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THE 


HISTORY OF THE POPES, 


FROM THE CLOSE OF THE MIDDLE AGES. 


DRAWN FROM THE SECRET ARCHIVES OF THE VATICAN AND OTHER 
ORIGINAL SOURCES, 


FROM THE GERMAN OF 


De LUDWIG PASTOR, 


PROFESSOR OF HISTORY IN THE UNIVERSITY OF INNSBRUCK. 


EDITED BY 
FREDERICK IGNATIUS ANTROBUS 


OF THE ORATORY, 





VOLUME VI. 





SECOND EDITION. 


B. HERDER, 
37 SOUTH BROADWAY, ST. LOUIS, MO. 


1902, 





CONTENTS OF VOL. VI. 


PAGE 
Table of Contents 2. viiexxvi 
List of Unpublished Documents in Appendix. | xxvii-xxx 

BOOK I. ALExanpER VI, 1492-1503. 

Savonarola and Alexander VIE. 5 swe +54 
Alexander VI. and LouisXI. . 0. 0. ws 85-69 
Louis XII. in Milan. se 70-84 
Alexander VI, and the War against the Turks. . 85-102 
The States of the Church and the Borgia... =. 103-141 
Alexander VI.’s action in the Church . . . + 142-164 
Alexander VI. asa Patronof AS... 165-181 


BOOK IL. Pius HL, 1503. Jutivs IL, 1503-1513. 


‘The Conelaves of September and November, 1503. 185-231 
Disputes with Venice . : . 232-258 
Subfigation-of Pempisand Bologna. 4.3. x azeeSe 
The Political Situation between 1507 and 1509 . + 290-320 
WarsinItly . 2... +e 321-365 
The Holy League. . +e 366-404 
Annihilation of the Power of France in nly 2. 405-454 
Julius I. and Art oe +e 455-502 
Julius II. and Michael Angelo ee eee §03-539 
Raphael and the Vatican Stanze. . . .  « §40-607 
Appendix of Unpublished T Documents .. . . 611-659 
Index of Names . oe e+ 661-670 


85018 


TABLE OF CONTENTS OF VOLUME VI. 


BOOK I. 
CHAPTER I. 
SAVONAROLA AND ALEXANDER VI. 
ro PAGE 
1495 The hope of reform centred in Savonarola 4 


3 
The moral revolution in Florence afte) AS 
His sermons become more political. . | . 4 
His numerous enemies in Florence . 4 
His passionate advocacy of the French alliance . 4 
And denunciation of the Medici and their adherents. 5 
‘The Pope summons Savonarola to Rome . 5 
He excuses himself from coming on the ground of 

expediency. s 6 
The Pope forbids Savonarola to preach % 6 
And orders the Convent of S. Marco to be reunited to 

the Lombard Congregation 6 
Savonarola acknowledges the duty of submission | 6 
But defends himself, especially as to the reunion with 

the Lombard Friars . 7 
The Pope yields this point, but forbids Savonarola to 

preach. 8 
Piero de’ Medici attempts to return to Florence | 9 
Savonarola’s sermons against him, before the arrival 

of the Pope's Brief. age Ley 
His negotiations with the ‘Duke of Ferrara s 
The Signoria fail to obtain permission from the Pope 


for Savonarola’s preaching. . 10 
1496 Savonarola resumes his sermons by their command | or 
His first Lenten sermon, in defence of his conduct . 12 
His following sermons, against the vices of Rome . 12 


Moderation and patience of Alexander VI... | 13 


1496 


1497 


493 


TABLE OF CONTENTS. 


ES I ar rn Rare 
‘The tps paint ter! Dominican Soogresntion 


Unconditional refusal of Savonarola . 
The et endeavours to detach Florence from the 
suet Lenten sermons in 1497 
jis friends alienated by their violence 
Dirurbonces in Florence . 
Savonarola’s letter to the Pope 
Excommunication of faaneck by the Pope : 
Efforts of the Florentine Ambassador to obtain the 
withdrawal of the Brief  . . 
‘Savonarola’s letter of defiance . 
‘The Pope determines to persevere in ' the excommuni- 


Reeds of Savonarols who celebrates Mass on 
And eetine to resume his > 
Which the Vicar of the ‘Archbishop t tries in vain to 





“ichessapclbay pbieqmecarelan ‘hook obey . 

‘The Siguoria defend Savonarola st 

‘The Pope insists that he shall be shut up or sent to 
Rome 


Letter of the Florentine Ambassador to his Govern: 

‘The Pope embittered by the conduct of the Bonde. 

Who finally forbid Savonarola to preach. 

‘The Pope insists on the vindication of his authority; 

Savonarola eek to the Christian Powers to con- 

voke a . 

paeeees ep a int es with Chaves VILL E 
1c of whi ‘exasperates: the Pope . . 

Savonarola begins to lose his influence in Florence 

General disbelief in his proy 

‘His enemies in the Council insist on obedience tothe 


Pope ‘ 
Savonarola challenges the ordeal by fire E 5 
‘The challenge taken up by Francesco of Apulia 

Savonarola refuses to take up the aces in eee) 
Fra Domenico accepts it for him. 


1498 


1498 


TABLE OF CONTENTS. 


Conditions imposed by the Signoria 
Disapproval of the Pope. 
Failure of the ordeal by fire | 
‘Anger of the populace ie eb 
Who lose faith in Savonarola . « ‘a . 
Disturbances in Florence. Murder of Francesco 


lors se Fe ect eas ee ae 

The Convent of S. Marco stormed. Savonarola im- 

prisoned . Pie ae 

Savonarola to be tried in Florence 

Savonarola deserted by his disciples. 

He is condemned to death with Fra Domenico and 
Fra Silvestro oie then ts 

His degradation and execution” 

His political fanaticism and insubordination to the 
Holy See. : 

His sincere belief in his own mission .  . 


CHAPTER II. 
ALEXANDER VI, AND LOUIS XII. 


Death of Charles VIII. . . . 
Louis XII. claims the Dukedom of Milan . 

Alexander VI. sends Envoys to France. 
Dissolution of the marriage between Louis XIL and 
Jeanne of Valois 3 

Marriage of Louis XII. with Anne of Brittany | 
Cesar Borgia desires to return to a secular life . 
Projects of marriage for Caesar and Lucrezia Borgia 
Marriage of Lucrezia Borgia with Alfonso of Bisceglia 
Proposed marriage of Cesar Borgia with Carlotta of 
Aragon rejected by the King of Naples 
League of the Orsini and Colonna against the Pope « 
Czesar Borgia resigns the Cardinalate 
He sets out for France. . . + . 
He is created Duke of Valentinois | . . . 
His reception in France . 
Breach between the Pope and the Sforza | 
Remonstrances of the Portuguese Envoys with the 
Pope . 
Reproaches of AscanioSfora. =. | 
Arrival of the Spanish Envoys in Rome . 
They threaten the Pope with a Council 


TABLE OF CONTENTS. 


T8 Alarm of Alexander VI... 
1499 Failure of the projected marriage of Cresar 


Juan Borgia 
1500 Lodovico Moro recovers Milan 


im 


Borgia 
between Louis XII. and Venice for the par. 


tition of Milan . 
Louis X11. offers the hand of Charlotte albret to 
Cwsar Borgia. ae 
Critical position of Alexander VI. 5 . 
He makes concessions to ‘to Spain 
‘of Caesar Borgia with Charlotte a ‘Albret 


Cardinal Ascanio Sforza leaves Rome 
Tscrezia and Jofté Borgia leave Rome for Spoleto | 


CHAPTER II. 


LouEs X11, In MILAN. 


Sere of Milan by the French 
of Lodovico Moro . 
it of the Pope at the success of the French 
Renewed threats of a Council by the Portuguese 
‘The Pope and Louis XII. pan the enrene Gi the 


ae Cesar . 
‘The fall of aiborrd Forli 
Cowsar eels poisoning ‘his nephew, Cardinal 


‘Triumphal ion of Cesar a in Rome. 4 
ee 
Se coe ‘Sforza imprisoned in France - 


tne a ie aa Volant fn the he City 
aes =o ey co Bangi, ao i murdered by bis 


‘Treaty ieee France, and Spain for the 
japles 

‘The French invade Naples; flight of King Frederick 

Franceand Spain divide Naples 2 2. le 





TADLE OF CONTENTS, 


ree ‘Their distribution among the Borgia c< a ae 


1503 


scien gine ot oan Lest rieetnh and Alfonso d aEste 
of Ferrara 


9 Los of the caricature aiached to comie poems 
ee as and Cesar Borgia visit Piombini , 


Neier Borgia Tuscany 
takes possession ae Duchy of Urbino and 


Camerino . 
‘Camerino given tothe infant Joan Borg Borgia = 
Interference of Louis X11. wit . 


fakes Sulgagi Fight of Andrea Doria 


And . 
Carsar takes cr 
ipl the chief conspirators at Sinigaglia by 





ng Dacia attacks ‘the Orsini “strongholds 
Orsini attack Ponte Nomentano. Alarm of the 


| 
| 
| 





AD. 
1503 


1500 
1499 
1500 


1501 
1500 


1493, 
1492 


1493 


1499 


TABLE OF CONTENTS. 


Severe judgment of his contemporaries . 
Partly modified by modem research .  . 
Worldliness of Alexander VI. . . 

Its disastrous effect upon the Papacy 

But the purity of the Church’s doctrine maintained 
Distinction between the Pope and the man. 


CHAPTER VI. 
ALEXANDER VI.’S ACTION IN THE CHURCH. 


Alexander VI. supports the religious Orders. 
Especially the Dominicans and the Hermits of S. 


Augustine 
He defends the liberties of the Church in the Nether- 


He peas devotion to the Blessed Virgin 

And restores the ringing of the Angelus . > 

Preparations for the Jubilee of 1500... 

The opening of the jubilee by Alexander VI. . 

Crowded Pilgrimages to Rome for the Jubilee . 

Distinguished Pilgrims in Rome 

The receipts from the Jubilee given to Casar Borgia. 

Serious inundation in Rome i 

The Jubilee extended to the whole of Christendom | 

Disposal of the Jubilee alms. 

Resistance to the Jubilee Indulgences in Switzerland 
and Germany . 

Cardinal Peraudi’s efforts for reform in Germany 

Alexander VI. and the Censorship of Books 

His repression of heresy in Lombardy and Bohemia . 

His tolerance of the Jews due to political motives 

Proceedings against the Marafias (exypto-Jews) 

Propagation of the Faith in Greenland. 

The discovery of the New World. 

‘Abiisation of Alexander VI. between ‘Spain and 


Portugal. 

Definition of the boundaries between them 

Evangelisation of the New World . . 
CHAPTER VII. 


ALEXANDER VI. AS A PATRON OF ART. 


Improvements in the Leonine City . 
Making of the Borgo Nuovo for the Jubilee of 1500 . 


141 


165 
166 





TABLE OF CONTENTS, 


1305 Reconciliation between the Orsini and the Colonna. 


Perilous postion of Casar Borgia. 
Illness of the Pope . ty oe 
Death of Pius II... 


Giuliano della Rovere comes to terms with the Spanish 


Cardinals . 
Prospects of the Election - 
Election of Cardinal no della Rovere 
Who takes the name of Julius IT. . 
Terms of the Election Capitulation . 
Appearance and character of Julius II. 
His courage and strength of will 





He devotes himself to the restoration of the States of 


the Church. e : 

His freedom from nepotism 
Contrast between Julius II. and Alexander VI. . 
Julius II. and his relations .  .. 
Cardinal Galeotto della Rovere . «te 
Creation of Cardinals by Julius I. 

108 Death of Cardinal Galeotto della Rovere 
Economy of Julius II, ‘ 
His ways of raising money. 
And financial ability. 
Order maintained in Rome by the Swiss Guards 
Reorganisation of the coinage. . «Se 
Storage of provisions in Rome . $ . 
Improvement of agriculture in the Campagna 


System of administration of the States of the Church. 


Government of the Papal States by Julius IT. 
Justice and popularity of the Pope. se 


CHAPTER II. 
DISPUTES WITH VENICE. 


103 Difficulty of the Pope’s position . . . 
Anarchy in the States of the Church. . 
Encroachments of Venice in the Romagna 
Legations given to Cardinal d’Amboise 
Julius II. and Caesar Borgia. . . 

The Pope remonstrates with Venice. . 

And resolves to recover the Romagna. 
Discouragement of Cesar Borgia. 

Faenza and Rimini fall into the hands of Venice 


VOL. VL 


xv 


PAGE 
204 


232 
232 
233 
234 
235 
236 
237 
238 
239 


a TABLE OF CONTENTS. 


oes Cor ga fees to dever up the fs of the 
Romagna . . 
biel ed 
prisonment and the confiscation of his property 
TSE Een brcaeentistiurs ted Gres Bare 6 
Who remains under surveillance at Ostia 
Cusar goes to Bioriess wece'te is api arrested ty 


Spain 
Forti to the 5 te ars Rs, 
‘orl Berea cP Pope ' 


1503 The Pope insists on the restoration of the Romagna 
aw His reletions with the a Ambassador 


x i is TE. to the ear Kobe 3 
1504 Brief of Julius TE. to th 
Venice refuses to give way = ret 
The Pope secks Strate va Venice ; i é 
Tis negotiations with Maximilian and Louis XII, 
Unfriendliness of Ferdinand towards the Holy See 
penne of the ssepenent of Blois against lieve 
1505 Venice begins to 5 J 
one of the cies Ne of Bh ois 
The Pope receives the Venetian profession of obedience 





CHAPTER III, 
SUBJUGATION OF PERUGIA AND BOLOGNA. 
ago5 The Root makes family alliances with the Roman 


$588 Dae rage: Felice: with Giovanni Giérdano Orsini. 
ae a ofSarastoni Colonna vs Lee of the Pope 
tyrants in Bologna and Perugia . 

eer eco. a 2 

to hea expedition himself : 

ition of Venice to the aoa i Sent 

ices concluded with other Talian’ : 





ne 





TABLE OF CONTENTS. 


rot Conclusion of the League of Cambrai 
Imprudence of Venice in dealing with Julius u 
Encroachments on the Pope's supremacy . 
Disputes about the appointments to Bis! optics” 
Insolence of Jacopo Dandolo 
Difficulties in Bologna—recall of the Papal Legate 
Intrigues of the Bentivogli —. 
Cardinal Alidosi sent as Legate to Bologna 
Venice persists in her unreasonable demands 
Insolence of the Venetian Envoy to the Pope 
Julius TT. joins the League of Cambrai 
The Venetians intrigue with the Orsini and Colonna , 
Bull of Excommunication pronounced against Venice 
The Venetians appeal to a General Council : 
Ferrata and Mantua join the League of Cambrai 
Defeat of the Venetians at Agnadello . 
Machiavelli on the character of the Venetians. 
The Venetians surrender the Romagna. 
seensty Enyoys to Rome to sue for peace 

jing conditions proposed by the 

Successes of the Venetians in the war . « 
Negotiations with the Pope broken off 
te fears the increase of the power of France in 


y 
And concludes peace with Venice 
Absolution of the representatives of Venice at Rome . 


CHAPTER V. 
WARS If ITALY. 


‘The Pope determines to deliver Ttaly from the French 

Vacillation of Louis XII, 

Death of Cardinal d’Amboise.. 

Failure of the Pope's negotiations with Germany and 
lan % 


He concludes an alliance with the Swiss. 

Through the assistance of Cardinal Schinner 
Imprisonment of Cardinal Clermont : 
Ecclesiastical dispates and rupture with Louis X11. 
The Pope's plan of campaign against Ferrara 
Disobedience of the Duke of Ferrara . 

Who is excommunicated by the Pope 

ae summons & oe to assert the Gallican 





an, 
1510 


1511 


1510 


i511 


TABLE OF CONTENTS. 


Subservience of the Synod to the French King. 

Iresolution and procrastination of Louis XII. . . 

Decision and energy of Jative IL rane’ 

He sets out for Ferrara. . : . . 

Difficulties of the journey 

The Marquess of Mantua, Standard-bearer of the 
Church . . . . 

Schism in the Sacred College 

Oppression of the Bolognese by Cardinal Alidosi 

Who succeeds in deceiving the Pope 

The French army before Bologna 

Illness of the Pope . 

He gives his blessing to the Bolognese ; 

Arrival of the Venetian and Spanish troops. 

Retreat of the French army. . “ . 3 

Conquest of Concordia» sw kk 

Recovery of the Pope. 

Who joins the army before Mirandola 

Capitulation of Mirandola : 

The Pope endeavours in vain to come to terms with 
the Duke of Ferrara . 

He goes to Bologna and Ravenna 

Arrival of Mattheus Lang as Envoy of the Emperor 

His reception by the Pope at Bologna 

Failure of the negotiations 

Trivulzio succee Chaumont as Commander ‘of the 
French army 

Bologna taken by the French and given up to the 
Bentivogli . : 

Murder of Cardinal ‘Alidosi by the Duke of Urbino | 

Cardinal Isvalies Legate of Bologna . . 

The Council of Pisa called by the Emperor and the 
King of France. : 

Julius I. summoned to take part in ‘it 

Proposed objects of the Gouncil . 

Which is supported by the Emperor and the King of 
France. a 
Anti-Roman spirit in Germany . © oh «3 

Anti-Papal proposals of the Emperor 

Who desires a Permanent Legate for Germany . 

He endeavours in vain to force the Pope to join the 
League of Cambrai. B 

And in revenge joins in the plans of Louis XII. 

A French play directed against the Pope . . 

Jean Lemaire’s pamphlet in favour of Eallicanism | 

Answer of Julius II. to the citation to the Council 


TABLE OF CONTENTS. 


an Return of Julius II. to Rome . 


sat ic eke 


CHAPTER VL 
THR WOLY LEAGUE, 


Julius TL. forms an alliance with Spain. 
Failure of the negotiations with Louis X11. 
Formation of the are League against France 
Dangerous illness of the Pope. ss 
His recovery despaired of 
Ambitious schemes of Pompeo Colonna . 
Sudden recovery of the Pope 
Who resumes the negotiations for the League 
Conclusion and promulgation of the League 
Excommunication and position of the schismatiral 
‘Cardinals. 


Unfavourable change in the Emperor t towanis the 
Council 


His supposed: desire to become Pope 

His letters on the subject to bis aacgieee 

And t Paul von Lichtenstein . " 

Negoti ng between the Pope and the Emy 3 
Hostility of the German Episcopate to the Council . 

Lonis XILs policy disapproved by the French clewy 


oy rite Tlna clergy to the Pope. 
Writings of Cajetanus against the Coneiliar theory 
Which'is advocated by Zaccaria Ferreri and Decins 
Character of Cardinal Carvajal . : 
‘The Pope lays an Interdict upon Florence 
Arrival of the schismatical Cardinals at Pisa 
Opening of the Council of Pisa . . 
Conflict between the Florentines and the Pisans . 
‘The Council transferred to Milan 

Where it is treated with contempt and disrespect 
Efforts of the Pope to equip a sufficient army . 
Failure of the Swiss attack upon Milan 


1st2 Cardinal Schinner appointed Legate © Lombardy 


Germany 








xxii TABLE OF CONTENTS, 
AD. 


the Emperor and the Ki of Spain 
Bir of the Pope wo Min Mann ian. "aati 


Milan Massimiliano Sforza. 
Parma, Pi et enh included in the Papal 
‘of 





1503 His lat addrese tothe Cardinals . 
Sorrow in Ronic. of Has Il. 
Popularity ul 
His faithfulness to his ecclesiastical ‘obligations; 
1505 His Bull against simony in Papal elections 


agnn eS missions in America and the East : 
His 


EF 


Fa OaIEe Bus ataT Othe pe Inquisition 
And resists State encroachments upon the rights of 
the Church 

Julius 11. and the religious Orders. "His reforms 
‘His ecclesiastical acts and reforms cael? 


e 
Hl 
aie 
st | 
i 


peo of the Roman Court, the object of the 
eran Council aw 
eee Site wars of a Lia 3 


aly . . . . 
fulius 11., the Taberstor . 
tle of "Savior of te Charch” well deserved . 


= 





xxiv 


AD, 
1505 


1505 
1506 


TABLE OF CONTENTS, 


PAGE 
1 eas rear + 496 
His Chashsbuilting at Seat Soest en we 
1 mi i) 4 
Bramante’s work at the Hi Hioxiea at Lexeio!: + 498 
Decoration of the Cath atSavona .  . «499 
Fel iometnue ania Ose ae «4 500 
improvements me. aoe SO 
Pare tiene gate nome shee 5 “ee 
CHAPTER IX. 

JULIUS Tl. AND MICHAEL ANGELO, 
ee invited to Rome by Julius II. + 503 
Le 
julius e stomb . 50 
And refuses to sor Michael Sid Gees ater ad ie 
Who leaves Rome and refuses to return - 506 
San; endeavours to make peace . a °F 
Soderini remonstrates with Michacl Angelo in vain , 509 
Michacl Angelo's reconciliation with ‘ 510 


Jalius commissions him to make a starue o himself. gr 


4508 Completi 1 ascend . 512 
leis syed by the party of the Bentivogli 513 
Michael An; ey see ‘commissioned to pin the of fhe 

Sistine Chapel . 513 
Agreement between him and Julius IL 54 
Relations between the Pope and Michael Angelo 515 
hh Haas nets * eT ee 

ant ys in. payment et tas as: V See 

1510 Completion of the ceiling, its difficulty + 517 

agtx Unveiling of a ag othe the Sistine Chapel - 519 

1512 Com + §20 
Tl ates Mass in the Chapel; oe yar 
‘The architectural painting of the roof 522 
‘The three ‘of the frescoes according to the 

Plan of Salvation + saz 
His treatment of the Creation, culminating in Adam - 523 
‘The Fall of Man and the Deh + 152 
‘The series of the Prophets and Sybils =. =). 5a 
Series of the Ancestors of Christ . . . + 529 
And ofthe Deliverances of Israel. alts Oat 
‘The ornamedital fe oe paee ae inthe roof 1 53° 


conception 32 
ichacl Angelo mie to on Of the Pope's tomb. a 





xxvi 


AD. 
151r 


TABLE OF CONTENTS. 


Completion of the Camera della Segnatura 

The Stanza d’Eliodoro entrusted to Raphael by the 
Pope 

His easel |-paintings, the Madonna of S* Maria del 
Popolo . . 

And the p portrait of Julius” I, ‘‘ 

The Madonna di Foligno and del Pesce | 


The Stanza d’Eliodoro. The ceiling decorated by 
Peruzzi 

The miracle of the Mass of Bolsena . ’ 

‘The Cathedral of Orvieto built to enshrine the relic | 

Veneration shewn to it by Julius II. 

Raphael’s representation of the miracle in ‘the Stanza 
d’Eliodoro . 

The picture the key-note of the Stanza d’Eliodoro 

Which represents God’s care for His Church. . 

Its reference to the events of the reign of Julius II. . 

The picture of the expulsion of Heliodorus from the 
Temple . i 

The picture of the meeting of Leo I. with Attila 

‘The picture of S. Peter’s deliverance from prison. 

Its supposed reference to the escape of Cardinal 
Medici. . 

But it more probably refers to Julius IT. | 

The triumph of the Church, the fundamental idea of 
the Vatican pictures . . . . . 


P, 


LIST 


. Giovanni Tbelds Cataneo to the Marquess of 
Man' 


OF UNPUBLISHED DOCUMENTS 
IN APPENDIX. 


PAGE 
Cardinal Ascanio Sforza to the Duke of Milan 611 
6rr 
. Giovanni Lucido Cataneo to the Marquess of 

Mantua. 612 
Extract from the Letter of an Unknown Person 612 

Giovanni Lucido Cataneo to the Marquess of 
Mantua 613 


. Alexander VI. to Cardinal’ Giuliano della 


Rovere . 614 


614 


. Report “of the Florentine ‘Chronicler, 


Bartolomeo Cerretani, on the Anti-Pope 
Pietro Bernardino, a Disciple of 
Savonarola_ . 615 

Beltrando Costabili to the Duke of Ferrara 617 

Giovanni Lucido Cataneo to the Marquess of of 





Mantua . . 618 
618 
|. Ghivizano to the Marquess of Mantua + 619 
» ” + + 619 
» i +. 620 

. Cosimo de’ Pazzi, Bishop of Arezzo, to 
Pius III. + 620 
|. Beltrando Costabili tothe Duke of Ferrara | 621 
. Oar 
Ghivizano to the Marquess of Mantua 5 » 622 
Julius II. to Florence... to. 622 
a tO RG. ge. Gee ve cbRR: 
622 


* to Angelo “Leonini, Bishop of 
Tivoli, Nuncio at Venice . 623 


xxviii LIST OF UNPUBLISHED DOCUMENTS IN APPENDIX. 


XXIV, ” 
XXY¥, * 
XXVL 9 
XXVIL i 
XXXVI, n 
XXIX. " 
XXX. ” 
a | 5 
XXXIL ” 
XXXL ” 
XXXIV. » 
XXXV, » 
XXXVI - 
XXXVIL 
posaiita 
© } : 
XxX. 
Eis ie 
EE si 
XLUL 


to 
to sama ‘ai Sito, ‘Archbishop 
of Ragusa, and to Petrus 


Paulus de Callio . . 624 
toForli . 624 
to Philip, Count Palatine on the 

Rhine . a 625 
toGonsalvo de Cordova. . (G26 
to Anne, of Franee 627 

Louis XIL, King of France 627 
o = “Leonini, Bi hop i = 
to ini, Bis! o 

Tot, Nuncio at Venice. 627 

» » 


” » 
to Ludovico Bruno, Bishop” "of 


“Acqui, and to Francesco de 
es Imperial Envoy at 





Venice . . 631 
to Angelo Leonini, ‘Bishop of 
‘Tivoli, Nuncio at Venice + 6gr 

to the German Electors . . 632 

to Angelo Leonini, Bishop of 
‘Tivoli, Nuncio at vekinh 3 633 

to Commo de’ Pazzi, Bishop of 
633 

to oe Leonini, “Bishop of 
‘Tivoli, Nuncio at Venice . 633 


XLII. Floramente Becencle to rhe Marchioness 
of Mantua 


XLIV. 





oa 634 
634 
XLV, Julius 1. Yo the Marquess of Mass: 635 
XLVI. tothe Augustinian Hermit, Acgiaius 
of Viterbo. . 63s 
to Queen Anne of France | 63 


XLVIL 
XLVIIL, Girolamo Arsago to the Ma: ue of of Mantua 636 
ee Julius II. to Queen Anne of 636 


to Henry ttt, k King of England’ 636 


i Girolamo Arsago to the Marquess of Manton 638 
LI. Julius 11. to Francesco be age aaa of 
Mantua 


Lik ww 


‘ 638 
” ” ” 639 





LIST OF UNPUBLISHED DOCUMENTS IN APPENDIX. xxix 


PAGE 
LIL Julius IL. to the Marquess of Mantua and 
Niccol Buonafede, Bishop of 
Chui... ws 639 
LIV. ,, to Cardinal Giov. Antonio di S. 
Giorgio. 5 wes 639 
LY. ,,  toCesena | +4 640 
LVL },_— to Ferdinand the Catholic: 1+ 640 
LVIL to Leonardo Loredana, Doge of 
Venice. ~ + 640 
LvIL 64r 
LIX, |, to Cardinal Alessandro Famese . 641 


Lx. x» to Ferdinand the Catholic, 





LXL ” to Louis XII., King of France « 642 
LXIL. to Cardinal George d’Amboise + 642 
LXIII. 5, toGonsalvode Cordova. Ss «642 
LXIV. ;, toM.delaTrémoille . . . %42 
LXV. ;, to Pierre le Filleul, Archbishop of 
Aix z . . . + 643 
LXVI. = ,,_—s to Ascoli. + 643 
LXVIL. » to the Legate of the Marches: . + 643 
LXVIII. |, ‘tothe Governor of Spoleto. . 643 
LXIX. 5, tothe Governor of Cesena... 644 
LXX. ;, to P. Ferreri, Governor of Imola . 644 
LXXI. ,_~_ to Cardinal Antonio Ferreri . . 644 
LXXII. Beltrando Costabili to the Duke of 
Ferrara . . . . . . © 644 
LXXIII. Cardinal Scipio Gonzaga to the Marquess of 
Mantua + 645 
LXXIV, Beltrando Costabili to the Duke of Ferrara + 646 
LXXV. Julius II. to Louis XII., King of France. 646 
LXXVL° ,, to Maximilian L, German Emperor- 
Elect. 647 
LXXVIL. Cardinal Sigismondo Gonzaga to the Marquess 
ofManua . . . . «+ 649 
LXXVIIL. in S " 650 
LXXIX. Beltrando Costabili to the Duke of 
Ferrara . NE Sie go 
LXXX. Julius II. to Bologna: tt 650 
LXXxI. PT to Duke Alfonso of Ferrara . 651 
LXXXII. Lodovico de Fabriano to oe Marquess of 
Mantua : + 651 
LXXXIL 652 
ood. Julius 11. to Cardinal Franc. Alidosi” . + 652 
LXXX' y» to Cardinal Ippolito d’Este . . 653 


LER, n to Cardinal Franc. Alidosi and the 
Magistrates of Bologna . . 653 


XXX LIST OF UNPUPLISHED eX UMENTS IN APPENDIX. 
PaGE 

LXXXVIL Julins IL to Frasceses Gonzaga, Marquess of 
ie degrada nay #4 ke ae KORE: 





Machicness of Manma... (654 

LXXXIX. Repor: of Aegidias de Viterbo on Julius IL, 
Bramante. and the rebuicing of S. Peter's 655 
XC. Emperor Maxixitian to Paul von Lichtenstein 656 








BOOK I. 


ALEXANDER VI. 1492-1503. 


VOL. VI. 





ie | 


4 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 


speaking gave little or no offence there. Alexander wat 

extremely indifferent to strictures of that kind ; no doctrine | 

of the Church was assailed, and he had no desire to curtail 
the orator’s liberty of speech Had Savonarola confined 
himself to the subjects proper to his vocation as a preacher 
and a. religious, he would probably never have come into 
serious collision with the Pontiff; but as, on the contrary, 
his passionate zeal drove him in his discourses to trench 
more and more on political ground, they soon provided his 
enemies with a good excuse for calling on the Pope to 
intervene.* 

Savonarola’s growing influence threatened to make him the 
virtual “ King of Florence,” and his enemies were both nume- 
rous and powerful Forcmost amongst them was Picro de’ 
Medici with his adherents, and next to them came those who 
disliked and resented the democratic and theocratic ideals 
and the stern moral discipline which he wished to introduce 
into the constitution of the State. This party was known 
as the Arrabiati, while the followers of the Friar were called 
Frateschi or Piagnoni (mourners over the corruption of the 
times), Finally, there were the anti-Gallican Italian States. 
Florence was the only Italian power which withstood the 
‘Pope on this point, and Savonarola was the indefatigable 
and passionate advocate of the French alliance. The 
Divine commission, which he persistently claimed for him- 
self, emphatically included this advocacy. From first to 
last he believed the frivolous, dissolute King of France to 
be God's chosen instrument for the reformation of the 
Church. He predicted that Charles would be always 
| victorious, and that Florence, if she remained faithful to 
him, would regain all her lost possessions. In almost every 
one of his sermons he insisted on the necessity of joining 

* Cf Cosct, Savonarola, 437, and especialy Paiueseos, in the 
Arch, d Soc. Rom. XL, 710, 








6 HISTORY OF THE POPES, 


the prophecies for which he claimed Divine inspiration. On 
the 3oth the Friar sent his reply ; while acknowledging the 
duty of obedience, especially in a religious, he excused 
himself from coming, on the ground of the state of his 
health, and his conviction that his enemies would throw 
the whole city into confusion if he left Florence at this 
moment.* 

Upon this a second Brief was sent in September 
addressed to the friars of S“ Croce, who were on bad 
terms with those of S. Marco. In this Brief, Savonarola 
was described as “a certain Fra Girolamo” who gave 
himself out to be a prophet without being able to prove 
his claim either by miracles or direct evidence from Holy 
Scripture. The patience of the Pope, it continued, was 
now exhausted. Savonarola must abstain from preaching 
of any kind, and the Convent of S. Marco was henceforth 
to be reunited to the Lombard congregation, to whose 
Superior the Friar must now render obedience, All 
recalcitrants were declared, ifso facto, under the ban of 
the Church.t 

‘This command of the Pope marked the turning point 
in Savonarola’s life. Asa priest and Friar he had sworn 
obedience to the Head of the Church, Alexander's personal 
character and the political motives by which he was actuated 
in no way affected this obligation. In issuing the ordinance 
contained in the Brief of September 8, the Pope was clearly 
acting within his canonical rights. Savonarola did not deny 
this. Writing to a brother of his Order in Rome on 15th 
September, he says; “I know the root of all these plots, 
and know them to be the work of evil-minded citizens who 
would fain re-establish tyranny in Florence. ,.. Never- 
theless, if there be no other way of saving my conscience 

* Vintani, Sayonarola, IT., 24 seg., 29 sey. (Engl. trans.), 

+ See GHERARDI, 383. 





8 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 


ready if | should be in error . . . . to avow it publicly, and 
make amends before the whole people And now again I 
repeat that which I have always said, namely, that I 
submit myself and all my writings to the correction of the 
Holy Roman Church.” * 

Tn his next Brief, despatched on the 16th of October, 
Alexander displayed admirable moderation and prudence. 
With “great consideration” it yielded the most important 
point, that of the reunion of the Convent of S. Marco to 
the Lombard Province, only insisting that Savonarola 
should absolutely abstain from preaching. In fact, for the 
Friar of S. Marco, politics and preaching were almost 
synonymous. The Brief began with a review of the action 
of Rome up to the present moment. . In the beginning the 
Pope had expressed his disapproval of the disturbances in 
Florence, which had been in a great measure caused by 
Savonarola’s preaching, because, instead of directing his ser- 
mons against the vices of the Florentines, he had filled them 
with predictions of future events, which, he said, had been 
revealed to him by the Holy Ghost, Such preaching was 
full of danger for many souls and could not fail to engender 
strife, Therefore, after mature deliberation, he had decided 
to summon Savonarola to Rome, there to give an account 
of his doings’) Now, however, to his great joy, he gathered 
from the letter which he had lately received, and from what 
he had been told by others, that the Friar was ready, as 
a good Christian, to submit to the Church in all things. 
Hence he would willingly believe that Savonarola had 
erred rather through excess of zeal than with any evil 
intent. The matter, however, was too important to be 
passed over lightly, and therefore he determined to write 
to him again, commanding him in the name of holy 

* Viitany, Sayonarola, 11, 35, 36 (Engl trans. Cf PERRens, 
326-329. 





10 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 


further against him.* Now that Alexander had shewn» 
himself so placable and ready to make concessions, and | | 
since also the chief object of his sermons, the trustration 
of Piero de’ Medici’s enterprise, had been achieved, to 
abstain from preaching during Advent entailed no very 
great sacrifice on Savonarola. And in addition to this, 
his party were gaining more and more the upper hand in 
the city.f A loyal and lasting submission was never 
contemplated by him; on the contrary, he brought 
every influence that he could control to bear upon the 
Pope to induce him to withdraw the prohibition. The 
Government of Florence interested itself strongly in this 
direction, and addressed itself especially to Cardinal 
Caraffa, the Protector of the Dominicans in Rome, 
Florentine reports from Rome went so far as to assert 
that the Cardinal had, in a conversation with Alexander, 
persuaded the latter to permit Savonarola to preach again, 
provided he confined his sermons to matters of religion, 
The Friar himself, however, never ventured to maintain 
that any such permission had been granted. The attitude 
of the Signoria in Florence also shews clearly that nothing 
was even said by the Pope that could be so construed ;{ 
of course, no Brief to that effect was forthcoming. They 
decided, on 11th February, 1496, to command Savonarola, 
under pain of their indignation, to resume his sermons 


* Despatch of 26th Oct. in CAPPELLI, Savonarola, 69. It is plain from 
this document that the Brief of 16th Oct. had not reached Florence at 
this date. 

+ RANKS, Studien, 252. 

T See Coscr, 431-432 ; Crronta, 73s, Savonarola’s lever to Antonio 
de Olanda of and Feb, 1496 (cf. ViuLaRt, IL, cxiv,, ed. 2), is significant 
in this connection, In it he sa ‘Si impetrabitur licentia. praedi- 
candi pro me a Summo Pontifice, dabo vobis in praedicatorem Fr. 
Dominicum de Piscia, Excitate ergo fratres et alios devotos ad oranda 
pro hac causa, quia res habet difficultatem.” 





aa HMUSTORY OF THE POPES. 


earnestly examined all his ways and found them pure; 
for he had always submitted his teaching to the doctrines 
of Holy Church. Though convinced that the Briefs sent — 
from Rome were invalid, inasmuch as they were” solely 
inspired by lying reports, he had yet resolved to be prudent, 
‘Thus he had so far kept silence, but when he saw many of 
the good growing lukewarm, and the wicked more and 
more bold, he felt himself constrained to return to his post. 
“First of all, however, I sought the Lord, saying: 1 was 
rejoicing in my peace and tranquillity, and Thou drewest 
me forth by showing me Thy light.... 1 would fain 
repose, but find no resting-place—would fain remain still 
and silent, but may not, for the word of God is as a fire in 
my heart, and unless [ give it vent, it will consume the 
marrow of my bones. Come then, O Lord, since Thou 
would'st have me steer through these deep waters, let Thy 
will be done.”* He seemed to have already forgotten 
that it was the secular power which had commanded him 
to preach, and launched him forth again on these “deep 
waters.” 

Sayonarola’s second sermon was directed mainly against 
the vices of Rome. He began with a curious application of 
the passage in Amos, iv. 1. “Hear this word, ye fat kine, 
that are in the mountains of Samaria.” “For me,” he said, 
" these fat kine signify the harlots of Italy and Rome. . . , 
Are there none in Italy and Rome? One thousand, ten 
thousand, fourteen thousand are few for Rome; for there 
both men and women are made harlots."" And pursuing this 
strain, he describes the vices of Rome in terms scarcely to 


the flock was abandoned and left entirely without preaching or adminis 
tration of the Sacraments," was quite different to that of Savonarola, as 
at S. Marco there were many other good preachers, and the spiritual 
needs of the people were amply supplied. 

* Viutant, Savonarola, 1., 55 (Engl. trans.) 










4 HISTORY OF THE POFES 


defiance of the Brief forbidding him to preach, the abusive” 
tone of his sermons, and finally, his unauthorised assump. 
tion of the office of a prophet.* On the political side, his 
efficacious advocacy of the French alliance in Florence, 
threatened the Pope with a repetition of the French King’s 
invasion of Italy, involving possibly his deposition and a 
schism. 

As time went on, the excitement.of the contending | 
parties in Florence continwed to increase, and Savonarola's 
preaching added fresh fuel to the fames+ The accounts 
from Florence declared that he railed at the Pope as worse 
than a Turk, and the Italian powers as worse than heretics. 
His fulminations soon found their way abroad; and he 
often said that he had received letters of sympathy even 
from Germany. It was reported that the Sultan had caused 
his sermons to be translated into the Turkish language.f 
There was certainly quite enough in all this to cause Alex- 
ander to bestir himself, without needing any further stimulus 
from the League or from Cardinal Ascanio Sforza, The 
terrorism exercised by Savonarola and his adherents grew 
daily more and more intolerable. The prophet declared that 
no one could be a good Christian who did not believe in 
him. His most zealous disciple, Fra Domenico da Pescia, 





* Gurnanor, 141. 

+ PERREX®, 261, points out that if Savonarola had really possessed 
that bumility which is one of the first virtes that ought to characterise a 
religiows, and which he so ostentatiously professed, he would have left 
Florence, or at any rate abetaimed from preaching. However convinced: 
he might be of the truth of his views, a priest should have shrunk from 
securing their success at the cost of bloodshed, and from being a came 
of embittered divisions amongst his fellow-citizxess. But to his excitable 
temperament the stir of battle was a necessity of life. “I cnet live” 
be said, “ anless 1 preach." 

‘T ViLLARI, Savonarola, 11, 87 (Engl. trans). Cf RANKE, Studien, | 
255, and PERKENs, 256 


16 HISTORY OF THE POPES, 


We must therefore take it for granted that our Superiors: 
have been misled by false information, and resist meanwhile | 
acommand that is contrary to charity. Neither must we | 
allow ourselves to be cowed by threats nor excommunica- — 
tions, but be ready to face death rather than submit to that | 
which would be poison and perdition to our souls.” At the 
same time, Savonarola preached frequently, descanting 
much on his prophetical gifts, and still more on politics. 
All this, retailed with exaggeration by his enemies in | 
Rome, was naturally extremely irritating to Alexander | 
VI. Nevertheless, with that practical statecraft which his | 
contemporaries so highly praise in him, the Pope still held: 
back from plunging into a direct conflict with the Friar, 
He resolved first to try another expedient. In order to 
detach the Florentines from the French alliance he promised 
to give them Pisa, and requested them to send an Envoy to 
negotiate on this subject. Accordingly, on the 4th March, 
1497, Alessandro Bracci was despatched for this purpose by 
the Signoria to Rome. On the 13th he had an audience 
from the Pope Alluding to Lodovico Moro, Alexander 
said :—" May God forgive him who invited the French into: 
Italy ; forall our troubles have arisen from that.” He then 
endeavoured to persuade the Florentine Ambassador to 
renounce the alliance with France, “Keep to us” he 
exclaimed; “be loyal Italians, and leave the French in 
France! 1 must have no more fine words, but some bind 
ing security that you will do this" It was in vain for the 
Ambassador to point out the reasons which determined his 
Government to hold still with France; the Pope held to his 
point, and insisted that Florence must change her policy. 
He knew very well, he said, that this conduct, so unworthy 
of an Italian power, was prompted by the belief of the 
Florentines in the predictions of a fanatic. He was deeply 
wounded at the way in which the Government of Florence 





18 HISTORY OF THE POPES, 


hand. The excitement became so great that at last the 
Signoria issued a decree forbidding all monks of all Orders 
to preach after Ascension Day. On this day (4th May) 
Savonarola once more stood up in the Cathedral pulpit 
and boldly repeated his former assertion, that all who 
persecuted him were fighting against God; Italy, and 
especially Rome, would be terribly chastised, and then 
would come the reformation of the Church. It was 
untrue to say that he ought not to have preached that 
day because his preaching might give rise to disturbances; 
the Signoria might forbid preaching, but all the same there 
would be strife to determine whether such tyranny ought 
to be endured. At this moment a tumult began in the 
Church which soon spread into the strects. A regular 
pitched battle between the opponents and adherents of 
Savonarola seemed imminent.* An Envoy in Florence 
writes: “ We have got back to the days of the Guelfs and 
the Ghibellines,"+ The authors of these disturbances 
remained unpunished, and the preacher could not fail to 
see that his party had lost its ascendency. Under these 
circumstances he resolvéd to make an attempt to avert 
the storm that was gathering against him in Rome. On 
the 22nd May he wrote a letter to the Pope, beginning 
with the words, “Why is my lord so wroth with his 
servant?” He had never, he declared, made any personal 
accusations in his sermons against any one, least of all 
against the Vicar of Christ—further, he asserted that he 
was always ready to submit himself to the judgment of 
the Church, and preached no other doctrine than that of 
the Holy Fathers, as would soon be proved to the whole 
world in his forthcoming work, The Triumph of the Cross. 

* RANEE, Studien, 274 seg. 

+ Somensi in his Report, May 4, in the Arch, St. Ital, XVEL, 2, 19. 

T VELLARL, Savonarola, 1., 188 (Engl. trans.) 


20 HISTORY OF THE POPES, 


since Alexander was making every effort to detach 
Florence from France, and Savonarola was in this his 
strongest antagonist. However, the Friar's persistent insub- 
ordination was certainly the main determining factor in 
the final decision against him, “It was impossible for, 
even an Alexander VI. to tolerate a prophet overri 
the Hierarchy.” * 

The Brief of Excommunication runs as follows: "We 
have heard from many persons worthy of belief, that a 
certain Fra Girolamo Savonarola, at this present said to 
be Vicar of S. Marco in Florence, hath disseminated per- 
nicious doctrines to the scandal and great grief of simple 
souls. We had already commanded him, by his vows of 
holy obedience, to suspend his sermons and come to us 
to seek pardon for his errors; but he refused to obey, and 
alleged various excuses which we too graciously accepted, 
hoping to convert him by our clemency. On the contrary, 
however, he persisted still more in his obstinacy ; wherefore, 
by a second Brief (7th November, 1496), we commanded 
him, under pain of excommunication, to unite the Convent 
of S. Mareo to the Tusean-Roman Congregation recently 
created by us. But even then he still persisted in his 
stubbornness, thus, #pso facto, incurring the Censure, 
Wherefore we now command you, on the feast days and 
in the presence of the people, to declare the said Fra 
Girolamo cxcommunicate, and to be held as such by all 
men, for his disobedience to our apostolic admonitions 





* Gaisan, in the Zeitschr, fir Kathol, Theologic, 1V., 597; BALAN, 
379; and RANKE, Studien, 278, who assigns correct limits to the influence 
‘of political motives, He remarks : “The principal motive, however, was: 
tho vindication of the supremacy of the spiritual authority, which at that 
time could count upon a party in the city prepared to sport it.” On 
the co-operation of Card. Carafia in regard to the Brief, see GHERARDI, 
160 seg, Cf also PeLivonint, in the Arch. d. Soc, Rom, XL, 717 


a 





22 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 


haste an “ Epistle against the surreptitious Excommunica- 
tion addressed to all Christians and friends of God." In it 
he endeavoured to defend himself against his opponents, 
and repeated his claim toa Divine mission. At the close he 
says: “This Excommunication is invalid before God and 
‘man, inasmuch as it is based on false reasons and acctsa- 
tions devised by our enemies. I have always submitted, 
and will still submit, to the authority of the Church, nor 
will ever fail in my obedience ; but no one is bound to 
submit to commands opposed to charity and the law of 
God, since in such a case our Superiors are no longer the 
representatives of the Lord. Meanwhile, seek by prayer to 
make ready for that which may befall you. If this matter 
is pursued further, we will make the truth known to all the 
world.”* ‘This theory is in direct contradiction to the teach- 
ing of the Church, which enjoins obedience even to an un- 
just Interdict, and would obviously destroy all disciplines}, 
Savonarola was bound to obey the Holy See, however it! 
might be desecrated by such an occupant as Alexander VI, 
The Pope had no choice but to treat this step as aj < 
declaration of war, On the 26th June he told the Floren- 
tine Envoys that he was determined to proceed against the 
disobedient Friar, in the manner prescribed by the Church 
for dealing with rebels and those who contemned her 
authority, The Florentines still hoped by diplomacy to 
avert the catastrophe, especially as Alexander declared 
that, if Florence would give up the French alliance, he 


* VILLAR, Savonarola, 11., 193-194 (Engl. trans.) ; MIsniek, 135 sey. 
Savonarola’s replies were always printed at once; cf Sanura, 1, 634, 
who observes that for this reason he does not insert them, also because 
they are so lengthy, and “per esser cosa fratescha.” 

+ FRANTZ, Sixtus 1V,, 82 


ie | 
| 


24 HISTORY OF THE POPES. | 


of the laity. Many of his partisans even disapproved of 
this sacrilegious act." Presently it was announced that he 
intended to begta again to preach. The excommunication, ( 
he explained to the Ferrarese Envoy, was unjust and had 
no power to bind him; he did not mean to take any notice 
of it; see what a life Alexander VI. was leading; nothing 
should hinder him from preaching, “his commission came 
from One who was higher than the Pope, higher than 
any creature."+ The Vicar of the Archbishop of Florence 


* Naot, |, 120, says: con gran maraviglin d'ogmuno e dispiacimento 
noe piccolo de’ suoi divoti. Savonarola had resumed his spiritual minis- 
‘trations. 

+ CAPPELL, Savonarvla, 102. RANKE is of opinion (Studien, 289 
seg.) that “the Frinx’s action in permitting himself to resume his preaching 
outside the walls of S. Marco was far more important (than his exercise 
of sacerdotal functions) ; for this was.an open defiance of the papal com> 
mands and the announcement made to him in the previous June 
‘of his Excommunication, This must not be regarded as an isolated act 
of disobedience ; it is plain that it implied an attack on the whole system 
of the Church, The supreme authority of the Pope and his infalllibility 
are called in question by it... . Savonarola, in resisting the Excom: 
munication, was preparing the way for the Reformation.” VELLA, 
Savonarola, 1, 246, 0.4 (Engl. trans.), and Priuecrint in the Giom, 
‘St. d. Lett. Ital, XI, 258, n. 2, justly dispute this latter assertion, but 
‘error contained in the opening sentences of this passage is much. 
Ranke’s Studien on Savonarola has the merit of being an impartial | 
‘of the “ prophet,” undistorted by the Dominican legends by which Villari 
has been far too much influenced, But this makes such remarks as those 
in the sentences quoted above all the more regrettable. When Ranke be- 
takes himself to the domain of Catholic theology, his utter ignorance leads 
‘him into serious error. ‘Thus he says (p, 327) that Savonarola distinctly 
taught the doctrine of justification by faith only! The parallel drawn 
‘Detween the Friar and Luther and Calvin on p. 331 is only partially true, 
Ranke says here that Luther " took up his position outside the hierarchy 
ef the Church, while Savonarola still held to it” But if so,on what 
grounds does he, on p. 6, call Savonarola “a precursor af the Reforma- 
tion of the 16th Century"? 





=| 





26 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 


to charity is Excommunicated by God. Were such com: 
mands pronounced by an angel, even by the Virgin Mary 
herself and all the saints (which is certainly impossible), 
anathema sit. \f pronounced by any law, or canon, or 
council, anathema sit. And if any Pope hath ever spoken 
to a contrary effect from this, let him be declared excom- 
municate, 1 say not that such a Pope hath ever existed ; 
but if he hath existed he can have been no instrument of 
the Lord, but a broken tool. It is feared by some that, 
though this excommunication be powerless in Heaven, it 
may have power in the Church. For me it is enough not 
to be interdicted by Christ. Oh, my Lord, if I should seck 
to be absolved from this excommunication, let me be sent 
to hell; [ should shrink from secking absolution as from 
mortal sin.” 

“ The Pope may err,” Savonarola asserted in his sermon 
on 18th February, “and that in two ways, either because he 
is erroneously informed, or from malice, As to the latter 
cause we leave that to the judgment of God, and believe 
rather that he has been misinformed. In our own case 1 
can prove that he has been falsely persuaded. Therefore 
any one who obstinately upholds the excommunication, and 
affirms that I ought not to preach these doctrines is fight- 
ing against the kingdom of Christ, and supporting the 
kingdom of Satan, and is himself a heretic, and deserves to 
be excluded from the Christian community.” * 

These and similar utterances which occur in all his ser- 
mons were the result of Savonarola's unfortunate conviction 
derived from his visions, that he had a mission from God, 
and his attacks on the Italian, and especially the Roman 


* Vitans, Savonarols, I1., 248 sey. (Engl trans). Of MEIER, 144 
seq, a0 PERRENS, 335 sey. the latter justly observes that Savonarola's 
theory paves the way for all kinds of insubordination, See also FRaNT2, 
Sixtus TV,, 82. 


ey HISTORY OF THE POPES. 
mA 


enact on the last day of the Carnival, was even more out- 
tageous than his language. He began by saying mass in 
S. Marco and giving communion to his monks and a large 
number of laymen. Then he mounted a pulpit which had 
been erected before the door of the Church, carrying the 
Blessed Sacrament in his hand, and, almost beside himself 
with excitement, blasphemously exclaimed, “Oh Lord, if 
my deeds be not sincere, if my words be not inspired by 
Thee, strike me dead this instant.”* 

“0 ye priests,” Savonarola cried out from the pulpit on 
the 1st March, “ you have surpassed the pagans in contradiet- 
ing and persecuting the truth of God and His cause, O my 
children, it is evident now that they are worse than Turks. 
Now must we resist the wicked as the martyrs resisted the 
tyrants, Contend ye evil-doers against this cause like 
pagans; write to Rome that this Friar and his friends will 
fight against you as against Turks and unbelievers. It is 
true that a Brief has come from Rome in which I am called 
a son of perdition. Write that he whom you thus designate 
says that he has neither concubines nor children, but 
preaches the Gospel of Christ. His brethren, and all who 
follow his teaching, reject all such deplorable things, 
frequent the Sacraments, and live honestly. Nevertheless, 
like Christ Himself, we will somewhat give way to wrath, 
and thus I declare to you, that I will preach no more from 
this pulpit except at the request of those who desire to lead 
a good life, I will preach in S. Marco but to men only, 
not to women; under the present circumstances this is 
needful} 

* Laxpucet, 163, who describes this appalling scene, adds Eravé 
venuto grande popolo, stimando vedere seyni: ¢ tiepidi si ridevano € 
facevano beffe ¢ dicevano ; Egli & scommunicato ¢ communica altri. 
E benche a me ¢’ pareva errore, ancora che gli credessi; ma non youll 
mettermi mai a pericolo aridare a udirlo, poichd fa scommunicato, 

+ MEIER, 146. 





30 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 


member, from the rest of the people, and keep him con- 
fined and guarded in such wise that he may have speech 
of none, nor be able to disseminate fresh scandals. But 
if ye refuse to obey these commands, we shal! be forced 
to assert the dignity of the Holy See, by subjecting 
you to an Interdict and also to other and more effectual 
remedies," * 

This Bricf, therefore, docs not contain the Interdict itself 
but only threatens it. In a second the Canons of the 
Cathedral are enjoined not to allow Savonarola to preach 
on any pretext whatsoever. Thus the Pope still abstained 
from doing anything more than that which was absolutely’ 
necessary, and demanded nothing that was not strictly with- 
in his rights. According to the ecclesiastical laws of that 
time Savonarola was unquestionably a delinquent, and 
being a religious, Alexander had a right to require that he 
should be handed over to the Holy See for judgment. It 
is quite true that, from the beginning and throughout, the 
fact that the Friar was the soul of the French party: in 
Florence was one of the weights in the scale, and not 
a light one; but it is an exaggeration to assert that 
Alexander's only motive in his proceedings against 
Savonarola was to induce Florence to join the Italian | 
League against France ; at this moment itis clear that in 
the Pope’s mind the vindication of the authority of the 
Church was the foremost consideration.t “If the monk 
will prove his obedience,” he said on 27th February to 
the Florentine Envoy, “by abstaining from preaching for 
a reasonable time, I will absolve him from the censures 
which he has brought upon himself; but if he persists in 


* VILLARI, Savonarola, 11, 262,263 (Engl. trans.) The whole text is 
in the Italian, 11., ed. 3, App, LXVI-LXVII. 

+ Grisax in the Zeiischr. fir Kathel. Theologie, 1V., 397. QURANKE, 
Studien, 78, 


32 HISTORY OF THE POPES, 


his and the Church's authority was mostdangerous.* This 
declaration was endorsed by a new Brief dated oth March, 
again denouncing in the strongest terms Savonarola’s dis- 
obedience in preaching and exercising sacerdotal functions, 
notwithstanding his excommunication, and in disseminating 
through the press his denial of the validity of the Papal 
censures, and other subversive doctrines. “ Does the Friar 
think,” it said, “that he alone was exeepted when our Lord 
conferred the power of binding and loosing on our pre- 
decessor S, Peter?... Our duty as Pastor of the flock 
forbids us to tolerate such conduct any longer. We there- 
fore once more command you either to send Savonarola to 
Rome, or to shut him up in some convent where he can 
neither preach nor speale to any one until he comes to 
himself and renders himself worthy to be absolved, If 
this is not done we shal! lay Florence under Interdict ; all 
that we require is that Savonarola shall acknowledge our 
supreme authority." 

The numerous letters of the Florentine Ambassador shew 
the extremely embarrassing position in which he was placed 
by the perfectly legitimate demands of the Pope. From 
Florence he received nothing but fair words excusing 
Savonarola, while Alexander VI. insisted on deeds. On 
the 16th of March, in a very outspoken letter, he again ex- 
plained the true state of things to his Government. The 
Pope, he says, absolutely requires that Savonarola shall be 
silenced ; if not, the Interdict will certainly be pronounced. 
They may spare themselves the trouble of any more fair 
words and apologies for the Friar ; they make no impression 
on any one, On the contrary, every one laughs at their 
notion that Savonarola’s Excommunication can be set aside. 


* Mancwnse in Arch. St. Ital, VIIL, 167 segs 
+ GHERARDI, 194 sey. ; of PRLLEGHING in the Arch, d. Soo Rom, 
XL, 725 





34 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 


did necessarily greatly embitter Alexander against Savo- 
narola. The Pope complained of the Friar's disobedience 
and of his being permitted openly to set his authority at 
defiance. The Signoria replicd that the preacher was 
doing a great deal of good and was a true reformer, and 
that therefore they could not comply with Alexander's 
commands, When the accounts from Rome became more 
menacing, they gave way so far as to forbid him from 
preaching ;* but allowed his followers, Fra Domenico and 
Fra Mariano Ughi, to go on declaiming against Rome in 
their sermons as freely as ever. The Pope complained of 
this in a conversation with the Florentine Ambassador on. 
the 23rd of March and demanded an answer to his Brief. 
“T do not require,” he said, “that the friars should be pre- 
vented from preaching, but these attacks on the authority 
of the Church and abusive language against myself must 
be put a stop to.” Referring to Savonarola, he added: “If 
he would be obedient for a while and then ask for absolu- 
tion, I would willingly grant it,and permit him to resume 
his sermons, but he must cease from abusing the Holy See, 
the Pope, and the College of Cardinals; for I do not object 
to his doctrines, but only to his preaching without having 
received absolution, and to his contempt of myself and of 
my censures; to tolerate this would be to give away my 
apostolic authority."{ These words are remarkable as 
* In his last sermon on r8th March, Savonarola said that the only re 
source now left was an appeal to the highest wibunal. “We must tum 
from the earthly Pope to Christ, the heavenly Pope.” He declared that 
he had never set himself against the tnie authority ef the Church, “but if 
the power of the Church is corrupted, it ceases to be that of the Church, 
and becomes the power of Satan. When it encourages concubines, 
knaves, and thieves, and persecutes the good, and hinders those who de: ] 
site to lead Christian lives, I tell you then itis a devilish power that must 
be withstood.” See MEIER, 150. 

t Bonsl's Despatch of 23rd March, 1498, in GHERARDI, 269 ; ef, 210, | 


\ zl 





36 HISTORY OF PHE POPES. 


shameful sin of simony, and still daily selling Church bene- 
fices to the highest bidder; besides his other vices which 
are known to all the world, f affirm also that he is not a 
Christian, and does not believe in the existence of God, 
which is the deepest depth of unbelief.” After this intro- 
duction, he required all Christian Princes to unite in con- 
voking a Council as soon as possible in some suitable and 
neutral place, On his side he not only bound himself to 
substantiate all his charges with irrefragable proofs, but 
also assured them that God would confirm his words by 
miraculous tokens.” 

The agitation in favour of a Council acquired a real force 
and extension from Alexander's growing unpopularity. 
‘The way in which he had given up the projects of reform 
which he had announced before the death of the Duke of 
Gandia, and his unblushing nepotism necessarily aroused 
bitter feelings against him, both in Italy and abroad. There 
was fermentation on all sides, The greatest danger seemed 
to lie in Savonarola's friendship with the French King 
Charles VIII, who had already, on 7th January, 1497, 
obtained a pronouncement in favour of his plans for calling 
a Council from the Sorbonnet Alexander had got to 
know of these intrigues, either through intercepted letters 
or through some unwary speaker, He now thought that 
he had good reason to fear that Savonarola’s mysterious 
threats, such as “ Some day I will turn the key,” or “I will 
cry, Lazarus, come forth,” were more than mere empty 


* The draft of this letter isto be found in Meter, 349 seq. ‘This docue 
ment i pronounced to be genuine, not only by MARCHESt in Arch, 
St. Ital, VILL, 86 seg. (cf SCRITTS, L., 254 s¢g.), bat also by RANKR, 
Studien, 307 seg, who also, in the sane place, expresses his belief in the 
statements made by Savonarola in his trial. 

+ DU PLessis D’ARcENTRE, Coll, Judic, TL, PIL, pp. 3353355 
HERGENROTHER, VIIL, 335. 





38 HISTORY OF THE POPES, 


At the very moment that the Friar was thus attempt- 
ing to stir up a revolt amongst the Princes of Europe his 
standing ground in Florence was slipping away from 
under his feet. 

The days in which Savonarola was the guide and ruler of 
almost the whole of Florence had long gone by. The 


a 


turning point for him came in the year 1497 with the | 


failure of Piero de’ Medici's attempt to make himself 
master of the city, and the execution of five of his adherents. 
Their relations set themselves as avengers of blood to hunt 
Savonarola down,* and the influence of the Arrabiati 
became so great that from that time his followers had to 
fight hard to hold their ground. The position of the 
Frateschi naturally was very much damaged when, on the 
top of this, the excommunication also came, for it produced 
@ great impression in the city, and many held it to be bind 
ing:+ The disputes on this point and on the guilt or 
innocence of the Friar grew more and more vehement. 
‘The revolutionary character of Savonarola’s attitude } was 
severely stigmatised by the Franciscans of S* Croce. When 
he was silenced by the Government they redoubled their 
attacks upon him, The Dominicans were unwearied in de- 
fending him; their chief argument was his Divine mission. 
In his sermons he had repeatedly asserted that supernatural 
tokens of the righteousness of his cause would not fail to be 
forthcoming if the natural evidence were insufficient§ For 
a time the moderation of his conduct and the fact that 
many of his prophecies came true had caused him to be 


* See Hast, Savonarola, 53. 

+ Lanpucct, 162, reports that many were saying that, whether it 
were just or unjust, the Excommunication was a serious matter, Cf 
GuicciaRDini, Op. ined, IL, 167, and AnMsTKONG, doc. cit, 456. 

+ CanicHron, LL, 258, considers it such, 

fi Gf. supra, p. 28, and Arch. Veneto, VILI., 77. 


40 TUSTORY OF THE POPES. 


his consent to the tax on the clergy, without which the city 
cannot exist. For this end he is charged to do all he can 
to conciliate the Holy Father; there is no sense in contra- 
dicting a man from whom you are seeking to obtain a 
favour. Whether Savonarola be innocent or guilty is of no 
moment; the Holy See holds him to be guilty, and unless 
we satisfy the Pope on this point we shall certainly get 
nothing from him, and it is much to be feared that the Inter- 
dict, with all its disastrous consequences, will come upon 
us, Stress has been laid on the harm that will be done by 
silencing the Friar; but since his own Superiors have for- 
bidden him to preach it is not at our doors that the sin will 
lie. For Rome the matter is far from being so unimpor- 
tant as some would make it out, Censures are the weapons 
of the Apostolic See; if it is deprived of these, how can it 
maintain its dignity and authority? This is perfectly 
understood in Rome. It is said that we ought to consider 
God and His honour. 1 agree; but the Pope is Christ's 
Vicar on earth, and derives his authority from God. It is 
therefore more meritorious to accept his censures, whether 
they be just or unjust, than to defend the Friar. No doubt 
if we could be sure that Savonarola was sent by God it 
would be right to protect him against the Pope; but as 
we cannot be certain of this, it is more prudent to obey 
Rome." * 

Meanwhile Savonarola unflinchingly maintained the 
supernatural origin of his prophecies, and asserted that if 
necessary they would be confirmed by a miracle. On the 
last day of the Carnival of the year 1498, before all the 
people, holding the Blessed Sacrament in his hand, he 
prayed, “O God, if my words are not from Thee, I entreat 


* See the report of these transactions in the documents published by 
Lurr in the Arch. St. Ital,, 3 Serie, 111, 1, 95-53. Of Ranxx, Studien, 
jooury.; FRANTZ, Sixtus 1V., 71 seg. ; and Hast, 61. 





42 IISTORY OF THE POPES. 


Savonarola’s enemies recognised at once that the question 
thus started might, and possibly must, entail the destruction 
of their hated foe. “If he enters the fire,” they said, “he 
will be burnt; and if he does not, he will forfeit the faith 
of his adherents, and it will be easy to stir up a riot, during 
which he may be arrested.” They therefore resolved to do 
their best to have the trial by ordeal carried out. For this 
it was necessary to obtain the consent of the Government ; 
and here there was considerable opposition from many who 
recognised the scandalous nature of the proposal; also 
‘Savonarola’s refusal to take up the challenge in person was 
embarrassing. However, the majority agreed that all pos- 
sible means must be tried, including the ordeal if neces- 
sary, to heal the divisions in the city. Savonarola’s party 
were the most cager advocates of the ordeal. Again and 
again theit master had told them that one day his words 
would be miraculously confirmed and his enemies destroyed, 
and now it seemed as if the day had come, With fanatical 
confidence they clamoured for the ordeal; convinced that 
when the decisive moment arrived, the master would no 
longer be able to restrain himself, he would plunge into the 
flames, and then would come the miracle.* 

‘The propositions, the truth of which Domenico da Pescia 
hoped to establish by means of the ordeal by fire, were 
those which were most contested by Savonarola's opponents, 
They were the following :—* The Church of God is in need 
of reform; she will be chastised first and then renovated. 
Florence also will be chastised and afterwards restored and 
flourish anew, Al] unbelievers will be converted to Christ. 
These things will come to pass in our own time The 
dvel" was proposed because “no ecclesiastical authority existed which 
was acknowledged by both parties.” 

* VILLARI, Savonarola, IL, 307 (Engl trans.), Cf. RANKE, Studien, 
gun seg. 


a4 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 


had arrived. Savonarola's misgivings had been dissipated 
by a vision of angels which had been vouchsafed to Fra 
Silvestro. On the morning of the appointed day he said 
mass and delivered a brief address to those who had 
attended it. “I cannot promise you,” he said, “that the 
ordeal will take place, for that does not depend upon us; 
but, if it does, I have no hesitation in assuring you that our 
side will triumph." Then he set out for the Piazza accom- 
panied by all his friars singing the Psalm, “ Let God arise 
and let His enemies be scattered,” as they walked in proces- 
sion. The Franciscans, who had come quietly, were already 
there. An enormous multitude had assembled and were 
eagerly awaiting the unwonted spectacle. The Signoria had 
taken every precaution to secure the preservation of order, 
Two piles of faggots forty yards long and saturated with oil 
and pitch were prepared, divided by a space wide enough 
to allow a man to pass between them. It had already 
struck twelve when the Dominicans and their adherents, 
walking in solemn procession (Savonarola carrying the 
Blessed Sacrament), reached the Piazza. The Franciscans 
had come earlier, simply and without any demonstration, 
and now stood in silence on their side of the Loggia, while 
the Dominicans prayed aloud, All was ready, But nowa 
difference arose between the two parties as to what each 
of the champions should be allowed to take with him into 
the flames. Fra Domenico insisted on taking the Crucifix, 
and this the Franciscans refused to permit. While this 
question was being discussed, a heavy shower camé on, 
threatening to drive the spectators away, but they were too 
cager to be casily scared and it ceased in a few minutes as 
suddenly as it had begun. Fra Domenico persisted in his 
determination not to lay aside the Crucifix. At last he said 
that he would be willing to take the Sacred Host instead. 
Against this not only the Franciscans but the whole body 


- 


46 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 


the Franciscan had been ready to enter the fire without any 
more ado and without expecting any miraculous interposi- 
tion, The conduct of Savonarola and his party was uni- 
versally condemned, especially after having so confidently 
announced that a miracle would take place in their favour; 
“the idea that the whole thing was a fraud gained ground 
from moment to moment."* If Savonarola was so confi- 
dent thaf God would protect him, it was said, why did he 
shrink from himself undergoing the ordeal? Also, why did 
he insist on Domenico’s being allowed to carry the Blessed 
Sacrament with him into the flames? Even those who 
believed in the prophet said that if the proof of his Divine 
mission were to be held as really incontestable, he ought to 
have entered the fire alone. Thus, in a single day, Savona- 
rola by his own act had dissipated the prophetic halo which 
had hitherto surrounded him in the eyes of the people. 
His fate was sealed. “He had himself led the populace to 
look for, and believe in, such tokens as the ordeal would 
have been, and whenever the masses find themselves 
disappointed in their expectations, and think themselves 
cheated and ingulted, their resentment is bitter and ruth- 
less.”{ 

* RawKe, Studien, 313-314 (ef 352 seg.) ; he cites Cerretani and the 
Report of the Milanese Envoy, Somenzi, in the Arch, St, Ital, XVIII, 
2-31 seg. Ranke rightly follows Cerretani’s impartial account and 
rejects Violi and Burlamacchi’s Dominican Legend, which Villari 
reproduces in all essential points, A fresh authority, overlooked by 
Villari, has now come to light in StatsMONDO DE’ Contr (IT, 194), who 
is all the more trustworthy because he fully recognises Savonarola’s 
great qualities, PELLEGRINI in the Giorn, St d, Lett, Ital. XIL, 263 
4eg., also points out the strong bias in Viliari’s account of the ordeal 

fire. 
eh Tl popolo si conturbé tutti quasi perdendo Ia fede cel Profeta, writes 
Lanpucct, 169 Cf CrmIGHTON, IL, 242 ; Cosct, 456 ; and PERRENS, 


sey. 
t Prawre, Sixtus IV., So 


48 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 


approached the question of the tax on the clergy. (|) 
Alexander VI. expressed his satisfaction that the scandal 
caused by the excommunicated Friar was at last put an 
end to; he willingly granted the absolution, but desired 
that the prisoners should be sent to Rome Although this 
request was afterwards repeated with considerable urgeney, 
no attention was paid to it in Florence. To send the 
delinquents to Rome was held not consistent with the 
dignity of the Republic; the sentence ought to be carried 
out where the crime had been committed. It was finally 
decided that two Papal Delegates were to assist in the trial, 
and on May 19th the General of the Dominicans, Gioacchino 
Turiano, and Francesco Romolino, Bishop of Ilerda, 
came to Florence in this capacity, But long before they 
arrived the trial had begun, and it was evident that 
Savonarola's opponents were now complete masters of the 
city and were prepared to employ any amount of torture 
and falsification of evidence to ensure his destruction. 

It is plain that Savonarola's statements, forced from him 
by torture and further distorted by interpolated sentences 
and omissions, cannot be accepted as proofs of anything, 
Thus the justice of his sentence can never be cither proved 
or disproved; but the excitement of Florence was 30 
great that the Government believed that it was absolutely 
necessary to put a stop to the Friar’s proceedings. Ne 
doubt Alexander VI. was urgent in his demands that the 
rebel who had intended to call in the help of the secular 
powers to achieve his dethronement should be punished. 
Nevertheless the responsibility for the severity with which 
he was treated must rest on the rulers of Florence, It has , 
been truly said, in excuse for this, that the Republic was at 
that time in such a critical position, both externally and 
internally, that the Government were convinced that this 
was a case for the application of the old Roman maxim, 


Le) HISTORY OF THE POPES. 


himself, declaring that his words were not inspired by God, . 
we should never have been able to renounce our faith in 
him, For so firm was our belief in him that we were 
all most ready to go through the fire in support of his 
doctrines.” * 

As every one had foreseen, the trial resulted in the 
sentence of death being pronounced upon Savonarola, Fra 
Domenico, and Fra Silvestro, * for the monstrous crimes of 
which they had been convicted.” On the following day the 
sentence, death by hanging, was executed. 

All three met their fate courageously and calmly, Before 
being delivered over to the secular arm, they were degraded 
from their priestly dignity as “heretics, schismatics, and 
contemners of the Holy Sce.”+ One of the spectators is 
said to have called out to Savonarola, “ Now is your time, 
Prophet, let us have the miracle.” When life was extinet 


* VILLARI, Savonarola, 11, 375 (Engl trans.), Cf PERRENS, 597 sey. 

+ For those readers who are unfamiliar with ecclesiastical terminology, 
I think the following remarks will not be superfluous, It was not only the 
Papal Commissioners but Alexander VI. himself who charged Savonarola 
with disseminating “falsa et pestifera dogmata" (see the Brief of 12th 
March, 1498, in GeexaRD!, 267), But by this phrase, according to the 
ordinary language of the time and the legal points of view, which was also 
that of the Inquisition during the following centuries, we are not to under- 
stand the teaching of erroneous dogma, Under certain circumstances, 
as GRi8AK in the Zeitschr. fiir Kathol. Theologie, 398, justly points out, 
teaching, the tendency of which was practically schismatic or tnecclesias- 
tical, was s0 designated. * Thus, any one who was guilty of insordescentia 
in excommunicatione miade himself * suspect of heresy’ in the eye of the 
Jaw, by seeming to deny the right of the Church to pronounce the sen- 
tence of excommunication, or the necessity of membership with the 
Church!” And Savonarola's claim of being a divinely commissioned 
prophet would fall under the same category. C/ the Letter of the Papal 
Commissioners of the 23rd May, 2498, in RUDELBACH, 494-497, from 
which it is evident that the charge of heresy in this case is to be undor- 
stood in the constructive and not in the strict sense. 


52 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 


Tt may justly be urged in Savonarola’s defence that in 
Florence and in Rome, and indeed throughout Italy, a 


he has not been able to avoid falling into some contradictions and errors, 
‘SCHWAB in the Boun. Liternturblatt, 1V., 897, and FRANTZ, Sixtus 1V.. 
XV., pp. 91-93, have pointed these out, but Villati, against his own 
interest, has refused to notice them. ‘The absurd notion of introducing 
‘Savonarola, who in his “Triumph of the Cross” places defection from the 
Catholic Church in the same category with defection from Christ (Qui 
ab unitate Romanac Ecclesiae doctrinam dissentit, procul dublo per devia 
aberrans a Christo recedit, sed omnes haeretici ab ea discordant, ergo 
iia recto tramite declinant neque Christiani appellari possunt, Lib. V., 
€. 6) into the Lather memorial at Worms, has set a number af Catholic 
pens to work to prove his orthodoxy, Amongst these are: (1) Das 
Lutherdenkmal 28 Worms im Lichte der Wahrheit (Mainz, 1868, 2nd 
ed, 1869) ; (2) ROvARD DE Carp, H. Savonarola und das Lutherdenkmal 
#2 Worms ins Deutsche iibersctat, (Berlin, 1868), See also SICKINGER, 
Savonarola, Eine historische Studie (Wurzburg, 1877); FRANTZ, Sixtus 
IV., 80 sey ; CIPOLLA, 760; DITTRICH, Contarini, 478 seg. ; Cantu, 
Exetici, 1, 252, and [tal Ill, 111, 649.#e7,; Carrowt, Gesch, der Florent, 
Republik, 11., 229; American Catholic Quarterly Review, XIV. (1889), 
36sey.; and HERGENROTHER, VITL, 335. The latter says of him: “He 
certainly was not a formal heretic or a precursor of the so-called Re- 
formation, unless the mere fact of being in opposition to Rome is enough 
to constitute him such, His teaching was thoroughly Catholic, and, with 
the exception of a few which have been put into the Index, his writings 
have held their ground unquestioned in the literature of the Church” 
In the reaction against this unhistorical point of view,a Dominican, E. 
Bayonne, went so far as to write a book (Etude sur J. Savonarola 
aprés des nouveaux documents, Paris, 1879) with the object of prepar- 
ing the way for his canonisation, The “New Documents” have been 
published by Gherardi, but contain nothing to justify such a proposal s 
jor can the reverence and esteem entertained for him by S, Philip Neri 
and S, Cath, Ricci be considered enough to support it. ‘The legend that 
Benedict XIV, “inscribed the name of Savonarola in the Catalogue of 
the saintly and blessed servants of God is entirely false. See GRISAR, 
in the Zeitechr. fiir Kathol. Theologie, [V., 392 seg. Bayonne’s pretension 
ie in contradiction also with the old tradition of bis Order. The doce- 
ments in GHERARDI, 329 sey,, shew that the Dominican Superiors for a 


54 : HISTORY OF THE POPES. 


the way to become the apostle of either Florence or 
Rome.”* 


* CARDINAL NEWMAN’s judgment in, WEISS, IV., 246 (VII. 532, ed. 3); 
of. ROHRBACHER-KNOPFLER, 277. CESARE BALBO, Storia d'Italia (ediz. 
decima, Firenze, 1856), has the following passage (p. 276) on the Friar 
of San Marco : Di Savonarola chi fa un Santo, chi un eresiarca precursor 
di Lutero, chi un eroe di libertt. Ma son sogni : i veri Santi non si ser- 
von del tempio a negozi umani ; i veri eretici non muoion nel seno della 
Chiesa, come mori, benche perseguitato, Savonarola; e i veri eroi di 
ibert& sono un po’ pitt sodi, non si perdono in chiasso come lui, Fu un 
entusiasto di bon conto; ¢ che sarebbe forse di buon pro, se si fosse 
ecclesiasticamente contentato di predicare contro alle crescenti corruttelle 
della spensierata Italia. 





56 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 


French King had announced his accession to the Pope in 
remarkably friendly terms.* Alexander hastened, on the 
4th of June, to respond to these advances by sending persons 
of unusual distinction, the Archbishop John of Ragusa, the 
protonotary Adrian of Corneto, and Raimondo Centelles, 
as Envoys to France They were charged, first of all, to 
congratulate the new King on his accession, and to call his 
attention to the war against the Turks ; in the next place, 
they were to say that the Pope would investigate certain 
claims made by Louis in regard to the Neapolitan question; 
and to warn him against making any attack upon Milan. 
They were to ask him to endeavour to obtain the restitu- 
tion of Pisa and Florence. Finally, they were to require 
him to give up the alliance with the Orsini and Colonna, 
and to abstain from taking the banished ex-Prefect of 
Rome, Giovanni della Rovere, under his protection} On 
the 14th June the Envoys were again desired to impress 
upon the King that nothing must be done against Milan.§ 


* Cf. PeuissteR, L'Alleanza, 310, 

+ Sanvuto, 1, 979; Burcnarpt Diarium, II, 474. *Letter of 
Card. A. Sforea, dat. June 4, Rome, 1498: Hoggi N. 5, ha inviato per 
sol oratori al sero Re de Franza el rev. Arcivescovo de Ragusa, M. 
Hadriano da Corneto prothonotario et secretario de S, S™ et M. 
Santigles Spagnolo prothonotario antiquo servitore de Sua Bm, State 
Archives, Milan. 

T The [nstruction is to be found in Mavtnx, Procéd. Polit, 1106 sey. 
taken from Cod, XXXII1y 170 f, 411%, of the Bibl, Barberin| ; and in 
TuvAsnn, 11, 673 19., printed from a MS. In the Papal Archives. 
Maulde and Thuasne, however, and also GREGOROVIUS, VIL, 409, od. 3 
(ed. 4, 415}, are not aware that this document had been published long 
ago by Free (Comment. de rebus gestis Hadriani Castelli, Faventiae, 
1771 MX). Of GesHaRpt, Adrian, 9, where the reference to SiGi- 
MONDO Dr’ Contr, IL, 200, is wanting. On R, Centelles, see DAL RE, 
136 seg.; and on the joumey of the Envoys and their arrival in the 
French Court, PELISSHER, L'Alleanza, $23 4497, 

§ Alex. V1. ven fratri Jo. Archiepise. Ragusin ac dil. fie Hadriano 


58 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 


busy itself with a plan for obtaining the throne of Naples for 
the house of Borgia by means of an Aragonese alliance,* 
Cesar was to marry Carlotta, the daughter of the Neapoli- 
tan King, and receive the principality of Tarento. The 
Mantuan Envoy states expressly that this was the Pope's 
real object in bringing about the marriage between 
Lucrezia and Alfonso, the natural son of Alfonso IL, and 
now Prince of Bisceglia and Quadratat On the 15th July 
Alfonso came incognito to Rome, and was cordially re- 
celved by Alexander and Cesar.{ On the 21st the 
marriage itself took place very quietly, but was celebrated 
‘on the following days with great festivities, in which Alex- 
ander took part with boyish gaicty. On this occasion a 
sharp encounter took place hetween Carsar's retainers and 
those of the Duchess, not a good omen for the future. 
Alfonso's good looks are much vaunted by one of the 
chroniclers, and this marriage of Lucrezia's was a happy 
one§ On the other hand, Cecsar’s alliance with Carlotta, 
who had been brought up at the French Court, fell through. 
She herself refused, and her father was even more opposed 
to it than she was. On the 2qth July, writing to Gonsalvo 
de CordoWa, he said that the Pope was insatiable, and that 


* Broscu, Julius IL, 319-320 + SANUTO, IL, 250, Cresar’s famous 
sword (now in the possession of the Duke of Sermoneta) bears witness 
to his plans and aspirations. The engraved designs with which it is 
covered contain many plays upon his name with appropriate mottocs, é:f 
Cum numine Cesaris omen, It was first described by Ademollo, and later 
with admirable illustrations by YRIARTE, Autour des Borgia, 143 4¢y~ 

+ Sce Appendix N. 5, “Despatch from G, L, Cataneo, 8th Aug, 1498. 
Gonzaga Archives, Mantua, 

T See Appendix N. 1 and 2, *Letters from A. Sforea of agth and a7th 
July, 1498 Milanese State Archives, 

§ Cf BURCHAKD! Diarium, 11, 493 rey.; SANUTO, 1, 1030, 10425 
and in Appendix N. 3, Cataneo's "Despatch of 8th Aug, 1498, with 
Grecorovius, Lucrezia Borgis, 104 seq. 


60 HISTORY OF TITE POPES. 


Alexander VI. and C:esar meanwhile had succeeded in 
obtaining what they wanted,* and on the 17th of August 
Cassar resigned his Red-hat with the consent of all the Car- 
dinals+ Sigismondo de’ Conti calls this a new and un- 
heard of procecding; but at the same time dwells on the 
fact that Cxsar was naturally a warrior, and unsuited for 
the priesthood. Sanuto, in his Diary, is much more severe 
in his judgment. He says: “When Cardinal Ardicino 
della Porta wished to resign the Cardinalate in order to 
become a monk, many in the Consistory were against it, 
while all gave their consent to Crsar’s plan; but now in 
God's Church everything is topsy-turvy."} The disposal 
of Cxsar’s benefices, which were worth 32,000 ducats, was 
left with the Pope, who later gave the Archbishopric of 
Valencia to Cardinal Juan Borgia. § 

On this same 17th August the French King’s Envoy, 
Louis de Villeneuve, arrived in Rome in order to 
accompany Ciesar to France, The preparations for the 
jeurney took so long that they did not start until the ist 
of October) A few days earlier Alexander addressed an 
Libraria del Papa ; SANUTO, whose version is a little different (1. rar6, 
1017), that they were found: in su una collona nel palazo di! papa, 

* In the postscript of a *Letter from Card, A. Sforza to his brother in 
July, 1498, we read: Come piu volte ho scripto alla Ex. V-io extimo ebe 
N.S. non sia per riposare fin che non habia dato assetto alle cove del 
rey, card, de Valenza, Milanese State Archives, 

+ GREGOROVIUS, VIL, 412, ed. 3 (418, ed. 4); CIPOLLA, 764; REM: 
MONT, IIL, 1,228; and BALAN, 388, give a wrong cite—1gth Aug, That 
in the text is the date in BURCHARD! Diarium, [L., 492. 

J SIGIsMONDO Dk’ ConTI, IL, 201; SANUTO, L, toS4, Cf also 
Diario Fermrese, 390; NOTAR GrACOMO, 225; CARPESANUS, Hib, 
TIL, 6; and Ravwacnus, ad an, 1492, n. 34) in connection with Mansi’s 
note 

§ SANTO, L, 1110; IL, 67, G29; and *Acta Consist, C. 303, £ 8 
Consistorial Archives, 

|| Burcwarpr Vinrium, 1., 493; PRLISSIER, 344 (of course it is 


62 IISTORY OF ‘THE POPES. 


proud Duke pursued his journey through Lyons to the 
Royal camp, which was then at Chinon, On the 19th of 
December (according to other accounts, the zoth) he made 
his entry there with a splendour hitherto unknown in 
France, He brought to the King the Bull of dispensation 
for his marriage, and a Red-hat to the Archbishop of Rouen, 
George d’Amboise. At this time Louis spoke openly of 
his designs on Milan, in which he expected the Pope's 
support.” 

The closer relations with France caused a breach 
between the Pope and Ascanio Sforza and Lodovico Moro, 
As early as September, 1498, we find this mentioned in the 
Envoy's reports. The Colonna and Frederick of Naples 
were on the side of Ascanio Sforza. Their attitude was 
so menacing that on All Saints’ Day the Pope appeared 
in the Church with a strong guard ; and later this occurred 
again several times> 

Eyen when the Portuguese Envoys, on 27th November, 
came for their audience, they found a large guard in the 
ante-chamber, If, as many thought, this was intended to 
overawe the Envoys, it quite failed in its effect, On the 


and SIGIsMoNDo Dit Cont, 11., 201 ; and om the festivities at Avignon, 
G, Bayie's paper in the Mém. de l'Acad. de Vaucluse, Vol. 7, 

* Frrrato, Entrata del Valentino nel 1499 a Cinone (Venes., 1868) ; 
SANUTO, IL, 39, 175, 317, 320, 347 #7 367-368 ; SIGISMONDO DE 
Cont, foc, cf.; MONTZ, Hist, de V'Art, 1, 318. On the dissolution of 
LouisX!1.'s marriage, see LEONENT!, 111,251 ; CIPOLLA, 764 ; and EWSES, 
Documente tur Geseht. der Ehescheidung Heinrichs VIIL, 56, note 1, 
Paxvinnys, 334, and Candetna, 275, erroneously place d'Amboise’s 
nomination on the r2th of September, See, against this, BURCHARDI 
Diarium, IT, 516, and *Acta Consist. where the 17th September is dis- 
tinetly mentioned as the day of nomination. (Consistorial Archives of 
the Vatican, C. 2.) Upon d'Amboise, sce Novans, VI., 100; MIGXR, 
5. u.¢ and Dk MONTRARD'S work, Le Card. G. d’Amboise, Ministre de 
Lovis XH, Limoges, 1879. 

+ SANUTO, 1, t1tt; IL, 103, 115, 186 Cf PELISSIER, 555 Fag. 


Gy HISTORY OF THE POPES, 


disturbances which had broken out there* Three days 
later they appeared before the Pope with that display of 
anxious concern for the welfare of the Church which 
Ferdinand’s successors were so apt at employing,t while, 
in fact, their aims were entirely political. Ferdinand of 
Spain dreaded, above all things, an alliance between Rome 
and Louis X11, which would give to France the pre- 
dominance in Italy, and frustrate all his designs in regard 
to Naples, Consequently, he had charged his Envoys to 
threaten Alexander with a Council and reform. ‘They began 
by telling the Pope to his face that the means by which 
he had obtained the Pontificate were notorious, Alex 
ander interrupted them with the remark that, having been 
unanimously elected Pope, his title was a far better one than 
that of their Spanish Majesties, who had taken possession 
of their throne in defiance of all law and conscience, They 
were mere usurpers, and had no right whatever to their 
kingdom. The rest of the audience corresponded with this 
beginning. The Envoys reproached Alexander with his 
simony and his nepotism, and threatened a Council. The 
Pope justified himself, and accused the Spanish Ambassador, _ 
Garcilasso de la Vega, of concocting false reports. When 
the Envoys spoke of the death of the Duke of Gandia as 
a Divine chastisement, he angrily replied that the Spanish 
monarchs were more scverely punished than he was, for 
they were without direct successors, and this was doubtless 
on account of their encroachments on the rights of the 
Church. ¢ 


* BURCHARD Diarium, II, 500, and *Acta Consist, C. 303, £ 9 sey. 
‘Consistorial Archives, 

+ Havemany, 11, 15. 

 SANUTO, I]. 279; 6/836, and ZURITA, V,, 159-160, Cf HOFLER, 
Rodrigo de Borja, 83; Wirrex, Life of Joan Valdes, 25 (1885); 
MAURENSRECHER, Kathol. Ref., 379. 


66 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 


Caesar.* Alexander laid the blame of this on Louis XII. 
In a letter of qth February, 1499, to Giuliano della Rovere, 
he complained of the King’s faithlessness, which had made 
him the laughing-stock of the world; as every one knew 
that, but for this marriage, Cesar would never have gonc to 
France-+ On the 13th of February he spoke in a similar 
strain to Ascanio, and begged him to endeavour to persuade 
the King of Naples to agree to the marriage. Ascanio, 
however, replied that this was impossible. The Cardinal 
thought that the Pope was very much afraid of Spain and 
thoroughly mistrustful of France} Just at this time Louis 
X11. concluded his treaty with Venice for the partition of 
Milan, leaving it open to the Pope to join in the League 
if he pleased.§ At this juncture it scemed extremely un- 
likely that this would take place. || If Cxsar had not been 
in France, the Venetian Envoy, in a report of 12th March, 
says he believes that Alexander would have allied himself 


* SANUTO, IL, 412, where, however, the date should be the roth 
instead of the 18th Jam. Giuliano’s letter was discovered by BroscH, 
Julius 11., 79. Of also Péuassren, 569 sey, 

+ GRECOROVIUS, VIL, 416-417, ed. 5 (425, ed. 4). “4 

+ Notizenblatt (1856), p. 587. 

§ In regard to the League of oth Feb., 1499, which was published in 
Blois on the 13th April, and Giuliano della Rovere’s part in it, see BROSCH, 
Julius 1L, 80. In the *Acta Consist, C. 303, we find (f. 36), Feb. 27, 
1499: S, D, N, logit litteras rev. d. S. Petri ad Vine. quemadmodum 
Veneti die 9 Febr. confederati forent cum rege christ. dixitque etiam 
oratorem Venetum hac de re litteras habuisse ac locum Sue 5! reser- 
satum esse Consistorial Archives, 

|| Giuliano della Rovere was the person counted on to bring the Pope 
round. In the *Report of an anonymous person, dat. Lyons, 28 Mar, 
1499) we find the following passage on Giuliano’s journey, which may 
serve to fill up the gap in Broscn's Julius TL, 80> Ali Xxtv, de questo 
arrivo qua lo card. de S. Petr Yesterday he went on to Avignon : 
se stim vulgarmente per tirar el papa in In liga, State Archives, 
Modena, 


68 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 


send his children away from Rome and to carry some 
reforms into effect; he granted powers for the adjustment 
of ecclesiastical affairs in Spain, and made large concessions 
to the King and Queen in regard to their control. In con~ 
sequence, his relations with Spain became more friendly.” 
Alexander had nearly given up all hope of the realisa- 
tion of Caesar's marriage with the French Princess,t when 
an autograph letter from Louis arrived announcing that 
it had taken place’ On the 24th of May Cardinal San- 
severino read the letter in the Consistory.t This event 
created a complete revolution in the Pope's dispositions; 
he now openly embraced the French side and that of 
Venice, and announced that the Milanese dynasty must be 
done away with.§ Cardinal Ascanio Sforza saw that Rome 
was no longer the place for him; on the rath July he quitted 


Boxcwanot Diasium, U., 387; Sanvro, (1, §62; and *Despatch 
from Manfredi, Rome, 231d March, 1499. State Archives, Modena. 

* ©. the Ambassadorial Report of agth May, 1499, in the Notirenblatr 
of 1856, p. 503 sey. (not correctly printed), and Pxxscorr, II., 221; see 
here, p. 201, for Alexander's Bull of 16th Nov,, 1501, empowering the 
Spanish Government to levy all tithes in the Colonies. 

+ See the Ambassadorial Report, Notizenblatt (1856), p. 592. 

t *Per eund. r. d. Sanseverinatem lecte fuerunt in Sacre consistorio 
littere efusdem christ regis sua manu Gallico idiomate ad S. D. N. 
scripte in monticulis Blesis die XIII. Maii 1499 de matrimonio seilicet 
inter D, Cesarem Borgiam et dominam Carolam de Labreto die X. 
Mail contracto ac XII. consumato. Lecte fuerunt et in & consistorio 
Vitere ipsitis dominac de Labreto saa manu ad S. D, N. sine ula 
data éxarate in quibus cum placuisset christ™ regi et ill. genitori suo ut 
domino Cesari Borgise nuptai tradertur sibi quoque talem viram 
placuisse ferebit futurumque perpetuo gratum atque jocundum sperare 
‘et se bonam filiam fore semper venturumque brevi ad osculandum pedes 
St Bols polliceri, Acta Consist., C. 303, 54. (Consistorial Archives.) 
©f *Letter from A. Sforet, dat. Rome, 18th May, 1499. (Milanese State 
Archives.) BURCHARDI Diarium, U1, 532; SANUTO, IL, 759; and 
YRIARTe, César Borgia, 1, 168 seg. + 1L, 324 sey. 

8 SANUTO, I1,, 799, 826, 923, 958, and Noticcoblate (1857), pe 7 





ASCANIO SFORZA LEAVES ROME. 69 


the city, taking all he had with hii In the first instance 
he went to the Colonna at Narni, and thence sailed in 
a Neapolitan ship to Genoa, whence he fled to Milan. 
Thither he was afterwards followed by the Cardinals 
Colonna and Sanseverino,® and Alfonso, Lucrezia’s husband. 
Lucrezia was, on the 8th August, made Regent of Spoleto, 
and went there at once, accompanied by her brother Jofré. 

Alexander's children had all now been removed from 
Rome ;+ but this had no effect on his nepotism. Nepi was 
soon bestowed upon Lucrezia, and the governor left there 
by Ascanio Sforza had to hand it over;t meanwhile, the 
plans for Czsar’s advancement were maturing. 





* BURCHARD! Diarium, II, 546, 549; SANUTO, II, 933, 958, 959, 
1017. See in the Notizenblatt (1857), pp. 8-9, Milanese Report and 
Letter of A. Sforza. 

+ *Dice el papa vole monstrar al Re chel sa viver senza li soi. Des- 
Patch from G. L. Cataneo, dat. Rome, gth August, 1499. Gonzaga 
Archives, Mantua. 

 GREGoRovIUS, Lucrezia Borgia, 108 seg. Cf Dat RE, 139, and 
SANUTO, I1., 1049, 1075. On the banishment of Sancia, Jofré Borgia’s 
consort, whose reputation was none of the best, </: SANUTO, II., 1089. 


CHAPTER Ill. 


‘Tue Frencn ix Mrtan,—Cvesan Borota conquexs IMoLa ano 
Fornt, — Resroxation or Lopovico Moro. — Lovis XII. 
conquers Mitan A Sgconp Tiate,.—Axancuy ix Romn.— 
Muxper or tie Duke or Biscrcuia, — Frivouiry AND 
Nerorisw of Avexanper V1-—Parririon or THE Kixcpom 
or Nariis peTWEEN FRANCE AND Spain. 


By the month of July of the year 1499, a French army had 
already crossed the Alps, and fortress after fortress went 
down before the “rush of the Swiss and the French” 
Venice would have chimed in from the eastern side had 
not her hands just then been over full with the war 
against the Turks,* Lodovico Moro had hoped that the 
German Emperor and Frederick of Naples would have 
come to his aid, but Maximilian was fully occupied in fight 
ing the Swiss Frederick was to have declared war against 
the Pope; but when Alessandria fell into the hands of the 
French, he gave up all thoughts of this Thus Lodovica 
was left to face the French entirely alone. Seeing that the 
situation was hopeless, on the evening of 1st September 
he fled to the Tyrol, to put himself under Maximilian's 
protection. Cardinals Ascanio Sforza and Sanseverino 
followed him.{ The moment he was gone the Milanese 
opened their gates to the French; on the 6th September 

* HAVEMANN, IL, 49; ZINKEISEN, IL., 529 6. 

+ Sicismonno pr! Conti, I1., 205. 

T CIPOLLA, 770; Havestann, H1, 56 seg,; MaGnnts, L, 554, places 
the date of his flight on and September, 


72 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 


was arranged that Casar was to conquer the Romagna. 
The King of France manifested his gratitude by placing a 
portion of his army at the Duke's disposal." “It was not 
difficult to make the expedition appear as though undertaken 
for the interests of the Church, though in reality the 
interests of the family were the first consideration, The 
relations between the rulers of the cities of the Romagna 
and their feudal Lord were so variable, and often so 
unsatisfactory, as casily to afford a handle for proceeding 
against them to any Pope who wished to doso. Alexander 
resolved to make use of this opportunity to strike a crushing 
blow."+ Bulls were issued declaring the Lords of Rimini, 
Pesaro, Imola, Faenza, Forli, Urbino, and Camerino to 
have forfeited their fiefs by the non-payment of their dues, 
Louis XIL arranged that proceedings should only be taken 
against those who belonged to the party of the Sforza, and 
this plan had also the advantage of satisfying the suscepti- 
bilities of the Venetians. t 

In the middle of November Casar began the campaign by 
attacking Caterina Sforza and the sons of Girolamo Riario. 
Imola opened her gates of her own accord, and the fort fell 
in the early part of December. In Forli, also, the inhabitants 
offered no resistance, but the citadel here was far stronger 
and was bravely defended by the high-spirited Caterina her- 
self; yet on 12th January, 1500, it was forced to capitulate. § 
On the wth Aug. 1500, Lod. Borgia, Archbishop of Valencia, was 
made Liecutenant-governor of Spoleto, See Sanst, Documente dail 
Arch. Comm, di Spoleto, 81. Spoleto, 1861. 

* Sicrsmowno pr Contr, IT, 209, 

+ REUMONT, ILL, 1,229. C£GorYLoH, Cam. Ap.,223; GREGOROVIUS, 
VII, 422, od. 3 (428, exh. 4); and Creionron, IV, 4. In September 
‘the Pope had thought of getting the Dukedom of Ferrara for Cxsar, 
but Venice objected. See Hist. Zeitschr., XXXILL, 360. 

J BURCHARDI Dintium, 11, 570; BALAN, V., 394, 3; ALVIS, 67. 

§ Sawuro, TIL, 56, 84; StaisMONDO DR’ ConTt, II, 209 seg.5 


74 HISTORY OF THE POPES, 


the Lords of Faenza and Rimini® Cwsar, therefore, 
returned to Rome and made his triumphal entry into the 
city on the 26th February, clothed in black velvet and with 
a gold chain round his neck; all the Cardinals and Envoys 
came to mect him. Alexander VI. was beside himself 
with joy; he wept and laughed in the same breatht 
Amongst the Carnival-plays the triumph of Julius Cmsar 
was represented in the Piazza Navona. On Laetare Sunday 
(29th March), the Duke received from the hands of the 
Pope the insignia of a standard-bearer of the Church and 
the Golden Rose} The power of the Duke of Valentinois 
‘was now almost unlimited. Even on the 23rd of January 
@ report from Rome announced that, at the approaching: 
nomination of Cardinals, Casar’s influence would be de 
cisive : he was the person to apply to. No Castellans were 
appointed to any of the strong places within the Papal 
States but such as were devoted to him; the governorship of 
the Castle of St. Angelo was given to one of his retainers. 

Meanwhile the state of affairs in Lombardy had again 
completely changed. Louis XII, had lost no time in send- 
ing a fresh army across the Alps, and the battle at Novara 
proved a decisive victory for France. The Swiss refused 
to fight against their kinsmen in the French army, and 
abandoned Lodovico, who was taken prisoner (roth April, 
1500)|| Louis XIL shut him up in the fortress of Loches 

* Sce in Appendix, N. 4, the *Letter of 23rd Jan, 1500. Gonzaga 
Archives, Mantua. 

+ Sanvro, IIL, 140-1415 BuRcuaRpt Diarium, IL, 19467. 

J BURCHARDI Diarium, IIL, 22, 26 seg.; SANUTO, IIL, 198} 
SIGISMONDO DU! CONT, I1., 228; *Acta Consist,  Consistorial Archives 
of the Vatican, 

§ See Appendix, N. 4. 

ij See Ruscoxt, Lod. it Moro ¢ sua cattura in Novara (Novara, 1878); 
Kinpt, Die Katastrophe L, Moro’s in Novara; and DIERAVER, IL, 
386-387. Sce also KNUTH, Jean d'Auton, 37 sey, 


76 HISTORY OF THE POPES 


in the Borgia family attracted more attention than any of 
these deeds of violence.” 

Next to Casar, Lucrezia at that time again stood highest 
in the Pope’s favour. In the Spring of the year 1501 Ser 
moneta, which had just been snatched away from the 
Gactani, was added to Spoleto and Nepi, which had already 
been bestowed upon her+ As she was on excellent terms 
with her present husband, there seemed nothing now tomar — 
her happiness. It was, however, not destined to last long: 
on the evening of the rsth of July, as Alfonso was re- 
turning from the Vatican he was set upon by five assassins 
in the Piazza di San Pietro. Though badly wounded he 
succeeded in making his escape. He was so much afraid 
of poison that he refused all medical help, and sent word to 
the King of Naples that his life was in danger, as his own | 
physician had endeavoured to destroy him by this means.} 
A report was immediately circulated that the attempt 
originated from the same quarter as the murder of the 


* Cf Burcuarnt Diarium, IIL, 39-42 #74 45; SANUTO, III, 3195 
Letter from Brandolinus in BROM, 190 s¢g.; REUMONT, IIL, 1, 
252, On the precautionary measures of the Pope, see, specially, *Acta 
‘Consist., Consistorial Archives of the Vatican, {n the libmry at Siena, 
A. IIL, T., £15, is an unprinted Bando against the Corsi in Rome and 
the States of the Church, 

+ *Alexander VI. vendit Sermonetam et alin loca sublata a Caietanis 
Practextu rebellionis Lucretiae Rorgiae. Dat. Rom, 1499 (st. .), 7 Td. 
Mart, Cod. Ottob., 2504, £287 seg. (Vat. Library.) Cf GRECoROTIUS, 
VIL, 421, ed. 5 (427, ect. 4), and L. Borgia, 114; GOTTLOR, Cam, Ap, 
238; and BALAN, 393-394. 

T Besides the notice in SaxuTo, 111, 521, and BURCHARDE Diarium, 
IIL, 69., of Brandolinus’ Letter in Brom, 185; the Florentine Report in 
Tuvaswe, IIL, 437 #¢g.; and expecially the Report of B. Calmeta, which 
has been strangely overlooked by Gregorovius, although there is a 
triple copy of it in the Gonzaga Archives at Mantua. 1 had intended to 
give it in the Appendix, but can now refer the reader to LUZIORENTER, 
who bas printed it in his work, Mantova ¢ Urbino, 103, 





78 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 


been herself nursing her husband with the tenderest care, 
was inconsolable. Overwhelmed with grief she went back 
to Nepi to hide herself in its solitude. Some of Alfonso's 
Neapolitan servants were arrested on a charge of having 
planned an attempt on Ciesar’s life, but nothing of any 
importance was extracted from them.* When the Neapoli- 
fan Envoy heard what had happened he at once took 
refuge in the palace of the Spanish Ambassador.t Alex« 
ander told the Venetian Envoy, who came to see himon 
the 23rd August, that Alfonso had tried to kill Caesar. 
Beyond this nothing on the subject was allowed to tran- 
spire ; a few conjectures were whispered about, but no one 
dared to speak above his breath. Evidently Alexander VI. 
thought it prudent to hush up the whole affair as much as 
possible; no doubt he too was afraid of Caesar} 

Shortly before the murder, Alexander's own life had been 
in great danger. In the ninth year of his reign, on the Feast 
of SS, Peter and Paul, Sigismondo de’ Conti relates, just 
as the Pope was about to give his audience, the sky being 
clear, suddenly, with no warning, a tornado of wind sprang 
up and tore off the very solid roof of the upper part of the 
Sala de’ Papi as though it had been made of straw. In 
consequence, that portion of the roof under which the Pope 
was sitting also gave way, but the balcony over his head, 
still remaining attached to the wall, protected him from the 
falling masonry, and the gold embroidered hanging over 
his throne from the smothering dust. Half an hour elapsed 
before his servants could make their way through the wind 

* Florentine Despatch in THUASNH, IIT, 438, and in Appendix, N. 5, 
a Letter from G. L. Cataneo, of rgth Aug., 1300. (Gonmga Archives, 
Mantua.) On Lucrezia at Nopi, see GREGOROVIUS, Lucrezia, 154 sey4 


T Despatch from PB “Capello, ard Aug., in aunties Hi, 685; 
CREIGHTON, IV,, 12. 


80 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 


in September 1500, Paolo Capello says: “ The Pope is now 
seventy years of age; he grows younger every day, his — 
cares never last the night through; he is always merry | 
and never does anything that he does not like, The ad= 
vancement of his children is his only care, nothing clse 
troubles him.” * 

In Czesar's eyes this accident was a warning to carry out 
his plans with as little delay as possible. His campaign 
against the Tyrants of the Romagna required a consider- 
able sum of money and the acquiescence of Venice, where, 
since the month of May, a Papal Nuncio, Angelo Leonini, 
had been permanently residing.+ He succeeded in ob- 
taining both money from the creation of Cardinals of 
2nd September, 1500,} and the consent of Venice in return 
‘on the ringing of the Angelus, about this time. See Vol, 1. of this worl, 
P. 400, and Raywatous, ad an. 1599, n. 4. 

* SaxvTo, IIT, 846-847. Ina hitherto unnoticed Report of C, 
‘Guasco of 14th Aug., 1499 (Notirenblatt, 1857, p. $5), we find: Madonna 
Julia [Farnese] é ritornata a la S, de N.S, The Venetian Envoy paid a 
visit to the Pope on 31d July, 1500, and says: Era con S. S® Madona 
Lugrecia In principessa e so marito, € una soa damiselia sta con Madona 
Lugrecia, ch’ & favorite del papa. SANUTO, IIL, 469; of also 
Dispacci di A. Giustinian, L, 100, 295. SANUTO mentions, I, 375, the 
fall of a wall in the Vatican in Nov, 1496, struck by lightning, and IL, 
909, on Sth Oct, 1500, that Alexander was attacked by an angry fallow. 
buck and was in considerable danger. 

+ According to Pinprn, Nuntiaturen, 35 seg. this is the first 
instance that can be traced with certainty ofa permanent Nuntiature at 
any Court. 

t Cf Sanvro, 111, 855, 857, 878, 879, and BurctaRDr Diariam, 
111., 77, who gives the sum that each Cardinal had to pay. ‘The twelve 
nominated, of whom six were Spaniards, were ; (1) Diego Hurtado de 
Mendoza ; (2) A. d!Albret ; (3) Lod. Borja ; (4) Jacopo Serm ; (5) Pietro 
Ievalies ; (6) Francesco Borja (7) Giovanni Vera 5 (8) Lodovieo Podo 
catharo; (9) Gianantonio Trivulzio; (10) Giambattisea Ferrari; (11) 
‘Thomas Bakocs; (12) Marco Cornaro, C/. PANVENIUS, 335 ; CARDELLA, 
279 seg. j and *Acta Consist; in fol. g arealso the names of the thirteen 


82 HISTORY OF THE POPES, 


to the Castle of St Angelo where, in January 1503, Carsar 
had him and his younger brother put to death.* Next came 
the punishment of Giovanni Bentivoglio, who had supported 
Faenza in its resistance. When several castles had been 
taken, he sued for mercy, gave up Castel Bolognese also, 
and promised to supply Cesar for five years with 300 horse- 
men+ Alexander now bestowed on Cwsar the title of 
Duke of Romagna, “thus making the largest province of 
the Church hereditary in the Borgia family, in utter indiffer- 
ence to the probability that this might easily entail on 
the Church the loss of all these States” } 

Encouraged by these rapid successes, Cesar now turned 
his attention to Florence, at that time seriously weakened 
by the war with Pisa. In great alarm the Florentines pur- 
chased peace by granting him for three years a subsidy 
of 36,000 ducats, and promising not to help Piombino, The 
Lord of this principality, Jacopo d'Appiano, lost in a very 
short space of time the greater part of his possessions§ 


Cron. a, 778-779. G. L. Cataneo announces, 6th March, 1501: “El papa 
manda ogni di molto denari a Valentino. Gonzaga Archives, Mantua. 

* SicisMoNDO DE’ Contr, II, 232. I cannot accept Alvisi and 
‘Maury's defence of Cacsar in the Rev, Hist, VIIL, 94, in the face of 
the explicit testimony of a historian who was by no means hostile to the 
Borgia family. Cy. also BURCHARDI Diarium, TT, 208; Laxpvect, 
24; and Dispacci di A. Giustinian, 1., 18, Here the story of the murder 
{é stato detto) is told on 6th June, while G, L, Cataneo, on the 7th June, 
1502, writes home » *E! Sig. gia de Faenm e lo fratetio qual erano qua in 
castetlo benche alquanto largi ta guardati sono stati condweti fuora 
dieaso ne se 2a dove sinno ; tamen credesi siano condutti a Piombino 
per don Micheloto primo homo in Varme del ducha pi, Génmaga 
Archives, Mantua. 

+ ALVISI, 496 seg.; BALAN, V., 401; SUGENITEIM, 372; Ray- 
NALDUS, ad an. 1g01, HL 16; CrroLLs, 79. 

T Greoorovivs, VIL, 439, ed. 3 (446, ed. 4); ALVISY, 1815 
THVASNE, 11, 131) Me 2 

§ ALYISI, 192 sey. ; SUCENHEIM, 373. 


84 IUSTORY OF THE POPES, 


published, The French reached Capua, destroying the 
villages of the Colonna on their way, almost without re- 
sistance, and successfully stormed and sacked that city 
before the end of July.* Gaeta now also capitulated, and _ 
the French army under d’Aubigny appeared before Naples. _ 
Frederick fled to Ischia and surrendered to the French | 
King, who gave him the Dukedom of Anjou and a yearly 
pension. France and Spain divided his kingdom between 
them, 


* SicisMonno pit! Conti, I1., 239; SANUTO, [V., 76-78; BALAN, 
V., 404-495; HAVEMANN, II, 120 seg.; CIPOLLA, 781. In regard to 
the accusations against Crcsar, see his defence in ALVIs!, 209 sey.; 
Leonxrnt, IL, 455; Maury in the Rev. Hist., NUL, 96 seg. and Re 
SORAGNA in the Rassegna Naz. X. (1882), 364, who do not here go too 
far, Cf Broven in Hist, Zeitsche,, XLIV., 542. 

+ SicisMonDO DE’ ConTi, 11, 248; Brandolinus' Letter in BROM, 
147 seg.5 REUMONT, Carafa, 1, 33 99.3 Rawk, Rom. und Germ. 
Volker, 142 sey, 149 sey. Although Louis XII. was excused his tribute 
by Alexander VI. on 27th Aug., 1501, on account of the Turkish war 
(RAVNALDUS, ad an, 150K, 0. 75; GOTTLOM, 234-235), he did very little 
in this direction, Ferdinand was excused on the asth, May, 1502, from 
the duty of appearing personally in Romo to receive his fief; Ray- 
NALDUS, ad an, 1502, 0. 16; HERGENROTHER, VITL, 384. He lost no 
‘time in manifesting his gratitude to the Borgias ; see HOrLER, Katas- 
trophe, 16, 





86 HISTORY OF THE POPES, 


a certain degree as a check upon the Sultan; but after 
his death fresh attacks on Christian lands recommenced 
almost at once, In Bosnia, in the year 1496, a number of 
small fortresses, still occupied by the Hungarians, were 
invested by Turkish troops and many of them conquered. 
In Moldavia the inroads of the Turks, beginning in the 
same year, were of a more serious character. In tq98 a 
band of Turks and Tartars, combined with Moldavians, 
swooped down on Poland itself Far and wide they 
ravaged the country; “the land was strewn with corpses. 
All the towns on the hills and plains round Lemberg and 
Przemys) as far as Kanczug were plundered and burnt; 
the harpies encamped in the fields for a short time and 
then returned whence they came, loaded with booty.”* 
Already in the previous year the friendly relations 
hitherto subsisting between Venice and the Porte had 
been sharply disturbed. The Turks had for some time 
past been busily occupied in strengthening theirarmaments, 
and especially their navy, The object of these prepara- 
tions was kept a profound secret, and the Venetians, with 
all their sagacity, were completely deceivedt+ When the 
preparations were completed, the Sultan, without any 
declaration of war, began hostilities by arresting all the 


* Cano, V., 2, 751; ZINKEISEN, IL, 507 sey. 

+ *Ex litteris abatis Gondulae, 1499, Juli xxii. ; Che le cose del Turco 
vanno tanto secretamente che non se po Intendere ne sapere ne pen- 
sare la son deliberations, (State Archives, Milan, Turchia.) Barthol, 
Sfondrato had, however, correctly guessed what the Turks were about ; 
¢f his Report of 8th June, 1499, in Maxuscey, IL, 108 He says: Tutto 
il Levantetrema. . , , Et ben che le cose del dicto Turcho siano passat 
et passano secretissime, tamen ad me, me pare comprehender che quan- 
tungue dal principio la fama sie stata contro Rhodo et contra Puglia, 
tamen el suo disegno & stato de rumpere guerra ad S, Venetian, In 
Ragusa, however, it was firmly believed in the middle of July, 1499, 
that the Turks were going to attack Rhodes. MAxuSCEY, II, 194- 


88 HISTORY OF THE POPES, 


peatedly discussed in Consistory, It was then thought, — 
from the report of the Grand-Master of Rhodes, that the | 
attack was to be directed against that island.* While the 
deliberations on the help to be sent to Rhodes were going 
on, the news came of the descents on Venetian territory. 
In the beginning of August, letters from the French Envoy 

in Venice to a French Cardinal came to hand, accusing 
the Milanese Government of having instigated the Turkish 
attack, The Milanese Envoy in Rome defended the con- 
duct of his master in view of the hostile attitude of the 
Venctians, and declared openly that Milan would not 
seruple to use the Turks and the Moors in self-defence} 

Tt never came to this, however, for in the Autumn of that 
year Lodovico Moro was driven out of Milan} 

In consequence of the increasingly menacing reports 
which continued to arrive from the East, Alexander, in 
the late Autumn of 1499, issued an invitation to all the 
Christian Princes to send representatives to Rome in the 
ensuing March to deliberate on the formation of a League 
against the Turks§ This invitation met with so litte 
response that in February 1500, it was found necessary to 
repeat it.|| Even this produced but little result. On the 


+ Protocols of the Consistories of the roth, 14th, and 26th June, and 
sth July, 1499. Acta Consist., C. 303, in the Consistoriat Archives. 

+See the Milanese Ambassadorial Reports in the Notizenblatt 
(1857), pp. 2t-22, 38-39. 

tO supra, p70 

§ Of the Brief of 12th Nov., 149, to King Emanuel of Portugal in 
SANTAREM, X,, 120. 

|| See the identical Briefs of srd Feb, 1500, to Florence (MOLLER, 
Relaz,, 245) and to Francesco Gonsaga ; the original is in the Gonzaga 
Archives, Mantua. The King of Portugal received Briefs of commenda- 
‘Gon for bis zeal in regard to the war against the infidels on the toth 
and 16th Feb,, 1500; in the last of these the 1st of March is mentioned 
as the day on which the deliberations were to begin. SANTAREM,X, 12%, 


and, in more dewil, Zunrra, V., 
a Turkish Envoy hid arrived in 


in order to counteract these efforts, 


z, Actenst. ur Gesch. Karls V., Ein- 


Gf, ibid. 253, 985, and 426, on the 
and the support to be given to that 


at Jal, VIL, 459. 





go HISTORY OF THE POPEs. | 


Chilstendom, setting: forth» the fary and) crvelty\of. thea 
Osmanii and their hatred of the Christian name, and urging: 
all to unite against the common enemy. The purpose of 
the Turks, it affirmed, was, first to conquer Rome, and then 
to subjugate all the Christian populations, Consequently, 
the Roman Church had now formally declared war against 
the hereditary foc, To mect the expenses of the contest, a 
tithe was to be levied on. all ecclesiastical benefices without 
exception, and on all the officials in the States of the 
Church, All who resisted the impost were threatened with 
Excommunication. This Crusade-Bull was to be publicly 
read, in the vulgar tongue, on some feast-day in all the 
dioceses of the world. The Jews were required to contri- 
_ bute a twentieth of their property.* At the same time a 
Brief was drawn up addressed to the King of France. In 
it the Pope said that Envoys had been summoned to Rome 
in March, in order to take counsel on the war against the 
Turks. Many had not come, and those that had appeared 
were not provided with sufficient powers. Although the 
summons had been repeated, as yet the Pope had received 
nothing from the Princes but fair words. Hence he now 
once more tumed to the King of France, who, now that he 
was ruler of Milan, was doubly bound to come forward to 
protect Italy from the Turks, and requested him to send 
representatives at once, Spain and Venice were full of 
zeal, thus there was a good prospect of success, For his 
own part, he had imposed a tithe upon all the inhabitants 
of the Papal States and on the clergy throughout the 
world, and was prepared to make even greater sacrifices 
A further proof that Alexander was then in earnest in 
regard to the war is given by the fact that at the end of 
* RAYNALDUS, ad an, 1500, n. 7-9, and ina more complete form in 
Burcwaxpt Diarium, If1., 46-56. 
+ SanvTo, ILL, 435-348, 


92 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 


Ducats, Ducats, 
Card. De Castro . . Oniincome, 2,000 To pay 200 
n Lopez se + 10,000 1000 
» Grmani .  .  . yy 75000700 
» Serra see 2,000 4 200 
n Isvalies . . . 4 2,000 200 
» Francesco Borgia. =.= 3,000», 300 
» Vera . < e i ” 3,000 ” 300 
» Podocatharo  . . 2,000 ,_-—-200 
vw Ferrari oe a er) 3,000 =, = 300 
» Piccolomini . . 4 9,000 4, 900 
» Sansoni . . , 18,000 ,__—« 1800 
» Colonna... iy 3,000, 300 
» Ascanio Sforza. . , 30,000»: 3000 
n de’Medici. . . » 6000 4 600 
» Sanseverino . . 13,006 «1300 
» lippolito d’Este . . » 14,000 » 1400 
» Cesarini .  .  . yy = 000 -— 200 
» Famese .  . «2,000 ,,_—-200 
» Lodovico Borgia. . , 10,000 ,_~—«t000 
» Como... noincome , nil 
» Brigonnet . =. 0. «12000200 
» Philippe de Luxembourg ,, 9,000 ,,_—=—«00 
» @Amboise. . «= 9,000 900 
n @Albret .  .  . 000-200 
» Mia... = 8000 800 
» Mendoza . x . » 14,000, 1400 
» @Aragona, . . 4 000 ~— 200 


Total . . «34,300 
From the tax on Roman officials and Hospitals. 11,076 





Total. 5. 45,376* 


* Cardinales Rhodianus, Polonus, Strigoniensis, quia in bello existunt, 
were exempted. RAYNALDUS, ad an. 1509, n. 9, from BURCHARDI! Diar- 
ium, IIL, 56 seg. (where Macloviensis should be read instead of Madruti- 
ensis). The list is placed in June, which is a mistake, as its mention 


cre HISTORY OF THE POPES. 


Brandolinus Lippi from Rome to a friend, “the unhappy 
city of Modon was conquered, The few inhabitants who 
fell into the hands of the Turks were all barbarously 
impaled ; not one was spared. This is what we have come 
to through the troubles in Italy! To this have we been 
brought by our internal dissensions! The cloquent Venctian 
Envoy, Marinus Giorgius, delivered such a splendid oration 
on the Turks that his Holiness and the whole College of 
Cardinals were deeply stirred. Now at last we may hope 
that the Pope will insist on the formation of a League for 
the destruction of the Turks,"* 

Vain hope! Eager as the “Christian” powers were 
to avenge the smallest indignity inflicted on themselves, 
they were utterly indifferent where only the honour of 
the Christian name was concerned.+ But on this occasion 
it was not Alexander's fault that so little was done to 
check the enemy's advance.t On the 11th of September, 
1500, it was decided in Consistory that two things must 
be done: first, every possible effort must be made to bring 
the Spanish fleet to bear against the Turks; secondly, 
Legates must be sent to Hungary, France, and Germany, 
On the 5th October the new Legates were chosen : Giovanni 
Vera for Spain, Portugal, and England; Petrus Isvalics 
for Hungary and Poland; Peraudi for Germany and the 
northern kingdoms§ At the same time a Brief was sent 
to Gonsalvo de Cordova ordering him to join the Venetian 

* BKOM, 189-190; ¢/ Sanvro, IIL, 750, 788; Heyy, IL, 331; 
Hopp, 168; Heazvers, Griechenland, 111., 15, 

+ RAYNALDUS, ad an. 1500, n. 11, 

T ReuMONT in Wetzer und Welte's Kirchentexikon, 1, 489, ed. 2. 
Gf-also Micmavun, VI, 285-284. 

§ *Acta Consist. C. 2, in the Consistorial Archives; see also the 
Florentine Despatches in THUASNE, IIL, 76; SANUTO, TIL, 789, 8ga- 
853. Of Scunzipen, Peraudl, 55, and Gorton in the Hist, Jahrb, 
VI, 459-46. 


06 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 


Empire was it believed that this would be carried out, 
Maximilian went so tar as to refuse permission to Peraudi 
to enter the Empire, It is probable that Lodovico Moro, 
then there in exile, had a hand in this decision, His 
chances would have been unfavourably affected by a re- 
conciliation between the Christian powers and a Crusade; 
but Peraudi would not lose heart. At Roveredo he spent: 
his “days and nights in writing letters to all the German, 
Danish, and Swedish Princes and prelates, admonishing 
them to make peace with each other and combine in 
turing their arms against the Turks, In his zeal for 
the Crusade, he was prepared to defy the Royal prohi- 
bition, go straight to the Dict, and there, if necessary, in 
virtue of his apostolic powers, pronounce the Han of the 
Church against the King of the Romans and some of 
the Princes; like the Carthusian Thomas he thought 
nothing of death if it were in defence of the Christian 
faith." After keeping him the whole winter in Roveredo, 
Maximilian at last came to a better mind, and allowed 
him to enter the Empire. Here he met with the greatest 
difficultics in dealing with the administration, although he 
was able to give the most positive assurances that the 
“Pope and Cardinals had decided to leave all moneys 
coming in on account of the Jubilee Indulgences and other 
privileges absolutely untouched, in the keeping of the 
Empire, for the Crusade. It was not till the 11th of 
September, 1501, at the Diet at Nuremberg, that he at 
last succeeded in coming to an agreement with the 
assembly and the Imperial Government; and this con- 
vention was loaded with vexatious and obstructive con- 
ditions for the Legate. 

Maximilian, on his side, for political reasons, deferred 
his permission for preaching the Indulgences until January, 
1502. Thus more than a year had passed away before 





. 


98 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 4 


The King of France was occupied with plans which had 
no connection with the war against the Turks, The French 
clergy were extremely irritated against Alexander for 
having imposed the tithe without previously acquainting | 
them of his purpose and asking their consent, “Many | 
openly opposed it and appealed to a General Council | 
against whatever censures they might thereby incur. On 
the Ist April the Theological Faculty of Paris pronounced 
that censures inflicted after an appeal had been already 
made to a Council, were invalid, and that the appellants | 
therefore need not pay any regard to them and need not 
abstain from celebrating mass and exercising other ecclesi- 
astical functions.”* 

Amongst the Hungarian prelates the spirit of sacrifice 
was almost entirely absent. The secular nobles were not 
so averse to the war, but they too made difficulties. “They 
were not content with the Pope's offer to hand over to the 
King the Jubilee Indulgence moneys, the tithe on Church 
property in Hungary, and a Crusade-tax. They thought 
the income to be derived from these sources uncertain, or 
that the burdens would all fall on their shoulders” As 
Venice was bent on beating down the demands of the 
Hungarians, the negotiations dragged on for a long time, 
and it was mainly due to the exertions of Thomas Bakecs 
that an agreement was at last arrived at. This high 
principled and able man had been appointed Primate of 
Hungary in the year 1497, in the place of [ppolito d’Este, 
in order to satisfy the national feeling of the Hungarians, 
who objected to the highest spiritual office in the kingdom 
being held by a foreigner. Bakocs was made a member 
of the Sacred College by Alexander VI. on the 28th of 

* HERGENROTHER, VIIL, 342-343; DU PLESSIS D/ ARGENTRE, 1, 2, 


346, The Jews in Avignon also resisted the Crusade-tax, but they were 
forced to comply. See Rev: d'Etudes Juives, VI., 21. 


too WISTORY OF THE POPES. 


{hn this picture, by the side of the Legate, his brother is 
represented in full armour, holding aloft in one hand the 
Papal banner of the Crusade, and with the other leading 
two Turkish captives who follow him.* Pesaro’s first step 
was to join Benedetto, who was waiting for him at Cerigo 
with 50 Venetian ships. Together they sailed at once for 
the island of S™ Maura (the ancient Leukadia), and in 
spite of a desperate resistance on the part of the enemy, 
they succeeded towards the end of August in making 
themselves masters of this, from a strategic point of view, 
very important place. In this battle the Papal Legate 
Giacopo greatly distinguished himself, and at Jast planted 
the Papal banner with his own hands on the battlement of 
the conquered fort+ It was not destined to float there. 
Both Venice and Constantinople had begun to weary of 
the war, The Porte found itself threatened in Asia by the 
new Persian empire, and the finances of Venice were nearly 
exhausted, while her trade was suffering severely. The 
Hungarian alliance had proved of little value, the war being 
very feebly carried on by King Lladislaus. In consequence, 

* This grand picture of Titan's (there is an excellent engraving in 
Lovzow, Kunstechatze, 50) is still in the Church of St Maria dei Frariin: 
Venice, which also contains Pesaro’s monument. Pesaro had already, 
probably immediately before his departure for the Crusade, bad his 
Portrait taken by Titian, This picture is now in the museum at 
Antwerp. In it Pesaro is represented kneeling before the throne of 
S, Peter with the Papal banner in his hand. A helmet is on the ground 
before him, indicating his call to military service. Alexander VI. 
commends him to S, Peter on the right, in the background are the 
forts of a harbour. C/ CROWE-CAVALCASELLE, Titian, 1., 6g sey, 252 
fag, On the picture in Venice, see A. Wolfs esiay in the Zeltschr, fur 
bildende Kunst, XIL, 9 s¢g.; it is @ pity that he occupies: himself with 
the “worship of the Madonna,” 

+ SIGISMONDO DE’ Cont, IL, 278-79. Ef. SANUTO, IV.,313.s¢g., and 
RAYNALDUS, ad an. 1g02, n. 29; GuGLIELMOTTI, Guerra de! Pirati, 1, 
SY 507s 42 09. 


102 HISTORY OF THE POPES, 


the difference between the value of money then and in our 
own day, it must be admitted that Alexander was not as 
remiss in regard to the Crusade as has been represented 
by the enemies of the House of Borgia) Nevertheless, it 
cannot be denied that the Pope could have accomplished a 
great deal more if he had given up his gross nepotism and 
thought less of Casar’s advancement. A glance at the 
state of things in the States shews how far he was from 
doing this in any way.* 


Despota Moree, the Despota de Arta and others. State Archives, 
Rome. 
* Gf. Chapters III. and V. 


To4 IMSTORY OF THE POPES. 


and Rocca di Papa and thence to Sermoneta. He had the 
effrontery to hand over the Regency of the palace to Lu- 
crezia Borgia during his absence, with power to open his 
correspondence,* Soon after his return from this expedi- 
tion a Bull was drawn up in which the Colonna and Savelli 
were declared to be rebels on account of their league with 
Federigo of Naples, and were excommunicated, and their 
property confiscated.t Out of the possessions of the 
Colonna, Savelli, and Gaetani the Pope carved two Duke- 
doms for his family ; a few of the forts and villages belong- 
ing to the Savelli were given to Giovanni Paolo Orsini;t 
but all the most beautiful and fertile districts fell into jhe 
bands of the Borgia. A Bull of 17th September, 1501, gate 
to Rodrigo, the son of Lucrezia and Alfonso, then two 
years old, the Dukedom of Sermoneta with Ninfa, Cisterna, 
Nettuno, Ardea, Nemi, Albano, and other towns. The 
Dukedom of Nepi, which included Palestrina, Olevano, 
Patiano, Frascati, Anticoli, and other places, was ‘bestowed 
on Juan Borgia, also an infant.{§ “This child was legitimised 
by a Bull on ist September, r5o1, as the natural offspring 
of Cesar, and his age incidentally mentioned as about 


* Burcwarn Diarium, 111, 153-154, 164. When the Pope wentto 
Nepilin.the autumn the same arrangement was made for the tine of his 
absence (from 2sth Sept to agrd Oct). Of course Lucrezia was only 
Regent in regard to secular aflairs, but such a thing had never been 
done before, and was a startling breach of decorum, 

+ The Bull of 20th Aug., 1567, is in RAYNWALDUS,ad an. ror, n. 18-20 
{a contemporary copy of it is inthe State Archives, Turin), ‘twas not 
published till the Cousistary of 24th Sept. See BALAN, 4060. g. 

I Cf the *Brief to Joh, Paulus de Ursinis domic. Rom, in mostris 
‘Aspra, Montedasula, et Rochetta castris pro nobis et R. E. im temp, 
vicar. Dat, Rom. 1501, XVII, Calend, Nov. Regest. 868, £183, (Secret 
Archives of the Vatiain.) Cf also the App. in Stg1sMoNDO DE! CONTI, 
TL, 447 

§ Roncwiwi, 42 seg, 2 seg. 


