed taste for music, which makes his verse exceedingly 

2. The Choveve Zion and University Zionist Groups 

We have more than once had occasion to mention the 
groups of Choveve Zion (" Lovers of Zion") which sprang 
up in Russia in the early eighties for the support of the 
pioneers of immigration into Palestine. Some account of 
the most important of these groups and of the outstanding 
personalities connected with them will indicate both the 
rapidity with which the movement spread, and the con- 
tinuity of development between the Choveve Zion and the 


new Zionist organization founded by Herzl. We shall find 
throughout that those who came into prominence in Herzl's 
movement were almost without exception men who had 
been active for years before as " Lovers of Zion." We shall 
find also that everywhere it was the Jewish University 
Student — and particularly the Russian Jewish Student, 
whether at a Russian or at a German or Swiss University — 
who, captured by the idea of the national revival, became 
the life and the driving force of the movement. 

The first place among the Choveve Zion groups belongs 
to that of Odessa, which became and has remained the 
headquarters of the whole organization. We have already 
mentioned three prominent members of this group — 
Pinsker, Achad Ha am and Lilienblum (the last two in con- 
nection with their services to Hebrew literature). Among a 
host of other Odessa Zionists who have earned distinc- 
tion, M. M. Ussishkin stands out most prominently be- 
cause of the influence which his energy and determination 
have won for him. He graduated in engineering at Moscow, 
where he was instrumental in founding the B'nai Zion 
(" Sons of Zion ") — one of the earliest and strongest of the 
Choveve Zion groups. Afterwards he went to Ekaterinos- 
law, and only later to Odessa, where he has been the centre 
of Jewish national work in all its branches for some years. 
To him perhaps more than to any single man is due the 
return of Zionist effort to practical colonizing work in 
Palestine after the temporary concentration on political 
negotiation under Herzl. He has worked strenuously for the 
financial institutions of Zionism as well as for Palestinian 
colonization and the Hebrew revival. 

Of the brilliant group of leaders which received its train- 
ing in the B'nai Zion of Moscow we mention here the 
recently deceased Dr. Ephim Wladimirovitch [Jechiel] 
Tschlenow (1865-1918), Vice-President of the Inner Actions 
Committee of the Zionist Movement. After graduating in 
medicine at Moscow University, he settled in that city, and 
divided his fife between the claims of his profession and those 
of Zionist work. He combined appreciation of the value of 
practical work in Palestine with a sound sense of political 
values. He had been twice to the Holy Land, and in a 
brochure. Five Years' Work in Palestine (written in Russian 
and translated into German), produced an admirably clear 
and comprehensive record of recent Jewibh achievements 
in the country. 


Scarcely less important than the Odessa and the Moscow 
Societies were those of St. Petersburg, of Bialystok, of Pinsk, 
of Minsk and of Wilna, every one of which was a training- 
ground for men who afterwards became prominent in the 
Zionist movement. It was at Pinsk, his birthplace, that 
Dr. Chaim Weizmann, now President of the English Zionist 
Federation, began his Zionist activity, which was con- 
tinued afterwards with such fruitful results at German and 
Swiss Universities and in this country. Wilna is the home 
of two Zionists, the brothers Isaac and Boris Goldberg, who 
hold a specially distinguished place both in Russian Zionism 
and in the movement at large. So in every Jewish centre in 
Russia the " Lovers of Zion" movement attracted the best 
of Jewish energy and idealism, especially among the youth, 
and the idea of the return to Zion took a firmer and firmer 
hold on the people and demanded more and more impera- 
tively an outlet in practical work. In Poland and Galicia 
and Roumania, and to a lesser extent in Germany, the 
movement spread during the eighties and nineties of last 
century, so that when Herzl came on the scene the national 
consciousness to which he appealed was largely awakened 
(though not in those elements of Jewry to which he first 
addressed his call). In countries further west there was 
little progress until after the creation of Herzl's organiza- 
tion. True there were Choveve Zion groups in England and 
France, but the idea of the return had not really struck root 
in the Jewish communities of those countries. One of the 
great services rendered by Herzl's organization to the cause 
of Jewish nationalism is that it has provided a bridge over 
which the Jewish spirit and the idealism of the reawakened 
Jewries of Eastern Europe could make their way into the 
Western communities and give them new life and a new 
sense of the realities of Judaism. Thus in Anglo- Jewry 
during the last decade or so there has been a marked 
tendency away from the poUte conventions of assimilation 
towards a realization of the deeper and more serious impli- 
cations of Jewishness ; and only a remnant of the " old 
guard " still repeats the shibboleths of an earlier generation 
about Judaism as a " persuasion " and " emancipation " 
as a^cure for all the ills of Jewry. 

We have spoken of the part that the Jewish student has 
played in this evolution, and it is so important as to merit 
further examination. 

The position of the Jewish students at the Universities of 


Western Europe at the beginning of the third quarter of the 
last century was a most deplorable one from a Jewish point 
of view. They had increased in numbers, belonging partly 
to the native Jewish populations and partly to Eastern 
Europe, nevertheless they were a negligible quantity. They 
were scattered all over Germany, Austria and Switzerland 
as units without cohesion or organization. Nationally they 
did not count : the chief principle of assimilation — which 
was at the time the general tendency of Western European 
Jewry — ^was to abandon Jewish national claims. Their 
attitude towards the religion of their fathers was one of 
indifference, want of faith, if not hostility. WTiat marked 
them out as Jews was in fact only the treatment meted out 
to them by the anti-Semitic Students' Societies, which hated 
and insulted them. And while the Jews born in the Western 
European countries were regarded as outcasts by the non- 
Jewish corporations and societies, the foreign Jewish 
students — mostly from Russia — ^were regarded as outcasts 
by the outcasts. The Western European and the Eastern 
European Jewish students were thus divided into two 

Then the new spirit of Zionism made itself felt. A group 
of Jewish students at the Vienna University founded, in 
1882, a National Jewish Students' Association called 
" Kadima,"'^ which was later, as we have seen, the first 
organization to extend a welcome to Herzl. These Vienna 
students have a better claim than any other similar organ- 
ization in Western Europe to be regarded as the pioneers of 
the Jewish national idea. 

One of the leaders of the Kadima was Nathan Birn- 
baum, known also by his nom de plume of " Mathias Acher," 
who was born in Galicia and graduated at Vienna University. 
A powerful writer and a keen thinker, he became, in course 
of time, a considerable figure in German- Jewish literature. 
In recent years he has become a Jewish democrat, champion- 
ing the cause of Yiddish. But in the early days of the 
Kadima he was heart and soul devoted to this Association, 
of which he was the philosophical leader. 

The members of the Kadima soon attracted attention 
owing to their courageous attitude, and steadily increased 
in number. They had become conscious Jews, and derived 
from this fact a great access of moral strength. They were 
no longer weak, downtrodden, degraded young men, feeling 

^ " Eastward," " Forward." 


helpless and demoralized ; they began to be men, jealous of 
their honour, demanding their rights as Jews among the 
nationalities. The Choveve Zion movement appealed 
strongly to their emotions and energies. The idea, a mere 
spark at first, developed into a blazing fire that seized upon 
several Universities. Young Jews speaking different lan- 
guages and of many different habits and customs became 
united by invisible ties all over the Continent of Europe. 
At the end of the eighties there existed an important Associa- 
tion in Berlin, which was at first somewhat theoretical in 
character, but very soon afterwards became a sister society of 
the Vienna Association, taking also the name of " Kadima " 
(Appendix Ixxvii) . The members of this group include a great 
number of workers whose names are inseparably bound up 
with the history of the Zionist Organization and with Jewish 
national literature. Most of them were of Russian birth, as 
might be expected ; for it was the Russian Jewish student 
who, moving from one German University to another, carried 
with him the torch of the national revival. Besides Dr. 
Chaim Weizmann, already mentioned, we find in the Berlin 
Students' group two of the present members of the Inner 
Actions Committee — Dr. Shmarya Levin, a powerful speaker 
and one of the most energetic propagandists of the move- 
ment, and Viktor Jakobsohn, who for some years represented 
Zionism at Constantinople. Martin Buber and Berthold 
Feiwel, two gifted Htterateurs, were both members of the 
Vienna Kadima who worked later in Berlin . Davis Trietsch, 
not himself a University student, worked in close co-opera- 
tion with the Berlin group. An indefatigable advocate of 
colonization schemes, he has given a great impetus to the 
study of Palestine and has originated many fruitful ideas. 
Associated with him on the staff of the Jiidischer Verlag, 
the Zionist publishing house, was the artist Ephraim Moses 
ben Jacob Hacohen Lilien, who together with Hermann 
Struck, an artist of a very different type, best represents 
Jewish national development on the aesthetic side. It 
remains to mention two Berlin Zionists who became mem- 
bers of the Inner Actions Committee in 191 1 — Arthur 
Hantke, distinguished for his services to the organization 
of the movement, and Professor Otto Warburg, a well- 
known botanist and founder of the Palestine Land Develop- 
ment Company. 

