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Printed by J. & H. Cox (Bkothsss), 74 & 75> Great Queen-street, 
Lincoln's- Inn lidda. 


•*. * 


•• • 


• • 

* 2 





• • 







»• • 

• • 


• • • 






1. The Conspiracy of Porcari 1 

2. Sixtus IV. to his Nuncios ... ... ... 3 

3. Polo Capello to the Venetian Senate 5 

4. Death of Pope Alexander VI 8 

5. Report of Polo Capello 11 

6. Domenico Trevisano to the Venetian Senate ... 12 

7. Report of Marin Zorzi 14 

8. Roman Embassy of Marco Minio ... ... 19 

9 Diary of Sebastiano de Telini 20 

10. Life of Leo X 22 

11. The Pontificates of Leo X., Adrian VI., and 

Clement VIL iL 

12. Aluise Gradenigo to the Venetian Senate 23 

13. Venetian Ambassadors on Roman Antiquities... 25 
H. Conclave and Election of Clement VII 28 

15. Instructions to Cardinal Famese, Legate to the 

Emperor ... ... ... ... ... ... 3) 

16. History of Italy by Vettori 88 

17. Marco Foscari to the Senate of Venice 93 

18. Contarini's Embassy to Clement VII. and 

Charles V i)6 

19. Cardinal Campeggio on the means of destroying 

Protestantism ... 97 

20. Embassy of Antonio Suriano ... ... ... 100 

21. Report of Suriano 102 







22. Instructions from Paul III. to bis Nuncio at the 

Council of Trent : 

23. Roman Instructions for selecting a city wherein 

to hold the Council of Trent ] 

24. Embassy of Cardinal Montepulciano ... ... ] 

25. Instructions for the Nuncio to the Council of Spires ] 

26. Instructions to Cardinal Contarini, Legate to 

Germany ] 

27. Matteo Dandolo to the Venetian Senate ... ] 

28. Life of Pope Marcellus II., by his brother ] 

29. Life of Pope Paul IV., by Caracciolo ] 

30. Report of Navagero to the Republic of Venice ... ] 

31. Embassy of Aluise Mocenigo from Venice to 

Rome ... ... ... ... ... ] 

32. Embassy of Marchio Michiel to Pius IV 1 

33. Despatches of Venetian Ambassadors 1 

34. Trial of Cardinal Caraffa 1 

35. Report of the Venetian Ambassador, Girolamo 


36. Embassy to Rome of the Spanish Ambassador, 

Alcantara 1 

37. Embassy of Carlo Visconti from Pius IV. to the 

king of Spain 1 

38. Report by Commendone to the Legates of the 

Council 1 

39. Report of Cardinal Morone 1 

40. Attempt of Canossa to assassinate Pins IV. ... 




eport of the Yenetian ambasHidor Paolo Tiepolo 

mbassy of Michiel Soriano 

.ccount of Pope Pius V. 

.ome under Gregory XIII 

econd Report of Paolo Tiepolo 

ommentaries on the Pontificate of Gregory XIIL 195 
«port of Ghisilieri to Gregory XIIL ... .198 

he Court of Rome, by Cardinal Commendone ... tia 




ntograph Memoirs of Sixtus Y 


ife of Sixtus, corrected by himself ... . 

... 221 

ixtus Y., Pontifex Maximus 


ontificate of Sixtus Y 


ife of Sixtus, by Sangenesino 


ife of Sixtus, by Galesini 

... 240 

nonymous Life of Sixtus Y 


eport to Pope Sixtus Y. 

... ib» 

mbassy of the Yenetian Lorenzo Priuli 


eport of Giovanni Gritti ... 

... 246 

mbassy of Badoer 


enetian Despatches 

... 247 

Icclesiastical affairs of Poland 


linucci on the Restoration of Catholicism 

... 256 




life of Cardinal Santa Severina ... 

... 261 



65. Life of Clement VIII 272 

66. Instruction to Powsinsky, Nuncio to Poland ; and 

Report of the King of Poland's entry into 
Sweden ib, 

67. Report concerning Poland 273 

68. Political and religious state of Sweden — Intercala- 

tion — Remarks on the peculiar characteristics 

of Bentivoglio ... ... ... ... ib. 

69. Report to Cardinal d'Este 276 

70. Embassy of Delfino 278 

71. Report of Venier 283 

72. Instruction to the Spanish Ambassador Viglienna 287 

73. Dialogue on the Empire, and the provinces infested 

with heresy ... ... ... ... ... 288 

74. Report on the Churches of Saxony 289 

75. Instructions to the Nuncio Barberini on his pro- 

ceeding to France 231- 

76. Life of Pope Paul V 293 

77. Report concerning the unhappy state of Germany 294 

78. Embassy of congratulation from Venice, on the ac- 

cession of Pope Paul V. ... 296 

79. Cardinal Gessi, Nuncio to Venice 301 

80. Milensio, Report of the Diet held at Ratisbon ... 303 

81. Embassy of the Venetian Giovanni Mocenigo to 

Rome 305 

82. Report of the Swiss Nunciature to Venice — Re- 

port of the Grisons 307 

83. Diotallevi, Nuncio in Poland 311 

84. Account of Bologna 312 

85. Instructions for a Legate to Bologna ... ... 315 

86. Payments of Roman Barons to the Pope — Imposts 

on the vassals of the Barons ib. 

1 7. Revenues of Roman Nobles 317 

88. Proposals for the relief of the Apostolic Trea- 

sury ... ... ••• ••• ••• ^•^ 319 

89. Grants from Paul V. to his family 321 


»0. PAOB 

00. Report on the Ecclesiastical States 322 

91. Pitaro on Maritime Commerce ... ... 324 

92. Report from Romagna ... ' ib. 

93. The Universal Government, one fold and one Shep- 

herd — Jesuit Historians 326^ 

94. Venetian Ambassadors to Gregory XY 333 

95. Life of Ludovico Ludovisi .., ... ... 335 

96. Instructions to the Bishop of Aversa 339 

97. Instructions to the Patriarch of Alexandria ... 343 

98. Instructions to the Archbishop of Antrinopoli ... 344 

99. Instruction to the Nuncio Lancelotti 345 

100. Report of Lazari to the "Propaganda fide" ... 347 

101. The Palatine Library 349 

102. Mission of Don Tobia Corona 351 

103. Report of the Venetian Ambassador Zeno ... 354 

104. Embassy of Venetians to Urban VIII 359 

105. Instructions to Sacchetti, Bishop of Gravina, Nun- 

cio to Spain ;. ... 363 

106. Instructions to tlie Archbishop of Damiata, Nuncio 

to France 364 

\ 107. Instruction to the Bishop of Cesena, Nuncio to 

Savoy 366 

. 108. Report on the state of Religion in Bohemia ... 368 
.| 109. Report to Pope Urban VIII , by the Bishop of 

I Nicastro 373 

-I 110. Instruction to the Nuncio to Cologne ... ... 375 

,1 111. Report of Pietro Contarini to the Venetian Se- 
nate ... ... ... ... ... ... 377 

112. Caraffa on the Empire and Germany 382 

113. Report on the Diocese of Augsburg ... 386 

114. Legation of Aluise Caraffa ... ... ... ib. 

115. Report of Aluise Contarini to the Senate of 
Venice 389 

. 116. Death of Cardinal Ippolyto Aldobrandino ... 3.93 

^ 117. Report of the Venetian Ambassador Nani ... ^%\ 
118. Spada on the Rowa>n Government ... ..» '^^1 



KO. P-A 

119. Disputes of tho Barberini family with Odoardo 

Farnese ... ... ... ... ... 3 

120. Life of Urban VIII 4 



121. Life of Cardinal Cecchini by himself ... ... 4 

122. Diary of Deone 4 

123. The State of Rome ... " 4 

124. Pontificates from Gregory XIII. to Clement IX. — 

Life of Donna Olympia Maldachina ... 4 

125. Venetian Ambassadors to Innocent X. ... ... 4 

126. Report of Aluise Contarini ... ... ... 4 

127. Memorial to Pope Innocent X. ... ... ... 4 

128. Giustiniani on the Court of Rome ... ... 4 

129. Embassy from Venice to Pope Alexander VII. ... 4 

130. Life of Alexander VI 1 4 

131. Casati on the Conversion of Christina of Sweden 4 

132. Corraro on the Court of Rome ... 4 

133. Sagredo's Report on Rome 4 

134. Pietro* 8 Basadona Report on Rome ... ..4 

135. Life of Alexander VII. 4 

136. Quirini's Report on Rome ... 4 

137. Report on Rome — to the King of France ... 4 
138- Grimani on the Roman Court 

139. Report on the State of Rome ... ... 4 

140. Life of Clement X., by Orvietano ... ... 4 

141. Life of Clement X 4 

142. Pontificate of Clement X. ^. 

143. Report on the State of Rome ^ 

144. Piero Mocenigo to the Venetian Senate ... ... ^ 

145. Treatise on the Government of Rome ... ^ 

146. Life of Pope Innocent XL i 


C NO. 

T 148. 
- 149. 

, 150. 
' 151. 







• 159. 





*^ 164. 

>= 165. 








Memorial to Pope Innocent XI. 

Satirical Ode against Innocent XI. 

College of Apostolic Secretaries, suppressed 

Innocent XL 

On the Maxims and Goyernment of the Jesuits 
Embassy of Lando from Venice to Rome 
Confession of Pope Alexander YIII. 
Report of Domenico Contarini 
Nicolo Erizzo— Report on Rome ... 

Report of G. F. Morosini 

Report of Lorenzo Tiepolo 

Embassy of Andrea Comer 

Report of Pietro Capello 

Observations on the Ecclesiastical States 
Autograph Instructions for Officials 

Regulations for Commerce 

Report of Aluise Mooenigo 

Embassy of Venice 

Report of Aluise Mooenigo IV. ... 
Embassy of Girolamo Zulian 










No. 1. 

Ad S. />" Nostrum Fontificem Maximum Nicolaum F. 
conformatio curia romana loquentis edita per E, S, ora- 
torem Joseph. B. doctorem cum humili semper recom- 
mendatione, (1453.) BibL Vatic, nr. 3618. [^To our 
Lord, his Holiness the Supreme Pontiff, NicholaaV., the 
Address of the Roman Curia set forth and presented by 
Doctor Joseph B., Orator of the Holy Church. (1453.) 
Vatican Library, No. 3618. 

A LAMENT over the weU-known conspiracy of Stephen 
Porcari, which, although not presenting any more minute 
details concerning it, yet places before us certain important 
circumstances explanatory of the general position of things ; 
it gives intimation, for example, of the principal object pro- 
posed to himself by Nicholas V. in his architectural under- 

** Arces fortificat maris turrimque superbam 

Extruit ne quisque tyrannus ab alma 

Quemque armis valeat papam depellere Roma.'' 
[He strengthens the heights and fortresses by the erection of walls and 
proud towers, that no tyrant may find his arms avail to expel the pontiff 
ftom beloved Rome.] 
TOL. UI. Ji 


Previous popes had frequently been compelled to quit 
tbeir capital. Nicholas built that he might be prepared to 
defend himself against all assailants, whether from within or 
from without. There is further exhibited in this document 
the condition of Rome as compared with that of other Italian 

*' Si tu perquiriB fai omnibiB illam (libertatem) 

UrbibnS Italise, nullam mihi crede profecta 

Inyenies urbem qus sic majore per omnem 

Idbertate modum quam nunc tua Roma fruator : 

Omnis enim urbs dominis et bello et pace coacta 

Prsestita magna suia durasque grayata gabellas 

Solvit, et interdum propriam desperat habere 

Justitiam, atque ferox violentia dvibus ipais 

Saepe fit, ut populus yarie vexatus ab illis 

Fasce sub hoc onerum pauper de divite fiat ; 

At tua Roma sacro nee prsestita nee similem vim 

Nee grave vectigal nee pondera cogitur uUa 

Solvere pontifici ni humiles minimasque gabellas : 

Prseterea hie dominus tribuit justissimus almam 

Justitiam cuicunque suam, violentaque nulli 

Infert : hie populum prisco de paupere ditem 

Efficit, et placida Romam cum pace gubemat.'' 
[Though you should seek through all the cities of Italy, yet in none 
will you find your own Rome surpassed in the enjoyment of all kinds of 
liberty : for ail others are compelled to pay heavy taxes by their rulers, 
whether in peace or war ; yet tiiey frequently despair of obtoining justice, 
and the citizens are so crushed and overborne by oppression and violence, 
that he who was rich has been made poor, and the poor sink beneath 
their miseries. But your Rome is subjected to no similar exactions or 
yiolence, she is compelled to pay no exorbitant impo^, nor has to fear 
even Kght and moderate taxes firom her sacred pontiff. There too the 
most upright of rulers sees justice imparted to all, and will ndther 
inflict wrong nor suffer that it should be done to any ; he raises the 
people firom poverty to wealth, and governs Rome in tranquil content.] 

The author reproaches the Romans for labouring to attain 
the freedom of ancient Rome. It is indeed established be- 
yond a doubt that the papal rule was milder than that of any 
other Italian government; and the knowledge of this £Ebet 
contributed largely to the territorial extension of the Ecclesi- 
astical States. Our author considers it unpardonable that the 
citizens should oppose resistance to that church from which 
they obtained so many benefits both spiritual and temporal. 

** Quibus auri e$pia gr{mdi8 
Arfftntiqttefsrax, Ktemaqoe vita salusque 
Provenit, ut nulli data gratia turn ardua gentl.'' 


[Whenee tiiere proceeds to them so great an abnndanoe of gold and 
sihrery together with the safety of their eternal life, so that no people has 
equal hlfflgings with themscJTes.] 

The ^ope is advised to provide still more effectually for 
his safety, to increase his fortifications, and never to go to 
St Peter's without a guard of 300 armed men ; he is, at the 
same time, recommended to aim at securing the affections of 
the Roman people, and to support the poor, more particularly 
those of good descent, '^vitam qui mendicare rubescunt" 
f who blush to live by begging"). 

** Snccurre volentibns artes 
Exercere bonas, qnibus inclyta Roma nitescat ;" 
[Give aid to those who are willing to exercise those laudable- arts 
by which the glory of Rome is enhanc^.] 

Which was indeed a counsel scarcely needed by Nicho- 
las V. This little work is moreover referred to in the " Vita 
Nicolai Y. a Domenico Creorgio, conscripta BomsB, 1742," 
p. 130. 

No. 2. 

Instrtictiones dates a Sixto IV. BB, PP. D^^J, de Agnellis 
' protonotario apostolico etA nf"" de Frassis S.palatii eauaarum 
auditori ad M, Imperatoris. 1 Dec* 1478. Bibl. Altieri, 
VII, G, 1, 90. pnstructiona given by Sixtus IV. to the 
reverend Fathers J. de Agnellis, Apostolic Protonotary, 
and Antonio de Frassis, auditor of causes to the sacred 
palace, who were sent nuncios to his Imperial Majesty. 
1st Dec. 1478. Bibl. Altieri, VII. G. 1. 90.] 

The oldest instruction that I have found among the MSS. 
that have come under my observation. It begins thus — 
*'*' Primo salutabunt Serenissimum Imperatorem." 

The attack of the Pazzi on the Medici had taken Jplace on 
the 26th of April, 1478. All Italy was thrown into com- 
motion by this outrage. '^ Ecclesia justa causa contra Lauren- 
tium mota, clamant Veneti, clamat tota ista liga." [The church 
is moved with just cause against Lorenzo— the Venetians 
complain, all this league complains.] 

The ambassadors were instructed to prevent the emperor 
&om giving credence to a certain Giacopo de Medio.) ^\iom\!)a& 

B 2 


Yenetiaa shad sent as their emissaiy to the imperial oonrt 
I^H^ is an inordinate liar (est magnns fabricator et CretensisX 
for he declared many things to his countiymen which we had 
never nttered, nor even thought of.^ '^^^ were to request 
the mediation of the emperor : the king of France had already 
offbred his interrention, but the pope preferred to resenre ihd 
honour of that office to the emperor. ^^ Yelit scribere regi 
FrancisB et ligas isti, ostendendo quod non recte feciunt et 
parum existimant Deum et honorem pontificis, et quod debent 
magis fiftvere ecclesise justitiam habenti quam uni mercatori^ 
qui semper magna causa fuit quod non potuerunt omnia con- 
fici contra Turcum qusB intendebamus parare, et fuit semper 
petra scandali in ecclesia Dei et tota Italia." QLet him write 
to the king of France and to that league (ista liga), shewing 
them that they are not proceeding uprighUy, but are paying 
little respect to God and to the honour of the pontiff; and 
that they ought rather to feivour the church — she having justice 
on her side— than this merchant, who has always been a great 
hindrance to all our projects against the Turks ; — the main 
cause why all that we have been minded to undertake against 
them could not be brought to bear, and a stone of offence to 
God's church and to all Italy."] 

This affair was all the more perilous for the pope from the 
fact that a purpose was entertained of opposing his temporal 
assumptions by means of a council. ^'Petunt cum rege 
FraucisB concilium in G^alliis celebrari in dedecus nostrum." 
p?hey are of accord with the king of France to bring about 
the convocation of a council in the Gallic dominions to our 

We are hereby reminded of the attempt that was in feict 
made some years later for the convocation of a council, and 
by which the archbishop of Camiola acquired a certain repu- 
tation. Johann von Midler has given a few pages to this sub- 
iect in the 5th vol. of his History of Switzerland (p. 286), 
but he does not make the secular motives by which the advo-. 
cates of this demand for a council were actuated sufficiently 
obvious. Cardinal Andreas was not altogether so spiritual as 
Miiller s work would make him appear. The ambassadors of 
Florence and Milan sought the cardinal in Basle, presenting 
themselves in the name of the entire league, which had taken 
the field against Sixtus. They found in him — ^we have their 
own report—great experience and knowledge of the world 


Cgran pratica et eitperientia del mundo"), together with a 
Tehement hatred to the pope and his nephew. ^^ E huomo per 
fare ogni cosa purche e' tuffi el papa e '1 conte/' |^He is a 
man capable of doing any thing, provided he can but ruin the 
pope and the count.]] See Baccius Ugolinus Laureutio Medici 
in Basilea a di 20 Sept. 1482, in Fabroni Yita Laurentii, ii. 
229. "We here perceive that even at this early period there 
was an opposition set up by the temporal sovereigns from 
purely secular motives ; but the princes had also possessed 
themselves of ecclesiastical weapons, and these they brought 
into action against those of the popes. 

No. 3. 

Relatione fatta in pregadi per Polo Cqpello el cavalier venuto 
orator di Roma. 1500, 28 Sett, [^Report presented to 
the Senate (Venetian) by Polo Capello, regarding his 
embassy to Rome, 28th Sept. 1500.J In the Archives 
of Vienna. 

This is the first report that I have found on the papal court 
by a Yenetian ambassador. It does not appear in the Yene- 
tian archives ; and it may be inferred that the reports were 
not at that t'ne presented in writing. It is given in the 
Chronicle of Sanuto, in whom may be usually found whatever 
was transacted in the senate (or pregadi). 

Polo Capello promises to treat on four subjects : the cardi- 
nals, the relations or dispositions of the pope towards the king of 
France and towards Venice respectively ; the intentions (el 
desiderio) of his holiness, and what they might expect from 
him ; but as this division of his subject was not founded on 
any very accurate distinctions, he does not rigidly adhere to it. 

He remarks in the first place, that neither Venice nor 
France was in particular favour with the pope ; the former, 
because, having seized on a part of the Milanese territory, 
fears were entertained lest the remainder of Italy should be 
also attacked ; the latter, because the king of France did not 
keep his promises to the pope. In this document we find the 
conditions of the treaty formed in the year 1498 between the 
king and the pope. The pope granted the king a dispensation 
permitting him to separate from his wife. In return^ the 
king engaged to confer a domiun on CsBsar Borgia^ \\iQ '^^^^ 


son, that should yield him a revenne of 28,000 fiancs, a wife 
of the blood-rojal (Nairane?), and the renafieiaiioii of tU 
attempts on Naples, except in aid of the Boigia £unilj (^^ddl 
regno di Napoli non se impazzar se non in ajotar il papa"); 
whence we peroeive that the pope had himself eren at that 
time, a design on Naples. But these promises were not kepi 
The matrimonial alliance proposed to Cesar Borgia was not 
exactly what had been desired. The pope went so fe.r as to 
purchase an estate of 12,000 francs, as a secnrity for the 
dowry, but the young bride remained in France. It was only 
by the superior force of the king that the pope was held to 
peace. " Quando il S' Lodovico intrd in Milan," says Capello 
very significantly, "publico diceva (il papa) mal del roy.* 
[^When S' Ludovico entered Milan, the pope was publicly 
speaking ill of the king.^ Alexander was enraged because 
the French would not give him aid for the expulsion of Ben- 
tiYoglio from Bologna. 

From the above passage we gain a clearer perception of 
the secret springs by wMch the papal policy of those days 
was put in movement, and that which followed is extremely 
valuable for its delineation of personal qualities. 

The author first alludes to the death of Alexander's son-in- 
law. Cfldsar Borgia had already wounded him. "Per duhia 
mand6 a tuor medici di Napoli : ste 38 di ammalato, et il C^ 
Capua lo confess6, e la m<^e e sorella, ch' ^ moglie del 
principe di Squillaci altro fiol di papa, stava con lui et 
cusinava in una pignatella per dubio di veneno per Todio li 
haveva il ducha di Yalentinos, et il papa li faceva cnstodir 
per dubio esso ducha non I'amazzasse, e quando andava il 
papa a visitario, il ducha non vi andava se non una volta e 
dii^ : Quelle non h fatto a disnar si hak a cena. Or va 
zomo, fo a d) 17 avosto, intrb in camera, che era za sublevato^ 
e fe ussir la moglie e sorella : intrb Michiele cusra chiamato, e 
strangolb ditto zovene." .... [By way of precaution he sent 
to Naples for physicians : the wounded man was ill tluuN^- 
three dajns, and Cardinal Capua received his confession ; he 
was nursed by his wife and sister, who was married to the 
prince of Squillaci, another son of the pope ; they remained 
with him, and prepared his food in a smaU vessel with their 
own hands, for fear of poison, because of the hatred felt to- 
wards him by the duke de Yalentinos, the pope caunng him 

Ko. 3*3 BMBliMT OP POliO OAFBLLO. f 

to be gnuded lert that duke should kill him ; and when the 
pope went to yisit the siek man, the doke did not aeoompanj 
him, oaoe onlj exotpted, and then he eaid, " What has not 
been done at dinner shall be done at sapper.** Aocordinglj, 
one dajy-^t was the 17th of August,-— he entered the room, the 
patient haying already risen, and made the wife and sister to 
go oat, then Michide came in, as if called, and strangled the 
said youth.3 

^^ II papa ama et ha gran paura del fiol ducha, qiial h di anni 
yenti-sette, bellissimo di corpo e grande, ben fatto e meglio che 
re Ferandin ; amazzb sei tori salyadegi combatendo a cayallo a 
la flaneta, et a uno li taib la testa a la prima bota» cosa che 
paresse a tntta Roma grande. E realissimo, imo prodego, e 
il papa li displace di questo. Et alias amazz5 sotto il manto 
d^ papa M. Peroto, adeo il sangoe li salth in la faza del 
pap% qnal M. Peroto era &yorito dal papa. Etiam amazzb 
il m^teilo dacha di Gh.ndia e lo fe bntar nd Teyere. Tutta 
Roma trema di esso dacha non li &za amazzar." fThe pope 
loyes his son the dnke, but is in great dread of him ; he is 
twentj-seyen years of age, remarkably handsome, yeiy tall 
and well made, eyen exceeding King Ferandin (Ferdinand, 
the last king of Naples, that is, who was considered extremely 
handsome). He killed six wild bulls, fighting with the spear 
on horseback, and in regard to one, he struck off his head at 
one blow, which seemed a prodigy to all Rome; he has 
most regal habits and spends yery largely, for which the pope 
is displeased with him. Besides this, he slew M. Peroto at 
another time under the yery mantle of the pope, so that the 
blood burst oyer the face of the pope ; which M. Peroto was 
a fayourite of the pontiff. He also murdered his brother, 
the duke of Gandia, and caused the body to be thrown into 
the Tiber. All Rome trembles at this duke, and every one 
fears assassination from him.^ 

Roscoe, in his Life of Leo X., has endeavoured to clear the 
memory of Lucrezia Borgia from the scandalous imputations 
heaped upon her. To the accusations brought against her 
earlier life, he has opposed a crowd of favourable witnesses 
respecting the latter part of it. But even the German trans- 
lator of his work is not convinced by his arguments, believing 
rather that Lucrezia had amended her conduct. The re- 
port we are now examining is, however, further remark- 

8 HISTOItY or TBB POPB»-^AFPBirDIX. [Nos. 3, 4k 

able, becftiue it affords a fitTOuiable testimony to the ehaneter 
of Lucresia, eyen in lier earlier days ; its words are— ^^ Ln- 
crezia la qiial h sayia e liberal " [jLucrezia who is wise and 
generons/] Caesar Borgia was rather her eDemy than her 
lover. He despoiled her of Sermoneta, whidi had been 
granted to her by the pope, remarking that she was but a 
woman, and woula not be able to defend it : *'h donna, non lo 
potr^ mantenir." 

No. 4. 

Among the yarious documents to be found in the MUbl 
Tolume of Sanuto, the following appears to be the most im-* 

^' Questo h il successo de la morte di Papa Alexandre TL" 
^^ Hessendo el C? datario dno Arian da Corneto stato richi- 
esto dal pontefice chel voleva venir a cena con lui insieme eon 
el duca Yalentinos a la sua yigna et portar la cena cum S. &P\ 
si imagine esse cardinal questo invito esser sta ordinado per 
darli la morte per via di veneno per aver il duca li soi damoi 
e beneficii, per esser sta concluso per il papa ad ogni modo di 
privarlo di vita per aver il suo peculio, come ho ditto, qnaleia 
grande, e procurando a la sua salute penso una sola cosa potef 
esser la via di la sua salute. E mando captato tpio (tempo) a 
far a saper al schalcho del pontefice chel ge venisse a parlai^ 
con el qual havea domestichezza. El qual venuto da esse 
cd', se tirono tutti do in uno loco secrete, dove era preparato 
due. X. m. d'oro, e per esse c' fo persuase ditto schalcho ad 
acetarli in done e galderli per suo amor. El qual pest multa 
li accepto, e li oferse etiam il resto di la sua faculta, perche 
era richissimo card^ a ogni suo comando, perche li disss 
chel non poteva galder detta £EM$ulta se non per suo mezo, 
dicendo : Vui conoscete certo la condition del papa, et io so 
chel ha deliberate col ducha Valentines ch' io mora e questo 
per via di esse scalcho per morte venenosa, pregandolo di 
gratia che voia haver pieta di lui e donarli la vita. Et dieto 
questo, esse scalcho li dichiari il mode ordinate de darli il 
veneno a la cena, e si mosse a cempassione promettendoli di 
preservarlo. II modo era chel dovea apresentar dapei la oena 
tre schatole di confecion in taela^ una al papa, una al d*" oarf 
et una al ducha, et in quella del card' si era il veneno. E 

lal era tacendo instanza, se levasse suso, esso C respondeva 
>leya aver in gratia el dimanderia et Layer la promessa 
gela da S. S . Hor dapoi molta persuasion, il papa 
bssai admiratiro vedendo la perseverantia del d^ c^ e 
Yoler levar, e li promisse di exaudirlo : al qual card^ 
ato disse : Patre santo, non e conveniente che yenendo 
lor a caxa del servo suo, dovesse, el servo parimente 
Eer (?) con el suo signor, e perlio la gratia el dimandava 
lesta zusta e honesta che lai servo dovesse servir a la 
di S. S*% e il papa li fece la gratia. E andato a oenaal 
ebita di meter la confecion in tavola, fo per il scalcho 
!a confezion avenenata ne la scutola secondo el primo 
li hayea dato il papa, et il c^ hessendo chiaro in quella 
esser venen li fece la credenza di dicta scatola e messe 
anata avante il papa, e S. S. fidandosi del suo scalcho 
la credenza li fece esso c\ judico in quella non esser 
> e ne manzo allegramente, e del altra, chel papa fusse 
lata si credeva e non era, manzo ditto c^. Hor al hora 
h la qualita del veneno sua S^ comenzo a sentirlo e cussi 
norto : el card', che pur haveva paura, se medicine e 
S e non have mal alcuno ma non senza difficulta. 

is is the manner in which Pope Alexander YI. came 
cardinal datary D"* Arian da Corneto, having re- 


of the means hy whioh he might sare himself he eooid sse 

bat one hope of safety— he sent in good time to the pope'0 

carver, with whom he had a certain intimacy, desiring thai he 

would come to speak with him ; who, when he had oome U 

the said cardinal, was taken by him into a secret place, where^ 

they two being retired, the cardinal shewed the carver t 

sum, prepared beforehand, of 10,000 ducats, in gold, which 

the said cardinal persuaded the carver to accept as a gift and 

to keep for the love of him, and after many words, they wen 

at length accepted, the cardinal offering, moreover, all the 

rest of his we^th, at his command — for he was a very ridi 

cardinal — ^for he said he could not keep the said riches by any 

other means than through the said carver s aid, and deebied 

to him, ^' You know of a certainty what the nature of the 

pope is, and I know that he has resolved, with the duke 

Yalentinos, to procure my death by poison, through your 

hand," — ^wherefore he besought the carver to take pity on 

him and to give him his life. And having ssid lids, the 

carver declared to him the manner in which it was ordered 

that the poison should be given to him at the snpper, but 

being moved to compassion he promised to preserve his hie. 

Now the orders were that the carver should present three 

boxes of sweetmeats, in tablets or lozenges, after the sapper, 

one to the pope, one to the said cardinaJ, and another to the 

duke, and in that for the cardinal there was poison ; and thus 

being told, the said cardinal gave directions to the aforesaid 

carver in what manner he should serve them, so as to cause 

that the poisoned box of confect which was to be for the 

cardinal, should be placed before the pope that he might eat 

thereof^ and so poison himself and die. And the pope being 

come accordingly with the aforesaid duke to supper on the 

day appointed, the aforesaid cardinal threw himself at his feet, 

kissing them and embracing them closely ; then he entreated 

his holiness with the most affectionate words, saying, he 

would never rise from those feet until his holiness had granted 

him a £Ekvour. Being questioned by the pontiff wlmt this 

favour was, and requested to rise up, he would first have the 

grace he demanded, and the promise of his holiness to grant it. 

Now after much persuasion the pope remained sufficiently 

astonished, seeing the perseverance of the sud cardinal and 

that he would not rise, and promised to grant the favoor. 

Then the cardinal rose up and said, ^^ Holy Father, it is not 

KOB. 4y 5.]] BXPOftT OF POLO CAFELLO. 1 1 

fitting that when the master comes to the house of his serrant, 
the seryaot -should eat with his master like an equal (oonfrezer 
parimente)/' and therefore the grace that he demanded was 
the just and honest one that he, the serrant, should wait at 
the table of his master, and this jBEiYour the pope granted 
him. Then having come to supper, and the time for serving 
the confectionary living arrived, the carver put the poisoned 
sweetmeats into the box, according to the first order given to 
hib mj the pope, and the cardinal, being well informed as to 
which box had no poison, tasted of that one, and put the 
poisoned confect before the pope. Then his holiness, trusting 
to his carver and seeing the cardinal tasting, judged that no 
poison was there, and ate of it heartily ; while of the other, 
which the pope thought was poisoned, but which was not, the 
said cardinal ate. Now at the hour accustomed, according to 
the quality of that poison, his holiness began to feel its effect, 
and so died thereof; but the said cardinal, who was yet much 
afraid, having physicked himself and vomited, took no harm 
and escaped, though not without difficulty. FareweU.]| 

This account, if not an authentic one, is at least a very 
remarkable description of Alexander's death, and is, perhaps, 
the beet we have relating to that occurrence. 

No. 5. 

Sammario de la relatione di S. Polo CapellOy venuto orator 
di Roma^ fatta in Collegio 1510. [[Summary of the 
Report of S. Polo CapeUo, returned from his embassy to 
Rome, delivered to the College 1510.] 

After the great misfortunes suffered by the Venetians in 
consequence of the league of Cambray, they soon contrived to 
win over Pope Julius again to their side. Polo Capello brings 
forward certain details hitherto unknown, in regard to the 
manner in which this result was produced. The pope was 
anxious in respect to the consequences that might ensue from 
a meeting then projected between Maximilian and the king of 
Franco. " Dubitando perche fo ditto il re di Romani et il re 
di Francia si voleano abboccar insieme et era certo in suo 
danno." pPeeling alarmed because it was said that the king 
of the Romans and the king of France desired to confer toge- 
ther, and he was certain that this was to be for his disad- 

12 HISTORY OF THE P0PB8 — ^APPENDIX. [Nofl. 5,9. 

vantage^. It ia true that for a certain time he enforced on 
the Venetians the necessity of resigning those towns whidi, 
according to the terms of the leagne, should have &lleii to the 
German king ; hut when he saw that the enterprise of Maia- 
milian came to so bad a conclusion, he ceased to press further 
on that matter. The pontiff held a very mean opinion ct 
Maximilian: '^E una bestia," said he; '^merita pin di esser 
rezudo ch' a rezer altri." QHe is a stupid animal (said he), 
and rather deserves to be bridled himself than to bridle 
others.] It was considered on the contrary very greatly 
i;o the honour of the Venetians, whose name had been looked 
upon in Rome as already extinguished, that they had main- 
tained themselves. The pope gradually determined to grant 
them absolution. 

Capello entertained the most profound respect for the per- 
sonal qualities of the pontiff. ^ E papa sapientissimo, e niun 
pol intrinsechamente con lui, e si conseja con pochi, imo eon 
niuno." QHe is a very wise pope ; he permits no one to 
influence his judgment, and takes counsel with few, or indeed 
with none.] The influence possessed by Cardinal Castro del 
Rio was but a very indirect one. ^' Parlando al papa dirii 
una cosa, qual dita il papa poi considereril aquella." [^When 
in conversation with the pope, he will make some remark, 
which being uttered, the pope will afterwards consider it over.] 
At that moment, for example, the cardinal was opposed to the 
Venetians, yet the pontiff concluded his agreement with them 
none the less. Capello considered him to be well supplied 
with money, thinking he might have 700,000 ducats, if not a 
million, in his treasury. 

No. 6. 
^ommario di ,la relatione di Domenego Trivixauy venuto 

orator di Boma^ in pretjadi 1510. [^Summary of the 

report of Domenego Trevixan, returned ambassador from 

Rome, presented in the Senate 1510.] 

The report given by Capello in the college is continued by 
Trevixan to the senate, but with this difference, that while 
the former developes the concealed motives of action, the 
latter contents himself with giving a general sketch : this 
also is, nevertheless, worthy of notice. 


He agiees with the estimation of his coUeagoe of the moneys 
to be Ibond in the papal treasury, but adds the remark that 
this sum was destined by the pope to be used in a war against 
the infidels. ^^11 papa d 8a^;aze praticho: ha mal veochio 
galieo e gota^ iamen d prosperoso, £» gran fiidicha : niun pol con 
lui : aide tutti, ma £» queUo li par. — ^E tenuto e di hi bocha e 
di altro per rder yiyer piu modeiatamente." [The pope is a 
man of great practical sagacity, but has long sufferea from 
disease of the Hver and gout ; he is, nevertheless, still active, 
and endures labour well ; he permits none to govern him, 
listemin^ to all, but doing what best pleases himself. 
He is ndd, both by word and otherwise, to resolve on 
living more moderately.^ (Does this mean that he had 
himself promised to be more moderate in his future life 
•—in regard to drinking, perhaps ?) ^' A modo di haver quanti 
danari il vole : perche come vaoha un beneficio, non li da si 
non a chi (a) oflicio e quel officio da a un altro, si che tocca 
per esse assai danari ; ed d divenudo li officii sensari piu del 
flolito in Boma." [^He has a method of procuring whatever 
money he pleases ; for whenever a benefice falls vacant he 
confers it only on one who already has an office, which office 
he also confers on some other, so tiiat by this means he draws 
a sufficiency of money; and offices are become more than 
commonly venial in Bome.^ That is, the offices that men 
actually nold are become brokers or bribes for other benefices ; 
in other words, they serve to procure them. 

^^ n papa a entrado, due. 200,000 di ordinario, et extraor- 
dinario si dice 150 m." [^The ordinary revenue of the pope 
is 200,000 ducats, and the extraordinary is said to be 
150,000.^ That is, the popes have usually so much, — '' Ma 
questo ha di do terzi piu di extraordinario e di ordinario 
ancora Tentrade" [[but this pope has two-thirds more, both 
of the ordinary and extraordinary revenue]] ; so that he must 
have had about a million. He proceeds to explain this as 
follows : — ^^ Soleano pagare il censo carlini X al ducato e la 
chiesa era ingannata : era carlini XIII^ el due. vole paghino 
quello convien, et a jBatto una stampa nova che val X el due. 
e son boni di arzento, del che amiora da X a XIII^ la intrada 
del papa, e diti carlini si chiamano Juli." Qlt was cus- 
tomary to pay the taxes at the rate of ten carlini to the 
ducat ; but the church was hereby defrauded, for tVie d\ve»A» 


was worth thirteen oarlini and a half ; then the pope deter- 
mined that a jnat payment should he inade, and he has imaok 
a new coinage, the Value heing ten pieces to tiie duoat, and 
these are of good silver. The pope's reyenues are impfoW 
from ten to thirteen and a hf^, and the said new carlini an 
called Juli.^ We here see what was the origin of the small 
coins current in the present day, for it was not until lee^ 
times that the paoli now in use have superseded the name and 
use of the Juli. The carlini, hy which accounts were com- 
puted and which were the common medium of exchange, had 
become so much debased and depreciated that the treMmj 
sustained a serious loss by them. It was thus for the interest 
of his exchequer that Julius II. issued a good coinage. 

^^ Item h misero : e pocha spesa. Si accorda ool ano 
maestro di caxa : li da el mexe per le spexe due. 1,500 e noa 
piu. Item fa la chiexia di S. Piero di noYO, cosa beUiasinMS 
per la qual a posto certa cruciata, et un solo frate di S. Fran- 
cesco di quello habia racolto ditti frati per il mondo li portb in 
una bota due 27,000 si cbe per questo tocca quanti danari el 
Yuol. A data a questa fabrica una parte de I'intrada di S. M. 
di Loreto e tolto parte del yescovado di Recanati." [^Item, he 
is penurious and spends little ; he makes an agreement with 
his house-steward, to whom he gives 1,500 ducats for the 
expenses of the month, and no more. Item, he is building the 
church of St Peter anew, a very beautiful thing it is, and ht 
this he has established a sort of crusade, and a single Fran- 
ciscan friar brought him, in one sum, 27,000 ducats, which 
those friars had gathered throughout the world. He iuu, 
besides, given to l£is &bric a portion of the revenues of Santa 
Maria di Loretto, and has taken for the same purpose a pact 
of the bishopric of Recanati.^ 

No. 7. 

Sommario de la relatione di 8, Marin Zorzi^ dator^ 

orator di corte^ fata in pregadi a di 17 MarzOy 1517. 
[Summary of the Beport of Doctor Marin Zorzi, returned 
ambassador from the court (of Rome), given in the Senate 
on the 17th March^ 1517-3 
Marin Zorzi was dioaen ambassador to the court of Leo X* 

on the 4th of January, 1514, and, after he had declined the 


office, w«s again elected to it on the 25th of January. If it 
be trae that his commission had particnlar reference to the 
expedition of Francis I., as we learn from Pamta (lib. iii. 
p. 109), it mnst have been about the b^nniog of the year 
1515 that he first proceeded to Rome. 

TTifl report refers to that period. It is the more important 
becanse he proposed to give information in this document 
in regard to matters on which he had not ventured to 
write while in Rome. '^ Referira," says the summary, which 
appears to have been written subsequently, ^ di quelle cose 
<£e non a scritto per sue lettere, perch^ multa occurrunt 
qu€t non sunt gcribenda," [The report will refer to matters 
which have not been written about in letters, because many 
things come to pass which it is not discreet to write about.]] 

These are chiefly in relation to the negotiations of the 
pope with Francis I., which were not known even to Paruta 
himself, and of which the best information, so far as my 
knowledge extends, will be found in this document. 

Allusions are occaoonally made by different writers to 
a eapffioed deare on the part of Pope Leo for a crown to 
be ooDferred on his brother Julian, but how this was to be 
eflfeoted has never yet been made clearly apparent Zorzi 
assures us, that at this time Leo proposed to the king of 
France — " che del reame di Napoli, saria bon tuorlo di man 
di Spagnoli e darlo al magnifico Juliano, suo fradello." 
[That with regard to the kingdom of Naples, it would be 
well to take it from the hands of the Spaniards and give it to 
the most noble Julian, his brother.^ He adds : ^^ £ sopra 
questo si fatichoe assai, perchd el non si contentava di esser 
dttcha so fradello, ma lo volea far re di Napoli : il Christian- 
issimo re 11 aria dato il principato di Taranto e tal terre : ma 
il papa non volse, e sopra questo venneno diversi oratori al 
papa, Mons'. di Soglie e di Borsi, et il papa diceva : quando il 
re vol fsa questo acordo, saremo con S. M. Hor si stette 
sopra queste pratiche : il Chr°"*. re havendo il voler che '1 papa 
non li saria contra, deliberb di venir potente et cussi venue : 
et il papa subito si ligb con Timperator, re Catholico, re 
de Inghiltena e Sguizzari." [|And about this affair he gave 
himself no little pains, for he was not content that his brother 
should be a duke, but resolved to make bim king of Naples. 
The most Christian king would have given him t\ie '^^xul- 


cipality of Taranto, with other territories ; but the pope was 
not satisfied with that. Whereupon there came divers amhv- 
sadors to the pope ; Mens' di Soglei and Hens' di Borsi among 
others ; and the pope said, — ^^ If the king will consent to this 
arrangement, then we will be for his majesty." And here 
these matters came to a pause, the most Christian king, 
desiring that the pope should not be against him, determined 
to proceed to Italy in gr^t force ; and so he did, but the pm 
suddenly leagued himself with the emperor, the Cat&olic 
king, the king of England, and the Switzers.^ 

The letters of Canossa, printed in the ^' Arohiyio Storioo 
Italiano," in the year 1844, declare that this project was 
seriously discussed ; but it will be manifest that the afliur was 
not so entirely unmentioned by ^' domestic and foreign histo- 
rians " as the editor of the " Archivio " imagined. 

The notices given by Zorzi in relation to the time of the 
campaign, I have already communicated, either in the text or 
in the notes. 

But how entirely the pope was in secret disinclined to the 
French interests, is rendered manifest by the fact that he not 
only reproached the Venetians for the decided part they took 
in &your of the French, during Maximilian s enterprise of the 
following year, but also by the further proof of his having 
secretly assisted Maximilian himself : " O che materia," he 
remarked, '' a fatto questo senato a lassar le vostre gente an- 
dar a Milano, andar con Francesi, aver passa 8 fiumi, o che 
pericolo d questo" [|0h what a business this senate has made 
of it, to let your people go to Milan, to permit your troops to 
join the French, and cross eight rivers in their cau8e---Oh 
what a danger is thisQ; and further: '^11 papa a questo 
subito mandb zente in fia.vor del imperador e sotto man dioendo : 
M. Ant. Colonna h libero capitano al soldo del imperador." 
[Thereupon the pope suddenly dispatched troops to the assistance 
of the emperor, but underhand, and saying that Marc Antonio 
Colonna was a free captain in the pay of the emperor.] The 
ratification of the treaty of Bologna was meanwhile delayed. 
The king sent ambassador after ambassador to demand its 
completion. At length the pope on his part dispatched his 
emissary to France, and the treaty was sealed. 

Francis I. soon found an opportunity to avenge himself. 
The pope encountered unexpected opposition from the duke of 


Uibino. In relation to whioli the Venetian ambassador bere 
assnrea ns that, ^* il le non si tien satiafocto del papa : d 
oontento Francesco Maria prosperi " [[the king does not con-» 
aider himself well treated bj the pope, and is desirous that 
Franoeeoo Maria should succeed^* 

He then gives a more minute description of the pope. ^' A 
qnalche egritudine interior de repletion e catarro ed altra oosa, 
non lioet dir, videl. in fistula. £ bom da ben e liberal molto, 
non vorria fkiticha s'il potesse £Eir di maucho, ma per questi 
Boi si tuo fiiticha. E ben suo nepote h astuto e apto a feur oosse 
non oome Valentino ma pocho mancho." []He is disturbed bj 
some inward complaint arising from repletion, catarrh, and 
other causes which we do not enumerate. He is a wortiiv 
man, and very liberal; not willing to give himself much 
labour, if he can avoid it, but he exerts himself readily for 
the sake of his kinsmen. As to his nephew, he is shrewd 
enondi, and gives himself no littie license — not as did Yalen- 
tino, but yet littie less.^ Zorzi is here alluding to Lorenzo 
de' Medici, and he asserts positively what others have denied 
(and more particularly Yettori), namely, that Lorenzo himself 
had eagerly striven to possess himself of Urbino. Julian is 
reported to have entreated the pope only two days before his 
(Julian's) death, that he would spare Urbino, where he had 
been received and sheltered so kindly after his expulsion from 
Florence, but the pope would not listen to him : he replied, — 
" Non d da parlar deste cose " [This is no timie to be talk- 
ing of these matters] ; and this he did because, *' de altra 
parte Lorenzin li era attorno in volerli tnor lo stato" [|on 
the other side, Lorenzo was pressing him to take possession of 
the duchy]. 

