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Jo /IK f-L 


O R E G^ O N, 

1792 1849, 


W H. G^ 








Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1S70, by 

In ihe Clerk s Office of the District Court of the United States for the District of Oregon. 




Page 526, llth line from top, for "becamed," read " became." 

Page 568, 6th line from bottom, for " Moxon," read " Maxou." Also on pages 570 and 

573 the same error occurs. 

Page 583, 19th line from top, for " that British," read " that the British." 
Page 592, 7th line from bottom, for propriety," read " propensity." 
Page 602, 7th line from top, for " where," read " when." 
Page 613, 4th line from bottom, for " ten," read " one hundred." 

practices ot one ol the most gigantic Irauds ever continued for a 
series of years by one professedly civilized and Christian nation 
upon another, in chartering and continuing to license a monster 
monopoly ; and the manner in which they have sought for a series 
of years to prevent American trade and settlement of the western 
portion of our country, is contained in the following pages. We can 
only give the principal events, which in the future may be better 
arranged in an interesting and authentic history, which we must 
leave for others to write. The reader .will find in the following 
pages : 

I. The American history of the Hudson s Bay and Puget Sound 
Agricultural companies. 


THE reader will observe that when we commenced furnishing the 
historical articles for the Marine Gazette, we did not know that they 
would be of sufficient interest to justify arranging them in book 
form ; but few articles had been given, however, before there was a 
call for back numbers of the paper, which were not on hand. It was 
then decided to continue the articles, giving an opportunity to correct 
errors in statement of historical facts, and collect such as were printed, 
with all just criticisms, review the whole, and complete the manu 
script for publication. 

As will be seen, we have endeavored to narrate events in plain 
language, and as nearly in the order of occurrence as possible. 

We make no claim to literary merit or attractive style ; the facts 
we have collected, the proofs we are able to give of the policy and 
practices of one of the most gigantic frauds ever continued for a 
series of years by one professedly civilized and Christian nation 
upon another, in chartering and continuing to license a monster 
monopoly ; and the manner in which they have sought for a series 
of years to prevent American trade and settlement of the western 
portion of our country, is contained in the following pages. We can 
only give the principal events, which in the future may be better 
arranged in an interesting and authentic history, which we must 
leave for others to write. The reader .will find in the following 
pages : 

I. The American history of the Hudson s Bay and Puget Sound 
Agricultural companies. 


II. The causes of failure of the Protestant missions, the causes 
of Indian wars, and the causes that must tend to the utter destruction 
of the Indian race on the American continent 

III. The adverse influences that the early settlers had to contend 
with in coming to and settling in the country, fully explained. 

IY. A concise history of the early settlement of the country, a 
short sketch of many of the public men in it, their public char 
acter and proceedings, and the organization of the provisional 

V. The mining and agricultural interests of the country. 

There are two grounds upon which every fact is based : 

1. Personal knowledge, observation, and participation in what is 
stated for one-third of a century. 

2. The written and printed statements of others, so compared 
that conclusions are intended to be without a possibility of truthful 
contradiction ; thus making this a standard history of the country 
for the time included within the period from its discovery by Captain 
Eobert Gray to 1849. 



First discovery of the river. Natives friendly. British ship. Brig Jennet. Snow Sea 
Otter. The Globe. Alert. Guatimozin. Atahualpa. Lewis and Clarke. Vancou 
ver. Hamilton. Derby. Pearl. Albatross. First house built in 1810. Astor s 
settlement. The Tonquin. Astor s Company betrayed to the Northwest Com 
pany ; Page 13 


The country restored. The order. Description of Astoria. Different parties. North 
west Fur Company. Astor s plan. Conflict of the two British fur companies. 
The treaties. The Selkirk settlement. Its object. The company asserts char 
tered rights as soon as united 20 


English Hudson s Bay effort to secure Oregon. British claim to Oregon. Dr. 
McLaughlin s relation to the company. Treatment of Red River settlers. A 
mistake. Sir Edward Belcher. Duplicity of the Hudson s Bay Company. A 
noble man. An Englishman s opinion of the Hudson s Bay Company. Sir 
James Douglas s testimony. J. Ross Browne. Duty of an historian. Cause and 
effect 27 


Care of Great Britain for her fur companies. Columbia Fur Company. Astor s second 
fur company. Major Pilcher s fur company. Loss of the ship Isabel. Captain 
Bonne ville s expedition. Cause of his failure. Captain "Wyeth s, 1832. Indians 
ask for missionaries in 1833. Methodist Mission. Fort Hall established. Fort 
Boise 36 


I Extent and power of Hudson s Bay Company. Number of forts. Location. Policy. 
Murder of Mr. Black. McKay. Manner of dealing with Indians. Commander of 
fort kills an Indian. Necessity of such a course. Hudson s Bay Company not 
responsible for what their servants do 42 


Murder of John McLaughlin, Jr. Investigation by Sir George Simpson and Sir James 
Douglas 46 


Treatment of Indians. Influence of Hudson s Bay Company. Rev. Mr. Barnley s state 
ment. First three years. After that. Treatment of Jesuits. Of Protestants. Of 
Indians. Not a spade to commence their new mode of life. Mr. Barnley s state 
ment. Disappointed. His mistake. Hudson s Bay Company disposed to crush 
their own missionaries .... 55 



Petition oF Red River settlers. Their requests, from 1 to 14. Names. Governor. 
Christie s reply. Company s reply. Extract from minutes. Resolutions, from 1 to 
9. Enforcing rules. Land deed. Its condition. Remarks Page 61 


Puget Sound Agricultural Company. Its original stock. A correspondence. No law 
to punish fraud. A supposed trial of the case. Article four of the treaty. The 
witnesses. Who is to receive the Puget Sound money. Dr. Tolmie, agent of the 
company. The country hunted up. Difficult to truce a fictitious object. State 
ment of their claim. Result of the investigation 67 


Case of The Hudson s Bay Company v. The United States. Examination of Mr. 
McTavish. Number of witnesses. Their ignorance. Amount claimed. Original 
stock. Value of land in Oregon. Estimate of Hudson s Bay Company s prop 
erty. Remarks of author 81 


Quotation from Mr. Swan. His mistake. General Gibbs mistake. Kamaiyahkan.- 
Indian agent killed. J. J. Stevens misjudged 92 


Review of Mr. Greenhow s work in connection with the conduct and policy of the 
Hudson s Bay Compan} 1 -. Schools and missionaries. Reasons for giving extracts 
from Mr. Greenhow s work. Present necessity for more knowledge about the 
company 9<> 


Occupants of the country. Danger to outsiders. Description of missionaries 106 


Missionary outfit. On the way. No roads. An English nobleman. A wagon taken 
along. Health of Mrs. Spalding. Meeting mountain men and Indians. A feast 
to the Indians 113 


Arrival at American rendezvous. An Indian procession. Indian curiosity to see white 
women. Captain N. Wyeth. McCleod and T. McKay. Description of mountain 
men. Their opinion of the missionaries 121 


Missionaries travel in company with Hudson s Bay Company s party, The Lawyer s 
kindness. Arrival at Fort Hall. Description of the country. The Salmon In 
dians. The Hudson s Bay Company s tariff. 130 


An explanation. Instructions of company. Their tyranny. Continuation of journey. 
Fording rivers. Arrival at Boise. Dr. Whitman compelled to leave his wagon. 136 


Arrival at Fort Wallawalla. Reception. The fort in 1836. Voyage down the Colum 
bia River. Portage at Celilo. At Dalles. A storm. The Flatheads. Portage at 
the Cascades 142 



Fort Vancouver in 1836. An extra table. Conditions on which cattle were supplied 
to settlers. Official papers. Three organizations Page 150 


Settlers in 1836. Wallamet Cattle Company. What good have the missionaries done ? 
Rev. J. Lee and party. The Hudson s Bay Company recommend the Wal 
lamet. Rev. S. Parker arrives at Vancouver 154. 


Arrival of Rev. Mr. Beaver and wife. His opinion of the company. A double-wedding. 
Mrs. Spalding and Mrs. Whitman at Vancouver. Men explore the country and 
locate stations. Their opinion of the country. Indian labor. A winter trip down 
Snake River 162 


The French and American settlers. Hudson s Bay Company s traveling traders. The 
Flatheads. Their manner of traveling. Marriage. Their honesty. Indian fight 
and scalp dance. Fight with the Sioux. At Council Bluffs 169 


Re-enforcement to the Methodist Mission. Re-enforcement to the mission of the Ameri 
can Board 175 


Arrival of Jesuit missionaries. Toupin s statement about Rev. A. B. Smith. "Death of 
Mrs. Jason Lee. First express. Jesuits at work. The first printing-press. The 
Catholic tree 180 


Independent missionaries arrive. Their troubles. Conversion of Indians at the Dalles. 
Their motives. Emigrants of 1839. Blubber-Mouth Smith. Re-enforcement of 
the Methodist Mission in 1840. Father De Smet. Rev. Harvey Clark and asso 
ciates, Ewing Young. Names of missionaries and settlers 185 


1840. Petition to Congress of United States. British subjects amenable to the laws of \ 
Canada. Mr. Douglas as justice of the peace. Mr. Leslie as judge 193 


Death of Ewing Young. First public attempt to organize a provisional government. 
Origin of the provisional government. First Oregon schooner ] 99 


Lee and HSnes explore the Umpqua River. Mr. Hines tells a story. Massacre and 
plunder of Smith s party by the Indians. Sympathy of the Hudson s Bay 
Company. Extract from the San Francisco Bulletin 205 


Missionaries leaving. Hudson s Bay Company s Gold Exchange. Population inl/ 
1842. Whitman and Lovejoy start for the States. The Red River emigra 
tion. American merchants. Settlers not dependent on the Hudson s Bay Com 
pany. Milling Company. The Oregon Institute. Dr. Elijah White. Proceed 
ings at a public meeting. Correspondence with the War Department 211 



Dispatch of Dr. White to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs. He praises the Hudson s 
Bay Company. His account of the Indians. Indian outrages. Dr. White s expe 
dition to the Nez Perces. Indian council. Speeches. Electing a chief. Laws of 
the Nez Perces. Visit to the Cayuses. Doings of the missionaries. Drowning 
of Mr. Rogers and family. George Geere. Volcanoes. Petition against Governor 
McLaughlin Page 218 


Letter of H. H. Spalding to Dr. White. Account of his mission among the Nez 
Perces. Schools. Cultivation. Industrial arts. Moral character. Arable land. 
Letter of Commissioner of Indian Affairs to the Secretary of War 23-1 


Dr. E. White s letter to the Secretary of War. Excitement among the Indians. Visit 
to Nez Perces, Cayuses, and Wallawallas. Destitution and degradation of the 
Coast Indians. Dr. White eulogizes Governor McLaughlin and the Hudson s Bay 
Company. Schools and missions. Mr. Jesse Applegate. Dr. White s second 
letter. Letters of Peter H. Hatch and W. H. Wilson. Seizure of a distillery. 
Search for liquor. Letter of James D. Saules. Fight with Indians. Death of 
Cockstock.r Description and character of him. The Molallos and Klamaths. 
Agreement with the Dalles Indians. Presents to Cockstock s widow. Dr. White s 
third letter. Letter of Eev. G. Hines to Dr. White. Letter of W. Medill 241 


First council to organize a provisional government. Library founded. Origin of the 
Wolf Association. The Methodist Mission influence. Dr. White exhibits his 
credentials. First " wolf meeting." Proceedings of the second "wolf meeting." 
Officers. Resolutions. Bounties to be paid. Resolution to appoint a committee 
of twelve for the civil and military protection of the settlement. Names of the 
members of the committee 260 


First meeting of the committee of twelve. All invited to participate. The Rev. J. Lee 
and Mr. Abernethy ridicule the organization. Mr. Lee tells a story. Letter from 
Governor Abernethy. The main question at issue. Drowning of Cornelius Rogers 
and party. Conduct of Dr. White. Methodist Mission. Catholic boasts of con 
versions 268 


Meetings to oppose organization. Address of the French-Canadians. Criticisms on it 
by the author. The Jesuits. Jesuit oath. Article from Cincinnati Beacon.. . 273 


The meeting at Champoeg. Tactics of the Jesuit party. Counter-tactics of the Ameri 
cans. A division and its result. Public record. Opposition to clergymen as 
legislators. Mr. Hines as an historian. His errors. Importance of Mr. Hines 
history. Difficulty among the Indians. Cause of the difficulty 279 


Whitman s visit to Washington. A priest s boast. A taunt, and Whitman s reply. 
Arrival in Washington. Interview .with Secretary Webster. With President 
Tyler. His return. Successful passage of the Rocky Mountains with two hun 
dred wagons. His mill burned during his absence 288 



Petition of the citizens of Oregon iii 1843. Complaints against the Hudson s Bay 
Company. The Milling Company. Kicking the half-bushel. Land claims of Dr. ! 
McLaughlin. Names of the signers. Reasons for not signing. Notice, deed, and 
bond of John McLaughlin. Claim of Alvin F. Waller Page 292 


Extracts from Mr. Hines history. Attempt to capture an Indian horse-thief. Dr. 
McLaughlin refuses to sell supplies to the signers of the petition. Excitement in 
the settlement. Interview with Dr. McLaughlin at Vancouver 304 


A. combination of facts. Settlers alive to their danger. Mr. Hines disparagement of 
the Methodist Mission. Indians want pay for being whipped. Indian honesty. 
Mr. Hines 1 opinion of the Indians religion. Mr. G-eiger s advice. Dr. McLaughlin s 
answer to Yellow Serpent. Baptiste Doreo. Four conflicting influences 309 


Governor Simpson and Dr. Whitman in Washington. Interviews with Daniel Webster 
and President Tyler. His cold reception in Boston by the American Board. 
Conducts a large emigration safely across the Rocky Mountains into Oregon. The 
" Memorial Half-Century Volume." The Oregon mission ignored by the American 
Board. Dr. McLaughlin. His connection with the Hudson s Bay Company. 
Catholic Cayuses manner of praying. Rev. C. Eells. Letter from A. L. Lovejoy. 
Description of Whitman s and Lovejoy s winter journey from Oregon to Bent s 
Fort on the Arkansas River 315 


Assembly of the Nez Perces, Cayuses, and Wallawallas. Mock fight. Council with 
the Indians. Speeches by Yellow Serpent, Tilokaikt, the Prince, and Illutin. 
The secret of the whole difficulty. John, the Kanaka, A cow for a horse. Kill 
ing of a medicine woman 328 


The Legislative Committee of nine. Hon. Robert Moore, chairman. Description 
of the members. Minutes of their proceedings. Dr. R. Newell, his character. 
Two specimens of his speeches. The dark clouds. 336 


Fourth of July, 1843. Oration by Mr. Hines. Meeting of July 5. Debate on the 
land law. How the Jesuits and the Hudson s Bay Company secured their land 
claims. Speech of the Rev. G-. Hines against the proposed Executive Committee. 
The committee supported by O Neil, Shortess, and Lee. W. H. G-ray closes the 
debate. The report of the committee adopted. Committee appointed to report to 
Congress, another to niake a Digest of Territorial laws, and a third to prepare and 
administer an oath of office 346 


Organic laws. Resolutions. Districts. Militia law. Land claims. Certificate.. . 353 


Description of the State House. Conduct of the French settlers. Arrival of Dr. Whit- yS^ 
man s party of immigrants. Prosperity of the settlers. Change in the policy of 
the Hudson s Bay Company. Their exorbitant claims 360 



Actions speak louder than words. Efforts of the Hudson s Bay Company to discourage 
immigration. Account of the two Jesuits, F. N. Blanchet and P. J. De Sraet. 
Protestant missionaries discouraged. Important position of the Rev. G. Hines. 
Eecall of the Rev. Jason Lee. Efforts of the Hudson s Bay Company to prevent 
emigration to the Territory. Statement of General Palmer. Indian combinations. 
The Donner party. Extent of Oregon at this time Page 363 


] 844. The settlements alarmed. Indian attack. Death of G. "W. Le Breton. Meeting 
at Mr. La Chapelle s. Volunteer company formed. The Mod&ste in the Columbia 
River. The Legislative Assembly. Names of the members. Peter H. Burnett. 
Mr. David Hill. Oregon social standard. M. M. McCarver. " Old Brass Gun." 
A. L. Lovejoy. Daniel Waldo. Thomas D. Keizer. Black act. Prohibitory 
liquor law 371 


i the message. Generosity of 
>n. The Oregon Printing-press 


Message of the Executive Committee. Observations on the message. Generosity of 
the Hudson s Bay Company. The Methodist Mission. The Oregon Printing-press 
Association. George Abernethy, Esq 380 


Dr. "White s report. Seizure and destruction of a distillery. Homicide of Joel Turnham 
State of the Territory. Trials of Dr. White. The liquor law. Revenue act. 
Case of the negro Saul. The Indians kill an ox. Other Indian difficulties. Indian 
expedition to California. Death of the Indian Elijah. State of the Territory. 
Claim of the Hudson s Bay Company on the north bank of the Columbia. Letter 
of Peter H. Burnett. The Nez Perces and Cayuses. Extract from the report of 
the United States Senate 387 


1845. Public meetings to elect delegates to convention. Candidates for governor. 
Members elected to the Legislative Committee. Oath of office. Mr. Applegate s 
announcement. Dr. McLaughlin s amphibiousness. Description of the members 
of the Legislative Committee. Business of the session. Ermatinger s election con 
tested. Mr. Garrison s resolutions. Anti-slavery resolution. Organic law revised, 
Improvements and condition of the country 421 


1845. Second session of the Legislative Committee. Mr. McCarver removed from the 
office of Speaker. Mr. Applegate s resolutions. Protest of Gray, Foisy, and 
Straight. A legislative incident. Law against dueling. Dr. White addresses the 
Legislature. Resolutions. Dr. White denies the right of the settlers to organize 
a provisional government. McCarver signs documents without authority. Reso 
lutions by the house on the subject. Impertinent letter from Dr. White to the 
house. White cornered by President Polk. Incidents in White s temperance 
movements. Proposition to repeal all laws for the collection of debts. The Cur 
rency act. Adjournment of the Legislature in August. Meets again in December. 
Proposal to locate the capital 428 


The liquor law. Amended act of 1845. Message of the governor on the same. Repeal 
of the prohibitory and passage of the license law. Letter of James Douglas. 
Reply of Mr. Samuel Parker. Dr. Tolmie s resolution on the judiciary. The 


governor s veto of the license law, Immigration for Oregon and California in 1846. 
Arrival of the brig Henry. The Oregon Printing Association. The Spectator, 
the first newspaper in Oregon. W. G. T. Vault, first editor. H. A. G-. Lee, second 
editor. G-. L. Curry, third editor. Judge Wait, fourth editor Page 440 


The "Whitman massacre. Narratives of, by J. B. A. Brouillet and J. Ross Browne. 
Extract from the New York Evangelist. Statements of Father Brouillet criticised. 
Testimony of John Kimzey. Dr. Whitman at Umatilla. Returns home. . . 457 


Occupations of the victims immediately before the massacre. Description of the mis 
sion buildings. The Doctor called into the kitchen to be murdered. Joe Lewis, 
the leader in the massacre. The scene outside. The Doctor s house plundered. - 
Mrs. Whitman shot. Brutalities to the dead and dying, Escape of some and 
murder of others. Safety of the French Papists and the servants of the Hudson s 
Bay Company. Fate of Joe Lewis 466 


Comments on Vicar-General Brouillet s arguments against the Whitman massacre being 
the act of Catholics. Joe Stanfield : Brouillet s story in his favor. Murders on 
the second day. Deposition of Daniel Young. -.More murders 472 



How the country was saved to the United States. Article from the New York Evening 
Post Ingratitude of the American Board. Deposition of Elam Young. Young 
girls taken for Indian wives. Statement of Miss Lorinda Bewley. Sager, Bewley, 
and Sales killed 480 


Vicar-General Brouillet s statement. Statement of Istacus. The priest finds the poison. 
Statement of William G-eiger, Jr. Conduct of Mr. McBean. Influence of the 
Jesuit missions 490 


Continuation of Miss Bewley s evidence. The priests refuse her protection. Forcibly 
taken from the bishop s house by Five Crows. Brouillet advises her to remain with 
her Indian violator. Indecent question by a priest. Mr. Brouillet attempts to get 
a statement from her. Two questions. Note from Mrs. Bewley. Bishop Blan- 
chet s letter to Governor Abernethy. Comments on the Jesuits proceedings. 
Grand council at the bishop s. Policy in forcing Miss Bewley to Five Crows 
lodge. Speeches by Camaspelo and Tilokaikt. Killing of Elijah and the Nez 
Perce chief commented on. The true story told. Dr. White s report. The grand 
council again. Review of Brouillet s narrative. Who were the real authors of 
the massacre, 497 


The Hudson s Bay Company s and the priests part in the massacre. McBean s mes 
senger. Plot divulged to Hinman, Ogden, and Douglas. Douglas s remark to 
Hinman. McBean s letter. His perversion of facts. Comments. Sir James 
Douglas s letter to Governor Abernethy. His Sandwich Islands letter. Its false 
hood and absurdity. Mr. Hinman s letter to Governor Abernethy. The dates. 
Assertion of Robert Newell. Hudson s Bay Company v. United States 517 




Preliminary events of the Cayuse war. Message of Governor Abernethy. Journal 
of the house. Resolutions. Assembling of the people at the call of the gov 
ernor. Enlisting of men. Names of the volunteers. Names of the officers. 
Their flag. Their departure. Letter to Sir James Douglas. His reply. Commis 
sioners return. Address to the citizens. Public meeting. Report of commis 
sioners to the Legislature. Messenger sent to Washington. Memorial to Con 
gress. Champoeg County tax. Strength of the settlement called for. Bishop 
Blanchet s letter to Governor Abernethy Page 535 


The Cayuse war. Letter of Captain Lee. Indians friendly with the Hudson s Bay 
Company. Conduct of Mr. Ogden. His letters to Mr. Walker and Mr. Spalding. 
Note of Rev. G. H. Atkinson. Sir James Douglas s letter to Governor 
Abernethy. A rumor. The governor s reply. Another letter from Sir James. 
Mr. Ogden. Extraordinary presents to the Indians of arms and ammunition. 
Colonel Gilliam s campaign. Indian fight. Property captured. The Des Chutes 
Indians make peace. -Captain McKay s company of British subjects join the army. 
A nuisance. " Veritas." Nicholas Finlay gives the signal for battle. Running 
fight. Captain McKay s company. Council held by the peace commissioners with 
the Indians. Governor Abernethy s address. Speeches of the Indians Camas- 
pelo, Joseph, Jacob, Old James, Red Wolf, Timothy, Richard, and Kentuck. < 
Letters of Joel Palmer, R. Newell, James Douglas, and William McBean. Who is 
responsible for the Cayuse war ? 549 


Letter to General Lovejoy. Call for men and ammunition. Yankama chief. His 
speech. Small supply of ammunition. Letter of Joseph Cadwallader. Claim and a 
girl. Combined Indian tribes. Ladies of Oregon. Public meeting. A noble 
address. Vote of thanks. Address of the young ladies. Death of Colonel Gilliam. 
His campaign. Colonel Waters letter. Doubtful position of Indians. Number 
at Fort Wallawalla. Results of the war. Jesuit letters. Fathers Hoikin and De 
Smet. The Choctaws. Indian confederacy. Last hope of the Indian. Jesuit 
policy. The Irish in the war of the Rebellion. Father Hecker. Boasts of the 
Jesuits. Letter of Lieutenant Rogers. Priests supply the Indians with arms and 
ammunition. Ammunition seized. Oregon Argus. Discovery of gold. No help 
for the Indian. Withdrawal of the Hudson s Bay Company to Vancouver. The 
smooth-tongued Jesuits yet remain 568 


Missions among the Western Indians. The Cceur d Alene Mission. Protestant and 
Catholic missions compared. What the American Protestant missionaries have 
done for the country and the Indians. Extent of their influence, progress, and 
improvements. Patriotism of Dr. Whitman 593 


Description of the face of the country. Agricultural and mining productions. Timber. 
The Wallamet. Columbia, Dalles. Upper Columbia. Mountains. Rivers. 
Mineral wealth, Climate. The Northern Pacific Railroad. Conclusion 610 



First discovery of the river. Natives friendly. British ship. Brig Jennet. Snow Sea 
Otter. The Globe. Alert. Guatimozm. Atahualpa. Lewis and Clarke. Vancou 
ver. Hamilton. Derby. Pearl. Albatross. First house built in 1810. Astor s. 
settlement. The Tonquin. Astor s Company betrayed to the Northwest Com 

IN all countries it is difficult to trace the history of their early discovery 
and settlement. That of Oregon is no exception. The Spanish claim, 
and it is generally conceded, that they were the discoverers of the coast, 
and gave names to the principal capes and to Fuca s Straits. No 
evidence can be found in national archives, or among the native tribes 
of the country, that gives the discovery of the Columbia River to any 
civilized people but to the Bostons (Americans) ; so that, so far as civil 
history or national testimony is concerned, we are without any, except 
the conjectures of men as ignorant as ourselves. Hence we are left to the 
alternative of searching the old logs of vessels and such old books as 
have been written, and, in connection with the legends and statements 
of the aborigines of the country, form an opinion as to its discovery, 
and from such dates and conclusions commence its civil history. That / 
of Oregon begins eight years previous to the commencement of the 
present century. 

A ship, owned by Messrs. Barrel!, Bulfinch & Co., of Boston, and 
commanded by Captain Robert Gray, discovered and entered the 
mouth of the third great river upon the American continent. It then 
had no name known to the civilized world. This unselfish American, 
instead of following the example of many contemporary British navi 
gators by giving his own name to the majestic river he had discovered, 
I gave it that of his noble ship, Columbia. 

On the 7th of May, 1792, he discovered and ran in abreast of Cape 
Hancock, and anchored, and on the llth ran ten miles up this river on 
the north side, which is now known as a little above Chinook Point, 
and at 1 p. M. they came to anchor. On the 14th they weighed 


anchor and ran, according to the ship s log, fifteen miles, which would 
bring them up abreast of Tongue Point, where their ship grounded 
upon a sand bar for a short time, but they backed her off into three 
fathoms of water and anchored. By sounding they discovered that 
there was not sufficient water to pass up the river in their present 
channel. Having filled all their water-casks, repaired, painted, and calked 
the ship, .arid allWe d^he-vast numbers of Indians that thronged around 
them in the most peaceable and friendly manner, to visit and traffic 
witja-them; txi the 20th of May, 1792, they went to sea again. 
I On the 20th of October of this year, the Chatham, commanded by 
! Captain Broughton, of the British navy, entered the river. He grounded 
his ship on what is now called the Sulphur Spit, and found in the bay 
the brig Jennet, Captain Baker, from Bristol, Rhode Island. Captain 
Broughton explored the river in his small boat as high up as the present 
site of Vancouver, and left the river with his ship on the 10th of 

In 1797, five years later, the snow Sea Otter -, Captain Hill, from 
Boston, visited the river. 

In 1798, the ship Hazard, Swift, master, owned by Perkins, Lamb 
& Co., Boston, visited the river. This same ship visited the river again 
in 1801. 

In 1802, this same Boston company sent the ship Globe, Magee, 
master, to the river. 

During the year 1802, a brisk, and something like a permanent 
American trade appears to have been in contemplation by this Boston 
company. They sent the ship Caroline, Derby, master, from Boston, 
and the ship Manchester, Brice, master, from Philadelphia. 

In 1803, Lamb & Company sent the ship Alert, Ebbets, master; also 
the ship Vancouver, Brown, master. This year, the ship Juno, Ken- 
dricks, master, from Bristol, Rhode Island, owned by De Wolf, entered 
the Columbia River for trade. 

In the year 1804, Theodore Lyman sent the ship Guatimozin, Bum- 
sted, master, from Boston. The Perkins Company sent the ship Hazard, 
Swift, master, to the river the same year. 

In 1805, Lyman & Company sent the ship Atahualpa, O. Potter, 
master, from Boston. Lamb & Company sent the ship Caroline, 
Sturges, master, from the same place. 

On the 15th of November, 1805, Lewis and Clarke, with their party, 
having crossed the Rocky Mountains under the direction of President 
Jefferson, of the United States, arrived at Cape Hancock ; remaining 
but a few days, they crossed the Columbia River and encamped near 
the mouth of a small river still bearing the name of these two explorers. 


They left their encampment in March, 1806, and returned across the 
continent and reported the result of their expedition to the govern 

This expedition consisted of one hundred and eighty soldiers or 
enlisted men. On arriving at the Mandan Village, on the Missouri 
River, in 1804, they encountered the influence of the Northwest Brit 
ish Fur Company, who, on learning their object, at once made arrange 
ments to follow and get possession of the country at the mouth of the 
Columbia River. 

In 1806, soon after Lewis and Clarke left their encampment on their 
return to the United States, the ship Vancouver, Brown, master, 
entered the river, having been sent out by Thomas Lyman, of Boston, 
in expectation of meeting Lewis and Clarke s party at the mouth of the 
river. The Lamb Company sent the ship Pearl the same year, under 
the command of Captain Ebbets. Lyman, in addition to the Van 
couver, sent the brig Lydia, Hill, master, to the river, making three 
American ships from Boston in the year 1806. 

In 1807, the ship Hamilton arrived in the river, sent by Thomas 
Lyman, of Boston, L. Peters, master. The Perkins Company sent the 
Hazard, Smith, master. 

In 1808, the ship Derby, Swift, master, sent by the Perkins Com 
pany. Lyman sent the ship G-uatimozin, Glanville, master; both 
made successful trips in and out of the river. 

In 1809, the Perkins Company sent the ships Pearl and Vancouver 
into the river, the former commanded by Smith, the latter by Whifeti- 

In 1810, the ship Albatross, from Boston, T. Winship, master, entered 
the river and sailed as high up as Oak Point, where the captain erected 
a house, cleared a piece of land for cultivation, and planted a garden. 
This year, John Jacob Astor, of New York, organized the Pacific Fur 
Company, in connection with Wilson Price Hunt, of New Jersey. These " 
two gentlemen admitted as partners in the fur trade, Messrs. McKay, 
McDougal, and David and Robert Stewart. These four last-mentioned 
partners, with eleven clerks and thirteen Canadian voyageurs, and a 
complete outfit for a fort, with cannon and small-arms, stores, shops, 
and houses, with five mechanics, were all embarked on the ship Ton- 
quin, Captain Jonathan Thorn, master, in September, 1810, and sailed 
for the Columbia River, where they arrived, March 24, 1811. 

The present site of the town of Astoria was selected as the principal 
depot for this American Fur Company, and called by them, in honor of 
the originator of the company, ASTORIA. This establishment was soon 
in full operation. The timber and thick undergrowth within musket 


range of the establishment were cleared away, and a kitchen-garden 
planted outside the stockade. 

In the highly-interesting narrative of Gabriel Franchere, we read 
that, "in the month of May, 1811, on a rich piece of land in front of 
our establishment [at Astoria], we put into the ground twelve potatoes, 
BO shriveled up during the passage from New York that we despaired 
of raising any from the few sprouts that still showed signs of life. 
Nevertheless, we raised one hundred and nineteen potatoes the first 
season. And, after sparing a few plants to our inland traders, we 
planted fifty or sixty hills, which produced five bushels the second year ; 
about two of these were planted, and gave us a welcome crop of fifty 
bushels in the year 1813." 

They were cultivated at Astoria, by the old Northwest and Hudson s 
Bay companies, in their little fort gardens. A few Indian chiefs were 
presented with the seed, but no general distribution was made among 
them, as they were considered as the Bostons root, and no better than 
those of the Indians, abounding in the country, which required less 
labor to cultivate. Up to the time of the arrival of the American mis 
sionaries, there never was an extra supply of potatoes in the country. 
In other words, the potato was a luxury enjoyed by none except the 
highest grades of the Fur Company s servants and distinguished 
visitors ; its cultivation was not generally encouraged by the company. 

In October, 1810, after dispatching the Tonguin, Mr. Astor fitted out 
the ship Beaver, twenty guns, Captain Sowles, master, with Mr. Clark, 
six clerks, and a number of other persons, to join the establishment at 
Astoria. The ship touched at the Sandwich Islands; Mr. Clark en 
gaged twenty-six Kanakas as laborers for the establishments on the 
Columbia River, where the ship arrived, May 5, 1812. 
, On the 15th of July, 181 3, Mr. David Thompson, under the direction 
of the Northwest Canadian British Company, arrived at Astoria. I 
use the word Canadian, as applied to the Northwest Fur Company, 
that was established by the charter of Louis XIII. of France, 1630, in 
what was then called Acadia, or New France, forty years before Charles 
of England gave his charter to the Hudson s Bay Company. This 
Northwest Fur Company, in the transfer of the sovereignty of Acadia, 
or New France, to England, in 1714, at the treaty of Utrecht, was 
acknowledged as having a legal existence, by both nations, and was 
allowed to transfer its allegiance and continue its trade under the pro 
tection of the British sovereign, as it had done under that of France. 

As soon as the government and people of the United States entered 
upon active measures to explore and occupy the country west of the 
Kocky Mountains, this Canadian Northwest Fur Company dispatched 


Mr. Thompson to explore the Columbia River, and make an establish 
ment at its mouth ; but, on account of delays and mistaking the course 
of the various rivers through which the party traveled, Mr. Thompson 
did not arrive at Mr. Astor s American establishment till in July, 1813 ; 
his object Avas to forestall Mr. Astor in the settlement of the country. 
He was received, kindly treated, and furnished with such goods and 
supplies as he and his party required, by Mr. McDougal, who was then 
in charge of Fort Astor, and, in company with David Stewart, returned 
as high up the Columbia as the Spokan, Mr. Greenhow says Okana- 
gon, and established a trading-post, while Mr. Thompson went among 
the Kootenai and Flathead tribes, and established a trading-hut. It 
is due to those parties to state that as late as 1836, a squai-e, solid, 
hewed log bastion, erected by Stewart s party, was still standing at 
Spokan, while no vestige of the Thompson huts could be found in the 
Flathead country. At Spokan, garden vegetables were produced 
about the fort, which the Indians in that vicinity learned to appreciate, 
and continued to cultivate after the fort was abandoned in 1825, having 
been occupied by the Northwest and Hudson s Bay companies till that 

In the spring of 1811, the chief agent of the Pacific Fur Company, 
Mr. Hunt, with other partners, Crooks, McKenzie, and McClellen, with 
a party of sixty men, started across the continent. They were ex 
tremely annoyed by the opposition fur traders on their route, and also 
by hostile Indians. Such of the party as did not perish by famine and 
hostile Indians, and British fur traders, arrived at Astoria on the 28th 
of January, 1812. 

On the 5th of May following the arrival of Mr. Hunt s party, the 
ship Beaver arrived with the third installment of traders, clerks, and 
Kanaka laborers. In consequence of the loss of the ship Tonqwin, 
and all on board except the Indian interpreter, in the Cliquot Bay, 
near the entrance of the Straits of Fuca, by the treachery of the In 
dians in the vicinity, Mr. Hunt embarked in the Beaver for the Rus 
sian establishment in August, 1812, effected an arrangement of trade 
with them, and dispatched the ship to China. He continued in her till 
she reached the Sandwich Islands, where he remained until June, 1813, 
when the ship Albatross arrived from Canton, and brought the news 
of the war between the United States and Great Britain, and also that 
the ship Jjeaver was blockaded at Canton by a British ship of war. 
Mr. Hunt at once chartered the Albatross and sailed for the Columbia 
River, where he arrived on the 4th of August, 1813. 

On his arrival at Astoria he learned that it was the intention of his 
partners, all of whom claimed to be British subjects (McDougal and 


McKenzie having formerly been in the employ of the Northwest Com 
pany), to sell to McTavish, of that company. Hunt embarked in the 
Albatross for the Sandwich Islands, and from thence to the Washing 
ton Islands, where he learned from Commodore Porter, then at those 
Islands, in the frigate Essex, of the design of the British to seize all 
American property on the Pacific coast. From thence he returned to 
the Sandwich Islands, and chartered the brig Pedler, and arrived at 
Astoria in February, 1814, and learned that soon after his departure 
in the Albatross, in August, 1813, McTavish, with a party of the 
servants of the Northwest Company, had arrived at Astoria, and, in 
connection with McDougal, McKenzie, and Clarke, on the part of the 
American Pacific Fur Company, and McTavish and Alexander Stew 
art, on the part of the Canadian Northwest Company, had completed 
the sale of Astoria to that company, and secured for themselves im 
portant positions in the service of the latter company. 

As a matter of fact and general historical interest, the amount and 
value of property thus transferred is here given : Eighteen thousand one 
hundred and seventy and one-fourth pounds of beaver, at two dollars 
per pound, selling in Canton at that time at from five to six dollars 
per pound; nine hundred and seventy otter skins, at fifty cents each, 
selling at that time in Canton for five and six dollars per skin. 

The expense of building Mr. Astor s establishment at Astoria, in 
cluding those at Okanagon and Spokan, with boats, bateaux, tools, 
cannon, munitions, goods, transportation and salaries of clerks and men, 
etc., etc., was near two hundred thousand dollars, for which he received 
in bills on Montreal about forty thousand, including the appraised value 
of the furs at the fort, which was thirty-six thousand eight hundred 
and thirty-five dollars and fifty cents ; this would leave less than three 
thousand one hundred and sixty-four dollars and fifty cents for the 
improvements, boats, munitions, cannon, etc., for which the Hud 
son s Bay Company, in 1 865, claims of our government, for the old, 
rotten, and abandoned post at Okanagon, nineteen thousand four hun 
dred and sixty-six dollars and sixty-seven cents ; the post at Colville, 
still held in place of the one built by Astor s company at Spokan, 
eighty thousand three hundred dollars ; the post at Fort George 
(Astoria), abandoned in 1849, four thousand one hundred and thirty- 
six dollars and sixty-seven cents ; in all, for the three establishments, 
one hundred and three thousand nine hundred and three dollars and 
thirty-four cents, quite a. contrast between the valuation of American 
property when in possession of British fur traders, having been used 
for forty years by British subjects, and abandoned as of little or no use 
to their trade, and that of American property but lately brought into 


the country. It will be remembered that Mr. Aster s Pacific Fur Com 
pany was commenced in 1810; that at the time it was betrayed into 
the possession of this Canadian Northwest Fur Company it had been 
in operation but two years, hence was new, and but just ready to com 
mence a profitable trade in the country. 

The contract transferring this valuable property from American to ) 
British owners, was signed on the 16th day of October, 1813, by Dun- \ 
can McDougal, J. G. McTavish, and J. Stewart, and witnessed by the V 
principal clerks of the establishment. On the 1st of December follow 
ing, the British sloop of war Raccoon, Captain Black, arrived in the 
river, and proceeded to take formal possession of Astoria, by lowering 
the American flag and hoisting that of Great Britain in its place, and 
changing the name of the fort to that of Fort George. 

Previous to the landing of the British soldiers, or King George s 
warriors, an interview took place (as related by Ross Cox) between 
the Indian warriors, with Concomly, their chief, at their head, and 
McDougal and McTavish. On the arrival of the British war vessel 
in Baker s Bay, the Indians, having learned that there was war between 
the King George people and Bostons (Americans), they said, as they 
had always found the Bostons friendly and liberal toward them, they 
were their friends, and were ready to fight for them, to prevent the 
King George men from making them slaves. They proposed to con 
ceal themselves behind the rocks and trees outside of the fort and to 
kill the King George soldiers with their arrows and spears, while the 
men of the fort fought the ship and small boats which they came in, 
with their big guns and rifles. McDougal assured them that the King 
George warriors would not hurt them, and advised them to be friendly 
with them, as they would do the people of the fort no harm. Con 
comly and his warriors were only convinced that the Bostons would 
not be made slaves by the King George warriors when they saw the 
sloop leave the river without taking any of them away as prisoners or 

The treachery of the Canadian part of Astor s company, which was 
not known to Mr. Astor, but provided for by the Northwest Canadian 
Company before the party left Montreal, and consummated by McDou 
gal and his associates, in the absence of the American partners from 
the post, is proved by journals, letters, and facts still extant. 


The country restored. The order. Description of Astoria. Different parties. Xorth- 
west Fur Company. Astor s plan. Conflict of the two British fur companies. 
The treaties. The Selkirk settlement. Its object. The company asserts char 
tered rights as soon as united. 

As stated in our first chapter, the English government, by its 
Canadian Northwest Fur Company, and the arrival of the British 
sloop of war, Raccoon, during the war of 1812-13, took possession 
of Oregon, and held it as British territory till it was formally 
restored to the United States on the 6th of October, 1818, in these 
words : 

We, the undersigned, do, in conformity to the first article of the 
treaty of Ghent, restore to the government of the United States, 
through its agent, J. P. Provost, Esq., the settlement of Fort George, 
on the Columbia River. 

Given under our hands in triplicate, at Fort George (Columbia 
River), this 6th day of October, 1818. 

F. HICKEY, Captain H. M. Ship JBlossom. 
J. KEITH, of the N. W. Co. 

The order from the Prince Regent of England to the Northwest 
Company to deliver up the country to the American government, was 
issued on January 27, 1818, and complied with as above. 

On the 17th of April, 1814, the Canadian Northwest Fur Company s 
ship, Isaac Todd, reached Astoria, called Fort George. 

According to the description sent to Washington by Mr. Provost, 
it consisted of a stockade made of fir-logs, twenty feet high above the 
ground, inclosing a parallelogram of one hundred and fifty by two 
hundred and fifty feet, extending in its greatest length from northwest 
to southeast, and defended by bastions, or towers, at two opposite 
angles. Within this inclosure were all the buildings of the establish 
ment, such as dwelling-houses, magazines, storehouses, mechanics 
shops, etc. 

The artillery were two heavy 18-pounders, six 6-pounders, four 
4-pounders, two 6-pound coehorns, and seven swivels, all mounted. 


The number of persons attached to the place besides the few native 
women and children, was sixty-five ; of whom twenty-three were 
white, twenty-six Kanakas, and the remainder of mixed blood from 

Of the party that crossed the Rocky Mountains with Mr. Hunt in 
1811-12, six remained in the country, and but five returned to the 
United States ; the remaining forty-five that started with him in his 
first expedition were mostly destroyed by the influence of the two 
British fur companies acting upon the Indians for that object. 

These men, as independent trappers and petty traders among the 
Indians, were considered by those companies as intruders and tres 
passers upon their French and British chartered rights ; hence none 
were allowed to remain in the country but such as were under their 
control, or subject to their rule. 

From the time the Northwest Fur Company took possession of the 
country, with few exceptions, we have no authentic account of the 
number of vessels of any nation that visited the river, but we have 
reason to believe that they would average two each year ; and, from 
known facts, we conclude that as soon as the post at Astoria was be 
trayed into the possession of the Canadian Northwest Fur Company by 
McDougal and associates, and the British government had taken formal 
possession of the country, this Northwest Company, with McDougal 
and others equally prominent, commenced to instill into the minds of 
the Indians a strong hatred of American traders by sea or land, and 
to change as much, and as fast as possible, the friendly feeling of the. 
former toward the latter, so as to continue to hold the permanent and 
absolute sovereignty of the country, and make the Indians subservient 
to their commercial interests. 

Mr. Astor says : " The plan by me adopted was such as must mate 
rially have affected the interests of the Northwest and Hudson s Bay 
companies, and it was easy to be foreseen that they would employ every 
means to counteract my operations, and which, as my impression, I 
stated to the executive of your department as early as February, 1813." 
This hatred of Americans had been so assiduously impressed upon the 
minds of the Indians, that one of their own vessels arriving in the river, 
being cast away on Sand Island, all on board were murdered by the 
Indians, who mistook them for Americans. The company sent a vessel 
from Vancouver (to which place they had removed their stores and 
principal depot) to punish the Indians, who had secured most of the 
wrecked property. The vessel came down and sent shell and grape- 
shot into the Indian village, destroying men, women, and children, 
landed their men and took such of their goods as they could find, 


having gained satisfactory evidence of the murder of the crew of the 

This view of the policy and practice of this Northwest and Hudson s 
Bay Company, is further sustained by the inquiries which Mr. Keith 
felt it incumbent on him to make of Mr. Provost, on the restoration of 
Astoria to the Americans by the British authorities. 

Mr. Keith was anxious to learn the extent of the rights of his com 
pany to remain and trade in the country. It would seem, from the 
whole history of these companies, that they felt their rights in the 
country to be but temporary, that they were trespassers upon Ameri 
can interests, and shaped all their arrangements accordingly. 

It is an admitted historical fact that, while the Northwest Fur 
Company of Montreal was extending its trade across the Rocky 
Mountains and supplanting the American Pacific Fur Company of Mr. 
Astor, the Hudson s Bay Company, with the assistance of Lord Sel 
kirk s Red River settlement, was cutting off their communication with 
these western establishments, and that, in consequence of this Red 
River interference with their trade, a- deadly feud sprang up between 
the rival companies, in which both parties enlisted all the men and 
Indians over whom they had any influence, and frequently met in 
drunken and deadly strife, till they had quite destroyed all profits in 
their trade, and rendered the Indians hostile alike to friend arid foe of 
the white race. So that, in 1821, the British Parliament was compelled 
to notice their proceedings, and, on the 2d of July, 1821, in an act bear- 
ing date as above, says of them : 

" Whereas, the competition in the fur trade between the governor 
and company of adventurers of England trading into Hudson s Bay t 
and certain associations of persons trading under the name of the North 
west Company of Montreal, has been found, for some years past, to be 
productive of great inconvenience and loss, not only to the said com 
pany and association, but to the said trade in general, and also of great 
injury to the native Indians, and of other persons subjects of his 
Majesty; and whereas, the animosities and feuds arising from such com 
petition have also, for some years past, kept the interior of America, to 
the northward and westward of the provinces of Upper and Lower 
Canada, and of the Territories of the United States of America, in a 
state of continual disturbance; and whereas, many breaches of the peace 
and violence extending to the loss of lives and considerable destruction 
of property have continually occurred therein," etc. (See Greenhow s 
History of Oregon, p. 467.) 

The broad policy of British fur traders is here stated in plain lan 
guage by their own government in a manner not to be mistaken. Their 


influence upon the Indians was injurious. Their policy toward each 
other was war and destruction to all opponents. The life and prop 
erty of an opposing trader must not, come in competition with the 
profits of their trade with Indians in any country. 

How absurd it is for our government to spend millions of dollars to 
form treaties with Indians who are constantly visited by these foreign 
Indian traders and teachers, emissaries of a foreign power, who never 
breathed an honest breath or spoke a truthful word ! Feeble and in 
significant as they were, from 1813 to 1821 the whole Indian country of 
North America fell under their blighting and withering influence. 
Divided as they were, they were able to crush all honest competition, 
and combine in deadly combat against their own countrymen for the 
supremacy of the Indian trade. Have they lost their power and influ 
ence by uniting the elements of opposition in one vast fur monopoly ? 
Nay, verily, as we shall see. 

To gain a correct understanding of the foreign policy relative to the 
western portion of our country, it will be necessary to refer to the 
early history of the two fur companies, and trace their connection with 
France and England, which, notwithstanding the English government 
had given up the country to France in 1696 in the treaty of Ryswick, 
and no reservation was made on account of the Hudson s Bay Com 
pany as they did Oregon to the United States in the treaty of Ghent, 
in 1815, and made no reservation on account of the Northwest Fur 
Company still the Hudson s Bay Company held on to a single post, 
called Albany, on the southwest part of James Bay, for twenty-six 
years, as the Northwest and Hudson s Bay fur companies did to 
Astoria and Oregon for forty-nine years. 

In the wording of the treaty of Utrecht, in 1714, in which the country 
was given back to England by France, there is one proviso that is not 
to be overlooked, viz. : " It is, however, provided, that it may be entirely 
free for the company of Quebec, and all others the subjects of the most 
Christian king whatsoever, to go, by land or by sea, whithersoever they 
please, out of the lands of the said bay, together with all their goods, 
merchandise, arms, and effects, of what nature or condition soever, ex 
cept such things as are above reserved in this article," etc., the ex 
ceptions referring to forts, cannon, and permanent war materials. 

This French stipulation in the treaty of Utrecht, in 1714, is repeated 
by the English diplomatist upon the Americans, in the third article of 
the treaty of June 15, 1846, forming the basis of the claim urged 
against our government in the treaty of 1864. 

In the treaty stipulations between France and England in 1714, the 
commercial rights of the French company of Quebec were secured to 


them. From that time forward, the aggressive and oppressive policy 
of the British Hudson s Bay Company was brought into collision, not 
only with the French Northwest Fur Company, but with the United 
States and all American fur companies and missionary arid commer 
cial enterprises coming within their fur-trade influence. 

It will be remembered that the Hudson s Bay Company, who claim 
their existence and privileges from the charter of Charles II., as early 
as 1070, had, in forty-four years time, only established (as Mr. Fitz 
gerald says) " four or five insignificant forts on the shores of Hud 
son s Bay to carry on a trade in furs with those Indians who resorted 
thither ;" while the French, for many years previous, had carried on an 
active trade with the Indians, and had explored the country and 
extended their posts up to the shores of the Saskatchewan, and over 
the Rocky Mountains, on to the waters of the Columbia. The French 
carried on the traffic by way of the St. Lawrence and the lakes to 
Fort William, on Lake Superior, and through the Lake of the Woods 
into Lake Winnipeg, or further south along the plains, crossing the 
course of the Red River ; this being the direct and only line of posts 
kept up by the French Northwest Company, by which their food, 
goods, and furs were transported. The Hudson s Bay Company carried 
theirs by way of Hudson s Straits, around the coast of Labrador. In 
order to destroy and cut off as much as possible the trade ot this 
Northwest Company, Lord Selkirk, in 1811-12, became a shareholder, 
and was allowed to claim, through the directors of the company, 
sixteen thousand square miles of territory in the Red River country, 
for the professed purpose of colonization. 

This colony was planted directly in the line of the fur traffic of the 
Northwest Company, against which the Hudson s Bay Company had 
encouraged and carried on the most bitter hostility, enlisting both 
men and Indians in a deadly feud between the two rival companies. 

Our English writer remarks on pa<re 57 : ."To those who had read 

^ 1 O 

the mutual recriminations that had been bandied between these two 
bodies, it was a strange sight to see the names of Messrs. McGillivray 
and Edward Ellice associated with that of the Hudson s Bay Com 
pany, to see men going hand-in-hand who had openly accused one 
another of the foulest crimes, of wholesale robbery, of allowing their 
servants to instigate the Indian tribes to MURDER the servants of their 
rivalu, this was a strange sight. And to see gentlemen who had 
publicly denied the validity of the company s charter, who had taken 
the opinion of the leading counsel of the day against it, who had tried 
every means, lawful and unlawful, to overthrow it, to see these same 
men range themselves under its protection, and, asserting all that they 


had before denied, proclaim its validity as soon as they were admitted 
to share its advantages ; who, without its pale, asserted the rights of 
British subjects against its monopoly, and, within its pale, asserted its 
monopoly against the rights of British subjects, this, too, was a strange 
sight. Yet to all this did the Hudson s Bay Company submit, rather 
than subject their charter and their claims to the investigation of a 
court of law." 

The Hudson s Bay Company, one hundred and fifty years from the 
date of its charter, asserted its right to the country, and, by virtue of 
the privileges conferred in that charter, seized the supplies and goods 
of the Northwest French Canadian Company, and confiscated them 
to its own use. This resulted in a deadly war between the two com 
panies, and was carried on, neither party applying to the courts of the 
mother country for a settlement of their difficulties; in fact, as has been 
shown by reference to the charter of the Hudson s Bay Company, they 
had no legal rights, because none were in existence at the date of their 
charter ; but, from the maneuvering of the company and the plausible 
efforts of Lord Selkirk to colonize, civilize, and settle the Red River 
country, they entered into his schemes, in order to crush the rival 
company and secure the whole country to themselves. It is unneces 
sary to detail any accounts of the horrid murders and infamous trans 
actions that were put on foot and perpetrated by these two companies. 
After a furious contention, carried on for several years, " they bribed 
rivals whom they could not defeat, and the two companies united and 
agreed to carry on the fur trade together, to the exclusion of all others." 

The Selkirk settlement was soon made to feel the withering influence 
of the company that had located it in the country for a specific pur 
pose. Neither, however, was there any compromise till its inhabitants 
had been driven from their homes, its Governor (Sernple) and seven 
teen of his followers killed. Then a compromise was effected be 
tween the rival companies, and they were united by an act of Parlia 
ment, under the title of Honorable Hudson s Bay Company, in 1821, a 
license given to Messrs. William and Simon McGillivray, of the North 
west Company, and Edward Ellice, of the Hudson s Bay Company. 
These corporate members and their associates " were to share the 
profits arising from the fur trade, not only from the Indian territories, 
but also from the Hudson s Bay Company s proper territories of Ru 
pert s Land." The privileges of this company were limited to seven 
years. This carried them forward to 1828, in which year their license 
(called a charter) was renewed for ten years. 

Our Indian missionary and American history commences in 1832, 
six years before this combined Northwest and Hudson s Bay Com- 


pany s license of exclusive privileges to trade in British Indian Ter 
ritory, and, jointly, in the Oregon Territory, would expire. Our 
English historian and Sir Edward Belcher are both mistaken when 
they attribute to the company the asking for, or in any way encourag 
ing, the American missionaries to come to the country. This was an 
event wholly unknown to them, and brought about by the Indians 
themselves, by sending a delegation of four of their number to St. 
Louis, in 1832, to ask of the American people a religious teacher. Lee, 
Parker, and Whitman heard the request, and volunteered to make the 
effort to establish missions among them. 

These missionaries all came across the Rocky Mountains unasked 
and uninvited by any one in the service of that company. 


English Hudson s Bay effort to secure Oregon. British claim to Oregon. Dr. 
McLaughlin s relation to the company. Treatment of Red River settlers. A mis 
take. Sir Edward Belcher. Duplicity of the Hudson s Bay Company. A noble 
man. An Englishman s opinion of the Hudson s Bay Company. Sir James 
Douglas s testimony. J. Ross Browne. Duty of an historian. Cause and effect. 

SINCE commencing this work we have, by the kindness of friends 
who have taken a deep interest in all that relates to this country, been 
furnished with many valuable and important statements, documents, 
pamphlets, papers, and books, all relating to its early history. 

Of the whole catalogue, the most valuable information is contained 
in a work entitled " An Examination of the Charter and Proceedings 
of the Hudson s Bay Company, with Reference to the Grant of Van 
couver s Island. By James Edward Fitzgerald. London." Pub 
lished in 1849. 

The author of this book, though not having the personal knowledge 
of the company, the Indians, and the country about which he writes 
requisite to a complete history, has shown a correctness of statistical 
facts, a comprehensive knowledge of his subject, an enlarged view of 
the British colonial system, and a correct idea of the debasing practices 
and utterly false positions of the Hudson s Bay Company not found 
in any other writer. 

Up to the time that this book of 293 pages fell into my hands, I did 
not know that any writer entertained similar views with myself in 
relation to this monstrous imposition upon the British and American 

Mr. Fitzgerald has fortified his statements by his knowledge of the 
English people, their laws and usages, and the casual outcroppings of 
a system of unparalleled selfishness and despotism, carried on under 
the guise of a Christian commercial company, whose professed object 
was to extend commerce, and civilize and christianize the savage tribes 
of North America, yet who have invariably held up their Christian 
chartered privileges for the sole purpose of carrying on the most de 
grading and inhuman practices with not only the savages, but with 
all civilized and Christian men who have attempted to expose or even 
investigate their conduct. 

As we proceed with our history, we feel confident that we shall be 


able to enlighten our readers on many dark subjects and transactions, 
and to fully prove every statement we have made, or may yet make. 
Mr. Fitzgerald has given us clearly and truthfully the English side of 
our history as connected with this Hudson s Bay Company. The 
American part of it the writer is gathering up, and, in giving it to the 
public, will discard every statement that does not bear the impress of 

The reader will notice that our subject is extensive, that England 
and America, commerce and Christianity, civilization and savagism, 
are all involved and interested in it, and that Oregon, California, and 
British and Russian America have all. participated in it during the 
past and present century ; that we are tracing cause and effect and 
bringing to light influences that, w T hile producing their legitimate re 
sults, were strange and unaccountable, because always kept under the 
selfish and unscrupulous policy of this English corporation of fur 

By referring to the charter of the Hudson s Bay Company, we find 
that it was given by Charles II., in 1670, granting to the "governor 
and company and their successors the exclusive right to trade, fish, and 
hunt in the waters, bays, rivers, lakes, and creeks entering into Hudson s 
Straits, together with all the lands and territories not already occupied 
or granted to any of the king s subjects, or possessed by the subjects 
of any other Christian prince or State." 

Forty years previous to the giving of this charter by. Charles II, of 
England, Louis XIII., of France, gave a charter to a French company, 
who occupied the country called Acadia, or New France. 

In 1632, Charles I., of England, resigned to Louis XIII., of France, 
the sovereignty of the country then called Acadia, or New France. 

Forty years after Louis XIIL, of France, had given his charter, and 
thirty-eight years after Charles I., of England, had given up his right 
to the country, Charles II., of England, imitating the example of him 
who wished to give the world and all its glory to obtain the worship 
of the Saviour of mankind, gave to the Hudson s Bay Company 
what he had not the shadow of a title to, as in the treaty of Rys- 
wick, in 1697, twenty-seven years after this charter of the Hudson s 
Bay Company had been given, the whole country was confirmed to 
France, and no reservation made on account of the Hudson s Bay 

Mr. Fitzgerald, on his 12th page, says : " It has often been asserted, 
and is to a great extent believed, because there is very little general 
information on this subject, that the claim which Great Britain made 
to the Oregon Territory was dependent upon, or, at any rate, strength- 


ened, by the settlement of the Hudson? s Bay Company on the Columbia 

" Those who hold such an opinion will be surprised to learn that there 
are many, and they well acquainted with the country itself, Avho assert 
that the conduct and policy of the Hudson s Bay Company in the Ore 
gon Territory formed the chief part of the title which the United 
States had to the country, which was gratuitously given to her by the 
settlement of the boundary. What the United States owe to the com 
pany for its policy on the west side of the Rocky Mountains is a 
question to which the English public will some day demand a satisfac 
tory answer. 

"Dr. McLaughlin was formerly an agent in the Northwest Fur 
Company of Montreal ; he was one of the most enterprising arid active 
in conducting the war between that association and the Hudson s Bay 
Company. In the year 1821, when the rival companies united, Dr. 
McLaughlin became a factor of the Hudson s Bay Company. But his 
allegiance does not appear to have been disposed of along with his 
interests, and his sympathy with any thing other than British, seems 
to have done justice to his birth and education, which were those of a 
French Canadian. This gentleman was appointed governor of all the 
country west of the Rocky Mountains, and is accused, by those who 
have been in that country, of having uniformly encouraged the emigra 
tion of settlers from the United States, and of having discouraged that 
of British subjects. While, the company in this country (England) 
were asserting that their settlements on the Columbia River were giving 
validity to the claim of Great Britain to the Oregon Territory, it ap 
pears that their chief officer on the spot was doing all in his power to 
facilitate the operations of those whose whole object it was to anni 
hilate that claim altogether." 

Mr. Fitzgerald has given us in the above statement an important 
fact, and one that reveals to an American the deep-laid schemes of the 
English government, which, by the influence of the Hudson s Bay Com 
pany, sought to secure the Oregon Territory to itself. He also explains 
the conduct of Dr. McLaughlin in his treatment of emigrants, as well 
as the relation he sustained to that company. While, as Americans, 
we can admire and applaud the conduct of a noble and generous " Can 
adian-born " citizen, we at the same time can see the low, debasing, and 
mean spirit of the Englishman, as manifested in the attempt to deprive 
the American Republic of its rightful domain. 

We shall have occasion to refer to the bringing into Oregon of the 
Red River settlers, and as the result of that move, the unparalleled 
effort of Dr. Whitman to defeat the British designs upon the country. 


Mr. Fitzgerald explains that matter so well, that we could not do 
justice to the truth of history not to quote him. He says, on the 14th 
page of his work : " There is one story told, about which it is right that 
the truth should be ascertained. It is said that a number of half-breeds 
from the Red River settlement were, in the year of 1841-2, induced by 
the company s officers to undertake a journey entirely across the con 
tinent, with the object of becoming settlers on the Columbia River. 
It appears that a number went, but on arriving in the country, so far 
from finding any of the promised encouragement, the treatment they 
received from Dr. McLaughlin was such, that, after having been nearly 
starved under the paternal care of that gentleman, they all went over 
to the American settlement in the Wallamet Valley." 

This statement, while it affirms an important fact, gives a false im 
pression as regards Dr. McLaughlin. He, to our certain knowledge, 
extended to the Red River settlers every facility within his power, and 
all of those emigrants to this day speak of his kindness in the highest 
terms. But not so of other leading or controlling members, who really 
represented the English part and policy of that company. Those set 
tlers complained of the domineering and tyrannical treatment of their 
English overseers, which was the cause of their leaving what they sup 
posed would eventually be the English part of Oregon Territory. 
They also became sensible that the Hudson s Bay Company in Oregon 
was a different concern from the Hudson s Bay Company in Rupert s 
Land ; that, however small their privileges were there, they were less 
on Puget Sound ; and being near an American settlement, they natu 
rally sought its advantages and protection. 

Mr. Fitzgerald informs us that " these emigrants became citizens of 
the United States, and it is further said were the first to memorialize 
Congress to extend the power of the United States over the Oregon 
Territory. For the truth of these statements we do not, of course, vouch, 
but we do say they demand inquiry." 

This statement of Mr. Fitzgerald entitles him to be considered a can 
did and fair writer, and one who is seeking for truth in reference to the 
subject he is investigating. He has naturally imbibed the feelings of 
an Englishman against Dr. McLaughlin, under the strong effort made 
by the English Hudson s Bay Company to suppress and supersede the 
French Canadian influence in it. 

He says, on page 15: "Dr. McLaughlin s policy was so manifestly 
American that it is openly canvassed in a book written by Mr. Dunn, 
one of the servants of the company, and written for the purpose of 
praising their system and policy." 

Sir Edward Belcher also alludes to this policy. He says : " Some few 


years since, the company determined on forming settlements on the rich 
lands situated on the Wallamet and other rivers, and for providing for 
their retired servants, by allotting them farms, and further aiding them 
by supplies of cattle, etc. That on the Wallamet was a field too in 
viting for missionary enthusiasm to overlook, but instead of selecting a 
British subject to afford them spiritual assistance, recourse was had to 
Americans, a course pregnant with evil consequences, and particularly 
in the political squabble pending, as will be seen by the result. No 
sooner had the American and his allies fairly squatted (which they 
deem taking possession of the country), than they invited their brethren 
to join them, and called on the American government for laws and 

The American reader will smile at Sir Edward s little fling at the 
squatters in Oregon. He asserts a great truth in the same sentence 
that he utters a positive falsehood. No member of the Hudson s Bay 
Company, nor the whole company together, ever encouraged a single 
American missionary to come to the country. Revs. Lee and Parker 
and Dr. Whitman came without their invitation or aid. They were 
entirely independent of the company, and were only suffered to re 
main, the company not daring to drive them from the country on their 
first arrival, as they all held the protection of the American govern 
ment, as Indian teachers, under the great seal of the Secretary of War. 
This English fling at their own company is evidence of a jealousy 
existing which could not be satisfied short of the utter extermination 
of all American influence on this coast, and is further illustrated by 
this same Sir Edward Belcher, in contrasting the treatment of Cap 
tain Wilkes and his party with that of his own. He says (vol. 1, p. 297) : 
"The attention of the chief to myself and those immediately about 
me, particularly in sending down fresh supplies, previous to my arrival, 
I feel fully grateful for ; but I can not conceal my disappointment at 
the want of accommodation exhibited toward the crews of the ves 
sels under my command in a British jiossession" We old Oregonians 
are amused at Sir Edward s ignorance of the Hudson s Bay Company s 
treatment of the crews of vessels, and servants of the company. We 
all know his crew were allowed to associate freely with the native 
women in the country and to distribute their rations of rum, and any 
other supplies they might have, without any remonstrance from the 
company. Sir Edward continues : " We certainly were not distressed, 
nor was it imperatively necessary that fresh beef and vegetables should 
be supplied, or I should have made a formal demand. But as regarded 
those who might come after, and not improbably myself among the 
number, I inquired in direct terms what facilities her Majesty s ship 


of war might expect, in the event of touching at this port for bullocks, 
flour, vegetables, etc. I certainly was extremely surprised at the 
reply that they were not in a condition to supply. As any observation 
here would be useless, and I well knew this point could be readily 
settled where authority could be referred to, I let the matter rest. But 
having been invited to inspect the farm and dairy, and been informed 
of the quantity of grain, and the means of furnishing flour, and not 
withstanding the profusion of cattle and potatoes, no offer having been 
made for our crew, I regretted that I had been led into the acceptance 
of private, supplies ; although, at that time, the other officers of the 
establishment had told my officers that supplies would of course be 
sent down." 

Mr. Fitzgerald says " the American policy of the Hudsorts Bay 
Company would seem, from the above facts, to be more than a matter 
of suspicion," while we Americans are only disposed to regard them 
as a part of the duplicity of that company in their effort to deceive 
their own countrymen as to the value of the country over which they 
had ruled so long. 

They had been too successful in deceiving all American writers to 
allow their own countrymen to understand their secret policy. Sir 
Edward Belcher and our English historian were equally misled in 
relation to the American policy of the Hudson s Bay Company. It 
is true that Dr. McLaughlin, though he was a French Canadian sub 
ject, had not lost his American soul. The British iron had not driven 
the last noble sentiment of humanity from his heart, nor his connection 
with that polluted corporation of iniquity which pervades half the con 
tinent of North America ; for when he found that this Hudson s Bay 
Company was utterly lost to humanity, he tells them to their teeth : 
" Gentlemen, I will serve you no longer" 

No true American historian will allow, without contradiction, that 
corrupt company to hand down to future infamy the name of a noble 
and generous servant, because their infamous policy was defeated by 
the establishment of the American missions in the country. Dr. 
McLaughlin did all that he could, honorably, to comply with their 
" system of iniquity." 

Our English author says, on page 19, in reference to the conduct 
of the company : " They are convictions which have strengthened and 
deepened at every step of the inquiry ; convictions that the Hudson s 
Bay Company has entailed misery and destruction upon thousands 
throughout the country which is withering under its curse ; that it 
has cramped and crippled the energies and enterprise of England, 
which might have found occupation in the directions from which they 


are now excluded ; that it has stopped the extension of civilization, 
and has excluded the light of religious truth that it has alienated the 
hearts of all under its oppression, and made them, hostile to their coun 
try ; above all, that the whole and entire fabric is built upon utterly 
false and fictitious grounds ; that it has not one shadow of reality in 
law or in justice ; that there is not the smallest legal authority for any 
one of the rights which this corporation claims. It is this conviction 
which has urged me to submit the statements and arguments cor- 
tained in the following pages to the consideration of the public ; and to 
arraign before that tribunal, from which in these days there is no es 
cape, the judgment of public opinion, a corporation who, under the 
authority of a charter which is invalid in law, hold a monopoly in 
commerce, and exercise a despotism in government, and have so used 
that monopoly and wielded that power as to shut up the earth from the 
knowledge of man, and man from the knowledge of God" 

With the statements and convictions of this English author before 
us, we will add a statement of Sir James Douglas, given in answer to 
interrogatory 11 in the case of Hudson s Bay Company s Claim v. 
United States, to give the reader a better idea of the power and 
influence of that company in Oregon, in 1846. 

Sir James says : " The Honorable Hudson s Bay Company had fifty-five 
officers and five hundred and thirteen articled men. The company hav 
ing a large, active, and experienced force of servants in their employ, 
and holding establishments judiciously situated in the most favorable 
portions for trade, forming, as it were, a net-work of posts aiding and 
supporting each other, possessed an extraordinary influence with the 
natives, and in 1846 practically enjoyed a monopoly of the fur trade 
in the country west of the Rocky Mountains, north and south of the 
forty-ninth parallel of latitude. The profits of their trade," says this 
witness, " from 1841 to 1846 were at least seven thousand pounds sterling 

The fifty-five officers and five hundred and thirteen articled men of 
the company, with their eight hundred half-breeds, and the Indians 
they could command by the judicious position of their respective 
posts, were deemed by them sufficient security for their trade, and a 
substantial reason why they should not give up the country without 
making another direct effort to drive the missionary and American set 
tlements from it, notwithstanding all their pretension to join in the 
provisional government organized by the pioneer Americans in 1843. 

The reader is referred to the discussion on the liquor question 
between Judge Sir James Douglas and Mr. Samuel Parker, as found in 
the tenth and eleventh numbers, first volume, of the Spectator, pub- 


lished .June 11 and 25, 1845, and in another chapter of this work, and 
requested to keep all these facts before the mind, so as not to lose 
sight of the commanding influence, or, in other words, the commander, 
when we enter upon the preliminary and immediate causes of the 
Whitman massacre, and the Indian war that followed. 

We have before us the original depositions in reference to the facts 
stated, and also the attempt to excuse the principal actors in that hor 
rible transaction, as given by Brouillet in justification of the course 
pursued by the Jesuit missionaries. 

We have also the superficial and bombastic report of T. Ross Browne, 
special agent of the Treasury Department, dated December 4, 1857, 
containing a copy of this Jesuit history of the murder of Dr. Whit 
man. In his remarks previous to giving Brouillet s history, he says : 
"In view of the fact, however, that objections might be made to any 
testimony coming from the citizens of the Territories, and believing 
also that it is the duty of a public agent to present, as far as practica 
ble, unprejudiced statements, I did not permit myself to be governed 
by any representations unsupported by reliable historical data." * * 
* * "The fact also is shown that, as far back as 1835, the Indians 
west of the Rocky Mountains protested against the taking away of 
their lands by the white race. That this was one of the alleged causes 
of the murder of Dr. Whitman and family." 

There are sixty-six pages in this report. Twelve of them are Mr. 
Browne s, one page of official acknowledgment, and fifty- three from 
the parties implicated. 

The statements of Mr. Browne, of Mr. Fitzgerald, and the oath of Mr. 
Douglas, are sufficient to show the ignorance, stupidity, and falsehood 
incorporated in his report, were there no other historical facts to con 
vict him of ignorance in allowing such representations to be made in 
an official document. In the proper place we will bring this report 
into our history, with both sides of the question. 

Were we to express an opinion of Mr. J. Ross Browne s report, with 
our personal knowledge of what he pretends to relate, we would say 
he ignored the people, the country, and the government whose agent 
he claimed to be, and was reporting for the special benefit of the 
Roman religion and British government, as these are extensively 
quoted as historical data from which his report and conclusions are 

The reader will understand our main object to be to give a full his 
tory of all influences and prominent transactions and events that have 
occurred in Oregon from 1792 to 1849. 

To understand cause and effect, and the true history of the country, 


we have to examine the facts as connected with actions, and also to 
trace back the history of the actors, in order to see how far they may 
be made responsible for the result of their actions. 

Oregon, from the time of its discovery, has been a field where all 
the influences of which we are writing have been living, active influ 
ences ; and they are by no means inactive or dead at the present time. 
Some of them are more active now than they were in 1836. 

A full knowledge of the past will enable us to guard the present and 
the future. Our English writer has gathered his facts and drawn his 
conclusions m in London. We, upon this, our western coast, are wit 
nesses of the cause and results of his conclusions, and any statement he 
makes we feel ourselves abundantly able to corroborate or correct. 

As we proceed with our history we shall have frequent occasion to 
quote Mr. Fitzgerald, as the best English evidence, in favor of our 
American statements or positions. Since w r riting the above we have 
noticed a lengthy article in the Edinburgh Westminster Review for 
July, 1867, giving a concise history of the Hudson s Bay Company, 
under the heading, "The Last Great Monopoly." In that article the 
author has shown extensive .historical knowledge of the operations and 
influences of that monopoly in that portion of our continent over 
which they have held exclusive control. 

He regards them as a blight upon the country, and an " incubus " 
to be removed by national legislation. If our work had been pub 
lished, we should conclude that he must have drawn many of his facts 
from our own observations. But this is not the case ; hence the value 
to us of his corroboration of the facts we affirm from personal knowl 


Care of Great Britain for her fur companies. Columbia Fur Company. Astor s second 
fur company. Major Pilcher s fur company. Loss of the ship Isabel. Captain 
Bonueville s expedition. Cause of his failure. Captain Wyeth s, 1832. Indians 
ask for missionaries in 1833. Methodist Mission. Fort Hall established. Fort 

BY reference to the act of the British Parliament of June 2, 1821, 
it will be seen that the affairs of the North American British Fur com 
panies were in a fair way to defeat all British interests in America. To 
suppress these feuds among their own people became a matter of 
national importance and policy. 

To accomplish so desirable an object, Parliament, in the act above 
referred to, extended the civil and criminal jurisdiction of Canada over 
all the territories of the Hudson s Bay Company ; in the thirteenth 
article of the act, and in the fourteenth, repealed all that was before 
taken away from that company, and confirmed absolutely all the rights 
supposed to have been given by the original charter, as follows : 

SECTION 14. " And be it further enacted, that nothing in this act con 
tained shall be taken or construed to affect any right or privilege, 
authority or jurisdiction, which the governor and company of adven- 
ture rs trading to Hudson s Bay are by law entitled to claim and exer 
cise under their charter; but that all such rights, privileges, authorities, 
and jurisdictions, shall remain in as full force, virtue, and effect, as if 
this act had never been made ; any thing in this act to the contrary 


This act, however just it may have been considered, certainly em 
bodied a large amount of national prejudice against the people of 
French or Canadian birth, in exempting the territory of the Hudson s 
Bay Company from its influence., It had a twofold effect : the one, to 
check feuds among British subjects ; the other, to unite them in one vast 
Indian monopoly, to license this united company to go forward with 
their Indian political arrangements unmolested, to punish and dispose 
of all intruders upon their supposed, or asserted rights, as they might 
deem for the interest of their trade, which, according to the charter 
of Charles II., bearing date May 2, 1670, they were " at all times here 
after to be personable and capable in law, to have, purchase, receive, 
possess, enjoy, and retain lands, rents, privileges, liberties, jurisdiction, 


franchises, and hereditaments of what kind, nature, or quality soever 
they be, to them and their successors." 

The whole trade, fisheries, navigation, minerals, etc., of the countries, 
are granted to the company exclusively ; all other of the king s subjects 
being forbidden to visit, hunt, frequent, trade, traffic, or adventure 
therein, under heavy penalties ; and the company is moreover empow 
ered to send ships, and to build fortifications for the defense of its 
possessions, as well as to make war or peace with all nations or peoples 
not Christian, inhabiting those territories, which are declared to be hence 
forth reckoned and reputed as one of his Majesty s plantations or colo 
nies in America, called Rupert s Land. 

It will be remembered that as early as 1818, a question arose between 
the United States and Great Britain, as to which was the rightful owner 
of the Oregon country. The Northwest Fur Company were the only 
subjects of Great Britain that had competed with the American fur 
companies in the discovery or trade of the country. To ignore that 
company altogether would weaken the British claim to Oregon by right 
of prior discovery and occupancy. Hence, by uniting the two companies 
under an ancient English charter, combining their united capital and 
numerical strength, discarding all doubtful subjects, and confirming the 
absolute power of their own British company, they could easily secure 
Oregon as British territory. The wisdom and effect of this policy will 
be developed as we proceed. 

By the third article of the convention between the United States and 
Great Britain, signed October 20, 1818, "it is agreed that any country 
that may be claimed by either party on the northwest coast of America, 
westward of the Stony Mountains, shall, together with its harbors, bays, 
and creeks, and the navigation of all rivers within the same, be free 
and open for the term often years from the date of the signature of the 
present convention, to the vessels, citizens, and subjects of the two 
powers ; it being well understood that this agreement is not to be con 
strued to the prejudice of any claim which either of the two high con 
tracting parties may have to any part of said country, nor shall it be 
taken to affect the claims of any other power or state to any part of the 
said country; the only object of the high contracting parties, in that 
respect, being to prevent disputes and differences among themselves." 

This convention secured at that time the Northwest Fur Company s 
existence in the country, by the act uniting the two British fur compa 
nies three years later. In 1821, the privileges here secured were trans 
ferred and confirmed to the Hudson s Bay Company, who at once took the 
most active and efficient measures to guard against any future competi 
tion, by assessing and setting apart ten per cent, on their capital stock, 


which was counted at 200,000, as a sinking fund for the special pur 
pose of opposing all competition in the fur trade by land or water. 

The convention above referred to shows that Great Britain held a 
watchful eye over her fur traders in this distant country ; and the act of 
her Parliament in 1821, that she was disposed, in a direct manner, to 
secure to her own people, as traders, the absolute sovereignty of the 
country. While Great Britain was protecting and strengthening her 
fur traders in North America, the American government was simply 
asserting its prior rights to the Oregon country, founded upon its 
discovery and subsequent purchase in what is termed the Louisiana 
purchase, from France ; the treaties and conventions only serving to 
encourage arid strengthen the British claim, while they used their 
influence, capital, and power against all American competition and set 
tlement in the country. 

In 1821, as was to be expected by the union of the two great British 
fur companies, under the license of the British Parliament, and absolute 
charter of Charles II., many of the servants, and especially such as 
were found favorable to the American fur traders, or violently opposed 
to the Hudson s Bay Company, were thrown out of employment. They 
naturally sought to continue their wild Indian trade and habits, and 
formed a company under the name of the Columbia Fur Company, ex 
tending their operations up the Mississippi, Missouri, and Yellowstone 
rivers. In 1826, they transferred their interests to Astor s second North 
American Fur Company, of which John Jacob Astor was the head. 
This company appears to have been commenced or organized in con 
nection with Mr. W. H. Ashley, in 1823, and under his direction extended 
its trade to the south and west, along the Platte River, and passed into 
the Rocky Mountains as far as Green River, being the first to discover 
its sources, making a successful trading expedition that year. 

In 1824, another expedition under Mr. Ashley explored the Rocky 
Mountains as far south as Salt Lake, and built a fort on the borders of 
a small lake, to which he gave his own name. In 1826, Mr. Ashley trans 
ported a 6-pound cannon to his establishment near Salt Lake, through 
what has since been termed Fremont s, or the south pass of the Rocky 
Mountains, in a wagon. This establishment had in its employ over 
one hundred men, and was remarkably successful and profitable to the 

In 1826, Mr. Ashley sold all his interest to the Rocky Mountain Fur 
Company, composed of Smith, Jackson, and Subleth, who extended 
their trade into California, and as far north as the Umpqua River, in 
Oregon ; where Smith and his party were met by a professedly friendly 
party of Indians, who murdered his men, seized his furs, and delivered 


them to a party of men sent by the Hudson s Bay Company, under Mr. 
John McLeod and Thomas McKay, to receive the furs and pay the In 
dians for their services as learned by the writer from eye-witnesses. 

During this same year, 1 827, Major Pilcher, with forty-five men, crossed 
the Rocky Mountains, and, in 1828-9, traversed the western portion of 
them as far north as Fort Colville. This fort had been established, and 
farming operations commenced, in 1825. This party of Major Pilcher 
were all cut off but two men, besides himself; his furs, as stated by 
himself to the writer, found their way into the forts of the Hudson s 
Bay Company. 

In 1828, the brig Oicyhee, Captain Demenses, and the schooner Oow- 
rey, Captain Thompson, entered and remained nearly a year in the Co 
lumbia River, trading with the Indians. They were owned in Boston. 

In 1830, the British ship Isabel was lost on Sand Island the second 
known to have been w r recked on the bar, or in attempting to enter the 
river. The crew were all saved, and it was the opinion of the company 
at Vancouver that, had the crew remained with the ship, no great loss 
would have been sustained. 

In 1832, Captain Bonneville, of the United States army, on furlough, 
started, with over one hundred men, on an expedition into the Rocky 
Mountains. He crossed the mountains, and reached the Wallawalla Val 
ley, on the Columbia River; but, through the influence of the Hudson s 
Bay Company, his men were nearly all induced to leave him, so that 
he was obliged to abandon his property, and his expedition was a total 
failure, except the little scientific knowledge of the country gained by it. 

To charge the failure of Captain Bonneville directly to the Hudson s 
Bay Company would not be strictly true ; but their great influence over 
the Indians was sufficient to prevent them from furnishing his party 
with food or horses, while he was within reach of their forts. Hence, 
many of his men became dissatisfied, and left him, till his party became 
too weak to effect their return to the States with their valuable furs 
and property. These eventually were lost, or fell into the hands of the 
Indians, and through them, his furs reached the Hudson s Bay traders 

This same year, 1832, Captain Nathaniel Wyeth, of Massachusetts, 
started on an exploring expedition to the mouth of the Columbia River, 
with a view of establishing a permanent trade in the Oregon country. 
He traveled across the continent and gathered all the information re 
quisite for the undertaking, and returned to Boston in 1833 ; and in 
1834, having completed his arrangements, chartered the brig May 
Dacre, and dispatched her with his own, and the goods of the Metho 
dist Mission, for the Columbia River. 


The same year, some Flat-head Indians, from a tribe in the midst of 
the Rocky Mountains, went to St. Louis, and, through Mr. Catlin, an 
American artist, made known their object, which was to know some 
thing more of the white man s God and religion. Through the represent 
ations of these Indians, the Methodist Episcopal Society in the United 
States established their missions in Oregon, and the American Board 
sent their missionaries among the Nez Perces, which, as will be seen, 
was the commencement of the permanent settlement of the country. 
It appears from the facts, briefly stated, that there had been eleven dif 
ferent trading expeditions and companies, besides the Northwest and 
Hudson s Bay companies, that had sought for wealth by making fur- 
trading establishments in Oregon. All of them, including the North 
west and Hudson s Bay companies, have retired from it, but the Ameri 
can missionaries are residents of the country, and their influence and 
labors are felt, notwithstanding other influences have partially sup 
planted and destroyed the good impressions first made upon the natives 
1 of the country by them. Still civilization, education, and religion, with 
all the improvements of the age, are progressing, and the old pioneer 
missionaries and settlers that were contemporary with them, with a 
few exceptions, are foremost in every laudable effort to benefit the 
present arid rising generation. 

In the month of March, 1833, a Japanese junk was wrecked near 
Cape Flattery, in the then Territory of Oregon, and all on board, ex 
cept three men, were lost. Those three were received by Captain 
McNeal on board the British ship Lama ; taken to Vancouver, and 
thence sent to England. Rev. Mr. Parker gives this, and another simi 
lar wreck on the Sandwich .Islands, as evidence of the origin of the 
natives of those countries. But we give it for another object. The 
three Japanese were taken to England, and, during their stay, learned 
the English language, were sent back to Macao, and became the assist 
ant teachers of Mr. Gutzlaff, the English missionary, at that place, and 
were the means of opening their own country to missionary and com 
mercial relations with other nations. 

Captain Wyeth, with Revs. Jason and Daniel Lee, Cyrus Shepard, 
and P. L. Edwards, the first missionary party, together with Doctor 
Nutall, a naturalist, and J. K. To\vnsend, an ornithologist, sent out by 
a literary society in Philadelphia, all under the escort furnished by 
Captain Wyeth, crossed the mountains and reached the plain formed 
by the Portneuf and Snake rivers. At their junction Captain Wyeth 
stopped, and established Fort Hall, while the missionaries and scientific 
men of his party, in company with an Englishman by the name of 
Captain Stewart, and a party of Hudson s Bay traders, under the 


direction of Mr. McLeod and McKay, proceeded to Fort Nez Perces 
(present name, Wallula). Thence they traveled in Hudson s Bay 
bateaux to Vancouver. 

Captain Wyeth established his post on the Snake River, by erecting 
a stockade of logs, and quarters for his men, and then proceeded to 
the lower Columbia to receive his goods, which arrived in the May 
Dacre, Captain Lambert, from Boston, about the time he reached Fort 
William, on what is now known as Sauvies Island, a few miles below 
the mouth of the Multnomah River, now called the Wallamet. 

Rev. Mr. Lee and party made their first location about sixty miles 
from the mouth of the Wallamet, near what is now called Wheatland, 
ten miles below Salem. 

Captain Wyeth received his goods, and commenced his trading 
establishment, but found that, notwithstanding he was personally 
treated by the principal officers of the Hudson s Bay Company with 
great courtesy, yet it was evident that every possible underhanded and 
degrading device was practiced, both with the Indians and with his men, 
to destroy, as much as was possible, the value and profits of his trade. 
In the spring and summer of 1835 he supplied his Fort Hall establish 
ment with goods. 

During the year 18-35, the Hudson s Bay Company erected a tem 
porary post about twelve miles up the Boise River, designed to coun 
teract and destroy as much as possible the American fur trade estab 
lished by Captain Wyeth, who continued his efforts less than three 
years ; and, having lost of the two hundred men who had been in his 
employ one hundred and sixty (as stated to Rev. Samuel Parker), and 
finding himself unable to compete with this powerful English com 
pany, he accepted Dr. McLaughlin s offer for his establishments, and 
left the country in 1836. 

In 1835, the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions 
sent Rev. Samuel Parker and Dr. Marcus Whitman to explore the 
Oregon country, with a view of establishing missions among the 
Indians west of the Rocky Mountains. 

These two missionaries reached the American rendezvous on Green 
River, in company with the Rocky Mountain Fur Company s traders, 
under the direction of Captains Drips and Fitzpatrick. From the 
American rendezvous Mr. Parker continued his explorations in com 
pany with, and under the protection of the Nez Perce Indians, till he 
reached old Fort Wallawalla, now called Wallula ; thence he continued 
in canoes to Vancouver, while Dr. Whitman retuvned to the United 
States to procure associates to establish the Nez Perce mission. 


Extent and power of Hudson s Bay Company. Number of forts. Location. Policy. 
Murder of Mr. Black. McKay. Manner of dealing with Indians. Commander of 
fort kills an Indian. Necessity of such a course. Hudson s Bay Company not 
responsible for what their servants do. 

HAVING briefly traced the operations of the two foreign fur com 
panies in Oregon, a knowledge of the location of their several trading 
establishments will enable the reader to comprehend their power 
and influence in the country. 

Fort Umpqua was located in the extreme southwestern part of 
Oregon, near the mouth of the river bearing that name. It was a 
temporary stockade built of logs, overlooking a small farm in its im 
mediate vicinity, was generally occupied by a clerk and from four to 
eight Frenchmen. 

Fort George (Astoria) already described. 

They had a farm and small establishment at the mouth of the 
Cowlitz, and a more extensive farm some twenty-five miles up that 

Fort Vancouver, a stockade, six miles above the month of the 
Multnomah, or Wallamet River. This fort was the general depot for 
the southwestern department, at which their goods for Indian trade 
were landed, and their furs and peltries collected and shipped to 
foreign markets. There Avas also a trading-house at Champoeg, some 
thirty-five miles up the Wallamet River. 

On the left bank of the Columbia River, near the 46 of north 
latitude, stood Fort Nez Perces, called Wallawalla, now Wallula, a 
stockade, accidentally burned in 1841, and rebuilt with adobes in 

On the left bank of the south branch of the Columbia, or Snake River, 
at the junction of the Boise, was located Fort Boise, built formerly, in 
1834, with poles ; later, with adobes. 

Continuing up Snake River to the junction of the Portneuf, on 
its left bank we find Fort Hall, built by Captain Wyeth; a stock 
ade in 1834 ; rebuilt by the Hudson s Bay Company, with adobes, 
in 1838. 

Thence up the Columbia, Fort Okanagon, at the mouth of Okan- 


agon River, formerly a stockade, latterly a house or hut ; and up the 
Spokan some twenty miles, was the old Spokan Fort, built by Astor s 
Company, a stockade with%olid bastions. 

Continuing up the Columbia to Kettle Falls, and two miles above, 
on the left bank is Fort Colville, formerly a stockade, still occupied by 
the Hudson s Bay Company. 

Thenco up the Columbia to the mouth of the Kootanie River, near 
the forty-ninth parallel of latitude, is the trading establishment called 
Kootanie House. Thence returning south, and ascending the Flathead 
(Clark s) and Kootanie rivers, into what is now Montana Territory, is, 
or was, the hut called Flathead House. Still higher up on the Colum 
bia was a small establishment, called the boat encampment, or Mountain 

; Entering the country by the Straits of Juan de Fuca and Puget 
Sound, we find Fort Nasqualla, formerly a stockade. Proceeding up 
Frazer River to near the forty-ninth parallel, upon the left or south 
bank of the river is Fort Langley, an extensive stockade. Thence up 
that river about ninety miles, half a mile below the mouth of the 
Coquehalla, is Fort Hope, a stockade. On the right bank of the 
Frazer, sixteen miles above, is Fort Yale, a trading-house. 

Thence proceeding up the Frazer, and on to the waters of Thompson 
River, is Fort Kamloops ; still further north and east, extending into 
New Caledonia, are Forts Alexander, William, Garey, and Abercrombie. 

On the southeastern part of Vancouver Island is Fort Victoria, 
formerly a stockade. On the north side of the island is Fort Rupert, 
a stockade, still in good repair. 

On the mainland, near Portland Channel, is Fort Simpson. At the 
mouth of the Stiken River, on Dundas Island, was formerly Fort 
Wrangle, a stockade. Recently the establishment has been remored 
some sixty miles up the Stiken River, and called Fort Stiken. 

This, as will be seen, gives the company twenty-three forts and five 
trading-stations. In addition to these they had trading-parties extend 
ing south to California, southeast to Fort Hall and into Utah and Ari 
zona, east into the Blackfoot country (Montana) and the Rocky Moun 
tains, and north into New Caledonia and along the northwestern water 
shed of the Rocky Mountains. 

They also had two steamers, the JBeaver and Otter, to enter all the 
bays, harbors, rivers, and inlets along the western coast of our coun 
try, from Mexico on the south, to Russian America on the north, em 
ploying fifty-five officers and five hundred and thirteen articled men, 
all bound, under the strictest articles of agreement, to subserve the 
interests of that company under all circumstances; being strictly for- 


bidden to acquire any personal or real estate outside of their stipula 
ted pay as servants of the company, and were subject to such punish 
ment for deficiency of labor or neglect of duty as the officer in charge 
might see fit to impose, having no appeal to any source for redress, as 
the original charter of Charles II., confirmed by act of Parliament in 
1821, clearly conferred on the company absolute control over the 
country they occupied, and all in it. 

As a matter of romance and adventure, many statements are made 
of conflicts with Indians and with wild animals, all terminating favor 
ably to the interests of the company, confirming and strengthening 
their absolute power over all their opponents ; but as they do not 
properly belong to a work of this character, they will be omitted, 
except where they may be brought to illustrate a fact, or to prove the 
principles and policy of the company. 

As in the case of Mr. Black, a chief trader at Fort Kamloops, who 
had offended an Indian, the Indian disguised his resentment, entered 
the fort as a friend, and while Mr. Black was passing from the room in 
which the Indian had been received, he was deliberately shot by him, 
and fell dead. The Indian fled, and the fort was closed against the 
tribe. Xot a single article of trade or supplies was allowed to the 
tribe till the murderer was given up, and hung by the company s men, 
when the fort was opened and trade resumed. 

In another case, near the mouth of the Columbia, a trader by the 
name of McKay was killed in a drunken row with the Indians at a 
salmon fishery. A friendly Indian gave information at head-quarters, 
when an expedition was fitted out and sent to the Indian camp. The 
murderer, with a few other Indians, was found in a canoe, but escaped 
to shore. They were fired at, and one woman was killed and others 
wounded. Dr. McLaughlin, being in command of the party, informed 
the Indians that if the murderer was not soon given up, he would pun 
ish the tribe. They soon placed the murderer in the hands of the 
party, who were satisfied of the guilt of the Indian, and at once hung 
him, as an example of the punishment that would be inflicted upon 
murderers of white men belonging to the company. 

One other instance of daring and summary punishment is related as 
having been inflicted by Mr. Douglas, while in charge of a fort in the 
midst of a powerful tribe of Indians. A principal chief had killed one 
of the company s men. Mr. Douglas, learning that he was in a lodge 
not far from the fort, boasting of his murderous exploit, armed him 
self, went to the lodge, identified the murdering chief, and shot him 
dead ; then walked deliberately back to the fort. 

A compliance with licensed parliamentary stipulations would have 


required the arrest of the murderers in all these cases, and the testimony 
and criminals to be sent to Canada for conviction and execution. 

These cases illustrate, whether just or otherwise, the absolute man 
ner of dealing with Indians by the company. The, following chapter 
gives us the particulars of an aggravated case of brutal murder of the 
person in charge of one of their extreme northwestern forts by the 
men under his charge. 


Murder of John McLaughlin, Jr. Investigation by Sir George Simpson and Sir James 


VERY different was the course pursued by Sir George Simpson and 
Mr. (now Sir James) Douglas in the case of conspiracy and murder of 
John McLaughlin, Jr., at Fort Wrangle, near the southern boundary 
of Russian America. 

In this case, Sir George Simpson went into a partial examination of 
the parties implicated, and reported that Dr. John McLaughlin, Jr., 
was killed by the men in self-defense. This report, from the known 
hostility of Sir George to the father and son, was not satisfactory, and 
Esquire Douglas was dispatched to Fort Wrangle, and procured the 
following testimony, which, in justice to theSmurdered man and the 
now deceased father, we will quote as copied from the original docu 
ments by Rev. G. Hines. 

Pierre Kanaquassee, one of the men employed in the establishment 
at the time of the murder, and in whose testimony the gentlemen of the 
company place the utmost reliance, gives the following narrative, in 
answer to questions proposed by James Douglas, Esq., the magistrate 
that examined him : 

Q. Where were you on the night of the murder of the late Mr. John 
McLaughlin ? 

A. I was in my room, in the lower part of the main .house, .where I 
lived with George Heron, in an apartment in the lower story, immedi 
ately under the kitchen. My door opened into the" passage which led 
to the apartment of Mr. John McLaughlin in the second story. 

Q. What occurred on the night of the murder ? 

A. I will tell you the whole story, to the best of my recollection. 

A few days preceding the murder, five Indians from. Tako, with let 
ters from Dr. Kennedy, arrived at the fort about midnight. The 
watchmen, hearing the knocking, called Mr. John. When he got up, 
he mustered a few hands to defend the gates, in case of any treacherous 
attack from the Indians, whom they did not, as yet, know. They were 
then admitted into the fort, delivered up their arms, according to cus 
tom, and were lodged in a small room in the lower story of the main 
house. A day or two after this, he beat, and put one of these Indians, 
a native of Nop, in irons, as Peter was told, for having committed some 


theft in Tako. About eight o clock of the evening of the 20th of April, 
Mr. John gave liquor to the Indians, and made them drunk ; after 
which he called the white men, viz., Laperti, Pripe, Lulaire, Heroux 
Bellinger, Simon, Fleury, McPherson, Smith, and Antoine Kawanope. 
During this time, Peter was in his own, which was the adjoining room, 
lying awake in bed, and overheard all that passed. He heard Mr. John 
say to McPherson, " Peter is not among us. ^Vllere is he ? " McPher 
son replied, that he was in bed, and he was sent for him by Mr. John. 
Peter, in consequence, went into the room, and saw all the men seated in 
a ring, on the floor, around a number of bottles standing within the 
ring, and the Indians lying dead drunk on another part of the floor. 
Mr. John himself was standing outside of the ring, and McPherson 
placed himself on the opposite side of the ring ; neither of them appear 
ed to be partaking of the festivities of the evening, but were looking 
on, and forcing the people to drink. Antoine Kawanope was seated 
on his bed, apart from the other men, perfectly sober, as he told Peter 
afterward. Mr. John had ordered him not to drink, observing, " You 
are not to drink at this time, as I am going to die to-night, and you 
will help me in what I am going to do." On entering the room, Mr. 
John told Peter to sit down with the other people, and ordered his ser 
vant, Fleury, to give him a good dram, which he did, in a tin pan. Peter 
could not drink the whole, and was threatened by Mr. John with vio 
lence if he did not finish it. He succeeded in emptying the pan, by 
allowing the liquor to run into the bosom of his shirt. Mr. John, in 
doing this, did not appear to be angry, but in a half-playful mood. 
Peter remained there about a quarter of an hour, during which time he 
was careful not to drink too much, as a few hours previously Antoine 
had called at his room and said, " My uncle, take care of yourself to 
night ; the master is going to die." Peter said, " Who is going to kill 
him ? " and Antoine said, "The Bluemen," meaning the Kanakas, "are 
going to kill him." This, Peter thought, was likely to be the case, as the 
men, some time before Christmas preceding, had agreed among them 
selves to murder him, and had signed a paper, which McPherson drew 
up, to that effect. Every one of the men of the place agreed to the com 
mission of this deed, Smith and Heron as well as the others. Peter s 
name was signed by McPherson, and he attested it by his cross. This 
paper was signed in Urbaine s house, where the men severally repaired 
by stealth for the purpose, as Mr. John kept so vigilant a watch upon 
them, that they were afraid he might suspect their intentions if they 
were there in a body. The same impression made him also remark, in 
a low tone of voice, to Laperti, on his first entering the room, when he 
observed Mr. John forcing the people to drink, "I really believe our 


master feels his end near, as he never used to act in this manner." 
As above mentioned, after Peter had been about fifteen minutes in 
the room where the men were drinking, Mr. John retired, followed by 
Antoine. Mr. John had not on that occasion drank any thing with the 
men, neither did he (Peter) ever see him, at any time preceding, drink 
in their company. He, however, supposed that he must have taken 
something in his own room, as he appeared flushed and excited, but not 
sufficiently so as to render his gait in the least unsteady. McPherson 
also did not taste any thing in the room. As soon as Mr. John was 
gone, Peter also left the room, and went to bed in his own room. 

Peter was informed by Antoine that Mr. John, on leaving the room 
where the men were drinking, went up-stairs to his own apartment, 
and he heard him say to his wife, " I am going to die to-night." And 
he and his wife both began to cry. Mr. John soon rallied, and observ 
ed, " Very well ; if I die, I must fall like a man.". He then told Antoine 
to load his rifles and pistols, and ordered him also to arm himself with 
his own gun. He and Antoine then went out, and Peter thinks he 
heard the report of more than fifteen shots. Antoine afterward told 
Peter that Mr. John fired at Laperti, but missed him, and afterward 
ordered Antoine to fire at Laperti. Antoine refused to do so, until his 
own life was threatened by Mr. John, when he fired in the direction, 
without aiming at Laperti. He also told the Kanakas to kill the Cana 
dians, and it was in part they who fired the shots that he (Peter) had 
heard. Peter then got up and placed himself behind his door, and saw 
Mr. John come in and go up-stairs with Antoine, when he took the 
opportunity of going out, armed with his gun and a stout bludgeon, 
and found the men standing here and there on the gallery watching an 
opportunity to shoot Mr. John. Laperti s position on the gallery 
was fronting the door of the main house, toward which he had his 
gun pointed ; when Peter saw him, he was on his knees, the small end 
of the gun resting on the top rail of the gallery, in readiness to fire. 
Laperti exclaimed, on seeing Peter, " I must kill him now, as he has 
fired two shots at me." Peter objected to this, and proposed to take 
and tie him. Nobody answered him. At that moment, Smith came 
up to Laperti and told him to hide himself or he would certainly be 
killed. Laperti said, " Where can I hide myself?" and Smith said, 
" Come with me and I will show you a place in the bastion where you 
can hide yourself," and they went off together in the direction of the 
bastion at the corner of Urbaine s house. Peter, after a few minutes 
stay on the gallery, returned to his house, as he hack previously agreed 
upon with George Hebram, who was lying sick in bed, and who had 
entreated him not to leave him alone. At the door of the main house, 


he met Mr. John coming out, followed by Antoine, who was carrying 
a lamp. Mr. John said to Peter, " Have you seen Laperti ?" Peter 
answered, " No, I have not seen him ;" and then Mr. John said, "Have 
you seen Urbaine ?" And Peter again answered that he had not. The 
minute before this, as he (Peter) was returning from the gallery, he had 
seen Urbaine standing at the corner of the main house, next to Ur 
baine s own dwelling, in company with Simon. Urbaine said, " I don t 
know what to do ; I have no gun, and do not know where to hide my 
self." Simon said, " I have a gun, if he comes I will shoot him, and 
will be safe." Mr. John, after Peter passed him, said to Antoine, " Make 
haste, and come with the lamp," and proceeded with a firm step to Ur- 
baine s house, as Peter, who continued watching at the door, saw. 

After he saw them go to Urbaine s house, he proceeded toward his 
own room, and he and Antoine called out, " Fire ! fire !" The report 
of several shots, probably five, immediately followed, and he heard 
Antoine exclaiming, " Stop ! stop ! stop ! He is dead now." Antoine 
afterward related to Peter, that on reaching Urbaine s house, Mr. 
John ordered him to go round by one corner, while he went round by 
the other, directing Antoine to shoot any of the Canadians he might 
meet. Mr. John then proceeded in a stooping position, looking very 
intently before him, when a shot was fired from the corner of the house 
toward which he was going, which caused his death, the ball having 
entered at the upper part of the breast-bone, a little below the gullet, 
and come out a little below the shoulder, having broken the spine in 
its passage. Peter was also told by one of the Kanakas, that as soon 
as Mr. John fell, Urbaine sprung forward from the corner of the house 
within a few paces of the body, and put his foot savagely on his neck, 
as if to complete the act, should the ball have failed in causing death. 
The Kanakas immediately asked Urbaine who had killed the master. 
Urbaine replied, " It is none of your business who has killed him ! " 
Peter, who during this time had removed to his house, seeing Heron 
go out without his gun, went out round the body, and said, " My 
friend, we have now done what we long intended to do ; let us now 
carry the body back to the house." Urbaine, Laperti, Bellinger, and 
other white men who were present replied, " When we kill a dog, we 
let him lie where we kill him." And Antoine told him they had pre 
viously given him the same reply to a similar proposition from him. 
Peter then approached the body, and, with one hand under the neck, 
raised the head and trunk, when a deep expiration followed, which was 
the last sign of animation. He had previously perceived no signs of 
life, nor did he hear any one say that any appeared after the deceased 
fell. The white men being unwilling to assist him, he carried the body, 


with the aid of the Kanakas, into the main house, where he had it 
stripped, washed clean, decently dressed, and laid out. In doing so he 
received no help from any but the Kanakas. The wounds made by the 
balls were very large, both openings being circular, and severally three 
inches in diameter. The body bled profusely, there being a deep pool 
of blood found around it, which was washed away afterward by the 
Kanakas. Peter never heard that he spoke or moved after he fell. 
There was a perpendicular cut on the forehead, skin-deep, in a line with 
the nose, which Peter thinks was caused by his falling on the barrel of 
his rifle, though Urbaine said that he had received it from an Indian 
w T ith his dog. It was, as Peter supposes, about eleven o clock, P. M., 
when he had done washing and laying out the body ; the watches had 
not then been changed, therefore he thinks it could not be midnight. 
The people continued coming and going during the night, to see the 
body, and Peter proposed praying over the body, as is customary in 
Canada ; but they objected, saying they did not wish to pray for him. 
He did sit up with the body all night, having soon after gone, first to 
Urbaine s and then to Lulaire s house, who each gave him a dram, 
which he took, saying, " There is no need of drinking now ; they might 
drink their fill now." He soon afterward went to bed. 