Similar associations to the Kadima were founded at 
many German and Swiss Universities — Heidelberg, Munich, 


Leipzig, Konigsberg, Breslau, Berne, Zurich, Geneva and 
Lausanne. To them is due the national awakening which 
has led to so great an improvement in the spiritual condition 
of Jewry in Western Europe. In Germany especially the 
progress of the national idea among the younger generation 
was phenomenal. The sons of the most assimilated and 
denationahzed families became the most ardent champions 
of the new movement back to the Jewish land and Jewish 
ideals. But much the same thing has happened in all 
countries which have a considerable Jewish population. In 
Russia it goes without saying that Jewish Students' groups 
were to the fore in the national work. Even in the Polish 
cities of Warsaw and Lodz, the homes of the most extreme 
and disintegrating assimilation, numbers of Jewish students 
at the Universities were kindled by the national idea and did 
it valuable service. In Anglo- Jewry, isolated by distance 
and by difference of language and environment from the 
main currents of Jewish life, the university Zionist move- 
ment developed later and has not gone so far. Its history 
belongs entirely to the last dozen years, and its adherents 
are still a small band. But it is one of the most remarkable 
and promising features of Zionist development in England 
in recent years. While the older generation of Zionists in 
this country worked mainly in the field of organization, a 
group of younger men, largely of University training, has 
paid more attention to the spread of the Zionist idea by 
means of literature and education. Most of these younger 
men have been influenced by the ideas of Achad Ha am. 
They have produced monthly journals, pamphlets and 
books on Zionism and in the Zionist spirit, and have con- 
tributed in various ways to the spread of Jewish knowledge 
and the improvement of Hebrew education. They have 
also taken their share in the work of organization, and one of 
them, Mr. H. Sacher, has recently become Grand Com- 
mander of the Order of Ancient MaccabcBans, a Zionist 
association organised on Friendly Society lines. 

3. The Pioneers of the Hebrew Revival in Palestine 

While modern Hebrew Uterature and the propaganda of 
the Return to Zion were quickening the Jews of the Diaspora 
to new hfe and new hope, there were not wanting men who 
were prepared to throw up their careers and prospects in 
Europe in order themselves to help in lajdng the foundations 
of the revival in Palestine. It is not our purpose here to tell 


the almost miraculous story of the foundation of the earliest 
Jewish settlements or "colonies" in the eighties, how by 
sheer endurance the pioneer settlers maintained their hold 
in the face of appalUng difficulties, and how by the time 
when the great war broke out there had been created the 
nucleus of a thriving Hebrew nation, firmly attached once 
more to its ancestral soil, and repossessed of its ancestral 
tongue. ^ We have merely to glance at a few of the outstand- 
ing facts and personalities of this revival (Appendix Ixxviii). 
The revival is not wholly, though it is largely, a result of 
the terrible events which drove large masses of Jews to 
emigrate from Russia in 1880-1881, Even before that date 
there were a few Jews in Palestine who, if they were not 
strong enough of themselves to initiate a national revival, 
were able to help when new forces came from without. Of 
these were Jechiel Brill (1836-1886), who, born in Russia and 
educated in Constantinople and Jerusalem, established a 
Hebrew monthly, Halebanon, in Palestine in 1863, and 
later was commissioned by Baron Edmond de Rothschild 
to conduct a group of experienced farmers from Russia 
through Palestine ; Jechiel Michael hen Noah Pines (1842- 
1912), also of Russian birth, who in 1878 was sent Xo Jeru- 
salem to establish charitable institutions associated with the 
name of Sir Moses Montefiore, and lived thenceforward in 
Palestine, interesting himself in the welfare of the Jewish 
community and the organization of the Jewish agricultural 
colonies ; David Yellin, a native of Palestine and one 
of the most eminent of living Hebraists, who has devoted 
himself mainly to education, and has played a large part in 
the development of Hebrew as a living language through his 
contributions to the perfection of the " natural method " 
of teaching Hebrew ; and the late Abraham Moses Luncz 
(1854-1918), who had lived in Palestine from early youth, 
and whose long-estabHshed Hebrew Palestine Annual has 
done much for the historical and geographical study of the 
country. But it was not till the immigration which followed 
on the Russian massacres of 1 880-1 881 that Jewish life in 
Palestine really began to take a new direction. Among the 
stalwarts of those early days a group of Russian students 
known as Bilu (Appendix Ixxix) (from the initials of the four 
Hebrew words meaning " Come, let us go up to the house of 

' For an account of Jewish colonization in Palestine the reader may be 
referred to Palestine : the Rebirth of an Ancient People, by A. M. Hyamson 
(London : Sidgwick and Jackson, 1917), chs. 11-14. 


Jacob," which they chose as their motto) will always be held 
in affectionate remembrance. Their example of stubborn 
endurance and unfailing optimism did much to rescue the 
colonization movement from the ruin which threatened it 
in its early days, when the natural effects of insufficient 
knowledge and resources began to be felt. Most of the 
group died young, but a few still survive — among them 
Israel Belkind, who is still at work in Palestine as a teacher. 
Elieser Ben-Jehuda, who settled in Jerusalem in 1881, is 
associated principally with the revival of Hebrew. It is 
thanks largely to him that out of the welter of languages 
spoken by Jews in Palestine Hebrew has once and for all won 
its place as the national language. His monumental Hebrew 
dictionary, Thesaurus Totius Hebraitatis, in ten volumes, 
was in course of publication when the war broke out. 
Another side of the revival is represented by Boris Schatz, 
the founder and head of the Bezalel School of Arts 
and Crafts at Jerusalem, whose idea of creating a dis- 
tinctively Jewish art has already borne good fruit 
(Appendix Ixxx). And in yet other spheres the young 
Jewish settlement owes much to David Levontin, 
Manager of the Anglo-Palestine Company, the Jewish bank- 
ing concern in Palestine ; to Aaron Aaronsohn, head of the 
valuable Agricultural Experiment Station at Atlit, near 
Haifa ; to Dr. Benzion Mossinsohn and his colleagues at the 
Jaffa Hebrew Secondary School, where an education similar 
to that of a Grammar School is given entirely in Hebrew. 
Each of these men has done pioneer work in one field or 
another. They have stood in the van of a movement which 
has transformed Jewish hfe in Palestine as Zionist propa- 
ganda has transformed Jewish life in the Diaspora, not only 
creating new types and values of its own, but surely if slowly 
breaking down the resistance of the anti-national Jewish 
agencies which were at work in Palestine before Zionism 
came on the scene. And if the propaganda and organization 
of Zionism have been essential to the existence and growth 
of the Palestinian settlement, it is no less true that if not for 
the work of those who built up the new Jewish life in 
Palestine, there would have been no inspiring force behind 
the propaganda of Zionism, and no soUd basis for its 



David Wolflsohn — France — M. Leon Bourgeois — Michel Erlanger — Zadoc 
Kahn — Baron Edmond de Rothschild — Professor Joseph Halevy — 
Dr. Emil Meyersohn — Dr. Waldemar Haffkine — The brothers Mar- 
morek — Bernard Lazare. 