Among the advisers of the pope, he first alludes to Giulio 
de' Medici, afterwards Clement YII., whose talents he does not 
estimate so highly as others have done. ^' E horn da ben, 
bom di non molte facende, benche adesso il manegio di la 
corte h in le sue mani, che prima era in S. M^ in Portego.'' 
QHe is a good man, but of no great ability, although the 
principal management of the court is at this time in his 
hands. He was formerly at the court of Portugal] He 
next speaks of Bibbiena, whom he considers to be in the 
interests of Spain, because he had been enriched by Spanish 

TOL. in. c 


cipality of Taranto, with other territories ; but the pope was 
not satisfied with that. Whereupon there came divers ambas- 
sadors to the pope ; Mens' di Soglei and Hens' di Borsi among 
others ; and the pope said, — ^^ If the king will consent to this 
arrangement, then we will be for his majesty." And here 
these matters came to a pause, the most Christian king, 
desiring that the pope should not be against him, determined 
to proceed to Italy in gr^at force ; and so he did, but the pope 
suddenly leagued himself with the emperor, the Catholic 
king, the king of England, and the Switzers.^ 

The letters of Canossa, printed in the ^^ Arohiyio Storico 
Italiano," in the year 1844, declare that this project was 
seriously discussed ; but it will be manifest that the aflair was 
not so entirely unmentioned by ^^ domestic and foreign histo- 
rians " as the editor of the " Archivio " imagined. 

The notices given by Zorzi in relation to the time of the 
campaign, I have already communicated, either in the text or 
in the notes. 

But how entirely the pope was in secret disinclined to the 
French interests, is rendered manifest by the fact that he not 
only reproached the Venetians for the decided part they took 
in &,your of the French, during Maximilian s enterprise of the 
following year, but also by the further proof of his having 
secretly assisted Maximilian himself : " O che materia," he 
remarked, ^' a fatto questo senato a lassar le vostre geute an- 
dar a Milano, andar con Francesi, aver passa 8 fiumi, o che 
pericolo d questo" \X>h. what a business this senate has made 
of it, to let your people go to Milan, to permit your troops to 
join the French, and cross eight rivers in their cau8e---Oh 
what a danger is this!]; and further: "II papa a questo 
subito mandb zente in favor del imperador e sotto man dicendo : 
M. Ant. Colonna ^ libero capitano al soldo del imperador." 
[Thereupon the pope suddenly dispatched troops to the assistance 
of the emperor, but underhand, and saying that Marc Antonio 
Colonna was a free captain in the pay of the emperor.] The 
ratification of the treaty of Bologna was meanwhile delayed. 
The king sent ambassador after ambassador to demand its 
completion. At length the pope on his part dispatched his 
emissary to France, and the treaty was sealed. 

Francis I. soon found an opportunity to avenge himself. 
The pope encountered unexpected opposition from the duke of 


Urbino. In relation to which the Venetian ambassador here 
assnrefl ns that, ^*il re non si tien satiafacto del papa: h 
contento Francesco Maria prosperi *' [[the king does not con-* 
sider himself well treated by the pope, and is desirous that 
Franoeeoo Maria should succeed^. 

He then gives a more minute description of the pope. ^^ A 
qnalche egritndine interior de repletion e catarro ed altra cosa, 
non licet dir, videl. in fistula. E horn da ben e liberal molto, 
non vorria feticha s'il potesse £Eir di mancho, ma per questi 
soi si tno &ticlia. E ben suo nepote h astuto e apto a far cosse 
non oome Valentino ma pocho mancho." [|He is disturbed by 
some inward complaint arising from repletion, catarrh, aud 
other oanses which we do not enumerate. He is a worthy 
man, and yery liberal; not willing to give himself much 
labour, if he can avoid it, but he exerts himself readily for 
the sake of his kinsmen. As to his nephew, he is shrewd 
enon^ and gives himself no little license — not as did Valen- 
tino, but yet little less.]] Zorzi is here alluding to Lorenzo 
de' Medici, and he asserts positively what others have denied 
(and more particularly Vettori), namely, that Lorenzo himself 
had eagerly striven to possess himself of Urbino. Julian is 
reported to have entreated the pope only two days before his 
(Julian's) death, that he would spare Urbino, where he had 
been received and sheltered so kindly after his expulsion from 
Florence, but the pope would not listen to him : he replied, — 
" Non d da parlar deste cose " [This is no time to be talk- 
ing of these matters] ; and this he did because, " de altra 
parte Lorenzin li era attorno in volerli tuor lo stato" [pu 
tlie other side, Lorenzo was pressing him to take possession of 
the duchy]. 

Among the advisers of the pope, he first alludes to Giulio 
de' Medici, afterwards Clement VII., whose talents he does not 
estimate so highly as others have done. ^^ E horn da ben, 
hom di non molte facende, benche adesso il manegio di la 
corte h in le sue mani, che prima era in S. M** in Portego." 
[He is a good man, but of no great ability, although the 
principal management of the court is at this time in his 
hands. He was formerly at the court of Portugal.] He 
next speaks of Bibbiena, whom he considers to be in the 
interests of Spain, because he had been enriched by Spanish 

VOL, in. c 


benefices; and lasilj he mentioiifl Lorenzo/' qual a animo 
gaiardo " [|who is actiye and spirited]]. 

The name of Lorenzo leads him to speak of Florence. He 
says a few words in regard to the constitution, but adds, — 
'' Hora non si serva pin ordine : qnel ch'el vol (Lorenzin) h 
fatto. Tamen Firenze d pin Francese che altrimente, e la 
parte contraria di Medici non pol hx altro, ma non li piaoe 
qoesta cosa." []At this time all order is disregarded : what he 
(Lorenzo) wills, that is done. Yet Florence is rather disposed 
towards the French than otherwise ; and the party opposed to 
the Medici cannot make an alteration, although this state of 
things does not please them.^ The militia and regular troops 
had been partially disbanded. The revenues consisted, first, 
of the duties paid at the gates and in the city, which amounted 
to 74,000 ducats; secondly, of the sums drawn from the 
towns tributary to Florence, amounting to 120,000 ducats; 
and thirdly, of the halzello^ a direct impost, and sort of tithe, 
producing 160,000 ducats. 

This brings him to the revenues of the pope, which he 
estimates to be altogetiber about 420,000 ducats ; and he then 
returns to the expenditure and personal qualities of the ponti£ 
'^ E docto in humanitil e jure canonicho, et sopra tutto musico 
excellentissimo, e quando el canta con qualche uno, 11 £» donar 
100 e piu ducati : e per dir una cosa che si dimentic6, il papa 
trahe all' anno di vacantie da due. 60,000 e piu, ch'^ zercha 
due 8,000 al mese, e quest! li spende in doni, in zuogar a 
primier di che molto si diletta." []He is learned in classic 
literature and the canon law, and above all is a most excellent 
musician : when he sings with any one, he causes that 
person to be given 100 ducats, or more; and, to mention a 
circumstance previously forgotten (by him, the ambassador), 
the pope derives from vacancies some 60,000 ducats, or more, 
annually, which is about 8,000 ducats per month ; and this 
he expends in gifts, and in playing at primero, a game in 
which he delights greatly.] 

These examples suffice to shew the lively and graphic 
character of Zorzi's report : it is given with infinite simpli- 
city, and in an easy conversational style, so that the reader 
seems to hear and see all that the author describes. 


No. 8. 

Summary of the Report of Marco MiniOj returned from the 
Court {of B<me)y June^ 1520, Sanuto, vol. 27. 

Mtfco Minio was the suocessor of Zorzi, bat his report is 
nnfortaoatelj very short 

He b^ins with the reyennes, which he finds to be incon- 
siderable. ^' n papa a intrada per il papato pocha : son tre 
sorte de intrade : d'annate traze all' anno 100 m. due, ma le 
annate consistorial, ch'd episcopati e abbatie, la mita h de car- 
dinali ; di officj traze alT anno 60 m. ; di compoation 60 m. 
Non a contadi (contante), perche ^ liberal, non sa tenir danari, 
poi li Fiorentini e soi parenti non li lassa mai aver un soldo, 
e diti Fiorentini h in gran odio in corte, perche in ogni cosa d 
Fiorentini. II papa sta neutral fra Spagna e Franza : ma lui 
orator tien pende da Spagna, perche d sta pur messo in caxa 
da Spagnoli, etiam asnmpto al papato. II cardinal di Medici 
soo nepote, qnal non d ^gitimo, a gran poter col papa : d horn 
di graa manegio: a grandissima antorit^ tamen non hi 
nnlla se prima non dimanda al papa di cose di conto : hora 
si ritrova a Firenze a govemar qnella citt^: il cardinal 
Bibbiena h appresso assa del papa, ma questo Medici &. 
il tutto." [The pope has but a small income from the 
papacy, and the revenues are of three kinds : iGirst, the 
annates, from which he derives 100,000 ducats annually ; 
but of the consistorial annates, which are drawn from the 
bishoprics and abbacies, the one half belongs to the cardinals : 
from the various offices he draws about 60,000 ; and from 
compositions 60,000 ducats the year. He has no ready 
money, because he is very liberal, and cannot keep money; 
and, moreover, the Florentines and his relations will never 
permit him to retain a penny ; and the said Florentines are 
greatly detested at court, for in every thing said or doue there 
must ever be mingled these Florentines. The pope remains 
neutral bet ween France and Spain; but he, the speaker, considers 
the pope to be inclined towards Spain, because he was restored 
to his native city by Spain, and even owes to the Spaniards 
his elevation to the papacy. The cardinal de' Medici, his 
neplvew, who is not of legitimate birth, has great influence 
with the pope ; he is a man of much practical ability. — (We 

c 2 

20 HI8T0RT OF THB POPES — ^APPENDIX. |^N<». 8, 9. 

perceive from this remark, that the cardinal's reputation had 
increased since the time of Zorzi.) He possesses great au- 
thority, yet he does nothing of importance withoat first con- , 
suiting the pope : he is now at Florence, where he holds the 
government of the city. Cardinal Bibbiena is also in consider- 
able esteem with the pope, but this Medici does every thing.^ 
The ambassador assures his countrymen that the sentiments 
of the pope are tolerably favourable towards them (the Vene- 
tians). He did not certainly desire to see Venice greater than 
she was, but would not permit the republic to be destroyed 
for any advantage in the world. 

No. 9. 

Diary of Sebastiano de Branca dc Telini^ in the Barherini 
Library^ No. 1103. 

This diary is comprised in sixty-three leaves, and extends 
from the 22nd of April, 1494, to 1513, and the times of Leo X. 
It is certainly not to be compared to Burcardus ; and since 
very little of what was passing was known to the writer 
of it, we cannot use it even for the rectification of that author s 
observations. Branca de Telini saw nothing more than was 
seen by all the world. 

Thus he describes the entrance of Charles VIII., whose 
army he estimates at from 30,000 to 40,000 men. He con- 
siders Charles himself to be the most ill-looking man he had 
ever beheld; but his people, on the contrary, he thought the 
handsomest in the world : '^ la piu bella gente non fu vista 
mai " Qa more beautiful race was never seen]. Telini must 
not be taken literally ; he is fond of expressing himself in this 
manner. He relates that a man had paid as much as 300 
ducats for a horse ! 

CsBsar Borgia was the most cruel man that ever lived. The 
times of Alexander were marked and distinguished by atroci- 
ties, famines, and exorbitant imposts. ^^Papa Alessandro 
gittao la data a tutti li preti e a tutti li officiali per tre anni 
e tutte le chiese di Roma e fora di Roma .... per fare la 
cruciata contro 11 Turco, e poi la dava alio figliuolo per fare 
meglio la guerra." Pope Alexander ordered the whole reve- 
nues of all the priests, and all the public officers, and all the 


churches both within and without Rome, to be set aside 
for three years, for the purpose of a crusade against the 
Turks, and then he gave the total amount to his son for the 
more effectual prosecution of the wa/.J According to Branca, 
CsBsar Borgia gave audience to no one but his executioner 
Michilotto. All his servants went richly clothed : ^' vestiti di 
broccado d'oro e di velluto fino alle calze : se ne facevano le 
pianelle e le scarpe" [[dressed in brocade of gold and silver 
even to their stockings ; their slippers and shoes were made 

Telini was a great admirer of Julius II. ^' Non lo fece mai 
papa quelle che have fatto papa Julio." f Never did any 
pope so much as has been done by Pope Julius.^] He enu- 
merates the cities that he subdued, but is of opinion that by 
his wars he had rendered himself guilty of the death of 
10,000 men. 

Next came Leo : he began with promises, " che i Romani 
fossero fianchi di gabella, ed officii e beneficii che stanno nella 
dttade di Roma fossero dati alii Romani : ne fecero grand' alle- 
grezze x>^r Roma" Qhat the Romans should be free from 
imposts, and that all offices and benefices within the city of 
Rome should be conferred exclusively on Romans : all which 
occasioned great rejoicings throughout Rome]. 

Our diarist occasionally brings forward individuals in pri- 
vate life ; and we are here made acquainted with the boldest 
and most renowned of procurators. " Ben*° Moccaro, il piu 
terribile uomo (machtigste, gewaltigste), che mai fusse stato in 
Roma per un huomo private in Roma." QBen venule Moccaro, 
the most terrible man (the most powerful — most violent) that 
ever had been seen in Rome for a private man in Rome.] 
He lost his life by means of the Orsini. 

Even in this, otherwise unimportant work, we see the spirit 
of the times and of the several administrations reflected as in 
a mirror. We have the times of terror, of conquest, and of 
tranquillity, as exhibited under Alexander, Julius, and Leo, 
respectively. Other diaries, on the contrary, that of Cola 
Colleine for example, extending from 1521 to 1561, contain 
nothing whatever of importance. * 

22 HISTOBY OF THB POPES — AFFEntlX. QNoS. 10, 11. 

No. 10. 

Vita Leonis X. Pontificis Maxvmi per Francisoum JS^o vel- 
lum Bomanum^ J. V. Professorem. Bibl, Barherini. 
[]The Life of Leo X. Pontifex Maximns, by Francesco 
Novello, a native of Rome, Professor of Ciyil Law. Bar- 
berini Library.] 

^^ Alii, longe melius et hsBC et alia mihi incognita referre, et 
describere poterunt.** ^Others (remarks the author) could re- 
late and describe what is here, and other things unknown to 
me, much better than I have done.] Without doubt they 
could ; his little work is altogether insignificant. 

No. 11. 

QtuBdam hiitarica qua ad notitiam temparum pertinent 

pontificatuum Leonis JT.y Adriani F/., OlemenHe VIL 

Ex lihris notariorum sub iisdem pontificibue. [[Certain 

historical notices pertaining to the pontificates of Leo X., 

Adrian YI., and Clement YIL, taken &om the books of 

the notaries under the said pontiffs.] Extracted by Felix 

Contellorius. Barberini Library. 48 leaves. 

Short notices of the contents of the instruments; as, for 

example — [[Leo X. assigns to his sister the Countess de 

Medici de Rudolfi 285 golden ducats from the treasury, to be 

charged upon the dogana for sheep]. 

I have occasionally made use of these notices. Perhaps the 
most interesting and remarkable, as having hitherto remained 
without mention, is the following extract from a brief of the 
11th of June, 1529: — Certain valuables belonging to the 
papal see had been given in pledge to Bernardo Bracchi, and 
at the time of the sacking of the city Bracchi thought it 
advisable to bury them in a garden. He confided the place 
of their concealment to one man only, a certain Gbronimo 
Baccate of Florence, to whom he told it, to the end that some 
one might be able to point it out in case of any mischance 
befalling himself. Some short time after this confidence was 
made, Bernardo Bracchi was seized by the Germans and 
grievously maltreated; Geronimo, then believing that his 
friend had died under the torture, imparted the secret in his 

KOS. 11, 12.]| OHABAOTBR OP LEO Xk 23 

torn to one sole penNUi, and from a similar motive. Bnt this 
man was not so discreet : the Oermans heard of the concealed 
treasure, and by renewed and more severe tortures they com- 
pelled Bracchi at length to disclose the place of its deposit. 
To save the valuables, Bracchi entered into an obligation to 
pay the sum of 10,000 ducats ; bnt Geronimo considered 
himself as a traitor, and killed himself from shame and rage. 

No. 12. 

Sommario di la relation fatta in pregadi per S. Aluixe 
GradeniffOy venuto orator di Boma^ 1523, Mazo. [|Snm- 
mary of the Report made in the Senate by Alnize Gra- 
denigo, ambassador returned from Rome, 1523, May.^ In 
Sanuto, vol. 34. 

He first speaks of the city, which he declares to have in- 
creased in a short time by about 10,000 houses : next he 
proceeds to the constitution. Of the conservators he reports, 
that they claimed precedence of the ambassadors, who refused 
to allow the claim ; with regard to the cardinals, he esi,yB 
that Giuliode' Medici had risen still higher in reputation; he 
calls him, '^ horn di summa autorit^ e richo cardinale, era il 
primo appresso Leon, hom di gran ingegno e cuor : il papa 
(Leone) feva quello lui voleva" [|a man of the highest 
authority and a very rich cardinal, he ranked before all with 
Pope Leo, a man of great powers and high spirit : the pope 
(Leo) did whatever he desired to have done]. He describes 
Leo X. as '^ di statura grandissima, testa molto grossa, havea 
bellissima man : bellissimo parlador : prometea assa ma non 

atendea II papa si serviva molto con dimandar danari al 

imprestido, vendeva poi li officii, impegnava zoie, raxe del 
papato e fine li apostoli per aver danaro*' \oi very lofty stature, 
with a very large head and a most beautiful hand : he was an 
admirable speaker, and made great promises, but did not keep 
them. The pope had very frequent recourse to borrowing 
money ; he then sold the different offices, pledged the jewels 
and valuables of the papacy, and even the apostles (apostoli),* 

* This may possibly mean the figures of the apostles in silver or other 
precious metals, or their relics ; or it may possibly allude to the writs of 
appeal, so called in the canon law, and which may have been matter 
of sale ; but this last is the less probable suggestion. — ^Tr. 


to procure himBelf monej^* He estimates the temporal 
reveDuesat 300,000 ducats; the ecclesiastical at 100,000. 

He considers the policy of Leo to have been decidedly 
adverse to France. If at any time it seemed otherwise, the 
pope was only dissembling. ^ Fenzeva esse amico del xe di 
Francia." ^He feigned to be the friend of the French king.l 
But at the time to which our report refers, he was openly ana 
avowedly opposed to France, the cause of which, according to 
Gradenigo, was that, '^ disse che m' di Lutrech et m' de 
TEscu hayia ditto che '1 Yoleva che le recchia del papa fusse 
la major parte restasse di la so persona" |[M. de Lutrech 
and M. de TEscu were reported to have said that he (the 
king) wished]] '^ le recchia del papa fusse la major parte 
restasse di la so persona." Does this mean that he desired to 
have nothing remaining of the pope but his ears ? Certainly a 
very coarse jest^ and in extremely bad taste. Leo took it very 
ill. On receiving intelligence of the conquest of Milan, he is 
related to have said, that this was but the half of the battle. 

Leo left the papal treasury so completely exhausted, that it 
was found needful to employ for his obsequies the wax 
candles that had been provided for those of the cardinal St. 
Giorgio, who had died a short time before him. 

The ambassador awaited the arrival of Adrian YI. He 
describes the moderate and regular habits of that pontiff's 
life, and remarks, that he had at first maintained a strict neu- 
trality between the two great parties. ^^ Disse : il papa per 
opinion soa, ancora che 1 sia dipendente del imperador, d 
neutral, ed a molto a cuor di fax la trieva per atender a le cose 
del Turco, e questo si judica per le sue operation cotidiaoe 
come etiam per la mala contentezza del vicere di Napoli, che 
venne a Roma per far dichiarar il papa imperial, e S. S** non 
volse, onde si parti senza conclusion. II papa d molto intento 
a le cose di Hungaria e desidera si fiazi la impresa contra 
infideli, dubita che '1 Turco nou vegni a Roma, pero ceroa di 
iinir li principi christiani e far la paxe universal, saltern trieve 
per tre anni." [It is said that the pope, as regards his own 
opinion, is neutral, although he is a dependant on the em- 
peror, and has it much at heart to effect a truce, that he may 
the better attend to the affair of the Turks. These things 
are inferred from his daily proceedings, as well as from the 
discontent of the viceroy of Naples, who repaired to Rome in 


the hope of preyailiiig on the pontiff to declare himself for 
the emperor ; hut his holiness refused to do so ; whence the 
▼ioeroj departed without arriving at his ends. The pope is 
deeply intent on the affairs of Hungary, and desires that an 
expedition should he set on foot against the infidels. He is 
afi»id that the Turk may effect a descent upon Rome, and is 
therefore anxious to see tbe Christian princes united, and to 
make uniyersal peace, or, at the least, a truce for three years.^ 

No. 13. 

Summario del mazo di ora^tori nostri andono a Roma a 
dar la ohedientia a papa ffadriano VI. f Summary ot 
the journey made hy our ambassadors to Rome to present 
our allegiance to Pope Adrian VI.] 

This is the only report which possesses the interest of a 
traveller's description, and which also alludes to subjects con- 
nected with art. 

The amhassadoi^s describe the flourishing state of Ancona, 
and the fertility of the March. In Spello they were hospit- 
ably received by Orazio Baglione, and proceeded thence to 

They also describe an entertainment given to them by 
Cardinal Comelio, a fellow-countr3rman. The account they 
give of the music they heard while at table is worthy of 
notice : " A la tavola vennero ogni sorte de musici, che in 
Roma si atrovava, li pifari excellenti di continue sonorono, ma 
eravi clavicembani con voce dentro mirabilissima, liuti e quatro 
violoni." [There were brought to the table every kind of 
musician to be found in Rome : excellent flute-players were 
sounding continually ; there were harpsichords producing most 
wonderful tones, with lutes and four violins.] Grimani also 
invited them to a feast. " Poi disnar venneno alcuni musici, 
tra li quail una donna brutissima che cant6 in liuto mirabil- 
raente." f Then at dinner there were musicians, and among 
them a most ill-favoured woman, who sang to the lute most 

They next visited the churches; at that of Santa Croco 
certain ornaments were in course of preparation for the doors : 
** Alcuni amesi e volte di alcune porte di una preda raccolta 

26 HISTORY or THE P0PB9— APPENDIX. [[No. 13. 

delle anticaglie." ^8ome omaments and arcliefi of doois 
gathered from the spoils of antiquity.]] Eyeiy little stone 
that was being wrought there deserved, in their opinion, to be 
set in gold and worn on the finger. Thej next proceed to the 
Pantheon, and there an altar was in process of erection, at the 
foot of which was the grave of Raphael. They were shewn 
decorations, apparentiy of gold, looking as pure as that of the 
Rhenish " giilden ; " but they were of opinion that if the gold 
had been r^ Pope Leo woi^d not have permitted it to remain 
there. They express their admiration of the columns — ^larger 
than their own of St. Mark. "Sostengono un coperto in 
colmo, el qual d di alcune travi di metallo." QThey support 
the roo^ which is a dome, and is formed by certain 'beams of 

They give themselves up, with infinite simplicity, to their 
admiration of the Roman antiquities. I know not whether 
this book will fall into the hands of antiquaries. The following 
description of the colossal statues in the Quirinal (on Monte 
Cavallo) is, at least, very striking. '^ Monte Cavallo ^ ditto 
perche alia summits del colle benissimo habitato vi h nna certa 
machina de un pezo di grossissimo muro (eine rohe basis), 
sopra imo di cantoni vi ^ uno cavallo di pietra par de Istria 
molto antiquo e della vetustk corroso e sopra I'altro uno altro, 
tutti doi dal mezo inanzi zoe testa, collo, zampe, spalle e meso di 
dorso : appresso di quelli stanno due gran giganti, hu<»niBi 
due fiate maggiore del naturale, ignudi, che con un biazso li 
tengono : le figure sono bellissime, proportionate e di la mede- 
sima pietra di eavalli, bellissimi si i cavalli come gU huomeni, 
sotto una di quali vi sono bellissime lettere majusonle die 
dicono opus Fidie e sotto I'altro opus Praxitelis." [[Monte 
Cavallo is so called, because, on the summit of the hill, whidi 
is very well peopled, there is a certain structure, formed of a 
piece of very rough wall (a rude pedestal), on one of the 
angles of which there is a horse of stone — apparently Istriaiv-— 
very ancient and corroded by time, and on the other oomer is 
another horse, both of them modelled from the middle forwards, 
the head, neck, fore-feet, shoulders, and half the back ; beside 
them stand two great giants, men double the natural shee, naked, 
and each holding back one of these horses with one aim. The 
figures are very beautiful, finely proportioned, and of the same 
stone with the horses ; and the horses are also beaatifnl,-— 


eqoallj ao with the men : under one of tliem are inscribed the 
words " Opus PhidiaB," and under the other ** Opus Praxi- 
telis," both inscriptions being in handsome capital letters.] 
The amlmssadors then visit the Capitol, where they find, among 
many other heautifnl statues, ^^ uno villano di bronzo, che si cava 
on spin da un pe^ hito al natural rustico mode : par a cui lo 
mira roglia lamentarsi di quel spin — cosa troppo excellente" 
\jk peasant in bronze, drawing a thorn from his foot, made in 
Sie natural rustic manner ; to those who look at him he seems 
to be lam^iting the pain of that thorn — a work of absolute 
excellence]. They next proceed to the Belvedere, where they 
admire above all things the Laocoon. The German lansquenets 
have hitherto been charged with having rendered it necessary 
to restore an arm to this masterpiece of art, but we here find 
that the arm had disappeared before the city had been entered 
by these soldiers. '^ Ogni cosa ^ Integra, salvoche al Laocoonte 
gli manca il brazzo destro." QEveiy thing is entire except 
that the right arm of Laocoon is wanting.] They are in 
an ecstasy g£ admiration, and declare of the whole group that 
<^ non gU manca che lo spirito" Qt wants nothing but 
life], lliey describe the boys extremely well : ^' L'uno volen- 
dosi tirare dal rabido serpente con il suo brazello da una 
gamba nd potendosi per mode alcuno ajutar, sta con la faccia 
lacrimosa cridando verso il padre e tenendolo con Taltra mano 
nd sinistro brazzo. Si vede in sti puttini doppio dolore. Tunc 
per vedersi la morte a lui propinqna, Taltro perche il padre non 
lo puol ajutare e si languisce." [|Ono of them is labouring 
witii his little arm to withdraw his leg from the rabid serpent ; 
but finding that he cannot help himself, is turning his weeping 
face imploringly towards his father, whose left arm he holds 
with his other hand. A different sorrow is perceived in each 
of these boys ; the one is grieving for the death that he sees so 
near him, the other because his father can give them no help, 
but is himself suffering and his strength failing him.] They 
add the remark that King Francis I. had requested the gift of 
this noble work from the pope, when they met at Bologna ; but 
his holiness would not consent to rob his Belvedere of the 
original, and was having a copy made for the king. They 
tell us that the boys were alr^dy finished, but that if the 
maestro lived &Ye hundred years and laboured a hundred at his 
copy, it would never attain the perfection of the original. In the 


Belyedere they also found a young Flemish artist, who had 
executed two statues of the pope. 

They next inform us of the pontiff and of his court The 
most important fact they communicate is, that the cardimd of 
Yolterra, who had previously heen ahle to repress the Medici, 
had heen arrested and was held in prison, hecause letters of 
his had been seized, wherein he exhorted King Francis to 
Tenture an attack on Italy at that moment, seeing that he 
could never hope to find a more favourable opportunity. 
This enabled Cardinal Medici to rise again, and the impernl 
ambassador Sessa supported him. The change in Adrian's 
policy may very probably have been determined by this 

No. 14. 

ClemerUis VIL, P. if.. Conclave et Creatio. ^Clement VII, 
Pontifex Maximus, the Conclave and his Elevaticm.^ Bar- 
berini Library, No. 4, 70 leaves. 

We find the following remark on the title-page : — ^ Hoe 
conclave sapit stylum Job. Bapt. Sangae, civis Romani, qui 
fuit Clementi YII. ab epistolis." ^The style of this oondave 
resembles that of Giovanni Battista Sanga, epistolary secre- 
tary to Clement YII.^ But this opinion may be rejected 
without hesitation. Another MS. of the Barberini Library, 
bearing the title, '^ Vianesii Albergati Bononiensis oommmi- 
tarii rerum sui temporis" ^Commentaries on the affiurs of 
his own times, by Yianesio Albergati of Bologna]] ; contains 
nothing besides this conclave. It forms the first part of his 
^' Commentaries," of which there is no continuation to be 
found. We may assume, therefore, that the author of the 
above-mentioned conclave was Yianesio Albergati. 

But who was this author? Mazzuchelli names many 
Albergati, but not this one. 

In a letter of Girolamo Nepo, we find the following SAee- 
dote. A native of Bologna caused intimation to be given to 
Pope Adrian YL, that he, the Bolognese, had an important 
secret to communicate to his holiness, but had no monejr. 
to defray the cost of his journey to Rome. Messer Yianesio^ 
a friend and &vourite of the Medici, made interest for him, 


ad at length the pope told him he might advance the 
jrenty-four dncats reqaired hy the Bolognese for his journey, 
rhich should he returned to him. Yianesio did so ; his man 
rrived, and wss hrought into the palaoe with the utmost 
3crecy. " Holy Father," said he, " if you would conquer 
be Turks, you must prepare a vast armament hoth hy land 
ad sea." This was all he had to say. " Per Deum ! " ex- 
laimed the pope, whom this greatly irritated, the next time 
e saw Messer Vianesio, " this Bolognese of yours is a great 
beat; but it shall be at your cost that he has deceived me ;" 
nd he never returned the twenty-four ducats expended by 
''ianesio. This Albergati is in all probability the author 
f the Conclave in question ; for in the little work before us 
e sa3rs that he had acted as intermediary between the Medici 
nd the pope—" Me etiam intemuntio." He was well ac- 
uainted with Adrian, whom he had previously known in 

He has, nevertheless, erected to the memory of this pontiff 
le most inglorious monument that can weU be conceived, 
[is remarks serve to shew us the extent and depth of that 
atred which Adrian had awakened among the Italians. " Si 
)sius avaritiam, crudelitatem, et principatus administrandi in- 
3itiam considerabimus, barbarorumque quos secura adduxerat 
speram feramque naturam, merito inter pessimos pontifices 
3ferendus est." [|If we consider his avarice, cruelty, and 
piorance of the administration of the principality, with the 
3ugh and savage nature of the barbarians lie brought with 
im, he may fairly be accounted among the worst of the 
opes.] He is not ashamed to repeat the most contemptible 
impoons on the departed pontiff. One, for example, where 
idrian is first compared to an ass, then to a wolf : " Post 
aulo faciem induit lupi acrem " [[presently after he puts on 
ae fierce looks of a wolf] ; nay, finally, even to Caracalla 
ad Nero. But if we ask for proofs of this imputed worth- 
sssness, we find the ill-used pontifi* fully justified, even 
y what Vianesio himself relates. 

Pope Adrian VI. had a room in the Torre Borgia, the key 
f which he always kept in his own possession, and which 
lose around him named the "Sanctum Sanctorum." This 
K)m was eagerly examined on the death of the pontifif. As he 
id received much and spent nothing, it was supposed th^t 


his treasures would be found in this chamber ; but the 
contents were books and papers, with a few rings of Le( 
and scarcely any money. It was then at last admi 
^^ male partis optime usum fuisse ** [[that good use had 
made of what had been ill gotten]. 

The complaints of this author as to the delays interpoa 
public business may be better founded. It was Adrian's ] 
to say, " Cogitabimus, videbimus" ([We'll consider o 
we'll see about it]]. It is true that he referred the appl: 
to his secretary ; but after long delays, this officer aisc 
ferred him to the auditor of the treasury, who was inde 
well-intentioned man, but one who could never bring 
matter to a close, bewildering himself by an exeeseive, 
ill-directed activity. "Nimia ei nocebat diligentia." 
was impeded by excess of diligence.]] The applicant 
turned once more to Adrian, who repeated his " Cogitabii 

But in proportion with his abuse of Adrian is the eulog 
bestows on the Medici and Pope Leo X. His goodness, 
security enjoyed under his government, and even his ai 
tectursd labours are all lauded in turn. 

From the remaks of Albergati, I conclude that the Araz; 
Raphael were originally designed for the Sistine Cha 
^'Quod quidem sacellum Julius II. opera Midiaelis Ax 
pingendi sculpendique sdentia clarissimi admirabili exom 
pictura, quo opere nullum absolutius extare setate nostra 
rique judicant ; moxque Leo X. ingenio Raphadis TJxYm 
architect! et pictoris celeberrimi auleis auro purpuraque 
textis insignivit, qusB absolutissimi operis pulchritucQne omn: 
oculos tenent." [[Which chapel Julius II. adorned with 
mirable paintings, the work of Michael Angelo, a most iU 
trious painter and sculptor, of which it is the general judgm 
that no work more perfect has existed in our times. 1 
afterwards Leo X. furthw ornamented the halls with texti 
of gold and radjant colours, after the designs of that ni 
renowned architect and painter, Raphael the Urbanese, 
beaufy of which most perfect work enchants the eyes of 


No. 15. 

^nstruttione al Card^ Bev*^ d% Farnese^ chs fu poi Paul 
III.^ quando ando legato cdV Imp^* Carlo V. doppo il sacco 
di Roma. [Instmction to the most reverend Cardinal 
Pamese, alt^wards Paul III., wben he went as legate to 
the emperor Charles Y. after the sack of Rome.^ 

I first found this instruction in the Corsini Library, No. 
S7, and afterwards obtained a copy in the handwriting of the 
iddle of the sixteenth century. 

This document was known to Pallayicini, who refers to it 
I his ^' Istoria del Conoilio di Trento," lib. ii. c 13; but the 
llowing chapters will make it obvious that he has not made 
\ mudi use of it as his words would imply ; he has taken his 
tfrative from other sources. 

These instructions are highly important, not only as re- 
\xda the affairs of the papacy, but also in relation to the col- 
ctive policy of £urope at a most momentous period ; they 
cewise contain many remarkable and weighty particukrs 
»t to be found elsewhere. I have therefore thought it 
ivisable to print them entire, for it is certain that no mere 
:tract would satisfy the well-informed reader ; they amply 
srit the few pages that will be devoted to them. 
In June, 1526, the pope had issued a brie^ wherein he 
ccinctly enumerated all the points on which he felt ag- 
ieved by the emperor. To this the emperor made a very 
imated, not to say vehement, reply, in September, 1526. 
le state-paper which appeared at the time under the title 
Pro Divo Carolo V. . . . apologetici libr " (see Goldast, 
(litica Imperialia, p. 984), contains a circumstantial refuta- 
n of the pope's assertions. To these writings the instruction 
fore us may now be added. It will be found that they con- 
t of two parts : one in which the pope is spoken of in the 
rd person, and which was probably composed by Giberto, 
some other confidential minister of the pontifi" ; — it is of the 
ttost importance in relation to the earlier events, whether 
ing the pontificate of Leo or that of Clement : the second 
Quch shorter, and begins with the words " Per non entrare 
le cause per le quali fummo costretti " [^Not to enter into 
causes whereby we were constrained] ; and here the "^oi^^ 


speaks in the first person: it was therefore most probably 
drawn up by himself. Both are prepared with a riew to the 
justification of the measures taken by the Roman court, and 
are calculated to place the proceedings of the viceroy of 
Naples, on the other hand, in the worst possible light. It 
would, without doubt, be unadvisable to trust them to the 
letter on each separate point, for we occasionally find mis- 
representation of facts. It would be desirable to know what 
was the reply of the imperial court to the charges ha» 
made. Yet, in general, not only the papal policy, but also a 
considerable part of that of Spain, is elucidated by this docu- 
ment. We find, for example, that even so early as the year 
1525, there were some thoughts of annexing Portugal to 
Spain. i 

"111"^ Rev*" Signore. Nella difficult^ della provincia che h 
toccata alle mani di V. 8. Ill"' e R"*, tanto grande quanto i' 
ella stessa conosce, et nella recordatione della somma et estre- ^ 
ma miseria nella quale siamo, penso che non sar^ se non di 
qualche rilevamento a quella, haver quella informatione che ai 
pub di tutte Tattioni che sono accadute tra N. Signore e la 
M** Cesarea et in esse conoscere che V. S. R"* va a prencipe 
del quale S* S*' et la casa sua h piu bcnemerita che nesson 
altra che nl per li tempi passati nd per li presenti si posaa 
ricordare; et se qualche offensione I nata in quest' ultimo 
anno, non h causata nl da alienatione che S' S^ havessi fatto 
della solita voluntk et amore verso sua Maesta o per disegni 
particulari d'aggraudire i suoi o altri o per abbassare la 
reputatione o stato suo, ma solo per necessity di non com- 
portare d'esser oppresso da chi haveva et auttorit^ et forze in 
Italia, et per molte prove che sua B* havessi fatto per nuntii, 
lettere, messi et legati, non era mai stato possibile trovarci 

<^ La S** di N. Signore da che comincio a esser tale da poter 
servir la corona di Spagna et la casa della Maestk Cesaiea, il 
che fu dal principio del pontificate della S^ M^^ di Leone suo 
fratello, con el quale poteva quanto ogn' uno sa et la M** sua 
ha provato, fu sempre di tanto studio et servitd della parte 
Spagnuola et imperiale che non si potr^ numerar beneficio o 
gratia o sodisfattione di cosa alcuna che questa parte in ogni 
tempo habbi rlcevuta dalla S** M*^ di Leone et della ohiesa, 
nella quale non solo N. Signore stando in minoribus non ai da 


roTaio o non adversario o consentiente solo, ma ancora 
kQttore, indrizzatore et conduttore del tutto. Et per toccare 
{Qelle cose ohe sono di piu importantia solamente : le lega 
jhe si fece il secondo et terzo anno della S** M*** di Leone per 
idversare alia venuta prima che fece il christianissimo re 
Francesco passb tutta per mano di S. S^, et ella andb in per- 
lona legato per trovarsi in fatto con gli altri. Dove essendo 
iusciti li disegni diversamente da quello che s'era imaginato, 
^t constretto papa Leone a fare quelli accordi che potd con el 
jhr^, il cardinale de Medici hebbe quella cura di conservare 
1 papa Spagnuolo che ogn' uno di qnelli che all' hora vi si 
joTorono posson render testimonio, et us5 tntta I'auttorit^ che 
laveya col papa suo fratello, che la yolunt^ et estremo desi- 
lerio che el christianissimo haveva di seguir la vittoria et 
yaaBut con tanto esercito et &yore nel regno, fussi ra£&enato 
lor con una scusa et hor con un altra, et tra le altre che 
iaaendo il re cattolico vecchio et per I'infermit^ gia a g& 
iltimi anni, S. M'* aspettasse Toccasione della morte sua, nel 
[ual tempo I'impresa riuscirebbe senza difficult^ alcuna. Et 
mccedendo assai presto doppo questi ragionamenti la morte 
lei re cattolico, che credo non ci fusse un mese di tempo, con 
inant*^ arte et £Eitica fussi necessario reprimere Tinstantia 
^nde che el christianissimo ne faceva, ne sarebber testimonio 
e lettere di propria mano di S' M", se questi soldati, che tra 
e altre cose hanno ancor saccheggiato tutte le scritture, o ci 
e rendessero over le mandassero all* imperatore. Et queste 
rose con molte altre, che tutte erano in preparar quieta e sta- 
bile la hereditk et successione della persona hora dell' impe- 
ratore et in assicurarlo etiam vivente Tavo de maestrati di 
dpagna, tutte faceva el cardinale de Medici non per privato 
Dommodo suo alcuno, anzi direttamente contro Futile parti- 
sulare, non havendo rendita alcuna di momento se non nel 
iominio di Francia, et non procurando mai d'haver ristoro in 
ijuel di Spagna. Successe la morte dell* imperatore Massimi- 
liano, et essendo Leone inclinato alia parte del christianissimo 
per quella dignity et opponendosi a)li conati della M** Cesarea 
f hora, non passb il termine dell' elettione che el cardinal de 
Medici condusse il papa a non contravenirvi, e doppo fatta 
I'elettione ad approvarla, assolverlo dal'la simonia, dal pergiuro, 
she non poteva, essendo re di Napoli, si come vuole la costi- 

tutione di papa procurar d essere, imperatoT^, im- 

VOL. ni, D 


Testirlo et darli di naovo il regno di Napoli : in che non go— ', 
86 raffettion grande et roppinione nella quale el cardinal de 
Medioi era entrato della bontik, pradontia et leligione delk 
M** 80% non lo scnsasse — se f U8se pin o il seryitio, che pub 
molto i^>ertam6nte dire d'haver fatto grandisnmo alia M* soS) 
oyero il deservitio fatto al fratello ciod al papa et aUa obiea^ 
{JAVorendo et nutrendo una potentia tanto grande e da coaoh 
derare che un di da questo fiume poteva erumpera una deTU- 
tatione et oltiaggio d grande come hora h aegoito. Ma ▼»- 
d^do il cardinale queste due potenze di Spagna et Franoia 
diyise di sorte che malamente non contrapesando Tuna oolT 
altra si poteva sperar pace, andb prima oon qnesto disegno 
d'aggiunger tanta auttorit^ et forze al re di Spagna che esamdo 
nguale al christianissimo dovessi harer rispetto di Tenin a 
guerra, et se pur la di^iatia portasse che non si potean ht 
dimeno, essendo roppinione d'anteporre il re di Spagna «1 
ohrist"^, Spagna f ussi in modo ferma et gagliarda che atta^• 
candosi in un case simile a quella parte si potesse sperame boon 
esito et certa vittoria. Et questo lo proyaasi con altro che a 
parole, se forse le cose sopradette fusser coei oscnre dhe hares- 
aer bisogno di piu aperta fede : ne iariL testimonio la conclosa 
kga con Cesare contra Francia, et tanto disaimili le oonditioni 
che si prometteyano da un lato a quelle dell' altro, che noB 
aok) Leone non doyeya yenire a legarsi colF imperatore^ 
essendo in sua liberty et arbitrio d elegger quel che piu faoeya 
per lui, ma essendo legato doyeya fare ogni opersk per apiooar- 
s^ne : et per mostrar breyemente esser con effetto qnanto io 
dioo^ rimperatoro si troyaya in quel tempo ohe Leone £doe 
lega seco, priyo d'ogni auttoriti^ neryo, amiei et leputatkma^ 
hayendo perduto in tutto I'obbedienza in Spagna per la rebel- 
lione di tutti i populi, essendo tornato daUa dieta che sua IP 
hayeya fatta in Yormatia, escluso d'ogni conclusion Inuma 
d'ajuti et di fayori che si fussi proposto dottenere in eaaa, 
liayendo la guerra gia mossa ne suoi paesi in due lati, in'Fian- 
dia per yia di Roberto della Marca et in Nayarnt, il qoal 
vegno gia era tutto andato yia et ridottosi all' oUbedienza del 
je &yorito da i Frances! : li Suizzeri poco inanzi s'eron di 
nuoyo allegati col christianissimo con una nuoya conditione 
d'obbligarsi alia defensione dello stato di Milano, che el re 
possedeya, cosa che mai per inauzi non hayeyon yoluto £sae : 
€t il ser*° le d'Anglia, nel quale forse rimpexatore Haceva 

No. 15.^ CLBMffiiT yn. akx> thb imperial house. .85 

fondamento per ii parentado tra loio et per la nemistH naturale 
oon Francia, mostrava esser per star a veder volentieri, come 
comprobb poi con li effetti, non si moyendo a dar pure on 
minimo ajnto all' imperatore per molta necessity in che lo 
yedessi et per molta instantia che gli ne fasse Hatiiai^ maLvo doppo 
la morte di Leone. II christianissimo all' inoontro, oltre la 
potontia grande nnita da se et la pronta unione che haveya 
eon riU"^ Signoria et che haveya questa nuova lianza de 
Saizzeri, si troyava tanto pin superior nel resto quanto 11 
eansano la potentia sna et la fJEkceyano maggiore li molti 
et infiniti disordini ne qnali dico di sopra che Timperatore 
ai troraya. Le speranze et propositioni dei piemii et como- 
ditiL del snecesBO et prosperiUk che le cose hayessero hayuto 
enm molto diyerse : il christianisomo yoleya dar di primo 
colpo Ferrara alia ehiesa inanzi che per soa M^ si , facessi 
altra impresa, poi nell' aoqnisito del i^no di Napoli S' 
M* christianissima, per non yenire a i partionlari, <kkya 
tante comodit^ alia chiesa circa ogni cosa che gli tomava di 
]na cmnodo pin ntilitll et sicnrtlt assai, che non sarebhe stato 
se ce I'hayesse lassato tutto ; in quest' altra bandit non era 
cosa nessuna se non proposito di metier lo stato di Milano in 
Italiani et far ritomar Parma et Piacenza alia chiesa : et 
nondimeno, essendo et la facilitsl dell' impresa in una parte 
et neir altra il pericolo cosi ineguale et aggiungendoyisi 
aneora la disparitil de i guadagni si grande, potette tanto la 
volnnt^ del cardinale de Medici appresso al papa, et appresso 
a S. S. Rey^ Foppinione della bon^ et religione della Maestk 
Cesarea, che mettendosi nella deliberatione che era neoessaria 
di fare o in nn luogo o in un altro questa imaginazione inanzi 
agli occhi, non yoUe dar parte della yista all' altro consiglio 
n^ altro esamine se non darsi in tutto et per tutto a quella 
parte donde speraya piu frutti danimo santo et christiauo 
che da qualsivoglia altri premii che temporalmeiHe havesser 
potnto pervenire per altra via. £t che aa yero dii non ha 
yisto che non essendo successe le cose in quel principio come 
si speraya, et essendo consumati i danari che per la prima 
portion sua la M^ Cesarea haycva dato, et yedendo male il 
modo che si facessi provisione per piu, la S** M*^* di Leone 
per sua parte et S. S. Rev™* molto piu per la sua non mancd 
mettervi la sustantia della patria sua et di quanti amici et 
seryitori che hayessi et per rultimo la persona aua pto^m^ 
D 2 


della quale conobbe rimportantia et il fratto che ne Mgol 
Mori in quelle papa Leone, et benche S. S, Rev"* si troTaase 
nemico tutto il mondo, percbe quelli che hareya offeso daUa 
parte franoese tutti s'eron levati contro lo state et dignitil sua 
temporale et spirituale, gli altri della parte dell' Imp'* parte 
non lo volsero ajutare, parte gli furon contrarii, oome Y. S. 
Rey"^ et ogn' uno sa molto bene, non dimeno n^ il perioolo a 
offerte grandi dei primi nh Tingrattitudine o sdegno dei 
secondi bastorono mai tanto che lo fjEicesser muovere pur un 
minimo punto della yoluntk sua, parendoli che sicome ranimo. 
di Cesare et I'oppinion d'esso era state scopo et objetto, cod 
quelle dovessi esser sua guida : et non si potendo imaginar eha 
questo nascessi dall' animo sno ne potendo per il tempo breve 
suspicarlo, yolse piu presto comportar ogni cosa che mutarai 
niente, anzi come se fussi state il contrario, di nessuna cuxa 
tenne piu cento che di fare un papa buono parimente per hk 
M** sua come per la chiesa : et che Toppinione anzi certeza 
fussi che non sarebbe quasi state differenza a hx papa Adriuio 
o rimp** stesso, ogn' uno lo sa, sicome ancora h notissimo che 
nessuno fu piu auttore et conduttore di quella creatione che 1 
cardinale de Medici. 