106 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 


doubtedly genuine documents nullify all attempts to rebut 
the accusations against the moral conduct of the Pope. 


is now printed in SANUTO, L,, 369); and Roncuint, 41, 0, t, ‘The last- 
named historian has rightly pointed out that the second Bull was to be 
‘kept secret until a necessity arose for divulging it; thus it Is incorrect 
to speak, as Gregorovius does, of open and shameless legitimation. 
‘The words in the first Bull, which declare that it is to be taken as valid 
proof of Caesar's paternity in case any one should assert that Juan's 
father was some other person, cither ecclesiastical or secular, etiam 
culuscunque dignitatis et excellentie mundane vel ecciesiastice etiam 
supreme, are remarkable, and destructive of Creighton's hypothesis, 
‘They distinctly hint at the contents of the second Bull. This document 
was at first, as may be gathered from the Dispacci di A. Giustinian, L, 
409, quite successfully concealed ; Leo X. says in 115 that Alexander 
gave Camerino tn cuidam Joh, Borgia. (See Regest. Leonis Xn, 15,241.) 
1t was not till later, in the 16th Century, that we begin to find copies of the 
document, of which there is one not only in the MS. already mentioned 
in the Barberini Library, but also in Cod, Ottob,, 2528, p. 78, with the 
superscription, Narratur legitimatio et habilitatio pro eodem Joh. Borgia 
ecumque Papa ex se natum agnoscit. (Vatican Library.) On Juan's 
guardians, see #Regest. 871, f. 196 (Secret Archives of the Vatican), and 
RONCHINI, 44549. An inscription in which Franciscus Card, Cusentinus 
is called Juan's guardian has been published in Arch. d. Soc. Rom., VIL, 
423; and also IV., 90, in opposition to Ademollo’s hypothesis that Juan 
was the child of Alexander and Lucresia (Gort, Archivio, 11., 94.8¢9.) In 
the last-named place, DAL RE observes: Storici autorevoli, qualiil Roscoe, 
il Campori, !'Antonelii, il Cittadella ed il Gregorovius in particolare, hanna 
git addotto Ie ragioni per cui Taccusa dincesto con la propria figtta 
Lucrezia messa fuori a vituperio di Alessandro VI., dai poeti Sannazaro 
© Pontano, dagli storici e politici Matarazzo, Marco Attilio Alessio, Guie- 
clardini ed altri, debba qual mera calumnla esser rigetmma. Dat. Ri, 
Zc, 40 280, shews that it is impossible that the Bull of 15th Oct, 15015 in 
which Ademollo in his treatise, Lucresla Borgia ¢ ta verita, in Archiv, 
Storien, Vol. IL, fase. 1, ed. Gori (Rome, 1877), finds an admission 
that Juan was Lucrezia's son, can have had any such meaning. On the 
contrary: Manca ogni fondamento di certezza per poter affirmare che 
Gfovanni sia Ia nefanda prole di Papa Alessandro e di Lucreria; perb 
che abbiamo due bolle, tutte ¢ due di 1° Settembre, 1501, in cui s’afferma 
nel? una Ia paternith del Valentino, nel! altm quella del papa stesso per 


=] 


108 ‘HISTORY OF THE POPES 


after feast in her honour. One evening she so overfatigued 
‘herself with dancing that she was laid up with fever the 
next day.* ‘The bride's outfit was truly royal. Alexander 
told the Ferrarese Envoys that he mcant Lucrezia to have 
“more beautiful pearls than any other Italian princess." 
At the same time, regardless of the duty imposed upon ‘him 
by the dignity of his office, the Pope permitted ‘himself to 
be present at scandalous danees of a similar characterto 
those which had drawn on ‘him the rebuke of Pius DL in 
former days,” Society at that time was so corrupt ithat 
even this gave but little offence; everything bad was 
believed, but no one thought much of anything.} 

On the 9th of December the bridal escort, consisting of 
Cardinal Ippolito d'Este and four other members of the 


* Sce Appendix, N.7, *Letter from G. L. Cataneo, of 2gth Sept, 
1501. Gonanga Archives, Mantua. 

* Grusorovrus, Lucreria Borgia, 189 seg.; ReUMONT, LIL, 1, 239. 

T BOXcHARD! Diarium, HL, 167, and the very compromising letter 
about Alexander VI. of two Florentines cited in the note. Gf also 
CREIGHTON, IV,, 505 Zeitschr, fir Kathol. Theol,, X,, 203; L'EPINOIS in. 
the Rev. de Quest. Hist, XXXVIL, 6gt; Yeuaxre, Autour des Borgia, 
40. On Pius 11s rebuke, see PASTOR, Hist. Popes, IL, 452 (Bagh. 
trans.) ‘The account, De convivio quinquaginta meretricum, which 
GREGOROVIUS, VII, 456, ed. 4, passes over as mere “scandalous gossip,” 
isnot a later interpolation (see Priprn in the Rémisch. Quartalechrift, 
1893, 346), but is to be found in mostof the MS. copies of BURCHARDI 
Diarium Alexander VI, and in that which is in the Archives of the 
Ceremonieri in the Vatican, *Cod, A—6f. 527. (A later hand has drawn 
‘a penstroke through the pascage ; but it corresponds word for word with 
‘the printed text.) In the prosent state of the materials it is not possible 
to formulate a critical judgment as to the correctness of all the details of 
the Convivium in Burchardi’s narrative ; no doubt there is agood deal of 
exaggeration. But, especially taking into account the Florentine letters 
mentioned above, there can be no question that there was dancing of a 
Nery reprehensible chamcter. Prum’s arguments (toc. eft, 396-397) 
‘against the trustworthiness of Burchardi's text do not seem to me 
convincing, 


110 MISTORY OF THE POPES. 


Lucrezia’s marriage with the heir of Ferrara was the 
turning point in her life, In spite of all the investigations 
of recent times much in the Roman life of this remarkable 
woman remains shrouded in darkness; but this is not the 
case in regard to its closing period in Ferrara.* During 
this time Lucrezia, who was Duchess of Ferrara from 1505 
till 2qth June, 1519, when she died in her confinement, not 
only won the love of her husband, but also that of her 
people, Allaccusations in regard to her conduct, which no. 
doubt were not entirely geoundlesst from henceforth wholly 
cease. Luerezia is only heard of as a faithful and loving 
wife, and the consoler and advocate of all who were poor or 
oppressed. Her beauty, added to her sweetness and kind- 
ness, captivated the hearts of all. She encouraged arts, and 
was surrounded and praised by cultivated men such as 
Arlosto, Bembo, Strozzi, and others 

Lucrezia Borgia di cui d’ora in ora 

La belta, la virti, ¢ la fama honesta, 

E la fortuna, va crescendo non meno 

Che giovin pianta in morbida terra; 
the bull-fights in Rome, c/ ADEMOLLO, Carmevale, 37-45 seg.j Luzto, 
Fed. Gonzaga, 49 ; CIAN, Cortegiano, 48. 

* In addition to Roscor, Leo X., f, 378 seg. Sabnarent in Educae 
tore Storico, Ae 111., Disp. 5*(Modena, 1845); Campors in the Nuov, 
Antolog. (1866); ANTONELLI in the Arch. Venet., Il. (1878), 429 seg; 
ZoccnrrT, 1. B. Duchessa di Fernara (Milan, 869); 6f especially Gat 
went, IL, 97 seg, and Greconovivs, Lucrezin Borgia, 209 seg. Gil 
bert's representation is very inadequate (see ReuMONT in the Bonn, 
Literaturblatt, V., 476). In regard to Gregorovius, see Vol. Vis ps 399) 
Antonelli’s work, L. B, in Ferrara (Ferrara, 1867), contains nothing but 
extrets taken from the Ferrarese Chronicle of Bernardino Zambotte and 
Niccold of Parma’s narrative of the bringing of Lucrezia from Rome, 
and the festivities at Ferrara on her arrival. On the relations between 
Lucrezia Borgia and Isabella d'Este, see 1.0210, | Precettori d'tsab, 
@Este (Nowe Renier-Campostrini, Ancona, 1887), 42, in which Gre- 
gorovius’ mistaken statement is corrected. 

+ Of. Vol. V. of this work, p. 399, note 





nz . HISTORY OF THE POPKS. 


especially in times of scarcity she shewed herself a" Mother 
of the people”; and actually pawned her jewels in order to 
help the poor, Jovius tells how completely she renounced: 
all the luxury to which she had been accustomed from her 
youth, and lived a simple, religious life. He lays special 
stress on her solid practice of virtue; her religion was no 
mere show. Asa proof of her practica} charity he states: 
that she founded a convent and chapel for well-born ladies 
out of her own private purse,* 

After Lucrezia’s departure from Rome, Czesar's influence: 
became absolutely unbounded. He was the reab master; 
in almost everything the Pope conformed absolutely to the 
iron will of this man, the most terrible of all) the cruel 
offpring of the Renaissance. Cwsar was the tyrant of 
Rome, which he filled with his spies and minions, A word 
against him was a crime of high treason, A man who had 
made too free with his name when in domino had his hand 
and his tongue cut off and fastened together} The - 
Venetian Ambassador was unable to protect one of his 
countrymen who was supposed to have circulated a 
pamphlet which contained reflections on Alexander and. 
his son, He was murdered and his body cast into the 
Tiber, The Pope himself, though callous asa mule about 
such things, blamed his son for this, “The Duke,” he said 
to the Ferrarese Envoy, “is a good-natured man ; but he 
cannot tolerate an insult. I have often told him that 
Rome is a free city, and that here every one has.a right to 


from a Prince to an inferior in rani," For a criticism on Gilbert's work, 
see especially REUMONT in the Bonn. Literaturblatt, V., 476 sey: 

* Jovius, Vitae clar. vir, 1, 187. Of Roscon, Leo X, Ly 3955 
Jorny, Jor. cit.; GRBCOROVIUS, 304. See also the testimony of B, 
Prsrorto in the At Mod,, 111. 493. 

+ See BuncwAnot Diarium, IIL, 173, Punishments such as this 
were then quite usual. See MAURY, Rev. Hist,, XIIL, 987g: 


nly HISTORY OF THE POPES. 


the heart of religion pierced through. Describe these 
horrors in detail before the Dict, and take eare that they 
shall be disseminated from mouth to mouth. It is idle for 
Christendom to groan over the nations which are torn from 
her arms by her old enemy the Turk, while this new 
Mahomet far surpasses the old one in the havoc he causes 
in what yet remains of faith and religion by his filthy 
crimes. These are the days of Antichrist, for no greater 
enemy of God, Christ, and religion can be conceived.” It 
goes on to accuse all the Borgia, Alexander, Lucrezia, and 
Cesar, of every imaginable crime and vice. All that could 
be invented by political hatred in Milan, Venice, and 
Naples, and all the venom that Roman satire could hatch, 
is heaped together and poured forth in unmeasured 
language. “There is no sort of outrage or vice,” it says in 
one place, “that is not openly practised in the Palace of 
the Pope. The perfidy of the Scythians and Carthaginians, 
the bestiality and savagery of Nero and Caligula are 
surpassed, Rodrigo Borgia is an abyss of vice, a subverter 
of all justice, human or divine. God grant that the Princes 
may come to the rescue of the tottering Church, and steer 
the sinking barque of Peter out of the storm and into the 
haven! God grant they may rise up and deliver Rome 
from the destroyer who was born to be her ruin, and bring 
back justice and peace to the city!”* 

This diatribe, brimming over with political hatred and 
the spirit of revenge, cannot, of course, be regarded as 
historically trustworthy. But it shews what dangerous 


* The whole letter is to be found in BURCHARDI Diarivm, HL, 

182-187 (on p. 183 read conventibus émsfead of convenientibus, and 
on p. 187 labanti instead of labenti). The author was evidently a 
Humanist, or connected with the Humanists. Greconovius, VII, 
460, ex. § (a67, ed. 4), conjectures that he may have been one of the 
Colonna. 


6 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 


Alexander was often now loaded with vituperation by 
the very same persons who had formerly “praised him to 
the skiex"* Just at this time (1511) Cardinal Caraffa had 
had an ancient statue, supposed to represent Hercules 
strangling Geryon, placed on a pedestal just outside his 
palace, which was situated in one of the most frequented 
thoroughfares of Rome+ Burchard relates how, in August 


402 seg., and Doc. intorno Pio UL. © LI], 16 seg. The number of 
MS. epigrams is even greater, the majority of which were not written 
until after the Pope's death, and later. (C/ PIEPER in the Rtimischen 
Quartalschrift, 1893, p. 393.) 1 can only mention a few. ‘Thus, see 
Cod, 9846 in the Court Library at Vienna ; Cod. Lat, 428, f 265, in the 
‘State Library at Munich ; Cod. Vatie. 4351, in the Vatican Library ; 
poems of FavsTo, Maddaleno de Capodiferro, £ 68 (In Alexandrum 
VIL, P.M, £743 In edictam contra lenones Alex, Vi, £ 90; Contra 
Alexandrum VI, and specially £ 77; De vitits Alexandri VL, P, M. 
‘Then also against others of the Borgia family, ey, £ 55%; De Dorothea 
a Caesare Borgia rapta). Cod. Hamilton, 561, formerly in the possession 
‘of ane of the Rovere Cardinals, contains, f. 9, atrocious verses against 
Alexander, ex: : 

Heredem certam ut possit sibi linquere Sextus 

Ex nota prolem suscipere instituit, 


(Royal Library, Berlin.) The same detestable accusation is to be found 
in Protestant polemics of the 16th Century (e., L. OStANDER, Sieben 
Predigten gegen Feucht und Pistorius, 1589, pp. 38-39), in the versgs =— 
Conditus hoc tumulo Lucretia nomine, sed re 
‘Thais, Alexandra filia, sponsa, aurus, 
which are quoted as true. It has been clearly proved, zara, p. 10%, 
‘note +, that these charges are calumnies. See Vol. V. of this work, 
p- 520. Burchard’s silence, from which Gory, 461, note 2, infers 
their truth, is no proof whatever; as L. Geioe® bas shewn in the 
Deutsche Literaturzeitung (1888), p. 1758. 
* TOMMASINI, Evangelista Maddaleni de Capodiferro, in the Atti de} 
‘Lincei, 4 Serie, Cl. di seiense mor, storiche, X_.g Roma, 1895. 
‘+ Reumonr, [1L, 1, 561 where also the older literature relating to 
Tasquino is gives. 





us HISTORY OF THE POPES, 


There can be no doubt that the comic poems of that 
time in Rome were often accompanicd by caricatures, 
When later (in the year 1509), collections of these Pasquin- 
ades began to be mace, the pictures were thrown away, 
and only the epigrams were kept. Thus valuable materials 
for the history of culture have been lost and we can never 
hope to recover them, Even such things as abortions like, 
for instance, the monster that was said to have been found 
in January 1496, at the time of the overflow of the Tiber,* 
were, as Alexander's misgovernment grew worse and worse, 
caught hold of by the enemies of the Borgia, and in- 
terpreted in their own sense+ 

Five weeks after Lucrezia’s departure, Alexander and 
‘Cwsar, accompanied by six Cardinals, set out for Piombino, 
which had surrendered in the previous September. The 
object of their journey was to inspect the fortifications 
which were being constructed there, apparently under the 
direction of Leonardo da Vinci} On the 17th February, 
1502, they set out by way of Civita Vecchia and Corncto, 
and after Piombino the island of Elba was also visited. 
‘The return journey was begun on the’ 1st of March, but a 
violent storm came on, and they did not succeed in reaching 
Porto Ercole till the 4th. Although the gale had by no 
means subsided, the voyage was pursued as far as Corneto ; 
bat when they got there the sea was running so” high that 


view given in the text is corroborated by a scarce work in the Court 
Library at Munich (Po, Lat, 861): Carmina apposita Pasquino Paci 
Anno 1520 (Printed at Rome in 1520). fn Mazzochi’s Dedication to the 
Card. del Monte, dat. Romae, Kal, Maii 1520, we find: Solent namque 
juvenes hic... geniam quotannis musis exerceri, accendique ad 
virtutem, magna principis, magna tua, magna caeterorum omnium 
delectatione, 


* Seo Vol. V. of this work, p. 480, 
t LANGE, 32, 435 «6 39 
t Cf Avvis, 244. 


120 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 


‘sum of 54,000 florins out of the Papal treasury, shews what 
large demands were made upon it by the Pope’s nephews. 
‘This did not include the cost of weapons and ammunition. 
Between roth May and 1ath July the Apostolical treasury 
paid for $3,098 pounds of powder (each 1000 pounds cost 
4oducats). A separate register was kept in the Secretariat 
for the ordnance expenses.* 

On the 13th June Casar left Rome at the head of his 
army. No one, says Sigismondo de’ Conti, knew whither 
he was bound, but all the inhabitants of the States of the 
Church trembled at the approach of his troops, who in 
their violence and exactions behaved as though they were 
in an enemy’s country.+ 

The Duke proceeded to Spoleto, and from thence entered 
the Duchy of Urbino. By dint of fraud and treachery he 
succeeded in making himself master of the whole country, 
its deluded ruler, Guidobaldi, barely escaping out of his 
hands by a timely flight} In the following month he took 
Giulio Cesare Varano, the murderer of his brother Rudolf, 
prisoner, and conquered Camerino.§ He now received the 


1, 345 but Dr. Gottlob states that the sum in the text is that which is 
found in the disbursements mentioned in Cod. XXXII, 242 (at the end), 
in the Barberini Library, Rome, 

* Gorrtos, Cam. Ap., 229. 

¢ Scissawpo pe’ Contr, 11, 251. Alvisi has shewn that Corsar 
‘endeavoured to check the rapacity of his soldiers, but the testimony of 
such a well-informed contemporary witness can hardly be set aside, In 
this, as im several other points, Alvisi seems to me to go too far in his 
desire to take an unprejudiced view of Cyesar, and reject the calumnies 
of bis contemporaries. How “ barbarous ” was his treatment of Fossona- 
brone is clearly shewn by Grac. Lauro, *Storia de Fossombrone. MS. 
inthe Plattner Library in Rome. 

T Dennisroun, 1, 385; Ucorint, 1. 89 sry.; SUCENREIM, 374 + 
RANks, Rom. und Germ. Volker, 158 s¢g.5 CrPoura, 784; ALvist, 528 
3 Luzio-REnten, Mantova, 124 sey. 

§ SicisMoNDo Dr’ Contr, IL, 253; SUCENHEIM, 575 79.3 BALAN, 





122 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 


At this moment a conspiracy against Cesar was formed 
amongst the chief captains of the mercenary troops under: 
his command. “They were afraid that the dragon was 
preparing to swallow them one by one.”* On the oth of 
October the conspirators met at La Magione, not far from 
the Lake of Thrasimene, Many of the Orsini came, the 
Cardinal, the Duke of Gravina, Paolo, and Franciotto, 
besides Hermes, the son of Giovanni Bentivoglio, as the 
representative of his father, Antonio da Venafro, represent~ 
ing Pandolfo, Petrucci, Gentile, and Giampaolo Baglione, 
and Vitellozzo Vitelli+ They proceeded at once to action, 
and on the rsth of October Paolo Orsini entered Urbino, 
and Guidobaldi immediately joined him there. Without 
the help of France, Casar would have been lost, and he 
exerted himself to obtain the support of Venice and 
Florence also, It was at this time that Machiavelli was 
sent as Envoy to Cesar at Imola, and gave the first indica- 
tion of his genius as a political historian by his judgments 
of the “inscrutable Duke who hardly ever spoke, but 
acted.” } 

Ferrara promised to send troops to Rome if the Pope 
should require help against the Orsini.§ Actually, however, 
the only help received by Casar came from France alone 5 
but that sufficed, for in the meanwhile his opponents lost 
time in negotiations, and split among themselves. 

The Duke exerted all his craft to break up the League, 
and fool the conspirators; and they on their part walked 





* So writes G. P. Baglioni on the 11th Oct, See VILLARI, Machia- 
velli, 1. 334+ 

+ VILLAR, Joc, eft, 334; SUCENUMIM, 385; RANKE, Rom. und 
Germ, Volker, 160; SiGisMonDO DE’ Conmt, IL, 257 seg. says that 
Cardinal Orsini was the prime moyer in the Confederacy, 

T sid, 339.509, 362 509. 

§ Guucorovivs, VIL, 463, ed. 3 (470, ed. 4). 


, 


| 
124 RISTORY OF THE POPES | 
ccived them in the friendliest manner, and they entered | 
together; but no sooner were they within the walls than he _ 
had them arrested, and their people disarmed, That very 
same evening Vitelloszo and Oliverotto were ruthlessly put 
todeath.* The Orsini soon after met with the same fate 
In justification of these murders it was said later that those 
chiefs had agreed to rise against the Duke and assassinate 
him. No proofs of this are to be found; but it is not 
unlikely that it may have been true.t 

Cesar now turned with lightning-like rapidity on his 
other foes. On 1st January, 1503, he set off for Perugia on 
his way to Siena. “ At his approach all the smaller despots 
(such as the Vitelli of Citta di Castello, Giampaolo Bagli- 
one of Perugia, ete.) fled as from that of a hydra."§ 

The Duke's “extraordinary good fortune and super- 


* On the tragedy of Sinigaglia, in addition to Machiavelli's cold- 
blooded account (c/- VILLARI, I., 354 sey.), see also a Letter from sae 
bella d’Este to her husband, of roth Jan. 1503 (Arch, St Ital, Serie 1, 
App,, I, 262 s¢g.), and Giustinian's Despatch of 4th Jan. 1303 (Dis- 
pace, [, 304 seg.). A Letter of Cesar’s of ist Jan, 1503, in Luzio- 
ReNtex, Mantova, 135, is also interesting in this connection. Amongst 
‘recent authors, see CIPOLLA, 785 (good against Leonetti, and on the 
question of Alexander VI's complicity in this deed) ; Lifenvors, 4153 
ALyvIsI, 388 seg.; TOMMASINI, Machiavelli, 1, 256 seg. Machiavelli 
fells the story of this execution (for Cxsar's contemporaries regarded it 
‘as an execution) over again, but with fewer details, in his well-known 
 Deserizione del modo tenuto dal duca Valentino nell’ ammazenre Vitel- 
lomo,” etc. GASPARY, IL, 345, conjectures that some alterations were 
purposely introduced into this second narrative “with a view of setting 
the Duke’s sagacity ina more brilliant light, for Machiavelli was never 
scrupulous in regard to strict historical accuracy when he had a political 
doctrine to illustrate.” Alexander VI. bestowed Fermo on Lucresi’s son, 
Don Rodrigo, See Futvi, Docum, d. Storia de Ferma. Fermo, 1875. 

+ Dispacci di A. Giustinian, L, 356 seg. 

3 Cironta, los, et, 

§ VIILARI, I., 356 2e9. 


126 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 


that he had the Vatican barricaded and commanded Jofré 
to return at once.* 

On the zoth February, 1503, the Pope advised the 
Cardinals to fortify their palaces, for there was fear of an 
attack from the Orsinit Two days later Cardinal Orsini 
died after an illness of twelve days, The report that he 
was poisoned by the Borgia was widely circulated, but the 
truth of this is doubtful. Such was the death of the man 
who, next to Ascanio Sforza, had the greatest influence in 
procuring the election of Alexander VI.$ 

Meanwhile Caesar had advanced against the Orsini from 
Umbria, and, devastating the country as he went along, had 
made himself master of all the places belonging to Giovanni 
Giordano Orsini with the exception of Cere and Bracciano, 
which last was their chief stronghold.§ A short time after, 


* Dispace! di A. Giustintan, 1., 342, 349; SANUTO, IV. 654 seg. 5 
Greoorovius, VIL, 467 seg. (474 seg., ed. 4). 
+ BURCHARDT Diarium, IIL, 237, and Dispacei di A. Giustiniany Ty, 


io 

 L'ErINo1s is strongly against the hypothesis of poison, He says, 
P. 416; Giustininn si attaché aux Orsini et si au fait de ce qui se passait 
‘A Rome, avait écrit, dés le 15 Février, 1503, que le Cardinal donnait des 
signes de frénésic : 11 parla bien des brait émis sur cette maladie, en 
faiscant A la sagesse du doge le soin de les apprécier; mais, le 22 en 
annongant que le Cardinal Orsini était & Hexteémité et que les médecins 
déespéraient de le sauver, il ne dit rien qui pat faire soupconner un crime. 
Le 23 Février Ie Cardinal expira. L’ambassadeur de Florence, Soderini, 
dans se dépéche et Brancatalini dans son Diarium mentionnent simple. 
ment la mort du Cardinal sans dire un mot du poison, At the same 
time, the remark in BURCHARDI Diarium, IIL, 238: ego nolens plus 
sapere quam oportet, non interful (at the funeral) neque alique modo me 
intromisi, is certainly noteworthy. Cf HEIDENHEIMER im the Gronm 
boten, 111. (1879) 135. 

§ *La Ex del ducha sark qua lo jovedi grasso perche tutte le terre di 
Jo. Jordano ha habuto daccordo excepto Brazano che & lo capo dove 
& la molie, ete. Report of G. L. Cataneo, 1st Feb, 1303. Gonzaga 
Archives, Mantua. 


128 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 


These were innocent expedients in comparison with others 
adopted by the man before whom all Rome, not excepting 
the Pope himself, trembled. In the night of the 10th of April 
the wealthy Cardinal Michiel died after two days of violent 
vomiting. Recent investigations have had the effect of 
acquitting Caesar of many crimes laid upon him by the 
hatred of his contemporaries, but the death of Cardinal 
Michiel is not one of these. It is extremely probable that 
Cesar poisoned the Cardinal in order to obtain the money 
that he wanted.* Still, however, there was not enough. On 
May 31 the Venetian Envoy, A, Giustinian, writes: “To-day 
there was a Consistory. Instead of four new Cardinals, as 
people expected and as the Pope had said, nine were nomi- 
nated, Five of these are Spaniards, Giovanni Castelar of 
Valencia, Francesco Remolino, Francesco Sprats, Jacopo 
Casanova, and Francesco Moris; three are Italians, Niccold 


* Despatch of A. Giustinian of 11th April, 1503. ViA.ARt, I, $742 
E) ditto (Michiel's nephew) me ha riferito che da due zomi in qua 
‘era zonto un destemperamento de stomego con gran vomito, et anche un 
poco di flussa: el sospetto & grande ch’ el sia st’ avelenato e non 
mancano evidente conietture. Cf REUMONT, LIL, 1, 259, and Tiara 
‘Veneta, 38; Michiel’s Epitaph in Forceuna, Iscrie, 11, soy. Tt has 
been shewn, in Vol. V. of this work, p. 510, and supra, p. 68, that 
Cesar was not the murderer cither of the Duke of Gandia or of 
Joan Borgin ; ALvist, 53 eg., has also disproved another false charge 
against Cwrsar, Machiavelli asserts that Cesar had had the Bishop 
Ferdinando d’Almeida killed because he had prematurely informed Louis 
XII. of the granting of the marriage dispensation mentioned smpra, p. 
57, for which the Duke had intended to have exacted a large sum from 
the King. Alvisi shews that the “murdered” Bishop died two years 
Tater, and that the dispensation had been made public some time before 
the date of his supposed indiscretion. P. Capello's dramatic narrative 
relating how Cresar stabbed Picrotto in presence of the Pope, & 
another story that will not bear examination ; see supra, p. 77, note}. ‘The 
poisoning of the avaricious Cardinal Ferrari (06, 20th July, 1502) by Carsar 
is very doubifel, Cf Atti Mod, VILL, 39 sey., and TANOt, 988 sey. 


130 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 


close to the Papal frontier. Thus all was tension and 
uneertainty.”* One thing, however, is clear, and that is, 
that at this time Alexander and Cesar were preparing 
to fly at higher game. The Pope was in robust health 
and felt as young as ever; they both looked forward to 
a prolonged Pontificatet Consequently Caesar now began 
to look forward with confidence to the Lordship of the 
whole of Tuscany. The Ferrarese Envoy reports on the 
toth of August that negotiations were going on between 
the Pope and the Emperor, to obtain for the Duke the 
investiture of Pisa, Siena, and Lucea. At the same 
time Cwsar's troops had occupied Perugia and there 


“awaited his orders} At this point a higher hand inter- 


vened; the forbearance of God had reached its appointed 
term, 

* ReuMont, HE, 1,246. On the undecided plans and double-ficed 
policy of the Borgia during the last months of Alexander's reign, see, im 
addition to A. Giustinian’s Despatches, the Ferrarese *Report in the 
‘State Archives, Modena, portions of which are in Garcorovius, VIL, 
479 seq. ed. 3 (486 seg ed. 4) and BALAN, V., 422 sey. See also 
amongst recent authors, RANKE, Rom, und Germ, Volker, 168 sey; 
CIPOLLA, 793 ; ULMANN, IL, 87 seg.) BURCKHARDT, Cultur, 1, 106 seg, 
‘ed. 3; Lord AcToN, 365 ; and Vittart, Machiavelli, L, 377 sey., where 
also there are particulars about Troche, the favourite and secretary of 
Alexinder V1,, who was supposed to have betrayed the negotiations 
with Spain to the French. Troche fled on rgth May, 1903, but Cassar 
succeeded in capturing him, He was brought back to Rome and executed, 
‘on the 8h June, the Duke being secreily present. See the Ferrarese 
Envoy's Report of 11th June in Vitane, 1, 486 

+ Cf the quotation in Gancorovius, VII, 476, note 2, ed. 5 (483, 
ed, 4), from Beltrando Costabili’s Despatch of 17th April, 303 ; 
SiotsMondo pe! Cort, II. 267; and the *Report of an anonymous 
person, dat. Rome, May 103: il papa sta benissimo, and Cesare the 
same. Gonzagn Archives, Mantua. 

t& Crrouca, 794; GreooRovius, VIL, 482, ed. 3 (429, ed. 4)¢ 
RANkE, Rom. und Germ. Volker, 170; ULMANN, II, 89 See also: 
‘SiGismonpo De’ Conti, II., 267. 


1 


132 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 


fell at his feet. “A bad, bad omen,” he eried out and 
hastily retired into his bed-room.* 

On the morning of Saturday, 12th August, the Pope 
felt unwell; in the afternoon vomiting and fever came on 
and lasted throughout the night} At the same time Cassar, 
who was on the point of starting to join his troops at 
Perugia, also sickened.t “The cause,” writes the Venetian 
Envoy on 13th August, “seems to have been that a week 
ago (therefore on the sth or Gthof August) both Alexander 
and Cassar dined at a villa belonging to Cardinal Adriano 
da Corneto and remained there till after nightfall. All 
who were there fell ill, Cardinal Adriano first, who on 
Friday had a severe attack of fever, which was repeated 
on the two following days.” § 

August is well known to be the most dangerous month 
fin Rome, and at that season it is especially perilous to be 
out of doors about nightfall. The malignant form of 
ague, often brought on by an imprudence of this sort, is 
called Madaria perniciosa: in a few hours the temperature 
may rise to above 106 and the strongest constitution may 
succumb to the violence of the poison. The neighbourhood 


* This is SicisMONDO Dk’ CONTY’s story, 11, 267, butthere is some 
confiasion in the dates, 

+ GiusriNtan, Dispacci, II, 107, Cf BURCHARDI Dinrium, IIL, 
298. There area great number of MS. copies of Burchard’s narrative 
of the death of Alexander VI, and the election of his successor, in Latin 
(in many of the Vatican MSS. and Roman Libraries, and also in a Cod_ 
of the Capelup] Lib. in Mantua), as well as in Italian (cf Ani della R. 
Acad. dei Rozzi di Siena, 1. [1871], 26 seg.). It was also in the hands of 
the author of the well-known book, Conclavi dei Pontefici. Romani A 
German translation in the Kathol. Schweizerbl. (1891) 496 sep. 

2G, Lb, Catanco, in a *Despatch of Sth Aug, 1503, announces: el 
ducha ogni modo parte questa notte. Gonzaga Archives, Mantua. 

§ Gwsrinian, Dispacci, [1., 108, Cf the Florentine Despatch in 
THUASNE, IL, ago. 


134 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 


were kept as secret as possible ; even Beltrando Costabili, 
the Ferrarese Envoy, could find out but little. According to 
a report of his the whole of the next day (17th) Alexander 
‘wits more at case and quieter, so that Costabili’s agent 
hoped that the fever might not return the following day, or 
only slightly. Here the Pope's illness is distinctly desig- 
nated as the well-known Tersana, it was feared that it might 
develop into a Quariana,* On the 18th he had a bad 
night, the fever returned with greater violence than before, 
and the case was felt to be hopeless. Alexander made his 
confession to the Bishop of Carinola and received Holy 
Communion+ In the Palace the greatest excitement pre- 
yailed ; many lost no time in removing their property toa 
place of security On the 18th Casar Borgia was better; 
the younger man had strength to battle against the malady, 
but for Alexander, at seventy-three, the last hour had struck. 
About 6 o'clock in the evening he had a fit of suffocation 
and became unconscious; for a moment he came to him- 
self again, but immediately after passed away, about the 
hour of vespers.§ 

* Sce Appendis, N. gand 10, *Despatches of B. Costabili of 18th Aug. 
1503 (State Archives, Modena), and of G, L, Cataneo of the sume date. 
Also BuRcHARDI Diarium, 111, 238, speaks of {ebris tertiana. 

+ See Appendix, N. 9: *Despatch from B, Costabili, of 18th Aug. 
1503. SIGI8MONDO De CONTI, IL, 268, and BURCHARDI Diarium, 
11, 238. GREGOROVIUS, VIL, 483-84, ed. 3 (490-91, ed. 4), follow- 
‘ing a clerical crror, Culmensis, in Ravwanus, XXX, 391, speaks of a 
Bishop Peter of Culm who never existed. 

2 See Appendix, N. 9, 19, *Despatches of the Fermrese and Mantuan 
Envoys of 18th Aug, 15030 

§ See Grustinian, Dispacel, 11. 119 sg.; BURCHARD! Diarium, Itt, 
239; and in the Appendix, N. 11, “Despatch from G. L, Cataneo of 
16th Aug. (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.) According to JEAN DAUTON 
(Chroniques, ed. Jacob, 11, 357 Paris, 1854-1835), the news of 
Alexandes's death was received by Louis XII, only four days after the 
event. That of the election of Pius II]. reached him at the same tine, 





136 HISTORY OF THE POPES, 


that Alexander succumbed to the well-kaown Roman 
fever; one of the physicians thought the actual death was 
caused by a fit of apoplexy.* The interval of seven or 
eight days between the dinner and the first appearances 
‘of illness, and the periodical character of the fever fits, 
quite excludes the hypothesis of poison.+ 


hasdealt with this question. He thinks it possible that the Pope may have 
‘been poisoned by one of his enemies, but rejects, as unpraved, the state- 
‘ment that Alexander died of a poison prepared by himself for another 
ian, The reason that the English historian has been unable to come to 
a definite conclusion may be that he has not followed the story of the 
course of the malady in detail, as we have endeavoured, for the first time, 
todo. Ifhe had, he would have apprehended the true explanation of what 
Jovius says about Cardinal Adriano Castellesi's skin coming off, which ne 
doubt was that peeling which takes place in so many infectious diseases ; 
and which is not onc of the symptoms of any kind of poison, 

* Gwwsrix1aN, Dispacei, 11, 119. On other physicians of Alexander, 
see HARSHER, TIT., 240-243, ed. 3. 

t Horrmaxn, Lehrbuch der gerichtlichen Medicin, 416 sey ed. + 

writes: “ The first symptoms of poisoning by no means it 
fotlow in all cases on the swallowing of the noxious substance. Only 
the strongest corrosive poisons act instantaneously. . . . In regard to all 
others @ certain time elapses, which varies between a few minutes and 
many hours. . . In acute poisons and those which kill by lethargy, as. 
‘@ rule the symptoms go on from the moment of their first appearance, 
steadily increasing in intensity until death supervenes. It is very excep- 
tional that temporary relaxations of them are found tooccur....~ In 
mineral poisoning such cases are very rarely observed, but more fre+ 
quently where the poison is a narcotic.” According to FLANDIN (Traité 
des poisons ; «f, Rev, d, Deux Mondes, XX. [1877}, 276), if the slow 
poison used by the Borgia were some form of acide arsénicus, its action 
would be, in its acute form, either a violent inflammation of the stomach 
resembling cholera, and causing death in from § to 26 hours, or else @ 
corebro-spinal affection (delirium, convulsions, paralysis) death ensuing: 
in from 1 to 12 hours. In its sub-acute form it would manifest itself in 
general derangement of the d’gestion, with muscular weakness, icterus 
inflammation of the kidneys; ¢f HOFFMANN, lor. cif, 660.4eg. Alex 
ander’s symptoms tend no resemblance to any of these forms. I am 





Z 


& 


138 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 


the impersonation of all that was horrible and bad. The 
noble Marcantonio Altieri openly expressed his satisfaction 
that now “all the Borgia had been uprooted from the soil 
and cast out as poisonous plants, hated by God and 
noxious to man,” and this was by no means the worst of 
the things that were said.* He was universally described 
asa monster and every sort of foul crime attributed to 
himt 

Modern critical research has in many points judged him 
more fairly and rejected some of the worst of the accusa- 
tions against him. But even though we must beware of 
accepting without examination all the tales told of Alex- 
ander by his contemporaries, “even serious and honest 
historians are not wholly free from bias”; and though the 
bitter wit of the Romans found its favourite exercise in 
tearing him to pieces without mercy, and attributing to him 
in popular pasquinades and scholarly epigrams a life of 
incredible foulness,§ still so much against him has been 
clearly proved,| that we are foreed to reject the modern 
attempts at whitewashing him as an unworthy tampering 
with truth] “The reign of this Pope, which lasted eleven 


* See Li Nuptiali di Marco Antonio Altieri, ed. Nardueci (Rome, 1873). 
‘This work was begun between 1506 and 1509, and probably Gnished 
uring the first years of Leo X, Seo REUMONT in the Allg: Zeity. 
(2874), N. 358, Supp. 

+ Of Vol. V. of this work, p. $22, and supra, po 115, On 
Guicciardin?’s verdict in regard to hin, see RANKE, Zur Kritik, 55%. 
Vettori’s judgment, in REUMONT, ILL, 1, 498, though extremely severe, 
contains the remark : * When a Prince has got himself thoroughly hated, 
‘every one casts & stone at him, and there is no crime with which he is 
‘not charged.” 

T Gf specially swhrs, p. 110, note, and fafra, p. 174. 

§ REUMONT in the Bonner Theol. Literaturbl,, V, (1870), 686. 

{| See sabre, po 104 sey. 

‘% This applies especially to the writings of Ollivier and Neme&. See 


140 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 


family.* Even when the shock of his son's death recalled 
him for a moment to the sense of his true vocation, his | 
repentance was of the shortest duration, and he very soon 
returned to his old ways and lived the immoral life of the 
secular sovereigns of his day. 

Thus he who should have been the guardian of his time, 
saving all that could be saved, contributed more than any 
other man to steep the Church in corruption. His life of 
unrestrained sensuality was in direct contradiction with the 
precepts of Him whose representative on earth he was;+ 
and to this he gave himself up to the very end of his days, 
‘but it is noteworthy that in matters purely concerning the 
Church, Alexander never did anything that justly deserves 
blame; even his bitterest enemies are unable to formulate 
any accusation against him in this respect} Her doctrines 
were maintained in all their purity. It seemed as though 
his reign were meant by Providence to demonstrate the 
truth that though men may hurt the Church they cannot 
harm her. 

In the Church there have always been unworthy priests 
as well as bad Christians; and that no one might be 
scandalised by this, our Lord Himself has foretold it He 
likens her to a field in which the tares grow up with the 
wheat; to a net in which are both good and bad fish; even 
amongst His disciples he endured a Judas, 

Just as the intrinsic worth of a jewel is not lessened by an 
inferior setting, so the sins of a priest cannot essentially 
affect his power of offering sacrifice or administering Sacra- 


* HOvirn, Kamstrophe, 15. See also his treatise on the Acra der 
Bastarden, 6209. 

+ Even his contemporaries pointed out this. See the satirical letter 
of 1502 in SANUTO, IV,, 220-221. 

} Reumowr, UL, 1, 237 seg. Cf LExinons, 424 sey; Hexcen- 
ROTHER, VIIL, $89. See also Crnrouron, IV. 45 





CHAPTER VI. 


Avexanper VTI’s action in THe CHurce.—THe Great 
Junitex OF THE YEAR 1500.—Epicr rox Crnsoxsiir oF 
THE Press—Missions in AMERICA AND AFRICA—PAPAL 
Decision IN kEGARD To THE CoLoNntaL Possessions oF 
Spain aND PorTucaL. 


NOTWITHSTANDING the predominance of secular interests 

throughout the whole of the reign of Alexander VL,, this 

Pope was not inactive in matters regarding the Church, 

In all essentials, in spite of abuses, the government of the 

Church was steadily carried on; no doubt, however, this 

was partly owing to the marvellous perfection of her 
ton, 

Like his predecessors, Alexander gave a hearty support 
to the monastic orders, enriched them with many privileges 
‘and did all he could to secure and promote their well-being 
and their work. Innocent VIII, had in 1490 granted to 
the Church of the Augustinians the same indulgences as 
could formerly only be gained by visiting the stations in 
Rome. Alexander VI. in 1497 bestowed on this order, 
permanently and exclusively, the office of Sacristan of the 
Chapel of the Papal Palace. From that time a special 
prayer for the Pope was ordered to be said in all 
Augustinian Churches and Convents,* Thus the Ordcr, 


* Esrous, Bull. Ord Erem. Aug., 37, and Kotpe, Die Deutsche 
Augastinercongregation, 207, See also Cod. dipl. Sax, 11, Vol. IX 
HB seq. 


~ 


44 HISTORY OF THE POPES, 


and Central Italy into one congregation, to which he gave 
the name of the Congregation of S. Bernard.* 

In 1494 the Order of the Knights of S, George, and in 
1501 the Order of Nuns founded by S. Jane of Valois for the 
closer imitation of the Blessed Virgin, received the Papal 
approbation. A more important approbation was that 
bestowed by him on the Order of S. Francis of Paula in 
1493, and in 1505 on his Tertiaries, to whom he granted 
many privileges} In the year 1496 the Pope reconstituted 
the Order of the Holy Sepulchre§ Alexander VI. fre- 
quently came forward as the protector of convents against 
their oppressors, whether ecclesiastical or secular,| and 
energetically withstood encroachments on the liberties of 
the Church, 

In this respect Alexander's attitude in regard to the 
absolutist pretensions of the authorities in the Netherlands 
is especially interesting. In spite of the supineness of the 
clergy in that country, who took no notice of the infringe 
ments of their privileges and immunities, the Pope acted 
with the greatest decision. Quite at the beginning of his 
reign he threatened the magistrates of Brabant with ex- 
communication, but they refused to desist from their en- 
croachments on the rights of the Church, Immediately 
he addressed himself to Duke Philip of Burgundy, point- 


* Bull, V., 371 seg. 

+ RayNaLDus, ad an. 1494, 1.41} 1501, m. 24 59. 

T Bull, V., 352 seg., 380 sey. Application had already been made 
under Innocent VIII, to obtain the approval of the Holy See for the 
Order. ‘This appears from *Lib. brev. 18, f. 214. Secret Archives of 
the Vatican, 

§ MIsLIN, Heilige Orte, IL, 309, and * Das Heilige Land” the organ 
of the Verein vom H. Grabe, X11, 33. Koln, 1868, 

|| The *Bulls of 16th Aug, 1497, in the State Archives at Florence 
(S. Chiara di Cortona), and of 1th Dec., 1497, in the Archives of the 
Prince-Bishop of Brixen, are instances of this. 


146 HISTORY OF THE POPES 


England,* and S. Frances of Rome Amongst other 
ecclesiastical acts of Alexander VI. should be men- 
tioned his confirmation of the Bull of Sixtus [V. on 
the Immaculate Conception of Our Lady,t and in 
the year 1501, his affirmative decision of the question as 
to whether it was allowable for the Bishop Albert of 
Wilna to take up arms to defend himself against the 
Tartars. On the 2oth of August of the same year, he 
declared the form of baptism in which the passive mood 
is used (which is customary amongst the Ruthenes in 
Lithuania and others of the Greek rite) to be valid, and 
forbade the reiteration of the Sacrament; grounding his 
decision on that of EugeniusIV.§ On the 8th of June, 1451, 
he wrote to the Grand Duke of Lithuania, admonishing him 
to do everything in his power to persuade his consort 
to “abjure the Russian religion, and accept the Christian 
Faith.” In the year 1496 Constantine, Prince of Georgia, 
scat the Basilian monk Nilus to Rome with overtures for 
a reunion in religion and an alliance against the Turks. 


et abbat. et nobil. illar. partium quemadmodum alias frequenter scrip 
serunt pro canonizatione beati Bennonis quondam episcopi Misnens. 
quem dicunt miraculis corruscare. Ek cum semper remissi fuerint ad 
partes pro interponenda mora, prout in similibus arduis causis fit, novis- 
simng omnes rescripserunt instantissime supplicantes ut causd CAnoniza- 
tionis vel saltem informationis rerum illarum committeretur. S. D.N. 
omnibus intellects swatuit quod. fieret commissio per breve duobos 
episcopis et duobus abbatibus pro gravitate rei ut illi de narmtis se in- 
formarent et suis litters S* SU postea referrent, Liber relat, Consistorii, 
fig, C. 303, £38. Consistorial Archives in the Vatican, 

* Witkins, IIL, 640; HeRcENROTHER, VIII, 364. 

+ The exanination of the cause was entrusted to three Cardinals on 
ath March, 1499. See Cod. in Consistorial Archives cited im previots 
note 

t Lea, ML, 602, 

§ For documents on this point, see HERGENROTHER, VIII, 391. 

‘| Turawxr, Mon, Pol, 11, 289; Preuuza, 11, 58 


148 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 


privileges to the Penitentiary of S. Peter; and all the 
clergy of the city were invited to the opening of the 
Jubilee.* 

The Pope himself performed this ceremony on Christmas 
Eve, 1499, having taken pains to settle all the details be« 
forchanJ with his Master of Ceremonies. The ceremonial 
observed on these occasions was no modem invention, but, 
as the Bull of indiction expressly says, was founded on 
ancient rites and full of symbolic meaning. The Pope was 
carried to S. Peter's arrayed in full pontificals, holding a 
gilt lighted candle in one hand and blessing the people 
with the other, All the Cardinals and Prelates who 
accompanied him also carried lighted candles The pro- 
cession stopped in front of the Church, and the Papal Choir 
began the usual Antiphons, Then the Pope proceeded on 
foot to the so-called sacred door, where a hammer was put 
into his hand in token of the power cntrusted to him, in 
virtue of which he “openeth and no man shutteth ; shutteth 
and no man openeth" (Apoc, fii 7). With a few blows of 
the hammer he made a breach in the wall with which this 
door is closed, the bricks having already been loosened, and 
the rest was cleared away by workmen. This part of the 
ceremony occupied about half an hour, Then the Pope, 
holding the lighted candle in his left hand, entered ‘first, 
the rest following, while the Te Deum was intoned ; after 
which Vespers were sung immediately 

On the 14th of April the Pope visited the four principal 
churches in order to gain the Jubilee Indulgence. On 
Easter Day he celebrated the High Mass in S, Peter's, 
and afterwards gave the solemn blessing and absolution, 


* Buncuani Diarium, 11, $84 sey. Cf “Desparch of G. L. 
‘Cataneo to the Marquess of Mantua, Rome, 25th Dec, 1499 Gommga 
Axchives, Manta 

+ Buxcuarpt Diatium, 11, 998 seg. 





i alll 


PILGRIMAGES TO ROME, 149 


According to Burchard, the crowd which assisted at these 
solemnities numbered 200,000 persons.* Although this 
‘exaggeration,t still it is certain that, in spite of 


may bean: 
‘the troubles of the times and the insecurity in Rome itself, 


the numbers attending this Jubilee were very large, Even 
in December a vast crowd of pilgrims passed through 
Florence.} A Bull to provide for the safety of the way- 
farers on their journey was issued in February, § and many 
precautionary measures were adopted to maintain order in 
Rome, though they failed to prove completely effectual. 
‘Nevertheless visitors still continued to arrive. A pious 
Camaldolese monk was greatly consoled by the sight of 
30 many thousands who had not perished in Sodom, “God 
be praised,” he exclaimed, “who has brought hither so 
many witnesses to the Faith} “All the world was in 
Rome” (orbis in urbe), writes Sigismondo de’ Conti** No 
difficulties or dangers seemed capable of checking the 
inflow of pilgrims, shewing how deeply rooted the Faith 
still wag in the hearts of the various nations. Not a few 
to the Plague which was raging in many parts 
‘States of the Church++ Those who came by sca 
were in danger of being captured by pirates, and Alexander 
stationed a cruiser at Ostia for their protection. By land, 
the Italians especially suffered much from the hated 
ors nevertheless a great number appeared. }} 
* Buxcsarp! Disrium, 111, 34, 37. 
+ This scema probable, as BurciaRn, III, 36 only mentions 
‘seo,n0 pilgrims. 
_T Lawpvces, 205. 
"§ BURCHARD: Dinrium, II, 16507. 
data, 111. 42 309. 
‘T Petrus Delphinus in RayNALDUS, ad an. 1500, n. 1, 
‘* Staisuonpo pe’ Cons, 11, 218. 
tt Of Diario di Ser Tommaso di Silvestro, 235 109. 
$2 GuGiietmort, Marina, 11, 496; MavLor, Origines, 52-54. 


~_— i 


150 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 


Thousands arrived from Germany, the Netherlands, and 
Hungary. “Men and women, widows and maidens, monks 
and nuns," says Trithemius, “came flocking to Rome to 
gain the Indulgence.”* In the Confraternity-book of the 
Hospital of S* Spirito in Rome in the month of January, 
1309, not less than 150 Hungarian pilgrims are entered, 
and in the course of the year they numbered more than 
soot Nor were the Italians behindhand. The Neapoli- 
tans had a procession of their own, in which the venerated 
picture of S“ Maria del Carmine was carried, many scourging 
themselves as they walked till the blood came} The fact 
‘that the deaths of foreigners in Rome between Christmas 
and S, John’s Day were estimated at 30,800, shews how 
large the number of pilgrims must have been,§ 
Amongst the celebrities who made this pilgrimage, the 
first to be mentioned is Nicholas Copernicus, who arrived 
in Rome about Easter, and remained there a whole year, 
He lectured then, but not, as is almost universally supposed, 


* Terrien, Chronicon Hirsaug., 11. 579 (S. Galli, 1690). Cf 
Sanvto, IIL, 13§. Many undertook the pilgrimage for the benefit of 
the Sonis in Purgatory. A large number of sums left in wills to defray 
the expenses of pilgrimages to Rome are mentioned in the * Zextismenttorr 
Auch of the Imperial free ity of Pressburg, Vol. (1427-1529) There 
is bardly « Will which dows not contain a bequest for this. purpose. In 
4493 there are 7such; In 1494, 1; 1495, 23 1496, 2 1498, L; £499) 5 
1500, Fj 1§01, 3; 1502, 3} £§03, 2) 1504 3; 1505, 15 1506, $5 1808, 
t} $1512, 25 1513, 2} 2515, 25) 4516, EF 151%) 35 ESI 25 
4519). 2; 18201; 1523, 1. After this they disappear, owing to the rive 
of Lutheranism. State Archives, Pressburg. 

+ Mon, Vatican, hist. regni Hungarici illustrancia, Series prima, 
1 V, Liber Conf, S. Spiritus de urbe (Budapestini, 1889), Cf Sawuto, 
IIL, 135. 

3 Lanpucct, 210, Ef Arch. St, Napolit,, Vil, to; VIL, $30. 

§ Srumpr, 452; Havustann, I, 104. An aged pilgrim, Lucas of 
‘Thorn, apparently a relative of Coppernicus, died in the Hewpital det 
Anima in 1500, See HIPLER, Anal. Warm, 169. 





1§2 HISTORY OF THE POPES, 


Even those who, like Sigismondo de’ Conti, were far from 
being hostile to the Borgia, could not conceal their dis- 
approval of Alexander’s unrestrained nepotism. Cesar 
was incessantly asking for money to carry out his enter- 
prises in the Romagna, and his father, without another 
thought, handed over to him all the receipts from the 
Jubilee, which, as Sigismondo says, former Popes, such as 
Nicholas V. and Sixtus V, had employed in restoring and 
adorning the churches of Rome.* 

Towards the end of the Jubilee year Rome was visited 
by a great calamity. On the rst November, an cye-witness 
writes, after several days of rain the Tiber began to over- 
flow, and the houses along its banks were flooded. In 
two more days the Vatican was cut off from the rest of the 
city, and on the 4th the waters rose to such a height that 
many churches and houses were flooded. This high water 


there was a fearful storm in Rome, so terrible that people thought the 
city and al! fis inhabitants would be destroyed ; and the Pope's palace 
wasstruck by lightning and he himself wounded in the arm, ‘This same 
Pope had at that time a daughter (Lucrezia Borgia) ia Rome, who 
lived in great pomp and was seen by the pilgrims, and they could 
tell many things of her, He had allowed her to take, and had himself 
given her to, athird husband (Alfonso d’'Este, Duke of Ferrum), although 
her two first husbands (Giovanni Sfora, Lord of Pesaro, and Alfonso 
of Aragon, natural son of the King of Naples) were still alive; if one 
docs not please her she asks for another, One of these forsaken former 
husbands of hers revenged himself on the Pope's son, who, being gone 
out on # love adventure, the other watched for him and cruelly stabbed 
him, and threw him into the Tiber. {t was commonly said amongst the 
pilgrims that this Pope was not in great favour with the citizens of 
Rome.” Neue Mitteilungen aus dem Gebiete historisch-antiqua- 
rischor Forschungen, XV., 1, (Halle, 1880.) (V. Chronicalische Aufesich- 
nungen mur Gesch, der Stadt Halle vom Jahre 1464-1512, Von Dr. 
WACHTER in Breslau) pp. 122-125. 

* SIGISMONDO De’ CONT), IL, 218 On Jubilee coins, see NOTHEN, 
Sr; on the Pilgrimage literanire, see FALK, Druckkunst, 57-107. 


154 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 


explaining the resistance which those who were commis- 
sioned to preach the Jubilee Indulgences met with in 
Switzerland® as well as in Germany. Cardinal Perandi 
had to put up with all sorts of harassing restrictions In 
the empire, and to undertake that all the money there 
collected should be handed over untouched to the adminis- 
tration for the Crusade.t 

This Cardinal took advantage of his visit to Germany 
to endeavour to do something for the revival of religion 
amongst the people, taking up to some extent the work of 
Nicholas of Cusa. He himself preached to the common 
people, though he had to employ an interpreter, He 
devoted himself especially to the reform of the convents, 
many of which had become sadly relaxed. He also 
laboured to put down concubinage amongst the clergy, 
and, on the other hand, to defend their privileges and the 
liberty of the Church.} 

If Alexander VI. did nothing towards the reform of 
the Church, yet he was not wanting in earnest care to pre- 
serve the purity of her doctrine, His Censorial edict for 
Germany, dated tst June, 1501, is a very important doeu- 
ment in this respect. 

In this, which is the first Papal pronouncement on the 
printing of books, it is declared that the art of printing is 
extremely valuable in providing means for the multiplica~ 
tion of approved and useful books; but may be most 
mischievous if it is abused for the dissemination of bad 

+ Cf HAVEMANN, II, 104, Cirsar's remark on this subject, given 
there on Reisner’s authority, is a later story. 

+ See supra, p97 

1 Particulars in HerGennorwer, VII, 361. Card. Perandi issued 
® proclamation which, as far ay € know, has never been printed, dat. 
25th March, 1503, announcing that Alexander Vi. had empowered him 
to undertake a general visitation of the Convents in hiv Legation. 
Frankf. City Archives, Crypt. A. Urk,, n. 30. 


156 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 


possession to the said Archbishops, Vicars or officials, 
and without prevarication of any kind, to deliver up what- 
ever books or treatises shall be judged by them to contain 
anything contrary to the Catholic Faith, or ungodly, or 
capable of causing scandal, or ill-sounding in any way, 
equally under pain of excommunication and a fine to be 
determined as aforesaid.”* 

In Italy Alexander VI. energetically repressed the 
heretical tendencies which were especially prevalent in 
Lombardy-+ On the 31st of January, 1500, two inquisitors 
were sent by him with letters of recommendation to the 
Bishop of Olmiitz, to proceed against the very numerous 
Picards and Waldensians in Bohemia and Moravia, who 
led extremely immoral lives. Ever since the year 1493 
Alexander had been taking great pains to win back the 
Bohemian Utraquists; but these efforts had failed com- 
pletely.8 When in the year 1499 some of the more 
moderate Utraquists shewed an inclination to be reconciled 
with the Church, Alexander had the matter discussed in 
Consistory and bestowed special powers on the clergy in 
Prague: 

* Raynatous, ad an, 1501, n. 36; Reusch, Index, 1, 54-55. Of 
FESSLER, Vermischte Schriften, t47 sey; KAPP, Gesch: 4, 
Bachhandels, 530-s¢g. (Lelprig, 1886); Archiv. £.Gesch.d. Buchhandels, 
XUTy 246. 

+ Gf Bull. Ord, Praedic, IV., t02, 190; RAVNALDUB, ad an. 150% 
M, 42; BERNINO, TV,, 216 te7. On Alexander's action in regard to 
'S. Patrick's “Purgatory,” see Mots in the Studien en Bydrogen apt 
gebied dor hist. Theologio, 11, 361 sey. Amsterdam, 1871. 

} RavNannos, ad an. 1500, n. 6o seg. Cf Lance, Papstesel, 62 509, 
68 sey 72-74) on the Waldensians in Rome. Gf also CANTY, Storia 
i Como, 1, 106. 

§ PALACKY, V., 1, 381 seg. 

|| Raywatnus, ad an. 1499, 1. 30. This was dealt with in the Con- 
Sistory of 5th July, 1499, See *Liber relat, Consistorii, Sig. C. 305, £70. 
Consistorial Archives of the Vatican. 


158 HISTORY OF THE POPES, 


propagation. The magnificent discoveries of the Portuguese 
and Spaniards offered a wide field to the Church in this 
direction. It is consoling to note how much, even under 
Alexander VI, was done in the way of spreading the 
knowledge of the Gospel amongst the heathen, 

Greenland, being that part of America which was in 
earliest communication with Europe, was naturally also 
the first to profit by the pastoral care of the Popes. 
Aceording to the Scandinavian Sagas, Christianity was 
introduced into Greenland by S. Olaf Il, King of Norway, 
between Ap, 1015-30, This account is confirmed by a 
letter of Nicholas V. of 22nd September, 1448, addressed 
to the Bishop of Skalholt and Holar in Iceland.* 

The occasion of this letter was a request from the 
Greenlanders to the Pope to send them new priests and 
a Bishop, In the first decade of the t5th Centary the 
heathen pirates from the neighbouring coast had swooped 
down upon their country, slaughtered the greater part 
of the Christian inhabitants and carried off the rest 
into slavery. The churches were all destroyed excepting 
nine, which were situated in remote places, difficult of 
access. Inthe course of time some of the captives managed 
to make their escape and return to their homes, where they 
now found themsclves destitute of all spiritual aids, as the 
churches that still remained were in places inaccessible 
to many of them, and now the few priests who were left 
had all died, Nicholas V, desired the Bishops to supply 
their needs. 

His letter, however, does not seem to have reached its 


* Published by L. JELi¢, L’Evangélisation de PAmérique avant 
Christophe Colomb, in Compte rendu du Congrés Seientif. inter- 
national des Catholique, 182-185 (Paris, 1891), Prscnet-Ruor, 
Geach. dor Erdkunde, 162, note, ed. 2 (Minchen, 1877), give a wrong 
date—zoth Sept. 


160, HISTORY OF THE POPES, 


‘on this principle, the Portuguese had turned to the Popes 
to obtain security in their rights over their discoveries 
along the West Coast of Africa. It was Calixtus III. who, 
in one of these most useful decisions, granted to Portugal 
the exclusive rights of trading and founding colonies on 
the coast between Cape Bojador and Guinea. In the year 
1479 Spain had acquiesced in this award at the peace 
of Aleacevas, No sooner had Columbus, who had been 
rejected by Portugal, returned from his famous voyage than 
King Emmanuel set up a claim to the newly-found lands on 
the ground of this treaty. The relations between the two 
countries soon became such that war secmed imminent. 
Justly estimating the importance of obtaining a decision 
from the Holy See, the astute King Ferdinand at once 
addressed himself to Rome, His confidential agent there 
was the Cardinal Bernardino Carvajal, who, in a very short 
time, achieved a marked success. On the 3rd and 4th May, 
1493, Alexander put his signature to three highly important 
documents. The first, dated 3rd May, confers on Spain 
an exclusive right of possession over all the islands and 
countries now discovered by Columbus and all future dis- 
coveries of his, on condition of propagating the Christian 
Faith in them, and provided such lands are not already 
occupied by a Christian power, Thus Spain received 
exactly the same rights and privileges as those which had 
been bestowed upon Portugal for her colonies on the West 
Coast of Africa. The second, dated the same day, described 
these rights in detail; while the third, dated gth May, 
defined the limits of what we should now call the spheres 
of influence of Spain and Portugal, The boundary line 
between the two powers was drawn from the North to the 
South Pole, 100 Spanish leagues to the West of the most 
westerly island of the Azores; all that was East of the 
line belonged to Portugal, and all that was West of it 


162 HISTORY OF THE POPES, 


signifies nothing more than the confirmation of a title legiti- 
mately acquired; and was understood in that sense by con= 
temporary and later theologians, and by the Spaniards 
themselves.* How little such grants were looked upon as 
controlling the liberties of even heathen nations is shewn 
by the fact that, in a similar concession to Portugal in 
1497 the same word “grant” is used, with the condition 
appended of the free consent of the inhabitants} If this 
formula is wanting in the document of 1493, it is merely 
because it was understood as included in the titleitself. In 
all these deeds the grant refers to the other European 
Princes and not to the populations of the New World, 
“These privileges conferred on the monarchs who received 
them a right of priority in regard to the territories dis 
covered by them. As nowadays patents are given for 
inventions and copyrights for literary productions and works 
of art, so in former times a Papal Bull, enforced by the 
censures of the Church, protected the laborious discoverer 
from having the hard won fruits of his toil wrested from 
him by a stronger hand.” 

As the choice by the Catholic Sovereigns of Alexander 
as arbiter was grounded in the first instance on the authority 
which he possessed as Pope, and their respect for the 
dignity of the Head of the Church, he was empowered to 
add to the perfect freedom of his decision, grounded on a 
full knowledge of the facts, the sanction of that apostolic 
authority which was their reason for selecting him as 
umpire in these important matters He had power, and 
indeed was bound, to decide with the authority of the 


* See Hercennirnenr, Kirche und Stat, 341. 

+ RaYNALDUS, ad an. 1497, 1. $30 

7 Huercenndrien, Kirche und Staat, 337-344, who also exposes the 
absurdity of fixing on the Papal Briefs the responsibility for the tyranny: 
‘of the Spaniards in their dealings with the American nations, 


164 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 


increased in Espafiola (Hayti) may be seen from the fact 
that in 1501 negotiations were already begun in Rome for 
the establishment there of a separate hierarchy.* At the 
instigation of the great Cardinal Ximenes in 1502 a number 
of Franciscan missionaries were sent to America.t 

Alexander equally exerted himself to promote the spread 
of Christianity in the countries beyond the sea which had 
been discovered by the Portuguese ;{ their enterprises were 
regarded in Rome as Crusades for the Propagation of the 
Faith § 


* EMRLE, loc. cit. 

+ WaADDING, XV., 247. Cf HEFELE, Ximenes, 483 seg. 

t Of SCHAFER, Gesch. v. Portugal, ITI, 83; SANTAREM, X., 120. 

§ A **Bull of Alexander VI., beginning with the words Catholice fidei 
propagationem, and dated Romae, Dec. 1501. Cal. Nov. A® 10°, Regest. 
868, £. 117, in the Secret Archives of the Vatican, which, as far as 1 
know, has not as yet been printed, is very interesting from this point of 
view. 


166 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 


Century, the principal seat of the Court and of the Cardinals, 
it became the central point of the city, and by him was trans- 
formed into the handsomest quarter of Rome, a distinction 
which it retained until the reign of Clement Vil. “These 
were the days of pageants, of ecclesiastical and secular pro- 
cessions and cavalcades, camival-races, tournaments and 
bull-fights, the days in which the rctinues of Lucrezia and 
Caesar Borgia were numbered by hundreds when they rode 
forth in state, and Cardinals, the scions of royal houses, 
‘vied with Princes in the splendour of their equipages when 
they went to the Vatican, days in which ecclesiastical 
decorum was trampled under foot by worldly vanity and 
profane pomp.” * 

‘The great increase of street traffic in the Leonine city 
‘owing to the numbers of Cardinals, Prelates, and members 
of the Court who lived there, had already induced Sixtus 
TV. to make a wide street, originally called by his name 
(now Borgo St. Angelo), running from the moat of the 
Castle of St. Angelo to the gate of the Papal Palace. 
Alexander VI. added a second one parallel with this and 
called it the Via Alessandrina (now Borgo Nuovo and the 
main thoroughfare of this quarter). 

‘This street was planned primarily on account of the 
Jubilee. In the Consistory of 26th November, 1498, the 
Pope spoke of the necessity of making room in the strects 
for the concourse of pilgrims that was to be expected, and 
desired Cardinal Raffacle Riario, who understood archi- 
tecture, to confer with other experts in these matters and 
sce what would be required in the way of thoroughfares 
and bridges.{ In January 1499, this Cardinal was put in 

* REUMONZ, Die Leostadt, in the Allg, Zeit. (1870), 0, 286 Suppl. 

+ See Vol. fV., 455, of this work, 

+ *Romae die junae XXVI. Nov., 1498+ [S. D.N.]fecit etiam verbam 
de anno jubilel proxime instantis et de viis et de corsicis, Multe super 


168 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 


The completion of the Via Alessandrina entailed other 
changes in its neighbourhood, and especially in the portion 
of the Castle of St, Angelo nearest the bridge, 

During the course of his reign Alexander VI. made 
extensive alterations in the Castle The whole building 
was completely fortified in the best style of the day with 
parapets and towers, and surrounded by a wali and ditch.* 
These works were begun immediately after his accession, 
and hurried on in consequence of the approach of the 
French, and afterwards prosecuted with energy and more 
methodically. This is proved by inscriptions as well as by 
the entries of disbursements in the account-books, Antonio 
da Sangallo, Giuliano’s brother, was the architect and 
master of works. Substantial changes were made in the 
edifice, both internally and in its exterior. The old Porta 
Acnca in the wall of St. Angelo was thought too small and 
closed up, and a new gate built. The adjoining houses and 
vineyards were removed and the Piazza enlarged and paved 
to form the opening of the Via Alessandrina A strong 
tower made of blocks of Travertine was erected by San- 
gallo, to command the bridge, which remained standing till 


July 1522 (in MONT, Antiquités de Rome, 2), shews that it was at 
this time that the last remnant of the Meta disappeared, On the reck- 
Jess destruction of ancient monuments by Alexander, see also MONTZ, 
Les Monuments Antiques de Rome au 14 sidele, p. 18, and Brrto- 
LOTTI, Artisti Lombardi, L, 33. In the "Divers. Alex. VI, 1501-1503 
(Ballet, 1V,), 1 found, f, 69%, an catry of a payment from Raphael, tit, 
S. Geongii mag. Stephano muratori duc. 50 pro aptanda via a palatio 
tsque ad castrum S. Angeli, dat. Romac, XX11. Oct, rgo1, A® 10%. 
State Archives, Rome. 

* Cf. BoRGAT, 100 249. (whose description, however, is not perfectly 
clear); GUGLIELMOTT!, Fortificazioni, 100; and MONT2's important 
contribution in Antiquités, 59 sey, 62, Mint: has ignored Borgati, 
and in consequence made several mistakes, Cf also LANGE, Papstesel, 
28-29. 


170 HISTORY OF THE Pores. 


and the profession of obedience and departure of this 
monarch." 

The prison of Torre di Nona on the left bank of the 
Tiber was also fortified anew.t These two strongholds 
completely commanded the stream, and, by their artillery, 
the greater part of the city, 

The Arcade, which leads from the Castle of St. Angelo 
to the Vatican, was not built by Alexander as has been 
supposed by many; it was already in existence; but the 
Borgia arms affixed in many places shew that it was 
extensively restored by him. One of these shields over 
the door of the court of the Swiss Guards bears the date 
1492, and shews in what direction the Pope's earliest 
apprehensions lay; We learn, from a report of the 
Ferrarese Envoy of 8th April, 1499, that work was going 
on in the Arcade at that date. § 

A Bull of the year 1500 bestowed certain privileges 
‘on all who assisted in building the houses in the new 
Via Alessandrina|| 

The Porta Settimiana which closes the Via della Lungara 
was rebuilt and has remained unaltered up to the present 
day. Cardinal Juan Lopez de Valencia, a former secretary 
of Alexander, was commissioned by him to erect a 
fountain in the Piazza of S™ Maria in Trastevere. That 
of Innocent VIII, in the Piazza of S, Peter's, which had also 
been newly paved, was adorned by Alexander with four 
gilt Bulls, the Borgia arms. Nor was the Vatican itself and 


* Auvisi, 14; ScHMAxsow, Pinturicchio in Rom, 63 seg. 

+ BORGATI, too, 

¢ BuRcHaRD: Diarium, IL, 220; ADINOLFI, Portica, 2t9 sey.; 
MOntz, Les Arts, IIL, 172, and Antiquités, $9; SCUMARSOW, 
Pinturicchio, 34. 

§ Original in the State Archives, Modena. 

{i Bull, V., 377 sey. Of Marin, L, 317, N.e. 





case, closes the Appartamento Borgia on that side” 

Almost immediately after his accession Alexander set 
to work at the renovation of these rooms and the erec- 
tion of the Tower. Their decoration was intrusted to 
Pinturicchio. He accomplished his task with a celerity 
which could only be explained by supposing that he 
largely availed himself of the help of others. A close 
inspection of the paintings makes it only too clear that 
this was the case. Pinturicchio by no means overworked 
himself; in fact in 1494 he slipped away to Orvieto and 
had to be recalled by a Brief from the Pope! However, 
both in their drawing and still more in their composition, 
the greater part of these paintings are certainly his work. 
“As a whole the work should justly be ascribed to him, 
and deserves the highest praise for the evenness of its 
execution, and the careful schooling and sagacious selection 
in regard to the parts assigned to them, of the pupils 
whom he evidently employed." + 


* Scumanrsow, Pinturicchio in Rom, 34 seg.; Woopnouse in the 
“Builder” of Jan, 1887; YRIARTE, Autour des Borgia, 33 seg. (with 
engravings); VoLriNi, L'Appartamento Borgia nel Vaticino. Rome, 
1887, 

+ Scusansow, Pinturicchio in Rem, 61. 


174 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 


the wall-paintings is the one of the Resurrection of Christ, 
before whom a Pope, unmistakeably Alexander V1, kneels 
in adoration, in full pontificals, but barc-headed, with the 
Tiara on the ground beside him. This admirable portrait 
and that of another ecclesiastic in the picture of the Assump- 
tion of the Blessed Virgin, are evidently from the hand of 
Pinturicchio himself, while the other paintings were probably 
executed by his pupils.” 

This picture is not only highly interesting as a portrait 
of the Pope in his prime, as his contemporaries knew him, 
but is noteworthy also because it explodes a story which, 
first sct afloat by Vasari, has been repeated again and 
again. Vasari says that Pinturicchio painted over the door 
of one of the rooms in the palace a picture of the Virgin 
Mary, which was a portrait of Giulia Farnese, and in’ the 
same painting a likeness of Pope Alexander adoring her. 
In reality the only picture in which Alexander appears is 
that ofthe Resurrection of our Lord. There is a representa- 
tion of the Madonna, but it is in the next room, and the 
Pope is not in it, nor is there any other picture in any 
of the rooms which corresponds with Vasari’s description. 
Evidently he had never been inside the Appartamento 
Borgia.t 

* ScHMARSOW, 53 seg. The coloured copy of the portrait of 
Mexander VI, in Yetartn, 73, is unsatisfactory. The photograph im 
Heywood's work, see Vol. V., p. 387, note t, is much better, but is un- 
fortunately not on sale, having been privately printed. 

+ YRIARTE, 35,72, HunER in Hist-Taschenbuch (1875), p. $3; and 
even GREGOROVIUS, VII, 669, ed. 5 (685, ed, 4), repeat Vasari's fable 
without examination (and Gregorovius adds that the Pope is worshipping 
the Madonna!) They have evidently never seen the picture. For 
criticism of Vasari see generally FREV, Vita di Michelangelo (Berlin, 
1887), XXL. sey, Puarrrnr, UL, 1, 30%, tries to save Vasari’s story 
by hararding the conjecture that “the head of the Pope, now no 
longer there, was for obvious reasons painted out of the picture” 


ail 


' 
. 





176 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 


Tower was finished in 1494. The first room contains the 
figures of the twelve apostles and twelve prophets; each 
carries a scroll on which a sentence” from the Creed or 
one of the prophets is written. The last, which is almost 
square and was probably the Pope’s bed-chamber, has 
mythological representations of the planets on the ceiling. 
In each of the twelve luncttes a prophet and a sybil 
converse together. As in the former chamber, they 
carry scrolls containing prophecies of the kingdom of 
Christ.* 

In spite of the many faults that may be found with 
the separate paintings, the decoration of the Appartamento 
Borgia is, as a whole, an eminently harmonious and pleas- 
ing work. 

Pinturicchio left Rome on account of the disturbances 
there caused by the invasion of Charles VIII.; later he 
returned and painted the series of historical pictures of the 
events of the Pope's life in the Castle of St. Angelo, which 
have already been mentioned,{ and executed the decora- 
tions in the grotesque style there which have also. been 
mentioned before, and by which this new form of Art was 


* PLATTNER, II, 1, gor seg.; SCMMARSOW, 35 s¢g., 46 seg. 58; 
YRIARYE, 66 seg. The tradition is that Alexander died in the “Liberal 
Arts” room. 

+ SCHMARSOW, 95. H. Grin (Fifteen Essays, 4th Series [Gutersloh, 
1890]), p. 274, praises the bright and agreeable effects of the paintings, 
‘and pronounces this to be the “most beautiful of all Pinturicchio's pro- 
ductions.” See also Betss#t. in the Zeitschr. f, Christl. Kunst, V., 69, 
who, however, praises the App. Borgia beyond their deserts, On 
Pinturicchio's honorarium, see Gort, Arch. St, [V., 18 seg. 

T Soe supra, p. 169. Cf VERMIGLIOL, App, XIL; SCHMARSOW, 63. 
Pinturicchio was employed also by Cesar Borgia; sce Kunstbl. (1850), 
P: 374. On the assistance given by Cuxsar towards the building of the 
Church of the Madonna del Piratello at Imola, sce Graus in the 
Graser Kirchonschimuck, XXL, (1890) 114 seg. 


178 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 


For jewellery and metal work but little was done by 
Alexander beyond the regular necessary orders for the 
golden roses, swords of honour for princes, chalices for 
churches, and medals. Beyond these the only lange order 
for goldemith's work was that for the statues of the twelve 
Apostles in silver gilt, which were destined for his private 
chapel.* Outside as well as inside Rome, Alexander did 
a great deal in the way of building. He spent 9000 ducats 
on the Castle of Subiaco, and extensive works were executed 
in the citadels of Tivoli, Civitella, Civita Castellana, Nepi, 
Osimo, and Civita Vecchia ;+ the erection of a tower at 
Viterbo,} and of dwelling-rooms in the citadel at Ostia$ 
He also contributed to the building of the Cathedral at 
Perugia,|| and helped in the erection of the shrine of S. 
Anthony at Padua. 
stuclii lmao urbls pro reparatione ipsius studi. Further payments for 
the same object follow, State Archives, Rome, 

* PERATE, $19. On the evord given by Alexander VI, to the Duke 
‘Boguslaw X. of Pomerania, see Lissiwc in the Jahrh. d, Preuss. 
Kunstsammlungen, XVI. 121 seg. On Alexander's Livre heures 
(containing fifty-cight miniatures by a Flemish painter), see PAWLOWSKE 
in the Gaz. des Beaux Aris, 3rd Series, V., 511 sey. 

+ Cf. the Registro delle fabbriche di P. Alessandro VI, in Gort's 
Arch, St, IV. 141; GREGOROVIUS, Wanderjahre, II, 17 s0y. ¢ GOR, 
‘Viaggio da Roma a Tivoli, 1, 17 (Roma, 1855); Arch, St teal, 5 Serie, 
Vi, ty 177) 785 Arch. d. Soc. Rom, VIL, 436; REDTENBACHER, 103. 
‘On the building done at Subiaco while Alexander was still a Cardisal, 
vee Cronaca Sublac., 519 

T Sce the *Document of éth November, 1497, in “Lib, brev. 17,4 194. 
‘Secret Archives of the Vatican, 

§*Despatch of Stefano Taberna, dat. Rom, 14th Oct, 1497. The 
Pope is going to Ostia to see Alchune babitatione quale fa farein quella 
fortezzs, State Archives, Milan, 

J) "Ball of Alexander V1. of 28th Jan,, 1500, in the Capitular Archives 
at Perugia. 

‘J MARCHLUINO DA Civezza, Il Romano Pontificato, I, 725. 
Firenze, 1886, 


L - | 


180 HISTORY OF THE POPES, 


Convent near S. Pietro in Montorio, erected by him for 
Ferdinand and Isabella of Spain in commemoration of the 
martyrdom of the Prince of the Apostles, It was finished 
in the year (502, and marks the change from the Lombard 
to the Roman Bramante, and the division between the 
arts of two centuries It was no longer a mere imitation 
of classical forms, but a new creation so completely in the 
spirit of the old architecture that nothing in the building 
indicated its recent origin, and it was studied and 
measured by the architects of the day as though it had 
been a newly-discovered monument of classical times.” 

There are equally no grounds for connecting Bramante’s 
name with the Church of the German Hospice of S Maria 
dell’ Anima, the foundation-stone of which was laid by 
Matthieus Lang, the Ambassador of the German Emperor, 
on the r1th of April, 1500. The church was consecrated 
in 1511, and, according to the inscription, the facade 
completed in 514+ The somewhat Gothic interior must 
undoubtedly be ascribed to a German architect.t 

The list of churches erected in the reign of Alexander 
VIL. includes, besides the German National Church, that of 
SS. Trinita de’ Monti on the Pincio, founded by Cardinal 


* GNows, doc. cit, 13, On the Tempietto, ¢f especially GeYMOLLER, 
pee ee GRAUS,S* Maria dell’ Anima, in the Graer 
Kirchenschmuch (1881), No. 3 sey. GrvMULurr writes, p. 68, “ Bra- 
mante’s influence may possibly be traceable in the ground-plan of Su 
Masia dell’ Anima but only in that... . To us it seems very prob- 
able that the graceful tower was built by a German architect after 
a drawing by Bramante, Certainly Bramante, and probably G. da 
Sangallo, are quite guildess of the somewhat Incoherent facade which 
was added in tgrg.” In the Archives of the Anima I found an interesting 
note in which Burkardus Arg. Magist. caeremon. 1499, is said to have 
been praefectus fabricae. 

} Reprenpacum, 179, 


NEW CHURCHES IN ROME. 181 


Brigonnet at the instigation of S. Francis of Paula, 
S. Rocco on the quay of the Ripetta, S. Maria di Loreto, a 
Confraternity-church not completed until the 17th Century, 
the Church of the Guild of the Bakers of Rome, and 
S* Maria di Monserrato, the Spanish National Church.® 


* REUMONT, IIL, 1, 420, 438 ; ARMELLINI, 412, 578. 


BOOK IL 


PIUS III. 1503. 


JULIUS II. Restorer or THE STATES OF THE 
Cuurch AND Patron oF THE Fine Arts. 
1503-1513. 

2 


CHAPTER I. 


Tue ConcLAves oF SEPTEMBER AND NOVEMBER, 1503.— 
Pius ILI. anp Junius Il. 


IN a Despatch of 15th August, 1503, when the condition 
of Alexander VI. was rapidly becoming hopeless, the 
Venetian Ambassador, Antonio Giustinian, reports that 
Cardinal Caraffa had said to him in conversation, “ There 
is every prospect of war. I greatly fear that the coming 
Conclave will result in an appeal to arms, and prove 
most disastrous for the Church,”® A sonnet, published 
in Florence about that time, describes the divisions in the 
Sacred College, the machinations of the Kings of France 
and Spain to secure the election of their respective can- 
didates, and the probability of a simoniacal election, and 
even of a schism.t 

The situation was, indeed, fraught with peril on all sides, 
In the North the French army under Francesco Gonzaga 
lay at Viterbo, the Spaniards under Gonsalvo de Cordova 
were advancing from the South, Rome resounded with party 
cries, Orsini, Colonna, and Borgia. Cardinal Aegidius of 
Viterbo says “ the whole city was in a ferment; the confu- 
sion was such, that it seemed as if everything was going 
to pieces.”{ Under such circumstances it was obvious that 

* Dispacci di A. Giustinian, II, 110, 

+ Sonnet, “ Antequam creatur novus Pontifex,” printed in the Docum. 
intorno Pio II. e III, 29-30, and in the Giorn. d. Lett. Ital. XVII, 296 
Cf. Nuova Antologia (1894), Vol. 135) 93-94. 

 GREGOROVIUS, VIII, 7, ed. 3. 


186 HISTORY OF THE Pores. 


Ciesar’s presence in Rome could not be a matter of trifling 
importance, The Spanish Cardinals were as absolutely 
subservient to him “as if they had been his chaplains," and 
he had under his command an army of not less than £2,000 
strong. It was certainly quite in his power to force another 
Rodrigo Borgia on the Church. 

One cannot but regard it as a direct interposition of 
Providence that precisely at this critical time he was 
crippled by a serious illness, from which he was only begin- 
ning to recover, He said himselfafterwards to Machiavelli, 
“T had counted on the death of my father, and had made 
every preparation for it, but it never occurred to me that I 
should have at the same time to fight with death myself" * 

But the fact that both France and Spain, who had 
quarrelled with each other over the Neapolitan spoils, were 
trying to secure his friendship, shews what was the strength 
of Cesar’s influence in spite of his bodily weakness. They 
evidently thought that the result of the coming election 
depended largely upon him, It was only natural that the 
Duke should exert himself to the utmost to control it. The 
unexpected death of Alexander VI. had been the signal 
for a general uprising of all the enemies of the Borgia 
family, and his very existence depended upon the outcome 
of the election. The Venetian Ambassador writes on 21st 
August: “I am assured on the best authority that last 
Sunday no less than eleven Cardinals swore to Caesar to 
have Cardinal Giovanni Vera elected, or else to bring about 
aschism. They are also trying to win over the Cardinals 
Caraffa, Raffacle Riario, and Pallavicino to their side, and T 
myself know for certain that the Duke has taken pre- 
cautions to prevent the arrival of Cardinal Giuliano della 
Royere, cither by sea or land."+ 

* MacwIAVELL, Principe, cap. 7. 
+ Dispacci di A. Giustinian, 11, 138; @% 130 137, See also Attl 


= 


‘CASAR BORGIA AND THE CARDINALS, 187 


However, it soon became evident that C:esar’s power 
‘was overestimated. He himself felt his inability to with- 
stand the popular hatred, or to make headway against the 
Barons, who were threatening him with vengeance, while all 
his efforts to obtain possession of the Castle of St. Angelo 
by bribery failed to overcome the integrity of its custodian, 
Francesco Roccamura,* 

Hitherto hic had but to command and be obeyed, but 
now he found himself obliged to enter into a treaty with 
the Colonna faction and with the Cardinals. Burchard notes 
with surprise his submissivencss towards the Sacred College, 
to whom he swore obedience on the 22nd of August, 
In consequence, he was allowed to retain his appoint- 
ment as a Captain-General of the Church until the new 
Pope had been elected; but the unanimous decision of 
the Cardinals to hold the Conclave in the Castle of St 
Angelo plainly shews how little they trusted him Even 
there, however, many did not consider themselves sale, 
for Czesar continued to exert himself to the utmost to 

sectire the election of a Spanish Pope who would be 
favourable to him} 

_ If the election was to be free, it was absolutely necessary 
‘to get the Duke out of Rome. The Cardinals, especially 
v VII, 2, 169; M. Leorarn1, Vita di Niccold Bonafede, 
‘CaRinct, Lettere di O, Gactani, 134. 

DE CONTI, I1., 289, and the MS. in TaUASNr, 
1 RANKE in Rom. und Germ, Volker, 171, Says erroneously 
‘hat Cesar had possession of the Castle of St Angelo. The letters 
Se tpn th tn cnn sn 
q and which confirm Guicciardini’s statements about 
treaty with the Colonna, were printed Jong ago by CaRinct, 
‘Lettere di O. Gaetani, 133-134. 
‘Diasium, 111, 245 seg. 
T Dispacci di A. Giustinian, 11,, 157; PEYRUCELLI DELLA GaTrina, 


se 


— 







188 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 


the Italian Cardinals, laboured assiduously to eficct this, 
and were supported by the Ambassadors of Germany, 
France, Spain, and Venice. The negotiations lasted from 
the 25th August to the 31st September, when Czesar 
finally consented to withdraw from Rome within three 
days, the Cardinals on their side engaging to protect 
him against all attacks, and granting him a free passage 
through the States of the Church, They also promised 
to warn Venice against any attempts to get hold of his 
possessions in the Romagna, The Ambassadors of 
Maximilian and Ferdinand pledged themselves that 
neither Cyesar, the Spanish army, nor the Colonna 
should approach from within 8 to to miles of Rome as 
long as the Papal Chair remained vacant, and those of 
France and Venice entered into a similar engagement in 
regard to the French army and the Orsini.* 

On the following day a part of the Duke's artillery left 
Rome by the Trastevere; the news had just reached him 
that Piombino, Rimini, and Pesaro had thrown off his 
yoke. He himself was carried in a litter from the Vatican 
to Monte Mario; at the Porta Viridaria, Cardinal Cesarini 
wished to speak to him, but was told that “the Duke gave 
no audiences."+ 

It soon became known that Casar had placed himself 
under the protection of the French army at Nepi, He 
had already, on the tst of September, entered into a seer t 
agreement with the representatives of Louis XII, in 
which he promised to place his troops at the disposal of 
the King, and to behave towards him as an obedient 
vassal and help him against all his enemies, the Church 


* BURCIARDT Diarium, ITI, 255. 

+ did, AL, 257. Cf, Dispacci di A. Giustinian, II, 1715 SANTO, 
V, 8-81; and the *Despatch of the Mantuan Envoy, dat Rome, and 
‘Sept, 1503. Goneaga Archives, Mantua. 


190 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 
Ww 


‘The latter had led Louis XII to believe that if he would 
allow him to take part in the Conclave he would vote for 
the French candidate, Cardinal d'Amboise.* 

Through their treaty with Cacsar Borgia the French 
party thought they could couat on the support of the 
eleven Spanish Cardinals} and d'Amboise himself did 
not scruple to use every means in his power, flattery, 
promises, and even covert threats, in order to win over 
the remainder.{ In employing the lateer he counted, of 
course, on the influence which the proximity of the 
French troops must exert. In case of need, as the 
Mantuan Ambassador said, it had been decided to have 
recourse to arms§ No means were to be rejected that 
could possibly obtain the Tiara for the favourite of the 
King of France, and thus secure French ascendency in 
Ttaly and the world. 
in consequence did not arrive in time. SANUTO,V., 77; of id, 81, on 
the very hurried journey of Cardinal d’Asmboise. 

* StaLsMONDO DE! CONTI, IL. 299. 

+ Of Prereucetit peLta Garrina, 1, 449. 

Cf, Dispacei di A, Giustinian, IL, 175, 190, 196. As in the whole 
College of Cardinals there were only two who were Frenchmen by birth, 
it seemed to the French party that they could not afford to neglect any 
‘means of ensuring success ; they could really only count upon six vores, 
See Sanvro, V,, $2. ‘The Mantuan agent, Ghivizano, in writing to the 
Marquess of Mantua from Rome on rath Sept, 1503, reports of Cardinal 
d'Amboise : Hieri ale 22 hore parlai cum mons. de Rohano. .. me 
‘ise io dovesse in nome vostro pariare al revmo card. S, Prassede et pre- 
jgarlo a deli la voce saa promettendoli che tuto quelo li sard promise fi 
sarh atteso ct retificato per la Ch» M™ ¢ di questo vole In Ex V4 i 
facia piena segurta, il che a me non ha parso fare senza licentia di quela, 
Ja. quale sapia come a le Xx, hore hoe lordine de andare a parlure 
a S, Prassede; al card. de Rehano ho promeso fare quanto la Sus 
3% me a comandato ¢ cosi farb nan havendo altro in contrario. 
Gonzaga Archives, Mantua. 

{ See Appendix, N. 12, the *Despatch of Ghivisano of 12th Sept, 
103. Gonzaga Archives, Mantas 


192 IUSTORY OF THE POPES. 


Giuliano della Rovere, however, was for the French 
the most dangerous of all their opponents. It was he 
who made it plain to all the world how disastrous would 
be the consequences if the man who was Louis' all power- 
ful minister, and had been Cesar Borgia’s friend, were 
elected.* 

Giuliano's arrival in Rome completely changed the whole 
state of affairs. He was as outspoken as if his election 
were already an accomplished fact, On the sth September 
he said to the Venetian Ambassador: “I have come here 
on my own account and not on other people's. I shall 
not vote for d’Amboise, If I fail to obtain the Tiara 
myself, I hope whoever succeeds will strive to maintain 
peace in Italy, and to promote the interests of religion.” 
He took pains to point out to the Cardinals that if a 
French Pope were elected it was extremely probable that 
theseat of the Papacy would again be transferred to France, 
These representations naturally carried great weight with 
the Spanish and Italian members of the College+ As the 
Italians were largely in the majority (they were twenty- 
two out of thirty-seven) they could easily have made 
Giuliano Pope had they been unanimous. This, however, 
was far from being the case. Some were for Caraffa, 
others for Pallavicino, others again for Giuliano, Cardinal 
Giovanni Colonna held with the Spaniards, while the 
Florentine Cardinals, Medici and Soderini, were on the 
French side.t 

The divisions among the Italian Cardinals threw the 
casting vote into the hands of the united Spanish party. 
Giuliano saw this at once and consequently from the first 


* Dispacci di A. Giustinian, 11., 200. 

t Jéid, Wy 180 182, 

J ZURITA, 2993 GUICCIARDIN, Opere inediti, IL, go6; Skc- 
‘MOLLER, 126 


i 


BEGINNING OF THE CONCLAVE. 193 


devoted himself to the work of winning the Spaniards* 
On the 12th September the Mantuan Envoy writes: “ Neither 
d@’Amboise, Giuliano, Caraffa, nor Riario will be Pope; 
Podocatharo, Piccolomini, or Pallavicino have the best 
chance, for they are favoured by the Spaniards; but the 
common opinion is that the Cardinals will not be able to 
agree” + 

Thus, from the very beginning of the Conclave, the 
representatives of the three great Latin nations stood 
opposed to each other. Not one of the few representatives 
of the non-Latin nationalities was in Rome,t when, after 
the Chairof S. Peter had been vacant for thirty days, the 
Conclave at last began on 16th September. The number 
of Cardinals§ who took part in it, thirty-seven,| was much 

* Dispacei di A. Giustinian, 11, 185. 

+ See Appendix, N. 12, *Despatch of Ghivizano, 12th Sept., 1503, 
Gonzaga Archives, Mantua. 


es ie could only act through their Envoys. See ULMANN, 
IL, the proceedings of Maximilian’s Ambassador. Gf also 
Dep isth Sept., 1503 (Gonzaga Arch,, Mantua), in 

ars 
Atthe Conclave 
‘of Nicholas V. there were 18, for Calixtus If. 15, for Pius II. 18, for 
Paul 1, 20, for Sixtus IV. #8, for Innocent VIII, 25, for Alexander 
eee eh 11, 320; IIL, $; [Vy dom 3, 208 


Stee Baca Diarium, HI,, 269 seg.; SANUTO, V., p. 100 seg.5 
\ Sione Costabili, dated Rome, 16th Sept, 1503, inthe Stare 
‘Archives, Modena. Both ancient and modem writers vary very much 
in their statements as to the number that tool part in the Conclave, 
‘Raphael Volaterranus, Raynaldus, REUMONT, III., 2, 7, and ROMR- 

285, give the number as 36; while GuicciaR- 
‘Dix, VI, cap. 1, the epitaph of Pius 111., and Grecorovius, VIII, 12, 
ed. 3, Say 38 Both numbers are erroneous. Thirty-seven electors took 
past in it, as stated by Burchard, the Mantuan Ambassador, in a 
‘Despatch, dated Rome, 16th Sept, 1503, as also an *Account of the 
‘beginning of the Conclave by Ghivizano, dated 17th Sept., and, what is 

VOL. VL ° 


ee 





104 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 


larger than had been present at any former ‘Conclave, 
Even as late as the r2th of September there had been pro- 
tracted discussions whether it should not be held in S. 
‘Marco under the protection of the Roman people, but the 
final decision was in favour of the Vatican, Immediately 
‘before the opening of the Conclave, d’Amboise decided to 
pay visits to his two rivals, Caraffa and Giuliano della Rovere. 
The Mantuan Envoy, who reports this, adds, there was no 
exchange of visits between d’Amboise and Piccolomini, 
Pallavicino, and Podocatharo. The Tiara will fall toone 
of these three; if to the last, because he is a good man, 
if to either of the others, because they are neutral and 
favoured by the Spaniards. Four days later the Venetian 
Ambassador says that Piccolomini or Pallavicino will 
probably be elected.* 

The first thing the Cardinals did, was to draw up a new 
Election-capitulation to supersede that of 1484. One of 
its provisions was that the Pope should summon a Council 
for the reform of the Church within two years after his 
election, and that then a General Council should be held 
every three years-+ 

On the 17th of September d'Amboise had proclaimed, in 
his usual swaggering manner, that either he or another 
Frenchman would certainly be chosen, Five days earlier 
he had told the Venetian Envoy what he really thought, 
He said, “I have heard that several Cardinals have 
bound themselves by an oath not to elect any Cardinal 
who is a Frenchman or a friend of the King of 


quite decisive, the *Acta Consist, fol. 14. Consistorial Archives of the 
Vatican. 
* Dispacti di A. Giustinian, 11, 196-198, and in Appendix, N. #3, 
Ghivuano’s *Despatch of 15th Sept, 1503. Gonmga Archives, Mantua, 
+ Of BURCHARD! Diariam, Il. 272 s¢9.; ZURITA, 202; GaTTICUs, 
987, 1; Bencewnorn, 1, p. Lvit, n. 371. 


= 


POSITION OF CARDINAL D'AMBOISE. 195 


France, This has greatly incensed me. I see no reason 
why the French nation should be shut out from the 
Papacy, and if my King, who is the first-born son of the 
Charch, and has done more than any other Prince for 
the Apostolic See, is trying to promote the election of a 
French Pope, I do not think he can be blamed, when he 
has seen how unworthily one Spaniard and two Italians 
hhave ruled her. Our generals are aware of these intrigues, 
and will not patiently endure such a slight to their King.” 
Then he complained of various simoniacal negotiations, 
and added: “If I perceive anything of this kind you may 
be sure that I shall not let it pass; and my protest will 
be such that none shall fail to hear it.” “Evidently,” the 
Envoy continues, “the Cardinal secs that his cause is 
fost. He already says that he has been betrayed. He 
has just found out that Ascanio Sforza, far from troub- 
ling himself about him, is working hard to secure his own 
election.* 

Such indeed was the case, On the 3th of September the 
Venetian Ambassador writes, “ Ascanio Sforza makes no 
secret of his intentions; he says he had promised his vote 
to d'Amboise and he shall have that, but nothing else."+ 
The acclamations with which Ascanio had been greeted 
when he entered Rome had naturally encouraged him to 
think well of his chances, Burchard, after narrating the 

welcome he had received, adds in his Diary, “God 
what these cries were to Ascanio,"} 

The hopes which d'Amboise had built on Cardinal 
es were equally doomed to disappointment. He, 


“+ Dinpuccidi A, Giustinian, IL, 195-196, 198. 
+ Mid; V1, 193. Cf Prato, 256 It is interesting to find 
from BURCHARDI Diarium, 111, 274, that Ascanio did vote for 





$ Burcuarvt Disrium, 111, 263 


a 


196 HISTORY OF THE POPES, 


like Ascanio, was not disposed to seal the ruin of his house 
by forwarding the election of a French Pope.* 

But, though forced to give up all hopes for himself, 
d’Amboise none the less did his best to secure the election 
of one or other of the French candidates. All his efforts, 
however, were in vain, owing to the firm front presented 
by the Spanish Cardinals, none of whom could be won 
over} 

The prospects of Giuliano della Rovere rose in pro- 
portion as those of d’Amboise declined. At first we are 
told he wanted but two votes to make up the two-thirds 
majority. But at the last moment he found himself foiled 
by his old enemy Ascanio.t 

‘The strength of the various parties, and also their inability 
to bring matters to a conclusion, were manifested in the 
vote that was taken on the 21st September.§ Giuliano 
della Rovere had the highest vote, fifteen (still far below the 
requisite majority of two-thirds); Caraffa came next with 


* So says Guleciannint, VI, ¢, 1, 

+ Dispacci di A. Giustinian, I1,, 196, 197-201. 

f Mid., 11., 200; SANUTO, V., 92; ZURITA, V., c 47; and Costabili's 
*Despatch to Card. d'Este of 28h Sept., 1503: Et per Ascanio se he 
facto grande opera per questa electione. Prima S, Praxede se aproximo. 
al pallio ¢ fu disconcio per S, Petro in vincula. Dopoi corendo molto 
'S. Petro in vincula fu disconcio per Ascanio, State Archives, Modena, 

§ According to Raman letters quoted by SANUTO, V., 92, there were 
three scrutinies. Burchard speaks only of two. Sanuto says: non fa 
fato serutinio fino el xuoba (#+,, 21st Sept.) e fu fato uno eS, Praxede 
fo mejo e S. Piero in vincula li manchava do voti. Ghivizano, the 
Mantuan Ambassador, says on the contrary that the first scrutiny took 
place on the 18th; he refers to a communication fram the English 
Ambassador who professed to have had his information from Venice ; 
‘but Givstinian says nothing about it, at any rate nothing in those of his 
despatches which reached their destination, and this throws doubt upon 
‘the point, Ghivirano’s *Despatch of-1gth Sept. (Gonzaga Archives, 
Mantua), Appendix, N. 14. 


198 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 


(22nd September) the election took place,* and Piccolomini 
was made Pope, taking the name of Pius III. in honour of 
his uncle+ 

“It is impossible to express the joy of the people of Rome 
at Piccolomini’s election,” writes the Mantuan Envoy on 
the 22nd September, and the representative of Venice 
says, “The previous life of the new Pope, marked by 
numerous deeds of kindness and charity, lead the people to 
hope that his Pontificate will be the exact opposite to that 
of Alexander VL, and thus they are beside themselves with 
joy."} This general rejoicing was fully justified, All his 
contemporaries agree In saying that the personal character 
and abilities of the new Pope were of the highest order. 
He was made a member of the Sacred College in 1460, at 
an early age, by his uncle Pius IL, and the Cardinal of 
Siena, as Piccolomini was then called, had always dis- 
tinguished himself by his cultivation of mind, bis great 
ability, and his blameless life, Under Pius II. he had suc- 
cessfully governed the March of Placentia, and in the time 
of Paul IT, had filled the dificult post of Legate in Germany 
with consummate tact, to the great satisfaction of the then 

* The charge of simony is unfounded. Cy, Cana, XXL, 197; also 
PICCOLOMLNT, Doc. intorno a Pio IL ¢ LIL, 19, and SACMOLLER, tag, 

+ Seo BuRCHARD! Diarium, LIL, 276-277 ; Dispacei di A. Giustinien, 
IL, 199 sep; ¢f p. 204 on the influence of the Spanish Cardinals in 
the election, SANUTO, V., 93; ZURITA, 3o2; PRTRUCKLLD DELEA 
Gartina, 1, 452; *Report of Ghivizano, dated Rome, 22nd Sepn 
(Gonsaga Archives, Mantux) The Ferrarese Ambassador, Comabili, 
in his "Account of the election, makes the remark: “It is to be boped 
that the new Pope will prove as satisfacsory as we have reasem to think.” 
‘See also #5: Et suo nome @ Clemento sexto. State Archives, 
Moclena. . 

> Dispacci di A. Giustinian, IL, 200, and the "Report of Ghirkans, 
dated Rome, 22nd Sept, 1503: Quanto sia stata Ix Gniversale alegre 
di tuto questo popolo © corte noe saria possibile a dirlo. Gomrmga 
Archives, Mantua, 


eel - 


CHARACTER OF PAUS UL. 19 


Pope; the knowledge of German which he had acquired 
while living in the household of Pius LI. being naturally of 
great assistance to him there. Afterwards, when, owing to 
‘the influence of the nephews of Sixtus [V,, a worldly spirit 
predominated at the Court, he, like others of a pious and 
serious turn of mind, kept away from Rome as much as 
possible, and still more so in the time of Alexander VI. 
Like his uncle Pius UL, Cardinal Piccolomini was tormented 
with gout, and was prematurely old and decrepit, although 
he had led a very regular life. Sigismondo de’ Conti 
especially praises his scrupulous love of order. “He left 
no moment in the day unoccupied; his time for study was 
before day-break, he spent his morning in prayer, and his 
mid-day hours in giving audiences to which the humblest 
Bad easy access. He was so temperate in food and drink, 
that he only allowed himself an evening meal cvery other 
day.’ * 


* StcxsMoxDo DE’ Cont, LI. 291-292. Cf Paston, Hist. Popes, 
THI, 295; LV., 4, 180-181, 424 (Engl. transl). On the taste for 
‘Ast displayed by Cardinal Piccolomini, see suytra, p.179, note *, Asal 
‘comtemporary authorities agree in. representing Pius IIT. as universally 
held in the highest esteem as a mie,no modern writer has attempted 
impugn his character (for exunple, sce the ferourable opinions 
of historians who do not readily prise a Pope, ey, SCHROCK, 
XXXE, 444 and Voss, Pius IL, 1, 531). To his own discredit 
Groonovivs alone, in Lucresia Borgia, 270, states that Pius MB, 
is “the Iappy father of no fewer than twelve children, boys and 
girl but he gives. no vestige of proof for his assertion. Against 
Greworovius, G. PALMIERI NUTI, Lettera di Sigismondo Tizio, remarks 
fm 2877: & propos of Tisio’s observation that Pius I]. had not 
squandered the patrimony of S. Peter on war or bastards ; Eaproposito 
& questi non so astenermi dallo esternare il dubbio che, forse prestande 
teoppa fede a dicerie referite dia cronisti, Villustre Gregoravius nella sua 
recente, pubblicazione intornoa Lucresia Borgia abiaattnibuito addirittum 
tine doszina di figlia questo <ardinale Piccolomini, assicurando che di 
‘ingrandirti ¢ arrhichirli mancd a lui, fatto pontefice, il tempo, non 


a : 


200 HISTORY OF THE POPES, 


It is therefore not surprising that all good men were 
filled with the brightest hopes. “A new light has shone 
upon us," writes Peter Delphinus, the General of the 
Camaldolese, “our hearts rejoice, and our eyes are filled 
with tears because God our Lord has had mercy on His 
people and has given them a Chief Shepherd who is a holy 
man, innocent, and of untarnished name, Our deep sorrow 
has been turned to joy, and a day of sunshine has followed 
a night of storm. We are all filled with the highest hopes 


Tintenzione. 11 Tizio, contempornco, intimo della famiglia, un po’ 
gattiva lingua (as he says of himself) ¢ certo non troppo parziale di papa 
Pio, perchi, Jo dice da sé, dové partirsi di casa Piccolomini per suo 
respect, qui gli da lode di non essersi tinto di tal pece, a quei tempi, 
con scandalo universale, pur troppo commune, In spite of this, BROSCR, 
Julius 11,, 93, and, following him, CReiGnToN, TV. 57, disregarding 
altogether the testimony of Tizio, haye no scruple in repeating the 
serious charges made by Gregorovits without troubling themselves 
about evidence at all! In the face of such injustice it will not appear 
superfluous to refer the reader to the numerous passages testifying in 
favour of Cardinal Piccolomini that are to be found in AMMANATI'S 
letiers (Epist. 462, in Pii 11, Comment. [Francof., 1614), pp. 776-777) 
in SEXAREGA, 578, and in the words used by GASrAR VERONENSIS(1050), 
who certainly i¢ not behindhand as a rule in bringing charges against 
Cardinals, but speaks of Cardinal Piccolomini as moridus senex, Cf 
also the expressions of his contemporaries, cited on opposite p4 as well 
as the testimony of the Venetian Envoy, H, Donato, in the year 1499 in 
SANUTO, IT, 836. ‘The stern moralist, Cau, XXL, 197, calls him, 
“Uomo di bona fama” So Guiccrarpint in his St. Fiorentini (Op. 
ined., 111, 306), calls the Pope “uomo yecchio ¢ di buoni costumi 
qualitd.” Argidius of Viterbo, the stern censor of all worldliness, says of 
‘Pius (11, ; Sacri senatus lux et gloria din habitus. Hist viginti saccul. 
(Cod, ¢. 8, 19, fol, 312, in the Angelica Library in Rome), In order to 
be sure on this point f have, through my friend A, Giongetti, asked the 
opinion of M, Bandinelli Piccolomini at Siena, the best authority on 
the family history of the Piccolomini. He assures me there is no 
‘evidence whatever for the assertion of Gregorovius ; on the contrary, he 
‘has found in the State Archives of Siena numberless letters of contem- 
porary writers all attesting the blameless reputation of Pins IIT. 


= 


HIS ZEAL FOR REFORM. 201 


for the reform of the Church, and the return of peace.” 
"God be thanked that the government of the Church has 
been entrusted to such a man, who is so manifestly a 
storehouse of all virtues and the abode of the Holy Spirit 
of God. Under his care the Lord’s vineyard will no more 
bring forth thorns and thistles, but will stretch out its 
fruitful branches to the ends of the earth."* 

“The misery of the past, the marred countenance of the 
Church, the scourge of God's righteous anger, are. still 
before my eyes," writes Cosimo de’ Pozzi, Bishop of Arezzo, 
‘on the 28th of September, 1502, to the newly-elected Pontiff. 
“When all hope of release seemed shut away, God has 
given us in you a Pope whose wisdom, culture, and learn- 
ing, whose religious education and virtuous life, has filled 
all good and God-fearing men with consolation. Now 
we can all hope for a new era in the history of the 
Church."+ 

The earliest acts of Pius III. corresponded with these 
expectations. In an assembly of the Cardinals, which took 
place on the 25th of September, he made it clear that his 
chief aim was to be the reform of the Church and the restor- 
ation of the peace of Christendom. He said the reform 
must extend to the Pope himself, the Cardinals, the whole 
Court and all the Papal officials, and that the Council must 
be summoned to meet at the earliest date possible. The 
‘news soon spread through all the countries of Europe, and in 
‘Germany encouraged the Archbishop of Mayence, Berthold 
yon Henneberg, to draw up a memorial, setting forth the 
reforms that he considered necessary for the Church in 
‘that countey.f The Pope also made excellent regulations 
| * Gf RavwAaLpus.ad an. 1503, and P. DELPHINI, Oratiuncule, p.Xt 

+ See Appendix, N. 15,for the original of this letier, which I found in 


the Library of S. Mark at Venice. 
“J Dispacci di A. Giustinian, 208; ZuRITA, V., c 473 BURCRARD 


— = 


for the better government of the immediate possessions of 
the Holy See, and was extremely economical in his ex- 
penditure® 

Pius HL was cager to secure peace at any cost, and:pre- 
cisely for that reason he did not succeed in doing so. The 
inheritance bequeathed to him by the Borgia was of a 
nature to frustrate all his endeavours On the 26th of 
September the Pope said to the Venetian Envoy, “In con- 

of the pressure put upon me by the Spanish 
Cardinals, 1 have been compelled to issuc some Briefs in 
favour of Caesar Borgia, but 1 will not give him any further 
help. Ido not intend to be a warlike, but a peace-loving 
Pope."+ He certainly had no sympathy for the Borgia 
family, especially for Cesar, and he found that the Vatican 
had been sobbed on all sides, and that the Apostolic 
‘Treasury was grievously in debt. But hatred was: utterly 
foreign to his mild and gentle temper. “I wish no harm 
to the Duke,” he said, “for it js the duty of a Pope to have 
loving-kindness for all, but | foresee that he will come toa 
bad end by the judgment of God."> 

He was not wrong in his forecast. The whole power of 
the Borgia family, built up by cunning, treachery, and 
bloodshed, which threatened at one time to swallow up 
the States of the Church, came to an untimely end. 

With the departure of the French army for Naples, 
Cesar lost his last refuge. Bartolomeo d’Alviano was 
hurrying from Venice with fierce threats of vengeance, 
Parium, tL, 279. Cf Ravwauous, ad an. 1503, 1. 17, and WEISS, 
Berthold von Henneberg, 20. 

* Sea “Despatches of the Mantusa Exvoy, dated Rome, sth andgth 
Oct, 1503. In the first of these he says: “Alla St di N.S. Ga core 
che le citi © terre quale sono restate alla Sede Ap, siano bene gubernate 
et com justitin et integritate.” Gonmgn Archives, Mantua, 

4 Dispacei di A. Giustinian, [1 208-209 ; of Unmann, 1, 136. 

4 Mid, IL, 207. 


EE 


‘CHSAK BORGIA RETURNS TO ROME. 203 


and the Orsini and Savelli were preparing to close upon 
him at once. He saw that it was impossible for him to 
remain at Nepi. Not yet completely recovered from his 
illness, he entreated the gentle Pius to allow him to rcturn 
to Rome. “I never thought,” said the Pope to the Fer- 
tarese Envoy, “that I should feel any pity for the Duke, 
and yet Ido most deeply pity him, The Spanish Cardi- 
nals have interceded for him. They tell me he is very ill, 
rene rcmniandi ie: in Rome, and I have given 
* When Cwsar arrived there on the 3rd 
of October his entire army had dwindled down to 650 men. 
‘The state of his health was certainly not satisfactory, but 
‘by no means so bad as had been represented to the 
Pope. Many people in Rome, especially the Cardinals 
_ Giuliano della Rovere and Riario, were exceedingly dis- 
satisfied with Pius for having allowed him to come: back. 
On the 7th of October, speaking to the Venetian Envoy, 
the Pope apologised for his leniency by saying, "1 am neither 
@ saint nor an angel, but only a man, and liable to err, 
1 have been deceived."+ 
The date of the Coronation of the new Pope was 
fixed for the 8th of October; it was attended by a vast 
concourse of people Before the Coronation, Pius, who 
hitherto had only been a deacon, received priestly and 
episcopal Orders. The long ceremonies were a great 
strain on the strength of the Pope, who was suffering 
from gout, and had only lately undergone a painful opera- 
tion on his leg, He said Mass sitting, and on account 
_ ® Despatch of Costabili of 2nd Oct. in Grecorovius, VIIL, 13, 
ed, Cf, Dispacci di A. Giustinian, 11, 268, 
“+ Dispacci di A. Giustinian, 11., 226 off 219, 221, and BURCHARDI 


Diariums, 11, 279. 
‘F So Costabili reports in his “Letter of 8th Oct, 1503. State 
‘Archives, Modena, 


= 


204 HISTORY OF THE POPES 


of his weakness the formal entry into the Lateran was 
put off till later.* 

Although the state of the Pope’s health in the next few 
days got rather worse than better, he still held numerous 
audiences, took counsel on the oth of October with the 
varlous Ambassadors, as to the measures to be adopted in 
case of an invasion of the States of the Church by Barto- 
lomeo d’Alviano, and held a long Consistory on the 11th of 
October, in which he went carefully into the questions of 
the appointment of new Cardinals and the unquiet state of 
the city.+ Bartolomeo d’Alviano, Giampaolo Baglione, and 
many of the Orsini were there, and, together with the 
Cardinals Giuliano della Rovere and Riario, were insist- 
ing on the disbandment of Caesar's army ; otherwise, they 
said, they would take up arms themselves} Overtures to . 
the Orsini were made both by the French and the 
Spaniards, With the single exception of Giovanni 
Giordano they decided, out of hatred to the Duke, to treat 
with the Spanish party, and allied themselves with the 
Colonna, On the 12th of October the reconciliation 
between these two houses, hitherto always at cnmity, was 
openly announced.§ Casar was now at the end of all his 
resources. It was rumoured that he had fled with Cardi- 
nal d'Amboise, but the" latter shewed no inclination to 


* On the idealised coronation of Pius IT, represented later in a fresco 
by Pinturicchio in Siena (cf the inscription by FALUSCHI, 15) éf, 
BURCHARDT Diarium, 111, 280 277, ; *Despatch of Costabili, roth Oct, 
1503 (State Archives, Modena); *Acta Consist. in the Consistorial 
Archives. On the operation that the Pope had undergone, see 
Dispacci di A. Giustinian, 11., 212, and SicisMoxpo Dx! CONTI, 11, 
293 

+ See Dispacci di A. Ghustinian, H1., 226, 228, and 251, and the 
*Despateh of Ghivizano of 11th Oct. Gonzaga Archives, Mantua. 

$ Dispacci di A. Giustinian, 11., 257. 

§ “bid, ILL, 257, and BURCHARDI Diarium, IIL, 284. 


ILLNESS OF PIUS I. 205 


draw down on himself the hatred’ attached to the Borgia 
family, and on the 1sth of October, forsaken by all, he 
attempted to flee from Rome to escape the vengeance of 
the Orsini, Hardly, however, had he left the precincts of 
the Vatican when the greater part of his men deserted 
him, and with a following of not more than seventy he 
had to return to his house, The Orsini demanded that 
the Pope should have him arrested, in order that he might 
not elude the results of the legal proceedings about to be 
instituted against him. The Venctian Ambassador de- 
scribes Bartolomeo d’Alviano as raging like 2 mad dog; 
he had set a guard at every gate that the Duke might not 
escape him.* 

‘But the Pope was not in a state to comply with the 
demands of the Orsini, for on the 13th of October he was 
lying on his death-bed+ Hence the Orsini determined to 
take the matter into their own hands, and arrest him them- 
selves. Czsar fled, by means of the secret passage, to the 
Castle of St. Angelo as they were storming the Borgo. 
‘The Spanish Cardinals had planned his escape disguised as 
a monk, but the Orsini had completely invested the Castle. 
Here where once his enemies had trembled before him, sat 
the man whose hand, a few months earlier, had been almost 
within grasp of the crown of Central Italy, cowering in 
hopeless terror with only two or three servants by his side.f 

In the meantime the Pope's end was approaching. On 
the rgth of October the doctors had thought his case 
serious, on account of his weakness and his great age. As 
the fever never for an instant left him, by the 17th his con- 
dition was hopeless.§ 


* Dispacc! di A. Giustinian, U1, 237, 244-245. 

+ BURCHARDI Diarium, I11., 284; Dispacci di A. Giustinian, IL, 240. 
T Dispacci di A. Giustinian, {1,, 249. 

§ In addition to Dispacei di A. Giustinian, U1, 243, 249, of: the 


206 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 


His faculties remained clear, and his mind calm. Al- 
though he did not himself believe the end to be so near, 
yet he reccived the Viaticum on the 17th of October for the 
second time during his illness, and on the following night 
the Sacrament of Extreme Unction. All who surrounded 
him were touched and edified by his devotion.* Tranquil 
and resigned, he fell asleep on the evening of the 18th 
‘of October-+ 


Reports of Costabill of Oct. 16th (Ia febre non lascia el papa da veneri 
in qua in modo che della vita di S. S@ se ne dubita per le medici 
grandemente) and 17th (State Archives, Modena), and G. L. Catanco's 
*Report of 16th Oct. (El papa é pegiorato), as well as two *Despatches 
from him of the 17th Oct. (E! papa ¢ abandonato in tuto de salute, and 
El papa @ abandonato da tuti de Ia vita sua), Gonzaga Archives, 
Mantua, 

* Dispacci di A. Giustinian, 11.,252 ; BURCHARDI Diarium, TIT, 285. 

+ Authorities differ as to the exact hour of his death, Ghivizano and 
G. L. Cataneo in their *Despatches of 18th Oct. (Gonzaga Archives, 
Mantua) say eight o'clock. Dispacci di A. Gi Ii, 253; Bur 
CHARDI Diarium, LIL, 285, and the Notar de Masiis in Gon, Archivio, 
IV., 244 (with a wrong date), say ten o'clock. The statement of 
Matavowts, Istoria de’ Sanesi, VIII, 3, that Pope Plus 111. was poisoned, 
by Pandolfo Petrucci of Siena, is given also in a contemporary Chronicle, 
Cod., LIL, 12, in the Barberini Library in Rome, but without the name 
of the murderer. NOVAES, VI, 139, is inclined to give credit to this, 
‘but against it we have the fact that none of the Ambassadors who were 
in Rome at the time mention it. Cf PETRUCELL DELLA GATTINA, 
1, 455. Pius III. was buried next to Pius Il, near the Chapel of 
S, Andrew in S, Peter's, His brothers Giacomo and Andrea bad adispute 
about the funeral expenses. (Cf the document in PiccoLoming, Doco- 
‘menti, 39-43.) When the Basilica was rebuilt under Paul V., Cardinal 
Alessandro Montalto had the tomb removed to S. Andrea della Valle, 
where it was placed opposite to that of Pius If, (SiGISMOXDO DE 
Cons, H., 293-325 ; Mar, Spicil,, 1X.,263.) The pompous inscription 
is of a later date. In his will Piccolomini had left a very simple and 
modest epitaph, See PICCOLOMINI, Documenti, 41, 1 2 Also see 
fp 20 about the beautiful ring possessed by Pius HII, which now belongs 
to Prince Corsini and is preserved in the National Museum at Florence. 






ill 


ee 


‘DEATH OF PIUS IL 207 


“The death of this Pope,” wrote the Ambassador of 
Ferrara on 19th October, “ will be lamented at all the courts 
of Europe, for he was by universal consent held to be good, 
prudent, and pious. In spite of the rainy weather at the 
time all Rome hastened to kiss the feet of the dead Pope, 
whose features were quite unaltcred. People think that he 
died of the labours of the Pontificate, which were too heavy 
for his already enfecbled health. The night before his 
election he did not sleep at all, and since then he has 
bad no rest. He was continually giving audience to the 
(Cardinals; then came the fatiguing ceremonies of his con- 
Secration and coronation. On the previous Wednesday a 
fong Consistory was held, the Pope remaining con- 
‘scientiously to the end. On the Friday he gave some very 
Jong audiences ; kept the abstinence and ate fish, although 
he had taken medicine only the day before. Then he 
got the fever, which never left him till he died."* As the 
Siennese, Sigismondo Tizio, says, “The death of Pius III. 
was a great loss to the Church, to the city of Rome, and 
tous all, but perhaps we deserved no less for our sins” + 

“We hear of nothing but the election of the new Pope,” 
wrote the Mantuan Ambassador on the day of Pius TII.’s 
death, “but it is very difficult to say which name will 
come out of the urn."} Eight days later the question 
was decided, 


He left 100 ducats, 300 volumes of his library, and the chalice which 
when Pope he had used every day, to the German Hospice del Anitna. 
KIRCHDAUMER, 19-20, 

_ ® See Appendix, N. 16, the *Report of Costabili of 19th Oct, 1503, in 
the State Archives, Modena. C/. also the *Despatch of Ghivizano of 
‘5th Oct, 1503, Every one at the Court lamented la morte © perdiea 
fe Aas ere ganie bene per st chiesa 


Bigeintins Sigumcoch To, 15 
F Qui non ¢i attende altro cha a le pratiche del nuovo pontefice ; mal 


— : 


208, HISTORY OF THE POPES. 


Burchard relates that one Sunday, the 29th of October, 
1503, Cardinal Giuliano della Rovere and the other Spanish 
Cardinals with Cesar Borgia assembled in the Papal Palace, 
and drew up an Election-capitulation in which, among other 
things, Cardinal Giuliano undertook if he were made Pope 
to appoint Czsar standard-bearer to the Church, and to 
allow him to retain all his possessions, Cesar on his part 
undertaking to support the Pope in all things. All the 
Spanish Cardinals promised to vote for Giuliano at the 
election.* 

Thus, by means of Casar’s help, against whom the Orsini 
now no longer dared to attempt anything, and supported 
by the Spanish Cardinals, Giuliano, according to the best 
informed diplomatists, was nearer than ever to attaining 
the highest dignity All that was now needed was to 


se po Indicare in che mon it debba caschare. Hori questi revel cardinal 
fanno congregatione in S. Petro; se extima se afresamno presto per far 
tun nove papa, Despatch of Ghivizano, Rome, 18th Oct, 1503. Gon- 
zaga Archives, Mantua. 

* BURCHARDI Diarium, I1f,293. See also the Despatch of Machia~ 
velli of 4th Nov,, 1503. Cf Opere ed. Passerini, I, 214; Dispacci di 
A. Giustinian, Il, 271; and LEoPARDI, Bonafede, p. 58 seg. ‘The 
“Despatches of the Ferrarese Envoy Costabili are also interesting. On 
21st Oct, 1503, be writes: “The Spanish Cardinals do not intend to 
‘be poor when they come out of the Conclave.” On 24th Oct: “Va 
crescendo la opinione per S. Petro in vincula il quale fa ogni cosa per 
havere per se Spagnoli, Napoli anchora @ in miglior opinione al pre- 
sente del solito. De Ascanio ancora se judica bene. Tutta volta qui se 
dice per proverbio: Chi intra in conclavi papa, ne esce cardinal.” On 
26th Oet.: Attendono ale pratiche del papato maxime Robano, Napoli, 
S. Petro, S, Praxede Ascanio. (State Archives, Modena.) Ghivizano 
‘writes on agth Oct, 1503: *I! rev. S. Petro ad vincula me pare anchor 
Tui esser in bonissima disposition, ma starsene pare pit sobrio @ cum 
animo piu altero secondo |! solito suo. And in a second letter on the 
‘same day, *Domani intrano in conclayi ; extimase S, Petro ad vincula 
intrarli papa, se non Iui S. Praxedia, Gonzaga Archives, Mantua. 

t Dispacei di A. Giustinian, 11,278, Costabili also says in a 


210 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 


When, on the 3oth of October, the Orsini and Savelli had 
been induced to withdraw from Rome, the preparations for 
the Conclave were complete and it began on the following 
day. On the 31st of October, Giuliano, with thirty-seven 
other Cardinals,* entered it, practically as Pope-elect+ Not 
many hours later his election was an accomplished fact, 
and on the following morning, 1st November, the de- 
cision of the Conclave, which had been the shortest 
known in all the long history of the Papacy, was formally 
announced.f 

Contemporary writers without exception express the 
greatest astonishment at the almost unanimous election of 
one who, like Giuliano, was hated by many and feared by 
all.§ Sigismondo de’ Conti notices as a curious fact that 
the second successor of Alexander VI. was a Cardinal who 
had been persecuted by the Borgia. || The Roman people 
accorded a hearty welcome to the new Pope, who took 
the title of Julius 11, and still greater. was the rejoicing 


* See BURCHARDI Diarium, LIL, 291. According to this, REUMONT, 
IL, 8, and Vit1.aRt, Machiavelli 1., 388, who give thirty-five, are in exror, 
as also CIPOLLA, 796, and BROSCH, 97, who give thirty-six as the number, 

+ Tommaso Foschi writes in a *Letter, dated grst Oct, 1503: Quella 
si tegno per firmo che sel conclayi dura oltra diti di le cose del Vincula 
haveranno garbuglio perche del mo[mento] che lo & intrato in conclayi 
ogni homo tenue per certo che al primo scrutinio lo habia ad osser 
tlecto et bene valeat Ex. V. State Archives, Modena 

= Burcuarnt Diarium, Il. 294 sey. ; StorsMoNDO De’ Conti, Il, 
294 reg.5 Dispacci di A. Giustinian, 11., 273-275; and *Acta Consist, 
£14 (Consistorial Archives of the Vatican.) Allthe Envoys forwarded 
their reports on 31st Oct. ; both Giustinian and Ghivieano wrote to the 
Marquess of Mantua. ‘The latter says: *A questhom che sono cinque 
S. Petro in vincula he stato publicato papa Julio secondo e] quale intr 
fato in conclavi, Gonzaga Archives, Mantua. 

§ P. DELPHINT, Oratiunculae, XVILL, should be added to the fist in 

Machiavelli, 13-14, 

|| StarsmonDo Dx’ Comms, IL, 293. 








ghia tHe wrkaanid ithe webtclee 
the Church, To this end it stipulated 
i ld be summoned within two 
make war against any of 

ntof two-thirds of the Cardinals, 

should be consulted on all 

‘in the choice of new 


to the satisfaction of a similar 


@ Cardinals in framing this capitulation, 
fully limited the rights of the 


Rt, Carte, p. t, Stor. Genovese, 9; Atti di 
See also ps 434 Hy 440 sez» 448 00 
province. 


native 
sara lo suo pontificato molto glorioso, pacifico et 
liberale. Questo populo assueto ad latrocinii et 
Hite se ne édeputato che ® una maravigiis. Lo 
ente, State Archives, Modena. 
D. 3-9; HERGENROTHER, VIII., 396 
cle, staves that the Election-capitulation was 
inces of Christendom. thes he 





212 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 


Pope, were no purer than formerly.* Certain of its pro- 
visions, as for example the one requiring the consent of 
two-thirds of the Cardinals before a declaration of war, were 
utterly unreasonable and impracticable, as a glance at the 
political state of Italy at the time will shew. In the South, 
Spain had taken possession of Naples and Sicily; in the 
North, France was constantly straggling to extend her 
influence, while Venice at the same time was attacking 
the possessions of the Holy See in the Romagna “ Both 
as a Pope and as an Italian, Julius II, found himself in a 
most difficult position. To remain a passive spectator of 
this scene of seething confusion would have been a clear 
dereliction of duty in a ruler and still more ina Pope, To 
prevent himself from being overwhelmed by circumstances 
and falling helplessly into the clutches of one or other of 
the great Powers, it was indispensable that Julius should 
act at once and with decision, and if necessary take the 
sword into his own hands;"+ and for this he was admirably 
fitted. 

The Pope's countrymen were wont to say that he had 
the soul of an Emperor,} and his outward appearance was 
distinguished, grave, and dignified. The deep-set eager 
eyes, compressed lips, pronounced nose, and massive, 
rather than handsome head, denoted a strongly-marked 
and powerful personality.§ His scanty hair was nearly 
white, but the fire of youth glowed beneath the snows of 
age. From his florid complexion and erect carriage, no 

* &F Vol. IV., 9-10, of this work. 

+ ROHRDACHER-KNOPFLER, 287. 

J Caemreus animus, he is called, in the Letter of congratulation on 
his election from Genas, printed in the Atti d. Soc, Sav., hy 437- 

§ On the medal portmits of Julius I, see Jahrb. der Preussischen 
Kunstsammlungen, U1. 8-9; TI, 140 There are excellent reproduc. 
tions of the medal of Carndosso in “Le Vatican.” On the portrait by 
Raphael, see fnfra, Chap, 10, 


a4 HISTORY OF THE POPES, — 


‘both his undertakings and passions His impetuosity and 
his temper annoy those who live with him, but he inspires 
fear rather than hatred, for there is nothing in him that is 
small or meanly selfish.”* Everything Had to bow to his 
iron will, even his own poor gout-tormented body. “He 
had no moderation either in will or conception; whatever 
was in his mind must be carried through; even if he him- 
self were to perish in the attempt.’+ ' 

The impression produced on his contemporaries by this 
mighty scion of the Renaissance is summarised by them in 
the Italian word “ terribile," which could only be rendered 
in English by a string of adjectives} Jullus 11, applied 


narrative of the year 1510, modemised and not always quite accurate, in 
ALUERI, 2 Serie, IIL, 29 seg. It is better given in SaNUTO, X. 77 seg, 
‘The description of Julius 11, here is : “Tl papa & sagase, gran 

a anni 65, a mal vechlo, e gote tamen ® prosperoso, fa gran faticha, 
niun pol con lui, alle tutti, ma far quello li par, E yenuto (ee) 
edi la bocha ¢ di altro per voler viver pia moderto. Instead of & 
venuto Alberi writes, 2 rifemuto ; Ranke (Lives of the Popes, Vol. IL, 
App. 8,ed..6) # fenufo,as he remarks, “ | anderstand that people think 
it would be better if he were more moderate in eating and drinking and 
jin every other respect.” 

* Seuimcen, Rafael und Michelangelo, 101. Cf. Inghirami in Fea, 
Notizie, 54. ‘ aP 

+ Mocenrco, Lib. 1V.; HATEMANN, IL, 349. On his gout see Pages: 
Di GRASS, 369, ed. Dllinger. 

2 Thecommon translation of “terribile,” “ fearful * (given in REUMONT, 
HL, 2, 388) fs not comect, Grinm, Michaelangelo, 11, §32, 6d. 5, says 
truly that Vasari in the adjective ero means to give the impression of 
something out of the common ; “there is no question of good or bad in. 
the matter, but just ax with the word éer7iéife used by him with the same 
meaning, and really as the superlative of fiero, he intends to imply that 
which creates astonishment hy its mighty individuality." Of VISCHER, 
Signorelli, 200 seg. GREGOROVIVS, VIII, 110, ed. 3, had already re- 
marked, "This Pope is, as. man, one of the most original in the 
Renaissance period, so rich in powerful personalities” “The word 
Nalians have for such eatures is ferribife. tis miygnandino with the: 





personality.” I found the expression terrible 
most frequently in the Reports of the Venetian 
a SaNuTO, XL, 725 (a chor e animo 
gui easso) 778 (oon stima ni fredo 


, ec. Dillinger ; <f 386. 


tle, IL, 21 seg. 
Reports in SANUTO, X., 79 (Winiperador Yo stiina 





216 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 


contrary to his nature. Any idea which laid hold of his 
mind engrossed him entirely ; you could see it in his face, 
his lips quivered to utter it. “It will kill me,” he would 
say, “if I don’t let it out."* 

Paris de Grassis, his Master of Ceremonies, who has 
handed on to us so many characteristic features of his 
master’s life, says that he hardly ever jested+ He was 
generally absorbed in deep and silent thought, and thus 
Raphael has painted him. The plans concocted in these 
uncommunicative hours were announced with volcanic 
abruptness and carried out with iron determination. His 

* bitterest opponents could not deny his greatness—he was a 
man of spontaneous inppulses carrying everything before 
them, himself and others, a true Roman, 

Doubtless such a nature was in itself more suited to be a 
King or a warrior, than a priest, but he was the right Pope 
for that time, to save Rome from becoming a second 
Avignon with all its disastrous consequences for the 
Church.” ¢ 

To Julius If. the restoration, consolidation, and ex- 
tension of the temporal possessions of the Church pre~ 
sented itself as the prime necessity of the moment, and 
to this he devoted himself with all the energy of his 
choleric temperament and strong practical genius A 
new monarchy must be created which should command 
respect abroad, be the rallying point of the Italian 
States, and secure the freedom and independence of the 
Church. The Pope must no longer be dependent upon 


infantem nudam) and p. 72 (dice ¢ una bestia, merita piu presto esser 
rect e resudo che rezer altri). 

* Ranke, Rom. und Germ. Volker, 214, to which we may add the 
powerful description of him by CARPRSANUS, V., 19. 