In its early years the new Zionist movement showed perhaps 
insufficient appreciation of the importance of Palestinian 
colonizing work. Its attention was turned mainly in another 
direction, that of paving the way for a great resettlement of 
the Jewish people by the creation of favourable poUtical 
conditions ; and the plodding and often blundering work of 
the Choveve Zion seemed to some of its leaders and many of 
their followers to be poor, petty and uninspiring by com- 
parison with the wide sweep and the brilliance of their own 
ideal. But as time went on, and it became obvious that in 
the main the new movement must look for support to those 
who had worked for the same end as " Lovers cf Zion," the 
necessary adjustment between the new and the older methods 
had to be made ; and the internal history of Zionism since 
1897 is one of the penetration of Choveve Zion ideas into the 
large framework created by the master-mind of Herzl under 
the stress of ideas somewhat different. It is not our intention 
to trace this history here^ (Appendix Ixxxi) : we are concerned 
less with the inner history of the movement than with its 
repercussions in the literature and the politics of England 
and France. It may suf&ce to say that the Congresses, held 
first annually and afterwards biennially, attracted an ever- 
growing number of delegates and an ever-increasing amount 
of attention ; that in its early years the movement estab- 
lished a Jewish National Fund for the purpose of buying land 
in Palestine on a great scale, and a financial instrument, the 
Jewish Colonial Trust, which in turn founded the Anglo- 
Palestine Company for the conduct of actual banking business 
in Palestine (Appendix Ixxxii) ; that after the death of Herzl 
in 1904, and the rejection of the offer by the British Govern- 
ment of a piece of territory in East Africa, there developed 

^ For a general history of the movement see Zionism, by Prof. R. 
Gottheil (Jewish Publication Society of America, Philadelphia, 1914^ 


David Wolffsohn 


a somewhat serious fissure between the two tendencies in 
the movement, the one looking to political activity and the 
other to Palestinian colonization as the right line of progress ; 
that Herzl's friend and follower, David Wolffsohn (1856- 
1914) (Appendix Ixxxiii), who succeeded him as President, was 
able by a rare combination of gifts to hold the movement 
together during the period of crisis ; that after the Turkish 
Revolution in 1908, which seemed to make political activity 
impossible or useless, there was a marked concentration of 
effort on Palestinian development ; that meanwhile the 
Zionist organization spread to the four corners of the globe, 
and societies and federations were formed not only in every 
country in Europe, but also in all parts of the British 
Dominions, and particularly in the United States of 
America ; and that the outbreak of war found the move- 
ment in a position to point both to a large membership — 
about a quarter of a milUon — and to substantial achieve- 
ments in Palestine in support of its claim for the definite 
reconstitution of the Jews as a nation in their ancient land. 

We turn from this brief summary to the impression made 
by the new movement in France and in England. 

In France, where there had always been statesmen and 
writers who had a proper understanding of the Zionist idea, 
the most notable pronouncement from a non- Jewish source 
came from M. Leon Bourgeois, one of the greatest French 
statesmen of the present generation. His views, as imparted 
to Baroness Bertha von Suttner (1843-1914), were published 
by her in 1899 : — ^ 

" Bourgeois held forth to me enthusiastically and ex- 
plained the various reasons why according to his view the 
movement should be supported. Complete assimilation — 
not altogether impossible after a long time — looms still in 
the far distance ; until then very many individuals — if they 
do not break away — ^must suffer. The individual is still 
everywhere the highest consideration, collectivism is only an 
abstract conception. Until now the Jews have been too 
strongly differentiated from their surroundings to assimilate 
without being noticed. They are recognizable for their 
shortcomings as well as for their most outstanding virtues. 
Difference does not mean inferiority ; no one will allow 
himself to be insulted because he belongs to this or that 
ethnical group. To be a Zionist means to make a stand 

» Zionisten und Christen . . . Emil Kronberger . . . Leipzig . . . 1900. 

I.— U 


against anti-Semitism. The people among whom they live 
are even more injured by Jew-hatred than the Jews ; it is 
opposed to culture, and prevents the realization of the ideal 
of peace. Culture happily unites aU its objects more closely 
and aims at an unattainable ideal, but all good works are 
directed towards paving the way to future success. There- 
fore every fresh sign of energy is welcome. From a nation 
newly reconstituted, full of energy, and composed of such 
intelligent, capable and talented elements, an increase in the 
general work of culture may be expected. Therefore Zionism 
is to be encouraged. It is self-understood that the first 
necessity is to bring reUef to a persecuted and unfortunate 
people. But I wish to clear up this side of the question, 
which belongs to the future ; to bring forward such argu- 
ments as are debated. In our Chauvinistic circles, the 
following argument will be brought forward : Let us be glad 
that in the Jews we possess a cosmopoHtan element ; that 
the scholar, the artist and the thinker amongst them work 
and create without reference to national ideas. But that 
kind of argument is false, because to be cosmopolitan, to 
recognize that the interests of humanity outweigh those of 
one's fatherland, or still more to understand this, one must, 
before all things, have a fatherland." 

What is remarkable about these views is their similarity 
in some respects to those expressed in 1866 by Moses Hess 
in his Rom und Jerusalem. Hess, though himself a German 
Jew writing in German, connected Zionism with the political 
role of France. He regarded the French Revolution as one 
of the great events that were to prepare the restoration of 
Israel, and therefore he looked to France for help. France 
had extended her protection to the Roman Catholics of 
Syria, and was the beau ideal and the avant courier of human 
progress. The renationalization of humanity was his aim. 
fHe realized the distinctiveness of the Jew. He said that 
Jews and Germans were as the poles asunder in thought and 
conceptions of life, and the logic of history and the necessi- 
ties of humanity made him plead for Zion to be restored. 
Nature's economy, he said, demands that the Jew should 
lead his Jown life, in his own fashion, and in his own 
country. He pleaded in the first place for a reaction 
against Hellenistic theories of Ufe : to him family life was 
sacred ; the mother's love was the real sacred source of 
Jewish persistence, because it was spiritual yet not unreal. 
From the family to the nation was but a step ; the fgunUy 


should possess in the individual what the nation should 
uphold in the mass. He attacked most scornfully the 
German- Jewish Reform movement, not because he was of the 
ultra-orthodox school, but because there had been no real 
Reformation in Judaism. He beUeved in the upholding of 
traditional observances not because of their religious utiUty, 
but because they were expressive of the Jewish nation, 
because many of them Hnk us to the remote past. Seeing 
the gradual disappearance of the Uttle groups of emanci- 
pated Jews, and the great misery of the bulk of the Jewish 
people, he watched most jealously and anxiously over their 
destiny, desiring to preserve their original purity and 
ancestral dignity. " The Jew should live his own life," said 
Hess^i "Welcome to all fresh and sound symptoms of 
enel^," said Bourgeois. It is the same idea, bespeaking the 
same sense of humanity and real equality. 

As regards the Jews of France, we have already shown 
how real were the Zionist sjnnpathies of the leaders of the 
"AlUance" in the sixties. Their successors did not fall 
below them in this respect. Thus Michel Erlanger (1828- 
1892), an active member of the Central Committee of the 
" Alliance " and Vice-President of the " Consistoire " de 
Paris, promoted most energetically the colonization of 
Palestine. It was to a great extent through his invitation 
that Baron Edmond de Rothschild came to assist the 
colonies. The success of the Baron's undertakings was 
largely due to Erlanger's knowledge of the localities and 
their conditions, to his practical understanding and to the 
energy which he brought to bear upon the work, inspired 
by a love for the sacred cause which triumphed over diffi- 
culties. His practical mind saw that the Holy Land was 
far better suited than any other country to be a real home 
for the Jew. We have already mentioned the Grand Rabbin 
of France, M. Zadoc Kahn, in connection with the first 
Zionist Congress. No man played a more important part in 
the early colonization of Palestine than this admirable 
spiritual leader, with his great strength of character, personal 
influence and immense popularity, r' A man of great dignity 
and wisdom, a fine personaUty in the noblest sense of the 
term, he helped all undertakings in favour of Palestine. All 
the Palestinian deputations, and those from other countries 
with schemes for the benefit of Palestine, addressed them- 
selves to him ; all their cares and troubles fell upon his 
shoulders. He was engaged in this herculean task for some 


years, and rendered invaluable service to the work of 
colonization. And there was always at Paris a group of 
influential supporters of the Palestinian idea. Besides 
Baron Edmond de Rothschild, the great benefactor of 
Palestine, there were the famous scholar. Professor Joseph 
Hal^vy (i8 27-1918), who was already half a century ago 
one of the pioneers of a Hebrew Revival in the East ; 
Dr. Waldemar Mordecai Wolff Haffkine, c.i.E., member of 
the Institut Pasteur, who afterwards made a great name for 
himself by his important medical work in India ; and Dr. 
Emil Meyersohn (at present one of the directors of the 
Jewish Colonization Association), an eminent scholar who, 
thanks to his exceptional experience, was able to reorganize 
the old system of colonization in Palestine. 