" Hor qui fu il luogo dove il card*' de Medici hebbe a far 

proya, se'l giudicio el quale S. S. hayeva £a.tto della M' 

Cesarea gli riusciya tale quale S. S. Rey*' s'era imaginato,, 

perche inanzi Fombra et indrizzo della S^ M*** di Leena 

hayeva fatto che non si veniva a fare esperienza d'altro, et 

Tanimo di S. S. tutto occupato a servir la M^ sua, non haveva 

pensato di distraherlo in cura sua o di suoi particularly n^ em 

cosi avido o poco prudente che s'imaginasse i piemii oorri- 

spondenti ai meriti, anzi in questo pareva d'haver perfetta- 

mente servito et meritato assai, non havendo objetto nestim 

tale et essendosi rimesso in tutto e per tutto alia diseiettione 

et liberality sua. E vero che trovandosi piu di due aimi 

quasi prima che la M^ sua non pensava nd credeva potec 

ricever tanto beneficio et servitio dalla casa de Medici^ harer 

promesso per scritto di sua mano et disegnato et tenuto a tale 

iustantia separatamente da quella uno state nel regno di 

Napoli di 6 m. scudi et una moglie con state in dote di 10 m. 

pur promesso a quel tempo per uno dei nipoti di papa Leone 

et di S. S. R"*, et non essendosi mai curati d'entrare in pos- 

sesso del prime nd venir a effetto del secondo per pazedi 


d'haver tntto in oertissimo deposito in mano di sua Maestl^ 
moito papa Leone et non essendo rinuusto segno alcuno di 
bene verso la casa de Medici, cfae gli faoesei ricordo d'harer 
havato tanto tempo nn papa, se non qnesto, mandando S. S. 
R** alia M^ Cesarea a farli riverenza et dar conto di se, dette 
oommissioni dell' espeditione di qaesta materia, che se ne 
facessi la speditione, la consignatione et li privilegii et venisse 
all' efTetto. Ma sncoesse molto diversamente da qnello che 
noQ solo era I'oppinion nostra ma d'ogn' nno : perclie in cambio 
di vedere che si pensasse a nuovi premii et grattitndine per li 
qoali si oonoscesse la recognitione de beneficii fatti alia M** 
sna^ et la casa de Medici si consolasse yedendo non haver £Eitto 
molta perdita nella morte di Leone, si messe diffioolt^ tale 
nelT e^editione delle cose dette non come si fasse trattato di 
uno state gia stabilito et debito per conto molto diverse et 
inferiore ai meriti grandi che s'erono aggianti, prima di dis- 
pntare^ non altrimenti che se la casa de Medici gli fusse stata 
nemica, £EUsendo objettioni di sorte che ancorche fusse stata in 
quel tennine, non si devevon fare, perche la fede et qnel che 
sd una volta promesso si vuol servare in ogni tempo: pure si 
replicb et mostrb il torto che si riceveva talmente che in 
cambio di sperar piu o di havere aJmeno interamente quello che 
era promesso d'uno stato di 16 m. scudi 6 di S' M** propria 
et 10 m. di dote che si doveva dare, si risolvette in tre : nel 
qual tempo essendo il cardinale de Medici bene informato di 
tutto, se S. S. R°* non si mosse dalla devotione di S* M** 
perseverando non come trattato ut supra ma come se fusse 
stato remunerato a satietl^ si potrebbe dire che Thavessi fatto 
per forza, essendo la potenza dell' imperatore fermata di sorte 
che non poteva far altro, overo per mancarli partite con altri 
prencipi, overo per trovarsi in qualche gran necessity nella 
quale fusse piu pronto prestar ajuto all* imperatore che ad 
altri : ma chi si ricorda dello stato di quei tempi, che ^ facile 
essendo assai fresca la memoria, conosceriL che I'esercito e 
parte imperiale in Italia per el nuovo soccorso che i Francesi 
havean mandato reparando I'esercito et forze loro con Till"* 
Sig^, era in grandissimo pericolo, et in mano d'alcuno 
era piu in Italia, per Topportunit^ del stato amici, parenti, 
dependentie, denari et gente, che del cardinale de Medici far 
\ cader la vittoria in quella parte dove gli fusse parso a S. S. 
■' R"* salda nella volontk verso Timperatore, cercavono op^ii- 


merlo, noo b(Ao potoya sperare ajnto dalli Cesarei, ma 
male haverebbon fatio i fatti lore se da S. S. R"^ non hay« 
ricevnto ogni sorte di ajuto tanto ad acquistar la yit 
qnanto a mantenerla, essendosi spogliato fino all' ossa et \ 
hk patna per pagare nna grossa impoaitione che fa im] 
per oontribuiie et pagar resseroito et tenerio unito. 1 
Tolentieri, connmmeraDdo tutti i beneficii, officii et w 
infiniti del cardinale de Medici et di casa sua, qtialcbe an 
Tol donofitzatione o specie di grattitndine ebe S* M ba 
nsato inreno di lore, ood per dire il rero come per sci 
in quesk) modo qnesta perseverantia mai interrotta per t 
aociiiente verso o^ M** et difenderia da cbi larolessi cbian 
pin tosto ostinatione che rero giudieio, ma non vi ess 
niente non lo posso hx di nnoyo, salro se non si dicesse cl 
cambio di 22 m. se. d'entrata perduti in Franda S^ M 
ordinb sopia Toledo una pensione di 10 m. sc, dei qoali at 
in parte ne resta creditore. E vero che nelle lettere cl 
M** eeriveva in Italia a tntti li suoi ministri et oratori et < 
tani gli faeeva boBorifica mentione di S. 8. R°^, et comei 
cbe &oessin capo a quella et ne tenessero gran conto per ii 
a commetterli cbe se dio disponesse della S** M*** d'Adr 
nott attendessero a far papa altri che S. S. R*^ : donde nai 
che tutti faceyano nei negotii loro capo a Fiorenza et con 
nicavano le facende, et quando s'bayeTa a trattar di dan 
altra sorte d'ajuti, a nessnno si ricorreva con pin fiducia < 
S. S. R*"*, farorendola gagliardamente contro la mala dis 
tione di papa Adriano per triste informationi ingeste da 
terra cbe moetrara baver di S. S*** : nelle quai cose, 
&cendo ingiuria al bnon animo cbe Cesare potesse baren 
el cardinale, dirb bene cbe S* M** si goremava pmdentisj 
mente in rolere cbe si mantenessi nna persona di 
auttorit^ in Italia, la qnale per poca recognitione cbe gli 
stata fatta non m era mai mntato un pelo del solito si 
non possendo snceedere, cosi in qnesto come negli altri 
cbe mntando la forma et regimento se ne fnsse potato m 
evidentissimi fratti et commodity cbe fsiceya sna IM 
stando integro in Fiorenzo el cardinale de MedicL 

" Morto Adriano fa il cardinale create papa, dove anc 
i ministri et altri dependent! da Cesare bavesser gagliarda 
missioae, parte si portoron come rolsero, et alcani cb 
ultimo descesero poi a £ftTorir la sua elettione il prime pr< 


ohe essi Tolsefo fu che non intendeyono per niente che S. 8^ 
conoscesse I'opera loro ad instantia dell' imperatore, ma che lo 
£M)eyono per mera dispositione priyata. £t noodJmeno fatto 
papa litenne S. S^ la medesima persona del cardinal de Me- 
dici, qoanto comporiaya una union tale insieme con la dignitil 
nella quale dio I'hayeya posto : et se in pesar qneste due 
parti, del debito del ponteiice et dell' affettion yerso I'impera- 
tore, S. 8** non s'hayesse lassato yincere et fatto pesar piu 
fultini% forse che il nuAdo sarehbe piu anni fa in pace, et 
non patirenuno hora queste calamity. Percbe troyandosi nei 
tempo che S* S^ fu papa, due esserciti gagliardi in Lombardia, 
di Cesare et del christianissimo, et il primo oppresso da molte 
difficult^ di potersi mantenere, se N. S. non I'ajutaya, come 
liBce con laaear le genti ecdesiastiche et Fiorentine in campo, 
oon darli tante deoime nel regno che ne cayayano 80 m4 
sondiy et ^li dar contribntioni di Fiorenza, et S* S** ancora 
priyatamente denari et infinite aJtre Borti d'ajuti, forse quella 
gn^va hayrebbe hayuto altro esito et piu moderate et da sperar 
fine ai trayagli et non principio a nuoye et maggiori tribnla- 
tioni, alle quali aperando N. S. tanto ritroyar forma quanto 
oltre all' auttorit^ ordinaria che credeya hayer coll' imperatore 
et per cousigliarlo bene ci hayeya ancora aggiunto queste 
nuoye dimostrationi, senza le quali non hayrebbe potuto yin- 
cere, perche et me n'ero scordato senz' esse mai lo Signoria 
fjEuseya unir I'esercito suo, non solo non fu dato luogo alcuno al 
sao consiglio, che dissuadeya di passare in Francia con I'eser- 
dto, anzi in molte occorentie si comincib a mostrare di tcnere 
nn poco conto di S* S", et fiavorir Ferrara in dispreggio di 
quella, et, in cambio di lodarsi et ringraUarla di quanto hayeva 
&tto per loro, querelarsi di quel ^e non s'era fatto a yoglia 
loro, non misurando prima che tutto si facessi per mera dispo- 
sitione senza obbligo alcuno, et poi, se ben ce ne fussero stati 
infiniti, che molto maggior doyeya esser quelle che tiraya S* 
Santit^ a fare il debito sue con Dio che con Timperatore. 

" L'eeito che hebbe la guerra di Francia mostrb se el con- 
siglio di N. Sig" era buono, che yenendo el christianissimo 
adosso air eserdto Oesareo ch'era a Marsiglia, lo costrinse a 
ritirarsi, di sortc, e 1 re seguiya oon celeritl^ che prima fu 
entrato in Milano ch'essi si potesser proyedere, et fu tanto 
terrore in quella giomata del yicer^, secondo che Thuomo di 
S. S** ohe era presso a S. Ecc" scrisse, che non sarebbe state 


partite quale 8. Signoria non ayesei aooettato dal re, et |in- 
dentemente : vedendoei in eetrema rovina 0e la Tentara ima 
rhavessi ajatato con fare che el christiaiiiflBiiiio andnaoo a 
Payia et non a Lodi, dove non era possibile stare oon le genti 
che ▼! s'eron ridotte. Hora le oose si troyayano in qnesti 
termini et tanto peggiori qnanto sempre in casi eoai sabiti 
rhaomo s'imagina, et N. 8. in malissinia intdligentia eol ohr'^ 
et poca speranza di non hayer a sperar se non male da 8^ M* 
et rimanerli odiato in infinito, eesendosi goyemata oomediib 
appresso con qnella yeriUk che debbo et sono obligate in qnalsi- 
yoglia Inogo che pin potessi stringere a dirla di qnel che ie 
mi repnti al presente. 

^^ Fatto che fu N. Sig~ papa, mand6 el ohristianiaBimo ik 
mandar subito messi a snpplicare a S. 8'% che come dio I'hayefa 
posta in luogo sopra tutti, cosi ancora si yolessi metier msfOk 
se stessa et yincer le passioni qoali gli potesser esser rimaste 
o di troppa affettione yerso I'imperatore o di troppo mak 
yoluntil yerso di lui, et che rimarebbe molto obbligato a dio e( 
a 8. 8^ se tenessi ogn' uno ad an segno, interponendoei a hit 
bene, ma non mettendosi a &yorir Tuna parte centre I'altra : 
et se pnre per suoi interessi o disegni 8. B** giudicasse biso- 
gnarli uno appoggio particulare d'nn prencipe, qnal poteya 
hayere meglio del suo, che naturalmente et a figlinolo deOa 
chiesa et non emulo, desideraya et era solite operar giandem 
di essa et non diminntione, et qnanto aila yolunt^ pel da per- 
sona a persona, gli fiEurebbe ben partiti tali che 8. 8** oobo»- 
cerebbe che molto pin ha guadagnato in farsi conoscere qnanto 
meritaya offendendo et deseryendo lui, che ajutando et &ye- 
rendo I'imperatore, yenendo in particulari grandi. 

^' Nostro 8ignore accettaya la prima parte d'essere amorsvole 
a tutti, et benche poi con li effetti dependessi pin dalT IB- 
peratore, oltre alia inclinazdone lo faceya ancora oon certioniai 
speranza di peter tanto oon Timperatore che &cilmente las- 
sanded 8ua M*' Cesarea goyemare et mueyere, a 8na 8^ not 
f ussi per essere si graye quelle che offendeya el christianisBhiMS 
qnanto gli sarebbe comedo poi in fiacilitare et ajutare f^ 
aocordi che se hayessero hayuto a fare in la pace. Ma sne- 
cedendo altrimenti et fiEUsendo ilre, mentre che TeBsereito 
Cesarea era a Marsiglia, resolutione di yenire in Italia, 
mandb credo da Azais ( Aix) nn corriere con la carta bianca a 
N. Sig~ per mezzo del sig^ Alberto da Carpi con capitolatioBe 


bvoTiVole et amplissimi mandati et con una dimostration 
I'animo tale che certo Thayerebbe possato mandare al proprio 
mperatore, perohe di voler lo stato di Milano in poi era con- 
e&to nel resto di riporsi in tutto et per tutto alia volnnUl et 
»rdine di Nostro Signore : et non ostante qnesto Sua Santit^ 
i(m si volse risolver mai se non quando nop la prima ma la 
eoonda rolta fu oerta della presa di Milano et hebbe lettere 
air hnomo sno, che tutto era spacciato et che el vicerd non lo 
indicaya altrimenti. Mettaei qualsiyoglia o amico o seryitore 
fi»tello o padre o Timperatore medesimo in questo luogo, et 
egga in questo subito et ancora nel seguente, cbe cosa bayria 
otuto fare per beneficio suo cbe molto meglio S. 8^^ non 
abbia fsitto ? dioo meglio : percbe son certo cbe quelli da cbe 
>rse S. M^' ba sperato et spera miglior yolunti^ poicbe si 
royano obbligati, bayrebber yoluto tenere altro conto dell' 
bbligo cbe non fece la S. S^* ; la quale bayendo riposto in 
lan sua ha cessar Farme per far proseguir la guerra nel 
^gno di Napoli et infiniti altri comodi et public! et priyati, 
on s'era obligata ad altro in fayor dell' cbnstianissimo se non 
iJEurli acquistar quelle cbe gia Tesercito di Cesare teneya 
er perduto et in reprimerlo di non andare inansd a pigliare 11 
3gno di Napoli, nel quale non pareya cbe fussi per essere 
Lolta difficult^ : et cbi yuol farsi bello per li eyenti success! 
I contrario, deye ringratiare dio cbe miracolosamente et per 
iacerli ha voluto cosi, et non attribuir nulla a se, et riconoscer 
be '1 papa fece quella capitulazione per conseryar se et 
imperatore et non per mala yolontk. Percbe trovando poi 
er sua disgratia el re difficult^ neir impresa per baverla 
resa altrimenti di quel cbe si doveva, N. S" lo lassb due 
lesi d'intomo a Payia senza dar un sospiro di fayore alle cose 
ae, et benche questo fusse assai beneficio delli Spagnuoli, non 
nancb ancora far per loro, dandoli del suo stato tutte le 
omodit^ cbe poteyon disegnare, non mancando d'interporsi 
«r metter accordo quanto era possibile tra loro : ma non vi 
issendo ordine et sollecitando il re, cbe N. Sig'" si scoprisse in 
iayor suo per farli acquistare tanto piu facilmente lo stato di 
tfilsmo, et instando ancora cbe i Fiorentini facessero il mede- 
limo, a cbe parimente come S. S** erono obbligati, fece opera di 
)yitare I'bayersi a scoprire n^ dare ajuto alcuno, salyo di darli 
MLsso et yettoyaglia per el suo stato a una parte dell' esercito, 
ihe sua M** voleya mandare nel regno per far diyersione et 


ridur piu £Efccilmente all' aooordo grimperialL Oh che gm 
servitio fu queato ai Franoeo, concedendoli ooaa la qufe en ^i 
in fiitcollJl loro di torsela, anooiche non glie I'liaTeflw Tolnfto 
dare, troyandosi diaarmato et parendo pur tioppo Btnmo cb 
havendo hJtio una lega con S. M^ ohriatianiflBiina non UttTando 
Yoluto seryir d'altro, gli n^gasee quello ohe non poteT% el hm 
publioatione d'ona ooncordia finte^ come fa qneUa die « dette 
fuora all' hora per dare un pooo di pastnxa a qoella M** el fan 
ohe di manoo mal aoimo comportaaae ohe Si S^ son ommnmm 
ad ungnem la capilulatione : el ee si roiril diie il van^ d 
ohrjatianiflmmo fa piu preslo deeenrilo ohe serrilo di qaefa 
separatione dell' esercito, perche forono le genti interloBnli 
tanto in Siena et di poi in queeto di Bonus ohe rimpmM 
hebber tempo in Lombardia di far la prora ohe feoeio a Pam: 
la qual ottenuta, qoalohe ragione yoleva ohe rimperatove nl i 
suoi agenti nh haomo al mondo di quella parte si tepoipo dttm 
da Sua S^ o penaaasi altro che fsurli servitio o piaoero^ ss k 
religione non li moYOTa et il s^goitare gli esempii degli alftri 
prencipi, li qoali non solo non hanno offeeo i papi» che li som 
stati a Tedereymaquando hanno ottenuto yittoria oontroqiisib 
parte con la quale la chiesa si f nasi adherita^ gU hanno uynti 
in somma adherenza e riyerenza e posto termine alia yittoria su 
in chiederli perdono, honoraria et seryirla. Tmsfliiimo slate k 
religione da canto et mettiamo il papa et la chiesa in hiogo di 
Moscoyita, doye ai trovb mai che a persona et stato che boi 
ti occupa niente di quelle a che la ragione yade^ tu possa pse- 
tendere ? anzi hayendo una continuata memoria dliayer tuli 
anni col f&yore, t^uto et sustantia sua et partioulazmente deUi 
persona ottenuto tante yittorie; et se hora si eraadheiito ool 
re, lo fece in tempo nel quale non potendo ajutare se nd aiti, 
gli parye d'hayere una occasione diyina di poter col meoo da 
nemici hxe quel medesimo effetto, non gli dando pin di qatUs 
che o la fbrza loro o I'impotentia dell' imperatoie gli oonoa* 
deya, et poi quando el corso della yittoria si fermb per i Fna- 
oesi, hayerla piu tosto arenata che i^utata a spignere iiiMa: 
che inhumaniti^ inauditai per non usar piu grave terminer lii 
quelhs come se appunto non yi fusse stata alcana di qaols 
raggioni o fussero state al oontrario, subito ottenuta la yitlorift 
in Payia et feitto prigioneil re, cercare di far pace oon gli altri, 
dei quali meritamente potevasi presumere d'esaere stati offen, 
alia chiesa et alia persona del papa subito indir la goena 

No. I6.3 TiO&ATKni OP WPSBIAL PBOMinB. 48 

at mandurli uno Ofloroito adoaso? O gfimperiali Iuitvtoii 
Tvdoti i eapM i della iega oon el elu^ o non ^ hayeron* 
TodntL Hayendo gli vieti, come eiam certi, essendo andate in 
man loio tatte le eoritiiure di S. M**, doyeTon prodnrli, et mos- 
tiando offendone in esai o nel tempo che foion condua oyeto 
aei partknilari di coMiclia fuase in pregindioioaUa M^ Oesaraa^ 
giwfcifiear oon ean qnello ohe oontayano, se ginttifieatione 
alcana pezo yi potoeee easeve bastante. Non gli hayendo yisti, 
pecehe naar tale iniqnitilk eontia di . . . . ? Ma nd in soriptis 
■en hayendo yisto ooaatde nd in £iitto non hayendolo proyato, 
MB hayeyon sentito oflfennone aloona. Nd restb N. &Kg^ per 
poeo animo o per non potne, peiehe se Tha delT animo o del 
poftece ean in k>ro beneAcio Thayeyon proyato tanto tempo et 
del pnmo YeiM, not glien' hayeya potato kyar niente et del 
aeeondo^ladignitlL f^aoi hareya aggiuntoassai, nd anche perolie 
& 8** liayeasi inteveette alcnne lettere di qneeti eig^'nelle qnali 
« redefa ebe stayano gonfi et aapettayano oeoaeione di yendi- 
oaoi deUa inginria ohe non lieeyerono da S. S^, ma per non 
wpnter niente tatte qneete coee, respetto alia ginstitia et al • 
dmro et boon animo della M** Cesarea, eeata, participation 
dcOa quale non penab mai che ri mettease a tentare coaa 
alcana, et non posaendo mai persnadersi che S. M** fosse per 
eomportarlo. Pero accadde tntto il contrario, che subito sensa 
dimora alcana feoer passare reaercito in quel della chiesa et 
eoaetrinser S. S^a r^imer la yezatione con 100 m. ac et col 
iff ana Iega con loro : la quale mandandosi in Spagna, la 
demoatratione che S. M^ ne feoe d'haverlo a nude fu che se in 
eaaa ai eonteneya qnalche cosa che fhsse in benefioio di N. Sig" 
et della chieaa, non la rolae zatificare, non ostante che qnanto 
^ fatto in ItaUa, fnsai con li mandati amplissimi della M** sua, 
et tea le altre oose y'era la reintegratione dei sali dello stato 
di Milano che ai pigliaaaer dalla chiesa, et la restitution di 
Seggio, di che non yolse &r nulla. Hayendo N. ^g^ yeduto 
gabbarsi tante Tolte et sperando sempre che le cose deU' 
imperatore, ancorche alia preaentia paressero altrimenti, in 
mMo poi fnsaero per rinacire migliori et hayendo sempre 
yiato rioaciiii il contrario, comincib a dare orecchie con tante 
ptoye obe ne yedeya, a chi glie I'hayeya sempre detto et per- 
aereiaya ehe la M** ana tendessi alia oppreaaione di tutta Italia 
et yolersene &r aig^ aaaoluto, parend^i strano che aenza nn' 
objetto tale S. M^ ai goyemasse per se et per li suoi di qna 


della sorte che faceva : et trovandosi in queeta sospettione et 
'mala contentezza di veder che non gli era osBerrato nd fede nd 
promessa alcana, gli pareva che gli fusee ben oonveniente 
adherire alia amicitia et pratiche Si colore li qoali havessero 
una causa commune con la santit^ sua et fusser per trovar 
modi da difendersi da una violentia tale che si teneva: efe 
essendo tra le altre cose proposto che disegnando Ceeare levar 
di stato el duca di Milano et farsene padrone et havendo tanti 
indicii che questo era pin che certo non si doreva perder 
tempo per anticipar di faae ad altri quel che era disegnato di 
fare a noi, S. S^ non poteva recusare di seguitaie il oamino di 
chi come dico era nella fortuna commune. Et di qui naoque 
che volendosi il regno di Francia, la S. S^ di Venetia et il 
resto di Italia unire insieme per rilevamento delli stati et 
salute commune, N. S. dara intentione di non recussfe 
d'essere al medesimo che gli altri s'offerirono: et confesBi 
ingenuamente che essendoli proposto in nome et da parte del 
marcbese di Pescara che egli come mal oontento dell' hnpera- 
~ tore et come Italiano s'offeriva d'essere in qnesta compagnia 
quando s'avesse a venire a fatti, non solamente non lo ricos^ 
ma havendo sperato di poterlo havere con effetti, gli haverebbe 
£a.tto ogni partito, perche essendo venuto a termine di temer 
dello stato et salute propria, pensava che ogni via che se gli 
fusse offerta da potere sperare ajuto non era da rifiutare. 
Hora egli h morto et dio sa la veritit et con che animo goTeni^ 
questa oosa. E ben vero et certo questo che simile particnlaie 
fu messo a N. Signore in suo nome : et mandando S. 8** a 
dimandamelo, non solo non lo ricusb, ma tomb a oonfermare 
egli stesso quel che per altri mezzi gli era stato fatto intendeie: 
et benche le pratiche procedesser di questa sorte, dio sa se 
N. Signore ci andava piu tosto per necessity che per elettione; 
et di cio possono far testimonio molte lettere scritte in quel 
tempo al nuntio di S. S^appresso Timperatore, per le qoali se 
gli ordinava che facesse intendere alia M^ S* li mali inodi et 
atti a rovinare il mondo che per quella si tenevano, et ohe per 
amor di dio volesse pigliarla per altra via, non essendo posii- 
bile che Italia, ancorche si ottenesse, si potesse tenere con 
altro che con amore et con una certa forma la quale fusse per 
contentare gli animi di tutti in universale. Et non gioTando 
niente, anzi scoprendosi S. M'* in quel che si dubitava, dln- 
patronirsi dello stato di Milano sotto il pretesto di GirolasM 

5*3 J uBTif mulhon of oudibiit til 45. 

le et die U dnea a Aubo voiato ribdkre a S. H**, per- ' 
bTA tattavia in aooonoiftilft oen le biioiie» deBoendencw % 
he Yoleya B. M^ se eUa non yolera qad ohe piaoera alia 
a, pordie lo state di Milano lestaase nel daoa^ ai quale 

si erano &tte tutte le gaene in Italia : in ehe S. 8^ 
tanto poca yentora che^ andando lo spaoeio di qnesta 
klnntk all' imperatoie in tempo ohe S. M** yoleya aooor- 
ool ohristianissbno^ rifintb hr I'aooordo : et potendo, ae 
lya prima Taoooido oon il pips fax pin yantaggio et poi 
nno'qnd dd christJanissimo, rifintb ha I'aoooido ook 
pioze^ per iaae ohe quanto &oeya oon il re fosse tanto 
KMDodo]] yano quanto non lo yolendo il xe osseryaie efa 
KTer de compagni mal oontenti, oon li quali onendosL 
per tenere manoo oonto della H^ Sua; et non d possi-* 
■aginaFsi donde prooedesse tanta alienatione deli im- 
M di yoleie abbiaooiare il pi^ : non hayendo aoooia 
letto sentita offesa aloona di S. S**, hayendo mandato 

soo nipote per honoiarlo et pnwtioaro queste oose 
be oonosoesse qoaato ^ erano a ouore> fooendoU 
orte di fHaeere, et tra gli altri ooncedendoli la dis- 

del matrimonio, la quale quanto ad unire Tamloitia 
lligentia di qaei regni per ogni caso a cayaigli denari 
iote et hayer questa suceessione era della importansa, 
^' uno sa, et tamen non si moyendo S. M** niente, oos- 
la S. S * a darsi a chi ne la pregaya, non yolendo Tim- 
ce sapplicarlo, et a grandissimo torto accettarlo : et 
) che stringendosi N. Signore con il christiaDissimo et 
Itri prencipi et potentati a fare la l^a per commune 
one et precipuamente per far la pace uniyersale, quande 
"atore lo seppe, yolse poi unirsi con N. Signore et man- 
ad offrirgli per il sig^ Don Ugo di Moncada non solo 
be S. S** gli hayeya addimandato et importunate, ma 
le mai hayeya sperato di potere ottenere. Et se o la 
si yuol difendere o calumniare N. Sig", che oonoeden- 
r il sig" Don Ugo quanto dissi di sopra, non lliayesse 
aocettare, non danni la S*' 8., la quale mentre che fu 
potest^ gli fece istanza di contentarsi di manco assai, 
^Ipi il poco giudicio di coloro che quanto h tempo et d 
)yare non yogliono consentire a nno et yengono fuori 
loni a yoler buttar cento : . . . non essendo (se non ?) 
nma giustificatione cio in tempo, che sua M^ neg|B£ai& 


d'entrare in leg» con honeste oonditioni et che le impreM 
riuscissero in modo difficili che altrimenti non cd potesse otte- 
nere rintento commune ; ct chi dubitaad che Timpresa del 
regno non fusse stata per essere facile, lo pub mostrare Tesito 
di Frusolone et la presa di tante terre, considerando maanme 
che N. Sig~ poteva mandate nel principio le medesime geoti, 
ma non eron gia atti ad harere nel regno in un subito taate 
preparationi quante stentorono ad havere in molti med com 
aspettare gli ajuti di Spagna; et mentre mon manca ndl'inimi- 
citia esser amioo et voler usar piu presto ufBicio di padn^ 
minacciando che dando (offendendo ?) e procedendo oon ogn 
sincerity et non mancando di discendere ancora ai termiii 
sotto della dignitil sua in feune acoordo con Colonnecd aadditi 
snoi per levare ogni suspettione et per non mandar mai il 
ferro tanto inanti die non si potessi tirandolo in dietro aami 
&cilmente la piaga, fa ordinata a S. S'* queUa tiaditione, che 
sa ogn' uno et piu sene parla tacendo, non si potendo espnmfln^ 
nella quale h rero che se S. M^* non ci dette ordine nh ooDWOflOb 
n^ mostrb almeno gran dispiaoere et non fece maggior dinu»- 
tration, parendo che rarmaita e tutti li preparatozii cIm 
potessi mai fare I'imperatore non tendessino ad altro dbe a 
Toler yendicare la giustiUa che N. Sig^ haveva fatta oontro i 
Oolonnesi di royinarli quattro casteUi. Non vc^lio dispntar 
ddla tregua fatta qui in castello quei^ septembre per il mg^ 
Don Ugo, se teneva o non teneva: ma Tassolutione Si 
Oolonnesi non teneva gia in modo N. Sig^ che essendo snoi 
sndditi non gli potessi et dovessi castigare. Et se quanto alf 
osservantia poi della tregua tra N. Sig"^* et Timperatore fuasi 
state modo da potersi fidare, si safebbe ossenrata d avraiiao^ 
benche N. Sig^ non fusse miu el primo a romperla : ma hob 
gli essendo osservata nh qui n^ in Lombardia, doye nel teiapo 
della tregua calando 12 mila lanzichineche yennero laeSk 
terra della chiesa, et fieusendosi dalle bande di qua; el peggio 
che si poteya, et soUeeitandosi el yicer^ per lettero del con- 
sig]io di Napoli, che furono intercette, che S. S^ acoelerassi k 
yenuta per trovare il papa sprovisto et fomir quel che al 
primo oolpo non si hayeva potato fiBu:e, non pot6 N. Sig" manoare 
a se stesso di mandare a tor g^te in Lombardia, le qaali» 
ancorche yenissero a tempo di far leittione nel regno, non yeke 
che si movesser dei confini— -et la royina de luoghi dei Ookxfr* 
nesi fu piu per Tinobbediensa di non hayer yolnto aUoggiaie 

No. 1ft.]] xnnoir or chluib FiHRAMoscriu 47 

che per ahio— et amilmeBte di dir liooitiaa Andrea Doriadi 

ttdiure ad i^spedir quell' aimata della quale S. S** haveya tanti 

ntoontri che Tenhra alia ana roTina. Non si pub aensa nota 

fiS. S**dipoeaeiiradeUatalateetdigiiitk8Dadir, eonqoante 

hgitCiiiie occamoni oottietto non abbandonassi nud tanto tempo 

ramoira veno rinipeiatore,e dipoiche comincib a easerri qnak^ 

Mparatione^ quanta rolte non ado eesendoli offerti ma andava 

«woaado i modi di tonarri, ancoiohe et di oneeto prime propo 

■to et di qoeiir altre reeonciliationi ^liene nissi eegaito male. 

Beeo die mentie le ooee eon |hu furenti che mai, yiene el 

padie ceneiale dei AGnori, al quale liayendo N. Sig" nel 

frinoipio ddla goena andando in Spagna dette bnone parole 

aaai ddT animo no rerso Timperatore et meetratoli quail 

laxiano le Tie per venire a una pace uniyemle^ la M** sua lo 

rimudb indietro eon oommiasioni a parole tanto ample quanto 

ai po^era deaidcraiey ma in effetto poi dnriaaime: pur deaide- 

iBodo N. Bin^ d'uaoime ei Tsniie una Tolta a ohiarirai fiMsie 

ad fiMiem eon rimperatoie, ae yi eia mode o via alcuno di fur 

paoa^ diaae di ei et aoeettb per le migliori del mondo queste 

eoea ehe Timp^ yoleva da aua aantitik et quello cbe la M^ sua 

▼olera dare : et yolendo yenire alio stringere et bisognando 

far capo ool yicerd, il quale si troyava ancb' esso arriyato a 

Gaetta nel medesimo tempo con parole nieote inferiori di 

quelle cbe el generale bayeya detto, queste condition! cresce- 

yano ogn' bora et erano infinite et insoportabili da potersi fare : 

con tutto do niente premeya pin a N. Signore che esser cos- 

tretto a far aolo aoeordo con I'imperatore in Italia, percbe la 

oauaa cbe moyeya a farlo, etiam con grandisaimo danno et 

yergogna sua, era I'unione et pace in ItaJia et il potere andare 

air imperatore, et ae la Signoria di Yenetia non gli consentiya, 

qneato non poteya ocoovrere, et per pratioare il consenso loro, 

alando il vicerd a Frusolone, si fece la aospensione dell' armi 

otto giorui, tra qnali potesse yenire la risposta di Yenetia, et 

andando con easa il signor Gesare Fieramosca, non fa prima 

arriyato Yk cbe gia easendosi alle mani et liberate Fmsolone 

dair aaaedio non ai potd far niente : nel qual maneggio h certo 

che N. Signore andb sinoeramente et coei ancora il rey"^ 

legato, ma troyandosi gia rinimid a posta et con I'armi in 

mano, non era posaibile di trattare due coae diyerae in nn tempo 

medeaimo Si potrebbe marayigliarsi cbe doppo 

Tayer proyato I'animo di questa parte et reatard sotto ccn 



inganno, danno et vergogna, hora volens et sciens, aenm 
neoessitlL alcuna, libero dalla paara del perdere, sioiiro & 
guadagnare, non sapendo che amicitia acqnistaflsi, eesendo 
oerto della alienatione et nemicitia di tutto il mondo et £ 
quel principali cbe di cuore amano la S** sua^ andaaae 
buttarsi in una pace o tregna di queeta sorte. Ma haTendo 
sua S^' provato ohe non piaoeya a die che si fiEUsessi gnena, — 
percbe ancorcbe havessi fatto ogni prova per non venire ai ' 
arme et di poi essendovi venuto con tanti yantaggi, il noB 
baver bavuto se non tristi successi non si pub attribuiie ad 
altro, yenendo la povera cbristianiUl afflitfo e desolata in modo 
insoffribile ad udirsi da noi roedesimi, che quasi eravamo per 
lassar poca fatica al Turco di fomirla di rorinare, — ^g^adiesra 
cbe nessun rispetto bumano dovessi, per grande cbe fuese, valer 
tanto cbe bavessi a rimuoyere la S'* sua da cercar pace in 
compagnia d'ogn' uno, non possendola bayer con altri, iaraeb 
a 86 stessa, et massime cbe in questi pensieri tomomo a inter- 
poryisi di quelli ayyisi et nuoye dell' animo et volantil di 
Cesare disposto a quelle cbe suol muoyere la S. S** mirabil- 
mente, bavendo bayuto nel medesimo tempo lettere di man 
propria di S. M*' per yia del Sig" Cesare et per Pb.olo di 
Arezzo di quella sorte cbe era necessario ; yedendo che 
d'accordarsi il papa col imperatore fusse per seguime la felkntil 
del mondo oyero imaginarsi cbe uomo del mondo non potean 
mai nascer di peggior natura cbe Timperatore se fusse andato 
a troyare questa yia per royinare il papa, la qnal fussi indeg- 
nissima d'ogni vilissimo uomo et non del maggiore che sia tm 
cbristiani, ma absit cbe si possa imaginar tal cosa, ma ri 
reputa piu tosto cbe dio Thabbia permessa per recognition 
nostra et per dar campo alia M**" sua di mostrar piu pietl^ pia 
bontk e fede et darli luogo d'assettare il mondo piu che fane 
mai concesso a principe nato. Essendo yenute in mano di 
questi soldatl tutte le scritture, tra Taltre gli sarik capitato 
una nuoya capitulatione, che fece N. S** cinque o sei dl al 
piu prima che seguisse la perdita di Roma, per la quale ritor- 
nando S. S** per unirsi con la lega et consentendo a molte oon- 
ditioni cbe erano in pregiudicio della M^ Cesarea, non penso 
che alcuno sia per yolersene yalere contro N. S" di qnelfi 
della parte di Cesare, percbe non lo potrebbon fore senza 
scoprir piu i difetti et mancamenti loro, li quali dato che si 
potessi concedere che non si fussi potuto ritrar Borbone dal 


proposito suo di voler Tenire alia rovina del papa, oerto ^ che 
eron tanti altri in quel oampo di fanti et uomini d'anne et 
persone principali che havrebbono obbedito a i commandamenti 
oelP imperatore se gli fussero stati fatti di buona sorte, et 
privato J^rbone d'una simil parte, restava pocoo atto a pro- 
a^poiie el disegno suo. Et dato che qaesto non si fusae 
poesnto &re, benche non si possa essere escusazione alcuna che 
ngli, come si giustificher^ che havendo N. Sig'' adempito 
kite le condition! della capitulazione fatta col yicerd, sicome 
7. S. R** potria ricordarsi et vedere rileggendo la copia di 
«aa capitulazione, che porterk seco, che domandando S. S** all' 
keoniro che se li ossenrasse il pagamento dei fanti et degli 
Qomini d'arme, che ad ogni richiesta sua se li erano obbligati, 
non ne fnssi stato osserrato niente, si che non essendo stato 
corriflposto in nessuna parte a N. Sig" in quella capitulazione, 
da on canto fftcendosi conto quelle che si doveva, dall' altro 
non fie li dando li ajuti che si doveva, non so con che animo 
poaaa metteisi a voler calunniare la S^ S. d'una cosa fatta per 
meia necessitil indutta da loro et tardata tanto a isae^ che fu 
la royina di sua Beattitudine, e pigliare occaaione di tenersi 
offesi da noi. 

^^ Dalla deliberatione che N. Sig" feoe dell' andata sua all' 
imperatore in tempo che nessuno posseva suspicare che si 
movessi per altro che per zelo della salute de christiani, es- 
sendo venuta quella inspiratione subito che si hebbe nuova 
della morte del re d'Ungheria et della perdita del regno, non 
lo negheranno li nemici prc^rii, havendo S' S** consultato e 
resoluto in concistoro due o tre dl inanzi lentrata di Colon- 
nesi in Roma ; n^ credo che sia aleuno si grosso che pensi si 
volessi £&re quel tutto di gratia coll' imperatore prevedendo 
forse quella tempesta, perche non era tale che se si fussi havuto 
tre hore di tempo a saperlo, non che tre di, non si fusse; con 
un minimo suono (sforzo ?) potuto scacciare. Le conditioni 
che el padre genersde di S. Francesco portb a N. Sig'^ furon 
queste : la prima di voler pace con S' &*•, et se per case alia 
venuta sua trovasse le cose di S' S** et della chiesa rovinate, 
che era contento si riducessero tutte al pristine stato et in 
Italia darebbo pace ad ogn' uno, non essendo d'animo suo 
volere n^ per se nh per suo fratello pur un pal mo, anzi lassar 
ogn' un in possesso di quelle in che si trovava tanto tempo fa ; 
la differentia del duca di Milano si vedessi in jure da gindici 

VOL. lU. B 


da depntani per S^ S^ et 8* M^, et venendo da assolTeni a 
restitnisse, doyendo esser condennato a. dessi a Borbone, et 
Francia sarebbe oontento fax raooordo a danari, ooea ohe not 
haveva volato far fin qui, et la Bomma nominava la mededma 
che 1 christianissimo haveva mandate a oflferire oiod dae mil- 
lioni d'oro ; le qnali conditioni N. Sig^ aocettb Bubito seoondo 
che il generale ne pub far testimonio, et le Mttoecriase di sw 
mano, ma non furono gia approvate per gli altri, li qaali Y. 6, 
sa quanto gravi et insoportabili petitioni gli aggiansero. Horn 
non essendo da presumere se non che la M** Cesarea dioesse da 
dovero ct con qnella einoeritik che connene a tanto prenoip^ 
et vedondosi per qneste propositioni et ambasoiate sue Mil 
moderate animo et molto benigno Terse N. Sig^, in tanto obi 
la M** sua non sapeva qual fussi quelle di S' S^ in verso se et 
ohe si stimava I'armi sue essere coid potentisiime in Italia psf 
li lanziohineche et per I'armata mandata ohe in ogni eoM 
havessi ceduto, non ^ da stimare se non ohe qoando saxiL ]>• 
formate che se la M** sua mandb a mostrar bnon animo nonb 
troTato inferiore quel di N. Sig~, et ohe alle forse sue era 4at 
resistentia che 8' 8** piu tosto fece benefido a S* M^ in dapor 
i'armi, che lo ricevessi, come ho detto di sopra et h obiani- 
simo, et che tntta la royina segnita sta sopra la fede et nome 
di sua M**, nella quale N. Sig^ si d confidato, yorril non »* 
lamente esser simile a se, quando andeiiL sua sponte n dsii- 
derarbene, et offerirsi parato ri£arne a N. Sig", et alia chio»| 
ma ancora aggiunger tanto pin a quella naturale dicposiiiaa 
sua quanto riceroa il yolere eyitaie questo carico et d'igno* 
minioso, che (non) sarebbe per essere (da?) passaraene di 
leggiero, yoltarlo in gloria perpetua^ faoendola tanto piu oluMa 
et stabile per se medesinia quanto altri hanno cercato oons 
SHoi ministri deprimerla et oscurarla. Et gli effetti che bisog- 
nerebbe far per questo tanto priyatamente yerso la chieaa et 
restauration sua quanto i beneficii che scancellassero le loyias 
in Italia et tutta la christianita, estimando piu essere impeia- 
tore per pacifioarla che qualsiyoglia altro emolumento^ saii 
molto facile a troyarli, purche la dispositione et giudioio <E 
yolere et conoscere il yero bene doye consiste yi sia. 