He inquired of Martineau, who also lived in the same room, if he had 
fired at the deceased. He replied, that he had fired twice. He then 
asked him if it was he that had killed him, and he said, " I do not know 
if it was me or not." He (Peter) put the same question to several of 
the other men whom he saw afterward ; they all said that they had 
not shot him, and Martineau afterward said that he had not directed 
his gun at him, but had fired in the air. 

The following morning he asked Antoine Kawanope if he knew who 
had killed the deceased. He replied, " I know wfyo killed him, but I am 
not going to tell you, or any one else. When the governor comes, I 
will tell him." He asked Antoine why he would not tell ; he said he 
was afraid it might cause more quarrels, and lead to other murders. He 
then advised Antoine not to conceal it from him, as he would tell no 
one. Antoine then said, he thought it was Urbaine who had done the 
deed. Peter observed that Urbaine had no gun. Antoine replied, " I 
think it was Urbaine, because as soon as the deceased fell, Urbaine rushed 
out from his lurking-place at the corner of the house, where, I was in 
formed by the people, he always kept his gun secreted, with the inten 
tion of shooting the deceased." Peter says Laperti, Urbaine, and Simon 
were all concealed in the corner whence the shot came, and he thinks 
it to be one of the three who fired it. Urbaine always denied having 
committed the murder, and said, "I am going to the Russian fort for 


trial, and will be either banished or hung. I will let the thing go to the 
end, and will then inform upon the murderers." 

Simon always said that he was never in the corner from whence the 
shot was fired, and knew nothing about the matter ; but Peter thinks 
that he must have been there, as he saw him, as before related, at the 
corner of the main house, when he promised to protect Urbaine ; and 
from the situation of the fort, he must have passed that spot with Ur 
baine, as there was no other passage from the place where they had 
been standing. Laperti also said he never fired at all. When Peter, 
as before related, went upoju the gallery after the first firing had ceased, 
while Mr. John and Antoine had gone into the house, he saw all the 
men on the gallery, except Pripe, Lulaire, and McPherson, and he asked 
each of them, respectively, if they were going to shoot the master that 
night, and they all answered (as well as himself), they would do so at 
the first chance, except Pehou, a Kanaka, who would not consent to the 
murder. Smith was then without a gun. 

Before the Christmas preceding, Peter put the question to Smith, how 
he should like to see him kill Mr. John ? He replied, " I should like it 
very well ; I would have no objection, because his conduct is so very 
bad that he can never expect to be protected by the company." Peter 
Manifree says that Mr. John appeared to be aware of the plot formed 
by the men against his life ; as he supposes, through the information of 
Fleury, his servant, who was aware of every thing that passed among 
them. Mr. John had often said to the men, " Kill me, if you can. If 
you kill me, you will not kill a woman you will kill a man." And he 
kept Antoine as a sentinel to watch his room. One evening George 
Heron proposed taking his life, and said if he could find a man to go 
with him, he would be the first to shoot him. Peter refused to go, and 
Heron watched a great part of the night in the passage leading to Mr. 
John s room, holding his gun pointed toward its door, with the object 
of shooting Mr. John if he appeared, as he usually did .at night when 
going to visit the watchmen; but he did not go out that night, or Peter 
thinks that he would have been shot by Heron, The following morning 
Peter asked Antoine if he would defend Mr. John were he attacked by 
the people. Antoine said he would not, and would be the first man to 
seize or shoot him, should any attempt be made against his life or 
liberty. He put the same question to McPherson ; but McPherson said, 
" No, do not kill him till the governor comes, by and by, and then 
we shall have redress." 

Peter also says that all the unmarried men were in the habit of secret 
ly going out of the fort at night, contrary to order, to visit the Indian 
camp, and that one evening, when he wished to go out, he met George 


Heron on the gallery, who showed him where a rope was slung to the 
picket, by which he might let himself down to the ground outside of 
the fort, saying, " This is the Avay I and others get out, and you may 
do the same without fear of detection." On the morning after the 
murder he went into Urbaine s and Lulaire s house and got a dram in 
each of them, out of two bottles of rum which he saw there. He said, 
"Now Mr. John is dead, I shall go out of the fort and spend the day 
with my wife." Urbaine replied, " No : no one shall go out of the 
fort. We keep the keys, and we shall keep the gates shut." Peter 
was angry at this, and said to Antoine, " When Mr. John was alive, he 
kept us prisoners, and would not allow us to run after women ; and 
now that we have killed him, the Canadians wish to keep us as close as 
he did. I see we must raise the devil again with these Canadians, 
before we can get our liberty." 

Peter also says that one principal cause of their dislike to John, and 
their plots against his life, was the strictness with which he prevented 
their sallying from the fort in quest of women; that he flogged Mar- 
tineau for having given his blanket to a woman with whom he main 
tained illicit commerce, and he also flogged Lamb and Kakepe for 
giving away their clothes in the same manner. This, Peter says, exas 
perated the men. 

The day after the murder many of the men went tip to Mr. John s 
room to see the body, and McPherson remarked to them, that when 
the master was living they were not in the habit of corning up there ; 
but they did so now that he was dead. On hearing this, Peter and 
Urbaine went away and never returned. On their way to their own 
house, they met Pripe and Bellinger. 

Urbaine told them what McPherson had said, and in a threatening 
manner said, "McPherson is getting as proud as, the other, and will be 
telling tales about us. We will not murder him, but we will give him 
a sound thrashing." And Peter says that he soon after went to Smith 
and told him to put McPherson on his guard, as the Canadians intended 
to attack him. Smith asked Peter what he would do, now the master 
was dead, and Peter said he would obey McPherson s orders. Smith 
replied, " That is good, Peter. If we do not clo so, we shall lose all 
our wages." All the Canadians, and, he thinks, Simon, continued 
drinking the whole of the day following the murder; the other men of 
the fort did not drink. He thinks it was the remains of the liquor 
they had been drinking the preceding night. Peter also says that, for 
a month previous to the murder, Urbaiue, Laperti, and Simon, were in 
the habit of getting drunk every night on rum purchased from the In 
dians. Peter told them to take care of themselves, because Mr. John 


would be angry if he knew it. Mr. John took no notice of their con 
duct, because, as Peter thinks, he knew of the plot against his life, and 
felt intimidated. He also says that Laperti was excited against Mr. 
John on account of a suspected intrigue which he carried on with his 
wife. The night following the murder, they all went to bed quietly. 
The next day all was also quiet, and all work suspended, except watch 
ing the Indians, which they did very closely, as they were afraid they 
might be induced to attack the fort, on learning that the master was no 
more. They continued watching, turn about. The second day a cof 
fin was made, and the corpse removed from the main house to the bath, 
when McPherson gave the men a dram. The third day the corpse was 
buried and the men had another dram. He does not know whether 
the men asked for the dram, or whether McPherson gave it of his own 
accord. The corpse was carried to the grave by Laperti, Pripe, Lu- 
laire, and some Kanakas, but Urbaine did not touch it ; does not think 
it was through fear. Peter often heard Laperti say, " I wish the gov 
ernor was here, to see what he would do." He also says there was no 
quarrel in the room where they were drinking on the night of the mur 
der ; but he thinks there might have been a quarrel after they left, as 
Pripe was put in irons after that time. He also says that the Canadi 
ans must have fixed on that night to murder him, and that Fleury told 
him so, which accounts for his apparent dejection of mind, and of his 
having shed tears in presence of his wife and Antoine, when he said, 
" I know that I am going to die this night." He also thinks this might 
have led to the outbreak, but of this he is not sure. It is a mere matter 
of opinion. Mr. John was a little in liquor, but knew perfectly well 
what he was about. He never saw him so far gone with liquor as not 
to be able to walk actively about, except on one occasion, the pre 
ceding Christmas Eve, when he appeared to walk unsteady, but never 
theless could mount the gallery. They only knew he had tasted liquor 
from the excitement and changed appearance of his countenance. He 
does not know who first suggested the idea of murdering Mr. John. 

Since the above disclosures were made, a few other facts have come 
to light, which, however, do not materially affect the character of these 
atrocities. Mr. John McLaughlin, Jr., was doubtless intemperate, 
reckless, and tyrannical, and often unnecessarily cruel in the punish 
ments inflicted upon his men ; but he was surrounded by a set of des 
peradoes, who, for months before the arrival of the night, during the 
darkness of which the fatal shot ushered him into the presence of his 
Judge, had been seeking an opportunity to rob him of life. Some time 
before this event, he flogged Peter for the crime of stealing fish. Peter was 
exceedingly angry, and resolved upon the destruction of his master. 


At a time to suit his purpose, he went to the bastion, where were fire 
arms, loaded to his hands, and rung the bell of alarm, with the inten 
tion of shooting Mr. McLaughlin when he should make his appearance. 
A man by the name of Perse came out to see what was the matter, 
instead of the intended victim, when Peter fired, but missed him, the 
ball hitting a post near his head. For this offense, Peter was again 
seized, put in irons, and subsequently severely flogged, and liberated. 
Nearly all the men had been flogged from time to time, for various 
offenses, and all conspired against the life of their master. As might 
have been expected, when the case was examined by Sir George Simp 
son, the murderers attempted to cast all the odium upon Mr. Mc 
Laughlin, doubtless for the purpose of exculpating themselves, in 
which attempt they but too well succeeded, in the estimation of Sir 
George. Whether the persons who procured his death would be pro 
nounced, by an intelligent jury, guilty of willful murder, or whether, 
from the mitigating circumstances connected with these transactions, 
the verdict should assume a more modified form, is not for me to deter 
mine. But it can not be denied by any one, that the circumstances 
must be indeed extraordinary that will justify any man, or set of men, 
to cut short the probation of an immortal being, and usher him, with 
all his unrepented sins, into the presence of his God. 

This account illustrates English and Hudson s Bay Company s deal 
ings with Indians, and their treatment of men and murderers, both 
among the Indians and their own people. 

We are forced to acknowledge that we can not see the correctness of 
moral principle in Mr. Hine s conclusions. There was unquestionably 
a premeditated and willful murder committed by the men at that fort. 
We can understand the motives of Sir George Simpson and Mr. Doug 
las, in allowing those men to escape the penalty of their crime, from 
the amount of pecuniary interests involved, and the personal jealousy 
existing against Dr. McLaughlin and his sons, in the company s ser 
vice. We know of jealousies existing between Mr. Simpson and John 
McLaughlin, Jr., on account of statements made in our presence at the 
breakfast-table, that were only settled temporarily, while at Vancouver. 
These statements, and the placing of this young son of the doctor s at 
that post, we are satisfied had their influence in acquitting his murder 
ers, if they did not in bringing about the murder, which to us appears 
plain in the testimony ; and we so expressed our opinion, when the father 
requested us (while in his office) to examine a copy of those depositions. 
We have no hesitancy in saying, that we believe it to have been a 
malicious murder, and should have sent the perpetrators to the gallows. 
We have never been able to learn of the trial of any one implicated. 


Treatment of Indians. Influence of Hudson s Bay Company. Eev. Mr. Barnley s state 
ment. First three years. After that. Treatment of Jesuits. Of Protestants. Of 
Indians. Not a spade to commence their new mode of life. Mr. Barnley s state 
ment. Disappointed. His mistake. Hudson s Bay Company disposed to crush 
their own missionaries. 

REV. MB. BEAVER says of them : " About the middle of the sum 
mer of 1836, and shortly before my arrival at Fort Vancouver, six 
Indians were wantonly and gratuitously murdered by a party of 
trappers and sailors, who landed for the purpose from one of the 
company s vessels, on the coast somewhere between the mouth of the 
river Columbia and the confines of California. Having on a former 
occasion read the particulars of this horrid massacre, as I received 
them from an eye-witness, before a meeting of the Aborigines Society, 
I will not repeat them. To my certain knowledge, the circumstance 
was brought officially before the authorities of Vancouver, by whom 
no notice was taken of it ; and the same party of trappers, with the 
same leader, one of the most infamous murderers of a murderous fra 
ternity, are annually sent to the same vicinity, to perform, if they please, 
other equally tragic scenes. God alone knows how many red men s 
lives have been sacrificed by them since the time of which I have been 
speaking. He also knows that I speak the conviction of my mind, and 
may he forgive me if I speak unadvisedly when I state my firm belief 


One other case we will give to illustrate the conduct and treatment 
of this company toward the Indians under their " mild and paternal 
care" as given, not by a chaplain, or missionary, but by Lieut. Chap- 
pel, in his " Voyage to Hudson s Bay in H. M. S. Rosamond*" He 
relates that on one occasion, an English boy having been missed from 
one of the establishments in Hudson s Bay, the company s servants, 
in order to recover the absent youth, made use of the following 
stratagem : 

" Two Esquimaux Indians were seized and confined in separate apart 
ments. A musket was discharged in a remote apartment, and the 
settlers, entering the room in which one of the Esquimaux was con 
fined, informed him by signs that his companion had been put to death 


for decoying away the boy ; and they gave him to understand at the 
same time that he must prepare to undergo the same fate, unless he 
would faithfully pledge himself to restore the absentee. The Esqui 
maux naturally promised every thing, and, on being set at liberty, made 
the best of his way into the woods, and, of course, was never after 
ward heard of. They kept the other a prisoner for some time. At 
length he tried to make his escape by boldly seizing the sentinel s fire 
lock at night ; but the piece going off accidentally, h.e was so terrified at 
the report, that they easily replaced him in confinement ; yet either the 
loss of liberty, a supposition that his countryman had been murdered, 
or that he was himself reserved for some cruel death, deprived the 
poor wretch of reason. As he became exceedingly troublesome, the 
settlers held a conference as to the most eligible mode of getting rid 
of him ; and it being deemed good policy to deter the natives from simi 
lar offenses by making an example, they accordingly shot the poor 
maniac in cold blood, without having given themselves the trouble to 
ascertain whether he was really guilty or innocent" (p. 156). We have 
quoted these two examples, from two British subjects, to show the 
Hudson s Bay Company s manner of treating the Indians, who were 
under their absolute control from the mouth of the Umpqua River, 
in the extreme southwestern part of Oregon, to the extreme northern 
point on the coast of Labrador, including a country larger in extent 
than the whole United States. 

This country had for two hundred and thirty, years been in posses 
sion of these two powerful and equally unprincipled companies, who 
had kept it, as Mr. Fitzgerald says, "so as to shut up the earth from 
the knowledge of man, and man from the knowledge of God." 

But, we are asked, what has this to do with the history of Oregon, 
and its early settlement ? We answer, it was this influence, and this 
overgrown combination of iniquity and despotism this- monster mono 
poly, which England and America combined had failed to overcome, 
that was at last, after a conflict of thirty years, forced to retire from 
the country, by the measures first inaugurated by Lee, Whitman, and 
the provisional government of Oregon ; and now this same monopoly 
seeks to rob the treasury of our nation, as it has for ages robbed the 
Indians, and the country of its furs. 

They may succeed (as they have heretofore, in obtaining an exten 
sion of their licensed privileges with the English government), and ob 
tain from the American government what they now, by falsehood, fraud, 
and perjury, claim to be their just rights. If they do, we shall be sat 
isfied that we have faithfully and truly stated facts that have come to 
our knowledge while moving and living in the midst of their opera- 


tions, and that we are not alone in our belief and knowledge of the 
events and influences of which we write. 

Before closing this chapter we will quote one other witness (a British 
subject), the Rev. Mr. Barnley, a missionary at Moose Factory, on the 
southwestern part of James Bay, to show the full policy of that com 
pany toward British missionaries, and also to prove the assertion we 
make that the Hudson s Bay Company, as such, is, in a measure, guilty 
of and responsible for the Whitman and Frazer River massacres, and 
for the Indian wars and the murder of American citizens contiguous 
to their territory. 

The missionary above referred to says : "My residence in the Hud 
son s Bay territory commenced in June, 1840, and continued, with the 
interruption of about eight months, until September, 1847." The 
Whitman massacre was in November, 1847. Mr. Barnley continues : 
" My letter of introduction, signed by the governor of the territory, 
and addressed To the Gentlemen in charge of the Honorable Hudson s 
Bay Company s Districts and Posts in North America, in one of its 
paragraphs ran thus : The governor and committee feel the most 
lively interest in the success of Mr. Barnley s mission, and I have to 
request you will show to that gentleman every personal kindness and 
attention in your power, and facilitate by every means the promotion 
of the very important and interesting service on which he is about to 
enter; and, consequently, whatsoever else I might have to endure, I 
had no reason to anticipate any thing but cordial co-operation from the 
officers of the company. 

"For the first three years I had no cause of complaint. The interpre 
tation was, in many cases, necessarily inefficient, and would have been 
sometimes a total failure, but for the kindness of the wives of the gen 
tlemen in charge, who officiated for me ; but I had the best interpre 
ters the various posts afforded, the supply of rum to Indians was 
restricted, and the company, I believe, fulfilled both the spirit and 
the letter of their agreement with us, as far as that fulfillment was then 
required of them, and their circumstances allowed. 

"In giving, however, tins favorable testimony, so far as the first three 
years are concerned, I must say, that in my opinion we should have 
been informed, before commencing our labors, that the interpreters at 
some of the posts would be found so inefficient as to leave us depend 
ent on the kindness of private individuals, and reduce us to the very 
unpleasant necessity of taking mothers from their family duties, that 
they might become the only available medium for the communication 
of Divine truth. 

" But after the period to which I have referred, a very perceptible 


change, i. e., in 1 845, took place. [The company had decided to introduce 
the Roman Jesuits to aid them in expelling all Protestant missionaries 
and civilization from the Indian tribes.] There was no longer that hearty 
concurrence with my views, and co-operation, which had at first appeared 
so generally. The effect was as if the gentleman in charge of the 
southern department had discovered that he was expected to afford 
rather an external and professed assistance than a real and cordial one ; 
and, under his influence, others, both of the gentlemen and servants, 
became cool and reluctant in those services of which I stood in need, 
until at length the letter as well as the spirit of the company s engage 
ment with me failed." The reader will remember that while Mr. Barn- 
ley was receiving this treatment at the Hudson s Bay Company s 
establishment at Moose Factory, James Douglas and his associates were 
combining and training the Indians in Oregon for the purpose of re 
lieving, or, to use the language of the Jesuit De Smet, " to rescue Ore 
gon from Protestant and American influence." 

Mr. Barnley continues : " I was prohibited from entertaining to tea two 
persons, members of my congregation, who were about to sail for Eng 
land, because I happened to occupy apartments in the officer s residence, 
and was told that it could not be made a rendezvous for the company s 
servants and their families." P. J. De Smet, S. J., on the 113th page of 
his book, says: "The Canadian- French and half-breeds who inhabit the 
Indian territory treat all the priests who visit them with great kindness 
and respect" On page 313, he says of the Hudson s Bay Company, 
just about this time : "In what manner can we testify our gratitude in 
regard to the two benefactors [Douglas and Ogden] who so generously 
charged themselves with the care of transporting and delivering to us 
our cases, without consenting to accept the slightest recompense ? * * 
How noble the sentiments which prompted them gratuitously to bur 
den themselves and their boats with the charitable gifts destined by the 
faithful to the destitute missionaries of the Indians !" These last quota 
tions are from letters of Jesuit missionaries, who were brought to the 
Indian country by this same Hudson s Bay Company, and furnished 
transportation and every possible facility to carry on their missions 
among the Indians all over the American Indian country. 

These missionaries have made no attempt to improve the condition 
of the Indians, but have impressed upon their ignorant minds a rever 
ence for themselves and their superstitions. See Bishop Blanchet s 
reply to Cayuse Indians, November 4, 1847, page 44 of Brouillet s 
"Protestantism, in Oregon;" also pages 34-5, Executive Doc. No. 38, 
J. Ross Browne, as given below : 

" The bishop replied that it was the pope who had sent him ; that he 


had not sent him to take their land, but only for the purpose of savin <r 
their souls; that, however, having to live, and possessing no wealth, he 
had asked of them a piece of land that he could cultivate for his support ; 
that in his country it was the faithful who maintained the priests, but 
that here he did not ask so much, but only a piece of land, and that the 
priests themselves would do the rest. He told them that he would not 
make presents to Indians, that he would give them nothing for the 
land he asked ; that, in case they worked for him, he would pay them 
for their work, and no more ; that he would assist them neither in 
plowing their lands nor in building houses, nor would he feed or clothe 
their children," etc. 

At Moose Factory, Mr. Barnley says : " A plan which I had devised 
for educating and training to some acquaintance with agriculture native 
children was disallowed, but permission was given me by the governor 
in council to collect seven or eight boys from various parts of the sur 
rounding country, to be clothed, and at the company s expense. A 
proposal made for forming a small Indian village near Moose Factory 
was not acceded to and, instead, permission only given to attempt the 
location of one or two old men who were no longer fit for engaging in 
the chase, it being very carefully and distinctly stated by Sir George 
Simpson that the company would not give them even a spade toward 
commencing their new mode of life. When at length a young man was 
found likely to prove serviceable as an interpreter, every impediment 
was interposed to prevent his engaging in my service, although a dis 
tinct understanding existed that neither for food nor wages would 
he be chargeable to the company. And the pledge that I should 
be at liberty to train up several boys for future usefulness, though not 
withdrawn, was treated as if it had never existed at all; efforts being 
made to produce the impression on the mind of my general superin 
tendent that I was, most unwarrantably, expecting the company to 
depart from their original compact, when I attempted to add but two 
of the stipulated number to my household. 

"At Moose Factory, where the resources were most ample, and 
where was the seat of authority in the southern department of 
Rupert s Land, the hostility of the company (and not merely their 
inability to aid me, whether with convenience or inconvenience to 
themselves) was most manifest. 

" The Indians were compelled, in opposition to their convictions and 
desires, to labor on the Lord s day. They were not permitted to pur 
chase the food required on the Sabbath, that they might rest on that 
day while voyaging, although there was no necessity for their proceed 
ing, and their wages would have remained the same. 


" At length, disappointed, persecuted, myself and icife broken in 
spirit, and almost ruined in constitution by months of anxiety and 
suffering, a return to England became the only means of escaping a 
premature grave; and we are happy in fleeing from the iron hand of 
oppression, and bidding farewell to th at which had proved to us a 
land of darkness and of sorrow. 

" From the above statements you will perceive that if true in some 
cases, it is not in all, that the company have furnished the 4 means of 
conveyance from place to place. They have not done so, at all events, 
in the particular case mentioned, nor would they let me have the 
canoe, lying idle as it was, when they knew that I was prepared to 
meet the expense. 

"And equally far from the truth is it, that the missionaries have 
been boarded, lodged, provided with interpreters and servants free of 
charge."* " 

In this last statement, Mr. Barnley is mistaken, for, to our certain 
knowledge, and according to the voluntary statement of the Roman 
Jesuits, Revs. Bishop Blanchet, Demer, P. J. De Smet, Brouillet, and 
many other Jesuit missionaries, they received from the Hudson s Bay 
Company board and lodging, and were provided with interpreters, 
catechist, transportation, and even houses and church buildings. 

The only mistake of Mr. Barnley was, that he was either an Epis 
copal or Wesleyan missionary or chaplain, like Mr. Beaver, at Fort 
Vancouver, and he, like Mr. Beaver, w r as a little too conscientious as 
to his duties, and efforts to benefit the Indians, to suit the policy of 
that company. The Roman Jesuitical religion was better adapted 
to their ideas of Indian traffic and morals ; hence, the honorable com 
pany chose to get rid of all others, as they had done with all opposing 
fur traders. What was a civilized Indian worth to that company? Not 
half as much as a common otter or beaver skin. As to the soul of 
an Indian, he certainly could have no more than the gentlemen who 
managed the affairs of the honorable company. 


Petition of Red River settlers. Their requests, from 1 to 14. Names. Governor 
Christie s reply. Company s reply. Extract from minutes. Resolutions, from 1 to 
9. Enforcing rules. Land deed. Its condition. Remarks. 

BEFORE closing this subject we must explain our allusion to the Red 
River settlement, and in so doing illustrate and prove beyond a doubt 
the settled and determined policy of that organization to crush out 
their own, as well as American settlements, a most unnatural, though 
true position of that company. It will be seen, by the date of the 
document quoted below, that, four years previous, that company, in 
order to deceive the English government and people in relation to the 
settlement on the Columbia River, and also to diminish the number of 
this Red River colony, had, by direction of Sir George Simpson, sent a 
part of it to the Columbia department. The remaining settlers of 
Rupert s Land (the Selkirk settlement) began to assert their right to 
cultivate the soil (as per Selkirk grant), as also the right to trade with 
the natives, and to participate in the profits of the wild animals in the 
country. The document they prepared is a curious, as well as im 
portant one, and too interesting to be omitted. It reads as follows : 

August 29, 1845. j" 

"SiR, Having at this moment a very strong belief that we, as 
natives of this country, and as half-breeds, have the right to hunt furs 
in the Hudson Bay Company s territories whenever we think proper, 
and again sell those furs to the highest bidder, likewise having a doubt 
that natives of this country can be prevented from trading and traffick 
ing with one another, we would wish to have your opinion on the 
subject, lest we should commit ourselves by doing any thing in op 
position either to the laws of England or the honorable company s 
privileges, and therefore lay before you, as governor of Red River 
settlement, a few queries, which we beg you will answer in course. 

" Query 1. Has a half-breed, a settler, the right to hunt furs in this 
country ? 

"2. Has a native of this country, not an Indian, a right to hunt furs? 

" 3. If a half-breed has the right to hunt furs, can he hire other half- 
breeds for the purpose of hunting furs ? 


" 4. Can a half-breed sell his furs to any person he pleases ? 
" 5. Is a half-breed obliged to sell his furs to the Hudson s Bay Com- 
.pany at whatever price the company may think proper to give him? 
" 6. Can a half-breed receive any furs, as a present, from an Indian, 
a relative of his ? 

" 7. Can a half-breed hire any of his Indian relatives to hunt furs for 

" 8. Can a half-breed trade furs from another half-breed, in or out of 
the settlement ? 

" 9. Can a half-breed trade furs from an Indian, in or out of the set 
tlement ? 

" 10. With regard to trading or hunting furs, have the half-breeds, or 
natives of European origin, any rights or privileges over Europeans ? 

"11. A settler, having purchased lands from Lord Selkirk, or even 
from the Hudson s Bay Company, without any conditions attached to 
them, or without having signed any bond, deed, or instrument what 
ever, whereby he might have willed away his right to trade furs, can 
he be prevented from trading furs in the settlement with settlers, or 
even out of the settlement ? 

" 12. Are the limits of the settlement defined by the municipal law, 
Selkirk grant, or Indian sale ? 

" 13. If a person can not trade furs, either in or out of the settle 
ment, can he purchase them for his own and family use, and in what 
quantity ? 

"14. Having never seen any official statements, nor known, but by 
report, that the Hudson s Bay Company has peculiar privileges over 
British subjects, natives, and half-breeds, resident in the settlement, we 
would wish to know what those privileges are, and the penalties attach 
ed to the infringement of the same. 

" We remain your humble servants, 











" Governor of Red River Settlement." 


Governor Christie s reply to these inquiries was so mild and concilia 
tory that it will not add materially to our knowledge of the company 
to give it. But the eight rules adopted by the company in council let us 
into the secret soul of the monstrosity, and are here given, that Americans 
may be informed as to its secret workings, and also to show what little re 
gard an Englishman has for any but an aristocratic or moneyed concern. 

" Extracts from minutes of a meeting of the Governor and Council of 
Ruperts and, held at the Red River settlement, June 10, 1845. 

" Resolved, 1st, That, once in every year, any British subject, if an 
actual resident, and not a fur trafficker, may import, whether from Lon 
don or from St. Peter s, stores free of any duty now about to be im 
posed, on declaring truly that he has imported them at his own risk. 

* 2d. That, once in every year, any British subject, if qualified as 
before, may exempt from duty, as before, imports of the local value of 
ten pounds, on declaring truly that they are intended exclusively to 
be used by himself within Red River settlement, and have been pur 
chased with certain specified productions or manufactures of the afore 
said settlement, exported in the same season, or by the latest vessel, 
at his own risk. 

" 3d. That, once in every year, any British subject, if qualified as 
before, who may have personally accompanied both his exports and 
imports, as defined in the preceding resolution, may exempt from duty, 
as before, imports of the local value of fifty pounds, on declaring truly 
that they are either to be consumed by himself, or to be sold by himself 
to actual consumers within the aforesaid settlement, and have been pur 
chased with certain specified productions or manufactures of the settle 
ment, carried away by himself in the same season, or by the latest 
vessel, at his own risk. 

"4th. That all other imports from the United Kingdon for the afore 
said settlement, shall, before delivery, -pay at York Factory a duty of 
twenty per cent, on their prime cost; provided, however, that the gov 
ernor of the settlement be hereby authorized to exempt from the same 
all such importers as may from year to year be reasonably believed 
by him to have neither trafficked in furs themselves, since the 8th day 
of December, 1844, nor enabled others to do so by illegally or improp 
erly supplying them with trading articles of any description. 

" 5th. That all other imports from any part of the United States shall 
pay all duties payable under the provisions of 5 and 6 Viet., cap. 49, 
the Imperial Statute for regulating the foreign trade of the British 
possessions in North America; provided, however, that the governor- 
in-chief, or, in his absence, the president of the council, may so modify 


the machinery of the said act of Parliament, as to adapt the same to 
the circumstances of the country. 

" 7th. That, henceforward, no goods shall be delivered at York Fac 
tory to any but persons duly licensed to freight the same; such licenses 
being given only in cases in which no fur trafficker may have any inter 
est, direct or indirect. 

" 8th. That any intoxicating drink, if found in a fur trafficker s pos 
session, beyond the limits of the aforesaid settlement, may be seized and 
destroyed by any person on the spot. 

" Whereas the intervention of middle men is alike injurious to the 
honorable company and to the people ; it is resolved, 

" 9th. That, henceforward, furs shall be purchased from none but the 
actual hunters of the same. 

"FORT GARRY, July 10, 1845." 

Copy of License referred to in Resolution 7. 

" On behalf of the Hudson s Bay Company, I hereby license A. B. to 
trade, and also ratify his having traded in English goods within the 
limits of lied River settlement. This ratification and this license to 
be null and void, from the beginning, in the event of his hereafter 
trafficking in furs, or generally of his usurping any whatever of all the 
privileges of the Hudson s Bay Company." 

It was to save Oregon from becoming a den of such oppressors and 
robbers of their own countrymen, that Whitman risked his life in 1842- 
3, that the provisional government of the American settlers was form 
ed in 1843, that five hundred of them flew to arms in 1847, and fought 
back the savage hordes that this same Hudson s Bay Company had 
trained, under the teaching of their half-breeds and Jesuit priests, to 
sweep them from the land. Is this so ? Let us see what they did just 
across the Rocky Mountains with their own children, as stated by their 
own witnesses and countrymen. 

Sir Edward Fitzgerald says of them, on page 213 : 

" But the company do not appear to have trusted to paper deeds to 
enforce their authority. 

" They were not even content with inflicting fines under the form of a 
hostile tariff; but, as the half-breeds say, some of the fur traders were 
imprisoned, and all the goods and articles of those who were suspected 
of an intention to traffic in furs were seized and confiscated. 

" But another, and even more serious attack, was made on the privi 
leges of the settlers. 

" The company being, under their charter, nominal owners of the 


soil, dispose of it to the colonists in any manner they think best. A 
portion of the land in the colony is held from Lord Selkirk, who first 
founded the settlement. 

44 Now, however, the company drew up a new land deed, which all 
were compelled to sign who wished to hold any land in the settle 

This new land deed, above referred to, is too lengthy and verbose to 
be given entire ; therefore we will only copy such parts as bind the set 
tlers not to infringe upon the supposed chartered rights of the Hudson s 
Bay Company. 

The first obligation of the person receiving this deed was to settle 
upon the land within forty days, and, within five years, cause one- 
tenth part of the land to be brought under cultivation. 

The second: "He, his executors, administrators, and assigns, shall not, 
directly or indirectly, mediately or immediately, violate or evade any of 
the chartered or licensed privileges of the said governor and company, 
or any restrictions on trading or dealing with Indians or others, which 
have been or may be imposed by the said governor and company, or 
by any other competent authority, or in any way enable any person 
or persons to violate or evade, or to persevere in violating or evading 
the same ; and, in short, shall obey all such laws and regulations as within 
the said settlement now are, or hereafter may be in force." * * * * 
Here are enumerated a long list of political duties pertaining to the 

The deed in its third condition says : " And also that he [the said re 
ceiver of the deed], his executors, administrators, and assigns, shall not 
nor will, without the license or consent of the said governor and com 
pany for that purpose first obtained, carry on or establish, in any part 
of North America, any trade or traffic in, or relating to, any kind of 
skins, furs, peltry, or dressed leather, nor in any manner, directly or in 
directly, aid or abet any person or persons in carrying on such trade or 
traffic." * * * Here follows a long lingo, forbidding the settler to 
buy, make, or sell liquors in any shape on his lands, and requiring 
him, under pain of forfeiture of his title, to prevent others from doing so, 
and binding the settler, under all the supposed and unsupposed condi 
tions of obligation, not to supply or allow to be supplied any articles 
of trade to any unauthorized (by the company) person supposed to 
violate their trade, including companies u corporate or incorporate, 
prince, power, potentate, or state whatsoever, who shall infringe or 
violate, or who shall set about to infringe or violate the exclusive 
rights, powers, privileges and immunities of commerce, trade, or traffic, 
or all or any other of the exclusive rights, powers, privileges, and im- 


munities of, or belonging, or in any wise appertaining to, or held, used, 
or enjoyed by the said governor and company, and their successors, 
under their charter or charters, without the license or consent of the 
said governor and company and their successors, for the time being, 
first had and obtained. 

"And, lastly," here follows a particular statement asserting that 
for the violation of any one of the thousand and one conditions of that 
deed, the settler forfeits to the company his right to the land, which 
reverts back to the company. 

Our country delights to honor the sailor and soldier who performs a 
good, great, or noble act to save its territory from becoming the abode 
of despotism, or its honor from the taunt of surrounding nations. In 
what light shall we regard the early American missionaries and pioneers 
of Oregon ? 

It is true they heard the call of the oppressed savage for Christian 
light and civilization. They came in good faith, and labored faithfully, 
though, perhaps, mistaking many of the strict duties of the Christian 
missionary ; and some, being led astray by the wiles and cunning of an 
unscrupulous fur monopoly, failed to benefit the Indians to the extent 
anticipated ; yet they formed the nucleus around which the American 
pioneer with his family gathered, and from which he drew his encour 
agement and protection ; and a part of these missionaries were the 
leaders and sustainers of those influences which ultimately secured this 
country to freedom and the great Republic. 

The extracts from the deed above quoted show what Oregon would 
have been, had the early American missionaries failed to answer the call 
of the Indians, or had been driven from the country ; or even had not 
Whitman and his associates separated, the one to go to Washington 
to ask for delay in the settlement of the boundary question, the others 
to the Wallamet Valley to aid and urge on the organization of the 
provisional government. 


Puget Sound Agricultural Company. Its original stock. A correspondence. No law 
to punish fraud. A supposed trial of the case. Article four of the treaty. The 
witnesses. Who is to receive the Puget Sound money. Dr. Tolmie, agent of the 
company. The country hunted up. Difficult to trace a fictitious object. State 
ment of their claim. Result of the investigation. 

THE Puget Sound Agricultural Company, now claiming of our gov 
ernment the sum of $1,168,000, was first talked of and brought into 
existence at Vancouver in the winter of 1837, in consequence of, and 
in opposition to, the Wallamet Cattle Company, which was got up and 
successfully carried through by the influence and perseverance of Rev. 
Jason Lee, superintendent of the Methodist Mission. This Nasqualla 
and Puget Sound Company was an opposing influence to Mr. Lee and 
his mission settlement, and was also to form the nucleus for two other 
British settlements in Oregon, to be under the exclusive control of the 
Hudson s Bay Company. 

The original stock of the company was nominally 200,000. The 
paid-up capital upon this amount was supposed to be ten per cent., 
which would give 20,000, or $96,800, at $4.84 per pound. From the 
most reliable information we can get, this amount was taken from a 
sinking fund, or a fund set apart for the purpose of opposing any op 
position in the fur trade. About the time this Puget Sound Company 
came into existence, the American fur companies had been driven from 
the country, and the fund was considered as idle or useless stock ; and 
as the question of settlement of the country would in all probability 
soon come up, Rev. Mr. Lee having taken the first step to the inde 
pendence of his missionary settlement in the Wallamet, this Puget 
Sound Company was gotten up to control the agricultural and cattle 
or stock interests of the country. It was in existence in name some 
two years before its definite arrangements were fixed by the Hudson s 
Bay Company, through the agency of Dr. W. F. Tolmie, who went to 
to London for that purpose, and by whom they were concluded, " with 
the consent of the Hudson s Bay Company, who stipulated that an 
officer connected with the fur-trade branch of the Hudson s Bay 
Company should have supreme direction of the affairs of the Puget 
Sound Company in this country. It was also stipulated that the 


Puget Sound Company should be under bonds not to permit any of 
its employes to be in any way concerned in the fur trade, in opposition 
to the Hudson s Bay Company." 

It is easy to be seen by the above-stated condition, that the Hud 
son s Bay Company were not willing to allow the least interference 
with their fur trade by any one over whom they had any control or 
influence; that their design and object was to control the trade of 
the whole country, and that they had no intention in any way to en 
courage any American settlement in it, as shown by the arrangements 
made as early as 1837. 

There had been a correspondence with the managing directors of the 
company in London previous to Dr. Tolmie s visit. The directors 
had discouraged the proposed enlargement of their business, but it 
seems from the statement of Dr. Tolmie, and the arrangements he 
made, that they acceded to his plans, and constituted him their special 
agent. There was at the time a question as to a separate charter for 
that branch of their business. It was finally conceded that a separate 
charter would enable this agricultural and cattle company to become 
independent of the fur branch, and thus be the means of establishing 
an opposition by the use of the funds appropriated to prevent any thing 
of this kind, and decided that as the company had stipulated that they 
were to have the " supreme direction of the Puget Sound Agricultur 
al Company," no charter was necessary, and hence any arrangements 
to that effect were withdrawn. It was from a knowledge of the fact 
that that company had not even the Parliamentary acknowledgment 
of its separate existence from the Hudson s Bay Company, that all 
their land claims were at once taken ; and upon that ground they have 
not dared to prosecute their claims, only under the wording of the 
treaty with the United States, which is the only shadow of a legal 
existence they have, and which, there is no question, would have been 
stricken from the treaty, except through the fur influence of the com 
pany to increase the plausibility of their claims against our govern 

If there was any law to punish a fraud attempted to be committed 
by a foreign company upon a friendly nation, this would be a plain 
case; as the Hudson s Bay Company, they claim $3,822,036.37; as the 
Puget Sound Company, $1,168,000. The original stock of the Hud 
son s Bay Company was 10,500, or $50,820. In 1690 the dividends 
upon this capital invested were so enormous that the company voted 
j to treble their stock, which was declared to be 31,500, or $152,460. 
In 1720 the capital was again declared trebled, and to be 94,500, or 
$457,380, while the only amount paid was 10,500, or $50,820. It was 


then proposed to add three times as much to its capital stock by sub 
scription ; each subscriber paying 100 was to receive 300 of stock, so 
that the nominal stock should amount to 378,000, or $1,820,520 
the real additional sum subscribed being 94,500, and the amount 
of real stock added or paid but 3,150. In 1821, the Hudson s 
Bay Company and Northwest Company, of Montreal, were united. 
The Hudson s Bay Company called 100 on each share of its stock, 
thus raising it nominally to 200,000, or $958,000. The North 
west Company called theirs the same. The two companies com 
bined held a nominal joint stock of 400,000, or $1,916,000, while 
we have reason to suppose that the original stock of the two com 
panies, admitting that the Northwest French Company had an equal 
amount of original capital invested, would give 37,300, or $135,134, 
as the capital upon which they have drawn from our country never less 
than ten per cent, per annum, even when counted at 400,000, or 
$1,916,000; and what, we would ask, has America received in return 
for this enormous drain of her wealth and substance ? 

Have the Indians in* any part of the vast country occupied by that 
company been civilized or bettered in their condition ? Have the 
settlements under their fostering care been successful and prosperous ? 
Have they done any thing to improve any portion of the country they 
have occupied, any farther than such improvements were necessary to 
increase the profits of their fur ti ade ? 

To every one of these questions we say, emphatically, No, not in a 
single instance. On the contrary, they have used their privileges 
solely to draw all the wealth they could from the country, and leave as 
little as was possible in return. 

The British author, from whose book we have drawn our figures of 
that company s stock, says of them : " To say, then, that the trade of 
this country (England) has been fostered and extended by the mon 
opoly enjoyed by the company, is exactly contrary to the truth." 

We come now to learn all we can of a something that has assumed 
the name of Puget Sound Agricultural Company, and under that name, 
throifgh the paternal influence of a bastard corporation, presumes to ask 
an immense sum of the American government, whose country they 
have used all their power and influence to secure to themselves, by act 
ing falsely to their own. We do not claim to be learned in the law of 
nations, therefore we can only express such an opinion in this case as 
we would were the case argued before a learned court and we one of 
the jurors, giving our opinion as to the amount the parties were enti 
tled to receive. We will suppose that the lawyers have made their 
pleas, which would, when printed, with the testimony on both sides, 


make a volume of the usual size of law books of one thousand 
pages. Of course the fourth article of the treaty would be read to us 
by both the lawyers, and explained by the judge, who would doubt 
less say to the jury the first question to decide is, whether there is suf 
ficient evidence to convince you that the company claiming this name 
have any legal existence outside the wording of the fourth article of 
this treaty. Our answer would be: "Your honor, there is not the 
least word in a single testimony presented before us to show that they 
ever had any existence, only as they assumed a name to designate 
the place a certain branch of the Hudson s Bay Company s business, 
outside of its legitimate trade ; that this being a branch legitimately 
belonging. to a settlement of loyal citizens of the country, we find 
that this Hudson s Bay Company, in assuming the supreme direction, 
as per testimony of Dr. Tolmie, superseded and usurped the preroga 
tives of the State ; that the claim of this company, as set up in the 
wording of the treaty, is for the benefit of a company having no natu 
ral or legal right to assume supreme direction of the soil or its pro 
ductions. Hence any improvement made, or stock destroyed, was at 
the risk of the individual owning, or making, or bringing such stock or 
improvements into the country, and subject exclusively to the laws of 
the country in which the trespass occurred. The claiming a name 
belonging to no legal body cannot be made legal by a deception prac 
ticed upon the persons making the treaty, as this would be equivalent 
to pledging the nation to the payment of money when no cause could 
be shown that money w r as justly due, as neither nation (except by a 
deception brought to bear upon commissioners forming the treaty by 
the mere assertion of an interested party) acknowledged the reported 
existence of such a corporation, thereby creating a corporate body by 
the wording of a treaty." This, to a common juror, we confess, would 
look like removing the necessity of a common national law, in relation 
to all claims of foreigners who might feel disposed to come over and 
trespass upon our national domain. A word in this treaty does not 
settle the matter, and the claim should not be paid. The article above 
referred to is commented upon by Mr. Day as follows : 

"That by article four of the treaty concluded between the United 
States of America and Great Britain, under date of the 15th day of 
June, 1864, it was provided that the farms, lands, and other property, 
of every description, belonging to the Puget Sound Agricultural Com 
pany, on the north side of the Columbia River [they should have in 
cluded those in the French possession, and added another million to 
their claim; but we suppose they became liberal, and consented to take 
half of the country their servants had settled upon], should be con- 


firmed to the said company; but that in case the situation of those 
farms and lands should be considered by the United States to be of 
public and political importance, and the United States government 
should signify a desire to obtain possession of the whole, or of any 
part thereof, the property so required should be transferred to the said 
government at a proper valuation, to be agreed upon between the 

" That the government of the United States has not, at any time, 
signified to the company a desire that any of the said property should 
be transferred to the said government at a valuation as provided by the 
treaty, nor has any transfer thereof been made [this was a great 
misfortune. Uncle Sam had so much land of his own he did not want 
to buy out this bastard company right away after the treaty was 
made] ; but the company have ever since continued to be the rightful 
owners of the said lands, farms, and other property, and entitled to the 
free and undisturbed possession and enjoyment thereof. [True ; so 
with all bastards. They live and die, and never find a father to own 
them, except they come up with a big pile of money, which in your 
claim is a case of donas (don t know.)] 

" That, by a convention concluded between the two governments on 
the 1st day of July, 1863, it was agreed that all questions between the 
United States authorities on the one hand, and the Pnget Sound Agri 
cultural Company on the other, with respect to the rights and claims 
of the latter, should be settled by the transfer of such rights and 
claims to the government of the United States for an adequate money 

" And the claimants aver that the rights and claims of the Puget 
Sound Agricultural Company, referred to and intended in and by the 
said convention, are their rights and claims in and upon the said lands, 
farms, and other property of every description which they so held and 
possessed within the said territory, and which, by reason of the said 
treaty of the 15th of June, 1846, and according to the terms of the fourth 
article thereof, the United States became and were bound to confirm. 
And of the said farms and other property, they now submit to the hon 
orable the commissioners a detailed statement and valuation, as 

There have been twenty-seven witnesses examined to prove the claims 
above set forth, and not a single one of them testified or gave the least 
intimation that there ever was any such company as here set forth in 
existence, only as connected with and subject to the control and manage 
ment of the Hudson s Bay Company, the same as their farming operations 
at Vancouver or Colville, or any other of their posts. The claim is so 


manifestly fictitious and without foundation, that the learned attorney 
for the company bases his whole reliance upon the wording of the 
treaty, and in consequence of the wording of that treaty, " and accord 
ing to the terms of the fourth article thereof, he says the United States 
became and were bound to confirm." So we suppose any other mon 
strous claim set up by a band of foreign fur traders having influence 
enough to start any speculation on a nominal capital in our country 
and failing to realize the profits anticipated, must apply for an 
acknowledgment of their speculation, be mentioned in a treaty, and be 
paid in proportion to the enormity of their demands. We are inclined 
to the opinion that so plain a case of fraud will be soon disposed of, 
and the overgrown monster that produced it sent howling after the 
Indians they have so long and so successfully robbed, as per their own 
admission, of 20,000,000 sterling. (See Mr. M. Martin s Hudson s 
Bay Company s Territory, etc., p. 131.) 

There is another question arising in this supposed Puget Sound con 
cern. Suppose, for a moment, the commissioners decide to pay the 
whole or any part of this demand, who will be the recipients of 
this money? We doubt whether the learned commissioners or the 
counsel of the supposed company could tell, unless it is to be his fee 
for prosecuting the case. 

Doctor William Eraser Tolmie and Mr. George B. Roberts are the 
only two witnesses that appear to know much about the matter, and 
Mr. Roberts information seems to be derived from the same source as 
our own, so that the writer, though not a member of the company, 
has about as good a knowledge of its object and organization as Mr. 
Roberts, who was connected with the Hudson s Bay Company, and also 
an agent of this Puget Sound Company. 

Dr. Tolmie says : " The Puget Sound Company acquired, or purchased 
from the Hudson s Bay Company, all its improvements at Cowlitz and 
Nasqualla, with its lands, live stock, and agricultural implements, all 
of which were transferred, in 1840 or 1841, by the Hudson s Bay Com 
pany to the Puget Sound Company." 

As we understand this matter, it amounts to just this, and no more : 
The Hudson s Bay Company had consented to enlarge their business by 
employing an outside capital or sinking fund they had at their dis 
posal ; they instructed Dr. Tolmie, their special agent for that purpose, 
to receive all the property at the two stations or farms named, to take 
possession of them, and instead of opening an account with their oppo 
sition sinking fund, they called it the Puget Sound Agricultural 
Company. This explains the ten per cent, paid stock into that com 
pany. Now, if this venture is profitable, nothing is lost; if it is not, 


it does not interfere with the legitimate business of the fur company 
hence the distinct claim under this name. 

"ThePuget Sound Company charged the Hudson s Bay Company 
for all supplies furnished, and paid the Hudson s Bay Company for all 
goods received from them." 

This was exactly in the line of the whole business done throughout 
the entire Hudson s Bay Company, with all their forts, and other 

" Were not the accounts of the Puget Sound Company always for 
warded to the Hudson s Bay Company s depot?" " They were" says 
Dr. Tolmie ; and so were all the accounts of all the posts on this coast 
sent to the depot at Vancouver, and thence to head-quarters on the other 
side of the Rocky Mountains. 

We have shown, by reference to the capital stock of the Hudson s Bay 
Company, that, in 1821, it was counted at 200,000. From this sum ten 
per cent., or 20,000, was set apart as a sinking fund to oppose any fur 
company or traders on the west side of the mountains, and an equal 
sum for the same purpose on the east. 

This western amount, being placed under the direction of Dr. Tolmie 
and his successors, produced in seven years 11,000 sterling, equal to 
$53,240. This transaction does not appear, from the testimony adduced 
in the case, to have interfered in the least with the fur trade carried on 
at these stations, and by the same officers or clerks of the Hudson s Bay 
Company; hence, we are unable, from the whole catalogue of twenty- 
seven witnesses in the case, to find out who is to receive this nice little 
sum of $1,168,000 or 240,000 only 40,000 more than the mother 
had to trade upon when she produced this beautiful full-grown child, 
the Puget Sound Agricultural Company, having had an abortion on 
the other side of the continent in the loss, without pay, of a large 
portion of the Red River or Selkirk country. Uncle Sam was ungen 
erous there. 

This is truly an age of wonders, and this Hudson s Bay Company and 
its productions are entitled to some consideration for their ingenuity, if 
not for their honesty. It will be interesting to look at our British 
cousins and see what is said about this " itself and its other self . " Mr. 
Fitzgerald says, page 260 : " It is a matter of importance to know 
whether the Hudson s Bay Company is -about to submit itself and its 
other self the Puget Sound Association to the same regulations 
which are to be imposed on .other settlers of Vancouver Island and 
British Columbia." 

On page 287, he further states: "The Oregon Territory was peo 
pled, under the influence of the company, with subjects of the United 


States. (Since writing the former chapter, I have heard this account 
given of the conduct of the Hudson s Bay Company, in regard to 
the Oregon boundary, which offers still stronger ground for inquiry. 
The country south of the 49th parallel, it seems, was hunted up 
therefore the posts of the Hudson s Bay Company were become of no 
value at all. By annexing all that country to the United States, and 
inserting in the treaty a clause that the United States should pay the 
company for all its posts if it turned them out, the company were 
able to obtain from the Americans a large sum of money for what would 
have been worth nothing had the territory remained British.) That lost 
us the boundary of the Columbia River. That is one specimen of the 
colonization of the Hudson s Bay Company. The boundary westward 
from the Lake of the Woods, we have seen, gave to the United States 
land from which the company was engaged, at the very time, in 
driving out British subjects, on the plea that it belonged to the com 
pany ; and now that the boundary has been settled only a few years, 
we learn that the settlers on our side are asking the United States to 
extend her government over that country." 

If this does not show a clear case of abortion on the part of that 
honorable Hudson s Bay Company east of the Rocky Mountains, tell us 
what does. But it is interesting to trace a little further the British 
ideas and pretensions to this Pacific coast. Our British author says, 
page 288: 

" Make what lines you please in a map and call them boundaries, but 
it is mockery to do so as long as the inhabitants are alienated from your 
rule, as long as you have a company in power w r hose policy erases the 
lines which treaties have drawn. 

" Forasmuch, then, as these things are so, it becomes this country 
[Great Britain] to record an emphatic protest against the recent policy 
of the Colonial Office in abandoning the magnificent country on the 
shores of the Pacific Ocean to the Hudson s Bay Company. 

"The blindest can not long avoid seeing the immense importance of 
Vancouver Island to Great Britain. Those who, two years ago [1846], 
first began to attract public attention to this question, are not the less 
amazed at the unexpected manner and rapidity with which their antici 
pations have been realized. 

" Six months ago it was a question merely of colonizing Vancouver 
Island; now it is a question involving the interests of the whole of 
British North America, and of the empire of Great Britain in the 
Pacific Ocean." 

It is always" more or less difficult to trace the course of a false or 
fictitious object. It becomes peculiarly so when two objects of the 


same character come up ; the one, by long practice and experience, 
assuming a fair and honorable exterior, having talent, experience, and 
wealth ; the other, an illegitimate production, being called into 
existence to cripple the energies of two powerful nations, and living 
under the supreme control of the body, having acquired its position 
through the ignorance of the nations it seeks to deceive. It is out of 
the question to separate two such objects or associations. The one is 
the child of the other, and is permitted to exist while the object to be 
accomplished remains an opponent to the parent association. 

The opposition to the fur monoply having ceased west of the Rocky 
Mountains, a new element of national aggrandizement and empire 
comes within the range of this deceitful and grasping association. Its 
child is immediately christened and set to work under its paternal eye. 
We have the full history of the progress made by this Mr. Puget 
Sound Agricultural Company in the testimony of the twenty-seven 
witnesses summoned to prove his separate existence from that of the 
Hudson s Bay Company. 

We find, in tracing the existence of these two children of the British 


empire in North America, that they have established themselves in an 
island on the Pacific coast called Vancouver. In this island they are 
more thrifty and better protected than they were in the dominions of 
Uncle Samuel. Notwithstanding they are comfortably located, and 
have secured the larger part of that island and the better portion of 
British Columbia, there is occasionally a British subject that grumbles 
a little about them in the following undignified style : 

" If the company were to be destroyed to-morrow, would England 
be poorer ? Would there not rather be demanded from the hands of 
our own manufacturers ten times the quantity of goods which is sent 
abroad, under the present system, to purchase the skins?" My dear 
sir, this would make the Indians comfortable and happy. " We boast 
[says this Englishman] that we make no slaves, none at least that can 
taint our soil, or fret our sight ; but we take the child of the forest, 
whom God gave us to civilize, and commit him, bound hand and foot, 
to the most iron of all despotisms a commercial monoply. 

" Nor, turning from the results of our policy upon the native popu 
lation, to its effect upon settlers and colonists, is there greater cause for 

" The system which has made the native a slave is making the settler 
a rebel. 

" Restrictions upon trade, jealousy of its own privileges, interference 
with the rights of property, exactions, and all the other freaks in 
which monopoly and despotism delight to indulge, have, it appears, 


driven the best settlers into American territory, and left the rest, as it 
were, packing up their trunks for the journey;" 

This, so far as relates to the proceedings, policy, and influence of 
that company upon the settlement of Vancouver Island and British 
Columbia, is verified by the facts now existing in those British colonies. 
Their whole system is a perfect mildew and blight upon any country 
in which they are permitted to trade or to do business. 

We have little or no expectation that any thing we may write will 
affect in the least the decision of the commissioners, whose business it 
is to decide this Pnget Sound Company s case ; but, as a faithful his 
torian, we place on record the most prominent facts relating to it, for 
the purpose of showing the plans and schemes of an English company, 
who are a nuisance in the country, and a disgrace to the nation under 
whose charters they profess to act. Up to the time we were permitted 
to examine the testimony they have produced in support of their 
monstrous claims, we were charitable enough to believe there were 
some men in its employ who could be relied upon for an honest and 
truthful statement of facts in relation to the property and improve 
ments for which these claims are made ; but we are not only disap 
pointed, but forced to believe the truth is not in them, at least in 
any whose testimony is before us in either case. Our English author 
says : 

"It does not appear that the interposition of an irresponsible com 
pany can be attended with benefit to the colony. * * * A com 
pany whose direction is in London, and which is wholly irresponsible, 
either to the colonists or to the British Parliament. * * * There 
is ample evidence in the foregoing pages that it would be absurd to 
give this company credit for unproductive patriotism. * * * Con 
sidering the identity existing between this association [the Puget Sound 
Association] and the Hudson s Bay Company, in whose hands the whole 
management of the colonization of Vancouver Island is placed, there is a 
very strong reason to fear that the arrangements which have been made 
will, for some years at any rate, utterly ruin that country as a field for 
colonial enterprise. There is a strong inducement for the company to 
grant all the best part of the island to themselves, under the name of the 
Puget Sound Association ; and to trust to the settlements which may be 
formed by that association as being sufficient to satisfy the obligation 
to colonize which is imposed by the charter. 

4 There is a strong inducement to discourage the immigration of 
independent settlers ; first, because when all the colonists are in the 
position of their own servants, they will be able much more readily to 
prevent interference with the fur trade- and secondly, because the 


presence of private capital in the island could only tend to diminish 
their own gains, derived from the export of agricultural produce. 

" And, on the other hand, there will be every possible discouragement 
to emigrants of the better class to settle in a colony where a large 
part of the country will be peopled only by the lowest order of work 
men, where they may have to compete with the capital of a wealthy 
company, and that company not only their rival in trade, but at the 
same time possessed of the supreme power, and of paramount political 
influence in the colony. 

" There is a reason, more important than all, why the Hudson s Bay 
Company will never be able to form a colony. An agricultural settle 
ment they may establish ; a few forts, where Scotchmen will grumble 
for a few years before they go over to the Americans, but never a com 
munity that will deserve the name of a British colony. THEY DO XOT 


* But the Hudson s Bay Company the colonial office of this unfor 
tunate new colony has positive interests antagonistic to those of an 
important settlement. 

" It is a body whose history, tendency, traditions, and prospects 
are equally and utterly opposed to the existence, within its hunting- 
grounds, of an active, wealthy, independent, and flourishing colony," 
(we Americans say settlements) " with all the destructive consequences 
of ruined monopoly and wide-spread civilization." 

Need we stop to say the above is the best of British testimony in 
favor of the position we have assumed in relation to a company who 
will cramp and dwarf the energies of their own nation to increase the 
profits on the paltry capital they have invested. 

Have the Americans any right to believe they will pursue any more 
liberal course toward them than they have, and do pursue toward their 
own countrymen? As this writer remarks, "civilization ruins their 
monopoly" The day those two noble and sainted women, Mrs. Spald- 
ing and Mrs. Whitman, came upon the plains of the Columbia, they 
could do no less than allow England s banner to do them reverence, for 
God had sent and preserved them, as emblems of American civilization, 
religious light, and liberty upon this coast. One of them fell by the 
ruthless hand of the sectarian savages, pierced by Hudson s Bay balls 
from Hudson s Bay guns. The other was carried, in a Hudson s Bay 
boat, to the protecting care of the American settlement ; and for what 
purpose? That the savage might remain in barbarism ; that the mon 
ster monopoly might receive its profits from the starving body and soul 
of the Indian; that civilization and Christianity, and the star of empire 
might be stayed in their westward course. 


Not yet satisfied with the blood of sixteen noble martyrs to civiliza 
tion and Christianity, quick as thought their missives are upon the 
ocean wave. Wafted upon the wings of the wind, a foul slander is sent 
by the representatives of that monopoly all over the earth, to blast her 
(Mrs. Whitman s) Christian and missionary character with that of her 
martyred husband. And why? 

Because that husband had braved the perils of a winter journey to 
the capital of his country, to defeat their malicious designs, to shut up 
the country and forever close it to American civilization and religion. 
And now, with an audacity only equaled by the arch-enemy of God and 
man, they come to our government and demand five millions of gold 
for facilitating the settlement of a country they had not the courage or 
power to prevent. 

This, to a person ignorant of the peculiar arrangements of so mon 
strous a monopoly, will appear strange that they should have an exclu 
sive monopoly in trade in a country, and have not the courage or power 
to prevent its settlement, especially when such settlement interferes 
with its trade. So far as American territory was concerned, they were 
only permitted to have a joint occupancy in trade. The sovereignty or 
right of soil was not settled ; hence, any open effort against any settler 
from any country was a trespass against the rights of such settler. 
They could only enforce their chartered privileges in British territory. 
The country, under these circumstances, afforded them a vast field in 
which to combine and arrange schemes calculated to perpetuate their 
own power and influence in it. The natives of the country were their 
trading capital and instruments, ready to execute their, will upon all 
opponents. The Protestant missionaries brought an influence and a 
power that at once overturned their licensed privileges in trade, because 
with the privilege of trade, they had agreed, in accepting their original 
charter, to civilize and Christianize the natives of the country. This 
part of their compact the individual members of the company were 
fulfilling by each taking a native woman, and rearing as many half- 
civilized subjects as was convenient. This had the effect to destroy 
their courage in any investigation of their conduct. As to their power, 
as we have intimated above, it was derived from the capacity, courage, 
prejudices, and ignorance of the Indians, which the American missionary, 
if let alone, would soon overcome by his more liberal dealings with 
them, and his constant effort to improve their condition, which, just in 
proportion as the Indians learned the value of their own productions 
and labor, would diminish the profits in the fur trade. 

This increase of civilization and settlement, says chief-trader Ander 
son, " had been foreseen on the part of the company, and to a certain 


extent provided for. The cession of Oregon, under the treaty of 1846, 
and the consequent negotiations for the transfer to the American gov 
ernment of all our rights and possessions in their territory, retarded 
all further proceedings." 

In this statement of Mr. Anderson, and the statement of Mr. Roberts, 
an old clerk of the company, and from our own observations, this 
" foreseeing " on the part of the company was an arrangement with 
the Indians, and such as had been half civilized by the various indi 
vidual efforts of the members and servants of the company, to so 
arrange matters that an exterminating war against the missionary set 
tlements in the country should commence before the Mexican difficulty 
with the United States was settled. 

This view of the question is sustained by the reply of Sir James 
Douglas to Mr. Ogden, by Mr. Ogden s course and treatment of the 
Indians on his way up the Columbia River, his letters to Revs. E. 
Walker and Spalding, his special instructions to the Indians, and 
payment of presents in war materials for their captives, and the course 
pursued by Sir James Douglas in refusing supplies to the provisional 
troops and settlers, and the enormous supplies of ammunition furnished 
to the priests for the Indians during the war of 1847-8. 

We are decidedly of the same opinion respecting that company as 
their own British writer, who, in conclusion, after giving us a history 
of 281 pages, detailing one unbroken course of oppression and cruelty 
to all under their iron despotism,, says: 

" The question at issue is a seriou-s one, whether a valuable territory, 
shall be given up to an irresponsible corporation, to be colonized or not, 
as it may suit their convenience ; or whether that colonization shall be 
conducted in accordance with any principles which are recognized as 
Bound and right ? " 

We can easily see the connection in the principle of right in paying 
any portion of either of the monstrous claims of that company, which 
never has been responsible to any civilized national authority. 

" The foregoing exposure of the character and conduct of the com 
pany has been provoked. When doubts were expressed whether the 
company were qualified for fulfilling the tasks assigned to them by the 
Colonial Minister, and when they appealed to their character and his 
tory, it became right that their history should be examined, and their 
character exposed. 

" The investigation thus provoked has resulted in the discovery that 
their authority is fictitious, and their claims invalid. As their power is 
illegal, so the exercise of it has been mischievous; it has been mischievous 
to Great Britain, leaving her to accomplish, at a vast national expense, 


discoveries which the company undertook, and were paid to perform ; 
and because our trade has been contracted and crippled, without any 
advantage, political or otherwise, having been obtained in return ; it 
has been mischievous to the native Indians, cutting them off from all 
communication with the rest of the civilized world, depriving them of 
the fair value of their labor, keeping them in a condition of slavery, 
and leaving them in the same state of poverty, misery, and paganism 
in which it originally found them ; it has been mischievous to the 
settlers and colonists under its influence, depriving them of their liber 
ties as British subjects, frustrating, by exactions and arbitrary regula 
tions, their efforts to advance, and, above all, undermining their loyalty 
and attachment to their mother country, and fostering, by bad govern 
ment, a spirit of discontent with their own, and sympathy with foreign 

This writer says : " This is the company whose power is now [in 
1849] to be strengthened and consolidated ! to whose dominion is to 
be added the most important post which Great Britain possesses in the 
Pacific, and to whom the formation of a new colony is to be intrusted." 

And, we add, this is the power that has succeeded in forcing their in- 
. famous claims upon our government to the amount above stated, and 
by the oaths of men trained for a long series of years to rob the Indian 
of the just value of his labor, to deceive and defraud their own nation 
as to the fulfillment of chartered stipulations and privileges. 

The facts developed by our history may not affect the decision of the 
commissioners in their case, but the future student of the history of 
the settlement of our Pacific coast will be able to understand the in 
fluences its early settlers had to contend with, and the English colonist 
may learn the secret of their failure to build up a wealthy and prosper 
ous colony in any part of their vast dominion on the North American 


Case of The Hudson s Bay Company v. The United States. Examination of Mr. 
McTavish. Number of witnesses. Their ignorance. Amount claimed. Original 
stock. Value of land in Oregon. Estimate of Hudson s Bay Company s prop 
erty. Remarks of author. 

I HAVE carefully reviewed all the testimony in the above case, on both 
sides, up to May 1, 1867. On April 12, the counsel on the part of 
the United States having already spent twenty-five days in cross-ex 
amining Chief-Factor McTavish, so as to get at the real expenditures 
of the Hudson s Bay Company, and arrive at a just conclusion as to the 
amount due them, Mr. McTavish having frequently referred to accounts 
and statements which he averred could be found on the various books 
of the company, gave notice to the counsel of the company in the fol- 
lowinsr lano;uao;e : 

O O O 

" The counsel for the United States require of Mr. McTavish, who, as 
appears from his evidence, is a chief factor of the Hudson s Bay Com 
pany, and its agent in the prosecution of this claim, to produce here for 
examination by the United States or their counsel, all accounts, account- 
books, and letter-books of said company, together with the regulations 
under which their books were kept, and the various forms of contracts 
with servants of the company, all of which books, rules, and forms con 
tain evidence pertinent to the issue in this case, as appears from the 
cross-examination of Mr. McTavish, and suspends the further cross-ex 
amination of this witness until he shall produce such books, accounts, 
rules, and forms." 

On the 1st of May Mr. McTavish s examination was resumed. 

Int. 952. " Will you please produce here for examination by the 
United States or their counsel, all accounts, account-books, and letter- 
books of the Hudson s Bay Company which were kept at the various 
posts of that company south of the 49th parallel of north latitude during 
their occupation by the company, together with the regulations under 
which their books were kept, and the regular forms of contracts with 
the company s servants?" 

Ans. " I can not say whether I will produce them or not." 

(The above question was objected to as incompetent, and as asking 
the witness, not as to what he knows of the subject, but as to what his 


future course of action will be, over which, as witness, he can have no 

During the examination of Mr. McTavish it was evident that he was 
the main prosecuting witness, and considerably interested in the results 
of the claim, or suit. 

It would doubtless be interesting to most of our readers to see a re 
view of the testimony, or at least a summary of the evidence presented 
on both sides in this case. There are now printed about one thousand 
pages of documents and depositions. That relating particularly to the 
Hudson s Bay Company comprises about two-thirds of the whole 
amount. The balance relates more particularly to the Puget Sound 
Agricultural Company s claim. This claim, the company have not 
been able, by any testimony yet presented, to separate from that of the 
Hudson s Bay Company; so that there is no prospect of their re 
ceiving one dollar on that account. There have been examined on the 
part of the Puget Sound Company, to prove its separate existence from 
the Hudson s Bay Company, thirty witnesses ; on the part of the United 
States, twenty-one. On the part of the Hudson s Bay Company s claim 
as separate from the Puget Sound Company, nineteen witnesses ; on the 
part of the United States, thirty. On both sides not far from forty-five 
witnesses have been called upon the stand to testify in this important 
case. The company in London have been requested to furnish evidence 
of the separate organization or independent existence of the two com 
panies ; and with all this evidence produced, nothing definite or certain 
is shown, except that the concern was gotten up to deceive the English 
people and rob the American government, and to counteract and oppose 
the American settlement of this country. 

As a looker-on and an observer of events in this country, I must con 
fess my astonishment at the ignorance, perverseness, and stupidity of 
men whom I have ever heretofore regarded as honorable and 

From the testimony before me of the twenty odd English witnesses, 
it really appears as though they felt that all they had to do was to ask 
their pay, and our government would give it to them; or, in other 
words, they, as Englishmen and British subjects, are prepared to com 
pel the payment of any sum they demand. 

There are many interesting developments brought out in this case 
relative to the early history of this country, which renders the depo 
sitions in the case, though voluminous and tedious in the main, yet 
interesting to the close and careful student of our history. 

If time and opportunity is given, I will review this whole testimony 
as a part of the history of this country, and, in so doing, will endeavor 


to correct an erroneous impression that will result from the testimony 
as now before us. 

The amount claimed in this case is four million nine hundred and 
ninety thousand thirty-six dollars and sixty-seven cents, or, nine hun 
dred and eighty-five thousand three hundred and fifty pounds sterling, 
in gold coin. 

I now have before me, including the Hudson s Bay Company s me 
morial, eleven hundred and twenty-six pages of printed documents and 
depositions relating to this case. I also have what may properly be 
termed British testimony, bearing directly upon this case, which is enti 
tled to its full weight in a proper and just decision as to the amount of 
compensation this Hudson s Bay Company is entitled to receive from 
our government. 

I do not propose to review all the one thousand four hundred and 
nineteen pages of statements and depositions in detail ; that would be 
too tedious, though I might be able to make it interesting to the gen 
eral reader, as it develops the whole history of that portion of our con 
tinent that has for one hundred and ninety-seven years been under the 
exclusive jurisdiction of a monopoly that effectually closed it to all out 
side influences up to the year A. D. 1834. 

According to our British testimony, it was originally 10,500. In 
1690, in consequence of the enormous profits upon this small capital, it 
was increased threefold, making it 31,500. In 1720 it was declared 
to be 94,500. In this year the stock was (as is termed) watered. The 
then proprietors each subscribed 100, and received 300 of stock, 
calling the whole nominal stock 378,000, while the actual subscription 
was but 94,500, and only 3,150 was paid. The stock was ordered 
to reckon at 103,500, while the actual total amount paid was but 

In 1821, there was another "watering" of the stock, and a call of 
100 per share on the proprietors, which raised their capital to 200,- 
000. The Northwest Fur Company joined the Hudson s Bay Company 
in this year, and the joint stock was declared to be 400,000. 

We are ready to admit, in fact, the testimony in the case goes to 
prove, that the French Northwest Company brought into the concern 
an equal amount of capital with that of the Hudson s Bay Company. 
This would give the present Hudson s Bay Company a real capital of 
27,300, a nominal capital of 400,000. 

By reference to the memorial of the company, we find they claim, 
on the 8th of April, 1867, of our government: 

For the right to trade, of which the settlement of the country and 
removal of Indians to reservations has deprived them, 200,000. 


For the right of the free navigation of the Columbia River, 

For their forts, farms, posts, and establishments, with the buildings 
and improvements, 285,350, making, in all, 785,350, or$3, 822,036.67, 
or 385,350 more than the whole amount of nominal stock which they 
claim to have invested in their entire trade. 

We will not stop to speak of the morality of this claim ; it is made 
in due form, and this with the claim as set forth in the same document, 
to wit : For lands, farms, forts, and improvements, 190,000 ; loss of live 
stock and other losses, 50,000 ; total, 240,000 equal to $1,188,000, 
to be paid in gold. In British money these two sums amount to 
1,025,350 sterling, in American dollars to $4,990,036.67 ; or 625,350 
sterling money more than their nominal stock, and 998,050 sterling 
more than all their real stock invested. 

It will be remembered that this demand is simply on account of the 
settlement of Oregon by the Americans. A part of the posts for 
which this demand is made are still in their undisputed possession, and 
a large portion of the claim is set up in consequence of the loss of the 
profits of the fur trade, of that portion of their business as conducted 
in territory that originally belonged to the United States, and was 
actually given up to them by the treaty of December 24, 1814. 

The reader will bear in mind, that in the review or discussion of 
this Hudson s Bay Company s claim on our government, we only refer 
to that part of their trade, and the rights or privileges they were 
permitted to enjoy, jointly with Americans, in what is now absolutely 
American territory. Over two-thirds of their capital has always been 
employed in territory that the American has not been permitted to 
enter, much less to trade and form a settlement of any kind. 

The witnesses on the part of the Hudson s Bay Company have been 
forty-one in number. Of this number fifteen are directly interested in 
the results of the award. Fourteen were brought to the country by, and 
remained in the service of the company till they left the country ; and 
were all British, though some of them have become naturalized American 
citizens. Twelve are American citizens, and are supposed to have no 
particular interest in the results of the case ; in fact, their statements 
are all of a general and very indefinite character. Having come to 
the country since 1850, they know but little or nothing about the 
Hudson s Bay Company, its rights, policy, or interests there. Not one 
of them appears, from the testimony given, to understand the justness 
of the company s claim, or the injustice there would be in allowing 
any part of it. Their testimony appears to be given under the im 
pression that because the treaty stipulated that the possessory rights 


of the company were acknowledged and to be respected, that there 
fore full payment must be paid the company for the right of trade, 
and the prospective profits in trade, and the increased value of as 
sessable property for an indefinite period in the future. As, for exam 
ple, a witness is asked: 

"What is the present value per acre of the company s claims at 
Cowlitz and Nasqualla, for farming and grazing purposes ?" 

Ans. "Supposing both claims to belong to the same person or com 
pany, having a clear and undisputed title, and perfectly exempt from 
molestation in the transaction of business, I think the Cowlitz claim 
worth to-day thirty dollars an acre, and the Nasqualla claim five 
dollars an acre, for farming and grazing purposes." 

The fifteen interested witnesses all testify to about the same thing, 
asserting positively as to the real value of the company s supposed 
rights. One of the chief factors, in answer to the interrogatory, 
"State the value of the post at Vancouver, as well in 1846 as since, 
until the year 1863 ; give the value of the lands and of the buildings 
separately ; and state also what was the value of the post in relation 
to the other posts, and as a center of trade," said : 

" It being the general depot for the trade of the company west of 
the Rocky Mountains, in 1 846 the establishment at Vancouver, with its 
out-buildings, was in thorough order, having been lately rebuilt; 
taking into account this post" (a notorious fact that but two new 
buildings were about the establishment and in decent repair), " together 
with the various improvements at the mill, on the mill plain, on 
the lower plain, and at Sauvies Island, I should estimate its value 
then to the company at from five to six hundred thousand dollars." 

The value of the land used by the company, at Fort Vancouver, in 
1846, say containing a frontage of twenty-five miles on the Columbia, 
by ten miles in depth, in all two hundred and fifty square miles, or 
about 160,000 acres, I should calculate as being worth then, on an 
average, from $2.50 to $3 an acre (at $2.50 would give us $400,000) ; 
this, with the improvements, say $500,000, gives us, at this witness s 
lowest estimate, $900,000 for the company s possessory rights. 

This witness goes into an argument stating surrounding and probable 
events, and concludes in these words: "I am clearly of opinion that 
had the company entire control to deal with it as their own, without 
any question as to their title, from the year 1846 and up to 1858, when 
I left there, taking the fort as a center point, the land above and below 
it, to the extent of three square miles, or 1,920 acres, with frontage on 
the Columbia River, could have been easily disposed of for $250 per 
acre ($480,000). The remainder of the land claim of the company at 


Vancouver is more or less valuable, according to its locality ; thus, I 
consider the land on the lower plain, having frontage on the river for a 
distance of five miles, or 3,200 acres, as worth $100 per acre ($320,000). 
Below that, again, to the Cathlapootl, a distance of probably ten miles, 
with a depth of two miles, or 12,800 acres, is worth $25 an acre ($320,000). 
Going above the fort plain, and so on to the commencement of the 
claim, two miles above the saw-mill on the Columbia River, say a dis 
tance of six or seven miles and back three miles, or about 13,500 acres, 
should be worth from $10 to $15 per acre" ($135,000, at $10, his lowest 
estimate). "The remainder of the claim is worth from $1.50 to $3 per 
acre." It being 128,580 acres, at $1.50 per acre, $192,580. This would 
make for the Vancouver property, as claimed, and several witnesses 
have sworn the value to amount, as per summary of a chief factor s 

For the fort, buildings, farm and mill improvements $500,000 

1,920 acres of land about the fort, at $250 per acre 400,000 

3,200 " below the fort, at SI 00 " " 320.000 

12,800 " on lower plain, at $ 25 " " 320,000 

13,500 " above the saw-mill, at $10 " " 320,000 

128,580 " balance of claim, at $1.50 " " 192,580 

This gives us the sum of $1,947,580 in gold coin, as the value of the pos 
sessory rights of the honorable the Hudson s Bay Company to Fort 
Vancouver and its immediate surroundings. 

This chief factor s oath and estimate of the property is sustained by 
the estimates and oaths of three other chief factors, amounting to about 
the same sum. This one, after answering in writing, as appears in his 
cross-examination, twenty sworn questions affirming to the facts and 
truth of his knowledge of the claims and business of the company, etc., 
is cross-questioned (Interrogatory 477), by the counsel for the United 
States, as follows : " Can you not answer the last interrogatory 
more definitely?" The 476th interrogatory was : "Have you not as 
much knowledge of what the company claimed in this direction as 
any other?" The answer to the 477th interrogatory is: "Referring 
to my answer to the last interrogatory, it will be at once seen that / 
have no personal knowledge as to what land the company actually 
claimed on that line or any other, as regards the land in the neighbor 
hood of Fort Vancouver. This answer embraces even the present 

There are several American witnesses introduced to prove this mon 
strous claim, and to show the reasonableness and justness of their 
demand. I will give a specimen of an answer given by one of them. 
After estimating the amount of land in a similar manner to the witness 
above referred to, calculating the land in four divisions, at $50, $10, and 


$1.25 per acre, and 161,000 acres amounting to 8789,625, without any 
estimate upon the buildings or improvements, the following question 
was put to him : " Have you any knowledge of the market value of land 
in the vicinity of Vancouver, at any time since 1860?" 

Ans. " I only heard of one sale, which was near the military re 
serve ; I think this was of 100 acres, and I understand brought $100 an 
acre. I heard of this within the last few months, but nothing was said, 

O / 

that I remember, about the time when the sale was made." 

From the intelligence and official position of this American witness, 
we are forced to the conclusion that the enriching effects of old Hud 
son s Bay rum must have made him feel both wealthy and peculiarly 
liberal in estimating the possessory rights of his Hudson s Bay Com 
pany friends. 

There is one noticeable fact in relation to quite a number of the wit 
nesses called, and that have testified in behalf of the company s claim. 
It is their ignorance we may add, total ignorance of the general busi 
ness, profits, and policy of the company. This remark will apply to 
every witness whose deposition has been taken, including their book 
keepers and clerks in London, and their chief factors in Oregon. Dr. 
McLaughlin seems to have been the only man upon this coast that 
knew, or that could give an intelligent account of its policy or its pro 

The whole Hudson s Bay Company concern appears like a great bar 
rel, bale, or box of goods, put up in London, and marked for a certain 
district, servants and clerks sent along with the bales, and boxes, and 
barrels of rum, to gather up all the furs and valuable skins they can 
find all over the vast country they occupy, then bale up these furs and 
skins and send them to London, where another set of clerks sell them 
and distribute the profits on the sale of the furs. 

As to the value of the soil, timber, minerals, or any improvements 
they have ever seen or made in the country, they are as ignorant as the 
savages of the country they have been trading with. This ignorance 
is real or willful. The oaths of the two witnesses to which I have re 
ferred show this fact beyond a doubt, they having been the longest in 
the service, and attained a high position, and should know the most of 
its business and policy. 

There is one other American witness that has given his testimony in 
the case of Puget Sound Agricultural Company v. United States. 
He came to this country in 1853. In cross-interrogatory 55, he is 
asked : " In your opinion, did not the agents of this company afford 
great protection to the first settlers of this section of country by the 
exercise of their influence over the different Indian tribes ?" 


Ans. "In my opinion, the officers of the company, being educated 
gentlemen, have always exerted whatever influence they might have 
had with the Indians to protect the whites of all nations in the early 
settlement of the country." 

This opinion is expressed by a gentleman having no knowledge of 
the policy and proceedings of the company in relation to all American 
settlers previous to his arrival in the country. He concludes that 
because he, in his official transactions, having no occasion to ask or 
receive the company s protection, was treated kindly, all others must 
have been, as the company s officers were, in his opinion, " educated 

In answer to this last official American gentleman and his officious 
opinion, as expressed on oath in this case, I will quote a statement, 
under oath, of one of our old bed-rock settlers, who came on to the 
west side of the Rocky Mountains in 1829, twenty-four years previous 
to the last witness, who pretends to know so much. 

Tnt. 7. " What influence did the Hudson s Bay Company exercise 
over the Indians in the section where you operated, with reference to 
the American trappers and traders ? State such facts as occur to you 
in this connection." 

Ans. "The Hudson s Bay Company exercised a great influence 
over the western Indians J that is, the Cayuses, Nez Perces, Flatheads, 
and Spokans, and others through these ; they had no influence over the 
Indians east of the Rocky Mountains at all, and away south they could 
do almost any thing with the Indians. I know of one party that was 
robbed by order of one of the Hudson s Bay Company men, the 
commander of Fort Wallawalla (Wallula) ; the party was robbed, and 
the fur brought back to the fort and sold. I was not with the party ; 
that was my understanding about the matter ; and that was what the 
Indians said, and what the whites said that were robbed." (A fact 
known to the writer.) 

Int. 1 3. " Was it not generally understood among the American 
trappers that the Hudson s Bay Company got a very large quantity of 
Jedediah Smith s furs, for which he and they failed to account to the 
company to which they belonged ?" (Objected to, because it is leading, 
immaterial, and hearsay.) 

Ans. " It used to be said so among the trappers in the mountains," 
(and admitted by the company, as no correct account was ever 

In t. 1 4. " If you remember, state the quantity which was thus 
reported." (Objected to as before.) 

Ans. " It was always reported as about forty packs." 


Int. 15. "Give an estimate of the value of forty packs of beaver 
at that time." 

Ans. " Forty packs of beaver at that time, in the mountains, was 
worth about $20,000. I do not know what they would be worth at 

Int. 16. "State whether the dispute about this matter was the 
cause of the dissolution of the firm of Smith, Jackson & Sublet, to 
which you refer in your cross-examination." (Objected to as above.) 

Ans. " I do not know ; that was the report among mountain men." 

With these specimens of testimony on both sides, I will venture a 
general statement drawn from the whole facts developed. 

About the time, or perhaps one year before, the notice that the joint 
occupancy of the country west of the Rocky Mountains was given by 
the American government to that of the British, the Hudson s Bay 
Company, as such, had made extensive preparations and arrangements 
to hold the country west of the Rocky Mountains. This arrangement 
embraced a full and complete organization of the Indian tribes under 
the various traders and factors at the various forts in the country. 

The probability of a Mexican war with the United States, and such 
influences as could be brought to bear upon commissioners, or the 
treaty-making power of the American government, would enable them 
to secure this object. In this they failed. The Mexican war was suc 
cessfully and honorably closed. The Hudson s Bay Company s claims 
are respected, or at least mentioned as in existence, in the treaty of 1846, 
that the 49th parallel should be the boundary of the two national 

On the strength of their supposed possessory right, they remain 
quietly in their old forts and French pig-pens, take a full inventory 
of their old Indian salmon-houses, and watch the progress of American 
improvement upon this coast, till 1863, when the American people are 
in the midst of a death struggle for its civil existence. They then for 
the third time "water" this monstrosity under the name of " The In 
ternational Financial Society, limited, are prepared to receive subscrip 
tions for the issue at par of capital stock in the Hudson s Bay Com 
pany, incorporated by royal charter, 1670," fixing the nominal stock 
of the Hudson s Bay Company at 2,000,000 ; and taking from this 
amount 1,930,000, they offer it for sale under this new title in shares 
of 20 each, claiming as belonging to them \i. e., the Hudson s Bay 
Company] 1,400,000 square miles, or upward of 896,000,000 acres of 
land, and, after paying all expenses, an income of 81,000 in ten years, 
up to the 31st of May over four per cent, on the 2,000,000." This 
vast humbug is held up for the English public to invest in, a coloniza- 


tion scheme to enrich the favored shareholders of that old English 
aristocratic humbug chartered by Charles II. in 16 TO. 

In the whole history of that company there has never been any 
investigation of its internal policy so thorough as in the present pro 
ceedings. In fact, this is the first time they have ventured to allow a 
legal investigation into their system of trade and their rights of prop 
erty. They have grown to such enormous proportions, and controlled 
so vast a country, that the government and treasury of the United 
States has become, in their estimation, a mere appendage to facilitate 
their Indian trade and financial speculations. From our recent pur 
chases of Russian territory, it becomes an important question to every 
American citizen, and especially our statesmen, to make himself familiar 
with so vast an influence under the British flag, and extending along 
so great an extent of our northern frontier. Should they establish, by 
their own interested and ignorant testimony, their present claims, there 
will be no end to their unreasonable demands, for they have dotted the 
whole continent with their trading-posts. They claim all that is sup 
posed to be of any value to savage and civilized man. The English 
nation without its Hudson s Bay Company s old traps and hunting- 
parties would have no claim west of the Rocky Mountains, yet, for the 
sake of these, it has almost ventured a third war with our American 
people in sending from its shores, instead of land pirates, under the 
bars and stars, the red flag of the Hudson s Bay Company. The two 
flags should be folded together and laid up in the British Museum, as 
a lasting monument of British injustice. 

I apprehend, from a careful review of all this testimony of the forty- 
one witnesses who were on the part of the Hudson s Bay Company, 
and the forty-two on the part of the United States, that the whole 
policy of the company has been thoroughly developed ; yet, at the same 
time, without a long personal acquaintance with their manner of doing 
business, it would be difficult to comprehend the full import of the tes 
timony given, though I apprehend the commissioners will have no 
very difficult task to understand the humbuggery of the whole claim, 
as developed by the testimony of the clerks in London and the investi 
gation at head-quarters. As to the amount of award, I would not risk 
one dollar to obtain a share in all they get from our government. On 
the contrary, a claim should be made against them for damages and 
trespass upon the American citizens, as also the lives of such as they 
have caused to be murdered by their influence over the Indians. 

The telegraph has informed us that the commissioners have awarded 
to the Hudson s Bay Company, $450,000, and to the Puget Sound 
concern, 8200,000. We have no change to make in our opinion of the 


commissioners previously expressed, as they must have known, from the 
testimony developed in the Puget Sound concern, that that part of the 
claim was a fictitious one, and instituted to distract the public and 
divide the pretensions to so large an amount in two parts. That the 
commissioners should allow it can only be understood upon the princi 
ple that the Hudson s Bay Company were entitled to that amount as 
an item of costs in prosecuting their case. 

No man at all familiar with the history of this coast, and of the Hud 
son s Bay Company, can conscientiously approve of that award. Our 
forefathers, in 1776, said "millions for defense, but not one cent for 
tribute," which we consider this award to be, for the benefit of English 
duplicity and double-dealing, in the false representations they made at 
the making of the treaty, and the perjury of their witnesses. 


Quotation from Mr. Swan. His mistake. General Gibbs mistake. Kamaiyahkan. 
Indian agent killed. 1. 1. Stevens misjudged. 

THE gigantic fraud of slavery fell, in our own land, in the short space 
of four years; but that of this company holding and destroying as 
many lives as the African slave trade holds its own, and still lifts its 
head, under the patronage of a professed Christian nation ; and claims 
to be an honorable company, while it robs and starves its unnumbered 
benighted Indians, and shuts up half of North America from civili 
zation. At the same time it has obtained $650,000 for partially with 
drawing its continued robberies of the American Indians within the 
United States, after implanting in the savage mind an implacable hatred 
against the American people. 

While we have our own personal knowledge on this point, we will 
give a quotation from Mr. Swan s work, written in 1852, page 381, 
showing his views of the subject, which are mostly correct ; but, in 
speaking of the trade of the Americans and of the Hudson s Bay 
Company, he says : " The Indians preferred to trade with the Americans, 
for they kept one article in great demand, which the Hudson s Bay 
people did not sell, and that was whisky." 

In this Mr. Swan is entirely mistaken. The Hudson s Bay people 
always had liquor, and let the Indians have all they could pay for, as 
proved by their own writer, Mr. Dunn. (See 12th chapter.) Mr. S. 
continues : " Reckless, worthless men, who are always to be found in 
new settlements, would give or sell whisky to the Indians, and then, 
when drunk, abuse them. If the injury was of a serious nature, the 
Indian was sure to have revenge ; and should he kill a white man, 
would be certainly hanged, if caught ; but, although the same law 
operated on the whites, I have nevej known an instance where a white 
man has been hanged for killing an Indian." This has been my expe 
rience, Mr. Swan, for more than thirty years, with the Hudson s 
Bay Company, or English. When a white man kills an Indian, the 
tribe, or his friends, are satisfied with a present, instead of the life of 
the murderer^ It has been invariably the practice with the Hudson s 
Bay Company to pay, when any of their people kill an Indian, and to 
kill the Indian murderer; not so when an American is killed. Says 


Mr. Swan : " The ill-feelings thus engendered against the Americans, by 
this, and other causes, was continually fanned and kept alive by these 
half-breeds and old servants of the company , whose feelings were irri 
tated by what they considered an unwarrantable assumption on the 
part of these settlers, in coming across the mountains to squat upon 
lands they considered theirs by right of prior occupancy. The officers 
of the company also sympathized with their old servants in this respect, 
and a deadly feeling of hatred has existed between these officers and the 
American emigrant, for their course in taking possession of the lands 
claimed by the Puget Sound Agricultural Company, and other places 
on the Sound and the Columbia River ; and there is not a man among 
them who would not be glad to have had every American emigrant 
driven out of the country." It is unnecessary to add examples of this 
kind to prove to any reasonable mind the continued hostility of that 
company, and all under its influence, to the American government and 

Can their friendship be bought by paying them the entire sum they 
claim ? We think not. 

Whatever sum is given will go to enrich the shareholders, who will 
rejoice over their success, as an Indian would over the scalp of his 
enemy. The implacable hatred will remain, and nothing but extermi 
nation, or a complete absorption of the whole continent into the 
American republic, will close up the difficulty, and save a remnant of 
the Indian tribes. This, to some, may not be desirable ; but humanity and 
right should, and will, eventually, prevail over crime, or any foreign 

The American people are taunted by the Roman Jesuits and English 
with having driven the Indian from his lands, and having occupied it 
themselves ; but how is it with the English ? While the American has 
attempted to gather the Indians into convenient communities, and spent 
millions of dollars to civilize and better their condition, the English 
nation, as such, has never given one dollar, but has chartered com 
pany after company of merchants, traders, and explorers, who have 
entered the Indian country under their exclusive charters, or license to 
trade, and shut it up from all others. They have, in the profitable 
prosecution of their trade, so managed as to exterminate all surplus 
and useless Indians, and reduce them to easy and profitable control. 
Should one of their half-breed servants, or a white man, attempt to 
expose their system, or speak of their iniquitous policy, a great hue 
and cry is raised against him, both in England and America, and he 
must fall, either by a misinformed public or by savage hands, while 
they triumphantly refer to the ease with which they exercise absolute 


control over the Indians in their jurisdiction, as a reason why they 
should be permitted to continue their exclusive occupation and govern 
ment of the country. Thus, for being forced partially to leave that 
portion of Oregon south of the 49th parallel, they presumed to make 
a claim against our government three times larger than the whole 
capital stock of the two companies combined. 

This hue and cry, and the public sentiment they have continued to 
raise and control, has its double object. The one is to continue their 
exclusive possession of, and trade in the country, the other is to obtain 
alt the money they can from the American government for the little 
part of it they have professedly given up. 

It will be remembered that in the investigation of their claims, and 
the depositions given, it was stated that Forts Okanagon, Colville, 
Kootanie, and Flathead, were still in their possession in 1866 ; that 
Walla walla, Fort Hall, and Boise were given up because they were 
prohibited by the government from trading ammunition and guns to 
the Indians. This means simply that the last-named posts were too 
far from their own territory to enable them to trade in these prohibited 
articles, and escape detection by the American authorities. The 
northern posts, or those contiguous to the 49th parallel, are still occu 
pied by them. From these posts they supply the Indians, and send 
their emissaries into the American territory, and keep up the "deadly 
hatred" of which Mr. Swan speaks, and about which General Gibbs, in 
his letter explaining the causes of the Indian war, is so much mistaken. 

There is one fact stated by General Gibbs, showing the continued 
combination of the Roman priests with the Hudson s Bay Company, 
which we will give in this connection. He says : " The Yankamas have 
always been opposed to the intrusion of the Americans." This is also 
a mistake of Mr. Gibbs, as we visited that tribe in the fall of 1839, and 
found them friendly, and anxious to have an American missionary 
among them. At that time there had been no priest among them, and 
no combined effort of the company to get rid of the American mission 
ary settlements. Kamaiyahkan, the very chief mentioned by General 
Gibbs as being at the head of the combination against the Americans, 
accompanied us to Dr. Whitman s station, to urge the establishment of 
an American mission among his people. 

General Gibbs says, that, " as early as 1853, Kamaiyahkan had pro 
jected a war of extermination. Father Pandosa, the priest at 
Atahnam (Yankama) mission, in the spring of that year, wrote to 
Father Mesplie, the one at the Dalls, desiring him to inform Major 
Alvord, in command at that post, of the fact. Major Alvord reported 
it to General Hitchcock, then in command on this coast. Hitchcock cen- 


siired him as an alarmist, and Pandosa was censured by his superiors, 
who forthwith placed a priest of higher rank over him." 

The next year, Indian agent Bolon was killed, and the war com 
menced. How did General Hitchcock learn that Pandosa, a simple- 
hearted priest, and Major Alvord were alarmists ? The fact of the 
censure, and placing a priest of higher rank over Pandosa at the 
Yankama station (the very place we selected in 1839 for an American 
station), is conclusive evidence on this point. 

" The war of extermination," that General Gibbs, in his mistaken 
ideas of Hudson s Bay policy and Indian character, attributes to the 
policy of Governor I. I. Stevens, was commenced in 1845. At that 
time, it was supposed by James Douglas, Mr. Ogden, and the ruling- 
spirits of that company, that all they had to do was to withhold 
munitions of war from the Americans, and the Indians would do the 
balance for them. 

The Indian wars that followed, and that are kept up and encouraged 
along our borders, and all over this coast, are the legitimate fruits of 
the " DEADLY HATRED " implanted in the mind and soul of the Indian 
There is an object in this : while they teach the Indians to believe that 
the Americans are robbing them of their lands and country, they at 
the same time pretend that they do not want it. 

Like Bishop Blanchet with the Cayuses, they " only want a small 
piece of land to raise a little provisions from," and they are continually 
bringing such goods as the Indians want ; and whenever they are ready 
to join their forces and send their war-parties into American territory, 
this company of honorable English fur traders are always ready to 
supply them with arms and ammunition, and to purchase from them 
the goods or cattle (including scalps, in case of war between the two 
nations) they may capture on such expeditions. 

The more our government pays to that company, or their fictitious 
agent, the more, means they will have to carry on their opposition to 
American commerce and enterprise on this coast. Should they obtain 
but one-third of their outrageous claim, it is contemplated to invest it, 
with their original stock, in a new company, under the same name, 
Honorable Hudson s Bay Company, and to extend their operations so 
as to embrace not only the fur, but gold and grain trade, over this 
whole western coast. 

Will it be for the interests of this country to encourage them ? Let 
their conduct and proceeding while they had the absolute control of it 
answer, and prove a timely warning to the country before such vam 
pires are allowed to fasten themselves upon it. 


Review of Mr. Greenhow s work in connection with the conduct and policy of the Hud 
son s Bay Company. Schools and missionaries. Reasons for giving extracts from 
Mr. Greenhow s work. Present necessity for more knowledge about the company. 

As stated by General Gibbs, Mr. Greenhow has given us a complete 
history of the discovery of Oregon. At the point where he leaves us 
the reader will observe our present history commences. We did not 
read Mr. Greenhow s very elaborate and interesting history till ours 
had been completed in manuscript. On reading it, we found abundant 
proof of statements we have made respecting the policy of the British 
government to hold, by the influence of her Hudson s Bay Company, 
the entire country west of the Rocky Mountains that was not fully 
occupied by the Russian and Spanish governments. 

This fact alone makes our history the more important and interest 
ing to the American reader. Mr. Greenhow, upon pages 360 and 361 
of his work, closes the labors of the eleven different American fur 
companies with the name of Captain Nathaniel Wyeth, and upon these 
two pages introduces the American missionaries, with the Roman 
Jesuits, though the latter did not arrive in the country till four years 
after the former. 

On his 388th page, after speaking of various transactions relative to 
California, the Sandwich Islands, and the proceedings in Congress 
relative to the Oregon country, he says : " In the mean time, the Hud 
son s Bay Company had been doing all in its power to extend and 
confirm its position in the countries west of the Rocky Mountains, from 
which its governors felicitated themselves with the idea that they had 
expelled the Americans entirely." 

Page 389. "The object of the company was, therefore, to place a 
large number of British subjects in Oregon within the shortest time, 
and, of course, to exclude from it as much as possible all people of the 
United States ; so that when the period for terminating the convention 
with the latter power should arrive, Great Britain might be able to 
present the strongest title to the possession of the whole, on the ground 
of actual occupation by the Hudson s Bay Company. To these ends 
the efforts of that company had been for some time directed. The im 
migration of British subjects was encouraged ; the Americans were by 


all means excluded ; and the Indians were brought as much as possible 
into friendship with, and subject to, the company, while they were taught 
to regard the people of the United States as enemies!" 

In a work entitled " Four Years in British Columbia," by Commander 
R. C. Mayne, R. K, F. R. G. S., page 279, this British writer says: 
" I have also spoken of the intense hatred of them all for the Boston 
men (Americans). This hatred, although nursed chiefly by the cruelty 
with which they are treated by them, is also owing in a great measure 
to the system adopted by the Americans of removing them away from 
their villages when their sites become settled by whites. The Indians 
often express dread lest we should adopt the same course, and have 
lately petitioned Governor Douglas on the subject." 

Commander Mayne informs us, on his 193d page, that in the perform 
ance of his official duties among the Indians, " recourse to very strong 
expressions was found necessary ; and they were threatened with the 
undying wrath of Mr. Douglas, whose name always acts as a talisman 
with them." 

We shall have occasion to quote statements from members of the 
Hudson s Bay Company, and from Jesuit priests, further confirming the 
truth of Mr. Greenhow s statement as above quoted. It would be grati 
fying to us to be able, from our long personal experience and observa 
tions relative to the policy and conduct of the Hudson s Bay Company, 
to fully confirm the very plausible, and, if true, honorable treatment of 
the aborigines of these countries ; but truth, candor, observation, our 
own and other personal knowledge, compel us to believe and know that 
Mr. Greenhow is entirely mistaken when he says, on his 389th page, 
speaking of the Hudson s Bay Company : 

" In the treatment of the aborigines of these countries, the Hudson s 
Bay Company admirably combined and reconciled humanity with policy. 
In the first place, its agents were strictly prohibited from furnishing 
them with ardent spirits ; and there is reason to believe that the pro 
hibition has been carefully enforced. 

" Sunday, March 11, 1852," says Mr. Dunn, one of their own servants, 
" Indians remained in their huts, perhaps praying, or more likely sing 
ing over the rum they had traded with us on Saturday. * * Tues 
day, April 26. Great many Indians on board. * * Traded a num 
ber of skins. They seem to like rum very much. * * May 4. 
They were all drunk went on shore, made a fire about 1 1 o clock ; 
being then all drunk began firing on one another. * * June 30. 
The Indians are bringing their blankets their skins are all gone ; they 
seem very fond of rum. * * July 11. They traded a quantity of 
rum from us." 


The Kingston Chronicle* a newspaper, on the 27th of September, 
1848, says : "The Hudson s Bay Company have, in some instances with 
their rum, traded the goods given in presents to the Indians by the 
Canadian government, and afterward so traded the same with them at 
an advance of little short of a thousand per cent." 

Question asked by the Parliamentary Committee : " Are intoxicating 
liquors supplied in any part of the country and where ?" The five 
witnesses answered : 

1st. "At every place where he was." 

2d. "All but the Mandan Indians were desirous to obtain intoxi 
cating liquor; and the company supply them with it freely" 

3d. " At Jack River I saw liquor given for furs." 

4th. " At York Factory and Oxford House." 

5th. The fifth witness had seen liquor given "at Norway House 

The writer has seen liquor given and sold to the Indians at every 
post of the company, from the mouth of the Columbia to Fort Hall, 
including Fort Colville, and by the traveling traders of the company ; 
so that whatever pretensions the company make to the contrary, the 
proof is conclusive, that they traffic in liquors, without any restraint or 
hinderance, all over the Indian countries they occupy. That they charge 
this liquor traffic to renegade Americans I am fully aware ; at the same 
time I know they have supplied it to Indians, when there were no 
Americans in the country that had any to sell or give. 

In the narrative of the Rev. Mr. King, it is stated that " the agents 
of the Hudson s Bay Company are not satisfied with putting so insig 
nificant value upon the furs, that the more active hunters only can gain 
a support, which necessarily leads to the death of the more aged and 
infirm by starvation and cannibalism, but they encourage the intem 
perate use of ardent spirits." 

Says Mr. Alexander Simpson, one of the company s own chief traders : 
" That body has assumed much credit for the discontinuance of the sale 
of spirituous liquors at its trading establishments, but I apprehend that 
in this matter it has both claimed and received more praise than is its 
due. The issue of spirits has not been discontinued by it on principle, 
indeed it has not been discontinued at all when there is a possibility of 
diminution of trade through the Indians having the power to resent 
this deprivation of their accustomed and much-loved annual jollifica 
tion, by carrying their furs to another market." 