Thus French Jewry has never been the impregnable 
citadel of assimilation which it is sometimes represented as 
being. Herzl's movement evoked a response in quarters 
which hitherto had been strangers to the Palestinian idea ; 
and though a fusion between the old and the new Zionists 
was not effected for some time, yet essentially the two 
sections stood for one and the same thing. The new Zionist 
organization gained its footing in France through the forma- 
tion, soon after the first Congress, of the " Federation 
Sioniste," the chief pillar of which was, of coiurse, Max 

Dr. Alexander Marmorek, a well-known physician, and 
one of the most prominent Zionists since the very begin- 
ning of the movement, was for several years President 
of the Federation. Alexander and his two brothers Oscar 
and Isidore were the principal advocates of the national 
idea in academic circles. The youthful career of Isidore was 
unhappily cut short by death. Oscar (1863-1910) worked 
for a number of years with Herzl, but an untimely death 
robbed the movement of him also. The most gifted and 
most enthusiastic of the three brothers is still active in the 
movement. These leaders of French Zionism were assisted 
by the late M. Berr, Mdlle. Marie Schach, Dr. Jacobsohn, 
Dr. Nahum Sloucbz, and others. 

Special notice is due to one of the first followers of Herzl 
— Bernard Lazare (1856-1904).^ 

Born at Nfmes, Bernard Lazare left his native place at an 
early age and came to Paris. He studied paleography and 
history at the Sorbonne, and was engaged for a time on 

^ His name was Lazare Bernard. 


archaeological work, but soon entered upon a literary and 
journalistic career. He contributed to the Figaro, the Echo 
de Paris and other dailies, founded U Action Sociale, issued 
a pamphlet about the Panama affair and Wcis the author of 
a few novels. The pubUcation of his L'Antisemitisme, son 
histoire et ses causes led to a duel with Edouard Drumont. 

Lazare was the pioneer of the agitation which led to the 
release of Captain Alfred Dreyfus ; his pamphlets on the 
affaire were undoubtedly the primary causes of the revision. 
Another subject in which he was deeply interested was the 
condition of the Jews in Roumania. He repeatedly raised 
his voice on their behalf in the leading reviews, in that clear, 
incisive style which was his own. He was also an enthu- 
siastic adherent of Herzl and an ardent Zionist. He came 
back to national Judaism after all his achievements for 
humanity in the Socialist movement and in the literature 
and politics of his great country, and became an eloquent 
champion of the new Jew. A clear thinker and a gifted 
writer, he contributed brilliant Zionist articles to the 
Flambeau and the Echo Sioniste. It was surprising how this 
real French patriot and intellectual came to lay bare his 
Jewish soul and Jewish individuaUty, and with what power 
of conviction he defended the immutable rights of this in- 

" Le Sionisme," he wrote in 1900, " c'est I'af&rmation de 
notre personalite. Nous avons confiance en nous m^mes, 
en notre g6nie, en notre destin pour etre dignes de notre 
passe. . . . Nous ne serions pas dignes de notre passe, si 
notre histoire ne nous inspirait des pensees pour I'avenir et 
si nous ne comprendrions pas qu'il faut que nous ayons un 
foyer, im centre pour former notre univers, si grand ou 
petit qu'il soit, a I'image de notre ideal, de notre civiliza- 
tion, de notre pensee et de notre sensibilite. C'est la verit- 
able solution du probleme. Nous ne voulons pas I'absorp- 
tion et I'aneantissement, la disparition, la paix du cimetiere, 
la mort sans phrase. Pour hurter avec les loups — est-ce-que 
c'est notre mission ? Non. Nous reclamons notre titre a 
nous d'etre un ouvrier utile dans le grand atelier de I'human- 
ite. Notre role deja grand, grandira encore. Ce sera la 
triomphe du droit sur la force brutale, du droit de I'indivi- 
duelle personne humaine et des collectives personnes qui 
sont les nations. On a beau dire que puisqu'il y a certaines 
groups des Israelites denationalises, la nation n'existe 
plus. Mais ces petits groupes ne comptent pour rien. II y 


a un peuple juif qui compte, c'est la grande majority, ceux 
qui ont un pass6 et des^traditions dont ils sont fiers et dont 
ils ont la garde. "^ || 

M. Lazare displayed JaJ|warm interest in the various 
questions of Zionism, and; always took a national and 
democratic view.iil Though [shortly before his death he 
retired from Zionist activity on account of a difference 
of opinion between himself and Herzl on a point of tactics 
with regard to Turkey (Lazare proposed an aUiance with the 
Young Turks), he remained a convinced Zionist. He wiU 
live in Jewish memory much more as a Zionist than as a 
" Dre3^usard." His death in 1904 was an irreparable loss to 
Zionism in France. 

* Le National Juif, Paris, 1898. 



The first leaders — Herzl before the Royal Commission on Im- 
migration — The East Africa offer — Death of Herzl — Holman Hunt 
— Report of United States Consul at Beirut on Zionism — Lord Robert 
Cecil — The Palestine Exploration Fund — Colonel Conder — Lord 
Gwydyr — Zionism and the Arab question. 

We turn now to England, where the Zionist idea continued 
to find influential support after the foundation of the new 

Dr. Herzl's appreciation of the importance of England for 
Zionism may be illustrated by quotations from two of his 
letters : — 

" Vienna, Feb. 2%th. 

"Mr. Chairman, — My friends in England know how 
much I feel drawn towards them, and how much I expect 
from them for the work common and dear to all of us. 
From the first moment I entered the movement my eyes 
were directed towards England, because I saw that by reason 
of the general situation of things there, that it was the 
Archimedean point where the lever could be applied. . . . 

"Theodor Herzl. 

"To the Chairman of the English Zionist Conference." ^ 

Again, in a letter to Viscount Milner, dated January 3, 
1903, he wrote : — 

" All the freedom and equality of rights of the British 
Jews, the happy situation even of foreign Jews in the 
British Colonies, and the humane protection which England's 
Government grants, by their protests against the persecu- 
tion of our brethren, all this is a bond which unites us all 
closely to your glorious nation. . . . Some day, we shall 
be able to prove our gratitude to Great and Greater 

England was made, almost as a matter of course, the 
home of the financial institutions of Zionism : the Jewish 

» Zionist Conference held at the Clerkenwell Town Hall on March 6th, 
1898. Report of Proceedings. London . . . 1898. p. 22. (8°. 94 pp. in 
printed wrapper. [B. M.]) Special number of Palestina. The Chovevi Zion 



National Fund, the Jewish Colonial Trust and the Anglo- 
Palestine Company are registered as English Companies. 
Hence English Zionists have had a position and an influence 
in the movement which would hardly have been warranted 
on the ground of mere numbers. Conditions have, however, 
been unfavourable to any rapid growth of the organization in 
this country. The official Jewish community, with its rather 
parochial view, long looked askance at Zionism, and until 
quite recent years those who followed Herzl have been a 
minority struggling hard against a vast amount of prejudice 
and of indifference. None the less, such English Zionists as 
Dr. M. Gaster {Haham of the Spanish and Portuguese Con- 
gregations), Herbert Bentwich, Joseph Cowen, L. J. Green- 
berg and Israel Zangwill (who left the movement after some 
years to found the Jewish Territorial Association) have 
played a prominent part in shaping Zionist pohcy ; and 
more recently, as we have remarked above, a group of 
younger men has come forward. 