7 Paes DE GRassis, ed. Frati, 261. 

+ ROHRuACHER-KNOreLen, 287, 












prelates of that day did, and was 
he devoted himself to the cxalta- 
he Church with a whole-heartedness 
“very rare in the age in which 
meglecting his relations, he never 
ts of either the State or the Church 
is nepotism beyond due bounds. 
aims, as well as in his stormy and 
was the exact contrary of the 


family was so strong that on the 
507, he announced that he would no 
: Appartamento Borgia, as he could not 
Wl dominus € maistro di! mondo, says Trevisano 

1910 in SANUTO, X., 80, 
‘Calear, 15 111, ed. 3. 


+ 
Ly 389 Cf Sreexcen, 101, 


fi 


a8 ‘HISTORY OF THE POPES. 


bear to be constantly reminded by the fresco portraits of 
Alexander of “those Marafias of cursed memory.”* The 
Bull in which, in the year t504, Julius II, took the 
Duchy of Sermoneta away from Rodrigo Borgia and 
restored it to the Gaetani, contains even more severe 
Janguage than this in condemnation of his predecessor. 
Tn the same year he reinvested Giovanni Sforza, who had 
returned to Pesaro immediately after Alexander's death, 
with the ficfdom of that place, He also gave back their 
castles to the Colonna and Orsini+ 

‘The contrast between Julius I, and Alexander is 
equally manifest in the way in which the former treated 
his relations He wholly repudiated the system of 
nepotism, and though he was not free from a natural 
partiality for his own blood, comparatively speaking he 
did very little for them. Even on his death-bed he steadily 
refused to admit a near kinsman to the College of 
Cardinals, whom he did not consider worthy. “ His 
nephew Francesco Maria was heir presumptive of Urbino 
and to him he granted, with the consent of the College 
of Cardinals, the Vicariate of Pesaro, formerly a fief of 
the Sforzas (Giovanni Sforza died in 1510), and this was 
the only portion of the States which he ever withdrew 
from the immediate rule of the Holy See"} On the 


* Paris DE GRASSIS, 383, ed. Dillinger, Cf MONT2, Les Historiens 
de Raphsel, 131-132. YRIARTE, Autour des Rorgia, 72, thinks that 
De Grassis lays too much stress on this incident. 

+ Greconovius, VIIL, 397-398, ed. 3, with the Correction in 
BALAN, V., 442, See also RATT, [, t64. 

t Reumony, HL, 2,44; Ratt, 1, 169 seg. of CREIGHTON, TV, 71. 
MACHIAVELLI says of Julius I. (Principe, < 11): fece ogni cosa per 
acrescere la Chiesa, non aleun privato, Brosch does not altogether 
‘exonerate Julius 1. from nepotism, but here again he exaggerates. Cf 
TOMMASINI, Machiavelli, 1., 325. Besides, Brosch admits im another 
place (p. 113) that Julins was more moderate in the favours shewn to his 


220 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 


how to soothe his uncle in his violent moods by his tact 
and gentleness.” He was an intimate friend of Cardinal 
Medici (afterwards Leo X,), whose tastes were similar to his 
own, and who, even as Cardinal, was lavish in his liberality 
to artists and scholars.* 

The second nomination of Cardinals under Julius IL 
was preceded by tedious negotiations, for the majority 
of the College, from self-interested motives, did not wish 
their number to be increased+ The Pope, however, 
insisted, and the Cardinals then endeavoured to persuade 
him at least to defer it{ But Julius held that it was 
absolutely necessary to fill up the vacancies, as in the 
year 1504 alone six had died§ The College still con- 
tinued its resistance, but the Envoys were convinced that 
the Pope would conquer, They thought the creation 
would take place on the 28th of November, 1505.) 

On the 1st December, after a long and stormy discussion, 
the Consistory having lasted cight hours, Julius carried his 
point so far as to have it arranged that in the approach- 


‘L. DE VILLENEUVE, Recherches sur la farnille de la Rovere. Contribue 
tion pour seevir h Ihistoire du P. Jules 11., 42 se¢., 68 se. (Rome, 1887) 5 
Asmeostus, B. Mantuanus, 78; Cran, Cortegiano, 180; Gior, d- 
Lett Nal, IX, 115. The lucrative and important office of Vice 
Chancellor (see Vol, 111. of this work, p. 459) was given to Galeotto 
after the death of Ascanio Sform in June 1505. See *Lib, brev. 22, 
£ 330%. (Sccret Archives of the Vatican) Galegto was also made 
Leyate of Bologna. Cf, the “Letter of Julius 11. to Bologna, dated 
Rome, 26th May, 1304. State Archives, Bologna. 

* ALometint, VIIL-IX,, ed, Schmarsow, Further particulars of Leo X_ 
‘a3 & patron of Art will be found in our forthcoming vol. 

+ Dispacei di A. Giustinian, 111, 287, 305, 309, 413, 462. 

T See *Consistoralia Raph. Riarii Card. s. Georgii in Cod J., INL, 
89, f. 77, in the Chigi Library. 

§ Panvistws, 345, 349 

|| Brognolo’s *Despatch, dat, Rome, 2th Nov, 1505. Gonmga 
Aschives, Mantua 


iia lll 


CREATION OF CARDINALS. 221 


ing Ember week nine out of ten candidates whom he had 
proposed should receive the Red-hat.* “The official nomina- 
tion and publication took place in the Consistory of the 
t2th of November.t 

‘The new Cardinals were: Marco Vigerio, Bishop of Sini- 
gaglia; Robert Challand, Bishop of Rennes, and French 
Ambassador in Rome; Leonardo Grosso della Rovere, the 
brother of Cardinal Clementi; Antonio Ferreri, Bishop of 
Gubbio; Francesco Alidosi, Bishop of Pavia; Gabriello dei 
Gabrielli, Bishop of Urbino; Fazio Santori, Bishop of 
‘Cesena ; Carlo Domenico di Carretto, Count of Finale; and 
Sigimondo Gonzaga. With the cxccption of the last 


* BURCHARDI Diarium, II[., 408 seg.; Paris de Grassis in RaYNALD- 
‘pS, ad an, 1505, m. 41-42, and ‘DOLLINGER’S edition, 368 seg, See also, 
P 371, the story of how J. Burchard tried by trickery to get made a 
Cardinal Grassis is, however, 90 very bitter aginst Burchard (00, 26th, 
‘May, 1506), and speaks against him so much, that what he says is not to 
be trusted. See, further, *Acta Consist, f. 18, here the names are given 
‘of the twenty-five Cardinals who at last gave their consent to the new 
‘creation, (Consistorial Archives of the Vatican); SANUTO, VI. 252, 
26x, 265 8¢9., 268, 269; SIGISMONDO DK’ ConTH, IT, 342 Jeg.; Report 
of the Ferrarese Embassy, Rome, 4th Dec, 1505 (State Archives, 
Modena); ScireUxt, Briefbuch, 13 sey.; Alidosi's Letter in FANTI, 
Imola, 13-13. Girolamo Arsago in a *Letter dated Rome, zqth Nov., 
1505, privately sent to F, Gonzaga a list of those who were to be 
made Cardinals at Christmas. Brognolo in a *Despatch of 1st Dec., 
‘mentions the nomination of Sigismondo Gonzaga. (Both letters are in 
the Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.) There is also a *Letter of congratula- 
tion from “ Cardinal S. Praxedis” to the Marquess, dat. Romae in aedibus 
nostris Campi Martii, 1st Dec. 1505. The Pope himself, in a *Letter 
‘written on Ist Dec. to the Duke of Urbino, mentions the nomination of 
Sigismondo. *Lib, brey. 22, f. 410. C/- also Appendix, Nos. 47, 49, the 
two *Briefs of rat and 24th Dec, 1505, to Queen Anne of France. Secret 
‘Aachives of the Vatican. 

+ Paris de Grassis in RaYNALDUS, ad an, 1505, n, 43; BURCHARDI 
Diasium, 111., 409 sey.; *Acta Consist, f 18. CARDELLA, 311, says rth 
of Dew 


— 


222 MISTORY OF THE POPES. 


named, they were all in Rome at the time, and on the 17th 
of December they each received their hats and titular 
churches.* The ascendency of Julius 1. over the Cardinals 
was now secured, although all opposition was not wholly 
overcome till somewhat later} 

To the great grief of the Pope and the Roman people, 
Galeotto della Rovere died on the ith September, 1508. 
Julius transferred his Cardinal's hat and all his benefices to 
Sixtus Gara della Rovere,} Galeotto’s half-brother, who un- 
happily was far from resembling him in character, either 
intellectually or morally.§ 

Besides these three creations, Julius Il. in the year 1307 
nominated four Cardinals, eight in 1511, and one in 1512, 
but none of these were in any way related to him.| Thus 
the historian of the city of Rome only states the exact truth 
when he says," Alexander VI. aimed at nothing but the 
aggrandisement of his children; the one care of Julius 1. 
was to build up the States of the Church, he spent nothing: 
on his nephews." He was also moderate in his personal 

* Buacrtakor Diarium, IL, 410 seg.; SanuTo, VIL, 272; *Acta 
Consist. /or. cit, Undoubtedly, S. Gonzaga (see Vol. V. of this work, 
p. 178) and F, Alidosi were unworthy of the dignity conferred on them, 
G, de Gabrielli, on the contrary, was an excellent man. See AMIANI, 
1, r 

oh pepml fe tioer@ iat nieces ies tbe Veruca ARR 
SANUTO, VL, 269. 

J PARIS DE GRASSIS, 385-386, Dbllinger's edition; SANUTO, VEL, 
629, 632, 639; CARDELLA, 339 se75 and in Appendix, N. 79, Cox 
tabili’s Report of 11th Sept. 1508. State Archives, Modena. 

§ GRECOROVIUS, VEIL, 41, ed. 3. 

|| The particulars of these nominations will be found fa/ra, in Chaps, 
sand 5. On the farther development of the rights of option of the 
Cardinals since the time of Julius I1,, see O. PANVINIUS, De episeo- 
palibus titulis et diaconiis cardinalium, 4z seg. Paris., 1609. 

‘T Grecorovivs, VIIL, 41, ed. 3. Of Romamacner-KNOprLin, 
287-288. 


‘ECONOMY OF JULIUS IL, 223 
expenditure, though he kept a better table than Alexander 
VIL; the monthly bill for this was between 2000 and 3000 
dueats, that of his successor was Bcoo.* His expenditure 
for plate was by no means extravagant-+ 

‘Julius TT, was so economical in his house-keeping { that he 
unjustly, accused by many of being a miser.§ 
It is quite true that he was very careful to keep his treasury 
always well filled|| He quite realised the futility of any 
pretensions that had not physical foree to back them, and 
knew that an efficient army meant plenty of money.f In 
the beginning of his reign, Julius II, had great financial 
difficulties to contend with, in consequence of the extrava- 
gance of his predecessor. He had to borrow money, and 
to pay Alexander's debts, even down to the medicine which 
he had required in his last illness.** 





* For particulars on this point see GRrooROVvIUS in SYBELS Hist. 
‘Zeitsche,, XXXVI, 158, 162 reg., founded on the account-books in the 
‘Rowan State Archives, 1 found here disbursements for wine, which 
‘seldom appear in the household expenses of the earlier Popes. He pre- 
ferred foreign wines, Levantine and Corsican. ‘That he was addicted to 
‘drink is an invention of his political enemies, 

+ Revmown, 111, 2, 48. 


~ $ Sawuro, X, fo. 

§ When itwas a question of Art ar of the dignity of his position, Julitas 
‘TE. never grudged expense, On his very costly mitre, see PARIS DE 
, ed, Dollinger, and Luzi, F. Gonzaga, 21. 

"if On the financial policy of Julius 11., of Corr, Discorso sulle finanze 

0 ponteficio dal sec. XVI, ete. (Roma, 1855 [Opuscali, 11.)), 

4 #eg.; Rewmonr, 11, 2, 47 se7.; Gorriox, Cam. Ap, 276 seg; 
RANKE, 1, 268 seg. ed. 6. 
Ԥ Canicntow, tV., 73. 

90 Panles Sauli (depositarins) lent to the Treasury sede vacante per 





f Jab duc, de camera, 64 bol, *ntroit. et exitus, vol, 535, 
hi56. i ecbatieas Backer (Fagge:) ot ftres mereatores alammanni had 


i 





224 HISTORY OF THE POPES, 


Some of the means which he adopted for the replenish- 
ment of his treasury were of a very objectionable kind. 
His subjects were certainly not oppressed with taxation, 
but it cannot be denied that he not only sold offices,* but 
also bencfices+ This formed a serious hindrance to the 
reform which was so much needed ; for if that were cared 
out, it would mean the abolition of all such sales, It is 
true that under Julius IT. the money was employed for the 
interests of the Church, and not for the enrichment of his 
family ; but this is no justification for persistence in simony. 
The complaints of contemporaries both in Italy and abroad 
shew how strongly this abuse was resented} Another 
great evil was that grants of occasional Indulgences were 
so often employed as a means of obtaining money, In the 


lent in assuimptione Pii IIL, universis conclavistis 2570 duc. auri, On 
mh March, 1504, they received from the Apostolical Treasury, 3480 duc. 
decomera, 13 bol, *Esitus, vol. 535, £167. Julius II. on the day of his 
Coronation gave to " diversis personis” 56 duc. 68 bol, and again 747 
duc. 36 bol, which he borrowed from the Treasurer, Raffacle Riario. 
*Exitus, vol. 535, £ 155t, "Pro suis et sedis apostolice necessitatibus,” 
he took from the Treasury on 19th January, 1504, 5416 duc. 48 bol. om 
1st February, 20,312 duc. 36 bol, on zoth June, 814 duc, 42 bol, ete. 
{see *Exitus, vol. $35, f. 158, 161, 201), and also in the following years 
large sums under the same title At first there are many entries for 
the discharge of debts, later for troops. *Exitus, vol. 535, £ 182: Dicta 
die (scil. 14 Mai, 1505) solvit (scik thesaurus) floren. centum septuaginta 
sex... . Lucretie uxori Franciscl de Montepulciano aromatario (!) pro 
diversis aromatis et medicis (1) datis fe. re. pape Alexandro, ut apparet ex 
compito dato in camera apostolica. Secret Archives of the Vatican. 

* Gorrion, Cam, Ap, 250 sey.; RANKE, L, 263 seg, ed. 6; Arch. 
a Soc. Rom, IV., 263 seg. 

+ Beoscn, Julius IL, 124. On the bribery which prevailed in the 
Romun Court under Julius 11., see the Swiss Ambassadorial Report in the 
Anz £ Schweiz, Gesch. (1892), 373, 

GE ia \Cotegtae, 367y Stemmons ses Wile es 
402, 


FINANCIAL ABILITY OF JULIUS IL 225 


case of the Jubilee Indulgences, powers for which were con- 
ceded by the Pope to the German Orders, the Chapter of 
Constance, and the Augsburg Dominicans, the half of the 
proceeds were to be handed over to Rome.* 

The Pope’s fixed income in the year 1510 was estimated 
‘by the Venetian Ambassador at 200000 ducats, and his 
floating income at 150,000, a very small sum for one in the 
position of Head of the Church.+ The accounts of the 
treasure in the Castle of St. Angelo during the reign of 
Julius IL, are of such a nature that it is impossible to arrive 
at any certain conclusion as to the exact amount; but we 
kriow that at his death it was more than had been left by 


any previous Pope since John XXII.¢ 

By his good management in matters of finance, Julius II. 
was enabled not only to carry on his wars for the recon- 
struction of the States of the Church, and to carry out many 


noble artistic undertakings, but also to be very generous in 
the matter of alms-giving,§ and amply to provide for all 


‘* PAULUS in the Hist. Jahrb,, XVL, 37 s¢9. Julius 11's Brief of fn- 
for King Maximilian 1., published in the Romisch. Quartal- 
schrift, 1V,, 278, by Schlecht, is interesting, because it affords a clear de- 
finition of the doctrine of the Church in regard to Indulgences, shortly 
before the outbreak of the great theological disputes on that subject. 

+ Revmon7, U1. 2, 282) RANK, III. 8, ed. 6. 

4} FMA, Notizie, Go; BuoscH, 273, 

§ From the *Divers. Julii 11, 1507-1513 (State Archives, Rome), we 
find that the Pope not only assisted the refugees from the East, but did 
2 great deal for other needy persons, and especially for poor convents. 
Tn £66 we find in July 1532, an entry of alms pro monialibus S. Cos~ 
matis, Turris pendentis, montis Magnanapoli, S. M. Annunc. di Firenze, 
'S. Cath do Senis ; in £130, under the head of Subventiones, Januari 
1509, and £233, mensis Decemb. A® Julii 11, sexto, many of the same 
‘names recur, but with the addition of others. In f, 138 there is a pay> 
ment on 33rd July, 1511, for the hospital af S. Maria in porticy de urbe. 
Also numerous disbursements for the Papal Swiss Guards; of infra, 
p. 226, note +, On the assistance given by Julius II. to the hospital of 

VOL. VL Q 


226 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 


teeessary works in the city and in the States ofthe Church. 
Perfectorder reigned in Rome under the strong hand of 
Niccold de! Fieschi of the family of the Counts of Lavagna, 
who was Captain of the Watch. The murderous outrages 
which had become so frequent in the reigns of Innocent 
VEIT. and Alexander VI. had entirely ceased. The streets 
of Rome, which the Pope was constantly widening or em- 
bellishing, could now be traversed in peace and security.* 
Raphael's fresco of the Mass of Bolsena‘has made us familiar 
with the outward appearance of the Swiss Guards ; they 
numbered 200 men, upon whonr the Pope could absolutely 
depend. They also formed a permanent central body, 
serving as a nucleus for a larger army when more troops 
were necded, and their officers brought the best families in 
Switzerland into close and confidential relations with Rome+ 
The regulations of Julius TI. defining the authority of the 
Judges of the Capitol, and also of the Vicar, Governor, and 
Senators, in of disputes and quarrels within the city, 
were of great service} Still more valuable was the work 
of reorganising the coinage which he carried through, 
SMSpirito, see *Brief to Laur. de Anguillara, dat, 31st Octob., 50g. “Lib. 
‘brew. 22, f. 202. Secret Archives of the Vatican, 

* REUMONT, IL, 2, 48. Cf also #afrr, Chap. 8, on the embellish 
ment of the streets, We see from the *Brief to Alex. de Neronio famil. 
et comiss, dat. 1505, Jan. 6, in which he is commanded to demolish 
the houses of some turbulent persons as an example to others, how 
severely Julius T1, punished the disturbers of the peace, *Lib, brev. 22, 
£244. Secret Archives of the Vatican. 

+ LUTOLY, Die Schwelsergarde xu Rom, 4 seg. (Finsledeln, 1859) 
Gf Novars, Vi, 50, note. Caspar Sillinus, Capitaneus Elvetioram 
custodio palatil apost,, received, pro suo et suortm salaris, every month, 
tn5t duc. 63 bol, Kindly communicated to me by Dr. Gottlob out of 
*Tatroit, et exit, in the Secret Archives of the Vatican. 

T Bull, V,, $33 se7., 511 sey.; HERCENROTHER, VIIL, 536 On the 
Roman magistracy and Julius 11, see Atti dei Lincei, Seienz. moral, 
4 Serie, 111, 169 seg. X., 10, 


— 


STORAGE OF PROVISIONS IN ROME. a7 


correcting the discrepancies between the nominal and real 
value of the different kinds of money, and introducing into 
the currency the silver coins; originally called Giu/i, but 
afterwards known as Paoli, Both trade and the revenue 
‘were immensely benefited by these operations.* The 
Jewish coiners of counterfeit money were put down by him: 
with a strong hand.+ 

‘The misrule in the Campagna, where the turbulent Barons 
and landowners made it impossible for the farmers to 
cultivate their fields, repeatedly caused a great scarcity of 
corn in Rome, especially in the years 1504 and 1505: 
Julius Tf, always careful that the city should be well 
supplied with provisions, at once came energetically to the 
reseue, In 1504 the dearth was so great that he had not 
only to apply to Ferdinand of Spain for leave to import 
grain from Sicily, but also to obtain a similar permission 
from the Kings of France and England.t The purchase 
able office of agent for the importation of grain was created 
by this Pope§ 

Ni Il, 2, 282. Cf SENAREGA, 606 ; Morowr, XLVI. 
117; Novas, V1, 152; RANKE, IIL, 8", ed. 6; GaRamyi, App., 
224 fof, 250 sey. In MCwrz, Whither nctibeaicd a Roicey'ca ake 
(Paris, 1884), there are interesting new documents relating to the coins 
of Jelias 11, and also particulars about the celebrated Caradosso. See 
also Jaheby der Preuss. Kunstsammlungen, I11., 1363¢y. 

++ Gfihis *Brief to the Marquess of Mantua, 28th Dec, 1505, in the 
Goewaga Archives, Mantua, on Jew coiners in the vicinity of Rome, 
Draft in *Lib, brev. 22, f 434g. See *Brief Petro de Valentibus tegum 

dats 13th Nov. 1505: Jewish coiners in Benevento must be pun- 
“*Lib. brev. 22, 391. Secret Archives of the Vatican, 
, brev. 22, £116 to King Ferdinand of Spain, 19th July, 
504; £119 to the same, rth July, 1504; f157%: Regi Francorum, 
1504 (of. GOTTLon, Cam. Ap, 222). The *Brief to the Con- 
of Rome in f. 281, 10th April, #505, Secret Archives of the 
eaten cas 
§ Gorrton, Cam. ah ‘On Julius 1's operations in regard to 


li 


SE 


223, HISTORY OF THE POPES. 


The dangers which in those days beset the channels of 
traffic, whether by land or sea, explain the anxiety of all 
the Popes to promote tillagevin the Campagna, in spite of 
manifold hindrances, in order to depend as little as possible 
on imports for the necessarics of life, Julius [I, achieved 
considerable success in this direction. Under him the 
‘conditions of life in the Campagna improved so much that 
agricultural operations could be carried on steadily and 
methodically. He found means to prevent the passage 
of large bodies of troops through the country in the neigh- 
bourhood of Rome, and greatly to moderate the feuds of 
the Barons, Under those more favourable circumstances, 
the ordinances of Sixtus IV. were revived with much 
better effect, and the amount of land under cultivation 
increased. He also inflicted severe penalties on all land- 
owners who in any way hindered the cultivators from 
carrying whatever grain they could spare to the Roman 
market” 

The commencement of a stable and uniform system of 
administration in the States of the Church dates from the 
reign of Julius II,, though, of course, it would not bear, at 
that early period, to be judged in these respects by a 
modem standard+ A Brief of 22nd July, 1506, dealing 
very severely with all malversations or acts of oppression 
on the part of cither secular or ecclesiastical authorities 
within these provinces, and requiring al! state or communal 
the corn trade, and on his coinage, see, in general, PFEIFFER-RULAND, 
Pestilentia in nummis, 13 seg. (Tub, 1882), See also LAURENT, 
PARMENTUS, 309, and ROpOCANACKI, Corporations, 1, 6g, and, in 
regard to the Annona, the works cited in Vol 1V. of this work, 426, 
note *. 

* RevMOont, TI1., 2, 289; HiLLenRann, Italia, 11, ta. Cf also 
AnDANT, Papes et Paysans, 44 (Paris, 1891), and GoTT10B in the Hist. 
Jabirbuch (1895), XVI, 131 sy. 

+ GOYTLON in Bruders Staatslexikon, 11, 795. 


GOVERNMENT OF THE PAPAL STATES. 229 


officials to submit their accounts annually to the Com. 
missioners of the Roman Treasury for revision, was an 
important step in this direction,* 

Constantly harassed as he was by political or ecclesiastical 
anxicties, Julius II. always found time to attend to the 
government of his States. In 1§11, in spite of the war, and 
in detestable weather, he went to Cervia, to see for him- 
self how the salt works there were going ont Whenever 
he had the power he looked after the welfare of his subjects, 
put down abuses and oppression, and did all he could to 
improve the administration} Nothing escaped his notice ; 
he issued enactments against thefts of wood and cattle,§ 
against the exactions of the judges,||faction fights,{] pirates,** 
obbers;+ and murderers; {} he endeavoured to adjust long 
standing boundary disputes §§ and promoted public works, 

* Bull, V,, 418; see Gorrios, Cam, Ap, 120 s¢g., 145, 170, on 
other measures of reform, 

+ SANTO, XIL, 89, 93- 

T CF Appendix, Nos. 55, 59, 66, 68, 69, 70, 71, Briefs of roth Dec, 
1406, and in 1507, January t, 6, 23, and 27, February 21 and 2g. Secret 
Archives of the Vatican, 

§ See *Briefs of 3rd and 4th Dec., 506 Lib, brev.a5,f 31 and 336 
Secret Archives of the Vatican, 

‘I See Appendix, No. 67. 

‘S Cf the **Brief to Ferdinand of Spain concerning Benevento, 
Bologna, 1st Fela, 1507. *Lib, brev. 25, £167 Secret Archives of the 
‘Vatican, 

** Cf the *Brief of 20th Feb., 1507, in *Lib. brev. 25, f. 188%, 

++ Of the *Warrant against Alexander Membrini de Corchiano, dated 
Rome, 22nd April, 1507. *Lib. brev. 25, f. 280; sbid., 273, a Warrant, 
dated Rome, 31st May, 1507, against Augustinus Symonis de Fiano 

‘homicéds 

Ty *Brief to “Joh. Felwia de Ruvere,” dated Rome, roth Mar., 1505. 
‘*Lib, brey. 22, £274. Secret Archives of the Vatican, 

§§ As, for instance, in the Marches of Ancona ; see *Brief to Thomas, 
Bishop of Forli, Vice-Legate of the Marches, Rome, 2gth April, 1504. 
“Lib, Brey. 25, f 276% 


2p HISTORY OF THE POPES. 


such as the building of bridges* and the control and 
‘utilisation of rivers. 

Like the great medixval Popes, such as Gregory IX, 
whose last Brief was written for the protection of a poor 
‘Polish peasant, Julius II. was always on the alert to shield 
the humblest of his subjects from oppression. Thus, onthe 
7th January, 1507, a time when he was heavily burdened 
with political cares, we find him writing to the governor of 
Gesena and Bertinoro: “A citizen of Bertinoro has com- 
plained to the Pope that the Castellan has taken wood from 
himand injured him in other ways. Let the Castellan and 
his abettors be punished without fail, and take carethatno 
harm: comesito the complainant.” } 

In order to form a just estimate of the merits of Julius 
IL in regard to the government of the States of the Church, 
it is necessary to realise the state of utter confusion in which 
he found these provinces when they came into his hands. 
Tt required a man of first-rate powers to bring order into 
such a chaos. Julius II, has been justly likened to Virgil's 
Neptune overawing and calming the turbulent waves by 
his majestic. countenance, § He won the devoted affection 
of the whole population. He granted large liberties to the 
municipalities in the towns, || “The Pope," says Guicciar- 


* Ofs the *Brief for Nicolaus Calcaneus provincie MarchieAnconitan. 
‘Thesaurarius et eius in officio successoribus, Grant of 250 ducats for 
the repairs ofa bridge, Bologna, goth Dec, 1506 (A°4®). Lib brev.as, 
‘15. Secret Archives of the Vatican. 

+ *Brief to the Mayor and Council of Spoleto, dat. Bologna; 2nd Jao., 
“T1507; severe penalties, if within twenty days the banks of the river are 
not in proper order, *Lib. brev. 25, £ 81. (Secret Archives of the 

Vatican.) On te weiks fr the improvement of the waterhighiray on 
‘the Tiber and the Anio, ee ALUERTIN, 52 

‘T*Lib. brev. 25,0 860, 

§ T. Tnghirami in Fea, Notizie, 57 

| Rawxe, Papste, [, 37, 25%, ed. 6; Fanti, Imola 3 sey, “The 


POPULARITY OF THE POFL. 231 


dini, “took pains to attach the people to the representatives 
of the Church, so that when the oath of fealty was taken 
at Bologna, the change was described as a passing out of 
the state of serfdom under the Bentivogli into that of a 
free commonwealth, in which the citizens had their share 
in the government, and in the revenues.”* In spite of 
some mistakes which Julius made in the selection of his 
Legates;t the conditions of life in the States of the Church 
were such, that even such a bitter foe of the temporal 
power of the Papacy as Machiavelli is forced to admit that 
the inhabitants had no desire to throw off its yoke+ 


Original of the *Bull of Julius 11., dat. Rom, 4th Nov., 1504, confirming 
the privileges and liberties of the town of Imola, is to be found in the 
Arch. Comunale of Imola, which is rich in interesting documents. 

* GuicciaRDINI, VIL, c. 1; IX, ¢. §; DOLLINGER, Kirche und 
Kirchen, 530, 

+ For further particulars, see infra, 303 seg. 

+ Principe,.c. 11; DGLLINGER, Joc. cit, 541. 


CHAPTER I. 


Dirricurrizs in THR Position oF JULIUS TI. on Bs ACCESSION. 
—Fat, anp Deara ov Cassax Borota.—Disrurss wit 
Venice. 


THE position in which the new Pope found himself on his 
accession was one of singular difficulty. Disorder and 
confusion prevailed on all sides and he had no money 
and no army worth mentioning.* 

In the Patrimony itself the state of things was so bad 
that on the 8th of November, 1503, Julius was obliged to 
issue a severe edict against Barons and municipalities who 
did not put down robbery and brigandage in their districts. 
The States of the Church were hardly anything more than 
aname-+ On all sides the towns were in revolt, and the 
old dynasties which had been driven out by the Borgia were 
returning. In the South, war was raging between the 
Spaniards and the French, and in the North, where their 
policy had completely upset the relations hitherto sub- 
sisting, Venice was taking advantage of the confusion to 
enlarge her borders at the expense of the possessions of 
the Church, 

Even during the short reign of the gentle Pius ITI, she had 

* Gorrton, Cam. Ap., 78. The Pope did not get possession of the 
Castle of St Angelo until the 12th November, 1503; see Dispacel di A. 
Giustinian, IL, 292. Costabili in a *Despatch of Nov. 11, 103, mentions 
the joy of Julius when this was achieved. State Archives, Modena, 

+ Revmonr, III, 2, 10; of Fea, Notizie, 56g. ‘The Edict of Sth 
Nov. 103, 38 in Bull, Vo, 399-400 


YENICE AND THE KOMAGNA. 233 


already contrived, partly by force and partly by diplomacy, 
to obtain possession of Bertinoro, Fano, Montefior, and 
other places. It soon became evident that the Venctians 
were forming connections in all quarters throughout the 
Romagna, with a view to getting the whole province under 
their power,* If they succeeded in this, Cesar would 
soon be a landless Duke. Already things had gone so 
far that the only castles still remaining in the hands of 
his captains were those of Forli, Cesena, Forlimpopoli, and 
Bertinoro, Everything depended on the attitude taken 

up by the new Pope, whose coronation took place with 
great pomp on 28th November, 1503,+ 


* Broscn, Julius 11, 94. 

7 Ghivitano relates in two *Letters of 3rd November, 1503, that the 
preparations for the Coronation were begun daring the public rejoicings 
ower the election, The same authority tells us that the Pope had given 
orders that it was to cost from fifty to sixty thousand ducats, (Gonzaga 
Archives, Mantua.) See also Appendix, N. 18, *Desp. of Nov. 20. On 
the Coronation itself, the day for which had been fixed in accordance with 
‘the horoscope taken by the astrologers (Dispacci di A. Giustinian, 11., 
295) of BURCHARD! Diarium, III., 307-309; Dispacci di A. Giustinian, 
I, yt2-314; Arch. St. Napolit,, 1, 75 ; *Acta Consist, in Consistorial 
Archives of the Vatican ; *Report of F. Guidiccioni, Rome, 26th Nov., 
103; *Report of Costabili of the same date, which describes the illu- 
minations (State Archives, Modena) ; and a characteristic *Letter from 
Ghivizano, dated Rome, 26th Nov., 1503. “ Hogi se fata la Coronatione 
‘del Papa in S. Petro a la quale non heintervenuto molta gente,etc, Dat, 
hea tre hore senzx mangare @ senza bere in modo mai piu volio vedere 
Coronatione di Papa.” A *Repor, dated 27th Nov., from the same Envoy 
Fepeats that there were not many people present at the ceremony (pro- 
bably on account of the previous miny weather and the uncertain state of 
affairs), and adds; *Zobia se fark omnino ta processione a Laterano tn 
quale s¢ stima deba esser pomposissima. (Both *Reports in Gonzaga 
Archives, Mantua.) On the inscriptions put up in Rome at that time, 
see Chroniken der Deutschen Stidte, XXIII, 103. Most of the letters in 
which Julius 11. announced the fact of his election are dated from the 
day of Coronation, ¢,g., those to Florence (copy in the State Archives, 


234 HISTORY/OF THE POPES, 


Unfortunately, Julius: II. was-greatly indebted to Cesar 
Borgia and Cardinal d’Amboise, as well as to the Republic 
of Venice, for his election, and this still further complicated 
the situation.* He satisfied the claims of d’Amboise by 
bestowing on him, in spite of the opposition of many of 
the Cardinals and of the citizens of Rome, the legations of 
Avignon, Venaissin, and France,j anda Cardinal’s hat.on 
one of his relations, Francois Guillaume de Clermont§ 


‘Florence), to F. Gonzaga (original in the’ Gonzagu Archives, Mantua), to 
the King of Poland (RAYNALDUS, ad an. 503, m. 12), to Fabrizio 
Colonna (original in the Colonna Archives, Rome, Bull, . 58). He had 
already on the 6th of November sent a notice of his election to the Doge 
Of Venice, and thanked him for the support that the Venetian Envoys 
shad given him. See SANUTO, V., 292-293 He also sent a notice of 
his election to the Genoese, a¢ his countrymen, before the Coronation. 
See Atti d. Soc. Savon, L, 438. The Possesso, which was separated 
from the Coronation for the firat time by Julius IL, did sot take 
place until Dec. 5. Of BURCHARDI Diarium, 111., 312-2¢.; Dispaced 
di-A. Giustinian, TL, 329 sey.; CANCELLIERI, Possessi, s6-sey.; and 
Novans, VL, 135. See also the *Letter of Don Ferrante diBste 
to the Duke of Ferrara, dated Rome, 6th Dec, 1505. State Archives, 
Modena, 

* Broscu, 105, 

+ Costabili relates ina *Report dated 27th Nov., 1503, that Cardenal 
5. Giorgio had instigated the Canservators to go to the Pope andentreat 
him not to give the French Iegation to d’Amboise : per lo interesse.di 
questa cita S, Sta ha risposto essere mecessario compiacere Rohanwet 
‘postponere tutti [i altri rispecti a questi tempi che la S# Sut x bisogen 
del Re di Francia per li portamenti di Venetiani M quali quando Sun 
‘S$ non fusse adiutata dal Re di Francia se insegnoregiariano di tutta 
‘la Romagna el che la non ge vole comportare, (State Archives, Modena.) 
FP. Guidiccioni, in-a *Document of 27th Nov, 1503, also states: 
d\Amboise was certain to be made French Legate. Gonzaga Archives, 
‘Mantua, 

T Raynaunvs, ad an, 1503,0..25. Cf Dispacci di A, Giustinian, 11, 
276, 28f, and FANTONT, 351. 

§ Qhsupra, parg 





JULIUS 1. AND CASAR BORGIA. 235 


‘The Pope hoped by this means to secure France as « 
reserve force against Venice.* 

To shake off his connection with Cesar Borgia was, 
however, a more difficult matter. Heartily as Julius Ll. 
hated the Borgia, he did not wish openly to break through 
the engagements he had made with the Duke, nor did it 
seem wise “to throw away, unused, so valuable a tool as 
‘Cxsar could be, while the Holy Sce in the Romagna:was 
in such danger from her powerful neighbour, that the most 
unsatisfactory Vicariate would be preferable to the present 
situation."+ 


At first it seemed asiif the Pope had quite forgiven) the 
Borgia. “Cardinal Borgia," writes Costabili on November 
4st, “bas been given the Penitentiary. I understand, too, 

the Rovere family is to marry Cardinal Borgia’s 
sister. All the other Spanish Cardinals have been rewarded, 
and they seem for the moment to stand in higher favour 
than ever."{ In his relations with Casar himself the Pope 
maintained considerable reserve, but in such a way as not 
to deprive him of all hope, while still allowing him to feel 
that his position was precarious.§ 

‘The first and greatest danger to the States of the Church 

See below, note t. See BURCHARDI Diarium, IIL, 317,and *Re- 
jport of Costabil, 8th Dec., 1503, on the departure of d'Amboise. State 






ok (State Archives, Modena.) 
Cf.-ake Ghivisano’s Report of grd Nov., 1503. Gonzaga Archives, 


See Dispacel di A. Glustinian, 11, 283 ; ¢f 286 seg,, and the *Repart 
i Sahai ot El Duca spera multo in N. S. 
(per fhaverio multo servito ne ‘la.assiumptione de! ponteficato de'S, Ine, 
(Suate Archives, Modena.) On the 17th/Nov,, Julius 1. addressed a 
‘Brief in favour of Jofré Borgia to F. Maria della Rovere. State 
Archives, Florence. 


236 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 


came, not from Caesar, but from Venice, which was trying 
to obtain the same command of the Italian sea-board as 
she had of that of Dalmatia. The gravity of this danger 
was brought forcibly home to Julius Il. by the tidings of 
Venetian intrigues which reached him on 7th November, 
1503, through his old friend Gabriele da Fano. He at once 
sent a strong remonstrance to the Republic, and declared 
that he had no intention of permitting territories which 
were properly in immediate subjection to the Church, and 
had now réturned to their obedience, to be filched away from 
her, On the roth of November Machiavelli reports that 
Julius had said to Cardinal Soderini, " | always have been, 
and still am, a friend of the Venctians, as long as they do 
not hanker after things to which they have no right. But 
if they persist in robbing the Church of her property, I 
shall take the strongest measures, and call upon all the 
Princes of Christendom to help me in resisting them." On 
the following day, he spoke in a very friendly manner to 
the Venetian Ambassador and expressed great affection 
for the Republic, but at the same time repeated that he 
was determined to restore the dominion of the Church in 
the Romagna.* 

On the 18th of November the Venetian Ambassador, 
Antonio Giustinian, had a long conversation with the Pope, 
chiefly about the Romagna. Julius, in language which left 
nothing to be desired in the way of directness, announced 
his firm determination to restore to the Church all the 
possessions there which she had lost; they must not remain 
under the power of Cxsar or of any one else, and it was 
for this purpose that he had on the previous day sent the 

* Dispacci di A, Giustinian, IL, 285-289 seg; MACHIAVELLA, 
Letter XI, dat. roth Nov., 1503. The Ferrarese Envoy and d'Amboise 
stirred up the Pope against Venice. Cf Costabili’s *Letter partly in 
<ypher, dat. Rome, 8th Novy 1503. State Archives, Modena, 


—_ 


THE ROMAGNA TO BE RECOVERED. 237 


Bishop of Tivoli, Angelo Leonini, as Nuncio, to Venice. 
“ Words fail me,” adds Giustinian, “to describe with what 
resolution he spoke, and that not once, but again and 
again.” Nevertheless the Ambassador did not give up the 
attempt to change the Pope's mind. It was not from the 
Church, he represented, but from an enemy of hers, and a 
bitter enemy of the Pope and of the Republic, that Venice 
had taken these places. His Holiness must see that it 
would be impossible for the Church herself to administer 
this territory ; he would have to give it to some onc else. 
This would be hard upon Venice, and she had not deserved 
to be so treated. When the Pope was a Cardinal, he had 
himself encouraged the Republic to undertake an expedition 
against the Romagna. Julius replied that this was against 
Caesar Borgia, not against the Church; with all his love 
for the Republic, he said, he could not in honour consent 
to any curtailment of the States of the Church.* 

However strongly the Pope might feel about the 
Venetian encroachments, in his present helpless state, as 
Machiavelli well knew, he could only temporise+ This 
was equally the case in regard to Cesar Borgia He had 
sent the promised Briefs in the Duke's favour to the cities 
of the Romagna, but with a secret hope that they might 
arrive too late,t and did not bestow on him the coveted 


* Dispacci di A. Giustinian, IL, 297, 30. Cf. *Report of the 
Mantwan Envoy, Rome, 19th Nov, 1503. (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.) 
‘On the Nunciature of Leonini, ¢/. *Exitus, 535, £151; 20th Novy 1503. 
Solyit duc. 100 auri de camera domino Angelo episcopo Tiburtino 
nuntio apud Venetos pro eius porvisione unius mensis incep. t9 prae- 
sentis mensis Novembris, Secret Archives of the Vatican. 

+t Letters from Machiavelli, atst Nov, and ist Dec, 1503. Of 
HEIDENREIMER, Machiavelli, 18 s¢g., 32 ; ALYISI, App. 95 ; YRIARTE, 
César Borgia, 11. 196. 

 Dispace di A. Givstinian, LL, 281 ; BRoscH, Juliue IL, 99 209.5 
TOMMASINI, Machiavelli, 1, 292. 


238 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 


post of Standard-bearer to the Church. This disappoint- 
ment, together with the bad news from the Romagna, seem 
to have produced an extraordinary effect on Caesar; he was’ 
completely altered. The Envoys found him utterly dis- 
pirited and broken, Machiavelli describes his vexation 
and despair. The Pope told the Venetian Ambassador 
that he had become so changeable and incomprehensible, 
that he could not say anything for certain about him. 
Cardinal Soderini found him irresolute, petulant, and 
feeble; he thought he had been stunned by the disasters of 
the last few weeks, The Spanish Cardinal Moris, said the 
Duke, seemed to him to have lost his senses; he did not 
know what he wanted, and was confused and uncertain. 
In Rome all sorts of strange reports were current about 
him, Every one agreed that he was ruined; “not from any 
faithlessness on the part of the Pope, but by the force of 
circumstances which no one could alter." Julius would’not 
do anything against Cesar while the fate of the Romagna 
was still pending, but he was determined, when he could, 
to place these territories under the immediate government 
of the Church.* Czesar held frequent conversations with 
Machiavelli, the representative of Florence in Rome; and 
on the 18th of November he despatched an Envoy to that 
city, offering his services as a captain, and begging them to 
supply him with troops for the conquest of the Romagna; 
he would come to Leghorn to complete the negotiations} 
With the permission of the Pope, who was only too glad to 
get him out of Rome, he started for that place on the roth 
November, He embarked before day-break, “to the joy of 


* Dispacei di A. Giustininn, IL, 281, 297) Letters from Machia- 
vyelli, rqth and 18th Nov., 1503, C/ Revmont in the Allg. 2tg. (1877), 
No, 277, Suppl, and in the Gatt. Gel. Anz, (1876), Th, 844. 

+ SanuTo, V, 482, 497-499. Of Hemennenten, Machiavelli, 
22 sey. 


———— 


ARREST OF CESAR. BORGIA. 239. 


every one," in a boat on the Tiber, and went down to 
Ostia, whence he intended to sail." 

Shortly afterwards the news: arrived that another im- 
portant town, Faenza, had) surrendered to the Venctians. 
Julius IL, already unable to sleep from anxiety, became 
violently excited, and sent the Cardinals Soderini and 
Remolino to Cesar, to require him to deliver up all the 
other strong places in the Romagna to him, so. as to 
prevent any more from falling into the hands of the 
Venetians. This the Duke resolutely refused to dot 

"Meanwhile, tidings reached Rome that Venice had also 
got possession of Rimini by an agreement with Malatesta. 
Evidently the only chance of saving what remained lay in 
prompt action, The Venetians declared that their only 
object was to get rid of their enemy Casar.§ On this the 
Pope resolved to compel him to relinquish the forts of Forli 
and Cesena. He sent orders that the Duke should be 
arrested and brought to Rome|| Casar appeared utterly 
overwhelmed; the Mantuan Envoy reports that he wept. 

* Dispacei di A. Giustinian, I1., 302. Cf Appendix, N. 18, Ghivi- 
zano's Report, 20th Nov., 1503, Gonzaga Archives, Mantua, 

f Dispacci di A. Giustinian, 11., 305, 307-308 ; Letter from Machia- 
yell, 22d Nov, 10s Cf Hxipennxime, Machiavelli, 24 sey, In 
a/*Brief of the Sth Dec., 1503, the Pope himself directly addrested 
‘Grr, commanding him to. deliver up the fortresses, 1 found this 
Brief in *Lib, brey. 22, f. 2. Secret Archives of the Vatican. 

‘J KOMANIN, V., 165 ; Dispacci di A, Giustinian, 11, 310, 

§ Revmowy, (1, 2, 14, says: “ With every fortress that Caesar lost 
im the Romagna the necessity for the Pope's intervention became more 
and more imperative.” Even BROscH, Julius 11. 99, says that the 
‘Pope was obliged to proceed against Caesar. 

WG Avis, 455 sey, and Ghivisano's Repost, Rome, 24th Nov, 

Gonzaga Archives, Mantua. 

4  Catane's Despatches, 22nd Dec., 1503, (Gonzaga Archives, 
Lvz10, Mantova ¢ Urbino, 152, where, however, the con- 
cluding words after “Torre Borgia fatta da so patre Alexandro + qual & 





ee 


240 HISTORY OF THE POPES, 


He “had every reason to expect a dungeon and death, 
and in fact Guidobaldi of Urbino and Giovanni Giordano 
Orsini advised the Pope to put an end to him"* 

Julius II, scorned these counsels, Crsar was treated 
with the greatest consideration, and apartments in the 
Vatican were assigned to him. The Pope hoped by: this 
means to obtain the peaceable surrender of the keys from 
his governors. Cwsar apparently sent the requisite orders, 
but, according to Sigismondo de’ Conti, this was only a 
feint. Though there is no proof of it, it seems very pro- 
bable that he was endeavouring to hoodwink the Pope, 
who had broken his promises to him, At any rate the 
governor of Cesena declared that he would not take any 
orders from Casar while he was a prisoner, and detained 
the Papal messengers, When Julius heard this, his first 
thought was to throw the Duke into one of the dungeons 
in St, Angelo, but yielding to the Duke's urgent entreaties, 
he sent him to the Torre Borgia instead. All his property, 
however, was confiseated. A contemporary remarks that 
the Divine justice, no doubt, decreed that he should be 
imprisoned in that very chamber which he had stained with 
the blood of his brother-in-law Alfonso. All the adherents 
of the Borgia were filled with terror, expecting that the 
vials of the Pope’s wrath would be poured out upon them 
also, The Cardinals Remolino and Lodovico Borgia fled 
from Rome on the night of the 20th December 
in Jo palatio ala parte retro confine a le camare dove dorme €) Papa.” 
are wanting, 

* GREGOROVIUS, VIII, 24, ed, 2; Costabili’s *Report, State Archives, 
Modena. 

+ SicrsMonDo De! Contr, IT, $36-337; Dispacci di A. Giustinian, 
AL, 318, 327-928, 332-333) 34° se74 350-351 ; BURCHARDE Diarium, 
TIL, s20-321 ; Rassnacn, 69, 27; ALVISI, 442 s¢g.; GOTTLOB, Cam 
‘Ap.,229,note. See also Cataneo's *Despatch, 22nd Dec, 1505; (Gonsaga: 
Archives, Mantua.) On the ight of the Cardinals and the Pope's 





AGREEMENT BETWEEN THE POPE AND CaSAR. 241 


‘The succeeding weeks were occupied with negotiations 
between Jutius and Cesar, which, owing to the well-founded 
distrust which prevailed. between the two parties, were ex- 
tremely complicated, In the beginning of the new year the 

bega ‘possessing himself by force of Cesena. 

On | ‘December, 1503, Machiavelli had said 
epee Seiten cae the precipice. At this 
juncture an event occurred which at once immensely raised 
the prestige of the Duke's friends, the Spanish Cardinals 
‘On the 23th of December, Gonsalvo de Cordova obtained 
a complete victory over the French at Garigliano, On the 
first day of the new year Gacta capitulated, and on the 4th 
Pr cresheaay The French had lost Naples. 

Under the influence of this occurrence, on the 29th of 
January, 1504, the negotiations between Julius and Casar 
‘were at last brought to a conclusion. It was agreed that 
the Duke was to surrender the Castles of Cesena, Forli, and 
Bertinoro to the Pope within forty days. When this condi- 
tion was fulfilled, he would be free, but till then was to re- 

ir a under the surveillance of Cardinal Carvajal ; 
if J to carry out his agreement he was to be im- 
saoeiis lifes, 


- es pat (anime de Borja}, of F, Guidiecioni's *Letter, dat 
Rowe, and Dec., 1503. (State Archives, Modena.) On the znd Jan, 
1504, Julins addressed a very friendly *Brief to Cardinal Borgia, telling 
‘him to return to Rome as soon as possible. *Lib. brey. 22, f. 54 Secret 
Archives of the Vatican. 

* Of the Brief of sth Jan, 1504, in Atvist, App, 2. 100 which, 
howover, has been already printed in Goezapin!, XCIIL), and the 
* Brief to Joh. Sforzia de Aragonia, Lib, brev, 29, f 17 (Secret Archives 
aaa jin time and por 


this episode, 
eee Datos MIL, 326 
“T MMid, WL, 338) Rosswack, 72 seg. ; YRIARTE, César Borgia, 1 


VOL. x 


- 





242 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 


On the evening of the 16th February, while the Carnival 
was being celebrated in Rome,* Ciesar Borgia, accompanied 
by only a few servants, embarked in a boat from the Ripa 
Grande, and was taken down to Ostia.} 

The negotiations for the surrender of Cesena, Bertinoro, 
and Forli caused the Pope a great deal of vexation, and 
the Archbishop of Ragusa, Giovanni di Sirolo, was sent to 
the Romagna to hasten their conclusion.t 

The governors of Cesena and Bertinoro at first insisted 
on Cwsar’s liberation. The Pope in a rage drove the 
bearers of this message out of his room ; in the end, how- 


* See BURCHARD! Diarium, U1, 382, Marius Bonaventura reports, 
ex urbe, 14th Jan., 1504: *La Su di N.S, ha decreto se faccia delle 
representatione et ludi nostri soliti, Petrus Gentilis writes from Rome, 
18th Feb, 1504: *Hogi sono corso li palii. These *Letters are in the 
Gonzaga Archives, Mantua, 

+ ALvist, 446, in his otherwise extremely careful work, wrongly 
gives the 14th as the date; YRIARTE, L, 205, the 13th Feb, The latter 
dite is taken from BURCHARDI Diarium, ILL, 332, It is clear, however, 
from the Dispacci di A. Giustinian, 11., 437-438, 440 that Carsar bade the 
Pope farewell in the Castle of St. Angelo on the 14th, and left Rome on 
the night ofthe 16th, This practically agrees with Cataneo's statement 
‘that Coosar was brought to the Castle on the 13th, and tiken to Ostix 
‘on the 15th. (*Letters of rgth and rsth Fels, 1504, in the Gonmga 
Archives, Mant.) [am induced to decide against ROSSBACH, 74, andl 
in favour of the 16th, by Grustimian, 440, and the *Brief of Julius EL 
to Cand. Carvajal of 16th Feb., 1504, desiring him, dux Valentinus ita 
facere custodiri, so that it may be possible either to set him free or to 
remove him, in accordance with the provisions of the agreement com 
tained in a certain Bull. *Lib. brev. 22, fi 19 (Secret Archives of the 
Vatican.) Carvajal left Rome on the 17th Feb,; *Heri si partite eb 
card! de S, Croce ¢ and’ ad Ostia, dove prima fa conduct Valentino et 
mo non é in mane del papa ma del dicto cardinale. G, L Cataneo's 
*Report, dat. Rome, 18th Feb, 150g. Gonzaga Archives, Mantua: 

$ Cf Stcwmonno pe! Contr, IL, $38, There are a large number 
‘of *Briefs in the Lib. brey. 22 (Secret Archives of the Vatican), referring: 
to the Mission of G, di Sirol, Gf Appendix, Nos. #9, 20, 21, 24) 25 


— 


CASAR BORGIA ARRESTED IN NAPLES. 243 


ever, he found himself compelled to come to terms with 
them. On the roth of March, 1504, he concluded a new 
agreement with the Duke, by which Ciesar bound himself 
to obtain the evacuation of Bertinoro and Cesena, and 
made Himself responsible for a sum of money which the 
Castellan of Forli demanded as the price of his surrender. 
As soon as these conditions had been fulfilled, and Bertinoro 
and Cesena delivered over to the Pope, Carvajal allowed 
his prisoner to depart, on the igth of April, without asking 
any further leave from Rome,* 

Cesar had already provided himself with a letter of safe 
conduct from Gonsalvo de Cordova, and hastened to Naples, 
to the house of his uncle, Lodovico Borgia. Here it soon 
became evident that he had by no means relinquished 
all hope of cventually recovering his possessions in the 
Romagna. Gonsalvo received the Duke with «!l due marks 
of respect, apparently entered into his plans, and even 
agreed to furnish him with troops In this way he 
managed to keep his dangerous guest quiet until he had 
received instructions from King Ferdinand. Then, how- 
ever, he acted promptly. On the 27th of May, 1504, Casar 
was arrested and taken to the Castle of Ischia. The 

that they intended to keep this fire- 
brand in their own hands. So says the Spanish historian 
Zurita, and Guicciardini corroborates him.t According to 
Jovius, Julius | IL had advised that Cxsar should be im- 


to prevent him from invading the Romagna. 
onfirmed by documents in the Secret Archives of 
* ALisy, 447-448 5 BROSCH, Julius 1., t03-104 ; Disyacci di A. 
Giustinnn, IL, 68-69, 509; Rossnacit, 75; Yaranre, Céar Borgia, 
= also the *Brief to Carvajal, Appeodix, N, 25. 
© 723 Guicciaroint, Vi. Cf. Tommasini, Machia- 
velli, I, 295, and HOFLER, Bastarddynastien, $8, 
+} Jovms, Vitae, 1,274. 


A 


244 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 


the Vatican. There is a letter there from Julius IL. to Gon- 
salvo de Cordova dated 11th May, 1504, in which the Pope 
requests the Spanish General to keep guard over the Duke, 
so as to hinder him from undertaking anything against the 
Church, and to induce him to give up the Castle of Forli.* 

On the same day Julius wrote a letter to Ferdinand and 
Isabella complaining of the conduct of both Carvajal and 
Gonsalvo ; the former had let Cesar go free on his own 
responsibility and not in the manner agreed, the latter was 
allowing him to hatch plots against the Church in Naples. 
He accused the Duke himself of having scnt money to the 
Castellan of Forli and encouraged him to go on holding 
the castle. This remarkable letter closes with a request 
that their majesties would not permit a person who was 
under their control to disturb the peace of the Church 
In regard to Forli the appeal to Spain was effectual, and 
Julius II. at last obtained possession of the fortress} 
Gonsalvo promised Caesar that he would release him if he 
would order the Castellan to hand it over to the Pope's 
Lieutenant. Upon this the Duke yielded, and on the toth 
of August the castle was given up. But now it was 
Gonsalyo's turn to break his word; and instead of re- 
gaining his liberty, Caesar was sent off to Spain on the 
2oth of August.§ 


* See Appendix, N, 28, the *Brief of 11th May, 1504, in the Secret 
Archives of the Vatican, 

+ This Brief, of which unfortunately we only possess a fmgment, was 
first published by RAVNALDUS, ad an, 1504, 8, 12. The copy in ALVIES, 
App. 102, is not quite accurate. 

T On the 8th of June, 1504, the Pope wrote to Carolus marchio Finarii 
elect. Theban., that Cassar was a prisoner and that L. de Ordelaffi had 
Jarely died in Ravenna, quibus ex rebus speramus nos arcem Forlivii per 
pactionem facilius recepturos. *Lib. brev. 22, £ 76. (Secret Archives 
‘of the Vatican.) Cy, also Appendix, N, 26, 31. 

§ Abvist, 450-451. Cf Gorriox, Cam. Ap., 230, note.» 





DEATH OF CASAR HORGIA, 245 


From this moment Cesar Borgia vanishes from the stage 
of Italian history, and by the beginning of May most 
people in Rome seemed to have quite forgotten him.* 
Ferdinand sent him first to the Castle of Chinchilla + and 
then to that of Medina delCampo. Here the former lord 
of Rome, bereft by his political shipwreck of all his luxuries, 
was kept in close confinement in a room in the tower, with 
only one servant, No one was allowed to see him. “All 
his plans had failed, nothing remained of all that he had 
sought to achieve by his crimes, his crucltics, and his 
murders.” In this miserable life his only occupation con- 
sisted in flying his falcons, his only joy was to sce them 
catch a helpless bird and tear it to pieces with their talons.t 
In spite of the strict guard kept over him, on the 25th 
of October, 1506, Cesar succeeded in escaping from his 
prison and fled to his brother-in-law, Jean d’Albret, King 
of Navarre. Julius II, was greatly disturbed when the 
news reached him, for he was well aware that the Duke 
still had many adherents in the Romagna§ But his 
anxiety was not destined to last long, for on the 12th May, 
1507, Caesar died “ honourably, a soldier's death” at Viana 
in Navarre, fighting for his brother-in-law against the Count 


of Lerin, He was only in his thirty-second year.|| The 


* Cf. *Report of G, L. Cataneo, dat Rome, yrd May, 150g (Dil 
‘Valentino non si parla piu). Gonzaga Archives, Mantua, 

+ Not, as GReCOROVIUS, Lucresia Borgia, 274-275, and HOFLER, 
Katastrophe, 17; have it, to Seville. 

{, Katastrophe, 23. Gf Dispacei di A. Giustinian, 111, 
207, 268, 410-511, 

§ Zorira, VIL, 23. 

( Rewmowr, 111, 2, 165 ALvist, 455-454. We have the fullest 
accounts of bis residence in Spain and his death in YRIARTE, 
co ruled Of Hortun, Bastarddynastien, 6r 

sey, and Katastrophe, 23 sey. There is a picture of the castle in 
vaio Gravs, Rundreise in Spanien (Wureburg, 1894); see 


a 


246. HISTORY OF THE POPES. 


greatness of the House of Borgia had come and gone like 
a metcor flashing across the sky.” 

There is no contemporaneous account of the effect pro- 
duced on Julius If. by the tidings of Caesar's death ;+ but 
he must have rejoiced to find himself relieved of an enemy 
who stil] could have been extremely dangerous to him and 
to the Church. Ciesar had many faithful adherents in the 
cities of the Romagna, and he could never have felt quite 
secure there while the Duke still lived. 

Itis'a curious coincidence that the man who, if Alexander 
VIL. had lived, would have done the most of all others 
to secularise the States of the Church, and with whom 
Machiavelli in consequence was secretly in full sympathy} 
should, unintentionally of course, have been the founder of 
the revival there of the Papal authority. Most people are 
familiar with Machiavelli's opinion on this point expressed 
in the Prince, where he says: “The Duke by no means 
wished to exalt the Church. Nevertheless all that he did 
tended to her advantage; when he was gone, his heritage 
fell to her.” That this was the case was no doubt greatly 
due to the character of Julius 11, who never for a moment 
lost sight of the one object that he had proposed to himself, 
and made use of every means that came to hand for attain- 
ing it, When, on the 11th August, 1504, the news of the 


also J. M. QuapRapo, Recuerdos y Bellezas de Espafa. Barcelona, 
1861, 


* HOFLER, Katastrophe, 27, 

The Ferarese Envoy Costabili only says in a *Despatch, dated 
Rome, gth Apr. 1507, that the news of his death was held to'be'certaia, 
{State Archives, Modena.) On the arrival of the tidings at Venice and 
Perram, and how Lucrezia took them, ¢/ SAwuTo, VEL, 47) 50) 5%) 54, 
96 Those authentic accounts relegate “ Lucresin’s tears” (see F. 
GeecoRovius, Lucrezia Borgia, 293) to the region of the author's 
fertile imagination. 

o& See Vol. Vv of this work, p. 167, , 


ail 


RELATIONS OF VENICE AND JULIUS Il. 247 


surrender of Forli at last arrived, and he was asked whether 
orders were to be given for the public demonstrations of 
joy usual on such occasions, his reply was characteristic. 
“No,” answered the Pope, so the Florentine Ambassador 
reports, “we will/put off all rejoicings until we have much 
more important and difficult successes to celebrate” 
“Julius meant,” the Ambussador adds, “the reconquest of 
Faenza and Rimini."* The relations between Venice and 
Rome had from month to month been growing more and 
‘More unsatisfactory owing to the obstinate refusal of the 
Republic to give back these cities which had been taken by 
force from the Church. The conduct of the Venetians on 
this occasion shews that the invariably astute diplomacy of 
the Republic was utterly at fault in regard to the character 
of Julius Tf. 

As Cardinal Giuliano della Rovere had always been 
friendly to Venice, and the Venetians, out of dread of a 
French Pope, had heartily supported him in the Conclave, 

_ they fully believed that he would in return leaye them a 
free band in the Romagna. This of course was an utter 
‘delusion, as from the first Julius was firmly determined 
not to permit the Church to be despoiled of a single 
rood of her possessions.t He never for a moment gave 


“*G, Acciaiuol’s Despatch of 13th August, 1304, in Dispacci di 
A. Ghustinian, 111, 198, 9, 1, tn 2 “full of the yoth August, r50q, 
Julius 11. deprived Cresar of the governorship of the Citadel of 
‘Bologna and restored it to the municipality of the city, State Archives, 


Bologna. 

# Utosanns, Maximilian, 11, 139, characterises the proceedings of 
‘Venice as a plundering of the Church. In regard to the question of 
‘Tegal rights the term is perfectly correct. (Cf also ReuMONT in Got, 
Gel. Anz, 1876, 11., 846.) Broscat, Jullus IL, 105 sey, evades this 
Point ; he takes the Venetian side from the first, relying for the most 
‘part entirely on Venetian authorities and suppressing almost all others. 
‘The annexations of Venice are always justifiable in his cyes ; even when 


— 4 


248 MISTORY OF THE POPES. 


the Republic any reason for doubting that he meant to 
insist on the restoration of the stolen property of the 
Church in the Romagna." Nevertheless the Venctians 
thought they could do as they liked and need not be 
afraid of a Pope who had neither money nor troops.t 
“Ambition and greed of land,” says the contemporaneous 
Venetian chronicler Priuli, “were so strong In them that 
they were resolved at any cost to make themselves masters 
of the whole of the Romagna.”{ When, on the 22nd of 
November, 1503, the news of the investment of Faenza 
arrived in Rome, the Pope at once sent for the Venetian 
Ambassador and repeated that all the Church's possessions 
must come back to her, and that he hoped the Republic 
would not carry matters to extremes.§ Three days later 
the report was current in Rome that Rimini also was in 
the hands of the Venetians. The Ambassador was in 
despair, for his government had given stringent orders that 
this should be kept secret. “ Thus, even before his Corona- 


the Venetians repudiated their sworn agreement with the Pope, he sees 
in this proceeding only “a vindication of that prescriptive right of self 
Preservation without the exercise of which it is impossible to conceive any 
independent State being able to maintain its existence "(p. 193). Onthe 
other hand, where Julius Il. is concerned, he becomes the strictest of 
moralists, The ordinary evasions of diplomacy, even things which are 
understood as such by all diplomatists, are stigmatised as criminal 
duplicity when they come from Julius Il. Even his friends (sce Allg. 
‘Zeitung., 1880, N, 83, Suppl.) blame the violence of his language. On 
the spirit of partisanship displayed by Brosch, see Vol. [V.of this work, 
p 3228.4, 354,2.% See also Arch. d, Soc. Rom. IIL, 177- 

* Of. supra, p. 235, and REUMONT in the Gott. Gel. Anz (1876), 
TI, B45. 

+ Of Fr. Guidizonus’ *Report, dated Rome, 25th Novy 1503. State 
Archives, Modena. 

t Revmons, 11, 2, 12; Romans, V., 164, 

§ Dispacc’ di A. Giustinian, IT, 305-306. On the a3rd Giustinian 
reports fresh complaints from the Pope, Loc. ctf, 30. 


THE VENETIANS IX THE ROMAGNA. 249 


tion, Julius saw two of the jewels with which he desired 
to adorn the Tiara snatched away by the Signoria."* 
On the 28th November, at a meeting of the Cardinals, he 
complained of the proceedings of the Venctians; on the 
29th a Consistory was held. The Venetian Ambassador 
reports that “the Pope spoke very angrily of the Republic 
in Consistory; he had previously told Cardinal Cornaro 
that he meant to appeal to France and Spain for the 
protection of the interests of the Holy See"+ In a con- 
versation with the Venetian Ambassador on the 3oth of 
November Julius spoke more gently, and dwelt on the 
friendly feelings he entertained towards the Republic; } 
for he was well aware of his weakness, and for that reason 
most anxious for a close union with France.§ On the 
foth of December he again remonstrated with the 
Ambassador against the proceedings of Venice in the 
Romagna|| The tidings which came from Angelo 
Leonini, Bishop of Tivoli, who had been sent to Venice, 
only increased the Pope’s displeasure, Leonini was com- 
missioned to demand the withdrawal of all the Venctian 
troops from the Romagna and that the Republic should 
desist from any further conquests from Cesar Borgia, as 
the whole of his possessions belonged to the Church, 
“The answer was far from satisfactory. Venice promised 
to make no further acquisitions in the Romagna, but she 
would not withdraw her troops.” She was determined 

* Brose, Julius 11, 106, and supra, p. 239. 

+ Dispacci di A. Giustinian, II, 318 Brosch abstains from men- 
Soning this ; if he had done so, he could not have expressed himself as 
so mutch scandalised at what the Pope said to Machiavelli, 

 Dispacei di A. Giustinian, 11, 521. 1 am fur from wishing to 
defend the Pope's conduct in every respect; but Brosch distorts the 
words of Julius in a most unfair manner, 

Bf secre, pe 234 Jey. 

I) Dispacei di A. Giustinian, 11,, 335. 





250 HISTORY OF THE POPES, 


to keep Faenza, Rimini, and all the other places on which 
she had so unjustly laid hands.* 

The Venetian Envoy Giustinian said everything he 
could to induce the Pope to see things in a different 
light. He proposed that the conquered territories should 
‘be bestowed on Venice as a fief, To this Julius Il. replied 
that the governorships in the Romagna had always been 
bestowed on captains who had deserved well of the 
Church, but not upon powerful chiefs; it was impossible 
to put Venice in this position, she would never let them 
out of her hands again. He would rather not be Pope 
atall than endure such a curtailment of the States of the 
Church at the very beginning of his reign. Giustinian 
made no answer to these sort of expressions, talked 
vaguely of false reports circulated by the enemies of the 
Republic, and avoided as far as possible all direct nego- 
tiations in regard to the evacuation of the conquered 
territories. He seems to have been possessed with the 
delusion that Venice had no cause to apprehend any 
serious resistance from the new Pope;}+ and not in the 
least to have understood the character of the man with 
whom he was dealing. He was incapable of conceiving 
a Pope devoid of selfish ambition and really aiming at 
nothing but the exaltation of the Church, and had no 
suspicion of the dangers of the game that his Govern- 
ment was playing. On the contrary, he flattered himself 


* BRoseH, Julius 11, 108; the Brief of 17th Nov. 1503, on 
Leonini's mission ix in SawuTo, V., 484 Leonini (f Maru, 1, 
303 sey.) wns considered by bis contemporaries an excellent diplomatist, 
Machiavelli calls him a truly rightminded prelate, a prudent: man 
and experienced in state affairs, None of this appears in Brosch's 
account, 

+ BALAN, V., 435. 

T Tomaasiss, Machiavelli, 1, 290. 


REMONSTRANCES OF JULIUS I. 250 
that he could easily succeed in mollifying Julius HU. with 
fair words and promises. 


‘The Ferrarese Agent understood the situation far better, 
“The Pope,” he reports on the 25th November, 1503, “is 
far from satisfied with the way things are going in the 
Romagna; where he had hoped to see light, he finds 
nothing but darkness. I know his nature and am well 
assured that he will not submit patiently to this; though 
‘other people imagine that they will be able to deceive 
him"* Giustinian ought to have becn able to see how 
impossible this would prove. When, on the 23rd of 
December, he again repeated his tale of slanderous reports 
set afloat by the enemies of Venicc, the Pope replied, 
* My Lord Ambassador, you always bring me fair words, 
and the Signoria foul deeds We have accurate informa- 
tion of all that goes on in the Romagna, and know how, 
one after another, places are being occupied that have 
hitherto always been under the direct rule of the 
Church; to-day we have heard that the Venetians arc 
endeavouring to induce Cesena to submit to them, and 
have occupied Sant’ Arcangelo. Can we be expected 
to look quietly on when those who ought to be sup- 
porting us are daily robbing us? At present we 
have not the means to defend ourselves by arms ‘and 
can only remonstrate; but we mean to turn to the 
Christian Powers for aid, and trust that God will pro- 
‘tect us.” 

The Ambassador had no answer to give except that 
this was unnecessary; if Cesena wished to put herself 
under Venetian rule it was because the government of 
the Republic was just and beneficent. As to Sant’ 
Arcangelo, the Pope had nothing to complain of, as that 

“}F, Guidinenus’ **Report, dated Rome, 25th Nov, 1503. (State 
‘Archives, Modena.) Cf also Appendix, N. 17. 


a 


ag2 HISTORY OF THE POPES, 


place was already in the hands of Venice before Leonini 
was sent.* 

Three days later Julius 11. again sent for Giustinian 
and said to him: “We have still to complain of the 
state of things in the Romagna, Letters arrive daily 
telling us of the intrigues of your agents in Cesena, 
Imola, and other places, Throughout the whole country 
efforts are being made to seduce the people from their 
obedience to the Church and persuade them to place 
themselves under the rule of Venice, Our worst enemy 
could not do more against us. When we ascended the 
Chair of S. Peter we did so with the full purpose of being 
a father to all as a Pope should be, and observing strict 
neutrality; but we now fear that we shall find ourselves 
forced to entertain other thoughts.” 

The Ambassador tried to make the usual excuses for 
his government, but could not conceal in his report the 
fact that they were not accepted. It ends with the words: 
“Julius IL. requires that all the places that have been 
occupied in the Romagna shall be restored to him. 
Possibly events might occur which would induce him 
and the Sacred College to leave Faenza and Rimini in 
the hands of the Republic, but he will not consent to 
anything until all the other places are evacuated.” + 

* Dispacci di A. Glustinian, 11., 339, 347, 356-357- & REUMONr, 
AIT. 2, 3,and G, CastELtant, La dominazione veneta a Sant’ Arcangelo, 
‘Sant’ Arcangelo, 1895. (Only too copies of the work have been 
printed.) 

+ Dispacci di A. Giustinian, IL, 360-363. Even after all this, 
Giustinian still flattered himself that success was possible, On New 
Year's Day he presented himself before the Pope and requested 
“with courteous importurity” that as on that day it was customary: 
to make presents to one's friends, Julius would gratify the Republic, 
which was so devoted to him, with the gift of Riminiand Faenza, 
‘The Pope smiled, but answered that Venice must begin by restoring 


THE POPE'S LETTER TO THE DOGE. 253 


On the roth January, 1504, Julius addressed the follow- 
ing letter to the Doge -— 


To our beloved Son,—Greeting and apostolical benediction: 
Through Our Reverend brother the Bishop of Tivoli and by 
various letters We have announced to your Serene Highness Our 
firm resolution to demand the restoration of Our cities of Faenza 
and Rimini, together with their castles and the other places which 
your Highness has occupied since the death of Alexander VI; 
and We have repeatedly made the same demand to your 

baseador. ‘Therefore We cannot sufficiently express Our 
surprise at not having yet received any definite answer. Since 
We now Icarn from the aforenamed Bishop, Our Envoy, that the 
subject is again to be laid before the Senate, it will be plain, We 
trust, to your own wisdom and that of the assembly, that it is not 
Keep unlawful possession of that which belongs 
Roman Church, and that We are bound to use all 
Our power to obtain its restoration, From the 
Our reign it has been Our steadfast purpose to 
the Church the territories of which she has been 
to this We hold fast, and ever shall doso. If your 
hafouador or any one else has written anything 
your Highness or held out any hopes that We shall 
agreement on this point, he has written falsely; 
duty not to permit such an injury to be done to 
the dignity of Our position, We have always enter- 
‘a just love and esteem for your Highness and the Re: 
‘in the belief that, especially during Our Pontificate, you 
would prove the defenders and not the ueurpers of the rights of 
the Church. Now, since nothing shall induce Us to desist from 
on the restitution of these places, since God and our 
Saviour Jesus Christ, who has committed the care of His Church 
to Us, and Our office, impose this duty upon Us, We declare that 
any one who writes or thinks otherwise, writes and thinks falsely. 
‘Therefore We again admonish your Highness with all paternal 
Kindness, and command you in the name of the Lord to do freely 
and at once that which in justice you are bound to do."* 


Setetieesa (alter thx, negotiations in regard to the other places 
‘might be entered upon. See Bemmus, 258; HAVEMANN, IT, 215. 
++ Ravwatpus, ad an, 1504, 0. 1) SANUTO, V., 733) 6 733) 736 


5 


cn 


yan 
Froese 








‘THE, POPE SEEKS HELP AGAINST VENICE 255 


under galling bondage to the allies whom he inight call in 
against Venice.* Still he trusted to be able to find means 
to escape, and he was convinced that there was no other 
way opem. A State so powerful and unscrupulous as 
Venice could only be mastered by a coalition; and from 
the Spring of 1504 the Pope directed all his efforts to 
bringing this about, He addressed himself to Louis XU, 
of France;t and to Maximilian, as King of the Romans 
and Protector of the Church, On the 2nd of March, 1504, 
Mariano Bartolini of Perugia was sent to the German Court, 
The Nuncio was charged to urge Maximilian to help the 
against Venice, because it would be impossible 

tr te Pope refrain any longer from laying the Re- 
ban.{ The instructions of the Nuncio in 

France, Carlo de Carretto, Marquess of Finale, dated 14th 
May, 1504, were of wider scope, He was to propose the 
formation of a League between France, Maximilian, and 
the Pope§ In the early spring Cosimo de’ Pazzi, Bishop 


+ Diacel di A. Gistnian Il, 66 5 herr 
jad an, 1504, m. 4. 

‘T *instructio data il, filio magistro Mariano de Bartolinis de Perusio 
causarem palatii apost. auditori nuntio et orator! nostra. Dat Rom. die 
23 Febr, 1504, not only in CLIX. Cod, 42 in the S, Mark's Library, 
Werke (see Vatiriwntis, V., 231, and Brosca, Julius 1., 112, 326), 
but also in Cod. Urb, 864, in Ottob, 1888 in the Vatican Library; in 
‘Cod LY, in the Secret Archives of the Vatican (¢/, Puepkk, Nuntiaturen, 
45) and in Cod. 818 in the Corsini Library, Rome. Concerning the 
mission of M, de Bartolinis, ¢/ Nuntiaturenberichte, 1, XLi. sey.; PLEEBR, 
Yor, cit; RAVNALDUS, ad an. 1504, n. 5-6, 24; Dispacci di A. Giustiaian, 
“WIL, 178; and in Appendix, N. 29, 32, 33, 34, 35, 36. 37» 39, the "Briefs 
See ener e Smet 7 aed a Os 

_ Secret Archives of the Vatican. 
in Sybels Hist. Zeitschr., XXXVIL, 302 eu and Jullus Hy 
412, 326, wns the first to make use of Carretto’s Instruction, dat. Rom, 


tery ace wk wat Marco, The Instruc- 
on is ‘LV. of the Varia Polit. (Secret Archives of the 


= y ia 


256 HISTORY OF THE POPES — 


of Arezzo, had been sent to Spain, but his mission proved 
a total failure* Ferdinand refused to receive him on the 
ground that he was a Florentine and a partisan of France, 
so that Julius If. was obliged to recall him in November, 
ts04+ How unfriendly Ferdinand’s sentiments towards 
the Holy See were wt that time, may be gathered fram the 
fact that in the Spring of 1504 his representative in Rome 
made overtures to the Venetians for an alliance with 
them.{ Julius II. also endeavoured to induce Hungary to 
put a strong pressure upon Venice to constrain her to give 
up her booty.§ 


Vatican) ; in Cod. Urb, 864, Ottob.2515 ; and in Cod. 115 in the Capilupi 
Library, Mantua. Cf in Appendix, N. 29, 30, the *Brief to Queen Anna, 
of the 16th May, and to Louis XII. of the 8th June, 1504. In a *Brief to 
C. de Carretto, which unfortunately bears no date, we find: *Ages etiam 
gratins dil. fil, nostro G[eongio] card! Rothomagen,; ejus auctoritate et 
benignitate a rege et regina christianissimis omnia facilius impetrabis in 
quo nos praeclpuam fiduclam gerimus cognita cius in nos et ad honorem 
 apost, sedis tam prona constantique voluntate, *1Lib, brev. 29, £25. 
‘Secret Archives of the Vatican. 

* See *Instructiones dat. r, episc. Aretino praclato domestico ad regem 
‘et reginam Hispaniac, dat, Rome, 14th March, 1504 ; <f the Codex in 
the Library of S. Mark (BRoscH, Julius II, 113'8¢9,,326) ; Cod. 818in the 
Corsini Library, Varia Polit, 55, £ 420-433, in the Secret Archives of the 
Vatican ; and Cod. Urb. 864 in the Vatican Library, A *Brief from 
Jolins 11. t Louis X11., dat. zoth Feb., 1504, is extant, in which Cosmus: 
‘episcopus Aretinus quem in Hispanias cum pot. legati de latere mittimus 
is recommended to him as a trustworthy man: *Lib. brev. 22, £ 365, 
In the same place, f. 39, similar *Brief to Florence, dated Rome, 22nd 
March, 1504. Secret Archives of the Vatican, 

+ In regard to C. de’ Pazzi’s mission, BROSCH, t13, is so confused 
that he expresses a doubt as to whether he ever actually started Here, 
4s elsewhere, he has overlooked RAYNALDUS, ad an, 1504,m2%. The 
*Brief recalling him, 29th Nov., 1504, is in Appendix, N. 41, Secret 
Archives of the Vatican, 

{ Dispacci di A. Giustinian, I11., 505 seg. 

§ See TweIveR, Mon, Ung., H., 558-560, and in Appendix, N. 33, 


= 


VENICE BEGINS TO GIVE WAY. 257 


Meanwhile the missions to France and Germany had 
produced some good results. On the 22nd of September, 
t504, an agreement directed against Venice had been 
conchided at Biois* In Rome, in November, it began to 
‘be said that the Pope was going to pronounce the censures 
of the Church on the Republic {It was quite true that 
he was fully determined to cut the claws of the Lion of 
S. Mark. On the 4th of December he put a long list of 
grievances before the Consistory, and remarked that, all 
else having failed, it would be necessary to have recourse 
to spiritual weapons,+ 

Alarmed by the clouds which now seemed gathering on 
all sides, the Venetians at last made up their minds to give 
way to a certain extent, Hitherto they had “put off the 
Pope with words and nothing else,” now they endeavoured 
to conciliate him “ by some concessions which were of real 
practical value,”} Meanwhile it was of great advantage 
to them to have been able to procrastinate for so long. 
The agreement of Blois broke down, Spain was not to be 
won, Maximilian and Louis X11. fell out with each other. 
In March 1505, Venice at last withdrew from several of 
the towns in the Romagna, amongst others from Sant’ 


374 ‘*Briefs to Leonini of the 10th July, 17th Oct., and 17th Dec, 
4504. Secret Archives of the Vatican, 
* HUBER, II, 359; ULMANN, IL, 155 67.3 HOFLER, A del Burgo, 


ea 

+ Dispacci di A. Giustinian, IIT, 324. Cf Costabili's *Despatch of 
the 21st Aug. 1504 (State Archives, Modena), from which there is an ex 
tract in BaLax, V., 4375 the Briefs in THEINER, Mon. Ung. I1,, 560-5623 
and in Appendix, N, 42, the *Brief to Leonini of ath Des, 1504. 
On the 29th Dec. Julius addressed a *Letter to the Ant. Surianus 
select. Venietiar,, in which he complained bitterly of the retention of Facnza 
and Rimini by the Republic. *Lib. brev. 22,f 248. Secret Archives 





258 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 


Arcangelo, Montefior, Savignano, Tossignano, and Porto 
Cesenatico. The Duke of Urbino assured the Doge that 
the Republic would not be troubled any more about 
Rimini and Faenza. “No doubt,” says Sigismondo de’ 
Conti, “the Duke wished that this might be the case; but 
he had little knowledge of the mind of Julius L., who had 
fo notion of relinquishing these places.’ 

In recompense for this act of partial restitution effected 
in March ros, Julius now consented to receive the Vene- 
tian profession of obedience, but still only under protest 
(May 5, 1505). Hieronymus Donatus pronounced the 
oration; it was full of the usual extravagant phrases of 
the new style of oratory. The Pope's reply was brief and 
formal.t 

The Venetian Envoys for the profession of obedience 
entered Rome with great pomp, and flattered themselves 
with the hope of persuading Julius to consent to the 
retention by the Republic of Facnza and Rimini, but 
had not the smallest success. “The Pope," writes the 
Florentine Envoy, “holds fast to his rights, and every one 
thinks that he will get them.” § 


* SIciIsMONDO DE Cont!, IL, 34. &f BROSCH, Jor. cif, and Tost 
MASINI, Machiavelli, 1, 326. 

+ Cf Panis Dx Grassis, el, Déllinger, 366. Burciarpt Diarium, 
ILL, 387 ; and SANUTO, VL, 160 449., 164, 165 4ey., 168, 171 349. 

+ Giov, Acciaiuoli’s Report in Dispacci di A. Ginstinian, TT, 542. 
Donato’s speech was printed at the time and is to be found with other 
obedience-orations addressed to Julius {1. in an old large octavo volume 
in the Library of S, Peter at Salzburg: Hieronymi doctoris apud Julium 
If, P.M. oratoris Veneti in obedientia oratio. 8 folio leaves. 

§ G. Acciaiuoll’s Despatch of the rsth May, 1505, Jor, Gt, 543. 











——— 


BOLOGNA AND PERUGIA TO BE RECOVERED, 261 


now secured the loyalty of the most powerful of the Roman 
families, and could turn his attention without danger from 
that quarter to the restoration of the authority of the Holy 
See in Bologna and Perugia. 

Without any legal title, and simply by force of arms, the 
Baglioni had made themselves masters of Perugia, and the 
Bentivogli of Bologna; the only trace of the Pope's authority 
that still remained was an insignificant toll on the revenues 
of these two wealthy cities. In Bologna especially, which 
was the largest city but one of the States of the Church, 
and its bulwark on that side, all power was practically 
entirely in the hands of Giovanni Bentivoglio, His govern. 
ment, though not so bad as that of the licentious Giampaolo 
Baglione in Perugia, was anything but satisfactory. His 
haughty consort, and more especially his four sons, had made 
the name of Bentivoglio thoroughly detested in the city 
by their tyranny and violence. Numbers of exiles from 
Bologna and Perugia, who had taken refuge in Rome, were 
perpetually urging the Pope to intervene and deliver their 
cities from the tyrants who oppressed them.* Julius 11, 
listened to all their representations, but took his time. He 
made his preparations quietly, collecting money and troops. 
‘At last, when a favourable turn in the political situation 
seemed to promise success, he resolved to make the attempt-+ 


* Of GuICCIARDINI, VII.,c. 1; SUCENHEIM, 393,395 ; TOMMASINI, 
Machiavelli, 1, 335, 335. On the cruelties of the Buylioni, see ALAN, 
248; of Fanaerns, IH, 129 27, 233. On the Bentivogli, see Jovius, 
Blog, lib. Vi, 171 ; of also Rarty, IL, 148 sey.; Gozzaptxi, Memorie 
per la vita di Giovanni 11. Bentivoglio (Bologna, #839), 152 srg. and 
‘GoezaDmNt, Alcuni avvenimenti,67 seg. On the importance of Bologna, 
‘see *Letter to Thomasino Barbiero macciero de N. S. papa to the 4o 
presides fiber. Bonon,, dated Rome, 4th May, 1507. Here Bologna is 
called Ja pi forida ettriomphante citta de Italia, *Lettere di ambascka- 
tor ¢ diversi da Roma. State Archives, Bologna. 

+ Lanz, Einleitung, 86. 


262 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 


It was not till March 1506, that news first reached Venice 
that the Pope was seriously considering plans for bringing 
Perugia and Bologna back again under the direct govern- 
ment of the Church, At first this was not believed; but 
Jater accounts left no room to doubt its truth. It appeared 
that Julius IL expected the co-operation of France, and 
counted on a neutral attitude on the part of the Republic. 
The Signoria did their best to dissuade him from this 
undertaking, repeatedly urging the danger that Maximilian 
might enter Italy, a possibility that had been already a 
good deal talked of In Rome several of the Cardinals, 
and especially Caraffa, were against it ;+ but the Pope was 
not to be moved. It seemed to him that the favourable 
opportunity had now arrived for getting rid of the Bentivogli, 
who had given him much cause to complain of them when 
he was Bishop of Bologna. “ Rome,” says Paris de Grassis, 
the Papal Master of Ceremonies, “was quiet, the pre 
parations for war were completed. Julius LI. himself 
headed the expedition, accompanied by all his Court and 
nearly all the Cardinals; only such members of the Sacred 
College as were incapacitated by age or sickness were per- 
mitted to remain behind, The Legation of Rome was 
given to Cardinal S. Giorgio.” 

In order to be prepared for all contingencies, Julius 1. 


* SawvTo, V1, 322, 34% 377, 385-386, 304; of Appendix, N. 50, 
*G. Arsago’s Report of 13th Aug,, 1506. Gonzaga Archives, Mantua, 

+ Sanwro, VL, 394, 407. 

2 Paris DE GRassis, ed. Frati, 3-4; <f 20-21. GREOOROVIES, 
VIL, 44 ed. 35 RRUMONT, 111, 2, 20; and CamicHTon, IV, 87, are 
mistaken in their statement that B. Cibd was left behind as Regent. S. 
Giorgio is named as Regent, not only by P, de Grasais but also by Stans- 
MONDO be! Conti, 11., 348, and Arsigo ina *Letter, dated Rome, 20th 
Aity,, 1506. The latter says that only the Rota remained in Rome; all 
the auditors have gone with the Pope; to-morrow 200 Albanian mer 
cenaries are coming from Naples, Gonzaga Archives, Mantua, 


r 


ATTITUDE OF FRANCE AND VENICE, 263 


had concluded alliances with Florence, Siena, Mantua, 
Ferrara, and Urbino.* Still the expedition was “a bold 
undertaking, and would be a master-stroke if it succeeded. 
Now that the Papacy was hemmed in on the South by 
Spain ia Naples, it was essential to provide for greater 
expansion on the northern side; the fulcrum of politics 
for the States of the Church was pushed upwards into 
Central Italy; and Umbria, Tuscany, and the Romagna 
acquired a new importance for the Holy Sce."+ 

The hazards of the enterprise were increased by the 
attitude of Venice and France, from neither of whom could 
the Pope obtain any certain answer. 

In France the difficulties came chiefly from Cardinal 
dAmboise, Julius HH. had hoped to conciliate his former 
sival by making him, soon after his election, not only 
Legate of France, but also of Avignon and Venaissin; he 
trusted by this means to put an end to the perpetual 
wranglings between the vassals of the Papacy and those 
of France. But the conduct of d’Amboise as Legate was 
far from satisfactory ; he embezzled the money that he had 
to collect, and took no pains to conceal that he wished and 
hoped to be the next Pope} Julius II. was well aware of 
all this, but in his present position he could not afford to 
engage in an open conflict with the all-powerful minister, 
or his master. He continued, therefore, on friendly terms 
with both, and endeavoured to mect their wishes in 
everything, as far as he could. But it was not possible 

* SUGENAEIM, 393. In a *Brief, dated Rome, 19th April, 1506, 
Jalius 11. promised the Sienese, in return for their faithfulness, to 
protect the liberties of their city both by arms and censures. State 
Archives, Siena, Cassa della Lupa, 

+ Greconovius, VIEL, 45, ed. 3. 
ft Ravwarpus, ad an. 1503, 9. 23; 1505, 0. 137 HERGENROTHER, 


§ Cf, the *Brief to @Amboise, dated Rome, 16th May, 1505, in which 


264 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 


that this state of things should be of long duration. In. 
the Summer of 1go05 serious differences with France arose 
in connection with the allotment of the benefices which 
had been held by Cardinal Ascanio Sforza, and to these 
were added disputes about appointments to Bishoprics* 
The creation of Cardinals which took place on the r2th of 
December, 1505, in which the Ambassador of Louis, Robert 
Chaland, received the purple, gave rise to new misunder- 
standings, The King was extremely annoyed because the 
Archbishop of Auch and the Bishop of Bayeux had not 
also been admitted into the Sacred College Alluding to 
the dangerous illness which he had had in the Spring he ex- 
claimed, “In Italy they think I am dead ; but 1 will shew 
the Holy Father that I am still alive." To revenge him- 
self, he confiscated the revenues of all benefices 

to the Pope’s nominees in the Milanese,t Julius IL, whose 
position in the States of the Church was still very insecure, 
was obliged to contro! himself. He tried to conciliate the 
King, and on Christmas Day sent him a consecrated sword 
by the hands of Pierre le Filleul, Bishop of Sisteron.¢ 
This accomplished diplomatist succeeded in establishing 
better relations between Rome and France. Tn matters 


the Pope expresses his satisfaction at the recovery of Louis X11. and his 
willingness to comply with the wishes of the King and the Cardinal in 
regard to the Bishopric of Clermont. On the 19th May he writes a 
*Lettcr expressly for the purpose of congratulating the French King on 
his recovery. *Lib. brev. 22, f. 288, 307, 309. (Secret Archives of the 
Vatican.) The Pope composed besides special prayers of 
on this occasion. Sce the Bull of the 16th May, 1505, in the Arch. da 
Puy-de-Déme, MAULDE, Origines, 318-319. 

* SanvTo, VI., 176, 228; DessaRprng, IL, 103. 

+ DESJARDINS, IL, 1$3-154 7 SANUTO, VL, 275, 

 SANUTO, VIL, 279, 282. Cf Appendix, N. 48, the *Report of the 
Mantuan Enyoy, dated Rome, 24th Dec, 1505. Gonaaga Archives, 


THE POPE SETS OUT FOR BOLOGNA. 265 


concerning the Church, Louis XII. gave in to the Pope, and 
in April 1505, negotiations commenced for obtaining the 
assistance of France in the expedition against Perugia and 
Bologna® The King began by endeavouring to persuade 
Julius to relinquish his plans, and tried, in Junc, to take 
advantage of the situation by requesting that two French 
prelates should be made Cardinals-+ The negotiations 
dragged on interminably, without any result, and the 
patience of the Pope was sorely tried. Venice reiterated 
her warnings against the expedition in a menacing tone, 
At last the brave old Pontiff determined to try the effect of 
the accomplished fact, The step he took “furnished 
Machiavelli with a proof of his thesis, that what never 
could haye been accomplished by ordinary means, is often 
achieved by precipitation and daring.” “The Pope,” 
writes the famous Florentine politician, “ knew that it was 
impossible for him to drive the Bentivogli out of Bologna 
without help from France and neutrality on the part of 
Venice. When he saw that he could get nothing from 
either but uncertain and evasive answers, he resolved to 
bring both to the point by giving them no time to 
deliberate. He started from Rome with as many soldiers 
as he could collect, sending word to the Venetians that 
they were not to interfere, and to the King of France that 
he must send troops to support him. Thus they had 
hardly any time to consider, and as it was plain that if they 
hesitated or refused the Pope would be extremely angry, 
they did what he wanted; the King of France sent him 
help, and the Venetians remained neutral."} 


+ DESJARDINS, 11., 164 sey.) SANUTO, VL, 311. 

+ SANUTO, VIL, 351. 

f Disc, sopra la I, Deca di T. Livio, HL, c. 44; Brosct, Julius 11, 
427. On the astonishment produced by this bold action on the part of 
the Pope, ¢f. the Report of the Florentine Ambassador at the French 


206 ‘HISTORY OF THE POPES. 


In a Secret Consistory on the 17th August, 1506, Julius 
IL, after enumerating the crimes of Giovanni Bentivoglio, 
mentioned for the first time his intention of taking the 
field in person against him. On the 2ist it was decided 
that the expedition should start from Rome on the 24th. 
On the following day Briefs were despatched to the allied 
Princes of Mantua and Urbino, desiring them to join the 
Papal army on its march.* Eventually its departure was 
put off to the 26th.t 

To avoid the mid-day heat the start was made before sun- 
rise, The Pope first heard a low Mass, and gave his-part- 
ing blessing to the people at the Porta S. Maria Maggiore 
He was accompanied by nine Cardinals and 500 fully 


Court in DESJARDINS, IT, 179, From the documents here published, 
Pp. 182, we see that as late as the middle of September the King had 
denounced the expedition. 

* Paris ov Grassis,ed. Frati, 4,20, See Appendix, N. 51, the Brief 
to Fr, Gonzaga of the 2znd August, 1506 On the asth of August the 
Mantuan Envoy stated in his Report that the Pope would set forth with- 
cout fail in eight days. (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.) The *Brief to. the 
Duke of Urbino, dat. Aug. 22, says that the Pope hopes to see him in 
Peruginon the andor yrdof Sept. “Lib, brev.22,f 548, Secret Archives 
of the Vatican. 

+ This date is often given incorrectly. Raney Rom, and Germ, 
Vilker, 215, names the oth; REUMONT, ILL, 2, 20, the 23rd; Gozza- 
‘pins, Avvenimenti, 70, the 27th August, Even in contemporary writers 
it is often inaccurate, eg., SIGISMONDO DE’ Cons, I1., 348, says the 28th 
August ; the chronicle in the Varia Polit., 50, 61 (Secret Archives of the 
Vatican), the 25th August ; and SawvTo, VI., 407, the 2nd August “Bat 
the 26th is cstablished as the true date by Paris DE Grasses, ed. Frati, 
2; Cardinal Adriano di Cometo's poem om the Pope's expedition (iter 
Julii Pont, Ro. per Hadrianum Care. S, Chrysogoni as an appendix to 
the work De sermone latino [Basle, 1518], in Ciaconrus, UL, 235 #074 
and Roscor, L, 519) ; and the *Acta Consist. (Consistorial Archives of 
the Vatiaw.) On the dissatisfaction in Rome at the Pope's departure 
owing to the fears entertained that it might entail a new Avignon, sce 
SCHEURL, Briefbuch, 28. 


L a! 


IMS ARRIVAL AT VITERDO, 267 


armed knights, who, with their retainers, made up 2 much 
larger force than the number mentioned.* Their first 
halting-place was Formello, where the Pope was received 
by Giovanni Giordano Orsini and his wife. On the follow- 
ing day Julius went on to Nepi, where three more of the 
Cardinals joined him. The march was always begun 
before sunrise, On the 28th August they arrived at the 
little town of Civita Castellana, which possesses a noble 
_ castle with which Julius was delighted. Here a halt was 
made on account of the Feast of S. John the Baptist ; and 
Machiavelli, then Florentine Envoy, promised the support 
of his government towards the subjugation of Bologna, 
‘On the way from Nepi to Civita Castellana good news had 
arrived from the French Court, which greatly rejoiced the 
Pope. On the other hand, he also heard that Giovanni 
Bentivoglio was determined to resist> 
Tt was still quite dark when on Sunday, the 3oth August, 
after hearing Mass, the Pope set off for Viterbo. At 
Fabrica refreshments were provided by Cardinal Girolamo 
Basso della Rovere. In the evening a solemn entry was 
made into Viterbo, which was decorated for the occasion, 
According to the usual custom the Blessed Sacrament was 
carried before the Pope, who was attended by seventeen 
Cardinals. During his stay in this place Julius Il. drew up 
further regulations for the maintenance of the reconciliation 
between the contending parties there which he had suc+ 
ceetied in effecting in the previous year. The Legation 
was given to Cardinal Leonardo Grosso della Rovere. At 
the same time the Archbishop of Siponto was despatched 
as Nuncio to Bologna with a stern message, and the Arch- 


* Games, L, 291, ed. 5. 

+ Paris DE Gkassis, ed. Frati, 21 seg.; Machiavell’s Letter of the 
28th August, 1506; and *Acta Consist. Consistorial Archives of the 
‘Vatican, 


268 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 


bishop of Aix to Milan, to lead the French army of assist- 
ance against Castelfranco; the Pope also sent money for 
the hire of a troop of Swiss foot-soldiers.* 

On the qth September Julius IT, hurried on to Monte- 
fiascone, where he inspected the castle and stopped for the 
mid-day meal The house in which this was provided was 
in such a rickety condition that the floor had to be sup- 
ported with props, With a playful allusion to the famous 
wine of the place, Julius IT, observed, “These are wise 
precautions lest we should fall through, and people might 
say we had had too much Montefiascone.” On the sth he 
set off again for Orvieto, as usual two hours before sunrise} 
It was so dark, says Paris de Grassis, who accompanied the 
expedition as Grand-Master of Ceremonies, that nothing 
could be distinguished. A number of people had spent 
the night in the open air in hopes of secing the Pope, who 
had to have torches carried before him. Orvieto gave him 
a festive reception. An oak tree, to correspond with the 
arms of his family, adorned the principal square. Instead 
of acorns, little boys dressed as angels were perched on the 
extremities of its branches and on its topmost boughs. 
Orpheus leant against the trunk and recited Latin’verses 
in praise of the Pope, to which the angels responded in 
chorus. A girandola was lighted to greet him on his return 
from the Cathedral, whither he had gone to venerate the 
famous Corporal and give his blessing to the people. Here 
also an immense crowd from the neighbourhood had 

* PARIS DE GRassis, ed. Frati, 27-30; SicisMonDO De Conti, IL, 
48; and *Acta Consist. Consistorial Archives of the Vatican. 

+ In the Frati cd. the text of Paris de Grassis has: Die 6 Veneris. 
But the Friday in 1506 fell on the 4th, and that is the date also given im 
‘the *Acta Consist. 

Here, too, the text of Pants DE GRassrs in Frati, 32, is incorrect! in 
die Sabtati septimo Septemb, The right date is in *Acta Consist, 
‘Secret Archives of the Vatican. 


SUBMISSION OF GIAMPAOLO BAGLIONE. 269 


assembled to receive his blessing. The Duke of Urbino 
and Antonio Ferreri, the Legate of Perugia, arrived at 
Orvieto on the same day as the Pope* Both had been 
négotiating with Giampaolo Baglione, who had hesitated for 
some time as to whether, considering the strength of his 
citadel and the troops that he had with him, it might not 
be worth while to resist, But he had little confidence in 
the loyalty of the citizens, who, he knew, preferred the 
Papal government to his, and also feared the hostility of the 
Oddi party. He knew, too, the character of his adversary 
and that he was not one to do anything by halves:+ Hence 
he finally resolved to accept the conditions proposed by the 
Papal Envoys and to submit. He came himself to Orvieto 
and promised to hand over all the defences of Perugia 
and the fastnesses in the neighbourhood to the Papal com- 
manders, to recall most of the exiles, to send his two sons 
to Urbino as hostages, and finally to join the expedition 
against Bologna with 150 men. On the Sth September 
he returned to Perugia, accompanied by the Legate and the 
Duke of Urbino, to prepare for the entry of the Pope. 

On the following day Julius If. left Orvieto, On his 
Journey he received a letter from the Marquess of Mantua 
announcing that he would arrive at Perugia on the t2th 
of September and take part personally in the expedition 
against Bentiyoglio.} When they camc to the little village 
of Castiglione on the Lake of Thrasimene, which contained 
neither accommodation nor food enough for the Pope's 


Julius had announced Ferrer’s nomination to the Perugians on the 
4th April, 1506. See the *Brief of that date in the City Archives, 


Perugia. 

_ ¢ Reomonr, Il, 2, 20, and SuceNBEM, 393. 

- - Panis pt Grass, ed. Frat, 36, and *Acta Consist. (Consistorial 
Archives of the Vatican.) (fin Appendix, N. 52, the Brief to F. Gonzaga 
of the 10th Sept, 1906. Gonzaga Archives, Mantua. 


270 ISTORY OF THE POPES. 


retinue, to the dismay of his suite he announced his inten- 
tion of remaining there some days. He did this, Paris de 
Grassis says, in order to give Baglione time to organise his 
‘men. But the commissariat at Castiglione presented such 
difficulties that on the 11th Julius was obliged to move on 
across the lake to the Isola Maggiore, and thence to 
Passignano. 
On the 12th they proceeded to Corciano. They were 
joined on the way thither by the Condottiere Giovanni 
Soffatelli with 7oo men, At Corciano Cardinal Frangois 
Guillaume Clermont arrived with a letter from Louis XH. 
about Bologna.* It was soon known that he was charged 
with the hopeless task of trying to persuade Julius to give 
up his enterprise 

On Sunday, the 13th September,} Julius made his entry 
into Perugia with great pomp. The eight Priors in gala 
dress met him at the Porta San Pietro with the keys of the 
city. All the bells were rung, the streets were thronged 
with people and decorated with triumphal arches) Twenty 
Cardinals, the Duke of Urbino, Giovanni Gonzaga,and many 
of the Roman Barons accompanied the Pope. He went 
first to the Cathedral, where the Papal choir sang the Te 
Deum, which was followed by the solemn Benediction of the 
people and the proclamation of an [ndulgence.§ Julius TI, 


* Panis ox Grassts, ed. Frati, 47-39, and *Acta Consist. Consis- 
torial Archives of the Vatican. 

Of Machiavelli's Letters of the 13th and 1gth Sept., 1506. 

$ Not on sath Sept. as Grecorovius, VIII., 45, ed. 3, states. 

§ Paris pk Grassis, ed, Frati, 40 seg. of ALPANT, 249 seg. GUIC- 
Ctannint, VIL, ¢. 1, says: Hl pantefice entrd in Perugia senza forse edn 
modo che era in potesta di Giampagolo di farlo prigione, etc. Machis- 
velli, in his letter of 13th Sept., remarks that the Papal treops were. 
stationed close to the Gate, and those of Baglione at a short distance 
frown it, $0 that the Pope and Cardinals were completely in the power of 
the latter. Later, in his speech on the first Decas of Livy, Machin 


JULIUS IL IN PERUGIA. aye 


took up/his abode in the Palace of the Priors. On the 17th, 
the Marquess Francesco Gonzaga arrived, Three days 
tater the Pope celebrated a solemn High Mass in the church 
of the Franciscans; he had commenced his studies in early 
youth as a poor scholar in this convent; now he wished 
to thank God and S. Francis for his clevation to the high- 
est dignity in the world* 

The Pope was so much inspirited by the success which 
had thus far attended his expedition that his thoughts 
soared now to higher flights. He began to talk of setting 
forth to deliver Constantinople and Jerusalem out of the 
hands of the unbelievers as soon as things had been set in 
order in Italy; not of course, however, until the Church had 
got back her Statcs—that, he said emphatically, was an in- 
dispensable preliminary. He commanded the celebrated 
preacher Acgidius of Viterbo, of the Order of the Hermits of 


velli blamed Baglione and accused him of cowardice for aot having the 
courage tomake himself master of the Pope's person. (See Vol. V. of this 
work, p. 165.) It is, however, evident, from the clear account yiven by 
Pazis de Grassis, who was an eyewitness, from the words of Acgidius of 
Viterbo (in HOFLER, 384), and the description in the Amnal. dec. (cum 
evalioram numero, in Famurrt, 11. 194)that 
Julius was far from having entered Perugia unarmed, and that his troops 
practically occupied the city, The risk for him cannot therefore have 
‘been so great ae it is made out to be by Guicciardini and Machiavelli; 
‘their statement that he came in without troops is simply false. The 
Venetian Envoy (SANUTO, VE. 421) reports 2090 armed men entered 
the city with the Pope, though he adds : et A frato intrar in la terra 500 
faeti di note per dubito, Naturally, the troops were for the most part 
the city, No doubt Julius shewed some courage ia 
acting as he did; ba he was not as rash as Machiavelli makes hin 
‘appear, F. Cubello also in a *Letter to F. Gonzaga, dated Perugia, the 
‘tath Sept, 1506, reports: *Hieri il papa intro in pampa con tute 
‘a corte in ordine et tute le gente d’arme in ordine cum 150 stradioti, etc. 
‘Gonzaga Archives, Mantoa. 
"® PARIS DE GRAssIS, ed. Frat, 44. Cf FauRirrtt, I11., 200 sry. 


272 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 


S. Augustine, to deliver a sermon on this subject while he 
and the Cardinals were at Perugia; and again later at 
Bologna he desired him to preach in a similar sense. In 
his review of the reign of Julius II, Acgidius says that it 
was generally thought that the Pope would have carried 
out this project if he had not been hindered by the blind- 
ness of men.* 

Julius remained eight days in the newly-won city. He 
spent this time in labouring camestly to bestow on its 
unfortunate inhabitants the blessings of a settled peace 


* Greconovivs, VILL, 45, ed. 5, is mistaken in supposing that the 
report of Aegidius has never been printed ; it has been published by 
Hérver, p, 387. Curnt, 176, also quotes it, and his sermons on the 
‘Turkish question are mentioned by SANUTO, VI, 427. Acgidius was 
also to have delivered a discourse on peace at Perugia, but, to the great 
annoyance of Julius, preached a panegyric on the Pope instead. Seo 
PARIS DE Grassts, od, Frat, 46. ALBERTINI, XXII, also alludes 
to the crusading projects of Julius. ZinxkiSEN, Oriental. Frage, $54, 
though unacquainted with these authorities, is of opinion that he bad the 
war agninst the Turks very much at heart. C/ also PICHUER, 1, 503, 
and FRAKNGI, Liga von Cambrai, 11 Se ee 
54seg, But though numerous Briefs in Raynaldus shew that the 
tion of Julius IL, Sas ipalsy tinsel eae eee 
dom against the Turks (¢/ also Panis pr Grassis’ Report, ed, Dillinger, 
390), still Zinkeisen and Pichler appear to judge him too favourably im 
this respect. He was too much engrossed with Italian affairs to be able: 
to give the Turkish question anything but quite a secondary place in his 
thoughts At the same time, until Dr, Gottlob’s Monograph of Julius 11, 
‘has come out, it will be right to suspend our judgment on this subject. 
‘The energetic support given by this Pope tw King Emmanuel of Portugal's 
naval enterprises, which were regarded as crusading expeditions, appears 
in a great number of Briefs and Bulls, some of which are dated from 
Perugia at this very time. See Corp dipl. Portug., L461 59. 93 Seo 
98 reg 99 FF LOL segs, 102 sey 119 sey. A letter from Rome of 
15th Oct., 1509, in the Acta Tomic, 1., 49, which has hitherto been over- 
looked, reports later projects of Julius 11. fora Crusade, 

+ On the 14th Sept. F, Cubello reports to F. Gonzaga: *E1 N.S. 


JULIUS ENTERS URBINO. 273 


The baneful and detested rule of the Baglioni was at an 
end. From henceforth the beautiful city was again to enjoy 
its municipal liberties and republican constitution under 
the sovereignty of the Church, The exiles were allowed to 
return, with the exception of those only whose hands were 
stained with the blood of their fellow-citizens, The magis« 
tracy of the Ten was abolished. Julius left the old liber- 
ties untouched. Cardinal Antonio Ferreri was appointed 
* 

The ardent spirit of the Pope was too much occupied with 
Bologna to remain any longer in Perugia} On the 21st 
of September he started for Gubbio, which he reached on 
the 22nd; on the 23rd he was at Cantiano, and on the 25th 
entered Urbino, crossing the Appenines by the pass of 
Furlo. The gates were taken down by the Duke, while the 
Prefect presented the keys of the city to the Pope} Julius, 
from the artistic side of his nature, was charmed with the 
Palace of Montefeltro; but his mind was too full of the 
negotiations with Bologna and France to give much 
attention to anything clse. 
attend’ cuin ogni diligencm ordinar le cose di Perosa Gonzaga 
Archives, Mantua, 

* SiGisMonvo Dr’ Conn, IL, 348 sey. ; SUGENHEIM, 394 ; LEO, Vo, 
1835 Faunerri, 111. 302; Rane, Papste, 1, 251, ed. 6. In the fol- 
lowing year fresh disturbances broke out in Perugia (MARIOTTI, IL, 
544}, in comsequence of which Card. Ferrer) was recalled and Card, 
Leonardo della Rovere sent in his place. Julius II. informed the 
Gizene of these changos in his *Briefs of the ist and and Fob, 1507 
(City Archives, Perugit), and in Cod. C., 1'V., 1, of the University Library, 


+ Gf the Brief of rgth Sept., 1506; RAVNALDUS, ad an. 1506, n. 24. 

1 Duaessit, 66, incorrectly gives the 23rd as the day of the entry, 
and there are other mistakes also in his Itinerary of the Popa Cf 
PARIS OR GRassts, ed. Frati, 50, and *Acta Consist. in the Consistorial 
Archives of the Vatican, Among recent writers see Ucouimi, I, 
137 467 and Luzi, Mantova © Urbino, 172 seg. 

VOL, VIL T 


274 HISTORY OF THE POPES, 


‘He had sent Antonio da Monte San Savino, Archbishop: 
of Manfredonia, to Bologna to endeavour to arrange terms: 
for its return to its allegiance to the Church,* but 
Giovanni Bentivoglio had anticipated the Archbishop and 
completely frustrated his mission, At first, Sigismondo de’ 
Conti says, he had been disposed to submit, but the con- 
sciousness of his many misdeeds led him eventually to 
change his mind. He succeeded in cajoling the citizens 
into assuring the Papal Envoy that their Prince was no 
tyrant, but a true father to his people. All the Archbishop's 
kindly admonitions proved unavailing, and when at last he 
threatened them with the censures of the Church, Benti- 
voglio and the magistrates appealed to a General Council} 

The Pope had intended to await the result of the Arch- 
bishop’s mission at Urbino, but the moment he heard that 
he was on his way back, in spite of the dissuasions of the 
Duke and others, he determined to sct out to meet him. 

In the early morning of the 29th September he started 
for Macerata} The roads were mere bridle paths, the 
weather had broken, and the hills were covered with snow, 
go that it was not possible on the 30th to set out till after 
mid-day, ‘The rain fell in torrents and the sumpter-mules 
stumbled and fell on the slippery paths, but the Pope 
struggled on with passionate haste tawards San Marino. 
He halted for the night in the suburb of Borgo, and here 
a letter reached him from the King of France promising to 
send troops and announcing his intention of coming him- 
self in Advent to Bologna, where he hoped to meet the 


* Sanurto, VI., 421-422. 

+ StGIEMONDO DE’ CONTI, I, 349-350. C/ also Scomunt, Brief 
buch, 26 sey, 

t Staismowvo ve’ Conti wrongly gives the goth (I, 351) OF 
PARIS DE GRassIs, ed. Frati, $5; Letter of Machiavelli of rst Oct, 
1506, and *Acta Consist, Consistorin! Archives of the Vatican, 


b ail 


HE ENDEAVOURS TO CONCILIATE VENICE, 275 


Pope.* This set Julius IL. free from his greatest anxiety. 
‘The support of the French Government had been delayed 
as long as possible, but now that he was assured of this the 
fall of Bentivoglio was certain.+ There was’ nothing now 
to fear from Venice, Nevertheless, “he still felt it prudent 
to take pains to conciliate the Venetians” [le proposed to 
the Signoria to permit them still to retain Faenza and 
Rimini as a fief Though this offer was refused, he still 
continued to treat the Republic with all possible considera- 
tion. “He strictly forbade his troops, in their necessary 
march through Venetian territory, under pain of death to 
take anything from the inhabitants, and emphatically as- 
sured their Enyoy D. Pisani, that the Signoria had nothing 
to fear from him. He was most anxious not to afford the 
‘east shadow of excuse to Venice for her conduct.” } 

Instead of taking the high road from San Marino to 
Rimini Julius chose the more difficult mountain way, in 
order to avoid passing through the country occupied by the 
Venetians, On the 1st October he spent the night In the 
miserable little village of Savignano, and on the following 
day crossed the Rubicon and entered Cesena, where he took 
up his quarters for the night in the castle. Meanwhile the 
Bolognese Envoys had arrived: They besought him “not 
to throw a peaceful city, which was thoroughly loyal to the 
Church, into confusion by demanding novelties.” Julius 
answered, “T know that what you are now saying is not 
what you really think ; you cannot be so foolish as to prefer 
the rule of a cruel tyrant to mine." § 

On the sth of October a Consistory was held, at which 


* Paris DE GRrassis, ed. Frati, 54. On the precise moment when 
the King changed his mind, see Buogett, Julius IL, 33t. 

+ Of Machiavelli's Letter of the 3rd Oct, 1506, 

> Broscr, Julius I, 129. Cf Saxv7o, VI, 453. 

§ SICIENONDO DE’ ConTI, 11,551, The answer of Julius LL, is some- 


hai 


276 HISTORY OF THE POPES, 


there were twenty Cardinals present. During the mid-day 
meal the news arrived that the French troops were on the 
road with sixteen cannon and would be at Modena on 
Saturday, The following day brought tidings of the death 
of King Philip of Castile* On the 7th October it was 
determined in a Secret Consistory that an Interdict should 
be Jaid on Bologna. A review of the troops took place in 
Cesena; the army consisted of 600 horsemen, 1600 foot- 
soldiers, and 300 Swiss. 

The persistent rain had made the roads almost im- 
passable; but Julius would brook no delay. Early on the 
8th October he moved onwards from Cesena to Forlim- 
popoli, and on the following day to Forli. In entering the 
city, he and his suite had a taste of the wild character of 
the people of the Romagna, who forcibly possessed them- 
selves of the Pope’s mule and baldacchinot 

Meanwhile there could no longer be any doubt that 
Bentivoylio had no intention of relinquishing his usurped 
authority without a struggle “He trusted in the strength 
of the city, the number of his adherents, his high position, 
and his stalwart sons.” According to Sigismondo de’ 
Conti, Bentivoglio demanded that the Pope should enter 
Bologna without troops, and make no change in anything.§ 


what differently stated in Machiavelli’s letter, cited sufrm, note + on pre- 
ceding page. According to him the Pope said amongst other things; 
Grea i capitoli non curava ne quello aveva fatto gli altri papi, ne quello 
aveva fatto lui (cf Tuan, Cod., [11., $15) perche gli altri papi © lai 
non avevan possuto fare altro ¢ Ia necessith ¢ non In volonth gli avera 
fatti confermare. 

* Philip died ofa fever on the morning of 25th Sept See HAwLxe, 
130-131 5 SANUTO, VIL, 442. 

+ Panis bx Gnassts, ed. Frati, 58 sg. ; Machiavelli's Letier of the 
sth Oct, 1506; and *Acta Consist., Consistorial Archives of the Vatican, 

J Paris DE Grassis, ed. Frati, 60, and *Acta Consist, Joe, ff, 

§ SiGismorpo pr’ Conn, IL, 384; REUMONT, IIL, 2,23. 


‘THE POPE MARCHES UPON BOLOGNA. 277 


‘These pretensions so enraged Julius that he at once pro- 
claimed the excommunication of Bentivoglio and an Inter» 
dict on Bologna unless the city returned to its obedience 
within nine days. On the 11th of October these Bulls were 
affixed to the doors of the Cathedral of Forli® The 
Bolognese were thoroughly frightened, says Sigismondo 
dc’ Conti, but Bentivoglio was not yet subdued. He had 
sent large bribes to the French commanders, and in their 
greed of gain they tried for a time to play fast and loose 
between him and the Pope. Julius, however, threatened 
Louis that if he did not keep his word he would publish 
his faithlessness to the whole world; and at last the King 
commanded his generals to advance. The alarm produced 
by their approach in Bologna determined the Pope to 
begin his march from Forli; but instead of taking the casy 
road through the fertile country of the Emilia, he chose 
for his own party the one which led across the mountains. 
This, Sigismondo de’ Conti says, was partly because he 
did not trust the Venetians,f and partly because he could 
mot endure to look upon Faenza, torn away from the 
Church as it now was. Thus, leaving the bulk of the army 
and the Cardinals to take the direct road by that place, 
he with a small retinue turned aside to the left towards 


* PAaRIs DE GRASSI, od. Fratl, 61-62 ; LUN10, 1V., 194 ; and Machia- 
yells Letter of the roth Oct. 1506, Portions of the Bull of Interdict, 
dated toth Oct, 1506, mken from the Regest. in the Papal Secret 
Archives, are to be found in RaYNALpus, ad an. 1506, n. 25 segy 
and Gozzapint, G, Bentivoglio, App, XCIII. zg. and also in Frati's 
ed. of PARIS DE GRASSIS, 177-186. The Bull excommunicating 
Bentivoglio, also dated roth Oct, 4506, was printed the same: year in 
Rome, Copies of it are, however, mre, as Bentivoglio had as many 
‘as he could obtain destroyed. | saw one in the State Archives at 
Modena. 

+ ‘The Brief of the 15th Oct., 1506, printed in Appendix, N, 53, refers 
‘also to this. Goneaga Archives, Mantua. 


—_ 


278 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 


Castrocaro, a place which had once belonged to the Church 
but was now in the hands of the Florentines. This was on 
the 17th October.* Beyond Mutilano the road became 
extremely difficult; ten times it was crossed by a mountain 
torrent; in one place the Pope had to dismount and 
clamber up the steep ascent for a mile with the assistance 
of his servants. He was half-dead with fatigue when in 
the evening he arrived at the little village of Marradi 
in the valley of Lamone, but he only allowed himself a 
short night's rest, and was off again before daybreak 
to Palazzuolo. There he halted for a light meal in the 
afternoon, and then hurried on to Tossignano, which he 
reached in the evening, This place belonged to the States 
of the Church; still he would not tarry, but went on at 
once to Imola.t 

Though the Pope was now sixty-four years of age, and 
suffering at the time from gout, he had borne the fatigues 
of the mountain journey as if he had been quite a young 
manj His attendants had to follow him whether they 
liked it or not. Paris de Grassis, the Master of Cere- 
monies, travelled by the easier road by Faenza, but 
before they parted Julius II, made him hand over to him 
his costly cope, and his mitre and pectoral cross, “For 
fear,” he said, “they should be stolen by the Venetians or 
the people of Faenza."§ When his followers were almost 


* SANUTO, VI, 451, and *Acta Consist., Consietorial Archives of the 


+ StcrsMonpo pe’ Contr, Ul, 352-353. Cf Paris DE Grasais 
ed Frat, 64-65; LAUR. PARMENTUS, 313; Machiavelli's Lettors of the 
s6th and roth Oct,, 1506 ; and “Acta Consist. 

+ “Imus praccipites per mille pericula rerum 
‘Turrigerasque arces, rupes et inhospita saxa.” 


See Card. A. Castellesi's poem mentioned supra, p. 266, note t.. 
§ Panis De Grassi, ed. Frati, 64-65, 


PLIGHT OF DENTIVOGLIO. 29 
in despair at the difficulties of the road to Tossignano, the 
Pope smilingly quoted Virgil's lines: 

‘Per varios casus, per tot discrimina rerum, 
‘Tendimus in Latium. 


—Aineid, 1., 204, 205. 

In the little town of mola, which they reached on the 
2oth* October, and where they were reccived with festal 
honours, it was impossible to accommodate the whole of the 
Pope's suite, In consequence, all the officials and many 
members of the Court remained at Castro Bolognese, 
and the army (2000 mgn) was encamped in the neigh- 
bouring country. The Duke of Urbino being laid up 
with an attack of gout, Francesco Gonzaga was appointed 
Commander-in-Chief on the 25th October, On the same 
day Julius received a visit from the Duke of Ferrara, On 
All Souls’ Day, just as the Pope was going to Mass, the 
tidings of the flight of Bentivoglio arrived+ The tyrant 
now saw the impossibility of making a defence, as he had 
made himself utterly detested by his subjects. He there- 
fore entered into a compact with the French Commander- 
in-Chief, Chaumont, and fled to Milan with a safe conduct 
from him. According to Sigismondo de’ Conti, as soon 
as the Interdict was laid upon Bologna, the citizens 
completely deserted him. One by one, all the priests left 
the city, and even his most trusted friends began to say 
that the Pope was in the right. But Bentivoglio still held 


* Not on the 21st as stated by Vrltant, Machiavelli, 1, 425. See 
‘SANUTO, V1., 425 ; FANTI, Imola, 17 ¢7y. (here the particulars in regard 
to the rejoicings are to be found); and *Acta Consist, Consistorial 
Archives of the Vatican. 

+ PARIS DE Grass, ed, Frati, 66-80, The Brief on F. Gonzaga’s 
appointment is in DUMONT, 1V., 1., 89, inaccurately given in GozZza- 
‘Dewi, Giovanni 1. Bentivoglio, Appendix, XCVIIL sey. translated in 
EQUICOLA, Storia di’ Mantova (1610), 247-248, 


am 


i 


ENTRY OF THE POPE INTO BOLOGNA. 281 


the dissuasions of the astrologers, despising their science, 
and saying, ‘We will go in in the name of God! Mean- 
while it became known in the city that the Pope was 
within its walls, and the ringing of bells and thunder of 
annon soon announced the news to the whole country 
round." * 

The triumphal procession to San Petronio, the Cathedral 
of Bologna, took place on the 11th November in lovely 
summer-like weather; the roses were still in bloom} The 
pageant was of unustial magnificence, a perfect speci- 
men of the festive art of the Renaissance} The Master 
of Ceremonies, Paris de Grassis, has described all its 
details in his own pedantic fashion;§ other contem- 
poraries, such as the Venetian Envoy, Francesco Albertini, 
and the Bolognese chronicler Ghirardacci, have painted 
it in a broader style| Cardinal Adriano of Corneto 
celebrates it ina Latin poem. The Pope's humanistic 
secretary, Sigismondo de’ Conti, gives a very good descrip- 
tion of it in his great historical work. “Thirteen 
triumphal arches,” he says, “were erected, bearing the 


* Panis DE GRassis, ed. Frati, 84-85, 
+ ALSERTINI, p. xxi 
On the pageantry and festal-art of the Renaissance in general, see 
fy Cultur, 1., 143 sey., ed. 3. 
Pants DE GRASSI, ed. Prati, 85-96, 
jj Atmactin, pp. xx1-xx1 The Report of the Venetian Envoy is 
‘in SANUTO, VIL, 491 sey. Erasmus, who was present, gives no descrip: 
‘Hon, Dut laments its pomp. To give greater weight to his strictures, he 
says that he had also seen the entry of Julius ULinto Rome. ‘This is un- 
true, though GREGoROVIUS, VIEL, So, ed. 3, maintains it; of NOLHAC, 
en Italie, 17. Ghirardacci’s account is in Lib. 38, Cod. 768, of 
University Library, Bologna. Cf. also SCHEURL, Briefbuch, 34, 39, 
and Lavamerrus PARMENTUs, $15. 
‘J Gf. Gewiandr, Adrian von Cormeto, 114-115; BURCKHARDT, 
Caltar, [, 112, ed. 3. 


282 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 


inscription in large letters: ' Julius IL, our Liberator and 
most beneficent Father!" A hundred young noblemen 
formed a cordon to keep the people back. First came 
‘@ number of horsemen as outriders to clear the way, 
then the light cavalry, the infantry in glistening armour, 
the baggage of the Pope and the Cardinals, and finally 
the bands of the regiment, These were followed by 
sixteen Bolognese and four Papal standard-bearers with 
‘their banners, the ten white palfreys of the Pope with 
golden bridles, and lastly the officials of the Court. Next 
to these came the Envoys, Duke Guido of Urbino, the 
Marquess Francesco Gonzaga, Francesco Maria, the 
Prefect of Rome, Costantino Areniti, the Duke of Achaia 
and Macedonia, fourteen lictors with silver staves to keep 
the crowd back, and the two Masters of Ceremonies, the 
first of whom, Paris de Grassis, was the organiser of the 
whole pageant. The Papal Cross was carried by Carlo 
Rotario; he was closely followed by forty of the clergy 
with lighted candles and the Papal choir accompanying the 
Sacred Host. The Cardinals walked immediately in front 
of Julius Il, who was carried in the Sedta Gestatoria; 
his purple cope, shot with gold thread and fastened across 
the breast with the formale pretiosum set with emeralds 
and sapphires, was a splendid work of art. On his head 
he wore an unusually large mitre glistening with pearls 
and jewels, He was accompanied by his two private 
chamberlains, his secretary Sigismondo de’ Conti, and his 
physicians, the Roman Mariano dei Dossi, and the Sienese 
Arcangelo dei Tuti. He was followed by the Patriarchs, 
the Archbishops and Bishops, the Protonotary, the 
ecclesiastical Envoys, the Abbots and Generals of religious 
orders, the Penitentiaries and Referendaries. The whole 
procession was closed by a body of the Papal guard. 
It moved very slowly, owing to the immense concourse 


THE GOVERNMENT OF BOLOGNA REORGANISED. 283 


of spectators, all decked in holiday garb, who had come 
in from the country round to receive the Pope's bless- 
ing. Gold and silver coins, struck for the occasion, were 
scattered by servants amongst them. At the Cathedral 
the Pope first made his act of thanksgiving and then 
solemnly blessed the people. It was dusk before he got 
back to the palace, now attended by the magistrates of the 
city, who joined the procession after it left the Cathedral,” * 
The work of reorganising the Government of the 
city was begun by Julius II, as soon as possible after 
his arrival. “He was anxious to make the government 
of the Church popular at Bologna, and for this end he 
confirmed their ancient liberties and gave them a new 
constitution which left a large measure of autonomy to 
the municipality, and also considerably lightened the 
burden of taxation which had pressed on them so heavily 
of late."+ The Council of Sixteen was abolished, and 
on the 17th of November a Senate, consisting of forty 
members, chosen for the most part from amongst the 
best burgher families of Bologna, was appointed in its 
place, This Senate’ was to act as the Legate’s Council, 
“but was granted far greater and more independent 
powers by Julius II. than the city had ever enjoyed 
under the Bentivogli”; and he also diminished the taxes. 
“He wished to create a really free city which should be 
Joyal to him out of gratitude for his protection."{ On 
© SicisMmONDO Ds? CoNTI, t1., 358-362. ‘The inscription on the coins 
jets: Bonfonia] pfor] Julfium] a tirano liberat{a); of FRAT, Delle 
‘monete gettate al popolo nel solenne ingresso in Bologna di Giulio, LL. 
(Bologna, 1385). See also Jahrb, der Preuss, Kunstsammlungen, 111, 44 
# Sucexnmm, 397, Cf Paris ox Grassis, ed. Frati, 99 sey; 
“SaGtsMONDO DE’ Contr, II., 360 seg. 
 ERANKE, Rom. und Germ. Vilker, 217, On the reduction of the 
‘Taxes, see SANUTO, VL, 521, and FLORUS, 23. 


284 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 


the 26th of November the anniversary of the Pope's 
Coronation was celebrated with great pomp. On this 
occasion, by his special desire, his favourite nephew, 
Galeotto della Rovere, was the celebrant at the High 
Mass. 

Louis XIL, and his minister d'Amboise demanded an 
exorbitant price for the assistance they had rendered, In 
addition to a large payment in moncy, they demanded the 
right of appointing to benefices throughout the Milanese 
territory, the confirmation of Cardinal d’Amboise’s Legation, 
and the nomination of three French Cardinals, all near 
relations of his* The last condition was the hardest 
for the Pope; for the Cardinals strongly objected to this 
increase of French influence in the Sacred College, with 
the consequent enhancement of d’Amboise's prospect of 
some day obtaining the Tiara, and the danger of the Court 
being transferred to Avignon.t ‘This creation, the third in 
the reign of Julius II., took place on the 18th December, 
1506, in a Secret Consistory and was not published at first. 
The three Cardinals were: Jean Frangois de la Trémoille, 


* SANUTO, VI, 452 ; GOLDAST, 278 ; HAVEMANN, IT, 233. 

+t bid 507. 

I This is the reason of the variations in contemporancous statements 
on this subject. PARIS DE GRassIs, ed, Frat, 119, says: Die veneris 
18 (Dec.) pupst fecit consistorium pro novis cardinalibus creandis, fest 
postea nihil fecerit ; and 133: Dic 4 Januari, 1907. . , - ereavitsecrete 
ardinales Francize nonnullos. On the other hand, a Report in SANUTO, 
VL, $18, unfortunately without a proper date, says the nomination had 
already taken place in December, My chief reason for believing that, in 
spite of OLDOIN's (11],, 261) correction, Ciaconius is not mistaken and 
that CARDELLA, 323, is right in holding to the year 1506, while 1 reject 
the date of rqth Jan. gives by CONTRLORIVE, 109 (PANVIRIVE, 345, who 
says 5rd Sept, is utterly wrong), is that J find 18th Dec., 1506, expressly 
mentioned in the offical *Acts Consist, £ 23 Consistorial Archives of 
the Vatican, 


DISSENSIONS WITH LOUIS XII. 285 


Archbishop of Auch ; René de Prie, Bishop of Bayeux ; and 
Louis d'Amboise, Archbishop of Alby. They were not 
published until the 17th May, 1507, after the Pope’s return 
to Rome, and at the same time as the nomination of 
Cardinal Ximenes to the Sacred College.* 

In spite of these concessions sharp dissensions, principally 
on account of the affairs of Genoa, soon broke out between 
Louisand the Pope. “It was an open secret in Rome that 
d'Amboise was working to obtain the Tiara at any cost, 
while, on the other hand, at the Court of France every one 
said that the Pope was privately encouraging and even 
helping the Genoese in their resistance to Louis XIL"+ In 
the middle of February, 1507, the King said to the Florentine 
Envoy: *I have sent word to the Pope that if he takes 
wp the cause of the Genoese | will put Giovanni Bentivoglio 
back in Bologna. 1 have only to write a single letter in 
order to effect this, and Bentivoglio will give me 100,000 
ducats into the bargain. The Rovere are a peasant family: 
nothing but the stick at his back will keep the Pope in 
order." 

When there could no longer be any doubt that Louis XI. 
was coming to Italy, Julius If. feit that it would be better 
to leave Bologna and so avoid a meeting. The French 
King was collecting such a large army that it was impossible 
to think that its only employment was to be the reconquest 
of Genoa. The Pope apprehended that there might even 
be personal danger for him in remaining at Bologna, and 

* Of. Card. Gonzagn’s "Letter to his brother, the Marquess of Mantua, 
st. Rome, 17th May, 1507 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua) ; the Venetian 
Report in SANUTO, VIL, 82, and Costabili's *Despatch, dat. Rome, zoth 
May, 1507. (State Archives, Modena.) See also Scumunt, Briefbuch, 
23,39. On Card. de la Trémoille, see La PLAQUE BARRIS in the Rev. 
de Gascogne, 1878, 

+ Brosew, Julius 11, 136 ; Grist, 1., 903, ed. 5. 