This means simply that Mr. Greenhow and all other admirers of the 
Hudson s Bay Company s manner of treating Indians have been hum 
bugged by their professions of " humanity and policy" 


We are inclined to return Mr. Greenhow s compliment to the Rev. 
Samuel Parker in his own language, as found on the 361st page of his 
work. He says : " Mr. Samuel Parker, whose journal of his tour beyond 
the Rocky Mountains, though highly interesting and instructive, would 
have been much more so had he confined himself to the results of his 
own experience, and not wandered into the region of history, diplomacy, 
and cosmogony, in all of which he is evidently a stranger." So with Mr. 
Greenhow, when he attempts to reconcile the conduct of the Hudson s 
Bay Company with " humanity" and admires their policy, and gives 
them credit for honorable treatment of " Indians, missionaries, and set 
tlers," he leaves his legitimate subject of history and diplomacy, and 
goes into the subject of the Hudson s Bay Company s moral policy, to 
which he appears quite as much a "stranger" as Mr. Samuel Parker 
does to those subjects in which Mr. Greenhow found him deficient. 

But, notwithstanding we are inclined to return Mr. Greenhow s com 
pliment in his own language, his historical researches and facts are 
invaluable, as developing a deep scheme of a foreign national grasping 
disposition, to hold, by a low, mean, underhanded, and, as Mr. Green- 
how says, " false and malicious course of misrepresentation, the country 
west of the Rocky Mountains." There are a few pages in Mr. Green- 
how s history that, as ours is now fully written, and we see no reason 
to change a statement we have made, for the information of our readers, 
and to correct what we conceive to be an erroneous impression of his 
relative to our early settlements upon this coast, we will quote, and re 
quest our readers to observe our corrections in the history or narration 
of events we have given them. 

"Schools for the instruction of their children, and hospitals for thei 
sick, were established at all their principal trading-posts; each of 
which, moreover, afforded the means of employment and support to 
Indians disposed to work in the intervals between the hunting seasons." 

Says the Rev, Mr. Barnley, a Wesleyan missionary at Moose Fac 
tory, whose labors commenced in June, 1840, and continued till Sep 
tember, 1847: "A plan which I had devised for educating and turning 
to some acquaintance with agriculture, native children, was disallowed, 
* * * it being very distinctly stated by Sir George Simpson, that 
the company would not give them even a spade toward commencing 
their new mode of life." 

Says Mr. Greenhow: " Missionaries of various sects were encouraged 
to undertake to convert these people to Christianity, and to induce them 
to adopt the usages of civilized life, so far as might be consistent with 
the nature of the labors in which they are engaged ; care being at the 
same time taken to instill into their minds due respect for the company, 


and for the sovereign of Great Britain ; and attempts were made, at 
great expense, though with little success, to collect them into villages, 
or tracts where the soil and climate are favorable to agriculture." 

Mr. Barnley says : " At Moose Factory, where the resources were 
most ample, and where was the seat of authority in the southern de 
partment of Rupert s Land, the hostility of the company (and not 
merely their inability to aid me, whether with convenience or incon 
venience to themselves) was most manifest." 

Another of the English missionaries writes in this manner: " When 
at York Factory last fall (1848), a young gentleman boasted that he 
had succeeded in starting the Christian Indians of Rossville off with 
the boats on a Sunday. Thus every effort we make for their moral and 
spiritual improvement Is frustrated, and those who were, and still are, 
desirous of becoming Christians, are kept away ; the pagan Indians 
desiring to become Christians, but being made drunk on their arrival 
at the fort, their good desires vanish. The Indians professing Chris 
tianity had actually exchanged one keg of rum for tea and sugar, at 
one post, but the successive offers of liquor betrayed them into intoxi 
cation at another." 

The Rev. Mr. Beaver, chaplain of the company at Fort Vancouver, 
in 1836, writes thus to the Aborigines Protection Society, London, 
tract 8, page 19 : 

" For a time I reported to the governor and committee of the com 
pany in England, and to the governor and the council of the company 
abroad, the result of my observations, with a view to a gradual ameli 
oration of the wretched degradation with which I was surrounded, by 
an immediate attempt at the introduction of civilization and Christian 
ity, among one or more of the aboriginal tribes; but my earnest 
representations were neither attended to nor acted upon ; no means 
were placed at my disposal for carrying out the plan which I sug 

Mr. Greenhow says, page 389 : " Particular care was also extended to 
the education of the half-breed children, the offspring of the marriage 
or the concubinage of the traders with the Indian women, who were 
retained and bred as much as possible among the white people, and 
were taken into the service of the company, whenever they were found 
capable. There being few white women in those countries, it is evident 
that these half-breeds must, in time, form a large, if not an important 
portion of the inhabitants ; and there is nothing to prevent their being 
adopted and recognized as British subjects. 

"The conduct of the Hudson s Bay Company, in these respects, is 
worthy of commendation and may be contrasted most favorably with 


that pursued at the present day by civilized people toward the abo 
rigines of all other new countries." 

It is a most singular fact, that while Mr. Greenhow was writing the 
above high commendation of the conduct and policy of the Hudson s 
Bay Company, in relation to their treatment of Indians and mission, 
aries under their absolute control, that that company were driving 
from their posts at Moose Factory and Vancouver, their own Wesleyan 
and Episcopal missionaries, and doing all they pouict tc-, v prevent r the 
settlement or civilization of the Indians, or allowing any missionary 
intercourse with them, except by foreign Romari Jo&m/s,} a?ict w6r 
actually combining the Indians in Oregon to destroy and defeat civil 
and Christian efforts among the Indians and American settlements then 
being established in the country. Page 390, Mr. Greenhow further 
says : " The course pursued by the Hudson s Bay Company, with re 
gard to American citizens in the territory west of the Rocky Moun 
tains, was equally unexceptionable and politic. The missionaries and 
immigrants from the United States, or from whatever country they 
might come, were received at the establishments of the company with 
the utmost kindness, and were aided in the prosecution of their respec 
tive objects, so far and so long as those objects were not commercial; 
but no sooner did any person, unconnected with the company, attempt 
to hunt, or trap, or trade with the Indians, than all the force of the 
body was turned against him." 

The statement in the last part of the foregoing paragraph can be 
attested by more than one hundred American hunters and traders, who 
have felt the full force of that company s influence against them ; as 
also by missionaries and settlers on first arriving in the country. But 
Mr. Greenhow says : " There is no evidence or reason to believe that 
violent measures were ever employed, either directly or indirectly, for 
this purpose ; nor would such means have been needed while the com 
pany enjoyed advantages over all competitors, such as are afforded by 
its wealth, its organization, and the skill and knowledge of the country, 
and of the natives, possessed by its agents." This is simply an assertion 
of Mr. Greenhow, which our future pages will correct in the mind of 
any who have received it as truth. It is unnecessary to pursue Mr. 
Greenhow s history of the Hudson s Bay Company respecting their 
treatment of American or English missionaries or American settlers ; 
the statements we have quoted show fully his want of a correct knowl 
edge of the practices of that company in dealing with savage and 
civilized men. We only claim for ourselves close observation and 
deeply interested participation in all that relates to Oregon since 1832, 
having been permitted to be present at the forming of its early civil settle- 


ment and political history. This work of Mr. Greenhow s appears to be 
peculiarly political as well as strongly national, and in the passages we 
have quoted, with many other similar ones, he seems to us to have written 
to catch the patronage of this foreign English corporation, which, accord 
ing to his own showing, has been an incubus upon the English, and, so 
far as possible, the Americans also. While he shows his utter ignorance 
of their internal policy and history, his researches in the history of the 
early \d tsco veBes* ott t his western coast are ample and most useful as 
vindicating our, American ^laim to the country. But as to its settle- 
meni anGfc diydli^tjon/otats early moral or political history, as he says 
of Mr. Samuel Parker, " in all of which he is evidently a stranger." 

Our reasons for giving the extracts from Mr. Greenhow s work are 

1st. That the reader may the better understand what follows as our 

2d. To avoid a future collision or controversy respecting statements 
that may be quoted from him to contradict or controvert our own, re 
specting the policy and practices of the Hudson s Bay Company, 
which, Mr. Greenhow says, page 391, "did no more than they were 
entitled to do. If the Americans neglected or were unable to avail 
themselves of the benefits secured to both nations by the convention, 
the fault or the misfortune was their own, and they had no right to 
complain." If this is true, as against the American, what right has the 
Hudson s Bay Company to complain and ask pay for what had been 
rendered worthless to them by the American settlement of the 
country ? 

"The hospitable treatment extended to them [American citizens] 
by the agents of the Hudson s Bay Company was doubtless approved 
by the directors of that body ; and all who know Messrs. McLaughlin 
and Douglas, the principal managers of the affairs of that body on the 
Columbia, unite in testifying that the humanity and generosity of those 
gentlemen have been always carried as far as their duties would permit. 
That their conduct does not, however, meet with universal approbation 
among the servants of the company in that quarter, sufficient evidence 
may be cited to prove." He quotes John Dunn s book, chap. 12. 

Mr. Greenhow wrote his history with the light then existing, i. e., 
in 1844. About that time Dr. McLaughlin was called to an account by 
the directors of the Hudson s Bay Company, in London. He explained 
to them his position, and the condition of the Americans, who carne to 
this country both naked and hungry, and that, as a man of common 
humanity, he could do no less than he did. The directors insisted 
upon the enforcement of their stringent rule, which was, to starve and 
drive every American from the country. He then told them : "If such 


is your order, gentlemen, I will serve you no longer" As to Mr. Doug 
las, we have no such noble sentiment to record in his behalf; he 
belonged to that English party called by Mr. Greenhovv " Patriots" 
He says : " There were two parties among the British in Oregon, 
the Patriots and the Liberals, who, while they agreed in holding all 
Americans in utter detestation, as knaves and ruffians, yet differed 
as to the propriety of the course pursued with regard to them by the 
company. The Patriots maintained, that kindness showed to the peo 
ple of the United States was thrown away, and would be badly re 
quited ; that it was merely nurturing a race of men, who would soon 
rise from their weak and humble position, as grateful acknowledgers of 
favors, to the bold attitude of questioners of the authority of Great 
Britain, and her right, even to Vancouver itself; that if any attempts 
were made for the conversion of the natives to Christianity, and to the 
adoption of more humanized institutions (which they limited to British 
institutions), a solid and permanent foundation should be laid ; and for 
that purpose, if missionaries were to be introduced, they should come 
within the direct control of the dominant power, that is, the British 
power, and should be the countrymen of those who actually occupied 
Oregon, etc. The Liberals, while admitting all that was said on the 
other side, of the. character of the Americans, nevertheless charitably 
opined that those people should not be excluded, as they possessed some 
claim, feeble, but yet existing, to the country, and until these were 
quashed or confirmed, it would be unjust and impolite to prevent them 
from all possession ; that these missionaries, though bad, were better 
than none ; and that good would grow out of evil in the end, for the 
Americans, by their intercourse with the British, would become more 
humanized, tolerant, and honest" 

As most of the above sentiment relative to the two English parties in 
the country appears to be quoted by Mr. Greenhow from some author, 
it would be interesting to know who he is ; still, the fact is all that is 
essential to know, and we have reason to believe and know that the 
sentiments expressed were entertained by the controlling authority of 
the company in London and in Oregon ; and that Messrs. Douglas and 
Ogden, and the Roman priests under their patronage, acted fully up to 
them as Roman and British Jesuits, there is no question ; and under 
such circumstances, it is not surprising that the immigration from the 
United States in 1843, 44, and 45, should increase that feeling of hos 
tility and hatred of the American settlement and civilization in the 

We do not propose at present to speak of the action of the American 
Congress relative to Oregon, but, as will be seen, to connect and bring 


into our own history such allusions of Mr. Greenhow as serve to illus 
trate and prove the several propositions we have stated respecting the 
early history of its settlement, and also to prepare the reader to under 
stand in a manner the combined influences that were ready to contest 
any claim or effort any American company or citizen might make for 
the future occupation of the country. 

It will be seen that no company of settlers or traders could have 
succeeded, having arrived in advance of the American missionaries. 
They were unquestionably the only nucleus around which a permanent 
settlement could have been formed, eleven different American fur 
companies having commenced and failed, as will be shown ; and 
although Mr. Greenhow seems to regard and treat the American mis 
sionary effort with contempt, yet impartial history will place them in 
the foreground, and award to them an honorable place in counteracting 
foreign influences and saving the country to its rightful owners. 

It will be seen by the preliminary and following remarks and nar 
rative of events, and by a careful study of all the histories and journals 
to which we have had occasion to refer, or from which we have quoted 
a statement, that the forming, civilizing, and political period in our 
Oregon history is all a blank, except that the Hudson s Bay Company 
were the patron saints, the noble and -generous preservers of the 
" knaves" and "ruffians" that came to this country to rob them of 
their pious and humane labors to civilize their accomplished native 
"concubines." That, according to their ideas, the missionaries, such 
as came from the United States, " though bad" could become " human 
ized, tolerant" and even " honest" by associating with such noble, 
generous, tolerant, virtuous, and pure-minded traders as controlled the 
affairs of that company, under the faithfully-executed and stringent 
rules of the honorable directors in London. 

At the present time there is an additional important reason for a 
better understanding and a more thorough knowledge of the influences 
and operations of this British monopoly than formerly. Notwith 
standing they have been driven from Oregon by its American settle 
ment, they have retired to British Columbia, and, like barnacles upon 
a ship s bottom, have fastened themselves all along the Russian and 
American territories, to repeat just what they did in Oregon ; and, 
with the savage hordes with whom they have always freely mingled, 
they will repeat their depredations upon our American settlements, 
and defeat every effort to civilize or Christianize the natives over whom 
they have any influence. 

Six generations of natives have passed away under their system 
of trade and civilization. The French, English, and Indians before 


our American revolution and independence could not harmonize. 
The French were driven from their American possessions and control 
over the Indians, and peace followed. The Indians, English, and 
Americans can not harmonize ; they never have, and they never will ; 
hence, it becomes a question of vast moment, not only to the Indian 
race, but to the American people, as to the propriety and expediency 
of allowing the English nation or British or foreign subjects to fur 
ther exercise any influence among our American Indians. 

Mr. A. H. Jackson estimates the expense of our Indian wars, since 
1831 to the present time, at one thousand millions of dollars and 
thirty-seven thousand lives of our citizens, not counting the lives of 
Indians destroyed by our American wars with them. If the reader 
will carefully read and candidly judge of the historical facts presented 
in the following pages, we have no fears but they will join us in our 
conclusions, that the Monroe doctrine is irrevocably and of necessity 
fixed in our American existence as a nation at peace with all, which 
we can not have so long as any foreign sectarian or political organiza 
tions are permitted to have a controlling influence over savage minds. 
A Frenchman, an Englishman, a Mormon, a Roman priest, any one, or 
all of them, fraternizing as they do with the Indian, can work upon his 
prejudices and superstitions and involve our country in an Indian war 
which secures the Indian trade to the British fur company. This is 
the great object sought to be accomplished in nearly all the wars our 
government has had with them. 

One other remarkable fact is noted in all our Indian wars, the 
American or Protestant missionaries have been invariably driven from 
among those tribes, while the Roman Jesuit missionaries have been 
protected and continued among the Indians, aiding and counseling them 
in the continuance of those wars. It is no new thing that ignorance, 
superstition, and sectarian hate has produced such results upon the 
savage mind, and our Oregon history shows that a shrewd British fur 
company can duly appreciate and make use of just such influences to 
promote and perpetuate their trade on the American continent. 


Occupants of the country. Danger to outsiders. Description of missionaries. 

IN 1832, this entire country, from the Russian settlement on the north 
to the gulf of California on the south, the Rocky Mountains on the east 
to the Pacific Ocean on the west, was under the absolute and undis 
puted control of the Honorable Hudson s Bay Company ; and the said 
company claimed and exercised exclusive civil, religious, political, and 
commercial jurisdiction over all this vast country, leaving a narrow 
strip of neutral territory between the United States and their assumed 
possessions, lying between the Rocky Mountains and the western 
borders of Missouri. Its inhabitants were gentlemen of the Hudson s 
Bay Company, their clerks, traders, and servants, consisting mostly 
of Canadian-French, half-breeds, and natives. 

Occasionally, when a venturesome Yankee ship or fur trader entered 
any of the ports of the afore.said country for trade, exploration, or settle 
ment, this honorable company asserted its licensed and exclusive right 
to drive said vessel, trader, explorer, or settler from it. Should he be 
so bold as to venture to pass the trained bands of the wild savages of 
the mountains, or, even by accident, reach the sacred trading-ground 
of this company, he was helped to a passage out of it, or allowed to 
perish by the hand of any savage who saw fit to punish him for his 

While this exclusive jurisdiction was claimed and exercised by the 
company, four wild, untutored Indians of the Flathead tribe learned 
from an American trapper, who had strayed into their country, that 
there was a Supreme Being, worthy of worship, and that, by going to 
his country, they could learn all about him. Four of these sons of the 
wilderness found their way to St. Louis, Missouri, in 1832. Mr. Catlin, 
a celebrated naturalist and artist, I believe not a member of any reli 
gious sect, learned the object that had brought these red men from the 
mountains of Oregon, and gave the fact to the religious public. 

This little incident, though small in itself, resulted in the organiza 
tion, in 1833, of the Missionary Board of the Methodist Episcopal Church, 
the appointment of Rev. Jason Lee and associates, to the establishment 
of the Methodist Mission in the Wallamet Valley in 1834, the appoint 
ment of Rev. Samuel Parker and Dr. Marcus Whitman, by the Aineri- 


can Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions, to explore the 
country in 1835, and the establishment of a mission by said Board in 

Rev. Jason Lee, of Stansted, Canada East, a man of light hair, blue 
eyes, fair complexion, spare habit, above ordinary height, a little stoop- 
shouldered, with strong nerve and indomitable will, yet a meek, warm 
hearted, and humble Christian, gaining by his affable and easy manners 
the esteem of all who became acquainted with him, was the first to 

Rev. Daniel Lee, a nephew of Jason, was the second ; the opposite 
of the former in every particular of medium height. The general 
impression of outsiders was, that his moral qualities were not of the 
highest order, yet it is not known that any specific charges were ever 
brought against him. 

Cyrus Shepard, a lay member, was a devoted Christian, and a faithful 
laborer for the advancement of the objects of the mission and the gen 
eral welfare of all in the country. We have never learned that he had an 
enemy or a slanderer while he lived in it. On his first arrival he 
taught the Hudson s Bay Company s school at Vancouver, consisting 
of children belonging to persons in the employ of the company, till the 
mission buildings were ready, when he gathered a large school of In 
dian and French half-breed children, and was quite successful in teach 
ing the rudiments of an English education. Rev. D. Lee and Mr. 
Shepard were from New England. 

Mr. P. L. Edwards, of Missouri, also a lay member, was of the com 
pany. But little is known of him ; the inducements to become a per 
manent settler in the country do not appear in his case. 

Rev. Samuel Parker, of Ithaca, New York, a man of good education 
and refinement, and exceedingly set in his opinions and conclusions of 
men and things, came to explore the country, and report to the Ameri 
can Board as to the feasibility of establishing missions among the In 
dians, one of the missionaries of the American Board, from the Sand 
wich Islands, having visited the coast in an American ship, several years 
previous, and made an unfavorable report on account of the fur-trade 
influence against American traders, giving the impression that Ameri 
can missionaries would not be tolerated in the country. 

Mr. Parker was inclined to self-applause, requiring his full share of 
ministerial approbation or respect, though not fully qualified to draw 
it cheerfully from an audience or his listeners ; was rather fastidious. 

Dr. Marcus Whitman, of Rushville, New York, sent in company 
with Mr. Parker to explore the country. A man of easy, dorft-care 
habits, that could become all things to all men, and yet a sincere and 


earnest man, speaking his mind before he thought the second time, 
giving his views on all subjects without much consideration, correcting 
and changing them when good reasons were presented, yet, when fixed 
in the pursuit of an object, adhering to it with unflinching tenacity. 
A stranger would consider him fickle and stubborn, yet he was sincere 
and kind, and generous to a fault, devoting every energy of his mind 
and body to the welfare of the Indians, and objects of the mission ; 
seldom manifesting fears of any danger that might surround him, at 
times he would become animated and earnest in his argument or con 
versation. In his profession he was a bold practitioner, and generally 
successful. He was above medium height ; of spare habit ; peculiar 
hair, a portion of each being white and a dark brown, so that it might 
be called iron-gray ; deep blue eyes, and large mouth. 

The peculiarities of Messrs. Parker and Whitman were such, that, 
when they had reached the rendezvous on Green River, in the Rocky 
Mountains, they agreed to separate ; not because Dr. Whitman was not 
willing and anxious to continue the exploring expedition, in company 
with Mr. Parker, but because Mr. P. could not "put up" with the ofF- 
hand, careless, and, as he thought, slovenly manner in which Dr. Whit 
man was inclined to travel. Dr. W. was a man that could accommo 
date himself to circumstances ; such as dipping the water from the 
running stream with his hand, to drink ; having but a hunter s knife 
(without a fork) to cut and eat his food ; in short, could rough it 
without qualms of stomach. 

Rev. Mr. Parker had left a refined family circle, and his habits had 
become somewhat delicate from age and long usage in comfortable and 
agreeable society ; hence his peculiar habits were not adapted to 
Rocky Mountain travel in those early days. Still, the great object on 
which they were sent must not be lost sight of. Their sense of moral 
obligation was such, that a reason must be given why Dr. Whitman 
returns to the States, and Mr. Parker proceeds alone on his perilous 
journey to this then unknown country. Here again the wild Indian 
comes in, by instinct, order, or providence (as the unbeliever may 
choose to call it), and offers to take charge of this delicate old gentle 
man, and carries him in triumph through the Rocky Mountains, and all 
through his country, and, in Indian pomp and splendor, delivers this 
rev. " black coat" to P. C. Pambrun, Esq., chief clerk of the Honorable 
Hudson s Bay Company, at old Fort Wallawalla, supplying his every 
want on the journey, caring for his horses and baggage, not asking or 
receiving any thing, except such presents as Mr. Parker chose to give 
them on the way and at parting. 

Dr. Whitman, it will be remembered, was associated with Mr. 


Parker, under the direction of the American Board. They had arrived 
at the rendezvous in the Rocky Mountains ; most of the Nez Perces 
were at the American rendezvous. Ish-hol-hol-hoats-hoats, a young Nez 
Perce Indian (named by the American trappers, Lawyer, on account 
of his shrewdness in argument, and his unflinching defense of American 
against British and foreign influences), having learned of their arrival, 
came to them and settled matters quite satisfactorily to both, by 
requesting Mr. Parker to go with them to their country, they having 
heard of Rev. Mr. Lee and party going to settle near the husus- 
hai-hai (White Head), as the natives called Dr. John McLaughlin, in 
the Wallamet Valley. They consented to let the Doctor take two of 
their boys. To Ites he gave the name of John ; Tuetakas he called 
Richard. Dr. Whitman was to go to the States, report to the American 
Board, and procure associates and the material to establish a mission 
in the Nez Perce country. 

The Nez Perces were to take charge of Mr. Parker, and carry him 
forward in his explorations, and meet Dr. W., on his return next 
year, at the place of rendezvous in the mountains, to conduct him and 
his party to the place Mr. Parker might select for a mission establish 
ment. Rev. S. Parker, in company with the Indians, went on, and Dr. 
Whitman, with his two Indian boys, with the American Fur Company, 
Capts. Fitzpatrick, Bridger, and others, started on their way to the 
States, or " home from the Rocky Mountains." Dr. Whitman, by his 
off-hand, easy manner of accommodating himself to circumstances, and 
by his kind-heartedness and promptness to relieve all who needed his 
professional skill, had won the esteem of all with whom he traveled, 
so that the gentlemen of the American Fur Company cheerfully sup 
plied his wants on his return trip to the States, where he arrived in 
due time, made his report to the American Board, who decided to 
establish the mission, as per arrangement with Parker and Whitman, 
on separating in the Rocky Mountains. 

Mrs. Whitman, formerly Miss Narcissa Prentiss, of Prattsburg, Steu- 
ben County, New York, was a lady of refined feelings and commanding 
appearance. She had very light hair, light, fresh complexion, and light 
blue eyes. Her features were large, her form full and round. At the 
time she arrived in the country, in the prime of life, she was con- 
sideredj a fine, noble-looking woman, affable and free to converse 
with all she met. Her conversation was animated and cheerful. 
Firmness in her was natural, and to some, especially the Indians, it 
was repulsive. She had been brought up in comparative comfort, and 
moved in the best of religious society in the place of her residence. 
She was a good singer, and one of her amusements, as well as that of 


her traveling companions, was to teach the Doctor to sing, which she 
did with considerable success, that is, he could sing the native songs 
without much difficulty. 

The American Board appointed Rev. H. H. Spalding and wife to 
accompany Dr. Whitman and wife, to aid in establishing the Nez Perce 
mission. Mr. Spalding and wife had just completed their preparatory 
course of education in Lane Seminary, near Cincinnati, Ohio. 

The first impression of the stranger on seeing H. H. Spalding is, that he 
has before him an unusual countenance. He begins to examine, and finds 
a man with sharp features, large, brown eyes, dark hair, high, projecting 
forehead, with many wrinkles, and a head nearly bald. He is of medium 
size, stoop-shouldered, with a voice that can assume a mild, sharp, or 
boisterous key, at the will of its oVner ; quite impulsive, and bitter in 
his denunciations of a real, or supposed enemy ; inclined in the early 
part of his missionary labors to accumulate property for the especial 
benefit of his family, though the practice was disapproved of and- for 
bidden by the regulations of the American Board. In his professional 
character he was below mediocrity. As a writer or correspondent he 
was bold, and rather eloquent, giving overdrawn life-sketches of passing 
events. His moral influence was injured by strong symptoms of 
passion, when provoked or excited. In his labors for the Indians, he 
was zealous and persevering, in his preaching or talking to them, plain 
and severe, and in his instructions wholly practical. For instance, to 
induce the natives to work and cultivate their lands, he had Mrs. 
Spalding paint a representation of Adam and Eve, as being driven from 
the garden of Eden by an angel, Adam with a hoe on his shoulder, 
and Eve with her spinning-wheel. He taught the natives that God 
commanded them to work, as well as pray. Had he been allowed to 
continue his labors with the tribe, undisturbed by sectarian and anti- 
religious influences, he would have effected great good, and the tribe 
been now admitted as citizens of the United States. As a citizen and 
neighbor he was kind and obliging; to his family he was kind, yet 
severe in his religious observances. He was unquestionably a sincere, 
though not always humble, Christian. The loss of his wife, and the 
exciting and savage massacre of his associates, produced their 
effect upon him. Charity will find a substantial excuse for most of his 
faults, while virtue and truth, civilization and religion, will a* r ard him 
a place as a faithful, zealous, and comparatively successful missionary. 

Mrs. Spalding was the daughter of a plain, substantial farmer, by the 
name of Hart, of Oneida County, New York. She was above the 
medium height, slender in form, with coarse features, dark brown hair, 
blue eyes, rather dark complexion, coarse voice, of a serious turn of 


mind, and quick in understanding language. In fact she was remarka 
ble in acquiring the Nez Perce language, so as to understand and con 
verse with the natives quite easily by the time they reached their sta 
tion at Lapwai. She could paint indifferently in water-colors, and had 
been taught, while young, all the useful branches of domestic life ; could 
spin, weave, and sew, etc. ; could prepare an excellent meal at short 
notice ; was generally sociable, but not forward in conversation with or 
in attentions to gentlemen. In this particular she was the opposite of 
Mrs. Whitman. With the native women Mrs. Spalding always ap 
peared easy and cheerful, and had their unbounded confidence and 
respect. She was remarkable for her firmness and decision of character 
in whatever she or her husband undertook. She never appeared to be 
alarmed or excited at any difficulty, dispute, or alarms common to the 
Indian life around her. She was considered by the Indian men as a 
brave, fearless woman, and was respected and esteemed by all. Though 
she was frequently left for days alone, her husband being absent on 
business, but a single attempted insult was ever offered her. Understand 
ing their language, her cool, quick perception of the design enabled 
her to give so complete and thorough a rebuff to the attempted insult, 
that, to hide his disgrace, the Indian offering it fled from the tribe, not 
venturing to remain among them. In fact, a majority of the tribe 
were in favor of hanging the Indian who offered the insult, but Mrs. 
Spalding requested that they would allow him to live, that he might 
repent of his evil designs and do better in future. In this short sketch 
of Mrs. Spalding the reader is carried through a series of years. We 
shall have occasion, as we progress in our sketches, to refer to these 
two ladies. They are not fictitious characters, they lived ; came over 
the Rocky Mountains in 1836 ; they are dead and buried, Mrs. Spald 
ing near the Callapooya, in the Wallamet Valley. Mrs. Whitman s 
remains, such portions of them as could be found, are buried not far 
from the place of her labors among the Cayuses. The last time we 
passed the ground not even a common board marked the place. We 
noticed a hollow in the ground, said to be the place where the very 
Rev. Mr. Brouillet, vicar-general of Wallawalla, says "the bodies 
were all deposited in a common grave which had been dug the day pre 
vious by Joseph Stanfield, and, before leaving, I saw that they were 
covered with earth, but I have since learned that the graves, not hav 
ing been soon enough inclosed, had been molested by the wolves, and 
that some of the corpses had been devoured by them." Bear this 
statement in mind, reader, as we proceed. We will tell you just how 
much he knows of the why and wherefore such things occurred in those 
early times. A part of the facts are already in history. 


Messrs. Whitman and Spalding, with their wives, and a reinforcement 
for the Pawnee mission, made their way to Liberty Landing, on the 
Missouri River. At that place they were joined by a young man by 
the name of W. H. Gray, from Utica, New York, who was solicited by 
the agents of the American Board to join this expedition as its secular 


Missionary outfit. On the way. No roads. An English nobleman. A wagon taken 
along. Health of Mrs. Spalding. Meeting mountain men and Indians. A feast 
to the Indians. 

THE mission party had brought with them a full supply of all the sup 
posed et cceteras for a life and residence two thousand miles from any 
possible chance to renew those supplies when exhausted, having the 
material for a blacksmith shop, a plow, and all sorts of seeds, clothing, 
etc., to last for two years. Gray found his hands full in making calcu 
lations for the transportation of this large amount of baggage, or 
goods, as the trader would say. In a few days wagons, teams, pack- 
mules, horses, and cows, were all purchased in the county of Liberty, 
Missouri, the goods all overhauled, repacked, loaded into the two mis 
sion wagons, and an extra team hired to go as far as Fort Leaven- 
worth. Spalding and Gray started with the train, three jvagons, eight 
mules, twelve horses, and sixteen cows, two men, two Indian boys, and 
the man with the extra team. Dr. Whitman, having the ladies in 
charge, was to come up the Missouri River in the first boat, and await 
the arrival of the train having the greater portion of the goods with 
it. Boats on the Missouri River not being so numerous as at the pres 
ent time, the Doctor and party did not reach Leavenworth till the 
train had arrived. They rearranged their goods, discharged the extra 
team, held a consultation, and concluded that the Doctor and ladies 
would keep the boat to Council Bluffs, the point from which the Ameri 
can Fur Company s caravan was to start that year. Learning that the 
company was to start in six days, the conclusion was that the cattle 
and goods had better proceed as fast as possible. 

The third day, in the morning, some forty miles from Fort Leaven- 
worth, as we were about starting, a white boy, about sixteen years old, 
came into camp, having on an old torn straw hat, an old ragged fus 
tian coat, scarcely half a shirt, with buckskin pants, badly worn, but 
one moccasin, a powder-horn with no powder in it, and an old rifle. 
He had light flaxen hair, light blue eyes, was thin and spare, yet 
appeared in good health and spirits. He said he had started for the 
Rocky Mountains ; he was from some place in Iowa ; he had been 
without food for two days ; he asked for some ammunition ; thought 


he could kill some game to get along ; the rain the night previous had 
wet him quite effectually ; he was really coldj wet, nearly naked, and 
hungry. lie was soon supplied from our stores with all he wanted, 
and advised to return to his friends in Iowa. To this he objected, and 
said if we would allow him he would go with us to Council Bluffs, 
and then go with the fur company to the mountains. He agreed to 
assist all he could in getting along. He was furnished a horse, and 
made an excellent hand while he remained with the party, which he 
did till he reached Fort Hall, on Snake River. There he joined a 
party that went with the Bannock Indians, and became a member of 
that tribe, and, as near as we can learn, married a native woman (some 
say three), and is using his influence to keep the tribe at war with the 
United States. Of this we have no positive knowledge, though if such 
is the fact he may have been a deserter from Fort Lcavenworth. His 
name was Miles Goodyear. 

Within thirty miles of Council Bluffs a messenger overtook the mis 
sionary caravan, and stated that Mrs. Satterley, of the Pawnee mission, 
was dead ; that Dr. Whitman and ladies were left at Fort Leaven- 
worth ; that they were coming on as fast as possible, with extra teams, 
to overtake us. Our party went into camp at once; the two wagons 
with horse teanjis started back to meet and bring up the balance of the 
party; wait two days at Omaha; fix one of the wagon boxes for a 
ferry-boat; Doctor and party arrive ; cross all safe ; get to camp late 
in the night. There was a slight jar in the feelings of some on account 
of haste, and slowness of movement, in others. However, as the fur 
company, with whom the mission party was to travel, was to start on 
a certain day, haste was absolutely necessary, and no time to be lost. 
Useless baggage overhauled and thrown away, cows started, mules 
and wagons loaded ; Gray in charge of mules and cows, Spalding 
driver for a two-horse light wagon, Whitman the four-horse farm 
wagon. On goes the caravan ; in two hours a message goes forward 
to Gray that Spalding has driven his wagon into a mud stream and 
broken his axletree ; Gray goes back; soon repairs axletree by a new 
one; on Platte River; rains as it only can on that river, cold and 
almost sleet ; nothing but a skin boat, that could carry but two trunks 
and one lady at a time ; all day swimming by the side of the boat to 
get goods over ; swim cattle, mules, and horses all over safe to north 

Overhaul and lighten our baggage; Rev. Mr. Dunbar for pilot, three 
men, and two Indian boys, we hasten on to overtake fur company s 
caravan. Second day, met one hundred Pawnee warriors on their way 
to Council Bluff agency. Mr. Dunbar being the missionary of the 


Pawnees, and understanding their language, we had no difficulty with 
them. Traveling early and late, we came up to the fur company at 
the Pawnee village, some two hours after their caravan had arrived 
and camped. 

At this point the missionary menagerie was first exhibited, not that 
they attempted to make any display, or posted any handbills, or 
charged any fee for exhibiting, but the strange appearance of two 
white ladies in a caravan consisting of rough American hunters, Cana 
dian packers with Indian women, with all the paraphernalia of a wild 
mountain expedition, drew the attention of all. The mission party 
had with them, some fine cows, good horses and mules, and were toler 
ably well fitted out for their expedition, except a superabundance of 
useless tilings, causing much perplexity and hard labor to transport 
over the rough plains in 1836. 

It will be borne in mind that at that early time there was no road, 
not even a trail or track, except that of the buffalo; and those made by 
them were invariably from the river, or watering-places, into the hills 
or bluffs. Their trails being generally deep, from long use by the animal, 
made it quite severe and straining upon our teams, wagons, and the 
nineteen carts the fur company carried their goods in that year. The 
caravan altogether consisted of nineteen carts, with two mules to each, 
one in the shafts and one ahead, one light Dearborn wagon, two mules 
and two wagons belonging to an English nobleman, his titles all on, Sir 
William Drummond, K. B., who had come to the United States to allow 
his fortune to recuperate during his absence. He had been spending 
his winters in New Orleans with the Southern bloods, and his bankers in 
England complained that his income was not sufficient to meet his large 
expenditures ; he was advised to take a trip to the Rocky Mountains, 
which would occupy him during the summer and sickly season, during 
which time he could only spend what he had with him, and could have 
a fine hunting excursion. This English nobleman with his party con 
sisted of himself and a young English blood. I did not learn whether 
he was of the first, second, third, or fourth <rrade in the scale of 
English nobility; be that as it maj , Sir William D., K. B., messed and 
slept in the same tent with this traveling companion of his, who, 
between them, had three servants, two dogs, and four extra fine horses, 
to run and hunt the buffalo. Occasionally, they would give chase to 
that swiftest of mountain animals, the antelope, which, in most 
instances, would, especially where the grass was short, leave them in 
the distance, when Sir William and his companion would come charg 
ing back to the train, swearing the antelope could outrun a streak of 
lightning, ami offering to bet a thousand pounds that if he had one of 


his English orses he could catch em. The English nobleman, as a 
matter of course, was treated with great respect by all in the caravan ; 
while in the presence of the ladies he assumed quite a dignified car 
riage, being a man (excuse me, your honor), a lord of the British realm, 
on a hunting excursion in North America, in the Rocky Mountains, in 
the year A. D. 1836. He was about five feet nine inches high. His 
face had become thin from the free use of New Orleans brandy, ren 
dering his nose rather prominent, showing indications of internal heat 
in bright red spots, and inclining a little to the rum blossom, that 
would make its appearance from the sting of a mosquito or sand-fly, 
which to his lordship was quite annoying. Though his lordship was 
somewhat advanced in years, and, according to his own account, had 
traveled extensively in the oriental countries, he did not show in his 
conversation extensive mental improvement ; his general conversation 
and appearance was that of a man with strong prejudices, and equally 
strong appetites, which he had freely indulged, with only pecuniary 
restraint. His two wagons, one with two horses, the other with four 
mules, with drivers, and a servant for cook and waiter, constituted his 
train as large as his means would permit on that trip. All of the 
carts and wagons were covered with canvas to protect the goods from 
storms. Sir William traveled under the alias of Captain Stewart. 

The order of march was as follows : Cattle and loose animals in ad 
vance in the morning, coming up in rear at night ; fur company and 
Captain Stewart s teams in advance; mission party in rear till we 
reached Fort Laramie. All went smoothly and in order. At the 
Pawnee village the fur company was short of meat or bacon. Arrange 
ments were made to slaughter one of the mission cows, and replace it at 
Laramie. Two days from Pawnee village the hunters brought into 
camp some bull buffalo meat ; next day cow buffalo meat in abundance. 
Not far from Scott s Bluff, passed some hunters on their way down 
Platte River in boats ; arrive at Fort Laramie, just above the mouth of 
that river; cross the Platte in two dug-outs, lashed together with sticks 
and poles, so as to carry the goods and carts all over to the fort. At 
that establishment the company and Captain Stewart leave all their 
wagons and carts except one, deeming it impracticable to proceed 
further with them. 

On account of the ladies, Dr. Whitman insisted on taking one of the 
mission wagons along. The fur company concluded to try the experi 
ment with him, and took one of their carts along. Overhaul all the 
baggage, select out all, that, with the knowledge any one had of the 
future wants of the mission party, could be dispensed with ; put the 
balance up in packages of one hundred pounds each ; for the top packs, 


fifty pounds ; for mules, two hundred and fifty pounds ; for horses, in 
proportion to strength. About the first of June, 1836, the caravan 
started from Laramie. All the goods on pack animals, wagon and 
cart light, Gray in charge of mission pack-train, with two men and one 
boy, two pack animals each ; Spalding of cows, loose animals, and 
ladies, with the two Indian boys to assist in driving ; Dr. Whitman in 
charge of the wagon train, consisting of the fur company s cart and mis 
sion wagon ; but one man in the cart and one in the wagon. On we 
go ; the first day from Laramie had some difficulty in getting through 
a cotton-wood bottom on the river, on account of fallen timber in the 
trail. Whitman came into the camp puffing and blowing, in good 
spirits, all right side up, with only one turn over with the wagon and 
two with the cart. The fur company being interested in exploring a 
wagon route to Green River, next day gave the Doctor two additional 
men to assist in exploring and locating the road, and getting the wagon 
and cart over difficult places. Second day all right ; train moves on ; 
hunters in advance ; cattle usually traveling slower than the train, were 
started in the morning in advance of the train, which usually passed 
them about one hour before reaching camp at night ; at noon they usu 
ally all stop together. At the crossing of Platte below Red Buttes, in 
the Black Hills, kill buffalo, took hides, made willow frames for boats, 
sewed the hides together to cover the frames, used tallow for pitch, 
dried the skin boats over a fire, the rain having poured down all the 
time we were getting ready to cross. However, as fortune always 
favors the brave, as the saying is, it did us this time, for in the morn 
ing, when our boats were ready, it cleared up, the sun came out bright 
and clear, so that we had a fine time getting all things over. Next 
day on we moved, over the hills, through the valleys, around and 
among the salt pits to a willow grove to camp. 

With the company was a gentleman from St. Louis, a Major Pilcher. 
He usually rode a fine white mule, and was dressed in the top of hunting 
or mountain style, such as a fine buckskin coat trimmed with red cloth 
and porcupine quills, fine red shirt, nice buckskin pants, and moccasins 
tinged and nicely trimmed ; he was, in fact, very much of a gentleman 
in all his conversation and deportment. The major was also consider 
able of a gallant (as I believe most titled gentlemen are). He was pro 
ceeding around one of those clay salt pits, and explaining to the ladies 
their nature and danger, when suddenly mule, major and all dropped 
out of sight, except the mule s ears and the fringe on the major s coat. 
Instantly several men were on hand with ropes, and assisted the major 
and mule out of the pit. Such a sight! you may imagine what you 
please, I will not attempt to describe it. However, no particular harm 


was done the major, only the thorough saturation of his fine suit of 
buckskin, and mule, with that indescribably adhesive mud. He took it 
all in good part, and joined in the jokes on the occasion. Xo other 
remarkable incident occurred till we arrived at Rock Independence. 
On the south end of that rock nearly all the prominent persons of the 
party placed their names, and date of being there. 

Later wagon trains and travelers have complained, and justly, of 
sage brush and the difficulties of this route. Whitman and his four men 
opened it as far as they could with a light wagon and a cart. To him 
must be given the credit of the first practical experiment, though 
Ashtley, Bonneville, and Bridger had taken wagons into the Rocky 
Mountains and left them, and pronounced the experiment a failure, and 
a wagon road impracticable. Whitman s perseverance demonstrated 
a great fact the practicability of a wagon road over the Rocky Moun 
tains. You that have rolled over those vast plains and slept in your 
Concord coaches or Pullman palace cars, have never once imagined the 
toil and labor of that old off-hand pioneer, as he mounted his horse in 
the morning and rode all day in the cold and heat of the mountains 
and plains, to prove that a wagon road was practicable to the waters 
of the Columbia River. Even Fremont, seven years after, claims to be 
the discoverer of the passes through which Whitman took his cart and 
wagon, and kept up with the pack-train from day to day. 

From Rock Independence the health of Mrs. Spalding seemed grad 
ually to decline. She was placed in the wagon as much as would re 
lieve her, and ehano-ed from wagon to saddle as she could bear, to the 

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American rendezvous on Green River. 

From Rock Independence information was sent forward into the 
mountains of the arrival of the caravan, and about the time and place 
they expected to reach the rendezvous. This information reached not 
only the American trapper and hunter in the mountains, but the Snake, 
Bannock, Nez Perce, and Flathead tribes, and the traders of the Hud 
son s Bay Company. Two days before we arrived at our rendezvous, 
some two hours before we reached camp, the whole caravan was alarmed 
by the arrival of some ten Indians and four or five white men, whose 
dress and appearance could scarcely be distinguished from that of the 
Indians. As they came in sight over the hills, they all gave a yell, 
such as hunters and Indians only can give; whiz, whiz, came their 
balls over our heads, and on they came, in less time than it will take 
veu to read this account. The alarm was but for a moment ; our guide 


had seen a white cloth on one of their guns, and said, " Don t be alarmed, 
they are friends," and sure enough, in a moment here they were. It 
was difficult to tell which was the most crazy, the horse or the rider; 


such hopping, hooting, running, jumping, yelling, jumping sage brush, 
whirling around, for they could not stop to reload their guns, but all 
of us as they came on gave them a salute from ours, as they passed to 
the rear of our line and back again, hardly stopping to give the hand 
to any one. On to camp we went. 

At night, who should we find but old Takkensuitas and Ish-hol-hol- 
hoats-hoats (Lawyer), with a letter from Mr. Parker, which informed 
the party that he had arrived safely at Wallawalla, and that the 
Indians had been kind to him, and from what he had seen and could 
learn of them, they were well disposed toward all white men. Mr. 
Parker, as his journal of that trip and observations will show, was a 
man of intelligence, and a close observer of men and things. 

He soon learned, on arriving at Wall a walla, that there was a bitter 
anti- American feeling in the country, and that, notwithstanding he had 
arrived in it uninvited, and without the aid of the Honorable Hudson s 
Bay Company, he was in it, nevertheless, as the guest of the N"ez Perce 
Indians. They had found him in the Rocky Mountains ; they brought 
him to Wallawalla ; they had received him, treated him kindly, and 
proved to him that they were not only friendly, but anxious to have 
the American influence and civilization come among them. Rev. 
Jason Lee and party were in the country. Abundance of unasked 
advice was given to him by Hudson s Bay Company s men ; his 
caution prevailed ; he was to let Dr, Whitman, or the mission party 
that might be sent across the mountains, hear from him by the Indians. 
Feeling certain that any advice or information he might attempt to 
communicate to his missionary friends would in all probability be 
made use of to their detriment, and perhaps destroy the mission itself, 
he did not deem it prudent to write or to give any advice. Should 
any party come on before he could reach them, his note was sufficient 
to inform them of the fact of his safe arrival and the friendly treat 
ment he had received of the Indians ; further than this he did not feel 
safe to communicate not for want of confidence in the Indians, but 
from what he saw and learned of the feelings of the Hudson s Bay Com 
pany. Yet he felt that, notwithstanding they were showing him out 
wardly every attention, yet they evidently did not wish to see the 
American influence increase in any shape in the country. 

Rev. Mr. Parker s letter, short and unsatisfactory as it was, caused 
considerable expression of unpleasant feeling on the part of those who 
considered they had a right to a more full and extended communication. 
But Mr. Parker was at Vancouver, or somewhere else; they might and 
they might not meet him ; he may and he may not have written more 


At supper time old Takkensuitas (Rotten Belly) and Ish-hol-hol- 
hoats-hoats were honored with a place at the missionary board. With 
your permission, ladies and gentlemen, I will give you the bill of 
fare on this memorable occasion. Place by the side of a muddy 
stream called Sandy, about thirty miles south of Wind River Moun 
tain. This mountain, you will remember, is about as near the highest 
point of the North American continent as can be. This fact is estab 
lished, not from geographical or barometrical observations, but from 
the simple fact that water runs from it by way of the Missouri, Colo 
rado, and Columbia rivers into the eastern, southern, and western 
oceans, and but a short distance to the north of this mountain com 
mences the waters of the Saskatchewan River, running into Hudson s 
Bay and the northern ocean. There are doubtless many other moun 
tains whose peaks ascend higher into the clouds, but none of them sup 
ply water to so vast an extent of country, and none of them are so de 
cidedly on top of the continent as this one. Of course our little party 
is in a high altitude, and in sight of this mountain, which may or may 
not have been ten thousand feet higher to its snow-capped peaks. 
Date about the 20th day of July, 1836. Our table was the grass beside 
this muddy stream; cloth an old broken oil-cloth badly used up; 
plates when the company started were called tin, but from hard usage 
were iron in all shapes ; cups ditto ; knives the common short-bladed 
wooden-handled butcher knife ; forks a stick each cut to suit himself, 
or, if he preferred the primitive mode of conveying his food to its prop 
er destination, he was at liberty to practice it ; food extra on this oc 
casion a nice piece of venison, which the Indians had presented to the 
ladies, a piece of broiled and roast buffalo meat, roasted upon a stick 
before the fire, seasoned with a little salt, with a full proportion of sand 
and dirt. Dr. Whitman was inclined to discard the use of salt entirely ; 
as to dirt and sand it was a matter upon which he and Mr. Parker dif 
fered on the trip the year previous, though Mrs. Whitman took sides 
with Mr. Parker against the Doctor, and with the assistance of Mrs. 
Spalding, the Doctor was kept in most cases within reasonable distance 
of comfortable cleanliness. On this occasion tea, with sugar, was used ; 
the supply of bread was limited ; we will not trouble the reader with 
an extra list of the dessert. Of this feast these sons of the wilderness 
partook with expressions of great satisfaction. The Lawyer, twenty- 
seven years after, spoke of it as the time when his heart became one 
with the Suapies (Americans). 


Arrival at American rendezvous. An Indian procession. Indian curiosity to see white 
women. Captain N. Wyeth. McCleod and T. McKay. Description of mountain 
men. Their opinion of the missionaries. 

Ix two days easy travel we arrived at the great American ren 
dezvous, held in an extensive valley in the forks formed by Horse 
Creek and Green River, on account of the abundance of wood, grass, 
and water all through the valley. Each party selected their own 
camp grounds, guarding their own animals and goods, as each felt or 
anticipated the danger he might be exposed to at the time. We will 
pass through this city of about fifteen hundred inhabitants composed 
of all classes and conditions of men, and on this occasion two classes 
of women, starting from a square log pen 18 by 18, with no doors, 
except two logs that had been cut so as to leave a space about four 
feet from the ground two feet wide and six feet long, designed for an 
entrance, as also a place to hand out goods and take in furs. It was 
covered with poles, brush on top of the poles ; in case of rain, which we 
had twice during our stay at the rendezvous, the goods were covered 
with canvas, or tents thrown over them. Lumber being scarce in that 
vicinity, floors, doors, as well as sash and glass, were dispensed with. 
The spaces between the logs were sufficient to -admit all the light 
requisite to do business in this primitive store. At a little dis 
tance from the store were the camps of the fur company, in which 
might be seen the pack-saddles and equipage of the mules, in piles to 
suit the taste and disposition of the men having them in charge. The 
trading-hut was a little distance from the main branch of Green River, 
so situated that the company s mules and horses could all be driven 
between the store and the river, the tents and men on either side, the 
store in front, forming a camp that could be defended against an 
attack of the Indians, in case they should attempt any thing of the kind. 
Green River, at the point where our city in the mountains is situated, 
is running from the west due east. West of the fur company s camp 
or store were most of the camps of the hunters and trappers; east 
of it, close to the river, was the missionary camp, while to the south, 
from one to three miles distant along Horse Creek, from its junction 
with Green River, where the Snake and Bannock Indians were camped, 


to six miles up that stream, were the camps of the Flatheads and Nez 
Perces. All these tribes were at peace that year, and met at the 
American rendezvous. The Indian camps were so arranged in the 
Lends of the creek that they could defend themselves and their horses 
in case of any attack from the neighboring tribes, and also guard their 
horses while feeding in the day-time. The whole city was a military 
camp ; every little camp had its own guards to protect its occupants 
and property from being stolen by its neighbor. The arrow or the 
ball decided any dispute that might occur. The only law known for 
horse-stealing was death to the thief, if the owner or the <niard could 

3 O 

kill him in the act. If he succeeded in escaping, the only remedy for 
the man who lost his horse was to buy, or steal another and take his 
chances in escaping the arrow or ball of the owner, or guard. It was 
quite fashionable in this city for all to go well armed, as the best 
and quickest shot gained the case in dispute. Of the number assem 
bled, there must have been not far from one hundred Americans, 
hunters and trappers ; about fifty French, belonging principally to the 
caravan ; some five traders ; about twenty citizens, or outsiders, includ 
ing the mission party. The Snakes and Bannocks mustered about one 
hundred and fifty warriors ; the Nez Perces and Flatheads, about 
two hundred. By arrangement among themselves they got up a 
grand display for the benefit of their white visitors, which came oif 
some six days after our American caravan had arrived at the ren 

The procession commenced at the east or lower end of the plain in 
the vicinity of the Snake and Bannock camps. The Nez Perces and 
Flatheads, passing from their camps down the Horse Creek, joined the 
Snake and Bannock warriors, all dressed and painted in their gayest 
uniforms, each having a company of warriors in war garb, that is, 
naked, except a single cloth, and painted, carrying their war weapons, 
bearing their war emblems and Indian implements of music, such as 
skins drawn over hoops with rattles and trinkets to make a noise. 
From the fact that no scalps were borne in the procession, I concluded 
this must be entirely a peace performance, and gotten up for the occa 
sion. When the cavalcade, amounting to full five (some said six) hun 
dred Indian warriors (though I noticed quite a number of native belles 
covered with beads), commenced coming up through the plain in sight 
of our camps, those of us Avho were not informed as to the object or 
design of this demonstration began to look at our weapons and cal 
culate on a desperate fight. Captain Stewart, our English nobleman, 
and Major Pilcher waited on the mission ladies and politely informed 
them of the object of the display; they assured them there would be no 


danger or harm, and remained at their tents while the cavalcade 
passed. Mrs. Whitman s health was such that she could witness most 
of the display. Mrs. Spalding was quite feeble, and kept her tent most 
of the time. All passed off quietly, excepting the hooting and yelling 
of the Indians appropriate to the occasion. 

The display over, the mission camp around the tent was thronged. 
On first hearing the war-whoop, the savage yell, and the sound of the 
Indian war drum, all parties not in the secret of this surprise party, or 
native reception for their missionaries, at once drove in their animals, 
and prepared for the worst ; hence the mission cows, horses, and camp, 
were all together. Major Pilcher and Captain Stewart enjoyed the 
surprise of the party, and were equally delighted with the effect and 
surprise manifested by the Indians, as they approached the mission 
camp. The wagon, and every thing about their camp, was examined. 
The Indians would pass and repass the tent, to get a sight of the two 
women belonging to the white men. Mrs. Spalding, feeble as she was, 
seemed to be the favorite with the Indian women ; possibly from that 
fact alone she may have gained their sympathy to some extent. The 
Lawyer and Takkensuitas were constant visitors at the tent. Their 
Indian wives were with them, and showed a disposition to do all in 
their power to assist the missionaries. Mrs. Spalding s rest from the 
fatigues of the journey soon enabled her to commence a vocabulary of 
the Indian language. Mrs. Whitman also commenced one with her, 
but she was often interrupted by the attentions thought necessary to be 
paid to gentlemen callers. Excuse me, whoever believes that thirty- 
three years since there were no gentlemen on top of the Rocky 
Mountains. I can assure you that there were, and that all the refined 
education and manners of the daughter of Judge Prentiss, of Prattsburg, 
Steuben County, N. Y., found abundant opportunity to exhibit the car 
dinal ornaments of a religious and civili/ed country. No one, except 
an eye-witness, can appreciate or fully understand the charm there was 
in those early days in the sight of the form and white features of his 
mother. The rough veteran mountain hunter would touch his hat in a 
manner absolutely ridiculous, and often fail to express a designed com 
pliment, which the mischief or good-humor of Mrs. Whitman some 
times enjoyed as a good joke. In consequence of these attentions or 
interruptions, she did not acquire the native language as fast as Mrs. 
Spalding, who showed but little attention to any one except the natives 
and their wives. 

The Indian curiosity had not fully subsided before the company were 
introduced to, and cordially greeted by, Captain Wyeth, who had been 
to the lower Columbia on a trading expedition. He had conducted 


Rev. Jason Lee and party to Fort Hall, where lie had established a 
trading-post ; thence he had gone to the lower country, received his 
goods from the brig May J)acre y made arrangements with the Hudson s 
Bay Company, sold his goods and establishment at Fort Hall to the 
Hudson s Bay Company, and was then on his way back to the States. 
Captain Wyeth, in all his motions and features, showed the shrewd 
Yankee and the man of business. He politely introduced the mission 
party to Messrs. John McLeod and Thomas McKay, of the Hudson s 
Bay Company. After the usual etiquette of introduction and common 
inquiries, Messrs. McLeod and McKay having retired to their camps, 
Captain W. entered into a full explanation of the whys and wherefores 
of Rev. Mr. Parker s short note, confirming the observations and 
suspicions of Mr. Parker, in reference to the treatment the missionaries 
might expect, giving a full statement of the feelings and efforts of the 
Hudson s Bay Company to get rid of all American influence, and 
especially traders. Turning, with a smile, upon the ladies, but 
addressing the gentlemen, he said, "You gentlemen have your wives 
along ; if I do not greatly mistake the feelings of the gentlemen of the 
Hudson s Bay Company, they will be anxious to have their influence 
in teaching their own wives and children, and you will meet with a 
different reception from any other American party that has gone into 
the country." It would be useless to add in this sketch that the advice 
of Captain W. was of incalculable value in shaping the policy and con 
duct of the mission of the American Board in their necessary transac 
tions and intercourse with the Hudson s Bay Company. Captain W. 
had fallen in with Rev. S. Parker, but could give no definite information 
about him or his plans, except that he was on his return to the United 
States, by way of the Sandwich Islands. 

As we have never seen a description of these semi-civilized men, that 
in youth had left their native countries, and found themselves thousands 
of miles away, in the midst of the Rocky Mountains, surrounded on all 
sides by wild, roving bands of savages, cut off from communication with 
civilization, except by the annual return of the fur company s traders, 
or occasional wandering to some distant trading-post, a thousand or 
five hundred miles from the borders of any State or settlement, we will 
at this time introduce to the reader several men as we found them at 
this American rendezvous, most of them finding their way eventually 
into the settlement of Oregon, and becoming, active and prominent men 
in the organization of the provisional government, as also good citizens. 
Among these veteran Rocky Mountain hunters was a tall man, with 
long black hair, smooth face, dark eyes (inclining to turn his head a 
little to one side, as much as to say, "I can tell you all about it"), 


a harum-scarum, don t-care sort of a man, full of " life and fun in the 
mountains," as he expressed it. He came and paid his respects to the 
ladies, and said he had been in the mountains several years ; he had 
not seen a white woman for so long he had almost forgotten how they 
looked. He appeared quite fond of telling " yarns." In the conver 
sation, Mrs. Whitman asked him if he ever had any difficulty or fights 
with the Indians. " That we did," said he. " One time I was with 
Bridger s camp ; we were traveling along that day, and the Blackfeet 
came upon us. I was riding an old mule. The Indians were discovered 
some distance oft , so all the party put whip to their horses and started 
to get to a place where we could defend ourselves. My old mule was 
determined not to move, with all the beating I could give her, so I sung 
out to the boys to stop and fight the Indians where we were ; they kept 
on, however. Soon, my old mule got sight of the Blackfeet coining ; 
she pricked up her ears, and on she went like a streak, passed the boys, 
and away we went. I sung out to the boys, as I passed, Come on, 
boys, there is no use to stop and fight the Indians here. " Fun and 
firmness were the two prominent characteristics of this young mountain 
hunter. He expressed a wish and a determination to visit and settle in 
lower Oregon (as the Wallamet Valley was then called). He had a 
native wife, and one son, just beginning to speak a few words. The 
father seemed, on my first noticing him, to be teaching this son of his 

to say " God d n you," doubtless considering this prayer the most 

important one to teach his son to repeat, in the midst of the wild scenes 
with which he was surrounded. Though, to his credit be it said, this 
same wild, youthful mountaineer has become a good supporter of 
religious society, and has a respectable family, in an interesting neigh 
borhood, near Forest Grove, in Oregon. 

We will call these mountain hunters by numbers, for convenience, as 
we shall refer to them in our future political sketches, in which they 

No. 2. A man of medium height, black hair, black whiskers, dark- 
brown eyes, and very dark complexion ; he was formerly from Ken 
tucky. (I am not positive.) He was quite fond of telling yarns ; still, 
as he was not considered very truthful, we will only give the story as 
we have it of the manner in which he and the one we will give as No. 
3 obtained their titles. 2 and 3 were traveling together ; 3 was from 
Cincinnati, Ohio. They had reached Independence, Mo. ; says 3 to 2, 
" Titles are very necessary here in Missouri, what titles shall we take ? " 
"Well," says 2, "I will take Major." 3 says, "I will take Doctor." 
Very good. They rode up to the best hotel in the place and called for 


2. "Well, Doctor, what shall we have for supper?" 

3. " I don t care, Major, so as we get something to eat." 

The Major and the Doctor enjoyed their supper and have borne their 
titles to the present time. The Major has never been, from all I could 
learn of him, a very truthful man or reliable citizen. He spent several 
years in Oregon and in the mountains, and found his way back to Mis 
souri. The Doctor is now a resident of Idaho. The most remarkable trait 
in his composition is story-telling, or yarns, and a disposition to make 
friends of all political parties, or join all religious sects something of 
a good lord and good devil order. He appeared in those early times to 
belong to that party that paid him the best. He was first in the em 
ploy of the American Fur Company, but appeared to lend his influence 
to the Hudson s Bay Company. He also had a native wife of the Nez 
Perce tribe, and was considered by the Hudson s Bay Company a useful 
man to divide the American influence in trade with the Indians in the 
mountains, and equally useful to distract and divide the political influ 
ence of the early settlers. By his connection with the natives in mar 
riage, the Hudson s Bay Company in trade, and good lord and good 
devil principles, he could adapt himself to the Protestant or Catholic 
religion, and in this manner become a kind of representative man, some 
thing like strong lye and aquafortis mixed, and just about as useful as 
such a mixture would be. He succeeded, by political maneuvering, or 
as the sailors say, " boxing the compass," to fill a place and draw a 
salary from Uncle Sam ; carrying out the principles he has acted upon 
in his whole life, his efforts have been to neutralize what good others 
might do. 

No. 4. A young man from Ohio, of a serious turn of mind ; at least I 
concluded this to be the case, from the fact that he asked of the ladies 
if they had any books to sell, or that they could spare. A nice pocket- 
bible was given him, for which he politely expressed his thanks, after 
offering to pay for it. The pay, of course, was declined, as a few bibles 
were brought along for distribution. This young man, in a few years, 
followed the mission party and became a settler and a prominent man 
in the provisional government. 

No. 5. A wild, reckless, don t-care sort of a youth, with a Nez Perce 
wife, so thoroughly attached to Indian ideas and customs that he has 
felt it beneath his dignity to turn from the ancient habits of the In 
dian to a "more recent invention" of. religion and civilization. His 
curiosity was a little excited, which induced him to pay his respects to 
the missionaries, on account of their wives. He called on them, and 
spoke of some day finding his way somewhere down about where the 
missionaries might be located ; as he had bought him a Nez Perce wife, 


she might want to go and see her people, and he might make up his 
mind to go and settle. This man, from his utter disregard for all moral 
and civilized social relations, has coiled himself up in the tribe he 
adopted, and spit out his venomous influence against all moral and civil 
improvement, training his children so that the better portion of the 
natives treat them with contempt. For a time he had considerable in 
fluence in shaping government policy toward the tribe and securing his 
own personal Indian position, to the injury of all other interests. I am 
unable to say how he obtained his title of colonel, unless it was from 
the influence he once pretended to have with the Indians, and a disposi 
tion on the part of those of his countrymen to title those who aspire to 
such honors. 

No. 6. What the miners nowadays would call a " plain, honest far 
mer," with a native wife and one child. He called on the party, took. 
a look at their cattle, and some four years afterward, after going into 
Mexico and Taos, found his way to the Wallamet as a settler, with a 
few head of cattle, which he managed to get through. This man is a 
quiet and good citizen, and has a respectable family of half-native chil 
dren. The accursed influence of slavery in his neighborhood has borne 
heavily upon bis children. Whether they will be able to rise above 
it and stand as examples of good citizens remains for them to demon 

No. Y. A short, thick-set man, with a Nez Perce wife ; a good honest 
farmer; has done credit to himself and family in giving them every 
possible advantage for education and society, though the aquafortis 
mixture has been strong in his neighborhood ; his family are respected ; 
his Indian wife he considers as good as Some of his neighbors , that don t 
like her or her children. In this opinion all who are not saturated with 
our cultus mixture agree with him. His title in the mountains was 
Squire, but I think it has been improved since he came to the settle 
ments by adding the E to it, he having been- duly elected to fill the 
oftice under the provisional, territorial, and State government. I have 
learned, with much regret, that the Squire of the Rocky Mountains, 
who had courage and strength to meet and overcome all the dangers 
and trials of early times, has not the courage to resist the approaches 
of false friends and bad whisky, which will ultimately bring himself 
and his family to that certain destruction that follows the debasing 
habit of using liquor in any shape. 

No. 8. A fair, light-haired, light-complexioned, blue-eyed man, rather 
above the medium height, with a Nez Perce wife, came about the 
camp, had little or nothing to say. I am not quite certain that he had 
his native wife at that time, still he had one when he came into the 


settlement. He has a good farm, and if he avoids his false friends and 
the fatal habits of his neighbors, he may have a good name, which will 
be of more value to his children than his present social and vicious 

Doctor Marcus Whitman, they considered, on the whole, was a good 
sort of a fellow ; he was not so hide-bound but what he could talk with 
a common man and get along easily if his wife did not succeed in 
" stiffening" starching him up ; he, would do first-rate, though there 
appeared considerable doubt in their minds, whether, from her stern, 
commanding manner, she would not eventually succeed in stiffening 
up the Doctor so that he would be less agreeable. Mrs. Whitman, 
they thought, w r as a woman of too much education and refinement to 
be thrown away on the Indians. " She must have had considerable 
romance in her disposition to have undertaken such an expedition with 
such a common, kind, good-hearted fellow as the Doctor. As to Spal- 
ding, he is so green he will do to spread out on a frog-pond ; he may do 
to preach to Indians, but mountain men would have to be fly-blown 
before he could come near them. Mrs. Spalding is a first-rate woman ; 
she has not got any starch in her ; it is strange she ever picked up such 
a greenhorn as she has for a husband ; she will do first-rate to teach the 
Indians, or anybody else ; she has got good common sense, and doesn t 
put on any frills. As to Gray, he is young yet, is not quite so green as 
Spalding ; he seems inclined to learn a little ; by the time he goes to 
the Columbia River and travels about more, he will know a good deal 
more than he does now. He may do well in his department if he 
keeps his eye skinned. " 

I supppose by this expression was meant a sharp look out for 
swindlers, rogues, and thieves, to see that they do not lie, cheat, and 
steal, every opportunity they may have, or at least that you do not 
allow them to take your property under false pretenses. Be that as it 
may, the general conclusion was, that, as this mission party had suc 
ceeded in getting thus far on their journey, they might get still further, 
and perhaps (most were certain) make a failure, either by being sent 
out of the country by the Hudson s Bay Company, or destroyed by the 
Indians. Good wishes and hopes that they might succeed were abundant 
from all, as was plainly expressed, and a disposition, in case the mission 
succeeded in establishing themselves, to find their way down into the 
Columbia River Valley with their native families, and become settlers 
about the mission stations. Lightly as these frank, open expressions 
of good wishes and future ideas of the mountain hunter may appear, 
the missionaries saw at once there was the germ of a future people to 
be gathered in the Columbia River Valley, probably of a mixed race. 


These men had all abandoned civilization and home for the wild hunter 
life in the midst of the mountains. They had enjoyed its wild sports, 
felt its fearful dangers and sufferings, and become, most of them, con 
nected with native women a large proportion of them with the Nez 
Perce and Flathead tribes. Their family, at least, could be benefited 
by education, and taught the benefits of civilization and Christianity. 
The men had expressed kind wishes, good feelings, and treated them 
kindly ; why should they not include this class of men and their families 
in their efforts to benefit the Indians in the valleys of the Columbia 

As before stated, the mission party had been introduced by Captain 
Wyeth to Mr. John McLeod, a gentleman holding the rank of chief 
trader in the Hudson s Bay Company. He had frequent interviews and 
conversations Avith the mission party while at rendezvous, and as often 
as any of these mountain men met him at the mission camp, he would 
leave without ceremony. There appeared a mutual dislike, a sort of 
hatred between them. This chief trader of the Hudson s Bay Com 
pany, in the conversations had with him, informed the mission party 
that it was not the wish of the company to encourage any of these 
mountain hunters and trappers to go to the Columbia River to settle, 
or to have any thing to do with them, assigning as a reason that they 
would cause trouble and difficulties with the Indians. He also gave 
them to understand that should they need manual labor, or men to 
assist them in putting up their houses and making their improvements, 
the company would prefer to furnish it, to encouraging these men in 
going into the country. This intimation was distinctly conveyed to 
the party, with the advice and intimations received from Captain 
Wyeth, who had seen and understood all the policy of the Hudson s 
Bay Company, and had been compelled to sell his improvements at 
Fort Hall to this same McLeod, and his goods designed for the trade 
to Dr. McLaughlin, soon after their arrival in the country. These facts 
and statements, with the decided manner of Mr. McLeod, compelled 
the mission party to defer any effort for these mountain men, but sub 
sequently they advised the sending of a man to travel with their 


Missionaries travel in company with Hudson s Bay Company s party. The Lawyer s 
kindness. Arrival at Fort Hall. Description of the country. The Salmon In 
dians. The Hudson s Bay Company s tariff. 

^ - 

LETTERS all written to friends, and everybody supposed to have any 
particular interest in the person or individual who wrote them ; the 
letters placed in the hands of Captain Wyeth ; mission camp over 
hauled and assorted ; all goods supposed unnecessary, or that could be 
replaced, such as irons for plows, blacksmith s tools, useless kettles, etc., 
etc., disposed of. (All articles left, the party were careful to learn, could 
be had at Vancouver of the Hudson s Bay Company, or Methodist 
Mission, at reasonable prices.) Tents struck ; good-byes said ; over the 
party goes to Horse Creek, not far from the Nez Perce camp, where 
we found that of McLcod and McKay. Soon after we reached camp, 
alon^ comes Dr. Whitman with his wagon, notwithstanding all parties 
and persons, except the Indians, advised him to leave it. He was lit 
erally alone in his determination to get his old wagon through on to 
the waters of the Columbia, and to the mission station that might be 
established no one knew where. The man that says Dr. Whitman is 
fickle-minded, knows nothing of his character and less of his moral 

Next day, all camps, including those of the Flathead and Nez Perce 
Indians, were " raised," as the expression is, and on we went ; the Hud 
son s Bay Company and mission camp, or caravan, together, Dr. Whit 
man in charge of his wagon, with some Indians to help him. They 
seemed rather to get the Doctor s ideas of this chick-chick-shauile-Jcai- 
kash (iron rolling carnage), and hunted a road around the bad places, 
and helped him along when he required their assistance. Our route 
was nearly the same as the great overland route to Bear River and 
Soda Springs. 

Two days before we reached Soda Springs one of the mission party 
became quite unwell, and unable to sit upon his horse. He was left, at 
his own request, on a little stream, while the caravan passed on some 
six miles further to camp. After remaining alone and resting some 
two hours, The Lawyer and an Indian companion of his came along, 
picked up the sick man, put him upon a strong horse, got on behind 


him, and held him on till they reached camp. Dr. Whitman gave 
him a prescription, which relieved him, so that next day he was able 
to continue the journey with the camp. This transaction has always 
been a mystery to the writer. The place where the sick man was left 
was a beautiful stream, and a good place for a camp for the whole car 
avan. The sick man was wholly unable to proceed ; did not ask the 
caravan to stop and bury him, but simply informed them he could pro 
ceed no further ; his strength was gone ; they could leave him to die 
alone if they chose. A word from McLeod would have stopped the 
caravan. Should the mission party remain with him ? He said : " Xo ; 
go on with the caravan and leave me ; you will be compelled to seek 
your own safety in continuing with the caravan ; I am but an individ 
ual; leave me to my fate." He requested a cup that he might get some 
water from the stream, close to the side of which he wished them to 
place him. Dr. Whitman remained with him as long as was deemed 
safe for him, and passed on to overtake the caravan. The Lawyer and 
his companion came along two or three hours afterward, picked up 
the dying or dead man (for aught the caravan knew), and brought 
him into camp. My impression of this transaction has always been 
that McLeod wished to get rid of this young American, who was then 
in the service of the mission party. 

" That d d Indian, Lawyer," as the Hudson s Bay Company s 

men called him, by his kindness of heart and determination not to 
let an American die if he could help it, defeated the implied wish 
of these Hudson s Bay Company s men in this case. The Lawyer says 
the sick man vomited all the way into camp, and called for water, 
which his young man got for him. 

From the Soda Springs the Indian camps went north into the moun 
tains for buffalo. 

The Hudson s Bay Company and mission party continued their 
journey through the spurs of the mountains over on to the waters of 
the Portneuf to Fort Hall. It is due to Dr. Whitman to say that not 
withstanding this was the most difficult route we had to travel, yet 
he persevered with his old wagon, without any particular assistance ; 
from Soda Springs to Fort Hall his labor was immense, yet he over 
came every difficulty and brought it safe through. I have thrice since 
traveled the same route, and confess I can not see how he did it, not 
withstanding I was with him, and know he brought the wagon through. 

Fort Hall, in 1836, was a stockade, made of cotton-wood logs, about 
twelve feet long, set some two feet in the ground, with a piece of timber 
pinned near the top, running entirely around the stockade, which was 
about sixty feet square. The stores and quarters for the men were 


built inside with poles, brush, grass, arid dirt for covering, stamped 
down so as to partially shed rain, and permit the guards to be upon 
the tops of the quarters and see over the top of the stockade. It is 
situated on an extensive level plain or flat, with spurs of the Rocky 
Mountains on the east, at the distance of thirty miles, high ranges 
of barren sage hills on the south, some eight miles distant. As you 
leave the flat level bottom formed by the Snake and Portneuf rivers, 
all along its banks it is skirted with a fine growth of cotton-wood, re 
lieving the landscape and forming a beautiful contrast to the high bar 
ren plains beyond. To the west is the valley of the Snake River, from 
thirty to sixty miles wide, a high, sandy, and barren sage plain. This 
valley is bounded on the south by a low range of hills, running from 
northwest to southeast. On the north side of Fort Hall is an extensive 
high plain ; this plain is, from Fort Hall, across it, full forty miles. 
The only objects that meet the eye on this extensive plain are three high 
basaltic buttes or mountains thrown up near its center. At the foot 
of the one a little to the south and west of the two rounder and equally 
prominent ones, is a fine spring of water. In 1837, the writer, in his 
explorations of the country, was anxious to learn more than was 
then known of the character of this great basin in the mountains, 
having the year previous entered it by way of Soda Springs and Port 
neuf. This time he came into it from the north by Codie s Defile, and 
concluded he would take a straight course and pass between the two 
northeastern buttes, and reach Snake River near Fort Hall. His Indian 
guide objected ; still, as we had good horses, and were traveling light, 
we took the precaution to water our animals before entering this plain. 
We were twenty-six hours on horseback, having stopped but six hours 
to rest; we tied our horses to the sage brush, to prevent them from 
leaving us to hunt for water. Not a drop did we find on our route 
till we reached Snake River, thirty-two hours from the time we left 
running water on the north and west sides of this plain. In our course 
we found nothing but barren, basaltic rock, sand, and sage. It is pos 
sible, had we turned to the right or left, we might have found water, 
but I saw nothing that gave indications that water was near ; on the 
contrary, I noticed that the fine stream at which we watered our ani 
mals sank into the rocks, leaving no marks of a channel to any great 
distance. In fact, my impression was, after twelve hours ride, that it 
was useless to spend our time and strength to hunt for water, and kept 
our course. Jaded and fatigued as our animals were, as we approached 
Snake River every nerve seemed strung to the utmost ; our animals 
became frantic and unmanageable ; they rushed forward at full speed 
and plunged into the first water they saw. Fortunately for them and 


the riders, the water was only about three feet deep ; water appeared 
to be preferred to air ; they plunged their heads deep in and held their 
breaths till their thirst was relieved. 

This plain is bounded on the north and east by spurs of the Rocky 
and Bear River mountains ; on the south and west by the high plains 
of Portneuf and Snake River valleys. There is a range of mountains 
commencing on the northwest of this plain, extending west and north 
along Snake River, dividing the waters of the Snake and La Riviere 
aux Bois (the wooded river.) This whole plain has the appearance 
of having been one vast lake of lava, spread over the whole sur 
rounding country, appearing to have issued from the three basaltic 
mountains in the midst of it. I noticed, as we passed between the 
two, which were probably not more than ten miles apart, that we ap 
peared to be on higher rock than in any direction around us. From 
this fact I concluded that the three must have been pouring out their 
volcanic lava at the same time and ceased together, leaving the coun 
try comparatively level. The small amount of soil found upon the sur 
face, as well as the barrenness of the rock, indicated no distant period 
of time when this volcanic plain had been formed. 

At Fort Hall we had another overhauling and lio-htenino- of ba^o-age. 


The Doctor was advised to take his wagon apart and pack it, if he cal 
culated to get it through the terrible canons and deep, bottomless 
creeks we must pass in going down Snake Plains. Miles Goodyear, the 
boy we picked up two days from Fort Leavenworth, who had been 
assigned to assist the Doctor, was determined, if the Doctor took his 
wagon any further, to leave the company. He was the only one that 
could be spared to assist in this wild, and, as all considered, crazy un 
dertaking. Miles was furnished a couple of horses, and the best outfit 
the mission party could give him for his services, and allowed to remain 
or go where he might choose. In his conclusions, he was influenced 
by the stories he heard about the treatment he might expect should he 
reach the lower Columbia. His idea of liberty was unlimited. Restraint 
and obedience to others was what he did not like at home ; he would 
try his fortune in the mountains; he did not care for missionaries, 
Hudson s Bay men, nor Indians ; he was determined to be his own man, 
and was allowed to remain at Fort Hall. This loss of manual strength 
to the mission party compelled the Doctor to curtail his wagon, so he 
made a cart on two of the wheels, placed the axletree and the other 
two wheels on his cart, and about the 1st of August, 1836, our camp 
was again in motion. As we reached camp on Portneuf the first night, 
in passing a bunch of willows, Mrs. Spalding s horse, a kind and per 
fectly gentle animal, was stung by a wasp, causing him to spring to 


one side. Mrs. S. lost her balance ; her foot hung fast in the stirrup ; 
the horse made but a single bound from the sting of the wasp, and 
stopped still till Mrs. S. was relieved from what appeared almost instant 
death. Next day we continued on down the river till we reached 
Salmon Falls, on Snake River. 

We found a large number of the Salmon and Digger Indians at their 
fishing stations. Their curiosity was excited, and overcame all* the 
fears that had been attributed to them by former travelers. All of 
them came about the camp, and appeared quite friendly, furnishing to 
the party all the fresh and dried salmon they wanted, at the most 
reasonable rates, say a fine fresh salmon for two fish-hooks ; four for a 
common butcher-knife ; ten dried ones for a shirt ; in fact, receiving 
only such pay or presents for their fish and roots, as the Hudson s Bay 
Company s traders saw fit, or would allow the missionary party to give 
them. It will be remembered that, in the conversation with Captain 
"YVyeth, the party had been cautioned as to dealing with the Indians, 
or in any way interfering with the Indian trade, or tariff, as the Hud 
son s Bay Company gentlemen call the prices they were in the habit 
of giving to the Indians, for any article of property they might have to 
dispose of, or that the company might want. If the Indian would part 
with it at all, he must receive the price or the article they chose to give 
him, not as an equivalent for his article, but as a condescension on the 
part of the trader, in allowing him the honor of making the exchange. 
The Indian s property or article, whatever it might be, was of no con 
sequence to the trader, but the article he gave or furnished to him was 
of great value. The Indian knew no other system of trade ; it was that 
or nothing ; hence the wealth of this arrogant and overgrown company, 
claiming exclusive trading privileges, as also the right to occupy the 
country in such a manner, and for such purposes as they chose. As a 
matter of course, the mission party were not in a condition to vary or 
change this system of trade ; neither were they allowed to encourage 
the Indians in the expectation of any future change, except as to the 
relig-ious instructions they were at liberty to impart to them. 

The gentlemen of the Hudson s Bay Company were frank with the 
mission in giving them their tariff: For a salmon at Salmon Falls, two 
awls or two small fish-hooks ; one large hook for two salmon ; for a knife, 
four salmon ; for one load of powder and a charge of shot, or a single 
ball, one salmon. At Wallawalla the tariff was nearly double, say two 
balls and powder for one large-sized salmon ; a three-point blanket, a 
check shirt, a knife, five or ten balls and powder, from half a foot to three 
feet of trail-rope tobacco, the price of a good horse. In short, there was 
but one single object the Indian could live for; that was to contribute his 


little mite of productive labor to enrich the Honorable Hudson s Bay 
Company, and to assist them, when required, to relieve the country of 
intruders. That they were in a state of absolute subjection to the con 
trol of the company no one that traveled in it at that early day can 
doubt for a moment. Speak of improving the condition of the Indians 
to gentlemen of the company, they would insist that it only made 
them more insolent, demand higher prices for their produce, and be 
less inclined to hunt for the furs necessary to supply the goods furnished 
for their use. The idea of improving the condition of the Indian, and 
raising him in the scale of civilization, and by that means increase his 
natural wants, and encourage him with a fair compensation for his labor, * 
was no part of their chartered privileges. They found the Indian as he 
was ; they would leave him no better. The country and all in it was 
theirs ; they could not allow any interference with their trade. " If you 
missionaries wish to teach them your religion, we have no particular 
objection, so long as you confine yourselves to such religious instruc 
tion ; as to trade, gentlemen, we will not object to your receiving from 
the Indians what you may require for your own personal use and sub 
sistence, provided you do not pay them more for the article you buy 
of them than the company does. We will give you our tariff, that you 
may be governed by it in your dealings with the Indians. You will 
readily perceive, gentlemen, that it is necessary for us to insist on these 
conditions, in order to protect our own interests, and secure our accus 
tomed profits." 


An explanation. Instructions of company. Their tyranny. Continuation of journey. 
Fording rivers. Arrival at Boise. Dr. "Whitman compelled to leave his wagon. 

IT may be asked why the writer gives this explanation of trade and 
intercourse with the Indians and missionaries before they have reached 
the field of their future labors ? For the simple reason that the party, 
and the writer in particular, commenced their education in the Rocky 
Mountains. They learned that in the country to which they were going 
there was an overgrown, unscrupulous, and exacting monopoly that 
would prevent any interference in their trade, or intercourse with the 
Indians. This information was receive^ through the American fur 
traders, and from Captain Wyeth, who was leaving the country ; and 
from Mr. John McLeod, then in charge of our traveling caravan. It is 
true, we had only reached Salmon Falls, on Snake River, and we only 
wished to buy of the miserable, naked, filthy objects before us, a few 
fresh salmon, which they were catching in apparent abundance; and 
as is the case with most American travelers, we had many articles that 
would be valuable to the Indian, and beneficial to us to get rid of. But 
this overgrown company s interest comes in. " You must not be lib 
eral, or even just, to these miserable human or savage beings; if you 
are, it will spoil our trade with them ; we can not control them if they 
learn the value of v our goods." 

This supreme selfishness, this spirit of oppression, was applied not 
only to the Digger Indians on the barren Snake plains and the salmon 
fisheries of the Columbia River, but to the miserable discharged, and, in 
most cases, disabled, Canadian-French. This policy tlje Hudson s Bay 
Company practiced upon their own servants, and, as far as was possi 
ble, upon all the early settlers of the country. In proof of this, hear 
what Messrs. Ewing Young and Carmichael say of them on the thir 
teenth day of January, 1837, just three months after our mission party 
had arrived, and had written to their friends and patrons in the United 
States glowing accounts of the kind treatment they had received from 
this same Hudson s Bay Company. How far the Methodist Mission 
joined in the attempt to coerce Mr. Young and compel him to place 
himself under their control, I am unable to say. The Hudson s Bay 
Company, I know, from the statement of Dr. McLaughlin himself, had 


an abundance of liquors. I also know they were in the habit of fur 
nishing them freely to the Indians, as they thought the interest of their 
trade required. Mr. Young s letter is in answer to a request of the 
Methodist Mission, signed by J. and D. Lee, C. Shepard, and P. L. 
Edwards, not to erect a distillery on his land claim in Yamhill County 
(Nealem Valley). The Methodist Mission was made use of on this occa 
sion, under the threat of the Hudson s Bay Company, that in case Mr. 
Young put up his distillery the Hudson s Bay Company would freely 
distribute their liquors, and at once destroy all moral restraint, and 
more than probable the mission itself. Lee and party offered to indem 
nify Mr. Young for his loss in stopping his distillery project. The 
Hudson s Bay Company held by this means the exclusive liquor trade, 
while the mission were compelled to use their influence and ..means to 
prevent and buy off any enterprise that conflicted with their interests. 
Mr. Young says, in his reply : 

" Gentlemen, having taken into consideration your request to relin 
quish our enterprise in manufacturing ardent spirits, we therefore do 
agree to stop our proceedings for the present ; but, gentlemen, the rea 
sons for first beginning such an enterprise were the innumerable diffi 
culties placed in our way by, and the tyrannizing oppression of, the 
Hudson s Bay Company, here under the absolute authority of Dr. 
McLaughlin, who has treated us with more disdain than any American s 
feelings could support ; but, gentlemen, it is not consistent with our 
feelings to receive any recompense whatever for our expenditures, but 
we are thankful to the society for their offer." 

The writer of the above short paragraph has long since closed his 
labors, which, with his little property, have done more substantial ben 
efit to Oregon than the Hudson s Bay Company, that attempted to 
drive him from the country, which I will prove to the satisfaction of 
any unprejudiced mind as we proceed. I am fully aware of the great 
number of pensioned satellites that have fawned for Hudson s Bay 
Company pap, and would swear no injustice was ever done to a single 
American, giving this hypocritical, double-dealing, smooth-swindling, 
called honorable, Hudson s Bay Company credit for what they never 
did, and really for stealing credit for good deeds done by others. The 
company insisted that the mission party should, as a condition of being 
permitted to remain in the country, comply with their ideas of Indian 
trade and justice in dealing with the natives. The utmost care and 
attention was given to impress this all-important fact upon the minds 
of these first missionaries. They were told : " Gentlemen, your own 
pecuniary interests require it ; the good yes, the good of the natives 
you came to teach, requires that you should observe our rules in trade." 


And here, I have no doubt, lies the great secret of the partial failure of 
all the Protestant missions. But, thank God, the country is relieved of 
a curse, like that of slavery in the Southern States. An overgrown 
monopoly, in using its influence with Catholicism to destroy Protest 
antism in Oregon and the American settlements, has destroyed itself. 
Priestcraft and Romanism, combined with ignorance and savagism, 
under the direction of the Honorable Hudson s Bay Company traders, 
is a kind of mixture which Mr. Ewing Young says " is more than any 
American citizen s feelings could support ;" yet for six years it was sub 
mitted to, and the country increased, not so much in wealth, but in 
stout-hearted men and women, who had dared every thing, and endured 
many living deaths, to secure homes, and save a vast and rich country 
to the American Republic. Was the government too liberal in giving 
these pioneers three hundred and twenty acres of land, when, by their 
toil and patient endurance they had suifered every thing this arrogant, 
unscrupulous, overgrown monopoly could inflict, by calling to its aid 
superstition and priestcraft, in the worst possible form, to subdue and 
drive them from the country ? 

Is there an American on this coast who doubts the fact of the tyran 
nical course of the company? Listen to what is said of them in 
1857, 58, in their absolute government of Vancouver Island and British 
Columbia, by a resident. He says : 

" In my unsophisticated ignorance, I foolishly imagined I was enter 
ing a colony governed by British institutions ; but I was quickly un 
deceived. It was far worse than a Venetian oligarchy ; a squawtocracy 
of skin traders, ruled by men whose lives have been spent in the wil 
derness in social communion with Indian savages, their present daily 
occupation being the sale of tea, sugar, whisky, and the usual et cceteras 
of a grocery, which (taking advantage of an increased population) they 
sold at the small advance of five hundred per cent. ; by men, who, to 
keep up the entente cordiale with the red-skins, scrupled not (and the 
iniquitous practice is still continued) to supply them with arms and 
ammunition, well knowing that the same would be used in murderous 
warfare. I found these small fry claiming, under some antediluvian 
grant, not only Vancouver Island, but a tract of country extending from 
the Pacific to the Atlantic Ocean, from British Columbia to Hudson s 
Bay a territory of larger area than all Europe. The onward march of 
civilization was checked; all avenues to the mineral regions were closed 
by excessive, unauthorized, and illegal taxation ; and a country abounding 
with a fair share of Nature s richest productions, and which might now 
be teeming with a hardy and industrious population, was crushed and 
blasted by a set of unprincipled autocrats, whose selfish interests, idle 


caprices, and unscrupulous conduct, sought to gratify their petty am 
bition by trampling on the dearest rights of their fellow-men. In Vic 
toria and British Columbia the town lots, the suburban farms, and the 
water frontage were theirs, the rocks in the bay, and the rocks on the 
earth ; the trees in the streets, which served as ornaments to the town, 
were cut down by their orders and sold for fire-wood ; with equal right 
(presumption or unscrupulousness is the appropriate term) they claimed 
the trees and dead timber of the forests, the waters of the bay, and the 
fresh water on the shores; all, all was theirs; nay, I have seen the 
water running from the mountain springs denied to allay the parched 
thirst of the poor wretches whom the auri sacra fames had allured to 
these inhospitable shores. They viewed with a jealous eye all intruders 
into their unknown kingdom, and every impediment was thrown in the 
way of improving or developing the resources of the colony. The coal 
mines were theirs, and this necessary article of fuel in a northern 
climate was held by them at thirty dollars per ton. The sole and ex 
clusive right to trade was theirs, and the claim rigidly enforced. The 
gold fields were theirs likewise, and a tax of five dollars on every man, 
and eight dollars on every canoe or boat, was levied and collected at 
the mouth of the canon before either were allowed to enter the sacred 
portals of British Columbia. This amount had to be paid hundreds 
of miles from the place where gold was said to exist, whether the 
party ever dug an ounce or not. They looked upon all new arrivals 
with ill-subdued jealousy and suspicion, and distrusted them as a pra3- 
torian band of robbers coming to despoil them of their ill-gotten 

"Was this the case in 1858 ? Show me the man who denies it, and I 
will show you a man devoid of moral perception, destitute of the prin 
ciple of right dealing between man and man ; yet this same Hudson s 
Bay Company claim credit for saving the thousands of men they had 
robbed of their hard cash, in not allowing a few sacks of old flour and 
a quantity of damaged bacon to be sold to exceed one hundred per 
cent, above prime cost. " Their goods were very reasonable," says the 
apologist; "their trade was honorable." Has any one ever before at 
tempted to claim honorable dealing for companies pursuing invariably the 
same selfish and avaricious course ? This company is not satisfied with 
the privilege they have had of robbing the natives of this coast, their 
French and half-native servants, the American settlers, and their own 
countrymen, while dependent upon them; but now, when they can no 
longer rob and steal from half a continent, they come to our govern 
ment at Washington and make a demand for five millions of dollars for 
giving up this barefaced open robbery of a whole country they never 


had the shadow of a right to. It is possible the honorable commis 
sioners may admit this arrogant and unjust claim. If they do, one 
single farthing of it, they deserve the curses due to the company who 
have robbed the native inhabitants of all their labor, their own servants 
they brought to it, the country of all they could get from it that was 
of any value to them, and the nation upon whom they call for any 
amount, be it great or small. 

I have not time, and it would be out of place, to say more upon 
this subject, at this time, in the historical sketches we propose to give. 
Be assured we do not write without knowing what we say, and being 
prepared to prove our statements with facts that have come under our 
own observation while in the country. We will leave the Hudson s 
Bay Company and return to our mission party. 

After getting a full supply of salmon for a tin whistle, or its equiva 
lent, a smell of trail-rope tobacco, we came to the ford at the three 
islands in Snake River, crossed all safe, except a short swim for Dr. 
Whitman and his cart on corning out on the north side or right bank 
of the river. As nothing serious occurred, w r e passed on to camp. 
The next day, in passing along the foot hills of the range of mountains 
separating the waters of the Snake River and La Riviere aux Bois, we 
came to the warm springs, in which we boiled a piece of salmon. Then 
we struck the main Boise River, as it comes out of the mountain, 
not far below the present location of Boise City ; thence, about ten 
miles down the river, and into the bend, where we found a miserable 
pen of a place, at that time called Fort Boise. It consisted of cotton- 
wood poles and crooked sticks set in a trench, and pretended to be 
fastened near the top. The houses or quarters were also of poles, 
open ; in fact, the whole concern could hardly be called a passable 
corral, or pen for horses and cattle. I think, from appearances, the fort 
had been used to corral or catch horses in. We were informed that 
it was established in opposition to Fort Hall, to prevent the Indians, as 
much as possible, from giving their trade to Captain Wyeth, and that 
the company expected, if they kept it up, to remove it near the mouth 
of Boise River. 

At this place, McLeod and McKay, and all the Johnny Crapauds of 
the company, united in the opinion that it was impossible to get the 
Doctor s cart any further without taking it all apart and bending the 
iron tires on the wheels, and packing it in par-fleshes (the dried hide 
of the buffalo, used as an outside covering for packs), and in that way 
we might get it through, if the animals we packed it upon did not fall 
with it from the precipices over which we must pass. Impossible to 
get it through any other way. After several consultations, and some 


very decided expressions against any further attempt to take the 
wagon further, a compromise was made, that, after the party had 
reached their permanent location, the Doctor or Mr. Gray would return 
with the Hudson s Bay Company s caravan and get the wagon and 
bring it through. To this proposition the Doctor consented. The 
wagon was left, to the great advantage of the Hudson s Bay Company, 
in removing their timber and material to build their new fort, as was 
contemplated, that and the following seasons. 

All our goods were placed upon the tallest horses we had, and led 
across. Mrs. Spalding and Mrs. Whitman were ferried over on a bul 
rush raft, made by the Indians for crossing. The tops of the rushes 
were tied with grass ropes, and spread and so arranged that, by lying 
quite flat upon the rushes and sticks they were conveyed over in safety. 
Portions of our clothing and goods, as was expected, came in contact 
with the water, and some delay caused to dry and repack. This 
attended to, the party proceeded on the present wagon trail till they 
reached the Grand Ronde; thence they ascended the mountain on the 
west side of the main river, passed over into a deep canon, through 
thick timber, ascended the mountain, and came out on to the Urnatilla, 
not far from the present wagon route. 

As the party began to descend from the western slope of the Blue 
Mountains, the view was surpassingly grand. Before us lay the great 
valley of the Columbia ; on the west, and in full view, Mount Hood 
rose amid the lofty range of the Cascade Mountains, ninety miles dis 
tant. To the south of Mount Hood stood Mount Adams, and to the 
north, Mount Rainier ; while, with the assistance of Mr. McKay, we 
could trace the course of the Columbia, and determine the location of 
Walla walla. It was quite late in the evening before we reached camp 
on the Umatilla, being delayed by our cattle, their feet having become 
worn and tender in passing over the sharp rocks, there being but little 
signs of a trail where we passed over the Blue Mountains in 1836. 


Arrival at Fort "Wallawalla. Reception. The fort in 1836. Voyage down the Colum 
bia River. Portage at Celilo. At Dalles. A storm. The Flatlieads. Portage at 
the Cascades. 

day Mr. McLeod left the train in charge of Mr. McKay, and 
started for the fort, having obtained a fresh horse from the Cayuse In 
dians. The party, with Hudson s Bay Company s furs and mission 
cattle, traveled slowly, and in two days and a half reached old Fort 
Wallawalla, on the Columbia River, on the second day of Septem 
ber, 1836, a little over four months from the time they left Missouri. 
Traveling by time from two to three miles per hour, making it two 
thousand two hundred and fifty miles. 

Their reception must have been witnessed to be fully realized. The 
gates of the fort were thrown open, the ladies assisted from their 
horses, and every demonstration of joy and respect manifested. The 
party were soon led into an apartment, the best the establishment had 
to offer. Their horses and mules were unloaded and cared for ; the cat 
tle were not neglected. It appeared we had arrived among the best of 
friends instead of total strangers, and were being welcomed home in 
the most cordial manner. We found the gentleman in charge, Mr. P. 
C. Pambrun, a French-Canadian by birth, all that we could wish, and 
more than we expected. 

Mr. J. K. Townsend, the naturalist, we found at Wallawalla. He had 
been sent across the Rocky Mountains, in company with ]J)r. Nutall, a 
geologist, by a society in Philadelphia, in 1834, in company with Cap 
tain Wyoth. He had remained in the country to complete his collec 
tion of specimens of plants and birds, and was awaiting the return of 
the Hudson s Bay Company s ship, to reach the Sandwich Islands, on 
his homeward course, having failed to get an escort to connect with 
Captain Wyeth, and return by way of the Rocky Mountains. -From 
Mr. Townsend the mission party received much useful information re 
lating to the course they should pursue in their intercourse with the 
Hudson s Bay Company and the Indians. He appeared to take a deep 
interest in the objects of the mission, confirming, from his own obser 
vation, the information already received, cautioning the party not to 
do any thing with the Indians that would interfere with the Hudson s 


Bay Company s trade. Repeating almost verbatim Captain Wyeth s 
words, " The company will be glad to have you in the country, and 
your influence to improve their servants, and their native wives and 
children. As to the Indians you have corne to teach, they do not want 
them to be any more enlightened. The company now have absolute 
control over them, and that is all they require. As to Mr. Pambrun, at 
this place, he is a kind, good-hearted gentleman, and will do any thing 
he can for you. He has already received his orders in anticipation of 
your arrival, and will obey them implicitly ; should the company learn 
from him, or any other source, that you are here and do not comply 
with their regulations and treatment of the Indians, they will cut off 
your supplies, and leave you to perish among the Indians you are here 
to benefit. The company have made arrangements, and expect you to 
visit Vancouver, their principal depot in the country, before you select 
your location." 

Mr. Townsend had gathered from the gentlemen of the Hudson s 
Bay Company, during the year he had been in the country, a good 
knowledge of their policy, and of their manner of treatment and trade 
with the Indians. He had also learned from conversations with Rev. 
Samuel Parker and the various members of the company, their views 
and feelings, not only toward American traders, but of the missionary 
occupation of the country by the Americans. The mission party of 
1836 learned from Mr. McLeod that the Hudson s Bay Company had 
sent for a chaplain, to be located at Vancouver, and from Mr. Town- 
send that he had arrived. 

It will be borne in mind that this honorable company, on the arrival 
of Rev. J. Lee and party to look after the civil and religious welfare of 
the Indians, examined their old charter, and found that one of its re 
quirements was to Christianize as Well as trade with the natives of this 
vast country. They found that the English church service must be 
read at their posts on the Sabbath. To conform to this regulation, a 
chaplain was sent for. He came, with his wife ; and not receiving the 
submission and attention from the chivalry of the country he demanded, 
became thoroughly disgusted, and returned to England (I think) on the 
same ship he came in. As we proceed, we will develop whys and 

Old Fort Wallawalla, in 1836, when the mission party arrived, was 
a tolerably substantial stockade, built of drift-wood taken from the 
Columbia River, of an oblong form, with two log bastions raised, one 
on the southwest corner, commanding the river-front and southern space 
beyond the stockade ; the other bastion was on the northeast corner, 
commanding the north end, and east side of the fort. In each of these 


bastions were kept two small cannon, with a good supply of small-arms 
These bastions were always well guarded when any danger was sus 
pected from the Indians. The sage brush, willow, and grease- wood had 
been cut and cleared away for a considerable distance around, to pre 
vent any Indians getting near the fort without being discovered. In 
side the stockade were the houses, store, and quarters for the men, with 
a space sufficiently large to corral about one hundred horses. The 
houses and quarters were built by laying down sills, placing posts at 
from eight to twelve feet apart, with tenons on the top, and the bottom 
grooved in the sides, and for corner-posts, so as to slip each piece of 
timber, having also a tenon upon each end, into the grooves of the posts, 
forming a solid wall of from four to six inches thick, usually about seven 
feet high from floor to ceiling, or timbers overhead. The roofs were of 
split cedar, flattened and placed upon the ridge pole aiid plate-like 
rafters, close together; then grass or straw was put on the split pieces, 
covered with mud and dirt, and. packed to keep the straw from blow 
ing off. The roofs were less than one-fourth pitch, and of course sub 
ject to leakage when it rained. For floors, split puncheons or planks 
were used in the chief trader s quarters. In the corner of the room 
was a comfortable fireplace, made of mud in place of brick. The room 
was lighted with six panes of glass, seven inches by nine, set in strips 
of wood, split with a common knife, and shaped so as to hold the glass 
in place of a sash. 

The doors were also of split lumber, rough hewn, wrought-iron hinges, 
and wooden latches ; the furniture consisted of three benches, two stools, 
and one chair (something like a barber s chair, without the scrolls and 
cushions) ; a bed in one corner of the * % oom upon some split boards for 
bottom ; a rough table of the same material roughly planed. This, 
with a few old cutlasses, shot-pouches, and tobacco sacks (such as were 
manufactured by the Indians about the post), constituted the room 
and furniture occupied by P. C. Pambrun, Esq., of the Honorable Hud 
son s Bay Company. Into this room the mission party were invited, 
and introduced to Mrs. Pambrun and two young children-misses. The 
kind and cordial reception of Mr. Pambrun was such that all felt cheer 
ful and relieved in this rude specimen of half-native, half-French dwell 
ing. The cloth was soon spread upon the table, and the cook brought 
in the choice game of the prairies well cooked, with a small supply of 
Irish potatoes and small Canadian yellow corn. This was a feast, 
as well as a great change from dried and pounded buffalo meat 
" straight," as the miners say, upon which we had subsisted since we 
left the rendezvous, except the occasional fresh bits we could get along 
the route. Dinner being disposed of, some fine melons were served, 



which Mr. Pambrun had succeeded in raising in his little melon patch, 
in the bends of the Wallawalla River, about two miles from the fort. 
The supply of melons was quite limited, a single one of each kind for 
the party. Mr. Townsend on this occasion yielded his share to the 
ladies, and insisted, as he had been at the fort and partaken of them on 
previous occasions, they should have his share. Dinner over, melons 
disposed of, fort, stores, and quarters examined, arrangements were 
made for sleeping in the various sheds and bastions of the fort. Most 
of the gentlemen preferred the open air and tent to the accommodations 
of the fort. Rooms were provided for the two ladies and their hus 
bands, Dr. Whitman and Mr. Spalding. 

Next morning early, Messrs. McLeod and Townsend started for Van 
couver in a light boat, with the understanding that Mr. Pambrun, with 
the company s furs, and the mission party, were to follow in a few days. 
Mr. McKay was to remain in charge of the fort. All tilings were ar 
ranged to Mr. Pambrun s satisfaction ; two boats or barges were made 
ready, the furs and party all aboard, with seven men to each barge, 
six to row and one to steer, with a big paddle instead of a helm, or an 
oar ; we glided swiftly down the Columbia River, the scenery of which 
is not surpassed in grandeur by any river in the world. Fire, earth, 
and water have combined to make one grand display with melted lava, 
turning it out in all imaginable and unimaginable shapes and forms on 
a most gigantic scale. In other countries, these hills thrown up would be 
called mountains, but here we call them high rolling plains, interspersed 
with a few snow-capped peaks, some fifteen and some seventeen thou 
sand feet high. The river is running through these plains, wandering 
around among the rocks with its gentle current of from four to eight 
knots per hour ; at the rapids increasing its velocity and gyrations 
around and among the rocks in a manner interesting and exciting to 
the traveler, who at one moment finds his boat head on at full 
speed making for a big rock; anon he comes along, and by an extra 
exertion with his pole shoves off his boat to receive a full supply of 
water from the rolling swell, as the water rushes over the rock he has 
but just escaped being dashed to pieces against. As to danger in such 
places, it is all folly to think of any ; so on we go to repeat the same 
performance over and over till we reach the falls, at what is now called 
Celilo, where we find about twenty-five feet perpendicular fall. 