If Herzl had the intuition as to the importance of England, 
it may fairly be said that England more rapidly than any 
other Power recognized the significance of Herzl's move- 
ment. The holding of the fourth Congress in London in 1900 
evoked a great deal of favourable comment in the EngHsh 
Press (Appendix Ixxxiv). And more official recognition was 
not wanting. In 1902 Herzl was invited to give evidence before 
the Royal Commission on Immigration. That fact alone 
sufficiently indicates that the title of Zionism to a voice on 
a question affecting large masses of Jews was accepted in 
England, even in those early days of the movement, as a 
matter of course. But a still more striking recognition of 
Zionism on the part of the British Government was to follow 
before long. 

In October, 1902, the Executive of the Zionist Organiza- 
tion entered into negotiations with the British Government 
for part of the Sinai Peninsula to be granted to the Jews with 
powers of self-government. These negotiations broke down 
owing to certain stipulations on the part of the Egyptian 
Government, and the Colonial Office then made the Zionists 
an offer of territory in Uganda, in East Africa. The terms 
of this offer are contained in a letter of the 14th August, 
1903, to Mr. L. J. Greenberg in regard " to the form of an 
agreement which Dr. Herzl proposes should be entered into 
between His Majesty's Government and the Jewish Colonial 
Tmst, Ltd., for the establishment of a Jewish settlement in 



East Africa." The letter states that the Marquis of Lans- 
downe (then Foreign Minister) " has studied the question 
with the interest which His Majesty's Government must 
always take in any well-considered scheme for the ameliora- 
tion of the position of the Jewish race. ... If a site can be 
found which the Trust and H.M. Commission find suitable, 
Lord Lansdowne will be prepared to entertain favourably 
proposals for the estabUshment of a Jewish colony or settle- 
ment on conditions which will enable the members to 
observe their national customs . . . the scheme comprising 
as its main features the grant of a considerable area of land, 
the appointment of a Jewish Official as the chief of the local 
administration, and permission to the colony to have a free 
hand in regard to municipal legislation as to the manage- 
ment of religious and purely domestic matters, such local 
autonomy being conditional upon the right of H.M. Govern- 
ment to exercise general control." This announcement gave 
rise to considerable excitement in the Zionist camp. The 
most ardent Zionists beUeved that it meant that Zionism 
was to give up its efforts for the acquisition of Palestine and 
to regard the settlement in East Africa as its goal, and they 
accordingly, and rightly, opposed this presumed alteration 
of the original programme. Others maintained that this 
alteration was never contemplated. British East Africa was 
not to take the place of Palestine, but only to serve as a place 
of temporary refuge for those unfortunate Jews who, under 
the horrible conditions imposed upon them, could not live in 
the unfriendly countries of their birth, and wait there until 
Palestine became a Jewish country. After most exciting 
debates, the Sixth Congress finally adopted a proposal to 
express the thanks of the Jewish people to the British 
Government for its magnanimous offer, which was unique 
in history, and to send a commission of experts to East 
Africa to investigate the territory. Even this tentative 
acceptance of the scheme in principle was bitterly opposed 
by a large section of delegates, especially those from Russia, 
who viewed with profound distrust any deviation from the 
pure Palestinian programme. The Commission of enquiry 
started on its journey towards the end of the year 1904, and 
in May, 1905, presented its report, which was not favourable 
enough to justify Zionist action for the purpose of establish- 
ing a Jewish colony. The death of Herzl had taken place 
in the meantime (3rd July, 1904). 
The Uganda offer not only precipitated a crisis within 


Zionism, but also — and herein lies its significance — raised 
Zionism to the rank of a political movement of international 
importance, and demonstrated the interest of the British 
Government in a solution of the Jewish problem. But after 
this brilliant success circumstances brought it about that 
the movement had virtually to leave for a time the poUtical 
arena into which Herzl had taken it, and to concentrate on 
the strengthening of its organization and the development 
of the Jewish holding in Palestine. The results achieved in 
both fields have amply compensated Zionism for the com- 
parative absence of reclame and of more sensational triumphs. 
It is, indeed, largely thanks to the quiet constructive work 
of the ten years preceding the outbreak of war, that the 
movement is to-day in a position to assert with confidence 
its claim to a hearing in the peace settlement. 

Meanwhile, however, the opportunity was lacking for 
any further co-operation between the British Government 
and Zionism. This was partly due to the course taken by 
British pohcy in the Near East, with which we shall deal in 
the next chapter. But there was no diminution of the 
sympathy shown by EngUsh thinkers and writers for the 
Zionist idea. We quote here a few characteristic utterances 
of this laterjperiod, the period of Zionism in its modem 

As early as 1896 Holman!Hunt, the famous painter, 
advocated the Zionist idea in its most radical form, that of 
a Jewish state in Palestine. A contribution to the columns 
of the Jewish Chronicle, 21 February, 1896, p. 9, entitled 
" Mr. Holman Hunt on the Resettlement of the Jews in 
Palestine," contains a letter addressed by him from Draycott 
Ix)dge, Fulham, Jan. 6th, 1896, to an eminent Jew, which 
expresses ideas similar in every way to those of Dr. Herzl. 
He saw looming in the distance an approaching war " which 
would entail the destruction and maiming of countless 
legions of the choicest men of the noble races of the civilised 
world, and with this would come the disappearance of wealth, 
and the ruin of the richest. ..." "He sought a remedy 
against the impending evil, and was led to suggest the 
restoration of Palestine to the Jews, both for the sake of the 
advantages which would accrue to the Jews themselves and 
in order to remove a bone of contention out of the way of 
the European Powers." " Palestine will soon become a 
direful field of contention to the infernally armed forces of 
the European Powers, so that it is calculated to provoke a 


curse to the world of the most appalling character. Russia 
and Greece will contend for the interests of the Greek Church, 
France and Italy for the Latin, Prussia and Austria for the 
German political interests. ... In addition to the above- 
named certain contenders for Palestine, there would be 
England. . . ." Holman Hunt spoke hke a prophet, though 
not in every detail. 

Nor was the actual colonizing work in Palestine without 
recognition in the English Press : — ^ 

Jewish Colonies in Palestine 

The United States Consul at Beirut, in a report which has 
lately been issued by the Department of State in Washington, 
(on) the condition of the numerous Jewish colonies in 
Palestine. . . . The Consul thinks that, whether the Zionist 
movement succeeds in its special aim or not, the agitation 
aids in the development of Palestine — 3. country " which will 
generously respond to modern influences. ..." The Zionist 
movement, also, is said to be bringing out new qualities in 
the Jews inhabiting the country ; they are . . . beginning to 
act on the principle that " to till the ground is to worship 
God." ... On the whole, the Consul thinks "the prospects 
are brighter than ever for the Jews in Palestine and for 
Palestine itself. European influence has obtained a foothold 
in the country, and the tide of modern ideas cannot be long 

It may be added that during the Parliamentary Elections 
of 1900 the Enghsh Zionist Federation addressed to all 
candidates a letter asking for an expression of sympathy 
with Zionism, and between ninety and a hundred replies were 
received, the great majority of an exceedingly favourable 
nature ; and tiiat in 1906 Lord Robert Cecil wrote : " The 
central idea underlying the Zionist movement seems to me 
worthy of all support. Apart from all other considerations, 
it appears to me that the restoration of the Jewish nation 
offers a satisfactory solution, if it can be accompHshed, of 
those problems raised by Jewish emigration, which are 
otherwise very difficult of adjustment." 

Naturally, the Palestine Exploration Fund had done 
a great deal to keep alive interest in Palestine among 
Englishmen ; and some at least of those who worked for it 
were outspoken .^supporters of the Jewish national idea. 
Prominent among these is Colonel C. R. Conder, who 

^ Tht Timgs, Monday, May 8, 1899, p. 12. 


devoted practically the whole of his life to the exploration 
of the Holy Land, part of which he surveyed as far back 
as 1875. He not only wrote a series of valuable books on 
Palestine from the standpoint of the investigator ; he did 
not fail when opportunity offered to identify himself with 
Zionist views as to the future of the land. He saw in the 
Zionists the natural leaders to whom the destitute and 
oppressed Jews turn for counsel^ and guidance, and recog- 
nized that " a nation without a country must be content 
with toleration as all that it can expect." EngUshmen, he 
said, should be " only too glad to see Palestine increasing in 
civilization and prosperity as an outpost in the neighbour- 
hood of Egypt " (Appendix Ixxxv). 