T DEsjaprws, IL, 220; of. 224 Sg. 


286 ‘HISTORY OF THE POPES, 


therefore at last decided on returning to Rome, to the great 
satisfaction of his Court. On the r2th of February, rs07,he 
informed the Cardinals in a Secret Consistory of his inten: 
tion, The Bolognese were completely taken by surprise 
when they heard of this unexpected decision, and at first 
extremely dissatisfied, as the work of reorganising the 
affairs of the city was not by any means concluded, This 
feeling, however, was soon dissipated when they found that 
the Pope was prepared to confirm the liberties granted 
to the city by Nicholas V., and to divide the executive 
power between the Legate and the Council of Forty.* 
Nevertheless he had so little confidence in the unnily 
citizens that he ordered a new fort to be builtat the Porta 
Galiera, On the zoth of February he laid its first stone: 
The day before this he had appointed Antonio Ferreri, 
Legate of Bologna; an unfortunate selection, as soon 
appeared. Cardinal Leonardo Grosso della Rovere took 
Ferreri’s place in Perugia, and was succeeded in Viterbo by 
Prancesco Alidosi.t 

On the 22nd February, 1507, as soon as the Bull appoint 
ing the Council of Forty had been published, the Pope leit 
the city to the great regret of the Bolognese, and on the 
same day the new Legate entered it} 


* PARIS DE GRASSIS, ed, Frat, 138-142. Cf SIGISMONDO DEP 
Conti, 11, 364, who does not give the real reason for the Pope's 
departure; Gozzapint, Alcuni avvenimenti, 76-77. 

+ Panis DE GRassis, ed. Frati, 147-148. Of SANUTO, Vi, 536, 
$5t=552; GozzaDINi, Alcuni avvenimenti, 79 sey.; *Ghinudaeci for 
whe year 1507, Cod. 768 of the University Lib at Bologna, On the 
laying of the foundation-stone of the fort, see GuGLIELMOTTE, 1, 62. 
‘The Ball nominating A. Ferreti, dat. Bologna, 20th Feb., 1507, which, as 
far as I know, has not been printed, is in the State Archives, Bologna. 

T Panis DE Grassis, ed. Frati, 149, 151 s¢g.; SIGISMONDO DEP 
Cont, IL, 364; and *Acta Consist, f, 28, in the Consistorial Archives 
of the Vatican. 


- 


— 


RETURN OF THE POPE TO ROME, 287 


Julius II. stopped first at Imola to make further arrange- 
ments for the maintenance of peace in that city. He 
then proceeded to Forliand Cesena, again avoiding Faenza, 
visited Porto Cesenatico, Sant’ Arcangelo, and Urbino, and 
made his way back to Rome by Foligno, Montefalco, Orto, 
Viterbo, and Nepi:® On the 27th of March, the Saturday 
before Palm Sunday, he reached the Tiber at Ponte Molle, 
where he was'welcomed by a crowd of people, He spent 
the night in the Convent of Santa Maria del Popolo. On 
Palm Sunday he celebrated High Mass in that church, and 
this was followed by his triumphal entry into the city and 
procession to the Vatican. 

Rome had adomed herself for the occasion in that 
curious: mixture of Christian and Pagan styles which 
characterised the taste of the period. The strects were pro- 
fusely decorated with hangings and garlands, and bristling 
with inscriptions in praise of the victor. Triumphal arches, 
covered with legends, were erected im all directions; some 
of these, as for instance the one put up by Cardinal Costa 
onthe Campo Marzo, were also decorated with statues and 
pictures. Opposite the Castle of St. Angelo was a chariot 
with four white horses and containing ten genii with palms 
in their hands, welcoming the Pope; on the prow of the 
chariot a globe rested, from which sprang an oak bearing 
gilt acorns and rising to the height of the Church of S* 
Maria Traspontina. In front of the Vatican a copy of the 
Arch of Constantine was erected representing the whole 
history of the expedition. By order of the Legate, Cardinal 
S. Giorgio, an altar was prepared before every church 


| * Panis pe Grassis, ed, Frati, 152-169; Sanvro, VI, 959; *Acta 
Consist, foc. ett: On the 27th Feb., 1507, Julius took Alberto Pio of 
Carpi and his State under his special protection, an act which was 
directed against the Duke of Ferram. See Mem. Stor. di Carpi, II., 
334 409.) SEMPER, Carpi, 7. 


288 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 


along the route of the procession, attended by the clergy 
and choir, that the religious element might not be eclipsed 
by all the worldly pomp. An eye-witness says that this 
triumphal entry was even more magnificent than the coro- 
nation. Twenty-eight Cardinals accompanied the Pope, the 
procession took three hours to pass from the gate of the 
city to S. Peter's. The Master of Ceremonies, Paris de 
Grassis, says that Julius knelt longer than was his wont at 
the tomb of the Apostles, and as he entered his apart- 
ment he said; “Since we have returned in safety, we all 
have indeed good cause to chant the Te Deum." * 

In truth Julius IL. had achieved a great success. It was 
enthusiastically celebrated by the poets of the time+ In 
his address in the Consistory, Cardinal Raffaele Riario said: 
“When your Holiness first announced your project of 
bringing Bologna back to a true obedience under the 
Holy See, the excellence of the object that you had in 
view was plain to us all. Hence we rejoice with our whole 
hearts now that this noble and glorious end is attained. 
The success of your Holiness has immensely increased the 
honour and consideration in which the Holy Sce is held, 
and covered your own name with a glory that will never 
perish, Your Holiness has deserved to be ranked among 
those illustrious Popes who, casting aside all personal con- 
siderations or family interests, proposed no other end to 


* PARIS DE GRASSIS, ed. Frati, 172-176. Cf ALBERTINT, pp. XXTI— 
XX; SANUTO, VIL, 43, 63-65, (Many of the inscriptions are very 
characteristic of the period.) Cf. also LAUR. PARMENIUS, 316, and the 
*Report of Giov. Gonmaga, Rome, 28th March, and that of Cardinal 
Gonzaga of the 29th March (see Appendix, N. 73), in the Gonzaga 
Archives, Mantua, and in Appendix, N. 72, Costabili’s *Report, the 26th 
March, t507. State Archives, Modena. 

+ Fr. Amunosius, Comment, de rebus gestis Bapt, Mantuani, So, 
©. PavER, Mythologie, 1, 366 seg. 


ADDRESS OF CARDINAL RIARIO. 289 


themselves but the care of preserving and augmenting the 
authority and majesty of the Holy See.”* 


* *Sicut ab initio S. V. fecit verbum de rebus Bononiensibus compro- 
batum fuit, nihil posse praestantius cogitari quam urbem hanc redigere 
ad veram obedientiam Sedis apostolicae, ita nunc toto corde gaudere et 
exsultare debemus, quod S. V. consecuta fuerit illum optimum et glori- 
osum finem, quem in animo suo, Deo et justitia inspirantibus praecon- 
ceperat. S. V. mirum in modum corroboravit et ampliavit existima- 
tionem status ecclesiastici et auxit immortalitatem famae et nominis sui 
ita, ut merito jam fuerit sortita locum inter illos clarissimos pontifices, 
qui posthabitis humanis affectibus, etiam sui proprii sanguinis, nullum 
alum finem sibi proponebant quam solam curam et vigilantiam consery- 
andi et amplificandi auctoritatem et majestatem Apostolicae sedis. *Con- 
sistorialia Raph. Riarli card. S. Georgii, Cod. J. IIL, 89, £ 219, in the 
Chigi Library, Rome. 


VOL VI. v 


CHAPTER IV. 


Craxces in mir Pournca. Sirvarion mt Evrore nerwsen 
t507 AND r509—Jutius TI. THREATENED By SPAIN AND 
France—Tue Venrmians seex To Humriate tite Paracy 
orn EccLesiasTiCALLY AND POLITICALLY. — RESISTANCE OF 
Jursus I. — Leacue or Cannrat anp War AGAINST 
Vewice.—Tue Pore’'s Vicrory. 


Tue rapid subjugation of two such important citics as 
Bologna and Perugia to the government of the Church 
had immensely enhanced the prestige of Julius IT. in the 
eyes of his contemporaries;* but he had no notion of 
resting on his laurels, knowing how far he still was from 
the goal which, from the first moment of his elevation, he 
had proposed to himself. The “largest and by far the most 
difficult portion of his task, the wresting from Venice of 
the towns and territories belonging to the States of the 
Church which she had appropriated, lay still before him.” + 

The settlement of the year 1505 was of such a nature 
as, in the words of onc of Julius II’s bitterest opponents, to 
set a seal on the helpless condition of the Papacy.{ Even 
a less energetic ruler than this Pope would have been driven 
to strive for the evacuation of the Romagna, 

But meanwhile other events occurred which forced all 
Julius 11's plans for repelling the usurpations of the Vene- 


* Vitiart, Machiavelli, 1, 436. 
+ SUGENHEDM, 397. 
2 Broscn in Sypets Hist. Zeitschr,, XXXVIL, 304. 





ATTITUDE OF FRANCE AND SPAIN, aon 


tians into the background. He found himself seriously 
threatened by both France and Spain. 

The first dispute between the Pope and King Ferdinand 
of Spain arose out of the suzerainty of the Holy Sce over 
Naples and the feudal dues; to this, others were soon added 
by the encroachments of the King on the right of the 
Church in the appointments to Bishoprics in Castile.* The 
tension produced by their differences went on increasing, 
although on the 17th May, 1507, Julius had bestowed the 
Red-hat on the King's trusted minister Ximenes, the dis- 
tinguished Archbishop of Toledo, who was also an ardent 
advocate of reform. When, in June, 1507, Ferdinand was 
on his way from Naples to Savona, Julius hastened to 
Ostia in hopes of obtaining an interview ; but the King 
discourteously sailed past Ostia without stopping} At 
Savona, towards the end of June, he met Louis XII, and 
there a reconciliation between the two Kings took place.§ 


* Steiswoxno pe’ Cont, 15. 324, 337; Rosspact, Carvajal, 86; 
Lanz, Einl., 96 

+ GOMEZ, t003; HePELE, Ximenes, 255. In the *Acta Consist, f 
24 (Consistorial Archives of the Vatican), the date of Ximenes’ nomina- 
tion is wanting, but it can be determined with certainty from the Brief of 
Jolins TL, given byGomer, loc. cit. ‘The subject of Card. Ximenes' real 
fy the cause of reform will be dealt with further on, C% Hurts, and also 


§ What passed at this meeting at Savona is not yet fully known; Lanz, 
Bisl, 89 ny. LEHMANN, 4; BRoscH, 142 and, recently, G. Friirri, 
IW eanvegna di Savona (Savona, 1896), who cites many Florentine 
Arsbassadorial Reports, have cleared up a great deal, but notall, There 
seems to be no doubt that an alliance against Venice was seriously dis- 
‘cased, sand that ina certain sense the ground was prepared for the 
League of Cambrai, Of new particulars drawn from the Simancas 
Archives by MAULDE in the Rev, @Hist. Dipl, 1V., 583-590, and 
Fitter in his treatise, Ancora del convegno di Savona, in the Ati © 
‘Mem . Sor. Stor, Savonese, I1,, 729 seg. Still it is by no means certain 


292 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 


The disproportionate strength of the army sent by the 
French King to quell the rebellion in Genoa made the 
understanding between the two great powers appear all the 
more ominous for the Pope, since it seemed to point to 
some further design. Another remarkable thing was the 
number of Cardinals at his Court. First, there were the three 
French Cardinals (including d'Amboise), then the Cardinal 
d'Aragona, who had been on the French side ever since the 
death of Alexander VI, and Cardinal Sanseverino, who 
afterwards lapsed into schism.* In May 1507, Julius IJ, 
had sent Cardinal Antonio Pallavicino,a Genoese, to the 
King’s camp and he too was now in Savona, The object 
“of this Legation, according to Sigismondo de’ Conti, was to 
persuade Louis to deal leniently with the Genoese, and to 
disband his army The magnitude of the French force 


that the agreement of the joth June, 1507, contains the whole of the 
arrangements entered into by the two parties, and Maulde does not com- 
ceal from himself that he is not in a position to furnish an exhaustive 
statement of the results of the interview, Until some new documents 
uave been discovered, we cannot get beyond this. 

* LeHMann, 3. 

¢ SicisMoNDO DE’ Cont}, I]. 375; SaxvTo, VIL, 73, 76, 82, 83, 
94 96, 98, 100, 104, 13, #4, 449, 152, 133. Tho nomination of Palla 
vicino as Legate to the French Court followed in a Consistory on the 3th 
May, 8507 5 ef *Candinal Gonznga’s Letter to his brother, dated Rome, 
5th May, #507 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua), and *Costabili’s Report, 
Rome, 6th May, 1507. (State Archives, Modena.) Cardinal Pallayicini 
sailed on the igth May (#Intravimus mare cum max difficultate, in the 
Itinerarium, On the 20th the Pope wrote the Brief to Louis XU. given 
in Appendix, N. 75), and after his return on the 18th Aug. read a Report 
of his mission in Consistory, He died soon afier (SANUTO, VII, 150). 
‘The account of the journey, etc., probably by some one who had accom- 
panied him, is in *Iunerarium Cards S. Praxedis ad Ludovicum XI. 
in Cod. Borghese, Ly 128) f, #25, and Bibl. Pia, 61, £ 117-149. (Secret 
Archives of the Vatican.) No information in regard to the purport of 
the Cardinal's mission is to. be obtained from this document. (Jaan 
BAuTON, Chroniques, ed. Jacob, 1V,, 105, admits bis ignorance on 





LOUIS XI. AND THE BENTIVOGLI, 253 


had aroused alarm in Germany as well as in Italy, as we 
see from the resolutions of the Diet of Constance. 
According to the statements made by Pallavicino to the 
Florentine Envoy in Savona, his instructions were, first, to 
defend the Pope against the false accusation of having 
invited Maximilian to invade Italy, and here, it seems, he 
‘was successful. In the sccond place, he was to ask that the 
Bentivogli should be delivered over to Julius II., and here 
he failed, Louis XII, denied that Giovanni and Alessandro 
Bentivoglio were implicated in the plot against Bologna; 
and said he could not in honour give them up.* From 
expressions let fall by one of the Cardinals who was present 
it appeared that Pallavicino had several Jong conversations 


this point ; ¢/ KNUTH, 29.) It merely describes the Legate’s journey, 
aod the ceremonial observed at his reception by Louis XL, and at the 
meeting of the two Kings at Savona, n polities it keeps entirely to ex- 
termals :—f. 131 = Milan, 7th June: Legatus et Rothomagensis habuerunt 
colloquium secrete; f 132: Milan, roth June: Reception of the Legate 
‘by the King. Rex dedit legato desteram ct iverunt in cameram regis 
cum dictls cardinalibus [Rothomag., Narbon,, Esten.], et secrete sunt 
Toquuti per spatium duarum horarum ; £137 : Savona, 2sth June: Legatus 
‘et Rothomagensis loquuti sunt secrote cum rege per duas horas. The 
‘cecasion of this was the arrival ofa messenger from Rome with the Red. 
hats for Cardinals Auximanus and Baiocensis, the first of whom had 
died in Milan a few days before, while the second was lying seriously ill 
fm the same place. Finita loquutione cum rege legatus et Rotho- 
magensis .. . . venerunt ad camemin Rothomagensis, in qua ambo 
‘secrete sunt loquuti per horam. De quibus materiis loquuti sunt, non 
‘est meum quacrere ; f. 147: Savona, rst July: The wo Kings invited 
ee ‘erant secum loquuturi .. , . Legatus 
‘vit ad cameram, ubi reges erant ; Toa” dina’ stan th Gara HNN 
‘The Itinerarium then describes the departure 
de Savona on the and July, that of the King of 
‘France on the 5r; the embarkation of the Legate on the 7th of that 

‘month, and his reception in the Consistory on the 18th Aug. 
__® Florentine Report, dated Savona, 4th July, 1507, in the Atti d. Soc. 

Sax, I, 19-20, 


bi 


i 


294 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 


with Louis XIL and d’Amboise, in the course of which he 
met with but scant courtesy, especially from the latter.* 

In connection with the mecting of the Kings at Sayona, 
some things soon transpired which led the Pope to appre- 
hend that an attack on his spiritual power was contemplated. 
Ferdinand himself admitted that the reform of the Church 
had been discussed. It is also certain that here again, as 
formerly, he encouraged d’Amboise in his aspirations after 
the Tiarat 

Guicciardini says that Julius IL, in his extreme need, 
turned for help to Maximilian. This is not confirmed by 
any recent investigations, “On the contrary, it is demon- 
strable that the primary object of his policy was to effecta 
reconciliation between Maximilian and Louis XIL. and to 
unite their forces against Venice, From the end of the 


* The Itincrariam mentioned above gives a similar impression. In 
£. 139 it says of d'Amboise ; ipse est vere rex Franciae. Secret Archives 
of the Vatican, 

+ LEnMANN, 4, who also refers to Ferdinand's menace in May 1508, 
that he would withdraw all bis States from the allegiance of the Holy See. 
‘The letter which contains this threat is addressed to the Viceroy of 
Naples, and in it he is desired, without more ado, to hang any one who 
brings a Papal Bull which has not received the Royal #laces into the 
kingdom. It was first published by F. pe Quevepo, Obras, XI. (Madrid, 
4792-94) 3-9, and afterwards im the Lettres de Louis X11. Ty 109-114. 
B. de la Fuente erroneously supposes this letter to be a Protestant 
invention of the end of the 16th Century, The text leaves no doubt as to 
its origin, and the contents perfectly correspond with Ferdinand’s policy 
and with che peculiar views of his royal rights which he entertained. 
Ferdinand simply vetoed Papal Bulls again and again. On the sist 
Aug, 1509, he issued a decree punishing with death any person who 
should obtain, either from the Pope or hig Legate, any Bull or document 
against the Spanish Inquisition. LLORENTE, 1., 368-369 ; Gams, ILL, 
128 s¢g., 140-142. Ferdinand and his Envoys (ef Panscort, UL, 204) 
‘were perfectly indefatigable in Rome in demanding concessions, espe- 
clally in regard to money matters, C/ Costabili’s "Report, Rome, asth 
‘Ang., 1908 State Archives, Modena, 


MISSION OF CARVAJAL TO THE EMPEROR. 205 


year 1506 Costantino Areniti had been working by his orders 
in this direction,"* 

The Pope's anxiety in regard to Maximilian’s proposed 
visit to Rome is a clear proof how far he then was from 
thinking of applying to him for assistance+ When in 
the Summer of 1507 it was announced on all sides that 
Maximilian was certainly coming to Italy, Julius resolved 
to send a Cardinal as Legate to Germany.} He selected a 
man who was one of Maximilian's most faithful friends at 
the Roman Court, Cardinal Bernardino Carvajal, Furnished 
with ample powers, the Cardinal left Rome on the sth of 
August, 1507, and passing through Siena met the King at 
Innsbruck in the middle of September.§ 

‘Carvajal was charged to endeavour to dissuade the King 
from coming to Italy with an army, and to propose instead 
that he should be crowned Emperor in Germany by two 
Cardinals who would be sent for this purpose.|| Besides 


* ULaany, 11, 306, following Broscn, 138, 332 seg. 

+ ULMann, Max. I. Absichten, 10-11, shews what pains France took 
tw increase the Pope's distrust of Maximilian, ‘The King had already in 
‘a Letier to the Pope in Aug. 1506, announced his intention of making an 
armed pilgrimage to Rome, (Sec, in Appendix 50, Arsago’s *Letter of 
‘#5th Avg, 1506) State Archives, Mantua. 

F On the dth July, 1507, Card. Gonzaya wrote to his brather, *Si tiene 
per certo Ia yenuta del Re de Romani. Gonzaga Archives, Mantua, 

§ SaMUTO, VIL, 132, says on the roth ; Rossmacut, g2, the 8th} the 
Acta Consist, £ 24, the gth Aug. (Consistorial Archives of the Vatican.) 
‘The authentic information which we seck for in vain in RayNALDUS, ad 
‘an. 1507, n. 8, is tobe found in the *Diarium of PARIS DE GRA3SiS, 16 
‘Julli, 1507: Candinalis « Crucis D. Bern. Carvaglianus creatus est 
‘degatus ad partes Germaniae obviar Imperateri venturo in [taliam— 
4 Augusti fuit consistorium publicum. The Pope offered the usual 
Prayers for the new Legate, who then retired to the Convent of S™ Maria 
‘del Popolo. Ibi fecit prandium et in aurora sequenti arripuit iter. Cod. 
Lar 1p, £1139, 114, of the Court and State Library, Munich. 

‘W) MacHiAVELLi, Opere, ed. Passerini, V., 247, and SanuTo, VIL, 


—_ 


296 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 


this, he was to make two other propositions to the King, 
one for a universal League amongst all Christian Princes 
against the Turks, and the other for a special alliance 
between him and the Pope against Venice, The first 
proposal was rejected but the second was accepted.® This 
success, however, was of little use to Julius 11. as long as 
Maximilian persisted in rejecting all overtures for a recon- 
ciliation with France. Carvajal, however, remained with the 
King, and did not relinquish his purpose. When he found 
that the Venetians obstinately persisted in refusing to allow 
him to pass through their territory on his way to Rome, 
Maximilian began to lend a more favourable ear to the 
persuasions of the Legate. “In February, 1508, he made 
secret overtures for an offensive and defensive alliance 
against Venice to the Court of France, which corresponded 
in all essentials with the future League of Cambrai.”"$+ 
At this time Maximilian did a thing which was com- 
pletely at variance with all previous medieval custom 
On the ath Febr 508, through his counsellor Matthaus 
Lang, Bishop of Gurk, he solemnly proclaimed in the 
Cathedral of Trent that he had assumed the title of 
mperor-elect of Rome.” He took pains to explain, 
in a letter to the Empire, and by his Envoys at 
Rome, that this proceeding was not in any way intended to 


; Utmarn, IL, 333 Hexcennorunn’s 


1 38% 
» *Rrief of sath Feb, 1308, printed 
je. Kreisurchiv in Wéireburg. 


Julius 11, 154 sep 398 sey, 





BRIEF OF JULIUS Il, TO MAXIMILIAN, 207 


contravene the Pope’s rights in regard to his Coronation. 
On the contrary, he was as determined as ever to come to 
Rome to be crowned there by Julius IL. as soon as he had 
conquered the Venetians* The explanation thus given, 
safe-guarding the right of the Holy See, enabled Julius 1. 
to declare himself perfectly satisfied, as in fact he had 
reason to be, with an act which, at any rate, put off for a 
time the dreaded visit to Rome. On the 12th of February, 
1508, he addressed a Brief to “Maximilian, Emperor-elect 
of Rome,” in which he recognised and praised the correct- 
ness of his attitude towards the Holy See, and added that, 
asthe Church already prayed for him on Good Friday 
Roman Emperor, he was fully justified in assuming the 
title, The remaining contents of this Brief lead us to infer 
that the Pope's affability was not quite unmotived. It im- 
pressed upon Maximilian the expediency of coming to 
terms with France, and of making his visit to Rome with- 
out the accompaniment of an army.+ 


* Cf. the Report in Forschungenz, Deutsch. Gesch.,I.,71; in JANSSEN, 
Reichscorrespondens, 11,, 742-744 ; and Maximilian’s Letters in DATT, De 
‘pace publica, $68-570. Cf Huner, IL, 368, and Mittheil. d. CEster- 
reich. Instituts, XI, 44. See also the Riporto di uno esplorator in 
SANUTO, VIL, 293-295, which also says that Card, Carvajal remained 
at Bourn. Cf also Ranke, Deutsch. Gesch,, VI., 90.seg.; TOMMASINI, 
Machiavelli, 1, 411 sey.; HEIDENHEIMER, P, Martyr, 175 seg.; and 
Rossnacst, Carvajal, 95, who gives Meran instead of Roteen. A letter 
of grace despatched by him on 4th Feb., ¢507 (st. f.), from Botzen, and 
preserved in the Archives of the monastery at Gries, proves that he was 
certainly staying there on that day. KinM, who, in the Zeitschr. d. 
Ferdinandeums (1892), 334 seg., publishes a portion of this letter, puts it 
by mistake in the year 1507, instead of 1508, Carvajal did not come 
back from Germany untilthe r2th Jan., 1509. *Acta Consist. £24. Con- 
sistorial Archives of the Vatican, 

+ See the *Brief in Appendix, N. 76, after a copy in the Kreisarchiv in 
Wilreburg, and also in Appenclix, N. 77 and 78, Card. Gonzaga's *Letters 
of the 12th and 24th Feb., 150%, in the Gonzaga Archives, Mantua, 


(il 


298 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 


On the day after his proclamation, Maximilian com- 
menced hostilities against Venice, and his troops at first 
achieved some successes, On the 1st of March he wrote 
in the highest spirits to the Elector of Saxony: “The 
Venetians portray their Lion with two feet in the sca, 
‘one on the plain country, and one on the mountains. We 
have all but conquered the foot on the mountains ; one claw 
only holds fast, which will be ours, with the help of God, in 
aweek. Then we hope to tackle the one on the plain.** 
But ina very short time the tables were turned. 
to the great annoyance of Julius Il.+ by the French, the 
Venetians carried everything before them, ‘The victorious 
army overran Tivoli and Istria; in May they conquered 
Trieste and Fiume, and by the beginning of June they had 
penetrated into Carniola, On the 5th June the Emperor 
was only too glad to conclude, through Carvajal's mediation 
a truce for three years, which left to Venice nearly every- 
thing that her arms had won} The Venetians, quite 
unaware of the dangers of the path they were treading, were 
full of joy and triumph. 

The land-hunger of the Republic is described by 
Machiavelli in his verses: 

San Marco impetuoso, ed importuno, 
Credendosi aver sempre il vento in poppa, 
Non si curd di rovinare ognuno ; 
Ne’ vide come la potenza troppa 
‘Era nociva: ¢ come il me” sarebbe 
‘Tener sott’ acqua la coda ¢ Ja groppa. 
Asino POre,§ 

* RANKE, Deutsche Geschichte, 1, 176, ed. 2. 

+ Cf Ludovico da Campo Sampiero’s *Letter to the Marquess of 
Mantua, dated Rome, 17th March, 1508 Goruaga Archives, Mantua. 

2 Cf Hupe, [1 370 seg where all the literaixine on the subject is 

§ Macntavensa, V,, 400, Cf also TOMMASINI, Machiavelli, 1,296. 
See also the complaints of the Florentine chronicler, Lawpucer, 291, 


CONCLUSION OF THE LEAGUE OF CAMBRAI. 299 


In consequence of this “ land-hunger,” by this time there 
was hardly one of the great powers which had not something 
to demand back from the Republic, and this it was which 
brought about her ruin. Greedily anxious to come to 
terms with the Emperor, the Venetians, in their haste, had 
taken no heed of the interests of their ally. This produced 
a complete revolution in the policy of Franee. 

Towards the close of November, Maximilian’s confidential 
counsellor Matth-us Lang, one English and one Spanish 
Ambassador, Louis X11's all-powerful minister d’Amboise, 
and the Emperor's daughter Margaret met together at 
Cambrai. 

On the 1oth of December, 1508, the compact known as 
the League of Cambrai was here concluded. The only 
portion of it that was destined for publication was the 
treaty of peace betwecn the Emperor and the King of 
France, which, among other things, bestowed Milan as a fief 
on Louis XII. and his descendants. The object of the 
‘League was ostensibly the Crusade ayainst the Turks; but 
before this could be commenced Venice must be constrained 
to give back her spoils, A second and secret treaty, to 
which the Pope and the King of Spain might be parties if 
they chose, was drawn up, binding the contracting powers 
to oblige the Republic to restore all the cities of the 
Romagna to the Pope; the Apulian sea-board to the King 
of Spain; Roveredo, Verona, Padua, Vicenza, Treviso, and 
Friuli to the Emperor; and Brescia, Bergamo, Cremo, Cre- 
mona, Chiara d’Adda, and all fiefs belonging to Milan to 
the King of France. If the King of Hungary joined the 
League he was to get back all his former possessions in 
Dalmatia and Croatia; equally the Duke of Savoy was to 
recover Cyprus, and the Duke of Ferrara and the Marquess 
‘of Mantua all the territories wrested from them by the 
Venetians if they too joined the League. France was to 


f 


joo HISTORY OF THE POPES. 


declare war on the 1st of April, the Pope was to lay the ban 
ofthe Church and an Interdict on Venice, and to call on 
Maximilian, as the licutenant of the Holy See, to come to 
his assistance. Thus, at the end of the forty days, the 
Emperor would be released from his treaty obligations 
towards the Republic, and able to join the French.* 

Even down to the present day Julius II. continues to be 
blamed in unmeasured terms for having brought the 
forcigner into Italy, As a matter of fact at this decisive 
moment the Pope held back, and “it was Venice herself 
who drove him into joining the League, which he cordially 
disliked, angry as he was with the Republic. He knew 
France and her King well, and thoroughly mistrusted both, 
and this feeling was amply reciprocated by Louis X11. and 
d'Amboise, even while the League of Cambrai, in which no 
Papal plenipotentiary took part, was being negotiated"= 

Julius Il. did not join the League till the 23rd March, 
1509, after he had exhausted all other means of inducing 
Venice to acknowledge his temporal and spiritual authority. 
In her dealings with Rome the foresight and penetration 
which usually characterised the policy of the Republic 
seemed to have completely forsaken her; she appeared not 
‘to have the faintest presentiment of the storm which her 
high-handed conduct was conspiring to raise up against 
her, 

It was not only in her policy in the Romagna that 

* Dumony, IV,, 1, 109 sey. ; Ln Guay, 1, 225 #eg.5 LANZ, Eine 
Teiting, 93 seg. ; HUBER, IIL, 374 seg. Cf also Arch. St. Ital, 5 Serie, 
IV, 1, 126 seg. 

+ Reumony, IL, 1, 26 Cy Guiccianpini, VEIL, « 15 HAVE 
MANM, LL, 276, 280; and ULMANN, IT, 365. The Brief addressed by 
Julius U1, to d’Amboise on the 28th Dec, 1508 (in Mount, 1, 54-55), 
merely congratulates him on the conclusion of peace between France and 
the Emperor ; it Is couched in the most flattering terms, but there is not 
‘a word in it about Venice. 


VENICE AND THE HOLY SEE. gor 


Venice persistently trampled on the clear rights of the Pope.* 
Following her traditional practice she arrogated to the 
State in purely spiritual matters a supremacy which would 
have made the government of the Church by Rome an 
impossibility.+ The Government repeatedly forbade and 
even punished appeals to Rome in ecclesiastical matters; 
ccelesiastical persons were brought before sccular tribunals 
without the permission of the Pope; for this the deplorable 
corruption of many of the clergy might have afforded some 
excuse. But there could be no justification for the conduct 
of the Senate in giving away benefices and even Bishoprics 
on their own authority} Even staunch friends of the 
Republic blamed these outrageous violations of Canon-law, 
which no Pope could afford to tolerate.§ The consequence 
‘was a never ending serics of misunderstandings and disputes 
on ecclesiastical matters between Rome and Venice, One 
of the most serious of these was that about the appointment 
to the Bishopric of Cremona, which had been held by 
Aseanio Sforza. After his death, in the Summer of 1505, 
the Senate immediately selected a devoted adherent of their 
own, a member of the Trevisano family. Julius II. refused 
to confirm this appointment, as he had intended to give 
it to the excellent Cardinal Galeotto della Rovere, The 
Venetians maintained that it had always becn customary 
for the Senate to elect the Bishops for all the important 


* Sop REUMONT in the Git. Gel. Anz, (1876), [1., 846. 

+ See Val IV. of this work, 92 sez. 

‘ See, besides Julius 11s Bull of 27th Apr. 1509, which will be cited 
ferther on, A GiustiNIAN’s Dispacci, [1., 439; III, 288; and Broscn's 
(Of course very one-sided) statements in SYHELS Zeitschr., XXXVIIL, 
908 req, as well as the Briefs of the s6th and 18th Dec, 1506, in 
‘Appendix, N. $7 and 58. Secret Archives of the Vatican. 

8% the remarkable statements in Luci pa Porto, 29, who 
observes: Di modo che il papa per queste ed altre cose ancora non ¢ in 
tutto pops sopra di esti. 


mea | 


joz HISTORY OF THE POPES. 


cities in their dominions and for Rome to confirm theit 
choice,* as if the Holy Sce was bound in all cases to ace 
cept their nominations, The negotiations on this subject 
dragged on for two whole years, until at last Julius Tf 
yielded, a sum of money being handed over to the Cardinal 
as compensation This dispute had hardly been settled 
when a new and more violent one arose over the Bishopric 
of Vicenza, rendered vacant by the death of Cardinal 
Galeotto della Rovere. Julius II. had given Vicenza, to- 
gether with all the other benefices which had been held 
by the deceased Cardinal, to Sixtus Gara della Rovere, 
while the Venetian Senate determined to appoint Jacopo 
Dandolo. In spite of the Pope's refusal to confirm his 
nomination, Dandolo took possession of the See and had 
the insolence to style himself “Bishop-elect of Vicenza 
by the grace of the Senate of Venice."{ He answered the 
Pope's citation with a defiant letter, knowing that he had 
the support of the Republic.§ 

It will be seen that the Venetians were steadily pursuing 
their aim of making the Pope, as Machiavelli puts it, 
“their chaplain," || while Julius Il. as resolutely resisted. 
He told the Venetian Ambassador that if necessary he 
would sell his mitre rather than relinquish any of the 
rights that appertained to the successor of S. Peter. 

Side by side with these incessant ecclesiastical difficulties 


* Romanty, V,, 178, 

+ SANUTO, VIL, 177, 188, 194, 327) 3353474 VEL, 126. Of BALAN, 
643 #eg., and Broscat, 161 sey, who, however, gives the mune of the 
Venetian Cardinal incorrectly, UO#ELLE, IV., 614, curiously, docs mot 
mention this dispute at all. 

T Guiccianpuss, VILL, chap. n 

§ BALAN, V., 450 

|| Maecnravents, Opere, ed. Passerini, IV., 534. Of Dispacct di A, 
Grustinian, LIL, 179, and Tostmasina, Machiavelli, 1, 298, 324 

F Sawvro, VII., 643; 6f $80, 678, 694, and UGHEEL, Vay 1066, 


DIFFICULTIES IN BOLOGNA, 303 


the political ones still remained unaltered. Julius II. did 
everything he could to bring about an amicable solution. 
Towards the end of the year 1506 he sent the celebrated 
Augustinian Aegidius of Viterbo to Venice to offer, if the 
Venetians would give up Faenza, to say no more about their 
other conquests, But this proposal was also rejected. Then, 
replied the Pope, since the Venetians refuse my request 
for one city only, they shall now be obliged by force of 
arms to give back all they have taken. He took no pains 
to hide his indignation from the Venctian Ambassador.* 
‘The Republic, however, still persisted not only in defying 
the Pope but in irritating him as well. 

Tn the insolence of their triumph after the defeat of 
Maximilian, the Signoria went out of its way to make 
troubles in Bologna, the place of all others about which 
Julius would be most sensitive, 

The position of the Legate there was a difficult one, 
as the Bentivogli, favoured by France, never ceased con- 
spiring against the Government. Ferreri kept them 
down with an iron hand, and, in addition to this, behaved 
in so greedy and extortionate a manner to the Bolognese, 
that they appealed to Rome against his exactions t Julius 
H. had enquiries made, and finding that the Legate was 
in fault, at once acted with his wonted energy. On the 
2nd of August, 1507, Ferreri, on whom larger powers 

* The mission of Acgidius of Viterbo is only briefly mentioned in 
Sanuro, VE, 528, Atorprus himself, in Hofler’s ed., 384, gives more 
details. Cf. allso the extracts from the Ferrarese Despatches in BALAN, 
V, 443 1¢g. On the obstinacy of Venice in regard to the alum 
monopoly, see Gorrton, Cam. Ap, 303. 

+ GOZZADINI, Alcuni avvenimenti, 81 seg., who, however, has 
euriously not made much use of the Briefs in the State Archives at 
Bologna. Amongst these I found a *Drief of goth April, 1507, an~ 
nouncing that 15000 gold ducats are being sent from Rome to enable 
the Legate to defend the city against the rebels and tyrants. 





304 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 


had been conferred in the previous month of May, was 
deprived of his post and recalled to Rome.* Meanwhile 
the discovery had been made that Ferreri had employed 
illegitimate means to obtain the increase of his powers 
in May, and in consequence he was imprisoned in the 
Castle of St. Angelo, and afterwards intemed in the Con- 
vent of S. Onofrio (he died in 1508).f 

The government of Bologna was then carried on by 
the Vice-Legate Lorenzo Fiesco, while the Bentivogli con- 
tinued to prosecute their intrigues. In September it was 
discovered that they had been plotting to have the Pope 
poisoned. Julius If. sent the documentary evidence of 
this conspiracy by Achilles de Grassis to Louls X11, 
begging him to withdraw his protection from this family.{ 
On the 20th of September he sent 5000 ducats to the 
Bolognese to help them to defend themselves against 
the Bentivogli§ In the beginning of 1508 one of the 
family made a fresh attempt to get possession of the city, 
Julius burst into a violeat rage when he heard the 
news. || 

* The *Brief conferring fuller powers is dated 26th May, 1507. On 
his recall, see Gozzapint, Avyvenimenti, 149, and the *Brief of the 2nd 
Aug., 1507. Both Briefs are in the State Archives, Bologna. In a 
‘*Brief to Ferrer, dated Rome, sth April, tgo7, Julius 1, gave the 
ecclesia , Blasii de Sala plebania nuncupata, which bad hitherto been 
held by Ant, Galeat. de Bentivolis, to Job, Anton. de Rubeis, Tab brewa5, 
f agab, Secret Archives of the Vatican. 

+ Panis DE Grasse, ed. Frati, 319; of Dillinger’s ed. 380, 383, 
es ad an, 1508, 9, 22; Nuntinturberichte, 1, xuiiy 
Prerer, Nuntinturen, 42. 

§ “Brief of the zoth Sept, 1507. State Archives, Bologma. 

|| Gozzaprnt, Alcuni avvenimenti, 95 seg. ; BALAN, Vi, 449. Of the 
‘*Report of Lodovico da Campo Sampiero to Fr, Gontaga, dated Rome, 
gist Jan, 1508: “La Sm del papa sentendo tid nova [that'AL Bentix 
‘voglio had endeavoured to” make himself master of Bologna) comincld 


INTRIGUES OF THE BENTIVOGLI. 305 


He failed,* but tried again in the Autumn of the same 
year, Meanwhile Cardinal Alidosi had been made Legate 
of Bologna.f Alidosi’s ruthless severity had caused great 
irritation in Bologna of which the Bentivogli sought to 
take advantage; but their main hopes were founded on 
the support of Venice, However, they were again un- 
successful} Julius II. indignantly remonstrated with the 
Venetian Government for harbouring in their territory 


@ mugiar che pareva un toro ¢ non taato Ex V. minaciva ma ancora 
el cielo, Gonzaga Archives, Mantua. 

* Alfonso of Ferrara helped to put down the attempt. Cy. the "Brief 
‘of Julius 11. to Joh. Luca de Poxo, Archbishop of Reggio, dated Rome, 
24th Jan., 1508. (State Archives, Modena,) Ina *Brief of the same date, 
Jelius thanked Cardinal d’Este also for the assistance given against the 
Bertivogli, *Lib, brev. 28, f. 634, Secret Archives of the Vatican, 

+ Gozzapint, Avvenimenti, 158-160, publishes a letter from the 
‘Counc’ of Forty to their Envoy in Rome, dat, Bononiae die X11. Mall, 
1508, in which they acknowledge the receipt of the letier announcing 
Alidos?’s nomination on the XVIIII. del presente. ‘The editor, whose 
work is altogether very one-sided and imperfect, is not in any way 
troubled by this contradiction, It is evident that XXIL. should be read 
instead of X11. 1 found the *Brief on Alidosi's nomination, which is 
‘not mentioned by Gozradini, in the State Archives at Bologna, 1 found 
‘also in the same place a *Brief of 22nd May, 1508, on the faculties 
granted to Alidosi ; another of 26th May, informing the Anziani of his 
appointment ; and *another, dat. Ostia, ist June, 1508, with additional 
faculties for the Legate. The following communication from Lod. da 
‘Campo Sampiero to Fr. Gonzaga, dated Rome, 17th March, 1508, is 
‘interesting : Credo Pavia vero legato a Bologna per aver mendicato 
quela legacione et al presente recede ¢ non ta voria perche el conose 
apetamente la roina sua andandoli. Gonzaga Archives, Mantua. 

‘> BALAN, V., 450; Gorzapint, foc. cit, 114 seg. Fr. Goneaga sided 
alsoat that time with the Bentivogli, Cf the complaining Brief of the 
‘Popeto him, “dat Rome” (preceded by a fragment of 27th Sept, 1508, 

belonging to this time), in Lib, brev. 28, £468. (Secret 
‘Archives of the Vatican.) In a *Bricf, dat. Rome, toth Oct, 1508, 
Julls 1. desired the Legate to employ the confiscated property of the 
‘Bentivogli in building the citadel at Bologna. State Archives, Bologna, 
‘VOL. VL x 


A 


306 WISTORY OF THE POPES. 


the rebels whom Louis XII. had expelled from Milan, 
and “looking on with folded arms while these men 
endeavoured to undermine the Papal authority in Bologna 
and made war upon the Church.” The Venetians’ answer 
sounded like a gibe. They said that, far from harbour 
ing the refugees, they had done their best to get rid of 
them; but they hid.themselves in the convents, and the 
Republic, of course, was powerless against the Church's 
right of asylum. To do away with this pretext the Pope 
on the 22nd August despatched a Brief to the Patriarch 
of Venice, desiring him to issue strict orders to all the 
convents in Venetian territory to refuse shelter to all 
bandits and rebels; all such evil-doers must be driven 
from the gates.* 

In spite of all that had happened, even now, at the 
last hour, an accommodation between Rome and Venice 
might still have been possible if the Republic had not 
obstinately persisted in all her most unreasonable de- 
mands, In the Autumn of 1508, when the alienation of 
France had already definitely begun, and the anti-Venetian 
League was under consideration, the Pope still held aloof. 
The selfish aims of France and the ever increasing con- 


* Brose, Julius I1,, 163-164, even here blames the Pope, and says 
that “for Julius 11, the end of driving the Bentivogli out of Venetia 
sanctified the means, which was a curtailment of the Church's right of 
asylum.” Here he poses as the defender of this right, which elsewhere 
‘he condemns in the strongest terms, ‘The Brief of 2and Aug. is now 
printed in SANUTO, VI, 624. Julius IL. heard of the attempts of the 
Bentivogli on rth Aug., and on the 2oth complained to the Ferrarese 
Envoy of the conduct of the Republic, *La S* Sua dopoi mi tenne 
Jongamente et cum me multo se extese circa le cose da(sic) li Bentivogli 
communicandomi el tutto li accade de presente piglinta occasione da 
4B Bentivogli et altri suol rebelll a 1i quali per Venetian! se da recepto. 
Both Costabili’s *Letters of the 11th and the aoth of Aug £508, are in 
the State Archives, Modena. 


INSOLENCE OF THE VENETIANS. 307 


eessions that she demanded were no doubt the cause of 
this." < 

Tt was far from desirable in the eyes of Julius II, that 
the power of the King of France should increase, or that 
the Emperor should obtain a footing in Italy. He would 
have gladly come to terms with Venice if she would have 
withdrawn her unjust pretensions in both temporal and 
spiritual affairs Bembo says that the Pope privately 
sent Costantino Areniti to Badoer, the Venetian Am- 
bassador in Rome, to tell him of the formation of the 
League of Cambrai, and to propose an arrangement if 
Venice would restore Faenza and Rimini to the Church, 
Badoer at once wrote to inform the Council of Ten, but 
received no answer,t The whole influence of the numerous 
class of needy nobles whose interests were involved in keep- 
ing the conquests in the Romagna was against their resti- 
tution, and this prevalled.} The Venetians trusted that a 
League composed of such heterogeneous elements would 
not last long. 

‘This view was conceivable ; but the infatuation of Venice 
in still continuing at this critical juncture to flout and 
irritate the Pope in every possible manner in spiritual as 
well as in temporal matters, is truly incomprehensible. 
“Those even who are friendly to Venice blame her 
insolent and domineering behaviour towards the Holy 
See, not only in regard to the cities of the Romagna. to 
which she has not the smallest right, but also in matters 
concerning benefices and ecclesiastical jurisdiction.” § 


* Cf the interesting *Report of Costabili of the stn Oct., 1508. State 
Archives, Modena, an extract in BALAN, V. 451. 

+ Bemavs, Hist. Venet., 298. 

_ £ Gf SiGsMonno pr Con, 11,, 386, and PaiuLtin Cicogna, 1, 165. 

(§ Reveont, HL, 2, 27, referring to the extmet from Luic) DA 
PORTO, 29, cited supra, p. Jor, note §- 


308 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 


The manner in which the testy Venetian Envoy Pisani 
answered Julius 11's complaints on these subjects is some- 
thing quite unique in the whole history of diplomacy, 
When the Pope protested to Pisani against the encroach- 
ments of the Republic on his ecclesiastical rights, and 
added that the Signoria would some day have cause to 
repent of their conduct, the Envoy replied : Your Holiness 
must grow a little stronger before he can expect much 
from the Republic, Naturally incensed, Julius answered, 
“TL will never rest until you are brought down to be the 
poor fishermen that you once were!” “And we,” said 
Pisani, “will make a priestling of the Holy Father unless 
he behaves himself.” * 

Such was the manner in which the Venetian Envoy 
thought fit to behave towards the Pontiff in whose power 
it lay to have stifled the League of Cambrai at its birth - 
Even yet the Pope did not permit himself to be goaded 
into any hasty action. He still hoped to succeed in 
“alarming the Venetians enough to induce them to comply 
with his demands,” and then to break up the dangerous 
League+ Pisani fully realised the Pope's apprehension in 
regard to Louis XI. and Maximilian, and saw clearly that 
greater forbearance on his part might have prevented 
Julius from joining the League. Yet he continued to 
behave as before. 

When in February, 1509, the question of the Bishopric 
of Vicenza had reached the point at which a definite 


* Lutat DA PoRTO, 29-30. Cf BALAN, V., 452, who in the sume 
place refers to *Costsbili’s Report, roth Nov., 1508 (State Archives, 
Modena), which | also have seen, and in which Costabili says of Pissni: 
Oynuno chel conosce fi da voce de homo molto eolerico et pensase chel 
sin stito mandato tale perche lo babii a giostrare col papa. Also 
BEMUUS, 299, describes Pisani as morosi admodum ingenii, 

+t Guncoxovius, VIL, 55-56, e4 3; of Lanz, Einleitung, 103 


THE POPE JOINS THE LEAGUE, 309 


answer could no longer be deferred, that which the Pope 
received sounded like a sarcasm.* “The contemptuous 
insolence of the language employed by the Venetians 
requires to be known in order fully to understand the 
injustice of those who reproach Julius IJ. with his partici- 
pation in the League of Cambrai. It was not until every 
means of persuasion had been tried, and the last hope of 
an amicable settlement had vanished, that he made up his 
mind to join i." 

The change in the Pope's mind was probably finally 
caused by the fear lest France should unite with Venice to 
overpower him. His decision was taken soon after a 
conversation which he had with Pisani in the middle of 
March at Civita Vecchia. It was a lovely spring day; 
all nature scemed to breathe nothing but peace and 
harmony, and the clear blue sea was like a sheet of glass. 
‘The Pope, who was very fond of sailing, was on the water, 
accompanied by Pisani, and turning to the Envoy, How 
would it be," he said, “if you were to advise the Signoria 
to propose to me to grant Faenza and Rimini asa fief to 
one of your citizens? That would set everything right.” 
Pisani answered coldly, "Our State is not in the habit of 
making kings of any of her citizens.” The Pope's proposal 
was never mentioned cither to Pisani's gentler colleague, 
Badoer, or to the Senate.§ Immediately after his return 
from Civita Vecchia, Julius joined the League. 

* Cf Sanur, VIL, 719, 724, 738, 760, 763, 780; VILL, 10 

+ RoWRAACHER-KNOPFLER, 290. Cf RANE, Rom. und Germ, 
Voter, 236, and Exscu-Grunen, 2, Section XXVIII, 335- 

Lanz, Einleitung, 103. 

Bemus, Hist. Venet., 299-300, Cé RaNKE, Joc. cit Brosch 
makes no mention of either of the two conversations between Julius It. 
andl Pisani, If the Pope had been animated by that implacable hatred 
‘against Venice which this writer ascribes to him, ke would certainly not 
have made this overture, nor would he afterwards have exerted himself 








— 


310 HISTORY OF THE POPES, 


On the 22nd of March a Consistory was held, to which 
the Venetian Cardinals Grimani and Cornaro were not 
summoned." On the following day Julius II. signed the 
Bull announcing his adhesion to the League, but with the 
condition that he was to do nothing against Venice until 
after hostilities had been commenced by France.+ Mean- 
while the Venetians had begun to see that they had been 
premature in their hopes that the League would dissolve 
itself, On the 4th of April they determined to give up 
Faenza and Rimini, but this offer, which was made to the 
Pope on the 7th, came too late; to have accepted it now 


‘so camestly to preserve the Republic from utter ruin. After the 
manner of the Humnists, Bembo puts no date to his narrative, but t 
think Lcan supply this from the Venetian Reports in Sanuto. Pisani 
wrote on the 13th from Civita Vecchia; 11 Papa va a placer per mar, 
pescando ... . Item che hessendo in batello con cardinali’ et oratori, 
trai qual il nostro, S.S@ lexe imo capitulo di letere auti di Portogallo; 
and again on the 16th: The Pope va a peschar ¢ piacer. SaNUTO, 
VIL, 23-24 26, From these Reports we also gather that Pisani never 
forwarded the Pope’s proposal to Venice at all, It must therefore 
remain doubtful whether the narrative dated rgth March in SaNvTo, 
VIL, 39, corresponds with facts. Pisani was working for a rupture 
Detween Rome and Venice, and therefore may very well have put 
the assurance that he would not sign anything against the Repablic 
inte Julius’s mouth, in order to embitter the feeling there against him, 
when it was found that he had signed the League. 

* SanvTo, VIIL, 37. Many of the Cardinals were in favour of peace 
(gf *Consistorialia Raph, Riarii card, S. Georgi in Cod. J., HL, 89, 6 
18%, of the Chigi Library, Rome); but peace was only possible by sub- 
mitting to the humiliation of the Church and sacrificing her most 
important interests. 

+ This Bull, dat. X. Cal, April (aged Mar,), 1508 (st. }, is given by 
Dumont, 1V,, 1, 116; Creighton is wrong in dating it 25th March. €/ 
also *Poszi’s Report, 2gth Mar, 1509 (State Archives, Modena), which 
fives 23rd Mar. as the date on which the Pope joined the League. 
GRecorovivs, VIII, 56, ed. 3, must have read the Bull vory carelessly. 
to have said, as he does, that Venice is not mentioned at all in it. 


BULL OF EXCOMMUNICATION AGAINST VENICE. 31f 


would have involved him in a war with the allies.* The 
adherents of the Republic in Rome now allied themselves 
with the Colonna and Orsini, and tried to induce them to 
rise against the Pope by offers of money to both, and 
by promising Urbino to the Colonna, When Julius heard 
this, he threatened to excommunicate the Orsini, and sent 
word to Pisani, who had been stirring them up to revolt 
against the Church under his very cyes, that he would 
thrust him into the deepest dungeon in Rome. The 
situation appeared so menacing that the Palace guard was 
doubled. Meanwhile Felice Orsini succeeded in breaking 
off the bargain between Venice and the family.+ 

On the 27th of April the greater excommunication was 
pronounced against Venice unless within twenty-four days 
all the possessions of the Church in the Romagna, and the 
revenues derived from them, were restored to her, This 
document was drawn up in the clearest and strongest terms, 
describing the outrageous proceedings of the Republic in 
both temporal and spiritual affairs, and 600 copies were at 
once printed and circulated} The Venetians forbade the 

* Sicismoxpo be’ Conti, IL, 386, © Sanuto, VIII, 80. See 
also RoMANIN, V., 198, and BRoscH, Julius 11., 169, 341) who, however, 
represents the whole matter in a false light, ignoring Pisani’s obstinacy 
asd the studied insolence of his words and conduct, as well as the 
position of the Pope and the real motives of the Republic, which are 
clearly set forth by Sigismondo de’ Conti. 

+ SamuTo, VEIL, 41, 72, 89, 96 S07 118, 133, 1345 135) 139 140, 
471, 183. Of. the authorities cited by Sismonp1, XIIL, 478, and in 
Appendix, N. 82, the *Report of Lodavico de Fabriano, 24th April, 1509. 
(Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.) The personal courage displayed by the 
Pope during those trying days appears from the *Brief to Bologna of 
(OSE itd ei ee 


} Portions of this Bull (monitorium) are given in RavNaLpus, ad 
‘aA. 1509, n. 6-9, and the complete document is in SaNuTO, VIIL, 
187-204. A contemporaneous (Latin) printed copyis cited by Sonanzo, 


giz MISTORY OF THE POPES. 


publication of the Bull in their dominions under stringent 
penalties, They had already prepared an appeal to a 
future Council. This was now posted during the night on 
S. Peter's and the Castle of St. Angelo; the Pope had it torn 
down at once.* The appeal was sent in the beginning of 
May to the ambitious Cardinal Archbishop of Gran and 
Patriarch of Constantinople, Thomas Bakoes, as one of 
those Princes of the Church who was entitled under the 
old, though now obsolete, constitutions to join in the sum- 
moning of a General Council. The Hungarian Primate 
was, however, too prudent to respond to this invitation 

Meanwhile the war had been begun by the members of 
the League, which was now joined by Ferrara and Mantua} 
The Venetians had, at an enormous cost, got together an 
army of 50,000 men, a large foree for those times; their 
war-cry was “ Italy and Liberty."§ The Republic bent her 
Biblioge., 79. The fnct that an Italian translation of the Bull was pristed 
at that time in Rome has escaped the notice of this learned bibliographer. 
Examples of it are very scarce, but I saw one in the collection of the 
Florentine antiquary, Graztini (cf, his Catalogue for 1890, No. IX.) and 
‘a second in the State Archives, Modena. Cy. in Appendix, N. 83, the 
Report of L. de Fabriano of the 24th April, 509. (Gonaga Archives, 
Mantua.) SaNuTo, VIII, 169, 204-205, also the *Report of the 
Ferrarese Envoy, of the 27th April, 1509. State Archives, Modena. 

* Sanvro, VIII, 161, 

+ Frakné1, Ungarn und die Liga von Cambrai, 8. 

T Duke Alfonso of Ferrara was appointed Gonfalonerine sive Vexithie 
ferus S. R. E. on the 2oth April, 1509 ; see *Acta Consist, (Consisiorial 
Archives of tho Vatican.) According to the *Brief printed in Appendix, 
NN. 81, the appointment took place on the 19th April. Stare Archives, 
Modena. 


§ ROMANIN, V., 205-206, shews that the proposal of insenbing 
“ Defensio Italiae” on the banners and adopting the war-ery mentioned 
in the text was rejected. But we find from Sanuto that the war-cry was 
actually used by the soldiers, Cf SkNARRGA, 596, The inscription on 
the banners {s incorrectly stated as a fact by Sio1smoNDO DE! Contr, 
14 386, who here, as elsewhere, is unable to conceal his strong national 


DEFEAT OF THE VENETIANS. 313 


self bravely to the task of resisting the enemy, overmatched 
as she was; but the traditional pride of her citizens high 
and low sustained her. The ban of the Church, it was 
maintained, had lost much of its power ; it was no longer so 
dangerous as it used to be. Ferdinand of Spain had been 
forced to join the League against his will; the Emperor 
had no money; the Pope's mercenaries were of no account; 
the League was too numerous, the interests of its various 
members were too divergent for it to hold together for 
long; the Republic would ride safely through the storm this 
time, as she had ever done. 

But one day sufficed to annihilate all the proud hopes 
of the Venetians, and nearly all their power upon the 
mainland. The decisive battle was fought on the 14th 
of May on the plain of Agnadello near Vailate in the 
province of Cremona; it ended in the complete rout of 
their army, The undisciplined mercenaries of the Republic 
were scattered like chaff. While the French pursued the 
fugitives, the Papal troops, under the Duke of Urbino, 
owerran the Romagna. All the country up to Verona, 
including that strongly fortified city itself, was subdued; 
town after town fell into the hands of the conquerors.* 

The Venetians now no longer scorned the Pope's ex- 
communication. A contemporary writer compares the 
battle of Agnadello with the defeat of the Romans at 
Cannact The position of Venice was rendered still more 
feeling and his predilection for Venice. Cf Gorrion in the Hist, 
Jahr, VIL., 322 #7., though this writer has overlooked the interesting 
remarks of the Venetian Envoy on Sigismondo in BROSCH, 289. 

* See Sicisonno Dr! Con, 11., 388-390, who draws his narrative 
from a Report of Sermonino da Vimereate ; Pandolfini’s Letters in 
ane, Il, 327 seg. Oi Sawvro, VIIL, 249 seg.; Lact DA 

4¢g.; ANSHELM, IIL, 200; SISMONDI, XIII, 491 seg. 
+ SENARRGA, 597. Cf also Luici Da Porro, G2 seg., and Vol. V. of 
this wari, p. go. 


314 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 


critical by the blow which the recent development of 
maritime enterprise had inflicted upon her commerce.* If 
in this particular the disadvantages with which they had 
to contend were not of thelrown making, so much cannot 
be said of the causes which mainly contributed to bring 
about their discomfiture on the mainland. Machiavelli's 
penetrating glance discerned, and has described, these with 
admirable insight and clearness.t He takes as the text for 
his criticism the saying of Livy, that the Romans were 
never depressed by misfortune or elevated by success, “The 
exact reverse of this,” he writes, “was the case with the 
Venctians. They imagined that they owed their prosperity 
to qualities which, in fact, they did not possess, and were 
80 puffed up that they treated the King of France as a son, 
underrated the power of the Church, thought the whole of 
Italy too small a field for their ambition, and aimed at 
creating a world-wide empire like that of Rome. Then 
when fortune turned her back upon them, and they were 
beaten by the French at Vailate, they not only lost the 
greater part of their territory by the defection of their 
people, but, of their own accord, out of sheer cowardice and 
faint-heartedness, they gave back most of their conquests 
to the Pope and the King of Spain. In their discourage- 
ment they even went so far as, through their Envoy, to offer 
to become tributaries of the Emperor, and to try to move 
the Pope to compassion by writing to him in a tone of 
craven submissiveness, This reverse befell them when the 
war had only lasted four days, and the battle itself was only 
half-lost ; for only half their troops were engaged and one 
of their Proveditori exaped, Thus, if there had been a 
spark of energy or enterprise in Venice, they might have 
marched on Verona with 25,000 men to try their fortune 


* Rawke, Rom. und Germ, Volker, 244 
+ BRoscH, Julius I1., 172 seg. 


THEY SURRENDER THE ROMAGNA. ais 


again, and await any favourable turn that might give them 
a chance of victory, or at any rate of a less ignoble defeat, 
and of obtaining honourable terms; but by their unwarlike 
spirit, the natural result of the absence of all military 
organisation, they lost both heart and land at a single 
throw. The like fate will befall all such as behave them- 
selves as they have done, for this arrogance in prosperity, 
and cowardice in adversity, are the effect of the spirit in 
which a man lives and the education he has received. If 
these are vain and frivolous he will be the same; if the 
reverse, the man will be of a different stamp, and will know 
enough of the world not to be over-elated when good 
befalls him, or too much cast down when he mects with 
reverses. And what holds good in regard to individuals 
also holds good in regard to those many individuals who. 
live together in the same Republic; they will attain to that 
measure of perfection which the life of the State, as a whole, 
has attained. It has often been said before, that the chief 
support of all States consists in a strong army, and that no. 
system of laws and no constitution can be called good which 
does not provide for this, but I do not think it superfluous to 
tepeat it; for all history proves its truth, and shews also 
that no army can be strong that is not well disciplined, and 
that it is impossible to secure good discipline unless the 
State is defended by her own subjects.” The Venetian 
aristocracy had purposely abstained from giving military 
training to the people; they expected to conquer Italy 
with*hired troops. 

‘The first thing which the Venetian Government did 
when the news of their defeat at Agnadello arrived, was to 
evacuate all the places which they had occupied in the 
Romagna. Ravenna, Cervia, Rimini, Faenza, and several 
smaller places were at once handed over to the Legate of 
the Romagna and the Marches to Cardinal Francesco 


(am 


, 


p16 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 


Alidosi.* The cities on the Apulian coast were also 
restored to the Spaniards They were anxious beyond 
everything else to win the Pope, and now wrote in the 
humblest and most submissive terms, On the sth of June 
the Doge wrote an appealing Jetter to Julius 11, “The 
hand that struck,” he said, “could heal if it would."} At 
the same time, six Envoys were sent to Rome to sue for 
peace. Being excommunicated, they could only enter the 
city at night§ After all that had happened, they were 
not likely to find men’s minds in Rome very fayourably 
disposed towards them. “If the rebellious children who, 
a few weeks before, had been insultingly defying the Pope 
to his face, and now came to proffer obedience only under 
the stress of extreme need, asked to be received at once 
with open arms, the request could only be deemed diplo- 
matically permissible because the person to whom {t was 
addressed was the Holy Father.”|| 

On the 8th of July one of the Envoys, Girolamo Donato, 
whom the Pope had known in former days, was personally 
absolved from excommunication and granted an audience, 

* Broscr, Julius 1, 175. In order to conciliate the citizens of 
Ravenna, Julius 11. not only confirmed their ancient municipal constitu- 
tion, but also exempted them from all tribute for the next tem years. 
FAantuzzi, V.. 433 sey. 

+ SicrsMonbo px Cont, EL, 394. “El Principe de Melfi." on the 
17th June, 1509, wrote from Barletta to congratulate the King of Spain 
‘on the recuperacione de Trane con speransa fra poco tempo posseme 
gritalare non solo de {a recuperncione de dicta cith, ma ancora de tutth 
Vi altsi lochi tenea la Se de Venetia in questa marinade Puglya 1 found 
as oaks F. Espag., 318, £ 114, of the National Librazy, 


2 SanvTo, VIIL, 370-372, and SeNaRncs, s97-598 There is a 
tmnslation with a wrong date (2nd June) in BeRNatpnz, TL, 
338-40. 


§ Storsmonno De’ Conmi, IL, quo. 
|| Rownnaciun-Kyderiex, 291. 


THE POPE'S CONDITIONS OF PEACE. a7 


Julius, deeply incensed at the appeal of the Venetians 
to a General Council which had just been published," pro- 
posed crushing conditions. The Republic must make com- 
plete restitution of all her spoils, she must give up Tre- 
viso and Udine to the Emperor. “She must renounce 
her possessions on the mainland, and all pretensions to 
interfere in matters connected with benefices, or to im- 
pose taxes on the clergy. She must equally renounce her 
claim to exclusive rights of navigation in the Adriatic, 
which from Ravenna to Fiume she had hitherto regarded 
asa Venetian lake. When she had agreed to these things 
he would begin to speak of absolution”+ The Senate 
was furious when these demands were communicated to it. 
The Doge exclaimed that “he would rather send fifty 
Envoys to Constantinople to beg for help from thence, 
than comply with them.” In fact the Sultan was asked 
whether the Republic might count upon his assistance. 
Just at this time events on the scene of the war began to 
take a more favourable turn for the Venetians. Padua was 
recovered on the 17th of July, and a month later news 
came to Rome that they had captured the Marquess of 
Mantua, The Pope was deeply moved with vexation, and 
gave passionate vent to his feelings.§ When, later in the 
Autumn, they had also been successful in repelling 
Maximilian's attack on Padua, their old arrogance began 
to revive. It was decided to break off the negotiations 
with Julius. “All the Venetian Envoys, with the ex- 


* On the rst Julyhe had proclaimed anew the censures formulated by 
Pius IL. against such appeals, and laid an |nterdict on Venice. Bull, V., 
479-48h 

+ SANUTO, VIIL, 511; BROSCH, Julius 11, 177. 

t Brawus, Hist. Venet, 348 sez; Broscn, Julius 11, 177, 3433 
Horr, 168, 

§ Buosen, Julius 11., 343. 





318 HISTORY OF THE POPES, 


ception of Donato, who was still to remain at the Court, 
were recalled. When the Pope heard of this (Cardinal 
Grimani applied on the 5th November for permission for 
departure of the five to leave Rome), he exclaimed: All 
the six may go home; if the Republic wants to be 
released from the ban, she must send twelve”* Such 

_and similar things were said in moments of excitement; 
in calmer seasons, Julius must have said to himself that it 
would be necessary to come to terms with the Republic; 
Louis X11. and Maximilian could not be allowed to carry 
the war to a point that would involve her destruction. If 
Venice were annihilated, not only the freedom of Italy, but 
also the independence of the Holy See would fall with 
her+ The enormous preponderance which the course of 
recent events had conferred on the King of France shewed 
that it was absolutely necessary that the Republic should 
be rehabilitated. Louis XII. was absolute master of 
Northern Italy, Ferrara and Florence were his allies, he 
was sure of the Emperor, and the King of Spain having 
got what he wanted from the League, would be satisfied 
now to stand aside and let things take their course} 

Just about that time, in the month of October, the King 
of France had made the Pope painfully sensible of his 
power by obliging him by force to give way in a dispute 
about a Bishopric§ In addition to these considerations, 
Julius was at heart an Italian patriot, and keenly felt, from 
this point of view, the disgrace of foreign domination, 
Hence he was bent on a reconciliation with Venice, and all 


+ Broscu, Julius 11, 181. 

+ See DESJARDINS, II. 385; Bemuus, 343 seg. Cf CiroLta, 817; 
Heroennérucr, VIL, 423; and RowksacteR-KNOPPLER, 292. 

} Brosew, Julius 11., 185. 

§ Mid, 184-185, Cf Desjarnins, 11, 415 seg.; Lesnar, 7, where 
the agreement of Diagrassa is correctly characterised. 


PEACE CONCLUDED WITH VENICE. 319 


the efforts of the new French Ambassador, Alberto Pio, 
Count of Carpi, and of the French Cardinals to hold him 
back were unavailing.* After a long struggle with diffi- 
culties of the most various kinds, the peace negotiations 
were at last brought to a successful issue on the sth Feb- 
muary, 1510. Venice withdrew her appeal to a Council, 
admitted the right of the Pope to pronounce ecclesiastical 
censures, the immunity of the clergy from taxation, and 
the jurisdiction of the ecclesiastical courts, recognised the 
liberty of the Church in regard to appointments to 
benefices, renounced all pretensions to interfere in the 
affairs of Ferrara, and granted free navigation in the 
Adriatic to all the Pope's subjects and to the Ferrarese; 
she also repudiated all treaties concluded with towns 
belonging to the Pope, and promised not to afford pro- 
tection to rebels against the Church, and to restore all 
goods that had been wrested from religious associations.+ 
The solemn absolution of the representatives of Venice, 
shorn of most of the customary humiliating adjuncts, took 
place in the Court of S, Peter's on the 24th February. 
The Pope himself held the Gospel, the Envoys laid their 
hands on it and swore to observe all the conditions of the 
treaty. In Rome demonstrations of joy were universal } 
and in Venice also public thanksgivings were celebrated ; 
‘but on the 15th February the Council of Ten had secretly 


* Cf Avvent, 2 Serie, 111., 34. Carpi had been French Ambassador 
iim Rome since Jan, 1510. See MaULpe, IIL, 437. 

+ RAvNALDUS, ad an. 1510,n. 1-6; HERGENROTHER, VIIL, 422 sey.; 
BROGCH, Julius 11., 186-191, The" Don Sigivmondo” here mentioned 
as concemed in the negotiations is Sigismondo de’ Conti. Cf his Report, 
IL, 400 seg, 

t Paris de Grassis in RAYNALDUS, ad an. 1510, n. 7-11} 47 also the 
Despatch of the Venetian Ambassador in BRoscH, 288-289, and 
SANUTO, X, 9-13. Rawxe, Rom. und Germ, Volker, 249, even in his 
‘ast edition, misdates the absolution, and places it on Feb, 20. 





CHAPTER V. 


Wars or Jurys Il. to sucurn Tum IxperunDENCE OF THE 
Howy SEE AND TO DELIVER IraLy FROM THE FRENCH.— 
ALUANCE With THE Swiss, AND War wrrit Ferrana.—Sckism 

_ THE Cottece or Canpinats.—SickNess or THE POPE AND 

" -PeRitovs SITUATION IN BoLocna.—His WinTER CAMPAIGN 
AGAINST MIRANDOLA—Loss or BOLOGNA. — ATTEMITS OF 
Louts XI. awp Maxima 1. To create A Scuism.—Psevubo- 
Councit ar Pisa anv Gewekat Councit ix Rome. 


‘Tue Peace concluded by Julius 11. with Venice, consequent 
‘on the danger to the independence of the Holy See and 
the freedom of [taly caused by the increasing preponderance 
of France in the Peninsula, brought the Pope at once into 
collision with Louis XII. and Maximilian I., who both 
desired the complete ruin of the Republic. The estrange- 
ment between him and these two powers was further 
intensified by his determination to resist all their efforts 
to increase their possessions in Italy. He now addressed 
himself with characteristic energy to the second great task 
of his Pontificate; that of shaking off the yoke of France 
which pressed so heavily on the Holy Sce and on his 
native land, and driving the foreigner," the barbarians,” out 
of Italy, “His great soul was filled with plans for the 
welfare of his country.” * 

‘The difficulties and dangers of the undertaking were 

* Sec Rawxe, Rom. und Germ, Volker, 249. In regard to Venice, 
Julius himself said to Trevisan: Si quella terra non fusse, bisogneria 
fare un! altra. SANUTO, X, 82, 

VOL. VI. ¥ 


ee 


fe) 


322 HISTORY OF THE POPES, 


plain enough. Julius had understood from the first that 
it would be no easy task to lay the spirits which he had 
invoked in his time of need. His thoughts were perpetu- 
ally occupied in devising ways and means for freeing Italy 
from the French; * he knew well enough both the strength 
of France and her love of glory. He saw her influence 
paramount in Florence and Ferrara, Milan subjugated, 
a new fortress erected in the midst of his own Genoa to 
hold her down, Venice humbled to the dust at a single 
stroke. © Had he not cause enough to tremble for the See 
of Rome, which certainly could not be saved if Italy were 
subdued ?”+ 

From the first moment that Julius [1. recognised the 
necessity of breaking the power of France in Italy, he gave 
his whole mind to the task with the inflexible wall and 
indomitable courage that characterised him and all his 
actions ; it was notin his nature to hesitate or delay. Thus 
in the eyes of Italian patriots he is the hero of his century} 

From the outset Julius had one great advantage over this 
opponent in the swiftness with which he saw and resolved 
upon the measures to be adopted. On one day Louis XI, 

* Julius 11, said to the Venetian Envoy, Donate, on the 14th May, 
1510: Questi frances! mi & tolto la fame € non dormoe questa note mi 
Jevai a pasizar per camera che son poteva dormir, ilicor mi dice bene, 
ho speranm di bene, son stato in gran affanni peril pastate, concludendo 
& volonta di Dio di castigarel ducha di Ferram e liberar Italia de’ man de 
Francesi: SANUTO, X., 369. FUMAGALLI, Chi!’ ha detto (Milano, 1894), 
‘has not succeeded in proving that Julius 11. ever actually uttered the well- 
‘known and often quoted exclamation, “Away with the barbarians” “But 
there can be no doubt that he sald something of the kind, Many passages 
in Sanuto corroborate this, and Guicciardini says that he used to sy 
again and again bow he wished that [tly rimanesse liberx die Darbar, 
Cf Jovius (Vita Leonis X., lib. IIL, p. 59), who is another contenypo- 
Fancous writer. 

+ Joviws, Vitar, tf, 31; Havemann, U1, 323. 

t Cf. Brcecit, Julius IL, 202-205 


DEATH OF CARDINAL D'AMBOISE. 323 


would break out into violent diatribes against the Pope, who, 
in the words of the French Cardinal, had plunged a dagger 
into his heart by making peace with Venice,* and on the 
next he would again talk of a reconciliation with Rome. 
On the 25th May, 1510, Cardinal d'Amboise, Louis’ ablest 
councillor and the most dangerous enemy of Julius, whom 
‘he was burning to supersede, died+ The effect of his death 
was greatly to increase the vacillations of the French King t 

For Julius this event was a fresh incentive to pursue with 
redoubled energy the noble aim “which it is his greatest 
glory to have succeeded in achieving even partially.Ӥ The 
‘first necessity was to find coadjutors interested like himself 
In checking the predominance of France in Italy.) The 
Pope sent out feclers in all directions and entered into 
relations with Maximilian, with Henry VIII. of England, 
with the King of Spain, and with the Swiss, He met with 
smany bitter disappointments. The negotiations with Ger- 
many and England failed completely. He had counted 
‘on securing the open support of the King of Spain by be- 
stowing on him in the beginning of July, 1510, the investi- 

' See Reladone di D. Trevisano (1510) in ALBERT, 2 Serie, HIE, 34. 

‘tM papa vuol essere I! signore maestro de! ginoco del mondo, writes: 
‘Trevisano, in the Relation referred to in the preceding note, teme di 
‘Francia per Roano, il quale certo sara papa, peri voti che poiayr, se non 
faaltri cardinali italiani, On d’'Amboise’s plans for securing the Tiara, 
‘ke supra, pp. 263, 294. On d'Amboise (whose splendid tomb is in the 
‘Cathedral at Roven), see the monographs by SrRMOND (Paris, 1631), 
‘Bavoier (Paris, 1634), Lucenpne (Paris, 1723, Rouen, 1724, 2 vols), 
Sacy (London, 1776), and Govon D’/ARSAC (Montaub,, 1784), though 
these even all together do not by any means exhaust the results of 
‘modem research in regard to him. A new biography of this remarkable 
man is much to be desired. 

‘ Desyaxnens, 11, 513, Cardinal Chaland became Legate of Avigy 
non =pon the death of d’Amboise. See FaNTONI, $52. 

§ Bnosen, Julius 11, 202, 

W) tad, 185 





324 HISTORY OF THE POPES, 


ture of Naples without any regard to the claims of the 
Valois,* but here, too, he was unsuccessful at first, On the 
other hand, he was successful in obtaining the help of the 
Swiss. Here Louis XII.’s want of tact in his conduct to- 
wards the Swiss Federation came to his assistance, and 
also the exertions of the Swiss Bishop of Sitten, Matthmeus 
Schinner, who had always been a determined opponent of 
the French policy. This remarkable prelate had great 
influence over his fellow countrymen on account of his 
blameless life and his strictness fn all ecclesiastical matters. 
He was a man of immense energy, one of the greatest his 
country has ever produced. “His eloquence stirred all 
hearts in a wonderful way.’ His love for the Church and 
her visible head was the mainspring of his life, which was 
in great part devoted to persevering efforts to enlist the 
whole martial spirit and power of his nation in her defence. 
He always disliked the French; in the year igor he 
preached with such vigour and effect against France that 
those who belonged to that party tried to have him silenced: 
He was penetrated with the old medieval idea of the two 
swords: the spiritual sword wielded by the Pope, Christ's 
* RAYNALDUS, ad An, 1510, 9. 24 sey. Cf Broscm, Julius IL, 196- 
201. CREIGHTON, IV,, 113, erroneously makes the date of the investiture 
ith June, and SismonDt, XIV., 75, July 7th, ‘The Bull whick com 
tains the clause precluding the King of Naples from the imperial crows, 
and from ever combining the lordship of Tuscany and peed 
that af Naples, is dated 3ed July. It was not, however, communicated 
to tho Cardinals till the Consistory of sth July (see Acta Consist, Gan- 
sistorial Archives of the Vatican), and this is corroborated by SANUE, 
X, 727, 745-745 Later, Ferdinand also obtained the remission of the 
fief dues in return for the ancual gift of a white palfrey, and an engage 
ment to supply 300 soldiers for the defence of the States of the Church 
ifthey should be attacked, PRESCOTT, IL, 501, note 16. On the Sh 
April, 1510, the Golden Rose was scat to Henry VILL, in hopes of gaining 
‘his support. See WiLkuNs, IIL, 652. 
+ Dreraves, If, 401. 












lll 


LEAGUE OF JULIUS 11. AND THE SWISS 325 


Vicar on earth, and the temporal by the Head of the Holy 
Roman Empire, the protector of the Church. Thus he con- 
sidered that it was the first duty of Switzerland, and would 
be the path of glory for her, to stand by the Emperor in 
defending the Roman Church against France, whose pre~ 
dominance in Italy was a permanent danger to the freedom 
and independence of the Holy See.* 

Julius If. quickly recognised the valuable qualities of 
the Swiss prelate, and on the 1oth September, 1308, made 
him a Cardinal, though his proclamation was deferred for 

+ The Swiss had withdrawn from the League 
with France in the Summer of 1509, and now Julius turned 
to Schinner for assistance. In the close of that year the 
Bishop, not without personal risk, hastened to Rome to 
arrange the details of an agreement between the Pope 
and the Swiss Federation.{ In February, 1510, as Papal 
Legate, he laid the proposals of Julius II. before his 
countrymen at Schwyz, and then at Lucerne on the 
same day. His enthralling eloquence overcame all 
objections. On the 14th of March, 1510, the district of 
Wallis and all the twelve Cantons ratified a treaty for 
five ytars with the Pope. "The Federation undertook 
Reeatio of the Church and of the Holy See. They 


‘Mailindische Feldziige, 11, 18, 19 (cf JOLLEK, 52). 
sr to the Castellan of Sitten, dat, 28h April, 1506, 3 very 
, as shewing how he regarded the Holy Roman Empire, “ out 
he says init, “all our liberties, both in Church and State, have 
Archives, Sitter.) The Emperor Maximilian met 
or at the Diet of Constance, and there became personally 
ed with him. See Dizvotp Scuminc, Chronik, 173+ 
TALDUS, ad an, 1508, n. 25. 
Jan, 1510, Julius wrote to Uri to announce Schinner’s 
fo Lawz, Grundriss, 1, 759), and another letter on the 
y to the Abbot of Dissentis. See Mou, Rogestes von 


| Boe ets 








326 HISTORY OF THE POPES, 


promised, whenever the Pope should require their help, 
to furnish 6000 men to mect the foe, provided they were 
not themselves engaged in war. Further, for the term of 
their agreement they engaged not to ally themselves with 
any third power without the Pope's permission, nor to. 
supply any other power with troops. The Pope on his 
part bound himself to consult the interests of the Federa- 
tion in any treaties of peace or alliances that he might 
make, to defend them with his spiritual weapons against’ 
their enemies, to pay to each Canton and to Wallis a 
yearly sum of 1000 florins, 6 francs monthly to cach 
soldier in the army, and twice that sum to each officer” 
Trusting to his alliance with the Swiss and to the 
support of Venice, Julius If. made no scerct of his in 
tention of going to war with France. “These French,” 
he said on the 19th June to the Venetian Ambassador, 
“are trying to reduce me to be nothing but their King’s: 
Chaplain: but I mean to be Pope, as they will find out 
to their discomfiture.” He spoke in similar terms to the 
Florentine Envoy.t Cardinal Clermont, who attempted 
against the Pope's wishes on the 29th June to escape to 
France, was arrested and taken to the Castle of St Angelo, 
Other Cardinals who were, as Julius IT. knew, seeretly 
working on the French side, were threatened with a similar 
fate. When the Cardinals Briconnet, Louis d'Ambaise, 
de Prie, and Sanseverino interceded with the Pope for his 
release, he told them to their faces that it looked as if they 
too wished to be provided with lodgings in St. Angelo.S 


* Dinnaver, Tf, 4oa-4o3. 

+ Broscu, Julius 11, 203-204, 343. The exact words to the Floren- 
tine Envoy are in *Cerrotani, Cod: IL, IIL, 76, £ 344, of the Natonal 
Library, Florence, ——— 

T Of Sanvto, X., 965, 695, 700, 720, 725, 728, 732, 734, TAOTER 
761, 803, 806, 856, 857, 87 ; see *Cerretani, foc. cét, f. 348. “The *Acta 


=. - 


‘RUPTURE WITH LOUIS XII, 327 


At the same moment Louis XII. attacked the Pope 
in his. spiritualities by reviving a considerable number of 
the provisions of the Pragmatic Sanction, especially those 
relating to benefices.* In the beginning of July a sharp 
exchange of high words took place between Julius and 
the French Ambassador. Carpi remonstrated with the 
Pope on his intention of helping the Genoese to shake 
off the yoke of France, which he said was a line of con- 
duct on the part of Julius that his King had not deserved, 
‘The Pope replied, “I look upon your King as my personal 
enemy, and do not wish to hear anything more.” The, 
Ambassador was shewn to the door and Julius refused 
to hear any further explanation.t The rupture with 
Louis XII. was now definitive. The Venetian Envoy 
writes that “the French in Rome stole about looking 
Tike corpses.” } 

‘The Pope's plan was to attack the French in Italy on 
all sides at once ; in Genoa, Verona, Milan, and Ferrara. 
‘The Venetians were to throw themselves on Verona, the 
‘Swiss to invade Milan, the Fregosi in Genoa, supported 
by Papal and Venetian troops, were to rise against France, 
and Francesco Maria della Rovere, also in combination with 
Venice, was to march against Duke Alfonso of Ferrara, 

Julius 11. was especially exasperated against the Duke 
of Ferrara, who had thrown himself completely into the 
arms of France and continued to harass Venice in spite 
‘of the Pope’s repeated commands. The Prince was not 
‘Consist. f. 27, mention Clermont’s imprisonment: *Dicta die (agth 
June) R. D. F, card. Auxit, cum uno ex suis et sine habitu cardinalitie 
ectra. domum stam per urbem a Barizello captus et per Tyberim ad 
sqstram S, Angeli introductus et ibi detentus. Consistorial Archives of 
‘the Vatican, 

* MAULDE, Origines, 135. 

+ Broscn, Julius 11., 206, 349-350 Cy, MAULDE, HII, 459 

3 SANUTO, X., $29. 


328 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 


only his own feudatory vassal, but was also bound to 
him by ties of gratitude for quite recent services. During 
the past Winter he had restored Comacchio to Alfonso, 
and prevented the Venetians from attacking him. Now, 
protected by Louis XII., in defiance of that monarch's 
treaty with Julius IL," the Duke went on with the war 
against Venice, and did everything in his power to injure 
the Holy Sec, He harried the inhabitants of the States 
of the Church, ignored the Pope’s authority even in 
ecclesiastical matters, and persisted in working the salt 
marshes of Comacchio to the detriment of the Papal 
monopoly at Cervia, asserting that he held this town in 
fief from the Emperor and not from the Holy See All 
the Pope's demands were either “evaded or met by a 
direct refusal or an evasion; Alfonso was determined 
not to obey him.” + Finally Julius 11. commenced legal 
proceedings against his insubordinate vassal. A Bull of 
gth August excommunicates Alfonso as a rebel against 
the Church, and declares him to have forfeited all his 
dignities and fiefs In it he is severely blamed { for his 
adhesion to Cardinal d'Amboise, who, it says, was plotting 
to obtain the Tiara during the lifetime of the lawful Pope, 
and sowed dissension between France and Rome§ 


* Lanz, Einleitung, 109. 

+ See RANKE, Rom. und Germ, Valker, 251, Cf, the authorities 
referred to here and in HERGENROTHER, VIIL, 424 sey. See also 
BaLan, V., 472, and Rom Boscuern, IL, 46 seg, Cf also in 
Appendix, N. 84, the *Brief of the sth June, 1510. (State Archives, 
Modena.) A *Brief from Julius [1. to Alfonso, unfortunately undated, 
but apparently belonging to the end of 1507, contains complaints of 
outrages committed by Ferrarese officials on the inhabitants of various 
places named in it, which now belonged to the Holy See. *Lib. brev. 25, 
fal, Secret Archives of the Vatican. 

t See P, Mantyn, XXIIL, N. 443. 

§ Rayraious, ad an. 1510, 153 sey. Cf *Acta Consist, f 27, and 


: 


EXASPERATION OF THE KING OF FRANCE. 329 


The Pope's attempt to wrest Genoa from France was 
violently resented by Louis XII. Machiavelli, who was 
then an Envoy at the French Court, describes the 
exasperation of the King and his courtiers. “As 
regards the Pope,” he writes from Blois on the aust July, 
“you can imagine what is said of him; obedience is to 
be renounced and a Council hung upon his neck. The 
complete annihilation of his power, both temporal and 
spiritual, is the least of the penalties with which he is to 
be visited. Louis is determined to vindicate his honour 
even if he loses everything he possesses in Italy.” Machi- 
ayelli gratified his hatred of Popes by fanning the 
flame with all his might He advised the King to set 
the Roman Barons on Julius; he would then be fully 
eccupied at home and have to let the King of France alone. 

Fortunately for the Pope, Louis did not follow this 
advice, but resolved to attack his enemy just where he 
was invincible—in his purely spiritual power.** This 
Pope, who was such an obstacle to French domination 
in Italy, was to be hurled from his throne by means of 
a Synod creating an ccclesiastical revolution. Thus, 
“the great tournament of the European powers was 
transferred from the field of battle and the realm of 
diplomacy to that of the life of the Church."+ 

On the 30th of July, Louis XII. issued a summons to 
all the Bishops in his kingdom to send representatives 
of their Dioceses in September to Orleans, there to meet 


SANUTO, XL, 108 sey, 112 segy C14 seg. | saw & contemporaneous 
Printed copy of the Bull (impressum Bononine 1510, die XIE.) in the 
State Archives at Modena. There is also here a notice that the Bull 
‘was posted in the church of S, John Lateran on the 13th Aug. 

* BROSCH, Julius I, 208. Cf TomMmastnt, Machiavelli, 1., 504 seg: 5 
‘Cxricutoy, 1V., 121. 

+ Fraxn61, Ungarn und dic Liga von Cambrai, 85. 


330 WISTORY OF THE POPES, 


together and hold a consultation on the liberties and 
privileges of the Gallican Churech.* By a royal ordine 
ance of 16th August, 1510, all French subjects were 
forbidden to visit the Court of Rome+ The Assembly 
met at the appointed time, not, however, at Orleans but 
at Tours, whither Louis also betook himself, 

the Papal Nuncio Leonini to follow him The French 
Court-Bishops. answered the questions set before them 
im the sense desired by their master, The Pope did 
wrong in making war on any Prince who was not one 
of his vassals, and such a Prince had a right to defend 
himself with arms, and even to invade the States of the 
Church if necessary, and to withdraw his kingdom from 
its obedience to such a Pope. The term at which the 
renunciation of obedience should take place must be 
decided by ancient custom and the provisions of the 
Pragmatic Sanction, founded on the decrees of the Couneil 
of Basle. It was further declared that a King when thus 
attacked had a right to protect his allies against the Pope, 
and to hold all his censures as null and void: At the 
same time it was agreed that before taking any farther 
steps the Gallican Church should send Envoys to the 
Pope to warn him not to proceed in his present conduct, 
and to demand a General Council. When this had been 
done, they would have a right to take other measures. 
Finally they granted a considerable subsidy to the King 
for the prosecution of the war in Italy.§ On that point 
Louis XIL's plans were of a very extensive character. 


* Sanpret, Concile de Pise, 427-428. Cf MaULon, Origines, 134,35. 

+ MAULDE, Origines, 135. 

1 Cf Prepex, Nuntiaturen, 4243. 

§ Laman, $-9; Hunornnimitee, VIIL, 432 sy.; Gunrtée, 
VIL, 108 sey. ; Lettres de Louis XIL, I, 29, 46.2072; GIESELER, IL, 
4 183 09 


RESOLUTION OF THE POPE. 331 


“He intended to create a new heaven and a new earth 
in Italy." He proposed to lead an army to Rome and 
himself depose the Pope.* “But his mood varied from 
day to day; one day he seemed quite determined to begin 
at once, the next he shrank back alarmed at some appre- 
ended danger, or at the expenses of the war. The 
Ferrarese Envoy complained that he changed his mind 
every morning. He allowed the precious time in which 
action was possible to slip away, while he amused himself 
with the fatuous contemplation of the power which he 
possessed, but did not know how to use.” Finally he 
decided upon waiting till the Spring, and till he could be 
sure of Maximilian and Henry VILI+ 

Not so Julius I], He knew nothing of fear or irresolu- 
‘tion, and difficulties only roused him to greater exertions. 
His character corresponded curiously with his family crest, 
which was the unbending oak—the resolution which he 
now formed was in complete harmony with his fearless and 
eager temperament. Though he was far from well he 
determined to accompany his army in the campaign 
against Ferrara, the most advanced outpost of the French 
im Italy, and thus hold his untrustworthy and irresolute 
generals to their work. By superintending the whole enter- 
prise in person he hoped “to decide everything himself, 
and get his decisions promptly carried out, and to be 
again as successful as when he had boldly taken his own 
line against the Bentivogli, and refused to be intimidated 
by any warnings or prognostications of evil. He had no 
presentiment that he was going forth to meet one of the 
most terrible trials of his whole life” t 


* Of. Machiavelli's Letters of the 21st July and the 18th Ang, 1510, 

+ LewMany, 9. Of Crrionton, IV, 20; Rawke, Rom und 
Genn. Volker, 254 

 Brosen, Julius 1, 299. 


— 


332 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 


‘The Pope's irritation with Louis XIE. increased from day 
to day. He began to talk of excommunicating the King, 
and the Cardinals of the French party were threatened with 
the severest penalties if they took any part in the calling 
of an anti-Papal Council. Cardinal Clermont was kept in 
strict confinement in St. Angelo, and Cardinal de Prie only 
escaped the same fate by swearing, at the Consistory of 
18th August, not to leave Rome; if he did, he would at 
once be deprived of his cardinalate, These severe measures 
seemed to be rendered necessary by the conduct of Cardinal 
d'Este, who, though summoned on the 27th July, with all 
the other absent Cardinals belonging to the Court, to return 
to Rome, had not come back.* On the 17th of August the 
Pope went down to Ostia} and thence to Civita Vecchia, 
where he inspected the ships destined for Genoa, and cele- 
brated the conquest of Modena{ All the Cardinals, with 
the exception of the aged Caraffa, were summoned to join 
him at Viterbo, but Brigonnet and de Price took no notice of 
the command.§ From Viterbo Julius went to Montefiascone, 
and started from thence for Bologna with 400 men on the 
1st September, making his way to Ancona through Orvieto, 
Assisi, Foligno, Tolentino, and Loreto, where he said Mass 
‘on the Feast of the Nativity of the Blessed Virgin (8th 
September). 


* SANUTO, XI, 143, 189, 192, 198. Cf PARIS DE GRASSIS. ed 
Dillinger, [11., 392, and ed. Frati, 197-198 ; also RAYNALDUS, ad an, 
1510, n, 18-19, The *Brief to Cardinal d’Este of the 27th July, 1510, 
in Appendix, N. 85. State Archives, Modena. 

4 *Acta Consist, f 27. Consistorial Archives of the Vatioun, 

3 Cf SANDONINI, Modena, 11, 139 469. 

§ SanuTo, XL, 220, 263. 

|| Pants De Gnasais, ed. Frari, 189 seg., and *Acta Consist, foe, 
cit, From Ancona, on the gth Sept,, the Pope despatched a *Brief to 
the Bolognese saying that he had heard how much they had suffered from 
the enemy, and would compensate them. On the 7th May he had sent 


THE POPE'S JOURNEY TO FERRARA. 333 


At this place some attempts were made by Cardinal 
Fiesco and Lionello da Carpi to persuade him to enter into 
diplomatic relations with France, but were angrily repulsed,* 
From Ancona, Julius 11. proceeded to Rimini} by water, 
and thence pressed on to Cesena by the ancient Via Emilia, 
in spite of the rain which poured down like a waterspout. 
Paris de Grassis, who travelled with the Pope, says," When 
the people saw our train toiling along in such weather, they 
burst out laughing, instead of greeting the Pope as they 
ought to have done. Although the following day was just 
as bad, he insisted on going on to Forli, whither the rain 
perseveringly accompanied us.” Here they only spent the 
night, and then proceeded at once to Bologna, which they 
‘entered on the 22nd of September, Everywhere along the 
road ample provision was made by the inhabitants for the 
wants of the Pope and his people; at his desire all remains 
of food were distributed to the convents and the poor? 


a *Brief peaising the fidelity and obedience of the Ancients of Bologna j 
asd in a second *Brief, dat. Rome, roth May, 1510, he again praises the 
‘Magistrates for their loyalty, and assures them that he has such powerful 
allies that he has no apprehensions, All these *Briofs are in the State 
Archives, Bologna, Q lib. 5. 

* Sanvro, XI, 336; Broscu, Julius 1, 209. 

+ From here Julius 11. sent the Bishop of Monopoli, Michiel Cluudio, 


= Pani# DE Gnassts, ed. Frati, 191 sey. Cf FANT, Imola, 24. 
‘The entrance into Bologna is wrongly dated the 20th by GozzADINt, 
Alcuni Avvenimenti, VIL, 169. Also the *Acta Consist. say the aand, 
and describe it as: msgno apparatu receptus, In a *Brief, dat, Pesaro, 
ugth Sept, 1510, Julius announced his arrival to the Bolognese ; he sent 
two Commissarii to make all necessary preparations. (State Archives, 
Bologna, Q,, lib. 5.) On the 19th Sept. a letter of thanks was sent to 
Perugia for we promise of 4oo men to help against Ferrara. City 
‘Aschives, Perugia, and Cod. C, IV 1, of the University Library, 
Genes. 





334 HISTORY OF THE POPES, 


Even during the course of his hurried journey, tidings had 
reached Julius which filled him with anxiety; he heard 
from Verona that the expedition against Genoa seemed 
likely to break down. In Bologna itself he found great 
dissatisfaction with Alidosi's government. He wasalready 
suffering from fever, and found it hard to bear up against all 
these cares; but anything in the way of better news revived 
him at once, and his resolution never failed for a moment, 
not even when there could no longer be any doubt that 
the King of France meant to summon a Council* and 
the Swiss, after having come as far as Chiasso, yielding to 
French and imperial intrigues, suddenly turned back and 
gave up the campaign+ But still worse news was yet to 
come. On the joth September he had made the Marquess 
of Mantua Standard-bearer to the Church and on the 
t4th October had excommunicated the French general§ 
Now, on the 17th, tidings arrived from Florence that the 
Cardinals Carvajal, Francesco Borgia, Brigonnet, René de 
Pric, and Sanseverino, instead of obeying the Pope's com- 
mand to join him at Bologna, had betaken themsclves 


© Of Corp. dipl. Portug., 1, 133. 

+ SanuTo, XI. 425, 427, 455, 457,466 Cf the Portuguese Report 
from Rome of the 1sth Oct, 1510, in the Corp. dipl. Portug,, L, 133- 
‘The unexpected defection of the Swiss (6f, DIRRAUER, 405) disturbed 
the Pope more than anything else, as his *Brief of joth Sept, 1510, 
shews. This Brief is printed in the Eidgendse, Abschieden, TI 2 
5t9-s20, and in German in ANsHeLM, TL, 229-231. Tosmuastxt, 
Machiavelh, 1, 704-705, who has reprinted it, and CREIGHTON, TV, 
420, have overlooked this, The Latin text of the Letter from the 
Federation, dat, Luceme, 14th Sept, 1510, with which FUCHS, IT. 200, 
is not acquainted, and to which the Brief was an answer, is to be found. 
in Cod. Regin., 557, £ 115%, in the Vatican Library. 

‘> PaRrs DE Grassis, ed. Frat, 195; Saruto, XL, 486. (Of Luzio, 
F, Gonzaga, 8, who shews dt it was the Pope who had released the 
‘Marquess from his imprisonment. 

§ Ravaubus, ad an. 1510, n, 16, 


————t—i=* 


SCHISM IN THE SACRED COLLEGE. 335 


to the camp of the enemy in Milan. For various reasons 
these men were all dissatisfied with Julius LI, and his 
policy. They cared for nothing but their own aggrandise- 
wment,* and hoped to secure that by helping the King of 
France to depose the Pope, whom he rightly considered the 
»chief obstacle to the establishment of his supremacy in 
Italy. “Thus aschism in the Sacred College was added 
‘to Louis’ threatened Council."+ Julius had long been mis- 
‘trustful of the French Cardinals; but it was.a terrible blow 
‘to him when the two Spaniards, especially Carvajal, who 
\was so highly thought of, went over to the French ; never- 
theless he still by no means lost heart. 

‘At this critical moment, when nothing but the greatest 
prudence could have saved him, the Pope committed a 
fatal error in allowing himsclf to be completely deceived 
‘by Cardinal Alidosi. This worldly and greedy prelate was 
aceused by his enemies of the worst vices—whether justly 
‘er not we have no means of determining. He had cruelly 
oppressed the Bolognese and was suspected of conspiring 
with the French.§ {n consequence, the Duke of Urbino 
bad him arrested as a traitor and carried in chains from 

© Cf Monost in the Miscell. di storia patria, I1., 179. 

+ Panis DE Grassis, ed. Frati, 197; Guicciarpini, IX, 3; Le 
‘Gray, 1, 372; Broscm, Julius 1, 211; Lenmann, 27-28; HEROEN- 
ROTHER, VILL, 435 s¢g. The beginning of the tensioa between Julius 
Hand Carvajal dated from the liberation of Cxsar Borgia (cf. supra, 
p2q2). Later Carvajal, who was both passionate and ambitious, had 
‘been far from respectful in his conduct towards the Pope. Nevertheless 
the latter continued to trent him with yreat consideration, appointed him 
to honourable posts, and gave him valuable benefices (o/ Rosanacit, 
“Carvajal, 24, 89, 90). Even now Carvajal and F. Borgia were treated 
swith greater leniency than the others, See GUIcctARDIN), Joc, cit. 

‘3 Of Fan's investigations, Imola, 10 srg, which have not been 
‘noticed by any modern writer, See also in/ra, p. 350, note t. 

§ Of Pais pe Grassis,ec. Fra, ig. Cf Sanuto, 1X, 253, and 
‘Gozzapins, Alcuni avvenimenti, VIL, 171 seg. 


336 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 


Modena to Bologna on the 7th of October. The Bolognese 
now hoped that their hated tyrant would pay for his mis- 
deeds with his life. But in his very first conversation he 
contrived, by insinuating manners and plausibility, so to 
get round the Pope that not only was he at once released, 
but very shortly after, on the 18th October, made Bishop 
of Bologna.* The citizens, irritated to the highest degree, 
were preparing to give vent to their anger, when suddenly 
the French army under the command of the excommuni- 
cated Chaumontt appeared at the gates of the city, which 
was inadequately garrisoned with only 900 men. With 
the French were the Bentivogli, thirsting for revenge. The 
people now, says Paris de Grassis, took up arms, not to 
defend the Legate or the Pope, but their own liberty} 
Alidos! thought of nothing but his personal safety, and 
said openly that he was arming his people not against the 
French but to protect himself against the Bolognese. 

To make matters worse and add to the general confusion, 
Julius IL now broke down under the long continued strain, 
and, as the astrologers had predicted,§ fell seriously fll of 
fever; so seriously that negotiations for the supposed 
impending clection were set on foot|| Now at last for a 
moment his indomitable spirit seemed to falter, On the 


* Contemporancous writers seem utterly at a lors to explain this event, 
Cf. the conjectures of P. DE GRASSIS, ed. Frati, 201. 

+ The Bull of Excommanication of the 1gth Oct, 1510,in the Bull, 
Rom, ed Luxemb,, X, 12-14. Cf RAYNALDUS, ad an. 1510, n. 465 
Lettres de Louis X11, 1, 282; and HEaGENROTHER, VEIL, 426 £670 

t The text of P, px Gxassis in Raynaldus (populus arma capit pro 
pontificis tutelaque sua) is inaccurate throughout. In FRATI, 201, it does 
not make sense. The correct text in DOLLINGER'S edition rans thus : 
populus arma capit non utique pro legato nec tam pro pontificis tutela 
quam sta ipzorum defensione. 

§ Gf the Portuguese Report in the Corp, dipl. Portug., L, (33. 

|] Panis bE Grassis, ed. Frati, 204 ; of Broscx, Julius 1,, 350 seg. 


| 


= 


ILLNESS OF THE POPE. 337 


19th of October he sent for the Venetian Ambassador and 
told him that if the troops of the Republic had not crossed 
the Po within twenty-four hours, he would come to terms 
with Chaumont, The Ambassador relates how, on the 
following night, tossing on his sleepless bed, he declared 
in his feverish wanderings that he would rather kill himself 
than fall into the hands of the French.* With the dawn 
of the 20th October the fever subsided, and the sick man 
recovered his selfcommand with a cclerity which shews 
the extraordinary elasticity of his temperament. When 
he heard that the armed citizens were calling his name he 
sprang from his bed and had himself carried out on one of 
the balconies of the palace, from whence he gave his bless- 
ing to the people, whose temper, owing to a variety of 
circumstances, had undergone a favourable change during 
the preceding days. 

Paris de Grassis, a3 an eye-witness, narrates how Julius, 
after haying blessed the people, crossed his arms upon his 


* Cf, the extracts from the Reports of the Venetian Ambassador in 
Sanvro, XI. Here on the 26th Sept itis sald that the Pope is in bed 
con terexnella (p. 467); on and Oct. that he is ill of fever: li medich 
dubita non si buti in quartana (p. 494); on 18th Oct.: il papa & pur febre, 
quasi ogni giomo uno pocho, e comoTa qualche bona nova, ha mancho, 
‘ecome ¥ & cativa, el sta in letto (p, 546); om the roth, the declaration to 
the Ambassador mentioned in the text, On the 20th, it has been decided 
to come to terms with the French, El papat in letio con la febre ; it is 
thought thathe cannot live. Tuta questa note il papa rasonando diceva : 
Moarird, morird, ors, voglio morir! Poi diceva: Andard presone de 
‘Francesi, de’ Francesi! Questo non seri vero, Tord il veneno da mi, 
tord il veneno al tutto! E cussi tuta questa notte su queste pratiche ha 
rabiato, non A mai dormito tutta questa notte (pp. 548-550), Broscn, 
‘Julius 11, 202, in his usual fashion, quotes these words sas to produce a 
misleading impression, suppressing what the Ambassador says of the 
‘severity of the fever, and anticipations of the death of the Pope. The 
word “rabinto” indicates mental disturbance, so that CREIGHTON, IVs 
1125, correctly makes use of the term delirium. 

VOL. VL. Zz 








38 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 


breast, as though confiding his person to their honour and 
care, The action met with a sympathetic response, and a 
shout went up from the crowd with a promise to stand up 
against the fce as one man. “ Now," exclaimed the Pope, 
as they carried him back to his bed, “we have conquered 
the French.” * 

The hopes of Julius II. were justified by the conduct of 
the French commander, who, instead of pressing forward 
at once, began to negotiate,t and thus gave time for tho 
Venetian and Spanish troops to arrive. Soon the French 
army, encamped on the Reno three miles from the city, 
began to suffer severcly from want of provisions and the 
inclemency of the weather, and was forced to retire to 
Castelfranco, Julius, who had broken off his negotiations 
with Chaumont, was now anxious that his troops should 
sally forth and fall upon the French, who were retiring 
slowly, plundering as they went. His vexation at not 
being able to get this done was so great that it brought 
on a dangerous relapse on the 2gth, Again the worst 
began to be feared, but again also his iron constitution was 
victorious. In two days he began to improve, and by the 
end of the fourth day the danger was over, His recovery, 
however, was retarded by his obstinacy in refusing to spare 
himself in any way or to follow the advice of his physicians, 
In consequence, he had many relapses. “The Pope’s con- 
stitution,” writes the Venetian Ambassador on the 25th 
November, “is marvellous ; if he would only take care of 
himself he would soon be able to get up,."} 


* Paris DE Grassis, ed, Frati, 202, 2035 of 333 SANUTO, XL, 
gst seg. 

+ Semrnx, Carpi,7. On Chauinonts motives, cf HAVEMAN, ss 3464, 

‘Tt Sanvro, XI. 654; ¢f on the various phases of his sickness and his. 
behaviour, $54, 556, 568, 369, 583, 586, Gor, 603, 633, 642, 668, and 
PARIS DE GRASSIS, ed, Frati, 20g sey 


CAMPAIGN AGAINST FERRARA. 339 


Far from attending to his health, the mind of the Pope 
was occupied day sind night with his plans for subduing 
Ferrara and driving back the French. He caused acircular 
letter to all the Christian Princes of Europe to be drawn 
up, in which he accused Louis XII. of thirsting for the 
blood of the Roman Popeand sending his army to Bologna 
to destroy him. He declared that until Ferrara had 
capitulated he would listen to no more overtures, He 
urged the Venetians with redoubled energy to join thelr 
forces to his and at once commence the siege of that city. 
But his impatience was doomed to disappointment, The 
union of the two armies took place in due course, but the 
combined forces waited in vain for the Marquess of Mantua. 
At the same time the Venetian lect met with a reverse.* 
Julius If had on the 11th December appointed Cardinal 
Marto Vigerio. Legate of the Papal troops; eight days after, 
news came of the conquest of Concordia+ His Master of 
‘Ceremonies reports that on the 15th December he had so 
far recovered as to be able to leave the house of his friend, 
Giulio Malvezzi, where he had been staying since the 6th 
November, and return to his own palace, Externally he 
was very much altered in appearance, as during his illness 
he had grown a long beard At Christmas he was able to 


* Guicetanpies, IX, Chap, 3. 

+ Panis px Grassis, ed, Frati, 211 sez. Cf SANUTO, XI, 681, 689, 
and GozzaDrvi, Alcuni avvenimenti, VIL, 184. 

‘T PARIS DE Grassis, ed. Frati, 213,241. A Bolognese chronicler (in 
Gozzapimt, foc. cit. 182) reports ; Portava la barba per vendicarsi et 
diceva che non la voleva pil rasar per insino a tanto-che non aveva anco 
fuora scamto el re Ludovico de Franza d'Italia. See PrrRus MARTYR, 
Li. XXIV, ep, 451. OF also Luzio, F, Gonzaga, 65. For several 
<enturies no Pope had ever wom a beard, and at the Conclave of 
1455 even Bessarion's oriental beard had been blamed by some. 
{Gee Vol. 11 of this work, p. 323.) See generally on the wearing of 
‘beards during the Renaissance period, MONTZ, Hist. de TA, IIL, 


340 HISTORY OF THE POPES 


say Mass, but only in his private chapel and sitting. On 
S, Stephen's Day he wished to attend’ the High Mass at 
the Cathedral, but heavy snow and a slight return of fever 
obliged him to give up his intention.* It can therefore be 
imagined what the amazement of his Court must have 
been when he informed them on the 29th of December that 
he Intended to join the army before Mirandola, in order to 
see why his troops were putting off their attack in spite 
of his repeated commands, Although every one, the 
Cardinals, the Prelates, the Bolognese, and, at first, even the 
Venetian Envoys, did their utmost to dissuade him, they 
could not alter his determination; he was convinced that 
nothing but his presence in person could defeat the 
machinations of those who were hindering the progress of 
the campaign 

On the and of January, 1511, the world was called upon 
to witness the strange spectacle of a Pope, regardless of 
his dignity, his advanced age, his health, and the rigours 
of an unusually severe Winter, setting forth to join his army 
in their camp before Mirandola. Amongst those who 
accompanied him were the Cardinals Isvalies, d’Aragona, 
and Cornaro, and the famous architect Bramantet The 
Venetian Envoy, Girolamo Lippomano, who had attached 
himself to the Papal train, gives utterance in his Reports to 
the universal astonishment. “Julius IL," he writes on the 
6th January, “has appeared, contrary to all expectation, 
156 seg. It was, however, “quite in character for Julius IL. to be the 
first to assume this note of virility” GkxGorovius, Grabdenkimdler, 
124. See also Novass, VI., 136. 

© PaRIs DE GRASSIS, ed, Frati, 223. 

+ SanvTo, XL, 712 sey, 719 From a Portuguese Report of 15th 
Oct, 1540, it appears that even in the Autumn the Pope had expressed 
his intention of personally taking partin the war. Corp. dipl Partug,, ly 


133. 
t Gf Searex, Carpi, 8, 


ENERGY OF JULIUS iL 34t 


He hates the French worse than ever. Apparently he has 
quite recovered ; he goes about in all the wind and weather, 
and watches the clearing away of the snow from his 
balcony ; he has the strength of a giant. Yesterday and 
to-day the snow has been falling without intermission, and 
is half the height of a horse, and yet the Pope is in the 
camp. Our Republic is being splendidly served. His 
Court, who have no heart for Italy, and think of nothing 
but their money, are dying to get back to Rome; but they 
are quite helpless; Julius II. thinks, dreams, and talks 
to satiety of nothing but Mirandola.”* In a Report on 
the following day he says, “To-day the Pope reviewed the 
troops in the snow. His spirit and courage are marvellous, 
but he is not supported by his people.” The consciousness 
of this sometimes angered him almost to madness, and he 
would storm and rave at his generals for their tardiness.t 
At first Julius Il. had taken up his abode in a farm- 
house; when the batteries opened fire, he withdrew to 
Concordia, but his impatience soon became so great that 
in @ few days he returned to take up his quarters in the 
Convent of S* Giustina, which was quite close to the 
battery and nearer to the fortress than the farm-house. 
His Court were lost in wonder: “ His Holiness lives in the 
kitchen of the Convent,” writes the Venctian Paolo Capello 
on the 13th January,“ and 1 inhabit an open stable that 


* SawuTo, XI, 722-723; 721. See also the interesting Mantuan 
Despatch in Luzio, F. Gonzaga, 65 seg.; Parts DE Grassis, ed. Frati, 
225 ; GRUMELLO, 134 seg.; and CARPESANUS, V.,N.2. On the unusual 
severity of the Winter of 1511, ¢/ Lannucci, 306,and Camu, XX1., 251, 
‘who are, not without reason, scandalised at the Pope's conduct in joining 
the camp. His armour is still preserved in the Vatican, and will be 
placed in the new Museum in the Appartamento Borgia, 

+ Sawuro, XI, 724, 725, 726 5 ¢f 729, 730,731,732, 740. See further, 
the Mantuan Despatches in Luzio, F. Gonzaga, 66, and the Report of 
the Envoy from Orvieto in Fuut, Cartegglo, 134-135. 


342 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 


anywhere else would not be thought fit even for a servant; 
but here it is so much prized that Cardinals Coroaro and 
d'Aragona have been asking for it. The weather is 
detestable; to-day we have a furious snow storm, and yet 
the Pope has gone out. His health and spirit are super- 
human, nothing seems to hurt him.” The Venetian Envoy 
Lippomano said to Cardinal Alidosi, who was also in the 
camp, “ [t ought to be recorded in all histories that a Pope, 
only just out of his sick-bed, has taken the field himself in 
January and in the midst of such snow and cold, The 
rivers are all frozen; it is Winter with a vengeance.” A 
report of the 17th January states that on that day a 
cannon-ball had entered the room where the Pope was 
lying asleep, and had wounded two of his servants. After 
this Julius moved into the house of Cardinal Isvalies. But 
here too he found that shots were occasional visitors, and 
0, in spite of the remonstrances of his people, he returned 
to his former quarters, “The Pope displays extraordinary 
courage,” writes the Venetian Envoy. “He is burning 
with impatience to march on Ferrara.” The long sustained 
resistance of the defenders of Mirandola so enraged Julius 
that he rated his own generals in violent terms, and talked 
of giving the town over to pillage.* When at last, on 
the 2oth of January, it capitulated, his people succeeded in 
persuading him to grant milder terms, He was in such a 
hurry to set foot in his new conquest that he would not 
wait to have the gates unbarred, but clambered in through 
the breach on a wooden ladder, On the following day he 
declared that he would at once proceed to Ferrara, and 


* SANUTO, XL, 740, 741, 7431 74s 745, 747, 75% 755: Gf GORE 
int, Alcuni avvenimenti, VIL, 197 sey; Mem. della Mirandola, I, 479 
seg 1833 and BALAN, Assedii della Mirandola, 1a seg 14. Jolins sent 
the cxnnon-ball to the Sanctuary of Loreto, where it is still preserved. 
Cf. GORZADINE, foe, city VII, 198, and TURSELLINUS, 169 seg. 


THE DUKE OF FERRARA REFUSES TO TREAT. 343 


appointed Count Gianfrancesco Pico, Lieutenant of the 
conquered fortress.* 

His personal experience of the difficulties which he 
would have to encounter in subduing Ferrara induced 
Julius to enter into communication with Alfonso in order 
to persuade him to abandon his alliance with France. He 
also endeavoured to detach Maximilian from Louis XI, 
by handing Modena over to the imperial commander.t 
‘The Duke of Ferrara let the Pope know through an 
indirect channel that he would not treat with him, and so 
the war had to go on. 

Fora time Julius still clung to his purpose of personally 
pursuing the campaign; but the representations of his 
Court, and his dread of being taken prisoner by the French, 
induced him for the present to return to Bologna until 
he could collect a larger army. When he found that his 
retum to Bologna (on the 6th-7th February) had at once 
encouraged the French to advance again, he proceeded on 
the 17th by Imola to Ravenna in order to attack Ferrara 
from that sided In Ravenna, which he reached on the 
18th of February, the Pope on the roth of March created 
several new Cardinals, “to strengthen himself against the 
schismatics and to fulfil his engagements to certain 


® SANUTO, XI, 760, 763, 765, 756, 770, 772, 773 776 778, 782. Cf 
Lazio, F. Goneaga, 66; Mem. della Mirandola, IL, 185 sry.; BALAN, 
Assedii della Micandola, #5 e7.; Gozzapin, Alcuni avvenimenti, VIL, 
200 s¢y., where all particulars about the ring (now in the Museum at 
Modena) which Julius yave to the inhabitants of Mirandola may be 
found, 

+ In January, 1511. See SANDONENI, Modena, 14r. 

t Parts pe Grassy, ed, Pratl, 234 sey. and Saxvto, XL, 795, 800, 
Bor, Bos, 8r3, 821, 851, 832, 858, 45; Funt, Carteggio, 138, 139, 140+ 
441; Fanri, tmola, 24-25. Cf Brosce, Julius 11,216 seg. On the 
diy that he left Bologna, the Pope wrote to M. Lang asking birn to come 
tobim. Sec Lettres de Louis X11, 11., 112-115, 


ay 


44 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 


powers.”* Two of those nominated were ultramontanes, 
the Englishman Bainbridge and the Swiss Bishop, Matthzeus 
Schinner, the other six were Italians: Antonio Ciochi di 
Monte Sansovino, Archbishop of Liponto; Pietro Accoli of 
Arezzo, Bishop of Ancona ; Achilles de Grassis of Bologna; 
Francesco Argentino of Venice; Bandinello Sauli of 
Genoa; and Alfonso Petrucci of Siena. - 

The College of Cardinals had strenuously resisted these 
fresh nominations, but, as the Venetian Envoy had predicted, 
Julius carried his point. The same Enyoy says that some 
of the new Cardinals had to pay large sums for their eleva- 
tion. The nomination of de Grassis was obviously made to 
please the Bolognese ; the English Cardinal Bainbridge was 
appointed Commander-in-Chief of the troops, which caused 
great surprise-t 

Besides these eight Cardinals another was nominated, but 
reserved in petto, Thiswas Maximilian’s confidant, Matthaus 
Lang, Bishop of Gurk, who just at this time had arrived in 
Mantua, where the Envoys from England, France, and 
Spain were also present. He brought proposals of peace 
from his master. 

Julius 11. wished to treat with Lang personally, As 
Ravenna was too insignificant a place to make it possible 
there to receive the representative of the Emperor with 
fitting honours, the Pope, though extremely dissatisfied 
with the slackness of his generals in their way of carry- 
ing on the war, had to leave that city on April 3 and 
return to Bologna, which he reached on the 7th of April, 


* Grnonovius, VIIL, 68, ed. 3. On this creation, of Panis De 
Grassis, ed. Frati, 242 seg.; Li Guay, 1, 388; Fun, Cartogzio, 143, 
145-146 ; CARDELLA, 340 sey,; and "Acta Consist, f 28. Comsistorial 
Archives of the Vatican, : 

+ SANUTO, XIL, 25, 55-56, 69, 87 seg.; Pamts DE Grassis, ed, Frati, 
2g 


re 


ae 


THE ENVOYS OF MAXIMILIAN, 345 


1511.* On the roth of the month, Mattheus Lang and 
Giovanni Gonzaga, as Envoys from the Emperor, and 
James Conchilles representing Ferdinand of Spain, entered 
the city in state, having previously had a private audience 
with the Pope} It was observed with dissatisfaction that 
even in this procession Lang appeared in secular dress, 
The pedantic Master of Ceremonies, Paris de Grassis, 
characteristically relates: “I entreated Lang in vain to 
attire himself as an ecclesiastic, especially in view of his 
approaching admission to the Sacred College, but he put 
me off by saying that he would appear in the garb which 
he wore when the Emperor sent him. When | asked the 
Pope about it he said that it was his wish that I should 
Jet the matter rest, and this I did, although many were 
displeased with me on this account, and still more with 
Lang"$ 

When, on the following day, the Envoys had their public 
audience, Lang, at the Pope's express command, was given 
the place of honour immediately below the Cardinal- 
Deacons. This and other marks of distinction were received 
by the Envoy with such unmannerly arrogance, that he 
appeared to the courteous Italians a perfect savage. " He 
isa barbarian,” de Grassis writes in his Diary, “and behaves 


* Paris pe Grassis, ed. Frati, 260; Grecorovivs, VIIL, 68, 
wipes BROSCH, Julius IL, 219, make joth Mar. the day of the 
Pope's departure from Ravenna, Both have read de Grassis very 
superficially, ‘The extract naturally begins with the title Discessus ponti- 
ficis ex Ravenna ad Bononiam, immediately followed by the words, Die 
‘Dominica 2 Martii, but if they had only read a few lines more they 
would have found that the decision to leave Ravenna was adopted on 
that day, and that de Grassis then goes on to say: Itaque die Jovis 


tertia Aprilis inde movit. 
+ Mid, 263; ULMANN, II, 426, erroneously puts off the private 
audience to the rrth of April. €y. Lettres de Louis X11, IL, 139. 


3 Mid, 265, 


346 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 


ike a barbarian” At the audience he curtly explained 
that Maximilian had sent him to Italy because he preferred 
to obtain his rights by peaceful means rather than by war, 
but that the only conditions under which he would treat 
were, that the Venetians should restore everything that 
they had taken on any title whatever, whether these lands 
belonged to the Empire or were hereditary possessions 
of Austria, When three Cardinals were deputed by Julius 
Il. to carry on the negotiations, Lang declared it to be 
beneath his dignity to deal personally with any one but the 
Pope himself, and commissioned three of the nobles who 
accompanied him to meet the Cardinals Julius had hoped 
towin him by bestowing on him the highest dignity and 
rich benefices, but all these favours seemed only to encourage 
him to greater insolence, He behaved as though his im- 
perial master had already donned the Tiara, The Venetian 
Envoy reports with amazement with what pomp the Bishop 
of Gurls surrounded himself, and how seldom he visited the 
Pope. “ Atthe audience he conducted himself as if he were 
a King rather than an Ambassador, and claimed the right 
of conversing with the Pope, sitting, and with his head 
covered,” It is not surprising that these never very 
promising negotiations should have come to nothing, On 
the 16th April all Louis XIL’s adherents had been excom- 
municated,* and the views and desires of both the parties 
concerned were diametrically opposed to cach other.t 

* The Bull in Raywatpus, ad an. agit, a. 5 Lang aimed, “im 
accordance with his masters wishes, at reconciling the Pope with France, 
and thus completely isolating Venice and renewing the League of 
Cambrai in its earlier form, perhaps with the addition of Engtand, 
Qn the other side the Pope and Venice sought to win the Bishop, and 
through him the Emperor, to combine with them in attacking France 
Hunn, HL, 389-390. 

+ SANUTO, XL, 125-129, 139,140, 147, 160; Lang's letters in Lettres: 
de Louis XIE, 11, 107 seg., 139, 182, 205 sey, ; PARES DE GRASSIS, 


FAILURE OF THE NEGOTIATIONS, 347 


‘On the 25th of April the Bishop of Gurk® left the Papal 
Court suddenly, " almost without taking leave, and withan 
angry mica." The Venetian Envoy reports that Lang's 
followers cricd out as they were passing through the city 
gates, “ Long live the Emperor, long live France, long live 
the Bentivogli.” It is not wonderful that it was commonly 
said in Bologna that the Pope was at daggers drawn with 
all the Powers, and that he was to be called before a Council 
and deposed. 

Lang's threats were something more than empty words, 
for the French, who had suspended their hostile operations 
while the negotiations were going on, at once recommenced 
them, It now became piain that Chaumont's death, which 
took place on the 11th February, was a godsend for them. 
He had allowed Modena to fall into the hands of the 
enemy, had not attacked Bologna in time, and had not 
relieved Mirandola. On his death the command was 
assumed by the veteran Trivulzio, The first thing he did 


ed. Frati, 265 sey, 271-272 (here the printer's error, 27 Aprilis, 
should be the 25th). Coccintus, De bellis italicis (in FREHER, II., 542 
seq-); Gutcctanvist, 1X., Chap. 5, who observes ; La quale indegnita 
ivorava insieme con molto altro il pontefice, vincendo la sua natura Yodio 
incredibile contro ai Francesi; Le Gray, 1., 304 s¢.; Brewer, State 
Papers of Henry VILL, 1, 168, C/ HAVEMANN, IL, 358 seg.; DROSCH, 
Julies 11, 220, 353; ROMANIN, V., 256; ULMANN, IL, 426 249.5 
Hum, 111, 389-391 ; Crntcarron, 1V., 127-328, and in regard to the 
description in Coccinius, KRiZGER's investigations, Ueber die Bedeutung: 
des vierten Buches von Coccinius! Schrift De bellis Italicis, p. 27 sey. 
which, however, are inadequate and even partially incorrect, as eg, on 
pp Se we find : * Coccinjus’ statement that Lang had been fourteen days 
in Bologna is erroneous. He arrived on the Sth April, and went away 
‘again on the 15th," in confirmation of which he cites Lettres de Louis 
KUL, UL, 205. Here, however, we find that Lang left on the 25th. 
‘Thus it is Krieger rather than Coccinius who needs correction, 

© Not Archbishop, as Gxisim, Michelangelo, 1, ed. 5, designates him, 

+ Parts DE Grassis, ed. Frat, 272; BRoscu, doc. cit, 


348 HISTORY OF THE POPES, 


was to reconquer Concordia, and the next, to advance 
against Bologna, As soon as Julius heard this, he started 
in haste for the camp, in order to stir up his generals and 
set the army in motion, He meant to have slept the first 
night at Cento, but was obliged to stop at Pieve, as a troop 
of 1000 foot soldiers who were encamped in the former 
place refused to leave it until they were paid. He was 30 
much annoyed at this, that on the following day he returned 
to Bologna; but it was evident that if he remained there, 
he would again run the risk of being captured by the 
French. He resolved therefore to returm to Ravenna 
Before his departure he called the Council of Forty together, 
laid before them all the advantages which Bologna had 
derived from belonging to the Church, and admonished 
them to remain faithful to him. On their solemn promise 
to be always true to him, he confided the defence of the 
walls and gates to the citizens.” 

The fate of Bologna after the Pope's departure, which 
took place on the 15th May, did not depend so much 
upon the conduct of her citizens as upon that of Alidosi 
and the Duke of Urbino, who, with his army, lay encamped 
before the city. The enmity between these two made all 
co-operation between them impossible; the hatred which 
Alidosi had drawn upon himself, and the consequent dis- 
loyalty of the inhabitants, did the rest. The moment the 
Pope was gone, the Bentivogli party began to stir and was 

* Coccinius, Joc. ei On his account, which differs in part from 
that of Guicciardini, see Krimcrr, 33 seg. The speeches in Guicciar 
dini are certainly invented—Julius was by no means a ready speaker, 
Cf. Paris pr, Grasss in Ch. G. Hoffinann, Nova collectio scriptor, 1, 
450(Lips, 1731) On the danger for Bologna, see Fut, Carteggio, 147% 

+ Paris pr Grassis, ed. Frat, 2743 SANUTO, XIL, 183; "Acta 
Consist., £ 28 The *Brief addressed by Julius 11. on the 16th May, 
4511, to Alidosi and the Bolognese shews how little he apprehended the 
‘Dlow that was about to fall. 


THE BENTIVOGLI RECOVER BOLOGNA. 349 


joined by all who disliked the government of the Church. 
The city was soon in a turmoil, and Alidosi, without strik- 
ing a blow, at once fled in disguise, first to the fort, and then, 
when he heard that the Sanfelice gate had been traitorously 
given up to the Bentivogli, to Castel Rio near Imola, The 
Duke of Urbino behaved no better. When the news 
reached him of what was going on in Bologna he gave the 
signal for a retreat which soon degenerated into a flight. 
All the artillery, and most of the baggage and colours, fell 
into the hands of the enemy. On the 23rd May Trivulzio 
entered Bologna, and the Bentivogli resumed the govern- 
ment of the city." They at once began, with brutal van- 
dalism, to destroy all reminiscences, however valuable, of 
the Papal occupation, The bronze statue of the Pope, a 
splendid work of Michael Angelo’s which was placed over 
the doorway of the Cathedral in 1508, fell a sacrifice to 
this bitter spirit+ 

The loss of Bologna, which, next to Rome, was the most 
beautiful and the wealthiest of all the cities in the States of 
the Church, was “the hardest blow of fate which had ever 
fallen upon Julius If. He now found himself in the eighth 
year of his Pontificate and the sixty-eighth of his life with 
all his hard-won conquests torn from his grasp and every- 
thing that he had built up thrown down.”} Nevertheless, 
when the news came, he received it without losing his 
selfcommand for a moment. In a brief address, he 
informed the Cardinals that the place had been lost through 


* Cocerntus, for. cif. Cf. KRIEGER, 34-36; PARIS DE GRASSIS, ed. 
Frat, 275 seg.; ALPANI, 2575, Prato, 284; Narnt, 1, 308 seg.¢ 
Lettres de Louis XIL, 11., 233-235, 243 sey, 250 sey.; SANUTO, XIL, 
190. Gf RANKE, Rom. und Germ. Volker, 160 seg.; HAVEMANN, 
IL, 363 seg. ; Gozzavuri, Alcuni avvenimenti, 215 seg. 

+ More on this subject will be found in Chap, LX. 

T Broscn, Julius 11, 222, 


35° ‘HISTORY OF THE POPES. 


the treachery of the citizens and of the Duke of Urbino, 
who should pay for it with his life. He then at once gave 
the necessary orders for the concentration and reorganisa~ 
tion of the army.* 

Alidosi and the Duke of Urbino, perhaps with equal 
justice, cach laid the blame on the other; both hastened 
to the Papal Court to justify themselves, Allidosi’s friends 
had done their best to strengthen the Pope's conviction 
that the fault lay with the Duke, and he overwhelmed his 
nephew with violent reproaches As he left his uncle's 
presence, furious and smarting, under these, he met Alidosi, 
who was on horseback, coming to visit the Pope. The 
Cardinal saluted him smilingly, but the young Duke, with 
the passionate blood of the South boiling in his veins, drew 
his sword, and exclaiming, “ Traitor, art thou here at last! 
Receive thy reward!" stabbed him mortally, and fled. 
Alidosi only lived an hour: his last words were, “I reap 
the reward of my misdeeds." 

The fact that every onc except Julius 11, rejoiced at the 


* PaRis DE Grasis, ed. Frati, 277. Cf SANuTO, XIE, 191, and 
Agerpivs Virerpo, ed. Hofer, 386. 

+ Cocerius, foc. cit; cf. KRtmorn, 36-37; Panis DE GRASSIS 
od. Frati, 278 sey. (The punctuation in Déllinger's ed., 406, better; 
the text in CRICHTON, IV, 271, is worse than that which’ had been 
Printed previously.) SANUTO, XIL, 198 seg; BRMMUS, 4725 CARPE. 
SANUS, Vo 5) pp. 127371274; Lettresde Louis X11, 11, 246) BELCARIUS, 
365; Lawpuccs, 308-gog; GUICCIARDINI, IX, Chap. 5 On Alidosi, 
of. JovIUS, Vita Leonis X., Lib. 12., p. 34, and Elogior, Lib. IV, p. 134. 
See also Sucunanis, 4o6 seg. and Gozzaniny, Alcuni 
105 seg, 227 1¢g.; cf. 231 seg. FANTI, tmola, 10 seg. has recently 
endeavoured to defend Alidosi. Many of his arguments deserve con- 
sideration, though he carries the inferences from them too far, But the 
last word about Alidosi has not yet been spoken. A tablet was inserted 
in the wall in the Via S. Vitale in 1863 to mark the spot where the 
snurder took place, Alidosi's skull is preserved in the Bibl. Classense at 
Ravenna. See Goz2avin, foc. eff, 228-230; FANTI, Imol, 13-14. 


DEATH OF CARDINAL ALIDOSIL. 358 


Legate’s death shews how universally detested he had 
made himself. He was regarded by all as a traitor, and 
the person who was really responsible for the fall of 
Bologna. “Most righteous God,” writes Paris de Grassis 
in his Diary, “how just are Thy judgments! Thanks are 
due to Thee from al! for having punished this traitor as he 
deserved. The hated villain has indeed been removed by 
a human instrument, but not, as we believe, without Thy 
concurrence, and for this again we thank Thee.”* 

At the very time that the crime was committed, a meet- 
ing of the Cardinals was taking place, at which Cardinal 
Isvalies, who was universally beloved, had been appointed 
Legate of Bologna, To add to the sorrow caused by the 
murder of his favourite, Julius [I. deeply resented the 
outrage committed against the highest dignity jn the 
Church He left Ravenna at once + and went to Rimini. 