^^ Per non entrare in le cause per le quali fummo costietti a 
pigliar Tarmi, per essere cosa che rioercarebbe pin teinpo» d 


mak floiimaite a diie ohe non le pigliammo mai per odio o 
mlm r<dwit4 che liayeaaimo contra I'imperatore, o per am- 
litioiie di fiur pu grande lo state nostro o d'alcano de nostri, 
na Bolo per neoeostii nella quale ci pareva che fosse posta la 
iberti et state nostro et delli commiuii stati d'ltalia, et per 
IT oonstaie a tatto il mondo et all' imperatore che se si cer- 
a?a d'opprimerBi, noi non potevamo nh dovevamo compor- 
nio aensa £ur ogni sfono di difenderd, in tanto che soa 
If^ se haTOTa qnell' ammo dd quale mai dubitavamo, inten- 
hise die le cose non orano per lioaciili coA &oilniente come 
tei fbrse gli faayeyadato ad inttodere, oyero se noi ci fdasimo 
labbati in qoesta oppinione che S* M** iniendesed a hitd. male, 
iqvesti soepetii oi fusser nati piu per modi dei ministri d^ 
thro, fMoendoai S. M** Oesarea intendere esser cofii da doveio, 
I ▼enisse a una haona pace et amicitia non solo tra nm par- 
iealannenteet B. M^, ma in compagnia degli altri prendpi o 

eoa li quali erayamo oolligati non per altro dfetto che 
ate per difmderai dalla Tillania dhe ci fosse £atta o per 

* eon conditioni honesto et ragionoToli a mettere un' altra 
'oHa pace infra la miseiaehristiamti : et se quando Don Ugo 
'enne S. M** ci bavesse mandato quelle resolutioni le quali 
lonestisfidmamente ci parevan necessarie per renir a questo, ci 
layerebbe N. Sig^ Iddio fetto la piu fdioe gratia ohe si po- 
esd pensaie, che in nn medesimo di quasi dbe si presero Tarmi 
i sarebbon deposte. Et che sia vero quel che diciamo ohe 
abbiamo haruto sempre in animo, ne pub &r testimonio la 
ispositione in che ci tvorh il generale di S. Francisco, con el 
[Dale communicando noi bora h un' anno che era qui per an- 
are in Spagna, le cause perche noi et gU altri d'ltalia have- 
imo da star mai contenti dell' imperatore, ^ dandogli carioo 
be da nostsa parte 1' esponesse tutte a quella, con furii inten- 
ere cbe se yoleva attendere ai consigli et {»reghiere nostre, le 
nali tutte tendevano a laude et seryitio di dio et beneficio 
od Buo come nostro, ci troyerebbe sempre di quella amoreyo- 
»ia che ci bayeya proyato per iuanzi, et essendosi di la al- 
uanti mesi rimandatoci il detto generaJe da S. M^ con ri- 
ponderci bumanissimamente che era contenta, per usar delle 
ae parole, accettar per comandamento quelle che noi gli 
ayeyamo mandato a consigliare : et per dar certezza di cio, 
ortaya tra I'altre risolutioni d'esser contento di render li 
giinoli del christianissimo con quel riscatto et taglia che gU 
E 2 


eia stata offerta da S. M**, oosa che sin qui non hayera volnto 
mai fare; oltre che prometteva che se tutta Italia per u 
inodo di dire a quell' hora che 1 generale arrivassi a Roib% 
fussi in suo potere, era contenta, per £ur bnggiardo chi llia- 
yesse yolnto calunniare che la yolessi oooupare, di restitiiir 
tutto Del sno pristino stato et mostrar che in essa nd per ae nd 
per il ser^ suo fratello non ci yoleya un palmo di pia di queUs 
ohe era solito di possideryi anticamente la oorona di Spasna: 
et perche le parole s'accompagnasaer con i fatti, portaya di Af 
amplissimo mandate in sua persona dapoter risolyo tntto o eoa 
Don Ugo o con el yicerd, se al tempo che ci capitaya, in Italia 
fossi arriyato. Quanto qui fussi il noetro contento, non a po^ 
trebbe esprimere^e ci pareya un' hora mill'anni yenire aU'effisMa 
di qualohe sorte d'accordo generale di posar I'arme : et sopza* 
giungendo quasi in un medesimo tempo il yioer^ et wn^t^danikni 
da San Steffiino, doye prima prese porto in questo mare, per el 
comandante Pignalosa a dire le miglior parole del mondo et 
niente differenti da quanto ci hayeya detto el generale, lenden- 
mo gratie a iddio che il piacere che hayeyamo preso per I'amba- 
sciata del generale non fiisse per hayere dubbio alcnno, eesoir 
doci confermato il medesimo per il signor yicer^ il quale in 
£Ei.rci intendere le conmiissioni dell' imperatore ci oonfortaya in 
tutto, et pur ci mandaya certificare che nessnno potrebbe 
troyarsi con migliore yoluntil di mettersi ad eseguirie. Hdia 
qualmente ne succedesse il contrario, non bisogna doiare 
molta &tica in dirlo, non essendo alcun che non aappia le 
durissime, insoportabili et ignominiose conditioni che ne fiuono 
dimandate da parte del yioer^ non hayendo noi posta dimoiB 
alcuna in mandario a pregare che non si tardasse a yenire alJa 
conditione di tanto bene. Et doye noi pensayamo anoora 
troyar meglio di quel che ne era stato detto, essendo I'luuifli 
di £ibrsi sempre riseryo delle migliori cose per fiurle gmtb^e pin 
gratamente, non solo ci riusci di non troyare niente dd pio- 
posto, ma tutto il contrario, et prima : non hayere fede aloona 
in noi, come se nessnno in yeritil possa produrre testiminuo in 
contrario ; et per sicurt^ domandarci la migliore et pin im* 
portante parte deUo stato nostro et della S*^ di Fiorenia, dipoi 
somma di denari insoportabile a chi hayesse hayuto i monti 
d'oro, non che a noi, che ogn' uno sapeya che non hayeyamo un 
carlino ; yolere che con tanta ignominia nostra, anzi piu delT i 
imperatore, restituissimo colore che contra ogni debito humaoo 


6t diyino, oon tanta tradizione, vennero ad assalire la persona 
di N. Signoie, saccheggiare la chiesa di San Pietro, il sacro 
palazzo ; stringerne sensa un minimo rispetto a yolere che ci 
obUigassimo strettamente di piu alia M^ Cesarea, sapendo 
tiitio il mondo quanto desiderio ne mostrammo nel tempo che 
enyamo nel pin florido state che fussimo mai, et, per non dire 
tutti gli altri porticnlari, rolere che soli £EUsessimo accordo, non 
lo potendo noi &ie, se volevamo piu £a<cilmente condurre a fine 
k pace uniyersale per la quale voleyamo dare questo prin- 
«q)io. Et coat non si potendo U vicer^ rimuoversi da queste 
ne dimande tanto insoportabili et venendo senza niuna causa 
ad invader lo state nostro, harendo noi in ogni tempo et quei 
pochi mesi inanzi lasciato stare quelle dell' imperatore nel 
r^gno di Napoli, accadde la venuta di Cesare Fieramosca : 
il quale tiOTando il r'lceih gia nello state della chiesa, 
crodemmo che portasse tali commissioni da parte dell' im- 
peratore a S. ^ che se si fossero eseguite, non si sareb- 
hero condotte le cose in questi termini. Et mentre S. S*^ 
Yolse fare due cose assai oontrarie insieme, una mostrare di 
non haver £iktto male ad esser venuto tanto inanzi overo non 
perdere le occasioni che gli pareva havere di guadagnare il 
tutto, I'altra di obbedire alii comandamenti dell' imperatore, 
quali erano che in ogni mode si facessc accordo, non successe 
sdl* hora nd I'uno n^ I'altro : perche S. S*** si trovb gabbata, 
che non potette &re quelle che si pensava, et tomando il 
signer Cesare con patti di far tregua per otto di, fintanto che 
venisse risposta se la Sig^ di Venetia vi voleva entrare, 
quando arrivb in campo, trovb gli eserciti alle mani et non si 
and6 per all' hora piu inanzi : salvo che non ostante questo 
sQccesso et conoscendo certo che stassimo sicurissimi in Lorn- 
bardia et in Toscana per le buone provisioni et infinita gente 
di guerra che vi era di tutta la lega, et che le cose del reame 
non havessero rimedio alcuno come Tesperientia rhaveva 
cominciato a dimostrare, mai deponemmo dall' animo nostro il 
desiderio et procuratione della pace. Et in esser successe Ic 
cose oosi bene verso noi, non havevamo altro contento se non 
poter mostrare che se desideravamo pace, era per vero giudicio 
et buona volunt^ nostra et non per necessity, et per mostrai'c 
air imperatore che, se comandb con buono animo, come cre- 
diamo, al padre generale che ancorche tutto fusse preso a sua 
devotione si restituisse, che quel che ella si imaginava di fare 
quando il case havesse portato di esserlo, noi essendo cosi \a 

54 HISTORir OF THB POPE»-^PPBlfDIX. [No. 15. 

faito lo Yoleyamo esegaire. Aquesto nofltro deaderio oi aggini- 
sero nn ardore estremo pia lettere seritte di mano deD* im- 
peratore, tra Taltre due che in ultimo hayemmo da Ceaui 
Fieramosca et da Paolo di Areno nostio serritoreiy le qnS 
aono di tal tenore che non ci poreria havere mai enato w b 
fede di quelle lettere sole non solo hayeanmo posto tutto 
mondo ma I'anima propria in mano di S. M^: tanto ei mxmffm 
che Yogliamo dar credito alle parole che ne dioe, et tatte 6M 
parole sono piene di qnella satis&ttione di qaellie pfomefln 4 
quell' ajuto ohe noi a noi non lo desiderayamo xnigKoie. B 
oome in trattare la pace, finche non eraTamo aiciui eke on^ 
rispondenza i^era per havere, non si rimetteya niento deh 
provisioni della gnerra, cosi oi sforzayamo ehiarira hm 
essendo due capi in Italia, Borbone et il signoie Tices^ ^m 
bisogno trattare con un solo et quello sarel^ rate per titti^ 
overo con tntti due particularmente : aoraoche se ei hm 
avennto quel che ^ la colpa che d data d'altra eorte ad titi, 
non fusee stata a noi di poca prudentia : et hayendo tiofito 
che questa faoultil di contrattare era solo nel licerd^ oeio 
Yolemmo molto ben chiarire et non tanto che fiiari ooeteeiiieii 
^etto il generale, il signer Cesare, il yioerd {Mtypiio, AmIi 
d' Arezio et Borbone ne dicevono, ma intender dal detio Boikw 
non una volta ma mille et da diverse persone se Tera per obbe- 
dirlo, et proposto di voler £u*e accordo partlcnlarmeiite cob 
lui et reousando et afiermando, che a quanto appnntaiebbe d 
yicerd non &rebbe replica alcuna. Hora fa &cil eoea ei wi 
sempre ad ogn' nno adombrar con specie di Tirtd us no 
disegno, et non lo potendo condnrre yirtuosamente nd a7 
aperta, tirario con &llacia, come — renghi donde si vog^ i 
par esser a termine che non sappiamo indorinar donS& pro- 
oedeya — ci par che si sia state fatto a noi, li qnali si yede dtf 
tutte le diligentie che si possono nsare di non esser gMA 
sono state nsate per noi, et tanto che qualohe volta ci parevi 
d'esser superstitiosi et di meritame reprehensione. Perdo 
havendo el teetimonio, et di lettere et di bocca dell' impenton^ 
del buon animo suo, et che Borbone obbedirebbe al yioerd^ et 
a cantela dando^ S. M** lettere nuove a Panlo sopra qveite 
obbedientia al vicerd dirette a esse Borbone, et racendosi el 
trattato con el poter si ampio di S. M^ che doveva baeCare, d 
havendo Borbone mostrato di remettersi in tutto nel yioei^ et 
eontentandoei poi esso di venire in poter nostro, fa una fteflA 
tanto grande a tirarei alio state ove siamo ohe non sappiamo 


6 Bioflo a foUik pin troYue «1 mondo di eradem tlk 
ice fede d'an priyato gentil liacmio, eowndori qui inter-» 
a molte oose e rinscito a qnesto modo. Et per nan 
e ateco ohe £ue i faiti ptoprii, em moHo pin tecito el 
a noi, aenm inoonor non solo in infiunia di n<m morrater 
e ma nd aaclie d'altro, near dell' oeboiioiie ohe la f ertatta 
erva pcfrtato di starai doanenmo in Lombaidia eome si 
ofaamaiTaniva Boibone inanii, te Ifeeereito dellalfliganoa 
e laftaddato per la rtretta piattiGa anii oowdaiion della 
et Talnto di qnella oommoditiL aegmiast la gnena del 
f at da due o tre fortesae in poi lerarie tntlOi e di pel 
I afpxeeeo in altn Inoglii, dore ai loan potato &ff daimo 
gogoa Bit imperatore, et stando noi siUi in ownpagniai 
afcderati lendere totti li dkegni eooi pin diffieilL Ma 
iooi ehe el aeryitio di die et la miseia ofariBtianitl rioefw 
paee^ ci proponemmo a depone c^i gnuide aeooirto o 
a die foflsimo steti per havere, et oflfender tntii n mn« 
unitiani et Itnliani, senza eaper qnodammodo die naver 
unOy ma aani penaaramo dltayere se TaniiM dell' 
itoxa era tale eome S. Sf^oon tante evidetttie n aforzava 
ad intendere. Et molto poeo etimavamo rofibnaione 
altri prendpi christiani, li quali di li a molto poco d 
>er restati molto obbligati se si fosse se^to qnello ohe 
amplamente S. M** ci ha con argamenti replicator che 
le, accordandosi noi seco, per rimettere in nostra mano 
dusion della pace et assenso eon li prendpi christiani* 

aloano yolesse pensare ohe fhssimo an<kti con altro 
a, costoi oonoscendod non pa^ piu moslraxe in cosa 
i la malignity sna; non ci conoscendo et faoendo dili- 
. di sapere le attioni della vita nostra, troreii che d 

eonsentienie che noi non hafabiamo mai desideiato se 
»ene et operate virtnosamente et a qnel fine postposto 
hltro interesee : et se hora ce n'd snecesso male, rieeTeado 
DO di N. Sig^ Dio qnanto ginstamente gli piacecon opd 
ti^ non d che da gli hnomini non rioeviamo grandiasimo 
et da quelli massime che, se ben fine a un certo termme 
1 ooprirsi con la forza et con la disobbedienaa d'altri, 
e qnando s'hayesse a discntere, d troTarebbe da dire 
hora et nn pezzo & et per honor loro et per qnd che 
dMigati seeondo dio et seoondo 11 numdo d potrebber 
re altrimenti di quel che fiumo. Noi siiuno entrati nd 


trattato poi iaito a Fiorenza con quelli di Borbone per i 
del sig" Yicer^ et dipoi nou osservato, perche non TO^^amo 
parer dliaver tolto assanto di fare il male contra chi d stato 
causa di trattarci cosi, 11 quali dio giudichi con el sno giosto 
giadicio ; doppo la misericordia del quale yerso di noi et deDa 
8ua chiesa non speriamo in altro che nella religione, fede et 
virt^ dell' imperatore, cbe essendoci noi condotti dore i " 
per I'opinione che haTCvamo di esse, con el frntto che s'a 
a tal parte ci ritragga et ponga tanto piu alto qnanto i 
in hasso. Dalla cui M** aspettiamo della ignominia et danni 
patiti infinitamente qnella satisfattione che S. M^ ci pub dare 
eguale alia grandezza sua et al debito, se alcnna se ne potesw 
mai trovare al mondo che bastasse alia minima parte. Non 
entraremo esprimendo i particolari a torre la gratia dei concetti, 
che doviam sperare che havr^ et che ci manderil a propone. 
Diciamo che mettendoci al piu basso grado di qnel che si poan 
domandare et che ^ per esser piu presto vergogna a 8. M** a 
non conceder piu et a noi a non domandare che parer duro a 
farlo, che da S. M^ doyrebber venire queste proyisioni. 

^^ Che la persona nostra, el sacro coileggio et la corte dello 
state tutto temporale et spirituale siamo restitniti in quel grado 
ch'era quando furon h.ite Tindutie col sig' yicer^ et non ci 
gravare a pagare un denaro dell' obbligato. 

'' Et se alcuno sentendo questo si burlerit di noi, rispondiamo 
ehe se le cose di sopra son yere, et si marayiglia che ci acqui- 
etiamo di questo, ha gran raggione; ma se gli parease da 
doyero strano, consideri con che bontil lo giudica o yerso 
Cesare o yerso noi : se verso Cesare, consideri bene che ogni 
yolta che non si promette di S. M** e questo e molto pin, che 
lo fa gia partecipe di tntto quel male che qui h passato : mase 
verso noi, diciamo che iniquamente ci vuole detrarre qneUo che 
nessuno mai ardirebbe di far buonamente. Nd si deve 
guardare che siamo qni, ma d bene come ci siamo, et che ^pnr 
meglio far con virtii et giudicio quelle che finalmente el tempo 
in ogni mode ha da portare, se non in vita nostra, in qnella 

[[Most Illustrious and most Reverend Signer : Considering 
the difficult^^ of the province that has been given to the care 
of your illustrious and reverend lordship, and its great extent, 
which is well known to yon ; considering, also, tibe great and 
extreme misery in which we are placed, I cannot but think 


frill be floxne aUeriation of your burthcm to be fnr- 
nih wbaterer infomiatioii can be aiforded in repaid 
B tnuunctionB that bare ooeoned between our lord the 
I bis imperial majesty ; and it may be wdl that yon 
enow this tmtii, namely, that yonr most lererend 

is abont to visit a sovereign who is mote deq>ly 

to his holiness and his house than to any ounbr 
lat can be named, whether of these present or of past 
And if some cause of offence has arisen during the 
r, this has not been occasioned by any alienation of 
oess from his accustomed good will and affection 
bis majesty, nor does it come from any designs on the 
lis holiness for the aggrandisement of his house or of 
r from a wish to abase or diminish the reputation or 
I of his majesty ; but proceeds solely from the vsecemtf 
ng to suffer oppression from those holding authority 
dmg forces in Italy, as also from the many proofs his 
had received, as well by nuncios as by letters, env<m^ 
ktes, that it would never be possible to find other 

lor the evils existing. 

hs been the sealous desire of his holiness to s^ve the 
cause and his imperial majesty, from the time when 
irst able to effect somewhat for the crown of Spain, 
as from the beginning of the pontificate of his brother 
Msred memory — ^the extent of his influence with ^hom 
wn to all, and has been experienced by his imperial 
There is no benefit, gratification, or advantage 
le Spanish and imperial cause ever obtained at the 

Leo, of sacred memoiy, or of the church, to which 
the pope was not — I will not say consenting, or not 
but largely contributing, — ^nay, with regard to which 
tot the author, contriver, and director of the whole, 
touch only on those things which are of supreme 
ice, the league which was effected in the second and 
ars of Leo, of sacred memory, to oppose the first 
>f the most Christian king Francis, was brought about 
by the efforts of his holiness, who, being then legate, 
person to confer with the other parties; and here, 
fairs proceeded in a manner contrary to what was 
;, and Pope Leo was compelled to make such terms as 
I with the most Christian king, the cardinal de' 


inence u 
i tbat I 

ristum I 

Medici took that care to maintain Pope Leo fiimly to tiie 
interests of Spain, which all who were there at the 
know and can bear witness to. And he used all the influence 
that he possessed with the pope, his brother, to the end 
those most eager desires and strong will of the most Ghrislua 
king to follow np his victory and press forward with so gieat 
an army and at so favourable a moment into the kingdom 
should be restrained, now by one excuse and now by ancwier ; 
and among those put forward was this, that the OaUiolio king 
being old, and, by reason of his infirmities, already at the 
dose of lus days, his most Christian majesty would do better 
to await the occasion of his death, when we attmnpt would 
succeed without any difficulty. Then, the death of the 
Catholic king foUowmg very soon after these reasonings— I do 
not belieye a month had passed — what skill and what laiboQr 
were required to restrain the impatient eagemen of the 
Christian king to profit by the occasion, could be made 
manifest by the letters written with his Christian majesty's 
own hand, if those soldiers who made prey of all the pontifical 
papers, as well as of other things, would either restore them 
to us or would send them to the emperor. And all th^se 
things, with many others, performed to the intent of rendering 
secure and tranquil the succession of the prince, now emperor, 
and tending to place in his bands the mastery of Spain, even 
during the life of his grandfather, were done by the cardinal de' 
Medici, not for any private advantage of his own, but rather 
in direct opposition to his particular interests, se^g that he 
had then no revenues of importance but such as were dexived 
&om the realm of France, and that he never sought to secure 
any equivalent from that of Spain. 

[[Then followed the death of the Emperor Maximflian, and 
Pope Leo was disposed to forward the claims of the most 
Christian king to that dignity, opposing himself to those of 
his present imperial majesty ; but the cardinal de' Media took 
pains, before the election, to induce Pope Leo to refrain from 
impeding it ; and after it was over, he further prevailed on 
his holiness to give it his sanction, and to absolve the empe- 
ror from simony and perjury, for that he, being king of 
Naples, could not seek, as declared by the papal constitutions, 
to become emperor, — as also to re-invest his imperial majesty 
in the kingdom of Naples, and to confer upon him that king- 


dom anew. In all which, if the great affection of the car- 
dinal de' Medici for his imperial majesty, and the opinion he 
held of his goodness, pmdence, and pietj do not excose him, 
then I do not know which was the greater, — the service which 
he may Yery freely say he has rendered his majesty, or the in- 
jory done to his hrother — ^that is, to the pope and the chnrch — 
hy ihns promoting and £EiYOuring a power so great, and of 
which he ought to have considered that one &y this riyer 
might burst its bounds and cause such outrage and devastation 
as have now been witnessed. But the cardinal, seeing those 
two powers of Spain and France divided in such a manner 
that peace could hardly be hoped for unless the one were ba- 
lanced equally against the other, first sought to secure this 
eqQalit;f by adding power and authority to the king of Spain, 
who b^g thus tqjBal to the most Christian king, the latter 
Hii^i be eantiouB of engaging in war, or if unhapfHly war 
dbould ensue firom the desire to advance the king of Spain 
above the most Christian king, that then the Spanish power 
shoold be so firm and vigorous as to give fair hope that being 
attacked, it would gain a prosperous issue and a certain vic- 
tory. And this he proved by more than words. If peradven- 
tme those things above written may require some farther 
evidence, let the league concluded with the emperor against 
France bear witness of it ; for so different were the conditions 
to be obtained from the one side to those offered by the other, 
that not only should Leo never have allied himself with the 
emperor, being at full liberty and free arbiter to elect the side 
best suited to his interest, but even had he been previously 
allied with the emperor, he should have made every effort to 
separate himself from the imperial side. And to shew briefly 
that things were in effect as I have said, I may affirm that, at 
the time when Leo made that league with him, the emperor 
was altogether destitute of authority, power, friends, or repu- 
tation. He had lost the allegiance of Spain, of which all the 
provinces were in rebellion ; he had returned from the diet held 
at Worms deprived of all the hopes he had formed of aid and 
service to be obtained from it;* and he had war already 
broken out in two portions of his territories, that is to say, in 

* This IB manifestly incorrect. The emperor secured a vote of saccour 
from the Ket of Worms to the extent of 20,000 foot and 4,000 horse. 


Flanders by means of Robert de la Marck, and in Nayaire, 
which kingdom was already wholly alienated and reduced to 
the allegiance of the king favoured by France."*^ The Swiss 
also, bat a short time before, had entered into a new alliance 
with the most Christian king, and boand themselyee by a 
special stipulation to the defence of Milan, which was in the 
possession of the French king, a thing which they would never 
before consent to do ; and the most serene king of En^and, 
on whom the emperor counted, perhaps because of the re- 
lationship existing between them and his natural enmity to 
France, shewed a disposition to look contentedly on, as was 
proved by the effects, for he would not move to give the 
slightest aid to the emperor, however pressing the necessity in 
which he saw him, and notwithstanding the argent entreatioB 
that were made to him, until after the death of Leo. The 
most Christian king, on the contrary, in addition to his vai^ 
collective resources, his immediate alliance with the most 
illustrious Signory, and his new compact with the Swiss, was 
all the more powerful by the real superiority of his force to 
that of the emperor, as also by the many and infinite disorder 
in which, as above said, the affairs of his imperial majesty were 
involved. The hopes and prospects of reward that were held 
out to the church by the success of the respective sides were 
also very different ; the most Christian king would have in- 
stantly conferred the states of Ferrara on the Papal See before 
engaging in any other enterprise. Further, in the event of 
acquiring the lungdom of Naples, his most Christian majesly 
was prepared to offer advantages so important to the church, 
in regard to every point on which its benefit and convenience 
could be promoted, that, not to dwell on minute particulars, 
the papacy could scarcely have profited more had the whole 
kingdom been made over to it ; while, on the other hand, there 
was nothing to be looked for from a league with the emperor 
except a mere proposal for placing Milan in the hands of 
Italians, and a promise that Parma and Placentia should be 
recovered to the church.t Yet, notwithstanding the obvious 

* There are errors in the chronology at this point of the statement. 
The treaty with the emperor was ratifi«l on the 8th of May (Da Mont, 
iv. 3, 97), while the French did not arrive in Pampekma until the 20th. 
— -Garibay, xxx. 523. 

t This also is incorrect. By the 13th article of the treaty, the 

Ne. 1 5.2 DEATH OF LEO X. 01 

disparity of the two sides, notwithstanding the facility of the 
undertaking on the one hand, and the danger, so much greater, 
on the other, setting aside al^ the great inequality of the ad- 
Yantages presented by the one side over the other, so power- 
fully did the wish of the cardinal de' Medici prevail with the 
pontiff, and so strongly was his most reverend lordship the 
cardinal, impressed by the opinion he entertained of his im- 
perial majesty's goodness and piety, that when it Was pro- 
posed in ^scossion to require some visible evidence, either in 
one place or another, of the imperial intentions, he would as- 
sent to no adverse views, and go into no inquiry, but gave 
himself up wholly and unreservedly to that part from which 
he hoped to derive results more satis£su^ry to a holy and 
Christian spirit than could be obtained from whatever amount 
of mere temporal rewards there might have accrued to him 
from the opposite course. And is it not known by all to be 
tme, that when at the very beginning things did not happen 
as had been expected, and the funds remitted by his majesty 
as his first contribution were all consumed ; when also it was 
difficult to discover how more were to be provided,— did not 
at this time the sacred memory of Leo for his part, and the 
cardinal de' Medici still more on his, place the substance and 
means of his country, and of such friends and servants as he 
could command, at the emperor's disposal ? Nay, finally, even 
his own person was not spared, and of this he well knew the 
importance and the efiects that ensued from it. 

[]At this time Pope Leo died; and though his most reverend 
lordship the cardinal found all the world opposed to him, 
because all those (the French party) whom he had ofiended 
had arranged themselves against his fortune and dignity, 
whether spiritual or temporal, while of those on the side 
of the emperor none would help him, and some were ad- 
verse to him, as your most reverend lordship and every 
one can testify, yet the cardinal was not for a moment 
moved in the slightest degree from his purpose, either 
by the great danger he stood in, the large offers made 
him by the one party, or the ingratitude and enmity of the 

emperor is engaged to give aid against Ferrara. " Promittit Ces" M*" 
omnem vim, omnem potentiam, ut ea (Ferraria) apostolicae sedi recupere- 
tar/' [His imperial majesty engaged to use all his force and all his 
power that Ferrara might be recovereid to the Apostolic See.] 


other : the opinion he had fonned of his imperiml majeitjirM 
still his gnide — ^the imperial advantage still his object ; aai 
as he oonld not suppose that the character he attiibated to Us 
imperial majesty was the creation of his own imaginatiop, nor 
from the shortness of time had room to snspeot it, so he was 
prepared to endure all things, rather than suffer anj ofaaage. 
Thus he proceeded as though all things had been the o o nt m y 
of what they were, and was careful for nothing but to aeom 
a pope equally welcome to his majesty as adyantageona to 
the church and the common opinion : nay, the certainty of afl 
men was, that to make Adrian pope, was not yery <&ffefeBt 
from making the emperor himself pope: eyery one kii0W8 
this ; and it is equally well known that no one Waa man 
certainly the author and conductor of that creatioa ikyi 
the cardinal de' Medici. 

[Now, this was the occasion when the cardinal de' Medid 
might haye made proof whether the judgment he had fbmri 
of his imperial majesty was a right one ; for before this, tba 
protection and patronage of Leo, of sacred mem(»y, had 
prevented the cardinal from experiencing the diflferenee «£ 
fortune ; and the mind of his reverend loiSship was so inlly 
occupied by the service of his imperial majesty, that he had 
not thought of distracting it to the care of his own interest, 
or that of his friends : neither was he so oovetons, so obtru- 
sive, or so importunate, as to busy himself with calculations of 
the rewards proportioned to his merits. Rather in this fs- 
spect he will seem to have served most perfectly, and to have 
merited sufficiently, for he had given his attention to no sodli 
objects, but had referred himself wholly, and without res s iv e^ 
to his majesty's discretion and liberality. It is tnie that mora 
than two years before, and when his majesty could have 
neither believed nor expected to receive so much benefit and 
service from the house of Medici, his majesty had promised 
in writing, under his own hand, and repeated the assurance kk 
other forms, that he would confer an estate in the kingdom af 
Naples of 6,000 scudi, with a wife of 10,000 scudi in dower, 
on one of the nephews of Leo and of the cardinal ; but they 
did not give any care to the gaining possession of the former, 
or to the securing of the latter, thinking themselves assured 
by the promise in his majesty's own hand. Yet when Pope 
Leo was dead, and that no sign of advantage remained to the 

No. 15.~| oolfniAom of «n mpnum's nfcaunruDB. 88 

honae of Medioi, bj wluoh to lemind it that it had so hmg 
pow oo B o d a pope^ ezeepimg only this promise, his reverend 
fordflbip the oudiDftl, sending to pajhiBrespacifl, and to render 
an aeooant of himself to hu imperial majesty, did give com- 
Busaioa in this matter to those enyoya^ and directed them to 
eoBclitde that bosinesB, and obtain the confirmation of the 
«id grants and priyikges. But the affidr proceeded retry 
di ft ne nily from what not onlj we,* but also ereij one else 
had expected; for instead of peroeiTing that oar rewaids 
wese thought o^ and that giatitude was rendered ns in re- 
cogoitioa of the benefits procured for his majestj, whereby 
the house of Medici might have consoled itself in seeing that 
it bad not made so gmt a loss by tiie death of Leo, wo 
fbimd sndli obstacles in the way of our business, as though it 
had not concerned a matter already fixed and due for many 
eaoses^ besides being very inforior to the services pesformed. 
Fixvt, tiiere were dispu te s n o otherwise than might have been 
had flie house of Medici been an enemy ; — and such objections 
were made, as even in such case ought not to havebew made^ 
beeflHise the £uth given, and the thing once promised, ought to 
be redeemed and k^t, at all times, and under all circum- 
stances. But replies were made to these objections, and the 
wrong done to the house of Medioi was made manifest. Never* 
thdess, instead of having cause to hope further benefit, or of 
receiving, at the least, tibe whole of what was promised — an 
estate, that is, of 16,000, being 6,000 horn his majesty himself 
and 10,000 for the dower tibat was to be given — the whole 
amount was resolved into 3,000 scudi. At which time, the 
cardinal being well informed of all, if his reverend lordship 
bad not been moved by his devotion to his majesty to perse- 
vere — ^not as if treated in the manner above described, but ss 
though he had been remunerated to satiety, — it might be said 
that he had done so by force, the emperoi^s potency being 
sonfirmed in such sort that he could not do otherwise ; or 
that, having no interest with other princes, the cardinal was 
in the necessity of giving aid to the emperor, rather than to 
others. But whoever remembers the state of things in those 
days — ^which is readily done, they being sufficiently fresh in 

* It win be remarked that the writer has here lapsed into the use of the 
fint person ; whether because it is in fiict the pope himaelf who is now 
ipetking, or for some other oanse, does not appear.— Tb. 


memoiy — will know that the imperial army and caoae wen 
at that time in great peril in Italy, by reason of the nev 
succour that the French had received from their league witl 
the most illustrious Signoiy, by which they had gained 
increased strength to their army and forces. There was 
moreover, no man in Italy who, by his condition, firienda 
relations, dependants, money, and people, had it more in hii 
power to make the victory Ml to whichever side it pleased 
him, than his most reverend lordship the cardinal de' Medici, 
who remained, nevertheless, constantly fixed in his attachmeail 
towards the emperor. Yet not only could he hope no lid 
from the imperialists, against those who sought to oppreei 
him, but even the imperialists themselves would have got badlj 
through their afiairs, if they had not received every kind of fael{ 
£K>m his most reverend lordship towards gaining the victoiy 
as well as towards maintaining it ; for he had stripped himsel: 
even to the bones, and not himself only, but the country also 
to pay a large contribution which was levied to support th( 
army and to keep it united. And now, when counting up al 
the services, good offices, and infinite merits of the cardinal de 
Medici and his house, I would willingly specify also whatevei 
proof of kindness or gratitude of any kind his majesty ma] 
have shewn towards them, as well for the sake of truth as t< 
excuse in some sort that perseverance of attachment toward 
his majesty which was never interrupted by any accident 
and to defend it from those who may call it rather obstinac;]! 
than sound judgment. But since there has been nothing o: 
the kind, I can specify nothing, unless it be that in exchangn 
for 22,000 scudi of revenue, lost in France, his majesty com- 
manded that the cardinal should have a pension on Toledo o: 
10,000 scudi, of which some part still remains unpaid. It u 
true that in the letters written by his majesty to all his nu- 
nisters, ambassadors, and captains in Italy, he made honour- 
able mention of his most reverend lordship, enjoining then 
that they should pay great respect to him, and hold him in 
high esteem ; nay, even commanding them, that if it pleased 
God to call to himself Adrian, of sacred memory, they shonk 
seek to make no other than himself pope. From this it canK 
to pass that all of them had recourse to Florence for the 
furtherance of their afiairs, making known all their difficnltiei 
to his most reverend lordship ; and there was no man to whoQ 

No. 15.] DEATH OP ADRIAN VI. e5 

ihey addressed themselyes with more confidence, when they 
luul to treat of moneys or other kinds of aid. He on his 
port favoured them heartily, and also received from them a 
strong support against that ill-will of Pope Adrian which he 
had been led to feel towards his most reverend lordship by 
the injurious informations which Yolterra had insinuated 
•gainst the said cardinal. But in regard to this matter, 
though not desiring to undervalue the good intentions which 
the emperor may have herein shewn towsurds the cardinal, I may 
well say that his majesty did only what was most prudent, in 
taking measures to uphold a person who had so much autho-> 
nty in Italy, and who, however little acknowledgment he 
kad received, had never varied a hair s breadth from his 
accustomed course. Nor could his majesty have secured ad- 
rantages and benefits so great and so obvious, whether in this 
or - the other states, from any change in the form or order of 
things, as he obtained by causing the power of the cardinal def" 
Hedioi to be preserved undivided in Florence. 

[^Adrian being dead, the cardinal was created pope. But 
on this occasion, even if the ministers and other dependants of 
his majesty did receive commands, yet many comported them* 
selves as it pleased them, and others, who at the last con- 
sented to favour his election, declared beforehand that they 
would not have his holiness suppose they were acting at the 
instance of the emperor, for that they did all from the mere 
movement of their own private will. Yet, having become 
pope, his holiness still continued the part taken by the car- 
dinal de' Medici so far as such a union was consistent with 
the dignity in which God had placed him ; and if, in weighing 
these two demands, that of the duty of the pontiff, and that 
of his affection towards the emperor, his holiness had not 
suffered himself to be ruled by the latter and made that pre- 
ponderate, the world might perchance have been at peace 
many years since, and we should not be now enduring these 
present calamities. For at the time when his holiness was 
made pope, there were two large armies in Lombardy, — ^that 
of the emperor, and that of the most Christian king ; but the 
former was oppressed by many difficulties and scarce able to 
keep its ground ; so that if our lord the pope had not given it 
his aid, as he did by suffering the people of the Eccle^asticaL 
States and the Florentines to recruit it ; by granting so many 



tithes 6Y)m the kingdom, that it diew thence 80,000 scudi, and 
by causing contributions to be raised for it in Florence^ while 
his holiness further supplied money himself^ widi many other 
kinds of aid ; but for aJl these things I say, that war mi^ 
perchance have had a different termination, a more modento 
issue, one that might haye given hope of an end to the 
troubles, instead of the beginning of new and greater tribok- 
tions. It was with such hope that our lord the pope, whe 
thought he had some influence with his imperial majesty, and 
who desired to counsel him for good, had supplied these fiu- 
ther proofs of attachment, thus enabling him to restore his 
powers, and without this help the emperor oould not have 
eonquered ; because (and that I had forgotten) without then 
snocours, the Signoiy would never have been able to hang 
its army into action. Yet the advice of his holiness that the 
army should by no means pass into France, was not only di^ 
regimed, but in many other occurrences evidence began to he 
given that his holiness was held in slight account, while Fa^- 
lara was favoured to his prejudice. Then, instead of com- 
mending and thanking him for what he had done for them^ 
the imperialists began to complain of all that had not been done 
according to their wishes, not first considering that all had 
been done £rom mere good-will, and without any obligatioa 
whatever, or taking into account that if the pontiff had even 
had infinite obligations to them, the force was much greater 
by which his holiness was drawn to perform Iiis duty towards 
God than that to the emperor. 

QThe issue of the war in France shewed whether the ad- 
vice of his holiness were good or not, for the most Christiaii 
king, coming down upon the imperial army which was sX 
Marseilles, compelled it to retreat in such sort» that, the king 
pursuing it with speed, it fell back upon Milan, to the great 
surprise of the people ; while such was the terror of the vice- 
roy on that day, as the man belonging to his holiness who was 
at the court of his excellency wrote, that there were no condi- 
tions which his lordship would not have accepted from the 
French king, and very prudently, he seeing himself utterly un- 
done, bat that chance came to his aid and made the most 
Chriistian king go to Pavia and not to Lodi, where it was not 
possible for hun to keep his ground with the forces collected 
there. Now sodi was the condition of things, besides soomi ng 


as mDch worse as^ in cases of peril so suddenly oecorring, men 
; -always imagine them to be. Our lord the pope was on the 
I worst of terms with the most Christian king, and had little 

hope of any thing but eyil from his majesty, and of being in- 

! finitely hated by him, his holiness having govemed him- 
self as I shall here say with that truth to which I am bound 
on all occasions, or to which I should be obliged by circum- 
' stances that might seem to demand it of me more urgently 
^\ than even do those wherein I consider myself at this present. 
'f [When our lord was made pope, the most Christian king 
' immediately commanded to send instant messengers, suppli- 
cating his holiness that, as GKxi had raised him to a position 
'- above all, so should he seek to raise himself aboye himself 
■ and conquer whatever passions might have remained in him, 
' whether of too much affection towards the emperor, or of too 
^ mnch ill-will towards himself ; and saying that he (the king) 
' would hold himself much bound to God and his holiness, if 
he (the pope) would guide all by one rule, interposing to do 
good, but not setting himself to favour one party against the 
other. Bat if indeed, for his interests or designs, his holiness 
afaonld judge it needful to have the particular support of any 
prince, whom could his holiness have better than himself, who 
by nature, and being a son of the church, and not its rival, 
desired and was accustomed to labour for its aggrandizement, 
and not its diminution ? And as regarded good-will between 
man and man, he would offer him such conditions that his 
holiness should well perceive himself to have gained more by 
making known how much he merited even while offending 
and injuring him, than he would ever receive for aiding and 
favouring the emperor — therewithal entering into most espe- 
cial particulars. 

[Now, the pope, our lord, adopted the firet suggestion, — ^to 
wit, that he should be friendly towards all; but, in effect, 
he still leant more towards the emperor ; and this he did not 
only from inclination, but also because he had firm hope that 
he could effect so much with his imperial majesty as ^at he 
would let himself be guided and moved in such sort that his 
holiness should have less to consider what might offend the 
most Christian king, than what might be agreeable to himself 
in the arrangement and feusilitation of such conditions as were 
necessary for the establishment of peace. But affairs turning 



out otherwise, and tlie king resolving to enter Italy, while 
the imperial army still lay at Marseilles, he sent a courier, I 
think from Aix, with carte-blanche to our lord the pope, by 
the medium of Sig* Alberto da Carpi, with favourable con- 
ditions, most ample terms, and with a manifestation of his 
feelings, such as he might certainly have sent to the emperor 
himself; for although he desired then to gain possession of 
the state of Milan, in all besides he was content to refer him- 
self wholly and in every thing to the decision of our lord the 
pope. But notwithstanding this, his holiness would not take 
his resolution until he had, not only once, but twice, received 
certain intelligence of the taking of Milan, and had received 
letters from his minister there that all was finished, and that 
the viceroy did not judge it otherwise. Let any one put 
himself in the place of his holiness, whether friend, servant, 
brother, or father, or even the emperor himself^ and let him 
see what he could have done for the benefit of the emperor, in 
this sudden difficulty, or in the next that follows, which was 
not done by his holiness, and much better done : I say better, 
because I am certain that those from whom his imperial ma- 
jesty has perhaps expected, and may still expect better service, 
would have maide him pay a very different price for the obU- 
gation than his holiness has done. For his holiness having 
attained the means of putting a stop to all use of arms and 
prosecution of the war in the kingdom of Naples, with many 
other advantages, both public and private, obliged himself to 
nothing more in favour of the most Christian king than 
merely the placing him in the possession of that which the 
army of the emperor had already given up for lost ; and our 
lord the pope restrained his majesty, moreover, from moving 
forward to seize the kingdom of Naples, in doing which it 
seemed that he would then have found no great difficulty. 
And whoever is disposed to glorify himself in regard to those 
events that turned out contrary wise, should rather dbankObd by 
whom it was thus miraculously determined fbr thdir advantage, 
and should attribute nothing to theniselves,' but acknowledge 
that the pope made that capitulation to preserve ^himself and 
the emperor, and not from evil intention. And tlien afterwards, 
the king, finding to his misfortune that there was diiffic'iftty in 
the undertaking, because he had set about it in a manner 
different from what he ought to have done, the pope left hin^ 


>r about two months at Pavia, without a breath in favour of 
is affiurs; and although this was of great service to the 
paniards, yet he did not hil to do more for them, giving 
lem all the succours that they could require from his domi- 
ions, and never ceasing to interpose his efforts to produce 
)ncord between them, in so far as was possible. But no good 
rder prevailing, and the king soliciting our lord the pope to 
ronounce in his &.vour, that he might the more readily ac- 
aire the state of Milan, — urging, also, that the Florentines 
lonld do the same, to which they were bound equally with 
B holiness, — the pope laboured to avoid so pronouncing, or 
ving bim any assistance, except the allowing him a passage 
iroagb his territories, with provision for a part of his aimy, 
hich bis majesty desired to send into the kingdom for the 
irpose of making a diversion, and thereby reducing the im- 
malists the more readily to come to terms. Oh ! what a 
■eat service was this to the French ! — ^yielding them a thing 
hicb it was in their power to take, if it had not been granted 
lem — ^the pope, too, being disarmed. Would it not, besides, 
we been too strange a thing if, having mad^ a league with 
8 most Christian majesty, and not having been willing to 
irve him in any other matter, his holiness should attempt to 
jfuse him that which it was not in truth within his power to 
itbhold, or prevent the publication of a feigned concord 
ke that then promulgated, by denying a little food to his 
lajesty, the granting which was a contrivance, whereby 
le king was led to endure with less resentment, that his 
oliness should fail to observe minutely the capitulation 
ntered into ? And if all the truth must be told, the most 
christian king was rather injured than served by that sepa- 
ation of his forces ; for the troops were so long detained, first 
Q Siena, and afterwards in the Roman states, that the imperial 
jpmy had time in Lombardy to effect what was done at 
?avia; and since that victory was achieved, what reason had 
he emperor. or his people, or indeed any other person of his 
Murty, to be dissatisfied with his holiness, or to think of any 
hing but doing him service and pleasure ? — to which last they 
urere bound, not only by religion, but by the example of 
)ther princes, who have not only refrained from offending such 
former popes as have chosen to remain neutral, but have even, 
jfhen victory had been gained over that party to which the 


Chnrch had attaolied itself, still held the pontiffB in the Inghest 
reyerence, and have followed np their yiotories by entreating 
the pardon of the x>ope, and by offering honour and senrioe to 
the church. But let ns put religion aside for the moment ; 
let us even supx>ose the. pope and the church in the land of 
the Muscoyite, and who has any right to make a charge 
against either person or state, when they have nsnrped notlmig 
to which he has claim or pretension, — ^nay, more, when it ii 
remembered that assistance and favour have been afforded fixr a 
long period of years, whereby, indeed, all the yictories oh- k 
tained have been promoted and secured ? And if the pope 
adhered to the king at that time, he did so at a moment when 
he was not able to help either himself or others, and believed 
he perceived a divine occasion for securing, by means of the 
enemy, that effect which he could not produce of himself; for Ub 
holiness gave nothing to the most Christian king whieh Ui 
majesty might not have taken by his own force, or compelled 
from the weakness of the emperor. His holiness did no more 
than so contrive that when victory ceased to favour the 
French, he (the pontiff) appeared rather to have restrained 
them from further losses than driven them on. Then, what 
unheard-of inhumanity was it to direct the war against the 
pope, precisely as though none of these motives had besD 
influencing his actions, or as if he had been moved by oaoaes 
altogether contrary! What cruelty — ^not to use a graver 
term — when the battle of Pavia had been gained, and the 
king taken prisoner, to make offers of peace to those states that 
might be justly accused of offending, and send an army 
against the church! Either the imperialists had seen ihd 
articles of the league made by the pope with his meet 
Christian majesty, or they had not seen them; bnt if 
they had seen them, as we are certain they did, beoanse 
all his majesty's papers fell into their hands, ought they 
not to produce them, and make manifest whatever was in 
those conditions that could offend, either in respect to 
the time when they were concluded or to any other partimilan 
whatever that could be of injury to his imperial roajm^y 
thereby justifying in some measure that which they have 
asserted, — ^if, indeed, any such justification eonld be found in 
them? Or if these conditions have not been seen by te 
imperialists, then wherefore these iniquitous proeesdings 