Finally, something must be said as to the views put 
forward by Lord Gwydyr (1841-1915) with regard to the 
relations between Jews and Arabs (Appendix Ixxxvi). In 
suggesting that Palestine can become Jewish without 
any disadvantage to the Arabs, and that in fact the Jews, 
being themselves a combination of East and West, are 
alone capable of helping the Arabs to take their old place 
in civihzation, Lord Gwydyr is expressing precisely the 
sentiments of Zionists themselves. Zionism has never 
desired to use its influence to the disadvantage of non-Jews 
in Palestine. Its hope is that there will come a day when 
even the Chauvinists among the Arabs, whose mmiber is, 
happily, quite insignificant compared with the noise that 
they sometimes cause, will change their unfriendly policy, 
and that Jews and Arabs will work together for the civiliza- 
tion of the East. 

It is true that some English authorities are rather pessim- 
istic as to the possibiUties of an Arab administration. One 
of the best-qualified students of the Eastern question 
says : — 

" Bad as Turkish government is according to our 
standards, native Arab government, when not in tutelage 
to Europeans, has generally proved itself worse, when tried 
in the Ottoman area in modern times. Where it is of a 
purely Bedouin barbaric type, as in the countries of Central 
Arabia, it does well enough ; but if the population be con- 
taminated ever so little with non-Arab elements, practices 
or ideas, Arab administration seems incapable of producing 
effective government. It has had trials in the Holy Cities 
at intervals, and for longer periods in the Yemen. But a 
European, long resident in the latter country, who has 


groaned under Turkish administration, where it has always 
been the most oppressive, bore witness that the rule of the 
native Imam only served to replace oppressive government 
by oppressive anarchy." 

The same author writes concerning the Arab move- 
ment : — 

" The peoples of the Arab part of the Ottoman Empire 
are a congeries of differing races, creeds, sects and social 
systems, with no common bond except language. The 
physical character of their land compels a good third of 
them to be nomadic, predatory barbarians, feared by the 
other two-thirds. The settled folk are divided into Moslem 
and Christian, the cleavage being more abrupt than in 
Western Turkey, and the traditions and actual spirit of 
mutual enmity more separative. Further, each of these 
main divisions is subdivided. Even Islam in this region 
includes a number of incompatible sects, such as the 
Ansariyeh, the Matavcle and the Druses in the Sjnian 
mountains ; Shiite Arabs on the Gulf Coast and the Persian 
border. . . . The ' Arab Movement ' up to the present has 
consisted of little more than talk and journalistic com- 

But we do not take this pessimistic view. We are inclined 
to give much more credit to Arab capacity, and while we 
admit that the Arab problem is a serious one, we believe that 
it can and will be solved. 

And as to the alleged rivalry between Jewish and Arab 
claims we may quote the opinion of an Arab authority, 
M. Farid Kassab, as to the Jewish colonization [of Pales- 
tine : — 

" Nous avons vu de tres pr^ les Juifs en Palestine, nous 
les avons observes et nous pouvons tranquilliser I'inquiet 
Azoury^ et son Eglise. lis ne songent pas k former im empire, 
£L batailler contre les Arabes, k arracher aux chr6tiens un 
caveme ou un tombeau, devenus pour quelques-ims I'unique 
objet du culte, pour d'autres, les fourbes, un moyen de vivre 
dans I'abondance et I'oisivit^. . . . 

" Les Juifs en Orient sont chez eux ; cette terre devient 
leur unique patrie ; ils n'en connaissent pas d'autres. . . . 
lis ne I'exploitent pas dans I'oisivit^ pour des intentions 
absurdes, comme les congregations cl^ricales, . . . Ceux-14 
sont de vrais brigands et de vrais accapareurs avec leurs 
couvents, leurs hdtelleries et leurs domaines. . . . 

^ One of the opponents of Zionism. 


" Si les juifs et les indigenes avec I'aide du gouvemement 
ottoman r^ussissent k rendre d la Palestine un peu de son 
ancienne splendeur, . . . ils recevront n^anmoins les remercie- 
ments de I'histoire et des g^n Oration futures."^ 

^ Le Nouvel Empire Araber la Curie Romaine et le pretendu p6ril juif 
universal. Response k M. N[edjib] Azoury bey {i.e. to his book " Le reveil 
de la nation arabe"). Par Farid Kassab. Paris. . . 1906. (8°. 2//. +47 
pp. in printed wrapper), pp. 42-3, 5. 



The Russo-Turkish War, 1877-78 — ^The Turkish Revolution — Disappointed 
hopes — Jewish colonization and British commercial interests in 

In dealing with the political events of 1839-40, 1855-56 and 
1860-61, we have attempted to show that Great Britain has 
always stood for the regeneration of the Near East — an 
idea of which political Zionism is an expression, inasmuch 
as it aims at introducing into the Near East a new civilizing 
and harmonizing force in the shape of a revived Hebrew 
nation. If we review the events in connection with the next 
Near Eastern crisis, that of 1877-78, we shall find that the 
guiding idea of British poUcy was the same. 

On April 24th, 1877, Russia declared war against Turkey. 
After a war of eight to nine months, Russia had approached 
Constantinople. The treaty of San Stefano was signed on 
March 3rd, 1878, but it had to be submitted to the European 
Powers for revision, and to that end the European Powers 
met in Congress at BerUn on June 13th, 1878, where the 
whole San Stefano Treaty was to be discussed. Some days 
before the Congress met — on the 4th of June — a separate 
convention was concluded between Great Britain and 
Turkey, under which Great Britain agreed for all time to 
defend the Asiatic dominions of the Ottoman Empire " by 
force of arms," and in return the Sultan, Abdul Hamid, 
promised to introduce all necessary reforms, as agreed upon 
with his ally, and to hand over the island of Cyprus for 
occupation and administration by England at an annual 
tribute. This convention with Turkey was one of the most 
important measures of foreign policy which have ever been 
resolved upon by a British Government. It was a victory, 
won without bloodshed by English policy, on the Eastern 
Question. Cyprus is the nearest island to the Suez Canal. 
At that time England had no position in Egypt close to the 
Canal itself, and for many reasons the taking of Egyptian 
territory was impracticable : hence the possession of Cyprus 
was attended with special advantages. But the possession of 
Cyprus could not be dissociated from the pledges given by 



Turkey and the responsibilities taken on by Great Britain 
with regard to the Asiatic provinces. It was clear that the 
Asiatic provinces could not be rescued from misrule except 
by Western agency, and that it was necessary for English 
authority to be on the spot. Cyprus was considered the best 
station that could be chosen for such a purpose. The Porte 
was expected to develop the vast natural resources of its 
Asiatic Empire, or, at least, to allow that task to be accom- 
plished by others. The Marquess of SaUsbury (1830-1903) 
made that clear in words of undiplomatic plainness when he 
stated that the protection of England must depend on the 
readiness of the Porte " to introduce the necessary reform 
into the government of the Christians and other subjects of 
the Porte." The Jews no less than the Christians and the 
more enUghtened and progressive Mohammedans of the 
East looked to England for a sort of political and economic 
renaissance. The occupation of Cji^rus brought England 
into the neighbourhood of Palestine, and made England in 
the eyes of Zionists the most important Western European 
power in connection with Palestine. 