Our boats were discharged of all their contents, about one-fourth of 
a mile above the main fall, on the right bank of the river. Then 
the cargo was packed upon the Indians backs to the landing below the 
falls, the Indian performing this part of the labor for from two to six 
inches of trail-rope tobacco. A few were paid from two to ten charges 



of powder and ball, or shot, depending upon the number of trips they 
made and the amount they carried. The boats were let down with 
lines as near the fall as was considered safe, hauled out of the water, 
turned bottom up, arid as many Indians as could get under them, say 
some twenty-five to each boat, lifted them upon their shoulders and 
carried them to the water below. For this service they each received 
two dried leaves of tobacco, which would make about six common 
pipefuls. The Indian, however, with other dried leaves, would make 
his two leaves of tobacco last some time. 

This portage over, and all on board, we again glided swiftly along, 
ran through what is called the Little Dalles, and soon reached the 
narrowest place in the Columbia, where the water rushes through 
sharp projecting rocks, causing it to turn and whirl and rush in every 
conceivable shape for about three-fourths of a mile, till it finds a large 
circular basin below, into which it runs and makes one grand turn 
round and passes smoothly out at right angles and down in a deep 
smooth current, widening as it enters the lofty range of the Cascade 
Mountains. The river was deemed a little too high, by our Iroquois 
pilot, to run the Big Dalles at that time, although, in January follow 
ing, the writer, in company with another party, did run them with no 
more apparent danger than we experienced on the same trip at what 
is called John Day s Rapids. At the Dalles our party made another 
portage, paying our Indians as at Celilo Falls. 

The Indians curiosity to look at the white women caused us a little 
delay at the falls, and also at the Dalles ; in fact, numbers of them 
followed our boats in their canoes to the Dalles, to look at these two 
strange beings who had nothing to carry but their own persons, and 
were dressed so differently from the men. 

We proceeded down the river for a few miles and met the Hudson s 
Bay Company s express canoe, in charge of Mr. Hovey, on its way to 
Lachine, going across the continent ; stopped and exchanged greetings 
for a few minutes and passed on to camp just above Dog River. 
Next morning made an early start to reach La Cascade to make the 
portage there before night. We had proceeded but about one hour, 
with a gentle breeze from the east, sails all set, and in fine spirits, 
admiring the sublimely grand scenery, when, looking down the river, 
the ladies inquired what made the water look so white. In a moment 
our boatmen took in sail, and laid to their oars with all their mio-ht to 


reach land and get under shelter, which we did, but not till we had 
received considerable wetting, and experienced the first shock of a 
severe wind-storm, such as can be gotten up on the shortest possible 
notice in the midst of the Cascade Mountains. Our camp was just 


below White Salmon River. The storm was so severe that all our 
baggage, furs, and even boats had to be taken out of the water to 
prevent them from being dashed to pieces on the shore. For three 
days and nights we lay in this miserable camp watching the storm as 
it howled on the waves and through this mountain range. Stormy as 
it was, a few Indians found our camp and crawled over the points of 
rocks to get sight of our party. 

Among the Indians of the coast and lower Columbia none but such 
as are of noble birth are allowed to flatten their skulls. This is accom 
plished by taking an infant and placing it upon a board corresponding 
in length and breadth to the size of the child, which is placed upon 
it and lashed fast in a sort of a sack, to hold its limbs and body in one 
position. The head is also confined with strings and lashing, allowing 
scarcely any motion for the head. From the head of the board, upon 
which the infant is made fast, is a small piece of board lashed to the 
back piece, extending down nearly over the eyes, with strings attached 
so as to prevent the forehead from extending beyond the eyes, giving 
the head and face a broad and flat shape. The native infants of the 
blood royal were kept in these presses from three to four months, or 
longer, as the infant could bear, or as the aspirations of the. parent 
prompted. For the last fifteen years I have not seen a native infant 
promoted to these royal honors. My impression is that the example 
of the white mother in the treatment of her infant has had more in 
fluence in removing this cruel practice than any other cause. As a 
general thing, the tribes that have followed the practice of flattening 
the skull are inferior in intellect, less stirring and enterprising in their 
habits, and far more degraded in their morals than other tribes. To this 
cause probably more than any other may be traced the effect of vice 
among them. The tribes below the Cascade Mountains were the first 
that had any intercourse with the whites. The diseases never feared 
or shunned by the abandoned and profligate youth and sailor were in 
troduced among them. The certain and legitimate effect soon showed 
itself all along the coast. So prevalent was vice and immorality among 
the natives, that not one escaped. Their blood became tainted, their 
bodies loathsome and foul, their communication corrupt continually. 
The flattened head of the royal families, and the round head of the 
slave, was no protection from vice and immoral intercourse among the 
sexes ; hence, when diseases of a different nature, and such as among 
the more civilized white race are easily treated and cured, came among 
them, they fell like rotten sheep. If a remnant is left, I have often 
felt that the reacting curse of vice will pursue our advanced civiliza 
tion for the certain destruction that has befallen the miserable tribes 


that but a few years since peopled this whole coast. It is true that 
the missionaries came to the country before many white settlers came. 
It is also true that they soon learned the causes that would sweep the 
Indians from the land, and in their feeble efforts to check and remove 
the causes, they were met by the unlimited and unbridled passions of 
all in the country, and all who came to it for a number of years sub 
sequent, with a combined influence to destroy that of the missionaries 
in correcting or checking this evil. Like alcohol and its friends, it 
had no virtue or conscience, hence the little moral influence brought 
by the first missionaries was like pouring water upon glass : it only 
washed the sediment from the surface while the heart remained un 
touched. Most of the missionaries could only be witnesses of facts 
that they had little or no power to correct or prevent ; many of them 
lacked the moral courage necessary to combat successfully the influ 
ences with which they were surrounded, and every action, word, or 
expression was canvassed and turned against them or the cause they 

The reader will excuse this little digression into moral facts, as he 
will bear in mind that we were in a most disagreeable camp on the 
Columbia River, between the Cascades and the Dalles, and for the 
first time were introduced to real live Flatheads and the process of 
making them such. The men, also, or boatmen, amused themselves in 
getting the members of the royal family who visited our camp drunk 
as Chinamen (on opium), by filling their pipes with pure trail-rope 

On the fourth morning after the storm stopped us, we were again on 
our way. Arrived at the Cascades and made a portage of the goods 
over, around, and among the rocks, till we reached the basin below the 
main shoot or rapids. The boats were let down by lines ami hauled 
out to repair leakage from bruises received on the rocks in their de 
scent. Damage repaired, all embarked again, and ran down to Cape 
Horn and camped ; next day we reached the saw-mill and camped 
early. All hands must wash up and get ready to reach the fort in the 
morning. From the saw-mill an Indian was sent on ahead to give no 
tice at the fort of the arrival of the party. Our captain, as the Ameri 
cans would call Mr. Pambrun, who had charge of the boats, was slow 
in getting ready to start. Breakfast over, all dressed in their best 
clothes, the party proceeded on down the river. In coming round a 
bend of the upper end of the plain upon which the fort stands, we 
came in full view of two fine ships dressed in complete regalia from 
stem to stern, with the St. George cross waving gracefully from the 
staff in the fort. Our party inquired innocently enough the cause of 


this display. Captain Pambrun evaded a direct answer. In a short 
time, as the boats neared the shore, two tall, well-formed, neatly-dressed 
gentlemen waved a welcome, and in a moment all were on shore. Rev. 
Mr. Spalding and lady were introduced, followed by Dr. Whitman 
and lady, to the two gentlemen. One, whose hair was then nearly 
white, stepped forward and gave his arm to Mrs. Whitman. The 
other, a tall, black-haired, black-eyed man, with rather slim body, a 
light sallow complexion and smooth face, gave his arm to Mrs. Spalding. 
By this time Mr. McLeod had made his appearance, and bade the 
party a hearty welcome and accompanied them into the fort. We be 
gan to suspect the cause of so much display. All safely arrived in the 
fort, we were led up-stairs, in front of the big square hewed-timber 
house, and into a room on the right of the hall, where the ladies were 
seated, as also some six gentlemen, besides the tall white-headed one. 
The writer, standing in the hall, was noticed by Mr. McLeod, who came 
out and invited him into the quarters of the clerks. We will leave our 
ladies in conversation with the two fine-looking gentlemen that 
received them on arriving at the water s edge, while we take a look 
at the fort, as it appeared on September 12, 1836. 


Fort Vancouver in 1836. An extra table. Conditions on which cattle were supplied 
to settlers. Official papers. Three organizations. 

FORT VANCOUVER was a stockade, built with fir-logs about ten inches 
in diameter, set some four feet in the ground, and about twenty feet 
above, secured by pieces of timber pinned on the inside, running 
diagonally around the entire stockade, which at that time covered or 
inclosed about two acres of ground. The old fort, as it was called, was 
so much decayed that the new one was then being built, and portions 
of the old one replaced. The storehouses were all built of hewn timber, 
about six inches thick, and covered with sawed boards one foot wide 
and one inch thick, with grooves in the edges of the boards, placed up 
and down upon the roof, in place of shingles ; of course, in case of a 
knot-hole or a crack, it was a leaky concern. All the houses were 
covered with boards in a similar manner in the new quarters. The par 
titions were all upright boards planed, and the cracks battened ; floors 
were mostly rough boards, except the office and the governor s house, 
which were planed. The parsonage was what might be called of the 
balloon order, covered like the rest, with a big mud and stone chimney 
in the center. The partitions and floors were rough boards. There 
were but two rooms, the one used for dining-room and kitchen, the other 
for bedroom and parlor. The doors and gates of the fort, or stockade, 
were all locked from the inside, and a guard stationed over the gate. 
In front of the governor s house was a half semicircle double stairway, 
leading to the main hall up a flight of some ten steps. In the center 
of the semicircle was one large 24-pound cannon, mounted on a 
ship s carriage, and on either side was a small cannon, or mortar gun, 
with balls piled in order about them, all pointing to the main gate 
entrance ; latterly, to protect the fort from the savages that had com 
menced coming over the Rocky Mountains, a bastion was built, said to 
be for saluting her Majesty s ships when they might arrive, or depart 
from the country. 

At 12 M. the fort bell rang; clerks and gentlemen all met at the 
common dinner-table, which was well supplied with potatoes, salmon, 
wild fowl, and usually with venison and bread. Dinner over, most of 
the gentlemen passed a compliment in a glass of wine, or brandy, if pre- 


ferred ; all then retired to the social hall, a room in the clerks quarters, 
where they indulged in a stiff pipe of tobacco, sometimes filling the 
room as full as it could hold with smoke. At 1 p. M. the bell rang 
again, when all went to business. 

The party had no sooner arrived than the carpenter was ordered to 
make an extra table, which was located in the governor s office, in the 
room where we left them on first bringing them into the house. This 
extra table was presided over by the governor, or the next highest 
officers of the fort ; usually one or two of the head clerks or gentlemen 
traders were, by special invitation, invited to dine with the ladies, or, 
rather, at the ladies table. The governor s wife was not sufficiently 
accomplished, at first, to take a seat at the ladies table. I never saw 
her in the common dining-hall ; neither was the mother of the chief 
clerk s children permitted this honor at first. However, as Mrs. Whit 
man and Mrs. Spalding soon learned the fort regulations, as also the 
family connection there was in the establishment, they very soon intro 
duced themselves to the two principal mothers they found in the gov 
ernor s house, one belonging to the governor, and the other to the chief 
clerk, and made themselves acquainted with the young misses ; and, in 
a short time, in opposition to the wish of the governor and his chief 
clerk, brought them both to the ladies table. They also brought the 
youngest daughter of the governor to the table, and took considerable 
pains to teach the young misses, and make themselves generally useful ; 
so that, at the end of two weeks, when arrangements had been made 
for the party to return to Wallawalla to commence their missionary 
labors, the governor and chief clerk would not allow the ladies to 
depart, till the gentlemen had gone up and selected their stations 
and built their houses, so that they could be comfortable for winter. 
Captain Wyeth and Mr. Townsend were correct in their ideas of the 
reception of this party. The utmost cordiality was manifested, the 
kindest attention paid, and such articles as could be made about the 
establishment, that the party wanted, were supplied. The goods were 
all to be furnished at one hundred per cent, on London prices, drafts 
to be drawn on the American Board, payable in London at sight. 
They were cashed by the Board at thirty-seven cents premium on 
London drafts, costing the mission two dollars and seventy-four cents 
for every dollar s worth of goods they received ; freight and charges 
from Fort Vancouver to Wallawalla were added. These goods were 
received and paid for, not as a business transaction with the Hudson s 
Bay Company, by any means, but as a gracious gift or, to quote 
the governor and chief clerk, " You gentlemen must consider your 
selves under great obligation to the Hudson s Bay Company, as we 


are only here to trade with the natives. In your future transactions 
you will make out your orders, and we will forward them to London 
to be filled at their rates, and with this understanding." 

While at Vancouver, Dr. Whitman concluded that some more cattle 
than the mission had were necessary to facilitate the labor in breaking 
up the prairie for a spring crop ; and a few cows might be useful to 
assist in getting a start in cattle. The proposition was made to the 
Hudson s Bay Company, to know upon w r hat terms they could get 
them. " Certainly," said Dr. McLaughlin, " you can have what cattle 
you want on the conditions we furnish them to the company s servants 
and the settlers in the Wallamet." " What are those conditions ?" 
said Dr. Whitman. " Why, in case of work cattle, you can take them 
from our band ; we can not, of course, spare you those we are working, 
but the cattle you take, you break in, and when the company requires 
them you return them to the company." "And what are your terms in 
letting your COW T S ?" said Dr. Whitman. " Why, we let them have the 
cows for the use of the milk ; they return the cow and its increase to 
the company." "And how is it in case the animal is lost or gets 
killed ?" " You gentlemen will have no difficulty on that account ; 
,you have some cattle; you can replace them from your own band." 

Dr. Whitman seemed a little incredulous as to the conditions upon 
which cattle could be had of the company, and inquired if such were 
the conditions they furnished them to their servants and the settlers. 
Dr. McLaughlin replied emphatically, it was. We learned in this con 
nection that there was not a cow in the country, except those of the 
American Board, that was not owned by the Hudson s Bay Company. 
The same was the case with all the beeves and work cattle. The 
mission party concluded they would not mortgage their own cattle for 
the use of the Hudson s Bay Company s ; hence dropped the cattle 
question for the time being. 

W T hile at Vancouver, it was deemed necessary for a copy of the 
official papers of the mission party to be made out, and forwarded to 
the Sandwich Islands, to the American and British consuls, and one 
to the commercial agent of the Hudson s Bay Company, with an order 
from Dr. McLaughlin, to the agent of the Hudson s Bay Company, to 
forward any supplies or goods designed for the mission of the American 
Board. These documents were made out, and duly signed, by Rev. 
Mr. Spalding and Dr. Whitman. The question arose whether the name 
of the secular agent of the mission ought not also to be attached to the 
documents, and was decided in the affirmative. Gray was sent for ; he 
entered the office with his hat under his arm, as per custom in entering 
the audience chamber where official business was transacted, examined 


hastily the documents, attached his name, and retired. The incident 
was noticed by Dr. McLaughlin, and while the mission party were 
absent, locating and building their stations, Dr. McLaughlin inquired 
of Mrs. Whitman who the young man was that Mr. Spalding and her 
husband had to sign a copy of the public documents sent to the Sand 
wich Islands. Mrs. Whitman replied, " Why, that is Mr. Gray, our 
associate, and secular agent of the mission." The inquiries about Mr. 
Gray were dropped till the ladies reached their stations, and Mr. Gray 
was advised, when he visited Vancouver again, to present his creden 
tials, and show the Hudson s Bay Company his connection with the 
mission. Accordingly, when Mr. Gray visited Vancouver, in January, 
1837, he presented his credentials, and was received in a manner con 
trasting very strongly with that of his former reception ; still, the 
lesson he had learned was not a useless one. He saw plainly the con 
dition of all the settlers, or any one in the country that had no official 
position or title; he was looked upon as a vagabond, and entitled to no 
place or encouragement, only as he submitted to the absolute control 
of the Hudson s Bay Company, or one of the missions. There was 
nothing but master and servant in the country, and this honorable com 
pany were determined that no other class should be permitted to be an 
it. To the disgrace of most of the missionaries, this state of absolute 
dependence and submission to the Hudson s Bay Company, or them 
selves, was submitted to, and encouraged. At least, no one but Rev. 
Jason Lee, of the Methodist Mission, fully comprehended the precise 
condition of an outsider. This will be shown as we proceed. W^e 
were made a party to a special contract, in 1337, touching this 

Then we had three distinct organizations in the country: The first, 
and the most important in wealth and influence, was the Hudson s 
Bay Company s traders ; the second, the Methodist Mission, with their 
ideas and efforts to Christianize the savages, and to do what they 
could to convert the gentlemen of the Hudson s Bay Company from 
the error of their ways ; third, the mission of the American Board, to 
accomplish the same object. The fact of these two missions being in 
the country, both having the same object to accomplish, elicited a dis 
cussion as to the proper location for both to operate in. It was not 
deemed advisable to locate in the same tribe, as the field was large 
enough for both. The Cowlitz and Puget Sound district was proposed, 
but not favored by the Hudson s Bay Company ; Mr. Pambrun kept the 
claims of the Nez Perces and Cayuses before the party. His interests 
and arguments prevailed. 


Settlers in 1836. Wallamet Cattle Company. "What good have the missionaries done ? 
Rev. J. Lee and party. The Hudson s Bay Company recommend the Wal 
lamet. Missionaries not dependent on the company. Rev. S. Parker arrives at 

THERE were in the country, in the winter of 1836, besides those con 
nected with the Hudson s Bay Company and the missions, about fifteen 
men, all told. The two missions numbered seven men and two women, 
making the American population about twenty-five persons. To bring 
the outsiders from the Hudson s Bay Company and the two missions 
into subjection, and to keep them under proper control, it was necessary 
to use all the influence the Methodist Mission had. They, as a matter of 
interest and policy, furnished to such as showed a meek and humble 
disposition, labor, and such means as they could spare from their stores, 
and encouraged them to marry the native women they might have, or 
be disposed to take, and become settlers about the mission. Such as 
were not disposed to submit to the government of the mission, or the 
Hudson s Bay Company, like Mr. E. Young, Carmichael, and Killmer, 
were " left out in the cold" They could get no supplies, and no employ 
ment. They were literally outcasts from society, and considered as out 
laws and intruders in the country. All seemed anxious to get rid of 

McCarty, the companion of Mr. Young from California to Oregon, 
had fallen out with him on the way, as Young was bringing to the 
country a band of California horses (brood mares). McCarty, it seems, 
to be avenged on Young, reported to Dr. McLaughlin and the mission 
that Young had stolen his band of horses (though it has since been 
stated upon good authority that such was not the case) ; still McCarty 
was (I understand) a member of the class-meeting, on probation. His 
statements were received as truth, and Young suffered. Young was a 
stirring, ambitious man ; he had spent some time in the Rocky 
Mountains, and in Santa Fe and California, and the little property he 
could get he had invested in horses, and brought them to Oregon. This 
fact, with the malicious reports circulated about him, made him an 
object of suspicion and contempt on the part of the Hudson s Bay Com 
pany and the mission. We find that Mr. Lee treated Mr. Young as an 


honest man, and, consequently, fell under the displeasure of Dr. 
McLaughlin and the Hudson s Bay Company. With Mr. Young, Mr. 
Lee succeeded in getting up the first cattle company, and gave the first 
blow toward breaking up the despotism and power of the company. 
Mr. Young, as Mr. Lee informed us, was the only man in the country 
he could rely upon, in carrying out his plan to supply the settlement 
with cattle. He was aware of the stories in circulation about him, and 
of the want of confidence in him in the mission and arnono; the French- 


Canadians and Hudson s Bay Company. To obviate this difficulty, he 
suggested that Mr. P. L. Edwards, a member of the mission, should go 
as treasurer of the company, and Mr. Young as captain. This brought 
harmony into the arrangement, and a ready subscription to the stock 
of the Wallamet Cattle Company, all being anxious to obtain cattle. 
But few of the settlers had any means at command. Many of the dis 
charged servants of the Hudson s Bay Company had credit on their 
books. There were outside men enough in the country willing to volun 
teer to go for the cattle, and receive their pay in cattle when they arrived 
with the band in Oregon. This brought the matter directly to the 
Hudson s Bay Company, and to Dr. McLaughlin. Rev. Jason Lee 
received the orders of the company s servants, went to Vancouver, and 
learned from the clerks in the office the amounts due the drawers, then 
went to the Doctor, and insisted that certain amounts should be paid-* 
on those orders. 

The Doctor very reluctantly consented to allow the money or drafts 
to be paid. This amount, with all the mission and settlers could raise, 
would still have been too small to justify the party in starting, but W. 
A. Slacum, Esq., of the United States navy, being on a visit to the 
country, Mr. Lee stated the condition of matters to him. Mr. Slacum 
at once subscribed the requisite stock, and advanced all the money the 
mission wished on their stock, taking mission drafts on their Board, 
and gave a free passage to California for the whole party. (As the 
missionaries would say, "Bless God for brother Slacum s providential 
arrival among us.") Uncle Sam had the right man in the right place 
that time. It was but a little that he did ; yet that little, what mighty 
results have grown out of it ! 

On the 19th of January, 1S37, six days after Mr. Young had given 
up his projected distillery, he is on board Mr. Slacum s brig Lariat, 
lying oif the mouth of the WalLimet River, and on his way to Califor 
nia with a company of stout-hearted men, eight (I think) in all, not to 
steal horses or cheat the miserable savages, and equally miserable 
settlers, out of their little productive labor, but to bring a band of 
cattle to benefit the whole country. In this connection, I could not do 


justice to all without quoting a paragraph which I find in Rev. G. 
Hines history of the Oregon missions. He says : 

" Mr. Slacum s vessel left the Columbia River about the first of Feb 
ruary, and arrived safely in the bay of San Francisco, on the coast of 
California. The cattle company proceeded immediately to purchase a 
large band of cattle and a number of horses, with which they started 
for Oregon. In crossing a range of mountains (Rogue River Moun 
tains), they were attacked by the rascally Indians, and a number of their 
cattle were killed, but they at length succeeded in driving back their 
foe and saving the remainder. Contrary to the predictions and wishes 
of the members of the Hudson? s Bay Company, who INDIRECTLY OPPOSED 
them at the outset, they arrived in safety in the \Yallamet Valley 
with six hundred head of cattle, and distributed them among the set 
tlers, according to the provisions of the compact. This successful 
enterprise, which laid the foundation for a rapid accumulation of wealth 
by the settlers, was mainly accomplished through the energy and per 
severance of Rev. Jason Lee." 

not know how Mr. Hines arrived at the conclusion thnt the Hudson s 
Bay Company "indirectly opposed" this cattle expedition. I know 
they did it directly, and it was only through the influence of Rev. J. 
Lee, and Mr. Slacurn, of the United States navy, that they could have 
succeeded at all. Mr. Lee, in his conversation with Dr. McLaughlin, 
told that gentleman directly that it was of no use for the company to 
oppose the expedition any more ; the party was made up, and the men 
were on the way, and the cattle would come as per engagement, unless 
the men were lost at sea. The Hudson s Bay Company yielded the 
point only on the failure of the Rogue River Indians to destroy the 
expedition. Mr. Slacum placed it beyond their control to stop it. 
The courage of the men was superior to the company s Indian allies. 
The cattle came, and no thanks to any of the Hudson s Bay Company s 
generosity, patronage, or power. They did all they dared to do, 
openly and secretly, to prevent the bringing of that band of cattle into 
the country ; and, determining to monopolize the country as far as pos 
sible, they at once entered upon the PUGET SOUND AGRICULTURAL 
COMPANY, under the auspices of the Hudson s Bay Company and the 
English government. 

Do you ask me how I know these things ? Simply by being at 
Vancouver the day the brig dropped down the Columbia River, and 
listening to the discussion excited on the subject, and to the proposi 
tion and plan of the Puget Sound Company among the gentlemen 
concerned in getting it up. 


The mission of the American Board had no stock in the cattle com 
pany of the Wall am et, not venturing to incur the displeasure of the 
Hudson s Bay Company by expressing an opinion any way upon it. 
The writer was picking up items and preparing for a trip to New York 
overland, with one of the Hudson Bay Company s traders, Mr. Francis 
(or Frank) Ermatinger. While in New York, Cincinnati, and other 
places, he stilted the fact that the Methodist missionaries had fallen 
under the displeasure of the Hudson s Bay Company in entering too 
freely into trade and speculation in cattle in the country. Truth and 
justice to them require that I enter fully into their transactions as 
men and missionaries. 

Rev. J. Lee, it will be remembered, was the first man to answer the 
call of the Indian to come to his country. The Methodist Board had 
been formed, and J. Lee accepted their invitation and patronage. In 
this expedition he gathered his associates, and at the same time made 
arrangements for future supplies to arrive by sea, coming around Cape 
Horn. Captain Wyeth was in Boston, getting up a trading expedition, 
and chartering a vessel for the mouth of the Columbia River, the May 
Dacre. On board Captain Lambert s brig Captain Wyeth and the 
Methodist Board shipped their goods for the two expeditions. The 
goods on the way, it became necessary for the future objects of the 
mission to have a few horses to carry on the improvements necessary 
to a civilized life. Lee and associates start across the continent. Mis 
souri is the most western limit of civilization. They reach it, purchase 
their outfit, and, in company with Captain Wyeth, reach Fort Hall ; 
here they fall in with Thomas McKay and our English nobleman, 
Captain Stewart. Captain Wyeth stopped to build his fort, while 
McKay, Stewart, Lee, Dr. Nutall, Townsend, and parties all made 
their way to Wallawalla, on the Columbia River. The supreme selfish 
ness of the Hudson s Bay Company seems here to begin to develop 
itself. Lee and party were made to believe that the Flathead tribe, 
who had sent their messengers for teachers, were not only a small, but 
a very distant tribe, and very disadvantageously situated for the estab 
lishment and support of a missionary among them. These statements 
determined them to proceed to the lower Columbia, to find a better 
location to commence operations. Leaving their horses at Wallawalla, 
in charge of one of their party, they proceeded down the Columbia in 
one of the Hudson s Bay Company s boats, being eleven days in reach 
ing the fort, and one hundred and fifty-two days on the way from 
Missouri. They were kindly received by the gentlemen of the fort, and 
in two days were on the hunt for a location. 

The party that arrived just two years later, with two ladies, were 


not allowed to leave the fort to look for locations till they had remained 
twelve days, and been invited to ride all over the farm, and visit the 
ships, and eat melons and apples (being always cautioned to save all 
the seeds for planting). 

Lee and party were frank to make known to the company their 
object, and plans of future operations. Questions of trade and moral 
ity were comparatively new with the company. As religious teachers 
and Christian men they had no suspicions of any interference in trade. 
Mr. Lee hailed from Canada, and so did Dr. McLauglilin and a large 
number of the servants of the company. 

" Mr. Lee is the man we want to instruct our retired servants in 
religious matters. Mr. Shepard will be an excellent man to take 
charge of our little private school ; we have commenced with a Mr. S. 
H. Smith, who has found his way into the country, in company with 
Captain Wyeth, an opposition fur trader and salmon catcher. We do 
not know much about him, but if you will allow Mr. Shepard to take 
charge of our school till you can make other arrangements, and you 
require his services, we will make it all right." 

This arrangement placed the labor of selecting locations and the 
necessary explorations upon our friend Jason Lee. All being smooth 
and cordial with the company, Lee proceeds to French Prairie and up 
the river till he reaches a point ten miles below Salem, about two miles 
above Jarvie s old place, and makes his first location. From all the 
information he could gather, this was the most central point to reach 
the greatest number of Indians and allow the largest number of 
French and half-native population to collect around the station. In 
this expedition he occupied about ten days. The whole country was 
before them a wilderness two thousand six hundred miles broad, 
extending from the gulf of California on the south, to the Russian 
settlements on the north, with a few scattering stations among the 
border Indians along the western territories of Missouri, and the great 
unknown, unexplored west, which the American Board, in a book pub 
lished in 1862, page 380, says, "brought to light no field for a great 
and successful mission," showing that, for twenty-five years, they have 
neglected to give this country the attention its present position and 
importance demanded, and also a total neglect on their part to select 
and sustain proper men in this vast missionary field. They are willing 
now to plead ignorance, by saying, " Rev. Samuel Parker s exploring 
tour beyond the Rocky Mountains in 1836 and 1837 (but two years 
after the Rev. J. Lee came to it) brought to light no field for a great 
and successful mission" and console themselves by asserting a popular 
idea as having originated from Mr. Parker s exploration, " a practicable 


route for a railroad from the Mississippi to the Pacific." Mr. Parker 
never originated or thought of the practicability of the route till after 
Dr. Whitman had left his wagon at Fort Boise, and demonstrated the 
fact of a practicable wagon route. Then Mr. Parker, to give his work 
or journal a wider circulation, talked about a railroad. The American 
Board, I am sorry to feel and think, are good at attempting to catch at 
straws when important missionary objects have been faithfully placed 
before them. 

Let us return to Mr. Lee. On Saturday, September 27, 1834, he was in 
council with Dr. McLaughlin, at Vancouver. The result of his observa 
tions were fully canvassed ; the condition and pros.pects of the Indians 
and half-natives, Canadian-French, straggling sailors and hunters that 
might find their way into the country, were all called before this coun 
cil. The call from the Flathead Indians and the Nez Perces was not 
forgotten. The Wallamet Valley had the best advocate in Dr. John 
McLaughlin. He " strongly recommended it, as did the other gentle 
men of Vancouver, as the most eligible place for the establishment 
of the center of their operations." This located that mission under 
the direct supervision and inspection of the Hudson s Bay Company, 
and, at the same time, placed the American settlement south of the 
Columbia River. 

Mr. Lee, the next day, was invited to preach in the fort. All shades 
of colors and sects attended this first preaching in the wilderness of 
Oregon. The effect in three months was the baptizing of four adults 
and seventeen children. 

The Protestant missions were not dependent on the Hudson s Bay 
Company for supplies any more than the Sandwich Islands were, or 
the American Fur Company. If such were the fact, that they were 
dependent upon the Hudson s Bay Company, the missionaries themselves 
and the Boards that sent them to Oregon must have been a set of 
foolish men, not competent to conduct the commonest affairs of life. 
The idea that seven men and two women should be sent to a distant 
wilderness and savage country, and no provisions made for their sub 
sistence and future supplies, is one originated without a soul, a lie to 
produce effect, a slander upon common honesty and common-sense 
Christianity. Whitman s party left in the Rocky Mountains a better 
set of tools than could be found in Vancouver. They brought seeds of 
all kinds. They had no occasion to ask of the Hudson s Bay Company 
a single seed for farming purposes, a single thing in establishing their 
mission, only as they had disposed of things at the suggestion of 
McLeod and McKay as unnecessary to pack them further. Arrangements 
were made to forward around Cape Horn, as soon as was deemed neces- 


sary, such articles and supplies as might be required. Rev. Jason Lee 
and party did not arrive in the country (as those who have all along 
attempted to insinuate and make a stranger to the facts believe, and in 
1865 claim the sum of $3,822,036.67 for stealing credit due to others, 
and preventing the good others might have done to the natives in ad 
vancing them in the scale of civilization) destitute and dependent upon 
the Hudson s Bay Company for supplies. On the contrary, by the time 
they had selected their station, the goods on the brig May Dacre had 
arrived, and were ready to be landed at the lower mouth of the Wal- 
lamet River. These goods, whether suitable or not, were all received 
and conveyed to the station selected by Mr. Lee by the 6th of October. 
The rainy season soon commenced ; they had no shelter for themselves 
or their goods. All old Oregonians who have not been seduced and 
brought up by the Hudson s Bay Company can comprehend the condi 
tion they were in. Rev. Jason Lee, like Dr. Whitman with his old 
wagon, had undertaken a work he meant to accomplish. His religion 
was practical. Work, labor, preach, and practice his own precepts, 
and demonstrate the truth of his own doctrines. Religion and labor 
were synonymous with him, and well did the noble Shepard, though 
but a lay member of the mission and the church, labor and sustain 
him. These two men were really the soul and life of the mission, as 
Dr. Whitman and Mrs. Spalding were of the American Board. Dur 
ing the first winter, 1834-5, they were wholly occupied in building 
their houses and preparing for the cultivation of the land for their own 
subsistence. There was no alternative ; it was work or starve. Rev. 
Jason Lee set the example. He held the plow, with an Indian boy to 
drive, in commencing his farming operations. The first year they pro 
duced enough for home consumption in wheat, peas, oats, and barley, 
and abundance of potatoes, with a few barrels of salt salmon. The 
superintendent of the mission put up at the Wallamet Falls late in the 
season of 1834. They had a supply of their own for the first year. It 
is true they did not have superfine flour to eat, but they had plenty of 
pounded and boiled wheat, and a change to pea and barley soup, with 
oats for the chickens they had received from the vessel. 

Daniel Lee soon falls sick, and Edwards becomes dissatisfied. They 
both arrange to leave the country on the May Dacre. Rev. D. Lee is 
advised to go to the Sandwich Islands, and Edwards is induced to 
undertake an independent school at Champoeg. 

Shepard toils on with his Indian and half-native school. Mr. Lee 
p-eaches and labors at the mission among the French, and at Van 

In October, 1835, Rev. S. Parker arrived at Vancouver. In Novem- 


ber he made a flying visit to Mr. Lee s mission. His Presbyterian 
spectacles were not adapted to correct observations on Methodist 
Episcopal missions. He was inclined to pronounce their efforts a fail 
ure. This impression of Mr. Parker s arose from the fact, that no female 
influence, except that of the natives of the country, was seen or felt 
about the mission. His impressions were also quite unfavorable to the 
Hudson s Bay Company from the same cause. These impressions were, 
at the suggestion of the writer, omitted in his first published journal. 
Four months after Mr. Parker s visit to Mr. Lee s mission, we find the 
gentlemen of the Hudson s Bay Company making a handsome donation 
to Mr. Lee s mission of $130, including a handsome prayer for a bless 
ing upon their labors, in the following words: "And they pray our 
heavenly Father, without whose assistance we can do nothing, that of 
his infinite mercy he may vouchsafe to bless and prosper your pious 
endeavors." This is signed in behalf of the donors by John McLaughlin. 


Arrival of Rev. Mr. Beaver and wife. His opinion of the company. A double-wedding 1 . 
Mrs. Spalding and Mrs. Whitman at Vancouver. Men explore the country and 
locate stations. Their opinion of the country. Indian labor. A wintgr trip down 
Snake River. 

NOTHING of note occurred till about the middle of August, 1836. 
The bark JVereus arrived from England, bringing back Rev. Daniel 
Lee, recovered from his sickness while in the Sandwich Islands, and 
Rev. Mr. Beaver and lady, an English Episcopal clergyman, as chaplain 
to the Hudson s Bay Company at Fort Vancouver. Mr. Beaver was a 
man below the medium height, light brown hair, gray eyes, light com 
plexion, a feminine voice, with large pretensions to oratory, a poor 
delivery, and no energy. His ideas of clerical dignity were such, that 
he felt himself defiled and polluted in descending to the " common herd 
of savages " he found on arriving at Vancouver. " The governor was 
uncivil, the clerks were boors, the women were savages. There was not 
an individual about the establishment he felt he could associate with." 
This feeling was shared largely by Mrs. Beaver, who, from the little I 
saw of her at a double-wedding party at her own house, I concluded, 
felt she was condescending greatly in permitting her husband to per 
form the services. 

She appeared totally indifferent to the whole performance, so far as 
giving it an approving smile, look, or word. The occasion was the 
marriage of the youngest daughter of Dr. McLaughlin to Mr. Ray ; 
and of Miss Nelia Comilly to Mr. James Douglas, since governor of 
Vancouver Island and British Columbia. 

While at Vancouver, I met Mr. Beaver once outside the fort, with his 
dog and gun. From what I could learn of him, he was fond of hunting 
and fishing ; much more so than of preaching to the " ignorant savages 
in the fort," as he called the gentlemen and servants of the company. 
"They were not sufficiently enlightened to appreciate good sermons, 
and to conform to the English church service. However, as he was the 
chaplain in charge, by virtue of his appointment received from the 
executive committee and governor in London, he had rights superior to 
any half-savage, pretended gentlemen at this establishment, and he would 
let them know what they were, before they were done with him ; he did 


not come to this wilderness to be ordered and dictated to by a set of 
half-savages, who did not know the difference between a prayer-book 
and an otter skin, and yet they presumed to teach him morals and reli- 
o-ion." This tirade, as near as I could learn, was elicited from his 
reverence soon after he arrived, on account of some supposed neglect 
or slight offered by Dr. McLaughlin, in not furnishing his quarters in 
the style he had expected. On reaching the post, in place of a splendid 
parsonage, well fitted up, and servants to do his bidding, he found 
what in early California times would be called an ordinary balloon 
house, made of rough boards, the floors (I think) not planed, and no 
carpets upon them, and none in the country to put upon them, except 
the common flag mats the Indians manufacture ; and these the Rev. 
Mrs. Beaver considered " too filthy to step upon, or be about the house." 
In addition to these very important matters (judging from the fuss 
they made about them), "the doctor and all the pretended gentlemen 
of the company were living in adultery. This was a horrible crime he 
could not, and would not, put up with ; he could scarcely bring himself 
to perform the church service in so polluted an audience." We had 
never been confirmed in the English church, and, consequently, did not 
feel at liberty to offer any advice after listening to this long tirade of 
abuse of the members of the Hudson s Bay Company by his reverence. 
A short time after, Mr. Beaver met Dr. McLaughlin in front of the house, 
and commenced urging him to comply with the regulations of the Eng 
lish church. The doctor had been educated in the Roman Catholic 
faith ; he did not acknowledge Mr. Beaver s right to dictate a religious 
creed to him, hence he was not prepared to conform wholly to the Eng 
lish church service. Among other subjects, that of marriage was men 
tioned, Rev. Mr. Beaver insisting that the doctor should be married 
in accordance with the church service. The doctor claimed the right 
to be married by whom he pleased, and that Mr. Beaver was interfering 
and meddling with other than his parochial duties. This led his rev 
erence to boil over and spill out a portion of the contemptuous feelings 
he had cherished from the moment he landed at the place. The doctor, 
not being in the habit from his youth of calmly listening to vulgar and 
abusive language, especially when addressed to his face, laid aside his 
reverence for the cloth, as also the respect due to his position and age, 
and gave Rev. Mr. Beaver a caning, some say kicking, causing his rev 
erence to retreat, and abruptly suspend enforcing moral lessons in con 
formity to church usage. Rev. Mrs. Beaver very naturally sympathized 
with her husband, and they soon made arrangements and left the 
country, to report their case at head-quarters in London, Dr. McLaugh 
lin chose to comply with civil usage, and as James Douglas had received 


a commission from her Majesty as civil magistrate under the English 
law, acting as justice of the peace, he united Dr. John McLaughlin in 
marriage to Mrs. Margaret McKay, whose first husband had been lost 
in the destruction of the bark Tonqitin some years previous. This 
wedding occurred at Vancouver, about the end of January, 1837. The 
doctor was married privately, by Esquire Douglas, either a short time 
before, or a few days after, I have not yet learned which. 

Rev. Mr. Beaver and lady arrived at Vancouver about four weeks 
before Mrs. Spalding and Mrs. Whitman. The gentlemen of the com 
pany, like the rough mountaineers who paid their respect to Mrs. 
Whitman and Mrs, Spalding at the American rendezvous, attempted 
to be polite and kind to Mr. and Mrs. Beaver. They most emphati 
cally failed. The parsonage was a terror to them. They had become 
objects of contempt, scorn, and derision in the estimation of their 
religious guide and moral patron. Their wives and children were 
looked upon as filthy savages, not fit to associate with decent people. 
This feeling was so strong in the chaplain and his wife that it leaked 
out in very injudicious and indiscreet expressions of disapproval of 
actions and conduct, that, in a refined and polished society, would be 
considered offensive ; yet these traders and Indian merchants, not hav 
ing been in refined society for many years, did not understand or com 
prehend their own awkwardness and want of more refinement. They had 
forgotten that, in the progress of society, six hundred years had passed 
since their great great grandmothers were like the women they saw about 
them every day. They forgot that Mrs. Beaver was an English clergy 
man s wife, and claimed to belong to the best English society. They 
thought there was but little difference in womankind ; in short, they were 
much better qualified to deal with Indians than with civilians. Under such 
circumstances, and Avith such feelings existing in Fort Vancouver, the 
reader will not be astonished at the reception of two ladies who could 
interest and command the esteem and respect of the savage, the moun 
tain hunter, and the Hudson s Bay Company fur trader. They came 
among them expecting nothing but rough treatment ; any little mis 
takes were overlooked or treated as a jest. They knew no distinction 
in classes ; they were polite to the servant and the master ; their society 
was agreeable and refining; not the least insult in word, or look, or act, 
was ever given them by any white man ; their courage had been tested 
in the trip they had performed ; their conversation and accomplish 
ments surprised and delighted those permitted to enjoy their acquaint 
ance, and, as Mr. tlines, in his history of the Oregon mission, says, "these 
were the first American women that ever crossed the Rockv Mountains, 
and their arrival formed an epoch in the history of Oregon" 


Our mission party, with Captain Pambrun, his two boats loaded, two- 
thirds of the goods for the mission, on their way up the Columbia River, 
arrived all safe at the Dalles. Gray took a decided stand in favor 
of the first location at that point, on account of its accessibility, and the 
general inclination of all the Indians in the country to gather at those 
salmon fisheries ; Spalding and Pambrun opposed ; Whitman was unde 
cided ; Pambrun would not wait to give time to explore, nor assist in 
getting horses for the Doctor and Gray to look at the country in view 
of a location. On we go ; make the portages at La Chute ; reach John 
Day s River; Pambrun leaves boats in charge of Whitman and Gray, 
and goes to Wallawalla on horseback. In four days hard pulling, 
towing, and sailing, we reach Wallawalla all safe ; find cattle and horses 
all improving, arid every thing in order, that is, as good order as could 
be expected ; boats discharged, goods all carefully stored. Next 
morning, early, a fine band of Cayuse horses came into the fort ; four 
fine ones were selected and saddled, an extra pack animal with travel 
ing case and kitchen furniture, tent for camping, and provisions all 
ready, a servant with two Indians, all mounted, off we go up the Walla 
walla River about twenty-five miles. Most of the land we passed 
over we pronounced barren, and good for nothing except grazing cat 
tle, sheep, and horses. In the bends of the river, saw a few acres of 
land that might be cultivated if arrangements could be made to irri 
gate. Passed the Tuchet, but did not consider its appearance justified 
much delay to examine it closely, though the whole bottom was covered 
with a heavy coat of tali rye grass ; went on into the forks of the Walla 
walla and Mill Creek (as it is now called), pitched our tent at the place 
where Whitman s station was afterward built, got our suppers. Whit 
man and Gray took a look around the place, went into the bends in the 
river, looked at the cotton-wood trees, the little streams of water, and 
all about till dark; came back to camp ; not much said. Mr. Pambrun 
explained the quality of the soil, and what would produce corn, what 
potatoes, and what would produce (as he thought) wheat, though he 
had not tried it thoroughly ; or, rather, he had tried it on a small scale 
and failed. A few Cayuses came about camp at night. Next morning 
up early ; breakfast over, some fine fresh Cayuse horses were brought 
up, ready to mount. We proceeded through the valley in several direc 
tions ; rode all day and returned to camp at night, stopping occasionally 
to pull up a weed or a bush, to examine the quality of the soil. 

At night, if an artist could have been present and taken a picture of 
the group and the expressions of countenance, it certainly would have 
been interesting : Spalding, Whitman, Pambrun, and Gray discuss 
ing the quality of the soil, the future prospects of a mission, and of the 


natives it was contemplated to gather around. No white settlement 
was then thought of. They unanimously concluded that there was but 
a limited amount of land susceptible of cultivation, estimated at thu 
place for the station at about, ten acres. Along all the streams and at 
the foot of the Blue Mountains, there might be found little patches of 
from half an acre to six acres of land suitable to cultivate for the use 
of the natives. This, to say the least, was not an overestimate of the 
qualities of the soil that has proved, by twenty-five years cultivation 
without manure, to be richer to-day than soils of a different character 
with all the manuring they have received. The great objection and 
most discouraging indication to the party was the unlimited amount of 
caustic alkali found all over those plains and all through the valley. 
This fact alone proves the soil inexhaustible. All it requires is suffi 
cient water to wash from the surface the superabundant alkali that 
forms upon it. Any cereals adapted to alkaline soil may be cultivated 
to any extent in those valleys. 

A stake was set to mark the place. Next day all returned to the 
fort, and soon the mission tents, horses, goods, and cattle were upon 
the ground and work commenced. The Indians, what few had not gone 
for buffalo, came to our camp and rendered all the assistance they 
were capable of in getting a house up and covered. 

In a few days Spalding and Whitman started with the Nez Perces 
to look at their . country, in view of a location among them, leaving 
Gray alone in charge of the building and goods, while they exam 
ined the country up the Clearwater River, and selected a location in a 
beautiful valley about two miles up the Lapwai Creek, and about 
twelve miles from Lewiston. Whitman returned to assist in erecting; 
buildings at his station. Spalding started for Vancouver, to bring up 
the ladies. About the middle of November, Mrs. Whitman s quarters 
were ready, and she came to occupy them. Spalding and Gray, Avith 
Mrs. Spalding, started for the Lapwai station ; arrived about the 1st 
of December, 1836, and, with the assistance of the Indians, ID about 
twenty days a house was up, and Mrs. Spalding occupied it. 

It is due to those Indians to say that they labored freely and faith 
fully, and showed the best of feelings toward Mr. and Mrs. Spalding, 
paying good attention to instructions given them, and appeared quite 
anxious to learn all they could of their teachers. It is also due to truth 
to state that Mr. Spalding paid them liberally for their services when 
compared with the amount paid them by the Hudson s Bay Company 
for the same service: say, for bringing a pine-log ten feet long and om> 
foot in diameter from the Clearwater River to the station, it usually 
took about twelve Indians ; for this service Mr. Spalding paid them 


about six inches of trail-rope tobacco each. This was about four times as 
much as the Hudson s Bay Company paid. This fact soon created a 
little feeling of unfriendliness toward Mr. Spalding. Dr. Whitman 
managed to get along with less Indian labor, and was able, from his 
location, to procure stragglers or casual men to work for him for a 
lime, to get supplies and clothing to help them on their way down to 
the Wallamet settlement. 

Mr. Spalding and Dr. Whitman were located in their little cabins 
making arrangements to get in their gardens and spring crops, teaching 
the Indians by example, and on the Sabbath interpreting portions of 
the Bible to them, and giving them such religious instruction as they 
were capable of communicating with their imperfect knowledge of their 
language ; Mrs. Whitman and Mrs. Spalding teaching the children at 
their respective stations as much as was possible for them with their 
domestic duties to perform. 

All things going on smoothly at the stations and all over the Indian 
country, it was thought advisable for Gray to visit Vancouver, procure 
the requisite spring supplies, and a suitable outfit for himself to explore 
the country, having in view further missionary locations, and return to 
the United States and procure assistance for the mission. Gray s expe 
dition, as contemplated then, would not be considered with present 
facilities a very light one. He started from Spal ding s station about 
the 22d of December, 1836. There had been about twenty inches of 
snow upon the ground, but it was concluded from the fine weather 
at the station that most of it had melted off. On reaching the forks 
of Clear water (Lewiston), he learned from the Indians that the snow 
was too deep to go by land, sent his horses back to Spalding, got 
an Indian dug-out, started from Lewiston for Walla walla with two 
Indians to pilot and paddle the canoe ; reached the Paluce all safe ; 
camped with the Indians ; found them all friendly ; that night came on 
bitter cold ; river full of floating ice ; Indians concluded not safe to 
proceed further in canoe; procure horses and start down on the right 
bank of the river ; travel all day; toward night, in passing over a high 
point, snow-storm came on, lost our trail; struck a canon, followed it 
down, found the river and camped in the snow, turned our horses into 
the tall grass and made the best of a snow-camp for the night. Next 
day start early; wallow through the snow and drifts and reach an 
Indian camp near the mouth of Snake River at night ; leave horses ; 
next morning get canoe, leave one Paluce Indian ; Paluce chief and 
chief of band at Snake River in canoe ; two Indians to paddle ; pull 
down the river into the Columbia in the floating ice, and reach Walla- 
walla, December 26, 1836 ; Pambrun pays Indians what he thinks right : 


Paluce chief, for horses and services, one three-point Hudson s Bay 
blanket, one check shirt, one knife, half a brace (three feet) trail-rope 
tobacco. Gray thought the price paid was very reasonable, quite lit 
tle enough for the labor, to say nothing of the risk and suffering from 
cold on the trip. The river all closed up ; Indians did not reach their 
homes for eight days ; no communication in any direction for ten days. 
About the tenth day Whitman sends orders down for goods to be 
shipped from Vancouver. About the 10th of January, ISSY, Mr. 
Errnatinger arrived from Colville by boat, having made several portages 
over ice in reaching Wallawalla. Next day we start down the river ; 
pass through and over several fields of ice ; reach Vancouver about the 
12th of January. Rev. J. Lee and Mr. Slacum had just left the fort as 
our party arrived. We have previously given an account of the sub 
jects of special interest, and also of the weddings that occurred about 
this time at the fort. 


The French and American settlers. Hudson s Bay Company s traveling traders. The 
Flatheads. Their manner of traveling. Marriage. Their honesty. Indian fight 
and scalp dance. Making peace. Fight with the Sioux. At Council Bluffs. 

THE reader is already acquainted with all of the first missionaries, 
and with the governing power and policy of the Hudson s Bay Com 
pany, and of the different parties and organizations as they existed. We 
will now introduce parties of men as we find them in the Wallamet 

There were at this time about fifty Canadian-Frenchmen in the Wal 
lamet settlement, all of them retired servants of the Hudson s Bay 
Company. These men, who had spent the most active part of their 
lives in the service of the company, had become connected with native 
women, and nearly all of them had their families of half-native children. 
This class of servants were found by the experience of the company not 
as profitable for their purposes as the enlisted men from the Orkney 
Isles, or even the Sandwich Islanders. 

They were induced to allow those that had families of half-native 
children to retire from the service and settle in the Wallamet. In this man 
ner they expected to hold a controlling influence in the settlement, and 
secure a population dependent upon them for supplies. It was upon 
this half-breed population that they relied to rally the Indian warriors 
of the country to prevent an American settlement. As was plainly 
stated by one of the Hudson s Bay Company, Mr. F. Ermatinger, in the 
fall of 1838, in case any effort should be made to remove them from the 
country, they had but to arm the eight hundred half-breeds the company 
had, and, with the Indians they could control, they could hold the coun 
try against any American force that could be sent into it. The Hud 
son s Bay Company knew very well the power and influence they had 
secured over the Indians. There was then too small a number of outside 
Americans to make any effort to remove them, other than to afford 
them facilities to leave the country. With all the facilities they fur 
nished, and encouragement they gave to go to the Sandwich Islands and 
to California, there was a gradual increase of the population the com 
pany did not wish to see ; sailors from vessels, and hunters from the 
mountains. These sailors and hunters naturally gathered around the 


American mission ; many of them had, or soon took, native women for 
wives ; the missionaries themselves encouraged them to marry these 
women. This soon commenced an influence exactly like that held by 
the Hudson s Bay Company through their Canadian-French settlement. 
The moral and religious influence of the English church had not been 
favorably received at Vancouver. 

Gray procures his outfit at Vancouver, in January, 1837, and starts 
in company with Ermatinger on his return. First night camp at a saw 
mill ; meet a young man who had crossed the mountains with Captain 
Wyeth, and had remained as clerk at Fort Hall, under the Hudson s 
Bay Company. This young man has never risen very high in the com 
munity where he resides. For a time he considered he was an import 
ant member of the Hudson s Bay Company. His self-approbation Avas 
superior to the profits he brought to the company, and they found it, 
convenient to drop him from their employ. He attempted a settlement 
out of the limits prescribed for Americans, and was soon compelled to 
locate himself under the influence of the Methodist Mission. 

There was also in the settlement another young man, who about that 
time had taken a native wife and wished to locate at the mouth of the 
Columbia River. This privilege was denied him, unless he could pro 
cure some others to go with him. He had joined the Methodist class, 
and was considered a reliable man ; he came to the country with Cap 
tain Wyeth, and had opened and taught the first school ever commenced 
in the country. 

Ermatinger and company were detained fourteen days under the lee 
of a big rock just opposite Cape Horn, waiting for the east wind to 
subside and allow them to pass up the river. Ermatinger was a travel 
ing trader of the Hudson s Bay Company. That year he was with 
the Flathead tribe. Gray continued with him, having his own tent and 
traveling equipage. The route traveled was nearly that since explored 
and located as Mullan s military road. We struck the Coeur d Alene 
Lake and took boats, passed through the lake and up the Flathead River, 
making two portages with our boats and goods before we reached Flat- 
head House, as it was called, a common log hut, covered with poles 
and dirt, about 16 by 20. At this point our horses came up. Their 
packs and equipage were all put on board the boats, while the horses 
came light through the woods and along the rough river trail. At the 
place where we found our boats, we found a number of friendly Indians, 
also at the head of the lake, and a few at the Flathead House or hut. 
Here we found an old Frenchman in charge, with a small supply of 
goods, and about two packs of beaver which he had collected during 
the winter. 


We were joined by a part of the Flathead tribe. In a few days all 
were ready. The tribe and trader started over the mountains on to the 
waters of the Missouri, to hunt the buffalo and fight the Blackfeet. Our 
route was along the main branch of Clark s fork of the Columbia, till 
we reached the Culas Patlum (Bitter Root). A halt was made to 
allow the natives to dig and prepare the root for the season. The root 
is quite nutritious, answering the Indian in place of bread; it is some 
what bitter in taste, and to a person not accustomed to its use, is not a, 
very agreeable diet. This root secured for the season, the camp con 
tinued over the dividing ridge into the Big Hole, or Jefferson fork of 
the Missouri. In this place we were joined by the balance of the buffalo 
Indians. All parties, persons, and property were carried upon horses. 
The camps usually traveled from ten to fifteen miles per day. It is due 
to this tribe to say that truth, honesty, and virtue were cardinal prin 
ciples in all their transactions. An article of property found during the 
day was carried to an old chief s lodge ; if it were so light that he 
could hold it in his hand and walk through the camp, he would pass 
around and inquire whose it was. Sometimes several articles would be 
lost and picked up ; in such cases the old chief would go through the 
camp on horseback and deliver them to the owner. 

Their system of courtship and marriage was equally interesting. A 
youth wishing to marry a young iniss was required to present a horse 
at the lodge of his intended, ready for her to mount as the camp should 
move. In case all were suited, her ladyship would mount the horse and 
ride it during the day ; at night a feast was had at the lodge of the 
bride, the old chief announced the ceremony complete, and the parties 
proceeded to their own home or lodge. In case the suit was rejected 
the horse was not suitable ; he was left for the owner to receive at his 
pleasure; the maid mounted her own horse and proceeded about her 

In case of any visitors from other tribes, which they frequently had 
in going to buffalo, they would caution a stranger, and inform him of 
the propensity to steal which they had learned was the habit of the 
Indian visitor. This tribe claim to have never shed the blood of a 
white man. I believe it is the only tribe on the continent truly entitled 
to that honor; yet they are far more brave as a tribe than any other 
Indians. They never fear a foe, no matter how numerous. 

Our sketches perhaps would not lose in interest by giving a short 
account of a fight which our Flathead Indians had at this place with a 
war party of the Blackfeet, It occurred near the present location of 
Helena, in Montana. As was the custom with the Flathead Indians in 
traveling in the buffalo country, their hunters and warriors were in 


advance of the main camp. A party of twenty-five Blaekfeet warriors 
was discovered by some twelve of our Flatheads. To see each other 
was to fight, especially parties prowling about in this manner, and at it 
they went. The first fire of the Flatheads brought five of the Blackfeet 
to the ground and wounded some five more. This was more than they 
expected, and the Blackfeet made but little effort to recover their dead, 
which were duly scalped, an-d the bodies left for food for the wolves, 
and the scalps borne in triumph into the camp. There were but two 
of the Flatheads wounded : one had a flesh-wound in the thigh, and the 
other had his right arm broken by a Blackfoot ball. 

The victory was complete, and the rejoicing in camp corresponded to 
the number of scalps taken. Five days and nights the usual scalp- 
dance was performed. At the appointed time the big war-drum was 
sounded, when the warriors and braves made their appearance at the 
appointed place in the open air, painted as warriors. Those who had 
taken the scalps from the heads of their enemies bore them in their 
hands upon the ramrods of their guns. 

They entered the circle, and the war-song, drums, rattles, and noises 
all commenced. The scalp-bearers stood for a moment (as if to catch 
the time), and then commenced hopping, jumping, and yelling in concert 
with the music. This continued for a time, when some old painted 
women took the scalps and continued the dance. The performance was 
gone through with as many nights as there were scalps taken. 

Seven days after the scalps were, a messenger arrived bearing 
a white flag, and a proposition to make peace for the purposes of trade. 
After the preliminaries had all been completed, in which the Hudson s 
Bay Company trader had the principal part to perform, the time was 
fixed for the meeting of the two tribes. The Flatheads, however, were 
all careful to dig their war-pits, make their corrals and breastworks, 
and, in short, fortify their camp as much as if they expected a fight 
instead of peace. Ermatinger, the company s trader, remarked that he 
would sooner take his chances for a fight off-hand than endure the 
anxiety and suspense of the two days we waited for the Blackfeet to 
arrive. Our scouts and warriors were all ready, and all on the watch 
for peace or war, the latter of which, from the recent fight they had 
had, was expected most. At length the Blackfeet arrived, bearing a 
red flag with H. B. C. in white letters upon it, and advancing to within 
a short distance of the camp, were met by Ermatinger and a few Flat- 
head chiefs, shook hands, and were conducted to the trader s lodge, 
the largest one in the camp, and the principal chiefs of both tribes, 
seated upon buffalo and bear skins, all went through with the ceremony 
of smoking a big pipe, having a long handle or stem trimmed with 


horse-hair and porcupine quills. The pipe was filled with the trader s 
tobacco and the Indians killikinick. The war-chiefs of each tribe took 
a puff each of the pipe, passed it to his right-hand man, and so around 
till all the circle had smoked of the big medicine pipe, or pipe of peace, 
which on this occasion was made by the Indians from a soft stone which 
they find in abundance in their country, having no extra ornamental 
work upon it. The principal chief in command, or great medicine man, 
went through the ceremony, puffed four times, blowing his smoke in 
four directions. This was considered a sign of peace to all around him, 
which doubtless included all he knew any thing about. The Blackfeet, 
as a tribe, are a tall, well-formed, slim-built, and active people. They 
travel principally on foot, and are considered very treacherous. 

The peace made with so much formality was broken two days after 
ward by killing two of the Flatheads when caught not far from the 
main camp. 

It was from this Flathead tribe that the first Indian delegation 
was sent to ask for teachers. Three of their number volunteered to go 
with Gray to the States in 1837 to urge their claims for teachers to 
come among them. The party reached Ash Hollow, where they were 
attacked by about three hundred Sioux warriors, and, after fighting for 
three hours, killed some fifteen of them, when the Sioux, by means of a 
French trader then among them, obtained a parley with Gray and his 
traveling companions, two young men that had started to go to the 
States with him. While the Frenchman was in conversation with 
Gray, the treacherous Sioux made a rush upon the three Flatheads 5 one 
Snake, and one Iroquois Indian belonging to the party, and killed them. 
The Frenchman then turned to Gray and told him and his companions 
they were prisoners, and must go to the Sioux camp, first attempting 
to get possession of their guns. Gray informed them at once : " You 
have killed our Indians in a cowardly manner, and you shall not have 
our guns," at the same time telling the young men to watch the first 
motion of the Indians to take their lives, and if we must die, to take 
as many Indians with us as we could. The Sioux had found in the 
contest thus far, that, notwithstanding they had conquered and killed 
five, they had lost fifteen, among them one of their war-chiefs, besides 
several severely wounded. The party were not further molested till 
they reached the camp, containing between one and two hundred 
lodges. A full explanation was had of the whole affair. Gray had 
two horses killed under him and two balls passed through his hat, 
both inflicting slight wounds. The party were feasted, and smoked 
the pipe of peace over the dead body of the chiefs son; next day they 
were allowed to proceed with nine of their horses ; the balance, with 


the property of the Indians, the Sioux claimed as part pay for their 
losses, doubtless calculating to waylay and take the balance of the 
horses. Be that as it may, Gray and his young men reached Council 
Bluffs in twenty-one days, traveling nights and during storms to avoid 
the Indians on the plains. 

At Council Bluffs they found an Indian trader speaking the French 
language, meaner than the Sioux Indian, by the name of Papeon. The 
party had been twenty-one days on rations that ordinarily would have 
been consumed in four days ; they had killed and eaten parts of two 
of the nine worn-out horses; they had with them six. The party 
entered the trading establishment and requested some food and the 
privilege of washing, not as beggars, but expecting to pay for what 
they required. They waited an hour or more ; no food was forthcom 
ing ; Gray went to Papeon, the trader, and inquired the reason they 
could get no food. The old French imp inquired, in his broken French, 
"Have you got any ting to pa for de tings you vant ?" He was 
asked if gold would pay him, or a draft on his company. " Oh, yes," 
he said, and in a short time food and what was required was produced. 

This is only a specimen of most Indian traders of the Catholic 
stamp. There are honorable exceptions. 


Re-enforcement to the Methodist Mission. Re-enforcement to the mission of the Ameri 
can Board. 

WE will leave Gray and party on their way clown the Missouri 
River, and return to Oregon to introduce to the reader a re-en 
forcement to the Methodist Mission, consisting of Dr. Elijah White, 
a man that few who have dealt with can speak well of, utterly desti 
tute of all morality and genuine piety, assuming the garb of religion 
to cover his baseness of heart and meanness of life. He arrived at 
the Columbia River in May, 1837. He entered upon his professional 
duties, and in a few months boasted of the liberties he had taken 
with most of the ladies of the mission who were so unfortunate as 
to receive his medical attention. It was easy to see the influence of 
such a man. His words were smooth and brotherly, his acts were 
poison and infamy. He never had a friend but he betrayed or swindled 
him in some deal. He would tell a lie when the truth would answer 
his purposes better. This man for a time had considerable influence ; 
his calling as a physician was necessary and indispensable to the mission. 
Rev. Jason Lee soon found out the character of this wolf in sheep s 
clothing, and presented charges against him for his immorality, and ex 
pelled him from the mission. Previous to leaving the country, he called 
a public meeting and made his statements, and attempted to mob Mr. 
Jason Lee and get the settlers to give him a character, in both of which 
he failed, and left the country to impose upon the government at Wash 
ington, as he had done upon the mission and the early settlers of 
Oregon. We will leave Dr. White for the present, and give him all the 
credit due to his bad deeds and exhibitions of folly in his capacity as 
sub-Indian agent. 

Mr. Alan son Beers, a blacksmith by trade, was a good honest man, 
a devoted Christian, a man whose moral worth was above price. True 
as steel, and honest as he was faithful, he was slow to believe others to 
be less true than himself. He was a pattern of honesty and piety, as 
well as industry and economy ; the opposite of White in every respect, 
as was his wife when compared to Mrs. White. Though Mrs. Beers 
never claimed or aspired to shine or display more than she really was, 
yet her goodness of heart was manifested in her kind and generous 


treatment of all. If this man and his wife did not leave a handsome 
competency for their children it was no fault of theirs. Others may 
have felt it their duty to appropriate the orphan s portion and receive the 
miser s paradise. Mr. Beers came to the country full-handed, with a 
handsome competency to commence any business he might choose, inde 
pendent of missionary patronage. He was more faithful in his depart 
ment than most of his brethren. 

He was considered by the early settlers an honest and sincere man ; 
by the ruling spirits of the Methodist Mission, a faithful servant of their 

With this company came W. H. Wilson, an assistant missionary, of 
whose early life we have but little knowledge. From his own state 
ments we learn that he had been connected with a whale ship as cooper. 
On arriving in Oregon as an assistant missionary, he was licensed as a 
preacher, and commenced the study of medicine with Dr. White, and, 
in later years, received the title of doctor instead of reverend. The 
doctor was a cheerful, whole-souled, good-sort of a fellow, with a 
greater abundance of interesting and funny yarns than profound medical 
skill, which alwa} S made him agreeable, and served to gain friends and 
popularity in a community that, as a general thing, would prefer a tinc 
ture of humbuggery. 

The Misses Ann Maria Pitman, Susan Downing, and Elvira Johnson 
were also of this party. The first became the wife of Rev. Jason Lee, 
the second of Cyrus Shepard, the third of Rev. H. K. W. Perkins, 
who came to the country with the second re-enforcement to the mission, 
consisting of Rev. David Leslie, wife, and three daugters ; H. K. W. 
Perkins ; and Miss Margaret Smith, who afterward became the wife of 
an Englishman called Dr. Bailey. This gave to the Methodist Mission, 
on the 2 1st of November, 1837, Rev. Jason Lee (superintendent of 
the mission) and wife, Mr. G. Shepard and wife, Rev. Daniel Lee, Mr. 
P. L. Edwards, Rev. David Leslie and wife, Dr. Elijah White and 
wife, Rev. H. K. W. Perkins and wife, Mr. A. Beers and wife, Mr. W. 
H. Wilson, and Miss Margaret Smith, nine men and seven women, 
with three daughters of Rev. D. Leslie. From causes already mentioned, 
the moral strength of these early missionaries was neutralized. The 
larger portion of them had no knowledge of the influences that were 
sapping the foundation of their Christian effort, and tending to destroy 
the confidence of such as were considered ungodly outsiders. Instead 
of meeting sin, and vice, and lust which could not be hid, and condemn 
ing and banishing it, the attempt was made to excuse and cover up a 
fault in a professed brother, and reprove others for less faults, the mote 
and the beam. The legitimate result followed, though slow, yet certain. 


Here was a noble field, had all the men sent to occupy it been of the 
right stamp ! Still they toiled on, or rather continued to occupy a place 
in the country, to form a nucleus for a settlement. In this position they 
are entitled to much credit. The roving sailor and the wild mountain 
hunter looked to this wilderness for a home. The shrewdness of these 
men soon detected the assailable points in the mission s character, and 
adapted themselves to circumstances, and found it easy to profess com 
pliance and receive the benefits of the association. There were few or 
none among this early set of missionaries that displayed much knowl 
edge of human nature. They were totally ignorant of savage life, 
manners, and customs ; hence were easily made the dupes of all. 

In the winter of 1837-8, Gray is in the States giving an account of 
his trip across the Rocky Mountains in company with Messrs. Spal- 
ding and Whitman, and of his explorations of the country ; the present 
and future prospects of the missionary efforts; the influence of the 
Hudson s Bay Company and of the missions; the fact that a wagon 
had been taken by Dr. Whitman and his party to Fort Boise, and that 
it could be taken to the Wallamet settlement. Said one man in the 
audience at Utica, New York : " How do you get through the timber 
on the route ?" " My dear sir, the traveler is compelled to nse the 
buffalo chips to cook his food for a large part of the route, for want of 
wood ; there is not twenty-five miles of timber on the route from the 
Missouri to the Columbia," Of course a description of the vast plains 
and mountains had to be given, and the manner of travel and sub 

The American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions sent 
with Gray and wife, Rev. E. Walker and wife, C, Eells and wife, and 
A. B. Smith and wife, to re-enforce their mission. There was with 
this company a young man from Cincinnati, Ohio, Cornelius Rogers, 
active and useful in every department, respected and beloved by all 
who knew him. After remaining with the mission a few years, he 
received an appointment from the Board, but he had made up his mind 
to become a settler in the Wallamet, and made his arrangements accord 
ingly. Captain Sutter came with this party to Wallawalla. 

They reached Whitman s station the first of September, 1838, bring- 
with them to Fort Hall some fourteen cows. A majority of the party 
were made to believe that these could be replaced at Fort Colville with a 
better stock of cows, and thus be saved the trouble of driving them fur 
ther, and accordingly made an even exchange of the choicest and best 
stock that could be found in Missouri for such California stock as the 
Hudson s Bay Company might have at Colville. This was considered 
by the greenhorns that made the bargain a good trade, till they came 


to receive the wild, furious, untamable California stock at Fort Colville, 
that required a Spaniard with his lasso to catch and hold, to get the milk 
for family use. 

Rev. E. "Walker was a tall, rather spare, stoop-shouldered, black- 
haired, brown-eyed, rather light-complexioned man, diffident and unas 
suming, always afraid to say amen at the end of his prayers, and requir 
ing considerable effort to speak with confidence or decision upon any 
subject. This might arise from habit, or want of decision of character, 
or fear of offending. He had no positive traits of mind, yet he was stu 
dious, and kind as a friend and neighbor ; faithful as a Christian, inef 
ficient as a preacher. His efforts among the Indians were of the negative 
cast. The Indians respected him for his kindness, and feared him for 
his commanding appearance. Not at all adapted to fill the position he 
undertook, as an Indian missionary in Oregon, yet, as a citizen and 
settler, one of the best. 

Rev. C. Eells, a short, slim, brown-haired, light-brown eyed, fair-com- 
plexioned man, with a superabundance of self-esteem, great pretensions 
to precision and accurateness of statement and strictness of conduct; 
very precise in all his actions, and about all his labors and property ; 
with no soul to laud and admire nature, no ambition to lift his thoughts 
beyond the sphere of his own ideas of right, he was made to move in 
a small circle ; his soul would be lost outside of it. There were but two 
instances on the trip from Boston to Oregon in which he ventured out 
side of himself. The first was at Soda Springs. The day the party 
arrived, notwithstanding they had made a long day s drive to reach 
that camp, the four ladies Walker, Eells, Smith, and Gray wished 
to go round and see the springs and drink of the water, and look at the 
Steamboat Spring, a place where water and gas issue at intervals of 
about a minute, like the blowing of steam. These places the ladies, 
tired as they were, must look at and admire. Rev. Mr. Eells puts up his 
saddles, buckles, and tents, and takes his Testament and reads his chap 
ter, as usual, and after prayers retires to rest. Next morning all were 
up and admiring the grand display of nature around, drinking of the 
water, and enjoying its exhilarating influence. Camp all ready, on they 
move. Nothing would satisfy the ladies but another look at the Steam 
boat. All mounted their horses and rode down to it. Eells mounts his 
horse as usual, and comes along clown where all stood watching and 
admiring the phenomenon, dismounts from his horse, and in utter aston 
ishment exclaims: " Well, this is really worth coming to see!" The 
other instance in which he lost himself was in admiring the grandeur 
of the great fall on Snake River. He had no poetry or romance in his 
soul, yet by dint of perseverance he was a good artificial singer. He 


lacked all the qualities requisite for a successful Indian missionary and 
a preacher of the gospel in a new country. As citizens and neighbors, 
Mr. Eells and his family were highly respected ; as a teacher, he was 
unreasonably strict. 

Rev. A. B. Smith, a man whose prejudices were so strong that he could 
not be reasonable with himself. He attempted to make himself useful 
as a missionary, but failed for want of Christian forbearance and con 
fidence in his associates. As to literary ability, he was superior to 
his associates, and probably excited their jealousy; so much so, that his 
connection in the mission became unpleasant, and he found an excuse 
to leave the country in 1841 ; not, however, till he and Mr. Rogers had, 
with the assistance of the Lawyer, completed a vocabulary and a 
grammar of the Nez Perce language, which was the cause of Ellis s 
jealousy of the Lawyer and Mr. Smith, and also of an extra effort 
through the Jesuits and the company to get rid of him. 


Arrival of Jesuit missionaries. Toupin s statement about Rev. A. B. Smith. Death of 
Mrs. Jason Lee. First express. Jesuits at work. The first printing-press. The 
Catholic tree. 

A SHORT time after the arrival of the re-enforcement to the mission 
of the American Board, Rev. F. N". Blanchet and Rev. Dcmerse arrived 
at Wallawalla by the annual overland boats of the Hudson s Bay 
Company. While at Wallawalla, they induced a Cayuse, Young 
Chief, to have one of his children baptized, Mr. Pambrun being sponsor, 
or godfather. This was the first Indian child ever baptized in the 
country. It caused considerable excitement among the Indians, as also 
a discussion as to who was teaching the true religion. The interpre 
ters of Wallawalla being of the* Catholic faith, made free to inform 
the Indians that theirs was the true religion. The Indians soon came to 
the station of Dr. Whitman and informed him of what had been done, 
and that they had been told by the priest that his was the true re 
ligion ; that what he and Mr. Spalding had been teaching them for 
two years past was all false, and that it was not right for the Indians 
to listen to the Doctor and Mr. Spalding. The instructions given, and 
the baptizing of the Indian child, were, unquestionably, designed to 
create a diversion in the minds of the Indians, and ultimately bring 
about the abandonment or destruction of the mission. I have never 
been able to learn, from any source, that any other Indian child was 
baptized by these priests on that trip from Canada to Vancouver. 
In fact, I see from their published works that they claim this as their 
first station or place of instruction. 

The Rev. Mr. Blanchet was a black-haired, brown-eyed, smooth 
faced, medium-sized Frenchman. 

The Rev. Mr. Demerse had dark-brown hair, full, round eye, fair 
complexion, rather full habit, something of the bull-neck, inclining to 
corpulency. He was fond of good cheer and good living ; of the Jesuit 
order of the Roman church ; he seemed to have no scruples of con 
science ; so long as he could secure subjects for " inotlier church" it 
mattered not as to intelligence or character. 

During the year 1838, three clergymen arrived across the Rocky 
Mountains : Revs. Walker, Eells, and Smith, with their wives, and 


Mr. Cornelius Rogers. Mr. Gray, with his wife, had also returned. 
These new arrivals gave an addition of nine to the mission of the 
American Board, making their number thirteen in all. The Methodist 
Mission had sixteen, and the Roman Catholic, two. The total number 
of missionaries in the country, in December, 1838, was thirty-one, twenty- 
nine of the Protestant religion from the United States, and two of the 
Roman Jesuitical order. The latter were located at Vancouver as their 
head-quarters. The Methodists were in the Wallamet Valley, with one 
out-station at the Dalles, Wascopum. The American Board had three 
stations, one at Wailatpu, one at Lapwai, and one at Cimakain, near 

This array of missionary strength looked like a strong effort on the 
part of the Christian world to convert the tribes upon our western coast. 
Had all the men been chosen with proper care, and all acted with a sin 
gle eye to the cause which they professed to espouse, each in his distinct 
department ; had they closed their ears to the suggestions of hypocriti 
cal fur traders, and met their vices with a spotless life and an earnest 
determination to maintain their integrity as representatives of religion 
and a Christian people, the fruits of their labor would, undoubtedly, 
have been far greater. As the matter now stands, they can claim the 
influence they reluctantly yielded to the provisional government of 
the early settlers of the country. 

It will be seen at once that the Hudson s Bay Company was acting 
a double part with all the American missionary efforts in the country. 
On the arrival of Rev. J. Lee and party they sent for Mr. Beaver, an 
Episcopal clergyman. On the arrival of Dr. Whitman and party they 
sent for Blanchet and Demerse, and established their head-quarters 
at Vancouver. Blanchet took charge of the field occupied by the 
Methodists, and Demerse of that occupied by the American Board. 
A combination of Hudson s Bay Company Indian traders, Roman 
priests, Protestant missionaries, and American settlers, each having a 
distinct object in view. Unfortunately for the American missionaries 
and settlers, there was no one bold enough to attempt to act against 
these combinations. Cornelius Rogers and Robert Shortess were the 
first to show signs of rebellion against the policy of the Hudson s Bay 
Company ; Spalding, Whitman, and Smith chafed under the Jesuits 
proceedings in the interior. 

"About the year 1839, in the fall, Mr. Smith, belonging to the same 
society as Dr. Whitman and Mr. Spalding, asked permission of Ellis to 
build upon his lands for the purpose of teaching the Indians as the 
other missionaries were doing, a"nd of keeping a school. Ellis allowed 
him to build, but forbade him to cultivate the land, and warned him 


that if he did the piece of ground which he would till should serve to 
bury him in. In the following spring, however, Mr. Smith prepared 
his plow to till the ground ; and Ellis, seeing him ready to begin, went 
to him and said to him : Do you not recollect what I told you ? I 
do not wish you to cultivate the land. Mr. Smith, however, persisted 
in his determination; but, as he was beginning to plow, the Indians 
took hold of him and said to him: Do you not know what has been 
told you, that you would be digging a hole in which you should be 
buried ? Mr. Smith then did not persist any longer, but said to them : 
4 Let me go, I will leave the place ; and he started off immediately. 
This circumstance had been related to me by the Indians, and soon after 
I saw Mr. Smith myself at Fort Wallawalla ; he was on his way down 
to Fort Vancouver, where he embarked for the Sandwich Islands, 
whence he did not come back any more." This is the statement of old 
John Toupin, Pambrun s Roman Catholic interpreter, by Brouillet. 

It will be borne in mind that Rev. Jason Lee started with P. L. 
Edwards and F. Y. Euing, across the Rocky Mountains, for the United 
States, in May, 1838. He met Gray, and party, at the American ren 
dezvous that year, on the north fork of the Yellowstone River. Gray 
and party, on arriving at Fort Hall, received the news of the death of 
Mrs. Jason Lee, sent by Spalding and Whitman, and not by Dr. 
McLaughlin, as stated by Rev. G. Hines. Dr. McLaughlin may have 
allowed a messenger to go as far as Whitman s station, but made no 
arrangements for going any further. Spalding s Indian messenger 
delivered the packages to Gray, at Fort Hall. Gray employed Rich 
ardson (a young man he had engaged as guide and hunter for the 
party, on starting from Westport, Missouri), to take these letters, and 
deliver them to Lee, for which he was to receive $150. 

This express was carried from the Wallamet Valley to Westport, Mis 
souri, in sixty days, forming the first data for the overland express and 
mail routes. The sixty days included two days detention at Wailatpu, 
and two at Fort Hall. It seems that Richardson, the messenger from 
Fort Hall, met Lee, and delivered his packages to him at the Shawnee 
mission, and received from Lee the price agreed upon. I am thus par 
ticular in these little facts, that those who claim so much credit for 
Hudson s Bay Company patronage may understand what influences 
were in those early times bringing about results for which a combination 
of British fur traders now claim pay, and are awarded 8650,000, in gold 

I have said that in December, 1838, there were twenty-nine persons 
connected with the Protestant missions in the country. This is not 
strictly true. Rev. Jason Lee and Mr. P. L. Edwards had gone to the 


States ; Mr. C. Shepard and Mrs. J. Lee had gone to their reward. The 
devil had entered the field with his emissaries, and was exceedingly 
busy sowing tares among the wheat, through fear that the natives 
would be benefited, and the country become civilized. The Hudson s 
Bay Company and its servants, Indians and all, are about to become 
converted to Christianity. Strange as this statement may appear, it is 
literally true. The clerks, traders, and servants of the Hudson s Bay 
Company became cateehists, to teach the Indians to repeat the cate 
chism presented to them by their Reverences Blanchet and Demerge. 
Dr. McLaughlin and Esquire Douglas were both zealous supporters of 
the Christian reformation in progress in the country. During the year 
1839, "Rev. Mr. Demerse (Jesuit priest) spent three weeks at Walla- 
walla, in teaching the Indians and baptizing their children^ employing 
Mr. P. C. Pambrun as his catechist, and godfather to the native chil 
dren. (See page 87 of Rev. J. B. A. Brouillet s " Protestantism in 
Oregon.") While the Protestant missions were struggling to improve 
the condition of the Indians, to teach them to cultivate their lands and 
become permanent settlers in their own country, and to give the Indian 
children a knowledge of books, the Hudson s Bay Company and 
Jesuit priests were equally busy in attempting to persuade them that 
the instructions given by these American or Boston missionaries were 
only to cover up a secret design they had to take their lands and 
property from them, and eventually to occupy the country themselves. 
To a certain extent Dr. Whitman s statement to them would confirm 
this idea. As soon as these priests arrived and commenced their 
instructions, under the patronage of the Hudson s Bay Company (for it 
will be remembered that their head-quarters were at Vancouver), their 
entire transportation was provided or furnished by the company. 
Doubtless it is to the assistance rendered these Roman missions to 
occupy the country, that the counsel for the Hudson s Bay Company, 
Mr. Charles D. Day, alludes, in speaking of the " substantial benefits to 
the people and government of the United States" Dr. Whitman repeat 
edly told the Indians about his station that he did not come among 
them to buy their land, but he came to teach them how to cultivate and 
live from what they produced from their own lands, and at some future 
time, if the American government wished any of their country, then 
the President would send men to buy and pay them for it. The 
difficulty about land had no existence in the minds or thoughts of the 
Indians till the fall of 1839, and after the renewal of the Hudson s Bay 
Company s license for twenty-one years. From that time forward a 
marked change was manifest in the feelings of most of the gentlemen 
of the company. 


The first printing-press in Oregon was received as a donation from 
the mission of the American Board of Foreign Missions in the Sandwich 
Islands, to the mission of the Board in Oregon. It reached its desti 
nation at Lapwai, and was put in operation by Mr. E. O. Hall, of the 
Sandwich Islands Mission, and commenced printing books in the Nez 
Perce language. Both Mr. Rogers and Mr. Spalding soon learned to set 
type, and print the small books required for the Indian schools that had 
been kept at the stations. The books and instructions were furnished 
gratuitously to all the Indians that wished to receive them. This caused 
special efforts on the part of the priests to counteract the influence of 
the books printed by Spalding. To illustrate their ideas, and show the 
evil of heretical books and teachings, they had a representation of a large 
tree, with a cross on top, representing all religious sects as going up the 
tree, and out upon the different branches, and falling from the end of 
the branch into a fire under the tree, with a priest by the side of the 
fire throwing the heretical books into it. This was an interesting pic 
ture, and caused much discussion and violent denunciations among the 
Indians. Mr. Spalding, to counteract the influences of the Roman 
Catholic tree among the Indians, had Mrs. Spalding paint a number of 
sheets of cap-paper, commencing with Adam and Eve in the garden of 
Eden, representing the shrubbery, and all kinds of fruits, and the ser 
pent, and the angel (after the fall) as guarding the garden ; giving the 
pictures of most of the prominent patriarchs ; Noah and the ark, and 
the prophets, down to Christ and the twelve apostles ; showing the cru 
cifixion of Christ by the Roman soldiers, and on down to the time when 
they adopted the cross as a form of worship, and the priests as kneeling 
to images. Spalding s pictures were in such form, and contained s-o 
much Bible history and information, that his Indian preachers, to whom 
he gave them, could attract larger crowds of Indians, to listen to the 
instructions given by Spalding, than those who had the Catholic tree.. 
This exasperated, or stirred up, as the Indians expressed it, all their 
bad feelings toward each other, and caused quarrels between those that 
were friends before, a repetition of sectarian quarrels in all ages, 
and among every people not understanding the true principles of a 
genuine Christianity. 

The main object of the priests was to destroy all interest in 
books, and thereby check the growing influence of the American 
missionaries in the country, substituting pictures and beads in place 
of knowledge. 


Independent missionaries arrive. Their troubles. Conversion of Indians at the Dalles. 
Their motives. Emigrants of 1839. Blubber-Mouth Smith. Re-enforcement of 
the Methodist Mission in 1840. Father De Srnet. Rev. Harvey Clark and asso 
ciates. Ewing Young. Xames of missionaries and settlers. 

Ix the fall of 1839, the Rev. J. S. Griffin and wife arrived at Dr. 
Whitman s station. Mr. Griffin had undertaken an independent mission, 
in company with a Mr.- Hunger and wife. They had received an outfit 
from some warm-hearted Christians of the Litchfield North Associa 
tion, of Connecticut. Mr. Griffin reached St. Louis a single man, fell in 
love and married on sight, I do not know whether it was first or 
second. At all events, Rev. Mr. Griffin and Mr. Munger and their 
wives consented to travel together till they reached Fort Hall, at 
which place Mr. Griffin, being the getter-up of the mission and claim 
ing ecclesiastical jurisdiction, took it upon himself to leave Mr. Munger 
and his wife at Fort Hall, to take care of themselves as best they could. 
Frank Ermatinger, of the Hudson s Bay Company, at once furnished 
Mr. Munger and his wife the means of transportation, and brought 
them to Dr. Whitman s station, where he knew Mr. Munger could find 
a place for himself and wife. This transaction of Mr. Griffin injured 
his usefulness as a minister, and left him in the country but little re 
spected by any who knew of his conduct to a fellow-traveler and an 
intelligent Christian woman. The fact that Mr. Munger afterward be 
came deranged, or even that he was partially deranged at Fort Hall, 
or before they reached that place, is no excuse for his treating a man 
in that condition and his wife as he did. Mr. Griffin claims that Mr. 
Ermatinger stole three of his horses, or had them hid, when at Fort 
Hall, to get Mr. Munger and wife to travel with him, and, by so doing, 
give the impression that he had abandoned them. From a careful re 
view of Mr. Griffin s lengthy defense in this case, we can not conceive 
that any further change or correction is required, as the facts stated 
are by him admitted. From Mr. Griffin s statement we are satisfied 
that improper and undue influences were used to break up and defeat 
his Indian missionary plans and settlement by Mr. Ermatinger and the 
Hudson s Bay Company, and also to destroy his clerical influence in 
the country. Unfortunately, Mr. Griffin gave too much cause for his 
enemies to do as they did. 


In the winter of 1839, Mr. Griffin made an attempt to pass the Sal 
mon River Mountains to Payette River, to establish a mission among 
the Snake Indians, in which he failed, and found his way into the 
Wallarnet as a settler, where he still remains. 

There were with Mr. Griffin s party some four men, one by the name 
of Ben Wright, who had been a Methodist preacher in the States, but 
whose religion failed him on his way over the mountains. He reached 
the Dalles, where he renewed his religion under Rev. Mr. Perkins and 
D. Lee. 

While at the Dalles, the three clergymen succeeded in converting, as 
they supposed, a large number of the Indians. While this Indian re 
vival was in progress the writer had occasion to visit Vancouver. On 
Ids way, he called on the missionaries at the Dalles, and, in speaking of 
the revival among the Indians, w r e remarked that, in our opinion, most 
of the religious professions of the natives were from selfish motives. 
Mr. Perkins thought not ; he named one Indian that, he felt certain, 
was really converted, if there was a true conversion. In a short time 
Daniel Lee, his associate, came in, and remarked : " What kind of a 

proposition do you think (naming Mr. Perkins truly converted 

Indian) has made to me?" Perkins replied : " Perhaps lie will perform 
the work we wished him to do." " No," says Lee ; "he says he will pray 
a whole year if I will give him a skirt and a capote" This fact shows 
that the natives who were supposed to be converted to Christianity 
were making these professions to gain presents from the missionaries. 
We have witnessed similar professions among the Nex Perce and Cay- 
use Indians. The giving of a few presents of any description to them 
induces them to make professions corresponding to the wish of the 

With Messrs. Griffin, Munger, and Wright, came Messrs. Lawson, 
Reiser, and Geiger, late in the fall of 1839 ; also a man by the name of 
Farnam, who seemed to be an explorer or tourist. I met him at Van 
couver, where he was receiving the hospitality of the Hudson s Bay 
Company, and collecting material for a journal, or history of Oregon. 
It is said of him that, on starting from the States, he succeeded in get 
ting himself appointed captain of a company consisting of some fourteen 
men. He soon attempted to exercise absolute control of the company, 
which caused a division. The party voted to suspend his official func 
tions, and finally suspended him and expelled him from the train. On 
returning to the States he published a book, which, as was to be 
expected, was favorable to himself and friends (if he had any), and 
severe on his opposers or enemies. The professed object of the party 
was to form a settlement in Oregon. In consequence of the course 


pursued by Farnam, it all broke up. A man called Blubber-Mouth 
Smith, Blair, a millwright, and Robert Shortens were of the party. 
These all found their way into Oregon, while the balance of the party 
went south and wintered in the mountains. Mr. Farnam was furnished 
a free passnge to the Sandwich Islands by the Hudson s Bay Company, 
for which his traveling companions and those best acquainted with 
him have given the company credit, as one good act. 

Sydney Smith called "Blubber-Mouth," from the fact that he was a 
great talker and fond of telling big yarns, which he, no doubt, had re 
peated so often that he believed them to be true, and would appear 
somewhat offended if his statements were not believed by others had 
a tolerably fair education, and appeared to understand the lottery busi 
ness, as conducted in some of the States. He was a man who had read 
considerable in his early days, and had he been less boisterous and per 
sistent in statements that appeared improbable to others, would have 
been far more reliable and useful. As it was, in those early times, his 
knowledge and free-speaking became quite useful, when combined with 
the hearty action he gave to the objects in contemplation. He was 
ambitious and extremely selfish, and, when opposed in his plans, quite 

Robert Shortess possessed a combination of qualities such as should 
have formed one of the best and noblest of men ; with a good memory, 
extensive reading, inflexible purpose, strong hate, affectionate and kind, 
skeptical and religious, honest and liberal to a fault, above medium 
height, light-brown hair, blue eyes, and thin and spare features. His 
whole life is a mystery, his combinations a riddle. He early entered 
with heart and soul into the situation and condition of the settlements, 
and stood for their rights in opposition to all the combined influences 
in the country. As a politician he acts on the principle of right, with 
out any regard to expediency. As a religious man he has no faith ; as 
a skeptic he is severe on all alike. The country owes much to him for 
his labor and influence in combating slavery and shaping the organic 
policy of the settlements. 

At the close of 1839, there were ten Protestant ministers and two 
Roman priests, tw r o physicians, six laymen, and thirteen American 
women in the country twenty-nine in all connected witli the Protest 
ant missions, or under their immediate control, and twenty settlers, 
besides about ten men that were under the control of the Hudson s Bay 
Company, yet having strong American feelings. There were also ten 
American children, five of them born in the country. Mrs. Whitman 
gave birth to the first white child, a daughter, born on this coast, who 
was drowned in the Wallawalla River at about two years of age; 


Mrs. Spalding the second, a daughter, still living ; Mrs. Elkanah Walker 
the first boy, and Mrs. W. H. Gray, the second. These boys are both 
making good names for themselves. It is to be hoped that every act 
and effort of their lives will be alike honorable to their parents, them 
selves, and their native country. As to the first daughter of Oregon, 
I regret to say, she disobeyed the wish of her parents and friends, and 
married a man whose early education was neglected, but who has natural 
ability and energy to rise above his present position, obtain an edu 
cation, and become an ornament to his adopted country, and an honor 
to Oregon s eldest daughter. 

On the first of June of this year, the Lausanne, Captain Spalding, 
arrived in the Columbia River with a re-enforcement for the Methodist 
Mission of eight clergymen, five laymen, and one physician, all with 
wives, five single ladies, and fifteen children, belonging to the different 
families, with a full supply of goods, such as were needed and appropri 
ate for the settlement, the various missions, and for Indian trade. Sep 
tember following, Rev. Harvey Clark and wife, A. T. Smith and wife, 
and P. B. Littlejohn and wife, arrived across the Rocky Mountains. 
With this company came eleven mountain men, eight of them with 
native wives. We now had twenty-one Protestant ministers, three 
Roman priests, fifteen lay members of the Protestant Church, thirty- 
four white women, thirty-five American settlers, and thirty-two white 
children one hundred and eight persons immediately under control of 
the missions. Thirty-six settlers, twenty-five of them with native wives. 
These thirty-six settlers are counted as outside the missions and Hud 
son s Bay Company. There were about fifty Canadian-French under 
the control of the company. 

Thus we can begin to see the development of the three influences or 
parties. The Hudson s Bay Company had in their religious element 
three Romish priests, assisted actively by all the Canadian-French 
Catholics and such clerks as Pambrun, Guinea, Grant, and McBean, 
with such interpreters as old Toupin, of whom Mr. Parker, in his jour 
nal, says: "The interpreter I had been expecting did not arrive, and 
consequently much of what I wished to say to these hundreds of In 
dians could not be communicated for want of a medium." On the pre 
ceding page, Mr. Parker remarks : " But as I have little prospect of 
the arrival of my interpreter, I shall probably be left to commiserate 
their anxiety, while it will be out of my power to do them good." 

Old John Toupin, under the sanctity of a Roman Catholic oath, says, 
at St. Louis, of Wallamet, on September 24, 1848: "I have been seven 
teen years employed as interpreter at Fort Wallawalla. I was there 
when Mr. Parker, in 1835, came to select places for Presbyterian mis- 


sions among the Cayuses and ISTez Perces, and to ask lands for those 
missions. He employed me as interpreter in his negotiations with the" 
Indians on that occasion." Mr. Parker has just said " the interpreter I 
had been expecting did not arrive" Toupin says : " Mr. Pambrun, the 
gentleman then in charge of the fort, accompanied me to the Cayuses 
and Nez Perces. Mr. Parker, in company with Mr. Pambrun, an Ameri 
can, and myself, went first to the Cayuses, upon the lands called Wai- 
latpu, that belonged to three chiefs, Splitted Lip, or Yomtip ; Red 
Cloak, or Waptachtakamal ; and Feather Cap, or Tilokaikt." Having 
met them at that place, he told them that he was coming to select a place 
to build a preaching-house, to teach them how to live, and to teach 
school to their children, and that he would not come himself to estab 
lish the mission, but a doctor, or medicine man, would come in his place ; 
that the doctor would be the chief of the mission, and would come in 
the following spring. " I came to select a place for a mission," said he, 
" but I do not intend to take your lands for nothing. After the doctor 
is come, there will come every year a big ship loaded with goods to be 
divided among the Indians. These goods will not be sold, but given to 
you. The mission will bring you plows and hoes to learn you how to 
cultivate the land, and they will not sell, but give them to yon." From 
the Cayuses Mr. Parker went to the Nez Perces, and there he made the 
same promises to the Indians as at Wailatpu. " Next spring there will 
come a missionary to establish himself here and take a piece of land ; 
but he ic ill not take it for nothing, you shall be paid every year this 
? . the American fashion." This statement is made by authority of Rev. 
7. B. A. Brouillet, vicar-general of Wallawalla. 

Rev. Mr. Parker, as before remarked, and as his journal shows, soon 
understood all the maneuverings of this Hudson s Bay Company. He 
had no confidence in their friendship or their interpreters. As a matter 
of policy they could do no less than treat him kindly, or, more properly, 
civilly, and allow him to leave the country, as he did. But mark the 
strictness and care of the company to impress the necessity of com 
pliance with their arrangements upon the minds of those that followed 
Mr. Parker. Keep the massacre to which Vicar-General Brouillet refers 
before your mind. Life and blood and treasure have been expended. 
The fair land we inhabit was not secured without a struggle. The early 
Protestant missions were not defeated and broken up without outside 
influences. The Indians were not abandoned till they had dipped their 
hands in the blood of their best and truest friend, and "become seven 
fold more the children of the devil than they were in their native state," 
by the teachings they had received from malicious and interested par 
ties to make them so. 


Father P. J. De Smet, from Brouillet s statements, was among the 
Flatheads and at Wallawalla in 1840. This priest boasted of his be 
longing to the Jesuit order of the Romish Church. He usually wore a 
black frock-coat, was of full habit, arrogant and bigoted in his opinions, 
and spoke with considerable sarcasm and contempt of all Americans, 
and especially of the missionaries, as an ignorant set of men to repre 
sent the American churches. He would be considered, in his church, a 
zealous and faithful priest of the order pf Jesus. His religious instruc 
tions to the Indians were simple and easy to be understood : " Count 
your beads, hate or kill the Suapies (Americans), and kiss the cross." 

Rev. Harvey Clark was a man whose religion was practical, whose 
labors were without ceasing, of slender frame, black hair, deep, mellow 
voice, kind and obliging to all. He organized the first Congregational 
Church in Tualatin Plains, and one in Oregon City, and was the getter- 
up of the Pacific University at Forest Grove ; a warm friend to general 
education and all objects calculated to do good to any and all of his 
fellow-creatures. But few who knew him did not respect and esteem 
him for his sincere piety and Christian conduct. He came to the coun 
try as a missionary sent out by some of the northwestern churches in 
the United States, without any definite organization further than suffi 
cient to furnish the means for outfit for himself and associates, Smith 
and Littlejohn and their wives, trusting Providence and their own 
strong arms and willing hearts to labor and do all they could for a sub 
sistence. Mr. Clark was perhaps the best man that could have been 
sent with the early settlers. Pie early gained their confidence and 
esteem, and was always a welcome visitor among them. He had not 
that stern commanding manner which is usual to egotists of the clerical 
order, but was of the mild, persuasive kind, that wins the rough heart 
and calms the stormy passions. The country is blessed by his having 
lived in it. 

A. T. Smith, the associate of Rev. H. Clark, was an honest and sub 
stantial farmer, a sincere and devout Christian, a man not forward 
in forming society, yet firm and s-table in his convictions of right ; 
liberal and generous to all objects of real worth; not easily excited, or 
ambitious of political preferment. His wife seemed, in all her life and 
actions, to be a suitable helpmeet for him. They came early to this 
country, and have ever been substantial and useful citizens, and sup 
porters of morality and religion. They were among the earliest set 
tlers at Forest Grove, and the first members of Rev. II. Clark s church. 
P. B. Littlejohn was the opposite of Smith, a confirmed hypochon 
driac ; yet, under excitement that was agreeable to his ideas, a useful 
man. Owing to his peculiar temperament, or the disease with which 


he was afflicted, his usefulness, and that of an interesting and Chris 
tian wife, were cramped and destroyed. He returned to the States 
with his family in 1845. 

At this point, perhaps a statement of all the names of persons I 
have been able to collect and recollect, and the year they arrived in 
the country, will not be uninteresting to the reader. A short history 
of most of them has already been given. 

In the year 1834, Rev. Jason Lee, Rev. Daniel Lee, Cyrus Shepard, 
and P. L. Edwards, connected with the Methodist Mission ; Captain 
N. Wyeth, American fur trader, and of his party in 1832, S. II. Smith, 
Burdet, Greeley, Sergeant, Bull, St. Clair, and Whittier (who was 
helped to or given a passage to the Sandwich Islands by the Hudson s 
Bay Company) ; Brock, a gunsmith ; Tibbets, a stone-cutter ; Moore, 
killed by the Blackfeet Indians ; Turnbull, who killed himself by over 
eating at Vancouver. There was also in the country a man by the 
name of Felix Hathaway, saved from the wreck of the William and 
Ann. Of this number, Smith, Sergeant, Tibbets, and Hathaway re 
mained. Of the party in 1834, James A. O Neil, T. J. Hubbard, and 
Courtney M. Walker remained in the country, making six of Wyeth s 
men and one sailor. C. M. Walker came with Lee s company. With 
Ewing Young, from California, came, in this year, John McCarty, 
Carmichael, John Hauxhurst, Joseph Gale, John Howard, Kilboru, 
Brandy wine, and George Winslow, a colored man. By the brig Mary 
land, Captain J. II. Couch, G. W. Le Breton, John McCaddan, and 
William Johnson. An English sailor, by the name of Richard or Dick 
McCary, found his way into the settlement from the Rocky Mountains. 

In the year 1835 it does not appear that any settlers arrived in the 
country. Rev. Samuel Parker visited and explored it under the direc 
tion of the American Board of Foreign Missions. 

In 1836, Rev. II. Spalding, Dr. M. Whitman, W. II. Gray, Mrs. Eliza 
Spalding, and Mrs. Xarcissa Whitman, missionaries of the American 
Board, and Rev. Mr. Beaver, Episcopal chaplain at Vancouver, and 
Mrs. Beaver. There appear to have been no settlers this year; at 
least, none known to us. 

In 1837, Mrs, A. M. Lee, Mrs. S. Shepard, Dr. E. White, Mrs. M. 
White, A. Beers, Mrs. R. Beers, Miss E. Johnson, W. H. Wilson, Mr. 
J. Whitcomb, members of the Methodist Episcopal Mission. Second 
re-enforcement this year : Rev. H. K. W. Perkins, Rev. David Leslie, 
Mrs. Leslie, Misses Satira, Mary, and Sarah Leslie, Miss Margaret 
Smith, Dr. J. Bailey, an Englishman, George Gay, and John Turner. 

In 1838, Rev. Elkanah Walker, Mrs. Mary Walker, Rev. dishing 
Eells, Mrs. Elvira Eells, Rev. A. B. Smith, Mrs. E. Smith, and Mrs. 


Mary A. Gray, missionaries of the American Board. As laborers 
under special contract not to trade in furs or interfere with Hudson s 
Bay Company s trade, James Conner, native wife, and one child, and 
Richard Williams, both from Rocky Mountains. Jesuit priests : Rev. 
F. N. Blanchet, Rev. Demerge, located at Vancouver and French 

In 1839, Rev. J. S. Griffin, Mrs. Griffin, Asael Munger, Mrs. Mary 
Munger, Independent Protestant Mission ; Robert Shortess, J. Farnam, 
Sydney Smith, Mr. Lawson, Rev. Ben. Wright (Independent Metho 
dist), Wm. Geiger, Mr. Keizer, John Edmund Pickernel, a sailor. 

In 1840, Mrs. Lee, second wife of Rev. Jason Lee; Rev. J. II. Frost 
and wife ; Rev. A. F. Waller, wife, and two children ; Rev. W. W. 
Kone and wife; Rev. G. Ilines, wife, and sister; Rev. L. H. Judson, 
wife, and two children ; Rev. J. L. Parish, wife, and three children ; 
Rev. G. P. Richards, wife, and three children; Rev. A. P. Olley and 
wife. Laymen : Mr. George Abernethy, wife, and two children ; Mr. H. 
Campbell, wife, and one child ; Mr. W. W. Raymond and wife ; Mr. 
H. B. Brewer and wife ; Dr. J. L. Babcock, wife, and one child ; Rev. 
Mrs. Daniel Lee; Mrs. David Carter; Mrs. Joseph Holman; Miss 
E. Phillips. Methodist Episcopal Protestant Mission : Rev. Harvey 
Clark and wife; P. B. Littlejohn and wife. Independent Protestant 
Mission : Robert Moore, James Cooke, and James Fletcher, settlers. 
Jesuit priest : P. G. De Smet, Flathead Mission. 