5.]] uammmt vmoegB nr nn ^apaa nAtas. 71 

It . . . .? Bit noe they Ind «ot ttmoA aigr Aiu 

ind in wzittea doeamenti^ nor msde < 
MtB or aottoiii, tiiey iMTe mdeod IhmI bo oMiae for \ 
ed. And it wtm not from mmi ol eemftge or Am 
of power that oiur loid tiie pope itnhote (tiat ke ^m 
Knnge and power tliey had loiig proved to ^their own 
fc); neitlierhMhelofltsoiinehof the^igonrof UsytM^ 
be^deiffiTed of the fint, while the dignitjr to wfyek h% 
ttamed htm greatty increaaed the aeoond ; nor ww it 
le hia hofineaa had interoqpted certain letteia of t^oae 
men, from whidi it waa eaqr to aee that thej weie 

op hy the expeetation of an cq^^iortaniiy fo^ aTengiiw 
btwea on hia hoMneaa, though tiiejr had eertainly reoemi 
Diy at hia haiida : bat hia holineaa, witiioiit any oonai- 
an whatever of ail theae tfainga, waa moved aiMy hy hia 
I for jnatioe and by hia oonftdence in the nprightMMB^ 
and good diapoaitiona of hia imperial majeaty, witiiotft 
paiiicdpation it waa not to be anppoeed that any thing 

be attempted; and hia liolineaa eonld never have 
ded himaelf that hia majeaty would aanotion what haa 
lone. Tet the very oontiaiy to what hia holimaa had 
ed took place, for anddenly, and without any delay, die 
al army was marched into the Statea of the Ohnreh, and 
»liness was constrained to redeem himaelf ham that 
aion by paying a snm of 100,000 seudi, and by making 
lie with those forces. Then farther, when that treaty 
mt into Spain, the proof that his imperial majesty gaye 
ill-will to that compact was, that whatever waa in it to 
vantage of oar lord and the charch, that he refdaed to 

although the whole that had been agreed on in Italy 
[one with the most ample and express command of 
jesty ; among other things, there was the restoration of 
revennes as proceeded from the states of Milan and 

had been ts^en from the charch, together with the 
tion of Reggio, in regard to which he wonld do nothing, 
oar lord the pope, having found himself so oftwi 
od, though he had always hoped that affairs would take 
>r turn on the emperor's part, however much it might 
otherwise on the particular occasions referred to, yet 
; that the contrary did constantly happen, at length 
to give ear to those who had always maintained and 


affiided that his imperial majesty was proposing the sabjn* 
gationof all Italy, and labouring to mtake himself abscdnte 
master in the land; and he listened to them the lather 
because it did in fsast seem strange to his holiness that the 
emperor should govern both by hunself and by his officers ii 
that country after the manner that he did, unless he had some 
suoh design. And finding cause for this suspicion, besides being 
dissatisfied that no faiUi or promise was ever kept with him, 
our lord the pope thought it right and good to attach himself 
both in amity and in measures, with those who had a oommoft 
cause with his holiness, and who were seeking to find means 
for defending themselves against such violence as was offered. 
Then, since it was affirmed among other things that the 
emperor proposed to deprive the duke of Milan of his territo- 
ries, designing to make himself master of them, and since the 
truth of these allegations was fully established by many 
indications, it was believed needful to lose no time, but rather 
to anticipate, and do to others what they proposed to do to 
us; nor could his holiness refuse to follow in the path of those 
who were embarked, I say, in a common cause with him* 
Thus it followed that when the kingdom of France, the 
signory of Venice, and the rest of Italy, resolved to unite for 
the relief of the states and the common safety, our lord the 
pope gave intimation that he would not refuse his assent to 
what the others proposed : furthermore, his holiness confesses 
ingenuously that when it was proposed to him, in the name 
and on the part of, the Marchese Pescara, that he, being 
malcontent with the emperor, and also, as an Italian, did offer 
himself^ to take part in that company when they should have 
to commence their proceedings, not only his holiness gave no 
refusal, but, hoping to receive effectual aid, would have given 
him all his demands ; for matters having come to such a pass 
that he feared both for his states and his proper safety, his 
holiness verily thought that no method from which he could 
hope for aid was to be rejected. Now the marchese is dead, 
and God only knows the truth, or with what intentions 
Pescara entered on that afiair; but this is most true and 
certain, that such proposals were sent to his holiness in his 
name, and when his holiness sent to question him on that 
behalf, not only did he give no denial but even confirmed 
himself, what, by other means, his holiness had been giyen to 

5*3 HXOUaW <HP THB.POilRlTF. 78 

ataad. Noir,.aliihoiigli these proeeedinge did oercainlj 
ahee, jet €Kid Imows that his bdmefls was lad into 
byneeaniy than by ehoioe; and of this tniih ihe many 
I written at that time to the nnncio of his hddnes at 
«rt of ihe emperor may bear witness ; kit in these there 
eommands ihat his imperial majesty shoold be made to 
stand what eVils and what ndn must ensoe to the 

worid from ihe bad ooorse he was porsoing^ and that 
onld be entreated, for ihe love of God, to adopt oiher 

ainoe it was not posnble that Italy— -even if he should 
. it— -eonld be held by any other means than those of 
Bfls and by a oertain form of prooednre, by which it was 
axT ihat he should abide, to content the minds of all 

Bat all was of no ayail ; rather, his mi^esty gaye <qMin 
ony to the tmih of the suspicion that he designed to 
himadf master of Mikn, under ihe {nretezt affi>rded by 
ono Morone, and ihat ihe duke was proposing to rribel 
t his imperial majesfy. NererihelMB, ihe pope con* 

to seek an accommodation by fiur means, condescending 
t which his majesty desired, since his majesty would not 
to what he requested, provided only that ihe duchy of 

might remain in possession of the duke, to which effect 

that all these wars in Italy had been set on foot. But 
these efforts his holiness had so little success, that, when 
aperor had shewn himself disposed to come to terms 
he most Christian king, and this wish of his holiness 
lade known to him, he refused to make the agreement ; 
rhile his imperial majesty would have made a more 
lageous, as well as more solid, compact with the most 
ian king if be would first have made agreement with 
pe, so by refusing to make an accord with the pope he 
t render that with the king more easy, but rather made 
I and of slight avail ; for if the king were not disposed to 
he terms of his treaty, he would find himself snnounded 
ociates also malcontent, with whom uniting himself he 
then make less account of his impenal majesty, 
an his holiness imagine from what cause ihat great 
on of his majesty to an agreement wiih the pope has 
ded, for at that time the emperor had never yet re- 
. any offence whatever from his holiness, who had sent 
'n nephew as legate to do him honour, and to treat with 

74 HisTOBr OF nn Fom— AmiiDix.^ [N0.UI. 

him iJie more effectually of those mfttten, ihst he na^ mt 
how much his holiness had them at heart. The pope had, 
moreover, laboured to content him in eyery manner, — tOBoaaf 
other things conceding to hhn the dispensation of marriage^ iSkt 
imx>ortance of which, and its effsot in drawing doeer the homk 
of friendship and good intelligence between thoae kingdomi^ 
is known to all, or in any case it was the means o£ aecuii^ 
to his majesty the money of the dower, as also that Daocei 
sion.* Yet his imperial majesty, being in no degree moved 
by all these things, compelled the pontiff to listen to the pro- 
posals of those who were entreating him — for the empenr 
would offer no terms — and to accept them to the great disMU 
vantage of his holiness. Then, when it had happened that ear 
lord the pope had bound himself with the most Christian kii^ 
and with the other princes and x>otentates, to make a leagw 
for the common defence, and when the emperor knew (^ it^ be 
would indeed then have united himself with his holiness and 
sent to offer him, by Signer Don Ugo di Moneada, not <mkj 
what his holiness had required and entreated, but even tint 
which he had never hoped that he could obtain. And if hki 
majesty, either in his own defence or to the blame of our knd 
the pope, should now say that these things, being offered to 
the pontiff by Don Ugo, as I said above, his holiness would 
not accept them ; let not this be said in reproach of his 
holiness, who, while the matter was in his own hands, gave 
proof that he was ready to content himself with little enougb, 
but let him rather blame the failure in judgment of thoee whiB^ 
at the proper time, and when the opportunity is before then, 
will not agree to give one, but when the moment has passed 
will come out of season and be ready to throw away a hmi- 
dred. Since his majesty refused to accept a treaty wit^ 
honourable conditions at the proper time, and that the enter- 
prises thereupon undertaken seemed likely to succeed in such 
sort that the common object could not j&bil to be reooyered, 
his holiness was entirely justified in the course he adopted. 
And if any one should affirm that the entetprise of the king- 
dom was not likely to prove an easy one, the oontranr is made 
manifest by the affair of Frusolone and the taking of so many 
places, and considering, above all, that our lord the pope oould 

* This makes it obvious that the lapse of Portugal to ibe crown ol 
Spain was thought of in 1525. 

lib. 15.]] €\imnmv vs. amo vbe Houra of €n>lonna. 75 

mve sent the wne &roe into tbe kngdom, while the im- 
letialistfl, on the eontmy, weie not then in a oondition to 
jAther Boddsafy so gtmt a body, or to make snoh prqwration 
m they did but efieot after many monihs of waiting for help 
ram fi^pain. And erea in hoBtiHtf , his holiness did not fail 
a set the part of a firiend, being more ready to take on him 
be office of tiie &ther who menaoss without offering injmy, 
ban the enemy: proceeding with all sincerity and eyen 
Moending beneaiii his dignity by entering into terms of 
gceement with the Colonnas, his oWn subjects, that so he 
light remoye all eanse of suspicion, and in no case driye 
be steel so hi forward, but that at all times the wound 
light be easily cured when the sword was withdrawn. But 
gainst his holiness was even then contrived that treason 
phioh all the worid knows, and the guilt of which, as it can 
evmf be 63q>ressed, so is it most eloquently spoken by silence. 
Lnd in this matter, if it be true that his majesty was not 
dting or consenting, neither did he shew any great displea- 
ne or make further demonstration of dissent ; nay, rosier, all 
lie armaments and preparations that tbe emperor could make 
nere intended for no other purpose than to take vengeance 
n the justice that had been injected on the Colonnas by the 
ope in the ruin of four of their castles. I will not dispute 
mceming the truce made this September in the castle by 
ignor Don Ugo, whether it were kept or not ; but it is oer- 
un that tbe alraolution of the Colonnas did not so bind our 
>rd the pope, that he could not, and ought not, to punish 
kern, they being his own subjects. If it had been possible 
» hope for the observwice of that truce made between our 
ird tiie pope and the emperor, it would have been obeeryed 
pom the first ; nor was our lord ever the first to break it ; 
wit it was not obseryed either here or in Lombardy, for whilst 
he truce was still in force there came 12,000 lansquenets 
rem Lombardy into the territories of the Church, and the 
lands that were there did the very worst that they could. 
Phe yiceroy of Naples also wrote letters from the council, 
rhich were intercepted, and wherein he besought the Signory 
o accelerate the arrival of their forces that our lord the x>ope 
sight be taken unprepared, and so that might be comjdeted 
rhich had not been effected at the first blow. Then our lord 
Mmld not so fiur &il in what was due to himself as to 


refrain from gathering troops from Lombardy; but thongb 
these forces arrived in time to have made a diyersioii 
in the kingdom, our lord would eyen then not permit them to 
pass beyond the frontiers. The ruin of those fortresses of the 
Colonnos took place rather because they had refused, in theii 
disobedience, to give admission to the troops, than from any 
other reason. And in like manner leave was given to Andrea 
Doria for the interception of that armament, concerning whidi 
his holiness had received so' many warnings that it was de- 
signed for his ruin. The many urgent and legitimate occasions 
on which his holiness refused to depart from his old love and 
regard for the emperor could not possibly be related without 
subjecting his holiness to the censure of lut*ving little care for r 
his own welfare and dignity ; and after there began to be ^ 
some division between them, how many times did not our 
lord the pope shew willingness, I do not say to accept offers 
of accommodation, but even to go out of his way for the pur- 
pose of seeking such. Yet nothing but evil resulted to his 
holiness, whether from the first proposition or from the sub- 
sequent reconciliations. And now, while matters were ia 
more violent commotion than ever, comes the &ther-general 
of the Minorites, to whom, when he was going to Spain at the 
beginning of the war, our lord the pope had spoken much 
concerning his good-will to the emperor, and had shewn him 
what would be the best course for obtaining universal peace, 
but who brought back conditions which, though in words they 
were as ample as might be desired, yet in &uct were they ex- 
tremely hard. Still our lord desiring to find an issue from 
these troubles, and wishing once for all to have an explanation 
face to &>ce with the emperor, that if possible there might be 
found some mode of making peace, did agree to those -things 
that were desired by the emperor from the pope, and accepted 
what his majesty was willing to grant. When his holineM 
would have proceeded to a conclusion, and it became neces- 
sary to treat with the viceroy, who on his part had arrived 
at the same time in Gkieta, with words no less large and pro- 
mising than those brought by the father-general ; it was found 
that the conditions increased continually in severity till they 
extended beyond all possibility of acceptance or execution. 
In all these matters nothing afflicted his holiness more than 
the being constrained to nmke an agreement alone with the 


eror in Italy ; and what induced him to do so, even to his 
.t prejudice and disgrace, was the hope of effecting peace 
union in Italy, and also the wish to continue acting with 
emperor : but this could not be done without the consent 
le Signory of Venice ; and for the purpose of obtaining 
r consent, the viceroy being at Frusolone, a suspension of 
9 for eight days was agreed on, within which time a reply 
ht be had from Venice. Then the Signor Cesare Fiera- 
ca, being the bearer of the same, did not arrive with it 

I hostilities having been recommenced and Frusolone Hbe> 
d from the besiegers, nothing more could be done. Now, 

II this negotiation, it is certain that his holiness proceeded 
I sincerity, and so did the most reverend legate, but the 
ny being already in presence and with arms in his hands, 
-as not possible to manage two different things at the same 
i. It may well occasion astonishment, that, after having 
red the disposition of the party, and finding himself dor 
ed, injured, and disgraced, our lord the pope should again 
;ure to throw himself upon a peace or truce of this kind, 

that deliberately and with full knowledge, without any 
3 or necessity, not moved by the fear of losing, nay, cer- 

of gain, far from sure of what friendship he might acquire, 
certain of alienating and exciting the enmity of all the 
Id, and more particularly of those who loved his holiness 
L their hearts. But liis holiness had proved that it was 
pleasing to God that war should be made, for since he had 
e every effort to avoid war, and then, having commenced 
ith so many advantages on his part, could yet obtain only 
strous results — this could be attributed to no other than 
displeasure of God. We were ourselves afflicting and 
lating unhappy Christendom in a manner insufferable to 
k of, and as though we had been resolved to leave the 
k little labour in completing its destruction ; therefore his 
less judged that no human consideration, however weighty, 
M be suffered to move him from seeking peace in com- 
r with whomsoever he could, or if he could not have it in 
a with others, to make it for himself. Furthermore, also, 
pontiff was fixed in these thoughts by the arrival of in- 
^ence to the effect that the emperor was disposed in a way 
has been ever wont to move his holiness wonderfully ; for 
d came at that time, through Signor Cesare and Paolo di 


Areszo, such letters under Yds majesty's own hand m moBt ■ 
necessary to produce an agreement between his holiness and 
the emperor, which agreement could not but be for the happi- 
ness of the whole world. How could it be imagined that a 
man could be bom of a worse nature than the emperor miufc Ut 
have, if he were capable of contriving this means for the nun | 
of the pope, which were indeed most unworthy of eyen the ^ 
lowest and vilest man, how much more then of the greatMk q 
among Christians ? But let us not even ima^ne such a thing; [| 
let us rather consider that God has permitted it to prove im, ^ 
and to furnish occasion to his majesty for the display of mon ^ 
piety, more goodness, and more faith, by giving him such qh bi 
portunity for setting the world in order as was never befaoe 
conceded to any sovereign bom. The papers of his holiuM 
having all fallen into the hands of the soldiers, there will han 
been taken by them, among others, a new treaty made by hk 
holiness but five or six days at most before the £all of Borne; L 
but by which, if his holiness, agiun uniting himself with Urn x 
league, did consent to many things which were to the prejudifle || 
of his imperial majesty, I do not think that any treating on the n 
part of the emperor will on that account have the right to ayail ^ 
themselves of it; nay, they cannot do so without maM^g i 
further discovery of their own defects and failings ; for if we t 
admit that Bourbon was not to be restrained from his purpose 
of proceeding to the ruin of the pope, it is certun th^ there 
were many others in that camp, both of infantry, men-at-anBl^ 
and leading chiefs, who would have obeyed the commands of 
the emperor if these last had been duly enforced on them ; thea 
if Bouri>on had been deprived of that portion of his foroe^ he 
would have been but little in condition for the carrying for- 
ward of his designs. Or admitting further that this could 
not be effected, yet there can be no cause given which shall 
avail to excuse the fiust that, although his holinesB had ful- 
filled all the conditionB of the treaty that he had made with 
the viceroy, as your most reverend lordship will remembsiv 
and may see by reading again that copy of the treaty whidi 
you will bear with you, yet when hu holiness required in 
return, that payment should be sent for those soloaers. and 
men-at-arms who had attached themselves to his command, ha 
could obtain nothing; so that our lord the pope, not being 
furly replied to on any point of that treaty (because on the cfUd 


Bad things were done against him that ought not to have 
sen done, and on the other, the saccours that ought to have 
Mn given were not given), I do not know with what face 
ly one can set himself to <»lamniate his holiness for a thing 
>ne by mere necessity, — a necessity imposed by themselves, 
id which he so long delayed to do, that it was the very ruin 
; bis holiness; or how any can take occasion to coneoder 
temselves offended by ns on that account. 

[[In regard to the resolution taken by our lord the pope to 
ake approaches to the emperor, even the enemies of his 
liiness cannot deny that he made it at a time when he could 
)t be suspected of being moved by any other cause than by 
»al for the wdfiEue of all Christians, for he had that inspira- 
on on a sudden, and instantly i^r the news was brought of 
ie death of the king of Hungaiy and the loss of the kingdom, 
i0 lu^ess having consulted and resolved on that matter in 
Niflktoiy two or three days before the entry of the Oolonnas 
itD Rome. Nor do I believe that any one will be so gross as 
» snspect that our lord the pope was induced to that show of 
byoar towards the emperor because his holiness had foreseen 
le atorm, for it was not of such a character but that if he had 
ad three hours* knowledge of it, to say nothing of three 
ays, that would have enabled him to disperse it with very 
ttle effort or rumour. 

[[The conditions which the father-general proposed to our 
)rd the pope were these : first, the emperor desired peace 
rith his holiness ; and if perchance the ^ther-general, on his 
rrival, should find that the affairs of his holiness and of the 
hurch were ruined, his imperial majesty would yet be content 
hat all things should be restored to their previous condition, 
nd that peace should be granted to every one in Italy, he 
laving no desire to obtain a hand's breadth of the country either 
>r himself or his brother ; on the contrary, he would have all 
len left in possession of that which they had held from old 
ime. As to the difference respecting the duke of Milan, that 
honld be examined judicially, by judges to be deputed by his 
oliness and his majesty. Then, if he were acquitted, his 
achy should be restored to him ; but if condemned, it should 
e given to Bourbon, when France would be content to make 
D agreement in money, a thing that had been previously 
efdsed; the sum named, also, was that which the most 


Christian king had sent to offer, namely, two millions in gold. 
These conditions our lord accepted instantly, that is, so soon 
as the father-general could make proof of their validity^ and 
he subscribed them with his hand ; but it is true that thej 
were not approved by the others, who, as your most reverend 
lordship knows, affixed to them most heavy and intoleiabfe 
demands. Now, since it cannot be supposed but that his 
imperial majesty spoke in earnest, and with that sincerity 
proper to so great a prince, and these his embassies and pro- 
positions shewing him to be so moderate of mind and m 
benignant towards our lord ; whilst, indeed, his majesty did 
not know what might be the mind of his holiness towards him, 
and believed the imperial arms so potent in Italy, by his 
lansquenets and the armada sent thither, that every thing 
must have been yielded to them — seeing, I say, all these 
things, it is not to be supposed but that when his majesty 
shall be informed that if he sent evidence of good-will to the 
pope, equal amity was displayed on the part of his holiness, the 
emperor will' not only be like himself in proving his ready 
kindness and good- will to the church, offering to her and to 
our lord all due reparation, but will also add force to that his 
natural disposition, in proportion as he will desire to avoid the 
charge and obloquy that must else ensue, thus changing it 
from an ignominy which could not easily have been obliten^ 
to a perpetual glory, making his fame all the more illustrious 
and firm by his own actions, as others have sought, his own 
ministers, for example, to depress and obscure it. And this he 
should do the rather, because so great a resistance was opposed 
to the imperial forces, that his holiness, in la3dng down his 
arms, was conferring a benefit instead of receiving one, as I 
said before, and as is most clear ; so that all the subsequent 
calamities will be laid to the name and faith of his imperial 
majesty, in whom our lord the pope confided. And with re- 
gard to what things should be done to secure this end, as 
well for the church in particular and for its restoration, as fiff 
Italy and all Christendom in general, these will be readily 
discovered, supposing the emperor to be more inclined to 
securing the universal pacification than any other emolomeni- 
The benefits by which the sufferings of Italy may be can- 
celled will be very easily shewn, provided only there exist 
the wish to know the right, with the disposition and judgment 
to decide wherein the true gdbd consists and may be found; 



[[Not to enter into the causes whereby we were compelled 
to take up arins, which is a thing that would require too much 
time, we will only say that we nerer took them for any hatred 
or ill-will that we had towards the emperor, nor from any 
ambition to increase our territories, or adyanee those of our 
honse^ but solely because of the necessity in which it appeared 
to us that our liberty and state, with the liberties of the 
Italian states in general, were then placed ; and because we 
desired to make it manifest to all the world as well as to the 
onperor, that if he sought to oppress us, we could not and 
ought not to endure it without making every effort to defend 
onrselves. Also, that his majesty, if he had that intention, 
of which we never doubted, might see that he was not likely 
to succeed so easily as others perhaps may have given him to 
understand. Or, again, if we had been deceived in supposing 
that his majesty intended to do us evil — ^if these suspicions 
should be shewn to have had their birth rather from the pror 
oeedings of the ministers than from any other cause, then that; 
his imperial majesty, making it clearly obvious that this was 
the £BU$t, and giving us good assurance thereof^ might enter with 
us into a good and lasting peace and friendship : nor with us 
only, but also with other princes and sovereign powers with 
whom we had associated ourselves, but for no other purpose 
than that of defending ourselves against the wrongs and offences 
offered us, and of obtaining such upright and reasonable condi^ 
tions as might once more secure a peace for this unhappy Chris-r 
tendom. And if, when Don Ugo came hither, his majesty had 
sent us such conditions as most justly appeared to us necessary 
for attaining that end, we should have thought it the most 
signal grace and favour that God could bestow upon us, to be 
thus permitted to lay down our arms on the same day, so to 
speak, as they had been taken up. The disposition in which 
we were found by the general of the Franciscans will bear 
good witness to the truth of our having always been minded 
as we have said ; for a year ago, and when he was here, on hi§ 
way to Spain, we made him acquainted with the causes which 
we and the other princes of Italy had to be malcontent with 
the emperor : these we charged him to lay before his imperial 
majesty on our part, causing him to understand that if he 
would listen to our counsels and prayers, which all tended to 

VOL. III. o 


the praise and sendee of €h>d, and to his b&efit as well as to 
ours, he would always find us ready to prove that friendship 
whieh he had experienced aforetime; and some months after 
that, when the said general was sent hack to us from his majesty, 
who replied to us most courteously that he was content, to use 
his own words, even to accept as a command that which we 
had sent to him as a counseL And to give proof of this, the 
general bore, among other resolutions, the declaration that hiA 
imperial majesty was wiUing to restore the sons of the most 
Christian king for that ransom, and on that condition whidi 
was offered by his most Christian majesty, and which tbib 
emperor would never before consent to do. Besides this^ ht 
promised that if all Italy, as there was a fuhion of saying il 
the time when the father-general was in Rome, were in hk 
power, he would be content to place all things therein on thflir 
primitive footing, that he might thus shew the fedsehood of 
those who desired to calumniate him by the assertion that he 
proposed to retain possession of the country. Further, he 
declared, that neither for himself nor for his most serene bro- 
ther did he desire one palm's breadth of territory beyond what 
the crown of Spain had been wont to possess from old time ii 
that country. And, to the end that his words might be 
accompanied by facts, the &ther-general brought the most 
ample commands for the arrangement of all things, either 
with Don Ugo or the viceroy, if the latter should have come 
to Italy at the time when the £Either-general himself arrived 
among us. How great was then our contentment, could net 
be expressed ; and every hour appeared to us a thousand yeai% 
from our impatience to see the conclusion of some sort of 
general agreement for the laying down of arms. The vieerey 
also arriving at the same time, and sending us from St 
Stefano, where he first took port in that sea, by the comman- 
dant Fignalosa, the most friendly messages in the worid, 
differing in no way from what the £Bither-general had told no, 
we rendered thanks to God, that the satisfaction we had re- 
ceived from the embassy of the father-general was not to he 
disturbed by any doubt whatever, seeing that the same was 
confirmed to us by the signer viceroy, who by causing us te 
understand the commissions he had received from the empera^ 
had comforted us mightily, at the same time tibat he sent to 
certify to us^ that no one could be found who would Mt himself 


to execute tbe same with more good-will than he would do. 
Now, in what manner the total contrary took place, will 
require hut little labour to tell, because there is no man who 
does not know the most hard and insupportable, nay, igno- 
minious conditions, that were demanded on the part of the 
yiceroy, we haying interposed no delay whatever in sending 
to beg that he would not lose time in dedariDg to us the oon- 
ditioBB of so much benefit. Then, while we were expecting to 
find still better than we had alr^y been told, beonuse it is 
eustomary erer to make reserve of the best things, that they 
may taste the more gratefully, not only did we fail to receive 
any of that which had been promised, but were met by pro- 
positions idtogether the contrary. Firstly, no faith was to he 
placed in us, as if there were, in truth, no man who could 
produce testimony to the opposite effect ; so that, for security, 
the best part of our states and of the signory of Florence 
was demanded from us, together with a sum of money, im- 
possible of attainment, even to any one who should possess 
mountains of gold, much more then to us, who, as every one 
knew, had not a groat. Next, it was required, to our infinite 
disgrace, or rather to that of the emperor, that we should 
reinstate in their possessions those who, in offence of all 
law, divine and human, and with so heavy a treason, had come 
to ajBsail the person of our lord the pope, to despoil the church 
of St. Peter, and to sack the sacred palace. Furthermore, 
we were to be compelled, without the least respect, to bind 
ourselves immovably to the interests of his imperial majesty, 
though all the world knew the zeal we had shewn for those 
interests at a time when we were most of all flourishing and 
prosperous. And, not to insist on all other particulars, it was 
required that we should make a separate agreement of our- 
selves, apart and alone, which we could not do if we desired 
safely to conduct to a successful end that universal peace for 
which we were content to make this beginning. There was no 
hope of moviug the viceroy from these his most insupportable 
demands ; and he had, besides, come to invade our states, 
though we had always respected the territories of the em- 
peror in the kingdom of Naples, and, duriug those few 
months that had elapsed, had in no way molested them. 
Next followed the arrival of Cesare Fieramosca, who, finding 
the yiceroy already in the States of the Church, we believed 

o 2 


to be tbo bearer of sucb commands from tbe emperor to his 
excellency, tbat, bad tbey been obeyed, would bare prevented 
matters from proceeding to tbis pass. But bis excellen^^ 
tbe viceroy was intent on doing two very opposite things at 
one and tbe same time ; tbe one being to sbew that he bad 
not done amiss in proceeding so £eu:, or in seeking to avoid the 
loss of the opportunity tbat be thought be bad of winning tbe 
whole ; and the other to give obedience to tbe conunands o£ 
the emperor, which were tbat by all means an agreement 
should be made ; whence it followed tbat neither of the two 
has now been accomplished. For bis excellency the viceroy 
found himself deceived, and discovered that he could not ef- 
fect what be bad proposed ; and Signer Cesare Fieramosca 
returning with conditions for a truce of eight days, until a 
reply could be bad as to whether the signory of Venice would 
enter into the treaty, when he arrived on the field he found 
tbe armies already engaged, so that, for that time, the matter 
could proceed no further. * Yet, notwithstanding that oocor- 
rence, we, though knowing certainly tbat our position was 
most secure in Lombardy and in Tuscany, by reajson of the 
large munitions and infinite force of troops of the whole 
league that there were in those parts, being well assured also 
that tbe affairs of the kingdom were in irremediable disorder, 
as experience bad begun to make manifest, — ^we, I say, did 
never dismiss from our mind the desire for peace, nor cease 
from seeking it. And when we found affairs promising to 
turn so prosperously for ourselves, we rejoiced in it, solely be- 
cause tbat might serve to sbew that, if we desired peace, it 
was from sound judgment and our good- will, not because we 
were forced to it of necessity ; and to prove to tbe emperor 
that if he had spoken sincerely to the father-general, as we 
believe, in saying that, supposing all to be at bis disposal, be 
would restore every thing to its first condition, we, who were 
in tbat very case which he had supposed, were ready to exe- 
cute what be bad imagined and proposed to perform. To 
this our desire there was then added an extreme force, by 
various letters written with the emperor s band, more particu- 
larly two, which we received at tbe last by the bands of 
Cesare Fieramosca, and by those of our servant Paolo di Areno, 
which are of sucb a tenor that we should not believe ouraelves 
to have erred if, on tbe faith of those letters alone, we bad 


I the whole world, nay, even our own soul, in the hands 
J majesty ; so frequently does he therein conjure us to 
iredence to what he says, hesides that all the words of 
letters are full of such promise of aid, such assurance of 
i.ction ; that we, on our parts, could not even have 
1 for better. And as, while treating for peace, we did 

any way remit our preparations for war until we should 
tain of the return we might expect, so, there being 
chiefs in Italy, Bourbon and the signer viceroy, we 
•ed to enlighten ourselves fully as to whether it would 
fficient to treat with one only, and that he would be 
rable for all, or that we must negotiate with both sepa- 

; so that if that were to be£eil us which has happened, the 

thrown upon others for other causes, might not be cast 
us for our want of prudence. But having found that 
•ower of treating with us was vested in the viceroy 

we desired to put that matter in the clearest light, and 
not satisfied to be told it by the father-general. Signer 
e, the viceroy himself Paolo di Arezzo, and Bourbon, 
e required to be informed by the said Bourbon, not once 

but many times, and by divers persons, whether he 
I abide by the decision to be taken, and obey it ; so that 
were proposed to treat with him particularly, he, re- 
^, should make no reply whatever to matters that be- 
i to the viceroy alone. Now it was an easy thing, and 
3ver be so to every man, to colour any purpose he may 
with a show of uprightness, and if he cannot bring his 
»ses to bear honestly and openly, to compass them by 
, as it appears to us was done in our case ; for from 
3ver quarter it may have come, this appears to us to 

been the aim, though we cannot guess from whom it 
eded. It is clear that all the precautions that can be 
to escape deception were used by us, and indeed so many 
em were there that they appeared to us at times to be 
fluous, and we thought ourselves deserving of censure for 
iing tl;iem. We had the emperor himself as testimony 
by letters and word of mouth, to his own good-will, and 
B obedience that Bourbon would pay the viceroy ; nay, 
ay of caution, his majesty gave new letters to Paolo 
ling this obedience to the viceroy, and directed to the 
Bourbon. The treaty also was made with powers frombla 


majesty SO ample that they ought to have sufficed ; and Boor- < 
bon had professed to submit himself in all things to tiie 
yiceroy, who, on his part, was afiterwards content to place 
himself in our power. Eirery thing was done to draw ns into 
our present condition, insomuch that I know not what mom 
could be found in the whole world to render it possible that 
£Eiith should again be given to the word of a private gentle* 
man, after the many causes that concurred and intervened to 
that effect in our case. Furthermore, and to speak only of 
what concerns our own proceedings, it was both more lawfid 
and much more easy for us, without incurring the infinny 
attached to a violator of his word, or any other disgrace, to 
use the opportunity that fortune had brought us of nudntain- 
ing ourselves in ail security in Lombardy ; for we had there 
so good a position, that Bourbon could never have made ius 
way forward if the army of the League had not been restrained 
and cooled by the serious negotiations for peace, or rather hj 
its conclusion. Nay, we might have profited by that adwi- 
tage to pursue the war in the kingdom, and first gaining two 
or three fortresses, might then have taken them all ; thenoe 
extending our operations to the places surrounding, we might 
have inflicted both injury and disgrace on the emperor; and 
attaching ourselves firmly to the company of the confederate 
princes, might have rendered all the designs of his imperial 
majesty more difficult of execution. But because it appeared 
to us that the service of God and the suffering state of 
Christendom required peace, we proposed to ours^ves to 
forego whatever great victory or gain we might have ac- 
quired, and were even content to offend all the Christian and 
Italian princes, without knowing in any manner what we 
were to receive in exchange, but believing we should secure 
enough, if the mind of the emperor were such as his majesty 
by so many intimations had laboured to make us understand. 
For this we made but slight account of the offence g^ren to 
the other Christian princes, who would indeed have found 
themselves in no long time greatly bound to us, if that had 
ensued which his majesty had so amply promised, assuring us 
with redoubled arguments that if we made an accord wiih 
him he would submit to us and place in our hands the con- 
clusion of peace, and the power to form an agreement inih 
the Chxistiaa princes. And if any man believe that we weie 

No. 15.^ €£BlfBirr'« DBFKMfCn OF HIS OWIf PROOnBa^lNGS. 87 

actuated by a different motiye, such a one, knowing na» can in 
no way more manifestly make known his malignity ; but if he 
did not know us, and will take pains to learn the actions of 
our life, he will find that we are well known never to hare 
desired au^t but good, or acted other than yirtuously, to 
which end we have made every other interest subservient. 
And if now evil hath befallen us, though we receive with all 
humility from the hands of our Lord and God whatever he 
shall be justly pleased to inflict, yet shall it not be said but 
that we are most grievously wronged of men, and principally 
do we receive injury from them, who, although to a cer- 
tain ertmit they may shield themselves by their power, 
and by the pretext of disobedience in others, — albeit enough 
miglit be said of thai matter if the question came to be dis- 
wuBed, — ^yet now, and for some time past, they might well pro- 
ceed very differenUy from &at which they are doing, both as 
regards their own glory, and also in consideration of their 
doty, whether towards Gbd or towards the world. We took 
part in the treaty afterwards made at Florence with those of 
Bourbon's party, through the medium of the signor viceroy, 
and which afterwards was not observed, because we did not 
wish to have the appearance of proposing to do evil against 
those who had been the cause of our being thus maltreated, 
whom may God judge with his just judgment ! after whose 
mercy towards us and towards his church, we have hope in no 
other than in the piety, faith, and virtue of the emperor ; for 
seeing that we have been brought to the pass wherein we 
stand by our own trust in the opinion we held of him, so do 
we look that he should withdraw us from such condition, and 
place us as high as we are now brought low. From whose 
inajcsty we expect such satisfaction for the infinite wrongs 
and disgraces that we have suffered as shall be suitable to his 
greatness, and to what is due, if indeed there be any thing to 
be found in this world that may suffice to make amends for the 
least and smallest part of our injuries. And here we will not 
enter into particulars, by expressing which we might diminish 
the grace of those suggestions that we cannot but hope he will 
find occur to him, and which he will send to propose to us. 
Let ns say, nevertheless, that we putting our demands at the 
lowest possible scale, it would be a disgrace to his majesty if 
he did not grant more, as it would have been for us to ask 

88 BI6T0BY OF THE FOPB»— APPENDIX. [N08. 15, 16. 

IcaB, rather than difficult to concede what we daim. Thas hif 
majesty ought to agree to the following provifiions : — 

I^That our person, the sacred college, and the court of cor 
state, shall, in all things spiritual and temporal, be restored to 
that condition in which we were when the negotiationB weie 
commenced with the signor viceroy, and that we shall not be 
burthened by the payment of a single coin towards the 

^And if any shall be found who, hearing this, make a jert 
6f our proposals, we reply, that if the matters above stated be 
true, and he marvel at our being appeased with so little, he if 
justified, and many will find it strange; but if indeed ther 
appear to him extraordinary, let him consider with what recti- 
tude he so judges, whether towards the emperor or towaidf 
ourselves. As regards the emperor, let him consider well that 
so long as there is not promised on his majesty^s part this 
and much more, he is made to be a participator in all the 
wrong that we have suffered ; but in regard to ourselves we 
may say that this is an attempt iniquitously to defame nf 
as none would venture to do directly and openlv. Nor is 
our present position only to be considered, but also how we 
were led into it ; and further, let it be remembered that it is 
i)etter to effect at the call of sound judgment and virtue | 
that which finally time must very certainly bring about, if 
not in our lifetime, yet assuredly in that of others.] 

No. 16. 

Sommario delV litorla ^Italia dalV anno 1512 indno a 
1527. Scritto da Francesco Vettori. [[Sunmiaiy of the 
history of Italy, from 1512 to 1527; written by Franoeeoo 

This is a very remarkable litde work, by the friend of Ma- 
ehiavel, a sensible man, and Guicciardini, who was intimately 
acquainted with the sSbAtb of the house of Medici, as well as 
with those of the Italian peninsula in general. I found it in 
the Corsini library in Rome, but could only take extracts ; 
I should otherwise have requested permission to get it printed, 
which it well deserves to be. 

The plague of 1527 drove Vettori from Florence, and it 


vaa at his villa tliat be wrote this review of the most recent 

Hia attention is directed principally to Florentine affairs : 
in opinion he approximates closdy to those of his friends 
above mentioned. In treating of the modes of government 
adopted in his native dty by the Medici, in the year 1512, 
vhwh were such that every thing was in the hands of Cardinal 
Ifediei, afterwards Leo X., he says, " Si ridusse la citt^ che 
BOH si £EU)ea se non quanto volea il card^ de Medici." [The city 
ma reduoed to this, that nothing could be done there, except- 
log only what it pleased Cardinal Medici to do.]] He adds, 
tkat this was called tyranny, bnt that he for his part knew no 
itate, whether principality or republic, wherein there was not 
something tyrannical. '^ Tutte quelle republiche e principati 
de' qnali io ho cognitione per historia o che io ho veduto mi 
pan che sentino della tirannide." QAll those principalities or 
republics of which I have knowledge, whether from history or 
from personal observation, appear to me to have a certain 
odour of tyranny .3 The example of France or of Venice 
may be objected to him; but in France the nobles held 
the preponderance in the state and monopolized the church 
patronage. In Venice 3,000 men were seen to rule, and 
not always justly, over 100,000: between the king and 
the tyrant there is no other difference than this, that an 
upright governor deserves to be called a king, a bad one 
merits the name of tyrant. 

Notwithstanding the intimate terms on which he stood 
with both the popes of the house of Medici, he is far from 
being convinced of the Christian character of the papal power. 
^^ CM considera bene la legge evangelica, vedrst i pontefici, 
ancora che tenghino il nome di vicario di Christo, haver 
indutto una nova religione, che non ve n d altro di Christo 
che il nome: il qual comanda la poverty e lore vogliono la 
richezza, comanda la humilt^ e lore vogliono la superbia, 
comanda la obedientia e lore vogliono comandar a ciascuno." 
^Whoever will carefully consider the law of the gospel will 
perceive that the pontiffs, although they bear the name of 
Christ's vicar, yet have brought in a new religion which has 
nothing of Christ but the name : for whereas Christ enjoins 
poverty, they desire riches ; while he commands humility, they 
will have pride ; and where he requires obedience, they are 


resolved to oommand all the world.]] It will be itiaaife^t Ait 
this worldliDcss of character and its opposition to the spiritmil 
principle, contributed largely to prepare the wmj lor Prh 

The election of Leo is attributed by Yettori ahoTe aR ekn 
to the opinion entertained of his good nature. Two terxiUe 
popes had preceded him, and people had had enough of tfaeaL 
'^ Havea saputo in modo simulare che era tenuto di ottind 
costumi." [He had known so well how to dissemUe, that hb 
was considered a man of excellent moral conduct] Th^ 
person who took the most active part in his ekethm wm 
Bibbiena, who knew the inclinations of all the cardinally Mid 
managed to win them over even in opposition to their own 
interests. ^' Condusse fuori del conclave akuni di loto a 
promettere, e nel conclave a consentire a detta elettione contia 
tutte le ragioni." ^When out of the conclave he indnoed 
some of them to promise, and when in it he led them to 
consent to the said election in despite of all ike reasons 
against it] 

The expedition of Francis I. in the year 1515, with the 
deportment of Leo during that campaign, are admixaUy 
described by Yettori. That no more unfortunate 001100- 
quences resulted from it to the pope he attributes prinoipaBy 
to the clever management of Tricarioo, who entered tlM 
French camp at the moment when the king was moontiiig his 
horse to oppose the Swiss at Marignano, and who afterwaids 
conducted the negotiations with the utmost prudence. 

Then follow the commotions of Urbino. I have already 
described the reasons alleged by Yettori on the part of Leo. 
^' Leone disse, che se non privava il duca dello stato, el quale 
si era condotto con lui e preso danari et in su I'ardore deUa 
guerra era convenuto con li nemici n^ pensato che era suo 
subdito, nd ad altro, che non sarebbe si piccolo barone^ ohe 
non ardisse di fare il medesimo o peggio ; e che havvndo 
trovato il ponteficato in riputatione lo voleva manteneze. Et 
in veritiL volendo vivere i pontefici come sono vivuti da mcdte 
diecine d'anni in qua, il papa non poteva lasciare il ddiitto del 
duca impunito." ^Leo said that if he did not deprive the 
duke of his states (who, after he had taken service with him 
and received his money, had then gone over to the enemy ia 
the very heat and ardour of the war, not consideriiig that he 


No. I6.3 YSROai, UFB OF LOEBZTZO DB* lODiei. 91 

WW ihe pope'0 snbjeot, or being restmiiied hy any other oon- 
ridfliation), there was no baron so insignifioant bot that he 
voold dace to do the same or worse ; tib^t haring foimd the 
pontifie^» xespeoted, he would leaye it so. And it is certain 
tiiat if the pope desired to continue liying as his predecessors 
hid lived for many tens of years bygone, he oould not per- 
■it the crime of the duke to go unpunished.]] 

Yettori composed, besides, a life of Lorenzo de' Medici. He 
vmiaes him more than any other writer has done, and places 
his administration oi the Florentine goyemment in a new and 
peonHar l%ht. That biography and the summaiy we are now 
aonaidering complete and explain each other. 

He treats, also, of the election of the emperor, whidi fell 
within that period, affirming that Leo assisted the efforts of 
the king of France only because he was previously convinced 
tint the Germans would not elect him. The odculation of 
Leo, according to Yettori, was that Francis I., in order to 
prevent the election of Charles, would give his interest to 
some G^erman prince. I find the unexpected declaration, 
which I do not, indeed, desire to have implicitly accepted, 
that the king really did at length endeavour to secure the 
election of Joachim of Brandenburg. " II re ... . haveva 
volto il favore suo al marchese di Brandenburg, uno delH 
electori, et era contento ^e li danari prometteva a quelli 
electori che eleggevano lui, dargli a quelli che eleggevano dicto 
marchese." ^The king .... having turned his favour 
towards the marquis of Brandenburg, one of the electors, was 
content that the money promised to those electors who would 
vote for himself should be given to such of them as would 
dect the said marquis.^ It is certain that the conduct of 
Joachim, on occasion of that election, was very extraordinary. 
The whole history of this occurrence— strangely misrepre- 
sented, both intentionally and unintentionally — well merits to 
receive, once for all, a satisfactory elucidation.* 

The treaty of Leo with the emperor Charles was considered 
by Yettori to have been imprudent beyond all comprehension. 
^ La ioiala fortuna di Italia lo indusse a fare queUo che nes- 
suno uomo prudente avrebbe facto." [The evil destiny of 

* I have myself endeavoared, since writing the abore, to make a some- 
what nearer approach, in my German history, to the truth as regards this 
r.— (JVb^e to ike second edition. 


Italy induced him to do that which no prudent man would i 
hare done.^ He lays the blame of this more particularly to 
the persuasions of Geronimo Adomo. Of the natural comd- 
derations by which the house of Medici was influenced he 
does not choose to speak. 

Of Pope Leo's death he relates certain of those particulars 
which I have adopted (in the text). He does not believe him 
to have been poisoned. "Fu detto che mori di veneno, 
e questo quasi sempre si dice delli uomini grandi e maxime 
qoando muojono di malattie acute." Qlt was said that he 
died of poison ; and this is almost always said of great men, 
more especially when they die of acute diseases.^ He is of 
opinion that there was more cause for surprise at Leo's having 
lived so long. 

He confirms the assertion that Adrian refused, in the first 
instance, to do any thing against the French; it was only after 
receiving a pressing letter from the emperor that he agreed to 
contribute some little aid towards opposing them. 

It would lead us too far if we were here to adduce ail the 
remarks made in this work with relation to the subsequent 
course of events ; it is nevertheless remarkable and worthy of 
attention, even in cases where the author does but express his 
own opinion. In these, as we have said, he makes a near 
approach to Machiavelli, and has an equally bad opinion of 
mankind. " Quasi tutti gli uomini sono adulatori e dicono 
volontieri quelle che piaccia agli uomini grandi, benche sentino 
altrimenti nel cuore." [| Almost all men are flatterers, and are 
ever ready to say what is likely to please great men, even 
though they may think very diflerently in their hearts.]] He 
declares the violation of the treaty of Madrid by Francis I. 
to have been the best and most noble action that had been 
performed for many centuries. *' Francesco," he says, " face 
una cosa molto conveniente, a promettere assai con animo di 
non observare, per potersi trovare a difendere la patria sua." 
[^Francis did a very proper and suitable thing in making 
large promises without any purpose of fulfilling them, that ive 
might put himself in a condition to defend his conntiy.^ A 
mode of thinking worthy of the " Prince." 

But Vettori proves himself to have held a kindred spirit in 
ether respects with the great authors of that age. The work 
before us is full of originality and spirit, and is rendered all 


the more attraotiYe by its breritj. The author speaks only 
of -what he actually knows, but that is of great importance. 
It would require a more circumstantial examination than we 
have given to do him justice. 

No. 17. 

Sommario di la relatione di S. Marco Foscari^ venuto orator 
del sommo pontefice a di 2 Marzo, 1526. [Summary of the 
report presented by Marco Foscari on returning from his 
embassy to the supreme pontiff^ March 2, 1526.J In 
Sanuto, vol. 41. 

Marco Foscari was one of those ambassadors who proceeded 
to Rome to offer allegiance to Pope Adrian VI. He appears 
to hare remained in Rome from that time until 1526. 