The same idea guided British poHcy with regard to 

In 1882, the first year of Gladstone's government, 
Egyptian affairs were growing rapidly worse. On June nth 
armed revolt broke out in Alexandria. On July 30th the 
British Cabinet decided to take action. The Porte was in- 
formed by our Ambassador at Constantinople, the Marquess 
of Dufferin and Ava (1826-1902), that Great Britain con- 
sidered that on her was laid the duty of restoring order in 
Eg5^t, and of safeguarding the Suez Canal. The services 
of a Turkish army corps were declined. On August i6th 
Sir Garnet (afterwards Viscount) Wolseley (1833-1913) 
landed at Alexandria, and in September the invasion 
ended. Major Baring (afterwards the Earl of Cromer) 
(1841-1917) was sent to Egypt as British Agent and Consul- 
General, in order to assume supreme control of Egyptian 
foreign and home affairs, by means of which peace and 
stabiUty were eventually to be restored to Egypt, the 
country was to be freed from external oppression, and 
internal prosperity such as she had not known for many 
centuries was to be secured. The real mission of Great 
Britain was to restore to Egypt a stable Government, which, 
like that of India, would lead to a just and wise administra- 
tion of the country. To pretend that such an administration 


could be developed out of the existing conditions, by giving 
Egypt a sound constitution by means of the ballot-box, was 
to ignore the plainest facts of poUtics. Egypt's one chance 
was to procure a strong and permanent protectorate capable 
of shielding her from rapacious influences from without and 
from the effects of the pohtical ignorance and weakness 
wrought within through centuries of abject servility. 

Thus throughout the latter half of the nineteenth century 
British statesmen recognized that the only way to save the 
near East from decay was to bring a stronger and more 
healthy influence to bear upon the Turkish Government from 
without. The idea of a spontaneous regeneration from with- 
in was always held to be inadmissible. 

But early in the twentieth century events took place 
which seemed to indicate that Turkey was going to solve 
her problems for herself. The Turkish Revolution, 1908, 
marked a new epoch. 

The overthrow of the autocracy and the establishment of 
constitutional government in Turkey were greeted with 
enthusiasm in England, where even the most advanced 
Radicals, the most voluble preachers against " the unspeak- 
able Turk," had entirely stopped "their flow of deprecia- 
tion." And on the other side, nothing was so significant and 
gratifying during the rejoicings which followed the announce- 
ment of the Constitution in Turkey as the spontaneous 
demonstrations of national enthusiasm for Great Britain. 
Everybody had long been aware that all sections of the 
Levant populace were filled with friendly feelings towards 
England, and that different races of the Empire regarded 
her as their special champion. But in their most sanguine 
moments EngUshmen could not have anticipated such 
impressive demonstrations as were witnessed in every 
quarter of the Turkish capital. This friendly feeUng was 
important not only from the political but also from the 
commercial point of view. For many years past the exten- 
sion of British commerce in Turkey had been slow ; the 
openings for the development of trade had not been numer- 
ous. But under a progressive and friendly Government, 
bent on setting its house in order and raising Turkey to the 
rank of a great Power, such drawbacks must immediately 

Unfortunately, the cordial relations at first established 
between Great Britain and the new Turkey did not endure. 
British policy took on a different orientation, and Turkey 


came under other influences. Of the more far-reaching 
effects of this development it is not within our province to 
speak. But from the Zionist point of view it was un- 
doubtedly a great misfortune that Great Britain seemed to 
be abandoning her traditional poUcy of working for the 
regeneration of the Near East through the maintenance of 
friendly relations with Turkey. For the promise of spon- 
taneous internal reform, which was held out for a time by 
the Turkish revolution, was not fulfilled, and Zionist effort 
in Palestine, which might have received an enormous 
impetus, was doomed to struggle on against the obstacles 
imposed by the inertia and corruptness of a Turkish Govern- 
ment scarcely differing from the old autocracy except in its 
greater chauvinism. 

None the less, it is a fact that the great growth of Pales- 
tinian commerce which has accompanied the progress of the 
Jewish settlement is due mainly to increased trade with the 
United Kingdom and British possessions. The Consular 
Reports (Appendix Ixxxvii) show that the exports from the 
Jaffa district amounted to £636,000 ; over £480,000 worth 
. went to England or Egypt. Thus the Jewish colonization 
I movement has helped in some degree to advance British 
' commercial interests in the Near East. 



Palestine as the Homeland — ^The rebirth of Jewish civilization — The 
security of public law — The aims of Political Zionism — A modern 
Commonwealth for the Jewish people. 

We are afraid that some readers may feel a certain dis- 
appointment at the absence in this book of any formulation 
of what they would call " definite demands " in respect to 
Palestine. They may have expected a detailed scheme, 
showing what poUtical conditions are proposed, whether 
" autonomy " is demanded or certain " privileges," and so 

These details are of course very important, and will have 
to be considered in the near future. But we do not enter 
into them here for several reasons. In the first place, our 
aim has been mainly historical. We have been concerned 
with the past, and to some extent with the present, and any 
predictions with regard to the future would be out of place. 
Secondly, the precise nature of the measures that will be 
taken to realize Zionist aims must necessarily depend upon 
the future pohtical position of Palestine. An arrangement 
that would suit one set of circumstances would be quite 
impossible in another. It is, therefore, useless to conjecture 
anything in advance. And, thirdly — and this is the most 
important consideration — the form of the scheme is, to our 
mind, a secondary matter. When once the principle of 
Zionism is acepted — the principle of a Homeland for the 
Jewish people — the adoption of the best means for carrying 
out its object will follow. 

We do, however, derive from history and experience 
certain conclusions as to the way in which the aim of 
Zionism can be achieved. These conclusions may be sum- 
marized as follows : — 

I. The Homeland of the Jewish people must be in 

II. Palestine can and must be made capable of fulfilling 
its function by the method of patient colonization. 



III. The security of public law — that is, of the recog- 
nition of the rightful claim of the Jewish people to regenerate 
Palestine and itself through Palestine — ^is a necessary con- 
dition of success. 

As to the first point, experience has sufficiently shown 
that the Jew as colonist and as pioneer is at home only in 
Palestine. More or less successful attempts at settHng Jews 
on the land have been made in the Argentine and elsewhere ; 
but none of these settlements has any vital significance for 
Jewry at large. Their value begins and ends with the in- 
dividuals who take part in them. With the Palestinian 
settlement it is quite otherwise. The heart of the Jewish 
people responds to the efforts of the Palestinian settlers : 
it recognizes in them not merely a number of individuals, 
but its own representatives, the vanguard of its struggle 
towards a new life. That is a natural consequence of the 
place which Palestine has held for centuries in the Jewish 
scheme of things. Opponents of Zionism have sometimes 
tried to reconcile conflicting points of view by admitting 
that " Palestine is not worse than any other country," and 
that, therefore, " Jews should not be oppressed there," and 
that " if there is a chance for colonization it should be taken." 
But this is like telling a man that his mother is no worse 
than any other woman, or that his language is no worse than 
any other language. Such compromises cannot be seriously 
discussed. If Palestine is anything to Jews, it is the Land 
of Israel. But is Palestine capable of being the Land of 
Israel in anything but an ideal sense ? and if so, how is this 
to be brought about ? 

We have come to think of Palestine as a barren land ; 
but its apparent barrenness is not to be attributed to 
defects of soil or climate, as its productivity is in no degree 
impaired. The causes are the scantiness of population, lack 
of industry, skill, initative and inteUigence, and the want of 
a local administrative system to encourage the labour of 
husbandmen to productive activity. If these obstacles were 
removed and a little exertion bestowed upon it the soil 
would soon 3deld abundant crops of the richest grain, and 
plantations of all kinds would flourish ; the country still 
answers the description given of it in days of old. A stronger 
proof of its fertility cannot be adduced than the fact that 
the territory of Judaea alone, at one period, brought into the 
field more than three hundred thousand, and at another 
two hundred and four score thousand " mighty men of 


valour " (2 Chron. xiv. 7). According to Flavius Josephus^ 
(37-95 ?), Galilee alone had hundreds of towns and millions 
of inhabitants. Even if we do not accept these as exact 
figures, there is undoubtedly room for several millions of 
people in Palestine, particularly if the Tia-ns- J or danic regions 
are irrigated, the old roads repaired and the projected rail- 
way lines constructed. There may be room in the future 
even for several miUions. The country only awaits repopu- 
lation and reconstruction. 