Rocky Mountain men with native wives : William Craig, Robert or 
Dr. Newell, J. L. Meek, James Ebbets, William M. Dougherty, John 
Larison, George Wilkinson, a Mr. Nicholson, and Mr. Algear, and 
William Johnson, author of the novel, "Leni Leoti ; or, the Prairie 
Flower." The subject was first written and read before the Lyceum, 
at Oregon City, in 1843. 

In the above list I have given the names of all the American settlers, 
as near as I can remember them, the list of names I once collected 
having been lost. I never was fully informed as to the different occu 
pations of all these men. It will be seen that we had in the country 
in the fall of 1840 thirty-six American settlers, twenty-five of them 
with native w r ives ; thirty-three American women, thirty-two children, 
thirteen lay members of the Protestant missions, nineteen ministers 
(thirteen Methodist, six Congregational), four physicians (three Ameri 
can and one English), three Jesuit priests, and sixty Canadian-French, 
making, outside of the Hudson s Bay Company, one hundred and 
thirty-seven Americans and sixty-three Canadians, counting the three 
priests as Canadians. 


1840. Petition to Congress of United States. British subjects amenable to the laws of 
Canada. Esquire Douglas as justice of the peace. Mr. Leslie as judge. 

EIGHTEEN hundred and forty finds Oregon with her little population 
all active and busy, laboring and toiling to provide the necessaries of 
life food and raiment. And if a man did not wear the finest of broad 
cloth, his intelligence and good conduct secured him a cordial welcome 
to every house or shanty in the country among the American or 
French settlers and missions. This was an innovation upon Hudson s 
Bay Company customs, and a violation of aristocratic rules sought to 
be enforced by foreign influences and sustained by the missionaries 
then in the country. 

Mr. Hines, in his 21st chapter on Oregon, says : " The number of 
people in the colony was so small, the business transactions so limited, 
and the difficulties so few, that the necessity of organizing the com 
munity into a body politic did not appear to be very great, though for 
two years persons had been chosen to officiate as judges and magis 

The fact that the judges and magistrates officiating were chosen by 
the Methodist Mission, in opposition to the wish of the settlers, and 
from whose decisions there was no appeal, and that there was no 
statute or law book in the country, and nothing to s;uide the decisions 
of the judge or magistrate but his own opinions, caprice, or prefer 
ences, Mr. Hines leaves out of sight. This state of things was sub 
mitted to from the combined organized influence of the Methodist 
Mission and the unorganized condition of the settlers. A petition was 
gotten up and sent to Congress. This petition is too important a 
document to be omitted. The writer has no means at present to give 
the names attached to it. The petition speaks for itself. As settlers, 
we saw and knew the objects of the Hudson s Bay Company and the 
English government, by their actions and oft-repeated insolent asser 
tions that they meant to "hold the country 1 1 by fair or by foul means, 
which, as men understanding the unscrupulous and avaricious disposi 
tion of the entire English occupants of this country, we fully under 
stood and duly appreciated, as will be readily demonstrated upon a 
perusal of the following : 



Petition of 1840. 

To the Honorable the Senate and House of Representatives of the 
United States of America in Congress assembled : 

Your petitioners represent unto your honorable bodies, that they are 
residents in the Oregon Territory, and citizens of the United States, or 
persons desirous of becoming such. 

They further represent to your honorable bodies, that they have 
settled themselves in said Territory, under the belief that it was a por 
tion of the public domain of said States, and that they might rely 
upon the government thereof for the blessings of free institutions, and 
the protection of its arms. 

But your petitioners further represent, that they are uninformed of 
any acts of said government by which its institutions and protection 
are extended to them ; in consequence whereof, themselves and fami 
lies are exposed to be destroyed by the savages around them, and 


And your petitioners would further represent, that they have no 
means of protecting their own and the lives of their families, other 
than self-constituted tribunals, originated and sustained by the power 
of an ill-instructed public opinion, and the resort to force and arms. 

And your petitioners represent these means of safety to be an in 
sufficient safeguard of life and property, and that the crimes of theft, 
murder, infanticide, etc., are increasing among them to an alarming 
extent ; and your petitioners declare themselves unable to arrest this 
progress of crime, and its terrible consequences, without the aid of the 
law, and tribunals to administer it. 

Your petitioners therefore pray the Congress of the United States 
of America to establish, as soon as may be, a Territorial government in 
the Oregon Territory. 

And if reasons other than those above presented were needed to 
induce your honorable bodies to grant the prayer of the undersigned, 
your petitioners, they would be found in the value of this Territory to 
the nation, and the alarming circumstances that portend its loss. 

Your petitioners, in view of these last considerations, would rep 
resent, that the English government has had a surveying squadron 
on the Oregon coast for the last two years, employed in making accu 
rate surveys of all its rivers, bays, and harbors ; and that, recently, the 
said government is said to have made a grant to the Hudson s Bay 
Company, of all lands lying between the Columbia River and Puget 
Sound ; and that said company is actually exercising unequivocal acts 


of ownership over said lands thus granted, and opening extensive 
farms upon the same. 

And your petitioners represent, that these circumstances, connected 
with other acts of said company to the same effect, and their declara 
tions that the English government own and will hold, as its own soil^ 
that portion of Oregon Territory situated north of the Columbia River, 
together with the important fact that the said company are cutting and 
sawing into lumber, and shipping to foreign ports, vast quantities of 
the finest pine-trees upon the navigable waters of the Columbia, have 
led your petitioners to apprehend that the English government do 
intend, at all events, to hold that portion of this Territory lying north 
of the Columbia River. 

And your petitioners represent, that the said Territory, north of the 
Columbia, is an invaluable possession to the American Union ; that in 
and about Puget Sound are the only harbors of easy access, and com 
modious and safe, upon the whole coast of the Territory ; and that a 
great part of this said northern portion of the Oregon Territory is rich 
in timber, water-power, and valuable minerals. For these and other 
reasons, your petitioners pray that Congress will establish its sover 
eignty over said Territory. 

Your petitioners would further represent, that the country south 
of the Columbia River, and north of the Mexican line, and extending 
from the Pacific Ocean one hundred and twenty miles into the interior, 
is of unequaled beauty and fertility. Its mountains, covered with per 
petual snow, pouring into the prairies around their bases transparent 
streams of the purest water; the white and black oak, pine, cedar, and 
fir forests that divide the prairies into sections convenient for farming 
purposes ; the rich mines of coal in its hills, and salt springs in its val 
leys ; its quarries of limestone, sandstone, chalk, and marble ; the sal 
mon of its rivers, and the various blessings of the delightful and healthy 
climate, are known to us, and impress your petitioners with the belief 
that this is one of the most favored portions of the globe. 

Indeed, the deserts of the interior have their wealth of pasturage ; 
and their lakes, evaporating in summer, leave in their basins hundreds 
of bushels of the purest soda. Many other circumstances could be 
named, showing the importance of this Territory in a national, com 
mercial, and agricultural point of view. And, although your petition 
ers would not undervalue considerations of this kind, yet they beg leave 
especially to call the attention of Congress to their own condition as an 
infant colony, without military force or civil institutions to protect their 
lives and property and children, sanctuaries and tombs, from the hands 
of uncivilized and merciless savages around them. We respectfully ask 


for the civil institutions of the American Republic. We pray for the 
high privileges of American citizenship; the peaceful enjoyment of life; 
the right of acquiring, possessing, and using property ; and the unre 
strained pursuit of rational happiness. And for this your petitioners 

will ever pray. 

DAVID LESLIE, [and others.]* 

We have before alluded to the fact that the English government, by 
act of Parliament, had extended the colonial jurisdiction and civil laws 
of Canada over all her subjects on this coast, and had commissioned 
James Douglas, Angus McDonald, and, I think, Mr. Wark, as justices 
of the peace, having jurisdiction in civil cases not exceeding two hun 
dred pounds sterling. In criminal cases, if the magistrate found, on 
examination, sufficient cause, the accused was to be sent to Canada for 
final trial. In all minor matters the Hudson s Bay Company were abso 
lute. Their men, by the articles of enlistment, were bound to obey all 
orders of a superior officer, as much so as a soldier in the army. Flog 
ging was a common punishment inflicted by all grades of officers, from 
a petty clerk of a trading-post up to the governor of the company. All 
British subjects, or any that had been subjects to the British crown, 
were considered as amenable to the laws of Canada, which were deliv 
ered from the brain of the magistrate or judge, who perchance may 
have passed through some parts of Canada on his way to this coast, no 
one knew when. Of course he knew all about the laws he w r as to enforce 
upon her Majesty s subjects, the same as our American judge, I. L. 
Babcock, did of the laws he was called upon to administer among the 
American settlers. Although the following incident is not exactly in 
the order of time in which we are writing, yet it illustrates the legal 
knowledge of Esquire Douglas so well that the reader w r ill excuse me 
for giving it just here. The case occurred in the summer of 1846, I 
think in August. The Hudson s Bay Company and the British subjects 
in the country had changed from the open opposition policy to that of 
union with the provisional government, and some of the members of the 
company had been elected to office. Mr. Douglas had received a com 
mission as justice of the peace and county judge from Governor Aber- 
nethy. A man by the name of McLame had taken it into his head to 
jump a claim belonging to one of the company s servants, near Fort 
Vancouver. The fact was duly stated to Esquire Douglas, who issued 
his warrant commanding the sheriff, a servant of the company, to arrest 
McLame. The sheriff proceeded with his warrant and posse, took 
McLame, brought him to the fort, and put him in irons to keep him 

* Senate Document, Twenty-sixth Congress, first session. No. 514. 


secure until he could be tried. The day following, the writer arrived 
at the fort, and as he was an old acquaintance of Esquire Douglas, and 
also holding a commission of justice of the peace and judge of the 
county court, Esquire Douglas stated the case to him, and asked his 
advice how to conduct it. I inquired what it was McLatne had done. 

" Why, he w r ent upon the land of one of our people and set up a 
claim to it, and made some threats." 

"Did he use any weapons, or injure any one?" 

"No; but he was very insulting, as the men tell me; used abusive 
language and frightened the men, and attempted to get them off the 
claim, is the most he did." 

" Well, Esquire, I think if you do not manage this case carefully you 
will have a devil of a muss among these fellows." 

" What do you think I had better do ?" says the Esquire. 

" If it was my case, as it is yours, I would call the court as soon as 
possible, and call the parties. McLarne claims to know something of 
law, and he will plead his own case, or get some one that don t know 
any more about law than he does, and they will call for a nonsuit on 
account of some illegality in the warrant or pleadings, and the first 
show you have, give them a nonsuit, and decide against your own peo 
ple. This will satisfy McLame and his party, and the matter will end 
there. The suit is a civil one, and should have been by notice and sum 
mons, for forcible entry and detainer, instead of an arrest and con 
finement as a criminal. They may attempt to make false imprisonment 
out of it. If they do, I would settle it the best way I could." 

I never learned the exact manner in which this case was settled. I 
think McLame received some compensation and the matter was settled. 
But the Esquire never fully recovered from the effect of this legal 
attempt at provisional American wisdom, as he came as near involving 
the two governments in a national war in the San Juan boundary ques 
tion, in 1849, as he did the country, in attempting to protect the unrea 
sonable claims of the company s servants in 1846. As to law books or 
legal knowledge, the country in those early times could not boast of 
having an extensive law library or profound lawyers, and, as was to be 
expected, some new and strange lawsuits occurred. 

Of the following case we have no personal knowledge, and can only 
give it as related to us by parties present. T. J. Hubbard, of Cham- 
poeg, had a native wife. She was claimed and coveted by a neighbor 
of his, who threatened to take her from him. Hubbard was armed, and 
prepared to defend his own supposed or real right of possession from 
his covetous neighbor, who attempted to enter his cabin window, or 
space where a window might be put (in case the owner had one to go 


there). Hubbard shot him while attempting to enter, and submitted 
to a trial. Rev. Mr. Leslie presided as judge. A jury was called, 
and the statements of all parties that pretended to know any thing 
about the case made. The verdict was, " Justifiable homicide." The 
petition which was gotten up about this time, says that " theft, mur 
der, and infanticide, are increasing among them to an alarming extent." 
A fact was unquestionably stated in the petition, that justice and virtue 
were comparative strangers in the country. Despotism and oppression, 
with false notions of individual rights and personal liberty, were strong 
ly at variance. The leading men, or such as one would naturally sup 
pose to be guides of the erring, seemed to have fixed a personal stand 
ard for virtue, justice, and right, not difficult for the most abandoned 
to comply with. 


Death of Ewing Young. First public attempt to organize a provisional government. 
Origin of the provisional government. First Oregon schooner. 

IN the early part of this year, about the 15th of February, 1841, Mr. 
Ewing Young, having been sick but a short time, died. He left a large 
band of cattle and horses and no will, and seems to have had no heirs 
in the country. On the 17th we find most of the settlers present at the 
funeral. After burying Mr. Young, a meeting was called, over which 
Rev. Jason Lee presided. After some discussion it was thought best to 
adjourn to meet at the Methodist Mission. 

On the next day, the 18th, short as the notice was, nearly all the 
settlers were present, Canadians, French, English, Americans, and 
Protestant missionaries and Jesuit priests. 

Rev. Jason Lee, for some cause not stated, was excused from acting 
as chairman, and Rev. David Leslie elected to fill his place. Rev. 
Gustavus Hines and Sydney Smith were chosen as secretaries. "The 
doings of the previous day were presented to the assembly and adopted 
in part." Why does not Mr. Hines give us all the proceedings of the 
previous day ? Was there any thing in them that reflected upon the 
disposition of the reverend gentleman to control the property of the 
deceased Mr. Young, and apply it to the use of the mission, or dis 
tribute it among its members ? 

We are well aware of the fact that, on the death of a person in any 
way connected w T ith, or in the service of, the Hudson s Bay Company, 
they at once administer upon his estate, to the setting aside of the will 
of the deceased, as in the case of Mr. P. C. Pambrun, which occurred 
the summer before Mr. Young s decease ; and, more recently, of Mr. 
Ray, who died at San Francisco. Mr. Ray was an active, energetic 
young man, had w r on the heart and hand of Miss McLaughlin, youngest 
daughter of Governor McLaughlin, and by this marriage had three 
interesting children, a sou and two daughters. By his trading and 
speculations with his private funds, he had acquired a handsome fortune 
for his young family. At his death the Hudson s Bay Company sent 
an agent to take charge of the property. He claimed that as Mr. Ray 
was a servant of the company, and in their employ, he had no right to 
acquire property outside of their business ; hence, the property belonged 


to the company. The books were canceled, and left his estate in debt 
to the company, and his family destitute. His widow was obliged to 
take in washing, which was given her by some American officers then 
at that place. By this means she supported herself and young family 
till she could obtain help from her father, who had withdrawn from the 
company, and was then residing in Oregon City. 

This is as good an illustration of the Hudson s Bay Company s gen 
erosity as can be given. They pursued Dr. IVJcLaughlin and his chil 
dren to the death. Their influence and statements have led the Ameri 
can people to mistake the doctor s unbounded generosity to them as 
wholly due to the company, and changed the friendly feeling nnd re 
wards due to Dr. McLaughliu for needed supplies in the hour of greatest 
peril to their own account, at the same time holding the doctor s estate 
responsible for every dollar, as they did Mr. Kay s. 

As to Messrs. Shepard s and Olley s estates, they were both adminis 
tered by the Methodist Mission, or some one or more of its members. I 
have never been able to learn the results, but have been informed that, 
as they were members of the mission, the little property they had was 
disposed of as per mission usage. In the case of Mr. Young, the set 
tlers found themselves somewhat interested. As to any Frenchman or 
Roman Catholic, it was taken for granted, if he was not the servant of 
the Hudson s Bay Company, his property went to the priest. 

The settlers were united in the opinion that some understanding or 
laws should be adopted to govern the settlement of estates, other than 
the custom adopted by the Hudson s Bay Company or the missions ; 
hence they all turned out, and were completely defeated by the opera 
tions of the Jesuit and Methodist missions. A resolution was ready, 
prepared for the occasion : 

"Resolved, That a committee be chosen to form a constitution, and 
draft a code of laws, and that the following persons compose that com 
mittee : Rev. F. N. Blanchet, Rev. Jason Lee, Rev. Gustavus Hines, 
Rev. Josiah L. Parish ; Mr. D. Donpierre, Mr. M. Charlevo, Mr. Robert 
Moore, Mr. E. Lucia, Mr. Wm. Johnson." 

The committee first named in the resolution contained the names of 
the three first-named clergymen. This was clerical law and constitution 
a little too strong. It was then moved to put upon the committee 
some that were not clergymen. The committee was finally made up of 
nine. Now comes the test of all, the governor. Revs. Leslie and 
Hines, and Drs. Babcock and Bailey were prominent candidates. The 
prospects were that the three Protestant missionary candidates would 
divide that influence so that Dr. Bailey would be elected. 

It will be borne in mind that Dr. Bailey was a man of strong English 


prejudices, and opposed to religious societies and religion generally. 
He could secure the French Catholic vote, and the majority of the set 
tlers. He was present at the meeting, with his Canadian, French, and 
Hudson s Bay servant voters, all trained to vote for him for governor. 
He nominated himself, and so disgusted the American settlers that they 
joined in the effort to defeat him. 

Mr. Hines was the prominent candidate to enter the field, and secure 
the leading influence in the government. That office was the leading 
question, Bailey could not be trusted, and Hines could not be elected ; 
hence the office of governor was discarded, and the committee instruct 
ed to prepare a constitution and laws, to be executed without an execu 
tive. This was a shrewd and cunning device, to say the least of it, 
one calculated to make the judicial and executive office one, in the same 
person ; which seemed by common consent to be Dr. I. L. Babcock, a 
man equally as ambitious and aspiring as Dr. Bailey, but in good stand 
ing in the mission, and a stranger to the settlers. This point gained, 
George W. Le Breton, a young adventurer, who came to the country in 
the employ of Captain Couch, on the brig Maryland, having a fair edu 
cation, and generally intelligent and agreeable in conversation, who 
had been brought up in good society, and was inclined to, or educated 
in, the Roman faith. This young man was elected to fill the offices of 
clerk of the court and public recorder, as a compromise with the Jesuits. 
To harmonize the English element, Win. Johnson was elected high 
sheriff. Zavia Ladaroot, Pierre Billique, and Wm. McCarty were 
chosen constables. Messrs. Gervais, Cannon, Robert Moore, arid Rev. 
L. H. Judson were chosen justices of the peace. Here conies the climax 
of all wisdom : 

" It was then resolved, that, until a code of laws be drafted by the 
Legislative Committee and adopted by the people, Ira L. Babcock, the 
supreme judge, be instructed to act" just as he pleased. Mr. Hines 
says in his book, 419th page "according to the laws of the State of 
New York." 

I query whether there was a single copy of the laws of that State in 
the country for ten years after the last resolution was passed. I know 
there was none at the time, and only a single copy of the laws of Iowa 
two years after; hence, Ira L. Babcock was law-maker, judge, and 
executive to the settlement, just as much so as John McLaughlin was 
to the Hudson s Bay Company. 

To keep up the farce (for the whole proceeding deserves no other 
name), " it was then resolved to adjourn, to meet the first Thursday in 
June, at the new building near the Roman Catholic church." The record 
proceeds: "Thursday, June 11, 1841. The inhabitants of the Wai- 



lamet Valley met according to adjournment, and the meeting was 
called to order by the chairman, Rev. David Leslie. On motion, the 
doings of the former meeting were read, on which the committee for 
drafting a constitution and code of laws was called for, and information 
was communicated to the meeting by the chairman of the committee, 
that, in consequence of his riot having called the committee together, 
no report had been prepared." His Jesuitical Reverence, F. N. Blan- 
chet, was excused from serving on the committee, at his own request. 
The settlers and uninitiated were informed by his reverence that he 
was unaccustomed to make laws for the people, and did not understand 
how to proceed, while divide and conquer, the policy adopted by the 
Hudson s Bay Company, was entered into with heart and soul by this 
Reverend Father Blanchet and his associates. " On motion, it was 
then resolved, that a person be chosen to fill the place thus vacated in 
the committee for drafting a constitution and code of laws, and Dr. 
Wm. J. Bailey was chosen." 

The motion that follows shows that the settlers were suspicious of 
influences operating against them to deprive them of a voice in their 
own government, for they then, " on motion, resolved that this com 
mittee be instructed to meet for the transaction of their business on the 
first Monday of August next." They further instructed this commit 
tee to report at a subsequent meeting, " to be held the first Thursday 
in October next. On motion, resolved, that the committee be advised 
to confer with the commander of the American exploring squadron 
now in the Columbia River, concerning the propriety of forming a 
provisional government in Oregon." 

" Resolved, That the motion to adopt the report of the nominating 
committee presented at a previous meeting be rescinded." Were the 
settlers really in favor of an organization adapted to their wants, and 
contrary to the wishes of the Hudson s Bay Company and clerical gov 
ernment then existing ? The above resolution shows the fact. They 
have handsomely relieved the Jesuits of their responsibility, and left 
them to work with their associates and co-laborers, the Hudson s Bay 
Company and Indians. They, to soften matters, allowed the commit 
tee to consider the nature of the government about to be formed, and 
the officers necessary, and 

" Resolved, That the committee to draft a constitution be instructed 
to take into consideration the number and kind of officers it will be 
necessary to create, in accordance with their constitution and code of 
laws, and to report the same at the next meeting." It was also 
resolved that the report of the nominating committee be referred to 
the Legislative Committee. 


Mr. Secretary Hines does not give us the names of the nominating 
committee and the officers they first reported. 

The meeting held at or near the Roman Catholic church on the 
llth of June was adjourned to meet at the Methodist Mission at eleven 
o clock on the first Thursday in October following. Duly signed, 
David Leslie, chairman ; Gustavus Hines, Sydney Smith, secretaries. 
The whole humbug had been completed ; the Methodist Mission party 
was safe ; the Hudson s Bay Company and Jesuits only wanted time to 
carry out their arrangements and drive the whole concern from the 
country, or make a grand sacrifice for the benefit of the Hudson s Bay 
Company s trade and mother church. 

The idea of resisting the American influence was no new one ; it was 
announced as early as 1838. The combinations were ready to be made 
that, at the proper time, every Hudson s Bay Company s man felt certain, 
would accomplish the object they desired. They were ready and did 
invest their money upon the issue ? It is true other parties came in 
and formed combinations that they supposed themselves capable of 
destroying by a single word. They failed; and in 1865 we find 
them, the petitioners, with a host of those they sought to rob, crying 
against their injustice. They ask for compensation for attempting to 
prevent the rightful owners of the country from occupying it. This is 
in keeping with their whole course. Their impudence may carry them* 
through and win their case, which justice and truth should deny them. 

Mr. Hines says, page 240 : " I have previously stated that the origin 
of the attempt to form a kind of provisional government was the re 
moval by death of the late Ewing Young, leaving, as he did, a large and 
unsettled estate, with no one to administer it, and no law to control its 
administration. The exigency of this cas.e having been met by the 
appointment of a judge with probate powers, who entered immediately 
upon his duties " (giving no bonds to any body), " and disposed of the 
estate of Ewing Young to the entire satisfaction of the community, and 
the fact that some of the most influential citizens of the country, and 
especially some of the Legislative Committee, were adverse to the idea 
of establishing a permanent organization so long as the peace and har 
mony of the community could possibly be preserved without it, the 
subject was permitted to die away and the committee for drafting a 
constitution and code of laws did not meet according to their instruc 
tions, nor did the meeting at which they were expected to report ever 
take place." 

Mr. Hines, in his account of this affair, is not quite satisfied himself 
with the reasons he has given, so he goes on to state many facts as 
connected with the arrival of the exploring squadron of the United 


States, under command of Captain Wilkes, and says, page 421: "In 
addition to this, the officers of the squadron were consulted on the 
subject of organizing the country into a civil compact, and were found. 
to be decidedly opposed to the scheme, and recommended that the 
subject be allowed to rest. They encouraged the people in the belief 
that the United States government would probably soon extend juris 
diction over the country." 

To the disgrace of the leader of that squadron, the general impression 
of all the early settlers of this country is, to the present day, that he 
understood and tasted the qualities of Dr. McLaughlin s liquors, and re 
ceived the polite attentions of the gentlemen of the Hudson s Bay Com 
pany with far more pleasure than he looked into or regarded the wants 
of this infant settlement of his countrymen. Mr. Hines says " the 
officers of the squadron decidedly opposed the scheme." And why did 
they do it ? Simply because the parties named above were opposed. 
They had absolute control of the persons and property of all ill the 
country, and they scrupled not to keep and use their power to the last. 

The unconquerable energy of the Americans was this year mani 
fested in the building of a schooner, of about forty tons burden, on a 
little island some four miles above the present city of Portland. R. L. 
Kilborn, of the party of Ewing Young, Charley Matts, P. Armstrong, 
who was afterward killed in the Indian war on Rogue River, H. Woods, 
John Green, and George Davis engaged in this enterprise. They em 
ployed Felix Hathaway, who was saved from the wreck of the William 
and Ann, as head carpenter, and commenced their work. To obtain 
spikes and such irons as were required, they had it reported that they 
were going to build a ferry-boat to cross the Wallamet River. To ob 
tain rigging, they induced the French farmers to go to Fort Vancouver 
and get ropes to use in the old Dutch harness for plowing, Dr. Mc- 
Laughlin having informed them in the start, that he did not approve 
of their scheme, and would furnish them no supplies. They, however, 
were not to be deterred in their undertaking. Procuring a whip-saw of 
the mission, and such tools as they could spare, these men commenced 
their work ; and when Captain Wilkes visited them, and found they 
had a substantial and sea-worthy craft well under way, he furnished 
them such articles from his stores as he could spare, and spoke favor 
ably of their enterprise to Dr. McLaughlin, who became more liberal ; 
so that, with the assistance of Captain Wilkes, the mission, and such as 
they received from Dr. McLaughlin, the vessel was launched and made 
trips to California, under the command of Captain Joseph Gale, who 
returned to Oregon in 1843, and was elected one of our Executive 
Committee, with David Hill and Alanson Beers. 


Lee and Hmes explore the Umpqua River. Mr. Hines tells a story. Massacre and 
plunder of Smith s party by the Indians. Sympathy of the Hudson s Bay 
Company. Extract from the San Francisco Bulletin. 

THE reader is requested to note the statements that follow, as they 
show influences operating that tell how active the enemies of the 
Protestant missions had been. Mr. Hines admits that he owed his own 
and Mr. Lee s life to the wife of Guinea. (See his journal, page 109.) 
He says : " During the evening Mr. Guinea came to us considerably 
excited, and warmly congratulated us on the safe guardianship his wife 
had exercised over us in our absence. He said that in all probability 
we should have been robbed of all we had, if we had not lost our lives, 
had it not been for the faithfulness of his wife and her brother. He 
told us that one of the chiefs of the clan we had visited was at the fort. 
Learning that we designed to visit his people on the coast, excited with 
the utmost fear, he hastened down the river and reported many evil 
things about us, intending thereby to instigate the Indians to prevent 
us from going among them." 

Mr. Hines, can you vouch for the truth of this statement ? I be- 
liqve sincerely you have told the truth, for you even attempt to excuse 
the Indian for his fears, and have not the least suspicion of the sources 
from which the Indian received his instruction and is made to believe 
that you and Mr. Jason Lee had come with your medicine bag to de 
stroy them. Let us hear Mr. Hines excuse for the Indian s fears, in 
his own words. He says : " Mr. Lee had brought a fowling-piece with 
him, and had in his possession a patent shot-pouch. This was the thing 
that had alarmed the chief. One story he told was, that we had 
brought medicine in a bag that Mr. Lee wore on his neck, for the pur 
pose of killing them all off; and that if we were permitted to come 
among them the fatal bag would be opened and they would all be 

How did these Indians learn about the missionary medicine bag ? 
Our good friend, Guinea, Mr. Hines tells us, is from Montreal, and of 
a good family, a Frenchman. This trip, it seems, was made in 1840, 
about the 26th day of October. Dr. Whitman had not yet gone to 
the States, but the medicine-bag story is tried with the Indians on the 


Umpqua. Guinea has a little too much sense of moral responsibility 
to allow his Indians to commence the slaughter of Lee and Hines, as 
Dr. White had come with them and seen them safe at the fort, and liad 
returned to the settlement. The medicine man of the Methodist Mis 
sion had escaped, and it was not best to commence on these preachers. 
Madam Siivash Guinea must accompany them, to watch and explain 
matters and protect them. 

Mr. Hines says, page 100 : "We had been informed by Mr. Guinea 
that there would be great danger in our going among them alone, and 
indeed he appeared to stand in the utmost fear of them, of their hos 
tility to the whites, and especially to the Americans" 

Can a reasonable man read this simple narrative with the light of 
history, and facts piled on facts, with the stains of the blood of our 
countrymen all over the country, and not trace the cause of these foul 
murders to their true source ? While none but American traders and 
hunters were in the country, it was an easy matter to dispose of them, 
but when the American missionary comes among the natives, another 
element of opposition must be introduced; moral teachings must be 
met by religious superstitions, to secure the victim, to advance the in 
terests of an unscrupulous trade. Let us take another statement from 
Mr. Hines before we proceed with his political history. On page 106, in 
speaking of the closing remarks of the chief at the mouth of the Umpqua, 
he tells us, the chief " said he was very glad we had come to see them ; 
that their hearts toward us were like our hearts toward them ; that he 
wanted us to continue with them another day and tell them about God ; 
that they had heard about us, and had been told that we were a bad peo 
ple." Who told these wild Indians this f Was it an American that had 
been living among them and teaching them that his countrymen were 
a bad people ? " That they were glad to see us for themselves, and 
were convinced that what they had heard was a lie ; that they now be 
lieve us to be good, and that they meant to be good also." 

Mr. Hines tells a story, as he received it from the Hudson s Bay 
Company gentlemen, to show that these Indians are very treacherous 
and not to be relied upon, especially those on the coast. It relates to 
a company of fur hunters composed of Smith, Sublet, and Jackson. At 
page 110 of his book, he says: "In this division Smith was to take 
the country extending from the Platte River by the way of Santa Fe 
to California ; then turn north along the Pacific Ocean as far as 
the Columbia River, and thence back into the interior to join the other 
partners of the company. The country was in the wildest state, but 
few white men having ever passed through it. But, nothing daunted, 
Smith and his companions marched through to California, and thence 


along the coast north as far as the Umpqua River, collecting in their 
course all the valuable furs they could procure, until they had loaded 
several pack animals with the precious burden [forty packs of furs]. On 
arriving here, they encamped on the borders of the river near the place 
where they intended to cross, but, on examination, found it would be 
dangerous, if not impossible, to effect the passage of the river at that 
place. Accordingly, Smith took one of his men [he had two] and pro 
ceeded up the river on foot, for the purpose of finding a better place to 
cross. In his absence, the Indians, instigated by one of the savage- 
looking chiefs whom we saw at the mouth of the river, rushed upon 
the party with their muskets [the same furnished by the Hudson s Bay 
Company for that purpose], bows and arrows, tomahawks, and scalp- 
ing-knives, and commenced the work of death." Just as they were 
expected to do with all intruders in this fur traders empire. " From 
the apparent kindness of the Indians previously, the party had been 
thrown entirely off their guard, and consequently were immediately 
overpowered by their ferocious enemies, and but one of the twelve in 
camp escaped from the cruel massacre. Scarcely knowing which way 
he fled, this one fell in with Smith, who was on his return to the camp, 
and who received from the survivor the shocking account of the mur 
der of eleven of his comrades. Smith seeing all was lost, resolved 
upon attempting nothing further than to do his best to secure his own 
personal safety, with that of his surviving companions. The Indians 
had secured all the furs, horses, mules, baggage, and every thing the 
company had. The three immediately crossed the river and made the 
best of their way through a savage and inhospitable country toward 
Vancouver, where, after traveling between two and three hundred 
miles, and suffering the greatest deprivations, they finally arrived in 

Rev. Mr. Hines savage-looking chief was no less a personage than a 
slave of a Frenchman by the name of Michel, or rather belonging to 
Michel s Umpqua wife. This slave had learned, from the statements 
and talk he had heard at Vancouver, that in case the Indians killed 
and robbed the Boston men, there would be no harm to them ; that 
neither the Hudson s Bay Company nor the English or French would 
take any notice of it. Hence, the Indians were taught to regard the 
killing of a Boston man (American) as doing something that pleased 
the Hudson s Bay Company. Under this instruction it is said this 
slave ran away from Vancouver, and went back to his people, and 
was the cause of the massacre of Smith s party. He is again pre 
sent, doing all he can to induce his people to rob and take the lives of 
Lee and Hines. Mr. Guinea, then in charge of the fort, is aware of 


his instructions and his object. He dare not tell Lee and Hines of 
their full danger, yet he knows all about it. 

They were determined to visit the Indians and see for themselves. 
Guinea s Indian wife and her brother must go with them. This is con 
sidered sufficient protection. The story of the Indian slave s part in 
the massacre of Smith s party is related to us by Mrs. Smith, the wife 
of S. II. Smith, an intelligent and much respected native woman, a 
neighbor of ours for near twenty years, and by one of the men that 
accompanied McKay to recover the property ; corresponding exactly 
to another event of the same kind that occurred in 1847, which will be 
given in detail as stated by eye-witnesses under the solemnity of an 

Mr. Hines, of course, believes the following statement, because the 
gentlemen of the company told it to him ; just as I did the first time I 
heard it from them. It is said, Smith and companions, " rehearsing the 
story of their wonderful escape and subsequent sufferings to the mem 
bers of the Hudson s Bay Company, the utmost sympathy was excited 
in their behalf, and a strong party was fitted out to go and rescue the 
property from the savage robbers, and restore it to its surviving 
owners. The vigor and perseverance of this party were equal to the 
promptitude with which it was fitted out. They proceeded to the 
scene of blood, and after committing the mangled bodies of Smith s 
murdered companions to the grave, compelled the Indians to 
relinquish the property they had taken," by giving them presents 
of blankets and powder, and such things as the Indians wished, as 
stated to us by a Frenchman, a servant of the company, who was 
one of McKay s party that went to get the furs. They found no 
bodies to bury, and had no fight with the Indians about the property, 
as stated by Mr. Smith also. But, as the Hudson s Bay Company tells 
the story through Mr. Hines, they "spread terror through the tribes" 
Was this the case in the Whitman massacre in 1847? the Samilkamean 
massacre in 1857? the Frazer River murder of American citizens in 
1858 ? No: Governor Douglas told the committee that asked him 
for protection, or for arms, to protect themselves ; that " if they [the 
Americans] molested her Majesty^s subjects he would send a force to 
punish them" Mr. Hines says his Umpqua party "returned in 
triumph to Vancouver" And well they might, for they had made the 
best season s hunt they ever made, in getting those furs and the prop 
erty of Smith, which paid them well for the expedition, as there was 
no market for Smith, except London, through the hypocritical kindness 
of Mr. Simpson. By this time, Mr. Smith had learned all he wished 
to of this company. He preferred giving them his furs at their own 


price to being under any further obligations to them. Mr. Sublet, Mr. 
Smith s partner, did not speak as though he felt under much obligation 
to Mr. Simpson or the Hudson s Bay Company in 1836, which was not 
long after the transaction referred to. 

I do not know how the company regard these statements of Mr. 
Hines, yet I regard them as true so far as Mr. Hines is concerned, but 
utterly. false as regards the company. As old Toupin says Mr. Parker 
told the Indians, " It is their fashion " of taking credit to themselves 
for doing all they could against the Americans occupying the country 
in any way. 

According to the testimony given in the case of The Hudson s Bay 
Company v. United States, the amount of furs seized by the company 
at that time was forty packs, worth at the time $1,000 each, besides 
the animals and equipments belonging to the party, a large portion of 
which was given to the Indians, to compensate them for their services 
rendered to the company, in destroying Smith s expedition and killing 
his men, corresponding with transactions of recent date, as stated in an 
article found in the San Francisco Bulletin : 

Victoria gives us the following facts concerning the Indian outrages on 
the northern coast, and their allies, the Hudson s Bay Company : Cap 
tain D. Warren said to M. A. Foster and William McCurdy, that, on 
returning to Victoria and reporting the circumstances of the attack of 
the Indians upon his sloop, Thornton, to the first lieutenant of the 
ship Zealous, he was the next day arrested and put under $2,000 bonds. 
The Sparrowhawk was to leave last Wednesday, but had not yet gone 
to inquire into the matter. It is known that the same Indians mur 
dered Captain Jack Knight and partner but a short time before. 
The same crowd or band of Indians robbed the Nanaimo packet. 
Since thus attacked, Captain Warren, the captain of the Ocean Queen, 
informed them that a friendly Indian chief told him to leave ; the In 
dians were hostile ; they \vere preparing for war with the neighboring 

"From a statement found in the Chronicle, of the 27th of June, we 
learn that Captain Mo watt, of the Hudson s Bay Company, is in charge 
of Fort Rupert. We also learn that Captain Mowatt s prejudices and 
feelings are peculiarly hostile to all American fur traders, and not any 
too friendly to those claiming to be English. The facts indicate a 
strong Hudson s Bay Company Indian war influence against American 
or other traders in behalf of that company. It is evident from the state 
ment of the two gentlemen above named that her Majesty s naval officers 
are inclined, and more than probably instructed, to protect the Hud- 



son s Bay Company s people in encouraging the Indian hostility and 
murder of all outside venturers upon their trading localities, as they 
are prompt to insinuate and affirm that the whites are the aggressors, 
and to arrest them for punishment." 

It is difficult to understand why our American government is so 
tolerant and generous to a foregn monopoly that has invariably sought 
and accomplished the destruction of its fur trade on its western bor 
ders, and used its entire influence against American institutions and 
citizens; not hesitating to incite the Indians to the most inhuman and 
brutal murders. 


Missionaries leaving. Hudson s Bay Company s Gold Exchange. Population in 
1842. "Whitman and Lovejoy start for the States. The Red River emigra 
tion. American merchants. Settlers not dependent on the Hudson s Bay Com 
pany. Milling Company. The Oregon Institute. Dr. Elijah White. Proceed 
ings and resolutions of a public meeting at Wallamet. Correspondence with the 
War Department. 

REV. A. B. SMITH and wife, Cornelius Rogers, and W. H. Gray and 
wife had left the mission of the American Board, on account of difficul 
ties they had become fully satisfied would ultimately destroy the mission 
or drive it from the country. Mr. Spalding, it will be remembered, 
was a man of peculiar temperament, ambitious and selfish. He could 
not endure an associate of superior talent, or admit himself to be infe 
rior in understanding the native language. From the time the Jesuits 
arrived (in 1838), some of his own pet Indians had turned Catholics 
and commenced a quarrel with him. These facts seemed to annoy and 
lead him to adopt a course opposed by Smith, Gray, and Rogers. Still 
he found it pleased the Indians as a whole, and was assented to by the 
balance of the mission. Smith and wife left for the Sandwich Islands ; 
Rogers for the Wallamet in 1841 ; Gray and wife in 1842. 

During the exploration of the country by Commodore Wilkes explor 
ing squadron, Mr. Cornelius Rogers was found a very useful man. His 
knowledge of Indian languages (which he was remarkably quick to 
acquire) and of Indian character generally enabled him to become a 
reliable and useful interpreter. The officers soon became aware of the 
fact, and employed him at once to assist and interpret for them. He 
was paid for his services in gold coin, which amounted to something 
over five hundred dollars. Not wishing to carry his coin about, he 
offered to deposit it with the Hudson s Bay Company. " Certainly, 
Mr. Rogers, we will receive your coin, and credit you upon our books 
twenty per cent, less, as the coin is not so valuable to us as our goods, 
at beaver prices." Mr. R. allowed them to take his coin and credit 
him with four hundred dollars in beaver currency. In a short time a 
party of the squadron were to go by land to California. Mr. R. con 
cluded he would go with them, and that his coin would be more con 
venient than beaver orders on the company. He therefore requested 
them to return to him the coin. " Certainly, Mr. Rogers," and handed 


him back four hundred dollars less twenty per cent., three hundred and 
twenty dollars. " How is this?" says Mr. It. ; " I supposed from the state 
ment you made on depositing this money with you, that that money 
was a drug to you, and now you wish me to pay you twenty per cent, for 
money I have left in your care, after deducting twenty per cent, for 
leaving it with you. You may consider this a fair and an honorable 
transaction; I do not." Pie was told, " Such is our manner of doing 
business" and that was all the satisfaction he could get. He finally 
left his money and drew his goods, at what was called beaver prices, 
of the company. 

Nothing further of note occurred in 1841, except the loss of the Pea 
cock, in which no lives were lost, and the extra efforts of the company 
to show to the officers of the expedition their good deeds and kind treat 
ment to all Americans, and to prove to them that the whole country 
was of little value to any one. " It would scarcely support the few 
Indians, much less a large population of settlers." 

1842. Our population, all told, in the beginning of this year, is twen 
ty-one Protestant ministers, three Roman or Jesuit priests, fifteen lay 
members of churches, thirty-four white women, thirty-two white chil 
dren, and thirty-five American settlers twenty-five of them with native 
wives. Total, one hundred and thirty-seven Americans. At the close 
of the year we had an emigration from the States of one hundred and 
eleven persons, some forty-two families, with two lawyers, A. L. 
Lovejoy and A. M. Hastings. The latter became the lawyer of Dr. 
McLaughlin, and relieved the settlement in the spring of 1843 of a num 
ber of not very valuable settlers, by assisting them to get credit of the 
Hudson s Bay Company in procuring their outfits, giving their notes, 
payable in California ; while settlers who remained could get no credit 
or supplies of the company, especially such as had asked protection of 
the American government. A. L. Lovejoy started from Whitman s 
station to return to the States with Dr. Whitman. He reached Bent s 
Fort with him, but stopped for the winter, while Whitman proceeded 
on to Washington in time to save the country from being given up to 
British rule. For an account of that trip, which we give in another 
chapter, we are indebted to the Honorable A. L. Lovejoy. 

The Red River emigration, consisting of some forty families of Eng 
lish, Scotch, and Canadian-French half-breeds, had been ordered from 
the Red River, or Selkirk settlement, to locate in the Pnget Sound dis 
trict, by the Hudson s Bay Company s governor, Simpson. This com 
pany started across the plains with most of their property and families 
in carts, in the spring of 1842, directed, protected, and guided by the 
company, and expected to become settlers, subject to it, in Puget 


Sound. This was in fact a part of the original plan of the Puget Sound 
Agricultural Company, and these families were brought on to aid in 
securing and holding the country for the British government and the 
use of the company, a plan and arrangement exactly similar to that 
adopted by the Hudson s Bay Company in 1811-12, to cut off the trade 
of the French Northwest Fur Company, by establishing the Selkirk 
settlement directly in the line of their trade. 

This Red River colony was a part of the company s scheme to con 
trol and outnumber the American settlement of Oregon ; it being con 
nected with the Puget Sound concern, and under the control of the 
Hudson s Bay Company, which, by the decision of the commissioners, 
has won the company $200,000 from our national treasury. A more 
infamous claim could not well be trumped up, and the men who 
awarded it should be held responsible, and handed down to posterity 
as unjust rewarders of unscrupulous monopolies. Not for this alone, 
but for paying to the parent monopoly the sum of $450,000, for their 
malicious misrepresentations of the country, their murders, and their 
perjury respecting their claims to it. 

As soon as the Red River colony reached the country, they found 
that the Hudson s Bay Company on the west side of the Rocky Moun 
tains was a different institution from that of the Selkirk settlement ; 
consequently a large number of the more intelligent among them re 
fused to remain in the Puget Sound district, and found their way into 
the Wallaruet and Tualatin districts, and were received and treated as 
Oregonians, or citizens of the provisional government. This had the 
effect to embitter the feelings of the ruling spirits of the company, and 
caused them to change their policy. They commenced fortifying Fort 
Vancouver, and had a war-ship, the Modeste, stationed in the Columbia 
River, while the fort was being prepared for defensive or offensive 
measures. This only increased the anxiety and hastened the effort to 
organize for self-defense on the part of the American settlers. 

In the mean time, Hon. Caleb Cashing, of Newburyport, Massachu 
setts, had sent to the country a ship with supplies. A. E. Wilson had 
established himself, or was about to, at Wallamet Falls as a trader, 
and some families were on their way by water from the States, F. W. 
Pettygrove, Peter Foster, and Peter H. Hatch. Pettygrove arrived 
with a small stock of goods. The same ship brought a supply for the 
Methodist Mission. 

The settlers were not dependent upon the Hudson s Bay Company 
for supplies as much as has been asserted. I am certain that many of 
them never received a dollar s worth of the company s goods, except it 
might have been through the stores of Pettygrove, Wilson, or Aberne- 


thy. I know many of them were willing and did pay higher prices to 
their American merchants than they could get the same article for from 
the company s store, which was about this time established at Oregon 
City. Soon after, a trading-post and warehouse were established at 
Champoeg, and Mr. Roberts sent up with orders to kick, change, and 
beat the half-bushel with a club in order to get more wheat at sixty 
cents per imperial bushel in payment for all debts due the company 
for the goods furnished to them at one hundred per cent, or more on 
London prices. 

During this year the Wallamet Milling Company was formed, and 
commenced to build a saw-mill on the island above the falls. Dr. Mc- 
Laughlin also commenced active opposition to American enterprise. 

The Oregon Institute was commenced this year, under the direction 
of the Methodist missionaries. They carefully guarded against all out 
side patronage or influence getting control of their institution, by re 
quiring a certain number of trustees to be members of their church in 
good standing. It was during the discussions in the organizing of 
that institution that the disposition on the part of that mission to con 
trol not only the religious, but literary and political interests of the 
settlement, was manifested. The leading members took strong ground, 
yet hesitated when it was found they would be compelled to ask for 
outside patronage. However, they were able to commence operations 
with the Institute, and succeeded in getting up a building deemed 
suitable by the building committee. 

Dr. Elijah "White returned to the country, as he supposed and fre 
quently asserted, with unlimited discretionary powers from the Presi 
dent of the United States to arrange all matters between the Hudson s 
Bay Company, Indians, and settlers, and " although his commission 
did not specify in so many words, yet, in short, he was the governing 
power of the United States west of the Rocky Mountains." He entered 
at once upon the duties of his office, and such a muss as he kicked up 
all over the country it would require the pens of a Squibob and a Junius 
combined to describe. Rev. Mr. Hines has given to the world many 
useful notices of this notorious blockhead, and from his descriptions of 
his proceedings one would infer that he was a most important character 
in promoting the peace and harmony of the settlement and keeping the 
Indians quiet. I have always been at a loss to understand Mr. Hines, 
whether he is speaking of Dr. White s proceedings in sober earnest or 
serious burlesque. Either he was woefully ignorant of the character 
of Dr. White, or he was cajoled and flattered and made to believe the 
doctor possessed power and influence at Washington that no document 
he could show gave any evidence of. Be that as it may, Dr. White 


arrived in the fall of 1842, in advance of the emigration. Pie pretended 
to have all power necessary for all cases, civil and criminal. He 
appointed temporary magistrates to try all cases as they might occur; 
and such as related to Indians and whites, or half-breeds and whites, 
he tried himself, and gave decisions to suit his own ideas of justice. 
Usually, in the case of two settlers, where he had appointed a justice to 
try the case, he would argue the case for one of the parties, and generally 
win it for his client or favorite. We attended two of the doctor s trials, 
one in Tualatin Plains, the other at the saw-mill near Salem. In both 
of these cases the conclusion of those not interested was, that if such 
was the justice to which we as settlers were reduced, our own energy 
and arms must protect us. 

At the meeting called to receive him, a committee, being appointed, 
retired, and, after a short absence, reported the following resolutions : 

Resolved, That we, the citizens of the Wallamet Valley, are exceed 
ingly happy in the consideration that the government of the United 
States have manifested their intentions through their agent, Dr. E. 
White, of extending their jurisdiction and protection over this country. 

Resolved, That, in view of the claims which the aborigines of this 
country have upon the sympathies of the white man, we are gratified 
at the appointment of an agent by the United States government to 
regulate and guard their interests. 

Resolved, That we highly approve of the appointment of Dr. E. White 
to the above office, and that we will cordially co-operate with him in 
carrying out the measures of government in reference to this country. 

Resolved, That we feel grateful to the United States government for 
their intended liberality toward the settlers of this country, and for 
their intention to support education and literature among us. 

Resolved, That it will give us the highest pleasure to be brought, so 
soon as it may be practicable, under the jurisdiction of our mother 

On motion, it was 

Resolved, That the report of the committee be adopted. 

Resolved unanimously, That the doings of this meeting be trans 
mitted to the government of the United States by Dr. E. White, in 
order that our views and wishes in relation to this country may be 

The following communication shows the shrewdness of Dr. White, 
and the influence he was enabled to hold over Mr. Bines, who seems to 
have ignored all the doctor s conduct while a missionary, and considers 
him a suitable person to deal with the complicated relations then cul 
minating on our western coast. It is given entire, to place Mr. Hines 


in his true character in the history of the country, though Dr. White 
does not deign to mention his name in his report to the department. 
We also give an extract from the report of the Commissioners of Indian 
Affairs, November 28, 1843, as found on fifth and sixth pages of Dr. 
White s report. Mr. Hines letter is as follows : 

WALLAMET, April 3, 1843. 
To the Honorable Secretary of IVar: 

SIR, I have the honor of addressing you a brief communication 
expressive of my views of the course pursued by Dr. E. White, sub- 
agent of Indian Affairs west of the Rocky Mountains. 

I am not extensively acquainted with what properly belongs to the 
business of an Indian agent, but so far as I understand the subject, this 
agency requires the performance of duties which are of an onerous and 
complicated character. 

The country is quite extensive, and an intercourse is carried on 
between the whites and Indians in almost every part of it. The prin 
cipal settlements are on the Wsillamet River and Tualatine Plains, but 
there are whites at the mouth of the Columbia River, the Falls, and 
among the Wallawalla, Cayuse, Nez Perce, and Snake Indians. Im 
mediately after the arrival of your agent in this country, he received 
the most urgent calls from several of these places, if possible to come 
immediately and enter into such measures as would secure both the 
safety of the whites and welfare of the Indians. 

He entered upon his business with diffidence, though with great 
energy and decision, and his indefatigable efforts to promote the inter 
ests of this country, with his untiring industry in the performance of 
his duties, entitle him to the warmest respect of the members of this 
infant and helpless colony, and to the confidence of the honorable 
department which has committed to him so important a trust. Although 
he has been with us but a short time in his official capacity, yet it is 
generally be icved that the measures he has adopted to regulate the 
intercourse between the whites and Indians, particularly in the Cayuse, 
Nez Perce, and Wallawalla tribes, are wisely calculated to secure the 
protection of the former against the aggressions of the savages, and to 
secure to the latter the blessings of harmony, peace, and civilization. 

Some time in November last news reached us from these formidable 
tribes that they were laying a plot for the destruction of this colony, 
upon which your agent, with characteristic decision, determined to pro 
ceed at once to the scene of this conspiracy, and, if possible, not only to 
frustrate the present designs of the Indians, but to prevent any future 
attempts of the same character. 


This laborious journey was undertaken, and, accordingly, he set out 
on this perilous enterprise in the dead of winter, being accompanied by 
six men, and though the distance to be traveled by land and water was 
little less than one thousand miles, and the whole journey was one of 
excessive labor and much suffering, yet perseverance surmounted every 
difficulty, and the undertaking was brought to a most happy issue. In 
the fitting out and execution of such an expedition much expense must 
necessarily be incurred, but I am fully of the opinion the funds appro 
priated by your agent, for the purpose of accomplishing the object of 
his appointment, have been judiciously applied. 

Not knowing the views I entertained in reference to the propriety 
of his course, Dr. White requested me to write to the honorable 
Secretary of War, definitely expressing my opinion. Considering this 
a sufficient apology for intruding myself upon your patience in this 
communication, allow me, dear sir, to subscribe myself most respect 
fully, Your humble servant, 


Missionary to the Wallamet Settlement. 



I submit a report from the sub-agent west of the Rocky Mountains, 
received on the 9th of August last. It furnishes some deeply-interest 
ing and curious details respecting certain of the Indian tribes in that 
remote part of our Territories. The Nez Perces are represented to be 
"more noble, industrious, sensible, and better disposed toward the 
whites," than the others. Their conduct on the occasion of an import 
ant meeting between Dr. White and their leading men impresses one 
most agreeably. The school established for their benefit is very 
numerously attended, while it is gratifying to learn that this is not the 
only establishment for Indian instruction which has been made and 
conducted with success. 

There will also be found in this paper some particulars as to the soil, 
water-courses, etc., of the Territory of Oregon, which may be interest 
ing at this time, when public attention is so much directed to the 
region beyond the Rocky Mountains. 

Respectfully submitted, 


Hon. J. M. PORTER, Secretary of War. 


Dispatch of Dr. White to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs. He praises the Hudson s 
Bay Company. His account of the Indians. Indian outrages. Dr. "White s expe 
dition to the N"ez Perces. Indian council. Speeches. Electing a chief. Laws of 
the Nez Perces. Visit to the Cayuses. Doings of the missionaries. Drowning 
of Mr. Rogers and family. George G-eere. Yolcanoes. Petition against Governor 

OKEGON, April 1, 1843. 

SIB, On my arrival, I had the honor and happiness of addressing 
you a brief communication, giving information of my safe arrival, and 
that of our numerous party, to these distant shores. 

At that time it was confidently expected that a more direct, certain, 
and expeditious method would be presented to address you in a few 
weeks ; but that failing, none has offered till now. 

I think I mentioned the kind and hospitable manner we were received 
and entertained on the way by the gentlemen of the Hudson s Bay 
Company, and the cordial and most handsome reception I met with at 
Fort Vancouver from Governor McLaughlin and his worthy associate 
chief factor, James Douglas, Esq. ; my appointment giving pleasure 
rather than pain, a satisfactory assurance that these worthy gentle 
men intend eventually to settle in this country, and prefer American 
to English jurisdiction. 

On my arrival in the colony, sixty miles south of Vancouver, being 
in advance of the party, and coming unexpectedly to the citizens, 
bearing the intelligence of the arrival of so large a re-enforcement, and 
giving assurance of the good intentions of our government, the excite 
ment was general, and two days after we had the largest and happiest 
public meeting ever convened in this infant colony. 

I found the colony in peace and health, and rapidly increasing in 
numbers, having more than doubled in population during the last two 
years. English, French, and half-breeds seem, equally with our own 
people, attached to the American cause ; hence the bill of Mr. Linn, 
proffering a section of land to every white man of the Territory, has the 
double advantage of being popular and useful, increasing such attach 
ment, and manifestly acting as a strong incentive to all, of whatever 
nation or party, to settle in this country. 

My arrival was in good time, and probably saved much evil. I had 


but a short season of rest after so long, tedious, and toilsome a journey, 
before information reached me of the very improper conduct of the 
upper country Indians toward the missionaries sent by the American 
Board of Commissioners, accompanied with a passport, and a desire for 
my interposition in their behalf at once. 

I allude to the only three tribes from which much is to be hoped, or 
any thing to be feared, in this part of Oregon. These are the Wal- 
lawallas, Cayuses, and Nez Perces, inhabiting a district of country on 
the Columbia and its tributaries, commencing two hundred and forty 
miles from its mouthj and stretching four hundred and eighty miles 
into the interior. The Wallawallas, most contiguous to the colony, 
number some three thousand, including the entire population. They 
are in general poor, indolent, and sordid, but avaricious ; and what few 
have property, in horses and herds, are proud, haughty, and insolent. 
The Cayuses, next easterly, are less numerous, but more formidable, 
being brave, active, tempestuous, and warlike. Their country is well 
watered, gently undulating, extremely healthy, and admirably adapted 
to grazing, as Dr. Marcus Whitman, who resides in their midst, may 
have informed you. They are comparatively rich in herds, independ 
ent in manner, and not unfrequently boisterous, saucy, and troublesome 
in language and behavior. The Nez Perces, still further in the inte 
rior, number something less than three thousand ; they inhabit a beau 
tiful grazing district not surpassed by any I have seen for verdure, 
water privileges, climate, or health. The tribe forms, to some extent, 
an honorable exception to the general Indian character, being more 
noble, industrious, sensible, and better disposed toward the whites and 
their improvements in the arts and sciences ; and, though as brave as 
Caesar, the whites have nothing to dread at their hands, in case of their 
dealing out to them what they conceive to be right and equitable. Of 
late, these three tribes have become strongly united by reason of much 
intermarriage. For the last twenty years they have been generally 
well disposed toward the whites ; but at the time Captain Bonneville 
visited this district of country, he dealt more profusely in presents and 
paid a higher price for furs than Mr. Pambrun, one of the traders of the 
Hudson s Bay Company, established at Wallawalla, who had long dealt 
with them, and was previously a general favorite. On Mr. Bonneville s 
leaving, the chiefs assembled at the fort, and insisted on a change of 
the tariff in their favor. Pambrun refusing, they seized him, stamped 
violently upon his breast, beat him severely, and retained him prisoner, 
in rather unenviable circumstances, till they gained, to a considerable 
extent, their object. Since that time, they have been more consequen 
tial in feeling, and shown less deference and respect to the whites. On 


the arrival of missionaries among them they have never failed to make, 
at first, a most favorable impression, which has, in most instances, un 
fortunately, led to too near an approach to familiarity, operating alike 
prejudicial to both parties. The Rev. Messrs. Lee and Parker, who 
made each but a short stay among them, left with like favorable im 
pressions. Their successors, Spalding, Whitman, Gray, and ladies, 
with others who remained among them, were at last driven to the con 
clusion that Indians as much resembled each other in character as com 
plexion. These worthy people, not well versed in Indian character, and 
anxious to accomplish a great deal in a short time, resorted to various 
expedients to induce them to leave oif their wandering migratory hab 
its, and settle down contiguous to them in herding and agricultural 
pursuits, so as to be able to send their numerous and healthy children 
to school. In these efforts they were zealous and persevering, holding 
out various inducements as so many stimulants to action, most of which 
would have operated well in civilized life, but generally failed with 
these Indians ; and whatever was promised conditionally, whether the 
condition was met or otherwise, there was no reprieve the promised 
articles must come ; and sometimes, under circumstances sufficiently 
trying, had these missionaries been less devoted, they would have 
driven them from their post forever. 

The Indians, having gained one and another victory, became more 
and more insolent, till at last, some time previous to my arrival, they 
were not only obtrusive and exceedingly annoying about and in the 
missionaries houses, but seized one of the clergymen in his own house,* 
without a shadow of provocation, further than that of treating a better 
neighboring chief with more respect than they, and insulted him most 
shamefully, there being no other white person within fifty miles, save 
his sick and delicate lady. Soon after, they commenced on Dr. Whit 
man ; pulled his ears and hair, and threw off his hat three times in the 
mud at his feet. A short time after, the chiefs assembled, broke into 
the house, violently assailed his person with war clubs, and, with an ax, 
broke down the door leading to his own private apartment. It is gen 
erally thought, and possibly with truth, that, on this occasion, Dr. Whit 
man would have been killed, had not a party of white men arrived in 
sight just at this moment.! Never was such an outrage and insult more 

* Rev. A. B. Smith, who employed the Lawyer as his teacher in the Nez Perce lan 
guage. Ellis was the chief who claimed the land, and had been at the Red River 
school. He was jealous of the Lawyer s influence with the American missionaries, and 
used his influence with the Hudson s Bay Company to drive Mr. Smith away. 

f We were present at Dr. Whitman s at the time here referred to, and know that this 
difficulty originated from Jesuitical teachings. 


undeserving. He had built, for the express purpose of Indian accom 
modation, a house .of the same materials, and finished in like manner 
with his own, of respectable size, and joined to his, and at all times, 
night and day, accessible. In addition to this, they were admitted to 
every room in his house but one. This being closed, had like to 
have cost him his life. He had hardly left for the States last fall, 
when, shocking to relate, at the hour of midnight, a large Indian chief 
managed to get into the house, came to the door of Mrs. Whitman s 
bed-chamber, and had succeeded in getting it partly open before she 
reached it. A white man, sleeping in an adjoining apartment, saved 
her from violence and ruin. The villain escaped. There was but one 
thing wrong in this matter on the part of Dr. Whitman, and that was 
a great error, leaving his excellent lady unprotected in the midst of 
savages.* A few days after this they burned down the mission mill on 
his premises, with all its appendages and considerable grain, damaging 
them not less than twelve or fifteen hundred dollars. About the same 
time, Mrs. Spalding was grossly insulted in her own house, and ordered 
out of it, in the absence of her husband. Information reached him of 
an Indian having stolen his horse near the same time ; he hastened to 
the spot to secure the animal; the rogue had crossed the river; but, 
immediately returning, he presented his loaded gun, cocked, at the 
breast of Mr. Spalding, and abused and menaced as far as possible with 
out shooting him.f 

In addition to this, some of our own party were robbed openly of 
considerable property, and some twelve horses were stolen by night. 
All this information, coming near the same time, was embarrassing, 
especially as my instructions would not allow me to exceed, for office, 
interpreter, and every purpose, $1,250 per annum. On the other hand, 
their passport, signed by the Secretary of War, made it my imperative 
duty to protect them, in their persons, at least, from outrage. I did not 
long hesitate, but called upon Thomas McKay, long in the employment 
of the Hudson s Bay Company as explorer and leader of parties, who, 
from his frank, generous disposition, together with his universal success 
in Indian warfare, has obtained an extensive influence among the abo 
rigines of the country, and, placing the facts before him, he at once con 
sented to accompany me to this scene of discord and contention. We 
took but six men with us, armed in the best manner, a sufficent number 
to command respect and secure the object of our undertaking, McKay 

* There were good men left at the station ; besides, the influence of Mr. McKinley 
was thought to be sufficient protection from any violence from the Indians. 

f This transaction is represented by Rev. Mr. Brouillet as being that Mr. Spalding 
threatened the Indian with a gun, being a mistake on the part of Rev. Mr. Brouillet. 


assuring me, from his familiar acquaintance with these Indians, and 
their thorough knowledge of the use of arms, that if hostile intentions 
were entertained, it would require a larger party than we could raise 
in this country to subdue them. Obtaining Cornelius Rogers as inter 
preter, we set out on the 15th of November on our voyage of misery (as 
McKay justly denominated it), having a journey, by water and land, 
of not less than nine hundred and fifty miles, principally over open 
plains, covered with snow, and several times under the necessity of 
spending the night without wood or fire, other than what was made by 
a small growth of wild sage, hardly sufficient to boil the tea-kettle. The 
gentlemen, as we called at Vancouver, did every thing in their power to 
make the journey comfortable, but evidently felt anxious concerning 
our safety. We reached the Dalles, some two hundred and twenty 
miles from the Pacific, on the 24th, having been detained by wind, spent 
several days with the Methodist Mission families, who welcomed us joy 
fully, and made our stay agreeable and refreshing. Mrs. Dr. Whitman 
was here, having found it improper and unsafe to remain where she had 
been so lately grossly insulted. Her noble and intellectual mind and 
spirit were much depressed, and her health suffering ; but still enter 
taining for the people or Indians of her charge the feelings of a mother 
toward ungrateful children. Our visit encouraged her. We procured 
horses and traveled by land to Wallawalla, 140 miles above, reaching 
the Hudson s Bay establishment on the 30th. Mr. McKinley, the gen 
tleman in charge, to whom the missionaries are indebted for many kind 
offices in this isolated portion of earth, resolved to make it a common 
cause, and stand or fall with us. We reached Wailatpu, the station 
of Dr. Whitman, the day following, and were shocked and pained at 
beholding the sad work of savage destruction upon this hitherto neat 
and commodious little establishment. The Indians in the vicinity were 
few and shy. I thought best to treat them with reserve, but made an 
appointment to meet the chiefs and tribe on my return. Left the day 
following for the station of Mr. Spalding among the Nez Perces, some 
120 or 130 miles from Wailatpu ; reached it on the 3d of December, 
after a rather pleasant journey over a most verdant and delightful graz 
ing district, well watered, but badly timbered. Having sent a private 
dispatch in advance, they had conveyed the intelligence to the Indians, 
many of whom were collected. The chiefs met us with civility, gravity, 
and dignified reserve, but the missionaries with joyful countenances 
and glad hearts. 

Seldom was a visit of an Indian agent more desired, nor could one 
be more necessary and proper. As they were collecting, we had no 
meeting for eight and forty hours ; in the mean time, through my able 


interpreter and McKay, I managed to secure confidence and prepare 
the way to a good understanding ; visited and prescribed for their 
sick, made a short call at each of the chiefs lodges, spent a season in 
school, hearing them read, spell, and sing ; at the same time examined 
their printing and writing, and can hardly avoid here saying I was 
happily surprised and greatly interested at seeing such numbers so far 
advanced and so eagerly pursuing after knowledge. The next day I 
visited their little plantations, rude, to be sure, but successfully carried 
on, so far as raising the necessaries of life were concerned ; and it was 
most gratifying to witness their fondness and care for their little herds, 
pigs, poultry, etc. 

The hour arriving for the public interview, I was ushered into the 
presence of the assembled chiefs, to the number of twenty-two, with 
some lesser dignitaries, and a large number of the common people. 
The gravity, fixed attention, and decorum of these sons of the forest 
was calculated to make for them a most favorable impression. I stated 
explicitly, but briefly as possible, the design of our great chief in send 
ing me to this country, and the present object of my visit ; assured 
them of the kind intentions of our government, and of the sad conse 
quences that would ensue to any white man, from this time, who should 
invade their rights, by stealing, murder, selling them damaged for good 
articles, or alcohol, of which they are not fond. Without threatening, 
I gave them to understand how highly Mr. and Mrs. Spalding were 
prized by the numerous whites, and with what pleasure the great chief 
gave them a paper to encourage them to come here to teach them what 
they were now so diligently employed in obtaining, in order that they 
and their children might become good, wise, and happy. 

After me, Mr. McKinley, the gentleman in charge of the Hudson s 
Bay establishment at Wallawalla, spoke concisely, but very properly ; 
alluded to his residence of some years, and of the good understanding 
that had generally existed between them, and of the happiness he felt 
that one of his brothers had- come to stand and judge impartially be 
tween him, them, and whites and Indians in general ; declared openly 
and frankly, that Boston, King George, and French, were all of one 
heart in this matter, as they, the Cayuses and Wallawallas should be ; 
flattered them delicately in view of their (to him) unexpected advance 
ment in the arts and sciences, and resumed his seat, having made a 
most favorable impression. 

Next followed Mr. Rogers, the interpreter, who, years before, had 
been employed successfully as linguist in this section of the country 
by the American Board of Commissioners, and was ever a general 
favorite with this people. He adverted, sensibly and touchingly, to 


past difficulties between whites and Indians east of the mountains, 
and the sad consequences to every tribe who had resisted honorable 
measures proposed by the more numerous whites; and having, as 
he hoped, secured their confidence in my favor, exhorted them feel 
ingly to adopt such measures as should be thought proper for their 

Next, and lastly, arose Mr. McKay, and remarked, with a manner 
peculiar to himself, and evidently with some emotion: "I appear 
among you as one arisen from the long sleep of death. You know of 
the violent death of my father on board the ship Tonquin, who was 
one of the partners of the Astor company; I was but a youth ; since 
which time, till the last five years, I have been a wanderer through 
these wilds, none of you, or any Indians of this country, having traveled 
so constantly or extensively as I have, and yet I saw you or your 
fathers once or more annually. I have mingled with you in bloody 
wars and profound peace; I have stood in your midst, surrounded 
by plenty, and suffered with you in seasons of scarcity ; we have had 
our days of wild and joyous sports, and nights of watching and deep 
concern, till I vanished from among men, left the Hudson s Bay Com 
pany, silently retired to my plantation, and there confined myself. 
There I was still, silent, and as one dead ; the voice of my brother, at 
last, aroused me ; I spoke and looked ; I mounted my horse am here. 
I am glad it is so. I came at the call of the great chief, the chief of 
all the whites in the country, as well as all the Indians the son of 
the mighty chief whose children are more numerous than the stars 
in the heavens or the leaves in the forest. Will you hear, and be 
advised ? You will. Your wonderful improvement in the arts and 
sciences prove you are no fools. Surely you will hear ; but if disposed 
to close your ears and stop them, they will be torn open wide, and 
you will be made to hear." This speech from Mr. McKay, whose 
mother is part Indian, though the wife of Governor McLanghlin, had 
a singularly happy influence, and opened the way for expressions 
on the other side, from which there had not hitherto been a sentence 

First arose Five Crows, a wealthy chief of forty-five, neatly attired 
in English costume. He stepped gravely but modestly forward to the 
table, remarking : " It does not become me to speak first ; I am but a 
youth, as yet, when compared with many of these, my fathers; but my 
feelings urge me to arise and say what I am about to utter in a very 
few words. I am glad the chief has come ; I have listened to what 
has been said ; have great hopes that brighter days are before us, 
because I see all the whites united in this matter ; we have much 


wanted something ; hardly knew, what ; been groping and feeling for 
it in confusion and darkness. Here it is. Do we see it, and shall we 
accept it ?" 

Soon the Bloody Chief (not less than ninety years oK se, and 
said: "I speak to-day; perhaps to-morrow I die. I r ue oldest 
chief of the tribe; was the high .chief when your jti brothers, 
Lewis and Clarke, visited this country ; they visited me, and honored 
me with their friendship and counsel. I showed them my numerous 
wounds received in bloody battle with the Snakes ; they told me it 
was not good, it was better to be at peace ; gave me a flag of truce ; 
I held it up high ; we met and talked, but never fought a^ain. Clarke 
pointed to this day, to you, and this occasion ; we have long waited in 
expectation ; sent three of our sons to Red River school to prepare 
for it ; two of them sleep with their fathers ; the other is here, and 
can be ears, mouth, and pen for us. I can say no more; I am quickly 
tired ; my voice and limbs tremble. I am glad I live to see you and 
this day, but I shall soon be still and quiet in death." 

The speech was aifecting. Six more spoke, and the meeting ad 
journed three hours. Met at the hour appointed. All the chiefs and 
principal men being present, stated delicately the embarrassed relation 
existing between whites and Indians in this upper country, by reason 
of a want of proper organization, or the chiefs authority not being 
properly regarded ; alluding to some cases of improprieties of young 
men, not sanctioned by the chiefs and old men ; and where the chiefs 
had been in the wrong, hoped it had principally arisen from imperfectly 
understanding each other s language, or some other excusable cause, 
especially so far as they were concerned. Advised them, as they were 
now to some extent prepared, to choose one high chief of the tribe, 
and acknowledge him as such by universal consent ; all the other sub 
ordinate chiefs being of equal power, and so many helps to carry out 
all his lawful requirements, which they were at once to have in writing, 
in their own language, to regulate their intercourse with whites, 
and, in most cases, with themselves. I advised that each chief have 
live men as a body-guard, to execute all their lawful commands. They 
desired to hear the laws. I proposed them clause by clause, leaving 
them as free to reject as to accept. They wore greatly pleased with 
all proposed, but wished a heavier penalty to some, and suggested the 
dog law, which was annexed. We then left them to choose the high 
chief, assuring them if they did this unanimously by the following 
day at ten, we would all dine together with the chief, on a fat ox, at 
three, himself and myself at the head of the table ; this pleased them 
well, and they set about it in good cheer and high hopes ; but this was 


a new and delicate task, and they soon saw and felt it ; however, all 
agreed that I must make the selection, and so reported two hours 
after we left the council. Assuring them this would not answer, that 
they must select their own chief, they seemed somewhat puzzled, 
and wished to know if it would be proper to counsel with Messrs. 
McKay and Rogers. On telling them that it was not improper, they 
left, a little relieved, and worked poor Rogers and McKay severely for 
many hours; but altogether at length figured it out, and in great 
good humor, so reported at ten, appointing Ellis high chief.* He is 
the one alluded to by the Bloody Chief, a sensible man of thirty-two, 
reading, speaking, and writing the English language tolerably well; has 
a fine small plantation, a few sheep, some neat stock, and no less than 
eleven hundred head of horses. Then came on the feasting ; our ox was 
fat, and cooked and served up in a manner reminding me of the days 
of yore ; we ate beef, corn, and peas, to our fill, and in good cheer took 
the pipe, when Rev. Mr. Spalding, Messrs. McKinley, Rogers, and 
McKay, wished a song from our boatmen ; it was no sooner given than 
returned by the Indians, and repeated again, again, and again, in high 
cheer. I thought it a good time, and required all having any claim 
to bring, or grievances to allege, against Mr. Spalding, to meet me 
and the high chief at evening, in the council-room, and requested Mr. 
Spalding to do the same on the part of the Indians. We met at six, 
and ended at eleven, having accomplished, in the happiest manner, 
much anxious business. Being too well fed to be irritable or dis 
posed to quarrel, both parties were frank and open, seeming anxious 
only to learn our opinion upon plain undisguised matters of fact, many 
of the difficulties having arisen from an honest difference of sentiment 
respecting certain measures. 

Ellis, the chief, having conducted himself throughout in a manner 
creditable to his head and heart, was quite as correct in his conclusions 
and firm in his decisions as could have been expected. The next day we 
had our last meeting, and one full of interest, in which they proposed 
to me many grave and proper questions ; and, as it was manifestly 
desired, I advised in many matters, especially in reference to begging, 
or even receiving presents without, in some way, returning an equiva 
lent ; pointed out in strong language who beggars are among the 
whites, and how regarded ; and commended them for not once troub 
ling me, during my stay, with this disgusting practice ; and as a token 
of respect, now, at the close of our long and happy meeting, they 
would please accept, in the name of my great chief, a present of fifty 

* He had been educated by the Hudson s Bay Company at Red River, and was 
strongly attached to it. 


garden hoes, not for those in authority, or such as had no need of them, 
but for the chiefs and Mr. Spalding to distribute among their indus 
trious poor. I likewise, as they were very needy, proposed and ordered 
them some medicines, to be distributed as they should from time to 
time be required. This being done, I exhorted them to be in obedience 
to their chiefs, highly approving the choice they had made, assuring 
them, as he and the other chiefs were responsible to me for their good 
behavior, I should feel it my duty to see them sustained in all lawful 
measures to promote peace and order. I then turned, and with good 
effect desired all the chiefs to look upon the congregation as their own 
children, and then pointed to Mr. Spalding and lady, and told the 
chiefs, and all present, to look upon them as their father and mother, 
and treat them in all respects as such ; and should they happen to 
differ in sentiment respecting any matter during my absence, be cau 
tious riot to differ in feeling, but leave it till I should again return, 
when the chief and myself would rectify it. Thus closed this mutually 
happy and interesting meeting, and mounting our horses for home, 
Mr. Spalding and the chiefs accompanied us for some four or live miles, 
when we took leave of them in the pleasantest manner, not a single 
circumstance having occurred to mar our peace or shake each other s 

I shall here introduce a note, previously prepared, giving some fur 
ther information respecting this tribe, and appending a copy of their 
laws. The Nez Perces have one governor or principal chief, twelve 
subordinate chiefs of equal power, being the heads of the different vil 
lages or clans, with their five officers to execute all their lawful orders, 
which law they have printed in their own language, and read under- 
standingly. The chiefs are held responsible to the whites for the good 
behavior of the tribe. They are a happy and orderly people, forming 
an honorable exception to the general Indian character, being more in 
dustrious, cleanly, sensible, dignified, and virtuous. 

This organization was effected last fall, and operates well, and with 
them, it is to be hoped, will succeed. A few days since Governor Mc- 
Laughlin favored me with a note addressed to him from the Rev. H. H. 
Spalding, missionary to this tribe, stating as follows : 

" The Indians in this vicinity are remarkably quiet this winter, and 
are highly pleased with the laws recommended by Dr. White, which 
were unanimously adopted by the chiefs and people in council assem 
bled. The visit of Dr. White and assistants to this upper country will 
evidently prove an incalculable blessing to this people. The school 
now numbers two hundred and twenty-four in daily attendance, em 
bracing most of the chiefs and principal men of the nation." 


Laws of the JVez Perces. 

ARTICLE 1. Whoever willfully takes life shall be hung. 

ART. 2. Whoever burns a dwelling-house shall be hung. 

ART. 3. Whoever burns an out-building shall be imprisoned six 
months, receive fifty lashes, and pay all damages. 

ART. 4. Whoever carelessly burns a house, or any property, shall pay 

ART. 5. Tf any one enter a dwelling, without permission of the occu 
pant, the chiefs shall punish him as they think proper. Public rooms 
are exempted. 

ART. 6. If any one steal he shall pay back twofold ; and if it be the 
value of a beaver skin or less, he shall receive twenty-five lashes ; and 
if the value is over a beaver skin he shall pay back twofold, and receive 
fifty lashes. 

ART. 7. If any one take a horse and ride it, without permission, or 
take any article and use it, without liberty, he shall pay for the use of 
Jt, and receive from twenty to fifty lashes, as the chief shall direct. 

ART. 8. If any one enter a field, and injure the crops, or throw down 
the fence, so that cattle or horses go in and do damage, he shall pay all 
damages, and receive twenty-five lashes for every offense. 

ART. 9. Those only may keep dogs who travel or live among the 
game; if a dog kill a lamb, calf; or any domestic animal, the owner 
shall pay the damages and kill the dog. 

ART. 10. If an Indian raise a gun or other weapon against a white 
man, it shall be reported to the chiefs, and they shall punish it. If a 
white do the same to an Indian, it shall be reported to Dr. White, and 
he shall punish or redress it. 

ART. 11. If an Indian break these laws, he shall be punished by his 
chiefs ; if a white man break them, he shall be reported to the agent, 
and punished at his instance. 

After a severe journey of some four days, through the inclemency of 
the weather, we reached Wailatpu, Dr. Whitman s station, where we 
had many most unpleasant matters to settle with the Cayuse tribe, 
such as personal abuse to Dr. Whitman and lady, burning the mill, etc. 
Several, but not all, of the chiefs were present. Learning what the 
Nez Perces had done gave them great concern and anxiety. Tawatowe, 
the high chief, and Feather Cap were there, with some few more digni 
taries, but manifestly uneasy, being shy and cautious. I thought best 
under the circumstances to be quiet, distant, and reserved, and let them 
commence the conversation with my worthy and faithful friends, Rogers 


and McKay, who conducted it with characteristic firmness and candor. 
They had not proceeded far before Feather Cap, for the first time in his 
life, so far as we know, commenced weeping, and wished to see me ; said 
his heart was sick, and he could not live long as he now felt. Tawatowe, 
who was no way implicated personally in the difficulties, and a correct 
man, continued for some time firm and steady to his purpose; said the 
whites were much more to blame than the Indians ; that three-fourths 
of them, though they taught the purest doctrines, practiced the greatest 
abominations, alluding to the base conduct of many in the llocky 
Mountains, where they meet them on their buffalo hunts during the 
summer season, and witness the greatest extravagances. They were 
shown the inapplicability of such instances to the present cases of diffi 
culty. He, too, at last, was much subdued; wished to see me; was 
admitted ; made a sensible speech in his own favor ; said he was con 
stituted, eight years before, high chief; entered upon its duties with 
spirit and courage, determined to reduce his people to order. He 
flogged the young men and reproved the middle-aged, till, having none 
to sustain him, his popularity had so declined, that, except in seasons of 
difficulty brought about by their improprieties, " I am left alone to 
say my prayers and go to bed, to weep over the follies and wickedness 
of my people." Here his voice trembled, and he wept freely; ac 
knowledged it as his opinion that the mill was burnt purposely by 
some disaffected persons toward Dr. Whitman. I spoke kindly and 
somewhat encouragingly to these chiefs ; assured them the guilty only 
were to be regarded as such ; and that candor was commendable, and 
would be honored by all the good ; assured them I credited all they 
said, and deplored the state of their nation, which was in perfect anar 
chy and confusion; told them I could say but little to them now, as 
their chiefs were mostly abroad ; but must say the shocking conduct 
of one of the chiefs toward Mrs. Whitman greatly afflicted me ; and 
that, with the destruction of the mill, and their abominable conduct 
toward Dr. Whitman, if not speedily settled, would lead to the worst 
of consequences to their tribe. I made an engagement to meet them 
and all the tribe on the 10th of the ensuing April, to adjust differences 
and come to a better understanding, they earnestly wishing to adopt 
such laws as the Nez Perces had done. We should probably have 
accomplished a satisfactory settlement, had not several of the influen 
tial chiefs been too far away to get information of the meeting. We 
reached Wascopuni on December 25, the Indians being in great excite 
ment, having different views and impressions respecting the nature of 
the approaching visit. W r e spent four days with them, holding meet 
ings daily, instructing them in the nature of government, civil relations, 


domestic duties, etc. Succeeded, in like happy manner, with them as 
with the Nez Perces, they unanimously adopting the same code of laws. 

Late information from one of their missionaries you will see in the 
following note from Mr. H. B. Brewer : 

"The Indians of this place intend to carry out the regulations you 
left them to the letter. They have been quite engaged in cutting logs 
for houses, and live in expectation of better dwellings by and by. 
For the least transgression of the laws, they are punished by their 
chiefs immediately. The clean faces of some, and the tidy dresses of 
others, show the good eifects of your visit." 

And here allow me to say, except at Wascopum, the missionaries of 
this upper country are too few in number at their respective stations, 
and in too defenseless a state for their own safety, or the best 
good of the Indians, the latter taking advantage of these circum 
stances, to the no small annoyance, and, in some instances, greatly 
endangering the personal safety, of the former. You will see its bear 
ings upon this infant colony, and doubtless give such information or 
instructions to the American Board of Commissioners, or myself, as 
will cause a correction of this evil. It has already occasioned some 
difficulty and much cost. I have insisted upon an increase of numbers 
at Mr. Spalding s mission, which has accordingly been re-enforced by 
Mr. Littlejohn and lady, rendering that station measurably secure ; 
but not so at Wailatpu, or some of the Catholic missions, where some of 
them lost a considerable amount in herds d urine: last winter, and, I am 


told, were obliged to abandon their posts, their lives being endangered. 
This was in the interior, near the Blackfoot country. You will 
observe, from the reports of the different missions, which, so far as I 
am otherwise informed, are correct, that they are doing some positive 
good in the country, not only by diffusing the light of science abroad 
among us, but also by giving employment to many, and, by their 
drafts upon the different Boards and others, creating a circulating 
medium in this country ; but, though they make comparatively slow 
progress in the way of reform among the aborigines of this country, 
their pious and correct example has a most restraining influence upon 
both whites and Indians, and in this way they prevent much evil. 

They have in successful operation six schools. Rev. Mr. and Mrs. 
Spalding (whose zeal and untiring industry for the benefit of the 
people of their charge entitle them to our best considerations) have a 
school of some two hundred and twenty-four, in constant attendance, 
most successfully carried forward, which promises to be of great use 
fulness to both sexes and all ages. Rev. Messrs. Walker and Eells I 
have not been at leisure to visit, but learn they have two small schools 


in operation ; the one at Wailatpu, Dr. Whitman s station, is now 
recommenced with promise of usefulness. 

The Rev. Mr. Blanchet and associates, though zealous Catholics, are 
peaceable, industrious, indefatigable, and successful in promoting reli 
gious knowledge among the Canadian population and aborigines of this 
country. Their enterprise in the erection of mills and other public 
works is very commendable, and the general industry,- good order, and 
correct habits of that portion of the population under their charge is 
sufficient proof that their influence over their people has been everted 
for good.* The Rev. Mr. Lee and associates, from their well-conducted 
operations at the Dalles, upon the Columbia, and a school of some thirty 
scholars successfully carried forward upon the Wallamet, are doing but 
little for the Indians; nor could great efforts produce much good among 
the scattered remnants of the broken tribes of this lower district, who 
are fast disappearing before the ravages of the most loathsome diseases. 
Their principal hopes of success in this country are among the whites, 
where they are endeavoring to lay deep and broad the foundations of 
science. The literary institution referred to by Mr. Lee is situated upon 
a beautiful rising ground, a healthy and eligible location. Could a dona 
tion of five thousand dollars be bestowed upon the institution, it would 
greatly encourage its friends. The donations made by individuals of 
this country have been most liberal, several giving one-third of all they 
possessed. There is a small school established at Tualatine Plains by 
Rev. Mr. Clark and lady. There is also a school at the Catholic Mis 
sion, upon the Wallamet, and also one upon their station at Cowlitz. 
For further information I will refer you to the reports made, at my 
request, by the several missions, and accompanying these dispatches. 

I must close by praying that measures may be speedily entered into 
to take possession of this country, if such steps have not already been 
taken. I left home before the close of the session of Congress, and by 
reason do not know what disposition was made of Hon. Mr. Linn s bill. 
As a reason for this praying, I would here say, the time was when the 
gentlemen of the Hudson s Bay Company and the missions wielded the 

* This statement about Rev. Mr. Blanchet and associates, "their enterprise in erect 
ing mills and other public works," shows how easy it was for the agent to belittle 
his own countrymen s labors, and attribute to others what they never attempted to do, 
and in the next paragraph say they "are doing but little for the Indians;" while the 
truth is, and was at the time, that Mr. Lee and his mission were the only persons in the 
Wallamet Yalley doing any thing to improve the condition of the Indians, of which 
their Indian school, now "Wallamet University, is a permanent monument, which Dr. 
White ignores in this report. 


entire influence over this small population ; but as they have been re- 
enforcod latterly from whale ships, the Rocky Mountains, and the 
Southwestern States, these hitherto salutary restraints and influences 
are giving way, and being measurably lost. 

At present I have considerable influence, but can not long expect to 
retain it, especially in the faithful discharge of iny duty. As a reason for 
coming to such a conclusion, I had but just arrived from the interior, 
when I received an urgent call to visit the mouth of the Columbia, I left 
at once, in company with Nathaniel Crocker, Esq., Mr. Rogers (my inter 
preter), his lady, and her yo-ung sister (the females going only to the falls), 
with a crew of Indians, on our ill-fated expedition. We reached the falls 
at sunset, February 1, and, by reason of the water being higher than usual, 
in passing around a jutting or projecting rock, the canoe came up sud 
denly against a log constituting the landing, at which instant I stepped 
oft , and in a moment, the canoe was swept away, with all its precious 
cargo, over the falls of thirty-eight feet, three rods below. The shock 
was dreadful to this infant colony, and the loss was dreadful and irrepa 
rable to me, Mr. Rogers being more important to me than any one in 
tire country; nor was there a more respectable or useful man in the 
colony. Nathaniel Crocker came in with me last fall from Tompkins 
County ; he was much pleased with the country and its prospects, and 
the citizens were rejoiced at the arrival of such a man in this country ; 
lie was every way capacitated for usefulness. None of the bodies of 
the four whites or two Indians have been as yet found. 


On arriving at the mouth of the Columbia, I found a sailor by the 
name of George Geere, who had most evidently and maliciously labored 
to instigate the Indians to take the life of one of the mission gentlemen, 
by the offer of five blankets. Complaint being made, and having no 
better means, I prevailed upon Governor McLaughlin to allow him to 
accompany their express across the mountains to the States. I would 
here say, as the scamp was nearly a fool as well as villain, I allowed him 
to go without sending evidence against him, on condition of his going 
voluntarily, and never returning. 

I here likewise found a rash, venturesome character, about starting 
off on a trapping and trading excursion among a somewhat numerous 
band of Indians, and nowise well disposed toward the whites. As he 
saw and felt no danger, arguments were of no avail, and threats only 

Sir, shall men be allowed to go wherever they may please, however 
remote from the colony, and settle, under circumstances that endanger 
not only their own personal safety, but the peace and safety of the 


whole white population ? Please give me specific instructions respect 
ing this matter. 


I have eight prisoners on hand at present, for various crimes, princi 
pally stealing horses, grain, etc. ; and crimes are multiplying with num 
bers among the whites, and with scarcity of game among the Indians. 

No intelligence from abroad has reached us this winter. Mount St. 
Helen, one of these snow-capped volcanic mountains, some 16,000 feet 
above the level of the sea, and eighty miles northwest of Vancouver, 
broke out upon the 20th of November last, presenting a scene the most 
awful and sublime imaginable, scattering smoke and ashes several 
hundred miles distance. 

A petition started from this country to-day, making bitter com 
plaints against the Hudson s Bay Company and Governor McLaughlin. 
On reference to it (as a copy was denied), I shall only say, had any gen 
tleman disconnected with the Hudson s Bay Company been at half the 
pains and expense to establish a claim on the Wallamet Falls, very feAV 
would have raised an opposition. His half-bushel measure I know to 
be exact, according to the English imperial standard. The gentlemen 
of this company have been fathers and fosterers of the colony, ever 
encouraging peace, industry, and good order, and have sustained a 
character for hospitality and integrity too well established to be easily 

I am, sir, sincerely and most respectfully, your humble and obedient 



Sub-Agent Indian Affairs, W. R. M. 

Commissioner Indian Affairs. 


Letter of H. II. Spalding to Dr. White. Account of his mission among the .N"ez 
Forces. Schools. Cultivation. Industrial arts. Moral character. Arable land. 
Letter of Commissioner of Indian Affairs to the Secretary of War. 

MY DEAR BROTHER, The kind letter which onr mission had the 
honor of receiving from yourself, making inquiries relative to its num 
bers, the character of the Indian tribes among whom its several stations 
are located, the country, etc., is now before me. 

The questions referring to Indian character are very important, and 
to answer them demands a more extended knowledge of character and 
habits, from personal daily observation, than the short residence of six 
years can afford, and more time and attention than I can possibly com 
mand, amidst the numerous cares and labors of the station. I less regret 
this, as the latter will receive the attention of my better-informed and 
worthy associates of the other stations. 

Concerning many of the questions, I can only give my own half- 
formed opinions, from limited observations which have not extended 
far beyond the people of my immediate charge. 

Our mission is under the patronage of the American Board, and was 
commenced in the fall of 1836, by Marcus Whitman, M. D., and myself, 
with our wives and Mr. Gray. Dr. Whitman was located at Wailatpu, 
among the Cayuse Indians, twenty-five miles east of Fort Walla walla, a 
trading-post of the Hudson s Bay Company, which stands nine miles 
below the junction of Lewis and Clarke rivers, three hundred from the 
Pacific, and about two hundred from Fort Vancouver. I was located at 
this place, on the Clearwater, or Koos-koos-ky River, twelve miles from 
its junction with the Lewis River, one hundred and twenty miles east 
of Wailatpu. Mr. Gray left the same winter, and returned to the 
States. In the fall of 1838, Mr. Gray returned to this country, accom 
panied by Mrs. Gray, Messrs. Walker, Eells, and Smith, and their 
uives, and Mr. Rogers. The next season, two new stations were com 
menced, one by Messrs. Walker and Eells at Cimakain, near Spokan River, 
among the Spokan Indians, one hundred and thirty-five miles north 
west of this station, and sixty-five miles south of Fort Colville, on the 
Columbia River, three hundred miles above Fort Wallawalla ; the sec 
ond by Mr. Smith, among the Nez Perces, sixty miles above this station. 


There are now connected with this mission the Rev. Messrs. Walker 
and Eells, Mrs. Walker and Mrs. Eells; at Cimakain, myself, and Mrs. 
Spalding at this station. Dr. Whitman is now on a visit to the States, 
and Mrs. Whitman on a visit to the Dalles, a station of our Methodist 
brethren. But two natives have as yet been admitted into the church. 
Some ten or twelve others give pleasing evidence of having been born 

Concerning the schools and congregations on the Sabbath, I will 
speak only of this station. The congregation on the Sabbath varies at 
different seasons of the year, and must continue to do so until the peo 
ple find a substitute in the fruits of the earth and herds for their roots, 
game, and fish, which necessarily require much wandering. I am 
happy to say that this people are very generally turning their atten 
tion, with much apparent eagerness, to cultivating the soil, and raising 
hogs, cattle, and sheep, and find a much more abundant and agreeable 
source of subsistence in the hoe than in their bows and sticks for 
digging roots. 

For a few weeks in the fall, after the people return from their buffalo 
hunt, and then a,gain, in the spring, the congregation numbers from one 
to two thousand. Through the winter it numbers from two to eight 
hundred. From July to the 1st of October, it varies from two to five 
hundred. The congregation, as also the school, increases every winter, 
as the quantity of provision raised in this vicinity is increased. 

Preparatory to schools and a permanent congregation, my earliest 
attention, on arriving in this country, was turned toward schools, as 
promising the most permanent good to the nation, in connection with 
the written word of God and the preached gospel. But to speak of 
schools then was like speaking of the church bell, when as yet the 
helve is not put in the first ax by which the timber is to be felled, or 
the first stone laid in the dam which is to collect the water from whence 
the lumber in the edifice in which the bell is to give forth its sounds. 
Suffice it to say, through the blessing of God, we have had an increas 
ingly large school, for two winters past, with comparatively favorable 
means of instruction. 

But the steps by which we have been brought to the present eleva 
tion, if I may so speak, though we are t yet exceedingly low, begin far, 
far back among the days of nothing, and little to do with. 

Besides eating my own bread by the sweat of my brow, there were 
the wandering children of a necessarily wandering people to collect 
and bring permanently within the reach of the school. Over this 
department of labor hung the darkest cloud, as the Indian is noted 
for despising manual labor; but I would acknowledge, with humble 


gratitude, the interposition of that hand which holds the hearts of all 
men. The hoe soon brought hope, light, and satisfaction, the fruits of 
which are yearly becoming much more than a substitute for their for 
mer precarious game and roots, and are much preferred by the people, 
who are coming in from the mountains and plains, and calling for hoes, 
plows, and seeds, much faster than they can be furnished, and collect 
ing around the station in increasing numbers, to cultivate their little 
farms ; BO furnishing a permanent school and congregation on the Sab 
bath, from four to eight months, and, as the farms are enlarged, 
giving food and employment for the year. I trust the school and con 
gregation will be permanent through the year. It was no small tax 
on my time to give the first lessons on agriculture. That the men of 
the nation (the first chiefs not excepted) rose up to labor when a few 
hoes and seeds were offered them, I can attribute to nothing but the 
unseen hand of the God of missions. That their habits are really 
changed is acknowledged by themselves. The men say, whereas they 
once did not labor with their hands, now they do ; and often tell me in 
jesting that I have converted them into a nation of women. They are 
a very industrious people, and, from very small beginnings, they now 
cultivate their lands with much skill, and to good advantage. Doubt 
less many more would cultivate, but for the want of means. Your 
kind donation of fifty hoes, in behalf of the government, will be most 
timely ; and should you be able to send up the plows you kindly pro 
posed, they will, without doubt, be purchased immediately, and put to 
the best use. 

But to return to the school. It now numbers two hundred and 
twenty-five in daily attendance, half of which are adults. Nearly all 
the principal men and chiefs in this vicinity, with one chief from a 
neighboring tribe, are members of the school. A new impulse was 
given to the school by the warm interest yourself and Mr. McKay took 
in it while you were here. They are as industrious in school as they 
are on their farms. Their improvement is astonishing, considering their 
crowded condition, and only Mrs. Spalding, with her delicate consti 
tution and her family cares, for their teacher. 

About one hundred are printing their own books with a pen. This 
keeps up a deep interest, as they daily have new lessons to print, and 
what they print must be committed to memory as soon as possible. 

A good number are now so far advanced in reading and printing as 
to render much assistance in teaching. Their books are taken home at 
nights, and every lodge becomes a schoolroom. 

Their lessons are scripture lessons; no others (except the laws) seem 
to interest them. I send you a specimen of the books they print in 


school. It was printed by ten select adults, yet it is a fair specimen of 
a great number in the school. 

The laws which you so happily prepared, and which were unani* 
mously adopted by the people, I have printed in the form of a small 
school-book. A great number of the school now read them fluently. 
I send you a few copies of the laws, with no apologies for the imperfect 
manner in which they are executed. Without doubt, a school of nearly 
the same number could be collected at Kirniah, the station above this, 
vacated by Mr, Smith, the present residence of Ellis, the principal chief. 

Number who cultivate. Last season about one hundred and forty 
cultivated from one-fourth of an acre to four or five acres each. About 
half this number cultivate in the valley. One chief raised one hundred 
and seventy-six bushels of peas last season, one hundred of corn, and 
four hundred of potatoes. Another, one hundred and fifty of peas, one 
hundred and sixty of corn, a large quantity of potatoes, vegetables, etc. 
Ellis, I believe, raised more than either of the above-mentioned. Some 
forty other individuals raised from twenty to one hundred bushels of- 
grain. Eight individuals are now furnished with plows. Thirty-two 
head of cattle are possessed by thirteen individuals ; ten sheep by four ; 
come forty hogs. 

Arts and sciences. Mrs. Spalding has instructed ten females in knit 
ting, a majority of the female department in the schools in sewing, six 
in carding and spinning, and three in weaving. Should our worthy 
brother and sister, Mr. and Mrs. Littlejohn, join us soon, as is now ex 
pected, I trust, by the blessing of God, we shall see greater things than 
we have yet seen. From what I have seen in the field, the" school, the 
spinning and weaving room, in the prayer-room, and Sabbath congre 
gation, I am fully of the opinion that this people are susceptible of high 
moral and civil improvement. 

Moral character of the people. On this point there is a great diver 
sity of opinion. One writer styles them more a nation of saints than 
of savages; and if their refusing to move camp for game, at his sug 
gestion, on a certain day, reminded him that the Sabbath extended as 
far west as the Rocky Mountains, he might well consider them such. 
Another styles them supremely selfish, which is nearer the truth ; for, 
without doubt, they are the descendants of Adam. What I have above 
stated is evidently a part of the bright side of their character. But 
there is also a dark side, in which I have sometimes taken a part. I 
must, however, confess that when I attempt to name it, and hold it up 
as a marked exception to a nation in similar circumstances, without the 
restraint of wholesome laws, and strangers to the heaven-born fruits of 
enlightened and well-regulated society, I am not able to do it. Faults 


they have, and very great ones, yet few of them seemed disposed 
to break the Sabbath by traveling and other secular business. A 
very few indulge in something like profane swearing. Very few are 
superstitiously attached to their medicine men, who are, without doubt, 
sorcerers, and are supposed to be leagued with a supernatural being 
(Waikin), who shows himself sometimes in the gray bear, the wolf, 
the swan, goose, wind, clouds, etc. 

Lying is very common ; thieving comparatively rare ; polygamy for 
merly common, but now rare; much gambling among the young men ; 
quarreling and fighting quite rare ; habit of taking back property after 
it is sold is a practice quite common, and very evil in its tendency. 
All these evils, I conceive, can be traced to the want of wholesome 
laws and well-regulated society. There are two traits in the character 
of this people I wish to notice. One I think I can account for ; the 
other I can not. It is often said the Indian is a noble-minded being, 
never forgetting a kindness. So far as my experience has gone with 
this people, the above is most emphatically true, but in quite a different 
sense from the idea there conveyed. It is true they never forget a 
kindness, but after make it an occasion to ask another ; and if refused, 
return insults according to the favors received. My experience foas 
taught me that, if I would keep the friendship of an Indian, and do him 
good, I must show him no more favor in the way of property thanf 
what he returns some kind of an equivalent for; most of our trials have 
arisen from this source, I am, however, happy to feel tnat there is a 
manifest improvement as the people become more instructed, and we 
become more acquainted with their habits. This offensive trait in the 
Indian character I believe, in part, should be charged to the white man. 
It has been the universal practice of all white men to give tobacco, to 
name no other article, to Indians when they ask for it. Hence two very 
natural ideas : one is, that the white man is in debt to them ; the other is, 
that in proportion as a white man is a good man he will discharge this 
debt by giving bountifully of his provisions and goods. This trait in 
Indian character is capable of being turned to the disadvantage of 
traders, travelers, arid missionaries, by prejudiced white men. 

The last trait, which I can not account for, is an apparent disregard 
for the rights of white men. Although their eagerness to receive in 
struction in school on the Sabbath and on the farm is without a parallel 
in my knowledge, still, should a reckless fellow from their own number, 
or even a stranger, make an attack on my life or property, I have no 
evidence to suppose but a vast majority of them would look on 
with indifference and see our dwelling burnt to the ground and our 
heads severed from our bodies. I can not reconcile this seeming want 


of gratitude with their many encouraging characteristics. But to con 
clude this subject, should our unprofitable lives, through a kind Provi 
dence, be spared a few years, by the blessing of the God of missions, 
we expect to see this people Christianized to a great extent, civilized, 
and happy, with much of science and the word of God, and many of 
the comforts of life ; but not without many days of hard labor, and 
sore trials of disappointed hopes, and nameless perplexities. 

The number of this people is variously estimated from two thousand 
to four thousand, I can not give a correct estimate. 

At this station there is a dwelling-house, a schoolhouse, storehouse, 
flour and saw mills (all of a rough kind), fifteen acres of land under 
improvement, twenty-four head of cattle, thirty-six horses, sixty-seven 
sheep. Rev. Messrs. Walker and Eells, I hope, will report of Wailatpu ; 
but should they fail, I will say, as near as I can recollect, about fifty 
acres of land are cultivated by some seventy individuals; a much greater 
number of cattle and hogs than among this people. Belonging to the 
station are thirty-four head of cattle, eleven horses, some forty hogs ; 
one dwelling-house of adobes (well finished), a blacksmith s shop, flour- 
rnill (lately destroyed by fire), and some forty acres of land cultivated. 

Arable land. The arable land in this upper country is confined al 
most entirely to the small streams, although further observation may 
prove that many of the extensive rolling prairies are capable of pro 
ducing wheat. They can become inhabited only by cultivating timber ; 
but the rich growth of buffalo grass upon them will ever furnish an in 
exhaustible supply for innumerable herds of cattle and sheep. I know 
of no country in the world so well adapted to the herding system.- 
Cattle, sheep, and horses are invariably healthy, and produce rapidly ; 
sheep usually twice a year. The herding system adopted, the country 
at first put under regulations adapted to the scarcity of habitable places 
(say that no settlers shall be allowed to take up over twenty acres of 
land on the streams), and the country without doubt will sustain a 
great population. I am happy to feel assured that the United States 
government have no other thoughts than to regard the rights and 
wants of the Indian tribes in this country. 

And while the agency of Indian affairs in this country remains in the 
hands of the present agent, I have the fullest confidence to believe that 
the reasonable expectations in reference to the intercourse between 
whites and Indians will be fully realized by every philanthropist and every 
Christian. But as the Indian population is sparse, after they are 
abundantly supplied, there will be remaining country sufficient for an 
extensive white population. 