He treats, to a certain extent, of the times of Adrian ; but 
his remarks in relation to Clement YII. are all the more 
important from the fact that, in consequence of the close con- 
nection existing in those days between Yenice and the pope, 
lie had uninterrupted and animated intercourse with that 

He describes Clement in the following manner : " Horn 
prudente e savio, ma longo a risolversi, e di qua vien le sue 
operation varie. Discorre ben, vede tutto, ma d molto timido ; 
niun in materia di state pol con lui, aide tutti e poi fa quello 
li par : homo justo et homo di dio : et in signatura, dove 
intravien tre cardinali e tre referendarii, non fai^ cosa in pre- 
^iuditio di altri, e come el segna qualche supplication, non 
revocha pin, come feva papa Leon. Questo non vende 
beneficii, nd li da per symonia, non tuo officii con dar beneficii 
per Tenderli, come feva papa Leon e li altri, ma vol tutto passi 
Yectamente. Non spende, non dona, nd tuol quel di altri : 
onde d reputa mixero. E qualche murmuration in Roma, 
etiam per causa del cardinal Armelin, qual truora molte 
invention per trovar danari in Roma e fa metter novo angarie 
e fine a chi porta tordi a Roma et altre cose di manzar .... 
£ continentissimo, non si sa di alcuna sorte di luxuria che 
usi .... Non vol buffoni, non musici, non va a cazare. 
Tutto il suo piacere d di rasonar con inzegneri e parlar 
di aque." QA prudent and wise man, hut slow to resolve^ ?lxv4 


thence it is that he is irresolute and changeable in Ui 
proceedings. He reasons well, and sees erery thing, bnt it 
yery timid. In matters of state, no one is peimitted ii 
influence him ; he hears all, hut then does wlwt he thiakl 
most fitting. He is a just man, a man of God ; and in the 
segnatura, which is composed of three cardinals and three 
referendaries, he will nerer do any thing to the prejudice of 
others, and when he signs any petition he never reyokai 
what he has granted, as Pope Leo used to do. This pontiff 
does not sell henefices, nor heetow them simoniacallj. What 
he gives henefices, he does not take offices in their plaoe that 
he may sell them, as Pope Leo and other popes have done, bnt 
will have every thing proceed regularly and legally. He doei 
not squander the revenue or give it in presents^ nor does 1m 
take from others ; hence he is reputed to he parsimonimNb 
There is, likewise, some dissatis&ction in Rome on aoeomift cf 
Cardinal Armelino, who has devised many expedients ht 
raising money and has imposed new duties, even taxing thssi 
who bring thrushes and other eatables into Rome .... Hs 
is extremely continent, and is not known to indulge in aaj 
kind of luxury or pleasure .... He will have no jesten^ 
comedians, or musicians ; nor does he hunt. His only amns»- 
moot is the conversation of engineers, with whom he taUu 
about waterworks and such matters.]] 

He next speaks of the pope's advisers. He would net 
permit his nephew to exercise any power ; even Giberto Imi 
very little influence in state affiurs. ^' II papa lo aide^ ms 
poi fa al suo mode." ^The pope hears him, but then prooeedi 
in his own maimer.]] He considers that Giberto— -*^ devoto f 
savio" [|who is pious and wise^ — is favourable to the VteuA^ 
but that Schomberg — ^^libero nel suo parlar" Qwho jum 
great freedom of speech]] — was disposed to the imperialislfe 
The emperor had a firm adherent aLsK> in Znan Foietta, whs 
was less frequently in attendance on the pope itom the tins 
that Clement had formed his league with France. Fosoaii 
alludes also to the two secretaries of the pope, Giacopo Ssl- 
viati and Francesco Yizardini (Guicciardini) ; he considers 
the latter the more able man, but quite in the French in- 

It is worthy of remark, that the pope was not on much 
better terms with the French than with the imperialists. He 


MioeiTed clearly wliafc he had to expect at their hands. He 
ttt himaelf to be truly allied with Venice alone. ^^ Conosce^ 
m aon era la Signoria nostra, saria rolnada e casa di Roma." 
^e knows that if it were not for our Signoiy, he would be 
luned and hnnted oat of Bome.l 

Rome and Yenioe maintained and fortified each other in 
fteir efforts for Italian interests, and considered their honour 
i» eonsist in upholding th^u. The pope was proud of having 
fMiented Yenice from coming to an understanding with the 
«Bperor. Our ambassador, on the other hand, £rectly as- 
serts that it was himself (Foscari) by whom Italy had been 
■nde free. He tells us ihsA Clement had already determined 
to acknowledge Bourbon as duke of Milan, but that he had so 
' eumeetly dissuaded him from doing so, as at length to prevail 
OH him, and he changed his purpose. 

He affirms that the pope would grant the emperor the dis- 
pensation needful for his marriage only on certain conditions ; 
a fiMst not alluded to in the Instruction given above,* but that 
Ike emperor had contrived to obtain it without these con- 

There is a certain peculiarity to be remarked in respect to 
this ^' Relatione." When the ambassadors were directed at a 
later period to prepare and present their reports in writing, 
Marco Foscari did so as well as the others, but we are in- 
stantly struck by the feust that the second relation is infinitely 
feebler than the first. The latter was written immediately 
after the occurrences described in it, and while all was fresh 
in the recollection of the writer; but so many important 
events took place afterwards, that the recollection of the 
earlier fects had become ^nt and obscure. We learn from 
this how much we are indebted to the diligence of the inde- 
fitigaible Sanuto. This is the last report, of which my know- 
ledge is derived from his chronicle. There follow others 
whuh were preserved in private copies revised by their 

♦ See No. 16. 


No. 18. 

Relatione rifmta net connglxo di pregadi per il clariuvm 
Gaspar Contariniy ritomaU) ambasciatore del papa Cle- 
mente VII. e dal imp'' Carlo F., Marzo^ 1530. Infor- 
mationi Politiche XXV. ^Report presented in the Coundl 
of the Senate by the most illnstrioas Chtspor Contarini on 
returning from his embassy to Pope Clement YII., and to 
the emperor Charles Y., March, 1530. Information F6li- 
tiche, 25.] Berlin Library. 

This is the same Oaspar Contarini of whom we have had 
occa^on to speak so highly in our histonr. 

After having been already engaged in an embassy to 
Charles V. (his report of which is extremely*rare^-I have aeen 
one copy of it only in the Albani palace in Rome), he wu 
chosen as ambassador to the pope in 1528 before tibie lattec 
had returned to Rome, after so many misfortunes and so long 
an absence. Contarini accompanied the pontiff from Yiterbo 
to Rome, and from Rome to the coronation of the emperor at 
Bologna. In the latter city he took part in the negotiations. 

Of all that he witnessed in Yiterbo, Rome, and Bologna, 
he here gives a relation, to which we have but one objectioii, 
namely, that his narrative is so extremely brief. 

The embassy of Contarini took place at that important 
period when the pope was gradually becoming disposed a§ain 
to enter into such an alliance with the emperor as had for- 
merly been concluded between that monarch and the MedioL ' 
The ambassador very soon remarks with astonishment, that 
the pope, notwithstanding the grievous injuries and offences he 
had received from the imperialists, was yet more inclined to 
give his confidence to them than to the allies, a disposition in 
which he was confirmed principally by Musettola ; ^' huomo," 
says Contarini, ^' ingegnoso e di valore assai, ma di lingua 
e di audacia maggiore" [|a man of sufficient ability and 
talent, but of still more loquacity and boldness]]. While the 
fortune of war remained undecided, the pope would come to no 
resolution ; but when the French were defeated and the impe- 
rialists gradually evinced a readiness to resign the fortresses 
they had occupied, he no longer hesitated. In the spring of 
1529, the pope was already on good terms with the emperor^ 


wd in June they Concluded their treaty, the conditions of 
irhich Contarini coold not obtain sight of without great diffi- 

Contarini also describes the persons with whom he acted. 

The pope was rather tall and was well formed. He had 
It that time scarcely recovered from the effects of so many 
mafortnnes and those of a severe illness. '^He is neither 
iffiseted by strong attachment nor violent hatred," says Con- 
buini ; ^^ he is choleric, but restrains himself so powerfully 
^t none would suspect him of being so. He is certainly 
iesirous of relieving those evils by which the church is 
if^ieflsed, but does not adopt any effectual measures for that 
Kirpose. With regard to his inclinations, it is not easy to 
mm a positive opinion : it .appeared for some time that he 
ook the matter of Florence somewhat to heart, yet he now 
nffsis an imperial army to march against the city." 

Contarini remarks that many changes had been made in the 
Dioistry of Clement VII. 

The datary Giberto always retained a larger share than 
uy other person of his master s confidence ; but after the 
neasores adopted under his administration had resulted in so 
lisastrous an issue, he retired of his own accord, and thence - 
orward devoted himself to his bishopric of Verona. Niccolo 
kshomberg, on the contrary, after an embassy on which he 
ad been sent to Naples, had returned to take active part in 
be most important affairs. Contarini considers him to lean 
reatly to the imperialists, a man of good understanding and 
eneficent habits, but violent withal. Giacopo Salviati had 
Iso great influence, and was at that time still believed to be 
1 the interests of France. 

Although this paper is very short, it nevertheless supplies 
s with much instructive matter. 

No. 19. 
n$tructio data Casari a rev'"'* Campeggio %n dieta Angus- 

tana^ 1530. |[" Instructions " given to the emperor by the 

most reverend Cardinal Campeggio at the diet of Augsburg, 

1530.] MS. Rom. 

Up to this time political affairs had been treated as most 
aportant, but ecclesiastical matters now gradually obtained 



the laiger abare of atientioa. At the Texy eosunenctniBii 
of this change we meet with thait sangmDaiy pzopoeal for ikm 
reduction of Protestantism to the Catholic power of whiekl 
have previously spoken, and which is h&» even callecL an 
" Instruction." 

The cardinal remarks, that in conformity wiih the.pQflligi 
he holds, and with the commission of the ApostoU* See^ ha 
would proceed to set forth the measures which, aceordiBg to 
his judgment, ought to he adopted. 

He descrihes the state of afildrs in the following nanuer^- 
^' In alcuni luoghi della Germania per le suggestioxii £ qwrti 
ribaldi sono abrogati tutti 11 christiabl riti a noi dagJU. aitipU 
santi padri dati : non piu si ministrano li- aacEsmenti). an 
si ossenrano li voti, li matrimonii si confundono e BeUi gsifi 
prohibiti nella legge," &c. &c. ^In certain parts o£ Gsennai^^ 
all the Christian rites which were given to iu» hy tha niMieiit 
holy fathers have been abrogated in accordaiide wxtii the 
suggestions of these scoundrels ; the sacraments are no laoffK 
administered, vows are not observed, marriages are ooBtmoted 
irregularly, and within the degrees prohibited by tihe him}, 
&c. &c., for it would be superfluous to transcribe this «|r«0i- 

He reminds the emperor that ^' this sect" would not p»* 
cure him any increase of power, as he had been proaueed;; and 
assures him of his own spiritual aid in the event of hm adofl- 
ing the counsels suggested. '^ Et io, se saril biaogao^ oon W 
censure e pene ecclesiastiche li proseguirb, non pretemettendo 
oosa a far che sia necessaria, privando li heretiei haaeUtii 
delU beneficii lore e separandoU con le excommnnioaitioiti dal 
cattolico gregge, e Y. Cels. col sue bando imperialje josto a 
{ormidabile li ridurriL a tale e si horrendo esterminio die-orvero 
saranno costretti a ritornare alia santa e cattolica fede OTTez» 
con la loro total ruina mancar delli beni e della vita. .... 
Se alcuni ve ne fossero, che dio nol voglia, li quali obstinata- 
mente perseverassero in questa diabolica via, .... quella 
(Y. M.) potr^ mettere la mano al ferro et al foco et radiioitiis 
extirpare queste male e venenose piante." |~And I, if there 
shall be need, will pursue them with ecclesiastical censures 
and penalties, omitting nothing that it may be needful to do. 
I will deprive the beneficed heretics of their benefices, and 
Tirill separate them by excommunicationa firom the Catiiolie 

Ifob 19iJ]. itmxBafasjJsa» xo bb sslxirpaxbd. 99 

£ook. Tour highness also, with your just and awful imperial 
ban, will subject them to such, and so horrible an extirmination 
ihat either they shall be constrained to return to the holy 
CMihofic fiuih, or shall' be utteriy mined and despoiled both of 
floods and life. And if waj there be, which God forbid, who 
nail obstinately perserere in that diabolical course, .... the 
afiyresaid (your majesty) will then take fire and sword in hand, 
and will radically extirpate these noadous and yenomous 

To tto kings of Enghuod and Franco^ also^ Campeggio pro- 
pawr tlM oosfiaeaMon of all proper^ held by heretics. 

He gemwaliy kee^ hia attention jQxdd, however, on the 
^Aixfk of OermaAy ; a<idi shewa bow it wafr believed that the 
aatinlnn of the tnsadry of Bbaroelooa,. to whi«h he continually 
WODn^ nigite ba in^wpcetedi '^Sand, al proposito, poichie 
flHsik ridfito ornate m^fflii fifl» a eajbtolica inapresa a buono e 
drittp cagniaQ^ die alfiusi giorni dipoi si el^geraiino inquisi- 
tatbooni • saoii, U- qpaU con summa diligentia et assiduity 
vadinft corcaado e<> inqnirwdo^ a'alcuni, quod absit, perse- 
¥>FMnQr(i m ^pieste diaboliche oti heretiche opinioni n^ voles- 
0ero in alcun modo lasciarle, .... et in quel case uano gaati- 
gati e puniti secundo le r^ole e norma che si osserra in 
Spagaa con li Marrani/' pt will be well and to the purpose, 
ihat when this magnificat and Catholic undertaking shall 
have been put firmly and directly on its way, there should be 
<diosen, some few days after, efficient and holy inquisitors, 
who, with the utmost diligence and assiduity, should go about 
seeking and inquiring if there be any (but hv be it from 
tiiem) who persist in these diabolical and heretical opinions, 
nor will by any means abandon them, .... in which case they 
shall be castigated and punished according to the rule and 
practice observed in Spain with re^rd to the Moors.^ 

Happily all were not of this opinion ; nor indeed can such 
recommendations be said to prevail to any great extent in the 
documents that we have examined. 



No. 20. 

Eelatio viri nobilis Antonii Suriani doctoris et equiHi^ qtd 
reversus est orator ex curia Romana^ presentata in col- 
leffio 18 Julii^ 1533. [^Report of the most noble Antonio 
Suriano, doctor and knight, on his return firom an embasfiy 
to the Roman court, presented in the college July 18, 1533.J 
Archiyio di Venetia. 

" Among the most important circumstances," he begins by 
remarking, '^ that ambassadors accredited to princes are bound, 
to observe, are the personal qualities of those sovereigns." 

He first describes the character of Clement YII. He is 
of opinion that if the regularity of this pontiff's life and habits 
be principally considered, his unwearied diligence in giving 
audience and assiduous observance of all ecclesiastical cere-- 
monies, he will be supposed to have a ^' melancholy tem- 
perament ;" but that those who know him well declare him 
to be rather of ^' sanguine temperament," only cold at heart-* 
so that he is very slow to resolve, and readily permits himself 
to be dissuaded from his resolutions. 

^^ lo per me non trovo che in cose pertinenti a state la sia 
proceduta cum grande dissimulatione. Ben cauta : et quelle 
cose che S. S** non vole che si intendano, piu presto le tace che 
dirle sotto false colore." [Fot my own part, I do not think 
that in matters pertaining to the state, his holiness proceeded 
with any great dissimulation, being cautious indeed ; but such 
things as his holiness does not wish to be known, he passes 
over silently in preference to describing them under &l8e 

With regard to the ministers of Clement VII., those to. 
whom the earlier reports allude most frequently, are no longer 
in power — ^they are not even mentioned. Giacopo Salvia^ 
on the other hand, comes prominently forward, holding the. 
principal administration of Romagna and directing the govern- 
ment of the ecclesiastical dominions generally. With respect 
to these matters, the pope relied implicitly on him. It is true 
that the pontiff perceived him to have his own interests too 
constantly in view, and had complained of this even, in 
Bologna, but he permitted him to continue employed in pubiio 


But precisely for that canse Salviati was detested by the 
ler coDnections of the pope. They considered him to stand 
their way ; and when Clement was less liberal to them than 
)y desired, they ascribed it to Salviati. " Pare che suadi 
papa a tener strette le man! n^ li subministri danari 
tundo h lo appetito loro, che h grande di spender e spander." 
b appears to thaaa that he persuades the pope to keep his 
ads closed, and not to furnish them with money according 
their appetite, which is great for spending and dissipating.^ 
But the kinsmen of Clement were also very much at 
riimee among themselves. Cardinal Ippolito Medici would 
ve preferred remaining in a secular state, but the pope did 
b remark, in relation to this matter, that he was ^' a mad 
ril, and did not wish to be a priest." " L'd matto diavolo, 
matto non vole esser prete." [|He is a mad devil, the crazy 
low does not like to be a priest.] It was, nevertheless, 
^o^^gly vexatious to the pope when Ippolito really made 
empts to expel Duke Alexander from Florence. 
Cardinal Ippolito lived on terms of strict friendship with 
) young Catherine de' Medici, who is here called the '' du- 
issina." She was his " cusina in terzo grado, con la quale 
'6 in amor grande, essendo anco reciprocamente da lei 
ato, nh piu in altri lei si confida n^ ad altri ricorre in li 
bisogni e desiderj salvo al dicto cardV [^Cousin, in the 
rd degree, with whom he lives in great affection, being 
lally beloved by her in return ; there is no one in whom 
i more confides, and in all her wants and ^shes she applies 
no one but to the said cardinal.]] 

Suriano describes the child who was destined to hold so 
portant a position in the world as follows : — " Di natura 
lai vivace, monstra gentil spirito, ben accostumata : ^ stata 
ncata e gubemata cum le monache nel monasterio delle 
irate in Fiorenza, donne di molto bon nome e sancta vita : 
)iccola de persona, scarna, non de viso delicate, ha li occhi 
>ssi proprj alia cajsa de* Medici." QHer disposition is lively, 
r character firm and spirited, her manners good. She has 
3n brought up and educated by the nuns of the convent 
Delle Murate," in Florence, ladies of excellent reputation 
d holy life. She is small in person and thin ; her features 
) not delicate, and she has the large eyes peculiar to the 
use of Medici. 

102 HmORT OF THB TO MO * A MWftlX. '[Nofc M, SI. 

Suitors from all quarters presented themeelwee to itedk her 
hand. The dnke of Milan, ihe duke of Mantaa, and Ite kiif 
of Scotland, desired her as their oonsort ; hut TarioiasobjeelioBS 
were made to all these princes : the French marriage ^?B8mt that 
time not jet decided. ^In accordance with his irresolute natate^* 
remarks Suriano, 'Hhe pope speaks sometimes wiih gtmtiB^ 
and sometimes with less earnestness respeotiiig this mirtek.* 

But he thinks that the pontiff is certainly disposed to •cisfr* 
elude the French alliance, in order that he xnay wift tin 
French party in Florence to his own nde. On oilier points 
he treats of the foreign relations of the Plipal See very fititt i y, 
and with much reserve. 

No. 21. 
Relatione di Roma d^ Antonio Swriano, [[Report firam Sobb^ 

hy Antonio Suriano, 1536.^ Foscarini MS. in Yiettu «■! 

Library of St. Mark, Venice. 

The copies of this report are of va.ried date, ^m 1595 to 
1539. The correct date I consider to be 1536 ; ti^ Imkosb 
the emperor's return to Rome is mentioned in the igp o rt ^ 
and this took place in April, 1536; and next, beORUSB mn 
is a letter extant, from Sadolet to Suriano, dated BoBH^ 
Not. 1536, which proYes that the ambassador most liaira left 
tiie papal capital before tiiat date. 

This \a a letter (Epp. Sadoleti, p. 383), of whidi the W- 
port is greatly to the honour of Suriano : ^ MShi ea -^mk 
prsBstitisti qusB vel frater fratri, vel fiHo prsn^tare iadtii^jefll 
pater solet, nuUis meis provocatus officiis." [[Ten len- 
dered to me those good offices which a brother is wont t# lend 
a brother, or a kind fatiier « son, ahhongh nothuig «n vy 
part called forth these services.]] 

Three days after the communication of the pnotodii^ M- 
port, on the 21st of July, 1533, Suriano was again appmled 
ambassador to Borne. 

The new report describee the further pregiess cf thois 
events previonidy alluded to, more partioi^iiy t^ eoMlnaien 
of the French marriage, wliich does not a{»pealr to ]ia^% 4been 
satisfactory to aiU the papal connections. ^ Non Toglio iMBM 
che qnesto matrimonio fu &tto contra ii Telei!6 di CKno. Sid* 
yiati e molto piu della S** Lucretia sua moglie, la quale 



Ml puole ingnriofle si aiwtb di cUssmdere S. S*'."^ [I wiU 
Mit e&aoai. dbt this aaaarriage was contnvcted against the wish 
£ Gnoopo Salvittti; and sSl more against that of the signer^ 
[incretia, his wife, who laboured to dissuade liie pope from it^ 
tnm to the extent of using reproachfol wx>rds.J This was 
U iht lea s faaoattse tJie Sidviati were th^ disposed to ^eiTonr the 
mperialists. Suriano further treats of that remarkable inter- 
riew between the pope and emperor, to which we have already 
riled attention. The pope conducted himself with the utmost 
Miti<m and foiethought, and would hare no written agreement 
mpued. ^ Di tutti li deaderii s'aocommodb Clemente con 
inolB tali obe gli £M)ev«no credere S. S** esser disposta in 
stte alle sat roglie senza pero far pr(mmone alcuna in scarit- 
OM." (XSement lent himself to all that was desired, with 
JTords of SHcii a ^laracter ihttt he made him bdiote his holi- 
nsi to be disposed in all things to his will, but without making 
my atiangeaent in writing.^ The pope wished to have no 
ww st p ome, at least, in Italy ; he desired only to keep the 
mofeinft in oheok : ^'Con questi spaventi asncurarsi del spavento 
fel ooneflio." [Bj means of l^tese fears, to secure himself 
kom the dread of a council.]] 

Ofadnally the council became the principal consideration of 
the papal policy. Suriano discusses the points of view under 
irfaich the Roman court considered this question, in the com- 
mencement of the pontificate of Paul III. Already Schbm- 
berg declared that it would be agreed to only on condition 
^t whatever was brought before it should be first submitted 
bo the pope and cardinals, to be examined, discussed, and 
letennined on in Rome. 



Thb council of Trent, its preliminaries, convocation, twice 
wpeated dissolution, and final assemblage, with all the motives 
contributing to these events, engross a large portion of the 
Uatory of the sixteenth century. Hie immeasurable im^ 
portanee of its effect on the definitive establishment of the 


Oatholic system of £uth, and its relation to that of the Pro* 
testants, I need not here insist on. This conncil fbnns pre- 
cisely the central point of those theological and politaeal 
discords which mark the centnij. 

It has accordingly heen made the subject of two elabonte 
historical delineations, each original, and both in tlienudTW d 
great importance. 

But not only are these works directly opposed to miA 
other, they haye also been made a cause of quarrel bj the 
world, in regard to the historian as well as to hcds re- 
corded. Thus, even to our own times, Paolo Sarpi is leoehred 
by one party as honest and trustworthy, while PaUaTieuii 
is accounted fallacious and unworthy of belief; by the oiher 
party, Pallavicini is declared to merit implicit credence, while 
Sarpi is affirmed to be almost proverbially mendacious. 

On approaching these voluminous works, we are seized with 
a sort of terror. It would be a sufficiently difficult task to 
make oneself master of their contents, even did they tieti 
only of authentic and credible matters ; but how much man 
formidable is that task rendered by the fact that we have to 
be on our guard at every step, lest we should be falsely directed 
by one or the other, and drawn into a labyrinth of intentional 
deceptions I 

It is, nevertheless, impossible to test their authentidty st^ 
by step, by means of facts better known to other authorities; 
for where could impartial information respecting this subject 
be found ? — and even could we find them, fresh folios would 
be required before we could effect a satisfactory investigatioiL 

There is, then, nothing remaining to us but the attempt at 
gaining a clear comprehension of the method pursued by each 
of our authors. 

For we are not to consider all that appears in the works of 
an historian as belonging to himself, more particulariy in 
works so comprehensive and so rich in matter as those in 
question. He receives the great mass of his £Ei.cts from various 
sources, and it is in the mode of treatment to which he 
subjects his materials, and the mastery he obtains over thmn, 
that we first become acquainted with the individual man, who 
is himself the pervading spirit of his work and in whom 
its unity must be sought. Even in these folios, ^m which 
industry itself recoils in terror, the presence of a poet makes 
itself felt. 

Beet IL]] oouNOiL of trbnt-hbabpi. 105 

Vtofia del ConeUio Tridentino di Pietro Soaee Pokmo. 
nOUBtoiy of the Council of Trent, &c.^ The first edition, 
free from extraneous additions. Geneya^ 1629. 

hi was in England, and by the agency of Domini of Spalatro, 
in ttrchbishop conyerted to Protestantism, that this work was 
Sni publish^ Although Fra Paolo Sarpi never acknow- 
9dml himself to be the author, there is yet no doubt that it 
■ dne to him. It may be gathered from his letters that he 
ras occupied with such a history. There is a copy in Venice, 
rbioh he had himself caused to be made, and which has 
onections by his own hand ; and it may be aflfirmed that he 
ras precisely the only man who could, at any time, have 
ompoeed a history such as that now before us. 

Fza Paolo stood at the head of a Catholic opposition to the 
Kype, the hostility of which proceeded originally from political 
notiyes ; but this party held views similar to those of the 
^testants on many points, from having adopted the prind- 
fLes of St. Augustine, and were indeed occasionally charged 
rith Protestantism. 

But Sarpi's work is not to be at once regarded with suspi- 
ion on account of these opinions. The whole world may be 
aid to have been then divided between decided adherents and 
ecided opponents of the council of Trent ; from the former 
here was nothing but eulogy to be expected, from the latter 
othing but reproach. The position of Sarpi was, upon the 
rhole, removed from the influence of both these conflicting 
orties ; he had no inducement to defend the council on every 
toint, nor was he under the necessity of wholly condemning 
b. His position secured to him the possibility of examining 
tassing events with an unprejudiced eye ; it was only in the 
nidst of an Italian Catholic republic that he comd have 
;aihered the materials requisite for that purpose. 

If we desire to attain a correct idea of the mode in which 
lie proceeded to his labour, we must first recal to memory the 
mediods by which great historical works were composed down 
to Sarpi's time. 

Writers had not then imposed on themselves the task either 
of gathering materials into a complete and uniform body, a 
thing always so difficult to do, nor yet of subjecting them to a 
critical examination ; they did not insist on exploring original 


sooroes of information, nor, finally, did they elaborate, If 
intellectual effort, the mass of matter before them. 

How few, indeed, are they who impose on themselyes tUi 
labour, even in the present day. 

At that time, authors were content not only to take those 
authorities which were generally oonndered authentic as Ae 
basis of their histories, but they proceeded further, and ewm 
adopted whole passages, simply comjdeting ihe BamtiM 
where that was practicable, by means of the new msAendi 
which they had brought together and which were inteipelate^ 
at the points requiring them. This done, their principal imK 
then was to give all this matter a regular and unifcMiB stjlei 

It was thus that Sleidan formed Us work out of the doefr 
ments relating to the history of the Refonnation, as he ooriii 
best procure them; these he then linked togeikxit witim) 
much discrimination or critical labour, transforming tiiem I] 
the colouring of his Latinily into one unilbim whole. 

Thuanus has transferred, without scrapie, long p aesiig o i 
from other historians to his own pages. He has tan 
^^ Buchanan's Scottish History," for examjde, has separated it 
yarious parts, and inserted them amidst the different portioni 
of his work. His English history was supplied to him frra 
materials sent by Camden ; the German he takes from Slmdn 
and Chytrseus, the Italian from Adriani, and the Torkiri 
he has borrowed from Busbequius and LeundaTios. 

It is true that this was a method whereby there was bn 
little chance for securing originality, and, as one of its eome 
quences, the reader frequency receives the work of anoUhe 
as that of the author whose na»ie is on ^te title-page. It ha 
been reviyed and again adopted in our own day, more espe 
cially by the writers of French memoirs, who are, indeed 
altogether without excuse, for it should be the peculiar tjbk 
racteristic of these works to communicate the onalteaei 

To retum to Sarpi. In the very oommeBceraeiit of Id 
work he places before us the following undisguised aoooimt o 
his own position. 

^^ It is my purpose to write the History of tlie Oouneil c 
Trent For, though many renowned historians of our ag 
have touched upon separate points theteof in their Tariou 
works, and Johann Sleidan, a very accurate writer, hs 

Sect, n.^ OOUNOIIi OF TBEN1>-^ABPI. 107 

related the preyions causes which gaye rise to it (Me cause 
anteoedenti ') inth infinite diligence, yet were all these mat- 
ters put together, th^ would not present a circumstantial 
narration. As soon as I began to concern myself with the 
iffiurs of mankind, I feh a great desire to obtain a thorough 

I loiowledge of ihat history ; and when I had gathered all that 
I found written regarding it, whether such documents as had 
been printed or those that had been scattered about in manu- 
iiript, I began, to seek further among the papers left by the 

I p!elates and others who had taken part iu the council, and so 
toezBinine such intelligence as they had furnished in regard 
to the matter, with tiie vptes they had given, as recorded 
flither by themselyes or others, and all information transmitted 
hy letters from the city of iSrent at the time of the council. 
u doing this, I have spared no pains or labour, and hare had 
ihe good fortune to procure a sight of whole collections of 
notes and letters from persons who took a large part in those 
negotiations and transactions. When I had thus brought 
together so maoy documents, furnishing more than sufficient 
materials for a nanatiye, I resolved to put them in order and 
brm a connected relation of them." 

Sarpi has here described his position with evident simplicity. 
We see him on the one side placed amidst the historians whose 
accounts he arranges and links together, but which he does not 
find sufiident, and on the other side we perceive him to be 
provided with manuscript materials, from which he completes 
what has been left deficient by his printed auxiliaries. 

Unhappily, Sarpi has not supplied us with a detailed 
enumeration of these authorities, whether manuscript or 
printed, neither had that been the method of his predecessors ; 
he gave his whole care, as they had done, to the purpose of 
weaving a well-ordered agreeable history, and which should 
be complete in itself^ out of the mass of intelligence that he 
had found. 

Meanwhile we are enabled to ascertain of what printed his- 
torians he availed himself, even without requiring these par- 
ticnkurg, and we find that these were for the earlier periods 
Jovius and Guicoiardini ; next Thuanus and Adriani, but 
principally Sleidan, whom he has besides mentioned by name. 
For example, in the whole of his narrative describing the 
state of affiurs at the time of the Interim, and after the trans- 


fer of the coimoil to Bologna, lie liad Sleidan before him. It 
was but in a few instances that he consulted the sonreei 
whence that author had derived his information ; in all other f? 
cases he has nothing but Sleidan. 

It will repay our labour to examine his mode of pioceedipg^ 
and will conduct us a step further in the examination we ban 

He not unfrequentlj gives a direct translation of Sleidan,— 
a free one certainly, but still a translation. In regard to the 
negotiations of the emperor with the princes, for example, u 
touching their preliminary submission to the authority of ths 
council of Trent (Sleidan, lib. xix. p. 50) : — 

^' £t Palatinus quidem territatus fuit etiam, nisi morem ge- 
reret, ob recentem anni superioris offensionem, nti diximiiii» 
cum vix ea cicatrix coaluisset: Mauricius, qui et soceron 
landgravium cuperet liberari et nuper admodum esset anctM '- 
a CsBsare, £Ebciundum aliquid sibi videbat. Itaque cum GsBBtf 
eis prolixe de sua voluntate per internuncios promitteret, et nt 
ipsius fidei rem permitterent flagitaret, illi demum Ootobrii 
die vigesimo quarto assentiuntur. Reliquse solum eraat cItit 
tales; quss magni rem esse periculi videbant snbmittere se 
concilii decretis indifferenter. Cum iis Granvellanas et Ha- 
sius diu multumque agebant ; atque interim fama per nrbem 
divulgata fuit, illos esse prsefractos, qui recusarent id quod 
principes omnes comprobassent : audits quoque fuemnt com- 
minationes, futurum ut acrius multo quam nuper plectantor. 
Tandem fuit inventa ratio ut et Csssari satisfieret et ipfflfl 
etiam esset cautum. Etenim vocati ad Caesarem, at ipsi le- 
sponsa principum corrigant, non suum esse dicunt^ et simul 
scriptum ei tradunt, quo testificantur quibus ipsi conditionibus 
concilium probent. Caesar, eorum audito sermone, per SeU 
dium respondet, sibi pergratum esse quod reliquorum exemplo 

rem sibi permittant et cseteris consentiant." rAnd. 

the Palatine was indeed afraid that unless he complied evil 
might ensue, because of the offence given the year before, of 
which the wound, as we have said, was scarcely closed. Maorioe^ 
also, desiring that his father-in-law, the landgrave, should be 
liberated, and having besides lately received advantages from 
the emperor, perceived that something must be done. Thns 
when the emperor had sent them by his envoys repeated pro- 
mises and assurance of his friendly intention, entreating 1»em 


remit those matters to his good faith, they finallj consented, 
ihe 24th of October. All that remained was the free cities, 
t ihey perceived that it would be a perilous thing for them to 
imit to the decrees of the council without exception. Then 
aayella and Hasius laboured with them for many dajns, and 
the meantime it was declared throughout the city that those 
o refused to yield to what all the princes had approved, 
re to be held refractory ; menaces also were bruited abroad 
the effect that they would be curbed more sharply than 
ore. Finally, a method was discovered by which the 
peror might be satisfied, and which was also safe for 
mselres. When, therefore, they were called before the 
peror, they declared that they did not take it upon them 
correct the response of the princes ; but at the same time 
y presented a document, wherein they had testified under 
at conditions they would approve the council. The emperor 
ing heard their words, replied by means of Sold, that it 
3 pleasing to him that they should follow the example of the 
era^ and agree with the rest to leave the matter with him.3 
ipi, lib. iii. p. 283.) '^ Con Telettor Palatine le preghiere 
evano specie di minacce rispetto alle precedenti offese per- 
late di recente. Verso Mauricio duca di Sassonia erano 
essitiL, per tanti beneficii nuovamente havuti da Cesare, e 
che desiderava liberare il lantgravio suo suocero. Perilche 
mettendo loro Cesare d'adoperarsi che in concilio havessero 
lovuta sodisfattione e ricercandogli che si fidassero in lui, 
Imente consentirono, e furono seguiti dagli ambasciatori 
' elettore di Brandeburg e da tutti i prencipi. Le citt^ 
Lsarono, come cosa di gran pericolo, il sottomettersi in- 
erentemente a tutti i decreti del concilio. II Granvela 
otib con gli ambasciatori loro assai e longamente, trattan- 
li anco da ostinati a ricusar quelle che i prencipi havevano 
iprobato, aggiongendo qualche sorte di minacce di condan- 
Bfli in somma maggiore che la gi^ pagata : perilche final- 
Lte furono costrette di condescendere al voler di Cesare, 
rvata per5 cautione per Tosservanza delle promesse. Onde 
mate alia presenza dell' iroperatore, et interrogate se si 
formavano alia deliberatione de' prencipi, risposero che 
ibbe state troppo ardire il loro a voler correggere la risposta 

Srencipi, e tutti insieme diedero una scrittura contenente le 
itioni con che avrebbono ricevuto il concilio. La scrittura 


f«L rioe^nta ma non lett% ^ per nomtt di Ceove dal> sao» 
cellario fnrono lodati ohe ad oeBempio d^i aliri bayjQ 
rimesso il tatto all' imperaAoie e fidofaim di Ini : e L'ia 
imperatore fece dimostratione d'haveiio molto gsmto. 
rnna e Taitra parte vdeva easer inganniMha." [IGntn 
to tbe Elector Palatine were a kind of meoaoe^ oa aoc 
of his recent offences, which, had been lately pacdo 
in the case of Maurice, duke of Saxony bJao, iheiB 
a necessity for compliance, because of the many b« 
that he had just receiyed from the emperor, and ako b^i 
he desired to liberate the landgiaye, his £aiheihin-daw. 
which causes^ and on the emperor s promising them thf 
would take measures to secure them all doe satisfaetiQi^ 
the council, at the same time that he leqiuested tbem tx^ 
fide in him, they ultimately consented to^ do so, and 
followed by the ambassadors of the elector of Bzadajdenl 
and all the other princes. The cities refui»d, coneidoriiii 
dangerous thing to submit themselyes indifferently to* m 
decrees of the council. Granvella negotiated muoli» ai 
great length with their ambafisadors, charging them n 
with obstinacy for refusing to agree to that which bad 
approyed by the princes, adding a sort of threat tha^ 
should be condemned in a larger amount than that ab 
paid. Wherefore they were finally compelled to yidbl tc 
emperor's will, but taking caution, neyerthdess, tor the 
seryance of the promises. Then, being called into tb% 
sence of the emperor, and questioned bb to whether they n 
oonform to the resolution of the princes, they rejdiea tt 
would be too bold in them to wish to correct the answw « 
princes, and together with this, they gaye in a writing con] 
ing the conditions on which they would be willing to iw 
the council. The paper was receiyed but not read; and 
were commended by the chancellor, in the emperor's m 
for haying remitted all to the emperor, and confided tl 
selyes to him according to the example of the others: 
emperor himself also made a show of being much pleased 
this. Thus both parties chose to be deceiyed.] 

Eyen in this translation it is obyious that Sarpi does 
adhere with strict truth to the facts laid before him. ] 
not affirmed by Sleidan that Granyella threatened tibe oil 
what the German describes as a mere common ramoQi^ 

Sect. II.3 CQUirciL of trsnt — sabpi. ill 

Italian pnts into the month of the vunister. The expedient 
adopted in the matter of the cities la more clearly expressed 
HI '&e oziginal than in the translation, and as in ihia instance, 
ao it is in innnmerahle other passages. 

If that were aU, there would be nothing further to remark; 
the xeader would merely require to bear constantly in mind 
that be had a somewhat arbitrary paraphrase of Sleidan before 
kim : bat we occasionally meet with alterations of a more 
iwpertant diaxaoter. 

In the first place, Sarpi had not acquired an accurate idea 
ef the constitution of the empire ; he has, in hcty always in 
kis thoughts a constituiion consisting of three estates, — ^the 
clergy, the temporal soyereigns, and the cities. He not unfre- 
qnently altera the expressions of his author, for the purpose 
of bringing them into harmony with his own peculiar and 
erroneous conception of the matter. Sleidan, for example 

gb. XX. p. 108), discusses the votes given in respect of the 
iterimr in the three colleges. 1. In the electoral college. 
The three ecclesiastical electors are in its fieiyour, the three 
leealar electors are opposed to it : '' Reliqui tres electores non 
quidem ejus erant sententise, Palatinus imprimis et Mauricius, 
yemm uterque causas habebant cur CsBsari non admodum 
leolamarent." [|It is true that the other three electors were not 
of that opinion, especially the Palatine and Maurice ; but both 
had causes for not dissenting from the will of the emperor.]] 
2. By the college of princes : '' CsBteri principes, qui maxima 
parte sunt episcopi,eodem modo sicutMoguntinus atque coUegse 
lesfiondent." [|The other princes, who are for the most part 
bishops, reply in the same manner with Mayence and his 
eoUeaguea^ 3. '^ Civitatum non ita magna fuit habita ratio." 
[Of the cities no great account was taken.] Now, from this 
Sarpi makes what follows (lib. iii. p. 800) : the votes of the 
three ecclesiastical electors he gives as Sleidan has done, but 
proceeds thus : ^^ Al parer de'quali s accostarono tutti i vescovi : 
i prencipi secolari per non oflendere Cesare tacquero : et a 
lore esempio gli ambasciatori delle citt^ parlarono poco, nk di 
quel poco fu tenuto conto." [|To the opinion of whom, all the 
bishops attached themselves : the temporal princes remained 
silent, that they might not offend the emperor ; and, led by 
their example, the ambassadors of the cities spoke little, nor 
was any account made of that little.] Thus, what Sleidan ha^ 


said of two electors, is here extended to all the tonporal prinoeBi 
The bishops are made to appear as if giving their votes semh 
ratoly, and all the odium is thrown upon them. The high im* 
portance to which the council of the princes of the empire had 
at that time attained, is completely misunderstood. Even in the 
passages cited above, Sarpi affinns that the princes had gone 
over to the opinion of the electors ; while the &ct was, that 
thej had already expressed a decision of their own, which 
differed from that of the electoral princes on very many points. 

But it is of still higher moment that Sarpi, whilst adopting 
the statements he finds in Sleidan, and inserting them to- 
gether with statements which he finds elsewhere, and whieh 
he extracts or translates, has also interwoven his own remazks 
and observations through the whole course of the narrative.. 
Let us examine the nature of these, for this is extremely 

For example, the worthy Sleidan (lib. xx. p. 58) repeatBy 
without the least suspicion, a proposal of the bishop of Trent^ 
wherein three things are demanded : the reinstation of the' 
council in Trent, the dispatch of a legate into Germany, and 
a regulation, fixing the manner in which proceedings should be 
continued, in the event of a vacancy occurring in the papal 
see. This^ Sarpi translated literally, but interpolates the 
following remark : '' The third requisition was added, " he 
says, '' to remind the jpope of his advanced age, and his ap«^ 
preaching death, that he might thus be rendered more com- 
pliant and disposed to greater concessions, for he would surely 
not wish to leave the resentment of the emperor as a legacy ' 
to his successor.*' 

Such is the spirit of his observations throughout the work :. 
they are steeped in gall and bitterness, one and all. ^'The 
legate summoned the assembly, and gave his opinion first ; for 
the Holy Spirit, which is wont to move the legates in accord- 
ance with the wishes of the pope, and the bishops in accordance 
with those of the legates, inspired them on this occasion in his 
usual manner." 

According to Sleidan, the Interim was sent to Rome,-— ^for 
there was still something conceded to the Protestants in it'' 
According to Sarpi, the German prelates insisted- on this; 
^' for," says he, '^ they have labonred from old times to main- 
tain the papal authority in reverence, because this was the 


only ooanterpoise that could be presented to that of the em- 
peror, which they could Dot withstand but with the aid of the 
pope, especially u the emperor should once compel them to do 
iheir duty according to the practice of the primitive Christian 
ehoTch, and should seek to restrain the abuses of the so-called 
ecclesiastical liberty within due limits." 

It is obvious that Sarpi differs widely, upon the whole, 
from the compilers who preceded him. The abstract that he 
makes, the epitome he gives, is full of life and spirit In 
despite of the foreign material that he works on, his style has 
an easy, pleasant, and agreeable flow ; nor does the reader 
perceive the points of transition, when he passes from one 
aatbor to another. But with these qualities there is, without 
donbt connected, the fact that his narration assumes the 
eolour of his own opinions : his systematic opposition to the 
Roman court, his ill-will or his hatred to the papacy, are 
constantly apparent, and so much the greater is the effect 

But Paolo Sarpi had, as we have seen, materials wholly 
different from any to be found in printed authorities; and from 
these it is that by far the most important part of his work 
has been derived. 

He has himself distinguished the " interconciliary " and 
preliminary events from the proper history of the council. 
He tells us that he desires to treat the former more in the 
manner of an annual register, or book of annals ; the latter in 
that of a diary. He has also made another difference, which 
consists in this, that for the former he has for the most part 
adhered to the well known and current authors ; while for the 
latter, on the contrary, he has drawn from new sources, and 
used original documents. 

The question first, in regard to these authorities, is, of what 
kind and nature they were. 

And in reference to this, I cannot believe that he could 
obtain much information as to particulars from such a man 
as Oliva, secretary to the first legate sent to the council ; or 
from Ferrier, French ambassador to Venice, who was also at 
the council. With respect to Oliva, indeed, Sarpi has com- 
mitted a great error, since he describes him as leaving the 
council before he really did so. The French documents 
were very soon printed. The influence of these men, who 



belonged to tlie malcontent party, with Sarpi, eonnst^d in 
this, that they confinned and strengthened ^e ayezsion W 
felt to the connciL The Venetian oolleotions, on the oiha 
hand, saj^lied him with the original acts and dociunraite is 
great number and completeness : letters of the legates, for 
example, as those of Monte ; notes of secret agents^ much ta 
Yisconti ; reports of the nuncios, Chieragato, for ezafnpk; 
circumstantial diaries, that bad been kept at the eomieil ; tkt 
'' Lettere d'Avisi," and other memoriaLs in Tast luimbevi, «ad 
more or less authentic Sarpi was ia this respect so hif^ 
nate, that he had opportunity for availing himself of sont 
documents which have never since come to li^t, and wUdk 
PaUavicini, notwithstanding the important and extoMit 
aids afforded him, was not able to procore. For these, thi 
inquirer into history must have reoourso to the pag9s of Saxpi 
through all time. 

There now remains only the question of how he emplejrrf 
these materials. 

He has, without doubt, directly transferred some povtwui 
of them to his own work, with very slight modificajtkmi 
Courayer assures us, that he had held in his handa a mwuh 
script report on the congregations of the year 1569> whielika4 
been used and almost copied by Sarpi : ^' Que notre histoiieii 
a consults, et presque copi^e mot pour mot." 

I have in my possession a manuscript ^' Histovia del 8t 
Concilio di Trento scritta per M. Antonio Milledonne^ See(. 
Yeneziano, which was also known to Foscarini (I^tt. YeMt 
i. p, 351) and to Mendham, by a contemporary and wett< 
informed author, and this, notwithstanding its extreme Vrevity, 
is by no means unimportant, in relation to the later sittivgl 
of the council. 