t'^This work of repopulation and reconstruction has already 
been begun by Jews, who have created the nucleus of a 
flourishing settlement in Palestine during the last thirty 
years. All this has to be expanded, increased, developed 
and protected ; but the basis is there, and the lines of pro- 
gress are sufficiently marked out. This is the way, and there 
is no other. The Zionist Organization, the Baron Edmond 
de Rothschild administration and the ChovevS Zion are com- 
petent, by virtue of their knowledge and their devotion to 
the work, to suggest the necessary improvements. They 
alone know how much they have had to suffer through all 
kinds of obstacles which impeded and delayed development, 
through the absence of security in consequence of disputed 
title deeds and inabihty to acquire landed property, through 
exorbitant taxes and many other hindrances. Whatever has 
been done, in spite of these hindrances, is nothing short of a 
miracle ; and a himdred times more could be done, and 
certainly would have been done, had there been freedom and 
security. Given those necessary conditions, the Jewish 
people could find in Palestine a real Homeland, where it 
could live according to its own spirit and work out its own 

Now, the fundamental notion of civilization is that of a 
progressive movement, of a gradual development from the 
less to the more perfect. It suggests to us immediately the 
greatest activity and the best possible organization of 
society, an organization calculated to produce a continual 
increase of wealth and power and their proper distribution 
among its members, so that their condition is kept in a state 
of constant improvement. But great as is the influence 
which a well-organized civil society must have upon the 
condition of its members, the term civilization conveys 
something still more comprehensive and more lofty than 
the mere perfection of social relations in the economic 

^ Joseph ben Matthias. 


sphere. In this other aspect the word embraces the develop- 
ment of the intellectual and moral faculties of man, of his 
feelings, his propensities, his natural capacities and tastes. 
Civilization in both aspects has to be worked out by the 
Jews in their own way. The rebuilding of a Home in the 
economic sense is not the sole aim of Zionism. Living, 
national Judaism on historic lines, expressing and asserting 
itself throughout the whole range of human life, is the 
principal object of Zionist effort : to procure for Jewish 
individuality the possibiUty of regaining harmony with 
itself, and of reaching its highest possible perfection, Hke 
any other national individuality, is an essential part of the 
Zionist programme. In this sense Zionism means the 
rebirth of Jewish civiUzation (or, as it is frequently termed, 
" culture "— " Jewish culture "). 

Jews are not anxious to acquire military power ; they 
reject and condemn the idea of subjugating any other 
people. On the other hand, they have grown tired of their 
role of a homeless Chosen People, and would prefer to be a 
self-supporting " small nation," with a quiet spot of earth 
for themselves. They want to be united in an organic 
community, to feel entirely at home, with their institutions, 
congregations, societies, settlements, schools and with their 
national language, literature and Press. That, neither more 
nor less, is what Zionists look to as the goal of their 

The only serious opposition to a return of the Jews to the 
Holy Land — and here we come to our third point — ^is that 
which is based upon the insecurity of poUtical and economic 
conditions in Palestine. Zionism, therefore, demands im- 
provement in these respects. 

But how is that improvement to be brought about ? The 
answer is supplied by PoUtical Zionism, with its insistence 
on the security of public law. 

" Pohtical " Zionism does not mean politics for politics' 
sake, nor does it mean state building as an end in itself. 
" PoUtical " Zionists know perfectly weU that poUtical 
recognition by itself is nothing ; one has to be on the 
spot to toil and to labour, to work out one's destiny, 
and without this systematic work aU rights are futile, 
all poUtical combinations useless. The Jewish agricultur- 
ists, working-men, artisans, teachers and artists who have 
gone to Palestine to settle there, and those who are 
stiU to go, know better than aU the preachers of Jewish 


spirituality what the essence of the Jewish character and 
aspirations should be and is : they not only know it, they 
help to make it, in the highest sense of the word. They are 
Jews, ideaUsts, the People of the Book ; all they seek for is 
life in peace. Without practical work in Palestine Zionism 
would have been one of a thousand futile political schemes, 
whereas now it is a solid national movement, the colonies 
being its most powerful argument, even from the strictly 
pohtical point of view. But none the less some guarantee 
of security is indispensable. It makes no difference whether 
we lay more stress on culture or agriculture (the various 
activities have to be judiciously combined and balanced) ; 
in practice the importance of pohtical and legal securities 
is too obvious to need particular emphasis. The reader of 
this book will have realized that this idea is no new-fangled 
invention of Zionism : it has been at the root of the attitude 
of various Governments which for generations have been 
occupied with the Near Eastern question. The innumerable 
schemes of reform suggested by England, France and other 
Powers during last century ; the EngUsh projects of 1840 ; 
Great Britain's protection of the Jews in the East ; Lord 
Shaftesbury's proposals ; Sir Moses Montefiore's negotiations 
with Mehemet Ali ; the " Memorandum of the European 
Monarchs " of 1840 ; the suggestions for reform after the 
Crimean War — ^all these schemes and efforts, suggestions 
and demands presupposed the point of view which is ex- 
pressed in "pohtical" Zionism. The autonomy granted 
in i860 to the Christians of the Lebanon, owing to 
the efforts of England and France, was a scheme very 
similar to that which Zionism contemplates for the Jews 
in Palestine. The idea was much the same as that in the 
Basle Programme : security, guaranteed by the Govern- 
ment of the country and other powers, for a successful 
settlement and the free development of a particular section 
of the population. 

The Jewish settlers in Palestine will have to attach them- 
selves to the soil, and to build up the superstructure of a 
complete settlement upon the model of their own ideas and 
spirit. In place of the existing forty to fifty Jewish colonies, 
Zionism wants four hundred to five hundred colonies. In 
place of the model town Tel- Aviv Zionists want a hundred 
Tel-Avivs. They want as many schools and libraries, a 
University and factories and workshops. There is a clever 


" Narrative is linear, action is cubic." 

Happily, the stage of action has been entered in Palestine ; 
we need only action on a larger scale. And for this enlarge- 
ment and extension of its activities, for this colonization work 
which means the reopening and regeneration of a neglected 
country, Zionism needs such special faciUties and protective 
measures as the Basle Programme contemplates when it 
speaks of a home for the Jewish people secured by public 
law. The formula may be varied, but the sense is abun- 
dantly clear : it means such rights and assurances as will, in 
existing conditions, help to lay the foundations of a modem 
Commonwealth for the Jewish people. 

It has been thought by many that a Chartered Company 
would be the appropriate instrmnent for achieving this 
object ; others have thought of concessions to the Zionist 
Organization and its financial institutions. But these 
questions of detail matter little at present. The form will be 
decided by general conditions ; the principle is a Home 
secured as far as possible, and behind this again there is the 
great and profound idea of the reunion of the Jewish Nation 
with its nobler self. This idea has obtained currency and 
spread continually : it has progressed outwardly and in- 
wardly taken shape, and has done more than any other idea 
to awaken and rekindle the powers of the Jewish race. It 
is an impulse of the national soul towards self-discovery 
and self-expression, and history testij&es to the fact that 
all ^genuine impulses of this kind have attained their 

ffeThe quotations which we have brought together in this 
book show us an unbroken chain of opinion that extends over 
several generations in England and in France. Throughout 
we observe the same convergence of ideal, practical and 
poUtical reasons in support of the Zionist idea. Zionism is, 
indeed, not less practical for being based on sentiment. 
Englishmen have always been practical enough to be 
idealists, and it is not surprising that Zionism has always 
met with the greatest sympathy in England. This was the 
case even in the earUer stages of the Zionist idea, when there 
was no clear programme and no real activity. Now, when 
Zionism has a clear programme and has years of activity 
behind it, EngKsh interest in Zionism naturally grows 
stronger and deeper. 

Zionism has, then, every reason to hope for the sympathy 


and support of the most enlightened Powers in its effort to 
secure the conditions necessary for the prosecution of its 
work in Palestine. But the achievement of a political 
success with this or that Power must never be mistaken 
for the real aim of Zionism. Its real aim is the regeneration — 
physical, economic, moral — of the Jewish people. That is 
a constructive task of the highest value from the point of 
view of humanity, and those who set their hands to such a 
task need many high qualities — patience and tenacity of 
purpose, experience and foresight. Above all, they need 
the gifts of imagination and optimism, without which no 
great object has ever been achieved. So at last the great 
day will dawn, and the task of Zionism will be accomplished. 



University of Toronto 








Acme Library Card Pocket 

Under Pat. "Ref. Index File"