The thought of removing these tribes, that the country may come 


wholly in possession of the whites, can never for a moment enter the 
mind of a friend of the red man, for two reasons, to name no other : 
First, there are but two countries to which they can be removed, the 
grave and the Blackfoot, between which there is no choice ; second, the 
countless millions of salmon which swarm the Columbia and its tribu 
taries, and furnish a very great proportion of the sustenance of the 
tribes who dwell upon these numerous waters, and a substitute for 
which can nowhere be found east or west of the Rocky Mountains, but 
in herds or cultivating their own land. * * * 

Your humble servant, 


Agent for Indian Affairs west of the Rocky Mountains. 



Communications have been received from Dr. Elijah White, sub- 
agent for the Indians in Oregon Territory, dated, severally, November 
15, 1843, and March 18, 1844. * * * They contain much of in 
terest in considerable detail. The establishment of white settlements 
from the United States, in that remote region, seems to be attended 
with the circumstances that have always arisen out of the conversion of 
an American wilderness into a cultivated and improved region, modi 
fied by the great advance of the present time in morals, and benevolent 
and religious institutions. It is very remarkable that there should be so 
soon several well-supported, well-attended, and well-conducted schools 
in Oregon. The Nez Perce tribe of Indians have adopted a few simple 
and plain laws of their code, which will teach them self-restraint, and is 
the beginning of government on their part. 

It is painful, however, to know that a distillery for the manufacture 
of whisky was erected and in operation west of the Rocky Mountains, 
which, however, the sub-agent, sustained by the resident whites, broke 
up and destroyed. There was, in February last, an affray between a 
very boisterous and desperate Indian and his party and a portion of 
the settlers, which ended in the death of several of the combatants. 
This unfortunate affair was adjusted, as it is hoped, satisfactorily and 
permanently, by the sub-agent, though he seems to apprehend an early 
outbreak. I trust he is mistaken. 

Respectfully submitted, 


Secretary of War. 


Dr. E. White s letter to the Secretary of War. Excitement among the Indians. Yisit 
to Nez Perces, Cayuses, and Wallawallas. Destitution and degradation of the 
Coast Indians. Dr. White eulogizes Governor McLnughlin and the Hudson s Bay 
Company. Schools and missions. Mr. Jesse Applegate. Dr. White s second 
letter. Letters of Peter H. Hatch and W. H. Wilson. Seizure of a distillery. 
Search for liquor. Letter of James D. Saules. Fight with Indians. Death of 
Cockstock. Description and character of him. The Molallos and Klamaths. 
Agreement with the Dalles Indians. Presents to Cockstock s widow. Dr. White 3 
third letter. Letter of Rev. G-. Hines to Dr. White. Letter of W. Medill. 

November 15, 1843. j 

HONORED SIR, Since my arrival, I have had the honor of address 
ing you some three or four communications, the last of which left early 
in April, conveyed by the Hudson s Bay Company s express over the 
Rocky Mountains, via Canada, which I hope and judge was duly 

Immediately after this, I received several communications from mis 
sionaries of the interior, some from the Methodists and others from 
those sent out by the American Board, representing the Indians of the 
interior as in a state of great excitement, and under much apprehension 
from the circumstance that such numbers of whites were coming in, as 
they were informed, to take possession of their lands and country. 
The excitement soon became general, both among whites and Indians, 
in this lower as well upper district ; and such were the constantly floating 
groundless reports, that much uneasiness was felt, and some of our citi 
zens were under such a state of apprehension as to abandon their 
houses, and place themselves more immediately within the precincts of 
the colony. As in all such cases, a variety of opinions was entertained 
and expressed, some pleading for me, at the expense of the general 
government, to throw up a strong fortification in the center of the col 
ony, and furnish the settlers with guns and ammunition, so that we 
might be prepared for extremities. Others thought it more advisable 
for me to go at once with an armed force of considerable strength to 
the heart and center of the conspiracy, as it was represented, and if 
words would not answer, make powder and balls do it. A third party 
entertained other views, and few were really agreed on any one 



As may be imagined, I felt the awkwardness of my position ; but, 
without stopping to consult an agitated populace, selected a sensible 
clergyman arid a single attendant, with my interpreter, and so man 
aged as to throw myself immediately into their mid^t unobserved. 
The measure had the desired effect, though, as in my report I will 
more fully inform yon, it had like to have cost me my life. 

The Indians flocked around .me, and inquired after my party, and 
could not be persuaded for some time, but that I had a large party 
concealed somewhere near, and only waited to get them convened, to 
open a fire upon and cut them all off at a blow. On convincing them 
of my defenseless condition and pacific intentions, they were quite 
astounded and much affected, assuring me they had been under strong 
apprehensions, having learned I was soon to visit them with a large 
armed party, with hostile intentions, and I actually found them suffer 
ing more from fears of war from the whites, than the whites from the 
Indians ; each party resolving, however, to remain at home, and there 
fight to the last, though, fortunately, some three or four hundred 
miles apart* 

The day following, we left these Wallawallas and Cayuses, to pay a 
visit to the Nez Perec s, promising to call on our return, and enter into a 
treaty of amity, if we could agree on the terms, and wished them to 
give general notice to all concerned of both tribes. 

In two days we were at Mr. Spalding s station. The Nez Perces 
came together in greater numbers than on any former occasion for 
years, and all the circumstances combining to favor it, received us 
most cordially. Their, improvement during the winter in reading, 
writing, etc., was considerable, and the enlargement of their planta 
tions, with the increased variety and quantities of the various kinds of 
grains and products now vigorously shooting forth, connected with the 
better state of cultivation and their universally good fences, were cer 
tainly most encouraging. 

Spending some three days with this interesting tribe, and their 
missionaries, in the pleasantest manner, they accepted my invitation to 
visit with me the Cayuses and Wallawallas, and assist by their influ 
ence to bring them into the same regulation they had previously 
adopted, and with which all were so well pleased. 

Mr. Spalding, and Ellis, the high chief, with every other chief and 
brave of importance, and some four or five hundred of the men and 
their women, accompanied us to Wailatpu, Doctor Whitman s station, 
a distance of a hundred and twenty miles, where we met the Cayuses 
and Wallawallas in mass, and spent some five or six days in getting 
* Who were the instigators of these alarms among the Indians ? 


matters adjusted and principles settled, so as to receive the Cayuses 
into the civil compact ; which being done, and the high chief elected, 
much to the satisfaction of both whites and Indians, I ordered two fat 
oxen to be killed, and wheat, salt, etc., distributed accordingly. * * * 

This was the first feast at which the Indian women of this country 
were ever permitted to be present, but probably will not be the last; 
for, after some explanation of my reasons, the chiefs were highly 
pleased with it ; and I believe more was done at that feast to elevate 
and bring forward their poor oppressed women than could have been 
done in years by private instruction. 

The feast broke up in the happiest manner, after Five Crows, the 
Cayuse chief, Ellis, and the old war chief of whom I made particular 
mention in my last report as being so well acquainted with Clarke and 
a few others, had made their speeches, and we had smoked the pipe of 
peace, which was done by all in great good humor. 

From this we proceeded to the Dalles on the Columbia River, where 
I spent two months in instructing the Indians of different tribes, who 
either came in mass, or sent ernbassadors to treat with me, or, as they 
denominate it, take my laws, which are thus far found to operate 
well, giving them greater security among themselves, and helping 
much to regulate their intercourse with the whites. Being exceedingly 
anxious to bring about an improvement and reformation among this 
people, I begged money and procured articles of clothing to the 
amount of a few hundred dollars, not to be given, but to be sold out to 
the industrious women, for mats, baskets, and their various articles of 
manufacture, in order to get them clothed comfortably to appear at 
church ; enlisted the cheerful co-operation of the mission ladies in 
instructing them how to sew and make up their dresses ; and had the 
happiness to see some twenty of these neatly clnd at divine service, and 
a somewhat large number out in the happiest mood to a feast I ordered 
them, at which the mission ladies and gentlemen were present. 

During these two months I labored hard, visiting many of their sick 
daily ; and by the most prompt and kind attention, and sympathizing 
with them in their affliction, encouraging the industrious and virtuous, 
and frowning in language and looks upon the vicious, I am satisfied 
good was done. They gave evidence of attachment ; and my influence 
was manifestly increased, as well as the laws more thoroughly under 
stood, by reason of my remaining so long among them. 

During my up-country excursion, the whites of the colony convened, 
and formed a code of laws to regulate intercourse between themselves 
during the absence of law from our mother country, adopting in 
almost all respects the Iowa code. In this I was consulted, and 


encouraged the measure, as it was so manifestly necessary for the col 
lection of debts, securing rights in claims, and the regulation of general 
intercourse among the whites. 

Thus far, these laws have been of some force and importance, answer 
ing well in cases of trespass and the collection of debts; but it is doubt 
ful how they would succeed in criminal affairs, especially if there should 
happen to be a division of sentiment in the public mind. 

The Indians of this lower country, as was to be expected, give con 
siderable trouble, and are most vexatious subjects to deal with. In 
mind, the weakest and most depraved of their race, and physically, 
thoroughly contaminated with the scrofula and a still more loathsome 
disease entailed by the whites; robbed of their game and former means 
of covering ; lost to the use of the bow and arrow ; laughed at, scoff 
ed, and contemned by the whites, and a hiss and by-word to the sur 
rounding tribes, they are too dejected and depressed to feel the least 
pleasure in their former amusements, and wander about seeking gener 
ally a scanty pittance by begging and pilfering, but the more ambitious 
and desperate among them stealing, and in some instances plundering 
on a large scale. Were it not that greater forbearance is exercised 
toward them than whites generally exercise, bloodshed, anarchy, and 
confusion would reign predominant among us. But thus far, it is but 
just to say, the Indians have been, in almost every instance, the aggres 
sors; and though none of us now apprehend an Indian war or invasion, 
it appears to me morally impossible that general quiet can long be 
secure, unless government takes almost immediate measures to relieve 
the anxieties and better the condition of these poor savages and other 
Indians of this country. I am doing what I can, and by reason of my 
profession, with lending them all the assistance possible in sickness, 
and sympathizing with them in their numerous afflictions, and occasion 
ally feeding, feasting, and giving them little tokens of kind regard, have 
as yet considerable influence over them, but have to punish some, and 
occasion the chiefs to punish more, which creates me enemies, and must 
eventuate in lessening- my influence among them, unless the means are 
put in my hands to sustain and encourage the chiefs and well-disposed 
among them. Good icords, kind looks, and medicine have some power 
but, honored and very dear sir, you and I know they do not tell with 
Indians like blankets and present articles, to meet their tastes, wants, and 
necessities. Sir, I know how deeply anxious you are to benefit and save 
what can be of the withering Indian tribes, in which God knows how 
fully and heartily I am with you, and earnestly pray you, and through 
you our general government, to take immediate measures to satisfy the 
minds, and, so far as possible, render to these Indians an equivalent for 


their once numerous herds of deer, elk, buffalo, beaver, and otter, nearly 
as tame as our domestic animals, previously to the whites and their fire 
arms coming among them, and of which they are now stripped, and for 
which they suffer. But, if nothing can be done for them upon this score, 
pray save them from being forcibly ejected from the lands and graves 
of their fathers, of which they begin to entertain serious fears. Many 
are becoming considerably enlightened on the subject of the white man s 
policy, and begin to quake in view of their future doom ; and come to 
me from time to time, anxiously inquiring what they are to receive for 
such a one coming and cutting off all their most valuable timber, and 
floating it to the falls of the Wallamet, and getting large sums for it; 
some praying the removal of licentious w r hites from among them; 
others requiring pay for their old homestead, or a removal of the in 
truders. So, sir, you see already I have my hands, head, and heart full ; 
and if as yet I have succeeded in giving satisfaction, as many hundreds 
that neither know nor care for me, nor regard in the least the rights of 
the Indians, are now flocking in, something more must be done, and 
that speedily, or a storm ensues. 

I remove all licentious offenders from among them, especially if 
located at a distance from the colony, and encourage the community to 
keep within reasonable bounds, and settle as compactly as the general 
interest and duty to themselves will admit. 

The large immigrating party have now arrived, most of them with 
their herds, having left the wagons at Wallawalla and the Dalles, which 
they intend to bring by land or water to the Wallamet in the spring. 
Whether they succeed in getting them through by land the last sixty 
miles is doubtful, the road not having been as yet well explored. They 
are greatly pleased with the country and its prospects. Mr. Applegate, 
who has been so much in government employ, and surveyed such por 
tions of Missouri, says of this valley, it is a country of the greatest 
beauty and the finest soil he has seen. 

The settlers are actively and vigorously employed, and the colony in 
a most prosperous state, crops of every kind having been unusually good 
this season. The little unhappy difference between the American set 
tlers and the Hudson s Bay Company, arising from the last spring s 
petition to our government, has been healed, and we have general 
quiet, both parties conducting themselves very properly toward each 
other at present. And here allow me to say, the seasonable services in 
which hundreds of dollars were gratuitously expended in assisting such 
numbers of our poor emigrant citizens down the Columbia to the Wal 
lamet, entitle Governor McLaughlin, saying nothing of his previous 
fatherly and fostering care of this colony, to the honorable considera- 


tion of the members of our government. And I hope, as he is desirous 
to settle with his family in this country, and has made a claim at the 
falls of the Wallamet, his claim will be honored in such a manner as to 
make him conscious that we, as a nation, are not insensible to his 
numerous acts of benevolence and hospitality toward our countrymen. 
Sir, in the midst of slander, envy, jealousy, and, in too many instances, 
of the blackest ingratitude, his unceasing, never-tiring hospitality 
affects me, and makes him appear in a widely different light than too 
many would have him and his worthy associates appear before the 

The last year s report, in which was incorporated Mr. Linn s Oregon 
speech and Captain Spalding s statements of hundreds of unoffending 
Indians being shot down annually by men under his control, afflicts the 
gentlemen of the Hudson s Bay Company, and is utterly without foun 
dation, no company or gentlemen ever having conducted themselves 
more judiciously among Indians than they uniformly have done in this 
country ; and I am of the governor s opinion, who declares, openly, there 
have not been ten Indians killed by whites in this whole region west 
of Fort Hall, for the last twenty years, nor do I know of that number, 
and two of those were killed by our citizens. What were destroyed by 
the Hudson s Bay Company sufferered for willful murder, none pretend 
ing a doubt of the propriety of the course adopted.* 

There are now four schools kept in the colony, of which I shall speak 
more fully in my annual report : one at the Tualatin Plains, under the 
direction and auspices of the Rev. Mr. Clark, a self-supporting mission 
ary ; a second (French and English) school is in successful operation 
by Mr. Blanchet, Roman Catholic missionary to this colony ; a third is 
well sustained by the citizens, and kept at the falls of the Wallamet ; a 
fourth (boarding and manual labor) sustained by the Methodist Boai d 
of Missions, for the benefit of Indian youth, of which Mr. Lee will speak 
particularly. The location is healthy, eligible, and beautiful, and the 
noble edifice does honor to the benevolent cause and agents that founded 
it. And while here, allow me to say, Mr. Jesse Applegate, from Mis 
souri, is now surveying the mission claim, a plat of which will be pre 
sented to the consideration of the members of our government, for 
acceptance or otherwise, of which I have but little to say, as I entertain 
no doubt but Mr. Lee s representation will be most faithful. Should 
the ground of his claim be predicated upon the much effected for the 
benefit of the Indians, I am not with him ; for, with all that has been 

* This statement of Dr. White s shows his disposition to misrepresent his own coun 
trymen, to favor the Hudson s Bay Company and the foreign subjects who were disposed 
to flatter his vanity. 


expended, without doubting the correctness of the intention, it is most 
manifest to every observer that the Indians of this lower country, as a 
whole, have been very little benefited. They were too far gone with 
scrofula and venereal. But should he insist, as a reason of his claim, 
the benefit arising to the colony and country, I am with him heartily ; 
and notwithstanding the claim is a valuable one, this country has been 
increased more by the mission operations than twice its amount in 
finance ; besides, much has been done in advancing civilization, tem 
perance, literature, and good morals, saying nothing of the evils that 
must have arisen in this lawless country in the absence of all moral 
restraint. Mr. Lee was among the first pioneers to this distant land, 
has struggled in its cares, toils, and trials, has risen with its rise ; and 
it is but just to say, he and his associates are exerting a considerable 
and most salutary influence all abroad among us. I hope his reception 
will be such that he will return from Washington cheered and encour 
aged to pursue his benevolent operations in this country. The Catho 
lic and the different Protestant missions have been prosperous during 
the last year, and are as generally acceptable to the whites as could, 
from their different pursuits, have been expected. * * * 

Great expectations are entertained, from the fact that Mr. Linn s bill 
has passed the Senate ; and as it has been so long before the public, and 
favorably entertained at Washington, should it at last fail of passing 
the Lower House, suffer me to predict, in view of what so many have 
been induced to undergo, in person and property, to get to this distant 
country, it will create a disaffection so strong as to end only in open 
rebellion; whereas, should it pass into a law, it will be regarded as 
most liberal and handsome, and will be appreciated by most, if not all, 
in Oregon. 

As to the claim for the Oregon Institute, I need say nothing, hav 
ing said enough in my last report ; but, as that may have failed in 
reaching, I would just remark, that the location is a healthy one, 
and the site fine, with prospect charmingly varied, extensive, and 

I leave this subject with Mr. Lee and the members of our liberal 
government, not doubting but that all will be done for this Institute, and 
otherwise, that can be, and as soon as practicable, to lay deep and broad 
the foundation of science and literature in this country. * * * 

Respectfully yours, 

Sub-Agent Indian Affairs, W. R. M. 

lion. J. M. PORTER, 

Secretary of War. 


WALLAMET, March 18, 1844. 

SIR, On the evening of the 1st February, the two following 
letters came to me, finding me in the upper settlement of the Wallamet, 
distance forty miles : 

"WALLAMET FALLS, January 29, 1844. 

" DEAR SIR, The undersigned would take this occasion to inform 
you that there have been of late in this place some few cases of intoxica 
tion from the effects of ardent spirits. It is currently reported that it 
is distilled in this place, and the undersigned have good reason to credit 
such reports. While, therefore, the undersigned will not trouble you, 
sir, with a detailed exposition of the facts, they must be permitted to 
express their deliberate conviction that that which has inflicted so 
much injury upon the morals, the peace, and the happiness of the world, 
ought not to be permitted to be manufactured in this country under 
any circumstances. And your attention is respectfully invited to this 
subject. " We have the honor to be, dear sir, 

" PETER H. HATCH, President. 
" A. L. LOVEJOY, Vice-President. 
" A. F. WALLER, Secretary. 
" Dr. E. WHITE, 

" Sub- Agent for Indian- Affairs, Oregon Territory." 

"WALLAMET FALLS, January 26, 1844. 

" DEAR SIR, I do not know but you have been written to already 
on the subject which is the cause of no inconsiderable excitement at 
this place, viz., the manufacture and use of that most degrading, wither 
ing, and damning of all the curses that have ever visited our race 
since the fall of Adam. As much as we regret it, deplore it, and 
anathematize the men who make it, it is nevertheless made, and men, 
or rather biped brutes, get drunk. Now, we believe if there is any thing 
that calls your attention in your official capacity, or any thing in which 
you would be most cordially supported by the good sense and prompt 
action of the better part of the community, it is the present case. We 
do not wish to dictate, but hope for the best, begging pardon for 
intrusions. " I am, dear sir, yours truly, 


" Sub- Agent Oregon Territory." 

I accordingly left at sunrise on the following morning, and reached 
the falls at sunset. Without delay, I secured the criminal and his 


distillery, broke his apparatus, and buried it in the Wallaraet River. 
I put the aggressor under bonds, in the strongest penalty the nature of 
the case would admit, $300, few being willing to be his bondsmen 
even for this amount. 

Mr. Pettygrove, a merchant, of good habits and character, being 
accused of keeping and selling wine and brandy, I searched, and found, 
as he had acknowledged, half a gallon of brandy and part of a barrel 
of port wine, which has been used, and occasionally parted with, only 
for medicinal purposes ; and, to avoid all appearance of partiality, I 
required the delivery of the brandy and wine on the delivery of the 
inclosed bond, which was most cheerfully and cordially given, amount 
$1,000. I searched every suspicious place thoroughly, aided by the 
citizens, but found no ardent spirits or wine in the colony. Since this 
period, no attempts have been made to make, introduce, or vend 
liquors; and the great majority of the colonists come warmly to my 
support in this matter, proffering their aid to keep this bane from our 

On the evening of February 20, I received the following communica 
tion, accompanied by corroboratory statements from Mr. Foster, of 
Oregon City : 

" WALLAMET FALLS, February 16, 1844. 

" SIR, I beg leave to inform you that there is an Indian about this 
place, of the name of Cockstock, who is in the habit of making con 
tinual threats against the settlers in this neighborhood, and who has 
also murdered several Indians lately. He has conducted himself lately 
in so outrageous a manner, that Mr. Winslow Anderson has considered 
himself in personal danger, and on that account has left his place, and 
come to reside at the falls of the Wallamet ; and were I in circum 
stances that I could possibly remove from my place, I would certainly 
remove also, but am so situated that it is not possible for me to do so. 
I beg, therefore, that you, sir, will take into consideration the propriety 
of ridding the country of a villain, against the depredations of whom 
none can be safe, as it is impossible to guard against the lurking at 
tacks of the midnight murderer. I have, therefore, taken the liberty 
of informing you that I shall be in expectation of a decided answer 
from you on or before the 10th of March next ; after that date, I shall 
consider myself justified in acting as I shall see fit, on any repetition of 
of the threats made by the before-mentioned Indian or his party. 

" I am, etc., with respect, 


" Dr. E. WHITE, Superintendent, etc," 


As I well knew all the individuals concerned, I resolved to repair 
immediately to the spot, and, if possible, secure the Indian without 
bloodshed, as he was connected with some of the most formidable tribes 
in this part of the Territory, though a very dangerous and violent 
character. Accordingly I started, and reaching the falls on the follow 
ing evening, collected a party to repair to the spot and secure him 
while asleep, knowing that he would not submit to be taken a prisoner 
without resistance. The evening was stormy, and the distance some 
eight miles, through thick wood and fallen timber, with two bad 
streams to cross. Being on foot, my party declined the attempt till 
morning, a circumstance I much regretted ; yet, having no military 
force, I was compelled to yield. In the morning I headed the party of 
ten men to take this Indian, who had only five adherents, in hopes to 
surprise and secure him without fighting, enjoining my men, from 
many considerations, not to fire unless ordered to do so in self-defense. 
Unfortunately, two horses had just been stolen and a house plundered, 
and the Indians absconded, leaving no doubt on our minds of their being 
the thieves, as, after tracking them two or three miles into the forest, 
they had split off in such a manner as to elude pursuit, and we were 
forced to return to town unsuccessful, as further pursuit was little more 
rational than chasing an eagle amidst the mountains. Cockstock had 
sworn vengeance against several of my party, and they thirsted for his 
blood. Having no other means of securing him, I offered $100 reward 
to any who would deliver him safely into my hands, as I wished to 
convey him for trial to the authorities constituted among the Xez 
Perces and Cayuses, not doubting that they would feel honored in 
inflicting a just sentence upon him, and the colony thereby be saved 
from an Indian war, so much to be dreaded in our present weak and 
defenseless condition. 

Some six days subsequent, Cockstock and his party, six in all, came 
into town at midday, rode from house to house, showing his loaded 
pistols, and not allowing any one, by artifice or flattery, to get them 
out of his bosom or hand. He and his party were horridly painted, and 
rode about the town, setting, as the citizens, and especially his enemies, 
construed it, the whole town at defiance. The citizens endured it for 
several hours, but with great impatience, when at length he crossed the 
river, and entered the Indian village opposite, and, as the chief states, 
labored for some time to induce them to join him and burn clown the 
town that night, destroying as many of the whites as possible. Failing 
in this (if serious or correct in statement, which is much doubted by 
some, as the chief and whole Indian village were inimical to him, and 
doubtless wished, as he was a " brave," to make the whites the instru- 


merit of his destruction), he obtained an interpreter, and recrossed the 
river, as other Indians state, for the purpose of calling the whites to an 
explanation for pursuing him. with hostile intentions. By this time, the 
excitement had become intense with all classes and both sexes among the 
whites, and, as was to be expected, they ran in confusion and disorder 
toward the point where the Indians were landing, some to take him 
alive and get the reward ; others to shoot him at any risk to themselves, 
the wealthiest men in town promising to stand by them to the amount 
of $1,000 each. With these different views, and no concert of action, 
and many running merely to witness the affray, the Indians were met 
at the landing, and a firing commenced simultaneously on both sides, 
each party accusing the other of firing first. In the midst of a hot 
firing on both sides, Mr. George W. Le Breton, a respectable young 
man, rushed unarmed upon Cockstock, after the discharge of one or 
more of his pistols, and received a heavy discharge in the palm of his 
right hand, lodging one ball in his elbow and another in his arm, two 
inches above the elbow-joint. A scuffle ensued, in which he fell with 
the Indian, crying out instantly, u He is killing me with his knife." At 
this moment a mulatto man ran up, named Winslow Anderson, and 
dispatched Cockstock, by mashing his skull with the barrel of his rifle, 
using it as a soldier would a bayonet. In the mean time the other 
Indians were firing among the whites in every direction, with guns, 
pistols, and poisoned arrows, yelling fearfully, and many narrowly 
escaped. Two men, who were quietly at work near by, were wounded 
with arrows (Mr. Wilson slightly in the hip, and Mr. Rogers in the 
muscle of the arm), but neither, as was supposed, dangerously. The 
five Indians having shot their guns and arrows, retired toward the 
bluff east of the town, lodged themselves in the rocks, and again com 
menced firing upon the citizens indiscriminately. Attention was soon 
directed that way, and fire-arms having been brought, the Indians were 
soon routed, killing one of their horses, and wounding one of them, thus 
ending the affray. 

Mr. Le Breton (the surgeon being absent from town) was removed 
immediately to Vancouver, where he received every attention ; but the 
canoe having been ten hours on the passage, the poison had diffused 
itself all abroad into his system, and proved mortal in less than three 
days from the moment of the horrid disaster. Mr. Rogers lived but 
one day longer, though but slightly wounded with an arrow in the 
muscles of his arm. Mr. Wilson has suffered comparatively little, but 
is not considered in a safe condition. 

This unhappy affray has created a general sensation throughout the 
colony, and all abroad among the Indians of this lower district. Now, 


while I am penning these lines, I am completely surrounded by at least 
seventy armed Indians, just down from the Dalles of the Columbia, 
many of them the professed relatives of the deceased, on the way to the 
falls of the Wallamet, to demand an explanation, or, in other words, to 
extort a present for the loss of their brother. 

They appear well affected toward me ; remarkably so, though armed 
to the teeth, and painted horridly. I am every moment expecting my 
interpreter, when I shall probably learn particulars respecting their 
intentions. In the mean time, I will give a few particulars respecting 
this deceased Indian s previous course, which led to the disaster, show 
ing how much we need authorities and discipline in this country. 

As it is said, a negro hired Cockstock for a given time, to be paid in 
a certain horse. Before the time expired, the negro sold the horse and 
land claim to another negro, the Indian finishing his time with the pur 
chaser, according to agreement. Learning, however, to his chagrin and 
mortification, that the horse had changed owners, and believing it a 
conspiracy against his rights, he resolved to take the horse forcibly ; 
did so, and this led to a year s contention, many threats, some wounds, 
and at last to the three deaths, and may possibly lead to all the hor 
rors of savage warfare in our hitherto quiet neighborhood. It was this 
identical Cockstock that occasioned much of tiie excitement last spring 
among the whites of the colony, actually driving several from their 
homes to the more central parts of the settlement for protection. 

I saw and had an interview with the Indians in June following, and 
settled all differences, to appearances, satisfactorily ; but, four months 
subsequently, having occasioned the authorities constituted among the 
Indians to flog one of his connections for violently entering the house 
of the Rev. H. K. W. Perkins, seizing his person, and attempting to tie, 
with a view to flog him, he took fire afresh, and in November last came 
with a slave to my house, with the avowed object of shooting me down 
at once ; but finding me absent, after a close search in every part of the 
house, he commenced smashing the windows, lights, sash, and all, of my 
house and office, with the breech of his gun ; and it is but just to say he 
did his work most effectually, not leaving a sound window in either. He 
next started hotly in pursuit of my steward, who was most actively 
retreating, but was soon overtaken and seized by the shoulder ; his 
garment giving way saved the frightened young man from further 

I returned late in the evening, this having occurred at three P. M., 
when the villains were too far away to be overtaken, though I pursued 
them with the best men of the colony during the whole night, and as 
long after as we could trace them. This was regarded as a great out- 


rage, and created a strong sensation throughout the community : es 
pecially as none knew where to trace it until within a few weeks past. 
Some four weeks subsequently, fifteen Indians came riding into the 
neighborhood in open day, painted and well armed. I was the first, 
with one exception, that observed them, and learned that they were 
Molallas and Klamaths, and felt confident they were on an errand of 
mischief, being well informed of their marauding and desperate habits. 
As this is quite out -of their province, the proper homes of the Klamaths 
being at least three hundred miles to the south, and the Molallas, with 
whom they intermarry, having their lodges in the Cascade Mountains, 
a distance of from forty to eighty miles, I resolved at once to turn their 
visit to account; sent my steward to Chief Caleb s lodge, where all 
had arrived, he being a Callapooya, and with his band having pre 
viously entered with me into the civil compact, and gave him a cordial 
invitation to call on me, with the chiefs of his district, in the morning, 
as I wished to see them and had some interesting and pleasing news 
to convey to them. The chiefs called in the morning, none, however, 
appearing so pleased and happy as Caleb. Of this I took no notice, 
but entered into cheerful conversation with Caleb for a few moments, 
and then rose up and invited them to walk out and see my plantation 
and herds. 

When we reached the cattle, I, as by accident, or incidentally, asked 
Caleb if he was prepared to give a feast to his distant friends who had 
so lately and unexpectedly called upon him. Answering in the nega 
tive, I told him to shoot down at once a fat young ox that was passing 
before us, and, while some were dressing it, others to come to the house 
and get some flour, peas, salt, etc., and go immediately back and feast 
his friends, lest they form a very unfavorable opinion of us here. I 
need not say that the summons was promptly obeyed, and Caleb the 
happiest man in the world. Now the rigid muscles of the stranger 
chiefs began to relax ; in short, all distrust was soon lost, and, as they 
were about leaving for Caleb s camp, they found themselves constrained 
to inform me that they came over with very different feelings from 
what they were now leaving us with, and were very glad they had 
listened to Caleb s advice, and called upon me. Professing to be very 
much engaged at the moment, I told them to go and dine, and at 
evening, or early the following morning, I would come with ray friend, 
Mr. Applegate, and make them a call. 

They feasted to the full, and I found them in fine humor, and in a 
better condition to smoke than fight. After some casual conversation I 
asked them how they would like to enter into the civil compact ; and, 
while they were discussing the subject, this Indian (Cockstock) came 


first into my presence, well armed, and appeared cold and distant, 
though I had no suspicion of his being the character who had so lately 
broken to pieces the windows in my house and office. 

They had no scruples in saying they were entirely willing, and should 
be pleased on their part to enter upon the same terms, but did -not 
know how it might be regarded by the residue of their respective tribes. 
They engaged to meet me on the 15th March, w r ith the residue of their 
people, and use their influence to bring about so desirable an object. 
The party left the same day, apparently in a cheerful mood, passed 
over the prairie singing, talking, and laughing merrily. As a part, 
however, were passing their horses over a difficult stream, the other 
part fell upon and massacred them in a most shocking manner, this 
villainous Cockstock acting a conspicuous part in the bloody affray. 

I repaired to the spot without delay, as the whites were much 
excited, and wished to pursue and hang every one of them. I learned 
there had been unsettled feuds of long standing, and that in like man 
ner, ten rsonths previously, these unfortunate wretches had shot down 
a fellow-traveler. On conveying this information to the citizens, all 
I believe were satisfied to stay at home, and remain quiet for the 

Thus much for this Indian affair, which, my interpreter having 
arrived, I have settled to-day with the Dalles Indians most satisfac 
torily. As was to be expected, they wished presents for the death of 
their brother. I prevailed on all to be seated, and then explained the 
whole case slowly and clearly to their understanding. I told them we 
had lost two valuable innocent men, and they but one ; and should our 
people learn that I had given them presents, without their giving me 
two blankets for one, they must expect nothing but the hottest dis 
pleasure from the whites. After much deliberation among themselves, 
they, with one voice, concluded to leave the whole matter to my dis 

I at once decided to give the poor Indian widow two blankets, a 
dress, and handkerchief, believing the moral influence to be better than 
to make presents to the chief or tribe, and to receive nothing at their 
hands. To this proposition they most cheerfully consented, and have 
now left, having asked for and obtained from me a written certificate, 
stating that the matter had been amicably adjusted. It is to be hoped 
that it will here end, though that is by no means certain, as at present 
there are so many sources of uneasiness and discontent between the 

As I said before, I believe it morally impossible for us to remain at 
peace in Oregon, for any considerable time, without the protection of 


vigorous civil or military law. For myself, I am most awkwardly situ 
ated ; so much so, indeed, that I had seriously anticipated leaving this 
spring ; but the late successful contest against the introduction of 
ardent spirits, in connection with the excitement by reason of the un 
happy disaster at the falls of the Wallamet, together with the fact of 
too many of our people being so extremely excitable on Indian and 
other affairs relating to the peace and interest of the colony and coun 
try, I have concluded to remain for the present, in hopes of being soon 
in some way relieved. I hope the draft that I have this day drawn in 
favor of. John McLaughlin will be honored, as otherwise I may be 
thrown at once into the greatest difficulties, having no other house in 

O O 

this country where I can draw such articles as I require for necessary 
presents to Indians, to defray traveling expenses, etc. 

I have the honor to remain, with highest respect, your obedient 
humble servant, E. WHITE, 

Sub-Agent Indian Affairs. 
Hon. J. M. PORTER, 

Secretary of War. 

WALLAMET, March 22, 1844. 

HONORED SIR, The within accounts, as per voucher No. 1, drawn 
on the Hudson s Bay House at Vancouver, are in part pay for interpre 
ters and necessary assistants in guarding and conducting me from point 
to point, in my late unavoidable excursions during the excitement of 
the fall of 1842 and spring of 1843, and other necessary voyages since, 
together with the presents in hoes, medicines, and clothes, to enable 
me to secure and hold a sufficient influence over the aborigines to pre 
vent threatened invasions and serious evils to the colony and country. 

Those upon Mr. Abernethy and Mr. A. E. Wilson are for like pur 
poses ; drafts upon these houses being my principal means of paying 
expenses in this country. 

As I hire only when requisite, and dismiss at once when no longer 
necessary, my interpreter s bills, including clerks and all assistants for 
the different tribes, do not exceed $300 per annum up to the present 
time ; notwithstanding, at one time, for sixty days, I was under the 
necessity of hiring two men at the rate of three dollars per day each. 

Traveling expenses in 1842, three hundred and eighty dollars ($380). 
In 1843, three hundred and ninety-six dollars and fifty cents ($396.50). 
In presents for the two years and two months, two hundred and ninety 
dollars and seventy-five cents ($290.75) ; in medicines, hoes, and sun 
dry useful articles, to encourage them and strengthen my influence 


among them, this being my only way to succeed to any considerable 
extent. Presents become the more indispensable from the fact of the 
long-continued and constant liberality of the Hudson s Bay Company 
toward the Indians of this country. 

Had all remained in as quiet a state as when the colony was small, 
and no jealousies awakened, most of those small expenses might have 
been avoided, but, unless a military post be at once established, or 
more means put into my hands to meet their increasing wants, my 
expense will be increased, and trouble multiply ; but at this moment, 
were one thousand dollars placed in my hands to lay out judiciously 
in medicines, hoes, plows, blankets, and men, women, and children s 
clothes, to distribute annually, more security would be effected, and 
good done to the aborigines, than in ten times that amount expended 
in establishing and keeping up a military post, such is their desire 
and thirst after the means to promote civilization. 

As this voyaging is most destructive to my wardrobe, saying nothing 
of the perils and hardships to which it exposes me, shall I be allowed 
the sum usually allowed military officers, which Esquire Gilpin informs 
me is ten dollars per each hundred miles ? I will place it down and 
leave it to your honorable consideration, not doubting, sir, but you 
will do what is proper and right in the premises. I shall charge only 
for such traveling as was unavoidable in the execution of my official 
business. With highest respect, I am, dear sir, 

Your humble and obedient servant, 

Sub- Agent Indian Affairs, W. R. M. 

Hon. J. M. PORTER, 

Secretary of War, Washington, D. C. 

WALLAMET, Nov. 23, 1843. 

MY DEAR SIR, As, in the order of Divine Providence, it appears 
to be my duty to leave this country in a few days to return to the 
United States, and, as I have had the pleasure of an acquaintance with 
all the important transactions in which you have been engaged, in 
your official capacity, since your arrival in this country in the fall of 
1842, 1 consider it a duty which I owe to yourself, to bear my unequivo 
cal testimony in favor of the course which you have generally pursued. 
Not pretending to understand what properly belongs to the office 
of an Indian agent, I flatter myself that I am capable of judging in 
reference to those matters which are calculated to effect the elevation 


and prosperity of the Indians, and the peace and security of those 
whites who settle in the Indian country. As I can not speak particu 
larly concerning all your official acts in the country, permit me to refer 
to one expedition, which I consider to have been the most important 
of any in which you have been engaged, and in which I had the pleas 
ure of being associated with you. I mean that long and excessively 
toilsome journey which you performed into the interior of this country 
early last spring. The causes which prompted you to engage in the 
enterprise, in my humble opinion, were the most justifiable. The 
whites in the country had been thrown into U panic by information re 
ceived from the missionaries in the interior, that the Indians were form 
ing a plan to effect the destruction of the white population. It was 
everywhere observed that our Indian agent should immediately repair 
to the infected region, and endeavor to quell the tumult, " for (it was 
repeatedly remarked) it was better for one man to expose his life than 
for the whole settlement to suffer." Without delay the exposure was 
made. And though life was not taken, yet, in accomplishing the 
object, you were compelled to pass through much difficulty, excessive 
labor, and great danger. The plans proposed to quiet the Indian*, 
whom you found in a state of great excitement, were doubtless con 
ceived in wisdom, and produced the desired effect. The expenses in 
curred were no more than were absolutely necessary. And I doubt 
not, if the results of the expedition are correctly represented, that our 
enlightened government will make an appropriation to cover all the 
expenses which accrued in consequence of the undertaking. 

With my most hearty and best wishes for your continued peace and 
prosperity, permit me to subscribe myself, yours, with feelings of un 
altered friendship. GUSTAVUS HINES, 

Missionary of the M. E. Church. 


Sub- Agent of Indian Affairs west of Rocky Mountains. 



** ****** 

Two interesting and very instructive reports have been received 

from the sub-agent west of the Rocky Mountains. They present that 

country in a new and important light to the consideration of the 


The advancement in civilization by the numerous tribes- of Indians 

in that remote and hitherto neglected portion of our territory, with so 


few advantages, is a matter of surprise. Indeed, the red men of that 
region would almost seem to be of a different order from those with 
whom we have been in more familiar intercourse. A few years since 
the face of a white man was almost unknown to them ; now, through 


the benevolent policy of the various Christian churches, and the inde 
fatigable exertions of the missionaries in their employ, they have 
prescribed and well adapted rules for their government, which are 
observed and respected to a degree worthy the most intelligent 

Numerous schools have grown up in their midst, at which their chil 
dren are acquiring the most important and useful information. They 
have already advanced to a degree of civilization that promises the 
most beneficial results to them and their brethren on this side of the 
mountains, with whom they may, and no doubt will at some future 
period, be brought into intercourse. They are turning their attention 
to agricultural pursuits, and with but few of the necessary utensils 
in their possession, already produce sufficient in some places to meet 
their every want. 

Among some of the tribes, hunting has been almost entirely aban 
doned, many individuals looking wholly to the soil for support. The 
lands are represented as extremely fertile, and the climate healthy, 
agreeable, and uniform. 

Under these circumstances, so promising in their consequences, and 
grateful to the feelings of the philanthropist, it would seem to be the 
duty of the government of the United States to encourage their ad 
vancement, and still further aid their progress in the path of civiliza 
tion. I therefore respectfully recommend the establishment among 
them of a full agency, with power to the President to make it an acting 
superintendency ; and to appoint one or more sub-agents, whenever, in 
his judgment, the same may become necessary and proper. 

All which is respectfully submitted. 


Hon. WM. L. MAECY, 

Secretary of War. 

The reader will observe the clear statement of the United States 
Indian policy in the above communication. That schools, fanning, and 
civilization are prominent. That the Indians, as the whole of this re 
port indicates, are rapidly improving under the instructions of the mis 
sionaries in the interior, Spalding and Whitman in particular. That 4 
Dr. White, in this report, as contained in the previous chapter, attempts 
to include Blanchet and associates as erecting mills, etc., for the benefit 


of the Indians, while Spalding s and Whitman s stations were the only 
places where mills had been erected. 

These facts brought so prominently before the British and foreign 
mind their sectarian and commercial jealousies ; and national pride was 
so excited that it knew no bounds and could not be satisfied short of 
the effort that was made in 1847-8. Subsequent Indian wars were but 
the spasmodic and dying action of the spirit that instigated the first. 

It will also be observed that this report brings out the bold efforts 
of our foreign emissaries to excite the Indians in the settlement, and 
to disturb and divide the American population on the question of an 


First council to organize a provisional government. Library founded. Origin of the 
Wolf Association The Methodist Mission influence. Dr. White exhibits his 
credentials. First " wolf meeting." Proceedings of the second "wolf meeting." 
Officers. Resolutions. Bounties to be paid. Resolution to- appoint a committee 
of twelve for the civil and military protection of the settlement. Names of the 
members of the committee. 

A CONSULTATION was held at the house of Gray to consider the expe 
diency of organizing a provisional government. In it the whole condi 
tion of the settlement, the missions, and Hudson s Bay Company, were 
carefully looked at, and all the influences combined against the organi 
zation of a settlers government were fully canvassed. The conclusion 
was that no direct effort could succeed, as it had already been tried and 
failed, from the combined influence of the Hudson s Bay Company and 
the Roman Catholic and Methodist missions. To the writer, who up 
to this time had not fully understood all the causes of the failure, it was 
doubtful. Two plans were suggested; one, at least, might succeed. The 
first was to get up a circulating library, and by that means draw atten 
tion and discussion to subjects of interest to the settlement, and secure 
the influence of the Methodist Mission, as education was a subject 
they had commenced. We found no difficulty in the library movement 
from them, only they seemed anxious to keep from the library a certain 
class of light reading, which they appeared tenacious about. This was 
not a vital point with the original movers, so they yielded it. The 
library prospered finely ; one hundred shares were taken at five dollars 
a share ; three hundred volumes of old books collected and placed in 
this institution, which was called the " Multnomah Circulating Library ;" 
one hundred dollars were sent to New York for new books which 
arrived the following year. Now for the main effort to secure another 

It will be remembered that in the winter of 1836-7 the Wallamet 
Cattle Company was formed. All the settlers that could raise the 
funds entered heartily into the project, and such as had no means to 
advance money for stock at the time had succeeded in buying from 
those that would sell. Besides, part of the estate of Ewing Young had 
been sold and distributed, and the Hudson s Bay Company had also 
organized the Puget Sound Company, and had begun to distribute 


cattle ; hence almost every settler, the missions, the Hudson s Bay 
Company, and some Indians were owning cattle. 

The wolves, bears, and panthers were very destructive to the cattle 
of all alike. Here was an object of sufficient interest to all, to bring a 
united action, and collect a large number of the settlers. Accordingly, 
a notice was given, requesting all interested in adopting some united 
action to get rid of the wild beasts, that were destroying our domestic 
animals, to meet at the house of W. H. Gray, on the 2d of February, 
1843. This was the first move to the provisional government. While 
this was being done in the valley, at Wallamet Falls, since Oregon 
City, the question of a provisional government was up before a lyceum 
held at that place and debated warmly for several evenings, and finally 
voted down. Dr. John McLaughlin took the side of an independent 
government. Mr. Abernethy, afterward governor, moved that, in case 
our government did not extend its jurisdiction over the country in four 
years, that then the meeting would be in favor of an independent gov 
ernment. This idea was favored by Dr. White, upon condition that 
the settlers would vote generally to elect him as their governor, as from 
the fact that he held the office of sub-Indian agent by the appointment 
of the President, he could officiate as governor, and it would be no ad 
ditional expense to the settlers. This was a plausible argument, and 
had Dr. White been a man of moral principle and capable of under 
standing his duties in the office he held, the settlers would without a 
doubt have adopted his suggestions ; but, unfortunately for him, they 
had lost all confidence in his executive and judicial ability, as also in 
his ability to deal with Indians. Besides, the leading members of the 
Methodist Mission were opposed to him on account of his shameful 
course while one of their number, though Mr. Hines seems to have held 
to his skirts during the greater portion of the time he was creating all 
the disturbance he was capable of among the Indians, and being the 
dupe of the Hudson s Bay Company. 

These facts were all known to the getters-up of the " Wolf Organi 
zation," as it was called. In fact, Le Breton had participated in the 
discussions at the Wallamet Falls, and reported them to those of us in 
the valley. Our idea was, to get an object before the people upon 
which all could unite, and as we advanced, secure the main object, 
self-preservation, loth for property and person. 

The " wolf meeting " was fully attended, and all took a lively interest 
in it, for there was not a man in the settlement that had not been a 
loser from wild animals. There was a little suspicion in this first meet> 
ing that more than protection for animals was meant. 

Dr. Ira L. Babcock, who was elected our chairman, and who, we 


supposed, would be the first to suspect the main object, seemed to 
discard the idea as foolish and ridiculous, as he thought " we had all 
the protection for our persons that we needed in the arrangements 
already entered into, and the object for which the meeting was called 
was a good and laudable one ; we were all interested in it ; we had all 
lost more or less from the ravages of wild animals, and it became 
necessary to have a united effort to get rid of them and protect our 
property." This was the very point we wished to hold the doctor to. 
He had expressed the idea exactly, and placed it in a clear light. As 
settlers, we had nothing to do but submit to the rule of the Hudson s 
Bay Company, the missions, and Dr. White, and do all we could to 
protect their cattle and herds. 

The Oregon archives show that there were persons present who wero 
prepared for the occasion. The remarks of our chairman were appro 
priate, for it was self-evident that our domestic animals needed protec 
tion ; we could not spend all our time to guard them, hence a united 
effort would accomplish in a short time, and at comparatively little 
expense to all, what would otherwise be impossible, scattered as our 
settlements were, with our domestic animals exposed to the ravages of 
wild animals known to be numerous all over the country. It was moved 
that a committee of six be appointed to notify a general meeting, and 
prepare a plan, and report the matter for the action of the settlers. 

The chairman was called upon to appoint a committee to call a pub 
lic meeting. Gray, Beers, and Wilson, already known to the reader, 
and Gervais and Lucie, Canadian-Frenchmen, who came to the country 
with Wilson G. Hunt s party, and Barnaby, a French Rocky Mountain 
hunter, were appointed. 

These three men were the most intelligent and influential French 
settlers that were then in the country, having considerable influence 
with the Canadian-French settlers, and generally favored American 
settlement and enterprise. 

The preparation for the general meeting, which was moved by Alan- 
eon Beers to be called at the house of Mr. Joseph Gervais on the first 
Monday in March next, at ten o clock A. M., devolved on Gray, Beers, 
and Wilson. The giving of the notices, which Le Breton with his 
ready pen soon prepared, devolved on Gervais, Barnaby, and Lucie. 
Up to this time, no intimation of the proposed civil government had 
been given to any member of the missions, or the Hudson s Bay Com 
pany. All was moving on harmoniously, and all were interested in 
caring for and protecting our domestic animals. The " wojf meeting," 
-nd what was to be done, was the subject of general interest. Le 
Ireton and Smith were busy in finding out the men who could be TO- 


lied upon, and the men that would oppose the one great object we had 
determined to accomplish, so that on the first Monday in March, 1843, 
the settlement, except the clergy, were all present. If my memory 
serves me, there was not in that meeting a single reverend gentleman 
of any denomination. James A. O Neil, who came to the country with 
Captain Wyeth in 1834, and had remained in it, presided at this 
meeting. He was informed of the main object, and requested to hurry 
through the " wolf meeting " business as soon as possible. 

It will be seen that we had placed before the settlement, the Hud 
son s Bay Company, and both missions, an object they were deeply in 
terested in. The clergy were just then all asleep, and so were the com 
pany, for while they were all willing that we should pay our money, 
spend our time, and hunt wild animals to protect their by far the 
largest portion of property exposed, they did not suspect we were 
looking to a far more important object our personal liberty ; hence the 
settlers " wolf meeting " did not call for their attention, but they all 
gave it an encouraging word, and promised to contribute to its funds, 
which they did, till they saw the real object, when they dropped it 
without ceremony, or at least saw too late that their power was gone. 

The Methodist Mission influence was the most difficult to deal with. 
We were fully aware of their large pretensions to land, and of the con 
summate duplicity of White, in dealing with all parties. White, to 
secure the approval of the Methodist Mission, encouraged their large 
pretensions to mission lands, and also spoke favorably of the Jesuit 
influence among the Indians ; while, if he had had two grains of com 
mon sense and common honesty, he could have seen their influence was 
tending to destroy all of his, as well as all American influence in the 
country. Still his supremely selfish ideas of self-honor and official dig 
nity led him to pursue a course disgusting to all parties. 

During the time between the first and second " wolf meetings," White 
was called upon in a public manner to exhibit his authority from the 
President, which he was foolish enough to do. It was seen at once 
that he was in the country only as a spy upon the actions of the Hud 
son s Bay Company, w^hile he assumed to make treaties with Indians, 
and govern the country, and make pledges and promises, which no one 
believed the government would ever attempt to fulfill. 

As a matter of history and curiosity, the proceedings of the " wolf 
meetings " are copied from the Oregon archives, which Mr. Ilines, it 
seems, did not even know had an existence, showing, by his own state 
ments, that he was so completely mixed up in his ideas of the 
origin of the provisional government, that though he is generally correct 
in his statements, yet he failed to distinguish the point of conception 


and birth of the oldest State on the Pacific, for I contend that justice to 
our effort and a proper understanding of our rights should have ad 
mitted us as a State instead of subjecting us to a Territorial annoyance, 
under such demagogues as were sent among us up to the time we 
became a State. 

Proceedings of a Meeting held at the Oregon Institute, February 2, 1843. 

A public meeting of a number of the citizens of this colony was called 
at the house of W. H. Gray, in order to take into consideration the 
propriety of adopting some measures for the protection of our herds, 
etc., in this country. 

On motion, Dr. I. L. Babcock was called to the chair, who proceeded 
to state the objects of the meeting, and the necessity of acting. 

Mr. W. H. Gray moved, and Mr. Torn seconded the motion, ct that 
a committee of six be appointed to notify a general meeting, and report 
business, etc.," which motion was carried, and Messrs. Gray, Beers, Ger- 
vais, Wilson, Barnaby, and Lucie, were appointed said committee. 

Mr. Beers moved " that a general meeting be called at the house of 
Mr. Joseph Gervais, on the first Monday in March next, at ten o clock, 
A. M.," which motion was carried. 

W. H. WILSON, Secretary. I. L. BABCOCK, Chairman. 

Journal of a Meeting at the house of J. Gervais, first Monday in 

March, 1843. 

In pursuance of a resolution of a previous meeting, the citizens of 
Wallamet Valley met, and, the meeting being called to order, Mr. 
James O Neil was chosen chairman. Mr. Martin was chosen as secre 
tary, but declining to serve, Mr. Le Breton was chosen. 

The minutes of the former meeting were read. 

The committee appointed to notify a general meeting and report 
business, made the following report, to wit : 

" Your committee beg leave to report as follows : It being admitted 
by all that bears, wolves, panthers, etc., are destructive to the useful 
animals owned by the settlers of this colony, your committee would 
submit the following resolutions, as the sense of this meeting, by which 
the community may be governed in carrying on a defensive and 
destructive war against all such animals. 

" Resolved, 1st. That we deem it expedient for this community to 
take immediate measures for the destruction of all wolves, panthers, 
and bears, and such other animals as are known to be destructive to 
cattle, horses, sheep, and*hogs. 

" 2d. That a treasurer be appointed, who shall receive all funds, and 


dispense the same, in accordance with drafts drawn on him by the 
committee appointed to receive the evidences of the destruction of the 
ahove-named animals; and that he report the state of the treasury, by 
posting up public notices, once in three months, in the vicinity of each 
of the committee. 

" 3d. That a standing committee of eight be appointed, whose duty 
it shall be, together with the treasurer, to receive the proofs, or evi 
dences, of the animals for which a bounty is claimed having been 
killed in the Wallamet Valley. 

" 4th. That a bounty of fifty cents be paid for the destruction of a 
small wolf; three dollars for a large wolf; one dollar and fifty cents for 
a lynx ; two dollars for a bear ; and five dollars for a panther. 

" oth. That no bounty be paid unless the individual claiming said 
bounty give satisfactory evidence, or present the skin of the head with 
the ears of all animals for which he claims a bounty. 

" 6th. That the committee and treasurer form a Board of advice to 
call public meetings, whenever they may deem it expedient, to promote 
and encourage all persons to use their vigilance in destroying all the 
animals named in the fourth resolution. 

" 7th. That the bounties specified in the fourth resolution be limited 
to whites and their descendants. 

" 8th. That the proceedings of this meeting be signed by the chair 
man and secretary, and a copy thereof be presented to the recorder of 
this colony," 

On motion, the report was accepted. 

It was then moved and seconded that the report be laid on the table, 
which was carried. 

It was moved and seconded that the first resolution in the report of 
the committee be adopted, which was carried. 

It was moved and seconded that a sum be raised by contribution for 
the protection of our animals, which was carried. 

It was moved and seconded that the third resolution, as amended, be 
adopted, which was carried. 

It was moved and seconded that two collectors be appointed to 
receive all subscriptions, retaining five per cent, for collecting the same, 
and pay the amount over to the treasurer, taking his receipt for the 
same, which was carried. 

On motion, the fifth resolution was adopted. 

On motion, it was resolved " that no one receive a bounty (except 
Indians) unless he pay a subscription of five dollars." 

On motion, the seventh resolution was adopted. 

On motion, the eighth and ninth resolutions were adopted. 


It was moved and seconded that the Indians receive one-half as 
much as the whites. 

It was moved and seconded that all claims for bounties be presented 
within ten days from the time of becoming entitled to said bounties, 
and, if there should be any doubts, the individual claiming a bounty 
shall give his oath to the various circumstances ; which was carried. 

On motion, W. H. Gray was chosen treasurer. 

It was moved that Messrs. McRoy, Gervais, Martin, S. Smith, 
Dougherty, O Neil, Shortess, and Lucie be the standing committee ; 
which motion was carried. 

It was moved that G. W. Le Breton and Mr. Bridgers be the collect 
ors. Carried. 

On motion, the following resolutions were adopted : 

" Resolved, That no money be paid to any white, or his descend 
ants, previous to the time of his subscription. 

" Resolved, That the bounty of a minor child be paid to a parent 
or guardian. 

" Resolved, That the draft for receiving subscriptions be drawn by 
Mr. Gray and Mr. Le Breton. 

" Resolved, That drafts on Fort Vancouver, the Mission, and the 
Milling Company be received on subscriptions, as payment." 

As a kind Providence would have it, the " wolf meeting " at Mr. 
Gervais house on the Wallamet River was one of the most harmonious 
meetings I ever attended. Every one seemed to feel that a unanimous 
war had been declared against the despoilers of our domestic animals 
that were dependent upon us for protection. 

It was stated by one speaker " that no one would question for a mo 
ment that this was right. This was just and natural protection for our 
property in animals liable to be destroyed by wolves, bears, and pan 
thers. How is it, fellow-citizens, with you and me, and our children 
and wives ? Have we any organization upon which we can rely for 
mutual protection ? Is there any power or influence in the country 
sufficient to protect us and all we hold dear on earth from the worse 
than wild beasts that threaten and occasionally destroy our cattle ? 
Who in our midst is authorized at this moment to call us together to 
protect our own, and the lives of our families ? True, the alarm may 
be given, as in a recent case, and we may run who feel alarmed, and 
shoot off our guns, while our enemy may be robbing our property, 
ravishing our wives, and burning the houses over our defenseless 
families. Common sense, prudence, and justice to ourselves demand 
that we act consistent with the principles we have commenced. We 


have mutually and unitedly agreed to defend and protect our cattle 
and domestic animals ; now, fellow-citizens, I submit and move the 
adoption of the two following resolutions, that we may have protection 
for our persons and lives as well as our cattle and herds : 

" Resolved, That a committee be appointed to take into considera 
tion the propriety of taking measures for the civil and military pro 
tection of this colony. 

" Resolved, That said committee consist of twelve persons." 
There was not a dissenting vote in that meeting. Drs. Babcock 
and White were not present, but prudence and policy gave them both 
a place upon the proposed committee of twelve, while we knew the 
feelings of the balance of the committee. 


Messrs. Dr. Babcock, Dr. White, O Neil, Shortess, Newell, Lucie, 
Gervais, Hubbard, McRoy, Gray, Smith, and Gay were appointed 
said committee. 


First meeting of the committee of twelve. All invited to participate. The Rev. J. Leo 
and Mr. Abernethy ridicule the organization. Mr. Lee tells a story. Letter from 
Governor Abernethy. The main question at issue. Drowning of Cornelius Rogers 
and party. Conduct of Dr. "White. Methodist Mission. Catholic boasts of con- 

BY mutual understanding the committee of twelve first met at Wal- 
lamet Falls, about the middle of March, 1843. My impression is that 
Dr. Babcock was not present with the committee, and that Dr. White 
was chosen temporary chairman. G. W. Le Breton was secretary of 
the committee. A motion was made and carried to invite the citizens 
of the village to participate in the deliberations of the committee. Key. 
Jason Lee, Rev. Mr. Waller, Mr. Abernethy, R. Moore, in fact, nearly 
all the prominent men of the place, were present, and participated in 
the discussions. 

We found Rev! Jason Lee and Mr. Abernethy disposed to ridicule the 
proposed organization as foolish and unnecessary. Rev. Jason Lee in 
his argument illustrated the folly of the effort, by telling us of a com 
pany of militia gotten up somewhere in Canada. He said " the requi 
site notice had been given, and all the people liable to military duty 
were present on the day to elect the officers required for the company. 
When they had elected all their officers, there was one private soldier 
left. * Well, says the soldier, you may march me, you may drill me, 
you may face me to the right, or to the left, or about face, just as much 
as you please, but for mercy s sake don t divide me up into platoons. " 

Mr. Abernethy made a little attempt to ridicule the proposed organi 
zation, in moving to amend the resolution recommending three justices 
of the peace and three constables. We are now in receipt of an expla 
nation from the governor in reference to the question of an independent 
government, as debated at the Lyceum, which we give verbatim, as it 
places the governor with his own explanation on that question, and I 
think gives us the correct statement of the case, and shows his policy, 
which was, to defeat not only the proposition for an independent gov 
ernment, but any effort for a provisional one, for at least four years, 
which were not only the views of Mr. Abernethy, but those of Messrs. 
Lee, Leslie, Babcock, and Hines : 


PORTLAND, March 11, 1866. 

DEAR SIR, Allow me to correct one statement in your History of 
Oregon in the Gazette of 5th March. You speak of a debate in a 
Lyceum, and say : " Mr. Abernethy moved that in case our government 
did not extend its jurisdiction over the country in four years, that then 
the meeting would be in favor of an independent government." The 
facts are these : We had weekly meetings for discussion. Mr. Hastings, 
Dr. McLaughlin s lawyer, offered a resolution, "That it is expedient for 
the settlers on this coast to establish an independent government." 
This subject was warmly discussed, Mr. Abernethy being, with a few 
others, opposed to it. At the close of the discussion the vote was taken 
and decided in favor of an independent government. Mr. Abernethy 
then offered the following : " Resolved, That if the United States extends 
its jurisdiction over this country within four years, it will not be expe 
dient to form an independent government," as the subject for the next 
discussion. This was warmly discussed, many who voted for the first 
resolution saying if the United States government is extended over 
us, it is all we want, and voted in the affirmative. The resolution was 
carried, and destroyed the effect of the first resolution. 

You will see by this you have the thing all wrong. 

Yours truly, GEO. ABERNETHY. 

P. S. Dr. White, I think, was present ; am not certain. This inde 
pendent government move was a prominent scheme of Dr. McLaughlin. 

The main question at issue before the committee at the Falls meeting 
was the office of governor. Dr. Bailey was in the Sandwich Islands ; 
nothing was to be feared from him ; but Dr. White was, to say the least, 
an impudent candidate. I have been informed that Dr. Bailey, an 
Englishman, came to that meeting February 18, 1841, with all his 
French voters trained to vote for himself for governor, and that he 
nominated himself, in opposition to Mr. Hines and Dr. Babcock, for that 
office, and conducted himself in such a manner that it disgusted some, 
and was the means of breaking up the proposed civil government, as 
what Americans there were then in the country found they would be 
outnumbered by the French and English (which was unquestionably 
the fact), and thus they would be completely at the disposal of English 

Such being the case, much credit is due to the men who defeated 
that effort, and I see no reason why Mr. Hines, in his account, 
and as an actor in those meetings, should attempt to give a 
different impression, and say that "the officers of the squadron were 
consulted, and were found to be decidedly opposed to the scheme." 


(Page 421 of his book.) This fact alone, and I have it from an actor and 
an eye-witness in the meeting referred to, is, to say the least, strange 
and unaccountable on the part of Mr. Hines. He either feared the influ 
ence of Bailey, or the truth, which he withheld in the case, and leaves 
a wrong impression upon the minds of his readers. 

From the sickening, fawning, and contemptible course of Dr. White, 
the committee at the Falls meeting were induced to yield the point of 
an organization without an executive head, and by that means got a 
unanimous vote to call a public meeting to organize a provisional gov 
ernment at Champoeg, on the 2d of May, 1843. This was effort number 
one of February and June, 1841, over again. Those of us who com 
menced this move did not feel that we had gained much, still we hoped 
for the best and prepared for the worst as well as the meeting at Cham- 
poeg on the 2d of May, 1843. 

We will let the provisional government rest till the 2d of May, 1843, 
while we take a look over the whole country, and at the actors in it, first 
stopping to drop a tear at the grave of our friends as we proceed. On the 
2d of February our best and most esteemed friend, Cornelius Rogers, 
with whom we had spent years of the kindest confidence and friend 
ship, left our house for Oregon City, as his future residence and home, 
with his young wife, the eldest daughter of Rev. David Leslie, and her 
youngest sister. They took passage down the river with W. W. Ray 
mond, a man who came to the country with the re-enforcement of the 
mission of 1839-40. He was at that time a member of the Methodist 
Mission, in good standing. Dr. Elijah White and Esquire Crocker, of 
Lansingville, Tompkins County, New York, were also in the canoe, one 
of the largest of Chinook manufacturing. They arrived all safe at Can- 
emah. It was let down stern first by a line, around a point of rocks 
just above the falls on the Oregon City side, since blasted away for a 
canal and boat channel. In the eddy formed by the point of rock a 
large tree had lodged, forming a convenient landing, and occupying a 
large portion of the eddy water, so that it was necessary for the canoe 
to remain close to the log for safety from the swift current. There 
were two Indians to guide the canoe into this landing, one in the bow 
and one in the stern. The one in the stern escaped by jumping from 
the canoe and catching upon a piece of drift-wood on a rock just above 
the fall. White, as the canoe came alongside of the log upon which all 
were to land, being near the bow of the canoe, and not thinking, or per 
haps caring, for any one but himself, jumped upon the side of the canoe, 
and with a spring, upon the log, before there was time for any one to 
secure the bow of the canoe, to prevent it from swinging into the cur 
rent. The force of White s spring upon the canoe to reach the log 


threw it into the current, which was too strong for Raymond and his 
Indians to hold, and in a moment it darted into the middle of the chan 
nel, and the next moment was plunged broadside over the falls, some 
twenty-five feet perpendicular. The force of the current threw the canoe 
to the bottom of the fall, right side up, but the under-swell threw it back 
to the sheet of falling water, which filled and upset the canoe in an 
instant. All that went over were lost. Raymond, who had attempted 
to hold the canoe, came over the point of rocks (a difficult place) and 
found White upon the log, and that he had made no effort to relieve the 
drowning party. 

Mr. Hines, I see, gives a more favorable account of this transaction for 
White. I think this the nearest correct, as Raymond gave the alarm, and 
a boat was launched, and reached within ten feet of Mr. Rogers before he 
sank to rise no more. His and Esquire Crocker s bodies were found and 
interred. Those of Mrs. Rogers and her sister were never found. Rev. 
G. Hines, W. H. Gray, and Robert Shortess, were appointed by Judge 
Babcock to appraise the estate of Mr. Rogers, which was found to be 
worth about $800, clear of all liabilities. His heirs at law resided in 
Utica, New York. Rev. Harvey Clark was appointed administrator, 
discharging that duty faithfully, and I think without compensation. 
None of the appraisers received a dime for their services. There fol 
lowed this affliction a severe storm, and an unusually high flood in the 
Wallamet River. The appraisers were detained several days on 
account of it, but finally reached their homes in safety. 

The Methodist Mission had extended their stations to Fort Nas- 
qualla on Puget Sound and Clatsop Plains, and made an effort to 
establish a mission station on the Umpqua River. At this last-named 
place the Indians had been prepared by the instructions they had 
received through the Hudson s Bay Company and the Jesuit priests to 
destroy Lee and Hines, and commence the slaughter of the settle 
ment. (See Hines account of the trip, pages 100 to 110 inclusive, made 
in 1842.) 

Messrs. Frost and Cowan had become disgusted with their mis 
sionary calling, and Rev. Dr. Richmond had also found his Nasqualla 
location not a suitable one, or at least, he by some means had become 
convinced that he could not benefit the Indians about the fort, and 
made up his mind to leave. 

It will be remembered that Vicar-General Brouillet, of Wallawalla, in 
his attempt to prove that the " Catholic stations and stationary priests " 
were early in the country, says "almost every Indian tribe possessed 
some Catholic members" as early as 1840, and that Mr. Demerse s labors 
among the Cayuses in 1840 " had made there a mission so fruitful that 


the Protestant missionaries had got alarmed and feared that all their 
disciples would abandon them if he continued his mission among them." 
(Page 87 of " Protestantism in Oregon," by.Brouillet.) Neither Hines, 
Richmond, nor Smith could understand why it was that the Indians 
upon this coast and throughout the country were so different from the 
accounts they had heard and read of them up to 1840. In June, 1853, 
had either of those gentlemen picked up the New York Freeman? s 
Journal^ they would have seen the statement that, as early as 1840, 
44 almost every Indian tribe [on this coast] possessed some Catholic 
numbers." A little further along they would have been startled with 
the announcement, that these Jesuit missions had become " so fruitful 
that the Protestant missionaries had got alarmed and feared that all 
their disciples would abandon them." This was but the work of two 
years, from 1838, late in the fall, to 1840. This was, without doubt, 
a great triumph, and well does this Jesuit blow his trumpet j and well 
he may, for he had the active aid of an unscrupulous monopoly who 
are said to be attempting the same thing with just such implements 
upon their own countrymen in British Columbia. Why, I ask, have 
states and countries in Europe found it necessary to suppress that order 
of the Roman Church ? And why is England, to-day, hesitating to 
give this church in particular the same confidence she does to all 
others ? 


Meetings to oppose organization. Address of the French-Canadians. Criticisms on it 
by tbe author. The Jesuits. Jesuit oath. Article from the Cincinnati Beacon. 

BETWEEN the meeting of the committee of twelve at Wallamet 
Falls, about the 16th of March, and the called meeting by that com 
mittee on the 2d of May, the priests and the Hudson s Bay Company 
were not idle. They held two distinct meetings, one at the falls and 
one at Vancouver, and two in the French Prairie at the Catholic church. 
At all of these meetings the course to be pursued by the company and 
the Catholic and French settlers was discussed and decided. The re 
sult of these meetings and discussions can be found on the 12th and 13th 
pages of the Oregon archives. The names of the signers should have 
been given. This document seems to be dated the 4th of March, 1843. 
The meeting at Gervais was on the first Monday of March. So this 
document seems to have been prepared by our Jesuit Blanchet, just 
about the time the " wolf meeting " was convening, and in anticipa 
tion of the move for a provisional government. I am certain it was 
not before any public meeting of the settlers, and that it was handed 
in to the committee of three appointed by the Legislative Committee to 
revise and arrange the laws for the meeting on the 5th of July, 1843. 

G. W. Le Breton, clerk of the Legislative Committee, handed it in, 
when it was examined by the committee of three, and handed back to 
him with the remark " it was well enough to keep it with the public 
papers, as it would show the influences operating, and who were 
opposed to our organization, and the reasons they had for their opposi 
tion. At the meeting of May 2, all the signers of that document were 
present with their priests at their head, and voted to a man against the 
proposed organization. 

"Address of the Canadian citizens of Oregon to the meeting at 
Champoeg, March 4, 1843." It will be seen it should have been dated 
May 2. This mistake simply shows that it was prepared March 4, 
1843, in anticipation of the action of the meeting to be held May 2, 

The address above referred to is here submitted as a matter of his 
tory, and is as follows : 

" We, the Canadian citizens of Wallamet, considering with interest 


and reflection the subject which unites the people at the present meet 
ing, present to the American citizens, and particularly to the gentlemen 
who called said meeting, the unanimous expression of our sentiments 
of cordiality, and desire of union and inexhaustible peace between all 
the people, in view of our duty and the interest of the new colony, 
and declare 

" 1st. That we wish for laws, or regulations, for the welfare of our 
persons, and t^e security of our property and labors. 

" 2d. That we do not intend to rebel against the measures of that 
kind taken last year, by a party of the people ; although we do not 
approve of certain regulations, nor certain modes of laws, let those 
magistrates finish their time. 

li 3d. That we will not address a new petition to the government of 
the United States, because we have our reasons, till the line be decided, 
and the frontiers of the States fixed. 

" 4th. That we are opposed to the regulations anticipated, and ex 
posed to consequences for the quantity, direction, etc., of lands, and 
whatsoever expense for the same lands, because we have no direct 
guaranty from the government to come, and, perhaps, to-morrow, all 
those measures may be broken. 

" 5th. That we do not wish a provisional mode of government, too 
self-interested, and full of degrees, useless to our power, and overload 
ing the colony instead of improving it ; besides, men of laws and 
science are too scarce, and have too much to do in such a new country. 

" 6th. That we wish either the mode of senate or council to judge the 
difficulties, punish the crimes (except capital penalties), and make the 
regulations suitable for the people. 

" 7th. That the same council be elected and composed of members 
from all parts of the country, and should act in body, on the plan of 
civilized countries in parliament, or as a jury, and to be represented, 
for example, by the president of said council, and another member, as 
a judge of peace, in each county, allowing the principle of recalling to 
the whole senate. 

" 8th. That the members should be influenced to interest themselves 
to their own welfare, and that of the public, by the love of doing good, 
rather than by the hope of gain, in order to take off from the esteem of 
the people all suspicions of interest in the persons of their representa 

" 9th. That they must avoid every law loading and inexpedient to 
the people, especially to the new arrivals. Unnecessary taxes, and 
whatever records are of that kind, we do not want them. 

" 10th. That the militia is useless at present, and rather a danger of 


bad suspicion to the Indians and a delay for the necessary labors; at 
the same time, it is a load ; we do not want it, either, at present. 

" llth. That we consider the country free, at present, to all nations, 
till government shall have decided ; open to every individual wishing 
to settle, without any distinction of origin, and without asking him 
any thing, either to become an English, Spanish, or American citizen. 

" 12th. So we, English subjects, proclaim to be free, as well as those 
who came from France, California, United States, or even natives of 
this country ; and we desire unison with all the respectable citizens who 
wish to settle in this country ; or we ask to be recognized as free among 
ourselves, to make such regulations as appear suitable to our wants, 
save the general interest of having justice from all strangers who might 
injure us, and that our reasonable customs and pretensions be respected. 

" 13th. That we are willing to submit to any lawful government 
when it comes. 

" 14th. That we do not forget that we must make laws only for neces 
sary circumstances. The more laws there are, the more opportunities 
for roguery for those who make a practice of it; and, perhaps, the more 
alterations there will be some day. 

" 15th. That we do not forget in a trial that before all fraud on ful 
filling of some points of the law, the ordinary proofs of the certainty of 
the fact ought to be duly weighed, so that justice may be done, and no 
shame given for fraud. 

" 16th. In a new country the more men employed and paid by the 
public, the less remains of industry. 

" 17th. That no one can be more desirous than we are for the pros 
perity, ameliorations, and general peace of the country, and especially 
for the guaranty of our rights and liberties; and such is the wish we 
make for all those who are, or may become, our fellow-countrymen, 
etc., for long years of peace." 

Then follow our names and persons. 

Which, if our memory is correct, were not given or signed to the 
original document, for, if they had been, the document would have been 
noticed in the legislative proceedings, and some action taken upon it. 
It was considered by the revising committee, as an expression of the 
feelings of the subjects named in the twelfth paragraph, and that while 
they were opposed to the proposed organization they would act as per 
thirteenth paragraph. The second paragraph indicates an approval 
of previous political action. The third, their opposition to a connection 
with the United States. The fourth, their decided opposition to the 
proposed government. The fifth is a reason, and shows that they had 
no confidence in the ability of the people to make laws for themselves. 


The sixth indicates a preference for the Hudson s Bay Company s mode 
of government. The seventh shows a leaning to republican ideas of 
government. The eighth to the government of the country by the 
clergymen in it. The ninth, opposition to taxes which the French, or 
the class represented in that protest, continually manifested in refusing 
to pay until compelled by legal or superior force. The tenth shows 
that they considered themselves safe from Indian hostility, and were 
only anxious to expose the weakness of the settlement by avoiding a 
show of military strength. The eleventh affirms the freedom of the 
country to all, and their right to occupy it without interference. The 
fourteenth, a childish reason against restraint. The fifteenth is con 
siderably mixed ; it is advisory. We admit that the object of it is 
beyond our comprehension. The sixteenth looks to one man, or clerical 
rule. The seventeenth shows the ecclesiastical origin of the document, 
and a suspicion that in the future their conduct may be such that they 
may require a " guaranty" of their rights and liberties. 

We have an article, published in the Cincinnati Beacon, August, 
1843, giving the oath taken by the Jesuits, and a short account of their 
objects and proceedings, which, as they had been introduced into 
Oregon by the Hudson s Bay Company in 1838, and commenced their 
operations as in the above document, we will copy the article entire, as 
we shall have occasion to speak of the part taken by them in the settle 
ment of this country : 

" The order of Jesuits was established by Loyola in 1535, having for 
its object the re-establishment of the pope s sway over the civil powers 
of the earth. 

" At that time it was found that a mighty effort was needed to regain 
to the pope what he had just lost by the Reformation, and this order 
was established for that object. Members of that society may be of any 
profession or of no profession, as they choose, and as best suits the 
object. They may prosecute their own business as merchants in foreign 
countries, or serve in the meanest capacity, provided they can by stealth 
exercise some destructive influence on any or every form of government 
except that under the sacred confirmation of the pope. 

" A dispensation is granted them, i. e., permission to lay aside all pro 
fessions of regard to the Papal cause, and make outward professions to 
any religion or government they choose, if by so doing they can better 
1 do their utmost to EXTIRPATE the heretical Protestant doctrine, and 
destroy all its pretended powers, REGAL or otherwise? 

" Of course they were soon found in all the political intrigues which 
so long distracted Europe. This is a prominent fact on the page of 
history. One after another of the European powers became aware of 


this, and each, especially of the Protestant powers, when their intrigues 
could no longer be endured, banished the Jesuits as seen above. We 
may add Oregon as another special field of their operations since 1838. 

" The Jesuits are the most active and efficient agents of Popery in 
propagating the Catholic religion in foreign countries. In the follow 
ing oath we notice : 

" 1. An acknowledgment that Protestant governments are illegal, 
without the "sacred confirmation of the pope, and may safely be 

" 2. A renunciation of any allegiance as due to any heretical state, 
named Protestants. 

" 3. A solemn pledge to do their utmost to destroy all their pre 
tended powers, regal or otherwise. 

" Comment on the relations which these agents of the pope sustain 
to our Protestant government is needless. 

" The Oath of Secrecy of the Jesuits. 

" I, A. B., now in the presence of Almighty God, the blessed Virgin 
Mary, the blessed Michael the Archangel, the blessed St. John Baptist, 
the holy apostles St. Peter and St. Paul, and the saints and sacred 
hosts of heaven, and of you my ghostly father, do declare from my 
heart, without mental reservation, that his holiness the Pope Urban is 
Christ s vicar-general, and is the true and only head of the Catholic or 
Universal Church throughout the earth ; and that, by the virtue of the 
keys of binding and loosing given to his holiness by my Saviour Jesus 
Christ, he hath power to depose heretical kings, princes, states, com 
monwealths, and governments, all being illegal without his sacred con 
firm ation, and thatthey may safely be destroyed ; therefore, to th eut- 
most of my power, I shall and will defend this doctrine, and his holi 
ness rights and customs, against all usurpers of the heretical (or Pro 
testant) authority whatsoever; especially against the now pretended 
authority and Church of England, and all adherents, in regard that they 
and she be usurpal and heretical, opposing the sacred mother church 
of Rome. I do renounce and disown any allegiance as due to any 
heretical king, prince, or state, named Protestant, or obedience to any 
of their inferior magistrates or officers. I do further declare, that the 
doctrine of the Church of England, of the Calvinists, Huguenots, and 
of others of the name of Protestant, to be damnable, and they them 
selves are damned, and to be damned, that will not forsake the same ; 
I do further declare, that I will help, assist, and adA 7 ise all or any of 
his holiness agents in any place wherever I shall be, in England, Scot 
land, and Ireland, or in any other territory or kingdom I shall come to, 


and do my utmost to extirpate the heretical Protestant doctrine, and 
to destroy all its pretended powers, regal or otherwise. I do further 
promise and declare, that notwithstanding I am dispensed with, to as 
sume any religion heretical, for the propagating of the mother church s 
interests, to keep secret and private all her agents counsels from time 
to time, as they intrust me, and not to divulge, directly or indirectly, 
by word, writing, or circumstance whatsoever ; but to execute all that 
shall be proposed, given in charge, or discovered unto me, by you, my 
ghostly father, or any of this sacred convent. All which I, A. B., do 
swear, by the blessed Trinity, and blessed Sacrament, which I am now 
to receive, to perform, and on my part to keep inviolably : and do call 
all the heavenly and glorious host of heaven to witness these my real 
intentions, to keep this my oath. In testimony hereof, I take this most 
holy and blessed sacrament of the Eucharist; and witness the same 
further with my hand and seal, in the face of this holy convent, this 
day of Anno Domini, etc. 

" The Jesuits were banished from England in 1606. They were ex 
pelled from France, A. D. 1764 ; from Spain and Sicily, A. D. 1767 ; from 
Portugal, A. D. 1789 ; and totally suppressed by Pope Clement XIV., 
A. D. 1773. Everywhere they were prosecuted and repelled as injurious 
to youth, and dangerous to all existing forms of government. The 
present pope has revived the order, and now we find the Jesuits 
secretly and openly engaged again in their pernicious and wicked 
devices to re-establish his power in the United States, and in the 


The meeting at Champoeg. Tactics of the Jesuit party. Counter-tactics of the Ameri 
cans. A division and its result. Public record. Opposition to clergymen as 
legislators. Mr. Hines as an historian. His errors. Importance of Mr. Hines 1 
history. Extract. Difficulty among the Indians. Cause of the difficulty. 

THE 2d of May, the day fixed by the committee of twelve to organ 
ize a settlers government, was close at hand. The Indians had all 
learned that the "Bostons" were going to have a big meeting, and they 
also knew that the English and French were going to meet with them, 
to oppose what the " Bostons" were going to do. The Hudson s Bay 
Company had drilled and trained their voters for the occasion, under 
the Rev. F. N. Blanchet and his priests, and they were promptly on the 
ground in the open field near a small house, and, to the amusement of 
every American present, trained to vote "No" to every motion put; no 
matter, if to carry their point they should have voted " Yes," it was 
" No." Le Breton had informed the committee, and the Americans 
generally, that this would be the course pursued, according to instruc 
tions, hence our motions were made to test their knowledge of what 
they were doing, and we found just what we expected was the case. 
The priest was not prepared for our manner of meeting them, and, as 
the record shows, " considerable confusion was existing in consequence." 
By this time we had counted votes. Says Le Breton, " We can risk it ; 
let us divide and count." " I second that motion," says Gray. " Who s 
for a divide ?" sang out old Joe Meek, as he stepped out ; " all for the 
report of the committee and an organization, follow me." This was so 
sudden and unexpected that the priest and his voters did not know 
what to do, but every American was soon in line. Le Breton and 
Gray passed the line and counted fifty-two Americans, and but fifty 
French and Hudson s Bay Company men. Tljey announced the count 
" fifty-two for, and fifty against." " Three cheers for our side," sang 
out old Joe Meek. Not one of those old veteran mountain voices were 
lacking in that shout for liberty. They were given with a will, and in 
a few seconds the chairman, Judge I. L. Babcock, called the meeting to 
order, when the priest and his" band slunk away into the corners of the 
fences, and in a short time mounted their horses and left. 

The minutes of the meeting are as follows : 


" At a public meeting of the inhabitants of the Wallamet settlements, 
held in accordance with the call of the committee, chosen at a former 
meeting, for the purpose of taking steps to organize themselves into a 
civil community, and provide themselves with the protection secured 
by the enforcement of law and order, Dr. I. L. Babcock was chosen 
chairman, and Messrs. Gray, Le Breton, and Wilson, secretaries. 

"The committee made their report, which was read, and a motion 
was made that it be accepted, which was lost. 

" Considerable confusion existing in consequence, it was moved by Mr. 
Le Breton, and seconded by Mr. Gray, that the meeting divide, pre 
paratory to being counted ; those in favor of the objects of this meet 
ing taking the right, and those of a contrary mind taking the left, 
which being carried by acclamation, and a majority being found in 
favor of organization, the greater part of the dissenters withdrew. 

"It was then moved and carried, that the report of the committee be 
taken up and disposed of article by article. 

"A motion was made and carried, that a supreme judge, with pro- 
1 bate powers, be chosen to officiate in this community. 

" Moved and carried, that a clerk of the court, or recorder, be chosen. 

" Aloved and carried, that a sheriff be chosen. 

" Moved and carried, that three magistrates be chosen. 

" Moved and carried, that three constables be chosen. 

"Moved and carried, that a committee of nine persons be chosen, for 
the purpose of drafting a code of laws for the government of this com 
munity, to be presented to a public meeting to be hereafter called by 
them, for their acceptance. 

" A motion was made and carried, that a treasurer be chosen. 

" Moved and carried, that a major and three captains be chosen. 

" Moved and carried, that we now proceed to choose the persons 1;o 
fill the various offices by ballot. 

"A. E. Wilson was chosen to act as supreme judge, with probate 
powers; G. W. Le Breton was chosen to act as clerk of court, and 
recorder ; J. L. Meek was chosen to fill the office of sheriff; W. H. 
Wilson was chosen treasurer. 

"Moved and carried, that the remainder of the officers be chosen by 
hand ballot, and nomination from the floor. 

"Messrs. Hill, Shortess, Newell, Beers, Hubbard, Gray, O Neil, Moore, 
and Dougherty, were chosen to act as Legislative Committee ; Messrs. 
Burns, Judson, and A. B. Smith were chosen to act as magistrates ; 
Messrs. Ebbets, Bridgers, and Lewis, were chosen to act as constables ; 
Mr. John Howard was chosen major ; Messrs. Wm. McCarty, C. Mc- 
Roy, and S. Smith were chosen captains. 


" Moved and carried, that the Legislative Committee make their 
report on the 5th day of July next, at Champoeg. 

" Moved and carried, that the services of the Legislative Committee 
be paid for at $1.25 per day, and that the money be raised by subscrip 

" Moved and carried, that the major and captains be instructed to 
enlist men to form companies of mounted riflemen. 

" Moved and carried, that an additional constable and magistrate be 

" Mr. Compo was chosen as an additional magistrate. Mr. Matthew 
was chosen as an additional constable. 

" Moved and carried, that the Legislative Committee shall not sit 
over six days. 

" The meeting was then adjourned. 

"The question having arisen with regard to what time the newly- 
appointed officers should commence their duties, the meeting was again 
called to order, when it was moved and carried, that the old officers 
act till the laws are made and accepted, or until the next public 

" Attest, 

" G. W. LE BBETON." 

It will be remembered by those present, that in the appointment of 
the members of the Legislative Committee, Rev. J. S. Griffin was named 
as one of the committee. I am not positive that Mr. Griffin was present, 
but T remember that his nomination was opposed, or any clergyman of 
any denomination having any thing to do with making laws for the set 
tlers. It was stated as a reason, that their duties and calling were not 
such as qualified them to enact laws adapted to a promiscuous commu 
nity; they, as a matter of conscience and duty to what they, as a general 
thing, considered higher laws, disqualified themselves to enter the halls 
of legislation as law-makers. Besides, the settlers had once placed it 
in their hands and requested them to aid in the enactment of suitable 
laws for the government and protection of the settlement. This 
request they had neglected and refused to comply with, and we had 
before us the example and influence of one who had openly opposed 
our effort. In placing upon this committee a reverend gentleman from 
one denomination, we, as a matter of courtesy, must do the same to 
another, and, as in the former case, we would be liable to be defeated. 
Mr. Griffin did not receive a single vote, without it was that of the 
Rev. Mr. Kone, from Clatsop, who, I think, was present. 

We will now leave the Legislative Committee to do their business, as 


per instructions, and see what our very officious Indian agent and his 
friend, Rev. Mr. Hines, are about. 

During the fall of 1842 and winter and spring of 1843, "our plot 
thickens." We must go back a little, and notice, among other things, that 
as soon as Uncle Samuel s exploring squadron had looked at Oregon a 
little and Dr. McLaughlin s good liquors more (when the infirmities of 
the stomach required something stronger than water), and had found 
occasion to express great praise of the kind treatment and generosity 
of the Hudson s Bay Company, they also found it convenient to sanc 
tion the opposition to a temporary government for jhe settlement, at 
least, Mr. Hines tells us they opposed it, and leave the company to 
continue their kicking and changing the bushel, calling in their cattle 
and pay for all lost, and enter vigorously upon a settled system of 
opposition to all American settlements in the country. Their Jesuit 
missions were doing them good service in the interior. Their clerks 
and interpreters were ready to do their part. The puff-ball of folly 
and ignorance, in the shape of a sub-Indian agent, had been among the 
Indians, who were made to believe from his foolish statements, con 
firmed or made worse by such old liars as Toupin, as in the case of 
Parker, that the great parent was going to make them wise and rich, 
and give them all they wanted, if they would adopt his advice, and do 
as he wished them. All things combined aroused Mr. Hines to the 
solemn conclusion that it was his duty to volunteer and go with our 
sub-Indian agent, and assist him in pacifying the Indians. I suppose 
he must have gone in the capacity of prime minister or secretary of 
state. He says, page 146: "In the evening of the 17th, Dr. White 
arrived at my house, bringing intelligence from the falls." Le Breton 
returned the next day, and reported that Anderson s horse was stolen 
by an Indian, the same that had stolen one from Mr. Hines two years 
before. Hines had the courage to go and get his horse, but Anderson, 
who was a Swede, had not. This transaction, it will be remembered, 
was on April 17, a month after the organizing committee of twelve had 
been appointed at Gervais . White and Hines are in council at Hines 
house. The visit to the interior tribes is before the council. White 
had been up among the Nez Perces and Cayuses in the fall of 1842, and 
with the aid of McKay (who was the most reliable half-native servant 
the company ever had), the Indians were induced to form a combina 
tion, exactly such a one as Frank Ermatinger, in 1 838, told the writer 
the company would form, with the aid of their half-breed servants, to 
resist the occupancy of the country by the American government. 
Mr. Hines stupidity led him to believe this was the policy of White, 
and not that of the company. He says, at the bottom of page 142 : 


4< It had been the policy of the Hudson s Bay Company to destroy the 
chieftainship, cut the different tribes into small clans, and divide their 
interests as far as possible, so as to weaken them, and render them 
incapable of injuring the whites, thus preventing them from acting 
in concert." At the time this policy was adopted by the company 
there were no whites in the country but themselves. Mr. Hines be 
lieves that the American settlement was to be benefited by this shrewd 
policy of the company, and attributes to Dr. White the opposite 
policy. He says, page 143, that " the sub-agent adopted a different 

How natural and how easy for his reverence to fall into this error, 
and to say, on page 142, "Thomas McKay contributed much to allay 
the excitement among them, and, in connection with the sub-agent, in 
duced the natives to adopt a code of laws and appoint a head chief, and 
inferior chiefs, sufficient to carry the laws into execution." Not the 
least suspicion of McKay s instructions and the Hudson s Bay Com 
pany s arrangements and consent in the matter, and that the sub-agent 
was the very man the company was making use of to get their own 
trained and educated Indian (Ellis) at the head of the Nez Perce tribe, 
to accomplish the object they had in view. Mr. Hines has given us a 
good history, for which we thank him in behalf of truth, and also foi 
the assistance it has given us in showing to the world the damning 
policy, the accursed influences brought to bear against the little band 
of patriots that had the courage to contend against such fearful combi 
nations of avarice, stupidity, superstition, and savagism ; and here 
allow me to say, is the reason that Whitman, Harvey Clark, Shortess, 
Smith, Cornelius Rogers, J. L. Meek, Couch, and fifty others, had no 
confidence in White or his advisers and frien,ds. 

Le Breton acted well his part ; the company knew him better than 
Mr. Hines did ; his de,ath was a victory, as they supposed, to them, but 
the effort moved on. The act of a few Indians, in going to St. Louis in 
1832, for religious knowledge, brought Mr. Hines to the country with 
others more capable of meeting the combined influences of avarice, stu 
pidity, bigotry, and superstition. 

And although many things have combined to keep them from any 
pecuniary reward, still facts, and the history of the country they have 
saved as the golden gem of our great Republic, will seek to know who 
it was whose efforts could successfully contend with such influences as 
were then held by the company, the Jesuit priests, Dr. White, and the 
Methodist Mission. We now know why our little settlement wept and 
mourned the death of Rogers, Le Breton, and Whitman, as they were 
substantial pillars in our temple of liberty on this coast. Does a simple 


slab mark the place of their rest ? Their surviving associates are not 
able to answer in the affirmative. 

It will be borne in mind that while Dr. Whitman was on his way to 
Washington, Dr. White and Thomas McKay visited the Indians in the 
interior, in October, 1842, about one month after Dr. Whitman had 
left for the States. Mr. Spalding was really more stupid than Mr. 
Hines in all matters of policy and deep-laid plans to accomplish any 
object. His courage was strong in ignorance of danger. Mr. Hines 
had personal courage, but his self-esteem was unbounded. Dr. White 
was shrewd enough to make use of both. Mr. Spalding was taken with 
Dr. White s smooth milk-and-water false statements about his office, 
powers, and duties. He w r as led to believe that White had all the 
powers he professed to have, and lent his influence to McKay to organ 
ize and combine the Indian tribes, supposing all the while he was doing 
it for Dr. White and the American cause. 

Messrs. Hines and Spalding were alike in this particular. The reader 
will not forget that I am speaking of men and their actions, and the 
influence they had at a certain time, and the effect of those actions 
upon the Indians and the religious, political, and general interests of 
the country. Personally, I have no malice against a single man of 
whom I write ; many of them I know are dead, and at the proper time 
I will give you as faithful an account of their good deeds as I now do 
of their errors. Besides, I hope the children and friends of all of whom 
I write, will, see and feel the virtue there is in doing right at all times, 
and, as we are told, " try the spirits," or persons, " to know whether 
they are good or evil." 

A large portion of the ninth chapter of Mr. Hines book is too im 
portant in illustrating truth to be omitted in a history such as we are 
giving. The reader will understand the observations we have to make, 
bearing in mind that all these facts have an important bearing on a 
transaction that occurred four years later. He says : 

"April 14. This settlement has been thrown into a panic by intelli 
gence which has just been received from the upper country, concerning 
the hostile intentions of the Cayuse, Nez Perec, and Wallawalla In 
dians. It appears that they have again threatened the destruction of 
the whites. Some time in October last, Indian report said that these 
tribes were coming down to kill off the Boston people, meaning those 
from the United States. This intelligence produced considerable ex 
citement at the time, and induced the sub-agent of Indian affairs to go 
directly to the upper country and ascertain the truth of the report, and, 
if possible, settle all matters of difficulty. On arriving among the In 
dians, he ascertained that the report was not without foundation, but 


entered into such arrangements with them as appeared to give satis 
faction. Thomas McKay contributed much to allay the excitement 
among them, and, in connection with the sub-agent, induced the Nez 
Perces to adopt a code of laws, and appoint a head chief and inferior 
chiefs, sufficient to carry the laws into execution. 

" It had been the policy of the Hudson s Bay Company to destroy 
the chieftainship, cut the different tribes into smaller clans, and divide 
their interests as far as possible, so as to weaken them, and render 
them incapable of injuring the whites, by preventing them from acting 
individual appointed to the high chieftainship over the JVez Perces 
was one Ellis, as he was called by the English, who, having spent 
several years in the settlement on Red River, east of the mountains, 
had, with a smattering of the English language, acquired a higJi sense 
of his own importance ; and, consequently, after lie was appointed 
chief, pursued a very haughty and overbearing course. The fulfillment 
of the laws which the agent recommended for their adoption was 
required by Ellis with the utmost rigor. Individuals were severely 
punished for crimes which, from time immemorial, had been committed 
by the people with impunity. This occasioned suspicions in the minds 
of the Indians generally that the whites designed the ultimate sub 
jugation of their tribes. They saw in the laws they had adopted, a 
deep-laid scheme of the whites to destroy them, and take possession 
of their country. The arrival of a large party of emigrants about 
this time, and the sudden departure of Dr. Whitman to the United 
States, with the avowed intention of bringing back with him as many 
as he could enlist for Oregon, served to hasten them to the above con 
clusion. That a great excitement existed among the Indians in the 
interior, and that they designed to make war upon the settlement, 
was only known to the whites through the medium of vague report, 
until a letter was received from H. K. W. Perkins, at the Dalles, in 
which he informed us that the Wascopum and Wallawalla Indians 
had communicated to him in substance the following information : 
That the Indians are very much exasperated against the whites, in con 
sequence of so many of the latter coming into the country, to destroy 
their game and take away their lands ; that the Nez Perces dispatched 
one of their chiefs last winter on snow-shoes, to visit the Indians in 
the buffalo country east of Fort Hall, for the purpose of exciting them 
to cut off the party that it is expected Dr. Whitman will bring back 
with him to settle the Nez Perce country ; that the Indians are en 
deavoring to form a general coalition for the purpose of destroying 
all the Boston people ; that it is not good to kill a part of them, and 


leave the rest, but that every one of them must be destroyed. This 
information produced a great excitement throughout the community, 
and almost every man had a plan of his own by which to avert the 
impending storm. In the estimation of some, the Indians were to be 
upon us immediately, and it was unsafe to retire at night, for fear the 
settlement would be attacked before morning. The plan of the agent 
was to induce . men to pledge themselves, under the forfeiture of one 
hundred dollars in case of delinquency, to keep constantly on hand and 
ready for use either a good musket or rifle, and one hundred charges 
of ammunition, and to hold themselves in readiness to go at the call 
of the agent to any part of the country, not to exceed two days travel, 
for the purpose of defending the settlement, and repelling any savage 
invaders. This plan pleased some of the people, and they put down 
their names ; but many were much dissatisfied with it ; and as we had 
no authority, no law, no order, for the time being, in the country, it 
was impossible to tell what would be the result, if the Indians should 
attempt to carry their threats into execution." 

We have before us, in these quotations, the facts of the change of 
policy of the Hudson s Bay Company, the combining of the Nez 
Perec tribe, the supposed ground of complaint against the Americans, 
and the failure of the sub-Indian agent to get the settlers to adopt 
his plan for protecting the settlement against the Indians. We will 
now give the reasons the company had for adopting the dividing and 
cutting-up policy among the Indians. 

The reader is requested to observe Mr. Hines description of Ellis, 
Dr. White s Indian chief. It was this same Indian that drove the Rev. 
A. B. Smith in 1840 from his land, as stated by old Toupin on 15th 
page of Brouillet s history of the Whitman massacre. Up to this time 
he was not considered an important character by the company, on 
account of his self-importance and insolence. In this respect he re 
sembled Tawatowe, of the Cayuses, who, when he had been promoted to 
the head chieftainship of that tribe, became insolent, and going so far as 
to get possession of Fort Wallawalla, had tied Mr. P. C. Pambrun, and 
kept him tied till he agreed to give the Indians better prices for their 
horses and furs. As soon as they had liberated him, Mr. Pambrun 
made a few trades with them and treated them kindly, and induced 
them to leave the fort. He sent at once to Vancouver and increased 
the number of his men, and told the chiefs that had had him tied, that 
he no longer regarded them as chiefs, and at once commenced to 
destroy their influence by refusing to give them the accustomed 
presents, and gave them to lesser chiefs, and in that way divided them 
up and broke their power as principal chiefs. 


While the American fur trader, Captain Wyeth, was in the country, 
the company had increased their tariff, and paid the Indians more for 
their horses and furs, but as soon as he had been driven from the 
country, they reduced it to their own prices. The Indians did not 
understand why the company gave them so much less than the 
Americans, or Bostons, did for the same things. 

The principal chiefs of the Nez Perces and Cayuses were together in 
the attempt to get better pay for the property they sold to the com 
pany, whose policy was to keep all the principal men down, and divide 
their power and influence, and prevent any large combinations among 
the tribes, thus making it easy to control them. This statement of 
facts and policy I had from Mr. Pambrun and Mr. Ermatinger, both of 
the Hudson s Bay Company. 

Mr. Hines, on page 143, in speaking about the laws adopted by 
the Indians, seems altogether to ignore the fact that a desperate effort 
was then being made by the. Hudson s Bay Company, as the conduct of 
the Indians plainly indicated, to drive all Americans from the country. 
The unreasonable punishments inflicted, and all other odious inferences, 
were the legitimate instruments to accomplish a specific object. The 
same was the case in the inferences drawn about Dr. Whitman s visit 
to the States. While Governor Simpson sends on his Red River set 
tlers, and goes to Washington to secure the country to the British 
crown, Dr. Whitman and his mission become the special objects of mis 
representation and hate among the Indians. His mill and all his grain 
are burned, while a large immigration of British subjects and the Jesuit 
missionaries are received with open arms. Dr. Whitman and the Ameri 
can settlement must be stopped at all hazards. "An Indian is sent on 
snow-shoes to the Buffalo Indians east of Fort Hall, for the purpose of 
exciting them to cut off the party that is expected with Dr. Whitman. 

The American government, according to Dr. White, is about to 
take possession of the country, and had sent him out as its first gov 
ernor. He, to conciliate the Indians, adopts all the suggestions of the 
Hudson s Bay Company, and succeeds to his entire satisfaction, with 
the aid of Mr. McKay. While he can do nothing to unite the settlers 
for their own defense, the divide-and-weaken policy of the company is 
changed from Indians to the American settlers. White and Hines are 
equally useful to the company in doing the one, as they had been suc 
cessful in the other. That the transaction related by Mr. Hines on his 
145th page, under date of April IV, may be better understood, we 
will, in the next chapter, give a copy of the petition referred to. This 
document is mostly the work of Robert Shortess, and was signed by 
nearly every American in the country who had an opportunity. 


"Whitman s visit to Washington. A priest s boast. A taunt, and Whitman s reply. 
Arrival in Washington. Interview with Secretary Webster. With President 
Tyler. His return. Successful passage of the Rocky Mountains with two hun 
dred wagons. His mill burned during his absence. 

IN September, 1842, Dr. Whitman was called to visit a patient at old 
Fort "Wallawalla. While there, a number of boats of the Hudson s Bay 
Company, with several chief traders and Jesuit priests, on their way to 
the interior of the country, arrived. While at dinner, the overland ex 
press from Canada arrived, bringing news that the emigration from the 
Red River settlement was at Colville. This news excited unusual joy 
among the guests. One of them a young priest sang out: "Hurrah 
for Oregon, America is too late ; we have got the country." " Now the 
Americans may whistle ; the country is ours !" said another. 

Whitman learned that the company had arranged for these Red 
River English settlers to come on to settle in Oregon, and at the same 
time Governor Simpson was to go to Washington and secure the settle 
ment of the question as to the boundaries, on the ground of the most 
numerous and permanent settlement in the country. 

The Doctor was taunted with the idea that no power could prevent 
this result, as no information could reach Washington in time to pre 
vent it. " It shall be prevented," said the Doctor, " if I have to go to 
Washington myself." " But you can not go there to do it," was the 
taunting reply of the Briton. " I will see," was the Doctor s reply. 
The reader is sufficiently acquainted with the history of this man s toil 
and labor in bringing his first wagon through to Fort Boise, to under 
stand what he meant when he said, " I loill see" Two hours after this 
conversation at the fort, he dismounted from his horse at his door at 
Wailatpu. I saw in a moment that he was fixed on some important 
object or errand. He soon explained that a special effort must be made 
to save the country from becoming British territory. 

Every thing was in the best of order about the station, and there 
seemed to be no important reason why he should not go. A. L. Love- 
joy, Esq., had a few days before arrived with the immigration. It was 
proposed that he should accompany the Doctor, which he consented to 
do, and in twenty-four hours time they were well mounted and on 
their way to the States. They reached Fort Hall all safe ; kept south 


into Taos, and thence to Bent s Fort ? on the Arkansas River, when Mr. 
Lovejoy became exhausted from toil and exposure, and stopped for the 
winter, while the Doctor continued on and reached Washington. 