* Panis DE Grassts, ed. Frati,278; of 319. Julius (1's obstinate 
confidence in Alidoai has been made to serve as aground for the very 
worst accusations of immorality against hiro, In relation to this, BROSCH 
(24), one of Julius I1’s most violent critics, remarks; “Italy during 
the Renaissance could not have been, as Burckhardt describes it, such a 
school of vice as the world had never before seen, if such relations 
between a distinguished but thoroughly worldly Pope and a dissipated 
‘Cardinal had not furnished matter for the worst insinuations. The 
revolting charges which have been heaped upon Julius 11. recoil an the 
scandal-mongers of the time, and are, no doubt, the echo of their talk, 
‘bat their truth is extremely doubtful.” CREIGHTON, IV., 130, writes: 
ft is hard to account for the infatuation of Julius 11, towards Carvinal 
Alddosi, and we cannot wonder that contemporary scandal attributed it 
to the vilest motives, “Il papa era molto vitioso ¢ dedito alle libidine 
Gomorrea,” says a relazione of Trevisan, printed by BRoscH, Julius IL, 
296. The charge was often repeated with reference to Alidosi It was 
a rude way of explaining what could not be explained. C/ also rupra, 
Pp. 320, notet. 

+ See Ravwatnvs, ad an, 1511, 0. 64. 

{ Rake, Rom. und Germ. Vilker, 261, incorrectly says 28h May, 


352 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 


There another, and perhaps a still more painful, surprise 
awaited him, On the 28th of May citation to the Council 
of Pisa, to be opened on the tst of September, was found 
affixed to the door of the church of S. Francesco, close 
to the Pope's residence. The document was dated 16th 
May, 1511, It stated that the delegates of the Roman 
and German Emperor and the most Christian King pro- 
posed to summon a universal Council. This action on 
their part had become necessary in order to comply with 
the decree Freguens of the Council of Constance, owing to 
the negligence of the Pope, who had not kept the oath 
which he had sworn to in the Conclave, They declared that 
Julius II’s opposition to the Council fully justified the 
Cardinals in thus taking the matter into their own hands. 
They also declared that the majority of the members of 
the Sacred College who were free to do so, supported their 
action, and entered a protest beforehand against all cen- 
sures that he might pronounce upon them. The Pope 
was requested to give his consent to the calling of this 
Council and also to attend it cither personally or through 
@ representative. All Cardinals, Bishops, Chapters, and 
Universities, as well as all secular Princes, were summoned 
and invited to take part in it. Meanwhile the Pope was 
not to create or promulgate any new Cardinals, to abstain 
from instituting proceedings against any of the older 
Cardinals or the Prelates who favoured the Council, and 
also from doing anything to hinder it from meeting, and 
further from any alterations or alienations in regard to the 
possessions of the Roman Church; any such acts would be 
invalid. As the Pope gave no safe-conduets, and often 
resorted to force, the publication of the summons in 
Modena, Parma, and Reggio must be deemed sufficient. 


Cf. Paris De Grassis, ed. Frat, 280; iid, 319 sey, 0m the popularity 
of Isvalies, 


PROPOSED OBJECTS OF THE COUNCIL, 353 


‘The Council was to be convoked in the names of Car- 
dinals Carvajal, Bricowfet, Philip of Luxemburg, Francesco 
Borgia, Adriano da Corneto, de Prie, Carlo del Carretto, 
‘San Severino, and Ippolito d’Este.* The summons was to 
be'published “ throughout the four nations”; on the 23rd of 
May letters were sent to cach of the several Princes calling 
upon them to send their Ambassadors and Prelates to the 
Assembly.t 

“The objects of the Council or, more correctly, the 
banners under which the forces of hypocrisy and ambi- 
tion were to be marshalled, were the pacification of 
Christendom, a crusade against the infidels, and the reform 
of the Church in its Head and in its members,” ¢ 

‘The convocation of a Council under these futile pretexts§, 
by a body of schismatic Cardinals was an act of open re- 
bellion, a daring attack upon the most indisputable pre- 
rogative of the Supreme Head of the Church. At first no 
one ventured to tell the Pope, but of course it was not a 
matter of which he could long be kept Inignorance. From 
the Report of the Venetian Ambassador we can sec how 
deeply he felt this blow.|| Bereft of almost all his political 
power—for the States of the Church were lying open at 
the mercy of the French army—he now saw his spiritual 
authority threatened and in the greatest danger; for 
behind the disloyal Cardinals stood not only the King of 


* RavNapus, ad an. srt, n. 61; MANSI, V, 349-353; SANUTO, 
XML, 250-254 ; HERGENROTHER, VIII, 437 sey. 

+ Goupass, 1196 ; Lettres de Louis XII. IT, 235-241. 

T See LEHMANN, 12. Cf SANDRET, Concile de Pine, 449 #9. and on 
the motives of Cardinal Sanseverino, UsMANN, Absichten, 20. 

§ Cf Hexormrdriter, VIL, 4598 seg. LEHMANN, 29, observes : “It 
is saperfluous to say anything of the legal status of the Council ; its pro~ 
wmoters had no legal standing ground whatever.” 

(| Sawero, XU, 203, 218 223; Paris DE Grassis, ed. Frati, 281 
+4, 

VOL, Vi. aa 


wv 


France, but also the Emperor, both bent on completely 
crushing his power and annihilating Venice* The ill- 
success of the war against Venice had thrown Maximilian 
into the arms of Louis XII¢ Since then he had sought 
his fortune, both in secular politics and in his dealings with 
the Church, in those “tortuous foreign ways” which had 
formerly been so distasteful to him. In many circles in 
Germany a distinctly anti-Roman spirit reigned and 
vented itself in constant complaints of the conduct of 
the Roman Court, both in politics and in Church affairs. 


* From the year 1503 the aim of Maximilan’s policy had been tosecure 
for himself a prepeederating influence in Rome, and, if possible, to place 
a Pope in the Chair of S. Peter who should be dependent upea Bim. In 
‘that year, his fear that d’Amboise might be elected was so great, that he 
directed his Envoy i Rome not to shrink from any measures that might 
be necessary to prevent this, not even from creating a sehicms. (Bibl. de 
¥fcole des Chartes, XXXI_ 70; Arch. Veneto, 1, 85 sey.; PeTRUCELLD 
DELLA GATTINA, J. 459; ULMAXN, 1y 136 sey.) When again, in the 
following years, Louis X11. was doing all he could to obtain the Tiara 
for d'Amboise, Maximilian naturally strained every nerve to frustrate 
these efforts. Itiseasy, therefore, to understand what he meant by saying 
in his letter of 1oth June, 1507, to George of Neideck, Bishop of Trent, 
that he meant to come to Rome to have himself made Pope as well as 
Emperor (a portion of this document, which has been since 1830 in the 
Court Library at Vienna, is given in the periodical, Ferdinandeum, IX, 
5576); of course, as a married man, he could not think of obtaining the 
‘Tuam for himself personally. A report was widely circulated that he was 
cager to add the States af the Church to his possessions, but this is exe 
tremely unlikely ; it is far more probable that this notin was a spectre 
conjured up by the apprehensions of the French, Spaniards, and Italiuns, 
“The truth underlying all fancies was that it was Maximilian’s most 
ardent wish to be crowned Emperor at Rome, and to revive the 
supremacy of the Empire and |ts ancient rights over the whole of Italy, 
to the exclusion of French influence.” (SAGMULLEK against Ulmana, 
fn the Literar. Rundschau (1889), p. 242.) 

+ Hua, 111, 385 seg. 

4 Of Grnmannt, Gravamina, 98 seg. 


THE EMPEROR SIDES WITH LOUIS XII. 385 


As long ago as the year 1495, shortly before the Diet of 
Worms, inspired by a somewhat groundless fear that 
Alexander VI. was purposing to bestow the Imperial 
Crown on Charles VIIL of France, Hans yon Hermanns- 
griin, a Saxon nobleman, published a pamphlet which 
aptly mirrors the ferment of the time. He proposes, in case 
the Pope should take this step, to make a formal renuncia- 
tion of obedience for the time, to appoint a German 
Patriarch in his place,and to arrange with Poland, Bohemia, 
and Hungary to summon a Council and cite the Pope to 
appear before it.” 

The Emperor gave vent to his grudge against Julius IL, 
for having made peace with Venice, by following the 
example of France and attacking the Pope on the 
spiritual side} In September, 1510, at the same time 
that Louis XIf. was consulting his courtier Bishops, 
Maximilian sent his Secretary Spiegel with a copy of 


* UEMANN, Der Tum yon Hans von Hermannsgriin in the For- 
schungen mr Deutschen Geschich@, XX., 69 tg. Here is also to be 
found, p. 18sey,, the Memorial which DOLLANGER, Beitrige, IIL, 91 sey, 
afterwards published with a wrong date and a faulty text. GRavERT in 
his interesting essay, “Alte Prophezelungen uber Kaiser und Reich,” in 
Deutschen Hausschatz Jahiy., XVIL, No. 45, suggests that possibly 
the occasion of Hermannsgriin’s pamphlet may have been a work 
written by the Catalan Hieronymus Paulus, contesting the right of the 
Germans to clect the Emperor. Paulus was a member of the Papal 
‘Court under Alexander VI. He says that it would be much better, both 
for the Empire as well as for the Church, if one were chosen not in 
‘Germany alone, but from amongst all the Christian Princes, whom all 
‘should be bound to obey, and who would be powerful enough to subdue 
the barbarian and heathen nations. Italy more especially neededa single 
temporal ruler, and a strong one, for the country was torn to pieces by 
tyrante and factions, and in constant danger. 

+ ULMans, Absichten, 15, rightly concludes from a *Despatch of Pan- 
dolfini of 30th Sept. 1510 (State Archives, Florence), that the example 
of France had a great effect on Maximilian. 


356 ‘HISTORY OF THE rOrES. 

the French Pragmatic Sanction to the learned Jakob 
Wimpheling. Spiege!s instructions state that the Em- 
peror is resolved to take measures to deliver Germany 
from the tyranny of the Roman Court, and to prevent 
large sams from being sent to Rome which are employed 
by the Pope merely ia injuring ‘hi Wimpheling is to 


of a permanent Legate, who should be a native of Germany, 
to adjudicate on all affairs and grievances there, and the 
advantages that would accrue from such an appointment.* 

‘The Emperor's last proposition was a very far-reaching 
one, and went beyond anything that had been thought of 
in France. The appointment of a permanent Legate for 
Germany meant “a permanent change in the organisation 
of the Church, a sort of national independence for the 
German Church." This plan, in combination with the 
introduction of a Pragmatic Sanction, was the first step 
towards a severance of the German Church from Rome, in 
other words, towards a schism. Wimphcling, who was a 
loyal son of the Church, at once recognised this; his answer 
was prudent and reserved. He gave his opinion distinetly 
against the introduction of the Pragmatic Sanction, and im 
regard to the Legate, he spoke mistrustfully and doubtingly. 
On the other hand, he laid great stress on the necessity for 
an improvement, on conservative lines, in the relations of 
the German Church with Rome. He enlarged on the 


* ULMANN, Maximilians Kirchenreformplan, 204 sey.; GERHARDT, 


Gravamina, 67. 
+ Mid, 208. Cf MAURENBRECHER, Kathol. Reformation, 99, where, 


fev. elt, 203, and GeBHanot, Gravamina, 76, 


HIS OBJECT ENTIRELY POLITICAL, 357 


injuries inflicted on Germany by the members of the 
Roman Court, and recapitulated, with some alterations, the 
well known gravamtina of 1457. He dwelt principally 
on the financial side of the question, “and from his point 
of view he had every right to believe that a thorough 
administrative reform would do away with the necessity for 
a Council and probably make it possible to diminish 
pleadings before Roman Courts and improve the inner life 
of the Church.” * 

But at that time the Emperor took very little interest in 
the reform of abuses ; his only object was the political one 
of forcing Julius II. to join the League of Cambrai. Every 
means was tricd, negotiation, threats of schism and of a 
General Council In regard to the Council, at first, in 
January 1511, Maximilian stipulated that the consent of 
the Pope and Cardinals must be obtained; but when the 
negotiations with Lang had proved a failure, and Louis 
XII. in his anger had issued his citation, the Emperor, on 
the 5th of June, rs1r, threw himself unreservedly into the 
French planst Soon after, he forwarded the letter of 
inyitation to the Queen of Hungary and Poland, begging 
her to send representatives to the Council and enable her 
Prelates to attend it§ 

In the year 1511 Louis carried his hatred against Julius 
Il. so far as to pérmit the representation on the stage 
of a satirical play directed against the Head of the Church. 
One of his political pamphleteers, Pierre Gringoire, com- 
posed @ burlesque, for the production of which in the 

* GeeiarnT, Gravamina, 69. 

+ ULMANN, 11, 419 seg.; HERGENROTHER, VILL, 451. 

 Goupast, 411, 428 sey.) ULMANN, IT, 434-435- Cf also JANSSEN, 

11, 849, and BIANCHI, Materie polit. degli Archivi 
Piemontesi, 200. Bologna, 1876. 

§ Acta Tomiciana, 1, 205, 212; FRAkN6!, Ungam und die Liga you 

Cambrai, 85-86, 





FRENCH ATTACKS ON THE Pore, 359 


She tries to get the nobles and prelates on her side and 
to persuade them to desert the Prince. The prelates follow 
her, and finally they come to blows in which the Sotte 
Commune gets the worst of it. In the mélée Mother 
Church’s mantle is torn off, and she is discovered to be an 
impostor, She is not the Church at all, but only la Mére 
Sotte, and is deposed and driven out with indignity. 

The meaning of this was plain, but the after-piece made 
it still clearer. The French and Italian nations appeared 
on the stage, and with them “I'homme obstiné” with two 
female companions, Simony and Hypocrisy. L’homme 
obstiné was Pope Julius I1., “the sword of divine justice 
was hanging over his head, he consorted with robbers 
and murderers, and could not refrain from crime and 
rapine.”* 

Tn May t511, at Louis XIL's desire, a pamphlet was 
written to pave the way for the Council. Its title was: 
“The difference between divisions in the Church and 
Assemblies of the Church, and the advantages of Synods 
of the Gallican Church." The writer was a Belgian, Jean 
Lemaire He endeavours to prove that all divisions are 
caused by the Popes, and all disscnsions healed by means 
of general assemblies conyoked by secular Princes. It was 
divided into three parts. The first tries to shew that the 
donations of temporal possessions have been the source 
of all those corruptions in the Church which had necessi- 
tated the calling of the earlier Councils to remedy them. 


* See F. LoTunissen, Politik auf der Bubne, in the Frankf. Zeitung of 
the 3rd Jan., 1880 (morning edition) ; Allg. Zeitung (1870), N. 168, Suppl. 
("Zar Rabelaisliteratur”) ; and CHAsrriuury, Hist. de la Caricature 
sous ba reformat, 3 Paris, s, @ 

+ Of Becker, Jean Lemaire der erste humanistische Dichter Frank- 
reichs, 162 reg. (Strassburg, 1893), from whose account what follows is 
taken. Cf also Maun, Origines, 272. 


a 


360 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 


‘The second is devoted to pointing out the great services 
rendered to the Catholic faith by the Synods of the 
Gallican Church. The third treats of the divisions in the 
Church in general, and the coming schism, which, 
according to prophecy, is to be the worst of all. These 
things, Lemaire says, have injured the Church more than 
anything else; the desire for power, which is the mother 
of greed, the neglect of Councils, and the compulsory 
celibacy of the priests of the Latin Church. 

Lemaire is never weary of denouncing the arrogance, 
greed, and wickedness of the bad Popes. He is unsparing 
in his satire of the “present Pope, who rigs himself out in 
martial attire, and tries to pose as a warrior, but only looks 
like a monk dancing in spurs, All the same he will not 
succeed in creating the new and abnormal world that he 
hopes for, for pigs will always eat acorns, and oaks will 
shed their leaves at the proper time, and where wood is 
wanted, wood will be used," Tle pamphlet contains many 
other similar passages all directed against Julius IL It 
was written in the vulgar tongue with the object of giving 
it as wide a circulation as possible. 

Louis accepted the dedication of the work, and also 
permitted the publication of caricatures of the Pope. One 
of these represents him standing surrounded by corpses 
with his flag lying on the ground. Close by is the 
empty Papal throne, over which France, depicted as a 
crowned warrior, keeps guard. The figure holds a banner 
with the oriflamme and the inscription, “ Louis is master."* 
Another picture, in a book in the private library of the 
King, represents the Church as a desolate woman in a 
Basilica; not far off is a figure wearing a Tiara with the 
inscription “Dissolution,” who is knocking down a pillar 
so that the roof scems in danger of falling. Another 

* Lacnorx, Louis XII, et Anne de Bretagne, 497. 


THE POPE'S ANSWER TO THE CITATION. 361 


figure, “ Charity,” lays her hand on the shoulder of the 
King of France, who is supporting the tottering edifice.* 
‘Thus the French painters and the pamphleteers, such as 
Lemaire, Jean d’Auton, de Seyssel, and others, who were 
in the pay of the King, all combined to tell the same 
story; Louis was to be the reformer of the Church, and 
that without delay.t 

Though thus attacked and threatened with a schismatic 
Council by the two chief powers of the West, while in 
addition France and the revolted Cardinals were doing 
their utmost to obtain the adhesion of Henry VIII. of 
England and the King of Hungary, Julius U1. did not 
jose heart. On the contrary, misfortune seemed only to 
stimulate his powers and rouse all his energies. He saw 
at once the weak points in the citation, and before he left 
Rimini he had issued a declaration exposing it} The 
schismatical Cardinals had had the audacity to issue the 
summons in the name of the Sacred College, and on their 
own authority to affix to the document the names of 
several absent members. Julius affirmed that two of 
these latter had expressly told him that this had been 


* Musée de !'Erémitage in Petersburg ; MAULDE, Origines, 273, 558. 

+ MAULDE, doc. cit, 273. A curious error is to be found in this 
author, pp. 117-118, in regard to an ordinance of Louis XII, promul- 
gated in 1513, commanding that the stanza, “O salutaris Hostia,” for 
peace should be sung in all churches after the elevation at Mass, Maulde 
observes, “La liturgie, comme on sait, a conservé usage de ces deux 
‘verseta qu'elle interprite au point de vue mystique, mais qui originaire- 
ment serviraient solliciter l'appui céleste contre les excts du pape Jules 
I1® The hymn is well known to have been composed by S. Thomas 
Aquinas! Cf, Bull. Crit, Xt. (1890), 159. 

= Of the Brief from the MS, Vitellius, B. 11, in the Britis Museum, in. 
CREIGHTON, IV, 289-291, In regard to Hungary, which, under the 
influence of the wily Bakocs, at first remained neutral, see FRAKNCt, 
tee. ble 


ii eal 


362 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 


done without their sanction. To this serious charge 
Carvajal and his associates significantly answered that 
their powers without the others were amply sufficient to 
make the act valid.* 

Bowed down with sickness and anxiety, Julius If. let 
Rimini on the 3rd June, 1511. On the sth he was at 
Ancona, on the tith he arrived at Loreto, on the 20th 
at Terni, where to his great vexation he witnessed a fight 
between its inhabitants and those of Spoleto. Torrents 
of rain forced him to hait for a time at Civita Castellana. 
Here a deputation arrived from the people of Rome beg- 
ging him to return without delay. On the 26th of June 
he entered the city by the Porta del Popolo and on the 
following day under a burning sun proceeded in fall 
pontificals to S. Peter's, where he arrived completely 
exhausted, “This was the end of our toilsome and use- 
less expedition,” writes Paris de Grassis+ An utterly 
broken man, both in health and in power, Julius returned 
to the palace from which he had started nine months 
before full of brilliant hopes and confident that the 
French would be driven out of Italy. The Papal and 
Venetian troops were now completely dispersed and there 
was nothing to hinder the enemy from taking possession 
‘of the Papal States and of Rome, and deposing him. 

In this extreme need, with no one to rely on but him- 
self, Julius again shewed how immensely superior he was 
in genius and character to his enemies. While they were 
“hesitating, irresolute and divided, he, fully knowing his 


* RaywaLous, ad an, 1511,m. 7; HERGENROTHER, VEIL, 453. 

+ Pants DE Grassis, ed. Frat, 284-293; SANUTO, XH, 23%, 243, 
257, 2745 and *Acta Consist, f. 29 (Consistorial Archives of the Vatican), 
and the *Chronicle in Varia Polit, so, f. 61. (Secret Archives of the 
Vatican) Cf also Ati dei Lincei (1892), 4 Serie, Scien, Mor, 
Ry 18 


VACILLATION OF LOUIS XII. 363, 


own mind, firmly refused to give himself up for lost."* 
His chief hopes of assistance rested on the King of 
Spain, to whom a special Envoy was sent with a long 
letter-+ 

Guicciardini writes that Italy and the whole world 
were watching with trembling anxiety to see what use 
Louis XII. was going to make of his victory. Julius Il. 
hac absolutely nothing to protect him except the dignity 
of the Papacy. Whether from religious awe or from the 
fear of rousing the whole world against him, the King of 
France resolved not to go all lengths. He desired Trivulzio 
to retire on Milan and made overtures of peace to the 
Pope; if Julius would pardon the schismatical Cardinals 
he would give up the proposed Council; and he induced 
Bentivoglio to declare that he had never thought of wish- 
ing to throw off the suzcrainty of the Church.} 

The schismatical Cardinals were equally wanting in that 
resolution and union amongst themselves which alone 
could have secured a victory. For one thing Cardinals 
Philip of Luxemburg, Adriano da Corneto, and Carlo 
del Carretto, whose names had been affixed to the citation 
without consulting them, protested loudly against the un- * 
warrantable proceeding, and declared they would have 
nothing to do with the anti-Papal Council.§ Cardinal 


* Buoscw, Julius {1., 225. On the passionate resentment of the Pope 
against the faithless Bolognese, see Funt's Report, Carteggio, 150. 

+ Hurene, Ximenes, 434. 

+ Gutcciarpimt, X,, Chap. 1; Lettres de Louis XIL, Il, 250; Lea 
MARE, 15. 

§ Sanuto, XIL,218 ; HERGENROTHER, VIII, 437-438 ; GuBnaRnn, 
Adriano yon Corneto, 21-23. Here also, p, t7 s¢y., are some particulars 
about the mysterious flight of Card. Adriano in 1507 from Reme, Geb» 
bardt kas not availed himself of a *Brief of Julius 11. to the King of 
England (unfortunately undated, but certainly belonging to this time, as 
the preceding paper is of 4th Nov, 1505) about Card. Adriano, in which 


364 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 


d'Este adopted an ambiguous attitude which finally led 
to his reconciliation with the Pope.* Cardinal Gonzaga, 
whom the schismatics had made great efforts to win, 
had already joined Julius II. at the end of May-t The 
Venetian Envoy, a man of considerable penetration, wrote 
on the 3rd of July, 1511, that the Council of Pisa was at 
an end.t 

While the negotiations with France were going 09, 
Julius IL. determined to deprive the revolted Cardinals 
of all pretext for keeping up the schism by turning their 
‘own weapon against them, On the 25th of July, 1511, a 
Bull dated the 18th was affixed to the doors of S. Peter's 
summoning a universal Council to assemble in Rome on 
the 19th of April, 1512, In the preamble the Pope set 
forth the supreme dignity of the Roman Church, sanctified 
by the blood of martyrs, preserved from all error, and 
endowed with the primacy over all other Churches, which 
entailed upon her and her Head the duty of withstanding 
all schismatical attempts to destroy her unity. He then 
described the proceedings of the revolted Cardinals, deny- 
ing their statements, and refuting their arguments; he 
declared that, both as Cardinal and Pope, he had done 
his best to further the assembling of a Council, and it 
had not been his fault that it had been so long delayed. 
The Bull goes on to emphasise the point that a Council 
can only be lawfully summoned by the Pope. Any that 
is not so called must be held of no account. This was 
especially the case in regard to the pretended Council 


he says: Cardi predictus apud nos nunquam honori tuo deteaxit. 
Lib, brev. 22, f. 256. Secret Archives of the Vatican. 

* In Oct, a544, Ippolito joined his brother at Ferrara, with the Pope's 
consent; LE GLAY, L, 441, 

+ Paris DE Grassts, ed Frati, 283. 

= SaNvTo, XIL, 267, 


THE POFE SUMMONS AN GECUMENICAL COUNCIL. 365 


at Pisa; the mere impossibility of its assembling within 
the specified term (September 1st) deprives it of all 
authority, 

The Pope then declares that, in order to withstand 
these dangerous schismatical tendencies and defend the 
rights of the Holy See, he, with the approval of the 
Cardinals and in. the plenitude of his apostolic power, 
pronounces the edict of convocation dated Milan, 16th 
May, 1511, to be in both its contents and effects illegal, 
null and void ; all who adhere to it bring upon themselves 
the severest penalties of the Church, its authors and their 
abettors are deprived of all their dignitics, and all cities 
and districts which harbour and support them are laid 
under Interdict. On the other hand, the Pope, desirous 
of fulfilling his engagements, and further, wishing to make 
a complete end of heresy, and stifle the beginnings of 
schism, to bring about a reform of morals both in the 
clergy and laity, union and peace in Christendom, and 
a holy war against the Turks, now calls an Cicumenical 
Council to mect in Rome at the Lateran Church after 
Easter, on the roth April of the year 1512.* 

* See the Bull in Ravwarpus, ad an. 1511, 1. 9-15; Bull, V., 499 
seq. Lavnd, XIX, 681 sey.; HERGENROTHER, VIIL, 454 sey. Cf 
Fumi, Carteggio, 151-152, and SANUTO, XIL, 304, 321, 332 4424 330 
fz, 371. According to the *Acta Consist, f. 29, the Bull of the Council 


was read in a Secret Consistory on the 18th July, 1§1t, Consistorial 
Axchives of the Vatican. 


PAPAL ALLIANCE WITH SPAIN. 367 


and thought out in substance and in form. Whatever suc- 
cesses might be achieved in this direction would, however, 
have no effect on the other, and equally serious, danger 
arising from the preponderating power of France in Italy. 
Here, for Julius EL, everything depended upon the interest 
which Spain had in checking this power. 

The Pope’s confidence in Ferdinand’s perception of what 
the situation required was not disappointed, In this case, 
where the King's interest coincided with that of the Church, 
he was perfectly willing to accept the honour of posing as 
the defender of the Holy See. With the consent of his 
Grandces and with the approval of Cardinal Nimenes 
summoned to Seville, it was decided to suspend the military 
‘operations in Africa, and send the army that had been em- 
ployed there to Italy. In compliance with the Pope's 
request, the rebellious Cardinal Carvajal was deprived of 
the Bishopric of Siguenza; and a considerable sum of 
money was forwarded to Rome in aid of the war.* 

Immediately after Julius’s arrival in Rome the Spanish 
Ambassador was desired by Ferdinand to offer him the 
assistance of Spain for the reconquest of Bologna. He 
also offered to endeavour to influence England to join in 
an alliance against France, and this Louis knew.f 

Tt appears, however, that it was only with much hesitation 
and against his will that Julius 11, finally brought himself 
to accept the alliance with Spain. He continued his 
negotiations with Louis XII. as long as he could, and only 
broke them off at last when the King refused to comply 
with the indispensable condition that the revolted Cardinals 
should obey their citation to Rome} In the early part of 


* HEPELI, Ximonos, 454 sez. ; GAMs, IIL, 2, 142. 

+ SanurTo, XU, 273-274, 330 Of Brewer, Henry VIII, 1, 17, 
8.4 See also Fun, Carteggio, 151. 

See RASKE, Rom. und Germ. Volker, 267. Brosci, Julius 11, 


368 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 


August the provisions of the League between the Pope, 
Venice, Spain, and England were substantially agreed upon, 
and all that was wanting to its conclusion was the arrival 
of the necessary powers from England and Spain” The 
‘Swiss were also being approached to obtain help from them. 
At this moment an event occurred which seemed likely to 
upset everything. 

Entirely absorbed in the labour and cares of the last few 
months, the Pope had wholly neglected the most ordinary 
care of his health, He trusted to his iron constitution 
without considering that there is a limit to everything. 
Since the end of July he had been incessantly at work, pre~ 
paring for the Council, sending Briefs and Nuncios in all 
directions ; he had begun legal proceedings against the 
Duke of Urbino and gone on personally conducting the 
negotiations with Spain and England in spite of an attack 
of fever in the beginning of August. On the 17th he had 
another, but would not desist from his work, and saw the 


226-227, thinks it is certain that the Pope was not in eamest in the 
negotiations with France, because he employed G. Giordano Orsini, a 
man who had had no experience and was unskilled in political affairs, to 
carry them on. He also, and still more positively, infers the same thing 
from the conditions proposed. On this point he says = “The proposals 
in regard to Ferrara and Bologna might perhaps have been accepted, ar 
at any rate have formed a basis for negotiations, but the King’s honour 
forbade any answer but a refusal to the demand that he should give up 
the Cardinals" But neither of these arguments is really convincing. 
Secular Princes have never had much scruple in throwing awny thelr 
clerical tools when they have served their purpose ; and it was impossible 
for Julius, without completely abdicating his authority, to relinquish Bis 
claim to have the Cardinals sent to Rome, The true cause of the 
Gilure of their negotiations is stated later by Brosch himself; it was plain 
that Louis intended to resume the war as soon as the conditions became 
more fayoarable. On the citation of the Cardinals, see SANUTO, XIi.. 
gas~g22. 
* Sanuro, XI, 372-373. 


ILLNESS OF THE POPE, 369 


Ambassadors while in bed, On the 2oth it came on again 
with such violence that his physicians declared that the 
next attack must prove fatal. The news spread like 
lightning throughout Rome that the Pope was dying. 
The Cardinals began at once to prepare for the approach- 
ing Conclave. The Spanish Envoy summoned the Colonna 
to Rome, saying that the Pope was in extremity and that 
there was great danger that the Orsini, supported by 
France, would get possession of the city. On the 23rd of 
August the Venetian Ambassador Lippomano reports that 
“the Pope is passing away; Cardinal Medici tells me he 
cannot live through the night. Medici is trying for the 
‘Tiara, but it is thought that it will fall to one of the French 
party. Raffaele Riario and Fiesco are named. The city 
is in a turmoil; every one is armed.” On the 24th Julius 
received the Holy Viaticum, removed the Interdict from 
Ferrara and Bologna, absolved the Duke of Urbino, and 
made all hisdispositions for death.* Paris de Grassis writes: 
“1 think I may close my Diary here; for the Pope's life 
fs coming to an end through his obstinacy in refusing to 
follow the advice of his physicians, He has commended 
his servants to Cardinal Raffaele Riario and given him 
34,000 ducats to divide amongst them. After he had taken 
a little food he seemed better, But on Monday the 25th 
he refused all nourishment, he had a relapse and his con- 
dition became hopeless. On Wednesday there was still no 
change; and as he had eaten nothing for four days, every 


* SANUTO, XIL., 330, 362, 370, 371, 395, 398, 403 sey, 434 404 441, 
449; © 484. See also Fumt, Carteggio, 157, 158-159, and Luzio, F, 
Gommaga, 22. Philip Bervald the younger, who defended the Duke of 
‘Urbino, succeeded in convincing the Pope of Alidos’s treason, and Alfonso 
was absolved and reinstated in all his dignities. Cf in Duxtstoun, Il, 
328, the notice in the *Acta Consist, of the 22nd Aug, 1511. Con 
sistorial Archives of the Vatican, 

VOL. VI 2B 


370 HISTORY OF THE POPES 


‘one, including his physicians, gave him up, The doors of 
his chamber were opened and some of the people made 
their way to his bed-side, He lay on his couch with closed 
eyes and secmed barely alive. Disturbances began in the 
city, many outlaws returned, confusion prevailed every- 
where, All the public officials, even those in the courts of 
law, left their work, the Governor of the city took refuge in 
the Palace, and the Minister of Police in the Castle of St. 
Angelo. The Sacred College met and desired me to make 
arrangements for the funeral obsequies and for the Con- 
clave. Then it occurred to the Pope's relations and ser 
vants to send for a very indulgent physician® and suggest 
to him that he should give him permission to cat whatever 
he liked. By agreeing to this he succeeded in persuading 
his patient to consent to take some food. The Pope asked 
for peaches, nuts, plums, and other fruits, which he chewed 
but did not swallow. After that he had small onions and 
strawberries, which he likewise only chewed. But presently 
he swallowed several peaches and plums and then fell into 


* From BERLINER, Gesch, der Juden, Il, 81, and GREcOROVIUS, 
VIL, 76, ed. 3, one would be led to believe that this was the Jewish 
physician Samuel Zarfati (cf MARISY, IL, 249 sep, and *Introit. etext, 
536, f. 148, where it says: magister Samuel Ebreus, “‘medicus S, D, Na" 
who, on the 14th July, 1505, received 125 flor. auri largi, ad bonum 
computum pro eius provisione. Mag. Joh. de Vico was chirurgus to the 
Pope, [Secret Archives of the Vatican.]), But, from the Venetian 
Report in SANUTO, XII. 449, which those authors have overlooked, it 
seems clear that this could not have been the cise, a3 at that time the 
Rabbi was very much out of favour with the Pope. And in the Report 
of 26th Aug, we fied: Marco Scipio heri li lasso mangiare uno per 
sicho ; parve stesse meglio. The date here certainly does not agree with 
de Gmasis, but Jovrvs, Vita Pomp, Col, 240, expressly says: Medicus 
qui Jatio poma, persica obtulit, fuit Scipio Lancelotus. MAREN, 1, 299, 
has overlooked this passage, as well as the one in Sanuto. In regard to 
Jewish physichas ersployed by Popes, see besides MARINI, Ly 292 sayy 
‘GUDEMANN, 237. 


L _il 


SCHEMES OF POMPEO COLONNA. 370 


alight sleep. This state of things went on for two days, 
during which those who attended him alternately hoped 
and despaired. Greatapprehension was felt for the future; 
dangers of all sorts seemed hanging over our heads, dis- 
turbances, war, and scarcity,"* The reports of the Envoys 
then in Rome shew that the account of the Master of 
‘Ceremonies is not by any means exaggerated, 

“ Never,” writes the Venetian Ambassador Lippomano, 
“has there been such a clang of arms round the deathbed 
of any former Pope; never has the danger been greater 
than itis now. May God help us"+ Some of the nobles 
endeavoured to take advantage of the turmoil in the city 
to bring about a rising against the Government of the 
Church. The ambitious Pompeo Colonna, whose relations 
had forced him into Holy Orders against his will, was at 
the head of the revolutionary party, Not content with the 
dignitics of Bishop of Rieti and Abbot of Grottaferrata and 
Subiaco, Pompeo aimed at the purple and felt confident of 
obtaining it after the deaths of Cardinals Orsini, Colonna, 
Savelli, and Cesarini, But he was disappointed, and was 
now bent on making Julius II. pay for this neglect of a 
member of one of the great Roman families. He hastened 
to the Capitol and from thence harangued the mob, urging 
them to cast off the domination of the priesthood and 
restore the republican constitution and liberties, It was 
resolved at the next election to demand many concessions 
from the new Pope, and amongst others insist on the 
nomination of a Roman Cardinal. 


* PARIS DE Grassis,ed. Déllinger, 4tt-412, Cf Lvzio, F, Gonzaga, 


72-23. 

+ Sawvuro, X11. 449; of Luzio, 22. 

t Jovrvs, Vita P. Columnae ; Gurectanpint, X., Chap. t } SANUTO, 
XIL, 482; Luzio, F. Gonzaga, 23. Gregorovius’ account of this. at- 
tempted revolt is in some points incorrect, as has been pointed out 


372 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 


Julius now began to recover from his state of death-like 
prostration, The free use of fruit and liquids, which it had 
been supposed would have killed him, had really been his 
salvation. The fever was gone and by the 28th he was 
completely convalescent,* 

Deadly fear seized upon all those who had been reckon- 
ing on his death, the Cardinals who had been busy about 
the Conclave, and the Roman revolutionists. On the 28th 
the nobles assembled in the Capitol, and there, in order to 
make their former proceedings appear innocent, concluded 
one of those pacific conventions which were so familiar and 
so transitory. Then they parted: Pompeo Colonna fled to 
his fastness in Subiaco, the others to France; for the Pope 
who had been thought to be dead began at once to talk of 
retribution.+ 

The recovery of Julius was somewhat retarded by his 
perverseness in the matter of diet, but he at once turned 
his attention to the resumption of the negotiations for the 
League against France. An alliance of all the Christian 
Princes was to be formed, to take the Pope, the Council, and 
Rome under their protection.{ The intrigues of the schis- 
matical Cardinals, the refusal of Louis XII. to dissociate 
himself from the Bentivogli, and his threats of setting up 


by ReuMonT in a dissertation in the Allg. Zeit, (1874) No 358, Suppl, 
‘on the Nuptiali di Alticri, published by Narducci, As GREGOROVITS, in 
his 3rd ed. in 1881 (VILL, 78 sey.), bas taken no notice of this it will mot 
be superfluous to mention it again. f also L. PAssaRINi, Memorie 
intorno alla vita di S. Aldobrandini, 219. Panis DE GRASSIS, el. Frati, 
174, shews that even in the year 1507 many of the Romans were 
unfriendly to Julius U1. 

* Sanuro, XI, 455, 481, 482-483. Cf Paris DE Grassis, ed, 
Dollinger, 412. 

+ Sawu7o, XII, 485; FIORAVANTE, Denari, 161 sey.; Carri, Mem 
Colormesi, 257 sey. ; MAzI0, Saggiatore, LV., 13, 21, 

3 Lanz, Einleitung, 121. 


‘THE LEAGUE AGAINST FRANCE. 373 


an anti-Pope filled Julius IJ. with anxiety. On the tst 
of October he had appointed Cardinal Medici, Legate of 
Bologna and the Romagna,* and now he awaited with 
trembling impatience the definite formation of the League 
which was to protect him from his enemies and recover 
the lost States for the Church.t 

The League was finally arranged and signed on the 4th 
October, 1511, and on the following day was solemnly 
announced in Rome in S* Maria del Popolo. The primary 
contracting parties were Julius I1., Ferdinand of Spain, and 
the Republic of Venice, but it was expressly provided that 
the Emperor and the King of England were at liberty 
to join it if they wished. “Europe was invited to rally 
round the Pope, and all Kings and Princes were asked to 
unite for one common object, namely, the preservation of 
the unity of the Church and of the integrity of her patri- 
mony.”{ The adhesion of Henry of England, which 
actually followed on the 17th November, was regarded at 
that time as certain,§ and the Swiss could also be counted 
upon to invade Milan.|j 


® PARIS DE GRASSIS, ed. Frati, 299; Corp. dipl. Portuy,, I, 137- 

t Cf Saxwro, XI1,, 488, soo, 536, 538, 545. 

t Lanz, Einleitung, 122. 

§ DuMon7, IV, 1, 137; RAYNALDUS, ad an, 1511, 9. 34; THRINER, 
Cod, (IL, 578.seg. ; Mittheil. d. CEsterreich, Instints (1384), p. 618 sey. 
Lettres de Louis XII, Ill, 60 seg, 65 sey; Opere ined. di F. 
Guleclardini, V1, 21 seg. ; Panis DE Grassis, ed, Dillinger, 412. Ch 
‘Mem. stor. di Mirandola, 1, 197 sey.; Sempre, Carpi, $ ; the Portuguese 
Report of Franc. Juzarte to King Manvel in Corp. dipl. Portug. I 1375 
138-139; LEMMANN, 15 Jey-; and on the adhesion of England, 
BREWER, State Papers, L., N. 1980; “Acta Consist, f. 35 (Consistorial 
Archives of the Vatican); SANUTO, X11 14 75 169. 87 4: ¢ 6f. 130 FG» 
aor, 

{) C&% Dieraver, IL, 407. A Brief of Julius II. to the Swiss, of the 
a7th October, 1stt, in the Abschieden, I11., 2, 586; a duplicate to the 






a | 


374 MISTORY OF THE POPES. 


Now that his position was so far secured, Julius II. was 
able to take the last step in regard to the schismatical 
Cardinals. When the term appointed in the letter of 
titation had expired, in an open Consistory held on 24th 
October, at which there were cightcen Cardinals present, 
be pronounced the sentence of excommunication and de 
position on Cardinals Carvajal, Brigonnet, Francesco Borgia, 
and de Pric, as rebels. Cardinals Sanseverino and d’Albret 
ess reatcned Wis Chaenes Pes eireeee rors 
disobedient. * 

“Thus before the Council had met, the Cardinals who 
had convoked it had been deposed It is true that the 
day fixed for its opening had been the 1st of September, 
but they had themselves put off their arrival} Their 
prospects were about as bad as they possibly could be 
Spain and England would have nothing to say to them, 
and in Italy and Germany the Council called forth 
no enthusiasm. Even in France they met with so little 
sympathy that on the 20th of September Cardinal de Prie 
wrote to Louis XII. to say that, unless he would exert his 


Mayor and Council ef Basle, dat 28th Oct, 1511, in the Basle Archives, 
M2675. 

* Rarnatpus, ad an. 1511, n. 33, 35, 96} PARIS De Grass, 
Déllinger’s eth, 412-415 ; 6 414, the striking remarks oa the position 
‘of the schicmatical Cardinals; Sanvto, X111, t77, 178 208 24g.) 
Desjanoins, IL, $71, N. 1; LEHotann, 15; Atti dei Lincei (1892), 
4 Serie, Scienz. mor, X15. Of *Acta Consist, £ ség5 Its 
here stated that in a Secret Consistory on 22nd Oct, Sigismondo de 
Conti read the jadgment to the Cardinals, and stiey agreed to ft (Con- 
sistorial Archives of the Vatican.) On the 24th Oct. the deposition of 
the Cardinals was announced to all the Princes of Europe. See the 
State Archives in Turin. Mazz0 18, N. 26. A copy of the announce: 
ment sent to Maximilian, dat, Rom., 24th Oct, is in the State Archives, 
Bologna, 


+ LenMann, 15. 


FAILURE OF THE ANTI-PAPAL COUNCIL. 378 


royal power in favour of the assembly at Pisa, it would be 
acomplete failure and effect nothing. “Thus at its very 
inception the free Council was to owe its existence to 
State despotism."* On the 1st September the number of 
those who were prepared to attend it was so small that it 
had to be put off till the 1st November. 

From the first even its originators had no confidence 
in the success of their undertaking, In the beginning of 
September, the Spanish Cardinals knowing the position 
that their King was taking up, were prepared to repudiate 
it if the Pope would have allowed them to remain at Siena 

To the hostile attitude of the King of Spain was now 
added an unfavourable change in that of Maximilian, 
From the first the Emperor had disapproved of the choice 
of Pisa as the place for holding the Council. In July he 
said very decidedly that it could only be held in some town 
belonging to the Empire; Verona and Constance were 
mentioned.t Also, not only Hungary and Poland but the 
Empire itself hung back from committing itself to an anti- 
Papal Council§ and the Emperor received letters from 
various quarters warning him against it, amongst others 
from his daughter Margaret and from the learned Abbot 
Trithemius, The latter strongly urged him to have nothing 
to do with an assembly which was unlawfully convoked and 
must necessarily lead to a schism, and assured him that 


* RAYNALDUS, ad an, 1511, n, 8; HERCENROTHER, VIIL., 480. 

+ Morso.ix, L’Abbate di Monte Subasio, 15. 

7 Le Guay, L, 417) Acta Tomiciana, 1, 211; Zurrra, 248; 
FRAKNOs, Liga von Cambrai, $6 (note 1), 92; ULMann, IL, 496 4°75 
who justly remarks that the proposal in the Emperor's instructions to. 
his secretary Pigello Portinari, that the Council should be held in 
Florence, was mainly a pecuniary speculation. Ulmann is mistaken in 
thinking that this instruction has not been printed. It is published by 
‘Tosestastnt in his Machiavelli, 1., 702-703. 

§ ULMANN, 11, 435. 


376 HISTORY OF THE POPES, 


Germany would not follow him in this path. The attitude 
of the German clergy shewed that the Abbot of Sponheim 
was not mistaken on this point; and in addition to all this 
there was the difference between him and the King of 
France as to the place of meeting. It is not surprising, 
therefore, that the Emperor's interest in the Counejl began 
to slacken. : 

When Julius Il, was so dangerously ill in August 1511, 
Maximilian, like every one else, supposed the Pope to be 
dying He at once nominated three Envoys for the 
Conclave, and also intended to send his trusty Lang to 
Rome to unite with Cardinal Adriano Castellesi in looking 
after his interests in the new election, He told the English 
Ambassador that this Cardinal was his candidate. At the 
same time, Carvajal also hoped this time to attain the object 
of his ambition. 

At first no one at the Imperial Court could believe in the 
reality of the Pope's sudden and rapid recovery. They 
were still convinced that his days were numbered, and it 
was in this conviction that Maximilian wrote those much 
discussed letters in which he expressed his visionary notion 
of adding the Tiara to the Imperial crown.§ In one of 


+ Trrmiesvs, Annal. Hirsaug, UL, 669 sey. 

+ Ofsupra, p. 968 4eg,; also FRAKNOI, Erdodi Bakdes Tamils, 108 seg. 

J ULMANn, Absichten, 22, and Maximilian, I1., 440. 

§ Maximilian’s aspirations to the Papacy have produced an extremely 
‘extensive literature. A. JXGER has collected the earlier writings on this 
subject in the Transactions of the Academy of Vienna, XIL, 199 20g. 
(1854). This writer justly holds the authenticity of these letters to. be 
beyond doubt. (Maximilian’s Instructions to George of Neideck of 
toth June, (507, mentioned supru, p. 354, note *, in a sense corroborate his 
view.) At the same time he thinks it is 4 mistake to interpret the letters 
too strictly in a literal sense, while, on the other hand, he combate 
the view that they are not to be taken seriously at all. Jager, relying 
‘very much on SCHRECK (Biografia del Card. Adriano [Trento, 2857]), 


MAXIMILIAN’S LETTERS TO HIS DAUGHTER. 377 


these letters addressed to his daughter Margaret, Regent 
of the Netherlands, and dated 18th September, 1511, he 


solves the problem by giving the letters an allegorical meaning, and 
considers that the purpose of the Emperor in them was to signify his 
intention of obtaining the “Mara for Card A, Castellosi, who had taken 
refuge in the Tyrol and was completely devoted to him. Against Jager, 
Lanz, 118, and Bows and Hunter, HI, 394, have pointed out that the 
plain sense of the words will not admit of such an interpretation, 
especially in the letter to P. von Lichtenstein. In spite of Juiger, most 
historians continue to think that Maximilian really aimed at uniting the 
dignities of Emperor and Pope in his own person, BROSCH (p. 335) 
‘brought forward a proof from the Venetian Archives that in December 
there had been negotiations on the subject between Maximilian and 
Ferdinand of Spain ; he speaks very contemptuously of Jiger’s work, 
Tn consequence, however, of further researches by Gebhardt and 
Ulmana, Jiiger’s theory, though in some points his investigations are 
wanting in thoroughness, came, to a certain degree, into favour again. 
Gesuaxpr (Adrian v. Corneto, 23 seg.) discovered a Report from the 
English Ambassador at the Imperial Court of 4th Sept, ttt, in which 
he says that Maximilian wished to obtain the Tiara for Card. Adriano in 
the place af Julius I!., who was hopelessly ill. Maximilian’s biographer, 
‘Ulmann, in 1888 published a treatise dealing with this question alone. 
Although we are not in possession of the complete text of the Imperial 
Instruction of 1507, Ulmann, unlike Bohm, considers this document of 
the first importance in deciding the question, In that year the Empress 
was still living, consequently, so this author argues, Maximilian could 
‘not then have had any thought of himself becoming Pope. Since in 
5th, after the Empress’ death, he expresses himself in exactly the 
same terms as are employed in the Instruction, Ulmann infers “ that his 
meaning must also have been the same, and that therefore the true 
‘kernel of his project could not have been a personal occupation of the 
‘Chair of 3. Peter.” Ulmana thinks he finds this “true kernel” in the 
Exmperor’s favourite idea of the secularisation of the States of the Church. 
As this would be incompatible wit his being himself the wearer of the 
‘iar, all this seems to imply fhatit is to be taken ws a diplomatic cireum~ 
Jocution, The one thing that is certain is “that in the years from 1507~ 
£5EC he cannot have dreamt of obtaining the Papal Crown for himself, 
whetheras Papal and Imperial Sovereign, or, laying aside the pomp of 
Expire, as real spiritual Head. of the Church ; the thing he aimed at 


378 RISTORY OF THE POPES. 


says: “To-morrow I am going to send Matthxus Lang, 
Bishop of Gurk, to Rome, to arrange with the Pope about 


‘was to arrogate to himself the 'dominium temporale” of the Papacy. 
«+++ The possession of Rome would secure to him the mastery is 
Upper Italy, and at the same time, by making him Surerain of Naples, 
Protect him against injury from Spain of the southern side of the States 
of the Church, If I aan right is my view, he intended to issue a 
sammons from Rome to the whole of Christendom to range itself under 
the Imperial standard for a Crusade against the Turks” (pp. 47-49) 
This theory has found unconditional acceptance from very fow scholars. 
ULwane himself, however, while acknowledging it to be only a hypo- 
thesis (IL, 441), still holds firmly to it in the 2nd Vol. of his Biography of 
Maximilian, SAGMOticR, in the Literar. Rundachau (1889), p 242 
agrees with Ulmann that Maximilian had not thought of being Pope as 
well as Emperor, but sees objections to the view that he aimed at 
possessing himself of the temporal power of the Papacy. J. BERNAYS, on 
the contrary, looks upon this latter point as proved from the Instruction 
of 1507, but holds that in Sept, 1511, Maximilian aspired also to the 
Papal dignity itself (Gort. Gel. Anz, 1888, pp. 1023-1024) One of 
Bernay’s objections in regard to the suserainty is answered beforehand 
by ULMANN, 11, 440; but that does not affect bis view of the Imperial 
lettes of the 18h Sept. Quite independently of Bernays, G, SULAGER 
decisively rejects both the reasoning and conclusions in Ulmann’s work 
while fully recognising the clear insight into the political situation which 
itdisplays. “The xeports of & Florentine bving in the French cunp,” 
he observes, “on which Ulmann mainly depends, cannot be of greater 
authority than the Emperer’s own words In the endeavour to fathom 
his secret intentions they must be our first guide, and their cleay, literal 
meaning cannot be ignored” (Deutsche Literaturztg., 1888, p. 1607), 1 
Gf{41GKR] in the Suppt. to the Ally. Zeit. (1888), No. 320, says that be 
cannot agree with Ulmana, and brings forward some notable objections: 
tohis hypothesis. Both ULMANN (p. 92) and Geiger might have avoided 
the mistake of translating “adoratio” by che word “worship” if they had 
possessed even & slight knowledge of Catholic doctrine, A letter from 
Card. S, Gonzaga to the Marchesa Isabella, dat. Macerata, and Oct. 
158, ts valuable as evidence on this question, certainly much more so” 
than the documents cited by Brosch, It says: S. Be voleva mandare 
un monitorio al revo Card. di S, Severino et a Labretto, che com- 
Paressero persanalinente dinanzi a lei infra certo termine sotto pena de 


HIS DESIGN UPON THE PAPACY. 379 


choosing me as his coadjutor with the reversion of the 
Papacy on his death, and allowing me to take holy orders, 
so that T may possibly be canonised and you may have 
to revere me as a saint after my death, which I should 
value much, I have sent an Envoy to the King of Spain, 
asking him to support me; which he has willingly promised 
to do on condition of my abdicating the Imperial crown in 
favour of my grand-son Charles, to which | cordially agree. 
‘The people and nobles of Rome have entered into a com- 
pact with cach other against the French and Spaniards; 
they can arm 20,000 men, and have assured me that they 
will never consent to the elevation of a Frenchman, a 
Spaniard, or a Venetian, but will choose a Pope who shall 
‘be dependent on me and acceptable to the German nation, 
fam already beginning to canvass the Cardinals, for which 
purpose from 200,000 to 300,000 ducats would be very 
useful, The King of Spain has sent word to me through 
his Envoy that he will desire the Spanish Cardinals to 
support my candidature, I beg you to keep all this pro- 
foundly secret, although I fear that in a very short time 
the whole world will know it, as too many people have 
to be employed in the business and too much money fs 
required. I commend you to God. Written by the hand 
of your good father, Maximilian, future Pope. September 
18th. 

“ P.S.—The Pope has had a return of fever; he cannot 
live much longer.” * 
Ia privatione ef puesto faceva per essersi inteso che havevano proposto 
alle Imperatore de farlo papa, cosa non mai vista et inandite, \ found 
‘the original in the Gonzaga Archives, Mantua, and it has now been 
pablished by MORSOLIN in L’Abbate di Monte Subasio, 14. Morsolin 
thinks the detects a squib on Maximilian's plan of becoming Pope in a 
‘satisical medal of the 16th Century, See Riv, Ital. di Numismatica A’, 
‘VIII, fase. 2. 

* After the original in the Archives at Lille in Le Guay, IL, 373 


g8o HISTORY OF THE POPES. 


This letter might quite possibly have been meant as a 
playful refusal of a project for a fresh marriage presented 
to him by Margaret, as he had been a widower since 
the 31st of December; for he was fond of writing jesting 
letters to her.* But another addressed to the Tyrolese 
Land-Marschall, Paul von Lichtenstein, and dated 16th 
September, 1511, cannot be thus humorously interpreted. 
Maximilian writes ;— 

“ Most noble, beloved, and faithful friend! We do not 
doubt that what we have imparted to you at various times 
as to our reasons for intending and desiring to obtain 
the Papacy is still fresh in your memory; as also we 
ourselves have never ceased to keep this purpose in mind. 
Moreover we feel in ourselves, and in fact it is so, that 
there can be no aim more noble, lofticr, or better than 
that of attaining to the said dignity. 

“And as the present Pope Julius has lately been 
dangerously ill, so much so that, as our Court Chancellor 
for the Tyrol, Cyprian of Serentin, has informed us, every 
one in Rome thought that his last moment had come, we 
have resolved to take the necessary measures for carrying 
out our intention, and to act in such a manner as shall 
win for us the Papacy. Consequently we have laid these 
matters before | Adriano who, as you know, has 

h us in Germany; who, when 

joy, and advised us strongly to 

inks that there are many Cardinals who 
mind, And since, as you yourself 
very likely that the Pope will die (for 
nothing but fruit, and drinks so much 


year is wanting in the original, but it must 


eg. : 
* UcMANN, Absichten, 31 sey, and BERxavs in Gitt Gel Ane 
44383), p. toa. 





ll 


HIS LETTER TO PAUL VON LICHTENSTEIN 381 


more that his life has no substance in it), if he does die, we 
have prepared the Bishop of Gurk to post at once to Rome 
to help us in this affair of the Papacy; but, as this cannot 
be done without a considerable sum of money which we 
must provide, we have promised the Cardinals and several 
other persons, to expend 300,000 ducats for the needs of 
our undertaking and to arrange that this money shall be 
obtainable from the Fugger Bank at Rome. As you know, 
at the present time we have no money, and the only way in 
which it will be possible for us to satisfy Fugger in regard 
to this sum will be by pledging our jewels,” 

‘The Emperor then proceeds to give detailed instructions 
as to the negotiations for the loan; the jewels that are 
to be pledged, to which the feudal mantle worn by 
Charlemagne is to be added, which, he says, does not 
belong to the Empire, but is an Austrian heirloom, the 
property of the Hapsburgs, and will be no longer wanted 
‘by him when he is Pope; the manner in which, and the 
persons to whom, the money is to be paid, and how and 
when the articles pledged are to be redeemed. Von 
Lichtenstein is admonished to use all possible diligence 
to get the matter arranged quickly and secretly, to take 
no denial, but persist, even if at first he is met by a refusal, 
and to keep the Emperor thoroughly informed of every 
step in the proceedings, and is assured that his faithful 
service will be remembered and amply rewarded, 

In the concluding paragraph the Emperor says: “We 
also wish you to know that to-day we have heard by a 
private post from our secretary John Colla, that the Orsini, 
Colonna, and the populus Romanus are quite resolved, 
and have engaged, not to accept any Pope who is a 
Frenchman or a Spaniard, or a candidate of either of 
these nations. And they have sent an Envoy privately 
to ask us not to fight with the French, so that they may 


380 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 


This letter might quite possibly have been meant as a 
playful refusal of a project for a fresh marriage presented 
to him by Margaret, as he had been a widower since 
the 31st of December; for he was fond of writing jesting 
letters to her.* But another addressed to the Tyrolese 
Land-Marschall, Paul von Lichtenstein, and dated 16th 
September, 1511, cannot be thus humorously interpreted. 
Maximilian writes — 

“Most noble, beloved, and faithful friend! We do not 
doubt that what we have imparted to you at various times 
as to our reasons for intending and desiring to obtain 
the Papacy is still fresh in your memory; as also we 
ourselves have never ceased to keep this purpose in mind. 
Moreover we feel in ourselves, and in fact it is so, that 
there can be no aim more noble, loftier, or better than 
that of attaining to the said dignity. 

“And as the present Pope Julius has lately been 
dangerously ill, so much so that, as our Court Chancellor 
for the Tyrol, Cyprian of Serentin, has informed us, every 
one in Rome thought that his last moment had come, we 
have resolved to take the necessary measures for carrying 
out our intention, and to act in such a manner as shall 
win for us the Papacy. Consequently we have laid these 
matters before Cardinal Adriano who, as you know, has 
been for some time past with us in Germany; who, when 
he heard it, wept for joy, and advised us strongly to 
proceed, and thinks that there are many Cardinals who 
will be of the same mind. And since, as you yourself 
also must sce, it is very likely that the Pope will die (for 
he eats little, and that nothing but fruit, and drinks so much 


€f.407, $41. The date of the year is wanting in the original, but it must 
be rsit, Cf BOM, 14 529. % 

* Utoeans, Absichten, 31 sey and BERWAYS ia Gott. Gel Ann 
(1888), p. soar. 


HIS LETTER TO PAUL VON LICHTENSTEIN 381 


more that his life has no substance in it), if he does die, we 
have prepared the Bishop of Gurk to post at once to Rome 
to help us in this affair of the Papacy ; but, as this cannot 
be done without a considerable sum of money which we 
must provide, we have promised the Cardinals and several 
other persons, to expend 300,000 ducats for the needs of 
our undertaking and to arrange that this money shall be 
obtainable from the Fugger Bank at Rome. As you know, 
at the present time we have no money, and the only way in 
which it will be possible for us to satisfy Fugger in regard 
to this sum will be by pledging our jewels.” 

The Emperor then proceccs to give detailed instructions 
as to the negotiations for the loan; the jewels that are 
to be pledged, to which the feudal mantle worn by 
Charlemagne is to be added, which, he says, docs not 
belong to the Empire, but is an Austrian heirloom, the 
property of the Hapsburgs, and will be no longer wanted 
by him when he is Pope; the manner in which, and the 
persons to whom, the money is to be paid, and how and 
when the articles pledged are to be redeemed. Von 
Lichtenstein is admonished to use all possible diligence 
to get the matter arranged quickly and secretly, to take 
no denial, but persist, even if at first he is met by a refusal, 
and to keep the Empéror thoroughly informed of every 
step in the proceedings, and is assured that his faithful 
service will be remembered and amply rewarded. 

In the concluding paragraph the Emperor says; “We 
also wish you to know that to-day we have heard by a 
Private post from our secretary John Colla, that the Orsini, 
Colonna, and the populus Romanus are quite resolved, 
and have engaged, not to accept any Pope who is a 
Frenchman or a Spaniard, or a candidate of either of 
these nations. And they have sent an Envoy privately 
to ask us not to fight with the French, so that they may 


384 IfNSTORY OF THE POPES. 


the adverse attitude of the German Episcopate had much 
to do with this. The Bishop of Brixen refused to act as 
Imperial representative at the Council, on the ground that 
he was more bound to the Pope than to the Emperor. 
The Archbishop of Salzburg declared himself precluded 
by his ecclesiastical oath from sending even one of his 
Counsellors to it Now that England and Spain also 
had pronounced against it;} while Hungary held aloof for 
the present fram the opponents of the Pope,f the schis- 
matics had no power but France to support them, The 
Court Bishops, of course, followed the King; but “all 
who could, as the Flemish clergy, who, in spite of Louis's 
complaints never appeared at Lyons, tried to keep clear 
of the Council. The French disliked the Italian policy 
of their King, the people and the nobles objected to the 
cost of the war,and the Queen implored her husband to 
withdraw from a conflict with the Pope which might be 
extremely prejudicial to the interests of the future heir 
to the throne."§ 


* ULMANN, LI, 435-436. Dr. Mayr has sought in vain throughout 
the Statthalter's Archives at Innsbruck for M, von Wolkenstein’s Report 
to Maximilian which is here cited. It is a pity that Ulmann hardly 
ver gives the numbers of the Documents he quotes. 

+ Ferdinand had caused the Bull of Indiction for the Lateran Council 
to be solemnly announced at Burgos om the 16th Nov., 1511, and desired 
the Bishops to meet for consultation on it, H&RGENROTHER, VILL, 463 
9. gives a fell account of the proposals for Reform which were to be 
laid before the Council, drawn from the documents published (some of 
them very carclessly) by DOLLINGER, Beitriige, IL, 200 sey, out 
of the Simancas Archives. 

t FRAKNGH, Liga von Cambrai, 92 seg. 

§ Lrarawn, 31. Girolamo Aleandro, who had been chosen by his 
colleagues to represent the High School of Paris at the Council of Pisa, 
refused the dangerous honour, See Nuntiaturberichie, 111., Bink, 31. 
published by HeRGENROTHER, VIL1., 438-489. 


LOVALTY OF THE ITALIAN CLERGY, 385 


The Italian clergy as a body were faithful to the lawful 
Pope. The exceptions consisted only of a few such men 
as the restless Abbot Zaccaria Ferreri and Cardinal San- 
severino, who was so deeply compromised. Many warning 
voices were heard from amongst them. The pious hermit 
Angelo of Vallombrosa adjured Carvajal not to rend the 
unity of the Church ; what he was doing, he said, was like 
the crime of Lucifer and would draw down God's judg- 
ments upon him.* Angelo, like many other Italians, as 
Francesco Poggio,} was diligent with his pen in defence of 
the rights of the Holy See against the schismatics. The 
most eminent of these writers were Domenico Jacobazzi} 
and the celebrated theologian and philosopher, Thomas de 
Vio of Gaeta, better known as Cajetanus, who, since 1508, 
had been General of the Dominicans, In several works 
which obtained the honour of being publicly burnt by Louis 
XIL, Cajetanus dealt in a masterly and classical style with 
the false Conciliar theory of which the Council of Pisa was 
the latest offshoot. He maintained that the power of the 
Pope in the Church was supreme and monarchical, demon- 
strated the difference between the authority of Peter and 
that of the other Apostles, denied the superiority of Councils 
over the Head of the Church, and refuted the objections 
drawn from the Councils of Constance and Basle, The 
theses which he defended were the following:—(1) A 
Council does not derive its authority immediately from 
Christ. (2) It does not represent the whole Church unless 
it includes the Pope. (3) Adoubtful Pope, such as the one 


* Angelo also addressed Louls XII. himself, See RayNaubus, ad 
am. 151) m3) 3 

+ De potestate papae et concilii liber, #4 ef a. (probably Romae, 
asia). Of RaywaLpus, ad an. 1511, 0. 19% 

} Particulars concerning his Tmet. de Concilio (written 1512, printed 
1538) are to be found in HERGENROTHER, VITL, 438 s09., 476 eg. 

vol, VI. 2c 


restless and changeable man, had first been a Benedictine 
monk, and then joined the Carthusians. Here too, he could 
not bear the quict of the cloistered life, and threw himself 
eagerly into politics, labouring to enlist public opinion in 
support of the League of Cambrai and turn it against the 
Venetians, whom he hated, and continued to oppose even 
after the Republic had been absolved. He wrote poems 
in praise of the French and was thus brought into con- 
nection with Marshal Trivulzio, and initiated Into the anti- 
Papal plans of Louis XI, As Carvajal and be had always 
been close friends, he was now completely drawn into the 
schismatical camp, Later he fought so energetically by 
letters, addresses, and tracts on the side of the mock Council, 
that he came to be regarded as its chief literary champion} 

* This summary is tiken from HuxcennOruex, Vill, 474 
Mavuenenecuen, Keth Ref, 105, says, referring to Cajetanus, *t 
may be truly said that the Court party had the best of the encounter 
from a Wterary as well as from a historical point of view 

+ GoLbasz, Monarchis, IL, 1167 s¢7.; Hercenrorum, VIL, 471. 
On Decius, of: SAVIGNY, Gesch. d. Rémischen Rechts, Vi, 374 247,204 
SCHULTE, Quellen, If, 361 sey. 

} Ferrers career wns described a hundred years ago by THRABOSCH, 
Della vita e delle opere di Z Ferreri (Modena, 1799), next by MoRso- 
LIN in a (scarce) monogmph which appeared at Vicenza in 1877, and 
again in his valuable work, LAbbate di Monte Subasio, sey. Of also 
MoRSOLIN, Un Latinista de! Cinquecento imitatore del Dante (Venezis, 


1894), and Apologia del popolo Vicentino di Z, Ferreri (Venezia, 1895). 
Ferreei’s important influence on the Council of Pisa has been 


overlooked by Lehmann, and also by Mavi 
105 409. 


CHARACTER OF CARDINAL CARVAJAL. 387 


The character of Carvajal very much resembled that 
of Ferreri, He had early adopted the false theory of 
Councils;* in addition to which he could not forget that 
he had once very nearly obtained the Tiara, “He bad 
been forced to yield to Julius 11., but he did not relinquish 
his ambitious plans” Especially since the death of 
d'Amboise, he had become more engrossed with the hope 
of attaining the highest dignity. He threw himself into 
the French movement entirely, because he thought it 
might be serviceable to him, He had long ago quarrelled 
with the Pope; he loved pomp and show, and cared for 
reform as little as his associates did. Like Ferreri he was 
utterly untrustworthy. Zurita relates that he simultancously 
asked Ferdinand for a safc-conduct for Naples, wrote to 
the Spanish Envoy in Germany to use all his influence to 
prevent any German prelates from coming to the Council, 
and begged the Emperor to send them. “ He was sincere 
in nothing, and it was this hypocrite who was the President 
of the Council, to which he was only held by the impossi- 
bility or extreme peril of drawing back.’+ He was so 
much alarmed at the small amount of sympathy which the 
Council had evoked, that even at the last moment he made 
an attempt to be reconciled with the Pope He had broken 
with Cardinal Brigonnet, whose heart like his own was set 
on obtaining the Tiara; but both he and his companions 
‘were too ambitious and too proud to bring themselves to 
comply with the stern requisitions of Julius I1,, who insisted 
on their coming to Rome and asking for absolution. The 


® Rosswacn, Carvajal, 15 seg., which unwarmntably brands the elder 
‘Carvajal as an adhorent of the false Conciliar theory ; on the errors in 
this bool, ¢/. Pastor, Gesch. Pipste, 11, 376 se7., ed. 2. 

4+ LEHMANN, 26-29, who gives his proofs. On Carvajal's nepotism 
and ostentation, see Rossnacit, Carvajal, 100 sy. 

} MORsOLIN, L’Abbate di Monte Subasio, 17 sey. 


388 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 


prospects of the schismatics, “ not one of whom possessed 
the support of a genuine conviction,” * were rendered still 
more gloomy by the behaviour of the Florentines. Florence 
had for many years been the ally of France and at first 
agreed to the choice of Pisa as the meeting place for the 
Council, but very soon she began to hesitate. Machiavelli 
was commissioned to persuade the schismatical Cardinals 
to delay, and to represent the true state of things to the 
French. His instruction of the toth December says: “No 
one seems to wish to attend the Council; it therefore only 
serves to set the Pope against us, and we must consequently 
request that it may either not be held in Pisa, or at least 
may be put off, Not a single prelate is coming from 
Germany and only a few from France, and these are linger- 
ing on the way, People are surprised at the announcement 
of a Council consisting of only three Cardinals, while the 
others who were given out a3 supporting them hide them- 
selves and do not appear,” Louis XIL was, however, 
determined to have the Council at Pisa, and the Florentines 
were forced to yield, though much against the grain. 
Meanwhile their vacillating conduct did not satisfy France, 
and incensed the Pope. He laid an Interdict on the city, 
against which the Florentines appealed to a Council, but 
did not make it clear whether to that of Pisa or of Rome+ 

It was not till the middle of October that some Frenchmen 
began to appear at Pisa, as yet they were not the Bishops, 
but only the Bishops’ officials, They found the popular feel- 
ing so much against them that no one would let lodgings 
to them and they had to seize their quarters by force. 


* LEHMANN, 29-30. 

+ Campr, XXL, 266; VILLARI, Machiavelli, IL, 153-1555 Peamens, 
11, 4815 Tosemasiny, Machiavelli, ,, 540 seg. FREY, Regesten, 101 7 
the Instructions MACKIAYE1L2 in the Opere, ed. Passerini, L, 132 447. 

t Morsotis, L’Abbate di Monte Subasio, 20-21. 


ARRIVAL OF THE CARDINALS AT PISA, 389 


Further difficulties arose when the Cardinals proposed to 
come to Pisa escorted by French troops Florence now 
announced that if they came with armed men they would 
be treated as enemies. Upon this they consented to be 
satisfied with a small company of archers commanded by 
Odet de Foix and Chitillon.* It was on the 30th October 
that Cardinals Carvajal, Briconnet, de Prie, and d’Albret 
arrived in Pisa with this small escort, and in pouring rain. 
They were provided with powers from Francesco Borgia, 
‘Sanseverino, and, they asserted, from Philip of Luxemburg. 
The proxy for Borgia lapsed almost immediately through 
his death+ 

In the course of their journey the schismatical Cardinals 
had encountered so much hostility on the part of the 
population, that they arrived much discouraged and with 
little confidence in the success of their undertaking} “In 
Prato and in Pistoja,” the Florentine chronicler Cerretani 
says, “they found the churches and inns closed, every one 
fied from them, In Pisa itself they could only get lodgings 
at the command of the Florentine Commissioners.” § 

On the Ist November the Council ought to have com- 
menced its sittings in the cathedral, but in accordance with 
the Pope's commands the Canons had locked all the doors, 


> ViLart, Machiavelli, {1., 137. In consequence of this action on the 
part of the Florentines, the Pope suspended the Interdict for fourteen 
days. See LANDUCCT, 312 and 315, on further suspensions, 

+ HexcennOruer, VII, 483 ; Moxsonin, foc. cit, 23, 

¢ Desyaapins, 11., s4r. 

§ *In questo tempo che fu al fine d’Ottobre giunsono lj cardinali det 
concilio in Pisa con 300 cavalli in loro compagnia alli quali in Prato, in 
‘Pistoja fu serrato le chiese ¢ negato loro il mangiare ¢ ciascuno gli fuggiva 
et im Pisa se non s‘interponeva il commandamento de commissarii man+ 
dato dalla Signoria non erano accommodati ne di veuovaglie ne di 
allogiamenti, Cerretani’s Chronicle in Cod. IL, IIL, 76, £ 376, of the 
National Library, Florence, 


‘They therefore betook themselves to the Church of S. 
Michele, close to which Carvajal was lodged It was a 
small building, but contained room and to spare in it for 
the accommodation of the" General Council” The assembly 
consisted of the four Cardinals, the Archbishops of Lyons 
and Sens, fourteen French Bishops, five Abbots, all French 
except Ferreri, and a small number of theologians and 
jurists. The citizens of Pisa held almost entirely aloof; 
according to an eye-witness there were not more than ten 
present. Ferreri delivered an address on the necessity that 
a General Council should be held for the reform of the 
Church, and announced at its close that the proceedings 
would begin on the sth of November. All who failed to 
Present themselves were threatened with the censures of 
the Church. Finally an individual who announced himself 
fs the Procurator of the King and the Emperor came for- 
ward as notary to execute the deed of constitution. The 
whole city was searched in vain for two citizens to act 
as witnesses; none would consent to officiate, and two 
unknown persons had to be taken.* 

Meanwhile orders had been sent from Florence that the 
use of the cathedral was to be granted to the Council, 
but that none of the clergy need attend if they were not 
so inclincd4 Thus the General Council was opened in 
the cathedral as announced, on the 5th November, in the 
presence of the four Cardinals and about eighteen Bishops 
and Abbots. Of the inhabitants of Pisa, about fifty 
appeared. The ceremonies were well carried out, we 


* In addition to the important ambassadorial Reports in MORSOLIN, 
‘L'Abbate di Monte Subasio, 37 seg. (in the deed, p. 38 line 32), a comma 
should be inserted after “Franzesi,” and the two points after “eipta* 
should be erased ; of. SANUTO, XIL, 330. See alto SaNDRET, Conca 
de Pie, 436 seg. 

 Vitaart, Machiavelli, I1., 137. 


ee 


OPENING OF THE COUNCIL. gor 


are told by an eye-witness, but the attendance of Prelates 
was so miserable, that many who had hitherto been 
sanguine of its success, now gave up all hope. Carvajal 
said the Mass, and then, as President of the assembly, 
seated himself on the semi-Papal throne prepared for him. 
Odet de Foix was declared Custos. It seems almost 
incredible, but nevertheless it is a fact, that this gathering 
had the audacity to declare solemnly that it was a lawfully 
eonyoked General Council and to proclaim all the censures 
and measures taken against it by Julius I]. to be null 
and void.* In the second sitting on the 7th of November 
# resolution was passed which sheds a curious light on 
the amount of confidence which the schismatics entertained 
in each other. It was decided that the Council could not 
be dissolved by the withdrawal of any individual Prelates 
whoever they might be.+ 

The hopes cherished by some that the Council might, 
as time went on, increase in numbers were not fulfilled, 
and Cardinals d’Este and Sanseverino gave no signt 
However earnestly the Pisan assembly might contend that 
it was the “salt of the earth, and the light of the world,” 
history had accustomed Christendom to see the Church 
represented after a very different fashion.§ The indifference 
of all from whom they hoped for support, including the 
Florentines, their unprotected situation in Pisa, and the 
marked hostility of the population had from the first 

* Report of Joh. Borromeus in MORSOLIN, loc, elf, 40 869.3 of: SANUTO, 
XIE, 233, 330 4e7,, and on the Florentine Reports, VILLARI, Machia- 
velli, 1, 138 Of HeRGENRiTHER, VIII, 484 and 480, note 1, for 
details conceming the acts of the mock Council, 

+t Ibid, 42 s0g.; SANUTO, XIN1., 234, 331 2¢7.; LEHMANN, 32; Hitr- 
Gemnitunr, VIII, 484 77. 

t Jovmus, Vite Alfonsi; the Duke of Ferrara persuaded his brother 
‘not to attend the Council, 

§ Havemann, If. 376. 


392 HISTORY OF THE POPES, 


seriously alarmed the schismatics. Now, in addition to 
this, on the oth of November a sanguinary conflict broke 
out between the Florentine troops combined with 
Pisans on one side, and the French soldiers and 
servants of the Cardinals on the other, A crowd 
assembled under the windows of the palace inhabited by 
the President of the Council, where the schismatics were 
gathered together, shouting “kill them."* The terrified 
reformers held a hasty sitting on the 12th instead of the 
14th, which had been the day appointed for the next 
meeting, and passed three resolutions:-—(1) The Synod was 
not to be dissolved until the whole Church had been 
reformed in faith and morals, in its head and members, 
all heresies and divisions purged away, and all impending 
strife between Christian Princes appeased. (2) The decrees 
of the fifth sitting of the Council of Constance were to be 
confirmed and made more stringent (though they did not 
apply to the present situation, as there was no question 
of the legitimacy of the Pope, nor, strictly speaking, any 
schism). (3) The Synod, without being dissolved, was to 
be removed from Pisa, where a hostile spirit has been 
displayed and it has not the requisite security, to Milan, 
where its fourth sitting was to be held on the 13th of 
December-+ 


* Mantuan Despatch of the 9th Nov, 1§11,in MORSOLIN, 44; VILLARS, 
Machiavelli, 11., 138. Cf. also the account in Cant, XXL, 276, and 
*Cerretani, Cod, IL, IIL, 76, f 377. National Library, Florence. 

+ HERGENROTHER, V1L1., 485-486 5 of MoRsoLIN, 45, and SaNtTO, 
XIIL, 332 A "Letter without address, signature, or date, apparently 
belongs to this time, it says : S. Severino ¢ S, Croce in Pisa ogni giomo: 
visitati per ambasciatori da Sti Fiorentini e dal mage? Juliano et da loro 
presentatl. Damani se expectano qua e cossi a quest’ hora m’ha affirma- 
to €l p! mag Juliana. Da voce populare hogi se dicto il summo ponte- 
fice easer sta com pericolo de veneno quale gli debbe havere exhibito al- 
cunicardinall, (State Archives in Milan.) In Rome, at first,a report was 


TRANSFER OF THE COUNCIL TO MILAN. 393 


Tn Milan, even under the shelter of the French cannon, 
the same general dislike of the Council was displayed as 
in Pisa; both people and clergy kept away and could 
not be constraincd to receive the schismatics with any 
tokens of respect When they made their entry into the 
city on the 7th of December no Bishop or Prelate of any 
importance appeared on the occasion.* [n spite of the 
threats of the French Governor, the majority of the clergy 
observed the Interdict and the populace openly jeered at 
the “Anti-Papal masqueraders."+ Nevertheless, these 
latter, if less confidently, still obstinately persevered in 
their enterprise. The ambition of the Cardinals and the 
fanaticism of Ferreri seemed proof against all rebuffs. 
Neither the scorn of the Milanese, nor yet a fresh and 
sterner admonition from the Pope on the 3rd of December,} 
nor even the abstention of a large portion of the French 
Episcopate, could make them pause or consider. They 
still continued to call themselves 2 General Council, 
hoping everything from the victorious arms of France and 
the strong hand of Louis XIL A letter from Cardinal 
de Pric, of 12th January, 1512, to the King asking him 
to confiscate the revenues of all the “ papistical” Bishops, 
is very significant of this attitude.§ At the same time the 


drculated that the Concifiabulum was to adjourn to Vercelli, Julius 11, 
endeavoured to prevent this by *Briefs addressed to the Chapter at Ver- 
cell{ and Duke Charles of Savoy, on the 27th Nov. 1511. On the 17th 
Dec., 1521, he wrote to Francesco Gonzaga, that if the schismatical 
‘Cardinals entered his territory, he was to have them arrested. (See Ap- 
pendlix,N. 87.) I found all these *Briefs in the Gonmga Archives, Mantua. 

* DEsjarprns, II, 545-546 Of Sanvro, XIII, 352; Perrena, 
U1., 487 49. 

+ PRATO, 285-287. 

T Mansi, V., 356-362. 

§ RAYNALDUS,ad an. 1512,n. 2. On the sittings of the pseudo-synod, 
of. LEHMANN, 33, and HrxceNriiraER, VIIL, 486. The phrase with 


Se | 


chiming the esac of tek errs ok 

seems te Rese Bed ooh comitemee & the booesty of the 
eformers, (ce be seiased t pay wEScet 2 woocher attesting 
that they bad bees oresent beck at Pies and Mien? 

The piteos tele of the perodo- Comcil, which fom 
the fest seemed at the potet of death frum sheer anemia t 
wae an immense gain fe the spicteal acthecity of Julius 
SL soit was universally recoguisced that the motives 
of the schismatical Cardinals were purely personal and 
ambitions,} and that in combimation with the French 
Court Bishops it was the interests of Louis XIL and not 
“The Pope could afford to wait without any great anxiety” 
for the incyitable collapse of this little band of “ambitious 
hypocrites, in whom no one believed and whom no onc 
respected, thus masquerading before the world while in 
daily fear for their livex"§ “But he shewed his pene- 
tration and prudence in not over-prizing the success which 
their wretched failure had prepared for him. This triumph 
was only a negative one; to turn jt into 2 real victory, 
it was necessary to oppose to this effete assembly a 
Council at the Lateran which should be universally 
recognised as truly ecumenical. To this achievement 
the Pope devoted himself with all his might, and in the 


which the Milanese chronicler, PRATO, 287, passed over the resolutions 
adopted at the fourth sitting Is very significant: Li quali jo per aver poco: 
Inehiostro non mi cure di riceontare, ~~ 

* Sawnnser, Concile de Pise, 446, calls attention to this voucher, tobe 
found in the National Library, Paris, MS, Lat. 1559, 6 16, ~ 

+ MAURENMMECHER, Kath, Ref, 104. 

} Guicckrdini says that the Cardioals were quite rank eee 
reforin thempelves as the people they proposed to set to righty, 

Brower, Jotius 1. 256. 

I] Garconovrus, VITL, 84, ed. 3. — 


: = 


PAPAL MEASURES AGAINST FRANCE. 3905 


wisest and most practical manner.” To mect the pressing. 
necd of the moment it had to give way to the political 
and military measures which claimed immediate attention. 
No effort was spared to equip a sufficient army. Jultus H. 
strained his financial resources to their utmost limit 
to accomplish this, but his efforts to be ready in time were 
frustrated by the “tardiness of the Spaniards, which made 
it impossible for him to strike at the right moment."* As 
Venice, also, was too late, and allowed the opportunity 
to pass, the French succeeded in repelling the attack 
of the Swiss on Milan. The hardy mountaineers, however, 
whom Louis had treated with the utmost contempt, 
announced their intention of returning in the Spring. 
‘They had got the French into Italy, they said, and they 
would drive them out of it+ On the 7th January, 1512, 
Julius nominated Cardinal Schinner as Cardinal-Legate for 
Lombardy and Germany with extraordinary powers. In 
an open Consistory he gave him his Legate’s-cross with 
the words, saying, “In this sign of the Holy Cross mayest 
thou begin, prosper, and vanquish."} 

Th the same month the Pope decided on taking further 
measures against the rebellious Cardinals —“the sect of 
Carvajal)" as they were called. Almost anything might 
be apprehended from the sort of blind fury which possessed 
these Cardinals, and it was seriously feared in Rome that 
they might set up an anti-Pope. On the 3oth of January a 
Consistory was held, at which Cardinal Bakocs was not 
present, though he had lately arrived in Rome. At this 
meeting the deprivation of Cardinal Sanseverino, who 
still persisted in his revolt, and had even sent agents to 
Rome to endeavour to stir up an insurrection there, was 

* BROSCH, Julius I1., 237-240. 

+ Ranxr, Ram. und Germ. Vilker, 271. 

Paris pe Grassis in Raynaldus, ad an. 1612, 0. | 


306 WISTORY OF THE POPES, 


pronounced. In February several of his benefices were 
given to others, Cardinal Schinner received the Bishopric 
of Novara. On the 13th of February, Zaccaria, Ferreri, 
and Philip Decius were also condemned as schismatics.” 

At the end of January the League at last commenced 


* SANUTO, XIE. 445; 445, 447, 470 47% 49a Cf *Acta Consist, 
£ 35 (Consistorial Archives of the Vatican}, and the *Chronicle in Varia 
Polit, 50, £61. (Secret Archives of the Vatican.) On Bakocs' journey 
and his pompous entry into Rome, ef. FRagndi, Erdédi Bakéce Tanwis, 
ttt seg, 116 sey.; see also Atti de} Lincei (1892), 4 Serie, Scienza 
mor, X, 15. Card. Schinner had been forced in July, 1511, to give 
way to his enemy, the “bald demagogue” (DIERAVER, IL, 384), Jong 
auf der Fliie (Georg Supersaxo). He fled disguised as a leper( FUCHS, Il. 
247) to Venice and then to Rome, where in Aug. 15t1, he received his 
Cardinal’s-hat and impeached Supersaxo as a traitor, A narrative of the 
disputes between Schinner and Supersaxo is to be found in the house of 
the lite Pfarrer Jolier (to whose kindness 1 owe my acquaintance with 
this document) at Glis ncar Brig in Switzerland. It is the work of « 
bitter partisan, representing Supersaxo as an innocent and persecuted 
man, and painting the Cardinal in the blackest tints as a tyrant anda 
man to whom nothing is sacred. It is the source from which Boccard, 
temperately, and Furrer, intemperately and uncritically, have taken the 
material for their accounts of the conflict between Supersexp and Schinner, 
But is it a trustworthy source? far from it! It is drawn up in atone of 
venomous hatred, and entirely based on the accusations of Supersaxo's 
party. It denies many undoubted facts, contmdicts contemporaneous 
authorities, and a considerable portion of it was written after Supersaxo's: 
death. This part cannot have been composed till after 1574, as Josias 
Simuales’s Comment. is mentioned in it, Schinner was a man of strong 
temper (cf. Brose, Julius 11, 258), and may have been faulty in his 
manner of dealing with his opponents, but in substance he was im the 
right, for they were rebels against his rightful authority, both temporal 
and spiritual. A biography of Schinner is much to be desired. Joller 
(see Bucherverzeichniss) and G, Blisch in a lecture delivered at Berne 
in 1890, but unfortunately not published, have collected valuable materials: 
for such a work. Schinner’s name appears in the list of the benefactors: 
of the Collegiate Church at Domodossola, the building of which was 
begun in 1512, His coat of arms is still to be seen there. 


SIEGE OF BOLOGNA RAISED, 397 


operations, attacking simultaneously in different places 
On the 25th of January the Venetians appeared before 
Brescia, and on the 26th the combined Spanish and 
Papal army, commanded by Raymond of Cardona, 
Viceroy of Naples, invested Bologna. On the 2nd of 
February Brescia fell, and it seemed as if Milan would be 
lost to France.* At this critical moment Louis's nephew 
Gaston de Foix appeared on the scene as the saviour of 
the French. Young as he was in years he was already 
an experienced general. With that marvellous prompti- 
tude which won for him the sobriquet of “foudre de 
I'ltalie”” he swooped down, not upon Modena where 
the enemy was waiting for him, but seawards on Finale 
By forced marches he led his troops through deep snow 
and over frozen marshes and streams to Bologna, in a 
space of time hitherto unparalleled for shortness, In the 
night of 4th-sth February, under cover of a snowstorm, he 
slipped into the city unobserved by the enemy. On 
hearing that he and his troops were actually within the 
walls the besiegers broke up their camp, Gaston im- 
mediately took advantage of this to march rapidly on 
Brescia, which, after a sanguinary conflict in the streets, 
was taken on the 18th of February. 

Bembo says that the Pope flew into a violent rage 
when he heard of the withdrawal of the troops from 
before Bologna, but was calmed by the news of the 
taking of Brescia) Though the night was cold and 
stormy, he immediately sent for the Venetian Am- 
bassador and kept him in conversation for two hours, 
shedding tears of joy} How great therefore must have 


* HAVEMANN, II. 384 4¢7.; RaNKn, Rom. und Germ. Volker, 272, 

+ Mid., V4 388-396. Cf. Kamorr, 49; Fut, Carteggio, 160-161 5 
LANDUCCT, 313. 

 Brmamys, 516-517 ; Lettres de Louis X11, 111, 187; HavEMANN, 


308 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 


been his distress when he heard of its loss only a few 
days later* To add to his vexation at the torpor of the 
Spaniards, fresh troubles now spring up in Rome 
itself+ The intrigues of Cardinal Sanseverino amongst 
the Roman Barons found the soil only too well pre- 
pared, and set up a ferment which seemed likely to 
become very dangerous. Julius II. was most afraid of 
the Orsini party who were devoted to France. He 
strengthened the city guard at the gates, and himself 
withdrew for a time to the Castle of St. Angelo. Many 
arrests were made, and it was said that a plot had been 
discovered for getting possession of the Pope's person> 
But there was worse to come. 

Louis XII. saw that everything depended on striking 
such a blow as would paralyse the Papal and Venetian 
army before the Swiss had time to invade Milan, and 
King Ferdinand to attack Navarre, and before Heary 
VIIL. could land in Normandy, or the Emperor distinctly 
declare against him. A victory should be immediately 
followed up by the dethroncment of the Pope, the 
11, 389. Bembus as usual gives no date for the arrival in Rome of the 
good tidings from Brescia, From SANUTO, XIIL, 490-491, we gather 
that it was on the 10th Feb. ; he also gives details of the rejoicings in 
Rome, On the i4th and 15th Feb, Julius IL. addressed three *Briefs to 
the Marquess Francesco Gonzaga of Mantua pro transitu gentium armi- 
gerorum militum favore ecclesiac pro tuenda civitate Bononiae contre 
Gallos. Gonzaga Archives, Mantua. 

* On the passionate grief of Julius ET, see Lettres de Louis XIL, 111, 
188; SANUTO, XIV, 7-8, 11; and Desyanpins, {1,, 567. On the 26th 
Feb, 1512, the vory day on which the disastrous tidings reached Rome, 
Julius 11, had addressed a *Brief to universis civitms ac populo dilect 
civit. nostrae Bononiae, warning them against coming to terms with the 
enemy and the Bentivogli, and commanding them to return to their 
allegiance to the Holy See. State Archives, Bologna, Q., Lib. 5. 

+ Of Desyanpins, I1., 568, 571, 

T SANUTO, XIIL, 490; XIV. 7-8 ; BRoscH, Julius 11, 24t sey 357. 


BATTLE OF RAVENNA, 399 


occupation of the Papal States by Cardinal Sanseverino, 
and the expulsion of the Spaniards from Naples.* At 
the end of March, Gaston de Foix left Brescia and began 
to march southward on the Romagna Raymond of 
Cardona prudently retired before his too able adversary, 
but the latter succeeded in forcing a battle by turning 
aside to besiege Ravenna. At any cost this city, which 
contained the magazines for supplying the army, had to 
be defended. Thus, on Easter Sunday, the 1th of April, 
1512, the two hosts met on the banks of the Ronco about 
two miles from Ravenna. “This battle was the most 
sanguinary that had been fought on Italian soil since 
the days of the Huns and Goths} Gaston's infantry 


* DesjaRvws, IL, 576; GrecoRrovius, VIIL, 85, ed. 3. 

+ On his campaign of 1512 sce ADAM! and LUCIANI'S papers in 
the Riv. Milit. Ital,, 1890-91. 

¢ Broscu, Julius 1, 244; of 357. On the battle of Ravenna, ¢f in 
the first place the numerous contemporary reports in Sanuto, XIV, 
126 46g, 13% 145, 148, 151, 154 #ey,, 170 Seg, 176.Se7. ; J. Guicciardini’s 
letter printed in the Arch. St Ital., XV,, 308 sey. ; FX. GUICCIARDINI, 
Xy & 43 Fr Pandolfini's Report in Desyarpins, Ul, 581 sey. 5 
Coceints, foc. cit. (see Kuimces, 52 sey.); Mémoires de Fleurange 
(Robert de la Marck), p. 200x.; PETRUS MARTYR, XKV,, c. 483- 
4845 Jovrus, Vita Alfonsi Ferrar,, Leonis X., Davali Pescarne ; Lettres 
de Louis XIL, 111, 227 sey. ; SCHEURL, Briefbuch, 86 sey; LUIGE DA 
PoRTO, 296 seg.; the Portuguese Report of the ajrd April, 1512, in 
Corp. dipl. Portug,, I. 164 seg.; Guido Postumo Silvestri’s Report, 
published by Renier on the special occasion: Nowe Cian-Sappa- 
Flandinet (Bergamo, 1894), 244 seg.; Colec. d. documentos inedit, 
LXXIX,, 231-299 (Relacion de los sucesos de las armas de Espaha en 
Italia en los afios de 1511 a 15t2 con la jormade de Ravena); finally, 
Giov. da Fino’s Report from Cod. Vat. Urb. 499, in TomMastNt, Machi- 
‘avelli, L, 706-708, 1 also saw this Report in the Cod, Urb. 1512, f 
58-60, of the Vatican Library. Here, and in GuicciaRpier and 
Lanpucct, 315, the number of the slain is stated as in the text ; in some 
other writers it is still higher. But the lowest figure gives a much larger 
comparative loss than is found even in modern battles. Cardinal Cesi 


ay 


oo HISTORY OF THE POPES, 


was composed of German and Itallan as well as 
French soldiers; his army numbered about 25,000, that 
of the League 20,000, 

‘The fight was begun by the artillery, the Duke of 
Ferrara's guns especially doing splendid service. Jacopo 
Guicciardini, writing to his brother Francesco, then Floren- 
tine Envoy in Spain, says: “It was horrible to see how 
every shot made a lane through the serried ranks of the 
men at arms, sending helmets and heads and scattered 
limbs flying through the air. When the Spaniards found 
themselves thus being blown to pieces without breaking a 
lance they dashed forward, and then the hand to hand fight 
began. It was a desperate one, and lasted four hours. 
When the first onset of the men at arms had been repulsed 
and those behind them had suffered severely, the rest turned 
and fled with the light cavalry, The Spanish foot soldiers 
held their ground alone and made a stubborn resistance, 
but they were for the most part ridden down by the heavy 
cavalry. On the French side the men of Gascony and 
Picardy fought badly, the Germans very well."* 

The battle lasted from 8 a.m. till 4 p.m. and was finally 
won by the Ferrarese artillery and the steady endurance of 
the German troops, Of the 10,000 corpses left on the field, 
one-third belonged to the French army, and the other two- 
thirds to their enemies. The Papal Legate, Giovanni de’ 
Medici, and two generals, Fabrizio Colonna and the 
Marquess of Pescara, were taken prisoners, and the whole 
army train of the League with their artillery and banners 
was captured, But the shouts of triumph from the Prench 


im 1$$7 erected the well-known Colonna dei Francesi on the bank of 
the Ronco in memary of this fight. On the picture of it in the Palace 
of the Signoria at Florence, see Vasant, Opere (Florence, 1852 éey.), 
1379 249. 

* Arch. St. Ital, XV., 308 seg. 





DEATH OF GASTON DE FOIX. got 


ranks were quickly silenced when it became known that 
Gaston de Foix had fallen on the battlefield. The corpse 
of the young hero was brought into Ravenna on the 
following day ; cighteen captured banners were borne before 
it* Ina few more days the whole of the Romagna was 
in the hands of the French. The warlike Cardinal 
Sanseverino entered Flaminia bent on the conquest of 
Rome and the deposition of Julius 11+ The coalition 
against France, from which such great things had been ex- 
pected, had utterly broken down, The greatest excitement 
prevailed throughout the whole of Italy, It was said that 
various monstrous births had taken place in Ravenna, which 
‘were supposed to denote that the French had been sent 
into Italy by God as a punishment for the sins of the 
Italians 

On the 14th of April the news of the disaster at Ravenna 
reached Julius 11.; when it became known in Rome the 
whole city was terror-stricken. Every one knew that Gaston 
had threatened to conquer Rome and have a new Pope 
elected, and it seemed as if the enemy might at any 


® Ravenna was cruelly plundered ; see Ricci, Ravenna dopo il saeco 
del 1512 (Bologna, 1883), {0.1515 Francis 1. ordered a splendid monu> 
mental tomb to be erected in honour of Gaston de Fois, but it was 
never completed, and portions of it are now scattered over the world in 
various places. See MUN‘2, Hist. de l’Art, I1., $50 sey. The famous, 
delicately finished statue of Gaston by Agostino Buste is in the Museo 
Archeol. Milan. C/. Bossi, Monumento di Gastone di Foix (Milano, 
182). The young hero is represented in # peaceful sleepy a touch of 
trlumph in the expression of the face recalling his victory, as Vasari 


says. 

+ Gf Morone’s Letter of the arst June, 1512, in the Lett. di G, 
Morone, ed. PROMIS-MULLER, Miscell. di storia Ital, T. II. Torino, 
1863 

t Lanpuect, 314, 315; BERNALDEZ, Il, 372 sey.; Lance, Papst- 
excl, 24. 

VOL. VE. 2D 


\\ 


qoz HISTORY OF THE POPES 


moment appear at the gates, for all had heard of the light- 
ning-like swiftness of his movements The Florentine 
chronicler Cerretani states that it was feared that Rome 
would be sacked and the Prelates murdered.* For a 
moment,even the Pope's courage gave way and he talked 
of flight, which the Spanish Envoy strongly advised.f But 
while the terror of the Cardinals and Romans continued 
and could not be tranquillised, Julius 1]. recovered himself 
immediately and shewed his usual resolution and the re- 
sourcefulness which he always displayed under misfortune 
On the rsth of April he told the Venetian and Spanish 
Ambassadors that he would spend 100000 ducats and pledge 
his crown todrive the French out of Italy. Orders were at 
once issued for the equipment of fresh armaments} The 
news brought to Rome on the 15th April by the Knight 
of S. John, Giulio de’ Medici, who had’ been sent thither 
with a French safe-conduet by the captive Cardinal Legate, 
had no doubt much to do with the “marvellous elasticity” 
displayed by Julius IL. after such a crushing blow.§ Giulio 
reported that the French loss had been enormous and that 
the army was completely demoralised by the death of its 
ablest leader. The new commander, La Palice, was not in 
the King’s confidence and was at daggers drawn with the 


* *Corretani in Cod. IL, Hl, 76 f 381, of the National Library, 
Florence. 

+ So says the Venetian Eovoy, an abstract of whose Despatel is pre- 
served in SANUTO, XIV, 153-159 ‘The speeches of the Spanish and 
‘Venetian Envoys in Guieciaxpim, X., c 5, which are repeated ty 
‘most modern writers, can hardly be authentic. Gf, also Lettres de Louis 
XI, IL, 290, 240, 244. 

+ SANUTO, XIV, 124. Gf SENAREGA, 613 ; JovIvS, Vita Leonis X., 
1, 47 5 Avorp1ys or Vrrenso, ed: Hiifler, 386-387; and the Porta 

guese Envoy's Report of 16th April, 1512, in Corp. dipl. Portug., by 
TASICAIWALN baer ictansped toon, 
§ Greoonovivs, VIIL, 92-93, ed. 5. 


IMPROVEMENT-OP THE POPE'S POSITION. 403 


haughty Cardinal Sanseverino. It would be quite out of 
the question for the French to march immediately upon 
Rome and there was a rumour that the Swiss were on their 
way to Italy. It was becoming more and more evident 
that the battle of Ravenna was a Pyrrhic victory for France, 
Tt was significant of the change in the situation that the 
Duke of Ferrara had retired into his own territory and the 
Duke of Urbino had offered to send troops to the Pope.* 
Tn compliance with the wishes of the Cardinals, who still 
continued to urge the Pope to make peace, he commenced 
negotiations with the French; but it is hardly conceivable 
that a statesman like Julius II. could be seriously anxious 
to come to terms just then when he would have had to 
purchase peace at the highest price.t He himself admitted 
that his only object in these negotiations was “to quiet 
down the French." If Spain and England remained 
faithful he had still resources enough to prosecute the war, 
and every motive for desiring to do so, against an enemy 
wlio had wounded him both on the temporal and spiritual 
side where he was most susceptible, and mocked him on 
the stage and in satirical poems.§ 

At the same time the Pope's difficulties at this particular 
time were increased by the unsatisfactory state of his im- 
mediate surroundings; but Julius II, faced this additional 
peril with unflinching courage, and in a wonderfully short 


* Guieciarpimi, X, chap 5, The rapid revulsion of feeling in 
Rome is shewn in the very cautious letter of the Envoy from Orvieto of 
the 18th Aprily 1512, in Fut, 161-162, There is a markedly resolute 
ring in the **Brief to Cardinal Gonzaga of the 29th April, 1512. 
Gomaaga Archives, Mantua. 

+ Such is the opinion expressed in almost identical terms both in 
RewMon, Il. 2, and ROHRMACHER-KNOPFLER, 299. 

 Sawvro, XIV,, 185 5 of 189. 

§ Of stepra, p, 358 209. 


404 HISTORY OF THE POPES, 


space of time succeeded in winning one-half of the Roman 
Barons with the Colonna, and overawing the others, as was 
the case with the Orsini.* 


* BRoscH, Julius II, 247. ‘The bitter hostility of many in Rome 
to the authority of the Church may be gathered from *Cerretani, Joc. 
Git, National Library, Florence. 


CHAPTER VIL 


A®ROGANCE AND DOWNFALL OF THE SCHISMATICS.—SUCCESS OF 
tHe Frere Ccumenica, Counc, at ree Lareran.—THk 
Swiss a8 THE SaviouRS oF THE HoLy S&£.— ANNIHILATION 
OF THE POWER OF FRANCE IN ITALY. 


Tue issue of the battle at Ravenna gave fresh courage to 
the schismatics at Milan, While the fortunes of war seemed 
still hanging in the balance they had been chary of 
carrying their proceedings against the Pope too far, Now, 
on the 21st April, 1512, it was resolved that he should be 
suspended from all spiritual or temporal administration and 
threatened with further punishments. His powers were 
held to have lapsed to the "Holy Synod.” “But even the 
magic halo of victory which now encircled the French arms 
had not power enough to infuse life into the still-born 
offspring of the schismatics."* The aversion and scorn of 
the Milanese was not lessened, and even Louis XII. admitted 
to the Spanish Envoy that the Council was a mere farce, a 
bogey set up to intimidate the Pope+ The schismatics had 
to endure the humiliation of seeing the Milanese in troops 
throwing themselves on their knees before the captive 
Cardinal Medici, and imploring him to absolve them from 
the censures they had incurred by their participation in the 
war against the Pope.t 


* Broscn, Julius IL, 249; LexMann, 33; HERGENROTHER, VIII. 
486 209. 

+ Gaxwiex, Hist. de France, X11, 358 Paris, 1788. 

J Jovrus, Vita Loonis X., lib. 2; Roscor, 1, 510, 


a 


Cd HISTORY OF THE POPES. 


Mearwhile in Rome Julius IL parsoed his task with 
Sawearied energy and undaunted courage 9The prepara- 
tions for the CEcumenica! Council * wese never interrupted 
even for a moment by all the alarm and anxiety caused 
by the disaster at Ravenna The war had obliged him 
to pot off its opening to the 3rd May,t and although the 
situation was still full of difficulties, it took place at the 

time * 

‘The Lateran Council forms a fandmark in the history 
of the world, More than eighty years had elapsed since 
Sie Coeolog of tant Eas nee eee eee 










assembling in Rome, in the first place to de! 
liberties of the Church against the revolutionary, 
of France, and after that to deal with the great questi 
the century, the reform of the Church and the war ay 
the Turks. 7 
A triduum of impetratory processions was held on the 
preceding days, and on the evening of the 2nd May 
Pope went in solemn state, surrounded by the Swiss 
and with a strong military escort, to the Lateran | 
where he spent the night. As disturbances from 
party were apprehended, the whole of the nejj 
‘was occupied by a detachment of troops, On the! 
day, the Feast of the Invention of the Holy ( 
Council was formally opened in .that veneral 
which bears the honourable title of “Mother i 
all Churches.” Besides the Pope, 16 Cardinals 
been prevented from attending by sickness) were present, 
* Panis oe Grassrs, ed, Déllinger, 415 seg. Cf, DrsyanoINy Thy 
S74 sey. 
tf RAYNALDUS, ad an. 1512, n. 28-30, 


a , the 





h _— | 


OPENING OF THE LATERAN COUNCIL. 407 


100 Prelates (mostly Italian), of whom 7o were Bishops, 12 
Patriarchs, and 3 Generals of religious Orders; in addi- 
tion to these were the representatives of Spain, Venice, 
and Florence, and of the Roman Senators and Conservatory, 
and finally a number of the Roman nobles The office of 
guard of honour to the Council was undertaken by the 
Knightsof Rhodes. They formed an imposing body in their 
splendid uniform, embroidered with gold and silk and with 
the white cross on their breasts. An immense crowd filled 
the church. The Mass of the Holy Ghost was said by 
Cardinal Riario; after which an address in classical Latin 
was delivered by the General of the Augustinians, Acgidius 
of Viterbo, which was universally admired. He began with 
a frank exposition of the great cvils prevailing in the Church, 
and the benefits to be derived from General Councils. The 
preacher explained the overthrow of the troops of the 
League at Ravenna as a Divine providence, intended, by 
allowing the Church to be defeated when she trusted in 
alicn arms, to throw her back on her own weapons, picty and 
prayer, the armour of faith and the sword of light. With 
these she had conquered Africa, Europe, and Asia; since 
she had taken up with strange adormments and defences 
she had fost much. [t was the voice of God which had 
summoned the Pope to hold the Council, to renovate the 
Church, to give peace to the nations, to avert further blows 
and wounds in the future. “Thou,” said the Lord to Peter, 
“being once converted confirm thy brethren” (St, Luke, xxii, 
32). “Hear ye this, most illustrious Princes of the Apostles, 
protectors and defenders of the city of Rome. Hearken to 
the sighs and moanings of the Church which You founded 
with your blood, which now lies prostrate, overwhelmed 

® Sanvto, XIV, 203 sey.; Panis DE Grassis, ed. Déllinger, 417. 
See also Cerretani's *Report in Cod. I1., I11., 76, of the National 
Library, Florence. 


qos HISTORY OF THE POPES 


beneath a flood of calamities. Have you not seen how in 
this very year the carth has drunk more blood than rain? 
Bring us help and lift her up out of the waves under 
which she is submerged, Hear the supplications of all the 
peoples of Christendom, prostrate at your feet The Pope 
unites with the Fathers, the Senate and the whole world 
to implore your assistance for himself, for the Church, the 
city of Rome, these temples, these altars which enshrine 
your sacred relics, this Council which is taking up arms 
with the support of the Holy Ghost for the salvation of - 
Christendom. We beg of you to obtain the reconciliation 
of al! Christian Princes with each other, so that all may turn 
their swords against Mahomet the enemy of Christ, and 
that the charity of the Church, instead of being extinguished 
by all these waves and storms, may, through the merits of 
the Holy Cross and the inspiration of the Holy Ghost, 
which are commemorated together in the festival of to- 
day, be cleansed from all stains and glow again in all its 
pristine purity and splendour.”* 

When Acgidius had concluded, the Pope, having taken 
his place with the Cardinals in the Choir of the Basilica, 
bestowed the solemn Benediction and announced a plenary 
indulgence, He then intoned the first line of the “Veni 
‘Sancte Spiritus” and proceeded to the tribune for the Council 
which was erected in the nave. There the Litanies of the 
Saint were sung with the usual prayers, and the Cardinal- 
Deacon Luigi d’Aragona read the Gospel which narrates 
the sending forth of the disciples. To spare the Pope's 
failing strength, Cardinal Alessandro Famese read his 
address for him. In it he briefly set forth the reasons for 
summoning the Council and the advantages that were to 
be hoped for from its assembling. He had long been 


* Lanne, XIV., 18 sey, ; HaRpovin, IX., 1575 seg, ; HERCERROTHER, 
VIL, 501 seg. ; ROHRRACHER-KNOPFLER, 415 Sey. 


FIRST SITTING OF THE COUNCIL. 409 


desirous, he said, of calling a Council, but had deferred it 
on account of the incessant wars between the Christian 
Princes ; now, however, the need for it scemed to him to 
have become urgent, in order to prevent the division which 
Satan had caused in the House of God from spreading 
further and infecting the whole flock of Christ. He prayed 
that all might have the fear of the Lord before their eyes, 
express their opinions freely, and seck rather to please 
Him than man. He hoped that, with the assistance of 
Almighty God, all evil customs might be amended, peace 
be re-established among Christian Princes, and, under the 
banner of the Cross, all the artifices of the ancient enemy be 
brought to naught. He now declared the Council opened 
and fixed the roth of May for its first sitting.” 

When the ceremonies were concluded the Pope made 
his thanksgiving in the Church of S. Pietro in Vincoli. 
He was delighted at the way in which the solemnities had 
been carried through, referred laughingly to his anxiety 
beforchand lest there should be disturbances, and promised 
de Grassis a Bishopric as a reward for the admirable way 
in which he had organised and conducted the whole 
function+ 

‘The first sitting took place as arranged, under the 
presidency of the Pope, on the 1oth of May. Cardinal 
Grimani sang the Mass of the Holy Ghost, and Bernardino 
Zane, also a Venetian, was the preacher. In his sermon 
he first touched briefly on the Turkish danger and then 
proceeded to treat of the unity of the Church. This he 
defined as consisting : (1) in the union of the members with 
each other ; (2) in their subordination to the Head, the Vicar 
of Christ; hence all who do not obey the Head, and who 


* Sanvto, XIV., 203 seg.; Panis DE GRassis in Raynaldus, ad an. 
1512) 2. 35-39; HERCENROTHER, VIII., 595-507. 
+ PaKis bi Guassis, ed. Dollinger, 41% 


410 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 


separate themselves from the other members of the body, 
are schismaticn As it is a law of justice, both human and 
divine, that offenders should be punished according to the 
nature of their offences, schismatics fall under a double 
penalty; they are cut off from the communion of the 
faithful, and they lose all their apostolical privileges, offices, 
and dignitics, It is the duty of the Pope and the Fathers 
in Council to. suppress heretics and schismatics, and render 
them powerless to do harm, so that the evil may not spread 
nor the spark burst into a flame. The Pope then delivered 
a short address, reminding those present of what were the 
objects of the Council. He described these as the rooting” 
out of schism, the reform of the Church, and the Crusade, 
Then the Bulls of July 1511,and April 1512, were read, and 
the officers of the Council appointed and sworn in by the 
Pope himself.* 

The second sitting, at which the Council of Pisa was pro- 
nounced null and void, was held on the 17th. Over 100 
Prelates were present at itt} The High Mass was sung by 
the Hungarian Cardinal, Thomas Bakocs. The sermon, 
preached by the General of the Dominicans, Thomas de 
Vio (Cajetanus), was a very remarkable one. The subject 
was the Catholic doctrine regarding the Church and Synods, 
He described the Church as the Holy City of Jerusalem seen 
by S. John (Apoc, xxi, ¢ sry.) with her healing powers (the 
Sacraments), her apostles, pastors, teachers, and gifts, and 
the close mutual union subsisting between her inhabitants, 
like that between all the members of the same body. He 
pointed out how the Church was a city, how she was holy, 
the city of peace, Jerusalem, how, unlike the synagogue, 
she remains ever new and strong, how she has come down 
from Heaven and is built after the pattern of the heavenly 


* Hincunnotime, VIII, 507-544 ; SANUTO, XIV. 224, 228. 
+ Paris Dr Grasuts, ed. Déllinger, 419. 


SERMON OF CASETANUS. ow 


kingdom. This Church, he went on to say, is governed by 
the Vicar of Christ, to whom all the citizens owe allegiance, 
not only cach individually but asa body. The Pisan Synod 
possessed none of the notes of the true Church, and appeared 
rather to have risen up out of Hell than descended from 
Heaven. It represented only one mation and that but 
partially, was not universal, could not claim to be the city 
to which the strength of the Gentiles had come, or the 
multitude of the sea had been converted (Isalas, lx., 5). 
This assembly was neither holy nor lawfully convened, was 
stained with error, subordinated Peter to the Church, the 
Pope to the Council, set the members above the head, and 
the sheep before the shepherd. It cannot be called 
Jerusalem, for it possesses neither peace nor order, but on 
the contrary aims at undermining the noble order of the 
Roman Church and wages war against her; and is like the 
city and tower of Babel, generating nothing but confusion. 
She is new, but in a very different sense from the newness 
of the true Church ; she is the offspring of Constance and 
Basle. The Pope should be the mirror of the Power, the 
Perfection, and the Wisdom of God. He manifests the 
power of God when he girds himself with his own sword, 
for he possesses two swords, one which he shares with 
temporal princes and another which is reserved to him 
only. This latter is the sword of the spiritual power for 
the destruction of errors and schisms, The power of the 
Pope should be combined with the image of the Divine 
Perfection, which consists in loving-kindness. To this must 
be added wisdom, and this wisdom is specially displayed 
in the calling of the present Council, which should 
manifest it more and more by realising the hopes that are 
entertained of it and making the Church such as the spirit 
shewed it to the beloved disciple," 
* Hexcenntirnme, VII. 514-516. 


4iz HISTORY OF THE POPES. 


It is significant of the change which had come about in 
the views of the majority of theologians at that time, that 
this outspoken condemnation of the false Conciliar theory 
called forth no contradiction.* The evils which this theory, 
the offspring of a period of almost boundless confusion, had 
brought upon the Church and the world had come to be 
very widely recognised, ‘The weakness of the schismatics 
and the success of the Lateran Council shewed how com- 
pletely the Catholic view, that no Council could be salutary 
for the Church that was not held with and under the Pope, 
had gained the upper hand. 

At the conclusion of Cajetan’s address, a letter from the 
King of England on his alliance with the Pope was read; 
and then another from the King of Spain, accrediting his 
Counsellor, Hieronymus de Vich, as Envoy from himself 
and his daughter Joanna, Queen of Castile, to act as 
their representati he Council, and support Julius, the 
rightful Pope, against the schismatics. Next followed the 
reading of the Papal Bull confirming and renewing the 
ensures pronounced against the pseudo-Council. At the 
game time, in view of the political situation, and the prob- 
ability that representatives of other nations might be ex- 

id also the coming Summer heats, the next 
ned to the 3rd of November.t 

While England had now definitely joined the League 


. Mavuanenscie, Weshél Redertaton, toy. Of also PARIS DE 
On Cajetan, of WETZER and WELTR, 


of the Castilian Royal Council, amongst other things, ia DOLLINGER, IL 
200 seg., shew that the Conciliar ideas still survived to a considerable 
extent 

+ Hencexndrume, , $16-$17 5 of SanuTo, XIV, 2g2 sey. 
267. 





ARRIVAL OF THE SWISS IN ITALY, 4t3 


advantageous peace with Venice. That Julius should have 
‘been successful in persuading Maximilian to conclude an 
armistice with the Republic for ten months “was a great 
step in advance. The Emperor did not join the League, 
and his friendship with France remained ostensibly intact ; 
but the position he now took up was unfavourable to 
her and advantageous for the allies.” In April, through 
Cardinal Schinner,* he gave permission to the Swiss, who 
were marching to help the Pope, to pass through his 
dominions and supplied them with provisions:t 

At the end of May, the Swiss contingents, numbering in 
all 18,000 men, met in Verona, where Cardinal Schinner 
presented to his countrymen, “as loyal and chivalrous 
defenders and protectors of the Holy Church and the 
Pope,” a cap of honour adorned with gold and pearls, 
and an ornamented sword, as gifts from Julius II. and 
symbols of the political independence of the Confederation.t 
This acknowledgment was well-deserved, lor it was reserved 
to these brave mountaineers to strike the final blow which 


* The Brief addressed by Julius 11, on 18th April, 1512, to Schinner, 
and which the latter forwarded to the Confederation, is to be found in 
German in Fucus, If, 331. The original is in the State Archives, 
Zarich. 


+ Huser, 111, 396; ULMANN, II, 447; Gust, 46 sey. Hitherto it 
has been supposed that the Papal diplomatist, Ennio Filonardi, had 
been sent by Julius IJ. to Switzerland. Wirz, E. Filonardi (Zurich, 
1894), shews that he did not go there till 1513, when he was sent as 
Nuncio by Leo X. 

‘T DimRaven, I1., 412 seg.; Grst, 63 sey, The hat and sword were, 
in accordance with a resolution of the Diet of Baden, left at Zurich, and 
‘are still preserved in the City Library there. They are engraved and 
described by G. v. Wyss in the Neujahrsblatt for 1859 of the City 
Librazy at Zurich, “ Die Geschenke Papst Julius IL. an die Eidgenossen.” 
‘The sword is also reproduced in the work, Ziirich und das Schweizerische 
Landesmuseum (1899), plate 21. See also DANDLIKER, Gesch. der 
Schwel, 11, 343. 








= 


44 ‘HISTORY OF THE POPES 
decided the issue of the war in Italy; they were the saviours 
doubt, political and financial 


air preacher of Glarus, writing to his friend Vadian in 
‘Vienna, says: “The Swiss have seen the deplorable state to 
which the Church of God, the mother of Christendom, has 
been reduced, and they think it both wrong and dangerous 
to permit this rapacious tyrant to remain unpunished.” + 

Almost simultancously with the arrival of the Swiss in 
Italy, Maximilian recalled the German foct-soldiers, which 
formed practically the core of the French army, and had 
materially contributed to its victoryat Ravenna, At the 
very moment that it was thus weakened it found itself 
threatened by four armies at once—the Papal troops under 
the Duke of Urbino, and the Spaniards, Venetians, and Swiss, 
No reinforcements could be hoped for trom France, as the 
army at home had not a man to spare from the defence of 
the frontiers against the attacks of England and 
Since the death of Gaston de Foix, the French force in 
Italy had been left without organisation, spirit, or plans 
The Romagna was first evacuated, and soon Upper Italy 
was also abandoned. On the 14th June the Swiss satdown 
before Pavia, which capitulated after a short siege Upon 
this the whole Duchy of Milan rose against the French, who 
had made themselves universally hated,t 

Now that it was becoming more and more evident that 
the battle of Ravenna had been but a Pyrrhic nictort tie 

* Gist, 48, and Dieraver, 11, 413. 

+ ZwINGLI Opem, ed. Schuler et "Schulthess, 1V4 169 (Tue 1843 
Cf, Hea, U. Zwingli als Pfarrer von Glarus, 23 20g. (Ziirich, 
‘DIERAVER and Gist, foc, aft, 

TCL Gish, 53 reg. 


THE FRENCH DRIVEN OUT OF ITALY, 415 


‘schismatics found their position untenable. On the gth of 
Jone they decided to remove to Asti, Their departure was 
more like a flight than anything else, and gave Cardinal 
Medici the opportunity of escaping.* But even at Asti 
they found it impossible to remain, and soon had to move 
on to Lyons, Here the only act of the assembly was to 
demand a subsidy from the French clergy and the Uni- 
versity of Paris, and thus “ without any formal dissolution, 
the French Council disappeared from the scene,” + 

Genoa also had cast off the yoke of France, chosen 
Giovanni Fregoso as Doge, and declared herself independ- 
vent} Rimini, Cesena, and Ravenna returned to their 
allegiance to the Pope, Onthe 13th of June the Duke of 
Urbino took possession of Bologna in the name of the 
‘Church§ The Papal troops now turned back to subdue 
Parma and Piacenza, which Julius 11. claimed as heir to the 


* On the 3rd June to Pieve del Cairo on the Po, See RAYNALDUS, 
ada. 1512, n. 59; Lutimann, 34; CeerouTon, IV, 152; and Arch. 
St. Lomb., X., 381-395 (with Doc of Leo X.), Their flight is painted by 
‘Vasari in the Palazzo Vecchio in Florence ; there is also a picture in 
Pieve which has reference to this event. In my opinion, it is a mistake 
(ef, tnfra, Chap, 10) to connect Raphael's picture of the deliverance of 
‘S, Peter in the Stanze with this occurrence. 

+ Mavrenneecumr, Kath. Ref, 105 ; Hercenricrunr, VILL, 518 
520; LEMMANN, 34; SANDRET, Concile de Pise, 453 ; MAULDE, Ori- 
Bines, 135, 325-326. The report of a carrespondent in France which 
reached Venice on the rith Sept., 1512, saysironically : Papa Bernardin 
{=Carvajal] stava mal in tal modo che credo ch’ el lasserh fa mitria, 
‘On Papa Bernardino, s0¢ also GRUMELLO, 198, 

2 Of Giov. Fregoso's triumphant **Letter to King Ferdinand, dat. 
Genoa, 6th July, 1512. I found the original in Fonds Espagn,, 318, of 

§ On the 15th of June, 1512, Julius TL. granted faculties to the Card, 
‘Legs Glow. de! Medici, for absolving the city of Bologna from all the 
‘Church censures, only excepting the adherents of the Bentivogli, Lik Q. §. 
State Archives, Bologna, 


416 HISTORY OF THE POPES 


Countess Matilda. On the zoth, Ottaviano Sforza, Bishop 
of Lodi, entered Milan as the Pope's lieutenant* On the 
28th, La Palicc, with the remnants of his army, arrived, 
broken and hopeless, at the foot of the Alps Thus Louis 
XIL, after having stirred up a schism and striven to anni- 
hilate the Pope, ended by losing in ten weeks not only all 
the fruits of his victory at Ravenna, but also all his posses- 
sions in Italy, including even Asti, which belonged to his 
own family. “The soldiers of Louis XL have vanished like 
mist before the sun," writes Francesco Vettori, without 
having fought a single battle, and almost without having 
defended a single townt That which Julius had been 
striving with all his might for years to achieve, was now 
brought about by a sudden turn of events, so unexpected, 
that Raphael in his fresco in the Vatican has symbolically 
represented it as a miracle} 

It was on the 22nd of June that Julius IL received the 
first detailed account of the rout of the French in a letter 
from Pavia from Cardinal Schinner. He read the whole 
letter through first in silence ; then, turning with a beam~ 
ing countenance to the Master of Ceremonies, “We have 
won, Paris,” he exclaimed, “we have won!” “May God 
give your joy of it,” answered de Grassis, to which 
the Pope immediately added, “ And to all the faithful souls 
whom He has at last deigned to deliver from the yoke 
of the barbarians” Then he unfolded the letter again 
and read it from beginning to end to all who were present. 
Immediately yards he announced his intention of 
going on the f 1g day to his former titular Church, 
S. Pietro in Vineo! ive thanks there to God, Though 


* DIeRAvER, 1] 7 Grst, $6 26g. 
ed. 7. See also Paxis De Grasses’ diamibes 
inst the French, Dillinger's ed., 420, and Gust, 62. 
J See on Raphael's picture, éafra, Chap. 10, 





REJOICINGS IN ROME. 417 


far from well, he had himself carried thither on the 23rd 
and remained for a long time absorbed in prayer before 
the High Altar, How wonderfully everything was 
changed. S, Peter's chains were indeed broken; the 
Italian poets sang of Julius as the liberator of Italy.” 
On the 27th he received four delegates from Bologna, 
who had been sent to sue for pardon+ In the evening 
the whole city suddenly burst into a flood of light This 
was to celebrate a fresh victory, the liberation of Genoa, 
his own native city. Cannon thundered from St. Angelo 
and fireworks blazed all over the city. The Pope returned 
to the Vatican in a solemn triumphal procession, accom- 
panied by his whole Court and all the officials, carrying 
torches. The cry of “Julius, Julius," rose on all sides, 
“ Never," says the Venctian Envoy, “was any Emperor 
of victorious general so honoured on his entry into Rome 
as the Pope has been to-day.” A universal amnesty was 
proclaimed and alms distributed to all the convents. 
“Now God has left us nothing more to ask from Him," 
he said, “we have only to pour forth our gratitude for 
the splendour of our triumph.” 

Commands were issued for a triduum of processions 
of thanksgiving and other rejoicings to be held through- 
out the States of the Church as well as in Rome, On 
the same day, 27th June, Briefs were despatched to all 
parts of Christendom desiring the faithful to celebrate 
the liberation of Italy and of the Holy See. As a last- 
ing memorial of these events the Pope presented to the 
Church of S. Peter some splendid vestments and a golden 

* Roscar, Leo X., 1, 404 209. 

+ Parts DEGRASSIS, ed. Frati, 321, 323327, which contradicts Guie~ 
Gardin?s statement that Julius wanted to destroy Bologna. On earlier 
accounts of the victory, see SANUTO, XIV., 401, 404. 

1 Santo, XIV. 40, 453, 457-458 5 Panis DE Grassts, ed, Frati, 
337-330 

VOL. Vi. 25 


qs HISTORY OF THE POPES. 


altar-frontal with an Inscription, saying that it was a votive 
offering to God and the Princes of the Apostles in thanks- 
giving for the “liberation of Italy."* At the same time 
Julius was far from forgetting to whom next to God he 
was most indebted for his victory, and showered rewards 
on the stalwart Swiss, In a Bull of 6th July, 1512, he 
bestowed on them in perpetuity the title of ' 
of the liberty of the Church," and also sent them two 
large banners+ Onc of them bore the Papal tiara with 
the keys and the inscription, “Pope Julius IL, nephew of 
Sixtus IV., of Savona”; on the other the family arms 
of the Pope were depicted with the keys and the motto: 
Dominus mihi adiutor, non timebo guid faciat miki 
homo (The Lord is my helper; I will not fear what 
man can do unto me). Every township which had sent 
a contingent to the army received a silken banner, with 
the arms of the place and a religious picture, the subject 
of which they were permitted to choose, embroidered or 
painted upon it. These gifts admirably corresponded 
with the character of the people, at once 
pious, Many of these banners have been preserved to the 
presentday. In addition to these marks of honour, Juliies 
* Panis DE GRassts, ed, Frat, 330-331. GREOOROVIUS, VIEL, 97 
ed 3, gives a fgment of the Brief to the Florentines ; they permitted 
the clergy to hold the processions, but refused to allow 
festivities, Narvs, 1, 4st. Cf Tommasini, 1, 574. Ont 
July a deputation from Piacenza came to Rome to do he 
Pope, and a similur one from Reggio arrived in September, 
adan, 512, . 70-71. * o-? 
+ Brief of the cth July in Exdyendes. Abschied, 111,, 2, 632-635 
Cf. Awsitia, 1V,, 260; new edition, 111, 327 sey., and OxcHSLI, Quel- 
Jenbuch, 259. “= 
+ Cf BuipEL, Drapeaux donnés par tes Papes aux Snisses. Conger 
vateur Suisse, ILL. (1813) 344 sey-; Gt51,239 seus 
‘Wasserkirehe und d. Bibl, 2uZiirich, 1205 Ziricher Ne 


p. 6 reg. DIERAUER, Das Toggenburg unter ubtischer Herrschaft, St. 
ie 






b i 


THE DUKE OF FERRARA IN ROME, 419 


granted several spiritual favours to the Swiss, and bestowed 
the Countship of Vigevano on Schinner.* 

To no one was the complete discomfiture of the French 
#0 crushing a blow as to Duke Alfonso of Ferrara. It left 
him absolutcly helpless at the mercy of the Pope whom he 
had treated with such insolence. Trusting to the friend» 
ship of the Colonna and of his brother-in-law Gonzaga of 
Mantua, and also armed with a safe-conduct from Julius, 
he came to Rome on the qth of July to endeavour to save 
what he could, The Pope willingly absolved him from 
all ecclesiastical censures, but insisted on his giving up 
Ferrara and accepting Asti instead. The Colonna strove 
in vain to mediate in his favour; and soon he began to 
fee] that he was not safe in Rome. In this he was not 
mistaken, for Julius would have had no scruple in de 
taining and imprisoning him. Ne resolved, therefore, to 


Gatler Nevjahrsblatt for 1675 (here there is an engraving of the Toggen- 
Burg banner); FRICKER, Ein Panner Julius IL. in Baden, Anz. fiir 
‘Schweiz, Gesch. (1874), p. 45; J. MuvitR and H, STAWELIN, Die piipstl, 
Fahne der Stadt Frauenfeld, in d. Thurg. Beitriigen, XXVII. (1887). 
‘The comer-pieces of the banner sent by the Pope to Berne were dis- 
covered and are described by PYARREK J. STAMMLER, Der Paramenten- 
schats im Hist. Museum ru Bern, 129 sez. (Bern, 1895), Also the banner 
belonging to the district of Sannen with its puzzling inscription, which 1 
think has been correctly interpreted by STAMMLER in the Anz. fur 
Schweizer. Alterthutnskunde (1895), No. 3, is in the Muscunt at Berne. 
Ina Brief of the 20th Dec. 1512 (to be found, as H. Jos. Joller kindly 
informs me, in the Niederwald Archives at Wallis), Julius I). bestowed 


‘a decoration on the Niederwald flag. On the favours granted to Basle 


see Desimon, Fiorino dloro di Basilea al nome di Papa Givlio 11, deli” 
anno 1513, in Atti d. Soc. Sav. I1., 691 seg, and Julius U's Letters of 
the toth Sept. and the 2oth and agth Dec, 1512, in the City Archives, 
Basle. On the origin and significance of Papal gifts of honour, such as 
the Rose, Hat, Swords, etc, see R. DOWLING in the Dublin Review 
(i894), p 619 sey. ‘ 

* Giss, 63, 240. 


a 


all 


ra) 


420, HISTORY OF THE POPES 


fly, and with the help of the Colonna succeeded in getting 
away on the 19th of July. The Pope was extremely 
indignant and instituted proceedings against him as a 
rebellious vassal.” A 

A Congress of the interested powers was held in 
Mantua in August for the reorganisation of political 
relations which the war had left in utter confusion, 
Here it soon became plain that victory had sown dis 
sension amongst the members of the League, There 
was only one point upon which all the allies were agreed, 
and that was that Florence must be punished for holding 
to France as she had done and refusing to join the League, 
and for harbouring the schismatics. It was resolved that 
the Medici should be restored, and a combined Papal and 
Spanish army was despatched to effect this On the 
3oth August the Spaniards conquered Prato, and cruelly 
sacked it. Upon this the Florentines yielded, and in 
September the Medici returned, first the gentle and 
attractive Giuliano, Jater the Cardinal, and took the 
government of the city into their hands} The question 


* SanuTo, XIV., 479, 480-482, 484-435, 491, S09, $10, 514, S44, $24, 
538, 570, 504; XV. 34, 76-77; Lettres de Louis XIE, f11, 269 275 
PARIS DEGRASSI in Raynaldus, ad an, 1512, 0.71 e¢g.; and CREIGHTON, 
IV., 273-2743 Screunt, Briefbuch, 98 ; Canrnsanus, 1286; Letter of 
Alfonso’s from Rome to Card, Ippolito on Julius! demands in CarrEney, 
Lettere di 1. Ariosto (Bologna, 1866), p. CXLIt; Gist, 57; BROSCH, 
Julius 1, ass sey.; Luzio, F. Gommaya, 37, 0. 2; Semrxn, Carpi, 9. 
Alfonso’s fight is mentioned jn the *Acta Conaisty £ 36, (Consistonal 
Archives of the Vatican.) The original of the letter of safe-conduct for 
Alfonso, in which Julius explains that it is only for the Duke's person and 
not for his State (SANUTO, XIV., 455), is in the State Archives, Modena, 
Bolle. - 

+ Gf Virtani, Machiavelli, IL, 1gt seg.; Prmens, 11, 

GwASTr, 11 Sacco di Prato (Bologna, 1880), 2 vols. On 
simulation in regard to Card. Soderini, see Vicrrort, ed. Reumont, 290, 
See also the Report in SANUTO, XV. 29 seg., 52 sey 57 5074 101, 105 


— | 


= 


MASSIMILIANO SFORZA DUKE OF MILAN. 42t 


as to who should have the Duchy of Milan was decided 
at the Congress of Mantua. Ferdinand of Spain and 
Maximilian desired to secure it for their grand-son Charles, 
but the Swiss and Julius [1., who did not wish to see 
any foreign power established in Lombardy, succeeded 
in arranging that it should be bestowed on Massimiliano 
Sforza, the son of Lodovico Moro; who became a fast 
friend of the Swiss Confederation.* On the 8th of October, 
however, Parma and Piacenza were separated from the 
Duchy and included in the States of the Church, Reggio 
had already, on the 4th of July, submitted to the Pope; 
and sent Envoys later to Rome to make their profession of 
obedience, expressing themselves in very humble terms 
A contemporaneous historian remarks that this was the 
first time since the donation of King Pepin that a Pope 
had possessed this city-t 

But in spite of all these successes there was still a reverse 
side to the medal. “ With the exception of the Pope and 
the Swiss none of the allies were completely satisfied. 
The Emperor, whose chief object had been to push a for- 
midable rival out of Italy, now realised with dismay that 
he had only succeeded in substituting the Pope for France.” $ 
The appropriation of Parma, Piacenza, and Reggio by Julius 


#9, 123, 141 seg and in Appendix, N. 88, *Giuliano de’ Medici’s 
Letrer of the grat Aug., 1512. Gonzaga Archives, Mantua. 