Now, I find that Sarpi has occEtsionally adopted ibis mapn- 
script word for word. For example, Milledonne says : '^ H 
senate di Norimbergo rispose al nontio Delfino^ che nen em per 
partirsi dalla conlessione Augustana, e che non aocottava il coih 
cilio, come quelle che non aveva le conditioni rieercate da* pro* 
teetanti. Simil risposta feoero li senati di Argentina e Frane- 
fort al medesimo nontio D^no. H senate di Augusta e quello 
di Olma risposero, che non potevano separarsi dalli altri che tene- 
vano la oonfessione Augustana." The following are the words of 
Sarpi (p. 450) : ^' H noncio Delfino nel ritomo espeae il suo 

lift ULJi aomGUi of trbnt— aAiura. lis 

m», ki £Tez88 oittiL Dal senato di Norixaberg hebbe m- 
ifl8t^ Gh» non era per partirsi dulla confesBbne Angi]0tan% e 
he non accetteril il ooncilio, come qnello che non hareya oon- 
Stioni xioeiijBafce da' protestaotL Simili lisposte ^ feoeio li 
apMlji d'Aigeatipa e di FouiGfort. II senato d' Augusta e 
meXLo d'Obmfc xiqposeio, chenon poteyano sepaiarsi dagli altri 
he tengOBO b lor oonftssione." ^The senate of Nviembeig 
Iflied to il» noncio Delfino^ that thej would not separate 
btpoaelTeafrom tibe Confession of Augsbnrff, and did not acoept 
}m Qoonci]^ because the conditions required by the Protestants 
■4 Bot been accepted. The senates of Strasbnrg and Frank* 
Kl laade 1dm a oaiilar reply. The senates of Augsburg and 
C TJlm^ also, declared that thej would Q»t separate themselyes 
Bcm tLs others who hidd the GonJfessbn of Augsbnig.]| * 

Supi re&ains from following Milledonne th^e odj where 
Im htter has used terms of praise^ eyen though these eulogies 
ie w1k>1]t nnprqfudieed. 

Thus MilledoBne remarks^ that ^^ II C^ Gonzaga prattico di 
j8||iotii di stato per ayer goyemato il ducato di Mantoya 
iMti aom doppo b morte del duca suo £ratello fino che li 
lepoti erano sotto tutela^ gentiluomo di bell' aspetto, di buona 
ceanaa, Hbero e schietto nel parlare, di buona mente, inclinato 
1 bene. Seripando era Napolitauo^ arciyescoyo di Salerno, 
rate eremitano, grandissimo teologo, persona di ottima cos- 
iensa e di singolar bont^ desideroso del bene uniyersale della 
hristianitiL" [[Cardinal Gonzaga l» well yersed in affairs of 
bttte, from haying goyemed the duchy of Milan many years 
Aer the death of the duke, his brother, and while his nephews 
reve in their minority. He is a gentleman of handsome pre- 
9nee, and elegant manners, frank and simple in speech, of 
pri^t mind and good dis^position. Seripando, archbii^op of 
alemo, is a Neapolitan and an Eremite friar ; he is a most 
cofound theologian, exceedingly conscientious, and singularly 
ind-hearted; he sineerdy desires the uniyersal welfare of 

Sarpi is much more reseryed and frugal of praise in regard 
I these men : he remarks, for example, '^ Destinb al concilio 
"ra Girolamo, C^ Seripando, theologo di molta £una" [He 

* Tlie translation here g^Ten is of the passage from Milledonne. The 
ftrences in Sarpi are simply Terbal, and would scarcely be appreciable in 
trnnslation. — Tr. 

I 2 


selected for the council Fra Girolamo, Cardinal Seripando, a 
theologian of much renown^* That he considers to be. 

The letters of Visconti, which Sarpi had before him, were 
subsequently printed, and we perceive, on comparing them 
with his pages, that he has in some places kept very close to 
them. We have one example of this in yoL ii. p. 174, of 
Visconti, Lettres et Negotiations :— " Ci sono poi stati alconi 
Spagnuoli, li quali parlando dell' istituzione de' vescovi e della 
residenza haveyauo havuto ordine di affirmare queste opinioni 
per vere come li precetti del decalogo. Segovia segui in queste 
due materie Topinione di Granata, dicendo chera veriti 
espressa la residenza ed istituzione delli vescovi essere de jura 
divino e che niuno la poteva negare, soggiungendo che tanto 
pid si dovea fare tal dichiarazione per db«nnare Topinione de 
gli heretici che tenevano il contrario. Guadice, Aliffi e Monte- 
marano con molti altri prelati Spagnuoli hanno aderito 
air opinione di Granata e di Segovia ; m& piacque al signore 
dio che si fecero all' ultimo di buona risoluzione." [But some 
of the Spaniards who were there had received orders to affirm, 
in speaking of the institution of bishops and of residence, 
that these opinions were as true as the precepts of the 
Decalogue. On these two questions Segovia foUowed the 
opinion of Granada, declaring it to be an obvious truth that 
the residence and institution of bishops was of divine i^poinir 
ment, and that no one could deny it ; adding, that it was all 
the more needful to make such a declaration in order to con- 
demn the opinion of the heretics who held the contrarjr 
Cadiz, AlifPe, Montemarano, and many other Spanish prelateff 
adhered to the opinion of Segovia and Granada, but it pleased 
Gt)d that they should ultimately come to a right deter- 

Then follows Sarpi, viii. 753 : — " Granata disse, esser cosa 
indegna haver tanto tempo deriso li padri trattando del fonda- 
mento dell' instituzione de' vescovi e poi adesso tralasciandoki 
e ne ricercb la dichiarazione de jure divino, dicendo maia- 
vegliarsi perche non si dichiarasse un tal punto verissimo et 
in£dlibile. Aggionse che si dovevano prohibire come heretici 
tutti quel libri che dicevano il contrario. Al qual parer adheii 
Segovia^ affermando che era espressa veritsi che nissuno potem 
negarla, e si doveva dichiarare per dannare Topenione degii 


heretici the teneyano il contrario. Segaiyano anco Guadice, 
Aliffe et Monte Marano con gli altii prelati Spagnnoli, 
de' quali alcnni dissero, la loro openione esser cosi yera come 
li precetti del decalogo." [Granada declared that it was an 
unworthy thing to haye so long derided the fathers, by bring- 
ing the ^ndamental principle of the institution of bishops into 
question, and afterwards entirely neglecting it ; he required a 
declaration of diyine right, afiirming that he maryelled where- 
fore they had not maintained that point to be most true and 
infallible. He added, that they ought to prohibit as heretical 
all books that should assert the contrary. To which opinion 
Segoyia adhered, declaring that it was manifest truth, that 
none could justly deny it, and that it ought to be affirmed, for 
the purpose of condemning the opinion of the heretics who 
hdd the contrary. Then followed also, Cadiz, Aliffe, and 
Montemarano, with the other Spanish prelates, of whom some 
maintained that their opinion was as true as the precepts of 
the Decalogue.] 

We perceiye that Sarpi was no common transcriber, and 
the more we compare him with his sources, the more we 
become conyinced of the talent he possessed for completing 
the connection of his materials, and for giving force and 
elevation to the manner of his authorities by some slight turn 
of expression. But equally obvious are the efforts he makes 
to strengthen all impressions unfavourable to the council. 

His unprinted sources are treated precisely in the same 
manner with his printed materials; nor could we indeed 
expect that it should be otherwise. 

But it will be readily perceived that this method has occa- 
sionally much influenced his mode of presenting matters of 
fact. This appears among other instances in his account of 
ihe most important of the German religious conferences, — 
that held at Ratisbon in 1541. 

He here again follows Sleidan, and very closely ; he had 
also, without doubt, the report which Bucer drew up in rela- 
tion to this conference before him. 

But in his mode of using these German authorities he 
again commits the same faults. The states twice returned 
replies to the proposals of the emperor in this diet, and each 
time they were divided among themselves. The electoral 
college was fiivourable to the emperor s purpose ; the college 


of princes was opposed to it But tliere was a fnAer 
differenoe, namely, that the princes ga,ve way the first time^ 
and did not do so on the second occasion ; on the eentnify, thqr 
retained a dissentient reply. 

Sleidan sedus to explain the opposition of the e6tlegb of 
princes by remarking that tliere were so many hishops ameor 
its members,— ^ertunly a very important pcnnt as negaiml 
the constitution of the empire. But Saipi completiOT ds- 
stroys the essential meaning of this passage by persistntf hi 
calling the college of princes directly *^ bishops." %ieaDig 
of the first reply, he says, ^I yeseoyi rifintarono'' [Ae 
bishops refused] ; of the second, ^^ I yesoori, eon aloai 
pochi prencdpi cattolici " [the bishops, with some few Oallio- 
Uc princes] ; whereby, as we haye said, he compleftely ndi- 
represents the constitution of the empire. 

But we will not dwell farther on this point The pxindmd 
question is, in what manner he used those secret sonroes Inat 
were attainable to himself only, and which he might yentoxe 
to belieye wonld long remain unknown. 

Towards the history of that diet, he had the InstnictioBB 
giyen to Contarini, and which Cardinal Quirini afUnrwards 
caused to be printed, also from a Venetian manosoript 

And here wo haye first to remark, that what Saipi fbimd 
in the Instructions he has interwoyen here and there into the 
conferences held between the legate and the emperor. 

We find in the Instructions for example :— ^ Eos articoloB 
in quibas inter se conyenire non possunt, ad nos remittant, 
qui in fide boni pastoris et uniyersalis pontifids dabimns 
operam ut per uniyersale concilium yel per aliquam yiun 
soquiyalentem, non prsecipitanter, sed mature quemadmodum 
res ta;nti momenti exigit, finis his controyersiis imponatur, et 
remedium quod his malis adhibendum est quam diutasfi&ne 
perdurare possit." [Those articles with respect to whidi they 
cannot agree among themselyes, let them remit to us, and we^ 
on the futh of a good pastor and as uniyersal pontifE^ will me 
then due labour, either by a general council or by some wbex 
equiyalent method, to see that an end be put to these contro- 
yersies, not precipitately, but after mature consideration, and 
as a work of so much moment demands, to the efifect that the 
remedy which is to be applied to these eyils shall endure as 
long as may be.] 

SWst II.3 MtTNtn. Of tBX!9T-«H9AltPI. 11^ 

8ii:^ mtken Cdntasini require, ^ ogni «osa m mandaase ftl 
p«f% fl <9m1 jpvom^tteva in feie tli l>a<m paBt(»ie «t oniyenMito 
foateioe ^ fue idie il tatto fosse deteraunato pet nn <xmcS&o 
geaeiMle o feir «ltta via ^mvalefite oon sineeiitii ^ ocm nisstia 
«bl^ huMMK), fton 00a |M^pitMS iM matttnunettte" Piiiat 
•raqr tiii]fl« ahduld be rafert«d to tiie pope, wlio promisM, on 
An fiuth of a good partor imd as universal poonlE^ to secare 
ttnfe all AMdd ^ dtitennined by a geiMeMhl ocmnoil, or bVBoxne 
Mnivalmt menm^ witb iq^^tness and uritkoot bias of ntnnan 
aBbotiol^•-Haetpl^pltately, bnt uMtniely]. 

ik aneHver pkoe the Instructions proceed as f oHows : ^ Si 
Miiietfi ab initio pontificatns nostri, nt fsbdlins hoc rriigionis 
ttBNkliotft in ptntMaan conoorc^atti redacerettu*) pnotnton cnris- 
lianoii principes ad veram pacem et co^cicordiam per lit&nun 
et votttiM nofiib!os ssBpiscdme ho^itati sunns; vnoz cb banc 
eandem cansam concilium generale .... christianis r^bnis et 
ffeKMSpibBS «tiani per proprioe nnmfiofe significavinns .... 
MWdtoyie i& Cl^emania r^gionis c»asa non ta, qna deonfk 
a»cteritate m nostram, nd qaam rialigionis jndicittift cognitio et 
ettamen «pectat, veverentia tracfeari et fieri, non absque gravi 
dolcM lAi&i ifftelleximns ; turn temporam conditione moti, 
tmn Chtibsaesd «t regisB majestatum vel camm oratomm pollid- 
tationHyiEiB persnasi^ quod ea quae hie fiebant boni alici^ns inde 
tecntnri causa fierent, partim patientes tulimus," &c. [Where* 
fore, from ihe beginning of our* ponti^ate, to the end that 
this rel^ions dissension might ^ more easily be brought 
back to the primitave concord, — ^first, we very frequently ex- 
horted the Christian princes to peace and true agreement by 
letters and by our nuncios ; afterwards, for that same cause, a 
general council was ngnified by ns to Christian kings and 
princes, even by our own nuncios. Many tMngs were treated! 
aod done in Germany on account of religion, without that 
reverence which is due to our authority, whereunto belongs 
llie cognizance, examination, and judgment of aH things apper- 
iliidng to religion, the which we have understood not with-- 
Mt li«avy sorrow of heart. Yet, moved by the state of the 
thiies, and by the promises and assurances of imperial and 
royal sovereigns or their ambassadors, that the things there 
dene had been done for the sake of some good end that was 
to follow, we have patiently borne for a time, StcJ] 

Sarpi adds to this • ** Sicome la S** S. nel principio del ponti- 


ficato per questo medesiino fine haveya mandate ietfcere • 
nuntii a' piencipi per oelebrar il concilio, e poi intimatolo^ • 
mandate al luogo i saoi legati, e che se hayeva sopportato dbs 
in Germania tante volte s'hayesse parlato delle cose della le- 
]igione con poca riyerentia dell' antoritH sua, alia quale sola 
spetta trattarle, Thayeva fatto per essergli dalle M^ S. data 
intentione e promesso che cio si faceya per bene.** f As his 
holiness in the beginning of his pontificate had for this yery 
Dau9e sent letters and nuncios to princes for the conyocation of 
a council, and afterwards signified the place and sent his 
legates to it, so if he had endured that religion and its con- 
cerns should so often have been spoken of in Crermanjr with 
little reverence towards his authority, to which it belongs to 
treat of them, he had done so because his majesty had given 
him assurance and promises that this was done for a good 

We have said enough to shew that the declarations which 
Sarpi puts into the mouth of Contarini are taken directly 
from the Instruction itself; and when we are once mam 
aware of how the matter stands, we can readily excuse him ; 
yet it is not to be denied that truth is sometimes placed in 
jeopardy by this method of proceeding. The legate received 
instructions constantly altered to meet the exigences arising 
from daily changes in the course of events. Sarpi represents 
him as proposing reasons for referring to Rome only the 
points on which no agreement had been come to, at a time 
when it was required in Rome that all should be submitted to 
the approbation of the Roman court, not excepting even 
those points on which the parties had already agreed. 

But to this first departure from his authority, where he has 
applied the words of an Instruction to a case for which they 
were never intended, he adds others of still greater importance. 
The pope declares himself in the Instructions to be strongly 
opposed to a national council : '' Majestati CsesaresB in memo' 
riam redigas, quantopere concilium illud sit semper detestabH 
cum alibi tum BononisB palam diceret nihil seque pemieioeom 
fore et apostolical et imperiali dignitatibus quam Germanornm 
nationale concilium, ilia nulla meliore via quam per genenle 
concilium obviam iri posse confiteretur : quin imo etiam S. M. 
post Ratisbonensem dietam anno d°^ 1532 habitam pro sua 
singulari prudentia omni studio semper egit ne qua impenaliB 


ieta bactenus sit celebrata ac ex ea occasione ad concilinm 
ationale deyemretar." [^Yon will recal to the memory of 
18 imperial majesty bow much he always detested that comicil, 
ad as well at Bologna as elsewhere, and said that nothing 
yuld be equally pernicious to the apostolical and to the im- 
eriai dignity as a national council of the Grermans. He con- 
sBsed also that there was no better way to avoid this than a 
eneral council ; and furthermore, that his majesty, after the 
iet of Ratisbon in 1532, had ever laboured, as was to be 
Kpected from his singular prudence, to prevent the holding 
f any imperial diet from that time forth, lest from that 
nperial diet there should arise occasion for a national 

This also Sarpi gives literally, and even cites it as taken 
rem the Instruction, but still with a remarkable addition : 
' Che raccordasse all' imperatore quanto egli medesimo havesse 
etestato il concilio nationale essendo in Bologna, conoscen- 
loIo pemicioso alF autorit^ imperiale : poiche i sudditi preso 
nimo dal vedersi concessa potest!, di mutare le cose della reli- 
;ione pensarebbono ancora a mutare lo stato : e che S. M. 
lopo il 1532 non volse mai pii^ celebrare in sua presenza dieta 
mperiale per non dar occasione di domandar concilio na- 
ionale." [^That be should remind the emperor how much he 
lad himself detested the national council when he was at 
Bologna, as knowing it to be pernicious to the imperial au- 
.hority; because subjects, taking courage from finding them- 
lelves granted power to change afiairs of religion, would next 
;hink of changing matters of state ; so that his majesty, after 
1532, would never more have an imperial diet held in his 
)resence, that he might not give occasion for demanding a 
lational council.] 

Who could avoid supposing from this that the emperor had 
limself expressed the idea of a nation readily changing the 
:orm of. its government, when once it had altered that of its 
:«ligion ? Yet, on this point, I cannot believe the author 
simply on his own assertion ; nothing of the kind is to be 
found in the Instruction : it is, indeed, a thought that did not 
obtain currency in the world until after the events of a later 

I do not think my criticism will appear too minute. How 
shall we ascertain whether a writer speaks the truth or not. 


except by comparing him with the original antiieritiee that he 
has had before him ? 

And I discover a deviation still more in^KUftant than 4hiMS 
that we have already obserred. 

Even in the first conference that he desd^bee as takkg 
place between the emperor uid Oontarini, we find Idm inteik 
weaving the words of the Instmction--^hose important woril 
to which we have already referred. 

The pope excuses himself for not having given to thi 
cardinal so full and extensive an autiioritf as Ae emp«rorttl 
king desired to see him invested wim. ^'Primnm, ^pk 
videndnm imprimis est, an protestantes .... in piiatj^ 
nobiscum conveniant, cujnsmodi est hujus sanctsd sMI 
primatus tanqnam a Deo et Salvatore nostro instxtntaa, aMioa 
ecdesisd sacramenta, et alia qmedam quae tam SM^aiwn El^ 
faram anctorifcate turn universalis eco^» petpetna ob sfl t v a- 
tione hactenns observata et comprobata fuere et iihi notii $m 
bene scimus : qnibus statim initio admissis onmis snper aKb 
controversiis concordia tentaretnr." QFirst^ beooase k fi% 
before all, to be seen whether the Protestants will agM 
with us in our most essential principles, of whieh kind aM 
these ; that the primacy of this holy seat was iitttitntod \fj 
God himself and by our Saviour ; those concerning the briV 
sacraments of the church, with certain other matten wkm 
have been alwa3rs observed and approved, as well by tk 
authority of holy writ as by the perpetual observance ot the 
church, and wi^ which we know you to be well aoqnainted; 
if these things were at once admitted &om the beginning, m 
argument might be attempted on all other points of oonftto- 

Sarpi makes Coutarini say, '' Che S. S** gli aveva did 
ogni potestil di concordare co' protestanti, purche essi amm^ 
ino i prindpii, che sono il primato deUa sede apostolitt 
instituito da Christo, et i sacramenti sicome sono insecttirti 
nella chiesa Boraana, e le dltre eose determinate nella Mb 
di Leone, oflferendosi nolle altre cose di dar ogni sodisfiiittioK 
alia Gbrmania." [^That his holiness had given htm all pow«i 
to agree with the Protestants, provided they would admit th 
first principles, which were, the primacy of the Apostolic S6< 
instituted by Chrii^, and the othet th%ng9 determined in thi 
hull of LeOy offering, in respect of all other questions, to givn 
full satisfaction to Germany.]] 

Seot n.3 oewoiL of trbnt— sarpi. 123 

We 4ne how great a difFeronce is here ; it was in the vague 
and undefined character of the pope's words that the only 
possibility of an amicable issue lay. The conference could 
haVB had no tx>noeiTable object if this expedient had not left 
it the prospect of such an issue ; but in Supi this is alt<^ther 
done away with. The pope is not merely desiring ^^ qusedam 
^MB tibi nota esse bene scimns," but opeidy demands the 
xeoogaition of the decrees contuned in Leo's bull, the 
wndenmation, that is, of the Lutheran tenets: this was a 
Aang which was utterly impracticable. 

Sivpi wiJl by no aaeans acknowledge that the Papal See gave 
ftoof of a disposition to conciliatory measures of any kind 
whatever. According to him, Contarini was oompelled to 
wm&rt tiie papal authority in its most rigorous forms. In Sarpi, 
Oootaiini begins at once with the dectoation that *^ the pope 
conld by no means share the power of deciding on donbt^l 
peints of faith with any person whatsoever ; to him, alone, 
WB8 the privilege of ii&llibility accorded, in the words ^^ I 
lobve prayed for thee, Peter" [TSgo rogavi pro te, Petre] ; 
natten oonoeming which, in the Instructions at leasts there is 
not a word to be found. 

Upon the whole, Sarpi considered the papacy in the light 
nroper to his times. After the restoration was accomplished, it 
be^me much more despotic and inflexible than it had been 
during the times of its danger and depression. But it was in 
its plenitude of power and in the perfection of its self- 
confidence that it stood before the eyes of Sarpi. He trans- 
ferred to eariier times what he perceived and felt in his own : 
all the information he obtained, all the documents that passed 
through his hands, were interpreted in this spirit, which was 
entirely natural to him, and was derived from the position held 
by his native city, and by his party in that city, as also from 
his own personal condition. 

We have yet another historical work by Paolo Sarpi, and 
which relates to the dissensions between Rome and Venice in 
the year 1606 : " Historia particolare delle cose passate tra '1 
summo pontefice Paolo V. e la Ser^ Rep* di Venetia ; Lion, 
1624." This is written, for the most part, in a similar spirit. 
It is a masterly delineation, and, upon the whole, is true ; still 
it is a party work. With regard to those dissensions existing 
among the "Venetians themselves, which broke forth on that 
occasion and formed so important a characteristic oi \aWvx 


domestic history, there is little or nothing to be Jbnnd io 
Sarpi. To judge from what he says, it would appear ibit 
there was but one opinion in Venice; he is continoallj 
speaking of the '' princeps," by which name he designates tlu 
Venetian government. The employment of this fiction scaroelj 
permits him to attain to any very minute or exact representa- 
tion of internal relations. He glides very lightly oyer eaxk 
things as were but little to the honour of Venice,— oyer thai 
peculiar case mentioned in the text of the delivering up of tibe 
prisoners, for example, — speaking as if he did not know wh;|^ 
they were first given up to the ambassador, and then, with a 
difierent form of words, to the cardinal. Nor does he mentioe 
the fact that the Spaniards were favourable to the exdnaoo 
of the Jesuits. He had vowed an implacable hatred to both, 
and will not give himself the trouble to remark that theii 
interests were on this occasion at variance. 

It is much the same with his Histoiy of the Council ; tk 
original authorities, the sources of information, are collected 
with diligence, elaborated carefully, and used with the higheaf 
intelligence. Neither can we affirm that they are falsified, oi 
that they are frequently and essentially perverted ; but the 
oonduct of the work is in the spirit of a decided oppositi<m. 

By this method, Sarpi laid open a new path. To what bad 
been mere compilation, he gave the unity of a general and 
definite tendency. His work is disparaging, reproachful, and 
hostile. It is the first example of a history in which the whok 
development of the subject is accompanied by unceasing cen- 
sures. The character of his work is far more decided in ihii 
respect- than that of Thuanus, who first made a slight ap- 
proach to that manner Wherein Sarpi has found innumerahu 

Istoria del Condlio di Trento scritta dot Padre Sforza Pd' 
lamcino delta Compagnia di Gesu^ 1664. [^History of thi 
Council of Trent, written by Father Sforza Pallavicini, d 
the Company of Jesus^ 1664.] 

A book like the " History " of Sarpi, so richly fumisbec 
with details never before made known, so full of spirit am 
sarcasm, treating of an event so important, and one of whid 
the consequences exercised a commanding influence on thos( 


timesy could not £ to produce the deepest impression. The 
ficst edition appeared in 1619, and hetween that year and the 
Tear 1622, four editions of a Latin translation had been pub- 
Hahed. There were, besides, a Oerman and a French trans- 
lation. The court of Rome was the more earnestly deter- 
mined to have this work refuted, from the fact that it con- 
teined many errors which were immediately obvious to all who 
were accurately acquainted with the erents of that period. 

A Jesuit, Terentio Alciati, prefect of the studies in the 
CoUegio Romano, immediately occupied himself with the col- 
leotion of materials for a refutation, which should be also a 
circumstantial exposition of the subject. His book received the 
tide of ^^Historiae Concilii Tridentini a veritatis hostibus 
evulgatsB Elenchus ; " * he amassed an enormous body of 
materials, but died in 1651, before he had brought them into 

The general of the Jesuits, Goswin Nickel, selected another 
member of his order, Sforza Pallavicini, who had already 
given evidence of some literary talent, for the completion of 
the task, and for this purpose relieved him from all other 
occupations. The general appointed him to that work, we 
are told by Pallavicini himself, "as a condottiere appoints 
one of his soldiers." 

He published the results of his labours in three thick quartos, 
of which the first appeared in the year 1656. 

It is a work comprising an immense accumulation of ma- 
terial, and is of the utmost importance to the history of the 
sixteenth century, beginning, as it does, from the commence- 
ment of the Reformation. The public archives were all thrown 
open to the author, and he had access to all that could pro- 
mote his purpose, in the several libraries of Rome. Not only 
were tfae acts of the council, in all their extent, at his com- 
mand, l>at he had also the correspondence of the legates with 
Rome, together with various other collections of documentary 
evidence, and sources of information innumerable, all at his 
entire disposal. He is far from attempting to conceal his 
authorities ; he rather makes a parade of their titles on the 
Biargin of his book : the number he cites is nearly countless. 
His principal object is to refute Sarpi. At the end of each 

* It is 80 called in Mazzuchelli. 


Tolnme> he places a catalogue of the '* enon^ in mattets c 
&ot," of which he maintains that he has conyioted hia opfp 
nent; he reckoDs 361, but adds, that he has confuted inai 
merable others, which do not appear in the catalogue. 

In his prefBioe, he announoes that he '^ will not suffer hia 
self to be drawn into any slight skirmifihing ; whoever aha 
propose to attack him maj advance in full order of battb 
and refute his whole book as he had wholly zefiuted. Ftel 
Sarpi." But what an undertaking were that ! We are no 
to be tempted into any such mode of proceeding. 

We must be content, as we have said, with giving the msu 
of forming an idea of Pallavicini's method by the ooUection s 
some few examples. 

Since he drew from so many concealed records and ottil 
sources previously unknown, and in fact derived hia whtli 
work from their combination, our first inquiry must h 
directed to the manner in which he availed lutnsdf of thei 

We shall do this with the more facility in cases where dH 
original authorities used by Pallavioini have since bM 
printed ; but I have also been so fortunate as to ha^e hadi 
whole series of such documents as never have been printed 
and which he has quoted, laid open to my examination : m 
first business must now be to compare the origioaJa with hii 
elaboration of their contents. 

I will do this in respect to some few points consecutivd.y. 

1. And first, it must be acknowledged, that PaUavioini hM 
in many instances made very satisfactory use of the Inatno* 
tions and other papers laid before him, and given fiuthfid 
extracts. I have compared an Instruction received by-iki 
Spanish ambassador in November, 1562, for example; ai 
also the answer returned to him by the pope in Maroh, 1564 
and the new instructions dispatched by the pope to his nnniM^ 
with the extracts made from these papers by PaUaviein]^ ani 
have found them to be throughout in perfect harmony.. (PdL 
XX. 10 ; xxiv. 1.) He has simply availed himself of a ligH 
when, in certain cases, he has made transpositions whidi do aa 
injury to truth. It is indeed true that he occasionally sofibeni 
the strength of the expression ; as for example, where thepspe 
says that he had opened the council again, only because he 
relied on the support of the king, and in the persuasion thai 

'jBmA. 11.^ wxusiQSL of tiusnt-*«pallatioini. 127 

ihe kisg would be Ids li^t »nxi> a guide a«d leader in all his 
jHipotes aid proceedings. ^'11 fondameato che feuiessimo 
Bitta promessa di S. M** e de' suoi lainistri di dpyerci assister^ 
« fisee entvaro arditamente nell' impress pensando di ayere 
& M** per Bostro braocio dritto e ohe ayesse a esserci guida o 
^«8«d]iltiero in ogni nostra azione e pensiaro." |^The reliance 
^va plM)ed on the promise of his majesty and his ministers that 
Hmr wonld assist ns, caused us to enter boldly into this under- 
'tdang, expecting to haye his majesty for our right arm, and 
ma a goide or leader in our eyery thought and action.]] He 
tim makes the pope merely say that he would not haye re- 
OMiied the oouncal had he not cherished the expectation that 
Kbt king would be his right arm and leader ; but since he has 
■iflered the substance to remain, there is no great cause for 
MBsnre. In regard to the mission of Yisconti to Spain, and 
hliat of another ambswssador to the emperor, Sarpi is of opinion 
^iriiL 61) that their commission to propose a meeting was a 
QMre pretence ; but this is too subtle a suspicion ; the proposal 
Bar a oongresa, or a conference as it was then called, is one of 
Hbe points most uigently insisted on in the Instruction. Pal- 
Iwricini is without doubt quite right in maintaining this. 

2. But Fallayicini is not always the more correctly in- 
Focmed of these two writers. When Sarpi relates that Paul 
til. had proposed to the Emperor Chariies Y., at the con- 
ference of Busseto, the inyestiture of his nephew, who had 
KKiamed a natural daughter of Charles, with the fief of Milan, 
E^aUayicini deyotes an entire chapter to the refutation of this 
Assertion. He will not belieye the historians in whose works 
it appears. ^' How," he exclaims, '' could the pope then haye 
Vcentured to write letters to the emperor in such a tone as that 
be employed ?" " Con qual petto ayrebbe ardito di scriyere 
^ Carlo lettere cosi risentite ? " The emperor might haye at 
Once reproached him with shameless dissimulation (simula- 
tiome s&cciata). Now, since Pallayicini is so much in earnest, 
We must needs belieye that he is here writing bond fide. 
Vet the £M$ts as related by Sarpi are neyertheless founded in 
timth. By the dispatches of the Florentine ambassador (Dis- 
paoeio Guicciardini, 26 Giugno, 1543) this is established be- 
yond contradiction. 

In a manuscript life of Vasto may be found still more cir- 
omnstaDtial details respecting this matter. We wHl here dte a 


^^ Discorso" of Cardinal Carpi which tends to the same pn 
pose. Nay, the pope had not given up this idea eyen in th 
year 1547. — Le cardinal de Bologne an roy Henry II., Bib 
bier, ii. 9 : — '^ L'un — ^le pape — demande Milan, qa'il jamii 
n'aura ; Tautre — ^I'empereur — 400,000 sc., qa'il n'anra sn 
rendre Milan." []One — ^the pope-— demands Milan, which h 
will never have ; the other-— the emperor — requires 400,00 
scudi, which he will not get without giving up Milan. ^ Not 
withstanding this, Pope Paul III. did certainly write thos 

3. But the question next arises whether Pallavicini's errm 
are generally made bond fide. This cannot have been tb 
case in every instance ; it sometimes happened that his doeo 
ments were not so orthodox and Catholic as himself. Whil 
the passing events of the time were still in progress — ^whfl 
they were displa3dng themselves in all their varying aeqpeeli 
and presenting the possibility of chan^ng development an 
differing results, it was not possible to take views so rigozon 
in regard to them as were entertained when all was agu 
established on its former basis. Such an agreement as tin 
made at the peace of Augsburg could not possibly be ap 
proved by the rigid orthodoxy of the seventeenth centuiy 
Pallavicini accordingly bemoans the most heavy injuries (detii 
menti gravissimi) resulting from it to the Roman See; h 
compares it with a palliative which only brings on a mon 
dangerous crisis. He had nevertheless found the report of i 
nuncio in relation to it, by whom its necessity was cleaxl] 
perceived. This was Delfino, bishop of Liesina. Pallavicb 
brings forward the report presented by that bishop to Cardiii* 
Caraffa, and has, in fact, made use of it. But in what xosat 
ner has he done this ? 

All the reasons by which Delfino proves the absolafc 
necessity for this agreement, are changed by Pallavicini inic 
so many grounds of exculpation alleged by the Emperoi 
Ferdinand in defence of himself. 

The nuncio says, that there was at that time no prince and oc 
city which had not some quarrel with their neighbours ; thttX 
he specifies, and declares that the land was going to ruin ^ 
Brandenburg, Hesse, and Saxony, as if constituting vel oi»o- 
sition diet, affirmed that they would hold together. The kui{ 
had entreated the emperor to make peace with France aad ti 


• direct his attention to Germany, but he refused to do so. In 
the midst of all these disorders, the states assembled ; the king 
then confirmed the points on which both parties had agreed, 
and so joyfully had they done this (si allegramente), that 
since the days of Maximilian, CFermany had never been so 
quiet as it then was. 

Now on all these matters Pallayicini also touches (1. xiii. c. 1 3) ; 
bat how much does he weaken the effect by placing these 
remarks in the mouth of a prince who is merely seeking to 
excuse himself ! 

^^ Scusavasi egli di cio con addurre che haveva richiesto 
dordini specificati, Timperatore, confortandolo alia pace di 
Fxancia, . . . . ed havergli ricordato esser questa Tunica arme 
per franger I'orgoglio de' protestanti, etc." [lie excused him^ 
self for that by alleging that he had requested specific orders 
from the emperor exhorting him to peace with France ; and 
had reminded him that this was the only weapon wherewith 
they could crush the pride of the Protestants, &c.] Let us cour 
trast these ambiguous phrases with the words of Delfino. ^' U 
ser^** re vedendo questi andamenti (the religious dissensions) 
scrisse a S. M'* Cesarea esortandola alia pace col christian^ 
issimo accioche ella possa attendere alie cose di Germania e 
farsi ubedire, etc." QThe most serene king beholding these pro- 
ceedings, wrote to his. imperial majesty, entreating him to make 
peace with the most Christian king, to the end that he might 
attend to the affairs of Germany, and might make himself 
obeyed, &c.] 

It is without doubt a great inaccuracy, and in a writer who 
boasts so loudly of his authentic information, altogether un- 
pardonable, that he should convert the relation of a nuncio 
into the exculpation of a prince ; but the worst aspect of thib 
proceeding is, that the correct view of the occurrence becomes 
obscured by it. 

The whole of the documents used are generally translated 
from the style of the sixteenth century into that of the 
seventeenth ; but they are dishonestly treated. 

4. If we confine ourselves to the relations existing betweea 
the pope and Ferdinand I., we have still some few remarks to 
mske. We know that the emperor pressed and wished for a 
reform which was not very agreeable to the pope. In the 
comse of the first months of the year 1563, Pius twice sent 



his nuDcio^— -fint Commeiidone, and afterwardB Morone — to 
Ineprnck, wliere the emperor rendedat that time, in the hope 
of prerailing on him to dmrt litom hie i^^Kteition. These 
were rery remarkable missionB, and had important oonB»- 
qnences as r^^arded the ooonciL The manner in whieh 
Pallayicini (xx. 4) has giyen the reports of these miesiona ii 
an interesting snbjeot of obserration. We have the report of 
Commendone, Feb. 19, 1563, which Palkyioini had ain 
before him. 

And respecting this we have first to remark, that PaUa- 
vicini materially weakens the expieasiaDs employed at tha 
imperial court, as well as the pnrpoaes entertained them 
With regard to the alliance subsisting at that time be tw e— 
the emperor and the French, as repreeentad by GaidiBal 
Lorraine, he makes Commendone say, '' Beadern omdibila dw 
scambieyolmente si confirmerebbcmo nel pare e ta promat- 
terebbono ajuto nell' operare." ^It was to be expected that they 
would confirm each other in opinion, and promise aid each lo 
the other in their undertakings.^ Commendone expresBBs 
himself in a totally different manner. The imperial oonrt did 
not merely propose to seek reform in common with the 
French : *^ Pare che pensino trovar mode e forma di haver pHL 
parte et autoritdi nel presente ooncilio per stabilire in esso totte 
le loro petitioni ginntamcKte con Fraacesi." |^They seem intmt 
on ways and means for securing the greater weight and itutbe- 
rity in the present council, that, in conjunction with France^ 
they may carry through all their measures.]] 

But there are many things that PallaTicini omits entiielj. 
An opinion prevailed at the imperial court that, with a mofs 
conciliatory dis^sition and by more earnest reforms, mncb 
better progress might have been made and more good ^footed 
with regard to the Protestants. ^ La somma d che a me pan 
di haver veduto non pur in S. M * ma nelli principali ministri) 
come Trausen e Seldio, un ardentiesimo desiderio ddia rilonat 
e del progresso del concilio con una gran speranaa qnod remi^ 
tendo aliquid de jure positive et reformando mores et disoi- 
plinam ecclesiasticam non solo si possono conservase li oattolioi 
ma guadagnare e ridurre degli heretici, con una opiniooe et 
impressione pur trc^po forte che qui siano molti che non 
vogliano riforma." ^The sum of the matter is, that I think 
I have seen, not indeed in his mi^esty, but in the principal 
ministers, such as Trausen and Seld, a most earnest desire 



br leform and for ibe progress of the couaoil, with a finu 
lope tiiat by remitting somewhat of the poMiire law, and by 
ihe reform of morals and disGi|dine in the ohurch, they might 
lot only preserve the Catholics in their faith, but even win 
yrer and bring back heretics ; but ^re is aiso too fixed an 
)pinion and impression that there are some here who ai« 
raeolyed against all reform.] I will not attempt to disooYer 
rko those Protestants may have been from whom there was 
^und for expecting a return to the Catholic ohurch in the 
went of a regular reform ; bat these remarks are much too 
lienaiYe to the ooortier j^relate to permit of PaUayioini s 
poporting ihem. Allusion bding made to the difficvlties 
bind in the oounoil, Seld answered laeonicaJily : '' Opor- 
koiset A initio sequi aana consilia." [Jujst oonnsels oqght 
\o hmve heai adopted from the beginning.]} The oomplauts 
In leapect of difficulties presented by the ooancil are re- 
tried by PaJQavidni, but he suppresses the reply. 

Bat, on the other side, he gives at full length a judgment 
piononnoed by the chancellor in iuvoia of the Jesuits. 

We have said enough to shew that he dwells on whatever 
tie finds agreeable to his own ideas, but whatever does not suit 
bimself and the Curia, he passes lightly over, or chooses to know 
Qothing of it. For example, the legates were opposed to the pur- 
pose of the bishops, who desired to exclude abbots and the 
generals of religious orders from voting on the question 
(vox decisiva), on the ground, " per non sdegnar tante migliara 
de' religiosi, fra quali in veritk si trova oggi veramente la 
beologia" ^that tket/ might not giw offence to so many 
thousands of the regular clergy^ among whom, in fact, the 
true theology must nowadays be sought]]. (Registro di 
Cervini, Lettera di 27 Decem. 1545. Epp. Poli, iv. 220.) 
Here Pallavicini takes occasion to set forth the motives 
lotuating their decision in a light very honourable both to 
the bishops and the orders. '' II che (the admission of the 
§;eneraLs, that is) desideravano, perche in effetto la teologia, con 
\m, quale si doveva decidere i dogmi, resedeva ne' regolari, ed 
era opportune e dicevole che molti de' giudici havessero intelli- 
genm esquisita di articoli da giudicarsi" (VI. ii. 1, p. 576). 
[They desired the admission of the regular clergy, because it 
was among them that the theology, whereby tibe tenets in 
fitpute were to be judged, had taken up its abode, and it was 


manifestly desirable that manj of the judges should possess 
the clearest comprehension and the most finished judgment 
respecting the articles to be submitted to their decision.^ 

5. Now it is obvious that this method cannot have fiiiled 
to impair the accuracy of the views presented by Pallavicini 
to his reader. 

For example, in the year 1547, the Spaniards brought for- 
ward certain articles of reform known under the name of 
Censures. The transfer of the council followed very soon 
afterwards, and there can be no question as to the £i.ct that this 
event was greatly influenced by these Censures. It was, without 
doubt, of the utmost importance that the immediate adherents 
of the emperor Charles should present demands so extraordi- 
nary at the Yerj moment when he was victorious. Sarpi has 
given them at /ull length, lib. ii. p. 262, subjoining the rej^es 
of the pontiff shortly after. But demands so outrageous on 
the part of orthodox prelates do not suit the purpose of 
Pallavicini. He tells us that Sarpi relates many circum- 
stances concerning this matter, of which he can find no trace; 
iind says he can discover nothing more than a reply of the 
pope to certain proposals of reform presented to him by 
several &thers, and which had been made known to him by 
the presidents, " sopra varie reformazioni proposte da molti 
de* padri." What these were he takes jsrood care not to say. 
To have done so might have impeded him in his refutation of 
Sarpi*8 assertion that the transfer of the council was attri- 
butable to worldly motives. 

6. In the art of holding his peace in relation to such mat- 
ters as may not conveniently be made public, he has proved 
himself quite a master. 

In the third book, for example, he has occasionally cited 
a Venetian report by Suriano. And in allusion to thb 
report, he says that the author asserts himself to have made 
diligent search, and acquired unquestionable information re-' 
specting the treaties between Francis and Clement; nor doee 
Pallavicini think of contradicting him on this point (III. c. xii. 
II. 1). He adopts portions of Suriano's work, on the contraiy,' 
and gives them in his own narrative ; such, for examjde^ as 
that Clement had shed tears of pain and anger on hearing that 
his nephew was taken prisoner by the emperoi:. It is evidenV 
in short, that he puts faith in Suriano's statements. He 
declares also that this Venetian is directly opposed to his 


ryman Sarpi. The latter affinns, namely, that '^ il 
aegoti5 confederazione col re di Francia, la quale si con> 
e stabili anco col matrimonio di Henrico secondogenito 
e di Catarina " |^the pope negotiated an alliance with 
ing of France, which was rendered more stable, and 
ided by the marriage of Henry, the second son of 
ing, with Catherine^. Respecting this matter Palla- 

exclaims aloud. " The pope," says he, " did not ally 
If with the king, as P. Soave so boldly maintains." He 
Is to Guicciardini and Soriano. Now what does Soriano 

He traces at great length the whole course of the 
ition of Clement towards the French, shews when and 
t it began, how decidedly political a colour it bore, and 
r speaks of the negotiations at Bologna. He certainly 
I that matters had proceeded to the formation of an \ 

treaty, but he merely refutes the assertion that a posi- 
raft in writing was prepared. " Di tutti li desiderii (del 
kocommodb Clemente con parole taJi che gli fanno ere- 
3. S** esser disposta in tutto alle sue voglie, senza perb 
ovisione alcuna in scrittura." [^Clement agreed to all 
ishes of the king, using such words as to make him 
B his holiness disposed to comply with his requisitions 
iry particular ; but, nevertheless, without having made 
)ndition whatever in writing.] He subsequently relates 
he king had pressed for the fulfilment of the promises 
made to him. " S. M»» chr"» dimandb che da S. &»• li 
> osservate le promesse." ^His most Christian majesty 
ed that the promises of his holiness should be fulfilled.] 
this, according to the same author, was one of the 

of Clement's death. Here we have the extraordinary 
f falsehood being in a certain sense truer than the truth 
There is no doubt that Sarpi is wrong, where he says 
in alliance was concluded ; the treaty, commonly so 
, never was put into legal form. Pallavicini is right 
ying the existence of this treaty; and yet, upon the 
, Sarpi comes much nearer to the truth. There was the 
i union, but it was entered into verbally only, and not 
itten forms. 

Similar circumstances may be remarked in the use made 
llavicini of the letters of Visconti. Sarpi has sometimes 
^ed more from these letters than is literally contained 
m : for example, be says, vii. 657, " In respect tc» IW 



decree for en£orciDg rendenoe, that Cardinal Lorraine had I 
spoken at great length and very indistinotlj, so that it was i 
not possible to ascertain whether he was &yoarable, npon the i 
whole, to that decree or not." Hereapon he is stontl j attacked «! 
by Palkyicini : '^ Si scorge apertamente il contrario " (xix. s 
c. 8) ; he even cites Yiseonti to support his contradiction, a: 
Bat let us hear Yiseonti himself : '' Perohd s'allargb molto, non ne 
poterb segoire se non pochi prelati." (Trento, 6 I>ec. in Maitsi ^ 
Misc. Balnzii, iii. p. 45 4. ) [[None but a few prelates conld follow -.m 
his words, because he enlarged greatly.]] Thus it was per- ^ 
fectly true that his hearers could not follow him, and that Mb m 
meaning was not propeiiy understood. Further on PallaYicbii ■■ 
is enraged with Sarpi for having given it to be understood ■ 
that the cardinal had refrained from appearing in one of the ■ 
congregations, because he desired to leave the French at full 
liberty to express their opinions, and that he made the intei- - 
ligence he had received of the death of the king of Navane ^ 
his pretext for absenting himself. Pallavieini protests, with - 
vehemence, that this was the true and sole nuytive of the 
cardinal. ^' Nd io trovo in tante memorie piene di sospetto, ehe 
cib capitasse in mente a persona." {Ibid.) |^Nor do I find 
among so many records full of suspicions that this . had ev«r 
occurred to any one.^ How, was there no one in whose 
mind this absence had awakened suspicion ? Yiseonti sajB, 
in a letter published by Mansi in another place : " Loreno 
chiamb questi prelati Francesi e gli commise ehe havessero da 
eiE^rimere liberamente tutto quelle ehe haveano in animo sensa 
timer alcuno. E sono di quelli ehe pensano ehe il cardinal 
se ne restasse in casa per questo effetto." ^Lorraine called 
those prelates, and told them that they were to speak freely 
of all they had in their minds without fear of any wie; 
and there were some who thought that the cardinal had 
remained at home for that express purpose.^ Of the assertion 
that the cardinal had used the king's death as a pretext^ it is 
true that Yiseonti says nothing, unless, indeed, he did so ill 
other letters ; which is the more probable, from the £ai0t that 
Sarpi had evidently other sources of information under his 
eyes at this place. But as to the true point in question, that 
the cardinal was suspected of remaining at home for the 
reason assigned, that is certainly to be found literally ex- 
pressed in these writings. And what are we^ to say to this, 
since Pallavieini unquestionably saw them ? 