Thus far in this narrative I give Dr. Whitman s, Mr. Lovejoy s, and 
my own knowledge. I find an article in the Pacific of November 9, 
from Mr. Spalding, which gives us the result : 

"On reaching the settlements, Dr. Whitman found that many of the 
now old Oregonians Waldo, Applegate, Hamtree, Keizer, and others 
who had once made calculations to come to Oregon, had abandoned 
the idea because of the representations from Washington that every 
attempt to take wagons and ox-teams through the Rocky and Blue 
Mountains to the Columbia had failed. Dr. Whitman saw at once 
what the stopping of wagons at Fort Hall every year meant. The 
representations purported to come from Secretary Webster, but were 
from Governor Simpson, who, magnifying the statements of his chief 
trader, Grant, at Fort Hall, declared the Americans must be going 
mad, from their repeated fruitless attempts to take wagons and teams 
through the impassable regions to the Columbia, and that the women 
and children of those wild fanatics had been saved from a terrible 
death only by the repeated and philanthropic labors of Mr. Grant, at 
Fort Hall, in furnishing them with horses. The Doctor told these men, 
as he met them, that his only object in crossing the mountains in the 
dead of winter, at the risk of his life, and through untold sufferings, 
was to take back an American emigration that" summer through the 
mountains to the Columbia, with their wagons and their teams. The 
route was practicable. We had taken our wagon, our cattle, and our 
families through, seven years before. They had nothing to fear ; but 
to be ready on his return. The stopping of wagons at Fort Hall was a 
Hudson s Bay Company scheme to prevent the settling of the country 
by the Americans, till they could settle it with their own subjects from 
the Selkirk settlement. This news spread like wildfire through Mis 
souri. The Doctor pushed on to Washington and immediately sought 
an interview with Secretary Webster, both being from the same State, 
and stated to him the object of his crossing the mountains, and laid 
before him the great importance of Oregon to the United States. But 
Mr. Webster lived too near Cape Cod to see things in the same light with 
his fellow-Statesman who had transferred his worldly interests to the 
Pacific coast. He awarded sincerity to the missionary, but could not 
admit for a moment that the short residence of six years could give 
the Doctor the knowledge of the country possessed by Governor Simp 
son, who had almost grown up in the country, and had traveled every 
part of it, and represents it as one unbroken waste of sand deserts and 


impassable mountains, fit only for the beaver, the gray bear, and the 
savage. Besides, he had about traded it off with Governor Simpson, to 
go into the Ashburton treaty, for a cod-fishery on Newfoundland. 

"The Doctor next sought an interview with President Tyler, who at 
once appreciated his solicitude and his timely representations of Ore 
gon, and especially his disinterested though hazardous undertaking to 
cross the Rocky Mountains in the winter to take back a caravan of 
wagons. He said that, although the Doctor s representations of the 
character of the country, and the possibility of reaching it by a wagon 
route, were in direct contradiction to those of Governor Simpson, his 
frozen limbs were sufficient proof of his sincerity, and his missionary 
character was sufficient guaranty for his honesty, and he would there 
fore, as* President, rest upon these and act accordingly ; would detail 
Fremont with a military force to escort the Doctor s caravan through 
the mountains ; and no more action should be had toward trading oif 
Oregon till he could hear the result of the expedition. If the Doctor 
could establish a wagon route through the mountains to the Columbia 
River, pronounced impossible by Governors Simpson and Ashburton, 
he would use his influence to hold on to Oregon. The great desire of 
the Doctor s American soul, and Christian withal, that is, the pledge 
of the President that the swapping of Oregon with England for a cod- 
fishery should stop for the present, was attained, although at the risk 
of life, and through great sufferings, and unsolicited, and without the 
promise or expectation of a dollar s reward from any source. And 
now, God giving him life and strength, he would do the rest ; that is, 
connect the Missouri and Columbia rivers with a wagon-track so deep 
and plain that neither national envy nor sectional fanaticism would ever 
blot it out*. And when the 5th of September, 1843, saw the rear of the 
Doctor s caravan of nearly two hundred wagons, with which he started 
from Missouri last of April, emerge from the western shades of the Blue 
Mountains upon the plains of the Columbia, the greatest work ever 
accomplished by one man for Oregon was finished. And through that 
great emigration during that whole summer, the Doctor was their 
everywhere-present angel of mercy, ministering to the sick, helping the 

* They reached Fort Hall in safety, but there, in the absence of Dr. Whitman from 
their camp, they were told by Captain Grant, in the interest of the Hudson s Bay Com 
pany, as others had been told before, that it was idle for wagons to attempt to reach 
the Columbia. For a time there was a heaviness of spirit among those families, which, 
like the Israelites of old, had penetrated the depths of the " great and terrible wilder 
ness." But Dr. Whitman, on ascertaining what had happened, reassured them by his 
bold and manly words, saying to them, "My countrymen! you have trusted me thus 
far; believe me now, and I will take your wagons to Columbia River ;" and he did so, 
and Oregon was saved by his patriotism to the Union. 


weary, encouraging the wavering, cheering the mothers, mending 
wagons, setting broken bones, hunting stray oxen, climbing precipices ; 
now in the rear, now at the front; in the rivers, looking out fords 
through the quicksands ; in the deserts, looking out for water ; in the 
dark mountains, looking out passes ; at noontide or midnight, as though 
those thousands were his own children, and those wagons and flocks 
were his own property. Although he asked not, nor expected, a dollar 
as a reward from any source, he felt himself abundantly rewarded 
when he saw the desire of his heart accomplished, the great wagon 
route over the mountains established, and Oregon in a fair way to be 
occupied with American settlements and American commerce. And 
especially he felt himself doubly paid, when, at the end of his success 
ful expedition, and standing alive at his home again on the banks of 
the Wallawalla, these hundreds of his fellow summer pilgrims, way 
worn and sunbrowned, took him by the hand and thanked him with 
tears for what he had done. 

" During the Doctor s absence, his flour mill, with a quantity of grain, 
had been burned, and, consequently, he found but a small supply at 
his station on his return, raised by Mr. Geiger, a young man. But what 
he had in the way of grain, garden vegetables, and cattle, he gladly 
furnished the needy immigrants at the very low figure of the Wallamet 
prices, which was six hundred per cent, lower than what they had been 
compelled to pay at Forts Hall and Boise, and one half lower than 
they are to-day in the same country. And this was his practice every 
year till himself and wife and fourteen immigrants were murdered in the 
fall of 1847, because, as Vicar-General Brouillet says, they were 
American citizens , and not, as I am bold to say and can prove, because 
he was a physician. Shame on the American that will intimate such 
a thing ! This vicar-general of the Papal hosts on this coast does not 
thank you for such an excuse. He tells you plainly it was to break up 
the American settlements on this coast. 

" Often the good Doctor would let every bushel of his grain go to the 
passing immigrants in the fall, and then would have to depend upon me 
for breadstuff s for the winter and the whole year till next harvest, for 
his own large family and the scores of immigrants who every year were 
obliged to stop at his station on account of sickness or give-out teams. 
Although the Doctor had done so much for his country, it seems his 
blood was necessary to arouse the government to take formal posses 
sion of this coast, as it was his death by savages that sent the 
devoted J. L. Meek over the mountains to Washington, in the spring 
of 1848, to beg the government, in behalf of the citizens of this coast, 
to send us help, and to extend its jurisdiction over us." 


Petition of the citizens of Oregon in 1843. Complaints against the Hudson s Bay 
Company. The Milling Company. Kicking the half-bushel. Land claims of Dr. 
McLanghlin. Xames of the signers. Reasons for not signing. Notice, deed, and 
bond of John McLaughlin. Claim of Alvin F. Waller. 

Petition of Citizens of Oregon in 1843. 

To the Honorable the Senate and House of Representatives of the 
United States of America in Congress assembled : 

We, the undersigned, settlers south of the Columbia River, beg 
leave respectfully to represent to your honorable body : 

As has been before represented to your honorable body, we consider 
ourselves citizens of the United States, and acknowledge the right of 
the United States to extend its jurisdiction over us; and the object of 
the present memorial is to ask that the protection of the United States 
may be extended to us as soon as possible. Hitherto, our numbers 
have been small, and the few difficulties that arose in the settlement 
were speedily and satisfactorily settled. But, as our settlement 
increases in numbers, so our difficulties increase in number and import 
ance ; and, unless we can have laws to govern us that will be respected 
and obeyed, our situation will be a deplorable one. Where the highest 
court of appeal is the rifle, safety in life and property can not be 
depended on. 

The state of the country, its climate, resources, soil, productions, 
etc., has already been laid before your honorable body, in Captain 
Wyeth s memoir, and in former memorials from the inhabitants of this 

Laws are made to protect the weak against the mighty, and we feel 
the necessity of them in the steps that are constantly taken by the 
Honorable Hudson s Bay Company, in their opposition to the improve 
ment and enterprise of American citizens. You have been apprised 
already of their opposition to Captain Wyeth, Bonneville, and others; 
and we find that the same spirit dwells with them at the present day. 
Some years ago, when the Hudson s Bay Company owned all the cattle 
in Oregon, they would not sell on any conditions ; but they would lend 
their cows to the settler he returning to the company the cows 
loaned, with all the increase ; and in case of the death of a cow, he 


then had the privilege of paying for it. But after the settlers, at great 
risk and expense, went to California and purchased for themselves, and 
there was a fair prospect of the settlement being supplied, then the 
Hudson s Bay Company were willing to sell, and at lower rates than 
the settlers could sell. 

In the year 1842, feeling the necessity of having mills erected that 
could supply the settlement with flour and lumber, a number of the 
inhabitants formed themselves into a joint-stock company, for the pur 
pose of supplying the growing wants of the community. Many of 
the farmers were obliged to leave their farms on the Wallaraet, and go 
six miles above Vancouver, on the Columbia River, making the whole 
distance about sixty miles, to get their wheat ground, at a great loss 
of time and expense. The company was formed and proceeded to 
select a site. They selected an island at the falls of the Wallamet, 
and concluded to commence their operations. After commencing, they 
were informed by Dr. McLaughlin, who is at the head of the Hudson s 
Bay Company s affairs west of the Rocky Mountains, that the land 
was his, and that he (although a chief factor of the Hudson s Bay 
Company) claimed all the land on the east side of the Wallamet, 
embracing the falls down to the Clackamas River, a distance of about 
two miles. He had no idea, we presume, that the company would 
succeed. However, he erected a shed on the island, after the stuff was 
on the island to build a house, and then gave them permission to 
build under certain restrictions. They took the paper he wrote 
them, containing his conditions, but did not obligate themselves to 
comply with the conditions, as they did not think his claim just or 

Many projects had been started by the inhabitants, but, for want of 
means and encouragement, failed. This fate was predicted for the 
Milling Company. But, after much labor and difficulty, they 
succeeded in getting a saw-mill erected, and ready to run, and entered 
into a contract to have a grist-mill erected forthwith. And now, as 
they have succeeded, where is the Hudson s Bay Company ? Dr. 
McLaughlin employs hands to get out a frame for a saw-mill, and erect 
it at Wallamet Falls ; and we find, as soon as the frame is up, the gear 
ing, which has been made at Vancouver, is brought up in boats; and 
that which cost a feeble company of American citizens months of toil 
and embarrassment is accomplished by the chief factor of the Hudson s 
Bay Company in a few weeks. He has men and means, and it is said 
by him that in two weeks his mill will be sawing. And what will be 
the consequence? Why, if the Milling Company sell for $15 per 
thousand, he can sell for $12 ; if they reduce the price to $10, he can 


come to $8, or $5, or $2 per thousand. He says lie will have a grist 
mill started as soon as he gets the saw-mill in operation. 

All the wheat in Oregon they are anxious to get, as they ship it to 
the Russians on the northwest coast. In the first place they measured 
the wheat in a half-bushel, called by them imperial measure, much 
larger than the standard measure of the United States ; this not 
answering, they next proceeded to kicJt the half-bushel icith the foot to 
settle the wheat ; then they brought up a measure larger than the 
former one ; and now they fill this measure, then strike it three times 
with a stout club, and then fill up, and call it fair measure. Against 
such proceedings we need law that will be respected and obeyed. 

About twelve or fourteen years ago, the Hudson s Bay Company 
blasted a canal a few feet to conduct water to a mill they were going 
to build, the timber for which is now lying at the falls rotting. They, 
however, abandoned the thing altogether, and built their mills on the 
Columbia, about six miles above Vancouver, on the north side of the 

In the year 1837, agreeably to orders left by Mr. Slacum, a house 
was erected at the falls, to secure the claim for him. 

In 1840, the Methodist Mission erected buildings at the falls, and 
stationed two families there, and made a claim to sufficient land for 
their buildings, not interfering with any others who might wish to 
build. A short time previous to this, Dr. McLanghlin had a storehouse 
erected for the company, not occupied, however, further than to store 
wheat and other articles in, and as a trading-house during the salmon 

After this, in 1841, a shanty was erected, and a man kept at the falls, 
whose business it was to trade with the Indians for furs and salmon, 
and look out for the doctor s claim, he said, and to forbid persons 
building at the falls, as some had built, and others were about building. 
This man was, and still is, a servant of the Hudson s Bay Company. 

During the years 1841 and 1842, several families settled at the falls, 
when Dr. McLaughlin, who still resides at Fort Vancouver, comes on 
the ground, and says the land is his, and any person building without 
his permission is held as a trespasser. Without reference to any per 
son s right or claim, he employs a surveyor to run out the plat ; and as 
a bill was before the Senate of the United States to grant to every 
white male inhabitant a mile square, he has a mile run out to suit his 
views, and lays out a town plat at the falls, and calls it Oregon City. 
Although some, for peace sake, asked him for the lots they had already 
in possession, and which he appeared very willing to grant, the doctor 
now felt himself secure, and posted up the annexed paper (marked A), 


which is the original ; and all who had lots were required to pay Mr. 
Hastings five dollars for a deed of land which they knew very well the 
grantor did not own, but that Congress will pass a special act granting 
to each man his lot and improvements. Those that applied received 
(if they had a house on the lot) a deed, a copy of which is annexed 
(marked B) ; if they had no house, a bond was given for five dollars, 
a copy of which is annexed (marked C). To those that applied and 
paid their five dollars all was right with the doctor ; while those who 
considered his title to the land not good, and that therefore he had no 
right to direct who should build and who should not, had their lots 
sold to others. In one case the purchaser came to the original claimant 
and ordered him to stop digging the ground which he was preparing 
for a garden, and commanded him to remove his fences, as lie had Dr. 
McLaughlin s bond in his pocket for the lots ; and if he did not move 
the fence he would, and take forcible possession. Those who desired 
to have no difficulty, and did not apply for a deed, have lost their lots, 
the doctor s promise, and all. And Mr. Hastings (the doctor s agent) 
is now offering for sale the lots on which part of the mission buildings 
stand ; and if lie succeeds in finding a purchaser, they must either con 
tend or lose their buildings. 

Dr. McLaughlin has held claims in other places south of the Colum 
bia River: at the Tualatin Plains and Clackamas Plains he had huts 
erected, to prevent others from building; and such is the power of Dr. 
McLaughlin, that many persons are actually afraid to make their situa 
tion known, thinking, if he hears of it, he will stop their supplies. Let 
ters were received here from Messrs. Ladd & Co., of the Sandwich 
Islands, in answer to a letter written by the late Mr. Ewing Young, for 
a few supplies, that orders were received forbidding the company s ves 
sels carrying any goods for the settlers of Oregon. Every means will 
be made use of by them to break down every thing that will draw 
trade to this country, or enable persons to get goods at any other place 
than their store. 

One other item, and we are done. When the United States govern 
ment officers of distinction arrive, Vancouver is thrown open, and every 
facility afforded them. They were even more condescending to the 
settlers during the time the exploring squadron was in the Columbia; 
nothing was left undone to give the officers a high opinion of the Hon 
orable Hudson s Bay Company. Our Indian agent is entirely de 
pendent on them for supplies and funds to carry on his operations. 

And now your memorialists pray your honorable body that imme 
diate action of Congress be taken in regard to this country, and good 
and wholesome laws be enacted for our Territory, as may, in your wis- 


dom, be thought best for the good of the American citizens residing 


And your memorialists will ever pray. 

Robert Shortess, A. E. Wilson,* W. C. Remick,* Jeffrey Brown, E. 1ST. 
Coombs, Reuben Lewis, George Davis, V. Bennett, J. Rekener, T. 
J. Hubbard, James A. O Xeil, Jer. Horregon, William McCarty, 
Charles Compo, John Howard,* R. Williams, G. Brown, John Tur 
ner,* Theodore Pancott, A. F. Waller, J. R. Robb, J. L. Morrison, 
M. Crawford, John Anderson, James M. Bates, L. II. Judson, Joel 
Turnham,* Richard H. Ekin, H. Campbell,* James Force, W. H. 
Wilson,* Felix Hathaway,* J. Lawson, Thomas J. Shadden,* Joseph 
Gibbs, S. Lewis, Jr., Charles Roy, William Brown, S. Davis, Joseph 
Yatten, John Hopstatter,* G. W. Bellomy,* William Brown, A. 
Beers, J. L. Parish, William H. Gray, A. D. Smith,* J. C. Bridgers,* 
Aaron Cook, A. Copeland, S. W. Moss, Gustavus Hines, George W. 
Le Breton,* Daniel Girtman, C. T. Arrendrill, A. Touner, David 
Carter,* J. J. Campbell,* W. Johnson,* John Edmunds, W. Haux- 
hurst, W. A. Pfiefter, J. Holman, H. B. Brewer, William C. Button. 
Sixty-five in all. 
The foregoing are all the names which appear to the petition printed 

as Senate document 105, and presented to the Senate at the first session 

of the twenty-eighth Congress. 


Principal Clerk of Sec y Senate. 
WASHINGTON, D. C., Jan. 5, 1866. 

Mr. George Abernethy declined to sign this petition through fear of 
injuring the Methodist Mission in its secular or business relations with 
the Hudson s Bay Company. 

Hugh Burns would not sign it because he did not wish Congress to 
be asked to confirm his title to lots and improvements. 

Jason Lee, though he thought it right to petition Congress for 
protection, yet on account of his position as superintendent of the 
Methodist Mission, and the influence of the company against them 
should 1 e sign it, thought it best not to give his name. 

Dr. I. L. Babcock refused, because, by signing, he would lose his 
influence with the company. 

Walter Pomeroy, ditto. 

Dr. Bailey did not wish any protection from the Congress of the 
United States. 

* It is understood that the persons whose names are marked with an asterisk (*) are 
now dead ; the balance are supposed to be still living. 


Rev. II. K. "W. Perkins was ashamed of the petition. " What does 
Congress care about measuring wheat? or a contest between two 
milling companies ?" 

George Gay did not care any thing about it. Congress might do as 
it pleased; be did not want its protection. 

The people in Tualatin Plains did not have an opportunity to sign or 
refuse for want of time to circulate it in that section. The bearer of it, 
William C. Button, was on his way to the Slates across the Rocky 
Mountains. Through the influence of Dr. White, who had clandes 
tinely procured a copy of the petition and the names attached, and had 
made an effort to prevent its reaching Mr. Sutton, it had been delayed, 
but through the perseverance and promptness of Robert Shortess and 
A. E. Wilson, it was sent by Davis and Johnson and some Indians in 
an express canoe, and reached Mr. Sutton before he left the Cascades. 
For this service to his country and the persevering efforts of Mr. 
Shortess to maintain the rights of American citizens in it, he was early 
placed under the ban of the Hudson s Bay Company, and, it may be 
added, the Methodist Mission ; and reports prejudicial to him have been 
freely and persistently kept before the public mind, as also against any 
others that have taken an active part against the infamous and despotic 
course of that company. This is to weaken their testimony, and to ren 
der them powerless to prevent the present proposed robbing of our 
national treasury. Instead of paying one dime to that company for 
doing all they dared to do to prevent the settlement of Oregon by 
Americans, a pension should be paid to Robert Shortess and many 
others who dared to maintain the rights of the American people to this 
western coast. Whitman periled every thing and lost his life to save 
the country. Shortess has periled all, and worn himself out in strug 
gling under an influence that took the life of Dr. Whitman and many 
others, for which this Hudson s Bay Company are now to receive pay. 

It is unnecessary for me to make a single remark in reference to this 
petition. It is a history in itself of the times and events then occurring. 
Mr. Hines refers to it as of little moment, and on page 150 says: "Not 
being one of the authors, but merely a signer of the petition, I did not 
come under the ban of the company; consequently, I obtained my out 
fit for the expedition, though at first there were strong indications that 
I would be refused." 

We would infer from this, that the Hudson s Bay Company did not 
regard it as a serious matter, but in the next line he tells us : " We 
remained at the fort over night and a part of the next day, and, after a 
close conversation with the gentlemen in command, were treated with 
great courtesy." 


This lets us into the whole mystery of the affair. The gentlemen in 
charge of the fort had become satisfied that Mr. Hines in his visit among 
the Indians would not interfere with their arrangements already made 
with McKay and White ; in fact, that Mr. Hines approved of Dr. White s 
policy of uniting the tribes in the interior to accomplish the one 
great object of the company. The documents that follow are given to 
show the fact stated in the petition, as also the high-hauded measures 
of the company and Dr. McLaughliu. 


Notice is hereby given to all whom it may concern, that those who 
have obtained grants of lots in Oregon City, will be expected to call 
upon L. W. Hastings, my authorized agent at Oregon City, and obtain 
a bond for a deed or deeds, as the case may be. Those who hold 
claims to any lot, and who comply with the above requisite, on or before 
the first day of February next, will be entitled to their lot or lots ; 
otherwise, the lots upon which they hold a claim will thereafter be 
subject to any disposition which the undersigned may think proper to 
make of them. 


/anuary 18, 1843. 

OBEGOX CITY, March 27, 1843. 

We, the undersigned, do hereby certify that the above notice of 
John McLaughlin was posted up in the most public places in this town. 



Deed John McLaughlin to Walter Pomeroy. 

Know all men by these presents, that I, John McLaughlin, of Fort 
Vancouver, in the Territory of Oregon, for and in consideration of the 
sum of one dollar, to me in hand paid by Walter Pomeroy, of Oregon 
City, of the Territory aforesaid, the receipt whereof is hereby acknowl 
edged, have this day, and do, by these presents, remit, release, and for 
ever quit claim unto the said Pomeroy, his heirs and assigns, all and 
singular, the following piece, parcel, and lot of land, bounded and 
described as follows, to wit : Commencing at the northeast corner, run 
ning thence southerly sixty-six feet to a stake, thence easterly one 
hundred fe-et to a stake at the place of beginning, being lot number four, 
in block number three, in the town of Oregon City, in the Territory of 


Oregon, which will more fully appear from a reference to the map and 
plan of said town : 

To have and to hold the same, together with all and singular the privi 
leges and appurtenances thereunto in any wise appertaining or belonging 
unto the said Pomeroy, his heirs, executors, administrators, or assigns, 

And I, the said McLaughlin, for myself, do vouch and declare that I 
am the true and proper claimant of and to the said premises and lot of 
land, and that I have in myself full power, good right, and sufficient 
authority to remit, release, and quit my claim in and to said lot and 
premises, in manner and form aforesaid. 

And I, the said McLaughlin, do hereby covenant and agree to war 
rant and defend the said premises, together with the privileges and 
appurtenances thereunto appertaining or belonging, to the said Pom 
eroy, his heirs and assigns, against all lawful claims of all persons whom 
soever, the claims of the government only excepted. 

In testimony whereof, I, the said McLaughlin, have hereunto set my 
hand and affixed my seal, this the 2d of March, A. D. 1843. 


Per L. W. HASTINGS, his agent. 

We, the undersigned, do hereby acknowledge that the above is a true 
and correct copy of the original. 



Bond John McLaughlin to Albert E. Wilson. 

Know all men by these presents, that I, John McLaughlin, of Fort 
Vancouver, in the Territory of Oregon, am held and firmly bound unto 
Albert E. Wilson, of Oregon City, in the Territory aforesaid, in the 
full sum of five hundred dollars, federal money ; for the punctual pay 
ment of which, well and truly to be made, I bind myself, my heirs, 
executors or administrators, firmly by these presents. 

In testimony whereof, I have hereunto below set my hand and 
affixed my seal, this the 26th day of December, A. D. 1842. 

Now, know ye, that the condition of the above obligation is such, 
that whereas the said Wilson hath this day, and doth by these presents, 
purchase of the said McLaughlin all and singular the following pieces, 
parcels, tracts, and lots of land, namely: Lots jSTos. four and five, in 
block No. two, in the town of Oregon City, in the Territory of Oregon, 


as is more fully shown by the map and plan of said town, and hath, and 
by these presents doth agree to build upon and improve each of the lots 
-within the term of one year from the date of these presents. In con 
sideration of which, the said McLaughlin hath, and doth by these 
presents covenant and agree to make the said Wilson a good and 
sufficient quit-claim deed for and to all and singular the above-men 
tioned pieces, parcels, tracts, and lots of land, whenever he> the said 
Wilson, shall have complied with the above conditions on his part. 
Xow, if the said McLaughlin shall well and truly make, or cause to be 
made, the said deed to the said Wilson, upon the said Wilson s com 
plying on his part with the above condition, then, and in such case, the 
within obligation shall become entirely void and of no effect; otherwise 
to be and remain of full force and virtue. 

Per L. W. HASTINGS, his agent. 

We, the undersigned, do hereby acknowledge the above to be a true 
and correct copy of the original. 


Our history would not be complete without these documents. It will 
be noticed in Mr. Pomeroy s deed, as also all the other deeds given by 
Dr. McLaughlin, that he " warrants and defends " against all lawful 
claims of all persons whomsoever, the claims of the government only 
excepted. He would not insert United States government, for he expected 
the English would get the country. He asserts in his deeds, " And I, 
the said McLaughlin, for myself, do voucli and declare that I am the 
true and proper claimant of, and to the said premises and lot of land, 
and that I have in myself full power and good right." 

Any one questioning his power and authority was made to feel it 
in a manner more severe than that of any governor of a State or of the 
President of the United States. 

It was unfortunate that, at the time Dr. McLaughlin was making his 
claim to the land and his improvements at Oregon City, it was not 
known that he had, or would, sever his connection with the Hudson s 
Bay Company, and become an American citizen, as he afterward did. 
It was his connection with, and apparent control over, the affairs of the 
company, that created the strong American prejudice against him, and 
deceived many as to his intentions, besides giving occasion for a 
strong feeling in favor of Rev. Mr. Waller, who employed a Mr. John 
Ricord to prepare a declaration setting forth his claim to that location, 
as follows : 


" To the People of Oregon : 

" FELLOW-CITIZENS, Having been retained professionally to establish 
the claim of Mr. Alvin F. Waller to the tract of land on the east side 
of the Wallamet River, sometimes called the Wallamet Falls settle 
ment, and sometimes Oregon City, I consider it a duty to my client 
and to the public to state, briefly and concisely, the several circum 
stances of his case, as they really exist, in order that his motives may 
not be impugned, nor his intentions misunderstood and misrepresented. 

" The public are already aware that my client commenced the occu 
pancy of this farm in the spring of A. D. 1840, when no one resided at 
the falls, and that, in the course of that summer, he built his house, 
moved his family into it, and cleared and fenced a good portion of the 
land; from which, in the ensuing years A. D. 1841 and 1842, he raised 
successive crops of corn, potatoes, and other vegetables usually culti 
vated by farmers. That he remained thus occupying undisturbed, until 
the month of December, A. D. 1842, about two years and six months, 
when Dr. John McLaughlin caused his farm to be surveyed, for the 
purpose of selling it in subdivisions to American citizens. It has since 
been currently reported and quite generally believed that my client 
had renounced his right in favor of Dr. McLaughlin. This I am au 
thorized to contradict, having perused the letter written by Mr. Waller, 
which not only contains no renunciation, but, on the contrary, is replete 
with modest and firm assertions of his rights in the premises ; oifering 
at the same time to relinquish his claim if the doctor would comply 
with certain very reasonable and just conditions. Upon this offer the 
parties had come to no final conclusion until my arrival in the colony, 
when Dr. McLaughlin attempted to employ me to establish his claim, 
disregarding the rights of all other persons, which I declined doing. 
Mr. Waller thereupon engaged me to submit the conditions a second 
time to the doctor for his acceptance or rejection, which I did in the 
following words : 

" 1st. That your pre-emptive line be so run as to exclude the island 
upon which a private company of citizens have already erected a grist 
mill, conceding to them as much water as may be necessary for the 
use of said mills. 

" 2d. That Mr. Waller be secured in the ultimate title to the two 
city lots now in his possession and other lots not exceeding in super 
ficial area five acres, to be chosen by him from among the unsold lots 
of your present survey. 

" 3d. That the Rev. Mr. Lee, on behalf of the Methodist Episcopal 
Mission, be, in like manner, secured in the lots claimed for the use of 


said mission. They consist of church and parsonage lots, and are 
well known to the public. 

" I received a letter from Dr. McLaughlin, dated November 10, 1843, 
in answer to mine, in which he declines complying with the above con 
ditions, and thus puts an end to the offer of my client to relinquish his 
right of pre-emption. Under these circumstances Mr. Waller has now 
applied to the Supreme Court of the United States, which, under the 
Constitution, has original jurisdiction of all cases in law and equity, 
arising under treaties, to grant him a commission for perpetuating the 
testimony of the facts in his case, de bene esse, in order that whenever 
Congress shall hereafter see fit to prescribe, by law, the conditions and 
considerations, he may be enabled to demand of the United States a 
patent ; also praying the court to grant him such other relief in the 
premises as may be consonant with equity and good conscience. 

" The legality of Mr. A. F. Waller s claim rests upon the following 
grounds : 

" 1st. He was a citizen of the United States, of full age, and possessed 
of a family when he came to reside on the premises ; 2d. He built a 
house upon them and moved his family into it, thus becoming in fact 
and in law a householder on the land ; 3d. He cleared, fenced, and 
cultivated a portion of it during two years and six months before he 
was disturbed in his actual possession ; and 4th. That he is not at this 
moment continuing to cultivate his farm is not his fault, since it was 
wrested from him. 

" The illegality of Dr. McLaughlin s claim rests upon the following 
grounds : 

" 1st. He was a British subject owing allegiance to a foreign power, 
and has so continued to be ever since the spring of A. D. 1840. For 
this reason alone he could not acquire pre-emption to lands in the 
United States. 

" 2d. He is chief officer of a foreign corporative monopoly. For this 
reason alone he could not acquire pre-emption to lands in the United 

" 3d. He does not now, and never did, reside on the land in question ; 
but, on the contrary, he resides, and has always continued to reside, on 
the north bank of the Columbia River, the section of country actu 
ally in dispute between the two governments, about twenty miles from 
the land claimed by Mr. Waller, and there he is obliged to remain so 
long as he continues to be chief factor. 

"4th. He is not in fact the claimant. The Hudson s Bay Company, 
a foreign corporation, is in fact the claimant, while Dr. McLaughlin 
only lends his name ; well knowing that a corporation, even though it 


be an American one, can not acquire a pre-emption. This is evinced by 
the employment of men to be his agents, and to sell lots for him, who 
are at the same time partners in, and receiving dividends and salaries 
from, the company. 

5th. The pretensions of Dr. McLanghlin arose, if at all, two years 
and six months after the actual settlement of Mr. Waller; and therefore 
they are in direct violation of the treaty of A. D. 1827, converting the 
mutual and joint occupation into an exclusive occupancy by British 

"6th. The treaty of joint occupation (1827) does not, and was never 
intended, on the part of the United States, to confer any rights of citi 
zenship upon foreigners. The power to confer such rights is, by the 
Constitution, reserved to Congress. And the right to acquire title by 
pre-emption is peculiar to citizens. 

" These, fellow-citizens, are the facts and some of the points of law in 
my client s case. Upon the same principle contended for by Dr. Mc- 
Lauglilin, any of you may incur the risk of being ousted from your 
farms in this colony, by the next rich foreigner who chooses to take a 
fancy so to do, unless in the first instance you come unanimously for 
ward and resist these usurpations. It is not my client s intention to 
wrong any who have purchased lots of the doctor; and to guard against 
the injury which might result to individuals in this respect, I have 
carefully drawn up the form of a bond for a warrantee deed, which Mr. 
Waller is at all times ready, without any further consideration, to exe 
cute to any person who has, in good faith, bought of the doctor, prior 
to the date of this notice, by being applied to at his residence. Mr. 
Waller does not require one cent of money to be paid to him as a con 
sideration for his bonds the trouble, expense, and outlays they have 
already incurred, with a desire to save all such persons harmless from 
pecuniary loss, is a good and sufficient consideration in law to bind 
him in the proposed penalty of one thousand dollars. (See Cowan s 
Digest Assumpsit, B). 

<4 I am of opinion that Mr. Waller has rights in the premises, which 
neither Dr. McLaughlin, nor even Congress, by any retrospective legis 
lation, can take away from him, and therefore, fellow-citizens, in sincere 
friendship, I would counsel you to lose no time in applying to him for 
your new bonds. 


" Counselor in the Supreme Court of the United States, 
and attorney for Alvin F. Waller. 

" Dated December 20, 1843." 


Extracts from Mr. Hines history. Attempt to capture an Indian horse-thief. Dr. 
McLaughlin refuses to sell supplies to the signers of the petition. Excitement in 
the settlement. Interview with Dr. McLaughlin at Vancouver. 

" APRIL 14. Information was brought to the settlement from the 
Clackarnas tribe of Indians, who live three miles below the falls of the 
Wallamet, which served to increase the excitement occasioned by the 
reports from the interior. It appears that an Indian of the Molalla 
tribe, connected with the Clackamas Indians by marriage, stole a horse 
from a man by the name of Anderson, and when asked by the latter if 
he had stolen his horse and rode him off, answered, Yes, I stole your 
horse, and when I want another one I shall steal him also. To this 
Anderson replied, If you stole my horse you must pay me for him. 
* Yes, said the Indian, I will pay you for him, take that horse, point 
ing to a very poor horse which stood near by, with one eye out, and a 
very sore back. Anderson replied, That is a very poor horse, and 
mine is a good one ; I shall not take him, and if you don t bring him 
back I will report you to Dr. White. I am not afraid of Dr. White, 
said the Indian ; let him come if he wants to, and bring the Boston 
people with him; he will find me prepared for him. 

" Anderson not being able to effect a settlement with the Indian, 
immediately reported him to the agent, whereupon the latter wrote to 
a man at the falls, by the name of Campbell, to take a sufficient num 
ber of men armed with muskets, and go very early in the morning to 
the Indian camp, and take the horse-thief a prisoner, and bring him to 
the falls. 

" Accordingly, Campbell procured five men, and went to the camp 
as commanded, but found thirty or forty Indians painted in the most 
hideous manner, and armed with muskets, bows and arrows, tomahawks 
and scalping-knives, and determined at all events to protect the horse- 
thief, and drive back those that should come to take him. Campbell 
rushed on to take the rogue, but met with much resistance from supe 
riority of numbers ; and finding that the enterprise, if urged forward, 
would terminate in bloodshed, if not in the loss of all their lives, 
sounded a retreat, and extricating himself from the Indians, returned 
to the falls. He communicated the result of his attempt to Dr. White, 


and the doctor started off immediately in company with G. TV. Le 
Breton, resolved to capture the thief and bring the tribe to terms." 

This day s proceedings are given as a specimen of the foolish con 
duct of Dr. White and his friends. 

"April 17. The excitement still continues, former reports having 
been confirmed, and all were engaged in repairing guns, and securing 
ammunition. A report was in circulation that Dr. McLaughlin refused 
to grant supplies for any consideration, to all those persons who sub 
scribed the memorial praying the Congress of the United States to ex 
tend jurisdiction over Oregon. If this be so, the American population 
(as nearly all signed the memorial) will not be able to obtain ammuni 
tion, however necessary it may be, as there is none in the country ex 
cept what may be found within the stockades of Vancouver. I think, 
however, that the report is false. Report says, furthermore, that the 
Klikitat Indians are collecting together back of the Tualatin plains, but 
for what purpose is not known. The people on the plains, consisting 
of about thirty families, are quite alarmed. There is also a move 
among the Calapooyas. Shoefon, one of the principal men of the tribe, 
left this place a few days ago, and crossed the Wallamet River, declar 
ing that he would never return until he came with a band of men to 
drive off the Boston people. He was very much offended because some 
of his people were seized and flogged, through the influence of Dr. 
White, for having stolen a horse from some of the missionaries, and 
flour from the mission mill. His influence is not very extensive among 
the Indians, or we might have much to fear. 

" The colony is indeed in a most defenseless condition ; two hundred 
Indians, divided into four bands, might destroy the whole settlement 
in one night. 

"In the evening of the 17th, Dr. White arrived at my house, bring 
ing intelligence from the falls. He and Mr. Le Breton attempted to go 
to the falls on horseback, but in trying to ford liaunchauke River, they 
found the water so deep they were obliged to swim, and the doctor turn 
ed his horse s head and came out the side he went in ; but Le Breton, 
being the better mounted of the two, succeeded in gaining the opposite 
shore ; and having the doctor s letters in his possession, continued on 
to the falls. The doctor returned to the settlement. Le Breton re 
turned the following day, and brought information from the five men 
who had attempted to take the Indian who had stolen Anderson s horse, 
that soon after their retreat the Indians became alarmed and broke up 
in great haste ; but, before they left, they informed Anderson that the 
horse they had stolen from him was worn out and good for nothing, 
and tying a good horse to a tree near Anderson s house, they told him 


that he must take that and be satisfied. They then hurried away, 
saying that they should not be seen in that region again. It was ascer 
tained that the Clackamas Indians had nothing to do with the stolen 
horse ; that it was a band of the Molallas, the very same rascals that 
stole a horse from me two years before, and after having him in their 
possession several weeks, brought him down within a few miles of my 
house, where they encamped, and where I went with one man and took 
him from the midst of more than fifty grim-looking savages." 
This shows at least that Mr. Hines had personal courage. 
" On the 20th of April a letter was received in the settlement, 
written by H. B. Brewer, at the Dalles, which brings the latest intel 
ligence from the infected region. This letter states that the Indians 
in the interior talk much of war, and Mr. Brewer urges Dr. White to 
come up without delay, and endeavor to allay the excitement. He 
does not inform us that the Indians design any evil toward the whites, 
but says that the war is to be between themselves, but that the Boston 
people have much to fear. As the doctor, in his visit to the interior 
last October, left an appointment to meet the Wallawalla Indians and 
the Cayuses, in their own country, on the 10th of May, and believing 
that a great share of the excitement originated in a misunderstanding 
of the Indians, he came to the conclusion at all hazards to go among 
them. At the solicitation of the agent, I determined to accompany him 
on the expedition. 

" The great complaint of the Indians was that the Boston people 
designed to take away their lands, and reduce them to slavery. This 
they had inferred from what Dr. White had told them in his previous 
visit ; and this misunderstanding of the Indians had not only produced 
a great excitement among them, but had occasioned considerable 
trouble betwixt them and the missionaries and other whites in the 
upper country, as well as influencing them to threaten the destruction 
of all the American people. Individuals had come down from Fort 
Wallawalla to Vancouver, bringing information of the excited state 
of things among the Indians, and giving out that it would be extremely 
dangerous for Dr. White to go up to meet his engagements. Their 
opinion was, that in all probability he and the party which he might 
think proper to take with him would be cut off. But it was the 
opinion of many judicious persons in the settlement, that the welfare 
of the Indians, and the peace and security of the whites, demanded 
that some persons qualified to negotiate with the Indians should pro 
ceed immediately to the scene of disaffection, and if possible remove 
the cause of the excitement by correcting the error under which the 
Indians labored. Accordingly Dr. White engaged twelve men be- 


Rides myself, mostly French-Canadians who had had much experience 
with Indians, to go with him ; but a few days before the time fixed 
upon to start had arrived, they all sent him word that they had 
decided not to go. They were doubtless induced to pursue this course 
through the influence of Dr. McLaughlin and the Catholic priests." 

Most likely, Mr; Hines, but you seem to be afraid to express a 
decided opinion, even after they have accomplished their object. 

" When the day arrived for starting, we found ourselves abandoned 
by every person who had engaged to go, except Mr. Gr. W. Le Breton, 
an American, one Indian boy, and one Kanaka. With the two latter 
the doctor and myself left the Wallamet settlement on the 25th of 
April, 1843, and proceeded on horseback to the Butte, where we found 
Le Breton in waiting for us. He had provided a canoe and a few 
pieces of pork and beef for our use on the voyage. 

" Here we met a letter from Dr. John McLaughlin, at Vancouver, 
discouraging us from our undertaking in view of the difficulties and 
dangers attending such an expedition ; but we had counted the cost, 
and were not to be diverted from our purpose, though danger stared 
us in the face. We supposed that if the Indians entertained any hos 
tile intentions against the whites in general, there could be no better 
way to defeat their purposes than to go among them ; convince them 
that they had no grounds of fear; and that the whites, instead of 
designing to bring them into subjection, were desirous of doing them 
good. Prevented by one thing and another from setting sail, on the 
night of the 27th we slept on a bank of sand at the Butte, and next 
day proceeded in our little canoe down to Wallamet Falls, where we 
continued until the 29th. Here we received another package from Dr. 
McLaughlin, giving us information that Rev. Mr. Demerse, a Catholic 
priest, had just come down from the upper country, bringing intel 
ligence that the Indians are only incensed against the Boston people ; 
that they have nothing against the French and King George people ; 
they are not mad at them, but are determined that the Boston people 
shall not have their lands, and take away their liberties. 

" On receiving this intelligence from Mr. Demerse, Dr. McLaughlin 
advised the Frenchmen, who had engaged to go with Dr. White, to 
have nothing to do with the quarrel, to remain quiet at home, and let 
the Americans take care of themselves. He also expressed, in his let 
ter, the opinion that all the people should remain quiet, and in all 
probability the excitement among the Indians would soon subside. 

" Not seeing sufficient reason to change our course, on the morning of 
the 28th we left our hospitable friends at the falls and continued our 
course down the Wallamet toward Vancouver. At noon we had sailed 


twenty miles, and stopped for dinner within five miles of the mouth of 
the Wallamet, on a low piece of ground, overgrown with luxuriant 
grass, but which is always overflowed at the rise of the Columbia, or 
about the first of June. Weighed anchor after dinner, and at four 
o clock, P. M., arrived at Vancouver. Called on Dr. McLaughlin for 
goods, provisions, powder, balls, etc., for our accommodation on our 
voyage up the Columbia, and, though he was greatly surprised that, 
under the circumstances, we should think of going among those excited 
Indians, yet he ordered his clerks to let us have whatever we wanted. 
However, we found it rather squally at the fort, not so much on account 
of our going among the Indians of the interior, as in consequence of a 
certain memorial having been sent to the United States Congress, im 
plicating the conduct of Dr. McLaughlin and the Hudson s Bay Com 
pany, and bearing the signature of seventy Americans. I inquired of 
the doctor if he had refused to grant supplies to those Americans who 
had signed that document ; he replied that he had not, but that the 
authors of the memorial need expect no more favors from him. Not 
being one of the authors, but merely a signer of the petition, I did not 
come under the ban of the company consequently I obtained my outfit 
for the expedition, though at first there were strong indications that I 
would be refused. 

" We remained at the fort over night and a part of the next day, and 
after a close conversation with the gentleman in command, were treated 
with great courtesy." 


A combination of facts. Settlers alive to their danger. Mr. Hines disparagement of 
the Methodist Mission. Indians want pay for being whipped. Indian honesty. 
Mr. Hines opinion of the Indians religion. Mr. G-eiger s advice. Dr. McLaughlin s 
answer to Yellow Serpent. Baptiste Doreo. Four conflicting influences. 

WE now have before us a combination of facts and statements that 
no one living at the time they occurred will attempt to deny. Shortess 
and others still live to vouch for the truth of what is written. If 
Mr. Hines has shawn the least partiality in his writings, it is strong 
ly in favor of influences that were operating against him and the 
cause he advocated ; while such men as Rogers, Le Breton, Wilson, 
Whitman, and others still living, spoke and acted the American senti 
ment of the country. Mr. Hines and Dr. White had received two 
packages from Dr. McLaughlin advising them not to go to the interior, 
and the Jesuit priest, Demerse, had come down bringing word that 
the " quarrel " was not with the French and English, and that Dr. Mo- < 
Laughlin advised his Frenchmen to remain at home and let the Ameri 
cans take care of themselves. Mr. Brewer is deceived as to the cause 
of the war rumors about him, and seems solicitous only about the In 
dians. With all these facts, as given by Mr. Hines, with his ability and 
experience, we are at a loss to understand how it is that he could 
take notes and publish, in 1851, statements as above quoted, and then 
proceed with the account that follows, rather excusing Dr. McLaughlin 
and the priests in the part they are taking in attempting to crush the 
American settlement, and actually aiding the Hudson s Bay Company 
in combining and marshaling the savages to weaken and destroy his 
countrymen ! 

The writer does not believe he intended to do any thing of the kind, 
yet the influences brought to bear upon him were such that he became 
an active instrument with Dr. White to accomplish the one great object 
of the Hudson s Bay Company and English government, and becomes 
the apologist for a premeditated and deliberate murder of his country 
men. The Whitman massacre he does not even mention. 

The settlers were alive to their danger. They had no head, no or 
ganization, no one to look to for supplies or protection. They knew 
that the sub-agent of the United States government was the dupe of 


their worst enemy, and had betrayed them. They knew that it was 
the policy and disposition of the missions to keep them under their 

We are fully aware of the fact that the leading clergymen of all the 
missions attempt to deny the position above stated. But in the cove 
nant of Mr. Griffin with Mr. Hunger, he admits that the articles of 
compact and arrangement of the various missionary societies all affirm 
the one principle, that laymen or members of their societies were sub 
ject to the orders and dictation of the clergymen, not only in religious, 
but all financial and secular matters, hence the disposition and deter 
mination on the part of these clerical gentlemen to govern the early 
settlement of the country. The Hudson s Bay Company system of 
absolute government was favorable to this idea. The Jesuit priests, 
who combined their influence with the company, all contributed to 
oppress and keep down the settler. While the pi;iests were active in 
combining and preparing the Indians in middle Oregon to rob and de 
stroy the emigrant on his lonely, weary, toilsome way to this country, 
their agents and principal clerks were equally active in shaping matters 
in the various neighborhoods and settlements west of the Cascades. 

On the 156th page of Mr. Ilines book he gives us a short summary 
of the labors of Revs. Daniel Lee, H. K. W. Perkins, and Mr. H. B. 
Brewer : " They are laboring to establish a permanent mission at this 
place [the Dalles] for the benefit of the Indians, but with doubtful suc 
cess." That the Methodist Mission should be misled and become ineffi 
cient is not to be wondered at when such men as Mr. Ilines, holding 
the position and assuming a controlling influence as he did, should ex 
press himself in the language quoted above. The " doubtful success " 
attending all the missionary labors of the Methodist Mission was un 
questionably attributable to the opinions of just such men, privately 
and publicly expressed, with corresponding "doubtful" and divided 
labors, while the ignorance of the religious supporters of the Roman 
missions enabled them to deceive their neophytes and patrons, and keep 
up their own missions and destroy those of the Protestants. 

Soon after Mr. Hines and party arrived at the Dalles, some twenty 
Indians assembled to have a talk with Dr. White, who had in his visit 
in the fall of 1842 prevailed upon this band to organize an Indian 
government by appointing one high chief and three subordinates to 
see that all violators of his rules were punished by being flogged 
for offenses that formerly were considered trifling and evidence of 
native cunning and smartness. As was to be expected, some of the 
Indians would resist and use their knives and weapons in their own 


There is an interesting incident related by Mr. Hines, in reference to 
Indian character, on his 157th page: 

" The Indians want pay for being whipped, in compliance with Dr. 
White s laws, the same as they did for praying to please the mission 
aries, during the great Indian revival of 1839. Those appointed by 
Dr. White were desirous that his regulations should continue, because 
they placed the people under their absolute control, and gave them the 
power to regulate all their intercourse with the whites, and with the 
other Indian tribes. But the other influential men who were not in 
office desired to know of Dr. White of what benefit this whipping sys 
tem was going to be to them. They said they were willing it should 
continue, provided they were to receive shirts and pants and blankets 
as a reward for being whipped. They had been whipped a good many 
times and had got nothing for it, and it had done them no good. If this 
state of things was to continue, it was all cultus, good for nothing, and 
they would throw it away. The doctor wished them to understand 
that they need not expect pay for being flogged when they deserved it. 
They laughed at the idea, and separated." 

Just here the writer will give one other incident, related of Yallop, 
an Indian belonging to the same tribe, as stated by Rev. Mr. Condon, 
of the Dalles : 

" Yallop was requested to remain at the house of Mr. Joslin during the 
absence of the family, one cold day, and see that nothing was disturbed, 
with the understanding that he was to go into the house and make 
himself comfortable till the family returned. On coming home they 
found the Indian outdoors under a tree, cold and nearly frozen. They 
inquired the reason of his strange conduct, and wanted to know why 
he did not stay in the house. Yallop said he went into the house and 
found every thing so nice and comfortable that by and by the old Indian 
came into him again and he wanted to steal all there was in the house, 
and the only way he could get over that feeling was to go out under 
the tree in the cold." 

Mr. Hines, in speaking of this same band, says, 158th page: " As a 
matter of course, lying has much to do in their system of trade, and 
he is the best fellow who can tell the biggest lie, make men believe it, 
and practice the greatest deception. A few years ago a great religious 
excitement prevailed among these Indians, and nearly the whole tribe, 
consisting of a thousand, professed to be converted, were baptized, and 
received into the Christian church ; but they have nearly all relapsed 
into their former state, with the exception that many of them still keep 
up the outward form of religion. 

"Their religion appears to be more of the head than of the heart, 


and though they are exceedingly vicious, yet doubtless they would 
be much worse than they are, but for the " (" doubtful success," as Mr. 
Hines affirms on his 156th page, while here he says) "restraining in 
fluences exerted by the missionaries." 

Mr. Hines has given us an interesting history of those early mission 
ary labors, but the greater portion of his book relates to himself, to 
his travels on shipboard, and at the Sandwich Islands, a trip to China 
and back to New York, and his trip to the interior of Oregon. 

He says : " The Cayuse Indians, among whom this mission is estab 
lished, had freely communicated to Mr. Geiger, whom they esteemed 
as their friend, all they knew concerning it. When the Indians were 
told that the Americans were designing to subjugate them and take 
away their land, the young chiefs of the Cayuse tribe were in favor of 
proceeding immediately to hostilities. They were for raising a large 
war party and rushing directly down to the Wallamet settlement and 
cutting oif the inhabitants at a blow. They frequently remarked to Mr. 
Geiger that they did not wish to go to war, but if the Americans came 
to take away their lands and make slaves of them they would fight so 
long as they had a drop of blood to shed. They said they had received 
their information concerning the designs of the Americans from Bap- 
tiste Doreo, who is a half-breed son of Madame Doreo, the heroine of 
Washington Irving s ( Astoria, understands the N"ez Perce language 
well, and had given the Cayuses the information that had alarmed 
them. Mr. Geiger endeavored to induce them to prepare early in the 
spring to cultivate the ground as they did the year before, but they 
refused to do any thing, saying that Baptiste Doreo had told them that 
it would be of no consequence ; that the Americans would come in the 
Bummer and kill them all oif and destroy their plantations. 

" After Doreo had told them this story, they sent a Wallawalla chief 
Yellow Serpent to Vancouver, to learn from Dr. McLaughlin the 
facts in the case. 

"Yellow Serpent returned and told theCayuses that Dr. McLaughlin 
said he had nothing to do in a war with the Indians ; that he did not 
believe the Americans designed to attack them, and that if the Ameri 
cans, did go to war with the Indians, the Hudswfs Bay Company 
would not assist them. After they got this information from the 
Emakus Myohut (big chief), the Indians became more calm. Many 
of them went to cultivating the ground as formerly, and a large num 
ber of little patches had been planted and sown before we arrived at 
the station." 

Mr. Hines soon learned that the reports about war that had reached 
the lower country were not without foundation. That the Indians still 


had confidence in Mr. Geiger, and that they did not wish to go to war. 
The reader will observe the statement of the Indians after they had told 
Mr. Geiger they would fight if forced to do so. "They," the Indians, 
" said they had received their information concerning the designs of 
the Americans from Baptiste Doreo." This half-breed is also an inter 
preter of the Hudson s Bay Company, and an important leader among 
the half-breeds next to Thomas McKay. After Doreo had told them 
his story, the Indians were still unwilling to commence a war against 
the Americans. They sent a messenger to Vancouver to consult Dr. 
McLanghlin, just as these same Indians in 1841 went to Mr. McKinley, 
then in charge of Fort Wallawalla, and wanted to know of him, if it 
was not good for them to drive Dr. Whitman and Mr. Gray away from 
that station because the Doctor refused to pay them for the land the 
mission occupied? Mr. McKinley understood their object, and was 
satisfied that there were outside influences that he did not approve of, 
and told the Indians, " Yes, you are braves ; there is a number of you, 
and but two of them and two women and some little children ; you can 
go and kill them or drive them away ; you go just as quick as you can 
and do it ; but if you do I will see that you are punished." The Indians 
understood Mr. McKinley. Whitman and Gray were not disturbed 
after this. 

Dr. John McLanghlin we believe to have been one of the noblest of 
men while he lived, but, like Messrs. Hines, White, Burnett, Newell, 
Spalding, and many others, influences were brought to bear upon him 
that led him to adopt and pursue a doubtful if not a crooked course. 
It was evident to any one conversant with the times of which we are 
writing that there were at least four elements or influences operating in 
the country, viz., the unassorted or quasi rights of the American 
government ; the coveted and actual occupancy of the country by the 
English Hudson s Bay Company and subjects, having the active civil 
organization of that government ; the occupancy of the country by tho 
American missions ; and the coveted occupancy of the same by the 
Roman Jesuit missions. 

These four influences could not harmonize ; there was no such thing as 
a union and co-operation. The struggle was severe to hold and gain the 
controlling influence over the natives of the country, and shape the settle 
ments to these conflicting views and national and sectarian feelings. 
The American settler, gaining courage and following the example and 
the track of the American missionaries with their wives, winds his way 
over the mountains and through the desert and barren plains down the 
Columbia River and through the Cascade Mountains, weary, way 
worn, naked, and hungry. In one instance, with his rifle upon his 


shoulder, and his wife and three children mounted upon the back of 
his last ox, he plods his weary way through Oregon City, and up the 
Wallamet, to find his future home ; and there the warm heart of the 
early missionary and his family is ready to feed, clothe, and welcome 
the wanderer to this distant part of our great national domain, in order 
that he may aid in securing Oregon to its rightful inhabitants, and in 
forming a fifth power that shall supersede and drive away all foreign 

For a time the struggle with the four influences was severe and 
doubtful ; but men who had crossed the Rocky and Cascade mountains 
with ox-teams, were not made to give up their country s cause in the 
hour of danger, though Britain and Rome, with their savage allies, joined 
to subdue and drive them from it. With the British Hudson s Bay 
Company, Roman Jesuit missions, savage Indians, American missions, 
and American settlers the struggle is continued. 


Governor Simpson and Dr. "Whitman in "Washington. Interviews with Daniel "Webster 
and President Tyler. His cold reception in Boston by the American Board. 
Conducts a large emigration safely across the Rocky Mountains into Oregon. The 
" Memorial Half-Century Volume." The Oregon mission ignored by the American 
Board. Dr. McLaughlin. His connection with the Hudson s Bay Company. 
Catholic Cayuses manner of praying. Rev. C. Eells. Letter from A. L. Lovejoy. 
Description of Whitman s and Lovejoy s winter journey from Oregon to Bent s 
Fort on the Arkansas River. 

GOVERNOR SIMPSON, of the Hudson s Bay Company, had reached 
Washington and been introduced to Mr. Webster, then Secretary of 
State, by the British Minister. All the influence a long-established 
and powerful monopoly, backed by the grasping disposition of the 
English government, can command, is brought to bear upon the ques 
tion of the northwestern boundary. The executive of the American 
republic is about ready to give up the country, as of little value to the 

Just at this time, in the dead of winter, an awkward, tall, spare-vis- 
aged, vigorous, off-hand sort of a man, appeared at the Department in 
his mountain traveling garb, consisting of a dark-colored blanket coat 
and buckskin pants, showing that to keep himself from freezing to 
death he had been compelled to lie down close to his camp-fire while in 
the mountains, and on his way to Washington he had not stopped for a 
moment, but pushed on with a vigor and energy peculiarly his own. It 
is but justice to say of this man that his heart and soul were in the 
object of the errand for which he had traversed the vast frozen and 
desert regions of the Rocky Mountains, to accomplish which was to 
defeat the plans of the company, as shown by the taunting reply of the 
Briton, " that no power could make known to his government the pur 
poses of those who had laid their plans and were ready to grasp the 
prize they souyht" While they were counting on wealth, power, influ 
ence, and the undisputed possession of a vast and rich country, this old 
pioneer missionary (layman though he was), having no thought of him 
self or of his ridiculous appearance before the great Daniel Webster 
and the President of a greaPt nation, sought an interview with them and 
stated his object, and the plans and purposes of the Hudson s Bay Com 
pany and the British government : that their representations of this 


country were false in every respect as regards its agricultural, mineral, 
and commercial value to the nation ; that it was only to secure the 
country to themselves, that the false reports about it had been put in 
circulation by their emissaries and agents ; that a wagon road to the 
Pacific was practicable ; that he had, in 1836, in opposition to all their 
false statements and influence to the contrary, taken a wagon to Boise ; 
and that, in addition, wagons and teams had, in 1841, been taken to the 
Wullamet Valley, and that he expected, his life being spared, to pilot 
an emigration to the country that would forever settle the question 
beyond further dispute. He asserted that a road was practicable, and 
the country was invaluable to the American people. Mr. Webster 
coolly informed him that he had his mind made up ; he was ready to 
part with what was to him an unknown and unimportant portion of 
our national domain, for the privilege of a small settlement in Maine 
and the fisheries on the banks of Newfoundland. 

There was but one other hope in this case. This old off-hand Oregon 
missionary at once sought an interview with President Tyler. He 
repeated his arguments and reasons, and asked for delay in the final 
settlement of the boundary question, which, to those high in office, and, 
we may add, total ignorance of all that related to this vast country, 
was of small moment. But that Dr. Whitman (for the reader has 
already guessed the name of our missionary) stood before the President 
of the United States the only representative of Oregon and all her 
future interests and greatness, a self-constituted, self-appointed, and 
without a parallel self-periled representative, pleading simply for delay 
in the settlement of so vast and important a question to his country, 
that he should be able to successfully contend with the combined 
influences brought against him, can only be attributed to that over 
ruling power which had decreed that the nation, whose interests he 
represented, should be sustained. 

Mr. Tyler, after listening to the Doctor s statements with far more 
candor and interest than Mr. Webster was disposed to do, informed him 
that, notwithstanding they had received entirely different statements 
from gentlemen of the Hudson s Bay Company and the British minister, 
then in Washington, yet he would trust to his personal representation 
and estimate of the value of the country to the American people. He 
said: "Dr. Whitman, in accordance with your representations and 
agreeable to your request, this question shall be deferred. An escort 
shall be furnished for the protection of the emigration you propose to 
conduct to that distant country." % 

It is with deep regret, not to say shame, that truth and justice compel 
us to give in this connection any notice of this faithful and devoted. 


missionary s reception and treatment, on his arrival in Boston, derog 
atory to the Board whom he had served so faithfully for seven years. 
Instead of being received and treated as his labors justly entitled him to 
be, he met the cold, calculating rebuke for unreasonable expenses, and 
for dangers incurred without order or instructions or permission from 
the mission to come to the States. Most of his reverend associates 
had, as the writer "is credibly informed, disapproved of his visit to 
Washington, being ignorant of the true cause of his sudden determina 
tion to defeat, if possible, the British and Jesuitical designs upon the 
country ; hence, for economical and prudential reasons, the Board re 
ceived him coldly, and rebuked him for his presence before them, caus 
ing a chili in his warm and generous heart, and a sense of unmerited 
rebuke from those who should have been most willing to listen to all his 
statements, and most cordial and ready to sustain him in his herculean 

His request at Washington to save this richest jewel of our nation 
from British rule is granted, while the American Board of Commis 
sioners for Foreign Missions is appealed to in vain for aid to save the 
Indians and the country from becoming the boast of the Italian Jesuit, 
and a prey to his degrading superstitions. The Doctor s mission, with 
all its accumulated influence, labors, and importance, is left to be swal 
lowed up and destroyed by the same influence that had divided and 
destroyed that of the Methodist Mission. 

Dr. Whitman disposed of his own little private property in the 
States, and, with the aid of his brother and brother s son, returned to 
Missouri, joined the emigration of 1843, and, as he had intimated to 
President Tyler, brought on an emigration outnumbering all the Hud 
son s Bay Company had brought to aid in securing the country to the 
British crown, proving to the American people and the world, what 
had long been asserted as impossible, that there was a practicable 
wagon road to the Pacific Ocean on American soil. His care, influence, 
aid, and attention to the emigration of 1843, I leave with those who 
can speak from personal observation. Their gratitude and deep sym 
pathy for this self-devoted, faithful, and generous missionary led five 
hundred of them with uplifted hand to say they were ready with their 
own life-blood to avenge his death, and protect and defend the coun 
try. But influences, such as we have been speaking of, came in, justice 
was robbed of its right, and crime and murder permitted to go un 

The cause in which Dr. Whitman enlisted, labored, and fell a victim, 
is allowed to suffer and fall, and in a Memorial Volume of the American 
Board, page 379, a false impression is given to the world, and a whole 


mission ignored. In this splendid, well-bound, and elegantly gotten up 
" Memorial Half-Century Volume," justly claiming much credit for the 
fifty past years of its labors, this Board has ignored all its errors and 
mistakes, and with one fell swoop of the pen consigned to oblivion, so 
far as its great standard record is concerned, one whole mission and a 
vast Indian population, as unworthy of a name or a notice in their 
record, further than as " Rev. Samuel Parker s exploring tour beyond 
the Rocky Mountains, under the direction of the Board, in 1835, 1836, 
and 1837, brought to light no field for a great and successful mission, 
but it added much to the science of geography, and is remarkable as 
having made known a practicable route for a railroad from the Mis 
sissippi to the Pacific." This shows a want of candor and also a dis 
position to ignore all influences and causes of failure of one of their own 
missions, and directs the attention of the reader to foreign objects, 
leaving their missions to become an easy prey to avarice, the Indian 
tribes to ignorance and superstition, and their missionaries to be despised 
and superseded by Jesuits ; giving their enemies the benefit of that 
influence which they should have exerted to save their own missionary 
cause. Such being the case, we are not to wonder at the cold reception 
of Dr. Whitman, or the boundless influence and avarice of the men who 
compassed the early destruction of that mission ; and, failing to destroy 
the American settlement, that they should now seek to rob our national 
treasury as they sought to rob the nation of its rightful domain. After 
being defeated by the American settlers in the organization of the pro 
visional government in 1843, by the provisional army of 1847-8, they 
now come forward with the most barefaced effrontery and claim mil 
lions of dollars for a few old rotten forts. They have fallen to the 
lowest depths of crime to obtain compensation for improvements of no 
real value. 

As we said when speaking of the " combination of influences and no 
harmony," we believe Dr. John McLaughlin to have been one of the 
best and noblest of men ; yet the governing power of the Hudson s Bay 
Company would, if it were possible, have compelled him to starve 
the immigrants, and sacrifice all the early settlers of the country. 
Do you ask me how I know this? I answer, by the oaths of good and 
true American citizens, and by my own personal knowledge. These 
depositions or statements under oath but few of the readers of this 
history will ever see. In this connection we will give part of one 
deposition we listened to and penciled down from the mouth of the 
witness, who was the legal counselor and confidential friend of Dr. 
McLaughlin from the fall of 1846 till his death. This witness, in answer*" 
to the inquiry as to what Dr. McLaughlin told him about the Hudson s 


Bay Company s encouraging the early settlement of Oregon, said Dr. 
McLaughlin had not encouraged the American settlement of the country, 
but from the fact that immigrants arrived poor and needy, they must 
have suffered had he. not furnished supplies on a credit ; that he could 
have wished that this had not been necessary, because he believed there 
were those above him who strongly disapproved of his course in this 
respect, affirming that it would lead to the permanent settlement of the 
country by American citizens, and thus give to the United States gov 
ernment an element of title to the country ; the United States govern 
ment could not have a title to the country without such settlement, 
and these persons, thus alluded to as being dissatisfied, would report 
him to the Hudson s Bay Company s house in London ; that he ascer 
tained finally that such complaints had been made, but that he still 
continued to furnish the supplies, because, as a man of common human 
ity, he could not do otherwise ; and he resolved that he would con 
tinue thus to do and take whatever consequences might result from it ; 
that the company s managing and controlling office in London did 
finally call him to an account for thus furnishing supplies as already 
stated, and for reasons indicated ; that he represented to them the 
circumstances under which he had furnished these supplies, alleging that 
as a man of common humanity it was not possible for him to do other 
wise than as he did j that he foresaw as clearly as they did that it 
aided in the American settlement of the country, but that this he could 
not help, and it was not for him but for God and government to look 
after and take care of the consequences ; that the Bible told him, " If 
thine enemy hunger, feed him ; if he is naked, clothe him ;" that these 
settlers were not even enemies ; that in thus finding fault with him 
they quarreled with heaven (the witness said, " I do not know as that 
was the exact expression or word") for doing what any one truly 
worthy the name of a man could not hesitate to do, and that he imme 
diately concluded by indignantly saying, " Gentlemen, if such is your 
order, I will serve you no longer" and from that day Oregon secured 
a warm and faithful friend in that old white-headed man, and he a base 
and infamous enemy in those who claimed the title of the Honorable 
Hudson s Bay Company, who in 1866 are claiming all the credit and 
pay for this old man s generous and noble deeds. 

The readers of our history will excuse this interruption in the order 
of events, or rather the introduction of this testimony at this time in 
our sketches, for we shall still have to speak of Dr. McLaughlin as the 
head of the Hudson s Bay Company, and continue him as a representa 
tive of that influence, as also connected with the Roman Catholic 
efforts in the country ; for while we condemn and speak of base and 


infamous acts in all alike, we will not forget the good and the noble. 
We have other items of testimony that reveal to us the deep-laid plans, 
the vast influence used, and efforts made, tQ prevent the American settle 
ment of this country, which shall be brought to light as we proceed. 

One other item we will now give as developed by the testimony above 
referred to. Dr. McLaughlin informed his attorney "that he had pro 
posed to the company s authority in London, that if they would allow 
him to retain the profits upon the supplies and advances made as above 
mentioned to the settlers, he would very cheerfully personally assume 
the payment to the company of all the sums thus advanced, but 
this the company declined to do." The witness said : " My memory 
is not very distinct, at least, not so much as it is as to the statement 
above made, but my recollection is that he also informed me that the 
company, although it refused to permit him to retain the profits above 
mentioned, did hold him responsible for every dollar of the advances he 
made, and I do know that he regarded and treated the debts thus 
owing by American citizens as debts owing not to the Hudson s Bay 
Company, but to himself individually." 

Dr. McLaughlin charges ingratitude upon those who were able to, 
and did not pay him, and were guilty of denouncing him as an aristo 
crat. He was no aristocrat, but one of the kindest, most obliging, and 
familiar men ; yet his tall, erect, and noble frame, a head covered with 
white hair, a long white beard, light complexion, rather spare but open 
countenance, with a full light blue or gray eye, made the coward and 
the mean man hate him, while the truly noble man would love him for 
his generous and unbounded benevolence. Like Dr. Whitman, the in 
fluences around him weighed heavily upon his soul ; he keenly felt the 
pain of ingratitude in others ; he felt it from the Hudson s Bay Com 
pany, whom he had faithfully served, and from the persons he had 
befriended. An attempt was made by a member of the company, who 
had previously sworn to the justness of their infamous claims, to excite 
the sectarian prejudice of the witness against Dr. McLaughlin on his 
cross-examination, by handing to the company s attorney the following 
questions to be asked the witness : 

Ques. " Do you not recollect that Dr. McLaughlin told you that Sir 
George Simpson s complaint against him was his allowing a credit of 
ten thousand pounds sterling to Bishop Blanchet, of the Catholic mis 
sion, without any security ?" 

Ans. " This is the first time I have heard of that transaction." 

Ques. " Do you not know from what Dr. McLaughlin told you, that 
he gave large credits to the Catholic Mission while in charge of the 
company s business ?" 


Ans. I do not." 

In reference to the last two questions and answers, in looking over 
the items of account against our government, something over this 
amount is stated as an item of claim for improvements and a Catholic 
church building and two schoolhouses at Vancouver, as having been 
made by the Hudson s .Bay Company for the Catholic missions and 
the benefit of the company s business, which are still standing and in 
possession of the priests and nuns of that order. This matter should 
be closely investigated. We have abundance of other evidence to 
show the intimate and continued connection of the Jesuit missions with 
the company, and we look upon this attempt to change the respon 
sibility of that connection from the company to Dr. McLaughlin s 
individual account, as among the basest of their transactions. 
The Jesuitical Catholic concern was a child of their own, and one 
they are still nursing in all their vast dominions. They made use of 
Dr. McLauglin as long as they could, and when they found he 
was inclined to favor the American settlement of the country, he 
fell under the displeasure of his superiors and was called to an 

These facts explain the careful and repeated injunctions, and positive 
directions given to the early missionaries not to interfere with the 
Hudson s Bay Company s trade, and by no means to encourage the set 
tlement of white men about their stations, compelling those white men 
to become subject to, and connected with, the missions. They also explain 
the reasons for the extreme caution exercised by the company over 
the supplies granted to the American missions. They invariably lim 
ited them to the smallest possible necessity, and by this means sought 
to prevent the settlement of the country. It also explains fully the 
complaint of Rev. Mr. Griffin in his effort for an independent mission, 
and shows conclusively the continued effort of the company to check as 
much as possible the progress of the settlement, as also the desperate 
effort they made in 1847 to destroy the missions and all American set 
tlements ; and more than this, it explains the continued wars with all 
the Indians who have ever been under the influence of the company, 
or their pet child, the Jesuit missions. 

The Hudson s Bay Company had no fault to find with Dr. McLaugh- 
lin, except in his refusing to carry out their base designs upon the 
American settlers and for the assistance he rendered upon his own 
responsibility to the naked and starving immigrants that Grant, at Fort 
Hall, with the Indians along the route, had combined to deceive and 
rob, while on the way to the country. This old, white-headed man, 
who had served them for forty years, was compelled, in maintaining his 


honor as a man possessing one noble feeling of humanity, to leave their 

What think you, kind reader, of the Hudson s Bay Company s kind 
ness and generosity to the American settler, when this same company 
held this old faithful servant of theirs individually responsible for every 
dollar, principal and profits, of the supplies his generous heart, claiming 
to be humane, was induced to advance to the early settler in the hour 
of his greatest need ? 

Will you vote and pay a tax to pay claims of such a company, when 
one of the managing partners is still base enough to say, "It was a 
neglect of the company s agent, after Dr. McLaughlin s decease, that 
they did not present their accounts for payment to the doctor s heirs 
or administrator before the year s notice was up. It was now too late, 
and it was lost to the company imless they could get it allowed by tho 
United States government ?" 

We justly deprecate piracy, slavery, highway robbery, and Indian 
massacres. In what light shall we hold a company and government, 
who have pursued a course directly and indirectly calculated to pro 
duce all these, and with the uplifted hand say they are entitled to pay 
for such conduct ? 

But we must still refer to Dr. McLaughlin as representing the Hud 
son s Bay Company, as we proceed with our history of events, agencies, 
men, and things occurring in 1843. 

Dr. Whitman is on his way back to Oregon with eight hundred and 
seventy-five persons, with all their equipments and cattle. Simpson is 
foiled and disappointed at Washington. Hines and Dr. White aro 
among the Upper Columbia Indians. Dr. McLaughlin and the French- 
Canadians and priests are in commotion about the effort to organize 
the settlement into a provisional government, and the influence the 
Americans appear to be gaining over the Indians. Piopiomoxmox 
(Yellow Serpent) has returned and reported to the Cayuses the result 
of his visit to Dr. McLaughlin, and the determination of the company 
that, in case of a war with the Americans, " they would not aid the 
Americans, but let them take care of themselves." The old Indian 
chiefs had advised the young men to wait and see what the future 
designs of the Americans were ; while the Jesuits had been careful to 
impress upon the savage mind their peculiar sectarian notions and pre 
judices, as illustrated by the religious instructions given by the priests 
to the Cayuses. 

The Rev. II. K. W. Perkins called at Young Chiefs (Tawatowe) 
lodge, and was informed on entering, that they had not yet had their 
morning prayer. The chief caused a bell to be rung, at the sound of 


which all his band came together for devotion. Tawatowe then said to 
Mr. Perkins : " We are Catholics, and our worship is different from 
yours." He then fell upon his knees, all the rest kneeling and facing him. 
The chief had a long string of beads on his neck to which was attached 
a brass cross. After all were knelt, they devoutly crossed themselves, 
and commenced their prayer as follows : " We are poor, we are poor," 
repeating it ten times, and then closing with " Good Father, good Son, 
good Spirit," and then the chief would slip a bead on the string. This 
was continued until all the beads were removed from one part of the 
string to the other. When this mock devotion closed, Tawatowe said: 
* This is the way in which the priest taught us to worship God ;" but 
Elijah (a boy that had been educated at the Methodist Indian school) 
said that " Tawatowe and his band prayed from the head, but we 
[meaning his own Walla walla tribe] pray from the heart." 

Since writing the above, we have found in the Missionary Herald of 
December, 1866, page 371, a letter from Rev. C. Eells, formerly of the 
Spokan Mission. In speaking of Dr. Whitman s visit to the States, he 
says : " Mr. Walker and myself were decidedly opposed, and we yielded 
only when it became evident that he would go. even if he became dis 
connected with the mission in order to do so. According to the under 
standing of the members of the mission, the single object of Dr. Whit 
man in attempting to cross the continent in the winter of 1842-43, amid 
mighty perils and sufferings, was to make a desperate effort to save 
this country to the United States." 

We are not much surprised at Mr. Eells ignorance of influences 
operating in this country. His fears and caution have made him unrea 
sonably timid. He is always so fearful that he will do or say something 
wrong, that the saving of this country to our government, and an 
attempt on the part of his associates to counteract Roman Catholic su 
perstitions and maintain the influence of the Protestant religion on our 
western coast, are opposed by him and his equally timid associate. He 
has not the frankness or courage to state the whole truth in the case, as 
developed in Mr. Treat s remarks, who, after giving Mr. Eells letter, 
says : " It ivas not simply an American question, however it was at the 
same time a Protestant question. He [Dr. Whitman] was fully alive 
to the efforts which the Roman Catholics were making to gain the mas 
tery on the Pacific coast, and he was firmly persuaded that they were 
working in the interests of the Hudson s Bay Company, with a view to 
this very end. The danger from this quarter [which Messrs. Eells and 
and Walker could never see, or, if they did, were too timid to speak or 
act] had made a profound impression upon his mind. Under date of 
April 1, 1847, he said: " In the autumn of 1842, I pointed out to our 


mission the arrangements of the Papists to settle in our vicinity, and 
that it only required that those arrangements should be completed to 
close our operations." 

It is in reference to the facts above quoted from Dr. Whitman s let 
ter made in our presence to those timid associates that we say they 
were cowards in not speaking and acting as they should have done at 
that time, and since his death. 

The following letter from General A. L. Lovejoy gives further 
proof of Dr. Whitman s efforts to save Oregon to his country : 

PORTLAND, OREGON, November 6, 1869. 
William If. Gray, Esq. : 

MY DEAR SIR, Your note of the 27th ult., making inquiries touching 
the journey of the late Dr. Marcus Whitman to the United States from 
this coast in the winter of 1842 and 43, and his reception at Washing 
ton, and by the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Mis 
sions, etc., has but just come to hand, owing to my being absent from 

True, I was the traveling companion of the Doctor in that arduous 
and trying journey, but at this late hour it will be almost impossible 
for me to give many of the thrilling scenes and hairbreadth escapes 
that we went through, traveling as we did, almost the entire route, 
through a hostile Indian country, as well as suffering much from the 
intense cold and snows that we had to encounter in passing over the 
Rocky Mountains in midwinter. 

Previous to our leaving Wailatpu, I often had conversations with 
the Doctor touching the prospects of this coast. The Doctor was alive 
to its interests, and manifested a very warm desire to have this country 
properly represented at Washington, and, after some arrangements, we 
left Wailatpu, October 3, 1842, overland, for the Eastern States. 

We traveled rapidly, and reached Fort Hall in eleven days, and 
remained only a day or two and made some few purchases ; took a 
guide and left for Fort Wintee, as the Doctor changed from a direct 
route to one more southern through the Spanish country, via Taos and 
Santa Fe. On our way from Fort Hall to Fort Wintee we met with 
terribly severe weather ; the snows greatly retarded our progress, and 
blinded the trail, so much so that we lost much lime. After reaching 
Fort Wintee and making some suitable purchases for our trip, we took a 
new guide. and started on our journey for Fort Mncumpagra, situate on 
the waters of Grand River, in the Spanish country. 

Here again our stay was very short. We simply made some few 
purchases, took a new guide, and left for Taos. After being out some four 


or five days, as we were passing over high table-lands, we encountered a 
most terrific snow-storm, which forced us to seek shelter at once. A 
deep ravine being near by, we rapidly made for it, but the snow fell so 
rapidly, and the wind blew with such violence, that it was almost im 
possible to reach it. After reaching the ravine, and cutting some cot 
ton-wood trees for our animals, we attempted some arrangements for 
camp as best we could under the circumstances, and remained snowed 
in for some three or four days, when the storm subsided, and it cleared 
off intensely cold. It was with much difficulty that we made our way 
up upon the high lands; the snow was so deep and the wind so piercing 
and cold, that we felt compelled to return to camp and wait a few days 
for a change of weather. 

Our next effort was more successful, and after spending several 
days wandering round in the snow, without making much headway, 
and greatly fatiguing our animals, to little or no purpose, our guide 
informed us that the deep snows had so changed the face of the 
country, that he was completely lost, and could take us no further. 

This was a terrible blow to the Doctor. He was determined not to 
give it up without another effort. And we at once agreed that the 
Doctor should take the guide and make his way back to the fort, and 
procure a new guide, and that I should remain in camp with the ani 
mals until his return, which was on the seventh day, with a new guide. 

We were soon under way, on our route, traveling through the snows 
at rather a snail s pace, Nothing occurred of much importance, other 
than hard and slow traveling until we reached, as our guide informed 
us, the Grand River, which was frozen, on either side, about one-third 
across. The current was so very rapid, that the center of the stream 
remained open, although the weather was intensely cold. 

This stream was some one hundred and fifty, or two hundred yards 
wide, and looked upon by our guide as very dangerous to cross in its 
present condition. But the Doctor, nothing daunted, was the first to 
take the water. He mounted his horse, and the guide and myself 
pushed them off the ice into the boiling, foaming stream. Away 
they went completely under water horse and all ; but directly came 
up, and after buffeting the waves and foaming current, he made to 
the ice on the opposite side, a long way down the stream leaped 
from his horse upon the ice, and soon had his noble animal by his 
side. The guide and myself forced in the pack animals; followed 
the doctor s example, and were soon drying our frozen clothes by a 
comfortable fire. 

With our new guide, traveling slowly on, we reached Taos in about 
thirty days. We suffered considerably from cold and scarcity of pro- 


visions, and for food were compelled to use the flesh of mules, dogs, 
and such other animals as came in our reach. 

We remained at Taos some twelve or fifteen days, when we changed 
off our animals, and made such purchases as our journey required, and 
left for Bent s Fort, on the headwaters of the Arkansas River, where 
we arrived about the third day of January, 1843. 

The Doctor left here on the 7th, at which time we parted, and I did 
not meet him again until some time in the month of July, above Fort 
Laramie, on his way to Oregon with a train of emigrants. 

The Doctor often expressed himself to me about the remainder of bis 
journey, and the manner in which he was received at Washington and 
by the Board of Missions at Boston. 

The Doctor had several interviews with President Tyler, Secretary 
Webster, and many members of Congress, touching the interests of 
Oregon. He urged the immediate termination of the treaty with 
Great Britain relative to this country, and the extension of the laws 
of the United States, and to provide liberal inducements to emigrants 
to come to this coast. 

He felt much chagrined at the lack of interest, and the great want 
of knowledge concerning Oregon, and the wants of this country, 
though he was very cordially and kindly received, and many seemed 
anxious to obtain every information which he could give them ; and I 
have no doubt, the Doctor s interviews resulted greatly to the benefit of 
Oregon and the entire coast. 

But his reception at Boston was not so cordial. The Board censured 
him for leaving his post, for the waste of time and the great expense 
attending so long a journey across the continent at that season of the 

The Doctor returned to the frontier settlements, urging the citizens 
to emigrate to the Pacific coast. After his exertions in this behalf, 
he left for Independence, Missouri, and started for Oregon with a large 
emigrant train some time in the month of May. With his energy and 
knowledge of the country, he rendered them very great assistance, 
and continued to do so, till he reached his home about the first of 
October (one year from the time he left), to find the home of his choice 
sadly neglected, and the flouring mill burned to the ground. 

The Indians were very hostile about the Doctor s leaving at the time 
he did, and I have no doubt, that during his absence, the thistles of his 
destruction the seeds of that awful massacre of himself, Mrs. Whit 
man, and many others were then sown by those haughty and savage 
Cayuses, although it did not take place till four years afterward. 

As to your fourth inquiry relative to the Cayuse war. It is a long 


time since these events took place ; and most of them are on record, 
and have passed into the history of the country ; so that I would not 
like to make many statements from memory, although I was an adju 
tant-general, and was also one of the commissioners to raise means to 
equip the first company, which was dispatched to the Dalles the day 
after the sad news of the massacre reached Oregon City. 

There being no supplies at Oregon City suitable to fit out this com 
pany, the commissioners proceeded at once to Fort Vancouver to 
procure supplies for an outfit. The Hudson s Bay Company refused to 
let us have any thing on account of the government ; but would on 
our joint and several note, to the amount of $1,000, which was cheer 
fully given, and the outfit was obtained, and the company was pushed 
on to its destination, and reached the Dalles in time to prevent further 
bloodshed at that place by the red devils. 

Yours, with great respect, 

V 4 A- I J - LOVEJOY. 

W. H. GEAY, Esq., Astoria, Oregon. 


Assembly of the Nez Perces, Cayuses, and Wallawallas. Mock fight. Council with 
the Indians. Speeches by Yellow Serpent, Tilokaikt, the Prince, and Illutin. 
The secret of the whole difficulty. John, the Kanaka. A cow for a horse. Kill 
ing of a medicine woman. 

WE will return to Rev. Mr. Hines narrative of his trip among the 
Cayuses, May 22, 1843. 

" As the Indians refused to come together unless Ellis and his men 
came down to meet us, we informed them that we would go up and see 
Ellis in his own country ; but being suspicious that we intended to pre 
vent his coming down, they were much opposed to our going. Ex 
plaining to the chiefs the object of our visit, they seemed to be satisfied." 

We have, in this short statement of Mr. Hines, an important fact. 
The Cayuse Indians had been instructed what to do ; they were not to be 
diverted by any arrangements of the sub-agent. Notwithstanding, the 
agent and Mr. Hines had learned that Ellis was coming with several 
hundred warriors, they knew not for what purpose, some saying to 
make war upon the Cayuses, and they had determined to prevent the 
meeting of the two tribes if possible. During their absence the Cay 
uses all collected not far from Dr. Whitman s, and were waiting the 
arrival of the Nez Perces. On the 22d of May the Nez Perces, some 
six hundred strong, with a thousand horses, arrived on the plain. Some 
three hundred of the Cayuses and Wallawallas uniting formed a grand 
Indian cavalcade on the plain in front of Dr. Whitman s house, when 
a grand display of Indian horsemanship commenced, such as advancing 
in mock fantastic fight, with discharges of blank cartridges, wheeling 
and running in all directions, till the Indians had nearly worked them 
selves into a real fight and a great excitement. Ellis said that he 
thought the Cayuses were determined to have a fight in earnest. 

Tawatowe, the Catholic chief, as he approached them appeared quite 
angry and disposed to quarrel. Seeing the excitement increasing, and 
fearing that it might end seriously unless the attention of the Indians 
could be drawn to some other subject, Mr. Spalding, who was present, 
gave notice that all would repair to Dr. Whitman s house for talla- 
pooso (worship). But Tawatowe came forward in a very boisterous 
manner and inquired what we had made all this disturbance for. The 


American party, followed by several hundred Indians, repaired to the 
station and engaged in religious exercises, when the excitement sub 
sided for the night. 

On May 23, the chiefs and principal men of the three tribes 
assembled at the station to hear what the self-constituted United States 
Indian commissioner and his secretary of state had to say. 

"They were called to order by Tawatowe, who by this time had got 
over his excitement, and then was placed before them the object of 
our visit. They were told that much had been said about war, and 
.we had come to assure them that they had nothing to fear from that 
quarter." If Dr. White was no more explicit in setting forth the object 
of this visit to the Indians than Mr. Hines is in giving the account of 
it, there certainly was room for a misunderstanding between him and 
the Indians. He said " the President of the United States had not 
sent him [Dr. White] to make war upon them, but to enter into 
arrangements with them to regulate their intercourse with the white 

O <3 

people. We were not there to catch them in a trap, as a man would 
a beaver, but to do them good ; and if they would lay aside th eir 
former practices and prejudices, stop their quarrels, cultivate their 
lands, and receive good laws, they might become a great and happy 
people ; that in order to do this they must all be united" Exactly 
what the Hudson s Bay Company wished to have done to aid them in 
crushing the American settlement and preventing further American 
emigration to the country. 

As a reason for their being united, Mr. Hines says, l78-9th pages: 
" They were told they were few in comparison to the whites, and if 
they were not all of one heart they would be able to accomplish 
nothing. The chiefs should set the example and love each other, and 
not get proud and haughty, but consider the people as their brothers 
and their children, and labor to do them good, that the people should 
be obedient, and in their morning and evening prayers they should 
remember their chiefs. 

" Ellis remarked that it would not be proper for the ISTez Perce 
chiefs to speak until the Cayuse people should receive the laws. The 
Cayuse chiefs replied : If you want us to receive the laws, bring them 
forward and let us see them, as we can not take them unless we know 
what they are. 

" A speech was then delivered to the young men to impress them 
favorably with regard to the laws. They were told that they would 
soon take the places of the old men, and they should be willing to act 
for the good of the people ; that they should not go here and there 
and spread false reports about war; and that this had been the 


cause of all the difficulty and excitement that had prevailed among 
them during the past winter." 

With the information which Mr. Hines has already given us in the 
first* part of his ninth chapter, we would suppose he would avoid this 
apparently incorrect statement to the Indians of the cause of the 
difficulties then existing. He and Dr. White appear to have acted 
under the same influence with Dr. McLaughlin, and to have carried all 
their acts and counsels to the one object, which was to combine the 
Indians, and divide and destroy the settlement. He tells us, in con 
tinuation of the proceedings of this council, that " the laws were then 
read, first in English, and then in Nez Perce." 

" Yellow Serpent then rose and said : I have a message to you. 
Where are these laws from? I would that you might say they were 
from God. But I think they are from the earth, because, from what I 
know of white men [a term claimed by Brouillet as belonging to the 
Hudson s Bay Company and Frenchmen], they do not honor these laws. 
In answer to this, the people were informed that the laws were recog 
nized by God, and imposed on men in all civilized countries. Yellow 
Serpent was pleased with the explanation, and said that it was accord 
ing to the instructions he had received from others, and he was glad to 
learn that it was so, because many of his people had been angry with him 
when he had whipped them for crime, and had told him that.God would 
send him to hell for it, and he was glad to know that it was pleasing to 

"Tilokaikt, a Cayuse chief, rose and said: * What do you read the 
laws for before we take them? We do not take the laws because 
Tawatowe says so. He is a Catholic, and as a people we do not follow 
his worship. Dr. White replied that this did not make any difference 
about the law ; that the people in the States had different modes of 
worship, yet all had one law. 

" A chief, called the Prince, arose and said : * I understand you gave 
us liberty to examine every law, all the words and lines, and as ques 
tions are asked about it, we should get a better understanding of it. 
The people of this country have but one mind about it. I have some 
thing to say, but perhaps the people will dispute me. As a body, we 
have not had an opportunity to consult, therefore you come to us as in a 
wind, and speak to us as to the air, as we have no point, and we can 
not speak because we have no point before us. The business before us 
is whole like a body ; we have not dissected it. And perhaps you will 
say it is out of place for me to speak, because I am not a great chief. 
Once I had influence, but now I have but little. " 

This was one of the principal chiefs of the tribe that assisted in tak- 


ing Fort Wallawalla and tying Mr. Pambrun to compel him to give 
more goods for horses and furs. " He was about to sit down, but was 
told to go on. He then said : * When the whites first came among 
us, we had no cattle ; they have given us none ; what we have now 
got we have obtained by an exchange of property. A long time 
ago Lewis and Clarke came to this country, and I want to know what 
they said about us. Did they say they found friends or enemies here V 
Being told that they spoke well of the Indians, the Prince said : That 
is a reason why the whites should unite with us, and all become 
one people. Those who have been here before you have left 
us no memorial of their kindness, by giving us presents. We speak 
by way of favor ; if you have any benefit to bestow, we will then 
speak more freely. One thing that we can speak about is cattle, 
and the reason why we can not speak out now is because we have not 
the thing before us. My people are poor and blind, and we must have 
something tangible. Other chiefs have bewildered me since they came ; 
yet I am from an honorable stock. Promises which have been made to 
me and my fathers have not been fulfilled, and I am made miserable ; 
but it will not answer for me to speak out, for my-people do not con 
sider me as their chief. [This was just what Mr. Pambrun, of the 
Hudson s Bay Company, had done to this Indian chief to break his 
power and destroy his influence with his tribe and his people. But let 
us hear him through.] One thing more ; you have reminded me of what 
was promised me some time ago, and I am inclined to follow on and 
see, though I have been giving my beaver to the whites and have re 
ceived many promises, and have always been disappointed ; I want to 
know what you are going to do ? 

" Illutin, or Big Belly, then arose and said that the old men were 
wearied with the wickedness of the young men ; that if he was alone 
he could say * Yes at once to the laws, and that the reason why the 
young men did not feel as he felt, was because they had stolen property 
in their hands, and the laws condemned stealing. But he assured them 
that the laws were calculated to do them good and not evil. 

" But this did not satisfy the Prince. He desired that the good 
which it was proposed to do them by adopting the laws might be put 
in a tangible form before them. 

" He said that it had been a long time since the country had been 
discovered by whites, and that ever since that time people had been 
coming along promising to do them good ; but they had all passed by 
and left no blessing behind them." 

This chief said that " the Hudson s Bay Company had persuaded 
them to continue with them, and not go after the Americans ; that if 


the Americans designed to do them good, why did they not bring 
goods with them to leave with the Indians? that they were fools to 
listen to what Suapies (Americans) had to say ; that they would only 
talk, but the company would both talk and give them presents" 

This Indian, as his speech shows, was shrewd, and thought he was 
certain to obtain his object, either from the Hudson s Bay Company 
or the Americans. He had been humbled by the company, and an 
offer to buy him back had been made. He bid for a higher price with 
the Americans. In doing so, he naturally exposed the secret influence 
of the company, which is given in this book of Mr. Hines , as a matter 
of course, and he passes along without note or comment upon what he 
saw, and heard. 

"In reply to the last Indian speech, Dr. White told the Indians 
that lie did not come to them as a missionary or as a trader." 

To Ellis and Lawyer, who called on them in the evening to have a 
talk, "they said they expected pay for being chiefs, and wanted to 
know how much salary Dr. White was going to give them. Ellis said 
he had counted the months he had been in office, and thought that 
enough was due him to make him rich. They left at a late hour with 
out receiving any satisfaction. In the council, efforts were made to 
induce the Nez Perces to unite under one chief in the fall of 1842. 
Thomas McKay had promised these chiefs large salaries and many 
presents that Dr. White and his government would give them as an 
inducement to form a union, knowing that White had not the ability 
or means to make good his promises to them, and in this way any influ 
ence as an agent of the American government he might have would 
be lost in this tribe. 

" Ellis was a Hudson s Bay Indian, educated at the Red River settle 
ment. They left this private interview with White without any satis 
faction, showing that the policy of the company was producing its 
legitimate effect upon Ellis s mind. The Lawyer, however, understood 
the matter in its true light. He explained to us the whole transaction, 
and the promises of McKay from the company. He thought Dr. 
White was foolish to let McKay talk so much for him and the Ameri 
can government. 

" Some hundreds again assembled the next day (May 24) to renew 
the business relative to laws ; but the first thing investigated was the 
shooting of John, the Kanaka, by the Indian. John had gone to a 
lodge the day before, and in a dispute in a trade he had dared the In 
dian to shoot him. The Indian had seized his gun and fired it at John s 
head, making considerable of a hole in the scalp, but none in the scull. 
The Indian fled, but was brought back and found guilty and kept till 


the laws were adopted for sentence and punishment, and finally pun 
ished with forty lashes on the bare back. 

" The Indians continued to speak in reference to the laws. Their 
speeches were grave, energetic, mighty, and eloquent, and generally in 
favor of receiving the laws. After all had spoken it was signified that 
they were ready to vote whether they would take the laws or not, and 
the vote was unanimous in the affirmative. Having adopted the laws, 
it was now necessary to elect their chief, according to the provisions of 
the laws, and Tawatowe was nominated to the highest chieftainship. 
Some were opposed ; a majority were in favor, and while the question 
was pending [this Indian had not consulted his priest, or he would 
have declined at once on this first proposition to elect him chief], 
Tawatowe arose and said, * My friends, I rise to speak to you, and I want 
you all to listen. He then adverted to his past history, and told them 
how much he had suffered in consequence of their divisions and quar 
rels. Tawatowe joined his influence with the Prince to get more pay 
from the Hudson s Bay Company for horses and furs, hence his tribe 
were encouraged to quarrel with and disrespect him. When we first 
arrived in the country he was seldom invited to the fort, and received 
no presents from the company. He inquired of his people if they 
would lay aside all their past difficulties and come up and support him 
if he would accept of the chieftainship. 

" It was now time to close for the day, and the vote being put. 
Tawatowe was declared duly elected to the high chieftainship of the 
Cayuse tribe. 

" Dr. White bought of Mrs. Whitman a fat ox and presented it to 
the Indians. Mrs. W. gave them a fat hog, which they butchered and 
feasted upon at night. 

" May 25. A number of the chiefs came early in the morning at 
Mr. Hines request, to settle a difficulty concerning some horses which 
they gave to Rev. Jason Lee when he first came to Oregon in 1834, 
Mr. Lee having requested Mr. Hines to come to some arrangement 
with them if possible. After a long talk we succeeded in settling with 
them by proposing to give them a cow for each horse that they had 
given to Mr. Lee. We found that the Indians always expected to be 
well paid for a present." 

The Jesuit missionaries and the Hudson s Bay Company had repre- 
sented to the Indians that Mr. Lee s receiving their horses and not 
making them any presents was the same as stealing from them, and in 
this way the American missionary was regarded as having stolen the 
Indians horses. In the conversations and talks the Indians had with 
Dr. Whitman about the laud the mission occupied, the horses given to 


Mr. Lee were generally mentioned. Dr. Whitman was anxious that 
Borne arrangement should be made to settle that matter as soon as he 
learned the facts in the case. The Indians, as per arrangement with 
Mr. Hines, did receive a cow for each horse given, and thus the matter 
was satisfactorily settled. 

The Indians having again assembled, Tawatowe came forward and 
said that he had made up his mind that he could not accept of the 
chieftainship, in consequence of the difference of his religion from that 
of most of his people. 

Here is Jesuitism and Hudson s Bay, combined with ignorance 
and religious bigotry, and shows the influence then operating upon the 
savage mind. This Indian declared a reason why he could not accept 
the chieftainship, which, four years later, would have fixed at once a 
crime upon that sect, without a shadow of doubt in their favor. As it 
was, the plan was deeper, and a Protestant Indian, or one that favored 
the Protestant cause and American missions, a younger brother of 
Tawatowe is selected. Tawatowe resigned, and his brother Five Crows 
is elected the American head chief of the Cay use tribe, with the ap 
proval of the sub-agent of the United States. Bear these facts in mind 
as we proceed, that you may fully understand the deep-laid plots of 
the foreign influence then operating in the country to secure the whole 
or a large portion of it for themselves and their own government. 

In connection with this we will give one other incident as related by 
Mr. Hines on his tour among the Indians, to show the shrewdness, as 
also the long premeditated baseness of the Hudson s Bay Company in 
their efforts to get rid of all American missionaries and settlers, and to 
bring on a war with the Indians. Mr. Hines and party returned to the 
Dalles, and from there Mr. Hines embarked on one of the Hudson s 
Bay Company s boats with Mr. Ogden for Vancouver. A short dis 
tance below the Dalles they were driven ashore by a wind storm. 
While there, Mr. Ogden told the following story of the killing of a 
medicine woman, or doctress : 

" Mr. Ogden related some of his wonderful adventures among the 
Indians, Avith whom he had resided more than thirty years. He was 
an eye-witness to a remarkable circumstance that transpired at the 
Dalles during one of his voyages up the Columbia. 

" He arrived at the Dalles on the Sabbath day, and seeing a congre 
gation of some three hundred Indians assembled not far from the river, 
he drew near to ascertain the cause, and found the Rev. H. K. W. 
Perkins dispensing to them the word of reconciliation through a cru 
cified Redeemer. There was in the outskirts of the congregation an 
Indian woman who had been for many years a doctress in the tribe, 


and who had just expended all her skill upon a patient, the only son 
of a man whose wigwam was not far distant, and for whose re 
covery she had become responsible by consenting to become his 
physician. All her efforts to remove the disease were unavailing ; the 
father was doomed to see his son expire. Believing that the doctress 
had the power of preserving life or inflicting death according to her 
will, and that instead of curing she had killed his boy, he resolved upon 
the most summary revenge. Leaving his dead son in the lodge, he 
broke into the congregation with a large butcher-knife in his hand, and, 
rushing upon the now terrified doctress, seized her by the hair, and 
with one blow across her throat laid her dead at his feet." 

This story is a very plausible one, as much so. as the one Mr. 
Hines tells us on the 110th page of his book, about Smith, Sublet, and 
Dripse s partner. There is an object in telling this story at this time 
to Mr. Hines, as much so as there was in a letter written by James 
Douglas, Esq., to S. N. Castle, Esq., and published in the March num 
ber of the Friend, at Honolulu, Sandwich Islands, which we will give 
in due time. 

The reader will observe in these sketches that our effort has been to 
speak of all the principal events and prominent and prospective influ 
ences in our early history, as in the year In which they occurred. In 
attending to other duties we have not been able to keep as close to 
dates and chronological order as we could wish ; still, with patience and 
perseverance we can restore the "lost history" of our early settlement 
upon this coast, so that the future historian can have the material before 
him for an interesting chapter in the history of our country. 

We have, in addition to personal and public duties, to wade through 
an immense amount of what is called Oregon history, to gather up 
dates and events that have been given to the public at different times, 
without order, or apparent object, only to write a book on Oregon. 
We have no hesitancy in saying that Rev. G. Hines has given to the 
public the fullest and best book, and yet there is but a single chapter 
that is useful to the historian. 

Rev. Samuel Parker has many scientific and useful statements and 
observations, but all come in before our civil history began to develop 


The Legislative Committee of nine. Hon. Robert Moore, chairman. Description 
of the members. Minutes of their proceedings. Dr. E. Newell, his character. 
Two specimens of his speeches. The dark; clouds. 

IN 1843 the people of Oregon showed signs of life, and sprang into 
existence as an American Territory with their provisional government, 
which we have allowed to be silently forming in the Wallamet Valley, 
while w r e have traced the operations of the Hudson s Bay Company, 
and Dr. Whitman to Washington ; and also Dr. White and Mr. Hines 
among the Indians, all over the country. This will enable the reader 
to understand the strong influences operating against the American 
settlement ; and if he will go with us, we will introduce him to the first 
Legislative Committee of nine, and tell him just what we know of their 
proceedings all through their deliberations. 

The record shows no instruction from the settlers, as to when or 
where the committee should meet to prepare the laws, to report at 
Champocg, only, that they were limited to six days, and to be allowed 
$1.25 per day, and that the money be raised by subscription. Every 
member at once subscribed to the full amount of his own per diem pay, 
and in addition to this, Mr. Alanson Beers, Rev. J. L. Parish, and Dr. 
Babcock subscribed the full amount of the board of the whole nine, and 
the Methodist Mission furnished without charge the use of their granary 
at the old mission, as the first council chamber on this western coast. 
The building was a frame some sixteen by thirty feet, one and a half 
stories high, boards upright, with one square room in front, and the 
balance used for a granary, from which it derived its name ; the upper 
part was for storing and sleeping use. The square room was used for 
schoolhouse and church, and now, for a legislative hall. 

We will enter this hall and introduce you to an old gray-headed 
man with a fair complexion, bald head, light eye, full face, frequent 
spasmodic nodding forward of the head, and a large amount of self- 
importance, not very large intellectual developments, with a super 
abundance of flesh, sitting by a square-legged table or stand, in a chair 
with square posts, and strips of rawhide for bottom; dressed in fustian 
pants, large blue vest, and striped shirt, and a common brown coat, 
who, on motion of Mr. Hill, was chosen Speaker of the House, a::d here 
after will be known in our history as Hon. Robert Moore, Esq. 


The first difficulty the committee found was to organize a government 
without an executive. They could organize a legislative body, and 
appoint all the committees and officers and draft all the laws necessary, 
but the folly and absurdity of the effort without an executive, was so 
apparent, that the first thing decided upon, was, Shall we have an ex 
ecutive head, called a governor, or a committee with executive powers ! 
This was a difficult question, under all the votings and the discussions 
that had taken place. The committee were fully aware of all the op 
position they must contend with. The judgeship had passed by vote 
of the people at Champoeg from a member of the Methodist Mission to 
Mr. A. E. Wilson, an intelligent, unassuming, and excellent young man, 
who came to the country in the employ of Mr. Gushing, and had 
become a settler. 

The committee were well assured that they could eventually secure 
the Methodist Mission influence, yet at this time it was extremely 
doubtful, and they feared that it would, as in the previous effort of 1841, 
go against them, with that of the Catholic Mission and the Hudson s 
Bay Company. An executive committee consisting of three men would 
form a council that could act in any emergency, and at the same time 
enable the Methodist Mission to be represented by one of their mem 
bers in the Executive Council. 