* Dreraver, I1., 418 sey.; Gist, 67 seg. Julius 11. congratulated 
M. Sforza in a Brief of roth Aug, 1512, printed in Lettres de Louis XII, 
TIL, 308-309. 

+ Canrrsanus, 1288; GRrecoRovius, VIIL, toa, ed. 3; Roscon, 
‘Th, 401 seg. Luzio, F. Gonenga, 39. Cf SanvTo, XV. 252. On the 
submission of Reggio see *Riformag., 1512, July 4. (Archives in 
Reggio.) Cf L. Caress, Reggio nell’ Emilia sotto Giulio U1, Leone X, 
Adriano VL, 1 seg. (Reggio, 1892). Here also are the particulars of 
the mission from Reggio. 

2 Brosen, Julius 11., 263. C/. Gist, 66 sey, 


ae 


MATTHAUS LANG CREATED CARDINAL 423 


Council of Lyons, the adhesion of the Emperor was 
essentia® Thus, when in the late Autumn of 1512 
Mattheus Lang, Maximilian’s most trusted ‘and influential 
adviser} appeared in Rome, the Pope’s joy knew no 
bounds The haughty prelate assumed the air of an 
emperor, but every effort was made to satisfy and win 
him. In all the cities of the States of the Church he was 
received with honours, and the Pope gave special orders to 
his Master of Ceremonies that in Rome his entry should 
be accompanied with every possible manifestation of con- 
sideration and welcome.§ 

Lang is described by contemporary writers as a hand- 
‘some man with fair hair, looking about forty years of agell 
He arrived in Rome on the evening of the 4th November, 
and sent his people to the apartments prepared for them, 
while he himself went at once incognito to the Vatican, 
where Julius I. was burning with impatience to meet him. 
‘That no manifestation of regard might be wanting in the 
‘welcome of the man upon whom so much depended, the 
Pope came out as far as the first antechamber to receive 
him. On the same evening they had a long private inter- 
view, and Lang spent the night in the Vatican, On the 
following day he made his official entry into Rome with 


* CREIGHTON, TV,, 160; HURER, ITT. 398, 

+ Veron, 296, remarks that Gurk ruled the Emperor; lo governava. 
come voleva ¢ si Usava dire in quel tempo, non che il primo uomo che 
avese in corte sua fo Imperatore flasse Hl vescovo (Gurgense), ma che Il 
primo Re avesse il vescavo appresso di se, era lo Imperatore. As yet, 
unfortunately, we have no satisfactory biography of Mattheus Lang; A. 
Scuorr’s work, Ein Diplomat Kaiser Maximilian’s (Wien, 1862), is 
quite inadequate. G/ REUMONT in the Hist. Jahel, IIL, sor sey, 

J ScHEURL, Briefbuch, 112. 

§ Parts DE GRASSIS, ed. Dillinger, 424; SANUTO, XV. 307, 318; 
Lawpweet, 33: ; and Gurcctarnint, Op, ined, VI, 147 

|] Saxvro, XV., 527. 


a 


at HISTORY OF THE POPES, 


all possible pomp. “During my whole term of offier,” 
writes the Papal Master of Ceremonies, “1 have never 
seen a more splendid pageant: it was like a triumphal 
procession.” At first it was proposed that the College of 
Cardinals and the whole of the clergy should meet him 
outside the gates. But the majority of the Cardinals ob- 
jected to this as an honour which had never been accorded 
to any but crowned heads; but in every other particular his 
reception was that ofa King. Cardinals Bakocs and Leon- 
ardo Grosso della Rovere met him at the foot of Monte 
Mario, and placed him between them, a token of respect 
which he at first declined with affected humility. At the 
Ponte Molle the Senator of Rome and his officials awaited 
him. At the Porta del Popolo, in accordance with the 
usual etiquette, the Cardinals took their leave, and were 
replaced by the Governor of Rome and the Maggiordomo 
of the Palace. The streets were lined with spectators, all 
the Envoys took part in the procession, and the guns of St 
Angelo shook the old building to its foundation with 
their noisy welcome. Night had fallen before the proces- 
sion reached the Vatican, which was illuminated, and where 
Lang's official reception by the Pope now took place.* 
The principal difficulty in the negotiations of the first 
few days lay not in the relations between the Pope and the 
Emperor, but in those of the latter with Venice. Through 
out the Summer Julius had been labouring to induce the 
Venetians to yield as far as possible to the Emperor. But 
the negotiations had all failed, for Maximilian required the 
Republic to give up Verona and Vicenza, and to pay downa 


* Pierius Valerianus in Frenen, 11, 292 seg, and the Venethes 
Envoys in SANUTO, XV., 325 teg,, describe Lang’s arrival and entry as 
eyewitnesses, Sanuto gives the grd as the day of arrival, while Pierius 
Valerianus and the “Acta Consist. name the 4th, Cf also Paris DE 
GRassts, ed. Dellinger, 424, 


ALLIANCE OF THE POPE WITH MAXIMILIAN, 425. 


sum of 250,000 ducats for the fiefship of Radua and Treviso, 
with the addition of a yearly toll of 30,000 ducats. The 
Venetians refused to accede to these terms, and demanded 
the retrocession of Verona, for which, however, they were 
willing to pay an annual tribute to the Emperor during his 
life. When, on the 7th November, the Venetian Envoys 
gave to the Pope, who had acted as intermediary between 
them and Maximilian, their final answer declining to accept 
his terms, Julius 1]. for the third time reversed his political 
course. In spite of the urgent remonstrances of the repre- 
sentatives of the Republic and many of the Cardinals and 
the efforts of the Spanish Envoy, who tried to induce him 
to defer his decision, the Pope determined at once to con~ 
clude a close alliance with the Emperor. He was firmly 
convinced that both ecclesiastical and political considera~ 
tions imperatively demanded this measure, and on the 
evening of the 29th of November the agreement between 
Julius II, and Maximilian was signed, The Emperor 
engaged to defend the Pope against all attacks, repudiated 
the schismatics, acknowledged the Lateran Council, washed 
his hands of the Duke of Ferrara and the Bentivogli, and 
handed over Reggio and Modena for the present to the 
Pope, Julius I. promised to support Maximilian against 
Venice with both spiritual and temporal weapons if she 
persisted in her refusal to relinquish Verona and Vicenza, 
and to pay tribute for the other imperial fiefs; to assist 
him with spiritual arms against the Flemings, and to grant 
him in Germany a tax of a tenth on the clergy if the 
electors would also consent.” 

On the same day, in a Secret Consistory, Lang was 
admitted into the College of Cardinals; but, at his own 
express wish, his nomination was not yet published, and 

# Sanvto, XV., 333, 336, 337, 33) 35% 384 sey.j LE Gtay, Ty 5¢5 
Yeq.; LASZ, Einl. 128 sey. ; Gust, 80 req. 


| 


ANNOUNCEMENT OF THE ALLIANCE. 427 


‘The price which Julius If, consented to pay in order to 
secure the adhesion of Maximilian to the Council, shews 
how far this Pope was from being the mere politician that 
many have tried to make him out. Any one who had 
coutited on finding him so absorbed in polities as to be 
indifferent to the intrigues of the schismatics, would have 
‘been utterly mistaken. On the contrary, there is no doubt 
that the revolt in the Church was a heavier blow to Julius 
If, than any of his political reverses. Although it was 
plain that the attempts of the schismatics had completely 
failed, he could not be satisfied till the movement was 
entirely extirpated.” 

The winning over of the Emperor was the crowning victory 
in the rapid succession of the Pope’s triumphs, and was to 
‘be published to all the world. The third sitting of the 
Council was held on the 3rd of December. Though the 
‘Pope had long been ailing, and the weather was stormy 
and rainy, he was determined to be present at it. One 
hundred and eleven members attended it, The High Mass 
‘was sung by Cardinal Vigcrio and the usual sermon 
preached by the Bishop of Melfi, the subject being the 
unity of the Church. After this the Secretary of the 
Council, Tommaso Inghirami, then read the letter from the 
‘Emperor accrediting Lang as his plenipotentiary and pro- 
‘curator at the Council, and denouncing the Conefliabula 
set up by the King of France at Tours and at Pisa. Lang, 
who appeared in lay attire, read a declaration from the 
Augustin Eremitar, Generalé: de Federe inito inter Juli Secidit 
Poot. Max. et fl. Maximiliand tmperatorem.s, a. et /. (probably Rom, 
gra}, in 4" 

"* Itappears from the Reports of the Venetian Envoysin the beginning 
-of December, in SaNuTO, XV., 411, that Julius till feared that a French 
Acti-pope might be set up. The same Reports also shew (loc. cit, 344~ 
(350) that his first object in allying himself with Maximilian was to sectsre 
a complete victory over the schismatics, 


—_—- 


——— | 


428 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 


Emperor repudiating the schism of Pisa, and announcing 
his adhesion to the Lateran Council, and at the same time 
made his profession of obedience to the Pope in his owa 
name and that of his colleague Alberto da Carpi. At the 
close of the proceedings the Bishop of Forll read a Papal 
Bull again declaring all the acts of the Pisan Council null 
and void, laying France under Interdict, and appointing 
the roth of December for the next sitting.* 

Encouraged by his recent successes, the Pope now deter- 
mined to lay the axe to the root of the schismatic move- 
ment in France. It was decided that proceedings should 
be commenced against the Pragmatic Sanction. It had, in 
fact, become urgently necessary to do away with this law, 
which had been revived by Louis XII. No lasting triumph 
of the Church over these schismatic tendencies was possible 
as long as it remained in forcef 

The fourth sitting of the Council was held under the 
presidency of the Pope himself on the 1oth of Decem- 
ber. Nineteen Cardinals, 96 Patriarchs, Archbishops, and 
Bishops, 4 Abbots, and q Generals of religious Orders 
were present, besides the representatives of the Emperor, 
the King of Spain, the Florentines, and the Swiss Confedera- 
tion. The first business was the reading of the letter from 
the Venetian Government of toth April, 1512, accrediting 
Francesco Foscari as their representative at the Council; 
and after this Louis XL’s letter of 27th November, 1461,f 
on the abolition of the Pragmatic Sanction, Upon. this 
@ monition was issued, summoning all upholders of the 

* Hercewabrurr, VII, 525 seg. The Report in SanuTo, XV, 
359 -tey 384 sey., should be added to the references there given. Lang 
had another conversation with the Pope after the sitting, and thea, 
without returning to his residence at the Orsini Palace ou Monte 
Giordano, started at once for Milan. Lov. city 384. rs 

+ HERGENROTHER, VIEL, 528 

I Cf Pastor, Hist. Popes, IIL, 138 seg. 


PANEGYRIC ON THE POrE. 420 


Sanction in France, whether laymen or ecclesiastics, to 
appear before the Council within sixty days to give an 
account of their conduct. The fifth sitting of the Council 
was fixed for the 16th February, 1513, at the close of this 
term, and at it the Pragmatic Sanction would be dealt with 
and resolutions in regard to it adopted, in accordance with 
Canon Law. A special commission was appointed to 
institute the necessary preliminary investigations. Then 
@ Bull was read confirming former Papal decrees on the 
Pragmatic Sanction, the nullity of the acts of the Pisan 
Council, and the reform of the Court officials. The address 
at this Council, the last at which Julius II. was present, 
was delivered by the Apostolical Notary Cristoforo Mar- 
cello of Venice. It substantially consisted of an enthu- 
siastic pancgyric on the Pope, “Julius IL,” the speaker 
said, “in a most just war against an enemy far stronger 
than himself, had personally undergone the extremes of 
heat and cold, all sorts of fatigues, sleepless nights, sickness, 
and even danger of death without flinching. At his own 
expense, with unexampled generosity, he had equipped an 
army, liberated Bologna, driven the enemy (the French) 
out of Italy, subdued Reggio, Parma, and Piacenza, brought 
joy and peace to his country, and carned for himsclf an 
immortal name. Still greater was the glory that awaited 
him at this present time in the works of peace, the reform 
and exaltation of the Church, which was groaning under so 
many evils and threatened by traitors within and enemies 
without; which had brought up children who despised her, 
and had so often poured forth her complaint in mournful 
chants, but now raised her eyes full of joy and hope to 
the bridegroom who had come to deliver her. The Pope 
would be her physician, pilot, husbandman, in short, her all 
in all, almost as though God were again on earth.” * 

* HeRceNROrHER, Vill, 528-531, in referring to Marcello’s com. 


| 


430 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 


Certainly Julius II, had good cause to be satisiicd with 
‘the splendid successes of the last half-year. Nevertheless, 
both as an Italian and as a Pope, the preponderance of 
Spain in Italy could not but fail to be a source of anxiety 
and vexation to him. The knowledge that this was 
“largely due to his own action must have made the trial all 
the greater, and the prospect for the future was not improved. 
by the fact that the heir-presumptive of the King of Spain 
was also heirpresumptive of the Emperor in whose hands 
so large a portion of Venetian territory was now gathered."* 
In his near surroundings on all sides Julius could not 
escape from the consciousness of Spanish influence. He 
felt it in his dealings with the Colonna, at Florence, in 
Siena, and in. Piombino, and an utterance of his, preserved 
by Jovius, shews how it galled him. Cardinal Grimani, in 
conversation with him one day, made an allusion to the 
foreign sovereignty in Naples, and the Pops, striking the 
ground with his stick, exclaimed: “If God grants me life 
I will frce the Neapolitans from the yoke which is now 
on their necks."+ No doubt his restless spirit was again 


luding words, remarks : "This phrase, which had already been employed 
by Gregory I, Ep. 1. ad Leon. sous, in speaking of S. Peter, isan 
oratorical figure borrowed from the language of Scripture (Ps. ty 
St, John, X., 10, 34, 35) 7m derris adjoining Deus indicates 
of its application,” On this sitting, of also SANUTO, XV., 414 sey., and 
ROWREACHER-KNOPFLER, 423 207. “The truly Catholic Duke George 
of Saxony, although not invited to the Council, fully realising that the 
reform of the Church could only be effected in the closest union with its 
‘centre, appointed the General of the Dominicans, Thomasde J 
to act as his Procurator there (the gth Feby 1513); see BRIRGER'S 
Zeitschr., ILL. 603, 606 seg. ; Buppes, Nik. von Schinbeng 5 

* REUMONT, ITly 3,43. 

+ Joviva, Vita Alfonsi, SaNuto, XIIL, 319, 149, shews how much 
the power of Spain was dreaded in Rone erm at ited ar GR 
also Gist, 89 sey. 





I a 


FAILURE OF THE POPE'S HEALTH. 43h 


meditating new efforts and enterprises when the body at 
Jast finally broke down. 

For a long time past Julius If. had been ailing. He had 
never wholly recovered from his serious illness in August 
1511, although his iron will enabled him to conceal his 
sufferings so effectually that even those who were constantly 
in contact with him were for some time deceived, Ait last, 
however, he had to confess to himself that his days were 
numbered, On the eve of Pentecost, 1512, he felt so weak 
after Vespers that he told his Master of Ceremonies 
that fn future he would not attempt to officiate in solemn 
functions, he had not strength enough to go through the 
ceremonial. When some of the Cardinals congratulated 
him on the freshness of his complexion and said he looked 
younger than he had done ten years carlier, he said to de 
Grassis: “They are flattering me; I know better; my 
strength diminishes from day to day and I cannot live 
much longer. Therefore I beg you not to expect me at 
Vespers or at Mass from henceforth.” All the same he 
took part in the procession on Good Friday. On the eve 
of the Feast of S, John the Baptist he made a pilgrimage 
to the Church of S. Pietro in Vincoli, which brought on an 
attack of fever.* 

At the end of November he paid one of those short 
visits to Ostiat which he always thoroughly enjoyed, and 
returned so much refreshed that he was able to attend 
the third and fourth sittings of the Lateran Council, But 
even then it was observed that the Pope was singularly 
restless, On the second Sunday in Advent he went to his 
Palace at S. Pietro in Vincoli because he could go out 


® Panis DE Grassts, ed. Dollinger, 419 seg. Of swphra, p 417. 

+ Julius 1. went down to Ostia with Lang and some of the other 
‘Envoys on the 27th Nov, 1g12, returning to Rome on ist Dec, *Acta 
Consist, £ 36. Consistorial Archives of the Vatican, 


a] 


432 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 


walking there with greater freedom; but from that time 
forth he changed his residence almost daily. One day he 
went to S. Croce, the next to S* Maria Maggiore, then 
back to S. Lorenzo fuori le Mura, or S. Eusebio; striving 
in vain to escape from the sense of distress which always 
pursued him. On Christmas Eve, when Paris de Grassis 
came to tell him that it was time for Vespers, Julius sald: 
“ You had better tell the Sacred College and the Sacristan’ 
of the Palace to bring me the holy-oils, for I feel yery ill. 
1 shall not live much longer.”* The Master of Cere- 
monies could not belicve that he was so ill as he thought 
himself, but others, as the Venetian Envoy, saw plainly 
that his condition was serious, though his strong will 
upheld him and enabled him still to attend to affairs as 
usual. At the end of December one of the Captains of 
the Swiss Guards predicted that the end was not far off} 
The health of the aged Pontiff was no doubt unfavourably 
affected by the constant vexations and anxieties caused by 
the Spanish preponderance in Italy, After Christmas he 
was unable to leave his bed. He could not sleep and dis- 
liked all food. He was attended by eight physicians con- 
sidered the ablest in Rome, but none of them could find 
out the cause of his malady.{ “The Pope is not exactly 
ill,” writes the Venetian Envoy on the 16th January, t513, 
“but he has no appetite ; he eats nothing but two eggs in 
the whole day; he has no fever, but his age makes his 
condition serious; he is harassed with anxieties” In 


* Paris Dm GRASSIS, ed. Dollinger, 426-427. 

t Sanvro, XV. 412, 449. 

t Paris DE Grassis, ed. Dillinger, 427. Here it is distinctly stated 
that the Pope had been ill, and kept his bed ever since Christmas; 
thus Broscx, Julius Il, 273, is completely in error in writing, “In 
Shes dest dope inf, Jansaxy, 15¢3, the Pope, then seventy years old, 
sickened.’ 


— 


LAST ILLNESS OF JULIUS Il. 433 


addition to his uncertainty as to what King Ferdinand 
meant to do, Julius 11. had reason to fear that the Swiss 
were preparing to ally themselves with France." 

All the efforts of the physicians failed to relieve the sleep- 
lessness and want of appetite. Though they recommended 
as much rest as possible, the Pope, trusting in the strength 
of his constitution, would not give up his work, and received 
both Cardinals and Envoys while in bed ;+ but he did not 
conceal the truth from himself that he was slowly passing 
away: On the qth of February he called Paris de Grassis to 
his bed-side and told him with great seriousness and resigna- 
tion that his end was very near; he put himself into God's 
hands, recovery was out of the question; he thanked God 
for not taking him away suddenly, as had been the case 
with so many of his predecessors, and giving him time to re- 
collect himself and dic like a Christian and make his disposi- 
tions for time and eternity. He had confidence, he said, in 
de Grassis and believed that he would faithfully carry out 
all his wishes. In regard to his funeral, he desired that it 
should not be penurious, but at the same time that there 
should be no pomp or display. He did not deserve honours, 
for he had been a great sinner; but, nevertheless, he wished 
to have all things ordered decently and not to be treated 
in the unseemly manner that some of his predecessors had 
been, He would trust all these matters to the discretion 
of his faithful servant. He then gave orders on all 


* SaxuTo, XV. Sor, 505-04. Bembo also says that his appre- 
hensions in regard to the course of events in Italy hastened Julius's 
death. 

+ Sawwro, XV. 531-532; of 547; FRAKNOI, Erdédi Bakéce 
Tamas, 128. See also the Portuguese Reportin Corp. Dipl, Port., 1., 187, 
and Ludovicus de Campo Fregoso's *Letter to the Doge of Genoa, 
dated Rome, the 22nd Jan., 1513. (State Archives, Genoa.) Roma, 
‘Lestare, Marzo, 1. 

VoL. Vi. ar 





HIS FAREWELL TO THE CARDINALS. 435 


Cardinals, who were weeping, thinking him at the point of 
death, they could hardly believe me."* 

The improvement, however, was only transitory, and the 
faithful de Grassis now rendered to his master the last and 
kindest of services. Hitherto the Pope’s attendants, in dread 
of alarming him, bad put off sending for the Holy Viaticum. 
De Grassis now insisted that this should be done, and he 
relates how the Pope, having previously made his confes- 
sion, received the Holy Eucharist on the 20th of February 
with the greatest devotion.t After this, Julius II. had all 
the Cardinals summoned to his bed-side, and begged for 
their earnest prayers as he had been a great sinner and 
had not ruled the Church as he ought to have done. He 
admonished them to fear God, and observe the precepts of 
the Church. He desired them to hold the election in strict 
accordance with the law and the prescriptions in his Bull on 
the subject. The election belonged to the Cardinals only, 
the Council had nothing to do with it, All absent 
Cardinals, with the exception only of the schismatics, 
were to be invited to take part in the Conclave, In his 
own person he forgave these latter with his whole heart, 
but as Pope it was his duty to exclude them from the 
Conclave. He said all these things in Latin, in a grave 
and impressive manner, as though he were addressing a 
Consistory. Then, in Italian, he expressed his wish that 
the Vicariate of Pesaro should be granted in perpetuity to 
the Duke of Urbino. After this he bestowed his Blessing 

* PARIS DE GxASSIS, edd. Ddllinger, 429-430. There is a confusion 
here in the chronological order. 

+ Paris px Grass, ed. Dillinger, 431-432. The Portuguese 
Report, though essentially in agreement with that of the Master of 
‘Ceremonies, differs slightly in saying that Julius at first refused the Viati- 
cum, but afterwards, on Sunday, 20th February, asked for Ithimself. He 
also says that he communicated with great devation ; Corp. Dipl, Pornag., 
£, 189-190. Cf. SANuTO, XV., 560, 565. 





DEATH OF JULIUS IL 437 


passed from her had been of royal mould.”* Paris de 
Grassis writes in his Diary: “1 have lived forty years in this 
city, but never yet have [ seen such a vast throng at the 
funeral of any former Pope. The guards were 

by the crowds insisting on kissing the dead man's feet. 
Weeping, they prayed for his soul, calling him a true Pope 
and Vicar of Christ, a pillar of justice, a zealous promoter 
of the Apostolic Church, an enemy and queller of tyrants, 
Many even to whom the death of Julius might have been 
supposed welcome for various reasons burst into tears, 
declaring that this Pope had delivered them and Italy and 
Christendom from the yoke of the French barbarians.” + 

The chronicler Sebastiano de Branca speaks of Julius in 
thesametone} But it was not in Rome only that Julius II, 
was popular; the great services which he had rendered to 
the Holy Sce were largely appreciated in the States of 
the Church also, as may be seen from the enthusiastic 
praises bestowed on him by Bontempi of Perugia § 

At the same time, there were many who judged him very 
differently. A man who had played such an energetic and 
effective part in the affairs of his time could not fail to have 
bitter opponents, who, as was the custom of the day, assailed 
him after his death with stinging satires ;|j but setting 


* GREGOROVIUS, VIIT, 108, ed. 3, 

+ Panis DE GRassis, ed. Dellinger, 452, who has not found out that 
this passage had been printed long ago in GaTTICUS, 435-436. 

t Ckxtonton, IV., 297. 

8 Fe ricordo con le lacrime ag!’ occhi ¢con gran dolore nel cuore come 
apa Giulio passb da questa vita presente, la cul vita quanto sia stata 
faudabile et onorevole alla Sedia Apostolica © a tutta la Cristianita, ¢ la 
‘sua morte quanto sia perniciom, mai dire si potria, e quanto abbia esul- 
tato ta Chiess di Dio e le citth, quale Ini ha ricuperato alla prefata Sede 
Ap. che a tutto il mondo ¢ note. Arch. Stor, Ital, 1 Serie, XVI, 2, 263. 

1) OF Sanwto, XV., 561 seg. ; Roscor, U., 39; N. Antologia (1894), 
PP. 35 fe, 628 ey. The best known pasquinnde on Julius II. is the 


= 


438 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 


aside this and similar ebullitions of party hatred, there is 
no doubt that the verdict pronounced by many serious 
historians on Julius II. has been the reverse of favourable ; 
while it is also extremely questionable whether this verdict 
has been well-grounded, 

It is certain that the very general acceptance of Guicciar- 
dini’s dictum, that Julius II, had nothing of the priest in 
him but the cassock and the name, is an injustice. When 
the Florentine historian made use of the phrase, he was 


telling the story of the Pope's winter campaign against 
Mirandola.* Undoubtedly at that time Julius Tl. was 


work entitled: F.A. F, Poetao Regi libellus de obitu Jalii P.M. Anno 
Domini rgr3 (reprinted in Hurrent, Opp. IV., 421 2¢g.), This work 
is evidently written froma French point of view; by many Hutten was 
supposed to be its author (ef Strauss, Hutten, 75, ed. 2) Luther 
attributed it to Erasmus, who denies it in a letter to Campeggia. From 
this letter we gather that even then there was great uncertainty as 40 
who had written it. “Some say,” Erasmus writes, “ Aispemus quidem 
it, others ascribe it to the poet Faustus Andrelini, others to 
ie has made many enquiries, but can getno certain answer, 
Recent investigntors have been equally unsuccessful. The anonymous 
translator of this Dialogue (Julius If, Ein Gespriich vorder Himmelsthare ; 
translated from the Latin of G. Balbi, Berlin, 1877) attributes it without 
any proof to the Bishop of Gurk, while Balbi’s biographer, Retrer, con- 
cludes his exsmination with Von figuet. Geiger inclines towards Erasmus, 
who was believed by many of his contemporaries to have been the author; 
see Vierteljahrsschrift fiir Renaisa, 11., rg. “The mest probable hypo- 
thesis seems to be that it was written by the poet Public Fausto 
Andrelini, an ardent partisan of the French, with whose opinions the 
pasquinade agrees; see Gio. d Lett. Ital, XIX, 188, FORSTER, 
Lucian in d, Renaiss, ia the Archiv € Litt.Gesch, XIV, 344, 362 
(Leipzig, 1386), thinks it certain. Knop, Die Bibliothek zu Schlettstadt, 
108 (Schlettstadt, 1889), is inclined to take the same view, but his 
arguments, as Gricre in the Zeitschr, f, vergl. Lit~Gesch., INL, 489, 
points out, are not entirely convincing. 

* GUICCIARDINI, IX, c.4. The generalisation of the remark is mostly 
due to the passage in GREGOROVIUS, VIII, 67, 108, ed. 3. 





| 


JULIUS IL AS AN ECCLESIASTIC. 439 


carried away by his eager temperament to violate the 
decorum clericale in a scandalous manner, and deserves 
grave blame for this as also for the violent outbursts of 
anger to which he so often gave way.* But to assert in a 
general way that Julius was “one of the most profane and 
unecclesiastical figures that ever occupied the Chair of 
S. Peter,” that “there was not a trace of Christian piety to 
be found in him,” and that he was so utterly worldly and 
warlike that he cared nothing for ecclesiastical obligations 
or interests, is quite unwarrantable and untrue} 

The Diary of his Master of Ceremonies, Paris de Grassis, 
who was by no means blind to his master’s failings, shews 
in numberless places how faithfully Julius I]. fulfilled 
his ecclesiastical obligations, As far as his health would 
allow he was regular in his attendance at all the offices 
of the Church; he heard Mass almost daily and often 
celebrated, even when travelling and when the start took 
place before daybreak, After his illness in 1510, when 
still unable to stand, he did not permit his wealmness to 
prevent him from saying Mass on Christmas Day, and 
celebrated sitting, in his private chapel. However occupied 
he might be with political affairs, Church functions were 
never neglected.$ In everything that regarded the govern- 
ment of the Church he was equally exact, His name is 
connected with a whole series of ordinances and admin- 

* Of. supra, p 340 seg. and p. 397, Julius also sinned from time to 
time against clerical decorum by going out hunting, Bur Mauuoe, 
Machiavelli, 11., 273, is wrong in supposing that fishing is also a for- 
hidden recreation for the clergy. 

+ GeEcorovrus, VIII., 108, ed. 3; Gist, 92; and TSCHACKERT, 5. 
Cf. ARTAUD DE Monto, LV., 215, 

= Panis DE Gaassis, ed. Frati, 23, 24, 27, 38 42, 45, 58, 76 78, 
79-50, 98, tot, 103, 105, 108, 109, 119, 1 Sy 124) 125, 127, 128, 130, 
451, 138, 143, 149 151, 157, 158, 161, 166, 172, 190, 204, 207, 225, 227, 
333) 44) 242) 255 268, 270, 271, 281, 286, 





4 


440 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 
istrative enactments, some of them of considerable im- 


Amongst them one that specially deserves mention is his 
severe Bull against simony in Papal elections, designed to 
prevent the repetition of the disgracefiil practices which 
were resorted to at the clection of Alexander VI, This 
document is dated the 14th January, 1505. It declares all 
simoniacal elections from henceforth null, and pronounces 
the severest penalties of the Church on all guilty of such 
practices, Further, it ordains that all intermediaries and 
agents, whether lay or clerical, and whatever their rank, 
whether Prelates, Archbishops or Bishops, or Envoys of 
Kings or States, who are implicated in a simoniacal election 
are to be deprived of their dignities, and their goods are to 
be confiscated. The Bull forbids all promises or chgage- 
ments to be contracted by Cardinals or any other persons 
in connection with a Papal election and declares them null 
and void.* This Bull was not published till October 1510, 
from Bologna at the beginning of the war with France, and 
when it had been approved of by all the Cardinals then 
present: it was then sent to nearly all the Princes of 
Christendomt At the Lateran Council it was again 
approved, re-enacted, and published as is stated in the Bull 
of 16th February, 1513.5 

In order to carry out more effectually the measures taken 
hy Alexander VI. in 1501 for providing the new American 

* Bull, V., 405 fey. ; RAVNALDUS, ad an. 1506, n. 1 s¢g.; PARIS DE 
Grassis, ed. Frat, 214 sey.; SAGMULLER, Papstwabilen, 7 sy. 
Punts, V., 2, 839, erroncously places the Bull in the year 1506, 
although Mansi had already conclusively established its date as 1405, 
On the Theologians who drew up the Bull, see Innsbr. Zeltschr. f 
Kathol. Theol., [V., 342 seg. ; Stimmen aus Maria-Laach, VI, $12; and 
‘The Month (March, 1895), p. 324 19- 

+ SaNuTo, XL, $30; HESOENROTHER, VIIL, $33, note. 

3 Bull, Vi, 536 sey. 


h | 


TS ZEAL FOR THE MISSIONS. 44t 


Colonies with Bishops, Julius Il. in 1504 created an Arch- 
bishopric and two Bishoprics in Espafola (Hayti) and 
nominated prelates to these sees; but the fiscal policy 
of Ferdinand placed all sorts of difficulties in the way of 
the sending out of the newly-appointed Bishops, and after 
Jong delay and much tedious negotiation Julius at last gave 
way in order not to interrupt the work of conversion. By 
a Papal Brief of the 8th of August, 1511, the arrangements 
made in 1504 were cancelled, and two new Bishoprics 
erected in S. Domingo and Concepion de la Vega in 
Espafiola, and in S. Juan in Porto Rico, and placed under 
the Archbishop of Seville, which was the seat of the 
administration for the colonies,* When in 1506 Christopher 
Columbus the great discoverer who had done so much to 
enlarge the sphere of the husbandry of the Church died, 
Julius II. interested himself in favour of his son Diego at 
the Court of Spain+ 

The Pope equally took pains to promote the spread of 
Christianity in the regions discovered and acquired by 
the King of Portugal beyond the seas, to which many 
missionaries were despatched. Preachers were sent to 
India, Ethiopia, and to the Congo. In the year 1512, 
Envoys from the latter place arrived in Rome§ For 
a short time Julius II. cherished magnificent hopes of 
the conversion of Ismail the Shah of Persia, and tried 
to induce the King of Hungary to interest himself in 

* Of Boletin de ta R. Academia de Madrid, XX. (1892), 26r sey 
272 sey 292 sey, and EXRLe’s article, cited supra, p. 161. Julius con. 
firmed the partition of this colonial possession agreed upon between 
Spain and Portugal in the Treaty of Tordesillas on the 25th Jan., 1506, 
‘See BAUM, 26, 

+ RavéaLpus, ad an. 1507, n, 23; Hercenroruxr, VIIL, 


 Scudrxx, 111, 85. 
§ HERGENROTHER, VIII, 405-406. 


442 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 


the question, but these bright dreams were soon dis- 
pelled.* 

The Pope shewed his interest in the maintenance of the 
purity of the doctrines of the Church by appointing Inquisi- 
tors for the Diocese of Toul,t for the kingdom of Naplest 
and for Benevento,§ and admonishing them to act with 
decision, 

He interested himself in the conversion of the Bohemian 
sectaries, and to facilitate this permitted them to take part 
in Catholic worship, On the other hand, he took strong 
measures to put down the Picards.|| A new doctrine, put 
forward by Piero de’ Lucca, on the Incarnation of Christ, 
‘was carefully examined by the Pope's orders, with the result 
that it was solemnly condemned on the 7th September, 
1511. In Bologna in rs08 a heretical monk who had 
been guilty of sacrilege was burnt.** In Switzerland four 
Dominicans who had imposed on the people by false 
miracles were executed by his orders; and in Rome in 
1503, and again in 1513, he took measures to repress the 
Marafas.++ In Spain and elsewhere he did his best to put 

+ ZINKEISEN, 11, $57 

+ Bull. Ord, Pracdic,, 1V., 247. 

I *Letter to Barnaba [Capograszo] ord. praedic. in regno Neapolit. 
heret. pravit. inquisit, Dat, u.s. (24th April, 1505), *L-ib. brev, 22, £293. 
(Secret Archives of the Vatican.) Cf AMABILE, 1, 96 seg. 

§ *Letter to Bentivolus “ comumiss. noster;” dated the agth July, 1505. 
Lib. brev. 25, £ 349. Secret Archives of the Vatican. 

|| Ch Hexcennorime, VILL, 536, and Pure, Nuntiaturen, 45, 

© Lea, IIL, 603. 

+ SaxuTo, VIL, 393. 

tt Svnet's Hist. Zeitschr., NXXVIL, 313 seg.,and Corp. Dipl Portugy 
1, 187, Cf also RayNALDUS, ad an. 1509, n, 22, and on their hypocrisy 
JANSSEN, Kritiker, L, 17, and Deutsche Gesch. IL, 52 say, ed 15. 
SaNvTO, XV., 216, mentions a heretical book which was examined by 


the Pope's orders, Gf. alto FREDERICQ, Corp, Doc. Inquisit. (Haag, 
1889), n, 411, and Rev, Hist, XLIUL, 165, 169. 


WIS OPPOSITION TO THE SPANISH INQUISITION. 443 


a stop to unjust or too severe proceedings on the part of 
the Inquisitors.* 

In Sicily the Spanish Inquisition had been introduced in 
1500, and in 1510 Ferdinand tried to establish it in Naples, 
but met with a determined resistance. Serious disturb- 
ances ensued ; the nobles and citizens combined together 
in opposing it, and the King, not feeling himself strong 
enough to carry the m: through, gave way. Julius II. 
gladly agreed to thisf in fact, the effect of Spanish 
Inquisition was only tediminish his authority ; hnd it is 
not certain that he may not have encouraged. Neapoli- 
tans in their opposition.+ He resisted the “encroachment 
of the’State on the liberties and rights of his Church, not 
only at Venice,t but in many other places also, and in con- 
Sequence came into collision with the Government in 
England, in the Netherlands with the Regent Margaret, 
in Spain with Ferdinand, with Louis XII. in France, and 
with the rulers of Hungary, Savoy, and others. 

Julius 11. was by no means blind to the need for reform 
within the Church. On the 4th November, 1504, the subject 

* See Hurntr, Ximenes, 316. Cf the *Brief—Bertono Facino 
Laceo: The Inquisitors who have been endeavouring to extort an 
acknowledgment from the petitioner om a false suspicion, are forbidden 
to proceed further against him, as he is prepared to clear himself on 
cath. Dat, Bonon,, 1506, Dec, 15, A" 4 (*Lib. brev. 25, f gol.) Cf 
also the *Brief of the 5th Nov., 1509, to Antonius archiep, Granat, et 
consil. consilii generalis inquisit, regnor, Castelle et Legionis, *Lib. 
Drev. 27, £. 730% Secret Archives of the Vatican. 

+ AMABILE, I] Tumulto Napolitano dell’ anno 1510 contra ka ». Inquisi- 
zione (Napoli, 1888), and 11 Santo Offizio, 1., 93 sey., 100.449, 118 seg. 
‘See also Lea, IL, 287. 

T See supra, yor sey. 

§ Of Buscw, Tudors, I. 238; BRoscn, 162 ; RAVNALDUS, ad an. 
1505, n. 50; *Lib. brev. 25, f 42, 66, 67%, 210; also 28, f. $5. (Secret 
Archives of the Vatican.) Cf also *Brief of 12th March, 1595, in the 
‘State Archives, Florence, 


444 HISTORY OF THE POPES, 


was discussed in Consistory, and a Commission of six 
Cardinals appointed to deal with it; but those who were 
behind the scenes were of opinion that the only practical 
point to which the Commission meant to give their atten- 
tion was the prevention of any fresh creation of Car- 
~ dinals!* The exceptional difficulties, both political and 
ecclesiastical, with which Julius was beset on all sides 
throughout the whole of his reign, drove the larger ques 
tion of reform into the background; but they did not 
hinder him from instituting many useful and salutary 
changes in individual cases, especially in convents. The 
Pope shewed his strong interest in the Dominican Order 
by a series of enactments for the renovation of their con- 
vents in Italy, France, and Ireland+ He forbade Domini- 
can and Franciscan friars who were pursuing their studies 
in Universities to reside out of their convents.| He estab- 
lished the Congregation of S. Justina on a new footing, 
which was of the greatest advantage to it The venerable 
mother-house of the Benedictines, Monte Cassino, which 
had been bestowed é# commendam, was retumed to the 
Order during his Pontificate. In the year 1504 he ordained 
that the Congregation of S. Justina should from henceforth 
bear the name of Congregatio Cassinensis ;§ and in 1506 he 
affiliated the Sicilian Congregation also to Monte Cassino) 

His plan for reuniting the separated branches of the 
Order of S, Francis into a single body was one which also 
tended in the direction of reform. The difficulties, how- 

+ Dispucei di A. Giustinian, I11., 286; of 289, 299. 

+ Bull, Ord. Pmed., FV. 217, 219, 221, 225, 241, 854, 260) 265, 268, 
Cf the *Brief to the vicarius generalis fratr, praedicat. dat. Bologuas, 
1507, Jan. 28, *Lib, brev. 25, f. 133. 

t Bull, Vi, 472 sey, 

§ Katholile (1860), 1., 203 ; Stud, ad Benediktinerorden, XL, 585. 

|| Bull of 18th July, 1506, in the State Archives, Palermo. S, Martino 
delle Seale, n. 913. 


JULIUS IL AND THE RELIGIOUS ORDERS, 445 


ever, in the way of carrying this out proved so great, that 
he was forced to content himself with obliging all the 
smaller separate communities to unite themselves with one 
‘or other of the two main stems, the Conventuals or the 
Observantines. At the same time he expressly ordained 
that those which affiliated themselves to the Conventuals 
should have power to retain their stricter rule. Though 
most of the smaller communities very much disliked this 
measure still all finally submitted to the Pope’s command.* 

A Bull was issued on the 16th June, 1508, dealing with 
the reform of the Carthusians, and another on the 24th 
March, 1511, with that of the Italian Cistercians+ 

In England Julius 1. took measures for remedying the 
abuses connected with ecclesiastical immunities,t and in 
Basle he instituted proceedings against the Augustinian 
nuns of Klingenthal for immorality. Many enactments 
were issued to put a stop to the proceedings of unauthorised 
persons who went about demanding money in the name of 
the Church.j He also did what he could for the cause of 
morality in general, by the unfailing support and en- 
couragement which he bestowed on the outspoken mission 
preachers, who did so much good amongst the mass of the 
people. 

All the religious orders found in him a kind and help- 
ful friend. The Order of S. John Gualbert of Vallombrosa, 

* GRAMMER in Wetze und Welle’s Kirchenlex, I,, 670, ed. 2. Of 
also Eupet, Gesch. d, Minoritenprovinz, 278. 

+ Ball, V., 469 seg. 496 sey. 

2 Lbidy 404 367. 

§ Ina *Brief of 28th March, 1505, to the Burgomaster and Council 
of Basle, Julius IL. informs them that he has put the reform of Klingen- 
thal into the hands of Bishop Christopher of Hasle. Archives, Basle, 
2540, A. 

Re toicteers 35 1 154 208 Secret Archives of the Vatican, 

%F Sce Vol. V. of this work, p. 180, note * 


446 HISTORY OF THE POPES: 


the Benedictine Congregation of the Blessed Virgin of 
Monte Oliveto, the Augustinian Hermits and the Regular 
Canons of S. Augustine were specially favoured by him, 
and received many privileges. He confirmed the rule of 
the Franciscan Society of S. John of Guadelupe in 
Granada and the new Statutes of S. Francis de Paula, and 
settled many disputes between various religious congrega- 
tions, He had a great liking for religions orders generally. 
During the Lateran Council many of the Bishops strongly 
urged him to take away some of their privileges, but this 
he steadily refused,* 

Amongst other ecclesiastical acts of Julius I], we may 
mention here the revival of the constitutions of Boniface 
VIL, Pius IL, and Innocent VITL forbidding persons 
appointed to benefices to exercise any rights of ecclesi- 
astical jurisdiction or administration until they had 
received their Apostolic Letters;+ his ordinances against 
duelling;$ and for promoting devotion to S, Anne 
the Holy House at Loreto, the, Passion of Christ, and 
the Blessed Sacrament;** and the introduction of the 
Processes for the Canonisation of Bishop Benno of Meissen 
and S, Francis de Paulat+ 

* For details see HixGmwndrnen, VII, $37. The enactments of 
Julius IL in regard to Orders of Chivalry are in Rayxatous, ad an. 
1505, . 5 1507, H. 29, 

+ Bull, V., 408 sey. 

t Bull, V., 474 sey. and RayNALDUS, ad an, 1508, m. 29; 1500, th 35. 

§ See Katholik (1850), I, 137 sey.; (1878), 1, 67; Basset, Reliquien- 
verehrung, 134 vey.; SCHAVMEELL, 24 

{| Ravatpus, ad an, 1507, n. 26 sey.; TURSELLINYS, 160 509.) 170 sey. 
Cracowtus, IIL, 241. 

‘@ Sce Cod. Dipl. Sax, 11,, 10, 367. 

* Cf Piazza, 443 seg.; MIGUEL ANTONIO ALARCON, Biografia de li 
S. Doha ‘Teresa Enriques, llamada “ La Loca del Sacramento," 49 59%. 
Valencia, 1895. 

++ Ravwatpus, ad an. 1506, ». 42; MAULDI, Oxjgines, 67. Julius 17. 


HIS FOUNDATION OF THE CAPPELLA GIULI” 447 


Another work of his which was of great value in 
enhancing the solemnity and beauty of the Divine Offices 
in S, Peter's, was the endowment of the Papal Choir Chapel 
there, which from his time has in consequence been known 
as the Cappella Giulia* “The motives which induced Julius 
II, to found the ‘Cappella Giulia” were partly the desire not 
to depend on foreign talent, but to train native Romans 
as singers, and partly his wish to create a preliminary 
school in S, Peter's for the Papal Chapel, and finally, in 
order to ensure that the offices in that great sanctuary 
should be performed in a manner befitting its dignity."+ 

From all these things it is clear that the reproach that 
Julius 11. was so absorbed in the building up of the 
external power of the Holy See as to pay hardly any 
attention to the internal affairs of the Church, is wholly 
unjust and untrue But at the same time he cannot be 
exonerated from blame for having granted undue 
ecclesiastical concessions to various Governments under 
the pressure of political considerations, Such was the 
nomination of Cardinal d’Amboise as Legate for the 
whole of France in order to conciliate him and the King; t 
also gave orders for the examination of the miracles and virtues of 
Henry VI. See RAVNALDUS, ad an. 1504, 8. 33; HeRGENROTHER, 
VIL, 408, A 

* Of, SYBELS Hist. Zeitsch., XXXVI, 16a, and F. X. HABERL in the 
‘Vierreljabrsschrift  Musikwissenschaft, t11.,235 sey. (1887),who remarks : 
Before the 20th Sept, 1870, whenever the Pope celebrated mass in any 
‘of the Roman churches, the music during the mass was sung by the 
‘Cappella Palatina, but the solemn processional chant on entering was that 
of the Cappella Giulia, And to the present day on solemn occasions, as 
in Holy Week, when strangers think they are listening to the Sistine 
‘Choir, the style and the chants are those of the Cappella Giulia. 

+ CFF. X. Hawent, foc. off, 249. He has made a mistake, however, 
in the date of the Bull on the Cappella Giulla, printed in the Bull. Vat, 
11, 548 sey., potting 1512 instead of 1543. 

Of. supra,p.234 seg. MAULDT, Origines, 152 sey., rightly points oot 


—a 


448 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 


the granting to the Spanish Government the patronage of 
all the churches in the West Indies,* and to the King of 
Portugal the appointments to benefices in his kingdom} 
Concessions of a different kind, but many of them far 
from unobjectionable, were granted to Poland,? Norway, § 
Scotland, || Savoy,{ and the Swiss. At the same time 
Julius II. refused the extravagant demands of the Zurich 
Council, having warned the Swiss beforehand that though 
he was willing to grant them ecclesiastical privileges he 
could not go beyond what was right and fitting.** 

As regards questions of reform it has been already 
demonstrated that Julius was by no means inactive in 
individual cases, and especially in dealing with convents, 
He was far too clear-sighted not to be aware that much 
more than this was wanted. The reform of abuses in all 
departments of the Church, and especially in the Roman 


how unusual such a concession as thatof making Card. d’Amboise Jegudus 
a datere for the whole kingdom was. 

* Bull of 28th July, 1508; Coleccion de los Concordatos (Madrid, 
1848); HERGENROTHER in Archiv, fiir Kirchenrecht, X., 1§ ; PHILLIPS 
VERING, VITL, 200, It is doubtfil whether the supposed Bull of Alex- 
ander VE, dated 25th June, 1493, and granting to the Spanish Kings 
the patronage of a// churches and benefices in the kingdorn, really 
exists. See HERGENROTHER, Joc. cit, and PHILLWS-VERING, Zor. cif, 
On the extension of the rights of Provision granted by Innocent VIEI. 
to the Spanish Government far Sicily to all benefices belonging to 
Cathedrals or Collegiate Churches, see SENTIS, 102. 

+ Corp, Dipl Portug., 1., 194 seg. 

2 Cano, V., 2, 960.709. 

§ PALUDAN-MOLLER, 240, 289; Hist. Polit. BL, CVE, 346207. 

| Sce **Brief to Jacobus Archiep. Glasguen., dat. Romac, 1509, Juli 
28, *Lib, brev, 27, f 559. Secret Archives of the Vutican, 

‘f Sevopis, Antica legislaz. del Piemonte, 484; Lita, 1,, 425. 

* Cf Geschichtsfreund, XXXUL., 13. seg. (Binsiedeln, 1878), and 
ROHRER, on the so-called Concordat of WALDMANN in the Jahrb, f 
Schweiz, Gesch, 1V., 3-22. 


HIS DESIRES FOR REFORM. 449 


Court, was the primary task of the Lateran Council, as 
the Pope himself in June 1511,* and again on other 
occasions, repeatedly declared, Previous to its opening in 
March 1512, Julius had nominated a Commission of eight 
Cardinals to dea! specially with the reform of the Roman 
Court and its officialst On the 3oth March, 1512, a Bull 
was issued, reducing the fees in various departments, and 
intended to check abuses practised by officials of the 
Court} The rest was to be settled by the Council. It is 
hardly fair to accuse Julius of indifference on this point, 
because he was interrupted by death just at the time that 
he was beginning to take the question scriously in hand.§ 
“Tt may, of course, be asked whether it would not have 
been better to have begun with the internal reformation 
of the Church, and then proceed to work for her external 
aggrandisement.” The answer is obvious. The conditions 
created by the Borgia were such that, before the new Pope 
could do anything else, it was absolutely necessary to 
secure some firm ground to stand upon. How could a 
powerless Pope, whose own life even was not secure, attempt 
to attack questions of reform in which so many conflicting 
interests were involved? Julius II. saw plainly that his 
first official duty was the restoration of the States of the 
Church in order to secure the freedom and independence 
of the Holy See. : 
He was firmly convinced that no freedom in the Church 
was possible, unless she could secure an independent 
position, by means of her temporal possessions. On his 


* SANUTO, XIL, 243. 

+ See Brief, dat, roth Mar., 1512, in DEssaRpins, 11., 575; RAYNAL-, 
US, ad an. 1512, 0. 31 ; and Corp. Dipl. Portug., 1., 153 veg. 

TA copy of this document is in the State Archives, Bologna. 

§ In his last Bull of 1gth Feb, 1513, the Pope mentions his plans of 
Reform, Bull. Vat, IL, 349. 

VOL, Vi. 26 


45° HISTORY OF THE POPES. 


death-bed he declared that the whole course of his reign 
had been so thickly strewn with anxicties and sorrows, 
that it had been a veritable martyrdom.* This clearly 
proves that, as far as his wars were concerned, his 
conscience did not reproach him; he had no doubt of this 
necessity, and his motives were honest and pure. 

It is, however, objected, the Vicar of Christ should not 
be a warrior, This objection completely ignores the two- 
fold nature of the position created for the Papacy by its 
historical development. Ever since the 8th Century the 
Popes, besides being Viears of Christ, had also been 
temporal princes. As such they were compelled, when 
necessary, to defend their rights against attacks, and to 
make use of arms for the purpose. During the course of 
the Middle Ages the great Popes were again and again 
placed in this predicament. Even a Saint like Leo IX. 
betook himself to his camp without scruple, Of course it 
is taken for granted that the war fs a just one, and for 
purposes of defence and not of aggression+ This was 
eminently the case in regard to the wars of Julius II. It 
is undeniable that when he ascended the Throne the rights 
of the States of the Church had been seriously violated, 
and that later the liberty of the Holy Sce was in the 
greatest danger from its enemies, At that time it was 
clearly a case of being “cither anvil or hammer."{ Thus 
it was possible for Julius IL. not only openly to avow his 
intentions but also to maintain that his cause was just, 

© RAYNALDUS, ad an. 1513, 1. 9. 

+ Cf BELLARMINE'S treatise, De Potestate S. Pontif, ¢ 1, printed 
in RavYNALDUS, ad an, 1513, . 12. See also Novans, 1V., 162 seg., and 
DeMaisrae, Du Pape, 210 seg, Inghirami's contemporancous remarks 
‘on the question are interesting ; see FxA, Notisie, 59; JOvIUS, De Vita 
Leonis X., lib, 11, 33. 

T BURCRMARDT, Cultur, 1, 112, ed. 3, with express reference to 
Julius 1, 





NECESSITY OF THE TEMPORAL POWER. 450 


The world of that day appreciated the recovery of the 
States of the Church as a noble and religious enter- 
. 

Ifthe necessity of the temporal power is admitted, then 
the Head of the Church cannot be blamed for defending 
his rights with secular weapons;+ but of course this 
necessity is denied, and was denied, though only by a small 
number, even in his own day, Vettori maintains that in 
the interests of religion the ministers of the Church, includ- 
ing her Head, ought to be excluded from all temporal cares 
or authority over worldly things} The truth that the 
care and preservation of the States of the Church entails 
a danger of secularisation for the clergy lies at the root 
of this view. But though this danger exists, the perils and 
impossibilities for the Holy See and for the whole Church 
of the opposite situation are so great that no Pope would 
be justified in allowing her temporal possession to be taken 
away from her. Even such a man as Guicciardini, who on 
the whole in his judgment of Julius If. inclines to agree 
with Vettori,§ is found in another place to admit that, 
though in itself it would be a good thing if the Pope 
had no temporal sovereignty, still, the world being what 
it is, a powerless Head of the Church would be very 
likely to find himself seriously hampered in the exercise 


* RAWKE, Pipste, 1, 37, 0d. 6, 

+ Practically those who reproach Julius 11. with his wars, do so because 
‘they contest the necessity of the temporal power, Of; GRECOROVIUS, 
VILL, 110, ed. 3. The writer of areview of Brosch, in the Allg. Zelt. 
{1878}, m. 75 Suppl, remarks : “The only point that one can blame in 
‘Julius IL. is the end that he proposed, the founding (really the restora. 
tion) of the States of the Church, in fact, that he was more of a temporal 
prince than a spiritual ruler. But all in all he was a great man, and a 
unique figure in the series of the Popes.” 

t Verrort, ed. Reumont, 304. 

§ Reumowr, 111, 1, 49 


a 


452 HISTORY OF THE POPES, 
of his spiritual office, or indeed reduced to absolute 
impotence.* 


As a matter of fact this was a time in which no respect 
seemed to be paid to anything but material force, and the 
secular powers were striving on all sides to subjugate the 
Church to the State. Purely ecclesiastical questions were 
regarded merely as counters in the game of politics, and 
the Popes were obliged to consolidate their temporal 
possessions in order to secure for themselves a standing 
ground from which they could defend their spiritual 
authority, As practical politicians they thought and acted 
in accordance with the views of one of the speakers at the 
Council of Basle, who made this remarkable confession: 
* TL used formerly often to agree with those who thought it 
would be better if the Church were deprived of all temporal 
power. I fancied that the priests of the Lard would be better 
fitted to celebrate the divine mysteries, and that the Princes 
‘of the world would be more ready to obey them. Now, 
however, I have found out that virtue without power will 
only be mocked, and that the Roman Pope without the 
patrimony of the Church would be a mere slave of the 
Kings and Princes."+ Such a position appeared intolerable 
to Julius IJ. Penetrated with the conviction that, in order 
to rule the Church with independence, the Pope must be 
his own master in a territory of his own, he set himself 
with his whole soul to the task of putting a stop to the 
dismemberment of the temporal possessions of the Holy 

* Gurcctanniny, Opere inedite, 14 389. 1 is worth noting that in 
this passage, the Florentine historian who has so fittle love to the Popes 
approaches Reliarmine’s view ; the latter writes: Propter malitiam tem 
porum experientia clamat, non solum utiliter, sed etiam necessario ex 
‘singulari Dei providentia domatos fuisso Pontifici « « + tempores aligues 
principatus. De Rom, Pontif, Lib. v., c. 9. 


+ Dirrnictt, Contarini, 152 se74 298; De Leva, Ty 303 sep fe 
Arch, St Ital, 4 Serie, V., 90, 


JULIUS If. THE LIBERATOR OF ITALY. 453 


See and saving the Church from again falling under the 
domination of France,* and he succeeded. Though he 
was unable to effect the complete liberation of Italy, still 
the crushing yoke of France was cast off, the independence 
and unity of the Church was saved, and her patrimony, 
which he had found almost entirely dispersed, was restored 
and enlarged. “The kingdom of S. Peter now included 
the best and richest portion of Italy, and the Papacy bad 
become the centre of gravity of the peninsula and, indeed, 
of the whole political world,"+ “ Formerly,” says Machia- 
velli, “the most insignificant of the Barons felt himself at 
liberty to defy the Papal power; now it commands the 
respect of a King of France.’{ The great importance of 
this achievement was made evident later in the terrible 
season of storm and stress which the Holy See had to'pass 
through, If it would be too much to say that without its 
temporal possessions the Papacy could never have weathered 
those storms,§ it is quite certain that, without the solid 
support which it derived from the reconstitution of the 
States of the Church, it is Impossible to calculate to what 
straits it might not have been reduced ; possibly it might 
have been forced again to take refuge in the Catacombs. 
Tt was the heroic courage and energy of Julius II., which 
Michael Angelo thought worthy of being symbolised in his 
colossal Moses, which saved the world and the Church 
from some such catastrophe as this 

Thus, though Julius II. cannot be called an ideal Pope, 

* Howie, Roman. Welt, 256, rightly signalises this last as the 
greatest danger. 

+ Greconovrus, VIE, 105, ed. 3, Cf Arcrprus vox VITERNO, 
ed. Hoffer, 387, and Jovivs, Vita Leonis X., lib. 111, 55, and Vita 
Pamp. Col, p, t44. 

F It is interesting to note that Ingbirami speaks in a similar tons, 
See Fra, Notizio, 6, 

§ This is what Crerontow, V., 167, thinks. 


— 


454 HISTORY OF THE POPES, 


he is certainly one of the greatest since Innocent ILI.* 
No impartial historian can deny that Julius II, in all his 
undertakings displayed a violence and want of moderation 
that was far from becoming in a Pope. He was a genuine 
child of the South, impulsive, passionate, herculean in 
his strength; but possibly in such a stormy period as was 
the beginning of the 16th Century some such personality 
as his was needed to be the “ Saviour of the Papacy.” This 
honourable title has been bestowed upon him by one who 
is not within the pale of the Catholic Church,} and noone 
will be inclined to dispute it, There still remains, however, 
another point of view from which Julius Il. is a marked 
figure in the history of the world. He was the restorer not 
only of the States of the Church, but was also one of the 
greatest among the Papal patrons of the Arts, 

* GREooxovIUS, Gmbmiiler, 125, calls him “the greatest Pope since 
Innocent IIL" SUGENHEIM, 391, also compares him to Innocent. AR- 
TAUD-MoONTOR, IV., 219, says of Julius 1],, that as a monarch he carried 
off she palm amongst all the occupants of the Chale of 5. Petes, and 
though this may not make him one of the greatest (Dr Mararrit, 210), 
nevertheless, it certainly entitles him to rank as one of the great Popes. 
fF also Leo and Hase, in MOHLER, Kirchengeschichte, If, $25. 
BROWNING also, in The Age of the Condottierl, 1409-1590 
1895), speaks very appreciatively of Julius. - 

4 Burnckiannr, Cultur, 1, 117, ed 3, and REDTEN DACHER, 4, agree 
with him. DOLLUNGER, Kirche und Kirchen, 521, calle Julius, “after 
Innocent III. and Albernos, the third founder and restorer of the 
States of the Church” 


CHAPTER VIIL 


Junius Il. as THE Patron or THE Arts.—THE REBUILDING 
or S, Perue’s Anp tite VATICAN.—BRAMANTE 4S THE 
Ascurtecr or JuLivs Il—Tue Scutprure GALLERY IN 
‘THE BELVEDERE AT THE VATICAN.— DISCOVERIES OF ANTIQUE 
ReMains—Burtorso in ree Sratas or THe Caurcs.—THe 
Grows of Tux New Rome ceearep sy Junius II. 


NOTHING so impresses on the mind the sense of the real 
greatness of the Pontiff who occupied the Chair of S, Peter 
from the year 1503,a3 the amount of attention that he 
found time to bestow on Art. When we consider the in- 
cessant and harassing anxieties, both political and ecclesi- 
astical, and all the labours of his reign, the quantity and 
quality of what he left behind him in Rome and elsewhere 
in this respect are really amazing. At the beginning of 
the 16th Century, Rome, representing as she did the art of 
antiquity, the Middle Ages and the Renaissance, was already 
the most beautiful and interesting city in the world.* But 
itis to the patron of Bramante, Michael Angelo, and Raphael, 
to the Pope who, even as a Cardinal, was such a generous 
friend of artists, that she owes the proud position that she 
now holds of being the ideal centre of zesthetic beauty for 
all its devotees throughout the whole world.+ It was under 
his rule that the foundations were laid for most of those mag- 
nificent creations of architecture, sculpture, and painting 


* Cf. Mowe, Raphael, 261 seg. ; CIA, Cortegiano, 165. 
+ See Vol. V. of this work, pp. 528 368, and supra, p. 165, 


— 


498 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 


which constitute by no means the smallest part of the 
magic charm of the Eternal City, and area source of never- 
ending delight to both thinkers and poets. 

The aspirations of Julins II. were in perfect accordance 
with those of his great predecessors Nicholas V. and Sixtus 
IV. He took up their work where they left it, and continued 
it on the same lines, He too aimed at embodying the 
religious, regal, and universal spirit of the Papacy in mont 
mental works of architecture, sculpture, and painting, and 
vindicating the intellectual supremacy of the Church, by 
making Rome the centre of asthetic development for the 
____-gfeat Renaissance movement. As with Nicholas V. 

family or personal aggrandisement was nothing to him. 
‘The fruit of all his wars was to be reaped not by his 
relations but by the Church ; and equally all that “he did 
for Art was done for the honour of the Church and the 
Papacy.” Thus, though under Julius 11, Roman, like all 
Italian art was under the patronage of a Court, the spirit 
of that patronage was wholly different from anything which 
prevailed elsewhere. The importance for art of these 
“Courts of the Muses” consisted not so much in their 
character, a8 a rule, as in their number. The encourage 
ment of art and of artistic culture in general was merely 
an essential part of a princely style of living. In contrast 
to this, the artist in Rome at the Court of Julius IL was 
called upon to bear a part in the realisation, if only fora 
few years, of a magnificent dream, the perfect fusion of two 
ages, the antique and the Christian, into one harmonious 
whole, Bramante’s S. Peter's, Michael Angelo’s ceiling in 
the Sistine, Raphael's frescoes in the Stanze, all devoted to 
the idealisation of Christian worship and doctrine and the 
supremacy of the Vicar of Christ, are the 

of the aim and purport of the reign of Julius [L* « 


* SPRINOER, 102, 103 (In, 142-45; Och 3)5 fs also in Appendix, N- 85, 


JULIUS TL. THE PATRON OF THE ARTS 457 


In spite, however, of the close resemblance in their aims 
there is a considerable difference between the spirit of 
Nicholas V.and that of Julius 11, While Nicholas V. patron- 
ised learning quite as much as art, with Julius even more 
than with Sixtus ['V. art was the chief interest.* And in his 


Avgidius of Viterbo's account of the Pope's *Declaration in regard to 
the building of & Peter's. Bibl. Angelica, Rome. 

* Julius Tl. was undoubtedly not a scholar. Both Nicholas V. and 
Leo X. did much more for literature and literary men than he did. 
Fea’s attempt, Notizie, 47, to rank him with Leo X. in this respect is 
quite a failure, See TiRABOSCHI, VI., 1, 266 seg. ; REUMONT, IIL, 2, 
319, 360 seg. ; and Montz, Raphael, 275, Nevertheless Julius II, was 
far from disliking learning or learned. men, as is shewn by his solicitude 
for the Universities of Perugia (RANKE, 1., 251, ed. 6), Lisbon (Corp. 
Dipl. Portug., 1, 56 seg.), and Rome (see RENA221, 1, 200 seg. ; FEA, 
68.309, ; and in Appendix, No. 54, *Rrief of sth Nov., 1507 (Secret Archives 
‘of the Vatican), as well as the patronage he bestowed on various scholars, 
and his friendly relations with them. The most distingwished of these 
were Sigismando de’ Conti (¢/, Arch, St. Ital., 4 Serie, L, 71 sey. ; XID, 
265 seg,; and Gortion in Hist. Jahrb., VII, 309 sey.), Tommaso 
Inghirami (see Marini, 1, 218 sey, ; Noraac, Erase, 68 ; Anecdot, 
Litt, [1., 129 sey.), the Saxon Nic. von Schonberg (Prof, of Theology 
in the Roman University from 1510 ; he was frequently called upon to 
jecture in the Pope's presence ; cf. BUDDEE, 3), Sermonino da Vimercate 
(see SIG. DE CONTI, IL, 390), Laurentius Parmenius (see éa/ra), Theod. 
Gaza (see Anecd. Litt, IV,, 368), Bembo, who was generously rewarded 
for succeeding in deciphering a MS. written in ‘Tyran characters (see 
Fp. famil, V,, 8, and Roscoe, 11., 42 s2g.). While still a Cardinal, and 
under great difficulties, Julius had taken considerable interest in the 
collection and copying of MSS. (MUNTz, La Bibl. du Vatican, 5-6). 
From this one would naturally gather sit as Pope it was unlikely that 
he should have added nothing to the Vatican library, though the lacunso 
in the records in the Roman State Archives and the Secret Archives of 
the Vatican make it impossible to prove that he did. This seems all 
the more improbable, as ALBERTINS, 35, says that Julius 11, adorned the 
library of S. Pietro in Vincoli and that of SS. Apostoli with paintings, and 
‘alse decorated his own private library. See the Report of the Mantuan 
Envoy in Appendix, Nos. 43 and 44. (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.) 


458 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 


patronage of art he also displayed the true Rovere spirit, 
confining his plans to what was possible and practicable, 
and not giving the reins to his imagination to the extent 
that his two predecessors had done* Splendid as his 
projects were, he undertook nothing without providing 
ample means for carrying out +his plans-+ 

It is undeniable that Julius U1. was singularly happy in 
the time in which he lived, which produced such men as 
those whose services he was able to command, But this 
does not lessen his merit. He deserves lasting honour for 
his sympathetic appreciation of their genius, which enabled 
him to attract them to Rome, and to stimulate their powers 
to the utmost by the kind of work which he demanded 
from them—nothing small or trivial, but monumental 
creations corresponding to the largeness of hisown nature} 
Thus, the great masters found free scope for their genius in 


Under Julius 1., G. Maffei of Volterra, Archbishop of Ragusa (0b. 1510), 
and Tommaso Inghiraini were Custodians and Prefects of the Vaticana, 
also Demetrio of Lucca and, after his death in 151, Lorenzo Parmenio 
and Jean Chadel of Lyons; when the latter died in 1512, Resaulus 
Mammacinus was his successor (MOUNTZ, for, eff, rt seg.) On 
Demetrio see Cram in the Giorn, d, Lett. Ital, IX, 450, note 4. The 
‘extreme liberality with which MSS, since the time af Sixtus LV., were 
Tent for the use of scholars even outside Rome (see Vol. IV. of this 
work, 458 seg.) was still maintained with certain precautions, Juliad 
found himself obliged to make some stricter rules in regard to the use 
of documents in the Archives of the Camera Apostolica, as the privilege 
had been seriously abused (see MUNTZ, Joc ify 15 seg.). Om Juliss's 
Private library, of Roscow, 1., 47; CIAN in the Giorn, d, Lett. Uta, 
TV, 450; and fafra, Chap. 10. On the coronation of @ poet under 
Julius 11, see Luzio, F, Gonzaga, 4o, and CREIGHTON, IV, 274-275, 

+ See Vol. 11. of this work, 173 seg. 

+ SPRINGER, foc. cit, 

3 Cf Montz, Raphael, 274; SrRNcER, 103; Gsmut-Feas, Rom, I, 
663. See also SYMONDS, Michelangelo, L., 128. (‘There was nothing of 
the dilettante about hin.) 


JULIUS TL AND ARCHITECTURE. 459 


all its fulness, and nascent talent was fostered and developed, 
The home of Art was transferred from Florence to Rome, 
A world of beauty in architecture, painting, and the plastic 
art sprang up in the ancient city, and the name of Julius 
1]. became inseparably united with those of the divinely 
gifted men in whom Italian art attained its meridian glory. 
“He began, and others went on with the work on the 
foundation which he had laid. The initiative was his; in 
reality the age of Leo X. belongs tohim,"* It was through 
him that Rome became the classical city of the world, the 
normal centre of European culture, and the Papacy the 
pioncer of civilisation: 

The resemblance between the spirit of Julius H. and that 
of Nicholas V. is most apparent in his architectural under- 
takings. The laying out of new streets and districts, the 
enlargement of the Vatican Palace, and the erection of 
the new Church of S. Peter, works which had been inter- 
rupted by the premature death of Nicholas V,, were 
energetically resumed by him. 

The Florentine architect, Giuliano da Sangallo, was one 
of Julius [L.'s most intimate and congenial friends in his 
earlier days while he was still only a Cardinal. It was he 
who planned the magnificent structure of Grottaferrata, the 
buildings at Ostia, and the Palace at Savona, Giuliano 
shared his patron's voluntary banishment during the reign 
of Alexander VI., and during this time (1494) was intro- 
duced by the Cardinal to the French King, Charles VILL} 

+ ReUMONT, I11,,2, 383; of SPRINGKX, ror ; MINGHETTI, Raffiello, 
406; and VON GEYMOLLER, 344. 

+ Of Greconovivs, VAIL, 113, ed. 3, who observes, “The world- 
wide historical atmosphere, the monumental and ideal grandeur of the 
city banished every trace of provincislism from Roman art, and im- 
pressed on it the stamp of its own essential greatness.” 

3 Of Pastor, Gesch. Pipste, 11, 627, ed. 2, and MOnrz, Hist, de 
TAn, 407; J. be Lauaitee, Giuliane de San Galle ct les monuments 


| 


460 HISTORY OF THE POPES, 


It was not to be wondered at, therefore, if when Julius If. 
became Pope, Sangallo soon appeared in Rome to recall 
himself to the memory of his old master, and to offer his 
services. He was first employed on some repairs in the 
Castle of St. Angelo, which the troubled times made urgently 
necessary, and on the 30th of May, 1504, he received an in- 
stalment of pay for this work, to be completed later by a 
larger sum.* After this, Julius continued to make use of 
him in various ways; in 1505 he made a drawing for a 
tribune for musicians (Cantoria),+ and he seems to have been 
the Pope's chief adviser at this time in all matters of art 
It was through him in the Spring of the year 1505 that 
Michael Angelo and Andrea Sansovino were invited to 
Rome} Sansovino was called upon to erect a monumental 
tomb to Cardinal Ascanio Sforza in S* Maria del Popolo; 
Michael Angelo's task was a tomb for the Pope himself. 
The plan which the great sculptor drew, and which Julias 
approved, was of such colossal dimensions that no church 
in Rome, not excepting the old S. Peter's, could contain it 
Later, it was thought that the tribune begun by Rossellino 
for the new church of S. Peter might be adapted to receive 
this monument, But this had first to be finished and con- 
nected with the old building; and thus the work fell into 


antiques du Midi de France, in Vol. 45 of the Mem. de la Soc Nat, des 
Antiquaires de France, and REDTENRACHER, 97, 102. All that now 
Temains of the Palace of Savona besides the courtyard is the northern 
facade, entirely of white marble, and a portion of the offices at the tack, 
‘See GAUTHIER, Les plus beaux édifices de Génes ot ses environs (Paris, 
1850), Pl. 64, 65; REDTENBACHER, 102; MOnrz, Hist, de PArt, f, 
199. See also Scuimansow's Note on Albertini, 55. 

* VoN GEVMOLLER, 74. 

+ The work was never carried out. See Remrennacnmn, o8 sq. ¢ 
‘Von GEvMOLLER, 74. 

} SPRINGER, Rafiae! und Michelangelo, 104 seg; REDTENBACIER, 
98 


BRAMANTE IN ROME. 461 


the hands of the architects* At this moment the great 
master appeared on the scene to whom from henceforth 
almost all Julius Il.'s architectural works were to be 
entrusted. This man was Donato Bramante, who had been 
working and studying in Rome since the year 1500, 

In affording to “the most original architect of his time” 
the opportunity of putting forth all his powers, Julius 11. 
rendered an inestimable service to Art. Bramante very 
soon came to occupy the position of a sort of minister 
of public works and fine arts at the Papal Court;+ apart- 
ments in the Belvedere were assigned to him, as well as 
to the famous goldsmith, Caradosso;{ the great architect 
accompanied Julius in all his journeys and planned all 
his fortifications; to him was entrusted the rebuilding 
of the Vatican and of the church of S, Peter, in which 
& suitable site was to be provided for the Pope’s tomb.§ 


‘® SpRinceR, for. cif, 105; f VON GEYMULLER, 145 seg., and 
MONTE, Hist. de PArt, IL, 384. 

+ Vow Geyaitter, 24. 

t Cf. Costabili’s *Despatch, dat. Rome, ith Aug., 1508, who reports 
that at that time alcuni maestri et architectori li quali sono Abramante 
et Caradosso were residing inthe Belvedere. State Archives, Modena, 

§ The account which follows is mostly, though not quite in all points, 
founded on the results of Geymiiller’s researches, which are extremely 
thorough, though in several particulars JovaNoviTs, 82 s¢9., differs from 
him considerably. Cf Reprennaciten’s articles in Litrow’s Zeitechrift, 
IX,,261 seg., 302 sey. ; X.,247 seq. ; X1., Suppl., 829 sey. ; XIII, 124 seg. 
{against him Jovanovits, Zu den Streitfagen in der Baugeschichte 
der Peterskirche xu Rom. Wien, 1878); XIV. Suppl, 543 249. + 
XVI, 161 seg. REDTENKACHER and also BURCKMARDT-HOLTZINGER 
(Renaissance, 125) agree with Geymiiller in essentials, It is naturally 
inspossible to enter into the details of these difficult and complicated 
‘controversies. Many points will be made char when, GEYMOLLER’S 
‘and vol. appears, in which he and MOwTz together will publish all the 
docements relating to the building of S. Peter's. Meanwhile,</ MONTZ, 
Les Architectes de S. Pierre de Rome d'aprés des documents nouveaux, 


a] 


452 HISTORY OF THE POPES, 


It is impossible to determine with certainty when 
Julius Il, adopted the plans for the new S. Peter's A 
writer on architecture, who has made the study of the 
plans and projects for the church the special task of 
his life, believes that the design of rebuilding S. Peter's 
occupied the Pope's mind in connection with the restora- 
tion of the Vatican Palace as carly as 1503" This would 
quite correspond with what we, know of the character of 
the new Pope; but as yet we have no contemporancous 
testimony to support this view, and the extremely con 
strained and difficult position in which Julius found 
himself at the outset of his reign is against the pro 
bability of his having immediately contemplated such a 
work as this, though, considering his sanguine tempera 
ment, this would have been far from impossible, It is 
not till the year 1505 that unmistakeable signs appear 
that the thought of the new S. Peter's and its adjunets 
had taken root in his mind} According to Vasari the 


in the Gaz. des Beaux Arts, XIX. (1879), 353 s¢g-; XX, 506 eg. For 
easlier works sec BONANN1, Hist. Templi Vaticani, §0 seg.; PUNGK 
Leon?’ Vith di Bramante, and PLATTWER, IL, 1. 136 seg. 

* VON GEYMOLLER, 81. 

+ In his seal to defend Bramante from the suspicion of having ousted 
‘Sangallo from his post, yon Geymiiller goes so far as to say: “ Bramante 
was already in the Pope's service before Giuliano arrived (in 
and consequently could not have taken measures to supplant 
But Redtenbacher justly remarks that as yet we have no ‘that 
Bramante was in the service of Julius 11. before Sangatl's arrival, and 
that on the goth May, 1504 the latter was practically the Pope's 
architect. See LOTzow's Zeitschrift, XVI, ye 
Architektur, 182, Here again he very urgently remarks. 
though Bonanni, on whom H. ¥. Caparica cae 
had planned the Vatican buildings as early as 1503) in the first place 
‘Bonanni is not a very trustworthy authority (he ascribes 
ef S, Peter’s to Bramante), and, secondly, even supposing that he is 
right, this does not necessarily involve that he had also fixed on Hramante 








JULIVS IL AND S. PETER'S. 463 


deliberations preliminary to the work constituted a sort 
of duel between the Umbrian and Lombard tendencies 
of Bramante and the Florentine spirit represented by 
Sangallo and his protégé Michael Angelo. It is not un- 
likely that there is some truth in this statement, as Vasari 
knew the son of Giuliano da Sangallo intimately ; but, 
on the other hand, this author is often confused and 
inaccurate.* However this may be, it appears certain 
that as soon as Julius II. saw Bramante’s magnificent 
plan for S, Peter's, he determined to put the work into 
his hands ;+ while everything else, even his own tomb, 
retreated into the background. Even for S, Peter's alone 
on this scale the means at his disposal were not sufficient. 
“And knowing his disposition, no one can be surprised 
that S. Peter's was the work that lay nearest to the 


ie the architect.” To this I should like to add, that in his very meri- 
torious work, Vor Gxysilutex also more than once (pp, $1 and 345) 
cites MIGNANTI, 11, 13, who there states that Julius II. determined, 
immediately on his accession to the Papacy, to rebuild S, Peter's, He 
believes that Mignanti “rests his assertion on unnamed documents" ; 
but the existence of these documents is only a hypothesis, no one has 
geen them, and Mignanti gives no reference. In addition to this, as 
REUMONT, in 1867, in the Allg. Zeit, N. 264, has observed, historical 
criticism is not the strong point in this writer's book ; in fact, it contains 
historical inaccuracies. The only thing thatis certain is that the rebuild- 
ing had been determined upon in Nov. 1505 (see #a/ra), and until 
some new documents tum up we must, as JOVANOVITS, 43, says, Content 
ourselves with this, 

© Reprewnacnen, 185, does not seem to have noticed this, for he 
speaks of Vasari's narrative as trustworthy throughout. 

Giuliano da Sangalo felt himself aggrieved and weat back to Flor- 
ence, but with liberal rewards from the Pope. An old German legend 
represents the Pope surrounded with a multitude of models for S. Peter's 
‘and laughingly begging that all these nuts might be cleared away as be 
had but one church t build, and had an excellent plan for tha. B, 
Ochini, Apologen., Bk. 1., Apol. 23, in BURCKHARDT, Renaissance, 112. 


a 


464 HISTORY OF THE POPES, 


Pope's heart. His preference even in Art was always 
for the colossal. Magnarum semper molium avidus was 
said of him, and though Michael Angelo’s design must have 
satisfied him in that respect, the tomb was only for him- 
self, whereas the magnificent Basilica would be a glory 
for the whole Church. For Julius the larger aim, whether 
for State or Church, was always more attractive than 
anything that was merely personal.” * 

In the history of the building of S. Peter's in the time 
of Julius II. there are three distinct periods. The first 
idea (March, 1505) was to build a Chapel for the Pope's 
tomb. In the second period (before tith April, 1505) 
the completion of the works commenced by Nicholas V. 
and Paul I]. was contemplated; in the third (from the 
Summer of that year) it was finally determined that the 
building should be on entirely new lines, far more splendid 
and more beautiful. Even then, however, the idea of 
making use of the buildings already commenced by 
former Popes was not abandoned, and the attempt was 
frequently made, but they were only utilised in a feag- 
mentary way as portions of a wholly new design The 
immense number of drawings for S. Peter's which are 
still extant, shew with what energy the work was under- 
taken, Some of these were executed by Bramante him- 
self, then sixty years old; many others, from his instruc- 
tions, by artists working under him; amongst these were 
the youthful Baldassari Peruzzi and Antonio da Sangallof 

* SPRINGER, Rafiael und Michelangelo, 106. 

+ Vow GuvaGLuir, 145 sey, 373 269. ’ 

t Mhid., 137 se7., 160 seg. ; cf. 98 seg. This writer thinks that the 
influence of the immense aumber of studies for S. Peter's maile by 
Bramante between 1505-6 was so great, and the staff employed by 
hin in his office or in the building so lange, that in a very short time 
many young architects were capable of carrying out less Important 
undertakings in the S. Hotere style of the master, “Thus we see the 


GRANDEUR OF BRAMANTE’S DESIGN. 465 


For a long time all that was known on the subject 
was that the outline of Bramante's plan was a command- 
ing central dome resting on a Greek Cross, with four 
smaller domes in the four angles, It is only quite 
recently that modem research has eliminated out of 
the immense mass of materials afforded by the collec. 
tion of sketches in the Uffizzi at Florence (about 9000 
sheets), a series of studies and plans for S. Peter's, from 
which Bramante’s original design can be determined. 
With these sketches before us we begin to realise what 
the world has lost by the later changes in what, as 
originally conceived, would have been an artistic creation 
of perfectly ideal majesty and beauty. 

The new Basilica, “which was to take the place of 
a building teeming with venerable memories, was to em- 
body the greatness of the present and the future,” and 
was to surpass all other churches in the world in its 
proportions and in its splendour.* The mausoleum of 
the poor fisherman of the Lake of Genesarcth was to 
represent the dignity and significance, in its history and 
in its scope, of the office which he had bequeathed to his 
successors. The idea of the Universal Church demanded 
a colossal edifice, that of the Papacy an imposing centre, 
therefore its main feature must be a central dome of such 
proportions as to dominate the whole structure, This, 
Bramante thought, could be best attained by a ground- 
plan in the form of a Greck Cross with the great dome 


young Antonio da Sangallo in the Church of S. M, di Loreto in the 
Piazes Trajana in 1507,and Peruesi in the Cathedral of Carpi in t514,and 
in part of the plans for the completion of S, Petronio in Bologna in 
2521, introducing features in Bramante’s style (not to mention Raphael's 
‘Church of S. Eligio) The same may very likely have been the case in 
‘Todi, as it certainly was in the Madanoa di Macerato at Bisso:* 

* See Bull of Julius 11. of roth Feb, 15t3, in Bull, Vat 11-4 3496 

VOL. VI. 2u 


466 HISTORY OF THE POPES, 


in the centre, over the tomb of the Apostles. In the 
old Basilica, however, the tomb was at the end of the 
church, and this created difficulties which led to the 
adoption at first of a Latin Cross* Bramante’s con- 
temporaries were enthusiastic in their admiration of his 
design, and the poets of the day sang of it as the ninth 
wonder of the world Bramante is said to have him- 
self described his design as the Pantheon reared on the 
substructure of the Temple of Peace in the Forum 
(Constantine’s Basilica); a truly noble thought, worthy of 
the great architect and his large-minded patron. 

Two complete drawings,§ which are still preserved, exhibit 
Bramante's plan in detail; it consisted of a Greek Cross 
with apsidal ends and a huge cupola in the centre on the 
model of the Pantheon, surrounded by four smaller domes; 
pillared aisles led into the central space, In one design the 
arms of the cross are enclosed in large semicircular ambu- 
latories ; in the other these do not appear. They may be a 
reminiscence of the very ancient Christian Church of San 
Lorenzo in Milan, which was justly very much admired by 
Bramante, or they may have been intended to strengthen 
the great pillars which supported the cupola. In both 
designs the dome is of colossal proportions. “Bramante, 
borrowing the idea from older structures, designed with 
admirable effect immense niches corresponding with the 


* Vow GEYMULLER, 221. C/ HOF¥MANN, Studien uber Italien, 5 
(Frankfurt, 1376), and JovaNovrs, 35. " 

+ PuNGILnont, Vita di Bramante, 112. 

t Reprexnactien in Liuow's Zeitschrift, IX, 304. BURCKHARDT, 
Cultus, 1., 112, ed. 3, says of this design that perhaps it was a manifesta: 
tion of greater power than any other single mind had ever displayed. 
Gaeoorovius, VILL, 121, ed. 3, remarks: “The man who was capable 
‘of conceiving such a work of art as S. Peter's, and of beginning to execute 
it, deserves by that fact alone to live for ever in the memory of mankind” 

§ Marked by Von Geymiiller as B and D. 


a 


MIS TWO PLANS FOR S. PETER’S. 467 


pillars, which would also ingeniously serve to suggest the 
curved outline for all spaces which is the predominant form 
in the whole scheme of building. The four smaller 
cupolas in the corners, the diameters of which are half that 
of the central dome, by dimming the light, were to prepare 
the eye for the vast central space; on the exterior, as 
Caradosso's medal shews, they were not to rise above 
the gabled roofing of the arms of the Cross.” Four 
sacristies and chapels and bell-towers were to be distributed 
around the external angles, As this plan appears upon 
Caradosso’s medals it must have been for some time the 
accepted one, The other plan, in which the arms of the 
Cross were encased in spacious ambulatorics, would have 
occupied a still larger area. Here the drum of the central 
dome would have been encircled with pillars forming a 
crown over the tomb of the Apostles, which would have 
been bathed in light from the dome* The victory of 


* Vow GuvaOtiam, 222 sep, 233 Segy 244 seq 257 407, 5 LURKS 
Review in the Ally. Zeit. (r882), N. 216, Suppl. ; LOBKR, Gesch. d. Archi- 
tekrur, 11., 361 seg, ed. 6 (Leipzig, 1886); BURCKMARDT-HOLTZINGER, 
Renaissance, 126. The medals with the inscription Templi Petri 
Tastauracio, are reproduced in GEYMOLLER, Pl. 2, and excellently in the 
handsome work, Le Vatican, 532. It appears that after the laying of the 
foundation-stone, the directors of the works changed their minds as to 
the form of the building, and decided, possibly for Liturgical reasons, to 
make it oblong. Semper thinks that the Cathedral at Carpi is 2 faith 
full copy of this scoond design of Bramante's, Sumrer had already 
‘expressed this opinion in 1878 in his Bramante, 46-47. In his magnificent 
work on Carpi, 54 seg,, he developed it in greater detail in opposition 
to VON GeyMOLLER’S article in Liitrow’s Zeitschrift, XIV., 289 seg. ; 
&f also JOVANOVITS, 46 seg.; VON GnyMOLLE#, Notizen uber die 
Entwiirfe zu S. Peter in Rom, 26 seg. (Karlsruhe, 1868), and in the 
Jarger work, 220; and BURCKILARDT-HOLTZINGER, 125, ‘The passage 
‘out of Panvinius is in Mal, Spicil, 1X. 464 On Camdosso's com 
meinorative medals, see Prot in the Cabinet de Amateur (3!* Année, 
1863), 38. 


468 TUSTORY OF THE POPES, 


Christianity over Paganism was to be represented by the 
Cross on the summit of the most beautiful creation of 
antique architecture. 

The colossal dimensions of this majestic though singu- 
larly simple design, aptly symbolising the world-wide fold 
into which all the nations of the carth were to be gathered, 
will be realised when we find that Bramante’s plan would 
have covered an area of over 28,900 square yards, while the 
present church on the plan of Michael Angelo, without 
Maderna's additions, occupies only a little more than 17,300, 
more than a third less." 

There is, however, one consideration which mars the 
pleasure with which we should otherwise contemplate 
Bramante’s splendid conception, and this is the regretful 
recollection that its realisation involved the sacrifice of one 
of the oldest and most venerable sanctuaries in all Christen- 
dom, “These ancient walls had been stamling for nearly 
1200 years; they had, so to speak, participated in all the 
fortunes and storms of the Papacy ; they had witnessed the 
rapid succession of its triumphs, its humiliations, and its re- 
coveries ; andagain andagain been the scene of epoch-ms 
events, focussed in Rome, and stretching in their effects to 
the furthest limits of Christendom, The Vatican Basilica 
was scored all over with mementos of this long history. 
Though now falling to pieces and disfigured by the traces 
of the debased art of the period of its origin, it was an 
imposing building, and far more interesting from its age- 
worn tokens of the victory of Christianity over Paganism, 
than it could have been in the days of its pristine splendour. 
All that might be distasteful in the inharmonious jumble 
of its styles and materials was forgotten in retracing 
the ever-living memorials which recalled the times of 
Constantine, of S, Leo and S. Gregory the Great, Charles 

+ REDTENUACIEER in Litzow’s Zeitsebrift, IX., 308, “ 


OPPOSITION TO THE SCHEME. 469 


the Great, and Otho, S. Gregory VII. Alexander IIL, 
Innocent III."* 

This was strongly felt by many of Bramante’s contem- 
poraries, as it had been when the rebuilding of S. Peter's 
was contemplated in the time of Nicholas V_, which we see 
from the words of the Christian humanist, Maffeo Vegiot 
This time the opposition was even moro serious, as nearly 
the whole of the Sacred College seems to have pronounced 
againstthe plan. Panvinius reports that people of all classes, 
and especially the Cardinals, protested against Julius IL’s 
intention of pulling down the old S. Peter's. They would 
have gladly welcomed the erection of a new and splendid 
church; but the complete destruction of the old Basilica, 
so consecrated by the veneration of the whole world, the 
tombs ofso many saints, and the memorials of so many great 
events, went to their hearts} 

The opposition to the rebuilding of S, Peter's continued 
even after the death of Julius I], In the year 1517 
Andrea Guarna of Salerno published a satirical Dialogue 
between S. Peter, Bramante, and the Bolognese Alessandro 
Zambeceari, Bramante arrives at the gates of Heaven and 
S. Peter asks if he is the man who had demolished his 
church. Zambeceari replies in the affirmative, and adds, 
“ He would have destroyed Rome also and the whole world 
if he had been able.” S, Peter asks Bramante what could 
have induced him to pull down his church in Rome, which 
by its age alone spoke of God to the most unbelieving. 
The architect excuses himself by saying that it was not he 


* Reumonr, If, 1,451. 

t Cf Pastor, Hist. Popes, 11., 179 (Engl. trans.). 

f Fra, Notizie, 41, was the first to bring to light this passage from 
Panvintus, De rebus antiquis eccl. basilicae S. Petri; it is to be found 
in MAt, Spicil, IX. 365-366 Panvinius expressly mentions bere a 
model in wood by Bramante. 





replics, th 
On S. Peter inquiring es 
old church, but be kept 
Indulgences, and besides he 
on, the conversation becomes broader a 
Bramante refuses to enter Heaven | 
get rid of the* steep and difficult way 
the carth J will build a new broad a 
‘so that old and feeble souls may t 
then I will make a new Paradise witl 
for the blessed." As S. Peter will 
Bramante declares he will go down t 
new hell as the old one is almost burn 
5S. Peterasks him again,“ Tell ri h 
destroy my church?”  Bramante answers, “ 
demolished, but Pope Leo will build a | 
then,” says S. Peter, “you must wait a! 
until it is finished." “Bat if it 
Bramante objects. “Ob,” S. Peter 
not fail to get it done.” “I must hop 
replies ; “at any rate, 1 seem to have no: 
wait”* 3 
Julius 11. is still often blamed for 
church to be destroyed, but whether 
* This curious and rare Dialogue appeared 
at Milan is 1517. Am extract from it, shewin 
time did not believe that Leo X. would finish 
‘by Bosst, Det cenacolo da Lionardo da Vinei 





_-. 





DANGEROUS STATE OF S. PETER'S, 471 


seems very doubtful. If even under Nicholas V. the old 
Basilica had become so unsafe that in 1451 the Pope could 
say it was in danger of falling—and we have trustworthy _ 
testimony to this effect *—no doubt its condition must have 
been considerably worse in the reign of Julius If In the 
well-known letter to the King of England on the laying of 
the foundation-stone of the new S. Peter’s, the Pope dis- 
tinetly asserts that the old church was in a ruinous condi: 
tion, and this statement is repeated in a whole serics of 
other Briefs.{ The inscription on the foundation-stone also 


* Cf. Pastor, Hist. Popes, II, 179-180, 

+ Cf Revmonr, III, 1, 458 seg. 

t In his Briefs to the King of England, Julius says that he has laid 
‘the foundation of the new building firma spe ducti quod dominus et 
salvator Jesus Christus, culus monita dasilicam ifsam vetustate con- 
sumptam augustior forma et acdificio renoware aggressi sumus, meritis 
et precibus ipsius apostoli vires nobis tribuet, wt quod tanto fervore 
Incoeptum est, absolvi et perficl possit ad taudam et gloriam Del In 
another “Brief, also dated 18th April, 1 §06, addressed to Abati et conventui 
monast. S. Augustini Ord. S. Benedicti: *Cum decreverimus basilicam b. 
Petri principis apostolorum de urbe vetustate prope collabentem dante 
‘Domino funditus reedificare atque novo ct decenti opere instaumre nos 
hodie processionaliter una cum ven. fratribus nostris S. R. E. cardinalibus 
t magna prelatorum et populi multitudine propriis manibus nostris 
jin eius fundamento primum lapidem.... posuimus. .. . He is 
resolved opus absque intermissione aliqua concedente Domino per- 
‘sequi, and admonishes him to contribute. Fuerunt expedita XXVIIL 
similia sub cadem data, *Lib, brev. 22, f 489, (Secret Archives of the 
Vatican.) The Brief to the King of England in App., N. 49a, dated 6th 
Jaz, 1506, is to the same effect. C/-also the Encyclical in RAYNALDUS, 
‘ad an. 1508, n. 6, which says: Quis merito non admiretur coeptam a 
‘nobis ad omnipotentis Dei ejusque intactae genetricis Mariae ac principis 
apostolorum b. Petri honorem et laudem wecessariam basilicae eusdem 
sancti tam vetustate collobentis reparationem et anpliationem, Similar 
language is employed in the Encyclical written shortly before his death, 
already quoted from Bull. Vat. IL, 349. If the old S, Peter's had not 
‘been in a dilapidated condition, he could not have so repeatedly and so 


a 


472 HISTORY OF THE POPES — 


supports this opinion.* Well-informed contemporaneous 
writers, such as Lorenzo Parmino,} Custodian of years) 
Library, and Sigismondo de’ Conti, say the samef 1 
seems, therefore, that he cannot be accused or ag 
wilfully pulled down the old Basilica. 

Considering what the plans of the Pope and ikie arehltnet 
were, it was clear that the rebuilding of S. Peter's would 
be very costly, and on the roth of November, 1505, Julius 
commanded that the property left by a certain Monserati 
de Guda should be set apart for the building of S. Peter's§ 
‘This is the first authentic document which shews that the 
work had been practically begun. On the 6th of January, 
1506, Julius wrote to the King of England and also = 
the nobility and Bishops of that country begging them 
help him in this great undertaking.l| x eee 
Bramante for the payment of five sub-architects is dated 
6th April, 1506; on the 18th the Briefs tester 


distinctly mentioned it as sich. Most recto -wcieed let FIER 
it was in a ruinous state, See Micnmiancero Lato, Romano, 
Canonico de S. Marco, in his *Memorie del tempio e palazto Vaticano, 
IL, £ 1, 4b, in Cod. 31, D. 17, of the Corsini Library, Rome, - 

* See Paris de Grassis in THuasme, II, 424 N.: Aedem principts: 
Apostolorum in Vaticano vetustate ac situ squallentem a fundamentis 
restituit Julius Ligur. P. M. A150. According to BURCHARDI 
Diarium, 111, 422, the Inscription was: Julius 11, P.M. anc thesiticam 
fere collabentem reparavit A.D. 1506, pontif, sui anno 3, The third 
version in ALUERTINE, 53, refers, as the date shems, to the laying of the 
foundation -stones of the other pillars in April 1507; ¢/ BONANNI, 
52-53: 

+ Tu divi Petri principis apastolorum aedem plurimorum annorum: 
ictu fene cofladentem instaurare in animum induxist, 1 Paani, 
3a, 

+ SIGISMONDO DE’ Cony, IT, 343-3445 9 dayfra, B. 479, 

§ ZAUN, Notizie, 178, 

{See tex of hs *Documer in Append, N. 4p ken fam the 

‘Secret Archives of the Vatican, 


& —-= 


LAYING OF THE FOUNDATION STONE. 473 


laying of the foundation-stone by the Pope himself were 
sent out.® At this time Julius II. was preparing for the 
campaign against Perugia and Bologna It is certainly 
a striking proof of the courage and energy of Julius IL, 
that at his advanced age, and in the face of such arduous 
political undertakings, he should have had no hesitation 
in putting his hand to a work of such magnitude as this. 
We have two accounts of the laying of the foundation- 
stone, which took place on “Low Sunday” (18th April) 
in the year 1506; one is by Burchard, the other by Paris 
de Grassis$ The Pope, accompanied by the Cardinals 
and Prelates and preceded by the Cross, went down in 
solemn procession to the edge of the excavation for the 
foundation, which was 25 feet deep. Only the Pope with 
two Cardinal-deacons, some masons, and one or two other 
persons entered it. Some one who is called a medallist, 
probably Caradosso, brought twelve medals in an earthen 
pot, two large gold ones worth 50 ducats; the others 
were of bronze. On one side was stamped the head of 
Julius IL, and on the other a representation of the new 
Church. The foundation-stone was of white marble, about 
four palms in length, two in breadth, and three fingers in 
thickness, It bore an inscription declaring that Pope 
Julius I. of Liguria, In the year 1506, the third of his reign, 


* The Brief to the King of England in RAYNALDUE, ad an. 1506, 
n. 45, Is the only one at present known ; but similar Briefs must have 
been sent to mest of the Christian Princes, Cf supra, p. 471, note t. 

t Cf pre, p, 262, 

Both published by Thuasne in BURCHARDE Diarium, If., 422 sey. 
In some details they differ from each other. Cf also the *Brief in 
SICIEMONDO DE’ ConTt, I1., 345-344, quoted supra, p. 471, note J, and 
ALERTING, $3, with a wrong date botls for the day and the year, which 
‘are copied by TScrackeRt,9. The *Dinrium in V, Polit., 50, £61, only 
says: A. di xvmt de Aprile, 1505, comincio papa Julio a murare in 
S. Hietro, Secret Archives of the Vatican. 


474 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 


the Pope had blessed the stone he set it with his own hands, 
while the masons placed the vessel with the medals under 
neath it The ceremony concluded with the solemn Papal 
benediction, a prayer before the crucifix, and the granting 
of a Plenary Indulgence,* which was announced in Latin by 
Cardinal Colonna. After this the Pope returned to the 
Vatican, 

Entries of disbursements in April 1506, shew that 7500 
lucats were paid at that time to five contractors for the 
building of S. Peter's. These, as well as other sums, all 
passed through Bramante’s hands, who signed the agree 
ments with the builders in the Pope’s name. Hitherto, no 
entry of any payment to Bramante for his own services has 
been found, although he undoubtedly acted as master of the 
works, He employed by preference Tuscan architects, and 
pushed on the work with energy Sigismondo de’ Conti's 
statement that the building made but slow progress, not 
owing to want of funds, but from Bramante's supineness,t 
is unsupported by any other writer. It may possibly be dae 
to personal spite. It comes from one who knew 
of architecture, and is contradicted by authentic documents. 
It is quite possible that the work may have flagged toa 


* On this spot the pillar was erected which now supports the loggia 
containing the head of S. Andrew, 

+ Miwrz in the Gaz des Beaux Ams, XIX. (1879) 363 seg-3 
XX, 506, The first mention of Bramante’s mame in connection with 
any payment occurs on goth Aug., 1505, but, unfortunately, the nature of 
the work to which it related is mot specified, The notice in SaxuTo, 
V1, 327; is dated, like the other, in April 1306, ‘This is the earliest 
statement rolating to this subject in the excerpts from the Venetian 
Ambassadorial Reports in this author’s compilation, ‘Those which follow 
Were not accessible to Mintz and Von Geymilller, and are used for the 
first time in the present volume, 

2 Sicrsaonpo pr’ Cont, I, 344- 


PROGRESS OF THR WORK, 475 


certain extent in the year 1506, but not from any fault of 
Bramante, who, by the Pope’s orders, accompanied his 
master to Bologna.* A document in the Secret Archives 
of the Vatican,t dated 15th December, 1506, and hitherto 
unknown, shews with what anxious care Julius strove to 
guard against any interruption in the progress of the 
building during his absence in that city. Many proofs 
are extant of the diligence with which it was prosecuted 
from the moment the Pope returned to Rome, In March, 
1507, Giuliano di Giovanni, Francesco del Toccio, and 
others were at work on the capitals of the pillars of the 
new Basilicat On the 7th of April the Modenese Envoy 
reports that the Pope is delighted with the new building 
and visits it frequently ; it is evident that the completion 
of this work is one of the things that lie nearest to his 
heart§ On the 12th, he writes, “To-day the Pope went 
to S. Peter's to inspect the work. I was there also. The 
Pope brought Bramante with him, and said smilingly to 
me, 'Bramante tells me that he has 2500 men at work; 
one might hold a review of such an army.’ I replied that 


* There is an entry on 29th Dec. 1506, of a payment to magistro 
Bramante, architectori S. D. N., pro expensis per cum cum sociis factis 
‘et facienidis Bononie et in reditum ad urbern in ZAHM, Notizie, 180, 

+ Brief dat. Bologna, 15th Dec, 1506. To the Archbishop of 
‘Tarento Henrico (Bruni), thesaurar, gencralis, Redit Romam dil. fil, 
‘Nicolaus Nicius, beneficiatus basilice S, Petri apostolorum principis de 
urbe homo valde aptus ad excitandum fabros cementarios ut operi fabrice 
dicte basilice instent ¢t opus ipsum sine intermissione continuent, Quare 
volumus at eum huic negocio praeficias, *Lib. brev., Julii 1,25 £8. 
Secret Archives of the Vatican, 

T Vow Gevaitiur, 355; Miwrz, doe, of, XX, 509. 

§ La Se del papa si demonstra tuta alegra e spesso va] su Ia fabrica 
dela chiesa de S. Petro demonstrando . . . . presente non havere altra 
cura magiore cha de finire In d [etta] fa[brica}. *Costabili’s Despatch dat, 
Rome, 7th April, 1507. f found this and the other very interesting one 
(which follows it) in the State Archives, Modena, 


476 HISTORY OF THE POPES, 


one could indeed compare such a band with an army, and 
expressed my admiration of the building, as was becoming. 
Presently, Cardinals Farnese, Carvajal, and Fiesco came up, 
and the Pope granted them their audience without leaving 
the spot”* This report is in flat contradiction with 
Sigismondo de’ Conti’s statement. So far from idling over 
the work, Bramante can hardly be acquitted of the charge 
of vandalism in the ruthless haste with which he tore 
down the venerable old church, 

It is certainly startling to find that apparently no expert 
was consulted, and no attempt made to find out whether 
it might not still be possible to retain and repair the old 
Basilica, We should have expected that before proceeding 
to destroy so venerable a sanctuary the opinion of some 
unbiassed person, not included in the circle of the enter- 
prising architects cager for the fray, should have been 
sought, as to what could be done in the way of preserving 
at any rate some portion of the ancient building. We find 
no trace of any such attempt, and probably this is due to: 
the extravagant admiration of the votaries of the Renais 
sance for their new style of architecture which led them to 
look down with utter contempt on all the productions of 
the preceding periods. From this point of view Sigismondo 
de’ Conti's account of the rebuilding of S. Peter's is singu- 
larly significant. Christian humanist as he was, he betrays 
not the smallest trace of reverence for, or interest in, the 
Basilica of Constantine. Although he calls the ancient 
building grand and majestic, he adds immediately that it 
was erected in an uncultured age, which had no idea of 
elegance or beauty in architecture} - 


® See.the text of this *Report in Appendix N. 74. 

+ Sio1sMoNDO DE ConTt, 1. 343-344 Inhis interesting essay “Die 
alte Peterskirche 2x Rom und ihre fruhesten Ansichten” GRISAR re- 
marks: “Our knowledge of the Bastca of Constantine, of ts early 


all 


DISREGARD FOR THE OLD S. FETER'S. 47 


But what was still more inexcusable was that no inven- 
tory should have been taken of the inestimably precious 
memories which it contained, and also the way in which 
these venerable relics were treated. In truth, the men of 
the Renaissance had as little sense of reverence for the 
past as those of the Middle Ages ;* not that they had any 
desire to break with the past; this would have been in 
complete contradiction to the whole spirit of the Papacy, 
for which more than for any other power in the world, the 
past, the present, and the future are bound together in an 
indissoluble union; but the passion for the new style 
stifled all interest in the monuments of former days+ In _ 


+= 
‘Christian and medieval decoration, its changes and its fortunes, is not 
nearly 40 full as might have been expected when we consider the impor- 
tant position that it occupied, Although this venerable building, with all 
its memorials of Christian piety in so many ages and so many countries, 
survived for a considerable period after the revival of art, and well into 
a time when hundreds of draughtsmen and painters were busily copying 
the antique buildings in Rome, we have hardly any representation of it, 
‘The artists of the Renaissance, in their one-sided enthusiasm for classical 
antiquity, had nota thought to spare for these sacred and touching memen- 
tos Nothing seemed worthy of notice to them that was not dressed in 
thelr fayourite garb.” Rem. Quartalschrifi, 1X. (1895), 237-238. 

* It would be unjust in blaming the Renaissance period for its reckless 
destruction of precious memorials, not to point out that the men of the 
Middle Ages were not one whit less indifferent ; in the 13th Century, 
the fzmous tomb of S. Bardo at Mayence was demolished, and pot a 
twace of it is left. When the western choir in the Cathedral there was 
built in 1200-1239, the old building was pulled to pieces, The Caro- 
fingian tombs at S. Alban near Mayence completely disappeared during 
‘the early medieval times, fn the 13th Century, the old cathedrals at 
Cologne, Spires, Worms, etc., were treated in a similar manner, ‘The 
feeling that we designate as piety, reverence, seemed unknown in the 
Middle Ages. 

+ REUMONT in the Ally. Zeit. (1858), N.67, Suppl Of also, GREGOR. 
ovius’ Essay an Roman inscriptions in the Allg. Zeit, (1867), N. 166, 
‘Suppl, and Notac, Erasme, 81, 


478 HISTORY OF THE POPES, 


his strong consciousness of power, Bramante was more 
reckless than any of the other architects of his day in 
regard to ancient memorials, or even the creations of the 
centuries immediately preceding his own time. His con- 
temporaries reproached him with this. Paris de Grassis 
says he was called the destroyer (Rudwante), because of his 
merciless destructiveness in Rome, as well as in other places 
for instance, in Loreto.* Michael Angelo complained to 
Julius II, and later, Raphael made similar representations 
to Leo X. in regard to Bramante’s barbarism in knocking 
to pieces the noble ancient pillars in the old church, which 
might so easily have been preserved if they had been care- 
fully taken down.+ Artistic merit was no more regarded 
than antiquity, and Mino’s beautiful later monuments, and 
even the tomb of Nicholas V,, the first of the Papal 
Mzecenas, were broken to pieces, together with those of 
the older Popes} There can be no exctise for such 
vandalism as this. Attempts have been made to lay the 
blame on the carelessness of the Papal Maggiordomo 
Bartolomeo Ferrantini, or on the sub-architect<§ No 
doubt, Ferrantini and Julius himself are partially respon- 
sible, but it is in consequence of Bramante’s ruthless 
methods that Christendom and the Papacy have been 
robbed of so many venerable and touching memorials, 
Those which are preserved in the Crypt and the Vatican 
Grottos, far from exculpating him, only bear witness to 
the extent of his guilt. This magazine of defaced and 
dismembered monuments, altars, ciboriums, which formerly 


* PARIS DE GRassis, cd. Frati, 287. 
+ Conpivi in the Quellenschriften, VL, 49 (1874) Gf Grim, 
Cee 381, ed. 5. 
St Gfranae tox’ Gast edd) Ding 448'y SROs 
129, ed. 3, and Grabmiiler, 31. 
§ PUNGIEONT, Bramante, 35, 98 seg. 


BRAMANTE’S DESTRUCTIVE SPIRIT, 479 


adorned the atrium, the porticos and the nave of the old 
Basilica, are the clearest proof of the barbarous vandalism 
which began under Julius 11, and continued until the 
completion of S. Peter's.* 

If we may belicve Acgidius of Viterbo, who is usually 
well-informed, and was a contemporary, Bramante's de- 
structive spirit actually carried him so far as to lead him to 
propose to move the Tomb of the Apostles. Here, how- 
ever, Julius I, usually so ready to lend himself to all the 
great architect's plans, stood firm, and absolutely refused 
to permit any tampering with a shrine which, through all 
the changes during the centuries which had elapsed since 
the days of Constantine, had been preserved untouched on 
the spot where he erected itt Aegidius narrates in detail 
the efforts made by Bramante to overcome the Pope's 
objections. He wanted to make the new Church face 
southwards, instead of to the cast, as the old one had done, 
in order to have the Vatican Obelisk, which stood in the 
Circus of Nero on the south side of the Basilica fronting 
the main entrance of the new Church, Julius I]. would not 
consent to this plan, saying that Shrines must not be dis- 
placed. Bramante, however, persisted in his project. He 
expatiated on the admirable suggestiveness of placing this 
majestic memorial of, the First Casars in the Court of the 
new S. Peter's of Julius 11, and on the effect that the 


* REUMONT, II], 2, 380; see also his article in the Allg. Zeit, (1867), 
IN. 266, on Mignanti's Hist. of 5, Peter's, Grimm, 1, 381, ed. 5; and 
the very interesting remarks of GNOLt, in Arch, St. dell’ Arte, I. 455 

+ The fact has been recently placed beyond the reach of doubt by the 
researches of Fr, GRISAK, S.J., published |n his valuable work, Le tombe 
apostoliche di Roma (Roma, 1893). Further particulars are to be found 
bere also on tho Pope's anxious care that the remains of the Prince of the 
Apostles should be preserved from all risks of desecration in any way. 

t The spot where the obelisk (Guglia) stood is aow marked by an in- 
scription. Cf. Pasror, Gesch. Papste, 719-720, ed. 2. 


480 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 


sight of this colossal monument would have in stimulating 
religious awe in the minds of those who were about to enter 
the church. He promised to effect the removal of the tomb 
in such a manner that it should be impossible that it should 
be injured in any way. But Julius IL, however, turned 
adeaf car to all his arguments and blandishments, and 
assured him that he would never, under any pretext, per- 
mit the tomb of the first Pope to be touched. As to 
the Obelisk, Bramante might do what he pleased with 
that. His view was that Christianity must be preferred to 
Paganism, religion to splendour, piety to ornament.* 

In addition to this most interesting conversation be- 
tween Julius I], and Bramante, we have other proofs that 
in all their undertakings, religious interests, and not his 
own glory, held the first place in his mind. One such is 
the Rule of roth February, 1513, 0n the Cappella Giulia, 
which was the last official document issued by him 
before his death. In it he sums up the reasons which led 
him to found this institution. “We hold it to be our 
duty,” he says, “to promote the solemnity of religious 
worship by example as well as by precept. While yet a 
Cardinal we partly restored and partly rebuilt many 
churches and convents in various places, and especially in 
Rome. Since our elevation tothe Chair of S. Peter we have 
endeavoured to be more diligent and liberal in such works 
in proportion to our larger duties and responsibilities, The 
wise King Solomon, although the light of Christianity had 
not dawned upon him, thought no sacrifice too great to 


* I found this passage in the *Historia viginti execul, of Aegedius of 
‘Viterbo in the Bibl. Angelica in Rome, Cod. C., 8, 19. It has ‘hitherto 
‘escaped the notice of all the historians of the new S. Peter's, including 
Von Geymiiller and Munts. In view of its great importance, 1 ave 
given the original passage in App. N. 89. It also indirectly bears 
additional witness to the ruinous condition of the old church, 


ZEAL OF JULIUS 11. 48r 


make in order to build a worthy House for the Lord of 
Hosts. Our predecessors also were zealous for the beauty 
and dignity of the sanctuary. This was especially the 
case with our Uncle, Sixtus IV,, now resting in the Lord. 
Nothing lay nearer to his heart than to provide for the 
majesty of the Offices of the Church and the splendour of 
God's House,” The Pope desired to follow in his foot- 
steps.* 

On the 16th of April, 1307, Enrico Bruni, Archbishop of 
Tarento, laid the foundation-stones of the three other pillars 
of the Dome. Various entries of payments and contracts, 
though, unfortunately, scanty and unconnected, mark the 

of the work. On the 24th of August, a Roman, 
Menico Antonio di Jacopo, undertook a contract for some 
capitals of pillars, and in another document, which only 
bears the date of the year 1507, the same sculptor joins 
with Giuliano del Tozzo, Franco, Paolo Mancino, Vincenzio 
da Viterbo and Bianchino, in an agreement for executing 
the capitals of the pillars and the baleony on the outside of 
the Tribune, and the cornice inside, after Bramante’s 
designs. A contract with Francesco di Domenico of Milan, 
Antonio di Giacomo of Pontasieve and Benedetto di 
Giovanni Albini of Rome for the capitals of the large 
pilasters in the interior is dated 1st March, 1508 In 
August 1508, the Venetian Envoy reports an unsuccessful 
attempt on the part of the Pope to obtain the fourth part 
of the tithes granted by him to the King of Spain for the 
building of S. Peter's. In December, the same Envoy 
mentions the zeal of the Pope for this great work} There 
are no accounts of the year 1509. On the 16th January, 


* Bull. Vat., [1., 348seg. Provisions for the Cappella Giulia follow on. 
this preamble, 


4 VON GRYMOLLER, 355-356 
T SANTO, VII, 606-673. 
VOL. VI. at 


482 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 


1510, Antonio di Sangallo reecived 200 ducats for prepar- 
ing the centering for the arches of the Cupola. A similar 
payment is again entered on the 15th November.* 

Julius IT. was unwearied in his efforts to obtain funds for 
the building. A portion of the revenue of the Holy House 
at Lorcto was assigned to this purpose, and commissioners 
were appointed everywhere for the collection of charitable 
gifts with power to grant Indulgences on the usual condi- 
tions to all contributors+ How large the sums thus obtained 
were, may be gathered from the report of the Venetian 
Envoy who says that one lay-brother alone brought back 
from his journey 27,000 ducats. Even then, in April 1510, 
it was plain that a long time must elapse before the work 
could be completed. It was no doubt a beautiful thought 
that the whole of Christendom should bear a part in the 

worthy shrine for the Princes of the Apostles, 

but considering the hostile feeling in many places in regard 

to all such collections, and the bitter opponents who were 

always ready to misrepresent everything that the Popes 

did, there were serious ol ions to the attempt to carry 

it out. When Julius Il. became involved in the great con- 

Fra ce it was asserted by many that money 

vas spent in the war§ When the 

eat this may have been the case; in the 

ackening in the work is observable; still 

even in that there are entries of payments,|/ and 
the Venetian | , t i 


Rewaont, HL, 2, 48; Paws, inthe 
- On the collection ip Poland, soe Acta 
WEINER, Mon. Ung. IL, 575 seg. On 





STATE OF THE WORKS AT HIS DEATH. 483 


even in the most trying times Julius I]. never forgot his 
Chaurch* The very last document to which the Pope 
put his hand, the day before he died, testifies to his zeal 
in this work:+ 

The disbursements for the payment of contractors and 
overseers for the works of S. Peter's in the time of Julius 
IL, amount, according to the Papal registers, to 70,653 gold 
ducats, not too large a sum compared with those of succeed- 
ing Popes. In the period between the 22nd December, 
1529 and the 2nd January, 1543, the building cost 89,727 
scudi, and from the oth January, 1543, to the 25th February, 
1549, 160,774 scudi.f 

When Julius died, the four pillars for the Cupola, each of 
which was more than 100 paces in circumference at the 
base, with their connecting arches, were finished. These 
were strengthened by the introduction of cast-iron center- 
ings, a method which Bramante had rediscovered. The 
choir, begun under Nicholas V. by Bernardo Rosselino, was 
utilised by Bramante in part for the posterior walls of the 
transept and in part for a choir, which, however, was only 
meant to be a provisional one, Besides these, the tribunes 
for the nave had been begun and an enclosure adorned with 
Doric pillars for the Pope and his Court at High Mass, 
which was finished later by Peruzzi, but eventually done 
away with. The high altar and the tribune of the old 
church were still in existence at that time,§ but by All 

* Sawuro, XID, 362; of 370. 

+ Boll. Vat, 11., 548 #e9. 

T Punctixoni, Via di Bramante, 96; and MOnr2, Hist. de An, 
Ih, 387 5 FRA, Notizie, 33, 

© PLATTNeR, 11, 1, 136; JOVANOVITS, 33; VON GRYMOLLER, 134 
“Sey 175; especially on the Provisional Choir done away with in 1585, by 
which the Pope and Brumante tried to keep up a pretence of making 
use of the works of their predecessors, VON GEVMOLLER also shews, 
p. 224 seg. that the present pillars supporting the Domne are Bramante’s 


484 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 


Saints’ Day in 1511, the solemn masses were celebrated in 
the Sistine chapel, and no longer in the old church.* ~ 

Bramante had drawn out a wonderful design for the 
rebuilding of the Vatican Palace as well as for the church 
of S, Peter's, Here too, the plan, for both precincts and 
Palace, was practically a new building, but the death of 
Julius [1, interrupted it. Still even then, what had been 
accomplished was so important that even in 1509 Albertini 
could say “Your Holiness has already made more progress 
with the Vatican than all your predecessors together have 
done in the last hundred years" 

Bramante’s genius was not less admirable in secular 
architecture than in sacred. Every one knows the famous 
Cortile di Damaso, The design for this building, which so 
marvcllously combines dignity in composition with exquisite 
grace and delicacy in detail, was his, though it was only 
executed in Raphael's time, and part of it even later. 

A further project, and one that could only have come 
into such a mind as that of Julius IT, was to connect the 
old Vatican Palace, a mere heterogeneous aggregation of 
houses, with the Belvedere situated on the rise of the hill 
about 100 paces higher up. Bramante drew a magnificent 
plan for this. In it two straight corridors lead from the old 
Palace to the Belvedere. Thespace between them, measur 
ing about 327 yards by 70, was divided in two; the part 
next the Palace (now the great lower Court) was to form 
the arena of a theatre for tournaments or bull-fights ; from 
thence, a broad flight of steps led up to a terrace and from 
that again a massive double staircase ascended to the upper 
half, which was laid out asa garden (now the Giardino della 


(ef Jovaxovrrs, 36), and vindicates his title to the discovery of the 
cattiron arch-centres, 

* Panis ox Grassts, ed. Dillinger, 415. 

+ ALbeRTINI, ed. Schmarsow, t9. C/- Lavwiny,, Parmenis, 311. 


be zal 


WORKS AT THE VATICAN AND HELVEDERE. 485 


Pigna), The two long sides of the theatre were broken by 
three Loggie, while the lower narrow side was occupied by a 
semi-circular amphitheatre for the spectators. The two 
upper Loggie joined the long sides of the garden above the 
terrace; its narrow end was closed by a colossal niche 
roofed with a half-dome and crowned by a semi-circular 
course of pillars and facing the amphitheatre.* It was a 
design which, had it been carried out, would certainly have 
been unrivalled in the whole world+ Although the work 
was energetically begun, the only portion that had been 
completed when Julius II. died was the eastern gallery. 
Later, so many alterations and additions were made that 
the original plan is hardly recognisable. It was Sixtus V, 
who cut the large Court in two by building the Vatican 
Library across it. The effect of the whole design was 
completely destroyed by this, and also that of the great 
niche which now looks monstrous, not having sufficient 
foreground} He also walled up the open Loggie. The 
Jong corridor, commanding an exquisite view of Rome and 
the Campagna, is now used to contain the Vatican collection 
of Christian and ancient inscriptions.§ Under Pius VII, 
the Braccio Nuovo was built parallel with the Library to 
serve as a museum. 

The extension and embellishment of the Belvedere was 


+ Bramante’s whole design is in GkYMOLLER, Plate 25 ; VASARI, TV,, 
155 seg.; PUNGILEONI, Vita di Bramante, 31; R&uMONT, III, 2, 
375-376; Bunexuanpt, Renaissance, 52, 88 97, 204, 256 VON 
GEYMOLLER, 75 #¢g., thinks it improbable that Bramante in any way 
considered Rosselino’s plans ; but he would naturally have arranged his 
design so as not to clash with the axis of S, Peter's, On bull-fights in 
Rome in the time of Julius I1,, see NoLHAc, Erasme, 75. 

+ See Buxcknakot, Cicerone, 199. 

4 SEMPER, Bramante, 41. 

§ No one who has seen the Vatican Library can ever forget this 
carridor. 


a 


486 HISTORY OF THE POPES 


another of the works undertaken by Bramante to improve 
and put the Papal residence “into shape,” as Vasari expresses 
it. A new two-storied facade was added to the whole build- 
ing, looking southwards towards the garden, and having 
for its centre the gigantic niche already mentioned, which 
is about 80 feet high. From its exposed situation the 
Belvedere was often called the tower of the winds (Zur de 
venti), Adjoining the Belvedere, on the eastern side, was 
the tower-shaped hall through which Bramante’s famous 
pillared spiral staircase led into the rampart garden. Baths 
and aviaries were also added to this building and decorated 
with views of all the principal cities in Italy.” 

The Belvedere was destined soon to contain the most 
splendid collection of ancient sculptures the world then 
possessed, Julius Il, was an ardent collector, and the 
nucleus was formed out of the numerous Roman remains 
which were discovered during his reign. No doubt, by the 
middle of the sth Century Rome was already rich in 
ancient statues, but in Poggio’s time only five of these had 
been publicly erected+ Paul 1L's valuable collection of 
antique gems, vases, etc, had been dispersed at his death, 
Sixtus [V. opened a museum of antique art in the Capitol, 
which was the first public collection of this kind in Italy, 
and, indeed, in Europe, It consisted for the most part of 
large bronzes. Innocent VIII. added some newly-found 
works in brass and the colossal head of Commodus} The 
example of Sixtus IV. at first docs not seem to have found 
any imitators, “During the lifetime of this Pope very few 

* Von GryYMULLER, 77 ; MICHAELIS in the Jahrbuch des Deutsch, 
Archiiol. Instituts, V., 13; Reumont, IL, 2, 382. A drawing by 
LETAROUILLY, Le Vatican, Cour du Belvédére, Plate 5 ; cf: Plate 8, whieh: 
shews what the Belvedere looked tke at the time of Bramante’s death, 

+ MONTz, Raphael, $89. 

F Of Pastor Gesch. Papste, 11.330 seg, 628, ed. 2; and MICMARTES, 
in Mittheil, d. Kaiserl. Deutschen Archdol. Instituts, VL, 11 seg. 


| 


. 4 


THE VATICAN SCULPTURES. 487 


in Rome seem to have taken any interest in the larger 
ancient marble sculptures, or made any attempt to form 
collections ; whereas at the same period in Florence, where 
the opportunities were so much fewer, the famous Medicean 
gallery had long been in existence. It was not till the 
close of the 15th Century that the feeling for ancient 
sculpture awoke in Rome, but once started in such a fruit- 
ful soil it naturally developed rapidly,” * 

As Cardinal Giuliano della Rovere, the Pope was a 
diligent collector, In the time of Innocent VILI, ap- 
parently he suceceded in obtaining a newly discovered 
statue of Apollo, which he placed in the garden of S, Pietro 
in Vincolit It created quite a furore amongst all lovers 
of art, and soon acquired a world-wide reputation.t 

When he became Pope he transferred the statue to the 
Vatican and placed it in the Cortile di Belvedere. This 
Cortile about 100 feet square, was laid out as a garden with 
orange trees and running streamlets. Bramante designed 
semi-circular niches for the statues which adorned it. Be- 
sides the Apollo, an incomplete group, Anteus in the grasp 
of Hercules, and the Venus Felix, were placed here.$ 


* Micran.is, Statuenhof, 9 sez. 

+ Not in SS. Apostoli as almost universally stated; see MICHARLIS, 
1O-11, 

Z Admwing of it in the sketch-book of an Italian artist of the latter 
decade of the 15th Century is in the Escurinl; see MONT2, Anti- 
quités, 161, ‘There can be little doubt that Diirer made use of a similar 
sketch for his Apollo with a sheaf of rays (before 1504); see Wicnitory 
im the Mittheil. d. Instituts, 1,, 422; THODE, Die Antiken, 2; MICHARLIS, 
a1. In the Venetian Ambassador's Reports of 1523 in ALBtkt, and 
Series, 111, 144, there is mention of the Apollo famoso nel mondo, 

§ MICHAELIS, t3 seg., who quotes from the earliest edition of the 
‘Antiquario of Julius 1., cut of Albertini's booklet, published in 1510, 
Bur here (Schmarsow's ed, 39), only the Laocoon is mentioned as 
having been placed in the Belvedere; of the Apolio and Venus it is 
merely said that the Pope had them taken to the Vatican, At the same 





DISCOVERY OF THE LAOCOON, aig 


The Laccoon was installed in a niche in the Belvedere. 
It inspired the greatest enthusiasm in Rome: ‘it was felt 
to be the most perfect embodiment of the life and spirit 
of the ancient world that had yet been scen, It and the 
Apollo became from henceforth the most admired and 
most popular of works of art.”* 

While Sadolet and other poets sang the praises of the 
Laocoon in their lyrics the influence it exerted on the 
minds of contemporary artists was striking and important. 
Michael Angelo's painting of the execution of Haman on the 
roof of the Sistine was evidently inspired by this group+ 
In Raphael’s Parnassus in the Camera della Segnatura there 
is a suggestion of the Laocoon in the head of Homer, and 
other figures in the same fresco are also taken from antique 
models~ Bramante commissioned several sculptors to 
make models in wax of the Laocoon for the mould of a 
copy to be executed in brass ; he appointed Raphael judge 
of the competition; the young Jacopo Sansovino was 
awarded the palm. Federigo Gonzaga asked the famous 
goldsmith, Caradossa, to copy the Laocoon for him. 
Another interesting point about this group is that it was 
“the subject of the first attempt at antiquarian criticism.” 
‘The question arose whether Pliny’s assertion that it 
had been carved out of a single block of marble was 
true. Michael Angelo and Cristoforo Romano, “the 

~ first sculptors in Rome,” were asked to decide the point. 
They found that it consisted of several pieces and 
shewed four joints in it, but so skilfully concealed that 


® GREGOROVIUS, VIIL, 136, cd. 3. Cf Luzi, F, Gonanga, 21. 

+ Cf. JANITSCHEKS Repertorium, XIII, 146. GRIMM, 1, 277, 04. 5, 
does not think that the arm with a snake twined round it, which now lies 
by the side of the group, is Michael Angelo’s work, 

“T The Calliope which is taken from the statue of Cleopatra-Ariadne. 
‘MONT#, Raphael, 594. CY. also infra, Chap. 10. 


—_ ri 





499 WISTORY OF THE POPES. 


it was not surprising that Pliny should not have remarked 
them.* 

Hardly less interest was aroused by the discovery of 
another antique group, Hercules with the infant Telephus 
on his arm, which was found in May 1507 in the Campo di 
Fiore. The Pope lost no time in securing the statue, which 
he placed at the entrance of his museum with an inscrip- 
tion forbidding any to enter who had no sympathy with 
ancient art (Procul este profani)+ 

Subsequently the collection in the Belvedere was en- 
larged by the addition of the so-called Tigris statue and 
the reclining figure of Ariadne, which was supposed to be 
Cleopatra, and celebrated under this name in the poems of 
Capodiferro and Castiglione.t Finally, in January (512, 
the great statue of the Tiber, found near the Minerva, was 
also brought to the Belvedere.§ The statues were artist 
cally arranged either beside the fountains or an Sarcophagi 
ornamented with reliefs, so that the effect of the whole, 
with the orange grove in the centre, was rather that of a 
decorated garden than of a museum, “From the garden 


* Grin, 1, 276, ed. 5; Mrcmantts, 18; Arch. d. St dell’ Arte, fy 
148 seg.; LUzI0, F. Gonzaga, 40 sey. 

+ ALBERTINI, ed. Schmarsow, 39. Gf MICHAELIS, 18, 00 whom tits 
is the only report of the discovery known, There exists, however, & 
more detailed one in a letter of Georgius de Negroponto, dat. Rome, 
roth May, 1507, which I saw in the Gonzaga Arebives, 
which has since been published by Luzto, Lettere inedite di ‘Fm Sabl 
di Castiglione, 6, note. 

t Mremantas, 18 seg. cared posse 
Repert, III, $s Castiglione’s hexameters are still to be seen as an 
inscription near to the statue, 

§ On the discovery of the statusof the Tiber, see the Manian Report 
in BrRTOLOTT, Artisti in relazione col Gonzaga, 70 (Modena, 1885),and 
Luzio, F. Gonraga, 30-32, which shew that Michaelis is mistaken in his 
view (also adopted by Graconovius, VIIL, 139, ed. 3) chat this statue 
was found in the reign of Leo X. 


al 


DEMAND FOR ANTIQUITIES IN ROME. 491 


it was only a step to the eastern balcony, with its exquisite 
view over the city and the wide plain to the encircling 
hills beyond. A spacious covered hall, enclosing the 
principal fountain, seems to have opened into the cortile, on 
the other side” Probably the statue of Hermes, now in 
the Uffizi Palace in Florence, and a sarcophagus of Melean- 
der, which had been dug up from behind the church of 
S. Peter's, stood here.* 

Each new discovery, as it stimulated the eagerness of 
the collectors, gave rise to fresh excavations and researches 
in Rome and the Campagna. The demand for antiquities 
became so keen that the extreme difficulty of procuring 
them is often mentioned. George of Negroponte, writing 
from Rome in 1507, says, “The moment anything is 
found, innumerable bidders for it start up’ From the 
same letter we gather that a flourishing trade in such 
things was carried on by speculators, the prices constantly 
rising and falling} For some time past, many antiquitics 
had been carried off by foreign dilettanti§ In the 
beginning of the 16th Century the demand for collections 


* MICHAELIS, 23, See iéfd., 9, the plan of the Court of Statues in the 
Belvedere, founded on Leranouitty'’s Le Vatican, Cour du Belvédére, 
Plate 1. 

+ Of. MOwrz, Antiquités, 53. In the year 1506, Julius 11, gave per- 
mission for excavations near S. Niccol in Carcere : see Bullet. di corrisp, 
Archcol. (1867), p. 191. The rage for discoveries of course produced 
many forgeries inspired by vanity or desire for gain. ‘The Dominican, 
‘Titus Annus of Viterbo, published imaginary writings, by no less than 
seventeen authors of his own invention, and also forged many inscrip- 
‘ions; even Pomponius Laetus, the Principal of the Roman Academy, 
had several forged inscriptions in his collection. See J. MOLLER, Alte 
& neve Filschungen, in Allg. Zeit. (1891), N, 111, Suppl, 14th May, 

T LUz10, Lettere inedite di Fra Sabba da Castiglione, 5-6, N. Cf.also 
Arch, Stor. dell’ Arte, L., 148. 