Alanson Beers was a good, honest, faithful, and intelligent Christian 
man, acting with heart and soul with the interests of the settlement 
and the American cause. The settlers could rely upon him. 

David Hill was a resident of Hillsborough, Tualatin Plains, and was 
known to be decidedly opposed to the company, and not any too favor 
able to the Catholic and Methodist missions. He could be relied upon 
so far as the outside settlers were concerned, and Robert Newell could 
represent the Rocky Mountain men and such of the Canadian-French 
Hudson s Bay Company, and Roman Catholics as were disposed to join 
our organization. It was in consequence of his contending so strongly 
for the Hudson s Bay Company s rights, interests, and privileges, at 
Champoeg, on the 5th of July, that he was dropped, and Joseph Gale 
(who was one of the Ewing Young party to bring cattle from Califor 
nia to the Wallamet settlement) elected in his place. 

With the understanding as above indicated, the Legislative Committee, 
consisting of Hon. Robert Moore, David Hill, Robert Shortess, Alanson 
Beers, W. H. Gray, Thomas J. Hubbard, James A. O Neil, Robert 
Newell, and William Dougherty, with the uplifted hand solemnly de 
clared before God that they would faithfully perform the duties assigned 
them by the people of this settlement, at Champoeg, on the 2d day of 
Mayj A. D. 1843, so far as they understood the duties thus assigned 


them. "W. H. Gray then by request administered an oath to the 
Speaker elect, that he would faithfully and impartially discharge the 
duties of his office as presiding officer of the present appointed Legisla 
tive Committee of the people of Oregon, so help you God ; to which 
Beers said, Amen. The question arose as to the appointment of a clerk 
for the committee, when the members agreed, if necessary, to pay his 
expenses per diem, if no other means were provided. 

George W. Le Breton, a young man of active mind, ready with the 
pen, useful and agreeable, and practical in his conversation, having 
come to the country as an adventurer in a vessel with Captain Couch, 
was chosen secretary and duly qualified by the Speaker. The records of 
the proceedings, as published, seem to have left out the preliminary part 
of this Legislative Committee s proceedings. This is owing to the fact 
that the compiler had no personal knowledge of them, and perhaps 
sought information from those as ignorant of the facts as himself; hence 
the meager and unsatisfactory document given to the country. Most, or 
all of the proceedings thus far mentioned were with closed doors, as 
will be seen by the record published. It was not deemed important by 
Messrs. Newell, O Neil, and Hubbard, to have any record of our daily 
proceedings, .only the result or report. Messrs. Shortess, Beers, Gray, 
Dougherty, and Hill thought it best to keep a record, which was com 

" WALLAMET, May 15, 1843. The Legislative Committee met, and 
after the preliminary discussions above alluded to, came to order by 
electing Robert Moore, Esq., chairman, and G. W. Le Breton, secre 

" On motion of W. H. Gray, a committee of three was appointed 
by the chairman to prepare rules and business for the house. This com 
mittee (Messrs. Gray, Shortess, and Newell), at once, in a hasty manner, 
prepared eight rules, and suggested the business proposed for the com 
mittee as a whole to perform. The rules were taken up and adopted 
with scarcely a single objection. Up to this time no one except mem 
bers of the committee had been allowed a place in the house as specta 

" On motion, it was decided that the committee sit with open doors. 
O Neil, Hubbard, and Dougherty favored the closed-door sessions, as 
they did not want to expose their ignorance of making laws. Newell 
thought we had better make as little display as possible, for it would 
all be known, and we might be ashamed of what we had done. 

" Shortess, Hill, Gray, and Beers were willing that all our efforts to 
make laws for ourselves should be fully known, and were ready to re 
ceive instructions and advice from any source. The deliberations of the 


committee, they were confident, would not prevent opposition or aid 
the opposers of our proposed organization. 

"On motion, a judiciary committee was appointed by the Speaker or 
chairman, consisting of Messrs. Beers, Hubbard, and Shortess. 

" On motion, a committee of ways and means was appointed, consist 
ing of Messrs. Shortess, O Neil, and Dougherty." 

The minutes at this stage show that there was a doubt as to the dis 
position of the Speaker, Mr. Moore, to place the best men as chairmen 
of the several committees. Mr. Moore had peculiar notions of his own 
about land claims, and had placed upon the committee, I think, Robert 
Newell, as favoring his and Dr. McLaughlin s pretensions to the entire 
water privileges at Wallamet Falls, which resulted in the appointment 
as above stated. The record seems to convey the idea that the first 
appointment was conferred by vote. This was not the case. It was 
the final action that was repeated and entered. 

" On motion, a committee, consisting of Hubbard, Newell, and Gray, 
was appointed on military affairs." 

TVe have not the original documents to refer to, but are of the im 
pression that considerable correction was made in the first day s jour 
nal, and that more should have been made at the time. There was a 
little feeling on the part of the Speaker and the writer as to the neces 
sity of an extended minute, and a disposition on the part of Mr. Le 
Breton to do as little writing as possible, not for want of time and mate 
rial, but, from the deep interest he took in the discussions, he seemed to 
forget his work. I am not prepared to think the compiler has abridged 
the minutes, yet such may be the fact. 

" On motion, Messrs. Shortess, Dougherty, and Hill were appointed 
a committee on private land claims. 

" On motion, Messrs. Gray, Dougherty, and Beers were appointed a 
committee on districting the Territory into not to exceed five districts." 

This committee, it seems by the motion, was to be appointed by the 
chairman or Speaker. 

"Adjourned to 8 o clock, A. M., May 17, 1843. 

" The house was called to order by the chairman, and Mr. Gray ap 
pointed secretary, pro tern. The session was then opened with prayer 
by A. Beers. The minutes of yesterday s session were then read, cor 
rected, and accepted." 

The house then adjourned for one hour and a half to prepare busi 
ness, at the expiration of which time they were called to order by the 

The judiciary committee reported progress. The military committee 
reported in part ; also committee on districts. 


" Reports accepted. 

" It was moved that there be a standing committee on finance, which 
was lost, as the vote at Champoeg had directed that the finance of the 
government should be by subscription and voluntary contribution. 

"Adjourned to 1.30 P. M. 

" House called to order by Speaker. 

* On motion, house went into committee of the whole upon reports 
of committees, Gray in the chair. It was soon found that the business 
before the committee of the whole was not in a shape to be properly 
acted upon, and that by an open and informal meeting of the members, 
it could be brought into shape for action, or rather that the several 
members of the different committees had not had a full expression 
upon the reports that were before them, and these expressions could 
be shortened by separate committee consultation and agreement among 
the members of the several committees ; hence an adjournment of one 
hour was agreed upon. 

" At the close of the hour the house met and agreed, went into com 
mittee of the whole as to the number of districts. The report of the 
committee accepted, as amended in committee of the whole." 

The question arises here why did not this committee on districts, 
and the whole Legislative Committee, specify all north of the Columbia 
River ? 

It will be remembered that the Hudson s Bay Company, with all 
the influence and votes they, with the priests, could collect, had met the 
settlers at Champoeg on the 2d of May previous, and opposed the 
entire organization; and the French priest had sent to the Legislative 
Committee a protest against any organization ; at least the districting 
committee was aware that such would be the case, as the protest 
already given was in the hands of Le Breton, the secretary of the com 
mittee, and of the whole house. In specifying the districts beyond the 
limits named, or north of the Columbia, the additional votes and 
personal influence of the company would be thrown against 
us. The district committee contended that that influence and vote 
would defeat us, and make us an English or Hudson s Bay Company 
settlement. We could, without the interference of the company, 
manage our own affairs with such of the French settlers as chose to 
remain and vote with us. Such as did not like our laws could have a 
place to which they could continue their allegiance. Besides, we were 
confident we should receive a large immigration in the fall, and in that 
case we could extend our settlements and districts and laws to that 
section of the country. 

Another prominent, and perhaps the most prominent reason of all 


was, we were afraid to attempt to enforce any la\vs we might wish to 
adopt, or think necessary among ourselves, upon the servants of the 
company. We did not acknowledge their right to enforce any 
English laws over us, and we, as the writer thought then, and still 
thinks, wisely concluded if they would not openly interfere with 
us, we would not openly interfere with them, till we were strong 
enough to outnumber and control them, as will hereafter be clearly 

The journal of the proceedings of that committee shows that there 
were frequent short adjournments. These moments were all occupied 
in discussing and agreeing upon some report that was soon to be 
acted upon, and in coming to a unanimous vote as to the final result ; 
there was but one thought and but one object with the majority of 
the members of the Legislative Committee. 

That thought and object was, to establish the provisional government 
they had undertaken to organize. They felt that union in their action 
was absolutely necessary, as the opposing elements were so strong, that 
without it we must fail, and subject ourselves and the settlement to 
the worst possible tyranny and humiliation from. Dr. White and the 
Hudson s Bay Company. 

After the second recess, during the second day, the report of the 
military committee was before the house and instructions asked. New 
ell was opposed to any military arrangements at all. Hubbard was 
undecided. Gray insisted on carrying out the instructions and ideas 
of the meeting of the 2d of May in regard to military officers that had 
been appointed at that meeting, and in preparing rules to govern them 
in organizing and drilling the men. He was unwilling to leave the 
military power without any responsibility to any one but themselves; 
hence instruction was asked, arid given, to proceed as indicated in the 
meeting at Champoeg, and prepare a military law, to be included in 
the articles of organic compact. 

"May 18, 1843. House met pursuant to adjournment. Session was 
opened by prayer. Minutes of yesterday s session read, corrected, and 

" Robert Newell moved, and was seconded, that a committee be 
appointed to prepare a paper for the signature of all persons wishing 
an organization." 

The reader is already informed of the appearance of the French 
protest, and that it was in the possession of Le Breton. It is possible 
that Newell may have received it from the French priest. The writer 
has never been able to learn the exact facts in the case. At all events 
NewelPs resolution shows, that however willing and ready he was to 


commence the organization of an American government with his 
adopted countrymen, he is now in doubt as to the propriety of the 
step he, with others, had undertaken. 

He presents a resolution to get up a committee to prepare a paper 
to circulate among the people, to find out who were in favor of the 
organization we were then attempting to bring into shape, under the 
instructions already received. 

Perhaps the reader will understand Mr. Newell better if he is more 
fully informed as to his real genealogy, as there has always been a little 
doubt whether he belonged to the American or British nation. From 
the best information we could get about him, he was formerly from 
Cincinnati, Ohio, and the Rocky Mountains. From the earliest history 
we have of him, he has claimed to be an American, and represented the 
interests of a foreign monopoly, under a religious belief that he was 
conscientiously right in so doing. By keeping himself talking strong 
American sentiments to Americans, and acting strongly anti- American 
"while in the mountains and in the settlement, he succeeded in obtaining 
and holding positions to benefit the trade of the Hudson s Bay Com 
pany ; also a place in the Legislative Committee, and in the settler s 
government, to shield and protect those who were seeking the destruc 
tion of all American trade and influence in the country. He was a 
man of quite ordinary ability, yet smooth and insinuating in his man 
ners, with a great abundance of plausible stories, to make a stranger 
believe he was learned in a profession. His real sentiments could 
never be learned except by his vote ; his thoughts only read by his 
acts, which always tended to complicate and contuse legislation. This 
probably arose from a disposition to seek popularity and places he was 
incompetent to fill; as, also, from the title he assumed in early life, it 
naturally made him a hypocrite in action as well as profession. He had 
not the moral principle requisite to make known the truth, and to 
assume his proper position and be regarded as a plain man without a 
title. As plain Bob Newell he could be respected for his natural and 
genial talent. As Dr. Newell he assumes an air to correspond with 
the title, and shows the hypocrisy of his life. He was at this time, and 
has continued to be, a faithful representative of the Hudson s Bay 
Company and Jesuit interests in the country, for which service they 
should enter his name upon their calendar of saints. As a public man, 
we are not aware that he ever originated a single act or law ; but as 
representing a clique, or the interests of his masters, he has always been 
ready to do his utmost in every possible way. At the time we were 
called to vote upon Mr. Newell s first resolution, his position was fully 
known to but few, yet enough was understood of his duplicity to reject 


his proposition at once, and the house proceeded to amend its rules 
and add a ninth to those already adopted. 

The report of the military committee was recommitted with instruc 
tions for further action. Mr. Hubbard was considerably under the in 
fluence of Newell, and in consequence of this fact the military rules or 
laws were remodeled in committee of the whole. Newell and Hubbard 
were disposed to defeat it altogether as unnecessary, as intimated iii 
the tenth proposition in the French priest s address. In fact, Mr. 
Newell acted all through the proceedings of the Legislative Committee 
upon the ideas contained in that address, and opposed all measures 
looking beyond the suggestions contained in it. 

At this point, the judiciary committee, consisting of Beers, Hubbard, 
and Shortess, reported in part on the executive power, and opened the 
eyes of Dr. Newell to the awful responsibility and to a full realization 
of the fact that a majority of the committee were in favor of an organi 
zation, arid a real, actual American government. He took the floor 
and commenced : " Wall, reelly now, Mr. Chairman, this ere report is 
a stumper. I see from the report of this ere committee that you are 
going on a little too fast. I think you had better find out if we can 
carry this thing through before we go too far. We have a good many 
people that don t know what we are about, and I think we had better 
adjourn before we go too far." 

In the rnidst of this speech, which was a repetition of the reasons for 
getting up the paper to find out who were favorable to our proposed 
government, the house was so uncourteous as to adjourn and leave the 
balance of Dr. Newell s speech unrepeated. Suffice it to say, that in 
those short adjournments as noted in the Oregon archives, nearly or 
quite all the little differences of opinion were quickly explained and 
understood by a majority of the members. The exact subjects that 
were before them at the several meetings we have no documents to in 
dicate, and we can only be governed by such documents as we have, to 
wit, the record and our own memory. 

Newell was the only prominent opposerof the report of the judiciary 
committee, which was prepared by Robert Shortess, to whose memory 
we are indebted for a remarkable speech of Hon. Mr. Robert Newell 
on that occasion. Mr. Shortess says the discussion was on the question 
of who should be deemed voters. Most of the committee were in favor 
of universal suffrage, and, as Dr. Newell had a native wife, naturally 
supposed he would be quite as liberal as those who had full white fam 
ilies ; but the doctor gave us one of his " stumpers," or, as he calls it, 
" big fir-tree speeches" by saying: " Wall, now, Mr. Speaker, I think 
we have got quite high enough among the dark clouds I do not believe 


we ought to go any higher. It is well enough to admit the English, 
the French, the Spanish, and the half-breeds, but the Indian and the 
negro is a little too dark for me. I think we had better stop at the 
half-breeds. I am in favor of limiting the right to vote to them, and 
going no further into the dark clouds to admit the negro." 

We confess that till Mr. Shortess reminded us of this speech, and the 
manner of its delivery, it had escaped our memory, and that, without 
it, Mr. Newell could scarcely receive his proper position in the history 
of our early struggle for American liberty upon this coast. His position 
and the patronage he received from the Hudson s Bay Company were 
sufficient for him to work effectually in their interests through all our 

"At the evening session of May 18, the committee on ways and 
means were instructed to prepare a subscription for presenting at the 
general meeting, to procure funds to defray the expenses of the govern 
ment, after spending a short time in committee of the whole. 

" Adjourned till next day. 

"May 19, 1843. House met pursuant to adjournment. Opened with 
prayer. Moved that the minutes of the 18th be accepted. Taking the 
whole subject of the organization into consideration, Gray presented 
the following resolution that a committee of three be appointed to pre 
pare and arrange all the business that has been done, or may be done 
hereafter at this session, revising statutes of Iowa, etc., report at 
the next session of the committee, and request the clerk to copy the 

" Resolution adopted. 

" Messrs. Gray, Beers, and O Neil were appointed ; these three living 
within fifteen miles of each other, it was thought could meet and super 
intend and revise the whole proceedings, and get them in shape for 
the public meeting. 

" Committee of ways and means reported a subscription, which was 
accepted, and the military committee reported in part, which was 

"Adjourned to 2 p. M. 

" At 2 P. M. house met. The judiciary committee reported in full. 
Report accepted." 

On the 20th page of the archives, and in reference to the proviso in 
the fourth article of the organic law, the record does not give us the 
fact. The proviso referred to was pre > red but not included in the 
original act, as reported and read at Champoeg, but was adopted at 
Champoeg. The report was duly referred to the revising committee, 
and the proviso left in the hands of Le Breton to be withheld or pre- 


sented, as the occasion might require, in the final action of the people. 
The large pretensions to lands by the Methodist and Catholic mis 
sions were fully understood by the entire committee. They wished to 
curtail them as much as possible, and were fully aware that any direct 
action to this end would bring the whole influence of both missions 
against them. 


Fourth of July, 1843. Oration by Mr. Hines. Meeting of July 5. Debate on the 
land law. How the Jesuits and the Hudson s Bay Company secured their land 
claims. Speech of the Rev. G-. Hines against the proposed Executive Committee. 
The committee supported by O Xeil, Shortess, and Lee. "W. H. Gray closes, the 
debate. The report of the committee adopted. Committee appointed to report to 
Congress, another to make a Digest of Territorial laws, and a third to prepare and 
administer an oath of office 

ON the 4th of July our national anniversary was observed, and an 
oration was delivered by the Rev. G. Hines. The committee favored 
the selection of Mr. Hines as orator, that they might gain his views, 
and be ready to meet him on the main questions that would be brought 
up on the fifth. In this, however, we failed, as he dwelt principally 
upon the subjects of temperance, the glorious deeds of our forefathers 
on the other side of the Rocky Mountains, and the influences and bless 
ings of the day. No Englishman, or foreigner, could have taken any 
exceptions to his sentiments or language. On the 5th, Dr. Babcock, 
chairman of the meeting of May 2, being absent, the meeting was 
called to order by G. W. Le Breton, one of the secretaries of the May 
meeting. On motion, the Rev. Gustavus Hines was elected president 
of the convention by acclamation. R. Moore, Esq., chairman of the 
Legislative Committee, presented his report, which was read by Secre 
tary Le Breton, and on motion accepted. Rev. L. II. Judson moved 
that the report of the committee on ways and means be accepted. 
This motion brought the land law up for discussion. The Legislative 
Committee as a whole reported that law entire, to the proviso in the 
fourth article. Upon the first part of that article a discussion arose be 
tween Mr. Newell and the members of the Methodist Mission, as to the 
right of any single individual to hold a claim of 640 acres upon a city 
or town site, or extensive water privilege. Mr. Moore agreed with Mr. 
Newell on that question, as he claimed one side of the Wallamet River 
at the falls, and Dr. McLaughlin the other. The Methodist Mission 
also claimed a right to the east side of the Wallamet, and the Milling 
Company claimed the island, upon which they were erecting mills. Mr. 
Newell opposed the fourth article, to favor Dr. McLaughlin ; the Metho 
dist Mission and Milling Company favored the article on the ground 
that it secured them in their rights, and prevented a monopoly of that 


water-power by any single individual. Rev. Jason Lee was anxious to 
secure the rights and claims of the Methodist Mission. So far as the 
water privilege and town sites were concerned, there were no fears on 
the part of the committee, but in reference to the large claims of the 
Methodist Mission, there were fears that Mr. Lee and Mr. Hines would 
oppose our whole effort, and combine the influence of their mission 
against the organization. To satisfy Rev. Jason Lee, Le Breton pre 
sented the proviso as contained in the fourth article, which removed his 
objection. The committee were well assured that the Jesuit missions 
would claim the same right to land, and in this way, the one mission 
would be induced to give up to curtail the other. This occurred as 
anticipated, only the Mefchodist Mission held on to their claims, and 
attempted to maintain them publicly, while the Jesuits did the same 
thing silently, and by having their lands recorded in the supposed 
names of their members, or priests, the same as the Hudson s Bay 
Company recorded all their improvements and forts in the names of 
their different servants, so as to hold them for the company; the 
company and the Jesuits having, as they supposed, secured their own 
claims to land in the name of their respective servants, joined with the 
new immigrants, in condemning the large pretensions of the Metho 
dist Mission, and in this way prejudiced the minds of the settlers 
against it for doing, openly, just what they had done in the names of 
their servants, secretly. 

On the final vote there were but few dissenting voices, except upon 
the adoption of the proviso. It may be asked why the land law was 
brought up first. The minutes as recorded on the twenty-third and 
twenty-fourth pages of the Oregon archives, show that Mr. Judson 
moved the adoption of the report of the committee on ways and means. 
This was all the minute that was made, as the business and discussion 
progressed. The report on the land law was deemed, by the com 
mittee, to be of the first importance, as all were personally interested 
in the law about land claims ; and upon the discussion of that report, 
they could learn the result of the whole effort, and the feelings of 
the people as to the permanence of the proposed government. The 
notice of the report of the committee on ways and means, on page 24, 
and of the proviso, is entered, to show that the amendments alluded 
to were made. We are of the opinion, that had Mr. Le Breton lived 
to copy those minutes, he would have so changed them. He says 
such amendment and proviso were adopted. To this fact we have 
affirmed under oath as being a part of the provisional law adopted at 
that meeting. This brings us to the first clause of the organic law, 
as adopted by the people in mass convention. 


The preamble and first article were adopted on motion of Joseph 
McLaughlin, the second son of Dr. John McLaughlin, who took an 
active part in favoring the organization, against the wishes and influ 
ence of his family. 

The second article was read, and, on motion of L. II. Judson, was 

The third, on motion of C. McRoy, and the fourth, on motion of 
Joseph Holman, were also adopted. 

On motion to adopt the fifth article, " on the executive power," it 
was plain to be seen that the Rev. Mr. Hines was swelling and becom 
ing uneasy, in proportion as the Rev. Jason Lee appeared to be satisfied 
with the proceedings. He hesitated to put the motion, called Robert 
Moore, the chairman of the Legislative Committee, to the chair, and 
commenced : 

" Mr. President, gentlemen, and fellow-citizens, The Legislative 
Committee which you appointed to prepare certain laws, and perform 
a certain duty, have assumed to present for your approval something 
they had no right, in all the instructions given them, to present. They 
have commenced a course which, if not checked, will lead to the worst 
possible vform of despotism. Grant them the privilege which they now 
ask, of imposing upon this settlement, upon you and me and our fami 
lies, this hydra-headed monster in the shape of an Executive Commit 
tee, and we have but the repetition of the Roman Triumvirate the 
Caesars upon the throne. We may be told by them, in excuse for the 
violation of plain and positive instructions, that they found it difficult 
to proceed with the organizing of a temporary government without an 
executive ; and here they have brought before you this monstrosity 
this black bear this hydra-headed monster , in the shape of an Execu 
tive Committee ; and ask you to adopt it, as necessary to preserve your 
civil liberties and rights. 

" Gentlemen and fellow-citizens, You have but to look to past his 
tory, to warn you of the dangers of so palpable a violation of instruc 
tions on the part of public servants. You instructed them to do a 
certain work, to prepare certain laws. If they could not do as in 
structed, let them resign and go home. So far as they performed the 
duties assigned them, w r e can approve of their acts ; but when they 
attempt to force upon us what we have not asked of them, but said to 
them we do not want this monstrosity with three heads, yet they per 
sist in saying we do ; and have gone on and made their laws to cor 
respond with this absurd and outrageous thing they call Executive 
Committee. Is it wise, is it reasonable, that we should submit to it ? 
What assurance have we that the next Legislative Committee, or body 


we may appoint, following the example set by this one, will not give 
us a king or emperor, and tell us it is necessary to complete our organi 
zation ? " 

Many of the persons present at Champoeg on the 5th of July, 1843, 
will recollect this speech, and the strong and emphatic manner in which 
it was delivered. Why Mr. Hines did not move to strike out the ex 
ecutive clause has always been a mystery to us. When he had resumed 
his seat as president of the convention, Mr. O Neil made a few remarks, 
explaining the position of the committee, Mr. Shortess followed, deny 
ing the assumption of power attributed to the committee, or a disposi 
tion to go beyond their instructions, and urged the necessity of a head 
or some controlling influence somewhere. Could we rely upon Captains 
McCarty, or McKay, or Smith to call out their companies ; or Major 
Howard? Should the military control the civil power? "The thing is 
absurd," said Shortess. Rev. Jason Lee could not see the proposed 
executive head of the proposed provisional government in the light 
Mr. Hines did. If it was thought necessary to have a government at 
all, it was necessary to have a head, and an executive, or the laws 
were of no effect. 

It was arranged with the Legislative Committee, that Gray should 
meet Hines on this question, and make the last speech in favor of the 
executive department. Hence O Neil and Shortess both spoke in favor 
of it. Dr. Babcock was opposed, on account of its going beyond pres 
ent necessities, and looking too much like a permanent and independent 
government ; whereas we only wished to form a temporary one. He 
thought with Mr. Hines, that the committee had gone beyond their in 
structions in providing for this executive power, still he was willing to 
abide the decision of the people. There was a little uncertainty as to 
Mr. Lee s final vote. Dr. Babcock was clearly against us. Mr. Hines 
made but the one speech. From the course the debate had taken, Gray 
had no fears as to the final result, and waited until it was evident that 
no more opposing speeches would be made when he commenced : 

"Mr. President and fellow-citizens, The speech which we have just 
listened to, from our presiding officer, is in the main correct. It is true 
that the Legislative Committee were not instructed to bring before you 
an executive department in the laws and government you proposed to 
form, when you appointed your committee to prepare those laws. It 
is also true, that when that committee met, they found that they could 
not advance one step in accomplishing the work you instructed them 
to perform, without some supervising influence, or power, somewhere ; 
in short, without a head. Their instructions were against a governor. 
They have provided an Executive Committee, in place of a single man 


for governor. This executive head is to act in the place of senate, 
council, and governor. This provision is before you for your approval 
or rejection. With this Executive Committe our organization is com 
plete ; without it we have no head ; no one to see that our laws are 
executed, and no one to grant a reprieve or pardon in case a law should 
be enforced against the life or property of any one, for the violation of 
any law, no matter what the circumstances connected with that real or 
supposed violation might be. The pardon and mercy part of our law 
is in that horrible hydra-headed monster that the gentleman spoke 
about, and warned us against ; and instead of its being as black as his 
* bear, it becomes light and mercy to the erring and the ignorant. As 
to the example set by your committee for future despots to rob us of 
our liberty, and place over us a king or an emperor, you and I have no 
fears so long as we elect our own legislative bodies. 

" Now, fellow-citizens, let us look calmly at our true situation. We 
are two thousand five hundred miles from any point from which we 
can receive the least assistance by land ; and seventeen thousand miles 
by water. A portion of our community are organized and ready to 
protect themselves, and to defend all their rights and interests. 
Another organization of a religious character is in our midst, I should 
say, two. They each have a head an executive. How is it with us? 
Who is our head in all that pertains to our civil liberty, rights, and 
property ? It is possible the gentleman may wish us to remain as un 
protected, as helpless and exposed to all the dangers that surround us 
on every hand, as we have heretofore been. If he does, you, fellow- 
citizens, I am sure, do not wish to add to his feebleness by destroying the 
organization you have commenced, because he is afraid of what some 
Caesar did in Rome some centuries past. We are acting for ourselves 
and those immediately dependent upon us for protection. In union 
there is strength. I believe you are fully satisfied that your committee 
have acted honestly, and, as they thought, for the good of all they 
represented. If such is the case, you will approve of their acts, and 
our organization will be complete as they have prepared it for this 

On the question being taken, there were but two or three votes 
against the executive, or fifth section. Mr. Lee informed the writer 
that he saw plainly enough that the meeting was determined to have 
a government of some kind, and that probably the Executive Com 
mittee was the best at first. This point gained, the remainder was soon 
disposed of. 

The marriage fee was changed, in the seventeenth article, from three 
dollars to one dollar. 


The resolution referred to as the nineteenth was: " Resolved, That 
a committee of three be appointed to draw up a digest of all the laws 
and proceedings of the people of this Territory, in relation to the pres 
ent provisional government, and the reasons for forming the same ; 
and forward said digest and report to the Congress of the United 
States for their information." Rev. Jason Lee, Rev. Gustavus Hines, 
and Mr. C. M. Walker were chosen that committee, and instructed to 
have access to all public documents, and to call upon any individual for 
any information they might deem necessary in carrying out their in 

That committee, so far as performing their duty and carrying out the 
wishes of the people were concerned, did the same as the reverend 
Legislative Committee did in 1841 ; they neglected the thing alto 
gether, and paid no attention to the object of the resolution. Still, at 
the present d:iy, when the same reverend gentlemen are charged with 
having done all they could against the early settlers government, they 
attempt to repel the charge, and take great credit to themselves for 
the perseverance of others in securing permanent laws and protection 
for themselves and the settlements. 

Messrs. Beers, Hill, and Gale, were chosen by ballot as the first Exec 
utive Committee. 

Hugh Burns, who had been chosen at the May meeting as justice of 
the peace, had resigned, and Robert Moore was chosen to fill his 

The committee had prepared a full list of the laws of Iowa, to recom 
mend for the adoption of the people, which wns presented and read, 
some slight amendments made, and the list adopted. 

The report of the Legislative Committee was adopted as a whole; 
and on motion it was " Resolved, That the president of the convention 
assisted by the Rev. Messrs. Lee, Clark, and Leslie, be a committee to 
draft and administer an oath of office to the civil officers elected on 
the 2d of May, 1843, and that said officers be required to subscribe to 
the same ; and administer the oath to the supreme judge, who shall 
hereafter qualify all civil and military officers to be elected by the peo 
ple." At this point, a question arose in the mind of the last-named 
committee, whether they would proceed that night to administer the 
proposed oath, or defer it till some other time. There were some 
earnest and determined men in that convention, who were not to be 
defeated at the last moment by the disposition of these reverend gentle 
men to delay the concluding ceremony of drafting and administering 
the oath of office to the persons the people had chosen. To relieve 
them of all doubt as to the wish of the convention (although it was 


then nearly dark), it was moved and carried, " that the committee to 
qualify officers proceed to the performance of their duty, as far as prac 
ticable, this evening." Judge Wilson was not present. 

Rev. Jason Lee noticed that Mr. Beers received the smallest number 
of votes given for any member of the Executive Committee. This to 
him, and probably to Messrs. Leslie and Hines, was unaccountable ; but 
not so to us, who understood the general feeling of opposition against 
the rule of the missionaries and their large claims to land ; as also the 
secret prejudices excited against them by the Hudson s Bay Company 
and the Jesuits, who attributed the entire government movement to 
them, while the organization was that of the settlers unaided by any 
mission, except individual members of the Protestant missions. This 
was probably the reason for the proposition to delay qualifying the 
officers elected, and carrying out the decided wish of the convention. 
This fact simply shows a reluctant assent to the organization by the 
principal members of the missions. The French address showed the 
feelings of the French and Catholics, while the Hudson s Bay Company 
stood entirely aloof from it, and expected to defeat the whole move 
ment by the influence of such men as the Rev. G. Hines, Dr. White, 
Robert Newell, and the Indians. 

We have two copies of the organic laws adopted by the people at 
Champoeg ; one published by Charles Saxton in 1846, and the other by 
the compiler of the Oregon archives in 1853. That published by Mr. 
Saxton corresponds nearer with our own recollections of the facts of 
the case ; hence we will copy them as given by him. 


Organic laws. Resolutions. Districts. Militia law. Land claims. Certificate. 

THE Legislative Committee recommend that the following organic 
laics be adopted : 

WE, the people of Oregon Territory, for purposes of mutual protection, 
and to secure peace and prosperity among ourselves, agree to 
adopt the following laws and regulations, until such time as the 
United States of America extend their jurisdiction over us: 


J3e it enacted by the free citizens of Oregon Territory, That the said 
Territory, for the purposes of temporary government, be divided into 
not less than three, nor more than five, districts ; subject to be extended 
to a greater number when an increase of population shall require. 

For the purpose of fixing the principles of civil and religious liberty 
as the basis of all laws and constitutions of government that may here 
after be adopted, JBe it enacted, That the following articles be considered 
articles of compact among the free citizens of this Territory. 

ARTICLE 1. No person demeaning himself in a peaceable or orderly 
manner shall ever be molested on account of his mode of worship or 
religious sentiments. 

ART. 2. The inhabitants of said Territory shall always be entitled to 
the benefit of the writ of habeas corpus and trial by jury, of a pro 
portionate representation in the Legislature, and of judicial proceeding 
according to the course of common law. All persons shall be bailable, 
unless for capital oifenses, where the proof shall be evident, or the 
presumption great. All fines shall be moderate, and no cruel or un 
natural punishments inflicted. ISTo man shall be deprived of his liberty 
but by the judgment of his peers, or the law of the land ; and should 
the public exigences make it necessary, for the common preservation, 
to take any person s property, or to demand his particular services, 
full compensation shall be made for the same. And in the just preser 
vation of rights and property, it is understood and declared that no 
law ought ever to be made, or have force in said Territory, that shall 
in any manner whatever interfere with, or affect, private contracts, or 
engagements bona fide made and without fraud previously formed. 



ART. 3. Religion, morality, and knowledge, being necessary to good 
government and the happiness of mankind, schools and the means of 
education shall forever be encouraged. 

ART. 4. The utmost good faith shall always be observed toward the 
Indians, their lands and property shall never be taken from them with 
out their consent, and in their property, rights, and liberty, they shall 
never be invaded or disturbed, unless in just and lawful wars, author 
ized by the representatives of the people. But laws, founded in jus 
tice and humanity, shall, from time to time, be made, for preventing 
injustice being done to them, and for preserving peace and friendship. 

ART. 5. There shall be neither slavery nor involuntary servitude in 
said Territory, otherwise than for the punishment of crimes, whereof 
the party shall have been duly convicted. 


ARTICLE 1. Be, it enacted by the authority aforesaid, That the officers 
elected on the 2d of May instant shall continue in office until the second 
Tuesday of May, 1844, and until others are elected and qualiiied. 

ART. 2. An election for civil and military officers shall be held an 
nually upon the second Tuesday in May in the several districts, at such 
places as shall be designated by law. 

ART. 3. Each officer heretofore elected, or that shall hereafter be 
elected, shall, before entering upon the duties of his office, take an 
oath or affirmation to support the laws of the Territory, and faithfully 
- discharge the duties of his office. 

ART. 4. Every free male descendant of a white mem, inhabitant of 
this Territory, of the age of twenty-one years and upward, who shall 
have been an inhabitant of this Territory at the time of its organiza 
tion, shall be entitled to vote at the election of officers, civil and 
military, and be eligible to any office in the Territory ; Provided, That all 
persons of the description entitled to vote by the provision of this 
section, who shall emigrate to this Territory after the organization, 
shall be entitled to the rights of citizens after having resided six 
months in the Territory. 

ART. 5. The executive power shall be vested in a committee of three 
persons, elected by the qualified voters at the annual election, who shall 
have power to grant pardons and reprieves for offenses against the laws 
of the Territory, to call out the military force of the Territory, to repel in 
vasions or suppress insurrections, to take care that the laws are faithfully 
executed, and to recommend such laws as they may consider necessary 
to the representatives of the people for their action. Two members of 
the committee shall constitute a quorum for the transaction of business. 


ART. 6. The legislative power shall be vested in a committee of 
nine persons, to be elected by the qualified electors at the annual elec 
tion; giving to each district a representation in the ratio of its popula 
tion, excluding Indians ; and the said members shall reside in the dis- 

5 " O 

trict for which they shall be chosen. 

ART. 7. The judicial power shall be vested in a Supreme Court, con 
sisting of the supreme judge and two justices of the peace ; a Probate 
Court and Justice Court. The jurisdiction of the Supreme Court shall be 
both appellate and original ; that of the Probate Court and Justice Court 
as limited by law; Provided, That individual justices of the peace shall 
iiot have jurisdiction of any matter or controversy when the title or 
boundaries of land may be in dispute, or when the sum claimed exceeds 
fifty dollars. 

ART. 8. There shall be a Recorder, elected by the qualified electors at 
the annual election, who shall keep a faithful record of the proceedings 
of the Legislative Committee, Supreme and Probate courts ; also record 
all boundaries of land presented for that purpose, and brands used for 
marking live stock ; procure and keep a record of the same ; and also 
record wills, deeds, and other instruments of writing required by law 
to be recorded. The Recorder shall receive the following fees, viz. : For 
recording wills, deeds., and other instruments of writing, twelve cents 
for every hundred words; and for every weight or measure sealed, 
twenty-five cents. For granting other official papers and the seal, 
twenty-five cents ; for services as clerk of the Legislature, the same daily 
pay as members of the Legislature ; and for all other services required 
of him by this act, the same fees as allowed for similar services by the 
laws of Iowa. 

ART. 9. There shall be a Treasurer, elected by the qualified electors of 
the Territory, who shall, before entering upon the duties of his office, 
give bonds to the Executive Committee in the sum of fifteen hundred 
dollars, with two or more sufficient sureties, to be approved by the Ex 
ecutive Committee of the Territory, conditioned for the faithful discharge 
of the duty of his office. The Treasurer shall receive all moneys belong 
ing to the Territory that may be raised by contribution, or otherwise, 
and shall procure suitable books in which he shall enter an account of 
his receipts and disbursements. 

ART. 10. The Treasurer shall in no case pay money out of the Treasury 
but according to law, and shall annually report to the Legislative Com 
mittee a true account of his receipts and disbursements, with necessary 
vouchers for the same, and shall deliver to his successor in office all 
books, moneys, accounts, or other property belonging to the Territory, 
as soon as his successor shall become qualified. 


ART. 11. The Treasurer shall receive for his services the sura of five 
per cent, upon all moneys received and paid out according to law, and 
three per cent, upon all money in the Treasury when he goes out of 
office, and two per cent, upon the disbursement of money in the Treasury 
when he comes into office. 

ART. 12. The laws of Iowa Territory shall be the laws of this Terri 
tory in military and criminal cases, where not otherwise provided for 
and where no statute of Iowa Territory applies, the principle of common 
law and equity shall govern. 

AKT. 13. The law of Iowa regulating weights and measures shall be 
the law of this Territory ; Provided, The Supreme Court shall perform 
the duties required of the commissioners, and the recorder shall perform 
the duties of the clerk of the county commissioners, as prescribed in 
said laws of Iowa; and proved, that sixty pounds avoirdupois shall be 
the standard weight of a bushel of wheat, whether the same be more 
or less than two thousand one hundred and fifty and two-fifths cubic 

ART. 14. The laws of Iowa respecting wills and administrators shall 
be the laws of this Territory in all cases not otherwise provided for. 

ART. 15. The laws of Iowa respecting vagrants is hereby adopted as 
far as adapted to the circumstances of the citizens of Oregon. 

ART. 1C. The Supreme Court shall hold two sessions annually, upon 
the third Tuesdays of April and September, the first session to be held 
at Champoeg upon the third Tuesday of September, 1843, and the sec 
ond session at Tualatin Plains, upon the third Tuesday of April, 1844. 
At the sessions of the Supreme Court the judge shall preside, assisted by- 
two justices ; Provided, That no justice of the peace shall assist in try 
ing any case that has been brought before the court by appeal from his 
judgment. The Supreme Court shall have original jurisdiction in cases 
of treason and felony, or breach of the peace, and in civil cases where 
the sum claimed exceeds fifty dollars. 

ART. 17. All male persons of the age of sixteen years and upward, 
and all females of the age of fourteen years and upward, shall have 
the right to marry. When either of the parties shall be under twenty- 
one years of age, the consent of the parents, or guardians of such 
minors, shall be necessary to the validity of such matrimonial engage 
ment. Every ordained minister of the gospel, of any religious denomi 
nation, the supreme judge, and all justices of the peace, are hereby 
authorized to solemnize marriage according to law, to have the same 
recorded, and pay the recorder s fee. The legal fee for marriage shall 
be one dollar ; and for recording, fifty cents. 

ART. 18. All offices subsequently made shall be filled by election and 


ballot in the several districts upon the day appointed by law, and under 
such regulations as the laws of Iowa provide. 

1. Resolved, That a committee of three be appointed to draw up a 
digest of the doings of this Territory with regard to an organization, 
and transmit the same to the United States government for their in 

2. Resolved, That the laws of Iowa as laid down in the " Statute Laws 
of the Territory of Iowa, enacted at the first session of the Legislative 
Assembly of said Territory, held at Burlington, A. D. 1838-9, published 
by authority in Dubuque, Russell & Reeves, printers, 1839;" certified 
to be a " correct copy," by William B. Conway, secretary of Iowa Terri 
tory be adopted as the laws of this Territory. 

The Legislative Committee recommend that the Territory be divided 
into four districts, as follows : 

First District, to be called the Tualatin District, comprising all the 
country soutii of the northern boundary line of the United States, west 
of the Wallamet or Multnomah River, north of the Yamhill River, and 
east of the Pacific Ocean. 

Second District, to be called the Yamhill District, embracing all the 
country west of the Wallamet or Multnomah River, and a supposed line 
running north and south from said river, south of the Yamhill River, to 
the parallel of forty-two degrees north latitude, or the boundary line 
of the United States and California, and east of the Pacific Ocean. 

Third District, to be called the Clackamas District, comprehending 
all territory not included in the other three districts. 

Fourth District, to be called the Cliampoeg District, and bounded on 
the north by a supposed line drawn from the mouth of the Haunchauke 
River, running due east to the Rocky Mountains, west by the Wallamet 
or Multnomah River, and a supposed line running due south from said 
liver to the parallel of forty-two degrees north latitude, south by the 
boundary line of the United States and California, and east by the 
summit of the Rocky Mountains. 

The Legislative Committee also recommend the above districts to be 
designated by the name of " Oregon Territory." 

The Legislative Committee recommend that a subscription paper be 
put in circulation to collect funds for defraying the expenses of the 
government, as follows : We, the subscribers, hereby pledge ourselves 
to pay annually to the treasurer of Oregon Territory the sum affixed 
to our respective names, for defraying the expenses of government; 
Provided, That in all cases each individual subscriber may, at any time, 


withdraw his name from said subscription upon paying up all arrearages, 
and notifying the treasurer of the colony of such desire to withdraw. 

Militia Law. 

ARTICLE 1. The militia of this Territory shall be arranged into one 
battalion, consisting of three or more companies of mounted riflemen. 

ART. 2. That in case of the vacancy of the office of major by death 
or otherwise, it shall be the duty of the Executive Committee to appoint 
another whose duty it shall be to serve in the place of such removed 
officer, until the annual election. 

ART. 3. That when a portion of country is so distant y or so situated, 
that in the opinion of the Executive Committee it would be inconvenient 
for persons residing therein to belong to an organized company, they 
shall be organized as a separate company under the command of a cap 
tain appointed by themselves, and give due notice to the major of the 
battalion, and be subject to the same laws and regulations as the other 
companies of the battalion. 

ART. 4. That all companies shall meet once in each year for company 
inspection upon the last Tuesday in September, well mounted, with a 
good rifle, or musket, and accouterments for company inspection and 
military exercise. 

ART. 5. It shall be the duty of the major to notify each captain of a 
company to notify each member of his company of the day and place 
of each annual meeting of his battalion and company at least six days 
previous to such time of meeting. 

ART. 6. It shall be the duty of each and every male inhabitant, over 
the age of sixteen years and under sixty, that wishes to be considered a 
citizen, to cause himself to be enrolled, by giving his name to the proper 
officers of the militia, and serve under the same, except such as are here 
after excepted. 

Art. 7. That fines shall be laid upon all who fail to adhere to the 
commands of the Executive Committee, and the same shall be expended 
for ammunition and arms, without delay, and persons appointed to 
take charge of the magazine wherever the Executive Committee shall 
direct its location. 

ART. 8. It shall be the duty of the Executive Committee to appoint a 
surgeon to the battalion, who shall serve in his profession when so or 
dered by the Executive Committee. 

ART. 9. It shall be lawful for any commissioned officer in case of in 
vasion, or insurrection, to order out the militia under his command, 
provided he has sufficient reason for so doing, and give immediate notice 
thereof to the Executive Committee. 

LAND LAW. 359 

ART. 10. The militia of this Territory shall, with the advice and con 
sent of the Executive Committee, be subject to the call of the authorized 
agents of the United States government until she may send troops to 
support the same. 

Land Claims. 

ARTICLE 1. Any person how holding or hereafter wishing to establish 
a claim to land in this Territory, shall designate the extent of his claim 
by natural boundaries, or by marks at the corners and upon the lines 
of said claim, recorded in the office of the Territorial recorder, in a 
book to be kept by him for that purpose, within twenty days from the 
time of making said claim ; Provided, That those who shall be already 
in possession of land shall be allowed one year from the passage of this 
act, to file a description of their claims in the recorder s office. 

ART. 2. All claimants shall, within six months from the time of 
recording their claims, make permanent improvements upon the same, 
by building or inclosing, and also become occupant upon said claims 
within one year of the date of such record. 

ART. 3. No individual shall be allowed to hold a claim of more than 
one square mile, or 640 acres, in a square or oblong form, according to 
the natural situation of the premises, nor shall any individual be able 
to hold more than one claim at the same time. Any person complying 
with the provisions of these ordinances shall be entitled to the same 
process against trespass as in other cases provided by law. 

ART. 4. No person shall be entitled to hold such a claim upon city 
or town lots, extensive water privileges, or other situations necessary 
for the transaction of mercantile or manufacturing operations ; Provi 
ded, That nothing in these laws shall be so construed as to aifect any 
claim of any mission of a religious character made prior to this time, 
of extent not more than six miles square. 

Approved by the people, as per minutes, Wallamet, July 5, 1843. 

A true copy from original papers. Attest 



This certifies that David Hill, Alanson Beers, and Joseph Gale were 
chosen the Executive Committee of the Territory of Oregon, by the 
people of said Territory, and have taken the oath for the faithful per. 
formance of the duties of their office as required by law. 




Description of the State House. Conduct of the French settlers. Arrival of Dr. Whit 
man s party of immigrants. Prosperity of the settlers. Change in the policy of 
the Hudson s Bay Company. Their exorbitant claims. 

A PRIMITIVE State House was built with posts set upright, one end 
in the ground, grooved on two sides, and filled in with poles and split 
timber, such as would be suitable for fence rails ; with plates and poles 
across the top. Rafters and horizontal poles held the cedar bark, 
which was used instead of shingles for covering. It was twenty by 
forty feet. At one end, some puncheons were put up for a platform for 
the president ; some poles and slabs were placed around for seats ; three 
planks one foot wide and about twelve feet long, placed upon a sort of 
stake platform for a table, for the use of the Legislative Committee and 
the clerks. 

Perfect order and decorum prevailed throughout the proceedings. 
The bolder and more independent portion of the French settlers parti 
cipated in this convention, and expressed themselves pleased with the 
result. They looked to this organization to relieve them from British 
tyranny ; while by far the greater number of them kept aloof and 
refused to have any thing to do with, or to submit to, the organization. 

This arose from the advice they had received from the company, and 
the instructions of the priests who were among them, as in the case of 
Dr. White s effort to get a few of them to go with him to the interior, 
on the report of threatened Indian difficulties. The Hudson s Bay 
Company, as indicated in a communication to the Executive Committee, 
felt themselves abundantly able to defend themselves and their political 

This year, through the influence and representations by letters, re 
ports, and the personal efforts of that devoted friend to Oregon, Dr. 
Marcus Whitman, an immigration of eight hundred and seventy-five 
persons arrived in the fall, notwithstanding that deceitful servant of 
the Hudson s Bay Company, Grant, at Fort Hall, did all he could, 
under the instructions of the company, to induce as many as possible to 
go to California, by telling them all the frightful stories he and his men 
could invent, of their danger, and the difficulties they must encounter 
in getting through to the settlement on the Wallamet. This company 


brought with them thirteen hundred head of cattle. The immigration 
of 1842 amounted to one hundred and thirty-seven men, women, and 
children, a limited supply of cattle, and a number of wagons to Fort 
Hall, where they were induced to abandon most of them, through the 
false statements of the man in charge. 

The immigration of 1843, under the guidance of Dr. Whitman, 
brought most of their wagons, teams, and cattle through all safe. They 
opened the road to the Columbia, and the trail through the Cascade 
Mountains, which was only an obscure Indian trail quite difficult to 
pass in 1842, on account of brush, logs, and fallen timber. 

Our population, all told, now amounted to not far from twelve hun 
dred. Among the immigrants of 1842 and 43 there were many excel 
lent families, and intelligent, industrious, noble-hearted young men ; 
with a full proportion of miserable scoundrels. Most of the families 
soon found locations, and having some little means, with the assistance 
they could obtain from the Methodist Mission, and such as was brought 
by Captain Couch in the brig Maryland, and the barks Lausanne and 
Toulon, by Captain Crosby, sent by Mr. Cushing of Newburyport, soon 
commenced permanent improvements. The winter was mild and the 
larger portion of them were prosperous and happy in their new homes. 

The provisional government was formed and put in operation in 
July previous to the arrival of the large immigration of 1843. Supplies 
of flour, sugar, and tea had been sent from the settlement to meet such 
as might be in want on their way into the Wallamet Valley. 

From the time it was known that Dr. Whitman had safely arrived in 
Washington, and the boundary line was not settled, the whole policy 
of the Hudson s Bay Company changed. Advances of outfits were 
made to such men as Hastings and his party, Burnett, and other 
prominent men. Employment was given to a select few, and every 
encouragement and inducement held out to assist as many as could be 
prevailed upon to go to California; while those who contemplated 
making Oregon a permanent home were denied supplies or employ 
ment, especially those who had asked the protection of the American 
government. Those who proposed going to California could readily 
get all the supplies they required of the company by giving their notes 
payable in California. 

It was well understood by most of them when they gave their notes 
that they never expected to pay them. Two of them informed us that 
they did not intend to pay if they went out of the country, as they un 
derstood it as equivalent to hiring, or giving them their outfit to induce 
them to leave. 

This last remark applies particularly to the immigration of 1842, and 


the company that went to California with Mr. Hastings in the spring 
of 1843. This policy continued up to 1847-8, when the company found 
themselves, as they supposed, through the influence of their Jesuit mis 
sions and Indian allies, prepared to fully maintain their licensed mer 
cantile privileges, but found themselves confronted by an army of five 
hundred brave and determined men, and an organization sufficiently 
strong and united to compel them to again change their policy, though 
not their secret hatred of what they termed American intrusion upon 
their imaginary rights in the country. In the seventeenth page of their 
memorial, they assert, "And they had therein and thereupon a right of 
trade which was virtually exclusive. * * * And such right of trade, 
and the control, possession, and use of said Territory, for the purposes 
thereof, independent of their foreign commerce and the sale of timber, 
exceeding in total value the sum of two hundred thousand pounds 
sterling ($973,333.33)." This statement is made in behalf of that 
company as their profits in trade before and up to 1846, which, together 
with the declaration of Dr. McLaughlin and Mr. Douglas, as found in 
chapter fifty-four, addressed to our Executive Committee under date 
March 11 and 12, 1845, is sufficient to indicate the true policy of the 
company, which will be more fully developed as we proceed. 


Actions speak louder than words. Efforts of the Hudson s Bay Company to discourage 
immigration. Account of the two Jesuits, F. N. Blanchet and P. J. De Smet. 
Protestant missionaries discouraged. Important position of the Kev. G. Hines. 
Recall of the Rev. Jason Lee. Efforts of the Hudson s Bay Company to prevent 
emigration to the Territory. Statement of General Palmer. Indian combinations. 
The Donner party. Mr. McBean s character. Extent of Oregon at this time. 

REACHING thoughts by actions. This the historian of the times has 
a right to do ; and by comparing the act and result, he can arrive with 
almost mathematical certainty as to what the thought was that origin 
ated the act, and produced the result. But we are not confined to this 
mode of reasoning. We have their own, and the statements of those 
favorable to them, to substantiate our conclusions. 

1st. The inadvertent statement of F. Ermatinger, one of their chief 
traders, in 1838, that in case the American government attempted to 
take this country, the Hudson s Bay Company would arm their eight 
hundred half-breeds, and with the aid of the Indians, drive back any 
force that could be sent across the continent to take it. Their navy could 
defend the coast. The Jesuits could influence the Indians. 

2d. The arrangements made to bring to the country the Red River 
immigrants in 1842. 

3d. The stationing of a ship of war at Vancouver to protect the 

4th. The building of bastions at Fort Vancouver, and strengthening 
that post in 1 845-6. 

5th. The refusal of Mr. Douglas to furnish supplies to the provisional 
troops, sent to punish the parties engaged in the Wailatpu massacre. 

6th. The supplying of Indians, by Mr. Ogden, with a large amount 
of war material, and his avowal not to have any thing to do with 
American difficulties. 

7th. The letters and correspondence of Sir James Douglas. 

8th. The positive statements of William McBean. 

9th. The statements of Vicar-General Brouillet. 

10th. The correspondence and letters of Bishop Blanchet. 

llth. The testimony they have produced in support of their claims. 

12th. The designs of the British government as indicated by James 
Edward Fitzgerald. 


13th. The sending of American immigrants from Fort Hall and 
Oregon to California. 


14th. The attempt to supply the Indians in the interior, by the aid 
of Romish priests, with a large amount of ammunition. 

15th. The implacable hatred implanted in the mind of the Indian 
against Americans, through the influence of the Hudson s Bay Com 
pany and the Jesuit missionaries brought to the country for that 

16th. The strict rules of the company, and the continued effort to 
enforce those rules to the destruction of life and property. 

We now come to the thoughts which originated and caused the fore 
going acts. 

These American missionaries have done more to defeat us, to settle 
the country, and defer the establishment of the boundary line, than all 
other efforts and causes combined. We must make another effort to 
destroy their influence, and drive them and their settlements from the 
country ; and thus secure it to the British crown, for the use of the 
company, at the risk of a war between the two countries. 

It will be remembered that Messrs. Lee, Parker, Whitman, Spalding, 
Gray, and other missionaries, had their passports from the Secretary 
of War of the United States, giving them permission to travel through, 
and settle as teachers in, the Indian country; and that all military 
officers and agents of the government were instructed to facilitate their 
efforts, and, if at any time it was necessary, afford them protection. 
These passports had been duly presented to the Hudson s Bay Com 
pany at Vancouver, and had the effect to prevent a direct effort to 
destroy or drive them from the country, as they had done to all who 
preceded them. 

Hence, an extra effort must be made to get rid of this American 
missionary influence, and the settlements they were gathering around 

We will now proceed, to give historical facts as connected with 

Two intelligent, jovial, yet bigoted priests had been brought to the 
country by the company. They had traveled all through it, and had 
actually discovered the pure silver and golden ores of the Rocky 
Mountains, and carried specimens to St. Louis and to Europe. These 
priests fully understood the licensed rights of the Hudson s Bay Com 
pany, and the efforts they were making to secure it to the British 
crown. They were also assured that, in case the American Protestant 
influence could be driven from it, the Papal would become the prevailing 
religion, as in California and Mexico. They knew that the English 


Episcopal effort was an early and utter failure, and that no renewed 
effort would be made in their behalf by the company, and that they 
were then using their influence to drive the Wesleyan missionaries 
from Moose Factory. Hence, they and their associates entered upon 
their work with a zeal and energy only equaled by him who was their 
first victim. 

F. N. Blanchet visited Canada, New York, and Rome, and was made 
Bishop of Oregon. His associate, P. J. De Smet, gathered his priests 
and nuns, returned to the country, and entered vigorously upon their 
missionary work, having the substantial aid of the Hudson s Bay 
Company, and the personal assistance of its members. Their churches, 
nunneries, and schools sprung up as if by magic in French Prairie, 
Oregon City, Vancouver, the Dalles, Umatilla, Pen d Oreille, Colville, 
and St. Marie. The Protestant missions in the country were greatly 
annoyed by the unreasonable and threatening conduct of the Indians 
about their stations. They were demanding unreasonable pay for the 
lands upon which the stations were located, and paying but little or 
no attention to their American teachers. The American missionaries 
were becoming disheartened and discouraged, and were beginning to 
abandon their stations. Rev. A. B. Smith, of the Nez Perce mission, 
Dr. Richmond, from Nasqualla, Rev. Messrs. Kone and Frost, from 
Clatsop, and Mr. Edwards had left the country. Rev. Daniel Lee, 
Rev. H. K. W. Perkins, Mr. Brewer, and Dr. Babcock, had all become 
dissatisfied, and thought they had found a plausible excuse for leaving. 
A simple statement of a man in the employ of the Hudson s Bay Com 
pany had more influence with them than their missionary vows and 
obligations to the churches that sent them out. 

They were not satisfied with leaving themselves, but made charges 
against the purest and best man of their number, simply because that, 
while he was absent from Oregon in 1838-9, influences were brought 
into the country by the company, with the intent to defeat them, and 
destroy all Protestant missions, applying the same policy to destroy 
the harmony and usefulness of the American missions, that they 
had used to destroy the power and influence of the Indian tribes ; 
which was to divide them up into factions, and get them to quar 
reling among themselves, as in the case of Rev. J. S. Griffin and party. 
This would destroy their influence, and help to break up their set 

The Rev. Mr. Hines, with all his wisdom, sound judgment, and 
experience, became, unwittingly, an important instrument and apolo 
gist in this deep-laid scheme to rid the country of Protestant mission 
aries and American settlements. He was led to join his influence 


against his truest and best friend, who is called home and superseded, 
and the mission stations abandoned and broken up. 

Mr. Hines, on pages 236-7 of his book, says : " With regard to the 
objections against Mr. Lee, arising from his not furnishing the Board 
with the desirable report concerning the disbursement of the large 
appropriations, it should be observed that no such charge of delin 
quency appears against him, up to the time of the appointment of the 
great re-enforcement." Dr. White was known to be a bitter enemy of 
Rev. Jason Lee, and a willing tool of the Hudson s Bay Company. 
Mr. Hines, as his book, and the letters he wrote to Dr. White and the 
Indian Department at Washington, show, was favorable to the pro 
ceedings and policy of Dr. White and the Hudson s Bay Company. 

We understand, through Rev. Mr. Geary, that Mr. Hines attributed 
to Mr. Lee s advice expenditures for buildings that were the pet objects 
of Mr. Hines himself; and thus Rev. J. Lee, to gratify the wish of 
others, yielded his own convictions of right, and in this way became 
an object of censure, which was the cause of his removal. The 
" changes inconceivably great with respect to the Indians of Oregon," 
which, Rev. Mr. Hines says " took place betwixt the time the great 
re-enforcement was called for, and the time of their arrival in the 
Columbia River," were brought to bear, and had their influence and 
effect, upon him, in his Umpqua missionary trip, in his trip to the 
interior, in his representations to his Missionary Board, in his opposi 
tion to the provisional government, and had their influence upon his 
missionary brethren. These men, Mr. Hines included, instead of 
studying the true interests of the country, their obvious duty to the 
churches that sent them out, and the cause they represented, were 
flattered and cajoled by the artful members of a foreign monopoly, and 
made to believe they had talents superior to the field in which they 
were placed by the influence and advice of the superintendent, Mr. 
Lee, forgetting the changes above intimated, and having no suspicions 
that a secret foreign influence was working to bring about the utter 
failure of their Indian missions ; nor supposing that the brightest and 
best talents would secure the most attention, and the surest effort to 
render them dissatisfied. 

The whole statement about Mr. Lee s recall, and the reasons assigned, 
appear to us to be unjust (though, perhaps, not intended) to the char 
acter of Mr. Lee. It was after the great re-enforcement spoken of, that 
the large expenditures referred to were made; hence, Mr. Hines 
excuse confirms the charge, and he only attempts to change the 
responsibility to another ; while Mr. Lee, like Dr. McLaughlin, is suf 
fered to fall by the influence of his professed friends. 


The Jesuit priests, co-laborers with the Hudson s Bay Company, 
did not hesitate to poison the minds of all who would listen to them 
against the Protestant missionaries and all their efforts ; neither did 
they hesitate as to the means, so long as a certain object was to be 
accomplished. Le Breton, Lee, and Whitman must fall by their 
influence. The character of others must suffer by. their malicious 
slanders and false statements. See Brouillet, pages 20 and 21, in which 
lie attempts to show that Dr. Whitman and others were in the habit 
of poisoning melons to prevent the Indians from stealing them, while 
the fact is, the Doctor encouraged the Indians to come and get mel 
ons to eat freely, in order to induce them to cultivate for themselves ; 
and we are certain that no one at the station at that time thought of 
putting poison into melons. 

As we said, we are reading thoughts by words and acts, so as to 
arrive at a correct conclusion as to the thought that caused the act. 

The American missionaries and settlements must be driven from the 
country. To do this, the Indians that have heretofore been kept at 
war among themselves, must now be united. Some changes must be 
made ; Grant, of the Hudson s Bay Company, must occupy Fort Hall, 
and do all he can to turn immigrants to California, and rob such as per 
sist in coming to Oregon. 

General Palmer says in his journal, page 43 : " While we remained 
at this place (Fort Hall) great efforts were made to induce the immigra 
tion to pursue the route to California. The most extravagant tales 
were related respecting the dangers awaiting a trip to Oregon, and 
the difficulties and trials to be surmounted. The perils of the way 
were so magnified as to make us suppose the journey to Oregon almost 
impossible. For instance, the two crossings of Snake River, and the 
crossings of the Columbia and other smaller streams, were represented 
as being attended with great danger. Also, that no company hereto 
fore attempting the passage of these streams, succeeded but with the 
loss of men, from the violence and rapidity of the currents, as also that 
they had never succeeded in getting more than fifteen or twenty head 
of cattle into the Wallamet Valley. 

" In addition to the above, it was asserted that three or four tribes 
of Indians in the middle regions had combined for the purpose of 
preventing our passage through their country. In case we escaped 
destruction at the hands of the savages, that a more fearful enemy 
famine would attend our march, as the distance was so great that 
winter would overtake us before making the Cascade Mountains. On 
the other hand, as an inducement to pursue the California route, we 
were informed of the shortness of the route when compared with 


that to Oregon, as also of the many other superior advantages it pos 

It is not our intention to go into the history of California, but give 
what strictly relates to Oregon and her people in those early times. 
In the paragraph we have quoted from General Palmer s journal, the 
reader will see a fiendish, a damning policy; and if our language 
has any severer terms to express evil motives and intentions, let him 
use them, as belonging to the course pursued by that organization 
yclept Honorable Hudson s Bay Company, in attempting to prevent 
the settlement of Oregon, and sending whole families to starve and 
perish, and become cannibals in the mountains of California, rather 
than tell the truth, and aid them in getting to Oregon ; as will be seen 
by the following extract from the Gold Hill (Nevada) JVews, concern 
ing the horrible sufferings of " The Donner Party :" 

"The world perhaps never produced a sadder and a truer story, 
nor one which will be so long remembered by many whose fortunes 
were cast on the Pacific slope in the early days of its settlement by 
the Americans. We personally knew one of the families that perished 
among the Donner party, and on reading the interesting letter in the 
Union it awakened in our memory a little incident in connection with 
this sad calamity, which happened in the State of Illinois twenty years 
ago last April. At that time we were publisher of a newspaper in 
Putnam County, Illinois. Oregon and California were beginning to 
attract the attention of the Western people ; and in the spring of 1846 
a party of about fifty persons, farmers with their families, and young 
men, was made up in that county destined for Oregon. When the day 
of departure arrived, the whole party assembled in a village called 
Magnolia to agree upon camp regulations, appointment of officers, etc. 
As a journalist, we attended that meeting and published a full account 
of its proceedings. Among the party was " Uncle Billy Graves " and 
his family, consisting of father, mother, two daughters, and a son, the 
ages of the children ranging from fifteen to twenty years. Uncle 
Billy Graves was a well-to-do farmer, with every thing comfortable 
about him ; and, having already reached the age of threescore, it was 
a matter of surprise to many that he should sell his farm and start off 
to make a new home in such a far-off and wild country as Oregon then 
was. But the country in Illinois was getting too thickly settled for 
the old man, and he longed for the wild adventures of the far west. lie 
pleaded and persuaded us to go with him, and to bring our office along, 
as Oregon would some day be a great country, and we would have the 
credit of having been the first to publish a newspaper in it. But cir 
cumstances over which we had no control prevented us, although we 


certainly had the will and the wish just as Uncle Billy Graves advised. 
We remained in Illinois, and the Graves family joined with the overland 
party for Oregon. Letters written by the party during the summer 
were published in our paper. The last one written by any of the 
Graves family was dated at Fort Laramie, and this was the last heard 
of the old farmer. He joined the Dormer party, which separated from 
the emigration to Oregon at Fort Hall, near the headwaters of the 
Columbia, and wending his way westward toward California, before 
its gold-fields were known in the world, he perished in the mountains, 
and his good old wife perished with him. The son and daughters of 
the Graves family were among the persons who were rescued by the 
relief party of sailors and others who were sent out by the benevolent 
Americans at Slitter s Fort and San Francisco. A long letter written 
by one of the Graves girls was published in our paper in the year 1847, 
and which contained a full and sad account of the awful sufferings of 
the party. We shall never forget the manuscript of the letter. It 
was blotted all over with the tears which the poor girl shed while 
describing the sufferings of her famishing parents, their death, and the 
flesh of their dead bodies furnishing food for their starving children! 
Horrible ! horrible ! Let the bleached bones and skulls of the Donner 
party be gathered together and decently buried, for they once belonged 
to good Christian people." 

The Indians also have become deeply interested in their schemes to 
prevent the settlement of the country. 

We are told by Mr. Hines, on page 143, that they sent one of their 
chiefs on snow-shoes, in the winter of 1842-3, to excite or induce 
the Buffalo Indians to join them to cut off the immigrants that were 
expected to come to the country with Dr. Whitman. 

Mr. McKinley, a professedly warm friend of Dr. Whitman, was 
removed from having charge of Fort Nez Perces, and William McBean, 
who (Mr. Roberts, an old clerk of the Hudson s Bay Company, says) 

" is one of the d dest scoundrels that ever lived," put in his place. 

The reader will not forget that we are speaking of events and move 
ments in a country where an Indian in a canoe or on horseback or 
snow-shoes was our swiftest messenger, and that its boundaries included 
what is now the State of Oregon, the Territories of Washington, Idaho, 
and Montana, besides Vancouver Island and British Columbia. 

The Hudson s Bay Company was a powerful and unscrupulous mon 
opoly, and the only representative of a vast empire on this western part 
of our continent. To possess the whole, or a valuable part of it, was an 
object worth using the influence they had spent years of labor and 
thousands (not millions, as they claim) of dollars to secure. 


The time has now arrived when all is at stake. The American 
missionary societies have accomplished what American commerce and 
fur traders have failed to do. The trouble is now between a " squaw- 
tocracy of British skin traders " and Italian and Belgian Jesuits on one 
side, and American missionaries and settlements on the other. The traders 
and Jesuits have nearly overcome the American missionary influence. 
The settlements are organized. The old policy to get rid of all opposi 
tion fur traders, destroy Indian influence, and break up missions, must 
be tried, to prevent and destroy the settlements. 

The tli oughts expressed in this chapter have carried us in advance 
of the date of culminating events ; hence, we must return, in order 
that we may bring them in the order of their occurrence. 


1844. The settlements alarmed. Indian attack. Death of Gr. W. Le Breton. Meeting 
at Mr. La Chapelle s. Volunteer company formed. The Modeste in the Columbia 
River. The Legislative Assembly. Names of the members. Peter H. Burnett. 
Mr. David Hill. Oregon social standard. M. M. McCarver. " Old Brass Gun." 
A. L. Lovejoy. Daniel Waldo. Thomas D. Keizer. Black act. Prohibitory 
liquor law. 

1844. March 9th of this year found our settlements alive and in 
great alarm.- The Indians in the vicinity of Oregon City had made an 
attack upon the town on the 4th instant, and three white men had been 
wounded and one Indian killed. G. W. Le Breton was wounded while 
attempting to take the Indian that commenced the attack, by a ball enter 
ing and breaking his arm, from the effect of which he died some twelve 
days after, and was buried at Vancouver, where he had been taken for 
surgical treatment. The other two received slight flesh wounds, 
although one proved fatal probably made by a poisoned arrow. The 
Indians commenced the fight in open day, and continued it till their 
leader was taken by Le Breton, after his arm was broken. 

The Indian was placed under guard, and, on attempting to make his 
escape, was killed. Those who were with him, and took part in the 
fight, fled into the thick wood back of the town, and escaped. 

This account, which we have received from other sources, will be 
seen to differ slightly from the one already given by Dr. White in his 
letter to the Secretary of War. 

A proclamation was issued by the Executive Committee, calling for 
an organization of the military forces in the settlement. It appears, 
from the record of those times, that but one company was organized in 
Champoeg District. The proceedings of that meeting, as noted by the 
writer, and signed by the secretary, gives the fullest account we have, 
and properly belongs to the history of the times. The attempt to de 
stroy the people and town at Wallamet Falls was made on the 4th of 
March ; the news was conveyed to the old mission and Salem on the 
5th ; notices were immediately sent to the American population to meet 
on the 9th, with arms, to organize for defensive or offensive measures. 
In the mean time, each individual and family took such precautionary 
measures as were thought advisable, keeping guard over their separate 
and individual possessions. Most of the French or Hudson s Bay Com- 


pany s servants showed no alarm on the occasion, and very few of them 
turned out, or paid any attention to the military call, though the meet 
ing was at the house of a Frenchman. 

The citizens of Champoeg having met on March 9, at the house of 
Mr. La Chapelle, in accordance with the proclamation issued, the meet 
ing was called to order by one of the Executive Committee, and the 
proclamation read. 

Upon the suggestion of the executive, W. H. Wilson was chosen 
chairman of this meeting, and T. D. Keizer, secretary. 

The object of the meeting was briefly explained by one of the Execu 
tive Committee, Hon. A. Beers, and the chairman. Information was 
called for concerning the depredations committed at Wallumet Falls on 
the 4th instant. 

Mr. Beers presented an official letter from Hon. D. Hill, one of the 
Executive Committee, which was read. Statements were made by Mr. 
Garrison respecting accounts received from other sources, and a letter 
was presented by the United States sub-Indian agent, from A. L. Love- 
joy, Esq., respecting the affair of the 4th, which was read. 

Statements were made by Hon. A. Beers concerning the steps they 
had taken, and the orders they had issued. 

On motion, the United States sub-Indian agent was requested to give 
his views and advice on the subject. He accordingly related his pro 
ceeding in reference to the matter ; said he was unprepared to give 
advice, or suggest what was best to be done in the present case. He 
was fully aware of the defenseless state of the colony and the dangers 
to which it was exposed. He knew the character of the Indian that 
was killed to-be of the vilest kind, and that he had threatened and 
attempted the lives of citizens before. The agent said he had made an 
unsuccessful attempt to take him, and have him punished by the Cay- 
uses, to avoid the danger that might result from the whites punishing 
him themselves. This renegade had attempted to induce the Indians at 
the falls to burn the town ; and, failing in this object, he returned 
across the river. The citizens attempted peaceably to take him, but in 
the affray three whites were wounded, and one Indian killed. The agent 
thought a more efficient organization of the Territory necessary. 

Some remarks w^ere made by W. H. Gray, and a resolution offered as 

Resolved, That in view of the facts presented, \ve deem it expedient 
to organize a volunteer company of mounted riflemen, to co-operate 
with other companies, to bring to justice all the Indians engaged in the 
affair of the 4th of March, and to protect our lives and property against 
any attempt at future depredations. 


Carried unanimously. Whereupon W. H. Gray presented some arti 
cles of compact as the basis of an organization of a volunteer company, 
which, on motion, and with warm expressions of approbation from the 
United States sub-Indian agent, were adopted, and immediately sub 
scribed to by nineteen volunteers. 

The articles of compact allowed the company to elect a captain, lieu 
tenant, and ensign, as soon as twelve men should be enlisted, so the 
company proceeded, by nomination, to elect their officers, to wit : For 
captain, T. D. Keizcr ; first lieutenant, J. L. Morrison ; for ensign, Mr. 
Cason. The captain gave notice to the company of his acceptance of 
the appointment, requesting them to meet at the Oregon Institute, 
armed and equipped, on the llth inst, for company drill. 

On motion, the following resolution was adopted, viz. : 

Resolved, That this meeting recommend to our fellow-citizens of this 
Territory, to organize volunteer companies in their respective districts 
forthwith ; and to rendezvous at the Oregon Institute, on Saturday, the 
23d instant, at 12 M. 

Moved, that the proceedings of this meeting be signed by the chair 
man and secretary, and as much of them as is deemed proper be trans 
mitted to other districts. Carried. 

On motion, adjourned. 

W. H. WILSON, Chairman. 
T. D. KEIZER, Secretary. 

It will be seen by Dr. White s statement, that the Indian killed was 
a renegade from the Cayuse or upper country Indians. He was doing 
all he could to excite the Indians and get them to join in a general 
combination to destroy the American settlements in the Wallamet Val 
ley. Dr. White, as he stated to the meeting, had now reached the utmost 
limit of his authority and influence. He knew not what to do. He was 
too big a coward to propose any bold measure, and too mean to be 
trusted by the settlers ; hence, if the reader will carefully study the 
proceedings of this meeting, he will find a firm and steady influence, on 
the part of the settlers, leading on through all the dangers and excite 
ments of the occasion. The proposed company was at once organized 
and elected its officers. Gray accepted the office of first sergeant in 
the company, which was soon filled up and drilled, and all were mounted 
on good horses. This soon became known throughout the settlements, 
and had the effect to frighten the Indians and keep them quiet, so that 
no further disturbance was made in the settlements of the Wallamet. 
It also had the effect to secure in the Columbia River the presence of 
the Modeste, a war vessel of the English government, which became 


absolutely necessary (ironically speaking) to protect the property and 
interests of the Hudson s Bay Company from the threatened depreda 
tions of the Indians about their posts at Vancouver, as they were rep 
resented to be becoming far more hostile than formerly. The company 
had found that, since the Americans began to settle in the country, 
these Indians had become more dangerous and hostile to them ; and as 
their people were scattered more extensively over the Indian country, 
it was absolutely necessary to have their principal depot more strongly 
fortified and protected, not against Indians, for they, by the course 
already pursued by that company, were fast melting away. Their 
country had been " hunted up " and made destitute of fur-producing 
animals by the advanced prices they had given in 1838-40, and now 
starvation was their their only portion, unless the American settlers 
would share with them what the} produced from the soil. This Indian 
difficulty was only an attempt to bring on an Indian war in the Walla- 
met to see how strong the settlements were, what means of protection 
they possessed, and what their offensive measures were likely to be. 

This opened the eyes of Sir James Douglas to the natural weakness 
of Fort Vancouver. The Modeste was ordered to the river, and other 
preparations were made to defend that establishment from an attack of 
the American settlers. They found from the results of what occurred on 
the 4th of March, that there was a real substantial power in the country, 
and an influence of combination that they did not dream of; hence 
they found themselves, with all their Indian combinations, the weaker 

We will now leave the Honorable Hudson s Bay Company under the 
protection of the guns of her Majesty s ship Modeste, the fort being 
repaired, bastions built, and all other protective and defensive measures 
completed, while we look after the election and proceedings of the 
Legislative Assembly of 1844. 

The members elected from Tualatin District (since divided into 
Washington, Multnomah, Columbia, Clatsop, and Tilamook counties) 
were Peter H. Burnett, David Hill, M. M. McCarver, and Mr. Gil- 

Clackamas District, including all of Washington Territory, Idaho, 
Montana, and half of the eastern part of the State of Oregon, was 
represented by A. L. Lovejoy. Champoeg District, including Marion, 
Linn, Baker, Douglas, and Jackson counties, was represented by Daniel 
Waldo, from Missouri, Thomas D. Keizer, from Arkansas, and Robert 
Newell, from the Rocky Mountains. 

Peter H. Burnett was a lawyer from Missouri, who came to Oregon 
to seek his fortune, as well as a religion that would pay the best, ahd 


give him the most influence ; which in the Legislative Committee was 
sufficient to induce that body to pay no attention to any organic law 
or principle laid down for the government of the settlements. In fact, 
he asserted that there were no constitutional provisions laid down or 
adopted by the people in general convention at Champoeg the year pre 
vious. Mr. Burnett was unquestionably the most intelligent lawyer 
then in the country. He was a very ambitious man smooth, deceit 
ful, and insinuating in his manners. 

On motion of Mr. Lovejoy (another lawyer), the several members 
were excused from producing their credentials, and on motion of the 
same gentleman, the house proceeded to elect a Speaker. M. M. Mc- 
Carver was duly elected. 

The journal of the proceedings of this Legislative Committee shows 
that no regard was paid to any previous laws, or constitutional 

David Hill, of Tualatin District, was from Ohio. He was a tall, slim 
man, of sallow complexion, black hair, with strong prejudices, having 
no regard for reli gion or morality. He left an interesting wife and 
family in Ohio, and passed himself off in Oregon for a widower or 
bachelor. He was favorable to all applications for divorces, and mar 
ried a second wife, as near as we could learn, before he obtained a 
divorce (if he ever did) from his first wife. He early took an active 
part in the provisional government, and was a decided opponent of 
the Hudson s Bay Company, as also of all missionary efforts in the 
country. This rendered him popular among the settlers, and secured 
his election as a representative for that district for several years, 
although his education was quite limited. As a citizen he was gen 
erally respected. Though intimately acquainted with two of his sons, 
we could never learn that he was any thing but kind and affectionate 
as a husband and father. The fact of his leaving a wife and young 
family in Ohio, coming to Oregon, and remaining for years without 
making any provision for them, is evidence of guilt in some one. The 
friends of his wife and family spoke of them as being highly esteemed 
by all who knew them. But it is of his public acts, as connected with 
the history of Oregon, that we wish particularly to speak. 

The social standard adopted by the people of Oregon was peculiarly 
adapted to favor men of Mr. Hill s morality, and aid them in rising 
from the effect of any former misconduct they may have been guilty 
of in any other country. This standard was, to receive as fellow- 
citizens all who came among us ; to ignore their former actions, and 
give them a chance to start anew, and make a name and character in 
the country. 


There must be something noble and generous in a people occupying 
a new and wild country, as Oregon was in those days, that would lead 
them to adopt a standard for common action and citizenship, so pecu- 
liary republican and in accordance with the most liberal and enlight 
ened Christianity. To this spirit of toleration and benevolence must 
be attributed, under an all-wise Providence, the complete success and 
stability of the first civil government formed on this coast. Hence, as 
we have before said, we shall deal with men, morals, and politics as 
they belonged to Oregon at the time of which we are writing. 

M. M. McCarver, from having acted as commissary in the Black 
Hawk war, in Iowa, was called General. This title secured to him 
considerable influence, and many favors from the Hudson s Bay Com 
pany. General McCarver was a man of common education, making 
large pretension to, political knowledge, without much judgment or 
understanding of political economy. He was an intolerable debater, 
and acquired, among the lobby members of the Legislature, the name 
of " Old Brass Gun" In his political course, he Strove hard for 
popularity, and attempted to secure places of honor for personal pro 
motion. He was what would be considered a Simon Pure pro-slavery 
Democrat. Like the silly moth in the fable, he fluttered around the 
shadow of Dr. White, the sub-Indian agent, and assisted him in insult 
ing the Legislative Committee of 1845, arid attempted to get his name 
before the Congress of the United States as an important and influen 
tial man, which was divulged and defeated by another member of the 
same committee, though in a cow r ardly and dishonorable manner. We 
are not aware that General McCarver ever originated any important 
measure, or performed any extensive or important service in the 
conntry. His political schemes were generally so supremely selfish 
that they died still-born. 

Mr. Gilmore, from the same district, was a substantial farmer. He 
neither said or did much, and but little is known of him. 

A. Lawrence Lovejoy, formerly from Massachusetts, was a man of 
medium size, light complexion, light hair, rather impetuous and dog 
matical in his conversation. He crossed the mountains with the 
immigration of 1842 to Dr. Whitman s station; from that place he 
attempted to return to the United States with Dr. Whitman. As 
near as we can learn, he became utterly exhausted by the time they 
reached Bent s Fort on the Arkansas River, and was left there by the 
Doctor. In the summer of 1843 he returned to Oregon and pursued 
his professjon of law. In Oregon he has always acted with the radical 
Democratic party, rather doubtfully on the pro-slavery platform. He 
was the first regular nominee for governor of Oregon. George Aber- 


nethy, the secular agent of the Methodist Mission, was run as an 
independent candidate, and, with the assistance of Peter H. Burnett^ 
Mr. Russell, and his friends, who bolted the general convention, was 
elected governor, though at the time he was on a visit to the Sandwich 
Islands. A large number of political friends still adhered to Mr. Love- 
joy, and made a second attempt to elect him governor. Mr. Abcr- 
nethy was again the opposing candidate. It appeared in the canvass 
of that year, that the Hudson s Bay Company generally voted for Mr. 
Lovejoy ; but the personal kindness of Mr. Abernethy to a priest 
traveling up the Wallamet, induced him to tell his people to vote for 
Mr. Abernethy, and by this vote he was elected, although a fair 
majority of the votes of the American settlers was given for Mr. 
Lovejoy. Mr. Lovejoy, like many of us, leaves but little usefulness or 
philanthropy to record, that his talents and position should have led 
him to aspire to. As a citizen and neighbor, he is kind and obliging, 
as a lawyer not above mediocrity, and it is generally understood that he 
makes no pretensions to religion. 

Daniel Waldo, formerly of Missouri, was a plain, substantial farmer, 
and the first man who ventured to experiment upon the hills, or upland 
portions of Oregon. He had owned extensive tracts of land on the 
banks of the Missouri, a large portion of which had been washed away 
by the floods, which cause continual changes along the banks of that 
river. In coming to Oregon, he had made up his mind to take the hills, 
if there were any in the country. He did so, and has proved by his 
experiment the value of a large portion of country that was before 
considered worthless for cultivation. From the time Mr. Waldo 
arrived in the country he became an enthusiastic admirer of Oregon. 
Soon after he had located in the hills bearing his name, an old ac 
quaintance of his, and also of his brother in Missouri, came to Oregon 
on a visit, and was about to return to the States. He paid Mr. Waldo 
a visit, and after chatting awhile and looking over his farm, on which 
we could not see a single rail, except a few he had in a corral, his 
friend (Colonel Gilpin) said to him : " What shall I say for you, to your 
brother in Missouri ?" " Tell him," said Waldo, " that I would not 
give the bare idea of owning a section of land in Oregon for all I own 
in Missouri [which was then two sections, 1,280 acres], and that I 
would not give a section of land here for the whole State of Missouri." 
Such men gave a good report of Oregon, and it is to such that the 
country is indebted for her stability and prosperity. Mr. Waldo s ex 
periment has shown the capacity of the country for settlement to be 
more than double what it was previously considered, and while some 
of those who laughed at him and called him an enthusiast have had 


their farms, cattle, and houses swept away by floods, he has remained 
in the hills uninjured and secure. 

Thomas D. Keizer, from Arkansas. Of this man s early history we 
have learned but little. It seems that, for some cause, he and his 
family were compelled to leave the State. Their story is that a gang 
of counterfeiters was exposed by them, and in consequence of their 
becoming informers they were surrounded by a mob and compelled to 
leave. On first arriving in the country they were not scrupulous as to 
the rights of their neighbors, or those of the Oregon Institute, or mis 
sion claims. They found themselves comfortably housed in the first 
buildings of the Oregon Institute, and occupied them till it suited 
their pleasure to leave, and to find other quarters upon land claimed by 
the mission. As was to be expected, Mr. Keizer was inclined to do 
all he could to curtail the mission and Institute claims, he being the 
gainer by curtailing the claims of others. As a politician, he consid 
ered all little dirty tricks and slanders against an opponent justifiable. 
In religion he professed to be a Methodist. 

Robert Newell has been previously described. 

Such being the composition of the Legislative Committee of Oregon 
in 1844, it is not surprising that interests of classes and cliques should 
find advocates, and that the absolute wants of the country should be 
neglected. The whole time of the session seems to have been taken 
up in the discussions of personal bills. The question of convention of 
the people was before this session and was lost. 

There was one inhuman act passed by this Legislative Committee, 
which should stamp the names of its supporters with disgrace and 
infamy. We find its inception recorded on the 25th of July, the sixth 
day of the session. 

On motion, the rules were suspended for the special purpose of 
allowing Hon. P. H. Burnett to introduce a bill for the prevention 
of slavery in Oregon, without giving previous notice ; which was 
received and read first time. It was read a second time next day in 
the forenoon, and in the afternoon of the same day the bill to prevent 
slavery in Oregon, and for other purposes, was read a third time, and 
on the question, "Shall the bill pass?" the yeas and nays were de 
manded, when the vote stood : yeas, Burnett, Gilmore, Keizer, Waldo, 
Newell, and Mr. Speaker McCarver 6 ; nays, Lovejoy and Hill 2. 

The principal provisions of this bill were, that in case a colored man 
was brought to the country by any master of a vessel he must give 
bonds to take him away again or be fined, and in case ilie negro was 
found, or came here from any quarter, the sheriff was to catch him 
and flog him forty lashes at a time, till he left the country. 


These six Solons, who got up and carried through this measure, did 
it for the good of the black man of course, as one of the first principles 
laid down by the people the year previous in the organic law, and 
unanimously carried, was : " That slavery, except for the punishment 
of crime, whereof the parties shall have been previously convicted, 
shall never be tolerated." 

The principles of Burnett s bill made it a crime for a white man to 
bring a negro to the country, and a crime for a negro to come vol 
untarily ; so that, in any case, if he were found in the country, he was 
guilty of a crime, and punishment or slavery was his doom. 

Mr. Burnett claimed great credit for getting up a prohibitory liquor 
law, and made several speeches in favor of sustaining it, that being a 
popular measure among a majority of the citizens. 

At the adjourned session in December, we find the executive urging 
the Legislative Committee to adopt measures to secure the permanent 
interests and prosperity of the country, also to amend their act relative 
to the corporal punishment of the blacks, and again urging the calling 
of a convention of the people. 


Message of the Executive Committee. Observations on the message. Generosity of 
the Hudson s Bay Company. The Methodist Mission. The Oregon Printing-press 
Association. George Abernethy, Esq. 

To the Honorable the Legislative Committee of Oregon: 

GENTLEMEN, As the expectation of receiving some information from 
the United States relative to the adjustment of the claims of that 
government and of Great Britain upon this country, was the principal 
cause of the adjournment of this assembly from June last to this day, 
we feel it our duty to communicate such information as we have been 
able to collect on the subject, and likewise to recommend the adoption 
of further measures for the promotion and security of the interests of 

The lines defining the limits of the separate claims of the United 
States and Great Britain to this portion of the country had not been 
agreed upon when our latest advices left the United States, and as far 
as we can learn, the question now stands in the same position as before 
the convention in London, in 1818. At that time, the United States 
government proposed to draw the division line on the forty-ninth par 
allel of north latitude from the Lake of the Woods to the Pacific 
Ocean. To this Great Britain would only consent in part, that the 
line should run on the forty-ninth parallel from the Lake of the Woods 
to the dividing ridge of the Rocky Mountains; and it was finally 
agreed upon, between the parties, that all the country lying west of the 
Rocky Mountains, and on the Pacific Ocean, should, with its harbors, 
bays, and rivers, remain open for ten years to the vessels, subjects, or 
citizens of both countries. But it was at the same time expressly 
understood, that the said agreement was not to be construed to 
affect or prejudice the claims of either party, or any other power, to 
any portion of said country. Before this agreement expired, another 
convention was held in London, in 1827, by the two contracting powers, 
by which the former treaty was extended, with the provision, that 
when either of the parties thought fit, after the 20th of October, 1828, 
to abrogate the convention, they were at liberty to do so, by giving 
twelve months notice to the other contracting party ; but nothing in 
the treaty of 1827 was to be construed so as to affect, in any manner, 


the claims which either of the contracting parties, or any other power, 
might have to any of the country lying west of the Rocky Mountains. 

The subject has again been called up for investigation by the two 
powers, and a negotiation was begun at Washington in the early part 
of the present year, but was for the time being suspended on account 
of a disagreement between the parties ; and notice of the abrogation of 
the convention of 1827 had not been given by either party when our 
latest information left the United States. And we find that after all the 
negotiations that have been carried on between the United States and 
Great Britain relative to settling their claims to this country, from 
October, 1818, up to May, 1844, a period of nearly twenty-six years, 
the question remains in the following unsettled position, viz. : 

Neither of the parties in question claim exclusive right to the country 
lying west of the Rocky Mountains, between the parallels of forty-two 
degrees and fifty-four degrees forty minutes north latitude, and border 
ing on the Pacific Ocean ; but one claims as much right as the other, 
and both claim the right of joint occupancy of the whole without pre 
judice to the claims of any other state or power to any part of said 

We have submitted to you this information, gentlemen of the Assem 
bly, for two reasons : 

1st. To correct an error that occurred in our last communication to 
this body relative to the claims of the United States and Great Britain 
to this country. 

2d. That you may bear in mind, while legislating for the people of 
Oregon, the position in which this country stands with regard to those 

We would advise that provision be made by this body for the fram 
ing and adoption of a constitution for Oregon, previous to the next 
annual election, which may serve as a more thorough guide to her 
officers, and a more firm basis of her laws. It should be constructed in 
such a manner as would best suit the local situation of the country, and 
promote the general interests of the citizens, without interfering with 
the real or pretended rights of the United States or Great Britain, 
except when the protection of life and property actually require it. 

We would suggest for your information that this government has 
now in its possession notes given by different individuals residing in 
the country, amounting to x $3,734.26, most of which are already due. 
These notes are a balance in favor of Ewing Young, of Oregon, de 
ceased, intestate, A. D. 1840, after all legal dues, debts, and damages are 
paid, that have come to the knowledge of the administrator or Probate 
Courts of Oregon up to this date. We would, therefore, advise that 


these claims should be collected and appropriated to the benefit of the 
country, the government being at all times responsible for the payment 
of them to those who may hereafter appear to have a legal right to the 

We would agnin call your attention to a measure recommended in 
our last communication, to wit, the expediency of making provision for 
the erection of a public jail in this country. Although the community 
has suffered very little as yet for the want of such a building, and per 
haps another year might pass without its being occupied, which it is 
hoped may be the case, yet we are assured that it is better policy to have 
the building standing without a tenant than a tenant without the build 
ing. And in order to promote industry and the peace and welfare of 
the citizens of Oregon, this government must be prepared to discounte 
nance indolence, and check vice in the bud. 

We would now recommend to your consideration the propriety of 
making provision for filling public offices which now are or may become 
vacant by resignation or otherwise, previous to the next annual election. 

We would recommend that the act passed by this assembly in June 
last, relative to blacks and mulattoes, be so amended as to exclude 
corporal punishment, nnd require bonds for good behavior in its stead. 

We consider it a highly important subject that the executive of this 
government should have laws which may direct them in settling mat 
ters relative to lands reserved by Indians, which have been, or may 
hereafter be, settled upon by whites. 

We would also recommend that provisions be made for the support 
of lunatics and insane persons in Oregon. 

With regard to the state of the treasury, we would refer you to the 
treasurer s report to this Assembly. 

We are informed that the number of immigrants who have come to 
this country from the United States during the present year amounts 
to upward of seven hundred and fifty persons. 

We would recommend that the act passed last June, defining the 
northern boundaries of Tualatin and Clatsop counties, be so explained as 
not to conflict with the act passed in this Assembly in June, 1843, 
extending the limits of Oregon to fifty-four degrees forty minutes north 

And we would suggest, in conclusion, that to preserve the peace, 
good order, and kind feeling, which have hitherto existed among the 
inhabitants of this country, depends very much upon the calm and 
deliberate judgment of this Assembly, and we sincerely hope that 
Oregon, by the special aid of Divine Providence may set an unpre 
cedented example to the world of industry, morality, and virtue. 


And although we may now be. unknown as a state or power, yet we 
have the advantages, by the united efforts of our increasing population, 
in a diligent attention to agriculture, arts, and literature, of attaining, 
at no distant day, to as conspicuous an elevation as any State or power 
on the continent of America. 

But in order to carry this important measure, and arise to that dis 
tinguished station, it becomes the duty of every citizen of this country 
to take a deep interest in its present and future welfare. 

As descendants of the United States and Great Britain, we should 
honor and respect the countries which gave us birth ; and, as citizens 
of Oregon, we should, by a uniform course of proceeding, and a strict 
observance of the rules of justice, equity, and republican principles, 
without party distinction, use our best endeavors to cultivate the kind 
feeling, not only of our native countries, but of all the powers or states 
with whom we may have intercourse. 


Executive Committee of Oregon. 

Dated, WALLAMET FALLS, Dec. 16, 1844. 

To the honor of the country, Peter H. Burnett s negro- whipping law 
was never enforced in a single instance, against a white or black man, 
as no officer of the provisional government felt it incumbent upon him 
self to attempt to enforce it. 

The proposed constitutional revision was also strongly recommended 
by the Executive Committee, and the Legislative Committee went 
through the farce of calling a convention, and increased the number of 
representatives, and called it a Legislature. In fact, the \vhole pro 
ceedings seemed only to mix up and confuse the people ; so much so, 
that some doubted the existence of any legal authority in the country, 
and the leading men of the immigration of 1843 denounced the organ 
ization as a missionary arrangement to secure the most valuable farming 
lands in the country. 

The Hudson s Bay Company, under the guidance of James Douglas 
and P. S. Ogden, carried forward their plans and arrangements by 
placing men at their posts along the line of the immigrant route, who 
were doing all they could, by misrepresentation and falsehood, to deceive 
and rob those who were journeying to this country. 

But, says the sycophant, the early settlers of Oregon are greatly 
indebted to the Hudson s Bay Company for supplies of goods and pro 
visions sent to aid the starving immigrants. General Palmer tells us 
(page 42) that flour at Fort Hall, when he came along, was twenty dol- 


lars per one hundred pounds ; cnttle were from five to twelve dollars per 
head. They could not be prevailed upon to receive any thing in 
exchange for their goods or provisions, except cattle or money. 

Two to four cows, or two yoke of oxen for a hundred pounds of flour 
is great generosity, and renders the man who gives his last cow or ox 
to the company, under great obligations ; as much so as the early settlers 
and the company s servants were in taking care of their cattle for the 
little milk they could get from them, the company claiming the cow 
and increase, and pay for any animal lost. This was Hudson s Bay 
Company s generosity to the early settlers ! 

They found that through the influence of Burnett, Newell, Pomeroy, 
and a few other Americans, they could accomplish more than by direct 
opposition, and therefore began to change their course, and manifest 
approval of the provisional government ; so much so, that Ermatinger, 
a member of the company, was elected treasurer in 1845, in opposition 
to P. Foster, who served in 1844. 

During the summer of 1844, Rev. George Geary arrived in the country, 
" clothed with discretionary power," and had the destiny of missionaries, 
laymen, property, and all, put into his hands. He superseded Mr. Lee. 
Mr. Hines returned from the Sandwich Islands, and they proceeded at 
once to dispose of the missionaries and property of the Methodist 

The stations at Clatsop, Nasqualla, and the Dalles were given up. 
That at the Dalles was sold to the American Board, that on Clatsop to 
Rev. J. L. Parish, while the station at Nasqualla was abandoned by 
Rev. J. P. Richmond, who, with Rev. Messrs. Kone and Frost, had be 
come dissatisfied with their Indian missionary labors, and returned to 
the States. Rev. Messrs. D. Lee and H. K. W. Perkins, Dr. Babcock, 
and Mr. Brewer had all made up their minds to leave the country. 

These missionaries, having enlisted in a cause surrounded, at the time 
of their engagements, with all the romance of early missionary life in 
the far west, as soon as they reached their field of labor, had found that 
romance and real life among the Indians did not accord with the feel 
ings of their proud and supremely selfish hearts. They were not satis 
fied with silently withdrawing from the country, and encouraging others 
more capable and better adapted to the missionary work to come to it ; 
but they joined with Dr. White, a bitter enemy of Rev. J. Lee, and suc 
ceeded in obtaining the latter gentleman s removal from the superin- 
tendency, and, through Rev. Messrs. Geary and Hines, the abandon 
ment of their Indian mission. 

As an outside eye-witness of these transactions, we will state frankly 
our impressions as to the general closing up of the Methodist missionary 


labors among the Indians. The special and general watchfulness of the 
Hudson s Bay Company, and their influence over the leading members 
of the mission, and the effort they made to counteract the moral and 
civil improvement of the Indians, was brought to bear both directly and 
indirectly upon the superior and subordinate members, the same as it 
had been upon the members of the missions of the American Board, and 
caused a division in sentiment as to the usefulness and results of mission 
ary labor, and thus crippled their efforts, and caused many of them to 
join with Dr. White, and complain of Superintendent Lee, as an excuse 
to abandon the missionary work. 

While these influences were working their intended results upon all 
the American missionaries, the Jesuits, having explored the country, 
under the patronage and by the assistance of the Hudson s Bay Com 
pany, were making extensive preparations to occupy it with their mis 
sionaries, who were then being collected, and sent from Belgium and 
Canada to Oregon, under the direction of that arch-Jesuit, P. J. De 
Smet, and Bishop Blanchet. 

By the time they arrived, the Methodist Indian missions were all 
disposed of; thus enabling the Jesuits to fix their undivided attention 
and combine their united influence against the missions of the American 
Board, which all admitted were accomplishing a noble work among the 
tribes of their charge. 

As Mr. Fitzgerald says : " But the company not only get rid of mis 
sionaries as soon as they can do so without dangerous unpopularity, but 
they obstruct them in the performance of their duties while in the 
country." (See page 189 of his work.) 

This opposition to the missionaries was not caused by the Indians, 
but the personal opposition of the company, as proved by Sir J. Felly s 
answer to the question, " Have you found a disposition on the part of 
the natives to receive moral and religious instruction." "Very great. 
There were a couple of young lads sent from the Columbia District, 
to whom the names of Pelly and Garry were given ; these lads were 
revered by the natives, when they returned, for the religious instruc 
tions they were enabled to give." (See page 195, of the work above 

One Congregational and five Methodist ministers have left the coun 
try with their families. Five Jesuit priests and as many nuns are com 
ing to it. Eight hundred emigrants are plodding their way over the 
mountains and plains with ox-teams, to find a home in this country. 
The sub-Indian agent has worked himself quiet. The Indians are 
waiting orders, watching the immigration, and getting ready to strike 
at the proper time. 


Mr. Lease had brought a band of five hundred head of California 
cattle to the country and disposed of most of them to the Hudson s 
Bay Company. 

The Oregon Printing-Press Association was formed, and about 
eighty shares, at $10 each, were subscribed, and the money sent to 
New York for press, type, and paper, by George Abernethy, Esq., 
who, after the provisional organization in 1843, became a valuable sup 
porter of all the best interests of the country. His integrity of charac 
ter, consistent piety, and unbounded generosity, but few will question. 
From his position, and connection with the Methodist Mission, he has 
Buffered much pecuniary loss, from men who were ever ready to take 
undue advantage of a confiding and generous disposition. 

As a public officer he always held a negative position, the tendency 
of which was to hold all in suspense, and wait for some future action, 
or to be carried forward by events that might occur. He could not be 
called a leader in any civil, religious, or political measure, yet he truly 
represented, in his public capacity, the organization of which he was a 
member. So far as he was capable, he held in abeyance all laws and 
measures, to what he considered would be the policy of the United 
States government at some future time. The natural result of this 
position was, to accomplish nothing definitely. Hence we find in all 
his public acts, this tender spirit, and want of decided action. 

Mr. Hines started for the United States by way of China. The 
property of the Methodist Mission was distributed, and the settlers 
had increased ; while the Hudson s Bay Company were busily prepar 
ing to defend their assumed rights by arming their forts and Indians 
in a manner so as not to excite suspicion, or alarm the American settle 


Dr. White s report. Sei7,ure and destruction of a distillery. Homicide of Joel Turnham 
State of the Territory. Trials of Dr. White. The liquor law. Revenue act 
Case of the negro Saul. The Indians kill an ox. Other Indian difficulties. Indian 
expedition to California, Death of the Indian Elijah. State of the Territory. 
Claim of the Hudson s Bay Company on the north bank of the Columbia. Letter 
of Peter H, Burnett. The Nez Perces and Cayuses. Extract from the report of 
the United States Senate, 

WE give the following extracts from Dr. White s Indian report and 
proceedings in Oregon, that the reader may be informed as to what he 
claimed to be his influence, and also the way he maneuvered with the 
Indians and settlers ; with his full account of the killing of the young 
Indian Elijah in California. 

The letters from the different missionaries show the condition of the 
American missions at the time. Mr. Lee and the Jesuit missionaries 
did not deem him the proper agent to report to. Notwithstanding, in 
his report, given in a previous chapter, he attributes to the Jesuit mis 
sionaries improvements wholly made by the Americans, not from igno 
rance of the fact, but from personal prejudice. 

It will be seen that the committee in Congress, to whom his report 
and petition was referred, deemed it equitable and just on general 
principles, and allowed it. 

WALLAMET, November 4, 1844. 

SIR, The Hudson s Bay ship Columbia sailing in a few days, via 
Sandwich Islands, for England, by the politeness of her owners I have 
the honor of again addressing you, and certainly under circumstances 
most favorable and gratifying. 

Since my last, forwarded in March, aside from two or three incidents 
of an unpleasant nature, the colony and country have been in a state 
of unusual quietness, and the season has been one of great prosperity. 

The legislative body, composed of nine members, met on the 24th of 
May, at the falls at Wallamet, and closed their short but effective ses 
sion in nine days ; having passed, in due form, twenty-five bills, most 
of which were of importance to us in the regulation of our intercourse. 
A few of these law r s I transmit to you, and would here remark, the 
taxes were in general cheerfully paid. The liquor bill is popular, and 
the laws of Oregon are honored. 


The Liquor act not coming in force under sixty days from its passage, 
a few individuals (having clandestinely prepared, before its passage) 
improved this favored moment to dispose of all they could with any 
hopes of safety; Of this I was immediately notified, and hastened in 
from the Tualatin Plains, all the mischief, " as heretofore," being done 
in and about the town at the falls of the Wallamet. 

Liquor was in our midst, as was but too manifest from the noisy, 
vulgar, obscene, and even diabolical expressions of those who had pre 
viously ever conducted themselves in a quiet and orderly manner. 

This was perplexing and exciting, as all professed ignorance ; and 
many opinions prevailed regarding the amount manufactured, and tho 
number interested, and especially regarding the seat of mischief or 
point where distilled. 

I resolved, at whatever danger or cost, to nip this in the bud, pro 
cured the call of a public meeting at once, and bad the happiness to re 
ceive the following expression from all but one convened : 

" Resolved, That it be the sense of this meeting, that Dr. White, in 
his official relation, take such assistance as he may require, and forth 
with search out and destroy all intoxicating liquor that