§ On the exportation of Antiques, see, besides Bertolotti’s rather 
inaccurate writings, MONT2’s very valuable Antiquités, 54 249. 


492 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 


in Rome itself was no less eager. Julius IL had to 
compete not only with Cardinals, such as Riurio, Caraffa, 
Galeotto della Rovere, and, more especially, Giovanni de’ 
Medici, but also with rich merchants such as Agostino 
Chigi, members of the Court, like the German Goritz, and 
finally, with the Roman nobles, who loved to Gill their 
palaces with antiques, They set them up in their gardens 
and court-yards, and built inscriptions and even sculptures 
into their walls and staircases, a custom which still 
survives.* 

The good effect of this “ Pantheon of classical sculpture™+ 
in the Vatican, was not confined to its results in stimulating 
research and the knowledge of antiquity ; it also furnished 
the sculptors of that time with the noblest examples and 
models, The Pope himself encouraged the revival of this 
art by giving employment to its most distinguished 
masters. He took Cristoforo Romano Andrea San- 
sovino and Michael Angelo into his service. We shall deal 
fully in the next chapter with the commissions given by 
Julius to the greatest sculptor of modern times§ Andrea 
Sansovino, who had been residing in Rome from the year 
1504,|| was charged with the erection of two marble tombs 

of C Is Ascanio Sforza and Girolamo 
in the favourite church of the Revere, 

| Popolo. Both were completed before the 
he year 1509 In his main design the master 


igo aryyed 3. Cf. MOwtz, Raphael, 390 sey, 


+ Greconovins, VILL, 134, ed. 5. 

T It bas not yet been discovered what precisely were the works eo 
which Cristoforo was employed. All that is known is that the Pope de- 
sired him to make a medaiiion of himself in the year 150 See Arch 
‘Se dell’ Arte, L, 149. 

§ See énfrw Chap. 

§ SCHONFELD, Sansovino, 14 





——EEE—— SO 


IMPROVEMENTS IN ROME, 493 


adhered to the traditional form, but the compasition is free, 
and the distribution of the parts broader and clearer. “The 
figures recline in peaceful slumber in a sort of a niche in 
the wall surmounted by a triumphal arch.” * 

In the year 1512, Sansovino carved a marble group of 
the Madonna and Child and S. Anne for the church of S. 
Agostino by order of the German Prelate, Johann Goritz, 
whose house was the rendezvous of all the best scholars 
and artists in Rome. “This is one of the most perfect 
productions of the new style." Its special characteristic is 
great tenderness and depth of expression, and the wonder- 
ful delineation of the three different ages which it re- 
presents + 

Our admiration of Julius [1's indefatigable energy is 
still further increased when we turn to the numerous other 
works, which he undertook and carried out in Rome for 
the improvement of the existing streets, and the laying 
out and adorning of new ones, He connected all that 
he did in these directions with the works begun by Sixtus 
IV. and Alexander VI, In April 1505, he determined 
to complete the Via Alessandrina ; the cost of this work 
was divided between the Pope, the Cardinals, the officials 


* LOPKE, Gesch, der Plastik, 694; Scudx rnin, Sansovino, 14 269.5 
Sewrex-Bartu, Bildhauerarchitekten d. Renaiss, 11 seg. (Dresden, 
1880), and Plates rq and 15; Leraroumzy, Edifices, IIL, PL 239-242. 
According to Von GryMOLLER, 84, the tomb of Ascanio Sform bears 
traces of Bramante’s influence ; indeed, he thinks it possible that the 
architectural part was after a design of his. The inscription on A. 
Sform's grave is to be found im VaIRans, 11, 116 sey, Julius TT, 
announces his intention of erecting a tomb for Ascanio in a *Brief 
addressed to Gundisalvo Fernandi duci Terrenove, dat. rath June, 
1505. *Lib, brev. 23, f. 527. Secret Archives of the Vatican. 

+ Of Reumonr, HE, 2, 385; LOEKE, Zor. cit, 695 ; SCHONFELD, 
Sansovina, 2t seg. On Andrea Galletti who wasalso employed by Julius 
IL, see Appendix, N. 45. 














494 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 


of the Court, and the Hospital of S Spirito.* Many other 
streets, as the approach to the Lateran, the streets of S. 
Celso, S* Lucia and many of the Piazza were embellished 
by Julius [1+ Amongst the new streets which he made, 
and many of which still determine the ground-plan of 
the city, the Via Giulia bears his name up to the present 
day, Beginning at the Ponte Sisto it runs westwards in 
a straight line until it reaches the Tiber near the ruins 
of the old triumphal bridge. This latter was to have 
been rebuilt and was already spoken of as the Julian 
Bridge} and so the whole would have formed a new and 
splendid approach to S. Peter's. The Via Giulia was then 
the broadest thoroughfare in Rome, and was to have been 
made the handsomest. We still see the trace of his plans 
in the now unfrequented street from which traffic has been 
diverted to other ways, Between the churches of San 
Biagio and del Suffragio we see the commencement, 
consisting of huge rough-hewn square stones, of the base 
ment of an immense building which was intended to 
contain the Law Courts and Notarial Offices of the city, and 
also.a handsome chapel. It was to have had four corner 
towers with a loftier one in the centre of the facade over 
the main entrance, If it had been completed, the Julian 
Palace “would have ranked as Bramante’s greatest work 


* 28th April, 1505. Re D, Card. S. Giorgii fecit verbum de vin 
Alessandrina ut sterni posset ct fuit conclusum quod 5, D, N. et colle 
gum rev, dominor, cirdinaliam solverent 600 ducatos et oficiales Boo et 
hospitale 5. Spiritus cum ecclesia S, Petri solverent too ducatos. 
(Acta Consist, f. 12 in Cod, T., 8, 12, in the Angelica Libmry, Resne.) 
Ctaconivs, 111, 246, gives this memorandum ex antiquis MS. Vatic, 
with the date of 28th Aug., 1505. In Contelorius’ extracts from the Acts 
Consist, the 26th of April is given. Arm, 37, T. 49,6 296, Stent 
Archives of the Vatican, 

+ ALBERTINI, ed. Schmarsow, 42 sey. 

$ Mid, 50. 


FORMATION OF THE VIA GIULIA, 498 


after S. Peter's and the Vatican. The immense blocks of 
travertine, the largest in Rome, shew on what a colossal 
scale the edifice was designed.* 

The district lying between the Via Giulia and the 
Bridge of St. Angelo, which had been improved under 
‘Sixtus IV. was still further embellished by Julius. The 
church of S. Celso was restored, and not far from it the 
new Mint was erected The Banking-house of the 
wealthy and artistic Agostino Chigi, who was on such 
intimate terms with the Pope as financial adviser that 
Julius received him into the Rovere family,} stood in this 
quarter; and Galeotto della Rovere now inhabited the 
Cancellaria which had formerly belonged to Rodrigo 
Borgia An inscription on marble, somewhat in the tomb- 
stone style, was put up in 1512 in the Via di Bacchi by 
the ediles Domenico Massimo and Hieronymo Pico, 
praising Julius II. for all he had done for the States of the 
Church and the liberation of Italy, and especially for having 
“made Rome the fitting capital of such a state by enlarging 
and embellishing her strects.". The improvements effected 
in the Lungara, the street running along the right bank of 
the Tiber between the Leonine city and the Trastevere, 
quite altered the appearance of that district. The intention 
was to carry it on as far as the Ripa Grande as a parallel 


* See Aegidius of Viterbo in GREGOROVIUS, VIIL, 117,ed.3. Cf 
Von GeyMOLLER, 57 ; Zeitschrift fiir bildende Kunst (1878), p. 244; 
ALBERTIN, ed. Schmarsow, 11, 22; REUMONT, IIL, 2, 376,451; Arch, 
Stor. d. Soc. Rom., L, 147. 

+ ALonrti, 49; Greconovrus, VIIL, 117, ed. 3. 

= Conceming A. Chigi, of whom we shall have more to say in our 
forthcoming volume, ¢/ CUGNONt in the Arch, Stor. d. Soc. Rom, IL, 37 
Seg, 209 509. (ef, 224, Privileges from Julius Il.) 475 seg.; INL, 213 seg., 
291 Sep 42d Hey. = LV. 56-409., 195 seg. ; VI. 139 sep., 497 toy, REV: 
MONT, IIL, 1, 441 sey., and 2, 398 seg. GREGOROVIUS, VIL, 118 seg., 
ed. 3, and Luz10, F. Gonzaga, 24 sey. 


496 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 


to the Via Giulia on the other side, but it did not make 
rapid progress The Riarii and Cardinal Ferarri had 
country-houses and gardens where it terminated, and in the 
time of Julius II. Agostino Chigi’s splendid Villa, the 
Farnesina, which was celebrated all over the world for the 
decorative paintings on its walls, stood there* 

Amongst the Roman churches, for which Julius did more 
or less, Albertini mentions S. Maria Maggiore, S. Pietro in 
Vincoli, S. Biagio della Pagnotta, SS. Apostoli and S* 
Maria del Popolo+ Clinging closely as Julius always did to 
the traditions of Sixtus IV. it will be understood that he took 
a special interest in this church. The Chapel of the Choir 
was enlarged by Bramante,} and the windows filled with 
stained glass by two French masters, Claude, whose family 
name is unknown, and a Dominican, Guillaume de Marcillat, 
These artists were also employed by the Pope for the stained 
glass in the Sala Regia adjoining the Sistine Chapel, 
and in the Papal apartments in the Vatican, and liberally 
rewarded.§ The tombs of Cardinals Basso and Sforza were 
placed in this chapel, and it was further embellished, appa- 
rently in the year 1505, with frescoes by Pinturicchio at the 
Pope's command, The exquisite harmony of colouring in 
this work even surpasses that of his Siena paintings The 
roof seems to open in the centre to reveal a vision of the 
Coronation of the Blessed Virgin in a blue sky surrounded 
with a glory of cherub faces. Four circular openings in 
the direction of the cross axes of the central painting con- 
tain half-length figures of the Evangelists, while at the four 

* Reumonn, Il, 2, 451; GRecoRovius, VIIL, 117 seg. ed, 3. 
Further particulars in regard to the Farnesina will appear in our next vol, 

+ ALBERTINI, 6 seg. On the SS. Apostoli, see Brief of rth Dec 
1507, in Appendix, N. 56, Secret Archives of the Vatican, 

JT MONTZ in the Gazette des Beaux Arts (1879), p. 366; Von 
GrvaCiurs, 85. 

§ Revotonr, TIL, 2, 393, 856. 


DECORATION OF ROMAN CHURCHES 497 


corners of the roof square architectural frames enclose re- 
clining forms of Sybils, painted in colour on a golden 
mosaic background. The depressed intermediate spaces 
are filled with highly-coloured grotesgues on a dark ground 
while the architectural lines of the roof are defined in pale 
stone-colour.* It was probably Julius IL’s partiality for 
S* Maria del Popolo which led Agostino Chigi to commence 
the building ofa chapel for himself there, which, however,was 
only completed under Leo X. Julius II. had only possessed 
a modest conventual-looking house near S. Petro in Vincoli 
as long as he remained a Cardinal, but when he became Pope 
he built himself a Palace by this church.¢ The Villa Mag- 
lione, which had already been embellished by the art-loving 
Cardinal Alidosi, was further improved by Pope Julius IL. 

Outside Rome one of the first interests of this warrior 
Pope was to strengthen the fortresses in the States 
of the Church and add to their number. Work of this 
description was executed in Civita Vecchia,§ Ostia) 
Civita Castellana, Montefiascone, Forli,f Imola,** and 


* ScHMARsow, Pinturicchio in Rom, 82 sez. Cf GRUNER, Décora- 
tions des Palais, PL X11, 49. 

+ ALNERTINI, 22; SCHMARSOW, Pinturicchio, 22; R&UMONT, IIL, 
4, atde 

+ Of. Pratrwen's Preface to L, Gruner, | freschi della Villa Magliana 
(Leipny, 1347), On Alsdosi's patronage of Art, see SPRINGER, 108 ; he 
also befriended Erasmas. 

§ Cf BuRCHARDI Diarium, IIL, 219 #g.; SanvTo, VIII, 23; 
CtAcoMIDS, 111, 241. 

0.f Revmonr, HL, 1, 519. The Fermarese Envoy mentions the 
building 2 Ostia in a *Report of joth Occ, 1508, (State Archives, 
Modena.) In August 511, when he began to recover from his serioas 
ilness, one of the first things that Julius 11. spice of was the carrying on 
of the works in Viterbo. Sanuto, XII. 422. 

F PARIS DK Grassy, ed, Dollinger, 26 (Civ. Castellana), 32 (Monte 
flascone), 63 (Forli). 

** Fanmy, Imola, 19, 

VOL. VI, 25 


a 


498 HISTORY OF THE POPES, 


Bologna* The building of churches, however, was by 20 
means neglected, Julitis assisted in the construction of the 
Cathedrals of Perugiat and Orvieto, and in that of 
churches in Bologna,§ Ferrara,|| S. Arcangelo,J Cometo, 
and Toscanella*®* Healso gave a commission to Bramante 
for very extensive works at Loreto, While yet a Cardinal 
he had had the sacristy there decorated by Signorelli with 
a series of paintings;+{ now he employed Bramante to 
embellish this venerated sanctuary, which was a focus of 


* Cf-suprs, p. 286, See also the *Brjef, dat. Bologna, 18th Dec, 1510, 
to the Marquess of Mantua, which says; Ceterum cogitarmus addere arci 
nostre Bononine quasdam munitiones in quibus ingenio et arte dil. filii 
Nicolai Marie Griffoni uti volumus; est enim ut accepimus thar. rerum 
fabricator cyregius, This man is to be sent to him. Goncaga Archives, 
Mantua. 

+ *Brief of roth July, 1512. Capitular Archives, Perugia. 

‘I Studi ¢ documenti (1899), p, 106 seg. 

§ "Brief, dat. Bologna, 21st Feb, A® 4°. ‘The ehurch of S. Dominic 
in Bologna contains the relics of this Saint, who is the patron of the city, 
and held there in special veneration, In order to encourage their 
devotion, and obtain funds for keeping the building in good order, the 
Pope granted an Indulgence to all who should visit the church oa the 
next Feast-day of the Saint, confess their sins and give a small alms for 
this purpose. *Lib. brev. 25, £ 1686; #id., £ 259, *lndulgence (dat 
Rom, May 7, 1507) for the restoration and decoration of the church of 
S. Petronio in Bologna. Secret Archives of the Vatican, 

|| *Indulgence for the building of the church of S. John in Ferm, 
Bologna, 8th Feb, 1507, Av. 44. Ecclesiarum fabrice manus porrigere 
adiutrices pium et magnum apud deum metiti esse putantes fideles . . 
‘ut per temporalia, que illis impenderint auxilia, premia consequi valeant 
folicitatis aeternae ete. *Lit, brev. 25, £.183% 

‘J *Indulgence for the church B, V, M, in terra nostra S. Archangelo 
prope Rimini, dat, Viterbo, 3rd Mar, 1507, *Lib brev. a5, fi 218. 

“* “Brief of Indulgence for the building of the church S, Johannis 
Cornetani ot S, Leonardi de Tuscanella, dat Viterbo, roth ‘Mar, 1907. 
*Lib, brey. 25, £ 219. 

+t Wouraany, IL, 230. 


| 


THE MOLY HOUSE AT LORETO, 499 


devotion to the Blessed Virgin for the whole of Italy and 
a large part of Europe, Paris de Grassis gives an account 
of these works,* of which the most important were the 
decorated casing of marble with which the Holy House 
was covered, and which belongs to Julius 11. though the 
arms of Leo X. appear on the pedestal, and the Palace of 
the Canons, called subsequently the Palazzo Apostolico or 
Palazzo del Governo. This building was to have occupied 
the three sides of the piazza in front of the church, so 
as to form a closed atrium leading up to it, but only a 
portion of the design was completed.+ 

Next to the Sanctuary of Loreto the decoration of the 
Cathedral of Savona, the Pope's native city, was the work 
that lay nearest to his heart.} Before he was made Pope 
he had enriched it with many gifts, and after his elevation 
he spent no less than 27,000 scudi on its endowment and 
embellishment. He also built a new Palace for the Bishop 
there and a Chapter-house, finished the Chapel of S, Sisto, 
supported the Hospital with liberal alms, and sent a yearly 
contribution to the keeping up of the harbour.§ 


* Pars pe GRassts, ed, Fratl, 286, 

+ Cf. Vor GrvMOLLER, 95 s¢7.; SEMPER, Bramante, 42. See also 
FURSELLINUS, 160 sy.; VOGHI, HL, 238 299.; PUNGILEONT, 94; 
‘Skimmen aus Maria-Laach, 1891, L (XL), p. 168 sey. P. Giawniczi, 
Lachiess diS.M. di Loreto in the Razsegna Naz, 15 ett, 1884, and 
Arch. St. dell’ Arte, 1, 156 26g. 

= Ina *Brief to de Alegra reg, Savona: gub,, dat, Viterbo, 231d Sey, 
1505, Julius speaks of the peculiaris caritas qua dilectissimam  patriam 
‘nostmam Savon prosequimur. (Lib brev, 22, £ 373.) Julius 11, 
‘more than once interceded with Louis XIL for the citizens of Savona, 
See *Briefs to Louis XII, and Cardinal d’Amboise, both dated Bologna, 
Sth Jan, 1507. “LH. brev. 25, £ $20, 83. Secret Archives of the 
Vatican, 


$ See ASSERTO, in the Atti d. Soc. Savon, 1, 451} I1., 466, and the 
extract : O. VARALDO, Un inventario della Masseria del duomo di Savona 
(anno 1542) per Agost. Abati. (Savona, 1891). Sce also ALUERTIN, §¢ 


$00 HISTORY OF THE POPES, 


But with Julius UL the city in which the Holy See had 
its seat and held its Court naturally took the first place, 
and under him Rome became the true centre of the Art- 
life of Italy, The Pope's love of architecture roused the 
prelates, the aristocracy, and the wealthy merchants, to 
follow where he led, and builders, sculptors and painters 
were in request in all quarters of the city.* He did not, 
however, content himself with merely beautifying Rome; 
he aimed also at making the city safe and wholesome 
The walls were restored in many places, and the charge 
of these fortifications and the chief offices of the city was 
handed over to men belonging to the noble Roman families, 
such as the Massimi, Altieri, Frangipani, Pici, della Valle, 
Cassarelli, Capodiferri, etc.¢ The works begun by Alex- 
ander VI. for strengthening the defences of the Castle of 
St Angelo were continued. Guglielmo de Piemonte, « 
friend of Michael Angelo, and the younger Antonio Picconi 
da Sangallo were the architects here employed, and they 
also completed the entrance and the arcade leading to 
the Vatican. The handsome Loggie at the top of the 
Castle, on which Julius's name is inscribed, and from 
whence there is a magnificent panoramic view of Rome 
and the Campagna, are ascribed to Bramante? The 
repairing of the old Cloace and the building of new 
ones, an important sanitary improvement, was the work 
of the Pope§ He also constructed a new aqueduct 
from $. Antonio, two miles out of Rome, to the Vatican, 

* TscHackeRt, 14 ; ¢f MONT2, Raphael, 279 seg. 

+ Mazio, De’ curatori delle mura di Roma, in Sagglatore, 1, 83; 
Reumony, IL, 2, 452, 859) and Minrz, Antiquités, 84, 111, 143, 114, 
11}; 130. See also p, 154 om the restoration of the Ponte Molle. 

7 Von GeyMOLLER, 92 ; MONT2, Antiquités, 60, 67 se7.; BORGATI, 
122. The author of this latter work, an Italian offices, laments the 
partial destruction of these by the Italian military administration, 

§ ALHERTINI, 52. 





ALBERTINI'S GUIDE TO ROME. son 


and repaired that of the Aqua Virgo.* Tommaso 
Inghirami, in his address to the Cardinals on the death 
of Julius IL, referring to all that he did in these respects, 
says, “He found the city mean, uncleanly, and without 
dignity, and has so purificd and embellished it that it is 
now worthy of the great name it bears, The buildings 
erected by the Savoncsc Popes within the last forty 
years make Rome what it is; all the other houses, if I 
may be pardoned the expression, are merely huts” 
During the lifetime of Julius 1. the learned Canon 
Francesco Albertini compiled a guide in which, side by 
side with the old Rome, he describes the “new city" 
created by Nicholas V., Sixtus [V., and Julius Il. It is 
really enjoyable to perambulate Rome under the guidance 
of this contemporary writer, and behold all the glory 
and beauty of the magic city as it appeared in the days 
of Julius II. No other source brings home to the mind” 
so vividly as this little book does, the almost universal 
feeling for art which prevailed in that “happy generation 
where not a single house was to be found, belonging to 
any one who had the least pretence to culture, that did 
not possess some artistic feature. It might consist in 
the grandeur of its plan, or in some majestic pillared 
court, into which all the other rooms opened, or an cx- 
guisitely decorated library, the beloved sanctum of its 
owner, or blissful resort of his most congenial friends, 
or again, some precious collection of statues, or gems, 
or vases, or curious stuffs, the admiration and wonder 
of all who visited Rome. Frescoes on the walls of recep- 
tion rooms or studies were so common that no attempt 
is made to deseribe them or name their painters. So _ 
little account was made of them that whole series would 


* Aupentint, 51; Reumont, I11., 2, 451. 
‘+ FRA, Notizie, 52. 





CHAPTER IX, 


Micnart ANGELO mv THE Service or Junius II, Town ayn 
Bronze Statux ov tus Pors, Paiwrincs ov tux Cettinc 
IN THE Sisrine CHAPEL. 


NICHOLAS V. and Sixtus IV. while doing so much for 
architecture and painting had, owing to unfavourable cir- 
cumstances, paid but little regard to plastic art. Julius II. 
following in their footsteps, had the good fortune to be 
able to secure for sculpture, as well as for painting, the 
services of the greatest genius of his time, His name will 
always be associated with that of Michael Angelo, as well as 
with those of Raphacl and Bramante. It was he who 
afforded to all three the opportunity for displaying and 
developing their wonderful gifts. 

Julius IT, knew Michael Angelo’s Picta in the Chapel of 
S. Petronillain S. Peter's: No doubt, it was his acquaintance 
with this work which is one of the most noble and soul- 
stirring creations of Christian sculpture,* which led him in 
the Spring of the year 1505 to invite the artist to Rome. 
The great sculptor, then 33 years of age, put aside his 
cartoon of the battle of Cascina, which he had just begun, 
and obeyed the Pope's call. He arrived in Marcht and 
found at once in Julius the most artistic of al! the Popes, a 
patron who understood and appreciated his power. He 
took the strongest personal interest in the sculptor’s work, 

* Seo Vel. V, of this work, p. 79, note™*, and K, HAsE, Erinnerungen 
an Italien, 184. 

+ Lettere di Michelangelo, ed. Milanesi, 426; Von GevaOLuEn, 147. 


i 


MICHAEL ANGELO IN ROME, 505 


He was burning with eagerness to begin his work. “ Most 
honoured father," he writes on gist January, 1506, “I 
should be quite satisfied with my position, if only my 
marble had arrived ; but I seem to be most unfortunate in 
this matter, for in all the time that I have been here we 
have had only two days of favourable weather, Some days 
ago one of the ships arrived after a narrow escape of run- 
ning aground owing to the bad weather. Then, while I was 
unloading it, the river suddenly rose and flooded all the 
wharf, so that as yet I have not been able to do anything, 
T have only good words to give to the Pope, and hope he 
will not get angry. I trust I may soon be able to begin, and 
then to get on quickly, God grant it."* 

There was, however, a much worse difficulty in the way, 
owing to the change in the Pope's mind which was now turn- 
ing more and more away from the thought of the tomb and 
towards the building of the new S. Peter's In compensa- 
tion for this disappointment Michael Angelo was to be given 
a commission to paint the roof of the Sistine Chapel ;{ but 
the master felt himself deeply aggrieved: the money he 
had received was not sufficient to pay even the freights of 
the marble, On the strength of the Pope's order he had 
set up his workshop at his own cost and procured assist- 
ance from Florence. On the 17th of April, 1506, he heard 
that the Pope had said to a goldsmith and to his Master 
of Ceremonies that he would not give another farthing for 
stones,large or small, In much astonishment, Michacl Angelo 
demanded before he left the Vatican a portion of the money 


before the rath Jan., 1506 (Studien, 93); Symons, 1, 130/13r, makes 
it still cartier, 

* Ibid, 6; Gum, L, 121. 

+ °C supra, p. 463. 

J It is uncertain whether this plan was the Pope's own thought, or 
was suggested by Bramanté, See FRev, Studien, 93. 


505 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 


that he required for the prosecution of hiswork. The Pope 
put off seeing him till the Monday following, but when the 
day came the promised audience was not granted. The 
same thing was repeated on the following days, When on 
the 17th April he appeared again he was refused admittance 
by-the express command of the Pope. Upon this he flared 
up. “Tell the Pope,” he is said to have exclaimed, “that if 
he wants me any more he will have to find me wherever he 
can." Then he rushed out of the Palace, desired his 
servants to sell his things, and mounting his horse left 
Rome at once, with a firm determination never to set foot 
in it again.® 

When Julius was told of Michael Angelo’s flight (it was 
on the eve of the day of the laying of the foundation-stone 
for S, Peter's) he commanded that the sculptor should be 
pursued at once and brought back by force if necessary. 
But Michael Angelo had ridden fast, and it was not till he 
had arrived safely in Poggibonsi, on Florentine soil, that 
the messengers succeeded in overtaking him and handing 
him a letter from the Pope, commanding him to return at 
nce under pain of his serious displeasure. The angry 
artist, however, had no notion of complying. At 11 p.m. he 
wrote to the Pope that he would never return to Rome 
“For the good service which [ have rendered to your 
Holiness, I have not deserved to be turned out of your 
Palace as if I were a worthless lackey. Since your Holiness 
no longer requires the monument | am freed from my 
obligation, and I will not contract any new one,."t 


* Cf Grimm, Michelangelo, 1, 279 sey, 519 seyy ed 5. The 
diveryencies in Michael Angel's own accounts of the incident are here 
carefully examined, 

+ Conptvi, 38-39; ed. FREY, 74. According to this writer, Michael 
Angelo arrived at Poggibonsi a due hore di noite. Michael Angelo him- 
telf says Inter, it was circa a tre ore di notte. GkiatM, Michelangelo: 


HIS QUARREL WITH JULIUS 11. 507 


Michael Angelo’s friends, and especially Giuliano da 
Sangallo, did their best to bring about a reconciliation 
between him and the Pope On the 2nd May, Michael 
Angelo wrote to Giuliano from Florence, “I beg you to 
read my answer to the Pope. I wish His Holiness to 
know that I am ready, indeed, more willing than ever,to 
go on with my work, If he wishes, whatever happens, 
to have the tomb, he ought not to mind where I execute 
the work, provided I keep to my agreement, that at the 
end of the five years it shall be put up in S. Peter's where- 
ever he chooses, and that it shall be well done, [ am 
certain that when it is completed there will be nothing to 
equal it in the whole world. If His Holiness will agree to 
this I should be glad to receive his commission in Florence, 
from whence I will correspond with him, I have several 
blocks of marble at Carrara at my disposal which | can 
have sent here, and the persons that I shall want to assist 
me can also come here, Though I shall be considerably 
out of pocket by doing the work here I shall not mind 
that As each portion is finished 1 shall send it at once to 
Rome, so that His Holiness will have as much pleasure in 
itas if l were at hand, and, indeed, more, as he will only 
see the finished work and have no anxieties about it,”* 

A week later a friend of Michael Angelo’s wrote to him 
from Rome, “Last Saturday, I and Bramante were called 
up to report to the Pope while he was at table, on a number 
of drawings and plans: I was first, and after dinner 
Bramante was called, and the Pope said to him, ‘to-morrow 


T, $17, ed. 5, mistranslates “2 ore di notte” as 8 o'clock pm. FREY, 
Stndien, 93, falls into the same error, The night from 15th April, 
according to the Italian reckoning, begins about 8 pm. (See LERSCH, 
Evwiges Calendarium, 7. Miinstes, 1877); thus between the second and 
third hours of the night would be between 10 and 11 pum. 

* Leuiere di Michelangelo, ed. Milanesi, 377 rey. GUL, 1, 123 


508 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 


Sangallo is going to Florence and will bring Michael Angelo 
back with him. Bramante answered, * Your Holiness, San- 
gallo had better not count on it: I know Michael Angelo 
well, and he has said to me more than once that he did not 
intend to paint the Chapel; your Holiness was pushing 
him hard, but he would not undertake anything but the 
tomb. Bramante said further, ‘Holy Father, I do not 
think he trusts himself for this work ; he will have to paint 
figures greatly foreshortened to be seen from below ; that is 
avery different thing from painting on the flat’ The Pope 
answered, ‘If he does not come, it will be a slight to me, 
and, therefore, 1 believe that he will! Then I shewed that 
T too was there and spoke out, somewhat as you would 
have done if you had had to speak for me. I called him a 
knave straight out before the Pope, at which he was struck 
quitc dumb, for he saw that he had said what he ought not. 
At last I said,‘ Holy Father, this man has never spoken with 
Michel Angelo about these things, if what I say is not true 
may my head fall at my feet. [will stick to it; this conver- 
sation never took place, and Michael Angelo will return if 
your Hoiiness really desires it’ Thus the matter ended, 
and no more was said. God be with you. If I can do 
anything for you you have only to tell me. My respects 
to Simone Pollajuolo.”* 

On the 8th of July the Pope made another attempt to 
induce the sculptor to return, writing the following Brief 
to the Signoria" Beloved Sons—Greeting and Apostolic 
blessing—Michelangelo the sculptor, who left us without 
reason, and in mere caprice, is afraid, we are informed, of 
returning, though we for our part are not angry with him, 
knowing the humours of such men of genius, In order 
then that we may lay aside all anxiety, we rely on your 
loyalty to convince him in our name, that if he returns to 

* Giuma, Michelangelo, 1, 283-284, ed. 5. 


= — | 


REMONSTRANCES OF SODERINE 509 


us he shall be uninjured and unhurt, retaining our Apostolic 
favour in the same measure as he formerly enjoyed it.” * 

Michael Angelo, who apparently had now resumed work on 
his cartoon and the bronze statues of the Twelve Apostles 
for the Cathedral of Florence, adhered resolutely to his 
refusal. Meanwhile, another letter arrived from the Pope. 
The Gonfaloniere Soderini sent for the artist, to remonstrate 
with him. “You have behaved towards the Pope,” he is 
said to have told him, “in a way that the King of France 
himself would not have ventured upon. There must be an 
end to all this. We are not going to be dragged into a 
war, and risk the whole State for you. Make up your 
mind to go back to Rome.” It was all in vain; it has even 
been asserted that Michael Angelo now thought of leaving 
Ttaly, and betaking himself to the Sultan, who had asked 
him to build a bridge for him from Constantinople to Pera 
‘The poems composed at that time, in which he denounces 
the corruption in Rome in the strongest terms, betray 
tension and irritation with which his mind was filled during 
this period} The good offices of Cardinal Alidosi, the 
Pope's favourite, whose mediation had been invoked by the 
Florentine Government proved equally unavailing. 

Meanwhile Julius II. had set out on his march against 
Bologna, and entered the city in triumph on the rth of 
November, 1506.§ 1t was felt that this magnificent success 
should be immortalised by some monumental work of art, 
A statue of the Pope in stucco had already on the 17th 

* Grim, Michelangelo, 284-285, ed. §; Gorrt, I., 45; SYMONDS, 
1, 180. 

+ Tbh, 1, 285 seg, od. 5 

+ GF Sonnet, 3 (Rime di Michelangelo, ed. Guasti, 156). Svaonns, 
1, 183 seg. assigns the fourth sonnet (loc. eff 1$7. Quasi fa chni di 
calice ¢ spade) to this date, while Fry, Studien, 101, thinks it was not 
written until April 1512. 

§ See supra, p. 281 seg, 





HIS RECONCILIATION WITH THE PORK sue 


Bologna. Michael Angelo fell upon his knees and begged 
for pardon in a loud voice. He declared his flight had not 
been deliberate, He had gone away in a fit of rage because 
he could not stand the way in which he had been driven 
from the Palace, Julius If. made no answer, but sat there 
frowning, with his head down, until one of the Prelates who 
had been asked by Soderini to put in a good word for 
Michael Angelo if necessary, intervened and said “Your 
Holiness should not be so hard on this fault of Michael 
Angelo; he is a man who has never been taught good 
manners, these artists do not know how to behave, they 
understand nothing but their art.” On this, the Pope, ina 
fury, turned on the unlucky mediator. “You venture,” he 
shouted, “to say to this man things that I should not have 
dreamt of saying, It is you who have no manners. Get 
out of my sight, you miserable, ignorant clown.” Then 
reaching out his hand to Michael Angelo he forgave him, and 
at once commissioned him to execute a statue of himself in 
bronze, which was to be 7 cubits high (about 14 feet). 
Then he asked what the cost would be, to which the 
sculptor replicd, “I think the mould could be made for 
1000 ducats, but foundry is not my trade, and therefore I 
cannot bind myself.” “Go,” answered Julius, “set to work 
at once, and make as many moulds as you like, until the 
statue is perfect; you shall have no reason to complain of 
your pay.”* This famous audience which terminated the 
estrangement between these two fiery spirits, probably took 
place on the 29th November, 1506. It shews how well the 
Pope understood that genius levels all distinction of states, 

Michael Angelo now set to work at once at Bologna, 


* Conpii, 4t-4z. Lettere di Michelangelo, ed. Milanesi, 429 5 
Grimm, Michelangelo, 1, 298 sry, ed. 5. SPRINGER, Rafinel und 
‘Michelangelo, 110. 

+ Frey, Studien, 93. 





DESTRUCTION OF THE STATUE OF JULIUS IL 513 


Bentivogli party, who had already in May destroyed the 
stucco figure of the Pope* When the immense mass of 
metal, weighing over 14,000 pounds, fell to the ground, it 
made a deep hole jn the earth although straw and bundles 
of sticks had been prepared to receive it. The noble statue 
was broken to pieces amidst gibes and jeers, and the Duke 
of Ferrara had a cannon made from the metal which was 
called La Giulia, in mockery of the Pope. The head of the 
figure, weighing Goo pounds, was preserved for a long time 
in Ferrara, but finally disappeared, This was the end of 
the finest statue in Italy, as the Bolognese chronicler calls 
itt 

Michael Angelo had returned to his home in Florence as 
soon as the statue was finished, but he was not allowed to 
remain there long. In March 1508, Julius II. recalled him 
to Rome, not, however, to proceed with the tomb, but to 
paint the roof of the Sistine Chapel} “It is to the honour 
of Julius that he again set his own personal glory, in em- 
ploying the artist on work of a wider scope.” § Michael 
Angelo, who only felt the fulness of genius with chisel in 
hand, at first resisted, saying that painting was not his trade] 

* Popesta, Due Statue, 114 s¢9. 

+ Skid, 119 tey.; GozzADINt, Alcuni avvenimenti, TV. 243; FRA, 
Notizie, 25; Gxima, Michelangelo, 1., gor, ed. 5; HAVEMANN, II, 
364. Letters published by Camport in the Atti del! Emilia, N, 5, Vy 
1, 13t seg., retail the anger of the Pope and the lame excuses of the 
Duke. The story of the statue formed the theme of several contempo- 
mary poems. See Camron, Jor. cif, and CAPPELLI, Prefaz. alle Lettere 
di L. Ariosto, LIX. Bologna, 1866, 

} Symowns, I, 198; Frey, Studien, 94. 

§ Greoorovius, VIIL, 147, ed. 3. 

| Lettere di Michelangelo, ed. Milanesi, 17, €/ the Sonnet to 
Giovanni da Pistoja (Rime, ed. Guasti, 158), which closes with the words : 
né io pittore, In almost all the letters of this period, he signs himself 
with a touch of ostentation: Michelangiolio, Sewftore in Roma. Cf 
Worrmaxy, IL, 577 5 and SyMowDs, 1, 200, 

VoL. YI. 2L 


sty HISTORY OF THE POPES, 


But the iron will of the Pope prevailed, and forced the brush: 
into the unwilling fingers that were tingling to clasp the 
sterner instrument, An agreement was concluded between 
Julius I]. and the artist, in which the latter engaged himself 
to paint the central vault of the roof of the Sistine Chapel 
for a sum of 3000 ducats, 

Michael Angelo, having received soo ducats on account 
from the Pope, set to work at once on the cartoons with his 
wonted energy. According to the artist's own account, in 
the'first plan the Twelve Apostles were to be painted in the 
lunettes, and all the other spaces were, according to the 
usual practice of the time, to be filled with decorative 
designs.* Before the end of May the scaffolding had 
already been put up. On the eve of Pentecost (10th June) 
the Chapel was so full of noise and dust that the Cardinals 
could hardly get through the office-+ 

Meanwhile Michael Angelo had conceived a more exten- 
sive plan for his paintings, connecting them with the frescoes 
already existing in the Chapel, the superiority of which was 
at once appreciated by Julius II. In consequence a new 
agreement was drawn up in the Summer. The whole roof 
down to the windows was to be covered with figures, and 
the fee was to be 6000 ducats instead of jooa. All the 
materials were to be supplicd to the artist} Michael Angelo 


* Sce his Letter to G. F. Fartucct. Lettere di Michelangelo, ed. 
‘Milanesi, 427, Cf also WOLFPLIN, in the Jahrb. der Prouss Kunst 
samml, X11, 178; and Frey, Studien, 94. 

+ Paris DE Grassts in the Gaz des Beaux Arts, 2 Periode, XXVy 
385-386 ; Frey, Studien, /oc.ait, The bill for the scaffolding isin ZAHN, 
Notizie, 187 (cf, Symowns, 1, 201), alsoin NAUMANN’S Archiv, XIE, 
109, The receipt for the 500 ducats on account in Lettere di Michel 
angelo, ed. Milanesi, 563, had already been printed in FORSTER 
Kuorrr, Kunstblatt, 1844, N. 105. 

} Lettere di Michelangelo, ed. Milanesi, 30,430 FREY, Studion, 95 
‘On Michelangelo's Studies for the figures on the roof, sce KORNSON, 


i = 


MICHAEL ANGELO AND THE SISTINE CHAPEL. 515 


now began to look about for assistants, ordered his colours, 
and probably began to paint in the late Autumn of 1508* 
The Pope was as usual desperately eager and impatient, 
and refused to grant the artist a short leave of absence for 
a journey to Florence.t 

‘On the 27th January, 1509, Michael Angelo complained to 
his father that the work was not getting on, as his assistants 
had proved worthless, and he had had to dismiss them. 
The result of this was, that this gigantic work was not only 
designed by Michael Angelo, but almost entirely painted by 
his own hands.} Besides the enormous amount of labour in- 
volved in this, he had also to master the technique of freseo 
painting, in which he had had no experience, In conse+ 
quence, the hot-tempered artist had many a passage of 
arms with his impatient patron. But the two passionate 
natures understood each other, and were soon friends again. _ 
“Probably the alternations of merciless pressure and un- 
measured vituperation with the frankest indulgence and 
kindness, which characterised the relations between Julius 
IL and Michael Angelo, were the means of obtaining more 
from him than any other treatment could have done” § In 
June, 1509, the Roman Canon Albertini saw the paintings — 
already commenced in the central vault of the roof. || 


‘The drawings of Michael Angelo and Raphael in the University Galleries, 
27.27. (Oxford, 1870); SPRINGER, Raffael und Michelangelo, 115 se 
and Symowns, I., 204 seg. 

* Cf H. Witson, 126, 194; SYMONDS, [., 202 seg.; FREY, 95 seg. 

+ Gave, 11, 107. 

} Of Lettere di Michelangelo, ed. Milanesi,17. Michael Angelo’s state- 
‘ments in this letter, that he had not fora whole year received a penny from: 
Julius 11, is not accurate, as Faey, Studien,97, shews, ‘The same writer 
‘says that the work of other hands can be detected, both in the sacrifice 
and the drunkenness of Nos, and elsewhere also. Cf, SPRINGER, 112. 

§ BURCKHARDT, Cicerone, 644. 

|| Atuertint, ed Schmarsow, 13; of Frev, Studien, 97-98, who 


516 HISTORY OF THE POPES, 


In May 1510, after a Winter of strenuous labour, 
Michael Angelo took a short holiday, which he spent in 
Florence.* With all his diligence and energy, the painter 
could not work fast enough for his impatient task-master, 
Julius IT. climbed up on the scaffolding (Michael Angelo 
had to lend him a hand to help him up the last Jadder) 
with the sole object of worrying the artist with questions 
as to when the work would be finished.t 

But the time was approaching when the life or death 
struggle for the independence of the Papacy and the 
liberation of Italy from the French was to absorb the 
Pope's’ whole energies and thoughts. On the 17th August, 
1510, he left Rome, and on the 1st of September he began 
his march on Bologna, where he found himself reduced to 
the greatest straits} For the present it was out of the 
question to spare anything for Art§ Already in September 
all payments ceased, and Michael Angelo did not know what 
to do. At first he wrote to the Pope, but at the end of 
the month he decided on going himself to Bologna. In 
October he returned to Rome where, by the orders of 
Julius, the Datary, Lorenzo Pucci, gave him 500 ducats. 
But the payments soon again came to an end ; on which the 
artist repeated his personal appeal to the Pope and was 
once more successful. “Last Tuesday,” he writes from 
Rome to his brother on the 11th January, 1st, “I got 
back here safely, and the money has been paid to me.” 


rejects, I think rightly, the opinions of Grimm, 1, 526, ed, 5, and WOL- 
FPLIN, in the Jahrb, der Preuss. Kunstsamml., X11, 272, and Symowps, 
1,211, who state that Michael Angelo had finished the figures on the first 
half of the roof by All Saints’ Day, 1509. 

* Frey, Studien, 9% 

+ Of. Conpivt, 48, 50; and Frey, loc. tt,, 99, 

1 Cf. suprs, pp. 332, 336. 

§ Srrinoer, Raffacl und Michelangelo, #17. 


FINANCIAL DIFFICULTIES bibd 


He enclosed a bill of exchange for 228 ducats; bot by 
the end of February the needs of the campaign had 
again absorbed the promised instalments: “! believe,” 
he writes to his brother on the 23rd February, “that I 
shall soon have to pay another visit to Bologna) When 
the Pope’s Datary with whom I returned here last time, 
went back thither, he promised me that he would sec that 
I should have money to go on with. But now he has 
been gone a month, and I have beard nothing from him 
I shall wait another week and then, if there is still no 
news, shall go to Bologna, taking Florence on the way. 
Tell my father this"* 

He was able to put off this journey, for the money 
arrived, and the work was resumed, and in spite of all 
those difficulties, was approaching completion. In the 
short period of 22 months (from November, 1508, to 
August, 1510), not counting interruptions, the painting 
of the whole central vault was finished+ But at what 
a cost of almost superhuman toil. Day after day the 
artist had to work lying on his back with the paint 
dropping on his face. Vasari says that his eyes had 
become so accustomed to looking upwards, that for 
some time, when he wanted to read a letter he had to 
hold it above his head. In a sonnet, addressed to 
Giovanni da Pistoja, he describes his sufferings in a vein 
of somewhat bitter humour: 


T ho gif fatto un gozzo in questo stento 
Come fa Yacqua a’ gatti in Lombardia, 

O ver d’altro paese che si sia, 

Cha forza ‘I ventre appicea sotto "| mento, 


* Lettere di Michelangelo, ed. Milanesi, 99, 101, 109, Cf GRIMM, Ly 
389 4e7,, ed, § 5 and Frey, 99-100, 
+ Grima, Jor. cit, 390; and FREY, 100, 





COMPLETION OF THE SISTINE CHAPEL, 519 


In order fully to estimate the amazing power and energy 
of the artist it must be remembered that the surface 
to be covered measured more than 10,000 square feet, and 
with its intersecting curves, lunettes, etc, bristled with 
difficulties for the painter, The magic wand of the artist 
filled the whole of this space with figures (343) in every 
imaginable position, attitude, and form of foreshortening, 
some 12 feet high, the Prophets and Sybils nearly 18 feet, 
and all carefully and conscientiously finished.* All the 
details, the hairs of the head and beard, the finger nails, the 
creases in the soles of the feet arc painted with the marvel- 
Jous truth to nature of the 15th Century, while the whole is 
steeped in the large and restful spirit of consummate art."+ 

The most important portion of these paintings was 
completed just at the most critical moment in the whole 
Pontificate of Julius I]. The States of the Church were 
lying defenceless at the mercy of the victorious army of 
the King of France, while at the same time the same foc was 
attacking the spiritual authority of the Pope with the threat 
ofa Council, In a powerless, but with a still unbroken spirit, 
the Pope had returned to his Palace on the 27th June, 15t1f 
Qn the eve of the Feast of the Assumption, the patronal 
festival of the Sistine Chapel, heattended Vespers there and 
saw the frescoes unveiled at last, that is all those of the 
central vaults ; the architectural framework, historical groups 
and single figures forming a complete whole in itself§ 

* Symonns, I, 205. Goethe says that no ene who has not seen the 
Sistine Chapel can have a complete conception of what a single man 
‘an accomplish, _ 

+ LOMKE, IL, 117, who calls attention also to the admirable Gnish of 
the sculptures in the Pantheon, 

+ &f supra, p. 362. 

§ Frny, Studien, 100. The passage in PARIS De Grassis on the 
sight of the picturas noves ididem noviter detectas is wanting in 
Dillinger’ edition ; he seems to have no understanding of the historical 


a 


$20 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 


In the middle of August, 1511, Michael Angelo began 
the cartoons for the paintings in the remaining interspaces 
and lunettes, At the end of September he had two 
audiences from the Pope, after the last of which he 
received 4co ducats® In May 1512, he was again ia 
distress for money, which was not surprising, 
the political situation at that time Michael Angelo told 
Cardinal Bibbiena that he would thraw up his work 
and go, on which the Cardinal managed to procure 2000 
ducats for him4 In July he was again so diligent that 
he only wrote letters at night, On the ayth of July, 1512, 
he wrote: “Iam working harder than any man has ever 
worked before, and I am not well, but I am resolved 
to have patience, and toil on to the end,” Shortly before 
this, he had shewn his work from the scaffolding to Duke 
Alfonso of Ferrara and been cheered by his hearty 
appreciation of it; the Duke had also given him a commis 
sion for a picture In October, he was able at last to 
announce to his father that all the paintings were com- 
pleted, and that the Pope was extremely pleased with 
them.§ With characteristic piety Michael Angelo substi- 
tuted for the usual artists’ signature an inscription close to 
the prophet Jeremias, ascribing the honour of the completion 
of his work to God, the Alpha and Omega, through whose 
assistance it had been begun and ended.|| 


value of notices of this description. Mintz published it in the Gaz. des 
Beaux Arts, 2 période, XXV. (1882), 386. 

* Prey, Studien, ror, 

+ Lettore di Michelangelo, 428. - 

} Of Grossino’s undated Report in Livz1o, F. Gonzaga, 37, which has 
been overlooked by Frey. This Report must have been written between 
the sth and 18th of July, 

§ Lettere di Michekingelo, 104, 23; and also Frey, Studien, 102, 

{Sram hasbeen te fist notice thi insertion in the Reper 
torium f, Kunstwissensch., XVIT., 178, 


UNVEILING OF THE CEILING. 521 
f 


On All Hallow's Eve (October 31st), “the most sublime 
creation that colours and brush have ever produced,” was 
unveiled,* The work called forth a perfect furore of 
enthusiastic admiration. Its nobility of thought and the 
skilfulness of the composition were praised to the skies, 
and still more the perfection of the drawing and of the 
plastic effects+ The Pope, then rapidly nearing his end, 
had the satisfaction of celebrating High Mass in the 
Chapel, which through him had become a shrine of noble 
art; thus fittingly closing a Pontificate which throughout 
had been devoted to lofty aims. 

Nearly four centuries have elapsed since the unveiling of 
the roof of the Sistine, The smoke of candles has 
blackened it, time has seamed it with cracks, the colours 
have faded more or less, but still the effect ‘is overpower- 
ing. “No doubt from the beginning colour was never the 
main consideration in this work, the drawing was the 
effective element, and continues to this day to impress on 


* See WOLTMANN-WOERMANN, IL, 580. Cf. SYOLNERG, Reise in 
‘Deutschland der Schweig, Italien und Sicilien, I., 434 reg. (Mayence, 1877), 
‘and Goethe's well-known saying that Nature herself was eclipsed by 
‘Michael Angelo, because no one but he could see her with such eyes, 
“One may read any number of treatises on the sublime,” writes 
CASTELAR (Errinerungen an Italien, 77), “without finding oneself able 
to get a clear grip of what is meant. But raise your eyes to the vault of 
the Sistina, and bere you will find what you seek, the sublime is that 
which bewilders, and, as it were, annihilates us with the sense of the 
inadequacy of the relation between our weak nature and the infinite 
greatiess of an idea, filling the soul with fear and with joy." Braun's 
splendid photograpMs make it possible to study all the details of the 
great work. Excellent copiesof the creation, of Adam, of Eve, the Fall, 
Isnias, Jeremias, the Delphic and Lybian Sybils, by C. Schwarier, are 
to be seen in the Schack Gallery at Munich, The Report of Pants nit 
GRASSS over the unveiling, which is Ukewise wanting in Dillinger’s 
edition, is printed in the Gaz. des Beaux Arts, 2 période, XXV,, 387, 

+ Greconovis, VIII., 152, ed 3. 


7 


$22 HISTORY OF TILE POPES, — 


the mind such a sense of its intense power and truthful- 
ness that for the time the beholder forgets that there can 
be anything clse in the world worth looking at.”* 

The idea of framing his pictures in a painted architec~ 
tural design, subdividing the plain surface of the roof, was 
a bold and novel thought, and might have seemed fanciful, 
but for the purpose it was meant to serve, the effect was 
perfect. “The stone vaulting disappears, the fairy archi- 
tecture resting on the real, flings its arches across the 
intervening space, sometimes with hangings stretched 
between them, and sometimes open to the sky in which 
the figures scem to float."} 

In regard to the subjects of his paintings Michael Angelo 
simply carried out his scheme begun in the frescoes on the 
walls, which had been painted under Sixtus IV. in. accord- 
ance with the triple division of the Plan of Salvation in use 
in the Middle Ages. This was divided into the period pre- 
ceding the giving of the Law ; that of the Law, and that of 
Grace in the Kingdom founded by Christ} The frescoes on 
the left side represented the life of Moses, the period of the 
Law; those on the right the life of Christ,the Reign of Grace§ 


* WOLTMANN-WOERMANN, IL, 586; of BURCKHARDT, Cicerone, 
666, and SzkcsEN, Rafael 559. 

+t See G. WARMECKES striking article on Michael Angele yea 
paintings in Litrow’s Zeitschrift (1891), N. F. IL, 308. Wamecke is 
Fight in saying that Michael Angelo's painted architecture is in itself 
fanciful and unreal, but admirably effective for its purpose, Lubke had 
already expressed a similar opinion, The artist worked out his archi- 
tectural divisions in the roof on ordinary constructive lines, but he had 
no intention of representing a real roof, and made‘no attempt to dosa 
Unlike some of the daroywe artists, and the panoramists of the present 
day, his object was not to simulate a roof, but only to create an ileal 
framework by architectural divisions. 

1 LOuxr, If, 92, was the first wo point this out correctly. WOLD 
MANN-WOERKMANN, IL, 582, agrees with him. 

= G Paston, Hist, Popes, 1V., 468 sey. (Engl. trans.) 


b = | 


PICTURE OF THE CREATION, 523 


Thus the period before the Law from the Creation to the 
Deluge was still wanting, and its principal events, as nar- 
rated in Genesis, were taken by Michacl Angelo as the 
subjects for his pictures. He depicted them in four large 
and five smaller rectangular compartments on the flat 
space in the middle of the roof running from end to end, 
His treatment of the idea of the Creation which is described 
in revelation as the immediate act of the Divine Will 
through the efficient Word, saying, “Be it thus, and it 
was,” is absolutely unique in its genius and power. We see 
and feel the rushing sweep of the breath of the Eternal 
through those days in which His Word called forth the 
heavens and the earth, the spiritual and the corporeal 
worlds into existence, out of the void, “ Michael Angelo was 
the first of all artists to grasp the idea of Creation not as a 
mere word with the sign of Benediction, but as motion. 
Thus with him each separate creative act can have a 
characteristic form of its own.” * 

God, appearing at first quite alone, calls heayen and 
¢arth, the world of spirits, and the world of matter into 
existence, He divides light from darkness, which flies 
away at His word. Then, with angels now clustering 
round him, and sheltcring under his mantle, the Father, 
sweeping through space, creates the carth and all the life 
that springs from her “On this follows the climax of 
creation in the bestowal of life upon Adam, and with ft 
that of the genius of Michael Angelo” Surrounded by a 
host of heavenly spirits, “the Almighty approaches the 
earth, and touching with His finger the outstretched finger 


* Buacnnannt, Cicerone, 643. 

+ The interpretation of the first three pictures here given, differs of 
course from the one hitherto most usually received 5 but it seems to 
ame the most probable, both as adhering more closely to the words of 
Genesis, and also corresponding better with the paintings themselves, 


i 


524 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 


of the first man, in whom the approaching gift is already 
foreshadowed, communicates the vital spark. In the whole 
realm of art this master-stroke of genius, in thus giving a 
clear sensuous expression to a spiritual conception, stands 
unrivalled, and the progenitor of the human race is 
worthily represented in the noble figure of Adam2"* The 
creation of Eve is an equally perfect conception in its 
masterly purity and solemnity. Adam lies in a deep 
sleep; God stands before him ; Eve is rising ; she has just 
gained her fect, but one knee is still bent. She appears at 
the bidding of her Creator, with clasped hands stretching 
towards Him, thanking Him for the gift of life¢ In all 
these pictures nothing is introduced but whit is absolutely 
necessary to make the situation clear, All accessories that 
might distract the attention from the main subject are 
excluded. 

The scenes which follow, taken from the early history 
of mankind,—especially that of the fall and the expulsion 
from Paradise—the sin and its punishment, both por- 
trayed in the same picture, are equally powerful, simple, 


+ BURCKHARDT, Cicerone, 643. Cf PLATINER, I, 1, 261 sey. 
Lope, IL, oz sey.; Grima, 1, 341 sey, ed. 3; SCHADEN, 925-1 26, 
229, 250 sey.; RIO, Michel-Ange, 31 s4p.; OLIVE, 64 #ey.; and 
Govau-Péeark, 547 seg.; BOTTNER, Adam und Eva, 61 seg. Wak- 
NECKE in Liitzow’s Zeitschrift, N. Fi, 11, 303, says “As far as Axt is 
concerned, the only adequate representation of the, to human reason, 
yer insoluble mystery of creation, is that conceived by Michael Angelo” 
In all later artists beginning with Raphael we can trace the influence of 
Michael Angela's majestic conception of the Creator as the “ primal Fount 
‘of elementary force.” Corellus truly says that since the time of Phidlas 
nothing like this had been produced. 

+ STOLBERG, Reise, ete, 1, 436. Cf PLATTNER, TL, 1, 264, and 
SyMoNDs, 1, 267. On the creation of Eve, see also Rio, MichelAnge, 
29; OLIVIER, 70 sey:; KtACZKO in the Rev. des Deux Mondes, 
XIV, 882 (1892, Nov, to Dec); BOTTNER, 62 seg.; and KEXULE in 
Jahrb, d. Deutschen Archiiol, Lnstituts, V., 193. 


‘THE FALL OF MAN AND THE DELUGE. 525 


and striking. In the pictire of the fall the tree of 
knowledge occupies the centre, the serpent (the upper 
half a female form) hands the forbidden fruit to Eve. 
Immediately behind the tempter a startling effect is pro- 
duced by the instantaneous apparition of the avenging 
angel driving the culprits out of Paradise; while Eve, 
holding back her golden hair, casts one despairing, long- 
ing look behind her.* The deluge, in one of the large 
compartments, also presents many striking scenes; in 
the whole composition the horror of the catastrophe is 
most powerfully renderedt The next picture, probably 
representing the sacrifices of Cain and Abel, contains an 


+ See KUGLER-BURCKHARDT, II, $31; GRIMM, Ly 345-346, ed. $3 
BOTINER, 64 seg. ; and Milwrz, Hist. de Art, I11., 479. 

+ Cf LOnke, 11. t05-107, The seventh picture represents a sacrifice, 
according te Condivi and Vasari, with whom Gramm, 1., 346, ed. 5, and 
OLLIVIER, 75, agree, that of Cain and Abel. PLaTrNeR, IL, 1, 265 sg., 
‘sees in it Noe's thank-offering. SPRINGER, 122, and LUDKE, II, 104, 
follow him, The three last pictures (the Sacrifice, the Deluge, and 
Noe’s drunkenness) were the earliest painted ; the figures in them are 
more numerous, and consequently smaller, than in the others. After 
they were finished, Michael Angelo began to feel that the distance from the 
eye required a larger scale, WOurrirx in Janitschek’s Repert, XIII, 
265 seg. (1890), points out that in the succeeding pictures the figures go 
on increasing in size, “Compare the figure of God the Father creating 
the sun and moon with the Divine form imparting life to Adam. This 
crescendo in the scale of the figures is the consequence of a change in 
the artist's feeling for space.” ‘The same writer, one of those who under- 
‘stand Michael Angelo best, remarks a similar increase in the dimensions 
‘of the captive forms ; those which surround the last picture, the division 
of light from darkness, are the largest, and the same holds good with 
regard to the Prophets and Sybils, The style becomes gradually 
bolder and more pictorial, the figures grow,.... Even the litte 
decorative figures, which are so profusely scattered about, are carried 
along in the same stream of development with the coupled slaves, and the 
stone-coloured children standing by the walls of the prophets’ thrones, 
follow suit with the others.” 


526 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 


unusually large number of figures. The series is closed 
by the picture of Noe and his sons. 

‘The nine central paintings have the effect of hangings 
stretched across the simulated architectural supports of 
the roof; they form the principal and most prominent 
part of its decoration. Next in importance come the 
series of Prophets and Sybils painted on the descending 
curve of the vaulting between the arches. There are 
twelve fn all, five on each of the long sides and one at 
‘ach end, all of colossal size: the giantspirit meeds a 
giant-form to express it The effect of these figures, with 
their majestic draperies, is intensely spiritual,* and yet the 
outlines are so strong and firm that they look as if they 
were carved in stone.+ The sides of the marble seats in 
which they are enthroned form the main support of the 
imaginary roof, Attendant genii accompany the Prophets of 
the Messias for the two worlds of Judaism and heathenism; 
some sit absorbed in thought or vision, poring over their 
books or scrolls, while others again with impassioned ges- 
tures proclaim what they have seen, The manner of life of 
those to whom the Lord God “ revealed His secrets” (Amos, 
ili, 7), wholly immersed in the study, and contemplation, and 
announcement of the coming Salvation, is here expressed 
with a perfection which classical art could not conceive and 
which modern art can never hope to equal.} We need only 
here mention the most celebrated. The Delphic Sybil, 
a singularly powerful and yet attractive figure, seems 
gazing with enraptured eyes on the actual fulfilment of 
her prophecies, Isaias is reading the book of the world's 
destiny. The curve of his brow suggests that of a heavenly 
sphere, a source of thought like the crystal reservoirs on the 


+ “Like moulded thoughts,” LOBRE says, Geschichte dee Plastik, 720 
+ SchapEn, 230. 
2 MouITOR, 25. 


THE PROPHETS AND TIE SYBILS. 527 


mountain tops from which the great rivers are fed, The 
angel is calling him and he gently raises his head with- 
out lifting his eyes from the book, as though balancing 
between two infinities, Jeremias is shrouded in sackcloth 
and ashes, as befits the prophet who dwells undér the 
shadow of desolate Jerusalem. His lips seem to vibrate 
to the sound of the conqueror's trumpet, His beard is 
tangled and matted, his bowed head looks like the crown 
of a cedar that has been shattered by lightning, his half- 
closed eyes are hidden wells of tears. His hands look 
strong, but they are swollen, for they have been bearing 
up the tottering walls of the temple We see that the 
groans of the captive sons of Israel from the banks of 
the alien river and the wailings of the Queen of the 
nations, now widowed and deserted, are ever sounding 
in his ears. Ezechias is in a divine ecstasy, interrogating 
his visions, stirred by the spirit which possesses him to 
the very depths of his being, Daniel is busily writing; 
his mission was to proclaim the day of deliverance: for 
the good, and judgments on tyrants to future genera- 
tions. The most admirable thing about these majestic 
figures, on which one could gaze for ever with unwearied 
interest, is, that they are not mere decorations of a hall 
or chapel, but men, real men, who have felt the grief 
that we know, and been wounded by the thorns which 
grow on our earth; their brows are furrowed with human 
thought; their hearts have felt the chill of deceptions; 
they have seen conflicts in which whole generations 
have perished; they have felt the shadow of death 
in the air above them, and they have striven with their 
own hands to prepare the way for a new order of things; 
their eyes have grown worn and dim through their too 
fixed gaze on the ever-changing kaleidoscope of the ages; 
their flesh has been consumed by the fire of burning 


528 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 


thoughts.* The attitudes of some of these figures, such 
as the Lybian Sybil and the Prophets Danicl and Jonas, 
may be to a certain extent violent and exaggerated, but 

as a rule massive form and ecstatic emotion are ad- 
mirably restrained within the limits of harmony and 
beauty Those who are inclined to find fault with 
the master in this regard should consider the extreme 
difficulty of the task he proposed to himself, which was to 
create twelve figures, each of which should impress on the 
mind the idea of a being raised by divine inspiration into 
the superhuman sphere. For this, mere majesty of form 
was not enough; a variety of separate situations had to 
be imagined, each denoting inspiration, represented in. a 
form that could be apprehended by the senses. Perhaps 


* Of this eloquent description of CASTRLAR, Errinnerungen an 
Utalien, 70 seg., with Taine in MOnTz, Hist. de TAr, 111, 485. See 
also GovAU-PéRart, Le Vatican, 548 seg.; HorrMANN, 88-89; Rio, 
Michel-Ange, 27 s¢g.; OLIVIER, 87 sey, 118; and STEINMANN in the 
Repertorium £ Kunstwissensch., XVIL, 175 sey. 

+ Sec WOLTMANN-WOERMANN, II, 585. Condivi considered ‘the 
Jonas the finest of all the figures on account of its masterly 
ing. But BURCKHARDT also, Cicerone, 644, thinks Jonas as well as 
Jeremias and Joel, “ wonderfully majestic.” Opinions will always differ 
in regard to such details ; in mine the Delphic Sybil and Jeremias bear 
away the palm. Of the first, Prartwex, I1,, 1, 269, says that she is not 
‘only the most beautiful of all Michael Angelo’s prophetesses, but aleo one 
of the most perfect female forms in modem art. SYRINGER, 139, con+ 
siders the Jererias the most typical ofall Michael Angelo’s creations ; he 
says: “This figure took possession, as it were, of Michael Angelo's ima- 
xination, and from this time forth it was always more or less present in his 
mind, In all his creative moods the form of the prophet hovered in the 
background, and suggested reminiscences of the spirit im which it had 
been conceived. The germs of the Moses for the tomb of Julius IL. and 
‘of the chief figures in the Medicean mausoleum are contained in th 
Jeremias.” It seems extremely probable that Michael Angelo’s 
was his own portrait ; se STEINMANW in the Rep. £ Kunstwissensch, 
(1894), Vel. XVIL., 177 se9- 


THE DELIVERANCES OF ISRAEL. 520 


complete success in such an undertaking was beyond the 
powers of Art itself’* 

A third series of pictures, closcly connected with the 
majestic form of the Prophets and Sybils, occupy the arches 
of the wall and the triangular spaces between them and the 
pendentives, and represent “the ancestors of Christ in simple 
scenes of family life" The tone of feeling in all these figures 
is that of patient resignation, waiting for the promise of 
the nations, Here, as in the Prophets and Sybils, Michael 
Angelo in the plan of his composition follows the received 
medieval conception.+ 

The fourth series consists of the large pictures in the four 
corners of the vaulting. These represent some of the 
miraculous deliverances of Israel as types of the future 
Redemption. The subjects are the slaying of Goliath, Judith 
going forth to the camp of Holofernes, the punishment of 
Haman, and the Brazen Serpent. The latter, with its 
startling contrasts of death and deliverance, is the finest of 
‘the whole set of pictures. “The clear division between the 
two concentrated groups, with the symbol of Salvation 
separating them locally as well as spiritually, the one turn- 
ing away in devil-ridden despair, the other pressing forward 
with eager confidence, makes this picture perhaps one of the 
most marvellous productions of Michael Angelo’s genius, 
especially when we consider the difficulties presented by 
the form of the surface on which it is painted."} 

To these four cycles of paintings the master's prolific 


* BuRcKHARDT, Cicerone, doc. cit. 

+ C/.LOwKE, I1, 101, 107-108 As this is not meant to be a complete 
description, these pictures, beautifal as they are, cannot be analysed in 
detail, Cf, besides LOBKE, foc, ef 113 sey, KUGLER-BURCKMARDT, 
532 474 and OLLIVIER, ro2 sey. 

} LOtzow, Kiinstschiitre, 439. GRIMM, L, 353 seg., ed. 5, minutely 
describes the Goliath and the Judith in order to shew how admirably 
Michael Angelo could also deal with historical subjects. 

VOL, VI. 2M 


§3° HISTORY OF THE POPES. 


imagination added “a whole world of purely ideal figures 
simply as a harmonious living and breathing incamation of 
the ornamental roof which he had devised."* Michael 
Angelo evidently intended this roof to represent one of 
those festal artistic decorations so commonly employed In 
the Renaissance age even for religious solemnities. The 
innumerable ornamental figures employed, some in holding 
the tablets with the names of the Prophets, some, in every 
variety of posture, to fill up the spaces between the arches, 
others again in supporting or crowning the cornices, 
correspond with the living personifications 30 frequently 
perched on various portions of these festive erections, All 
these nude figures, the sturdy children and strong-limbed 
youths, are in a sense members of the architectural scheme, 
supporting cornices, carrying inscription tablets or shields, 
or holding up hangings or garlands. Hardly any of them 
are at rest, almost all are at work or in motion in some 
way, but none have any relation to the subjects of the 
pictures, they belong entirely to the decoration+ However 


* Lipxg, Il, ror, Cf Litzow, doe, eff, 440, and BURCKHARDT, 
Cicerone, 642 seg., on these “impersonations of the dynamics of Archi- 
tecture.” 

+I prefer this interpretation, resting on the views of Libke and 
Burckhardt, to the many foreed and far-fetched anes which have recently 
‘been attempted. That of L. v. SCHEFFLER (Michelangelo, Eine Renate 
sance Studie, Altenburg, 1892), which ascribes the “ideal system of the 
Sistine Chapel" to Michael Angelo’s Platonism, has been shewn by W. 
Hurxein the Allg. Zeit. (1892), N. 77, Suppl, to be quite beside the marke 
‘This, however, haz not prevented the last-named writer in his * Empiri- 
schen Betrachtunyen ber die Malereien von Michelangelo an der 
Decke der Sixtinischen Kapelle,” in the Jahrb, der Preuss. Kunstsansml, 
‘VIL. (1886), 3 20g.) 82 s074 140 sey., from falling into the same mistakein 
putting things Into the frescoes which are not there. ‘His singular inter: 
pretation of the Caryatides at the sides of the seats of the Prophets and 
Sybils is especially baseless and mistaken, [n ny opinion, the inseriptian 
mentioned, p. 744, explicitly excludes it. Burckhardt, with whom 1 die 


ad 


THE ORNAMENTAL FIGURES. sot 


one may admire these undraped figures from the point of 
view of the artist, many will feel them incongruous for the 
decoration of a chapel.* 

cussed this question in March, 1895, also thinks that both Schefiler and 
‘Henke are mistaken. WOLFPLIN in Jahrb, dor Preuss. Kunsteamml., 
XII, 181, conjectures that the slaves in the medallions were an after- 
thought, the medallions having been painted first without them, and this 
seems very probable, 

* They afford no justification, however, for characterising the work as 
unchristian, as Michael Angelo’s painting of the nude is never sensual (cf 
Hist. Polit. BL, XCL., 755, and JANSSEN, Soddoma [Stuttyart, 1870}, 110); 
and also these nude figures are purely accessory : see Rro, Michel-Ange, 
30 It is quite incomprehensible to me how Pénaté, 550, can say, 
writing of the roof of the Sistine Chapel,“ Est ce tine ceuvre chritienne ? 
Non; clest une ccuvre biblique, la bible méme,” etc, 1 may be permitted 
‘here to note an appreciation written by Overbeck of the roof of the 
Sistine Chapel in 1810, which is but little known, 1 found it in a letter 
printed in the Ally. Cons. Monatschrift, 1. (1888), 40. He writes: “In 
truth it is the grandest and noblest work im existence. Where can we 
find anything more marveliously complete than this roof, which portmys 
the history of creation and the last judginent, surrounded by the stem 
and solemn forms of the Prophets? They scem like colossal spirits, ap- 
pearing now, at the end of the ages, to confirm those who have believed 
them, and strike terror into the hearts of the scoffers ; living witnesses of the 
obstinacy with which they refused to hear their warnings, or turn away from 
the vanities of the world ; now, like damning spectres, pointing the way 
to hell! A Frenchman is painting there just now with an cnonnous 
scaffolding which enables one to get quite close to the roof. As he docs 
‘not work on Sundays, we were able, to our great delight, to take advane 
tage of this, and get a near view of these magnificent works, especially 
‘of the creation of Adam. Good heavens! what lies aro epread abroad 
abom Michael Angelo, One is wamed against hlm as a mannerist, a 
caricaturist | How is it possible to be so blind? One must haye dazed 
one's eyes with looking at Maratti or Battoni, or God knows what, one 
‘must have murdered all one's feeling for nature, if one cannot recognise 
here the highest and purest art, the simple reflection of nature glorified 
in the pure, great soul of the artist. Noone who knows nature at all 
can fail at the first glance to perocive her impress, to feel with an electric 
thrill the truthfulness of these thoughts, these forms, these characters! 


4 


ay 


$32 HISTORY OF THE POPES, 


Considered as a spiritual conception, Michael Angelo’s 
Sistine paintings are fully on a level with their artistic 
presentation. They are a mighty poem in colour, having 
for its theme the whole course of the human race from the 
heights of creation down to the need of salvation and 
upwards again to the dawning of the day of deliverance. 
In their silence they speak with an cloquence that can 
never be surpassed, Nowhere has the office of the Old 

abiding 








covenant been set forth with such convineing a 
beauty.* First we have the creation of nature, the standing 
ground for the spiritual life of the human race, then the 
making of man, his fall into sin, in which the family (Cain 
and Abel), society (the Deluge), finally, even the best of the 
race (drunkenness of Noe), become involved. Under t 

old law, all humanity is yearning for deliverance from_ 

burden of guilt. From the midst of the people God raises 


~ 
Again, on the other hand, any one whocan say that these paintings have 
been dashed off with a clever, hasty brush must either not have given 
‘himself time to look at them, or must purposely give a false account, for 
the exact contrary is the case, and they are marked by such delicacy of 
detail and characterisation, and such a perfection of finish, that these 
qualities alone would make them superior to all other worl of the kind, 
No doubt they are not polished up like Van der Werff’s; but if x smooth 
surface is all that is meant by finish, then our modern fianikins are the 
only perfect painters. In this respect, Michael Angelo is a model for us 
all. What science he unites to his Divine gifts | What knowledge of 
the human body, of perspective and of optics! How wonderfully he 
paints | so that no touch can be discerned, nor can one think of the 
brush, one sees the thing itself In short, in all ways he is: perfect; 
everywhere be has gone down into the depths, and plays with things 
that to others will always remain a mystery, He can truly say: Art 
is my spouse.” i... 

* “It would be impossible,” says MOLITOR, 255, “toapproach in the 
language of Art more nearly to the force of Holy Seriptare 
the great master has succeeded in doing.” 





MICHAEL ANGELO AND THE POPE'S TOME. $33 


up the Prophets for the Jews, and the Sybils for the heathen, 
as inspired seers, beholding the future salvation, but at the 
same time bearing in their souls the sorrows of their brethren, 
Four visible types of this salvation appear in the corner 
pictures, drawn from the history of Isracl; the enemy who 
desires to destroy the people of God is vanquished in 
Goliath, Haman, Holofernes, and the Serpent, all only 
types of the victory wrought by the eternal sacrifice of the 
Son of God unceasingly celebrated by the Church on the 
Altar. 

On the completion of the roof paintings in the Sistina, 
Michael Angelo turned again to the tomb of Julius 11, 
apparently by the Pope's orders. Ever since the Summer 
of 1512, Julius IJ. had not disguised from himself the fact 
that his days were drawing to their close.* The great 
difficulty about the tomb consisted in the uncertainty as to 
where it was to be placed, As the Choir of S. Peter's, which 
had just been erected by Bramante, was only temporary, 
it could not be put there. In consequence of this un- 
certainty Michael Angelo had to make several sketches 
for his new design, some complete on all sides, others in- 
tended to stand against a wall.+ 

According to Condivi and Vasari, Michael Angelo’s bio- 
graphers, the isolated plan was as follows. The Chapel 
containing the Pope’s sarcophagus was to be enclosed in a 
marble shell, measuring about 54 fect by 36. The pediment 
was to be covered with symbolical single figures and groups. 
The arts of painting, sculpture, and architecture were to 
be represented by captive figures in order to indicate, so 
Condivi tells us, that they were now, together with the Pope, 
prisoners of death, since they would never again find 
another Pope to encourage and promote them as he had 


* Cf. supra, p. 431. 
+ SPRINGER, 236, 


534 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 


done. Statues of Victory, with the conquered provinces at 
their feet, were to represent Julius IL’s successes in regain 
ing the lost possessions of the States of the Church. 
pediment was to be surmounted by a cornice, above whicl 
was to rise a second storey, bearing four typical figures, two 
‘of them being Moses and S. Paul. Above these again was 
tobe the figure of the Pope sleeping; and borne by two 
angels. The whole work was to measure about 30 feet in 
height, and to contain more than 40 statues, not counting: 
the bas-reliefs on which the principal events in the life of 
Julius 11. were to be portrayed.* 

While Michael Angelo was employed on this work, the 
Pope died. Shortly before his death, on the 19th February, 
1513, Julius had given orders that his tomb should be 
erected in the Sistine Chapel of S, Peter's, where his uncle 


* Conpivi, 35-36. Cf SPRINGER, 231 Sep, 236 seg. On Both lib 
torical and artistic grounds Springer assigns the date of this design to 
the years 1512-1513. He admits (235) that the original plan is am 
known ; he pronounces (f1, 15, ed. 2) the drawing in the Uffizi at 
Florence, Shelf 187, N, 608 (BRAUN, 181; ALINARI, 3688) to be 
tnauthentic. On the other hand, ScHMARSOW in the Jahrb, der Preuss 
Kunstsamml, V., 63 seg endeavours to prove that this drawing is by the 
master’s own band, and Burckhardt, Grimm, and Bode have accepted it 
as such, Schmarsow has also published and exphined another drawing 
‘of the Tomb of Julius 11., which is in the possession of H, A, vom 
Beckerath of Berlin. He thinks that this sketch is the only a 
representation of Michael Angelo’s design for the Tomb of Julius It 
possibly not of the original one, but at any rate of the not less mm 
cent edifice contemplated in 1513. This is the only plan which he 
an adequate support for the majestic captives and the colossal Mases. 
GRIMM, in Geiger’s Quarterly, I, (1886), 49, announces that he agrees 
in most points with Schmarsow’s views, PORTHEIN, ot the other hand, 
in his contributions to the Repert. f. Kunstwissensch, XII. (1889), 149 
on Michael Angelo's works, holds with Springer thatthe Florentine sleeteh 
cannot be from the hand of Michael Angelo, and pronounces that be- 
longing to H. von Beckerath to be “an oki copy of the stnaller 
design” 


: 


MICHAEL ANGELO AND THE POPE'S EXECUTORS, §35 


Sixtus 1V.lay.* He left topoo ducats in his will for the 
monument. On the 6th May, 1513, Michael Angelo con- 
cluded a very detailed agreement with the executors, 
Cardinal Leonardo Grosso della Rovere, and the Protono- 
tary, Lorenzo Pucci, which ie stillextant+ The monument 
was to have three faces, the fourth side was to be against 
the wall, Each face was to contain two tabernacles (niches 
with side pilasters and a cornice) resting on a high base- 
ment. In cach niche there were to be two statues some~ 
what larger than life. Against the twelve pillars dividing 
the niches there were to be statues of the same size, so 
that twenty-four statues would be required for the sub- 
structure alone. Above this was to be the 

with the Pope's statue surrounded by four other figures all 
double life-size, and in addition to these, on the same level, 
six colossal statues seated. Where the structure joined the 
wall, there was to be a Chapel containing five figures which, 
being further from the cyc, were to be still larger than any 
of the others, The spaces between the niches were to be 
filled with reliefs in bronze or marble. 

As this plan considerably exceeded the former one, 
both in size and in importance, the artist was to receive 
16,500 ducats, but the 3500 ducats already paid were to be 
deducted from the sum ; he bound himself to undertake no 
other large work until this was finished, 

During the years from 1513-16 Michael Angelo devoted 
all his powers to this gigantic undertaking. Sculpture was 
his favourite art; he used to say he had imbibed it with 
his mother’s milk, because his grandmother was the wife of 


® Bull Vatic, iL, 369 This authentic document shews that MOmrz 
is in error in stating, Hint. de TArt, TIL, 392, that Julius 11. trad desired 
that his tomb shold be placed ix S. Pletro ie Viacoli. 

+ Printad im Letere di Michelangelo, ed Milacesi, 635 sey. Cf. 
Smumcen, 237 sg. 


| 


536 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 


a stone mason ; and, indeed, as we have seen in the roof of 
the Sistine Chapel, even in painting he always thought as 
a sculptor. 

The masterly statues of thedying youth and the youth in 
fetters (the slaves) which are now in the Louvre, were exe- 
euted during this period Four other statues intended for 
the base of the monuments, gigantic figures of captives 
or conquered warriors, crouching and writhing, and only 
roughly carved, are preserved in the Giardino Boboli at 
Florence (on the left of the entrance). In the National 
Museum in that city, there is also the statue of a victorious 
and triumphant warrior; and that of a vanquished one in 
St. Petersburg-+ 

‘The only one of the statues designed for the upper storey 
that still exists, is the Moses begun in the years 1543-1516, 
while the artist's mind was still possessed and dominated by 
the forms of the Prophets of the Sistine Chapel} This 
world-famed statue, “the triumph of mociaen eet 


* The dying youth is a singularly noble work. One can well ime 
stand Vasari's calling it “cosa diving" From the moment that 
two statues were rescued from their concealment in the French Castle 
they were universally recognised as masterpieces of Michael Angelo's 
genius, Cf SPRINGER, ago seg, | LOBKE, Plastik, 723; MONTZ, Hist, 
de l'Ani, 388 seg. ; Kiaceko, in the Rev. des Deux Mondes, GXEV, 
(18g2), 89t, and especially Grimm, I, 420 sey, ed. 5, The latter says 
that the tender beauty of the dying youth is perhaps more striking than 
the power of the Moses. “When I ask myself which of the sculptor's 
works would you mention first if you were asked to name his fist, T 
should say at once—the dying youth. ‘This figure will bear to be com- 
pared to the very best Greek work in its faultless truth to nature! 
Ling, foc, cit, thinks that both the captives of the Louyre were 
finished during the life-time of Julius L1. 

+ Speincxn, 241 seg.; MONT2, Hist, de I'Art, IIL, 39% See also 
KLACzKO, Florentiner Plaudereien, 42 seg « 

$ Spriwcer, 245 

§ Grin, 1, 419, ed. 5. 


CURTAILMENT OF THE DESIGN, 537 


now adorns the monument of Julius TI. in S. Pietro in 
Vincoli, where at last the tomb was erected, though greatly 
reduced from the dimensions originally contemplated, 

The gradual curtailment of this noble design in which 
Michael Angelo had hoped to have realised all his loftiest 
and grandest conceptions, and the money disputes with 
the Duke of Urbino connected with this, were the occasion 
of such prolonged misery, and such paroxysms of anger 
and disappointment to the artist as to make this tomb the 
tragedy of his whole life. The monument as completed 
corresponds with its original plan as little as [t does with 
the first conception approved by Julius IL. But the magni- 
ficent effect of the statue of Moses compensates for all its 
short-comings.* The aspect in which Moses is here pre~ 
sented is that of the fiery and resolute ruler of Israel, who 
led the stiff-necked nation for forty years through the 
wilderness, who dared the wrath of God for their sakes, and 
in his fury at theiridolatry, dashed the Tables of the Law to 
pieces and commanded 3000 of the rebels to be slain. The 
wise law-giver, the servant of Jehovah, the humble penitent 
confessing himself unworthy to enter the promised land, 
are entirely ignored in this essentially one-sided representa- 
tiont The artist conceives the teacher and captain of the 


* This statue alone, Card. Gonzaga is said to have declared, would 
have been in itself a worthy monument to the great Pope. 

+ MOLITOR, 215, rightly dwells strongly on this, If, as SprINcER, 
244, justly remarks, we accept the statue as it was to have been placed 
in Michael Angelo’s original plan, all the common strictures on what may 
seem a certain uncouthness and exaggeration in the Moses, are seen to 
be unfounded. “Moses was meant to look down upon the spectator 
from above ; he was to have been surrounded by other figures on the 
same scale and of similar character, also seated on square blocks, and in 
their various forms and postures calculated to balance each other, 
Lastly, the right-side was intended to be almost entirely withdrawn from 
sight, the attention was to be attracted to the view of the figure as seen 


538 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 


chosen people exclusively as a man of action like Julius I. 
The head is raised, the brow deeply furrowed, the angry 
eyes are turned sideways towards the left, the whole frame 
almost writhes under the shock of conflicting emotions 
‘The very hairs of the long thick beard, in which the finger 
tips of the right hand, resting on the despised law, are half- 
concealed, seem to quiver, The strong pressure of the 
left hand against the breast seems striving to keep down 
the rising storm. But the forward movenient of the right 
foot and the tension of the left leg drawn backward, are too 
significant ; in another moment the giant will have sprung 
from his seat to wreak his wrath on the backsliders.* 

“ Any one who has once seen this statue will never lose 
the impression. The effect is as of one conscious that he 
holds in his hands the thunderbolts of Omnipotence, and 
waiting to see whether the foes whom he means to destroy 
will venture to attack him.”"+ In fact, Michael Angelo’s 
Moses is the embodiment of the Pope-king who humbled 
Venice, reconquered the States of the Church, and drove 
the French out of Italy. The masterful yehemence and 
almost superhuman energy of Julius TL are admirably 
represented in this Titanic figure; but none the less is it 
also a no Jess faithful transcript of the sculptor's own proud 


from the left” Although this is perfectly true, still it cannot be denied 
that Michnel Angelo in the Moses goes to the extreme limite of 
intensity in expression that nature permits, Gnecorovius, VEIL, 148, 
‘ed. 3, says, “He is not far from the edge of the abyss of monstrosity 
and pseudo-Titanism, in which the followers of the Master #0 soon 
‘became engulfed.” No one but Michael Angelo could safely dare ms be 
dared, no one but he could move freely on the edge of the precipios. Of 
PorTnem in the Repert. f. Kunstwiscensch,, X11, 154. On the pilgrim. 
‘age of the Roman Jews to Moses, see BERLINER, Gesch, & Juden, 
Ih, t, 103. 

* C/, HOPPMANN, Italien, 60-61 ; and LOBKR, Plastik, 727. 

+ Grimm, 1., 428, ed. 5; Cf also Rio, Michel-Ange, 19 sey. 


THE MOSES OF MICHAEL ANGELO. 539 


and unbending character, and impetuous, passionate tem- 
perament. 

Julius IIs colossal monument was never completed, his 
bronze statue was destroyed ; but the indomitable spirit of 
the mighty Pope and the equally kingly soul of the great 
sculptor have been carved into the Moses of Michael 
Angelo. As we gaze upon it we understand the words of 
Ariosto, “ Michel pit che terreno, angel divino.” * 

* Cf. PéRaTE, 544; BROSCH, 276, writes, “ Michael Angelo the greatest 
of modem artists and the noblest character of this Renaissance period, 
has carved the name of Julius II. in imperishable characters on his 
marble, and made it immortal.” 


CHAPTER X. 


RarHAagL IN THE SERVICE OF JuLivs I.—Tue Caweka DELLA 
SEGNATURA AND THE Stanza D’ELIODORO. 


In Michael Angelo’s creations nature found herself outdone 
by art. When she gave Raphael to the world she saw herself 
eclipsed, not only in the artist but also in the man; for he 
combined with the highest intellectual gifts the most win- 
ning grace, industry, beauty, modesty, and a perfect life.* 
With these words Vasari, the father of moder historians 
of art, begins his description of the life of one who will 
ever live in the memory of the world as at once the great- 
est master of Christian Art and a genius of first-rate 
creative power, 

Raphael was endowed by nature with the sweetest of 
dispositions and great personal beauty. Constitutionally, 
he was a true Umbrian, and his early works are pervaded 
by the dreamy calm of the school in which he was reared, 
but unlike Michael Angelo he possessed a singular power of 
absorbing and assimilating the most various external impres- 
sions. His genius did not expand much until he came to 
Florence, where Leonardi da Vinci and Fra Bartolomeo 
exercised a strong influence over him. He arrived in 
Florence in 1504, and the April of 1508 found him still 
working there. In the Autumn of that year, the twenty- 
sixth of his life, he appears in Rome. On the 8th Septem- 
ber, 1508, he writes to his friend the painter, Francesco: 
Francia, to excuse his tardiness in sending him his promised 

* Vasant, ed. Milanesi, 515-316. 


JULIUS I. AND RAPHAEL. 54i 


likeness. “On account of my many and important occu- 
pations," he says, “I was not able sooner to paint it myself, 
fn accordance with our agreement. I could, indeed, have 
got one of my assistants to do it, and sent it off thus; 
but that would not have been becoming, or rather, perhaps, 
it would have been becoming, in order to shew that I do 
not paint aswell as youdo, I beg you not to be hard upon 
me, for you, yourself, must have experienced what it is to 
have lost one’s freedom, and have to serve a master.”* 

The many and important occupations here mentioned 
were the great works in the Vatican with which he had 
been charged by Julius [1+ 

The Pope had left the Appartamento Borgia, in which 
he had spent the first four years of his reign, on the 26th 
November, 1507, in order “ not to be pestered with reminis- 
cences of Alexander VI,}” and established himself in 

* MALvasia, Felsina pittrice, 11., 48 (Bologna, 1678), GUL, 91-93; 
CROWE-CAVALCASELLE, IL, § sey. dispute the correctness of this date, 
but their arguments are not convincing. Sec Frantz, 11,725; MOntz, 
Raphael, 271, ed. 2, and JANITSCHEK in the Lit Centralblatt (1887), 

). O82, 

vee Ndertcags iad rrasta Ud eds Ue Rapid 'Be 
called t© Rome, But RavMont, IIL, 2, 388 (LOT20w in Graph. 
Kiinste, XIII. [1890] 16, is mistaken in ascribing the hypothesis to 
Minghetti), justly observes that probably the Pope’s relations at Urbino 
had quite as much to do with determining him to employ the young 
artist as Bramante’s recommendation, MOntTz, Raphael, 317, thinks 
this is certain. KNACKrUS, 22, conjectures that Julius II. may have 
made acquaintance with Raphael during his three days’ visit to Urbino 
in 1506 (see supra, p. 273). Sec also Frantz, U,, 724 

5 Cf wore, p. 217, PARISDE GRassIS. From this itis clear that before 

the 26th poten a ca nan had, at any mite for a time, inhabited 
Alexander's apartments. It is therefore quite incorrect to say, as 
GRECOROVIUS, VILL, 157, ed. 3, does, that he “had never set foot in 
the Appartamento Borgia.” GrinM, Fiinfrehn Essays, 1V., 275, is 
equally in error, Cnows, 11, 7, writes: ° Julius II. established himself 
in the upper storey of the Vatican Palace on the day of his Coronation, 


i 


a 


$42 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 


another part of the Vatican Palace. He had chosen for 
his future residence a suite of rooms looking out on the 
Cortile di Belvedere, which had been built by Nicholas V. 
These were situated in the vicinity of the same Pope's 
study, which was adorned with Fra Angelico's wonderful 
frescoes. Perhaps this may have led Julius U1. to wish 
to have the adjoining chambers decorated in the same 
manner. These rooms the famous" Stanze” (living rooms) 
are the continuation of a spacious hall, the Sala di Costan- 
tino, which is only lighted from one side. The Stanze, on 
the contrary, have two large windows in each room facing 
each other with marble seats in their bays. In the two 
first rooms these windows are opposite cach other in the 
East (Stanza dell’ Incendio), one is in the corner; thus, the 
bad light, coupled with the intricacies of perspective created 
by the irregular spaces, make the task of the painter an 
extremely difficult one+ The only really suitable surfaces 
for painting are the plain cross vaultings on the ceiling. 
The shape of the rooms is oblong; their proportions are 
simple but dignified. The doors by which the rooms 
communicate with each other are in the corner at the end 
of the long walls, and are not large, so that on these sides 
there is a long free space, scmi-circular at the top, well 
fitted for large historical compositions, while on the short 
side, cut up by the windows, there is little room for any= 
thing. 


26th Nov,, 1507," and thus seems to believe that the Pope was not 
crowned till 1507. Kraus falls into the same error, Camem, 4: 
“Dopo la sua incoronazione (a6th Nov., 1507), Giulio, pur esso, scelse a 
sua dimora queste stanze superior! tnveci dell’ Appartamento Borgia al 
primo piano dove il ricordo di Alessandro VI. Tavrebbe perseguitato" 
Bowe (68) ignores P, de Grassis’ Report, and says that Julius Tf, chose 
the Stanze for his residence in 1503. 

* Pasror, Hist. Popes, 11., 187 seg. (Engl. trans.) 

+ MONTZ, Raphacl, 330, ed. 2. 


ail 


RAPHAEL AND THE STANZE, 343, 


These rooms during the Autumn of 1508 presented a 
busy scene. In the Stanza dell’ Incendio, Perugino was 
painting the four round divisions of the ceiling, filling up 
the interspaces with decorative designs.* In the adjoining 
Camera della Segnatura, Raphael and Sodoma were at work 
together, the latter having undertaken the ornamental 
work on the cciling. In addition to these artists the 
impatient Pope had got Luca Signorelli, Bramantino, Ber- 
nardino Pinturicchio, Suardi, Lorenzo Lotto, and the 
Fleming, Johann Ruysch, all variously occupied in the 
upper storey.{ But this did not last long. In a very 
short time the Pope perceived how completely the works 
of the other artists were eclipsed by Raphael’s magnificent 
paintings in the Camera della Segnatura, and took his 
measures accordingly. The slight mythological pictures 
with which Sodoma had begun to adorn the ceiling were 
countermanded, and his work confined to the purely 
decorative parts; all the serious pictures were given to 
Raphael, and before long Perugino and Pinturicchio were 


* MOwrz, Hist. de VArt, 11, 722. 

+ Mid., Raphnel, 359, ed. 2, severely and justly criticises these 
PAintings of Sodoma's, WICKHOFY, 55, has clearly shewn from the 
Report of Paris de Grassis that Vasari’s often repeated story that 
Jalius 11. had destroyed other frescoes on the walls, in order to clear 
them for Raphael's paintings, is a fable. DE GRASSIS (ed. Déllinger, 
383, expressly says that Julius refused to allow the portrait of Alex- 
ander VI. to be destroyed. Wickhoff justly argues that if the Pope 
‘would not permit the destruction of a fresco containing the portrait of 
his deadliest enemy, he could certainty not have sanctioned that of less 
obnoxious pictures. Nevertheless, KNACK?USS, 40, repeats this invention 
‘of Vasari, On tho payments of Sodoma, sce Arch. St. de Soc, Rom, 
IL, 486. On his paintings, see also Janssen, 76 seq, 486; of CROWE, 
Thy 9-10. 

t Of Crows, I, 9 sey. ; MONr2, Raphael, 325, ed. 2, Particulars 
about Signorelli’s stay in Rome at the close of 1508 are in ViscuER, 


Signorelli, 397, 358. 
ail 


a 


544 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 


also dismissed, The former returned to Perugio; Pintu- 
ricchio went to Siena, and never came back to Rome 
“Hard as this must have been for them they could not 
dispute the justice of the Pope's verdict, who had, indeed, 
fully appreciated the worth of what they had accomplished 
in their best days.’* 

Raphael's paintings in the Camera della Segnatura, 
which the world owes to the appreciative insight of Julius 
IL, are the most famous and the most interesting of all his 
creations. Though faded, and in many ways damaged by 
the ravages of time, they are still the joy of all artists and 
art-lovers As long as ever a trace of them still remains, 
they will draw pilgrims of every nationality to visit this 
shrine of Art. 

The importance of these frescoes is evinced bythoaraaast 
of literature to which they have given rise,t and which will 
continue to increase, for they are as inexhaustible as the 
heavens, in which new stars are being perpetually dis- 
covered, 


* ScHMARSOW, Pinturicchio in Rome, 35-86, further remarks 
“The decision of Julius If, corresponded with the law of historical 
development and the subsequent verdict of history.” On the relations 
between Julius 1, and Raphael Péxaré, 552, justly says: Il le 
conquit & son ceuvre, il Vinspim et Yon peut méme dire qu'il le trans- 
forma, le grandissant et !’échauffant la flamme de son propre génie. 

+ On this dirmaged condition, see PLATTNER, II, 1,318 seg. Taine, 
Vayage en Italic, L, 170 seq speaks in the strongest terms of the 
disappointment with which he beheld the frescoes when he saw them 
for the first time in their present state. On the other hand, Széicsiey, 
Raffacl, 557, says: Their sad condition leads ene doubly to appreciate 
the intellectual grandeur of Raphael's Vatican frescoes, 

t On the explanatory literature, see fafra, My deseription, for 
which I have consulted especially PLAYTNER, IL, 1, 223 sg. 5 PAs 
SAVANT, 1, 139 4¢7,; LOnKH, Ital, Malerei, [1 260 47.5 SPRINGER, 
150 seg,,and BOLE’s Studies, was drawn up before the pictures them. 
selves, and again compared with them in the Spring of 1893. 


THE CAMERA DELLA SEGNATURA, 345 


In the four principal divisions of the stuccoed ceiling, 
which is decorated in the classical style, Raphael painted 
four female allegorical figures in large circular frames, with 
descriptive inscriptions, supplying the clue to the meaning 
of the series of pictures below. These majestic forms, 
enthroned on clouds, are painted in vivid colours, toned 
down by a background of shimmering gold, representing 
mosaic work, 

The science of faith, Theology, comprehends the know- 
ledge of divine things (divinarum rerum notitia), as the 
inseription, borne by angels, announces. The figure of 
Theology seems to have been suggested by Dante's 
Beatrice,* the expression of the face is sweetly serious, 
gentle, and yet full of dignity. The olive crown on the 
head denotes divine wisdom, the floating veil is white, the 
mantle green, the robe red —the colours of the three 
theological virtues, Faith, Hope, and Charity. The two 
principal sources of the science of Theology are Tradi- 
tion and Holy Scripture. She holds the sacred volume 
in her left hand, and points with the other to the large 
picture on the wall in which those to whom Tradition 
and knowledge have been committed are represented 
assembled round the Supreme Mystery and Centre of 
Christian worship. 

The representation of Poctry is even finer. Sweetness, 
sensibility, and enthusiasm are exquisitely combined in 
the expression of the whole figure. In her right hand she 
holds a book, in her left a lyre; her laurel crown indicates 
the fame that waits upon art; her strong wings, her scarf 
strewn with stars, her azure drapery, the thrill of emotion 
which pervades her whole form, denote the imaginative 
faculty, The inspired eyes baffle description ; altogether 

* DanTe, Purgatorio, XXX, 31 sey., 67 seg. 5 Of PLATTNER, I, 
1, 323. 

vol. vr. 2N 


546 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 


as the scroll carried by the cherubs who attend upon her 
declares, the divine afflatus is the breath of her being. 

The next figure, Philosophy, is treated classically and 
with a good deal of symbolism. The side of the marble 
seat on which she is enthroned bears a relief of Diana of 
Ephesus, copied from an antique model, Her robes repre- 
sent the four clements, Air in the upper garment, which is 
blue and sown with stars, the drapery, symbolising Fire, is 
red and embroidered with salamanders, while Water and 
Earth are represented, respectively, by fishes and plants on 
a sea-green and an ochre-brown background. The clasp of 
the diadem which encircles her brow is a carbuncle. She 
holds two large books in her hands, the one entitled 
“ Moralis,” the other “ Naturalis,” moral and natural science, 
while the winged genii on cither side carry tablets with the 
inscription, “ causarum cognitio,” “knowledge of causes” 

‘The fourth figure wears a crown: her sword and scales 
and the winged bey holding a scroll with the inseription 
“Jus suum unicuique tribuit," giving to each his due, leave 
no doubt as to whom she is intended to represent, She 
has four attendants, two of whom are angels. 

In the long pendentives of the vaulting, Raphael painted 
four smaller pictures encircled, like the large ones, with 
richly decorated ornamental frames. In the one adjoining 
Theology, the Fall is represented; it is perhaps the most 
beautiful of all existing presentations of this scene.t Next 
to Poesy is the crowning of Apollo and the flaying of 
Marsyas; the judgment of Solamon illustrates Justice. In 
these three pictures narrative takes the place of symbolism, 
but in the one which accompanies Philosophy, Raphael 
reverts to allegory. It is a female figure waited on by two 


* Aflatm ést numine, Encid, VI, 50. 
+ KVGLER-BUuRCKHARDT, II, sto, Of also BOTINER, Adam und 


Eva in der bildenden Kunst, 60, 


ALLEGORICAL SUBJECTS. 547 


genii carrying books ; she is bending over a globe poised in 
the midst of a starry sphere, to which she points with one 
hand* 

The paintings on the ceilings, being: more out of reach oi 
injury than the wall frescoes, are in better preservation ; 
the two series are closely connected with cach other ; those 
on the walls representing the four great intellectual powers 
as they act upon human life. Theology, unveiling the 
mysteries of revelation, and interpreting the miracles of 
faith; Philosophy, searching out the causes and natures of 
things by the light of reason; Poesy, decking life with 
grace and beauty; Jurisprudence, maintaining social order 
and security. Nothing be more perfect than is the 
artistic presentation of this majestic cycle of the intellectual 
forces in their graduated order, with Theology at the head. 

For the picture in illustration of Justice, Raphael chose 
one of the smaller wall spaces, cut up and curtailed by the 
large window in the middle of it ; it is the simplest of all. 
In the semi-circle over the window the three cardinal 
virtues, Fortitude, Prudence, and Temperance, the in- 
separable companions of Justice, are allegorically repre- 
sented by a charming group of three female figures, “The 
skilful arrangement of the lines in this composition, the 
variety in the forms, the unconstrained grace of the attitudes, 


* The Dusseldorf Professor Mosler (see PASSAVANT, I, 139 s¢9-) 
considers that these pictures have a double connection with the allegori- 
cal figures, and refer to those on both sides of them. The face, placed 
between Theology and Jurisprudence, denotes both Redemption and 
Judgment. ‘The punishment of Marsyas is at once the triumph of Art, 
and, with an allusion 10 DANTE (Parad, 1., 19), a symbol of reyenera- 
tion, The figure contemplating the globe is suggestive of Poetry, as well 
as of Philosophy ; the judgment of Solomon displays Wisdom ns well as 
Justice, KUGI&K-BURCKEARDT, L1,, 560 s67,, also adopt this interpreta 
tion, but it appears somewhat far-fetched. Cy. FORSTER, Raphael, L, 
288. 


a 


548 HISTORY OF THE POPES, 


are an inexhaustible source of delight”* The pictures on 
the two sides of the window portray the institution of Law 
in the State and in the Church, respectively. On the smaller 
left side, the Emperor Justinian, seated on an antique chair, 
hands his Pandects to Trebonius, who is humbly kneeling 
before him. On the right of the window, Gregory 1X, 
whose features are those of Julius [[., gives the Decretals 
to the Advocate of the Consistory, who also knecls to 
receive them No doubt the giving of the Decretals was 
intentionally placed in the ample space and treated with 
greater fulness to shew that the law of the Church ranks 
higher than secular laws. These compositions contain a 
number of admirably characteristic heads.} 

The glories of Poesy are depicted on the opposite wail, 
also broken by a window looking into the Cortile di Belve- 
dere§ Raphael here decided on painting a continuous 


* Loner, IL, 274. 

+ Wicktorr, 50, points out that Raphael takes pains to make his 
meaning clear by representing both ceremonies exactly as they were 
usually described in the introductions to the law books in general use. 

} In the Cardinals surrounding Julius I1,, Vasans, IV. 337, seex 
Giovanni de’ Medici, A. Farnese, and Antonio di Monte ; but the trath 
of this is very doubtful. The fact that the two first-named became 
Popes makes it much more likely that it was an after-thought. 

§ In sphe of its great beaury (¢f Gruvier, Chambres, 125 seg.) this 
fresco in recent times has been much less spoken of than the School of 
Athens or the Disputa, Thas J, SciRoTT has supplied a real want in 
devoting a separate article in the Allg. Zeit. (1884), N. 10, Suppl, tots 
description, of which 1 have availed myself in the text, He defends 
Raphael's representation of Apollo against “one-sided art entices)” and 
in common with PASsAVANT, 1, 146; HL, 13; and Forster, Raphael, 
1, 290 seg. endeavours to explain all the twenty-eight Ggures in the 
picture ; bat still retains uncertain in regard to twelve of them, Wick 
HOFF, 51 s¢7., has excellently pointed out the objections to these attempts 
to explain all Raphacl’s figures. On the figure of Dante, see R10, 1V4 
468, 


i _ 


REPRESENTATION OF POESY. 549 


picture, and ingeniously overcame the difficulty presented 
by the window, by making its circular top support the 
summit of Parnassus from which the sides of the mountain 
naturally sloped downwards. On the height, the youthful 
Apollo sits enthroned in a bower of laurels, surrounded 
with flowers, while the Hippocrene fountain wells up from 
beneath his feet, 

A mere copyist of the antique would have put a lyre 
into Apollo's hands, But this was not Raphael's mind, and 
he has chosen the instrument most in use in his day, the 
viola di braecio (alto), which allows a freer motion to the 
hand, and, at the same time, was better understood by his 
contemporarics,* The muses which are grouped around 
Apollo also depart in many ways from strictly classical 
models, though they are singularly charming and graceful. 
Immediately below them come the great poets crowned 
with laurel; on the left of the God, Homer, “the king of 
noble singers, soaring like an eagle above all his compeers,” 
stands in a blue mantle, his head a little thrown back after 
the manner of blind people, his face glowing with poetic 
inspiration, as he dictates his verses, which a youth at his 
side is transcribing. Behind him is Dante, absorbed in 
introspective thought, while Virgil is trying to draw his 
attention to Apollo's playing. The poetess Sappho desig- 
nated by an inscription on the halfopen roll which she 
holds is also in a prominent place on the left. An aged 


* Raphael has often been blamed for this as an ignorant anachronism. 
‘They have not observed that the figure of Pocay on the ceiling, the 
‘Muses in Parnassus, finally Apollo himself in the School of Athens, and 
the punishment of Marsyas, are all represented with the lyre Other 
painters of the same period, ¢,¢- Pinturicchio and Spagna, introduced the 
violin instead of the lyre. See MOnrz, Raphael, 353-4, ed. 2. It is 
therefore quite unnecessary to suppose with Plattner and Passavant that 
Raphael wished to pay 4 compliment to the celebrated violinist, Giacomo 
Sansecondo (¢f. Cran, Cortegiano, 138, 131). 


550 _ HISTORY OF THE POPES, 


poct on the other side, opposite to her, to whom three 
others are listening admiringly, is supposed to be Pindar, 
The two sitting figures in the foreground are “admirably 
arranged in connection with the architectural lines, #0 as to 
make these latter appear rather to sustain and give effect to 
the fresco than to cramp it. On the other side the painted 
setting of the window is utilised as a support for Sappho’s 
arm, who leans against it.” * 

This fresco has been called the most perfect specimen 
of a genre painting that has ever been produced+ The 
spirit of music pervades the whole composition; one seems 
actually to hear the music of Apollo and the song of 
Homer, and to share with the delighted listeners the spell 
of sound which unites them all in one common sense of 
perfect content. 

The next subject, which fills one of the long side-walls 
under the name of the School of Athens, is of quite a 
different character from that of the blissful company of 
poets assembled on Mount Parnassus} The predominant 
tone of feeling which reigns throughout this imposing 
gathering of so many various schools and masters is that 
of deep seriousness, laborious and indefatigable research. 
The scene also is very different ; instead of the laurel-shaded 
flowery mount of the gods, we have a majestic fane, with a 
nave and transept surmounted by a cupola and approached 
by a broad flight of steps. This temple is dedicated to 


* SPRINGER, 1, 232, ed 2. 

+ Scunorr, see the Essay quoted, rufa, p. 548, note § 

J On this contrast, cf MONTZ, Raphael, 351 seg. ed. 2. ‘The name, 
School of Athens, was first applied tw this picture by the Marquis de 
Seignelay, in his account of his travels in the year 16711 see Gaz. des 
‘Beaus Arts, XIIL., 965. Cf. SPRINGER, Schule von Athen, V.,80. Thare 
used this treatise together with Miillner's for the description given in the 
text; itis the best of everything that has been written om this celebrated 
fresco. For further literature, see #nfra. 


= 


THE SCHOOL OF ATHENS. gsr 


Minerva and Apollo, whose statues adorn the facade, in 
front of which a raised platform in the middle distance runs 
slantwise across the whole picture. 

In the conception of this building, and alsoin the arrange- 
ment of some of the groups, we seem to trace a remi- 
niscence of one of Ghibérti’s reliefs in the Baptistery at 
Florence.* Down the long nave attended by a double 
band of disciples, the two princes of the philosophers, Plato 
and Aristotle, are slowly moving towards the top of the 
steps, on one of which the cynic Diogenes lazily reclines by 
himself, Aristotle is represented as a man in the prime of 
life. He wears an olive-green robe and grey-blue mantle 
and holds his £viics in his hand. Plato is a venerable old 
man with a large and lofty brow and ample white beard ; 
his robe is of a greyish-violet and his mantle red; he holds 
a@ book in his hand on the back of which 7rmeo is written. 
They are occupied in expounding their respective philo- 
sophies; Aristotle is pointing to the earth, Plato to the 
heavens On the right of these two prominent central 
groups are several singularly beautiful isolated figures; 
one a youth writing diligently, another an older scholar 
deep in thought, again close to the edge of the picture an 
old man leaning on a staff, just entering, with a youth 
hurrying after him. 

On the left of the centre Socrates stands with a knot of 
listeners surrounding him (Dialecticians). He is number- 
ing his propositions on his fingers and developing the con- 
sequences. Opposite to him is a handsome youth in full 
armour with a golden helmet, supposed to be Alcibiades.t 


* Ghiberti's relief represents the Queen of Saba’s visit to Solomon. 
‘WICKHOF?, 52, was the first to call attention to its influence on this 
composition of Raphacl. 

+ SPRINGER, Schule von Athen, 98, 

{Im opposition to the prevalent view, MOLLER, 168, considers the 


| 


$52 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 


His features are copied from an antique gem still to be seen 
in Florence, A man by his side is eagerly beckoning to 
three others to join him. The foremost of these seems ex- 
plaining why he is not so eager as his companions to. 

the call; in front of him a youth with an armful oks 
tushes by in such haste that his golden-brown mantle is 
slipping from his shoulders: the connection between the 
group and the foreground is sustained by a number of 
persons assembled round the base of a pillar against which 
a youth is leaning turning over the leaves of a book. In. 
the foreground to the right, not far from the grammarians, 
is an admirably composed group representing the arithme- 
ticians and musicians, An old man (Pythagoras), support- 
ing himself on one knee, is writing diligently, while on his 
left a boy is holding a tablet on which the numbers and 
symbols of the Pythagorean doctrine of harmonies are 
inscribed.* An Asiatic and an aged man with an inkstand 
and pen are standing+ behind and at the side of the 
philosopher, looking into his book over his shoulder, To 
the right of this concentrated circle stands a young man in 
a long white garment embroidered with gold, identified, by 
a not very trustworthy tradition, as Duke Francesco Maria 
della Rovere of Urbino, Before him appears a man in the 
prime of life, one of the most striking personalities ever 
painted by Raphael, eagerly expounding his discoveries and 
views out of a book} The last figure on this side is in 
figure to represent Xenophon, an opinion which Scherer had already 
held in his essay, quoted in the follawing note. 

* Gf Scunex in the Oosterreich, Wochenschrift, I. (1873) 375 
HETTNER, 198 seg, 

+ Perhaps Bocthius Minixnn, 164, thinks the Asiatic philosopher to 
be Averros, who was considered by the Christian votaries of the Reaa 
sane to be an “unbeliever,” ‘This view adds an ideal contrast (01 
artistic one. , 

T SPRINGER 1, 247, ed. 2, The name of this philosopher has been 


" - | 


THE GROUPING OF THE SCHOOL OF ATHENS 553 


strong contrast with him, a philosopher sitting motionless 
on the lowest step, absorbed in thought, with pen in hand 
preparing to write.* 

The group of geometricians and astrologers in the fore 
ground on the right side is perhaps as perfect a repre- 
sentation of the processes of thought and research, reading 
and learning, listening and apprehending, as Raphael has 
ever produced. The mathematician (at one time thought 
to be Archimedes, but now rightly held to be Euclid)t is a 
portrait of Bramante; he is bending low with a circle in 
his hand, over a mathematical figure which he is explaining. 
There is hardly any group in the whole fresco which is 
more dramatic and artistic than that of the four fair-haired 
youths who surround this teacher, The foremost kneels, 
and with the fingers of one hand follows the lines of the 
drawing which he is trying to understand, The second 
youth shews in his eyes and by the movement of his hand 
that light is beginning to dawn on him, The third has 
mastered the problem so that he can now interpret it to 
the fourth, whose face beams with the joy of apprehension. 
“The psychological process by which the mind passes from 
the external sign to its meaning and thence to the internal 
cognition of the object, has never elsewhere been so truth- 
fully and vividly portrayed."; 


the subject of much controversy. Recently MOLLNER, 165 sey, has 
endeavoured to prove that this figure is Parmenides. 

* The original cartoon for the School of Athens in the Ambrosian 
Library at Milan shews that the figure was put in later to fill up the too 
large space on the stop, Passavant, LUake, BoLs, 15, and MOLLNER, 
166, believe this thinker to be Heraclitus the Obscure. 

+ PASSAVANT, I, 159, conjecteres that the tradition that Archimedes 
is represented here, which is not mentioned by Vasari, first arose in 
the time of Paul ILL, from Perino del Vaga’s painting of she murder of 
Archimedes, then executed on the friexe. 

t SPRINGER, L, 245,¢c. 2. Cf VORSTER, 1, 305, Vasari says that 


ee) 


554 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 


Adjoining this group is a King (Ptolemy) with a terres- 
trial globe in his hands and another figure (Zoroaster) with 
his head encircled by a gold band and carrying a celestial 
globe.* At the edge of the fresco, by the side of the 
votaries of the sciences of the earth and heavens, Raphael 
has introduced a likeness of himself, and one of his fellow- 
artist, Sodoma.t+ 

A connecting link between all these groups and the 
central one is formed by two men, the older of whom is 
coming down from the platform, while the younger is 
mounting the steps towards the two greatest teachers. 

Beautiful and interesting as each one of the numerous 
separate groups which make up the picture is in itself, none 
can withdraw our attention for any length of time from the 
splendid figures of Plato and Aristotle which dominate the 
whole composition. The eye involuntarily and constantly 
turns back again to gaze on the two great masters, the 
undisputed princes of the whole Academy. A flood of 
light from the dome above bathes them in its radiance, a 
symbol of the heavenly illumination which was the object 
of all their toil and its well-merited reward} 
the second youth is Federigo Gomaga, whose portrait Raphael had 
also painted by itself for Isabella d’Este, See Luzic, F, Gonzaga, 
datncettag to VAsARI, Zoroaster is a portrait of Bald. Castiglione. 

+ The carlier explanation of this man as Peruging. if certainly fa- 
correct, a8 a glance at Perugino’s likeness painted by himself in the 
Cambio in Perugia is enough to prove, Larwotimer, Die Werke 
Ttalienischer Meister in den Galerien yon Minchen, Dresden, und 
Berlin (1880), p. 472, thinks Sodoma more likely, This interpretation 
is not without its difficulties also (see SPRINGER, Schule von Athen, 97), 
but it seems the most probable, Cf K. BRUN, in the Gétt, Gel. Ana, 
(1882), 1, 542 seg. 

{ MULLWER, 176 Here also iy an excellent appreciation of Louis 
Jacoby's admirable engraving, the appearance of which in 188% con- 
stitutes an era in the history of copper-plate printing in modern times. 


rm 


a 


INTERPRETATION OF THE FRESCO. 555 


Perhaps no other work of art in existence has called forth 
so many various and conflicting interpretations as has the 
School of Athens, There are almost as many opinions as 
there are figures in the picture in which the artist strove 
to depict both the loftiest aspirations and the multiform 
vagaries of the human mind. Critics tried to put a 
name to each, and lost themselves in futile individu- 
alisations The only way to arrive at a satisfactory 
solution is to look at the composition as a whole, and in 
the light of the general point of view of the time. If this 
is done the fundamental idea becomes clear at once. 
Raphael intended to portray the efforts of the human 
mind to discover and scientifically apprehend its own 
highest object and final cause by the light of reason.* The 


C/. Graphische Kunste, V., 104 seg. ‘The fresco itself has been so much 
damaged that Jacoby had to go back to the original sketches, 

* See MULLNER, 158, and BOLE, Kafsel’s Wandgemilde die Philo- 
sophie, 2, and VON LILIENCRON in the Allg. Zeit. (1883) N, 309-310, 
Suppl., who in the main agree with Miillner. The engraving of G. 
Ghisi, executed in 1550, had spread abroad the mistaken notion that 
the fresco represented the preaching of S. Paul at Athens. As carly 
‘5 the year 169 this interpretation which fell in with the tendency 
‘of the Catholic restoration of that day, and had been hinted by Vasari, 
was proved by Bellori to be untenable, Nevertheless H. Grin, 
im 1864, took it up and defended it strenuously in his Funfechn 
Essays, 3 Folge, p. 6r sg. (Berlin, 1882}, and in his Leben Raphacis, 
287 seq, ed. 2 (Berlin, 886); but he has found very few supporters 
(as far as 1 know WoLz0cEN, 59 s#g., is the only one). The best 
scholars have all pronounced against this view. See WOLTMANN, IL, 
643, 794; Mixouterrs, Rafinello, 114 = also, more recently, Koorman 
in Latzow’s Zeitschrift, XX1., 266 sey., and especially KRavs, Camera 
della Segnatura, 25 seg. Kraus has so completely refuted Grimm 
that his hypothesis may be considered dead. Up to the present 
day competent critics continue completely at variance with each 
other, both as to the identification of many of the figures, and the 
sources from which Raphael derived his knowledge of ancient philo- 
sophies. Fora Jong time the names given by Vasari and Bellori were 


| 
mm | 


stand of OMer opinions (XRAU #ccla 
though he has not got hold of the kemel of 
rendered specially good vervice by the Tong list 


which he gives to shew the absurdity of the: 
figure, (GRuvER, 86, had already pro 
observes, p. 88, “It is quite clear that all these n 
into the picture, and not gathered from it, For 
most of the figures the artist gives no clue’ 


and there is no doubt about them ; but an an 
trace of anything bke a connected representation 








‘THE PURPOSE OF RAPHAEL. 557 


and from the points of view of his own age. It is possible, 
and most probable, that he discussed the subject with his 


his contemporaries in regard to the value and significance of science and 
learning, The best account of them is, he thinks, to be found in the 
‘works of Marsilio Ficino and Sadolet, and he looks upon the composi= 
ion as an embodiment of their views. “ With them Raphael looked 
upon the place in which the sages of the world assembled as sacred 
edifice ; for him, as for ther, all philosophical knowledge was built up 
from the foundation of the seven liberal arts, and Plato and Aristotle 
‘were the two princes of the whole company of the wise. In the School of 
Athens the representation of the liberal arts is the warp, and the ideali- 
sation of the Greek philosophers the woof of the composition” (p98) 
RICHTER (Schule von Athen, Heidelberg, 1882), had already shewn 
that the scheme of the School of Athens was founded on the seven 
fiberal arts, and Liliencron, Bole, and Miillner supported this view, Bole 
and Miillner think that the picture is also meant to be a historical repre- 
sentation of ancient philosophy, and dey renew the attempt to find 
suitable names for the sepamte figures. MUllner holds out hopes of a 


caselle have contributed nothing new. Miintz agrees in the main with 
Springer, as also Kraus in many points, According to the latter, the 
connecting link between the School of Athens and the other frescoes is to 
be found in the words of Pico della Mirandola ; Philosophia veritatem 
quaerst, theologia invenit, religio possidet. Kraus lays great stress on 
the influence of Marsilio Ficina. He goes so far as to say: E forse 
ancora pili preciso il dire che I’ intero concetto, I’ intera Camem della 
‘Segnarura si trowa gid in Marsilio, Wickhoff, on the other hand, 
sharply contests this. “The history of Greck philosophy is supposed to 
be represented by the position and grouping of tho figures ; but who at 
that time cared for the history of Greck philosophy? ‘The temple and 
the steps leading up to it are mid to have been suggested by an obscure 
passage in Marsiio Ficing, a philosophist of the earlier humanistic 
period, But in those days who read Marsilio? Atall times nothing is 
so antipathetic to the ate of any period as the fashionable writings of 
the beaux esprits of the preceding generation. In the architectural 
framework of the picture there is a reminiscence of Florentine art." 
(See supra, p. 551.) Out of all the suggested names WICKHOFY only 
accepts thore of Plato, Aristotle, Ptolemy, Socrates, Hoethius, Euclid, and 





aT 


558 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 


leamed friends, especially with Sadolet, and ‘that he was 
influenced by the works of Marsilio Ficino, and also by 
Dante and Petrarch, But, y, there can little 
doubt that his ideas of the yaaa d 
of ancient philosophy came from Urbino In some 
particulars, as ‘in giving the highest place to Plato, he 
adopted the point of view of the Renaissance, but in the 
main he retained the medieval conception. In ral 
knowledge that can possibly be attained by the ht 

tellect through the experience of the senses and the 
thought, is comprised in the seven liberal arts (artes 
Hiberales), Grammar, Rhetoric and Logic (Dialecties) the 
so-called Trivium; and Music, Arithmetic, Geometry, and 
Astronomy —the Quadrivium. Raphael's composition is 
entirely founded on the idea of Philosophy ® as the sum 
of the seven liberal arts. 

Plato and Aristotle represent the highest achievements 
of the human intellect in its efforts to understand and 
know the substance of all things; truth came to them in 
flashes like lightning at night; but although these in- 
tellectual athletes accomplished as much as it is given to 
the natural powers of man to work out, they could not 
obtain to the full possession of the highest truth. On one 
point all the great thinkers of antiquity, and even Plato, 
the philosopher of immortality, were at fault; they had no. 
true conception of sin, of the nature and origin of evil. 
Thus, Greek philosophy was powerless to heal the deadly 
Diogenes. “The others, what Dante calls the philosophic family, either 
‘have no names or are exquisitely artistic personifications of the various 
processes of teaching, apprehending, imparting, etc.” (p. §3) “The 
writer then goes on to expound his new view of the purpose for which 
the Camera della Segnatura was destined, which we shall have to 
mention later, connecting it with these remarks, 

* See Richter, Springer, Liliencron and Milner, aapnm p 355, 
note * as quoted, 





THEOLOGY AND PHILOSOPIIY, 559 


wound of the ancient world.* “ Philosophy,” says Vincent 
de Beauvais in his great Encyclopedia, “can work the way 
up to a natural theology, but not to the true science of 
theology. That could only come from revelation in the 
Bible and, through its interpreters, the great theological 
teachers."+ This distinction between the realms of natural 
and supernatural theology is to be found in all the great 
Catholic thinkers, Thus Dante makes Beatrice say that 
the difference between human knowledge and Divine faith 
is as great as the distance between heaven and earth.t 
Therefore, Raphael chose the highest object of super- 
natural lore for the subject of his fresco on the opposite 
wall to the School of Athens, which represents the triumphs 
of human reason. But it must not be supposed that either 
the immortal masters of medieval theology, or Dante, the 
greatest of Christian pocts, or Raphacl, the most gifted of 
Christian artists, were conscious of any opposition between 
Theology and Philosophy.§ As the Church grew to realise 
her plenary and imperishable possession of revealed truth 
through Christianity, her early Fathers and Doctors quickly 
understood that the wisdom of the Greeks was far more 
her heritage than that of the heathen, and was to be em- 
ployed in the service and thus became itself purified and 
clevated to a far higher dignity. The scholastics continued 
to build in the same spirit on the foundations laid by the 
Fathers, and thus that system of Christian and Catholic 
science grew up, of which S. Thomas Aquinas and 
* This is admimbly demonstrated in DOLLNCER’S claszical work, 
Heidenthum und Judenthum, 266 sey, 292 se, Got seg, 730 sep. 


Regensburg, 1857. 

+ Speculum docteinale, {1,, ¢ xix, quoted by Li.mincRON, Jor. city 
of. S, THOMAS AQUINAS, Summa, p. 1, q. f, art. 2. 

T Danta, Purgat,, xxxim, 87. 

§ In regard to Dante, see HETTINGER, Die Gottliche Komidie, roo, 
ed. 2. Freiburg, 1889, 





| 


560 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 


S. Bonaventure are the noblest representatives. “This 
science was Catholic in the fullest sense of the word, not 
only because it was moulded on, and guided by Divine 
truth, infallibly preserved and pinapandicdsie 5: 
but because it gathered to itself the legitimate and stable 

conquests of research in all ages, because it was common to 
all nations in communion with the Church, and because it 
aimed at the union of all truth, natural snd supernatant 
one perfect science.”* 

In the fourth great fresco, Raphael itsly ata 
attempting to depict all or even the principal mysteries and 
miracles unveiled by revelation and confined himself to oné, 
the mystery of mysteries and supreme miracle ofall. 

The name “Disputa del Sacramento” given to this picture, 
“which affects the spectator almost like a heavenly vision," 
and was Raphael's first great work in Rome, has been 
rather an obstacle than a help to the understanding of its 
purport.t There is no strife or disputation here; on the 
contrary heaven and earth unite together iat 


* Thave taken the passage from the admirable address on the past 
achievements and present task of Catholic Science delivered 
friend, Domdekan HetnxicH, on Whit Tuesday, 1876, at ta 
M., at the first goneral meeting of the G8rres Society, It is printed in 
the Annual Report of the Association for 1876, p. 2. Koln, 1377, 

+ Crown-CavALCASELLE, LL, 29 

{ Mowrz, Raphael, 330 rightly observes ; En Italien le mot Diigtade 
a le sens de discussion aussi bien que celui de contestation ; we may add 
that the original sense of dispuéatio in ecclesiastical terminology is also 
déseursus, Nevertheless, the name is unfortunate, because it at ence 
suggests the idea of dispute or strife to any non-Italan. HAGEN, 140 
¥e7., has some very good remarks on this name, From a technical polar 
of view, the School of Athens is a better picture than the Disputa, which 
was painted earlier, Cf, PASSAVANT, L, 163; IL, 96; se® also Rro, 
TV., 463-464, 466. In his work, Michel-Ange et Raphael, 13% Rio 
agrees with F, Schlegel, in considering the Disputa as the greatest of 
Raphael's works. 


4 & = | 


THE DISPUTA DEL SACRAMENTO. 56 


praising the miracle of miracles, the supreme pledge of His 
love bestowed on man by the Saviour of the World. The 
spectator seems to hear the solemn strains of the Tansum 
ergo breathing as it were out of the picture itself* 

+ The picture has nothing whatever to do with any sort of controversy 
in regard to the Blessed Sacrament, and it is therefore really deplorable 
to find the engraving of the Disputa in ResER-BAYERDORYFER’S 
“Classischer Bilderschat:” entitled : “Der Wortwechsel—La Disputa,” 
It cannot be determined with certainty when the name Disputa first came 
into use. I find it employed in an old guide of the year 1739, (De- 
scrizione di Roma, 60 (Roma, 1739}.) The word is to be found in 
‘Vasari, but not exactly in the description of the picture, He says! 
“Fece in un’ altra parete un cielo con Cristo ¢ la Nostm Donna, 5, 
Giovanni Battista, gli Apostoli e gli Evangelisti e Martiri sulle nuvole 
con Dio Padre che sopra tutti manda fo Spirito Santo, e massinumente 
‘sopra tin numero infinito di Santi che sotto scrivono Is messa ¢ sopra 
Yostia, che & suil’ altare, disputano.” ‘The rest of the description is unin 
teresting, like all Vasari’s it is wken froma print. Tn the passage quoted, 
the chief emphasis is laid on the outpouring of the Holy Spirit on the 
‘band of Saints. What was said about the writing of the mass was overs 
looked; attention was concentrated on the " disputano” which gradually 
Jost its original sense of “interchange of opinions” (demonstrating, 
drawing inferences), and came to be translated as “contention.” The 
change in the prevailing taste in Art which soon diverted general interest 
from this picture is probably the cause which led to its true meaning 
being 20 quickly forgotten. It is significant of this change that the Par- 
nasius should be the only picture mentioned by Jovrus in his Life of 
Raphael, when spenkiny of the Camem della Segnatur, Later travellers 
(Aldroandi, 1362; Schrader, 1592) ignore Raphael entirely. (MONTZ, 
‘Les Historiens, 26.) M. pk Monratorre, who visited Rome in the reign 
of Gregory XIIL, equally does not mention him in his Journal de Voyage, 
nor yet ZEILLRR, in his well-known Travels in the year 1640. SCHOTT, 
Itiner. Italine (Antwerpiac, 1600), mentions only the Sala di Costantino, 
‘At was not till the end of the 17th Century that Bellori (of. MONTz, 
doe, eff, 26,77) made an attempt, though not a very intelligent one, to 
give a detailed description of Raphael's frescoes in the Vatican, VENUTI 
again, Descrizione di Roma Modema, 1V., 1191 (Roma, 1767), only 
speaks of the Parnassus and the School of Athens, and says not a word 
of the Disputa, J, G. KEVSSLER, Neueste Reisen (new ed. by G. Schiitze, 

VOL. VI. 20 


THE TANTUM ERGO. 563 


Genitori genitoque 
Laus et jubilatio 
Salus, honor, virtus quoque 

Sit et benedictio ; ‘ 
von Keller's admirable engraving of the Disputa in 1857 led toa revival 
‘of interest in the picture. (Frederick William IV, bought the drawing; 
the plate with all the copies still remaining, partly the property of Keller, 
‘was destroyed when the Academy in Diisseldorf was bumt down in the 
year 1872, When Keller saw the plate, “the fruit of ten years of toil,” 
as it was recovered from the-mass of rubbish, curled up and perfectly 
useless, this, “the saddest moment of his life," shewed how deeply im- 
bued he was with Christinn feeling ; he merely exelaimed, “may the will 
‘of God be praised.") Inspired by this engraving, the somewhat mercurial 
theologian, J. W. J. BRaux, wrote an original dissertation on the Dispute 
(Diisseldorf, 1859), in which he gave free vent to his love of conjecture. 
(Gf Kathol. Literaturzeitung, VI, 59 seg.) This roused SPRINGKE to 
publish, first in a brochure (Bonn, 1860) and then in his larger wark on 
Raphael and Michael Angelo, an excellent historical treatise on the whole 
subject. In this work he rejects the theological interpretation, Hagin 
in 1860 wrote a remarkable essay primarily directed against Braun, but 
also controverting Springer’s views (p, 125 zy.) In it be justly points 
out (pp. 127, 139) that Raphael had the prayers of the mass in his mind, 
in which he is in accordance with Monsignor Schneider, who will be cited 
further om. HACEN, 128, declares the main idea in the picture to be 
“the communion between earth and heaven established by the revelation 
of the Sacrament of the Altar.” F. X. KRavs was the first to state the 
‘theological interpretation from a Catholic point of view in his able, but 
‘unfortunately toolittle known, treatise, La Camera della Segnatura, where, 
p. 41, the sacrificial clement is explained, BOLE in his Meisterwerke, 
67-81, has also, more recently, dealt with the subject from the point of 
view of a Cutholic theologian. G, Cozza-Luzi's paper, Il Duomo di 
Orvieto ¢ Raffaclo Sanzio nel Trionfo Eucharistico, Lettura inaugurale 
all’ Accademia Orvietana, * La Nuova Fenice" (Milano, 1890), is rather 
rhetorical, G. Grima in his Leben Raphaels, 315, gives the following 
‘explanation. “From the moment we understand that the picture repre- 
sents not a dispute, but the cessation of all disputes on the subject of the 
picture by the revelation which sifences controversy, we see that all the 
many Meanings introduced into it are quite superfluous, It is a moment 
of overpowering amazement,” etc, 1 considerthis interpretation, which is 





THE HEAVENLY PARADISE. 565 


below Him, in the actual centre of the heavens, is the 
glorified form of the only begotten Son (Rer gloriae)* 
Perhaps this is the most beautiful representation of the 
Saviour that has ever been created. He is enthroned on 
clouds filled with angel-faces. His divinity beams forth 
in a golden halo melting into a semi-circle of blue sky 
out of which cherubs are looking down. His head is 
slightly bent and the wounded hands are stretched forth 
graciously and lovingly, inviting all men to His banquet 
His shining garment leaves the wound in His side un- 
covered. On His left hand, S. John the Baptist sits 
pointing to the “Lamb of God who taketh away the sins 
of the world,” on the right, His Blessed Mother bends ador- 
ingly towards him with folded hands pressed to her bosom. 

The “patricians of this most just and pious empire,” 
as Dante calls them, are ranged in a semi-circle spread 
underneath and stretching upwards to embrace the two 
sides of the central group. They, too, are enthroned 
on a cloud from which angel faces look out, “For the 
grouping of the Divine Persons, Raphael went back to 
the traditional type, but the arrangement of these figures 
is all his own and is admirable for its perfect proportions 


* Cf KRAva, Camera della Segnatars, 37. 

+ Cf Overnwck’s Leben von Binder, I., 145 seg., and Bonk, Melster- 
werke der Malerei, 69. In a letter, which has only come to light quite 
recently, from Overbeck to his father, written in 1810, he says of the 
‘Dispara: “What a heaven opens upon one the moment one enters. 
‘The first thing that strikes the oye is the Majosty of God and His only 
Degotten Son, full of grace and truth ; it is really impossible te conceive 
anything more sublime than the glory in the Disputa. With Stephen 
‘one sees Heaven opened, and falls into a trance, Below are all the 
Saints so full of love and faith ; in short, this picture iy the reflection of 
Raphael's bexutiful saindy soul; one must indeed be a saint oneself to 
‘be able to paint sanctity like that.” Allg. Conservative Monatschrift 
(3887), 11, 1243, 


am 


THE SERIES OF THE ELECT, 567 


Colui, che da sinistra le s'aggiusta, 
El Padre, per lo cui ardito gusto, 
L'umana specie tanto amaro gusta, 
Dal destro vedi quel Padre vetusto 
Di Santa Chiesa, a cui Cristo le chiavi 
Raccomand® di questo fior venusto.* 


Close to, and strongly contrasting with the mighty 
ancestor of the human race, is the gentle and youthful form 
of S. John, who is writing his Gospel. David by his side, 
with crown and harp, is reading in the book the history 
which fulfilled his Old Testament prophecies, Next comes 
S. Lawrence, the joyous and heroic martyr-deacon; he 
wears a golden star on his breast and points to the 
theologians assembled below, round the Blessed Sacra- 
ment+ Turning towards him is a figure, probably 
Jeremins, which is almost hidden by the central group and 
thus indicates that the circle behind it is unbroken} 

On the right side, the series begins with the other 


. ‘Those highest in bliss, 
The twain, on each hand next our Emypress throned, 
Are as it were two roots unto this rose. 
He to the left, the parent, whose rash taste 
Proves bitter to his seed ; and on the right, 
‘That ancient facher of the Holy Church, 
Into whose keeping Christ did give the keys 
‘Of this sweet flower, 
—Dante, Parad. xxxn, 113-126 


+ HAGEN, 139, and others look upon this 6gure pointing downwards as 
‘S, Stephen, and place S, Lawrence on the opposite side. 1 think them 
wrong, as it seems to me that the palm in che hand of the fyure on the 
wright sicle clearly indicates the first martyr. 

T SyMINGEE, Rafhcls Disp (1860), was the first to suggest this 
name, and nearly all modern writers down to BOLE, 71, have accepted it, 
PALAARD thinks it is meant for S. Martin of Tours. See Chron, des 
Arts (1876), 328-329. 


‘THE CHURCH ON EARTH, 569 


heroes of the old Covenant in the dress of a warrior, 
probably Judas Machabeus.* 

The relation between the Heavenly Paradise and the 
Church on earth is symbolised by the descending Dove,the 
Holy Ghost, attended by four cherubs, cach of whom carries 
an open Gospel in his hands, The divinity of the Holy 
Ghost is indicated by the halo which surrounds the Dove; 
the graces He bestows by the golden beams which radiate 
from its body. The undermost rays are prolonged to lead 
the eye to the monstrance with the Sacred Host, Christ 
in the Eucharist, the end and crown of all theological 
science. 

A wide stretch of open country forms the background of 
the lower part of the picture. To the right in the plain are 
the massive remains of an ancient building. On an emi- 
nence to the left somewhat further off, workmen are busy 
on an extensive edifice which is in course of construction-F 

In the foreground of the picture a balustrade on each 
side corresponds with the two buildings which flank the 
landscape in the background, The middle is left free so as 
to concentrate the attention on the central point, towards 
which all the figures below turn, and on which the golden 
rays from the symbolical Dove descend. 


* The earlier interpretation which made the figure S, George the 
patron Saint of Liguria, has been given up by almest every one since 
Springer suggested Judas Machabseus, except PLATINER, IL, 1, 327, 
who stil! holds to it, FORSTER, Raphael, L, 279, calls it Josue, 

+ The meaning of this building has been much disputed, It is very 
generally supposed. to represent the new S. Peter's, Sew Grima, Raphael, 
318 seg, and Fiinfeehn Essays, 1V., 278 reg. ; Chows, II, 22 seg. 31; 
‘Kraus, Camera della Segnatura, 41; and FRANTZ, Il, 727. BOLE, 
Meisterwerke, 72, following MoLrtox, Rom, 261, thinks the ruin on the 
right is meant as a symbol of heathenism, and the new building on the 
left, of Christian Theology, which will for ever be receiving new ad- 
ditions, HAGEN, 142, gives yet another interpretation. 


THE FATHERS OF THE LATIN CHURCH. g7t 


On three sides broad steps lead up to the altar, and thus: 
facilitate a natural and varied arrangement of the groups 
and figures comprised in this happy company, to whom it 
bas been granted to draw near to the Holiest, the source of 
all enlightenment and knowledge. On the twosides of the 
altar are stationed the four greatest Fathers of the Western 
Church; on the left, S, Jerome and S. Gregory I.; on the 
right, S. Ambrose and S. Augustine. They are seated to 
denote their office as teachers, while all the other saints are 
standing,* S. Jerome is in the dress of a Cardinal, the lion 
is at his feet, by his side his letters and translation of the 
Bible, on his knee a book in which he is reading with an 
expression of strenuous attention on his face. An aged 
Bishop, standing close against the altar in a green cope 
embroidered with gold, is turning towards him, and with a 
countenance beaming with trust and faith, stretches out 
both hands towards the monstrance Next to S. Jerome, 
$, Gregory the Great, in full pontificals, is seated on an 
antique Roman episcopal chair; he appears to have been 
reading, but now turns from his book to gaze with a wistful 
expression on the symbol of the Holy Ghost, which Paul 
the Deacon once saw floating over this saint's head. 

On the right side, close to the altar, an old man, ina 


* BOLE, Meisterwerke, 74. 

+ According to WiCKHOF?, 51-2, the artist intentionally abstained 
from individualising this and many of the other figures.“ He does not 
wish to distract the attention of the spectator by any biographical 
associations. The office of the chorus is to illustrate the thoughts and 
feelings of the principal personages. They contemplate them, they 
address them, they converse upon what they have heard, they im- 
porsonate intelligent sympathy in all its forms.” BOLE, Meisterwerke, 
73 S07, takes the opposite view and looks for names ; he thinks the two 
figures standing immediately next the altar, are S. Ignatius of Antioch 
and S, Justi, BRAUN, Raffhels Disputa (1859), had alzeady proposed 
‘these names. 





| 


572 HISTORY OF THE POPES, 


philosopher's robe of a blue colour, not specially designated 
in any way, stands turning towards S. Ambrose and point- 
ing with his right hand to heaven, The Saint is looking 
upwards, his hands raised in adoring wonder, and his lips 
parted as though just beginning to intone his hymn of praise. 
Next to him is the noble figure of S. Augustine, the favourite 
author of the Christian humanists, dictating his confessions 
toa kneeling youth ;* his best leown rorya tee 
God," lies at his feet. 

To the right of SS. ‘Arsbeoen. ob :A Re ane REESE 
episcopal dress, stand S. Thomas Aquinas and two 
prominent figures, one a Pope, the other a Cardinal. The 
first of these is probably Innocent ILL, the author of the 
well-known works on the Holy Mass; + while the Cardinal, 
who wears the Franciscan habit, is undoubtedly S. Bona~ 
venture the Seraphic Doctor, Another Pope, in a robe of 
gold brocade, stands at the foot of the altar-step. His 
features are those of Sixtus [V., Julius Il’s uncle. The 
books in his hand and at his fect shew that he was a 
voluminous writer} Behind Sixtus IV. the head of Dante 
appears crowned with a wreath of laurels.§ 

* Cf Pastor, Hist. Popes, IT, 24 (Engl trans), 

+ KRavy, Camera della Segnatura, 40, 

{ Bonn, Meisterwerke, 76, still holds to the earlier view which made 
this figure Innocent IIL, but this is certainly incorrect. WICKHOFF, 54 
has no doubt that it is meant for Sixtus IV. In another place, 64, be 
remarks : “There is a very human touch of nature in Julius 11's com- 
memoration of his uncle in the Stanza della Segnatura, but it is abo 
characteristic of his lofty aims that he puts forward the intellectual 
‘services of his fhmily as their tide to distinction” Tt was a happy 
thought to place Sixtus TV. close to the Dominican S. Thomas and the 
Franciscan $, Bonaventure, when we recall that one of his works was a 
treatise in which he strove to appease the controversy between the 190 
orders, See Pastor, Hist. Popes, IV. 209 (Rog trans.) Ss 

§ Some think that the head which is visible just behind Dante's is 
meant for Sayonarola, 1 cannot, however, see any resemblance to the 


al 


THE HYMN OF S THOMAS. 573 


On the extreme right side of the fresco there are a con: 
siderable number of figures, the foremost of whom is leaning 
over the balustrade with eyes fixed on the altar. Another 
man with a beard, in a yellow tunic and blue mantle, 
evidently a philosopher, points to Sixtus IV., as to an 
accredited exponent of the mystery, 

Adoro te devote, latens Deitas 
Quée sub his figuris vere latitas, 
‘Tibi se cor meum totum subjicit, 
Quia te contemplans totum deficit. 
Visus, tactus, gustus, in te fallitur, 
‘Sed auditu solo tuto creditur ; 
Credo quidquid dixit Dei Filius: 
Nil hoc veritatis verbo verius. 


Plagas, sicut Thomas, non intueor. 
Deum tamen meum te confiteor, 

Fac me tibi semper magis credere 

Tn te spem habere, te diligere. 

Jesu, quem velatum nune adspicio, 
Oro, fiat illud, quod tam sitio, 

‘Ur, te revelata cernens facie, 

‘Visi sim beatus tnae glorie.* Amen. 


well-known portraits of the great preacher, whose features were, of course, 
quite familiar to Raphael, 
* O Godhead hid, devoutly I adore Thee 

‘Who tnily art within the forms before me; 

To Thee my heart I bow with bended knee, 

As failing quite in contemplating Thee, 

Sight, touch, and taste in Thee are each deceived ; 

‘The ear alone most safely is believed : 

1 believe all the Son of God has spoken, 

‘Than truth’s own word there is no truer token. 

‘Thy wounds, as Thomas saw, do not see ; 

Yet Thee confess my Lord and God to be, 

‘Make me believe Thee ever more and tore; 

In Thee my hope, in ‘Thee my love to store, 


THE MYSTERY OF THE HOLY EUCHARIST. 575 


the highest study of doctors and theologians, it is also 
the inspiration of pocts and artists; it is the focus of 
Christian life, the food and the strength of all Christian 
souls. 

“Here we have not a commemoration of Christ, we 
have Christ Himself. What we are here adoring is not 
one of the mysteries of His life, it is the sum of all these 
mysteries, the God-man Himself, the crown, the con- 
summation and the corner stone of all his illuminating, 
grace-bestowing and redemptive work; it is the source 
of all graces, a sea of graces, the way to glory, and glory 
itself, All the treasures of nature and creation, all the 
miracles of grace and redemption, all the glories of 
heaven meet in this Sacrament, the centre of the uni- 
verse.” “It is from here that those streams of grace 
flow East, West, North and South, which fertilise the 
whole realm of the Church; this is the source from 
which beams the sevenfold radiance of the Sacraments 
All the virtues blossom around this spring of grace, all 
creatures draw the waters of salvation from this well, 
This is the living heart whose pulsations give life to the 
Church, here heaven touches earth which has become 
the dwelling place of God."* 

But the Holy Eucharist is also a Sacrifice;+ the artist 
has marked this aspect of it by shewing the glorified 
Saviour with His wounds in heaven immediately above 
the Sacred Host. Without both the Sacrament and 
the Sacrifice the life of the Church would perish; with- 
out the mysteries of Faith, theology would lose all its 


* Hermincen, Apologie, IL, 2, 235, 191. 

+ Mid. 237 sez and Rio, Michel-Ange ct Raphael, 132; DaxDoLo 
Secolo di Leone X,, 1, 210 (Milano, 1861); Cerrott, Le pitture delle 
Stanze Vaticane, 39 (Roms, 1369), and Virer, Etude sur PHistoire 
de VAxt, 3° partic, p. 51. 


d 











He 


i 








seen as He is, onc and the same C 
today. The identity of the glorified 
on carth and in heaven is the link v 
* Herrincur, fo eff, M., 2, 236 271. 


a 


FAITH AND SIGHT, 377 


parts of the picture into one whole."* Below we have 
faith, above, sight. 


* For the remarks quoted in the text, f am indebted to my friend 
Monsignor Schaeider, Canon of the Cathedral of Mayence, He 
writes to me as follows: “The idea of a close connection between thit 
world and that beyond the vell was by no means peculiar to Raphael 
and those who inspired him. It belongs to the iconology of the later 
mediveyal times, and on the other side of the Alps asserts itself strongly 
in Flemish Art as, for exainple, in the altarpieces in Ghent of the 
brothers Van Eyck, ‘This feature is most prominent in the picture in 
the museum at Madrid generally called “The Fountain of Life,” but 
better, perhaps, “The Mystic Spring,” and is not obscured by the 
division between beliernr> end unbelievers. This altar-piece belongs to 
the school of Van Eyck; «y; SCUNINDER, Alte und neue Welt (1877), 
No. 31, p. 488. The division of Flemish altarpieces into an ascending 
series of stages forming one whole, corresponds with the plan of the 
medieval popular drama and the reat later mediveval festal mysteries. 
‘This has been clearly proved by Dr, P. Wanee, Geistliches Schauspiel 
und Kirchliche Kunst, 143 (Stuttgart, 1894). Raphael's arrangement in 
the Disputa is obviously on the same lines ; the only question is, whether 
be was following the traditions of Italian Art on the stage and in 
representation, or was influenced by northem ideas, especially by Flemish 
and Burgundian Art. There was no lack of personal intercourse between 
the Netherlands and the Roman Court, and there are plenty of instances 
to shew that Flemish and Burgundian Art exercised considerable 
influence in artistic circles in Italy. It is quite possible that pictures of 
the Blessed Sacrament of the school of Van Eyck were known and 
admired in the Vatican, and may have suggested the arrangement of the 
Disputa to Raphael, At any rate from the point of view of Art, it 
clearly belongs to the mystical and symbolical school of the Middle 
Ages, and thie’ corroborates the view that its meaning is to be sought in 
the mystical theology of the scholastics Fra Bartolomeo’s masterly 
picture in the Uffizi at Florence, is painted on the same lines as the 
Disputa, though in a more concise form. He represents the symbol of 
the Eucharistic sacrifice, the Chalice and Paten over the world, and at 
the feet of the glorified figure of Christ as He rises from the grave.” Cf. 
FRANTZ, Fra Bartolomeo, 186, though the Disputa i not referred 
to. 

VOL, Vi 2P 

















STUDIES FOR THE FRESCO, $79 


unity of the Godhead, the Father also and the Holy 
Ghost, and with them the whole company of angels and 
saints. 

Thus the Disputa represents the supreme, the absolutely 
perfect unity; above, the apotheosis of all the love and life 
of the old and new covenants in the vision of Him who is 
the Triune God ; below, the glorification of all human 
knowledge and art is the faith in the real presence of the 
Redeemer in the Most Holy Sacrament. This is the 
central force which impels and harmonises all the powers 
of heaven and earth; all the waters of life above as well 
as below the firmament well up from this source, and 
pulsate “as in a spherical vessel from centre to circle, and 
so back from circle to centre.” * 

There is no other work of Raphael's for which so many 
preparatory studies and outlines seem to have been made 
by the artist as for this one; the well-known sketches at 
Windsor, Oxford, the Louvre, Frankfort and Vienna, bear 
witness to the conscientious industry which he bestowed 
on this great composition, refusing to be content with 
anything short of his very best 

‘These preliminary studies are the only materials that we 
have for the history of the production of the frescoes in 
the Camera della Segnatura ; Jovius merely mentions that 


* Dante, Parad, xtv., 1-2. 

+ The essential plan of the picture remained unaltered from the 
beginning. See Sprincen, 1, 215 seg., ed. 2, in his admirable treatise 
on the sketches and studies for all Raphael's frescoes in the Camera 
della Segnatura, Cy, also MOnz, Raphael, 935 sey., ed 2, where a 
number of copies are given, and Grimm, Raphael, 304 seg. The fullest 
eeumeration of the sketches is to be found in RULAND's Windsor 
‘Catalogue. For Raphael's love-sonnets written on the papers on which 
some of the studies are drawn, see Mintz, Raphael 366 sey., ed. 2; 

London, 


and Facan, Raffacle S., his Sonnet in the Brit. Museum, 


1884. 








learned men tenide Remoraied aed 
gerate their influence to such | 
appear that in his frescoes he m 
gramme traced for him by a com 

In the Parnassus, humanistic 
traceable, It is thought by some 
Christian humanism is perceptible in the 
more probable that all the most useful su; 


held its place there as the recognised 
represents the teaching of S. Thon 

by his art, 

‘The wide-spread acquaintance with m 
in those days, in artistic circles quite as 
* Pinsit in Vatienno nec adhuc stxbili aut 
praescriptam Juli Pontificis. Jovius, Raphaelis Urt 
+ Cf Miwtz, Raphael, 364 sey, 





RAPHAEL AND THE DOMINICANS, sSr 


is an element in the Art of the time which has not been at 
all sufficiently appreciated or understood, nor yet another 
point connected with this, namely, the almost universal 
familiarity with the Liturgy of the Church. We find the 
proof of this amongst the Latin races of the present day, 
where the common people know and readily follow the 
Liturgical offices of the Church. In his picture of the 
Transfiguration, Raphael exactly follows the Office for the 
Feast (6th August). It is not too much to say that he was 
already perfectly acquainted with the Office of the Blessed 
Sacrament, as compiled by S. Thomas Aquinas, and that 
in any consultations with Dominican theologians, the 
knowledge which he already possessed made it easy for 
him at once to grasp and follow whatever thoughts they 
suggested. A letter of his of the year 1514 shews that he 
was acquainted with Dominicans, and had received assist- 
ance from them. He was then employed in building S. 
Peter's, and in his letter he says that the Pope had given 
him the learned Dominican, Fra Giocondo da Verona to 
help him, and impart to him any secrets of architecture 
that were known to him, “in order,” Raphael adds, “that I 
may perfect myself in the Art.” The Pope sends for us 
every day to talk for a while about the building.” This 
shews the way in which artists worked together in the 
Vatican; and we may well assume that the same sort of 
thing went on in regard to the series of pictures in the 
Camera della Segnatura+ 

Now we come to the question of the use to which this 


* Of SPRINGER, Raphael und Michelangelo, U1, 102, ed, 2 KNack- 
russ, Raphael, 73. This letter shews that it is a mistake to say that 
Raphael consulted no one. We gather also from Crrnort, Le pitture 
delle Stanze Vaticane, 13 (Roma, 1869), that he had learned friends with 
whom he discussed his work, 

+ Cf. Haces, 127 209, 136 469. 





Albertini on the objects of interest in 
payment, connected with it, we gather th 
in an upper storey of the Vatican, and 


+ Bemnus, Epist. famil, lib. Vc 8. ‘See ROscoR, 
MOFY, 55. 
¢ Atnertest, ed Schmarsow, 34, 35 (Est praet 





THE LIBRARY OF JULIUS II. 533 


When we remember that in those days books were not 
kept in book-shelves fixed against the wall, but in detached 
presses (as in the Laurentian library in Florence), there 
would be no difficulty in supposing that the Camera della 
Segnatura was intended to receive the private library of 
Julius II, The number of books represented in the various 
frescoes also makes for this hypothesis. “All the allegorical 
figures on the ceiling hold books in their hands, except 
Justice, who carries the sword and scales. Angels float 
down from heaven, bringing the Gospels, the most venc- 
rated books of the Christians, to the faithful, The four 
Fathers of the Church on either side of the Blessed Sacra- 
ment are all cither reading or writing books. Books tie 
about on the ground, and nearly all the figures, botk lay 
and clerical, to whom names can be assigned, are identified 
by means of books. All the votaries of the Muses in Par- 
nassus hold rolls or writings in their hands; and in the 
School of Athens there is hardly a figure that is not pro- 
vided with a book or tablets. All are composing, writing, 
reading, expounding, so that nothing that has to do with 
the processes and products of authorship is left without 
sensible representation in some form. Even the two great 
philosophers are only designated by their most famous 
books. The Pope holds a book containing the laws of the 
Church, and Justinian is represented with his celebrated 
Pandects. In the monochromes under the Parnassus, on 
one side books are being discovered in a marble sarco- 
phagus, and on the other books are being burnt. There is 


CROWE-CAVALCASELLE, Raphael, IL, p. 9, note ; WICKHOFF, 94, note 
J, i8 Of opinion that Albertini’s signa planetarum et coelorum were not 
Paintings of the stars, but Astrological tables The *Reports of 
F. Brognolo, printed in the Appendix, N. 43 and 44, and which I found 
in the Gonzaga Archives at Mantua seem to indicate that Albertini meant 
globes with stars painted on them, 


MEANING OF THE FRESCOES. 585 


In all these suppositions modern ideas are imported 
into the age of Raphael, and a single glance at the frescocs 


notion of its being the intention of Raphael and Julius I. to reduce 
‘Theology to the same level with Philosophy, was first started by RANKX, 
in his Essays “Zur Geschichte Italienischer Kunst" in the German 
periodical, “Nord und Sid,” of April and May, 1878. Here he says: 
“That Julius II, should not only have permitted, bot actually ordered 
the representation in the Stanze of secular as well as religious know- 
Jedge, was the outcome of the spirit of sccularisation, and sympathy with 
the higher aims of mere humanity, which had taken hold of the Papacy” 
(RawKE, Werke, LL and LIL, 280). VuLLARI, in his equally wrong 
beaded remarks, Machiavelli, 11,, 22 sey., and partly also WOLTMANN— 
WOERMANN, IL, 642, and P&RATE, 550, 353, take very much the same 
line as Hettner, and the explanation given by GrecoROvIVS, VIIL., §59- 
160, ed. 3, is entirely mismken, The premises from which he draws his 
conclusions are false to begin with, He writes: “The narrow concep: 
tions of the Mediaeval Church had by that time been broken through. 
A Pope was bold enough to reject the teaching of the Fathers, which 
consigned all heathens, whatever their virtues, or their reputation in the 
world, to damnation, In contemplating the picture on the walls of his 
room, Julius 11. must undoubtedly have taken much more pleasure in 
resting his eyes on Apollo and the Muses, on Socrates and Archimedes, 
that on the uninteresting figures of the Patriarchs and Seints, The 
pictures in the Pope’s chamber already expressed what twenty years later 
‘one of the most audacious of the reformers ventured to utter in words, 
In his confession of faith, Zwingli drew a strange picture of the future 
assembly of all the Saints and herocs and virtuous men, Abel and 
Henoch, Noe and Abmham, Isaac and Jacob, were placed side by side 
with Hercules, Theseus, and Socrates, with Aristides and Antigonus, 
‘Numa, Camillus, Catoand Scipio, and nota single good or honest man was 
excluded from the presence of God.” There are, of course, passages in 
the Fathers in regard to the salvation of the heathen, that lend themselves 
to misconstruction, but none have ever asserted that all non-Christians are 
inevitably lost. S$. Augustine expressly says that all heathens, even those 
who lived before Christ came, are not condemned, The Fathers of the 
Chureh looked upon Pagan philosophy and science as coming from God, 
and said that theologians ought to avail themselves of it. See PASTOR, 
Hist. Popes, 1,, 7 4eg. (Engl. trans.). As to the opinions of the Fathers in 
regard to heathen philosophy, see KLEUTGEN, Theologie der Vorasit, 1V., 





a 





point, dominating and sayertteg 
find in the Disputa* Plato and 










ence and exclusiveness is marked 
picture by the separate stone seats 
different teachers Finally, there is a 


143 seg., ed. 2 (Minster, 1873) Itds absurd: 

through the “narrow conceptions of the Med 

a broader point of view than that of the Fathers, corr 
which Gregorovius supposes between the Stanze ar rs 
‘Zwingli is purely imaginary. 

* JANSSEN in a letter from Rome, written 


+ PASSAVANT, I 149; MULLNER, 167, GRUYER, 9 





~~ 


THE CHURCH AND THE SCIENCES. 587 


also in the scene of the picture, ““ Here we see no opening 
heaven shewing a Divine victim, the Redeemer of the 
world; no supernatural ray descends on earth to enlighten 
the human intelligence* Here, as the inscription above 
denotes, the human intellect wrestles alone with the nature 
of things, striving after knowledge. Plato, the philosopher 
‘of natural theology, signifies its incompetence by pointing 
upwards, By placing the Disputa opposite, Raphael 
emphasises the contrast between it and this intellectual 
laboratory. Here truth is laboriously sought for, there 
it is seen embodied and perfect,t and in a perfection unlike 
anything that the ancicnt world ever dreamed of as 
possible, a fulness beyond all human thought or imagina- 
tion, such as could only have been conceived by the bound- 
Jess love of the Saviour of mankind who chose under the 
simple form of bread to remain with his own, “even to the 
consummation of the world." 

In another way also the artist marked the relation 
between the sciences and the Church from his point of 
view, namely in the Grisaéles or imitation bas-reliefs 
painted in monochrome, which fill the space underneath 
the two sides of the Parnassus. “The two doors at the 
end of the long sides of the room open immediately 
against the wall and then these grisariées are the first 
things to catch the eye on entering the room and the last 
to be looked at on leaving it. This, therefore, was the 
most suitable place for the prologue and epilogue of the 


* Kuan, Roma, 267; Frantz, IL, 730. 

+ RANEE, in his Werke, L1.-L11, 280, has well described the contrast 
‘between the School of Athens and the Disputa. “There, men learn by 
rewoarch, by observation, and reflection, here, knowledge comes through 
prayer by revelition and illumination.” Of Gruver, foc. cit, and 
Hacen, 137, 138. “In the Disputa, knowledge is bestowed from above, 
‘not discovered, as in the School of Athens.” 








Blood and the Power of God (see Vol. 1V. of 
dedication in which he praises the services 


can be no doubt that Julius 11. desired Raphael 
which his uncle's name had been thus Aatt 


+t See Vol. V. of this work, p 346, and supra, py 





| 


THE HOLY SEE AND CULTURE. 589 


‘Thus it is clear that far from being intended to serve as 
@ glorification of the false humanistic ideal, the purpose 
of the frescoes in the Camera della Segnatura was to 
illustrate the four great intellectual forces, Theology, 
Philosophy, Poetry, and Jurisprudence in their relation to 
the Church. It was in the alliance with intellectual culture 
that the Church and the Papacy had won all their beneficent 
victories and consolidated their power. [t was this alliance, 
the true connection between intellectual culture and 
Christendom and the Church, which was celebrated in 
Raphael's picture. The Holy See had always maintained 
that secular knowledge could only attain its highest perfec- 
tion under the guidance of the organ of Divine wisdom, 
the Church, by whose authority alone it could be preserved 
from errors and distorted growths. Like all the artistic 
undertakings of Julius [L., the frescoes in the Camera della 
Segnatura are a development, not only of the designs of 
the great Popes of the early Renaissance, Nicholas V. and 
Sixtus I'V., but also of the ancient traditions of the Papacy 
itself. The grand and simple fundamental idea in them all 
belongs to Julius I1.; the genius displayed in realising it in 
Artis Raphael's and has helped to immortalise the painter's 
name, In this wonderful poem in four cantos, painted on 
the walls of the Stanze, the artist spreads out before us the 
whole and vast regions of human knowledge and achieve- 
ment as seen from the point of view of the Church, and In 
the light of revelation. “All material things are presented 
as mirrored in and vivified by a creative spirit which is 
at once poetical and real,” while “the reproduction of 
the life of the classical world is combined in perfect 
harmony with the dearest and decpest apprebension of 
Christian principles. And all the abstract thought is 
bathed in an atmosphere of beauty and grace which yet 
never detracts from the grave and intellectual character 


RAPHAEL'S EASEL PICTURES, Sor 


The surpassingly admirable manner in which Raphael 
had executed the Pope's first commission,” determined 
Julius to entrust the painting of the next room, called from 
the subject of its chief fresco the Stanza d’Eliodoro, to him 
alsot While these large works were in progress Raphacl 
also executed several smaller commissions for cascl-pictures, 
amongst others some for Julius II. one of which was a 
Madonna for S* Maria del Popolo, the favourite church of 
the Rovere} Unfortunately, this picture has disappeared 
since the year 1615. From copies of it we see that it 
represents the waking from sleep of the Divine child. The 
Madonna is holding up the veil which had covered him, 
and looks thoughtfully down at her son while he stretches 
his little arms towards her, S. Joseph is in the background 
leaning on a staff§ He also ordercd a portrait of himself 
for the same church. Vasari praises this picture as being 
such an excellent likeness that it inspires as much awe as 
if the Pope himself were present, and it still gives one the 
impression of being a characteristic portrait, The Pope is 
sitting in an armchair, his smooth, almost white, beard falls 
over a red velvet cape which he wears over his shoulders, 
and the expression of his face is thoughtful and care-worn, 

We have no information as to the payment received by Raphael for 
these frescocs, but as we know that later he had t200 gold ducats for 
each picture in the Stanza dell’ Incendio, we may suppose that the same 
sum would have been that paid for those in the Camera della Segnatura, 
In that case it would amount to rather over £200 for each Stanas. See 
Kraus, 4; MONTZ, Raphael, 326, ed. 2. 

t Apparently this was decided before the Camera della Segnatura was 
finished. This seems probable, because in the sketch of the subject from 
the Apocalypse, for which the Mass of Holsena was afterwards substituted, 
the Pope is represented without a beard, See Montz, Raphael, 374, 
and Chronique des Arts (1835), p. 277- 

= See Pastor, Hist. Popes, IV. 456 (Engl. trans.) 

§ See SrainGen, 191 ; Crows, Raphael, I. 84 se7,and VOGELIN 
Die Madonna von Loreto. Ziirich, 1870, 





spoelve pletive ordered iby, gullas 3EP 
Sigismondo de’ Conti, who is represented in 


* PassavaNT, IL, 14, and LOK, Re 
favour of the one in the Pitti Palace. 
MARDT, Cicerone, 659, ed. 4, and 
(N, F,), 1X, 365, prefer that in the 
and Minrz, 502, are uncertain, Sr 
those who disbelieve either to be 
end.” ‘The one in the Uffizi bas been, 


best idea of the original. Julius 11, in 
portrait of himself in the Church of S. Mi 
350 

+ See Arch, St. dell Arte, LV, $23 seg, 











RAPHAEL'S MADONNA DEL PESCE. 593 


folded hands before the Queen of Heaven, “She is en- 
throned on a cloud encircled with a golden glory and 
attended by angels.” It is the ideal of what a Christian 
Altar-piece should be, and is in perfect preservation, its 
colours as brilliant as when it was first painted.* 

The Madonna del Pesce, now in the Museum at Madrid, 
is also a perfect gem of religious art. It was a thank- 
offering for the cure of an affection of the eyes In 
depth of expression it is rightly judged to be one of 
Raphael's masterpieces, if, indeed, it is not in this respect, 
and also in the harmony of its colouring, the most beautiful 
of all his works, “The brilliant red of S. Jerome's robe is 
enhanced in its effect by the brownish yellow of the lion at 
the feet and the more orange tint of Tobias’ tunic, and 
these two shades combine harmoniously with the subdued 
ruby tones of the Angel's dress. These warm colours are 
tempered by the blue of the Virgin's mantle, while this 
again is relieved by the tender carnations of the infant 
‘Christ ; and the sage green curtain in the background makes 
all the figures stand out as in a brilliant light. The 
Madonna del Pesce might be designated as a chord of 
the three primary colours,” + 

The colossal Isaias, attended by two angels, which is 
now in the church of S. Agostino in Rome was painted by 
Raphael for another member of the Papal Court, the 
German Prelate, John Goritz} > 

* Sec Kmrr.er in Hist, Polit. BL, 96, 38 seg., and SPRINGER, 212 
s0g.5 of: KNACKFUSS, 65, and R10, Michel-Ange et Raphael, 150. 

+ SPRINGER, 214-215. 

1 This fresco is now in a sadly decayed state, See Sveincur, 256 
42¢9740n Michael Angelo’s influence which is unmistaleable in this work. 
See also KNACKVUSS, 65. ‘The fmgment of a replica of the boy on the 
efi side of the painting, now in the Accademia di S. Luca, in Rome, was 
originally part of the decoration of an escutcheon of Julius 11, in the 
Vatican, G. Dehio considers this fresco older than the Isaias, and 

VOL. Vi 2Q 





(~ 


It represents a miracle which occurred 
year 1263, and created an immense impre: 


"XX. (1879), 183, m. 4. See also MUw7z, Raphael, 

+ L. GRuNee, Rafiael’s Deckengemilde der 
(Dresden, 1875) Crowe-Cavalcaselle have sh 
framework which encloses the pictures in the 
vaulting is by Peruzzi, Wickhoff was the first to 
his pupils had any hand in the painting of the fr 
ascribe the whole ceiling to Perussi, The influence 
can be traced in the exagyerated style of these com 
MAYER, in Litzow’s Zeitschrift (1890), N. F. 1, 29 
Wickhofs opinion that they are entirely by Peruzsi 


Lk 








THE MASS OF BOLSENA. 595 


A German priest had been greatly tormented with doubts 
as to the truth of the doctrine of Transubstantiation, and 
had earnestly prayed for a sign that should dispel them. 
His prayer was granted in the church of S® Cristina at 
Bolsena, where he had stopped in the course of a pilgrimage 
to Rome. While he was saying Mass there, at the moment 
of consecration, drops of Blood oozed from the Sacred 
Host in sufficient quantity to stain the Corporal.* This 

* HETTNER, 222-225, writes as follows on the “Mass of Bolsena”; 
“Raphael grounded his picture on the legend which had been the eause 
of the institution of the Festival of Corpus Christi, but he idealised it and 
gave it a deeper significance. The original story is to be found in 
RAYNALDUS, ad an. 1264, 1.26 When in 1264 Pope Urban IV. was 
residing at Orvieto, a priest of Bolsena had allowed a drop from the 
chalice, after consecration, to fall upon the Corporal In order to 
conceal his carelessness he folded the Corporal so a8 to cover the stain, 
but it penetrated through all the folds, and on each one left an impres- 
sion of the Sacred Host, The account adds that the Pope had instituted 
the Feast of Corpus Christi in honour of this miracle with the special 
‘object of reviving the Faith in those who had grown lukewarm, and to 
confound the ungodly and confirm the piety of the good. Raphael 
shews the thoughtful character of his genius by the alteration which he 
makes in the legend, making the priest himself, a sceptic, now convinced 
by the miracle, and representing the whole occurrence as taking place 
{in the presence, and through the intercession of the Head of the Chureh. 
‘He thus obtains a clear and well-marked incident as his subject, and a 
splendid dramatic contrast between the startled and ashamed expression 
of the young priest and the trustful composure of the Pope, which is not 
to be found in the original legend. And as usval, in order to connect 
his picture with present events, be has given the Pontiff the features of 
Julius TT, S, Kinkel has written a very valuable article (MOSAIK, 161 
¥eq.), in which he has collected together a number of legends which have 
been founded on works of art, That of the Mass of Bolsena may be 
added to these ; its original form is now quite forgotten, and it is only 
‘known as idealised by Raphael” On closer examination the whole of 
this account terns out to be imaginary, Raynaldus, of course, does give 
the stery as Hettner tells it, quoting it from S, Antoninus, who died in 
£4595 but there is a long inscription still preserved in the church of 





* Sce impression in the Nuovo Giornale 
Milino, 1890. 

+ Bull of Sixtus LV,, in the Bull, Ord, P 

F PARIS DE GRaASSIS, ed. Frati, 35, says 
finitis Papa cum alba more solito vestitus et in, 
ad ecclesiam S. Marine delatus apud altare | 
adoravit corporale sanguine Christi aspersum q\ 





ATTITUDE OF JULIUS 11. 507 


determined to have the miracle represented at some time in 
the Vatican, and it is not unlikely that he bound himself 
by a vow to honour the relic in some special manner. Now 
that all that had then been won seemed lost, he may have 
remembered this promise 


Raphacl's sympathetic grasp of his patron's thought 


is as striking as the power with which he gives artistic 
expression to the Pope's indomitable confidence in the 
Divine assistance, and firm conviction that all pusillani- 
mous doubters will be put to shame. In this picture the 
difficulties to be overcome in the shape of the space at his 
disposal were even greater than those which he had to 
conquer in the Parnassus, and here as there he triumphed 
over all and turned his limitations into additional beauties, 
There is no trace of any sort of constraint, and the com- 
position of the picture arranges itself quite naturally, over 
and on each side of the window which cuts into the wall. 
Above its arch is the choir of a church with its altar, 
approached on each side by a broad flight of steps In 
this case the window, not being in the middle of the wall, 
Jocatum fuit, tum surgens incensum posit in thuritulo, quod cum 
ministrare debuerit; et deinde rursas genuflexas incensavit; postea 
conversus ad corporale stans benedixit dicens: Sit nemnine Domini 
benedictum, &c, Hitherwo this connection between Sixtas IV. and 
Julius TL, and the “Mase of Bolsena” has not been noticed by any of 
those who have sought fo interpret the picture. It does away with the 
suppositions put forward by FOrsrmx, 1, 317, and Piixate, 564, and 
alo with HETTNeR, 222, and conjecture that it had to do with the Lateran 
Council, and was meant to represent “this internal conflict and victory 
within the bosom of the Church.” Against Hettnor, «f: FRANTZ, [1,752 
#07, and STRINGER, 1, 264, 339-447, ed. 2. Springer bas shewn very 
clearly that it is impossible to substantixte any direct connection 
‘between these frescoes and the Lateran Council ; but as all these writers 
have overlooked the special relation between Julius If. and the Bolsena 
relic none of their explanations are sitisfactory, 











the priest, a fourth in a bright 
his hand with an expressive ge 
“See! it is indeed as the Churel 







thanking God for this. confirmation 
Church. “The 
$ecisal ts Bow Misia aikcital)ea 

of worshippers on the left and is just 
the women and children sitting on the lo 








left they arc flickering and bent as tl 
wind. The Pope, unmistakeably Julius 1 


* Liner, 11, 393 ; Burcxitarpr, Cicerone, 
+ BURCKAARDT, Cicerone, 668, 





k 


LA STANZA D'ELIODORO. 599 


| 8 prie-Dieu, exactly opposite the priest, with his face turned 
towards the altar absorbed in adoration. His whole 
“attitude expresses the assured faith which befits the Head 
of the Church ; there is not a trace of emotion or surprise.* 
_No doubt the master had often seen the old Pope in this 
” attitude during those critical days when the Church was in 
such jeopardy. Two Cardinals and twoother clerics appear 
on the steps below, in attendance on the Pope, and on 
the lowest, some soldiers of the Swiss Guard kneel in silent 
wonder; near them is the Pope's Sedia gestatoria. One 
of the Cardinals, generally thought to be Raffaele Riario, 
has his hands crossed on his breast and is looking at the 
priest with a grave and stern expression. The other, with 
folded hands, adores the miraculous Blood; both heads are 
most impressive. “ For skilful composition, truth and depth 
of expression, and magnificence in colouring, perhaps the 
picture is the best of the whole series+ 
In its homage to the Blessed Sacrament, towards which 
Julius Il. had a special devotion} the Mass of Bolsena is 
the connecting link between this Stanza and the adjoining 
‘one, which contains the Disputa; in representing a miracle 
it strikes the key-note of the Stanza d'Eliodoro where the 
fundamental idea is the representation of God’s unfailing 
{care for His Church by instances of His direct intervention 
| for her support and protection in the hour of need, The 
history of the reign of Julius Il. was a signal illustration 
of the truth. In the Summer of 1511, when Italy seemed 
at the mercy of the French, how wonderfully the storm 


* FRANTZ, Il, 735, rightly contests Springer’s assertion that the 
absence of all ernotion or excitement in the Pope and the group sur- 
rounding him, was due only to artistic considerations, and holds that it 
is essential to the historical meaning of the picture, 

+ WOLTMANN, I1., 647. 

Cf. supra, p. 447. 





COMPOSITION OF THE FRESCO. or 


Moreover, there appeared two other young men beautiful 
and strong, bright and glorious, and in comely apparel, 
who stood by him on either side and scourged him without 
ceasing, with many stripes. And Heliodorus suddenly 
fell to the ground,” .... and they acknowledged “the 
manifest power of God... . but the Jews praised the 
Lord because He had glorified his place.” (Machabees, IL, 
3, 24 seg.) Raphael, following the text of Scripture as 
closely as possible has represented the scene “with 
marvellous dramatic power.” 

‘The spectator looks into the nave of the Temple. At 
the altar in the background, lighted by the seven-branched 
candlestick, the High Priest is praying; behind him the 
other priests and a number of people who display by 
their gestures their surprise and joy at this manifestation 
of the mighty hand of God. The centre of the foreground 
is purposely left empty that nothing may distract the 
eye from the sudden irresistible inrush of the heavenly 
emissaries who burst in at the right-hand comer." The 
horseman in his golden armour, and the swift youths 
with their sweeping scourges have just arrived in time. 
Heliodorus is dashed to the ground, the urn full of coins 
has slipped from his hands, the fore-feet of the horse are 
almost upon him, his terrified attendants strive in vain to 
escape. “The poctic fecling in this group is marvellous, 
we sce as it were the lightning of God's wrath blasting 
the sinner; opposite, on the other side, there is a charm- 

* SPRINGER, 1, 272,ed 2. It has been said by a first-rate judge of 
art that Raphael “has never produced anything more magnificent than 
this group of the heavenly rider with the two youths at his sides and the 
stricken spoiler and his attendants.” “The foreshortening of the horse~ 
man and Heliodorus has been justly admired, but that is only one 
detail in the masterly expression of rapid movement in the whole group 
of figures." BuRcKitarbr, Cicerone, 667; of: also R10, 1V., 474 207.7 
Guuvitm, Chambres, 197 667. 
















boa 


and brought ‘the Antt-Papal \Gaimell 
he that hath his dwelling in the he; 





LAE ET ore ie: 
Heliodorus referred to the expulsion of the F 
view has been adopted by all those who look 
intended tg illustrate the history of the times (Spri 
reap ey repay pen oe 
564. But if the overthrow of Heliodorus is 
aime dtc iay (itomern nee 
‘to he quite certain) the difficulty arises thar the fi 
wall, the meeting of Attila and Leo I. portrays 
‘dent, and there is no doubt that both paintings be 
of Julius TI. (6f following note) T therefore venture 


k 


RAPHAEL'S MEETING OF LEO I, WITH ATTILA. 603 


Julius [1 died before the two succeeding frescoes were 
finished, but the subjects of them were certainly chosen 
during his lifetime.* 

On the opposite wall to Heliodorus, Raphael painted 
the meeting of Leo I, with Attilat This famous inter- 
view (at which, according to the medisval legend, S, Peter 
appeared in the heavens above the head of his successor) 
took place on the banks of the Mincio near Mantua ;{ 
Raphael transfers it to the vicinity of Rome. To the 
left, in the distance, we see some ruins, a basilica and 
the Colosseum, while, on the right, the flames rising from 
a burning village, denote the approach of the barbarians. 
Calm and assured in his trust in God the Pope comes 
forward to meet Attila, attired in full Pontificals and 
sitting on his white palfrey attended by his peaceful 
followers. Julius IL being dead by this time, the Pontiff 
is represented with the features of Leo X. The majestic 
forms of the Princes of the Apostles appear with drawn 
swords in the sky over his head. A halo of light pro 


first picture is meant to refer to the internal, and the second to the 
external enemies who were threatening the Church and the Papacy in 
the reign of Julius If, Many of the details in the subjects themselves 
seem to corroborte this view. On Heliodorus as a recognised 
representative of violators of churches, see C. a. LaPine and CaLMer. 

* The Oxford drawing shews that this was the case with regard to 
that of Attila, Cf SPRINGER, 1., 275, ed. 2; MONT2, 377, ed, 2, and 
Rommsow, A Critical Account, 225-227 ; see also Herrnke, 218 In 
regard to the fresco of S. Peter, see next page. 

+  Undeniably one of the master-pieces of fresco painting,” RUMONR, 
TIL, 122. Ef Ovenmece’s opinion of it ina leter of the year 1810, in 
the Allg, Consery. Monatschrift (1887), I1., 1283. 

¢ Grisan, in Wetzor und Welte’s Kirchenlexikon, VIL, 1751 #09. 
ed.2 Of. GREGOROVIUS, Gesch. d. Stadt Rom, I,, 187, ed. 3, who re- 
marks that “Leo X. was at that juncture the representative of human 
culture, which was preserved from destruction in those days by the 
spiritual power of the Church.” 










Segnatura, In the splendid 
Bolsena the influence of the 


in Raphael's style, which are to be observed in 


& 


RAPHAEL'S DELIVERANCE OF S$. PETER. 605, 


Deliverance of S. Peter, which emphatically summarises 
the leading idea of the pictures in the Stanza d’Eliodoro, 
namely, the futility of all human attacks upon the 
divinely protected Church and her head, Raphael has 
to some extent resorted to effects produced by light, 
but with great sobricty and restraint. To the left of 
the window, on a flight of steps, we see the terrified 
guard who have discovered that their prisoner fs gone. 
Moonlight and torchlight are combined in this scene. 
In the centre there is a grating so cleverly painted that 
we feel as if we could lay hold of it Through this the 
interior of the prison is visible, lighted by the radiant 
angel who is in the act of waking the Apostle while the 
soldiers to whom he is chained still sleep, “This scene 
is marvellously effective in its simplicity and reality and 
its glamour of supernatural light.”* On the right S, 
Peter appears again, passing out between the sleeping 
guards and led by the angel, from whom all the light 
proceeds, This heavenly form and the spiritual radiance 
which it diffuses are rightly considered to be one of the 
artist's most divine inspirations:+ 

This fresco is most commonly thought to be meant as an 
allusion to the escape of Cardinal de’ Medici (afterwards 
Leo X.) out of the hands of the French after the Battle of 
Ravenna. As according to the inscription on the window 
this picture was not finished till 1514, this interpretation 
Sebastiano del Piombo was brought to Rome by Agost. Chigi in 1gtt. 
See Arch, Stor. d. Soc. Rom., 11., 61, 68. 

* Lopxy, 11,297. Cf also Grimm, in the Preuss, Jahrb, LI, 199, 
and Gruver, Chambres, 255 247. 

+ L0170w, Italien Kunstschatze, 447. Jovius in his Life of Raphael 
most strangely supposes the subjects of this picture to be the Resurrec~ 
tion, and the Guard to be that around the Saviour’s tomb, Szfcsen, 
Raffel, 539, thinks this mistake is due to the effects of light, which 
eclipse the actual subjects of the picture. 










at that timet Thus the Mass of B 
memorate the prayer of the Pope before | 
in 1506, at the commencement of his 


deliverance of S, Peter, his thanksgiving 

of his course for the overthrow of the 
_ altar of S, Pietro in Vincoli.t 

The whole fabric of the enchanted realn 
Vatican pictures rests upon onc simple but 
thought. It is that of the greatness and 
Church ; her greatness in her wisdom, and 


* Grimm, Rafael, 386, is quite certain that this is 60. 
he bas noticed the relation of this subject, and the titular 
Julius If, At the sare time, in his Michelangelo, [., 404, ed. 
adheres to the false interpretation of Card. de’ Medicis flight 
P. 415), and js not aware of the further connection with 
in June 1512, which I have been the first point out, HErTmtER, 
had already raised objections to the supposition that Card. 
tended, but only on general grounds. My c 
nection between the deliverance of S, Peter and the other: 
‘SPRINGER, I., 264, ed. 2, seeks and cannot find, He 
that no Pope appears in this picture, but this is qui 
was the first Pope, 

+ As the celebration was closed by a grand 
P 417), itis not unlikely that this may have suggested 
‘effects of light in one of the frescoes to Raphael, 

1 Of supra, p. 416, 








= 


JULIUS I. AND RAPHAEL. 607 


Papacy ; her triumph in the wonderful ways in which God 
continues to guard and protect the successor of him to 
whom the promise was given. “Thou art Peter and on 
this rock I will build my Church, and the gates of hell shall 
not prevail against it.” 

It seems a remarkable providence of God that Julius II., 
the founder of the great Cathedral of the world, should 
have been led to charge the greatest of Christian painters, 
with the task of illustrating the doctrine of the most Holy 
Sacrament, which was on the point of being so passionately 
controverted, and the unfailing Divine protection, which 
ever preserves the Church and the Head at the very 
moment when the most terrible storm, which the Papacy 
in its course of nearly two thousand years has ever had to 
encounter, was about to burst upon it. 


APPENDIX 


oF 


UNPUBLISHED DOCUMENTS 


AND 


EXTRACTS FROM ARCHIVES. 


VOL. VI. 2R 


APPENDIX 


1. CARDINAL ASCANIO SFORZA TO HIS BROTHER, 
Lopovico Moro, Duke or Mitan.* 


1498, Jaly 15, Rome, 

Questa matina & giunto qui Don Alfonso.t E ben che 
fino ad Marino habi menato con se circa 50 cavalli nondimeno 
de Marino in qua & venuto con 6 0 7 cavalli havendo voluto 
cosi N.S. perch’ el venisse secretamente et ha disnato con me 
in palatio. Hogi poi stato da S, S¥, gia quale lo ha veduto 
molto volentieri et li ha facto molte careze. The “Secret” of the 
‘Duke’s presence here is known all over Rome. 

[The original is in the State Archives, Milan.] 


2. CARDINAL Ascanto SrorzA TO HIS BROTHER, 
Lopovico Moro, Duke oF Mian. t 
1498, July 17, Rome, 
Don Alfonso has arrived. Heri el rev. card di Valentia lo 
volse de compagnia alle stantie sue et secondo mi é refferito lo 
ha acharezato cum tante amorevole dimonstratione et honore 
quanto si potesse dire. Hogi poi N.S. lo ha havuto a se insieme 
cum madona Lucretia et avanti S. Sin presentia de rev™ card. 
de Perosi, de li nuntii regi et mia si sono visitati ct acharezati 
insieme non usando pero altro cha parole generale... . . 
[The original is in the State Archives, Milan.] 
* See supra, p. 58. 
+ This confirms the statement of Greoonovius, Lucretia, 103 (in July). 
+t See supra, p. 58. 








APPENDIX, 613 


tarli di soy desegni, et lui é stato mezo di fare che il fratello 
habbi el capello, el quale li serk dato gionto che sia Valentinoys a 
Roma cum pacto che esso fratello paghi li debiti de Borgia, che 
sono ducati xvi, Chel papa ha dicto yolere subito refare a 
sue spese le roche de Imola et de Furll, Chel se prepara de 
fare cardi tutti a beneplacito de Valentinoys, et perhd & ben facto 
riponere ogin speranza de la practica de mons’ ne Je sue mane 
¢t solicitarlo lui che gli altri favori sono troppo da lontano, 
Chel papa era per rompersi cum Venetiani, volendo in ogni modo 
Arimine et Facnza et non gli volendo loro consentire Chel 
& Zoanne da Pesaro ha quatro milia boni fanti, monetione ct vie 
twalie assai, et che delibera fina a morte contrastare. Chel papa 
mette nele rocche de Ja chiesia castellani afetionati a Valentinoys, 
¢t in castello Sancto Anzclo novamente ha posto uno arcivescovo 
alevo desso Valentinoys, 


[The Copy is in the Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.) 


5. Gtovanxi Lucio CaTaxno To THE 
Marquess or Manrua.* 
41500, Aug. 19, Rome. 

fm: §* mio, Stava don Alphonso ducha de Biselia marito de 
madonna Lucretia asal bene, pensava el re de Napoli levarlo, ma 
essendo redutto quando fu ferito in certa torre presso le camare 
del papa non potea facilmente levarsi; solo el medico mandato 
da Napoli lo medicava e la molie li faceva lo suo mangiar acid 
nom fusse atosichato ; al fine heri nanti conplecterio morite & 
sonno sta presi alcuni Neapolitani de li soi ¢ de Ja molic inputati 
‘he volevan amazar lo ducha Valentino in sua casa ¢ camare ; ¢) 
papa ne sta de mala volia si per natura del caso e per lore de 
Napuli si perche Ia filiola se despera. Alfine pare una cosa 
Tegiera questa, ma parturira con tempo mal asai verisimilmente. 
Lambasator de Napoli mandé subito la roba sua qua € la et se 
redusse in casa del orator Spagnolo, spingendol ad andar del 
papa per sun cautione perch? staseva per levarse per dubio detli 
presoni pt, se ben lui non se inpatiaria in tal novelle ; o! papa le 
ha fatto dir chel resti securo sopra de lui, tamen lui ha avuto 


* See supem, pe 78 


614 HUSTORY OF THE POPES, 


levarse per lo melio sina chel se ben inteso il tutto et molta 
armata sta al pallatio . . « 
[The original is in the Gonzaga Archives, Mantua] 


6, Pope Aurxaxper VI. To CaRrpiwaL GIULIANO 
pruta Rovers.* 
1500 Sept. 5) Rome, 

Dil. filio Tuliano Episcopo Ostiensi. . . . Attendentes quod 
dil, filius noster Ascanius Maria S, Viti, ete, dinconus eardinalis, 
S R. E. vicecancellarius qui monasterium Clarevallis extra muros: 
Mediolanen. Cisterciensis ordinis ex concessione et dispensatione 
apostolica obtinet in commendam pro eo quod 
regno Francie pro dicti ducatus Mediolanensis pace, quiete et 
tranquillitate ad pracsens retinetur, regimini et administration! 
dicti monasterii . . . intendere non valet nec etiam spes habetur 
quod brevi tempore intenders possit cum prefatus rex de co 
minime confidit. ‘Thus he gives the above-named abbey to Card. 
Giuliano della Rovere, with the consent, as be has been informed, 
of the king Louis XII. Dat, Romae, 1500, cal. Sept. Ae pontif. 
nostri nano, 


[Conc, Regest. 872, fol. 142, Secret Archives of the Vatican.) 





7. Grovaxnt Lucipo CATANEO TO THE 
Marqusss or Mantua.t 

150%, Sept 24, Rome, 
Til™ St mio, Son venuti dui anbasatori de Ferara qua, quali 
el papa ha posto ad alogiar in la casa de la filiols © stanno in 
festa bali € tanto balloe essa una de queste notte che lo di 
sequente stete alterata de febre, pur mo sta bene ¢ per execttione 
de le promesse per esserge ordine dal lato de Ferara che prima se 
ge adimpischa tuto quello li é sta offerto ; vole li denari in Ferara 
¢ condutta a le confine de la Romagna a spese del papa, qual 
prepara mandarla molto honorevolissima ¢ contenta ¢ cum molte 

matrone de qua et se levard quando don Ferando venerk .. , 


(The original is in the Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.) 


* See sui, p. 75. t See supra, p. 108. 


APPENDIX. os 


8, Report or THE Fiorentive Cxrowicier, BarTovomno 
Cerretam, on tHe Anti-Pors Prerno Brernanvino, 
A Discipte OF SAVONAROLA.* 
{rso2.) 

» «= Venti in ciccha homini di popolo et di baxa conditione 
havendo pe’ passati tempi seghuito frate Girolamo e vixuti in vita 
exactissima et santa, come di sopra dicemo, in questi tempi si 
tirono da parte; et facto insieme molti conventiculi et segrete 
raunate, croorono, secondo il costume degli Ebrei, un pontefice 
al quale comissono ogni cura et potesti di loro medesimi, cost 
temporalmente come spiritualmente ; vivendo del continuo quasi 
insieme nella cipta e'n corti Iuoghi del contado, Questo primo 
pontefice loro fu Fiorentino di bassa qualita, d’ anni XXV,, idiota 
© sanza lettera alcuna; ma per le continue prediche et letione 
havevn udite dal frate cra divenuto di tutta Ia schrittura sachra et 
maxime de la Bibia in modo praticho che le sapevaa mente quasi 
tutte: @ predichava et faceva sermoni di tal qualith et cost 
tmirabile expositione, che rendeva chascuno meravigliato: et 
mentre fra’ Girolamo vixe, su per Ie logge et piazzc sermoneggava 
a’ fanculli et al popolo di tal qualith che easchuno stupiva, ven- © 
dendo questa nuova suprestizione [sie] per optima religicne 
Morto ¢' frate si tird da chanto © fatto molti conventiculi 
cominceid 4 sua seghuaci a dare nuovi precepti dicendo che la 
Chiesa s’ aveva colla spada a rinovare, e che doppo la morte di 
frate Girolamo non era rimasto homo gusto in terra; il perch 
non éra pil necessario il confessarsi perché tutti ¢’ frati « prete 
della Chiesa d’ Iddio erano tepidi ; e per questo nessuno, se non 
facta la renovatione, si confexassi, Haveva certo olio del quale 
ugneva a’ detti sua seghuaci le tempie, afermando essere I' untione 
dello Spirito Sancto, 

Facevano spessissime oratione mentale non udivano messa, 
vestivano poveramente, la vita quando buona et quando trixta, 
secondo il caso ; nel manggare alcuna volta si fermava dicendo: 
Jo spirito vole che si facci oratione ; cos) in silentio oravano: in 
un tracto comandava il mangare. ‘Tenevano per certo che questo 
fassi profeta ¢ se vestiva o parlava o faceva alcuno cenno inter- 
petravano che passerebbe in Italia Francosi o Tedeschi o Turchi, 
o che la Chiesa era presso a la rovina ¢ simile fantasie. E quali 


* Sco preceding volume, p. 314, 


lll 


APPENDIX. 67 


9, BeLrranpo Cosranit: to Tax Duke or Ferrans.” 
1503, Aug, 18, Rome, 

Illustrissimo et excellentissimo signor mio observandissimo. 
A cid yostra illustrissima signoria sia aduisata del successo de la 
infermitate de Nostro Signore, per questa li significo che essendo 
beri'cl bono di de Sua Santitt, me ne andai 2 palatio et cum 
quanta instantia io me facesse per ogni via per parlare cum chi me 
sciapesse dare certa informatione del successo, non poteti mai 
trovare persona a proposito : restando infino a la sera et retor- 
nando el eardinale de Cossentia a la stantia, il quale era stato 
cum Sua Santith, hebbe da Sua Signoria che la Beatitudine Sua 
havea pigliato heri matina uno pocho de mana, la quale ge 
havea facto uno bono servitio et che tutto heri la era stata de 
bona voglia et quieta et chel se sperava chel parosismo de questa 
matina on non venisse on havesse ad essere pocho ; dixeme 
etiam che! Duca era stato meglio, 

Da diversi homini de palatio se bene non sonno de quelli che 
penctrano, hebbe chel male de Sua Santitd se nomina una 
lertiana nota et chel se dubita non se converta in una quartana ; 
hebbi etiam che per alcuni de casa de Sua Santith se fa fare 
instante oratione ad una donna reputata sancta murata in 8, 
Petro: la quale risponde pocho sperare che Sua Santith se habii 
a liberare de questo male. In questa matina per tempo ho man- 
dato a palatio per intendere el sucesso et el mio me reporta per 
rellatione de multi, quali se concordano tutti et spetialmente per 
el cardinale de Cossentia ct del magiordomo de la signora duchessa 
che ln mana pare non facesse giovamento a Nostro Signore et che 
in questa nocte la Santith Sua & stata multo inquieta et lo paro- 
sismo li é yenuto a la x11. hora magiore del precedente questa 
matina et in questa matina Sua Santith se é confessata et com- 
municata et per el dicto messa mio uno mediico, alevo del vescouo 
deVenosa,} me fa dire che Sua Beatitudine  multo alterata et che 
Ja non se monda, In questa nocte da megia hora di nocte ? stato 
serrato el palatio et guardato cum magiore dilligentia del solito et 
secondo intendo el cardinale de Borgia et li signori picoli hanno 

* See rwfra, p. 034. Verevcenty DELLA GaTTiNa, 1, 437 seg. and 
Banan V., 424 

+ Dernardus Bongiovannl, see Gass, 990, 





APPENDIX. 619 


dopoi el male quanto sia per la febre, ma li abondo al inproviso 
tanto el cataro chel afogd; tuto in In fatia negro ¢ infiato, & 
nullo suspetto ge stato de veneno, se ben patre e filiolo ge sian 
tuti a uno tempo infirmati.... Rome, xvi. Aug’, 1503, 
hora xvi, ls 

[The original is in the Gonzaga Archives, Mantua,] 


12, GHIVIZANO To THE MARQUESS OF MANTUA.” 
1503, Sept. 12, Romes 
«+ + Quanto siano le pratiche et falsi ingani de questi car 
dinali lo laso pensare a quela +; mai non fu vista tanta cosa, fano 
come formiche chi va e chi viene; tuta note sono in pratica, 
Li Spagnoli non usichano [s% !] de palatio, li altri travaliano, ma 
fe cose sono fate cum fermeza de cui debia cscre papa sark 
secondo el voto Spagnolo ¢ non abinte alta openione. Questi 
st Francesi comenciano ha pensare a Ja forza... La Sua S*} 
non Sark papa ne S, Petro ad vincula ne Napoli ne Alessandrino ; 
ark Capacio o Siena 0, S, Prasede atento el fnvore Spagnolo. 
[The original is in the Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.] 


13. GutyizANo To THE Makguess or ManTvAg 
1503, Sep. 15, Rome. 
« » » Domatina sé intra in conclavi ; hozi Rohano he stato ha 
visitare el card'* de Napoli et St Petro ad vincula ; Siena ne S, 
Prasede ne Portugalo cum Robano non se sono mai visitati, El 
Papato se stima in Sena o S. Prasede o Capacio per essere bonus 
homo, li altri per essere come neutrali, ma ben favoriti da Spag- 
noli. Hozi mez* Jo. Lucido me a dito avere parlato cum lo 
ambasatore dil re di Romani e come aleuni card! da li quali ha 
avisto littere de la Cesarex M® seripte a questo sacro colegio 
dimostrando avere inteso essere preso Roma dui grosis™! eserciti 
per li quali se poria fare violentin a santa chiesa, per il che lui si 
come obidiente et conservatore de la fede se hoferise ad ogne 
minima richiesta del sacro colegio de mandare per la via de 
‘Friesti 6 milia fanti pagati et lui ronpere in Io stato de Milano ho 
venirsene derito al camino de Mantua et per questo he stato dito 
* See amgrs, pp, 199, 19, 193, +. 5. 
+ dM'Amboise. § See wmpray py. 193-4 





APPENDIX. Oz 


tranquillitatem posthac ac reconciliationem salvatoris nostri 
speseat Jecunslomaque novam-eponmm descendsem i eels moni- 
libus suis ornatam intueantur. .  .* 

Felices quos Deus jn have: terapora servavit. Datum Floren- 
tiag, xxvur Sept, 1503. 
[The original is in St. Mark's Library, Venice, Cod. Lat. X.,174.] 


16, Bextranno Cosrania to tus Duke or Fearanat 
1503, Oct. 19, Rome. 

Mlustrissimo et excellentissimo signore mio observandissimo. 
‘La morte de questo Pontifice & doluta a tutta questa corte per 
essere stato reputato da ogni uno bono, prudente et sancto, Et 
tutto heri il corpo stette in sancto Petro, et quantunque sempre 
piovesse multo forte, li corsse tutta Roma, et donne ct homini cum 
gran calea tutti se sforeiavano basiarli li pedi, il quale pareva vivo 
et in niente pareva remutato, La faticha Jo ha durato dopo el Pon- 
tificato suo, non essendo bene sano, se stima, lo habiimorto, El 
di de Ia ellectione sua non havea dormito niente Ia nocte pre- 
cedente et poi el di fu multo affatichato et poi de continuo li sono 
‘stati cardinali per audientia; li fu la ordinatione sua et Ia conse- 
¢ratione ct poi la coronatione, li quali acti multo lo affatichorno et 
mercorl passato fece uno concistorio durd insino a le xxurt, hore 
‘etnon fu longo per altra causa, se non per indurre li cardinali a 
consentire al fare cardinale el nepote de Rohano et Sua Sautith 
stette jeiuna insino a quella hora. El yenere pol che Sua Santith 
se amalo dette la matina una longa audientia, poi yolse magnare 
pesse per el giorno del venere, havendo pigliata medicina el d) 
precedente, il quale di li piglid Ia febre ct mai non lo ha lasciato 
insino ala morte... « 

[The original is in the State Archives, Modena.] 


17. Betrraxpo Costaniti to THe Dvxz or Ferrara. 
1403, Now. 17, Rome, 
Da uno amico mio ho, i] quale dice haverlo de bono leco che 
N.S. ha dieto stranie parole a lo amb Veneto per le cose de 
* Apoc. ¥XI, 22 
+ See infra, p 207, and Pevaucmias petra Garrima, 1, 454 ser 
See supra, p. 251. 


= i 














APPENDIX. 623 


22, Porx Jutivs 1. ro AncxLo Leonini, Bisnor oF 
Tivott, Nuncto ar Vunice.* 


1504, February 7 [Rome]. 
. «+ Dil filli regis Franchorum Venetiis oratorem pro his que 
tanta cura pro nostro ct apostolice sedi honore agit plurimum in 
domino commendamus cui tu etiam nomine nostro gratias ages, 
‘There can be no thought of your return at present, 
(Cone, Lib. brev. 22, f. 16. Secret Archives of the Vatican.) 


23. Pors Jutius I. ro Caxpinat Bexnanpino Carvajat.t 


{1504, Febr. 28, Rome.) 
Advenerunt ad nos homines missi a castellanis arcium Cesenae 
et Britonori, . . .{ quod castellani ipsi easdem arces nobis 
restituere erunt parati, si dilectus, . . .§ nobilis vir Cesar 
Borgia dux Valentinus relaxatus esset aut cito relaxaretur, 
Quibus nos respondimus, nos omnes conditiones in bulla 
super hoc confecta contentas ad unguem observaturos, si etiam 
nobis promissa observarentur, Sed ut scit circumspectio tua 
in cisdem conditionibus arcis Fortivii restitutio est expressa, 
quod declarare poteris hominibus ipsis, ne spem deponcnt 
Wbertatis et relaxationis ejusdem ducis. Quare danda est opera 
omni astu et ingenio, ut arx ipsa Forliviensis restituatur, ne ipse 
dux cum tanto circumspectionis tue incommodo hodic diutius 
moram trahat et proficisci possit, quo cupit. Preterea circum- 
spectionem tuam hortarmur, ut iterum ad dilectum fillum Lauren 
tium adeas, catholicarum Majestatum oratorem, ducem et senatum 
Venetorum hortetur ad restitutionem civitatum, arcium et locorum 
S. RK. E,, quas contra Deum et justitiam de facto ocetsparunt et 
occupant, nobis integre et libere faciendam, si amicitia et benevo- 
lentia ipsarum majestatum perfai volunt, declaret etiam cis 
expresse, nos in tam manifesta injuria et jactura S, R. E. nec 
acquiescere nec desistere velle aut posse, donec restitutio, ut 
prefertur, hujusmodi integre fiat. . . . Veneti enim. ipsi non 
solum ab occupatione predictorum non cessant, sed etiam per 


* See supra, p. 254+ t See supra, p. 256. 
The original is destroyed. § Destroyed. 


bead 





APPENDIX, 625 


27. Pore Juuius I. ro Parr, Count Pavatine: 


ow THE RHINE* 
1504, April 26, Rome, 

Inter cetera que dilecto filio Mariano de Perusia causarum 
palatii apostolici auditori capellano et cum potestute Iegati a 
Jatere nuntio nostro ad Germaniam destinato, dedimus in man- 
itis, ea res precipus fuit, ut nobilitatem tuam dilecto filio nobili 
viro Alberto duci Bavarie sacri Romani imperii electorii con- 
sanguinitatis et affinitatis vinculo tibi connexo reconciliare 
studeret, interpositaque nostra et hujus sanctissime sedis apos- 
tolice auctoritate, sublata omnis discordie dissensionisve causa 
ad mutuam caritatem et concordiam reduceret. Nam cum sitis 
duo precipua inclyte nationis Germanice lumina ct ex tam illustri 
familia orti, que eaero romano imperio multos laudatissimos 
cesares dedit, non potestis inter vos dissidere absque magna 
jactura non solum nationis ipsius et familic vestre, sed etiam 
totius reipublice christiane. Cum preterea sedes ipsa sanctissima 
vos ut peculiares fillos sit complexa magnamque In vobls spem 
collocaverit, benemerendi de ipsa sedi et christiana republica, co 
studiosius finem discordiis vestris debemus querere, quo vos 
magis florentes et honoratos esse cupimus. Discordie enim ipse 
non nisi jacturam fame et facultatum vobis possunt afferre, 
Turpe enim est consanguineum a consanguineo, quos ipsa natura 
eJucatioque maximo vinculo caritatis duplicique necessitudinis 
glutino connexit, dissidere. Nam quem alienum fidum sibi 
Sperare potest, qui suis fuerit hostis? His rebus consideratis pro 
Singulari et paterns qua utrumque vestrum prosequimur charitate, 
nobilitatem tuam hortamur, obsecramus et obtestamur in Domino 
ac per viscera Salvatoris Domini nostri rogamus, ut animum 
tuum ad concordiam cum Alberto ipso consanguineo tuo facien 
dam, quam etiam a carissimo in Christo filio nostro Maximiliano 
Romanorum rege Illustei quert summo studio scimus, inducere 
Yelis et nuntio ipso nostro cooperante, cul auctorizand! con- 
cordiam ipsam etiam facultatem dedimus, ad cas conditiones 
venire, pat quas Minis omnibus vestris dissensionibus imponatur, 
charitasque fraterna, sanguinisque necessitudo, que in tot 
discordiis vires suas habere non potuit, redeat inter vos atque 

* Soe mpra, p. 255. 
VOL. VI 2s 


é 





APPENDIX. 627 


29, Pork Juuius I. ro Anna, Queen ov France.* 
1504, May 16, Rome, 
‘Telling her that, ‘pro pace Christianitatis," he has sent as 
Orator to the King, Carolum de Carreto marchionem Fitiarii ¢ 
electum Thebanum, Recommends him to her. 
(Conc. Lib. bre. 22, fi 56%. Secret Archives of the 
Vatican.) 


30, Porz Junius IJ. to Louis XIL, Kino of France. 
1504, June 8, Rome, 
Ludovico Francorum regi, Uno ferme tempore litteras 
celsitudinis tue, vencrabilis fratris episcopi Aretini§ et dilecti fli 
thesaurli Avenionensis [sel Petri Filioli] nuntiorum nostrorum: 
accepinus, quibus lectis et diligenter consideratis—he thanks him 
for his readiness in regard to Venice; also, for the King’s willing- 
ness to make peace with Spain, Sine hac pace neque sanctam in 
perfidos Turcos expeditionem suscipi nec Venetis frenum injici 
posse—this you will understand, 
(Conc. Lib. brey, 22, & 76". Secret Archives of the 
Vatican.) 


3%. Pore Junius Il. to Fort) 
1504, June 10, Rome, 
He apologises for not having yet sent what is necessary for the 
‘conquest of the Castle. Bono animo sitis, 
(Cone. Lib. brev, 22, f. 78°. Secret Archives of the 
Vatican.) 


$2 Porr Junius I]. 1o Ancero Leonini, Bistor 
ov Tivora, Nuncto ar Venice. T 
1504, July c0, Rome 
‘Venerabili frati A. Episcopo Tiburtino. Accepimus literas tuc 
fraternitatis quibus nos certiores reddis, quo die oratores carissimi 


* See supra, p. 256. Finale. 
$ See supra, p. 256,  § Cosimo de’ Passi, Bishop of Arezso, 1497-1998 
U See supra, py 254 

4 See supra, pp. 255-6. For this and the rest of the lettersto Leonia! Tam 
Indeteed to the kindness of Dr, A. Gottlob, 


APPENDIX. 629 


quam novissime certiores efficies, Datum Rome apud 8. Petrum 
die x. Juli, 1504, Pontificatus nostri anno primo, 
(Cone, Lib. brev. 22, rg, Secret Archives of the 
~ Vatican.) 


33- Popr Jutivs II. ro ANcELO Lronint, Brswor oF 
‘Trout, Nuncio av Venice.* 
1504, July 28, Rome. 

Venerabili fratri Angelo episcopo Tyburtino nostro cum potes- 
tate legati de latere Venetiis oratori. Venerabilis frater, ete. 
Littere tue ftaternitatis XV. hujus mensis date nos ambiguos 
reddiderunt, quid de suo isthine recessu yenerabilis frater 
episcopus Aquensis t deliberaturus esset, ced que XVIIT, ejusdem 
scripte fuerunt sublata ambiguitate hujusmodi nos non mediocri 
fetitia affecerunt. Declarant enim episcopum ipsum rationibus 
tuis veris prudentissimisque adductum, consilium cepisse 
immorandi Venctiis, ut restitutionem civitatum, arcium et 
locorum S$. R. E. persuadere Duci et Senatui possit. Ttaque 
et episcopum ipsum, qui in hac re prudentiam singularcm 
veramque ad nos sedemque apostolicam observantiam suam 
ostendit, plurimum in Domino commendamus et te quoque 
summopere laudamus, qui tanta prudentia et industria non solum 
eundem episcopum in procinctu discedendi retraxeris, sed ctiarn 
in Germaniam exquisitissima diligentia tam opportune seripeeris, 
ab codemque episcopo Aquensi scribi curaveris, Nos consilium 
iuum secuti scribimus ad conventum Germanic in cam scnten- 
tiam, quam tu suades. Literas dilecto fillo magistro Mariano 
dé Bartolinis nostro illic oratori, mittimus ea conditione, ut si 
absque offensione animi regie celsitudinis id fieri posse perspexerit, 
Titteras nostras clectoribus sacri Romani imperii reddat, easque 
ipse opportuna sequatur oratione, quo Veneti facilius ad restitu- 
tionemm hujusmodi inducantur, cum {ntellexerint, non solum 
Romano regi, sed toti inclyte nationi Germanic id cure et cordi 
esse; reliqua que in dies audis et scrutaris libenter cognovimus, 
¢t ut in posterum idem facias, exhortamur. Episcopo Aquensi 
predicto, ut etiam suades, scribimus{ et litterarum exemplum 

* Sco uwfra, p. 255. 
+t Lodovico Bruno, Bishop of Acqui, 1483-1508, see ULMANN, T., 4b. 
$ The letter to the Bishop of Acqui, the Imperial Exvoy at Venice, in which 





APPENDIX. 631 


36. Porz Jouvs 11. 1 Lonovico Bruno, Bistror or Acqui, 
AND TO FRANCESCO DE MOonre, ImpEeRtAL Exvov At 


Venice.* 
£504, Oct, &, Reine, 
Venerabili fratri Ludovico episcopo Aquensi et dilecto filio 
Francisco de Montibus equiti carissimi in Christo filii nostri 
Maximiliani Romanorum Regis illustris oratoribus. Audivimus 
cum jocunditate te, dilecte Francisce, Venetias pervenisse missum 
a carissimo in Christo filio nostro Maximiliano rege Romanorum 
illustri, ut una cum venerabili fratre Ludovico episcopo Aquensi 
pro restitutione civitatum, arclum et terrarum S.R.E., quas Veneti 
occupant, instes; novimus enim probitatem et prudentiam tuam 
nec dubitamus, quin res ciusdem S.R.E. . . . cordi habeas. 
Hortamur igitur ut omni studio diligentiaque utaris, ete. 
Dat. Romae, apud S. Petrum die x Octobris, 1504. 
[Cone, Lib, brev, 22, f. 187%, Secret Archives of the 
Vatican.) 


37- Pore Jurivs 11. To ANcELO Lxontnt, BisHop oF TivoL!, 
Nuxcio at Venice. 
15304, Oct. t7, Rome, 

Angelo episcopo Tiburtino, Accepimus litteras tuas quarti, 
quinti, sexti et octavi dierum presentis mensis de rebus Pisau- 
rensibus et Camerinensibus, quamquam consilium tuam non 
improbemus, nec tibi nec aliis quicquam scribendum putamus. 
‘De adventu Oratoris carissimi in Christo filli nostri Wladislai 
regis Hungarie valde letamur, sperantes quod cause nostre S.R.B. 
multum sit profuturus, prescrtim cum jam ut scribis bona jecerit 
fundamenta. Rationes, quibus eum ad prosequendam dictam 
causam nostram animasti atque armasti, optime sunt et ab ips 
‘yeritate deducte, quas non cessabis iterum iterumque repetere et 
eum ad perseverandum hortari, Carissimi in Christo filii nostel 
Maximiliani Romanorum regis illustris optimum animum et inde- 
fessum studium ad recuperationem civitatum et terrarum §,R.E.. 
cum ex aliis multis rebus tum ex litteris, quas ad oratores suos 
novissime Venetias misit, percepimus, nosque ei ob hoe quotidie 
magis debere cognoscimus. Igitur hortandi erunt oratores ipsi, 

* See supra, pp 255. t See swpra, p 255. 


Pit 


APPENDIX. 633 


et nobis supra quam dici possit gratum, prout dilectus filius 
magister Marianus de Bartolinis* causarum palatii apostolici 
auditor, orator noster, latius explicabit cui fidem indubiam prebere 
velitis. Datum Romae apud S. Petrum sub annulo piscatoris die 
xxvimt. Octobris, 1504. Pontificatus nostri anno primo. 
[Conc Lib. brev. 22, f. 201. Secret Archives of the 
Vatican.] 


40. Pope Jutius II. To ANGELO LEONINI, BISHOP OF 
Tivol, Nuncio aT VENICE t 

1504, Nov. 17, Rome. 
‘The Pope has received his news of the rith inst. with joy, and 

is pleased to hear that the Bishop of Acqui will come to Rome, 
(Cone. Lib. brev. 22, f. 230. Secret Archives of the Vatican. 
Unprinted documents and communications from the 

Archives, 1504-1505.] 


4x. Porg Junius II. to Cosimo ve’ Pazzi, 
BisHop oF AREzzo.t 
1504, Nov. 29 [Rome]. 

Cosimo episcopo Aretino, prelato, nostro domestico, nuntio et 
oratori nostro. Ne diutius responsum ex Hispania de tua admis- 
sione cum honoris nostri diminuitione expectes et tempus in- 
cassum teras—he commands him to return at once. 

(Cone. Lib. brev, 22, f. 210%, Secret Archives of the 
Vatican.] 


42. Pore Jutius II. To ANGELO Lzonit, BisHoP oF 
Tivou, Nuncto at Vanice.§ 
1504, Dec. 17 [Rome]. 
Venerabili fratri episcopo Tiburtino Venetiis nostro cum potes- 
tate legati de latere. Ex tuis litteris novissime intelleximus, quod 
licet dilecto filio Petro Berislao preposito S, Laurentii carissimi 
in Christo filii nostri Wladislai, Hungarie et Bohemie regis 
illustris, oratori nec fides nec diligentia nec dexteritas ingenii 
defuerit in repetendis terris et locis S. R. E., nullum tamen saltem 
* See supra, p. 255. + See supra, No. 36. 
t See supra, p. 256. § See supra, p. 257. 





APPENDIX. 635 


de li quali V. Ex. me scripse ali di passati, me dice che ad volerli 
fare cum fi telari et tondi che stiano sopra Ti pledi como stanno 
ii altei ce andaria pit de quaranta ducati de spexa, et che ad 
designarli in carta secundo uno certo designo che é pur in quello 
Joco depinto in tela ce andaria pochissima spexa ; me parso darne 
noticia ad V. Ex. prima che faci altra provixione de furli exem- 
plare, et quella se degnara farme intendere la volonta sua, et sera 
facto quanto la scriverd, et in bona gratia sua sempre me ricot?, 
Rome, die p° febi, 1505, 
: FLORAMONTUS BROGNOLUS. 
{The original is in the Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.) 


45. Porn Juris IL. ro THs Marquess or Massa,* 
1505, Sept. 30, Viterbo. 
Dilecte, etc... Andreas Gallettus, statuarius sculptor de 
monte S, Severini presentium exhibitor venit isthue pro effodiendis 
marmoribus cuidam egregio operi, quod nostro jussu facturus est, 
necessariis. Quocirca nobilitatem tuam hortamur ut cirea hoc 
cidem Andreae omnes oportunos fayores pro nostra et sedis apos- 
tolicae reverentia velis prebere; id si feceris, ut speramus, erit 
nobis plurimum gratum. Dat. Viterbii, die xxx. Sept, 1505. 
Pontif. nostri anno 2%, 
(Conc. Lib, brev, 22, f. 377. Secret Archives of the 
Vatican.) 


46. Juivs IL, ro tHe Avoustinian Hermit, Agcinis or 


Virunno, 
1$05, Nor, 4, Rome. 


Fratri Egidio di Viterbo. Iterum tibi Romam est redeun- 
dum: tantum enim tui desiderium reliquisti ut ab omnibus in 
lege domini et salutem animarum querentibus expecteris. He is 
therefore to come to Rome, 

Dat. Roma, tv. Nov,, 1505, A. IV. P. 2% 

[Cone. Lib, brev, 22, f. 452, Secret Archives of the 
Vatican.) 
1505-1506, 

* See rufva, p. 493- T eannot obtain more precise information in regard to 

this sculptor, E, MUnrz also kacw nothing further about him. 


ral 


636 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 


47- Pore Juris II, to Queen ANNE oF FRANCE.* 
1505, December 1 [Rome} 
The Queen has asked to have Robert, Bishop of Rennes, made 
a Cardinal, He has received the Hat to-day. 


[Cone. Lib. brev. 22, f. p. 409. Secret Archives of the 
Vatican.] 


48. GrROLAMO ARSAGO TO THE MaRQUESS oF MaNTua.t 
1505, Dec. 24, Rome. 
Questa sera N. S* spaza in Franza Cistrione perch me pare 
che la M"del re de Franza voleva che N. S. facesse card® 
mons® de la Tramoia, altramente chel se intendiva de tore il 
possesso de li beneficij de S, P[ietro] in vincula et cosi ha fatto; 
per questo S, S® manda per assetto de questo el pte Cesterone 


[xen] 





[The original is in the Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.] 


49. Pore Jutius II. ro Queen ANNE oF FRANCE t 
1505, Dec, 24, Rome, 
He says that he would gladly have complied with the wishes of 
the Queen at the last nomination of Cardinals: sed tanta incidit 
difficultas, ut mirum sit nos, quos creavimus, potuisse creare. He 
asks her to pacify her husband. § 
[Cone, Lib. brev. 22, f. 433. Secret Archives of the 
Vatican.] 


49a. Pore Juuivs II, To Henry VIII, Kino or Enctanp.| 
1506, Jan. 6, Rome. 
Regi Anglie. Carissime etc. Decrevimus Deo dante vetustam 
admodum et propemodum collabentem basilicam b. Petri apos- 
* See supra, p. 221. + See supra, p, 264. 
t See supra, p. 221, and RAYNALDUS ad an, 1505, n. 40. 
§ Louis XII. at that time was pressing for the nomination of two more 
French Cardinals, See SaxuTo, VI., 275. 
iI See supra, pp. 471-72. 





APPENDIX. 637 


tolorum principis de urbe a fundamentis rehedificare decentique 
opere cum capellis et aliis officinis necessariis exornare atque in- 
staurare. Cum autem nostri et Ro{mane] E[cclesile redditus sint 
admodum tenues et exiles multaque alia etiam pro defensione 
cath[olice] fidei nobis incumbant dispendia ac propterea ad 
tantum tamque sumptuosum opus sint christifidelium praesertim 
catholicorum suffragia plurimum opportuna, M'™ tuam quam 
religione et pietate inter ceteros Christianos reges plurimum 
pollere cognovimus hortamur et ex animo requirimus, velit aliquid 
de bonis sibi in tam inclito et opulento suo regno a Deo collatis, 
Prout devotio sua dictaverit, in hoc sanct[um] ac pernecessarium 
opus erogare et alicui, de quo confidat, committere, ut illud 
videat in eum tantum et non in alium usum converti. By this 
you will oblige Ourselves and the Holy See. Dat Romae apud 
S. Petrum die vi. Januarii, 1506. Pontif. nostri anno 3°. 


Duplicat. sub eadem data. 
Si{mile] archiep. Cantuarien. sub eadem data. 
» » — Eboracen*, 4, oy 
Si[mile] episcopo Wintonien.t sub eadem data. 
a »  Lineolinen. 5, oy) wy 
a »  Sarisberico. , sn 
5 » Norvieen 4, 
” ” Exonien.$ 5, 5 os 
a * Conventrien. § * aN 
i » Cuestien.| ow 
* » -Harforden, yoo 
Si[mile] Margarite matri regis Anglie. 
»  duci Buckinganie, 
»  ™march, de Dorstat. 
» comiti Northumberlandie. 


' » de Vurren, T 

” n Salopie.** 

‘i » — Arundelie. 

»» Devonie. 

* » Oxonie, 
* York. + Winchester, 
t Exeter. § Coventry. 
Ii Ought, perhaps, to be Cloynen, ‘I Worcester. 


** Shrewsbury, 


638 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 


Si[mile] dom. Dunbendii,* regni Anglie camerario. + 
» dom de Burgoynyet 
Omnia duplicata sub eadem data. 


[Cone, Lib. brev. 22, f. 443. Secret Archives of the 
Vatican.) 


50. GIROLAMO ARSAGO TO THE MARQUESS oF MANTUAS 


1506, Aug. 15, Rome, 


.... Heri sera lo ambassatore de lo Imperatore cum littere 
de sua M™ Ces* sottoscripto de sua mano, cosa non ha anchora 
facto, feci intendere a N. St che lo Imperatore omnino volea 
venire di curto ad incoronarsi et volere venire armato, del che 
S. S® non lauda ne li pare sia necessario chel venga armato, Se 
conteneva anchora in esse littere la morte del re de Ungaria, la 
quale non havea a differire la venuta de la M® Ces* per respecto 
che li é rimasto el filio nato pochi di fa. . . . 


[The original is in the Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.] 


51. Pore Juuius II, to Francesco Gonzaca, Marquess 
or ManTval 
1506, Aug. 22, Rome. 


Dilecte, etc. Die mercurii proxima, que’erit vigesima sexta 
huius mensis Augusti, Roma auxiliante Altissimo discedemus ad 
civitatem nostram Bononie profecturi iterque per Romandiolam 
facere cogitamus. Erit igitur nobis gratissimum. si Urbinum ante 
accessum illuc nostrum te conferas, ubi te videre et alloqui prout 
desideramus possimus. He is admonished to do this without 
delay. Dat. Rome apud S. Petrum sub annulo piscatoris die 


22 Augusti, 1506, Pontif. nostri anno 3°. 
SicisMUNDUs. 


[The original is in the Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.] 
* The name seems incorrectly given. 


+ MS.: camerarius. } Burgoyne. 
§ See sufra, pp. 262, 269. Ul See supra, p. 266 


APPENDIX. 639 


52. Pope Juius II. ro Francesco GonzaGa, MARQUESS 
or Mantua.* 

1506, Sept. 10, Castiglione. 
Dilecte fili, etc. Accepimus litteras tuas prenuntias tui ad nos 
adventus, gratissimas nobis quidem illas et optatissimas. Itaque 
tuam nobilitatem magno cum desiderio expectamus. Dat. in 
oppido nostro Castirionis ad lacum Trasimenum sub annulo 

piscat. die x. Septembris, 1506. Pontif. nostri anno 3°. 
SicisMuNDUS, 


[The original is in the Gonzaga Archives, Mantua] 


53 Popg Jutius II. To Francesco Gonzaca, MARQUESS OF 
Mantua, anp NiccoLd BuonaFEDE, Bisuop oF Cutusi.t 


1506, Oct. 15, Forli, 


Decrevimus progredi Imolam usque, sed quia per Faventinum 
agrum iter agendum crit maiore quam consuevimus militum 
numero septos nos esse oportet. He therefore is to send to- 
morrow, or on Saturday, stratigotas et partem levis armaturae to 
Forli, 

SicismunDus, 


[The original is in the Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.] 


4. Pore Junius I. ro Carpinat Giov. ANTONIO 
pi S. Grorio.t 
1506, Nov. 5, Bologna. 
Antonio episcopo Tusculano, cardinali Alexandrini. Gabriel 
Valentius is nominated Reformator studii almae§ urbis ; he is to 
be installed on January rst. 
[Conc. Lib brev. 25, f. 29. Secret Archives of the 
Vatican.] 


* See supra, p. 269. 
‘t See supra, p. 277. 


See supra, p. 457- : 
§ See Ruwazzt, I., 206 seg., on the Reformatori of the University, 


640 HISTORY OF THE POPES, 


55. Pore Junius II. to Cesena.* 
1506, Dec. 10, Bologna. 

Conservatoribus, Antianis et civitati Cesenae. They are to 
have the right of deputing three of their citizens to control the 
accounts of the Papal Treasurer. The fourth part of the fines 
for criminal offences is to be expended in accordance with the 
provisions of the Bull dealing with these matters. The surplus 
is to be spent on repairs of the portus Cesenatii and of the 
Palace. 

[Cone. Lib. brev. 25, f. 59. Secret Archives of the 
Vatican.] 


56. Junius II. ro Ferpinanp THE CatHouic.t 
1506, Dec. 11, Bologna, 
He has fulfilled Ferdinand’s request to reinstate the Observant- 

ines who had been driven out of their convents, and to punish 
the Conventuals ; but he says that the General of the Order 
had asked to have a convent in Aragon assigned to the Con- 
ventuals; he is now sending Fr. Julian de Mugla, Master and 
Professor of Theology, to the King, to explain the matter. He 
also admonishes him to assist the Nuncio to obtain the moneys 
which Fr. Cherubin is collecting there for the General Chapter 
which took place in Rome. The Pope destined these offerings 
for the restoration of the Church of the Twelve Apostles, where 
the Chapter was held. Erit hoc Deo acceptum et nobis 
gratissimum. 

(Conc, Lib. brev. 25, f. 16", Secret Archives of the 

Vatican.] 


57. Pore Junius II. To LeoNarvo Lorepano, 
Dock oF VENICE. 
1506, Dec. 16, Bologna. 

Leonardo Lancedano [sic!] duci Venetiarum. He is again 
admonished to put Cardinal Farnese in possession of the Priory of 

* See supra, p. 229. 

+ See supra, p. 496. “Mugla” in the MS, should perhaps be read 
Magia.” 

See supra, p. 301. 





APPENDIX. 641 


S, Perpetuae to which the Pope had appointed him, qui nobis 
carissimus est et honoris ac amplitudinis tuae studiosissimus. 
Dat. Bononiae, 1507 [sc !] Dec. 16. Pontif. nostri anno 4°. 
[Cone. Lib. brev. 25, f. 19. Secret Archives of the 
Vatican.] 


58. Porz Juxtus II. to Leonarpo LoREDANO, 
Doce or VENicz.* 
1506, Dec. 18, Bologna, 

Leonardo Lauredano duci Venetiarum. Card. S. Mar. Transtib. 
Senogalliensis + is to be put in possession of the Eccles. 
‘Tranensis which has been given to him. Why delay? Pressing 
admonition. 

[Conc. Lib. brev. 25, f. 37. Secret Archives of the 
Vatican.] 


59- Pore Junius II. To CARDINAL ALESSANDRO FARNESE. t 
1507, Jan. 1, Bologna, 

Alexandro S. Eustachii Card, diac. de Farnesio, Administrator 
of the Marches. The inhabitants of those provinces complain of 
the exactions of the local Administrator, Salariae Berengar de 
Armellinis, Card. Farnese is to oppose these, and to protect the 
inhabitants, who are devoted to the Holy See. Dat. Bononiae 
1506 [sic!] Jan. x, Pontif, nostri Ae 4°. 

[Cone, Lib, brev. 25, f. 715, Secret Archives of the 
Vatican.] 


60. Pops Junius II. To Ferpivann THE CaTHOLIC.§ 


1507, Jan. 5, Bologna. 
Regi Catholico. The Nuncio Gabr. Merino is to request him 
to take up the cause of Job. Jord. de Ursinis with the French 
King. 
[Cone. Lib, brev. 25, f. rro, Secret Archives of the 
Vatican.] 


+ See 

+ 

+ See supra, p. 229. 

§ See supra, p. 260. On Gabriel Merino compare Piever, Nuntiaturen, 63. 
VOL. VI. 2T 


APPENDIX. 643 


65. Porg Juuius II. To PieRRE LE FILLEUL, 
ARCHBISHOP oF AIX.* 
‘ 1507, Jan. 5, Bologna. 
The same as the preceding. 
[Cone. Lib, brev, 25, f. 1095. Secret Archives of the 
Vatican.] 


66. Pore Jutius II. to Ascoui.t 
1507, Jan. 6, Bologna, 

Civitati Asculanensi. Threatens severe punishment unless they 
expel the Filius iniquitatis Ascultus cum tota eius familia, and 
refrain from all further hostilities against Arpignano, which has 
surrendered to the Pope. 

[Conc. Lib. brev, 25, f. 84%. Secret Archives of the 
Vatican.] 


67. Pore Jutivs II. To THE LecaTz oF THE MaRcuEs.t 


1507, Jan. 11, Bologna. 
To say that complaints have reached him from this Province, 
of exactions on the part of the judges. He commands the Legate 
to remedy this. 
[Conc. Lib, brev. 25, f 135. Secret Archives of the 
Vatican.) | 


68, Pope Junius II. to THE GovERNOR oF SpoLETO§ 
1507, Jan. 23, Bologna, 

Barthol. de Runeie || civitat. Spolet. gubernatori. He has con- 
nived at the escape of Cupotinus de Norsia, vir factiosus, who 
had been committed to him for safe keeping by the Legate of 
Perugia. He is to be tried. 

(Cone. Lib. brev. 25, f. 116. Secret Archives of the 
Vatican. ] 
* See supra, p. 260. + See supra, p. 229. 


t See supra, p. 229. § See supra, p. 229. 
Il Perhaps Rovere. 





APPENDIX. 645 


‘cum tuti li signori cardinali ha disnato al monasterio. Dopo 
disnare, et che la Santita Sua hebe dormito a xx1, hora & 
muntata a cavallo et cum grandissima solemnitate et triumpho 
ac ne ¢ vcnuta a S, Petro, dopoi al pallatio, La Santita Sua 
dal popolo andd a la via de S. Marcho et poi per Ja strata 
consueta farssi andd a Campo de Fiore. Et per li banchi se ne 
vene aS. Petro. Et in diversi loci se retrovorno archi triumphal 
cum eprigrami (sic!) in laude de sua santita, le strate coperte de 
panno et in multi loci le mure apparate de tapecciaria cum altri 
apparati dove erano li capitoli de le chiesie patriarchalle et in 
altri loci relligiosi in processione cum cantori ct canti, in modo 
che Jo & stato judicato questa intrata essere stata piu solemne non 
fu la coronatione. Dopoi la Santita Sua smuntata et licentiati Hi 
signori cardinali in parte al basso ct in parte ad alto se retird a le 
stantie sue et non dimord multo che la se ne andb a Belvedere. 
Et che tuto per mio debito notifico a Vostra Celsitudine et a la 
Sua bona gratia de continuo me recommando. Romae, xxvii. 
Martij, 1507. 
[The original is in the State Archives, Modena.] 


73. Carpinat Scirro Gowzaca To THE MARQUESS OF 
Mantua.* 
107, March 29, Rome 
Per questa mi occorre significare a V. Ex. come venero proximo. 
passato a di xvi. N.S. parti da Cita Castellana et andd at et 
de li parti el sabbato sequente, et parte a cavallo, parte in barcha 
per el Tivere dividendo cl camino suo gionse a Ponte Molle circa 
hore xxu1., dove era expectato da tutti quelli card! quali erano 
restati qui et da quelli quali havevono prevenuto 8, S* nel yenire 
a Roma et da molti Romani et da tutta la corte, et ivi amontato 
fu accompagnato a S@ Maria del populo, dove stette la nocte, et 
dove la matina seguente tutti questi miei S* Ro card! da hore 
circa x11. s¢ reduseno per celebrare la solennitA de le palme ct 
fare lofficio consueto, quale durd fino ad hore xvi, et dove la 
p* S® disend et cum quella molti Rw S% Cardli de lo numero 
de quali io fui uno, Poi a Ie xx. hore vel circa quella cum tutta 
la corte parti secondo gli ordini consueti et facendo una gran 
© See supra, p. 253. + Name of place illegible. 





APPENDIX. 647 


He recommends to him the de Saulis family who are loyally de- 
voted to the French Crown. 
[Cone, Lib. brev, 25, f 242. Secret Archives of the 
Vatican.) 


76. Pop Juries 11, To Maximnan 1, German EmpERor~ 
* 
1508, Febe. 12, Rome, 

Julius papa IJ. Carissime in Christo fili noster, salutem ct 
apostolicam benedictionem. Hesterno die in consistorio nostro 
secreto dilecti filli nostri Melchior cardinalis Brixinensis + et Con- 
stantinus Cominatus Macedonie princeps literas tuo Celistudinis 
nobis et venerabilibus fratribus nostris sancte Romane ecclesie 
cardinalibus reddiderunt exposueruntque illarum vigore ipsam 
tuam maiestatem iter Italiam versus pro imperialibus infulis de 
manu nostra suscipiendis ingressum esse, ac Tridenti nomen clecti 
impemtoris Romanorum suscepisse, ut, quoniam hee expeditio 
armis tbi agenda est, inclinatiores tecum Germanos habere 
possis. Voluisse autem hoc nobis per cos rite significari, ne quis 
emulus in calumniam vertere posset et dicere, quod in nostrum et 
& Romanae ecclesie prejudicium id egisses, Cum tamen quid- 
quid agis et meditaris ad honorem et commodum nostrum sedis 
apostolice referas iterque hoc ea mente susciperes, ut more claris- 
simorum rum) tuorum coronam imperialemque unc- 
tionem ab eadem sede suscipias, accomodatissima oratione in 
literis explicandis cardinalis et Constantinus sunt usi, que a nobis 
et ipsis vencrabilibus fratribus nostris equissimis auribus atque 
animis est accepta. Itaque tuam Celsitudinem plurimum in 
domino comendamus, que in suscipiendo nomine electi impera- 
toris verita sit animurm nostrum offendere, quominus id juste et 
rite potueris facere, cum sancta Romana ecclesia in precibus et 
orationibus, quas die comemorationis passionis domini nostri Jesu: 
Christi fidelibus facit, clectum imperatorem appellet, itaque cum 
hestra benedictione et gratia hoc electi nomine uti potes nec 
dubitare debes, ut nos cujusquam obtrectationibus aures prae- 

* Sce supra, p. 296-7, also ULMANN, TL, 353, note; pe $40, note, OF 
these documents see No, 118, 

+ Melchior von Meckau. 





sub annulo piscatoris die xm. Februar 
anno quinto. 





& 


APPENDIX. Ga 


‘Charissimo in Christo Gilio nostro Maximiliano electo Roman- 

(On the cover is a note in L. Fries’ handwriting : Imperial Acts, 
Breve Juli 11. Pontificis, to the effect that King Maximilian, 
Emperor-Elect, may come in peace to receive the Crown. 

‘There is a copy made about the same time on a loose sheet of 
paper® in the Kreisarchi, Warburg. 


77- Carpixat. Sioistonpo Gonzaoa TO THE Manquexs oF 
Mantua t 

4905, Feb. 12, Rome. 

« + » Ho ritenuto el presente cavallaro sin hora, perch? essendo 
publica fama che a ‘Trento lo Imper™ haveva facto bandit a 
guerra contra el re de Franza, contra Venetiani, contra el duca di 
Ferram, contra V, Ex. et contra tulle gli rebelli de lo Imperio, et 
che N.S, di questo haveva adviso, me ho voluto chiarire de la 
verita nel consistorio facto questa matina, quale solamente éstato 
ad instantia de Lo Imper’, ciot degli oratori suoi, videlicet del ree 
card® de Brixina ct del S* Costantino, quali presentate lettere 
credentiale a N.S. et al sacro collegio hanno supplicato a S, S® 
‘et pregato detto sacro collegio, che cost come el Re suo é stato 
‘electo Imp” a questi proximi di passati in Trento, cos} sia con- 
firmato de la prefata S* et sacro collegio, ita che per lo advenire 
‘el se possi scrivere Imperatore electo, Poi hanno exposto da 
parti sua, come lui é a Trento, cum exercito per venire a coronarsi 
et farsi la via contra gli nemici et rebelli de lo Imperio, quali 
ge Ja vorano impedire Mandati fuori gli ambassatori et factosi 
consulta sapra la loro proposta fu concluso de respondergli in 
questo modo, et cos gli fu resposto de N. 9*; lui cum consenso 
del collegio essere contento confirmargli il titolo et Ia inscription 
‘sua chel se potessi dimandare Imperatore electo, et cosi lo confir- 
maya et per tale lo haveva, Quanto al venire suo a la coronatione, 
che a lui seria molto grata la yenuta sua quando fusse nel modo 
che vene el patre, ciok senza arme et cum bona pace de tutti gli 
principi christiani, a la quale pace, unione et concordia per lo univers 
sale bene di tutto el Christianesimo lo exhortava, Questo’ quanto 
ho inteso, ne altrimente ho potuto intendere questo banno} de 

'* See No. 78 a8 to how this document was discovered, 
+ Soe supra, ps 297. t Bando, 


=| 


APPENDIX. 651 


statim ut equites et pedites illi, qui ad marchionem Mantue pro 
fecturi erant, non discedant a vobis, sed pro tutela et securitare 
istius nostre dilectissime civitatis ac rerum vestrarum quemad- 
modum desideratis permaneant. ‘Trepidationem autem vestram 
quam in litteris antedictis astendistis, non possumus non mirari. 
He says, that his army and that of his confederates are so strong 
tut si qui nobis arma inferre volent magis de suo periculo quam 
de detrimento aliquo vestro debeant cogitare. He exhorts them 
to be of good courage ; he will take care that nothing shall be 
wanting, should he even have to come there in person, 
[The original is in the State Archives, Bologna.] 


$1. Pore Juuius IL. To THE DURE ALPonso oF FEnKana* 
1509, April 19, Rome. 
‘Ut re ipsa intelligas gratissima nobis fuisse ea que pro nostro: 
et 5, R, E. statu in negocio Bononien. summa cum fide dili- 
gentinque fecisti. . . hodie quod felix ac faustum sit te in 
consistorio nostro secreto de consilio ven. fratr. nostrorum 
S. R. E. cardinalium confalonerium postrum et ejusdem S. R. B. 
fecimus. . . . He asks him to act loyally with the Duke of 
Urbino, whose rank is the same as his own, and then all will be 


[The original is in the State Archives, Modena. 


$2. Lopovico D& Fasniano TO THE MAngvueEss oF 
Mawtua.t 
1599, April 24, Rome. 

Questi U: et Savelli sono venuti allo accordio cum N, Sw 
yenendo hieri alli pedi de Sua S" per il mezo di mad Felice ; 
N.S, li remesse ogni rebellione commessa volendo da loro securta 
de c® millia ducati, de non pigliare soldo da nisuno senza expresga 
Ticentia, et ad questa quantita introrno promessa per una parte il 
populo di Roma, per unaltra alcuni privati gentilhomini et card 
Stando sua B% in questa discussione dove eravamo molti, se 
yoltd al S‘ Julio dicendoti essendo yoi de piu tempo, haveti 

* Sop snr, p. 312 See SANUTO, VILE, 140, onthe festivities at Berar 
in honour of the nomination of Alfonso, 

+ Sow ssgem, pe tt. 





_— 





APPENDIX. 653 


nostram beneplacitum ci concessimus quandocumque nobis libitum: 
promissa. 


antedictum repetas et recipias. Datum Romae, 5 Iunii, 1510, 
Pontificatus nostri anno 7°. 
[A torgo :] Francesco tit S, Ceciline presbytero card. Papiensi, Bonopine, 
©6-, Apost. Sedis legato, 
(The original is in the State Archives, Modena. 


85. Pore Jutius If. To Carpinat Ipporito p'EsTe.* 
1510, July 27, Rome, 
Dilecte, ct. Monuimus omnes cardinales absentes etiam sub 
gravibus penis, ut ad nos et romanam Curiam veniant. Idem 
quoque tibi faciendum putamus. Mandamus ergo tibi sub pena 
privationis pilei, ut intra quindecim dies ad nos et dictam curiam 
Personaliter venias, aut saltem intra biduum a receptione presen- 
tium computandum Bononiam te conferas, wbi a cardinali Papiae 
legata nostro intelliges, quid te velimus facere. Nec valitudinis 
excusatione utaris. Non cnim ipsa valitudo te impedivit, 
quominus assidue facias ea, que voluntati nostme ct honori ac 
statui S. Apostolicae Sedis valde contraria sunt. 
Datum Romae apud §, Petrum sub annulo piscatoris die 
xxv. Tulii, 1510, Pontificatus nostri anno scptimo, 
Sictsuunous. 
{A tergo :] Dilecto filio nostro Hippolyto $, Lucie in silice diac, card. 


[The original is in the State Archives, Modena, Bricfs.] 


$6. Porg Junius IL. ro Canpinat Franc, ALipost AND 
THE MAGISTRATES OF BoLocNa.f 
1511, May 16, Forli, 
Dilecti, etc. Intelleximus hostes S.R.E. Gallos tante temeri- 
tatis fuisse ut prope civitatem istam nostram dilectissimam, fidelis- 
simam atque magnanimam ausi sint accedere, falso existimantes 
in yobis ct universo populo isto fidclissimo ac potentissimo non 


* See smpra, p. 332 + See supra, p. 308 


ail 





APPENDIX. 655 


ill S* suo consorte et perd li mando a posta él presente homo 
mio informato delle particularith di queste cose nostre. Perd non 
ird altro a quella se non che quanto pil posso me li offero ot 
raccomando ricordandoli che di tanto pit potr’ V_ Ex. valersi et 
servirsi quanto io pitt potrd in casa mia che nel lungo exilio, Alla 
min M™ Alda ct al mio Equicola me raccomando inseme con 
fucta Ia sua virtuosissima corte et cosl fa el Moccicone* vero 
servo di V. Ex. Ex Prato die ult. Augusti, 1512, hora vim, 


noctis. 
Servitor, 
Jeutanus be’ Mepicrs, 
[The original is in the Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.) 


89. RePorT oF ARcrDIUS DE ViTRRBO ON JULIUS IL, 
BraMANTE, AND THE REBUILDING OF S PeTER's.+ 


+» » Quae in nationibus vincendis virtus, id Julio If, in hoc 
templo excitando studium fuit . . , Splendidissimum crexit 
templum, quale non sideribus minoribus, sed ipsi soli par sit ; 
posuit illud, inquit, in eius apastoli, qui enarravit gloriam dei, in 
ipso divi Petri tumulo. Conatus Bramantes, architectus huius 
temporis princeps quo usus est Julius cum ad alia quae extruxit 
edificia quam plurima tum pmecipue ad templum maximum 
divo Petro exedificandum, conatus inquio est ille persuadere 
Julio, apostoli sepulcrum ut commodiorem in templi partem 
transferretur, templi frons, non ad orientem solem, ut nunc vergit, 
sed uti in meridiem nothumque converteretur, ut abeliscus 
‘magna in templi area templum ascensuris occurreret ; negare id 
Julius, immota oportere esse sacra dictitars, movere non 
movenda prohibere ; contra instare Bramantes, rem omnium 
accommodatissimam fururam polliceri, si Julii pont’* templam 
augustissimum Julii Cesaris monumentum, [quod] vulgo putant, 
iin vestibulo et ipso templi aditu haberet ; ad religionem facere ut 
templum ingressurus facturusque rem sacram non nisi commotus 
attonitusque novae molis aspectu ingrediatur; saxa montibus 
herentia difficile moveri; mota loca in ima facile ferri ; animos 

* Bibbiena, who wrote the above letter. 
+t See rupra, pp» 456, 480. 








APPENDIX. 657 


Bestiindigkcit hat), und so ex stiirb so ist der yon Gurk von uns 
gefertigt, gen Rom zu postiren, und (uns) hinder das Bapstumb 
4 helffen, Aber nachdem solchs ohn eine merkliche Summa 
gelds, dic wir darauif legen, uns * gestehen lassen missen, nicht 
wohl beschehen mag, haben wir demnach angeschlagen su not- 
turfft vorberiirtes unseres fiirnemmen uff zu sagen und versprechen 
den Cardinilen und etlichen andern Personen in diesen Suchen 
zu verhelffen biss in die dreymal hundert tausent Ducaten zu 
gebrauchen, und dass solches allein durch der Fugger Pannelch t 
daselbst zu Ram entleihen, gehandelt, bestellt und zugesagt werde, 
und beschehen miisste. Und dieweil du aber weist, wir dieser 
Zeit mit Geld nit gefasst seym, auch an unserm Vermogen nicht 
fist, jetatgedachten Fugger vorbestimpter Summa Gelds halben 
anderst, als mit unsern Klcinodiern zu vergniigen und dieselben 
einzusetzen: demnach befeblen wir dir mit allem Ernst und wiillen, 
dass du von Stund an und auff das allerforderlichst bemeldten 
Fugger vorberiirte Sachen, und was uns daran gelegen ist, mit 
bestem fugen, wic du wohl zu thun weist, in geheimb und auff die 
Pflicht, damit er uns als unser Rath verbunden ist, zu erkennen 
gebest, und darauf mit allem hichsten und besten flelss, so 
méglich ist, handelst, uns zu Ehren und gefallen, die vorbertirten 
300,000 Ducaten zu diesem Handel in scin Pannelch gen Rom 
ins theils 2u erlegen, und durch absprechen gewiss xu machen, 
in der gestalt, dass seine Faktores da selbst solch Geld denen, so 
inen durch unsern Fiirstes und licben andechtigen Mattheissen, 
Bischoffen zu Gurck, und ander unser Oratores, #0 wir daselbsthin 
gen Rom verordnen, angezeigt werden, gewisslich 20 entrichten 
und zu bezahlen, und auff redliche Ziel das halb wie gemeldet ist, 
yersprechen und versicher geben, zusagen und yersprechen, und 
fen desshalben Zusagezettel aus der Pannelch, wie Gewohnheit 
ist, geben. 

“Derentwegen wir ime alsdenn die besten vier Truhen mit 
unsern Kleinodiern, mit sampt unsern Lehengewand, das denn 
nit dem Reiche, sondern uns dem Hans Oesterreich zugehorig 
ist, und wir, wo wir das Bapstumb erlangen, nicht mehr bedérffen, 
Denn wo wir uns yon mehrer Ehren wegen zuvor Keyser Kronen 
lassen, wollten wir uns des heiligen Hertzog } Carls Lehengewand, 

* Should probably read md, + Bank, 
t Or Kaiser; of. Unmann, 54+ 
VOL, VE 2uU 





INDEX OF NAMES IN VOL. VI. 


Accou, Pietro, _Cardinal- 
Bishop of Ancona, 344. 
Adrian of Cormeto, Cardinal, 
56, 129, 132, 179, 281, 
353) 303, 376, 380. 
Aegidius of Viterbo, 139, 185, 
271, 272, 303,407, 408, 479. 
Albert, Bishop of Wilna, 146. 
Albertini, Francesco, 281, 484, 
496, 501, 502, 515, 582. 
Alberto Pio, Count of “Carpi, 





319, 428. 
Albini, Benedetto di Giovanni, 
481. 5 
d’Albret, A., Cardinal, 92, 374, 
8 


389. 
» Charlotte, 67, 68. 
> Jean, King of Navarre, 


245. 
Alexander II, Pope, 469. 

» VI, Pope, 3-6, 8-10, 

13, 15) 16, 19-22, 

29-37, 43-48, 49, 

53, 56-69, 71, 72, 

74-76, 78-83, 85, 

87-91, 93-95, 97- 


99, 102-108, 111! 


119, 121, 125, 126, 
128-140, 142-149, 
153-166, 168-180, 
183, 186, 189, 198, 
199, 210, 218, 222, 
223, 226, 246, 253, 
259,260 , 292, 355, 
440, 459 493) 500, 
541. 





Alexander VIL, 177. 
Alfonso of Bisceglia, 58, 59, 76- 
78, 104, 240. 
Calabria, King of 
Naples, 58. 
Alidosi, Francesco, Cardinal- 
Bishop of Pavia, 221, 286, 
305, 315, 335, 336, 342 
348-351, 497, 509, 510, 


592. 

Altieri, Family of, 500. 
Marcantonio, 138. 
alvin, aeoames, 202, 

@Ambotse, Charles, 280. 
» Georges, Cardinal- 
Archbishop of 
Rouen, 62, 63, 
71-92, 189-197, 
204, 209, 234, 
263-285, 292, 
299, 300, 
328, 447 
Cardinal- 
Archbishop of 
Alby, 285, 326, 


447. 
Ambrose, St., 571, 572. 
Angelico da Fiesole, Fra, B., 


542) $74. 
Angelo of Vallombrosa, 385. 
Anne, St., 145, 446. 
» of Brittany, 
France, 57. 
Antonio di Giacomo, 481. 
» deMonte,Cardinal, 366. 


Queen of 


662 


Antonio da Venafro, 122, 123. 

<VAppiano, Jacopo, Prince “of 
Piombino, 8 

Aquinas, see Thomas, St. 

d@’Aragona, Luigi, Cardinal, 92, 
189 195, 292 340, 342% 


a, arcs, Peter, Bishop of Cala- 
horra, 157. 

Arenas, Pedro, 163. 

Areniti, Costantino, 282, 295, 


307. : 
Argentino, Francesco, Cardinal, 


344 
Ariosto, 110, 539. 

Aristotle, 551, 554, 558, 586. 
d'Aubigny, 84. 

Augustine, St., 571, 572. 
@Autun, Jean, 361. 


BADOER, 307, 309. 
Baglione, Gentile, 122. 
Giampaolo, 81, 122, 
124, 204, 261, 269, 
270. 
Pandolfo, 122. 
Petrucci, 122. 
Bainbridge, Cardinal - 
bishop of York, 344. 
Bajazet, Sultan, 86, 317, 509. 


” 


Arch - 


Bakécs, Thomas, Cardinal- 
Archbishop of Gran, 
Patriarch of  Constanti- 


nople, 98, 312, 395, 410, 


424. 
Bartolini, Mariano, 255. 
Bartolomeo, Fra, della Porta, 


540. 
Basso, Girolamo, della Rovere, 
Cardinal, 91, 267, 492, 


496. 

Behaim, Laurent, 169. 

Bembo, Pietro, 110, 135, 307 
397) 582. 3 

Benno, Bishop of Meissen, 145, 
446, 


INDEX OF NAMES. 


Bentivogli, Family of, 262, 265, 
283, 303-305, 331, 336 
347, 349 3721 425, 513- 

Bentivoglio, Alexander, 293. 

Giovanni, 81, 82, 

261, 266, 
274-277, 
285, 293, 363. 

» Hermes, 122. 

Bianchino, 48r. 

Bibbiena, Cardinal, 520. 

Bonaventure, St., 560, 572. 

Boniface VIII., Pope, 446. 

Bontempi, 437. 

Borgia, Family of, 76, 115, 138 
202, 205, 449. 

Caesar, 57, 58, 60-62, 

"66-69, 71-74, 76-78, 

80-83, 94, 102, 104 


107, 112-114, 118 
128, 130, 132-134 
151-153, 166, 186— 
191, 202-205, 208, 


209, 217, 233-246. 
Francesco, Cardinal, 92, 
1c 334 35% 37% 


Joe, 69, 125. 

Juan, Cardinal - Arch- 
bishop of Monreale, 
131. 

Juan, Cardinal - Arch- 
bishop of Valencia, 60, 
63, 73: 9%) 235- 

Juan, 104, 105, 121. 

‘Lucrezia, 58, 69, 71, 76- 
78, 104-112, 114, 166. 

aves, Cardinal, 92, 
240, 243. 

Rodrigo, Cardinal, se 
Alexander VI. 

Rodrigo, son of Lucrezia, 
see Rodrigo. 

Boyl, Bernard, 163. 

| Bracci, Alessandra, 16. 

Bramante, Donato, 179, 

340, 455, 461, 


180, 
403-47 





INDEX OF NAMES. 


Bramante, Donato—continued. 
473-475, 478-480, 483, 
484, 486, 487, 489, 494, 
500, 503, 507, $08 533) 


553. 

Bramantino, 543+ 

Branca, Sebastiano de, 437. 

Brandolinus Lippi, Raphael, 94. 

Brigonnet, Cardinal, 92, 181, 
326, 332, 334, 353) 374 
387, 389. 

Brixen, Bishopof, seeChristopher 
of Schroffenstein. 

Brunetti, Giovanni, 39. 

Bruni, Enrico, Archbishop of 
Tarento, 481. 

Buonarroti, se Michael Angelo. 

Burchard, Jobann, 116, 135, 
149, 187, 195, 197, 208, 
473. 


Cayeran, Cardinal, see Thomas 
de Vio. 
Calixtus IIT, Pope, 160. 
Capello, Paolo, 80, 341. 
Capcdiferri, Family of, 500. 
Caradosso, 461, 467, 473, 489- 
Caraffa, Cardinal, 10, 15, 17, 
19, 91, 116, 185, 186, 192— 
194, 196, 262, 332, 492 
Carlotta of Naples, 58, 65. 
Carpi, see Alberto Pio. 
Carretto, Carlo de, Marquess of 
Finale, 255. 
» Carlo Domenico del, 
Cardinal, 221, 353, 


363. . 
Carvajal, Bernardino, Cardinal, 
65 9%, 160, 191, 197, 241, 
243) 244, 295, 296, 298, 
334 335) 353) 362, 374, 
376, 385-387, 389-392, 


395- 

Casanova, Jacopo, Cardinal, 128, 

Cassarelli, Family of, 500. 

Castelar, | Giovanni, “Cardinal, 
128, 





663 


Castellesi, see Adrian of Corneto. 
Castiglione, Baldassaro, 490. 
Castro, Juan de, Cardinal, 92, 


191, 
Centelles, Raimondo, 56. 
Cerretani, 389, 402. 

Cesarin Gratin, Cardinal, 92, 


188, 3 
Chana, Robert, Cardinal, 221, 


Chara "the Great, Emperor, 
379, 421. 
» VY. Emperor, 379, 421. 
» VILL, King of France, 
4; 51 36 55) 103) 113) 
n __ $695 176, 355) 459- 
Chatillon, 389. 
Chaumont, 279, 336-338, 347- 
Chigi, Agostino, 492, 495-497- 
Christopher of Schroffenstein, 
Bishop of Brixen, 384. 
Cibd, Lorenzo, Cardinal, 91. 
Ciochi, Antonio di Monte San- 
sovino, Cardinal - Arch- 
bishop of Liponto, 274, 


344. 
Clement VII, Pope, 166. 
Clermont, Francois Guillaume 


de, ’Cardinal - Archbishop 
of fuel 219, 234 270, 
6, 332. 
Colla John 382. 


Colonna, Family of, 56, 59, 62, 
69, 77, 84, 103, 104, 
125, 204, 218, 311, 
369, 381, 404, 419, 
420, 430. 
» Fabrizio, 4oo. 
» Giovanni, Cardinal, 
69, 92, 189, 192, 
37%) 474. 
» Marcantonio, 260. 
y» Pompeo, Bishop of 
Rieti, 371, 372. 
Columbus, Christopher, 67, 159; 
160, 163, 441. 
» Diego, 67, 441. 


INDEX OF NAMES. 


Fregosi, eek of, 327. 
jiovanni, 415. 
Fogger, raaiy of, 38%. 


Gamrtete DA Fano, 256. 
Gabriel Gabriello dei, Cardinal, 
ishop of Urbino, 221. 
Gast ies of, 104, 218. 
Gara Fores Sixtus, 
‘card 222, 302. 
George of Negroponte, 491. 
Ghiberti, ine 55% 
Ghii i, 251. 
Giocondo da Verona, 581. 
io, Giovanni Antonio de 
Cardinal, 65, 91, 262, 


287. 
Giovanni di Sirolo, Archbishop 
of Ragusa, 242. 
» da Udi 


Giulio Romano, 594. 

Giustinian, Antonio, 121, 127, 
128, rh 132, 135, 185, 
186, 189, 194 195) 197+ 
ae 202, 203, 236-23! 





ease 
Gonsalvo ay eeariorsl 58 
99 127, 485, 241, 243, 


244- 

Gon: Elisabetta, Duchess of 
aerating 15%. 

» — Federig 

e Francesco, Marquess 

of Mantua, 185, 219, 

266, 269, 271, 279, 

282, 299) 317, 334 


” joVANNI, 270, 345+ 

w Leonora, 219, 

a Sigismondo, Cardinal, 
Gorita, 493 
Grass Actilles de, Cardinal, 

34, 344 





665 


Grassis, Paris de, 216, 262, 268, 
270, 278, 2! 288, 
Fa 336, 337) 33% 345, 


423, 424) ieee 
‘a7 4394730 4 
f the Great, St, cn 
65, STE, 574 
wo 7 WIL, Bt 


92) 319, 318, 409, 430. 

Gringoire, Pierre, 357. 

Grosso della Rovere, Clemente, 
Cardinal, 219, 221. 


della 
Cardinal, 221, 267, 286, 


424, 535+ 
Guarna, An ander 


Jielmo di Piemonte, 500. 
raceriiey 135, 217, 230 
i ah 
Guidiccioni, arn 
Guidobaldo, Duke ‘Urbino, 
120, 122, 151, 240, 258, 
266, 269, 270, 273, 27: 
279, 282, 313: 33° 
368, 369, 
Gurk, Bishop of, see Lang. 
Esp at Rita Oe eet 
Heliodorus, 600, bor. 
Henneberg, Berthold von, Arch- 


bishop of Mayence, 201. 

Henry VI A Dee of England, 

” vit "King of England, 
89, 97, 226. 

»  VIIL, King of England, 

325 33% 36%) 373, 

398, 412) 471, 472 

Hermannsgriin, Hans von, 355- 

Inonis, Francesco, Cardinal, 


128, 138. 
Inghirami, Tommaso, 427, 501, 


INDEX OF NAMES. 


Malvezzi, Giulio, 339. 

Mancino, Paolo, 481. 

Manfredi, Astorre, Lord of 
Faenza, 81, 82. 

Mansi, 139. 

Manuel, see Emmanuel. 

Marcello, Cristoforo, 429. 

Margaret of Burgundy, 299-375, 
377) 380, 443. 

Marinus, Georgius, 94. 

Maruffi, Fra Silvestro, 43-45, 50. 

Massimi, Family of, 500. 

Domenico dei, 495. 
Matilda, Countess, 416. 
Matthias, Bishop of Greenland, 


159. 
Maximilian 1, Emperor, 63, 70, 
89, 95, 96, 107, 113, 130, 
188, 215, 255, 257, 262, 
293-300,- 303, 308, 313, 
31% 318, 321, 323) 33%, 
343, 344 347, 354-357 
373: 375-383, 398, 412- 
414, 421-425, 427. 
Medici, Giovanni de’, Cardinal 
—afterwards Leo X., 
9%, 173, 19% 197, 
220, 269, 373) 400, 
492, 405; 415, 420, 
492 605. 
‘See also Leo X. 
Giuliano de’, 420. 
Giulio de’, Cardinal, 


402. 
» _ Piero de’, 4, 9, 38. 
Melchior Copis von Meckau, 

Cardinal-Bishop of Brixen, 


129. 
Mendoza, Cardinal, 92. 
Menico Antonio di Jacopo, 481. 
Michael Angelo — Buonarroti, 
151, 215, 453, 455) 456, 
460, 463, 464, 468, 478, 


488, 489, 492, 500, 502-| 


_ $20) $2% $23, §29-540- 
Michiel, Giovanni, Cardinal, 91, 
128, 129. 


667 
Mila, Luis Juan del, Cardinal, 


92. 
Mino da Fiesole, 478. 
Mirandola, see Pico. 
Monserati da Guda, 472. 
Monte Sansovino, Cardinal, see 
Ciochi. 


Nicuotas V., Pope, 152, 154, 
158, 171, 173, 286, 456, 
457, 459 464, 469, 47% 
478, 483, 501, 503, 542, 


58% 589. P 
Nicholas of Cusa, Cardinal, 
154. 
| Nitus, 146. 
Otar IL, St, King of Norway, 


|. 158: 

Oliverotto of Fermo, 123, 124. 

Orsini, Family of, 56, 59 75 
77; 81, 121-127, 188, 
203-205, 208, 210, 
218, 311, 369, 381, 
398) 404. 

Battista, Cardinal, 91, 
121, 125, 126, 371. 

Felice, 260, 267, 311. 

Franciotto, 122. 

Giovanni Giordano, 126, 
127, 204, 240, 260, 
267. 


Giovanni Paolo, 104. 

Laura, 259, 267. 

Orso, 260. 

Paolo, 122, 123 

Rinaldo, Archbishop of 
Florence, 125. 

Otho, Emperor, 469. 


Pattavicino, Antoniotto, Car- 
dinal, 91, 186, 189, 192- 
194 292, 293. 

Panvinius, 469. 

Parmino, Lorenzo, 472. 

Paul II, Pope, 147, 198, 464., 
486. 





INDEX OF NAMES. 


Rovere, Giuliano della, Cardinal, 
afterwards Julius IL, 
61, 65, 66, 71, 9% 
113-179, 186, 189, 
191-194, 196, 203, 
204, 208-210, 247, 


487 : 

See also Julius 11. 

»  Lucchina, 215, 219. 
+ Niccold, 259. 
Ruysch, Johann, 543. 


Sapotet, Cardinal, ss, 558. 
Sancia of Aragon, 77. 
Sangallo, Antonio UR 168, 464, 
482, 
Francesco da, 488. 
Giuliano da, 168, 179, 
459 460, 463, 488, 
507, 508. 
Sannazaro, Jacopo, 115. 
Sanseverino, Cardinal, 68-70, 
92, 292, 326, 334 353, 
374 385, 389, 391, 395) 
398, 399 401, 403. 
Sansoni, Cardinal, 92. 
Sansovino, Andrea, 460, 492, 
493. 
” Jacopo, 489. 
Santa Croce, Giacomo, 125. 
Santori, Fazio, Cardinal, Bishop 
of Cesena, 221. 
Sanuto, 60, 135. 
Sanzio, see Raphael. 

Sauli, Bandinello, Cardinal, 344. 
Savelli, Family of, 81-104, 125, 
203) 210. 

Giovanni Battista, Car- 

dinal, 371. 

» Silvia, 113, 115. 

Savonarola, Fra Girolamo, 3-53. 

Schedel, Hartmann, 169. 

Schinner, Matthzus, Cardinal, 
324, 325 344, 395, 396, 
413, 416, 419. 

Sebastiano del 
Piombo. 


Piombo, see 


669 


Serra, Jacopo, Cardinal, 92. 

Seyssel, de, 361. 

Sforza, Family of, 72. 

Ascanio, Cardinal, 14, 
62, 63, 65, 66, 68-70, 
75, 9%) 126, 189, 195— 
197, 209, 264, 301, 
460, 492, 496. 

Caterina, 72. 

Giovanni, of Pesaro, 81, 
218, 

Lodovico Moro, Duke 
of Milan, 16, 62, 70, 
73-75, 88, 96, 421. 

Massimiliano, 421. 

Ottaviano, Bishop 
Lodi, 416. 

S. Giorgio, see Giorgio. 

Signorelli, Luca, 498, 543. 

Sixtus IV., Pope, 146, 

199, 228, 436, 456, 
481, 486, 493, 495 
505-50 572-574 


of 


152, 
45% 
496, 
589, 


sin, Pope, 485. 
Soderini (Gonfaloniere), 509, 
St. 

Francesco, Cardinal, 
129, 189, 192, 197, 
236, 238, 239. 

Sodoma, 543. 

Soffatelli, Giovanni, 270. 

Spiegel, 355, 356. 

Francesco, 


Cardinal, 


Tuomas oF AQuinas, St, 143, 
559) 572) 578, 5 
de Vio. (Cajetanus), 
366, 385, 410, 412, 
Tizio, Sigismondo, 207. 
Toccio, Francesco del, 475. 
Torquemada, Cardinal, 502. 
Tozzo, Giuliano del, 481. 
Trémoille, see La Trémoille, 








670 


Trithemius, Abbot of Sponheim, 


_. 15 375. . 
Trivulzio,” Gianantonio, Car- 
dinal, 189. 
» Gianjacopo, 51, 71, 


5 34%, 363; 386. 
Turriano, Gioacchino, 48. 
Tuti, Archangelo dei, 282. 


Ucut, Fra Mariano, 34. 
Urban IV., Pope, 596. 
» VIIL, Pope, 169. 


VADIAN, 414. 

Vaga, Perino della, 173. 

Valle, Family of, della, 500. 

Valori, Francesco, 39,:47- 

Varano, Giulio Cesare, 120. 

Vasari, 169, 174, 462, 463, 
486, 517, 533, 549 591. 

Vega, Garcilosso de la, 64. 

Vegio, Maffeo, 469. 

Vera, Giovanni, Cardinal, 92, 
186, 





INDEX OF NAMES. 


Vespucci, Guidantonio, 39. 
Vettori, Francesco, 416, 451. 
Vich, Hieronymus de, 412. 
Vigerio, Marco, Cardinal, 221, 


239) 427. 
Villeneuve, Louis de, 60. 
Vincent of Beauvais, St., 559. 
Vincenzio da Viterbo, 481. 
Vitelli, Family of, 124. 
wy Vitellozzo, 81, 122-124. 


WIMPHELING, Jakob, 356. 


Ximenes, Cardinal-Archbishop 
of Toledo, 164, 285, 291, 
367. 


Zampeccart, Alessandro, 469. 
Zamometit, Andrea, 37. 

Zane, Bernardino, 409. 

Zeno, Battista, Cardinal, 91. 
Zuniga, Juan de, Cardinal, 219. 
Zurita, 243, 387. 

Zwingli, Ulric, 414. 


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