8. The genefal purpose of Pallavicini is, in fiiet, to refute 
a opponent without haying any interest in the question as to 
yw truth might best be brought to light. This is in no case 
lore obyions than in that part of his work which relates to 
IB oonference of Ratid>on, of which we hare already treated 
> foUy. PallaTicini also was aequainted with the Instruo- 
on here referred to, as will be j!eadily imagined, only he 
anadeied it to be more secret than it redlly was; but 
XMQ the mode in which he handles it, we gain a perfect 
pqnainfanee with himself. He makes a violent attack on 
kipi, and reproaches him for representing the pope to declare 
\mt he would accord entire ^eatisfaotion to the Protestants, 
fOYided ihey would agree with him in the main points 
beady established of the Catholic tenets : ^' Che ore i Lute- 
ini oonyenissero ne' punti gik stabiliti della chiesa romana, si 
(foiya nel resto di porger ogni sodis£ftttione alia Germania." 
That when the Lutiierans should agree to the points already 
■taUiahed by the Roman church, entire satisfaction should be 
^irai to Genaany in other respects.]] He affirms this assertion 
if Sarpi's to be directiy contrary to the truth: Questo h 
lirimpetto oontzario al prime capo dell' Instruttione." []This 
■ directly contrary to the principal point, the chief hoid of 
he Instruction.^ How ! Can he yenture to affirm that the 
ippoeite of this was the truth ? The pope's Instruction is thus 
ixpreased : ^' Yidendum est an in principiis nobiscum conye- 

liaat, quibus admissis omnia super aliis controyersiis 

x>noordia tentaretur" |^It must first be seen whether they 

¥ill agree with us in the principal points, which being 

idmitted, an agreement might be attempted on all other con- 
loyeried questions]], and the other words which haye been 
[noted aboye. It is true that Sarpi has here £EJlen into an 
«Tor by restricting the legate more closely than the truth 
vould demand. He has also said too little of the conciliatory 
lisposition of the pope. Instead of discoyering this error, as 
t most obyiously was, Palla^dcini describes Sarpi as saying too 
nnch. He enters into a distinction between articles of faith 
md others, which had not been made in the bull, and brings 
brward a number of things which are true indeed, but which 
ire not the only things that are true, and cannot do away 
with, the words really to be found in those Instructions, nor 
nyalidate their force. In matters altogether unessentiaJ, "he 
s strictly correct ; but he totally misrepresents and distorts 


things of vital importance. Nay, we sometimes find hiui 
attempting to conyict Sarpi of intentional and deliberate hlae* 
hood, — ^lib. iv. 13, for example: "Mentisce Soave con attri- 
buire ad arte de' pontefici I'essersi tirato il convento in Inngo, 
senza effetto." (^Soave asserts a falsehood, when he attributes 
the long extension of the diet (of Worms), without having pro- 
duced any effectual result^ to the acts of the popes.^ Yet it 
is clear that such was the case, as results from the whole cor- 
respondence of Morone relating to that convention, as we now 
have it before us. In short, Pallavicini proceeds as might an 
advocate who had undertaken to carry through his sorely- 
pressed client, on every point, and at whatever cost. He 
labours hard to place him in the best light, and brings for- 
ward all that seems likely to help his course ; but whatever 
he thinks likely to do it injury, he not only leaves out of 
view, but directly denies its existence. 

It would be impossible to follow Pallavicini through all 
the lengthened discussions into which he enters; it must suffice 
that we have made ourselves acquainted, to a certain extent, 
with his manner. 

It must be allowed that we do not gather from our re- 
searches the most encouraging results as regards the history 
of the council. 

It has indeed been affirmed, that from these two works 
combined, the truth may be elicited. This may perhaps be 
maintained if we confine our remarks to very general views, 
and regard the subject merely as a whole; but when we 
examine particulars, we find that it is not the case. 

These authors both deviate from the truth ; this lies between 
them, without doubt, but we can never, obtain it by conjecture. 
Truth is something positive; it is an independent and original * 
existence; it is not by a mere reconciliation of conflictiifg' ' 
assertions that we can arrive at truth, — ^we acquire it only bjr>#-^ 
perception of the actual fact. a;- ^ 

Sarpi, as we have seen, affirms that a treaty was conehide^ 
at Bologna ; Pallavicini denies it : now from no conjecture itt^" 
the world could we deduce the fact that the treaty was Huide^' 
but verbally only, and was not prepared in writing, by wfaiolt^ 
the contradiction certainly is reconciled. • / = '-^ *^" 

The Instructions given to Contariui are misrepresented bf'^ 
thorn both ; tiieir discrepancies can never be bnnight into hiur-' 

Sect. IL] COUNCIL OP tremt — ^pallavicihi. 137 

mony ; it is only by examining the original that we can arrive 
at the truth. 

They possessed minds of totally opposite character. Sarpi 
id acute, penetrating, and sarcastic ; his arrangement is exceed- 
ingly skilful, his style pure and unaffected ; and although 
the Grusca would not admit him into the catalogue of classic 
wzit€irfl,r— probably on account of certain provincialisms to be 
found in his works, — ^yet are his writings, after the pompous 
di^lay of words through which we have to wind our way 
in other authors, a true enjoyment. His style is well adapted 
to hie subject, and in power of description he is, without 
doubt, entitled to the second place among the modem histo- 
rians of Italy. I rank him immediately after Macchiayelli. 

Neither is Pallayicini devoid of talent. He frequently 
makes ingenious parallels, and often defends his party with 
con^derable address. But his intellect hsLS something weighty 
and cumbrous in its character. His talent was for the most 
part displayed in making phrases and devising subterfuges : 
his style is overloaded with words. Sarpi is clear and trans- 
parent to the very bottom. Pallavicini is not without a 
certain flow of manner, but he is obscure, diffuse, and shallow. 
• Both are positive and thorough-going partisans. The true 
spirit of the historian, which, apprehending every circum- 
stance and object in its purest truth, thus seizes and places it 
ia the full light of day, — this was possessed by neither. Sar{» 
was doubtless endowed with the talent required, but he would 
oeyer desist from accusing. Pallavicini had talent also, 
■ though in an infinitely lower degree ; but at every cost he is 
resolved on defending. 

Nor can we obtain, even from both these writers together, a 
thorongh and complete view of their subject. A circumstance 
that must be ever remarkable, is the fact that Sarpi contains 
mBoh which Pallavicini never succeeded in eliciting, numerous 
9B were the archives and resources of all kinds laid open to 
\a$ reaearch. I will but instance one memoir, that of the 
innoie Ghieregato, concerning the deliberations at the court 
«f 4-drian VI.^ which is of the highest importance, and 
agunst which Pallavicini makes exceptions that signify 
abR>lntely nothing. Pallavicini also passes over many things 
hvo a sort of incapacity ; he does not perceive the extent 
^ dieir importance, and so he allows them to drop. But, on 



the other hand, Sarpi was exdnded from innnmerable docu- 
ments which PaUavicini possessed. Of the correspondence 
maintained by the Roman court with the legates, for example, 
Sarpi saw bat a small portion. His errors are for the most part 
attributable to the want of original sonrces of information. 

But there were many important memorials to which nether 
of them had recourse. There is a short report of Cardinal 
Morone, who conducted the decisive embassy despatched to 
Ferdinand I., and which is of the highest moment in regMd 
to the histoiy of all the later sittings of the council. Thii 
remains, without haying been used by either of our authors. 

Nor must it be imagined that Rainaldus or Le Plat has 
completely supplied this deficiency. Rainaldus frequently 
gives no more than extracts from PiJlavidni. Le Plat often 
follows the latter or Sarpi, word for word, and takes the Latin 
translations of their text as authentic memoriids of what he 
could not find authority for elsewhere. He has also ismd 
fewer unprinted materuJs than mi^t have been axpeetod. 
In Mendham's " Memoirs of the Council of Trent^** there is 
much that is new and good. We find in p. 181, for example, 
an extract from the acts of Paleotto, together with his intro^ 
ductions, even to individual sescoons, as to tiie 20th, for* 
instance ; but he has not given due eaxe to the study md 
elaboration of his subject. 

Would any one now undertake a new history of the coonflil 
dF Trent, — a thing which is not to be very confidently ecc* 
pected, since the subject has lost much of its interest,— ^he niwt 
begin anew from the very commencements He must colk* 
the several negotiations, and the discussioBB of ^» diffsrviP 
congregations, of which very little that ia authentie h$9 
been made known ; he must also procure the deepatdiM -dE 
(me or other of the ambaseadois who were present. ThM 
only could he obtain a complete view of his sabjeet, or W4te^^ 
a condition to examine the two antagonist writers who htm 
already attempted this history. But this is an imdoitakaqt^ 
that will never be entered on, since those who oonld oeiiMiJ^ 
do it have no wish to see it done, and wUl Uierafioie m> 
make the attempt ; and those who laight dasire to i 
it do not possess the means. 

No. 22.]] uwimiwmm s oitbn to thb Nfmcio. 139 



Wb retinm to oar mamiscripls, in wbidi we find infor- 
Mtion thfti, even wli«a fragmentaiy, is at kast aatheatic and 

No. 22. 
hutrueliopro eama fidd et eondlii data epucopo MuHna, 
Pafdi Jul., ad regem Bomanorum nuntio dettinato. 24 
Oet^ 1536. MS, Barb. 3007, 15 leaves. (^Instruction 
toac]«ng the faith and the council given by Paul III. to 
the bishop of Modena, appointed nuncio to the king of the 
Bomans. Barberini Libraiy.]] 

A condnsive proof is afforded by this Instruction of the 
sense entertained by the Roman court that it was highly 
needful to collect its strength and take heed to its reputation. 
The following rules were prescribed, among others, to the 
nuncio. He was neither to be too liberal nor too sparing, 
neither too grave nor too gay ; he was not to make known 
Ms spiritual authority by notices affixed to the church doors, 
since he might thereby cause himself to be derided. Those 
who required his intervention, could find him without that. 
He was not indeed entirely to remit his dues, except under 
peonliar circumstances, but he was never to exact them too 
Mgerly. He was to contract no debts, and was to pay for 
what was supplied him at inns. '' Nee hospitii pensione nimis 
pvpce vel fortasse etiam nequaquam soluta discedat, id quod 
^ aliquibus nuntiis aliis factum plurimum animos eorum popu- 
iMvm in nos irritavit ... In vidtu et coUoquiis omnem timo- 
IMn aut caussB nostrsa diffidentiam dissimulet . . . Hilari quidem 
Toltn accipere se fingant invitationes, sed in respondendo mo- 
dum non excedant, ne id forte mali iis accidat quod cuidam 
nobili Saxoni, camerario secreto q. Leonis X. (Miltitz), qui 
ob Lutheranam causam componendam in Saxoniam missus, id 


tantum fructus reportayit, qnod saepe, perturbatns vino, ea L 
effutire de pontifice et Romana curia a Saxonibus indace- [ 
batur non mode quae facta erant, sed quae ipsi e malaB in nps 
mentis affectu imaginabantnr et optabant ; et ea omnia scriptis \ 
excipientes postea in conyentu Yormatiensi nobis publico ; 
coram tota Germania exprobrabant." QNor let him, on quit- j 
ting his inn, be too narrow in payment of the reckoning, or - 
perhaps, as some nuncios have done, refuse to pay it at ally ' 
whereby they have greatly exasperated the minds of those i 
people against us. In his countenance and his discourse let 
him dissemble all fear or distrust of our cause . . . Let them 1 
feign to accept invitations with a cheerful countenance, but in n 
replying to them let them not exceed in any manner, lest, 
perhaps, to them there should befal that same mischance 
which once happened to a certain Saxon noble, private cham- 
berlain to Leo X. (Miltitz), who, being sent into Saxony to 
make a settlement of the Lutheran matters, brought back 
only so much fruit of his labour, as that often, when confused 
by wine, he was led on by the Saxons to pour out things 
respecting the pontiff and the Curia, — not only such as weEO; 
truly done, but such as they, in the evil affections of their, 
minds to us wards, imagined or wished done : and all these, 
things being put down in writing, were afterwards publicly 
brought against us at the diet of Worms, and before the fsuw 
of all Germany.] 

We learn from Pallavicini also (i. 18), that the conduct of 
Miltitz had caused his memory to be held in very little respect j 
4it the court of Rome. 

The Instruction we are now considering, and which Rainaldqaj 
has adopted almost entire into his work, is further remarkablei 
from the fact that it supplies us with the names of many less 
known defenders of Catholicism in Germany; among the^H 
are Leonh. Marstaller, Nicol. Appel, Job. Burchard,preacliei;, 
of his order, ^' qui etsi nihil librorum ediderit contra Luthe- ^ 
ranos, magno tamen vitse periculo ab initio usque hujss 
tumultus pro defensione ecclesiss laboravit" [^who, although he 
.has not published books against the Lutherans, has yet 
laboured to the great peril of his life, even from the beginning 
of these tumults, in defence of the church]]. Among those 
better known, Ludwig Berus, who had fled from Basle to 
Freiburg, in Breisgau, is particularly extolled and recom- 

foe. 22, 23.^ city for holding the oouncil. 141 

aended to the nnncio, ^'tum propter sanam et cxcellentem 
lominis doctrinam et moram probitatem, turn quia sua gravl- 
ate et autoritate optime operam navare poterit in causa fidei " 
l)otb on account of the sound and excellent doctrine and moral 
>robit7 of the man, and because by his weight and influence 
lie can render the best service in the cause of the faith^. It 
nwell known that Ber had found means to make himself 
reflected, eren among Protestants. 

No. 23. 

httruttione mandata da Roma per Velettione del Itiopo del 
ctmcilio, 1537. [[Instruction sent from Rome for the selec- 
tion of the place wherein the council is to be held, 1537.]] 
Infonnationi Politt. vol. xii. 

It was now without doubt the intention of Paul III. to 
x>nToke a council. In the Instruction before us he affirms 
that he was fullj resolved (tutto risoluto) on doing So ; but 
bis wish was that it should be assembled in Italy. He was 
equally disposed to choose either Piacenza or Bologna, places 
belonging to the church, the common mother of all ; or he 
woM have been content to select a city of the Venetiahs, 
since they were the common friends of all. His reason was 
that the Protestants were by no means earnest in regard to 
the council, as was manifest from the conditions which they 
proposed respecting it. Even here we perceive the presence 
)f that idea which afterwards acquired so high an historical 
importance, namely, that the council was only an affair of the 
Oitholics among themselves. 

The pontiff, moreover, gives intelligence to the emperor of 
ft efforts for the promotion of an internal reform : " Sar^ 
iHi effetto e non con parole." Qlt shall be effectual, and not 
i matter of words only.^ 


No. 24. 

Instruttians data da Paolo III. al Cf ManUpuleiano, deitittaiQ 
air imperatore Carlo V. $opra le cote della relMotu w 
Germania^ 1539. BibL Cornni, N\ 467. ibutno- 
tion given by Paul III. to Cardinal Montepoldano, vk 
was sent to the emperor Charles Y . to treat of the lelmotf 
affairs of Germany, 1539. Corsini Library, No. 467^ 

It was, nevertheless, most evident that the neceanty fw « 
reconciliation was first made obvious in Germany. On mm 
occasions both parties were placed in opposition to the pop^ 
from this cause. At the convention of Frankfort Yeajim 
portant concessions were made to the Protestanta by tti 
imperial ambassador, Johann Wessel, arcbbiahop of Lqim,«-« 
truce of fifteen months, during which all judicial proeeedinpif 
the Kammergericht should be suspended, and the piomi«e aft 
religious ooi&renoe, in which the pope diould take do fttti 
Thiis was of course altogether abhorrent to Paal III. Ghl* 
dlnal Montepulciano, afterwards MaroeUus XL, was thenftw 
despatched into Germany for the purpose of preveating m 
un(ȣtholic an arrang^nent. 

The Instruction accuses the archbishop of Lund, in the h^ 
place, of being moved by corrupt personal motives, attributag 
the fault of these conoesBions to gifts, promises, and hopes it 
further advancement. '^ La community d' Augusta ^ 
2,500 fiorini d oro, poi gli fu fifttta promissione di 4,(M)0 £ 
gulls annis sopra il frutto del suo arcivescovato di Lnnda 
pato per quel re Luterano" (of Denmark). [J3.e received 8yM 
gold florins from Augsburg, and a promise was made to him k 
addition of 4,000 florins yearly, to be paid out of the n 
of his archbishopric of Lund, then occupied by that Lnthsos 
king of Denmark.^ He was further said to be desuoas d 
remaining on good terms with the duke of Cleves and QiMS 
Maria of Hungary ; for that sister of the emperor, who WM 
then governess of the Netherlands, was suspected of beisg 
very decidedly favourable to the Protestants. ^^ SecretameBte 
presta favore alia parte de' Luterani, animandogli ove pui^ e 
con mandarli huomioi a posta disfavoreggia la causa de' cat- 
tolici." f She secretly shews favour to the Lutheran putjr, 
encouraging them to the utmost of her power, and by sending ' 



to their aid, she puiposely injures the cause of the 
olics.^ She had sent an envoy to ^nalkalde, and 
vsAy exhorted the elector of Treves to abstain from 
Qg the Catholic leagne. 

uria and the archbishop, that is to say, represented the 
French and anti-Homish tendency of politics in liie 
rial conrt They wished to see Germany united under 
smpezor. The arohbidiop declared that tiiis depended 
on the yielding of some few religious concessions : " Che 
M^ volesse toleraie che i Luterani stassero nei loro 
i, di^wneva a modo e yoler suo di tntta Germania.'* 
t if his majesty would tderate the persistance of ihe 
BEmns is theur errors, he might dispose of all Germany 
ding to his own mannw and jdeasure.]] 
16 pope replied, tfiat there were veiy different means for 
^ to an ^d with matters in Germany. Let us listen to 
im .words. 

A.Bmehilaiidosi dunque del tutto per le dette cose la 
di Francfbrdia, ot essendo il consiglio di S. M*^ Cesaiea 
tn princijM diristiani, eke per la mala dispositione di 
I tempi non si possa per hora celebrare ilooncilio generale, 
Mtante N. S. gik tanto tempo lo habbia indetto et usato 
opera e mezao per congregarlo, pare a S. B°' che sarebbe 
che S. M*' pensasse alia celebratione di una dieta im- 
e, per prohibire quelli inconvenienti che potriano nascere 
mamente di un concilio nationale, il qude £Ebcilmente si 
k £are per cattolioi e Luterani per la quiete di Gormania 
lo i cattolici havendo visto infiniti disordini seguiti per 
di alcun ministro della Cesarea e B^ia M^ vedessero 
le Maesti loro esser tardi alli rimedj : n^ detto concilio 
Ale sarebbe mono dannoso alia Cesarea e Begia Maestk, 
ooculte cause, che sanno : che alia sedia apostolioa ; non 
. ae non partorire scisma in tutta la christianitit cosi nel 
caie oome nello spirituale. Ma S. S** d di parere che si 
i tal dieta in evento che S. M** a possa trovare presente 
rmania o in qualche luogo vicino a la congregatione : 
enti se S. M ^'^ Cesarea distratta da altre sue oocupationi 
)tesse trovarsi cosi presto, d d'opinione che la dieta non 
(hi, nd che S. M** si riposi nel giudicio altmi, quantunque 
mti e buoni che procurasseio e soUecitassero &re detta 
n assenza di S. M% per non incorrere in quei disordini 


die sono seguiti nelle altie diete particolari ove non si d tro- 
vato S. M**, e tra questo mezzo con £euna continuata da ogni 
banda di voler venire in Gbnnania e £Eire la dieta e con honeste 
vie et esecutioni trattenere quei principi che la sollecitano e 
I'addimandano : mentre che S. M^ venendo da bnbn senno la 
indichi poi e celebri, et interea yedendo S. M** quanto bene et 
utile sia per portare la propagatione della lega cattolica, 
attenda per hora a questa cosa principalmente, e scriva al suo 
oratore in Germania e parendoli ancora mandi alcun altro che 
quanto pi^ si pub procurino eon ogni diligenza e mezE^ 
a accrescere detta lega cattolica acquistando e guadagnando 
ogn' uno, ancora che nel principio non fossero co^ sinceri n^ 
vera religione, perche a poco a poco si potriano poi ridurre, e 
per adesso importa piu il togliere a loro che acquistare a noi : 
alia quale cosa gioveria molto quando S. M** mandasse in Ger* 
mania quella pi^ quantity di denari ch'ella potesse, perche 
divulgandosi tal fama confirmarebbe gli altri,che piil facibnente , 
entrassero vedendo che li primi nervi della guerra non manca- I 
riano. E per maggiore corroboratione di detta lega cattolica 
S. S'* si risolrer^di mandare una o pi^ persone a quei prinapi 
cattolici per animarli similmente con promissioni di ajuto, di 
denari et altri effetti, quando le cose s'incammineranno di 
sorte, per il beneficio della religione e conservatione ddlla 
dignity della sede apostolica e della Cesarea M'% che si veda 
da buon senno la spesa dover &re frutto : nl in questo si partixit 
dal ricordo di S. M '" : nh sarebbe male tra qnesto mezzo sotto 
titolo delle cose Turchesche mandare qualche numero di genie 
Spagnnola et Italiana in quelle bande con trattenerli nelle 
terre del re de' Romani suo fratello, accioche bisognaitAD 
Tajuto fosse presto in ordino." [^The diet of Frankfort heul^ 
therefore dispersed and broken up for the aforesaid e&vMf 
and his imperial majesty, with other Christian princes, beii^ 
advised that because of the evil dispositions of these Httiefii a 
general council cannot for the present be held, our lord ih^ 
pope, notwithstanding that he had so long before proelaii^ 
this council, and has used every effort and means for eottnsit^ 
ing it, is now of opinion that his majesty wouM do irell^ 
think rather of the convocation of an imperial diet for'^ 
prevention of those evils which are so especially to Tie ex- 
pected from the celebration of a tiatioaal diet. And hk 
holiness believes that such evils mighl; easily be bronglit abonl 


to the disturbance of quiet in Germany, both bjr Catholics 
and Lutherans, when the Catholics, having seen infiiiite 
disorders following on the proceedings of any rojal and 
imperial minister, should also perceive that their majesties 
were slow to apply the remedies. Nor would the said national 
ooondl be less injurious to the imperial and royal majesty, 
for those secret causes of which his majesty is aware, than to 
the Apostolic See ; for it would not fail to give occasion to a 
sehism throughout all Christendom, as well in temporal 3.9 
m spiritual goyemment. But while his holiness is of opinion 
that this imperial diet may be held in the event of his 
majesty's being able to be present, either in Germany or in 
some place near to that wherein the said diet shall assemble, 
he is convinced that it ought not to be convoked, if, on the 
oontrary, his imperial majesty, engaged by his other occu- 
pations, should not be able to continue thus close at hand. 
Nor would his holiness advise that his majesty should depend 
on the judgment of others, however uumerous, capable, or 
ffood, who should solicit and endeavour to procure the holdr 
mg of the said diet in the absence of his majesty ; lest the 
same disorders should ensue that have followed upon other 
special diets where his majesty was not present. It will, 
nevertheless, be advisable that the report should be continually 
bruited about from all quarters that his majesty intends to 
appear in Germany and there hold the diet. All other honest 
means and ways should likewise be used to restrain and keep 
in tranquillity those princes who solicit and demand the said 
diet ; then when his majesty shall arrive in good earnest, he 
may proclaim and hold the same. But meanwlale, his majesty, 
perceiving how good and useful it may be to promote the pro- 
pagation of the Catholic league, should for the present give 
his attention principally to that matter, and he might write to 
his ambassador in Germany to that effect ; or if it seem good 
to him, may send other envoys who should labour with all 
diligence, and by every possible means, to increase and extend 
the said Catholic league by acquiring and gaining over every 
one, and this, even though at first they should not be alto- , 
gether sincere in the true religion, for by little and little they 
may afterwards be brought to order ; besides that for the pre- 
sent it is of more consequence that we take from them, than 
that we truly acquire to ourselves. And for the furtherance of 

TOL. Ilf. h 

346 HSSTcmT OF i«B roanm — ^appbiij»xx« C^o. 24. 

ibis purpose, it would great! j avail if his majesty would send 
isto Germany whatever sums of money he oan possibly com- 
mand, because the rumour of this, being extended through the 
country, would confirm others in their purpose of entering the 
league, which they would do tibe more r^idily on peroeiy^ng 
that the chief sinews of war are not wanting. And for the more 
efiectual consolidation of the said Catholic league, his holiness 
will himself despatch one or more emissaries to those Catholic 
princes, to encourage them in like manner by promises of aid 
in money, and other benefits, when things duJl have proceeded 
to such an extent for the advancement of religion and the 
preservation of the dignity, both of the Apostolic See and of 
his imperial majesty, as to give warrant that there is good 
ground for expecting the outlay to produce its £ruit. Nor in 
this will his holiness be forgetful of his ms^ty. And it would 
not be ill-advised, that among these means his majesly should 
adopt the pretext of the Turkish affairs, to send, under thai 
colour, a certain number of Spanish and Italian troops into 
those parts, and by retaining them in the territories of his 
brother, the king of the Romans, to secure that in case of need 
there should be doe assHstance at hand.]] 

Pallavicini was acquainted with this Instruclion as well as 
with the preceding one (lib. iv. c. 14). We perceive, £iom 
what he says, that the notices relating to Gamaay in the 
latter of these documents were obtained ^m the letters of 
Aleander, who acquired so equivocal a reputation for himsdif 
in these negotiations. Raimddus also gives extroote from 
them; but this very instance will serve to shew how needful it 
is to consult original authorities. In Bainaldus, tlie rather 
obscure passage just quoted is to the following effect : '^ Inteiea 
<nnni studio catholicorum foedus augere atque ad se nonnullos 
ex adversariis pellicere niteretur, mitteret etiam aunun aufi- 
tare ut fcederatis adderet animos fluctuantesque ad se pertrar 
heret." [lie should meanwhile make every effort to extend the 
league of the Catholics, and to win over adherents from tiie 
side of the adversaries ; he should likewise despatch tibe aid 
of g(^, that so he might give courage to the league^ aad attiaflt 
all who might be wavering to himself.^ 


No. 25. 

tructxanes pro rev'"' donC" epUcopo Mutinensi apostolico 
untio interfuturo conventui Germanorum Spiray 12 
faji^ 154tOi celebrando. Barb. 3,007. Pnstructions for 
be most reverend lord the bishop of Modena, apostolic 
undo to the German convention about to be held at Spires, 
lay 12, 1540. Barberini Library, S^OO?.] 

Ike reli^oos conferenoes then took plaoe. We here see 
light in whidi they were regarded at Rome : ^^ Neqae 
am yideatur aUcui sL neque legatis neque nuntiis pteoaria 
iltafi et auetoritas decidendi aut oonoordandi in causa fidd 
ir, quia maxime absurdum esset et ab omni ratioae dissen- 
3I1B1, quin imo difficile et quam maxime periculosom, aacros 
IS et saactiones, p^ tot annorom censuras ab uniyersali 
lena ita rec^tas ut si quid ia his innoTandom esset, id 
ansa, uniyersalis condlii decretis vel saltan summi pontificis 
Leeiffi moderaUHris mature et bene discussa deliberatione 
i debeat, paucorum etiam non oompetentium judicio et 
I brevi ae prsecipiti tempore et in loco non satis idoneo 

' Debet tamen rev. dom. nuntius domi suae seorsim intelli- 
e a catholicis doctoribus ea omnia quso inter ipsos et doc- 
3S Lutheranos tractabuntur, ut suum consilium prudenti- 
que interponere et ad bonum finem omnia dirigere possit, 
ra semper sanctissimi domini nostri et apostolicse sedis 
;toritate et dignitate, ut ssepe repetitum est, quia hinc salus 
yersalis ecclesiss pendet, ut inquit D. Hieronjrmus. Debet 
m particulariter quadam cum dexteritate et prudentia 
holicos principes, tam ecclesiasticos quam saeculares, in fide 
entum et majorum suorum confirmare, et ne quid in ea 
lere et absque apostolicse sedis auctoritate, ad quam hujus- 
di examen spectat, innovari aut immutari patiantur, eos 
umonefaeere." QNor let it seem strange to any one if 
ther to legates nor to nuncios full power and authority are 
en to decide or to make agreement in matters of £aith, 
iause it would be most absurd and opposed to all reason, 
^, in the utmost degree difficult and exceedingly perilous, 
,t the sacred rites and sanctions commended to the universal 
irch by the experience of so many years, and so fully sanc- 
L 2 


tioned by it, should be committed to the judgment of a few 
persons, and eren those not competent, m so short a space of 
time, with so much precipitation, and in a place not entirely 
suitable; for, if any innovation were to be made, it should not 
be done except by decrees of a general council, or at least by 
the mature and well-discussed deliberation of the sovereign 
pontiff, the moderator of the church. 

p'he most reverend lord nuncio ought nevertheless to 
hear and understand from Catholic doctors in his own house, 
whatever shall relate to those things which are to be 
treated of between them and the Lutheran doctors, that he 
may be able to interpose with his counsel and prudence, and 
direct every thing to a good end ; always guarding the autho- 
rity and dignity of our most sacred lord and the Apostolic 
See, as hath often been repeated, because on this depends the 
safety of the universal church, as saith St. Jerome. He 
ought, besides, with a certain skill and prudence, particularl}' 
to confirm the Catholic princes, as well spiritual as secular, 
in the faith of their parents and forefathers, and should ad- 
monish them not to suffer any change or innovation to be 
made in it rashly, and without the authority of the Apostolie 
See, to which all examinations of that kind belong.^ 

No. 26. 

Instructio data rev'"'' Card}* Contareno in Germaniam legato^ 
28 Jan, 1541. [^Instruction given to the most reverend 
Cardinal Contarini, legate in Germany. 28 Jan. 1541.] 

This has been already printed, and is ofi;en mentioned. The 
Roman court was at length induced to make certain conces- 

Between the years 1541 and 1551, our collections present 
a number of letters, reports, and instructions by no means 
inconsiderable ; they comprehend all parts of Europe, and not 
unfrequenlly throw a new light on events. "We are not yet 
prepared minutely to investigate them in this place, for the 
book which these extracts would further illustrate was not 


d to give a complete representation of that period. T 
myself, therefore, without much scruple, to the more 

No. 27 

'iC 20 Juniiy in senatu Matthieus^ DandultUy eqtteiy ex 
a orator. QMatteo Dandolo, knight, amhassador 
ned from Rome, appears in the senate on the 20th of 
, 1551.] 

above is the title of the report presented bj Matteo 
3, who, as we see from the letters of Carcunal Pole 
lir. ii. p. 90), was brother-in-law to Caspar Con- 
kfter a residence of twenty>six months in Rome. He 
s to be brief : '^Alle relationi non convengono delle cose 
> state scritte se non quelle che sono necessarie di esser 
e." ^Those things that have been already written do 
lire to be put into the reports, excepting some that it 
sary to remark.] 

reals first of the latter days of Paul III. Of this 
lave already cited the most important facts. He then 
)f the conclave, and all the cardinals are mentioned by 
Dandolo asserts that he arrived with members of the 
belonging to the university of Padua : we see how 
must have been informed. He then communicates a 
account of the papal finances : ^^ II particolar conto, io 
to da essa camera." ^I received the computation from 
sury itself. ] 

La camera apostolica ha -d'entrata I'anno : per la the- 
, della 3Iarca 25,000 scudi, per la salara di detta pro- 
0,000, per la tliesaureria della cittk d'Ancona 9,000, 
;oli 2,400,— di Fermo l,750,--de Camerino 17,000,—- 
lagna et salara 31,331,— di Patrimonio 24,000,— di 
, et Umbria 35,597, — di Campagna 1,176, per Norsia 
r la salara di Roma 19,075, per la doana di Roma 
per la gal)ella de cavalli in Roma 1,322, per le hi- 
1,250, per I'ancoraggio di Civita Vecchia 1,000 ; per 
dio triennale: dalla Marca 66,000, da Romagna 
da Bologna 15,000, da Perugia et Umbria 43,101> 

150 HISXOBY OF TBB »0FB8— ^APPENDIX. [jNTo. 27. 

da Patrimomo 18,018, da Campa^a, 21,529 ; da censi di S. 
Pietro 24,000, dalla oongreg"'' de £rati 23,135, da Tigesiina de 
Hebrei 9,855, da maleficj di Roma 2,000. Summa, 559,473 
Da dexime del stato ecclesiastico quando si pon- 
gono 3,000 scudi, da dexime di Milano 40,000, 
— del regno 37,000, dalla gabella della farina 
30,000, — dalla gabella de contratti 8,000. 

= 220(?)000. 
Ha il datario per li officii che vacano compositioni 

et admissioni 131,000, da spoglie di Spagna (?) 
25,000 = 147,000 

Samma deHe entrate tutte ... 706(?)473 
senza le 5 partite no& tratte fvoia, che stanno a beneplaetto 
di N. SigBore. 

" 2. La camera ha di speBA Tanno : a dirersi govematori, 
legati, roohe 46,071 scudi, alii offieiali di Roma 145,815, a 
diverse gratiie 58,192, in Bcaaa al gorematore Bargd^ 
guar^e oamendi et altri officii 66,694, al capitano generate 
39,600, alle gallere 24,000, al popnlo Romano per il Ci^^lio 
8,950, al maestro di casa, il vitto della casa 60,000, a diyersi 
extraordinarii in Roma 35,485, al signor BaJdnino oaanerioce 
17,000, al signor GHioan Battista 1,750, alia carallieria qnando 
si teneva lanno 30,000, al N. S. per sno spendere et per pro- 
yisioni da a oardina^ e tutto il da^riato 232,000. Somma in 
tutta qoiesto exito 70(6 ? )5,557 seadi." 

1^1. The apostolic chan^r possesses of yearly reTeaae, from 
the treasury of the March, 25,000 scudi ; from the salt-tax 
of the said province, 10,000; from the treasury of the city 
of Ancona, 9,000 ; from that of Arcoli, 2,400 ; of Fermo, 
1,750; of Camerino, 17,000; of Romagna, including its 
salt-daes, 31,331 ; from the patrimony (of St. Peter), 
24,000 ; from Perugia and Umbria, 35,557 ; from the Cam- 
pagna, 1,176 ; from Nursia, 600; from the salt-tax of Rome, 
19,075; from the customs of Rome, 92,000; from the tax 
on horses in Rome, 1,322; from lights, 21,250; f rMu Ifce 
anchorage dues of Civitik Yecdiia, 1,000 ; from the triennial 
subsidy of the March, 66,000 ; of Romagna, 44,334 ; of Bo- 
logna, 15,000; of Peru^ and Umbria, 43,101; of the 
patrimony, 18,018 ; of the Campagna, 21^520 : from St 
Peter's tax, 24,000 ; from the congregation of friars, 23,135 ; 

No. 37.]] 9A1CDOL0 — ^DESCENT, BTC. OF JULIUS IH. 151 

£roiii ihe doable titkes of the Hebrews, 9,855; firom tbe 
male^Rctors of Rme, 2,000. Tot^ 559,473 

Also from tbe tithes of the Eodtooastioal State, 
when they are aT&ilaUe, 3,000 seudi ; from the 
tithes of Milan, 40,000; from the kingdom, 
37,000; from the tax on flonr, 30,000; for 
the impost on eontraets, 8,000 = 820,(?)000. 
The datario receives, for the offices that frdl ra- 
caot, in compod^ns and admissions, 131,000 ; (?) 
frram the qpoglia oi Spun, 25,000 = 147,000 

Total of the revenue ,.. 706(?)473 
Besides the Ave portions not brought forward, and which re- 
maln at the good pleasure and disposal of our lord the pope. 

[2. The annual eizpenditure of tiie chamber is : — ^to different 
fovemors and legates, aod for certain forts, 46,071 seudi ; to 
the officu^ of Rome, 145,815 ; for various gratuities, 
58)192 ; in Rome, to the governor Bargello, guards of the 
diamber, and other offices, 66,694 ; to the captain-general, 
39,600 ; for the galleys, 24,000 ; to the Roman people for 
the Capitol, 8,950 ; to the master of the palace, for the sup- 
port of the household, 60,000 ; for various contingent ex- 
penses in Rome, 35,485 ; to Signor Balduino, the <JhamberlaiD, 
17,000 ; to Signor Giovanni Battista, 1,750 ; to the cavalry, 
when it was kept in service, 30,000 ; to our lord the pope, 
for his private expenditure, and for pensions to the cardinals, 
and all the datariato, 232,000. Total of the whole expendi- 
ture, 70(?)5,557 seudi.] 

He concludes with remarks on the personal qualities of 

*'Papft Giulio, Ser°* Sig^, gravissimo e sapientissimo 
oons^, h dal Monte Sansovino, picciol luogo in Toscana, come 
giJL scrissi alle Ecc** V*. II prime che diede nome e qualche 
riputatione alia casa sua fu suo avo, dottore e molto dotto in 
l^ge, e fti al servitio del duca Guido de Urbino, dal quale 
mandato in Roma per negotii del suo state 11 a<;qui8t6 gratia 
molta, sicche col molto studio che in detta faculty foce il suo 
nepote, acquistb tanto di gratia et riputatione che el fu il car- 
dinal de Monte : di chi poi fu nipote questo. Arrivato in 
oorte per il prime grade camerier di papa Julio secondo, fu poi 
axoivaieovo di Siponto, et in tal grade venne qui alle Ecc~ V* 


a dimandargli Bavenna et Cerria, quandoche elle le hebbeno 
doppo il sacoo di Roma : et col malto suo valore nel quale 
el si dimostrb et nelle lettere di legge et nei consigli havuti 
molti et per Tauttorit^ molta di suo zio, che fu il cardinal de 
Monte, doppo morto lui, fu fatto cardinal questo. Et £a.tto 
papa si prese subito il noma di Julio, cbe fu il suo patron, 
con una perfettion (presuntion ?) di volerlo imitare. 

^^ Ha Sua S^ 64 anni a 28 di Ottobre, di natura coUerica 
molto, ma ancho molto benigna, sicche per gran collera che 
I'abbi la gli passa inanzi che compisse di ragionarla, sicche a 
me pare di poter affirmare lui non portar odio nd ancho forse 
amore ad alcuno, ecoetto perb il cwiinal di Monte, del quale 
dirh poi. A Sua Santitil non volsero mai dar il yoto li car- 
dinali nd di Marsa (?) nd di Trento, et furono li subito ^ 
meglio premiati da lei che alcun' altro di qnei che la favorirono. 
II pid favorito servitore di molti anni suo era lo arcivescoyo di 
Siponto, che lei essendo cardinale gli diede Tarcivescoyato e 
da lui fu sempre ben seryita, sicche si credea che subito la lo 
farebbe cardinale, ma lui si h rimasto in minoribus quasi cbe 
non era quandoche lei era cardinale, che poi fatto papa o pooo 
o nulla si h yoluto yaler di lui, sicche el poyerino se ne resta 
quasi come disperato." 

[[Pope Julius, most serene Signory, most grave and 
most wise Council, is from Monte Sansovino, a small 
place in Tuscany, as I have already written to your 
excellencies. The first who gave a name, and some degree 
of reputation to his house, was his grandfather, a doctor of 
laws and very learned therein, and he was in the service of 
Duke Guide of Urbino, who, having sent him to Rome on 
matters concerning his state, he there acquired great favour, 
so that his nephew, having also made good progress in the 
study of the said faculty, did himself acquire so much 
approval and reputation that he was made cardinal di Monte; 
and his nephew is this present pope. Having arrived at court, 
his first step was to become chamberlain to Pope Julius II., 
and be was afterwards made archbishop of Siponto. When 
in that rank it was that he was sent to your excellencies, to 
demand from you Ravenna and Cervia, when you held posses- 
sion of them after the sack of Rome. And by reason of his 
great merit, which was made manifest both in respect of hit 
legal learning, and on many occasions where his counsels were 


N08. 27, 28-3 LIFE OF POPE MABCELLUS II. 153 

avaulable, as well as because of the great weight and infla- 

enoe of his uncle, who was the cardinal di Monte, this last 

L having died, he was himself made cardinal. And being made 

t pope, be took instantly the name of Julius, who had been his 

patron, with the intention of seeking to imitate him. 

I, [His holiness will be 64 years old on the 28th of October. 

He is of a veiy choleric nature, yet very kindly withal ; so 

1, that, however angry he may be, it quickly passes away if any 

le man can succeed in reasoning with him. It appears to me 

1 tiiat he does not bear ill-will to any one, but neither, perhaps, 
96 1 does he regard any one with much affection, except indeed 
ut' tlie cardinal di Monte, of whom I will speak hereafter. 

Neither cardinal di Marsa, nor the cardinal of Trent, would 

eonaent to give a vote for his holiness ; yet they were more 

immediately favoured by him, and more highly rewarded, than 

i. any one of those who had voted for him. His most &Toured 

servant, and one of many years' standing, was the archbishop 

of Siponto, to whom, when he was himself made cardinal, he 

gave the archbishopric, and was always well served by him. 

Thus it was thought that he would immediately make him 

cardinal; but he has, nevertheless, been left " in minoribus," 

and is, in a manner, worse than when his holiness was but * 

cardinal ; for after becoming pope he seemed to make little or 

no account of the archbishop, so that the poor man is almost 

brought to despair thereby.] This manuscript is unfortunately 

too defective to make it advisable that we should copy at 

greater length, more particularly as the intelligence conveyed 

in it frequently degenerates into mere trivialities of detail. 

No. 28. 

Vita di Marcello IL^ scrkta di propria rtiano del Signor 
Alex, Cerviniy sno fratello. Alb, Nr, 157. [Life of 
Marcellus II., written by his brother Signor Alex. Cervini, 
with his own hand.] 

There is a most useful little work respecting Pope 
Marcellus II. by Pietro Polidoro, 1744. Among tho 
sources whence tlus author derived his work, we find precisely 
the first that he mentions to be this biography by Alex. 
Cervini. Unfortunately, however, the original copy was 


greatly injured so early as the year 1598, by a fire tkat broke 
oat in the. fiunily residence of the Cerrini at Montepnlciaoo, 
and we have but a fragm^it of it remaining. I extract from 
it the following passage, which refers to the attempt at a 
reformation of the calendar made under Leo X., and which is ' 
not to be found in Polidoro :— > 

^^ Hayendolo adunqne il padre assuefiitto in questi costumi 
et eseroitatolo nella grammatica, rettorica, aritmetica, e 
geometria, accadde che anche fu esercitato neii' astrologiB 
naturale pi^ ancora che non harerebbe f&iio ordinatamente, e 
la causa fu questa : la S^ di N. Sig" in quel tempo, Leone X., 
per publico editto face intendere cb^ chi hareva regola o motio 
di corr^gere Tanno trascorso fino ad aU' hora per undiei 
giomi, lo faoesse noto a Sw 8^ : onde W Biccardo giiL deCto 
( Yater des Papstes), siccome assai esercitato in questa profes- 
sione, Tolse obbedire al pontefice, e perb con longa e diligetite 
osservatione e con suoi stromenti trorb il vero corso del s(^ 
siccome apparisoe nelli suoi opusculi mandati al papa Leone^ 
coo il qufde e con quella gloriosissima easa de Medici teneva 
gran servitii e speckdmente con il magnifico Giuliano, dal 
quale avera riceyuti £aTori et offerte grandi. Ma perche h 
morte lo prevenne, quel Bignore non segni piii oltre il disegno 
ordinato che M' Riccardo seguitasse, servendo la persona Sua 
Ecc* in Francia e per tutto dove essa andasse, come erano 
convenuti. N^ la SantitI, di N. Signore potette eseguire la 
publicatione della correttione dell' anno per rarii impedknenti 
e finalmente per la morte propria, che ne segui non moHo 
tempo doppo." [Ilia &.ther, therefore, having accustomed 
him to these habits, and exercised him in grammar, rhetoric, 
arithmetic, and geometry, it chanced that he became also much 
versed in natural astrology, and more than he would have been 
in the ordinary course of things, the cause of which wasis 
follows : — ^His holiness our lord, who was pope at that time, 
Leo X., caused to be made known by public edict that who- 
ever might possess a rule or method for correcting the year, 
which up to that time had got wrong by eleven days, should 
make it known to his holiness ; wherefore the above-mentioned 
Mr. Riccardo (father of the pope), as one who was tolerably 
well versed in that profession, upplied himself to obey the 
pontiff, and therefore by long and diligent observation, and 
with the aid of his instruments, he sought and fbund the true 

29.]] Uf» OV pora PAUL nr. BY ▲. OABAOCIOLa 155 

ihe inii, as appears from liis mmjB and aketehes 
^«pe Lbo X^ to whom, and lo Uiat most glorioiis 
Hedjoiy he had erer shewn fhit^fol sernoe ; more 
hr to tiie nagnifieent JaHaa, from whom he had 
&yoiin and jpraat ofieis. The death of tibat Bi^Dor 
[ the fiilfflinent of the design Aat Mr. Rieeaido 
itend the person of his azownej isfeo Franee, or 
elae he might go, as had heenagieed hetwrnn <hem. 
oakL oar lord his hd&Mar eeceeate the pah Beathm of 
etioii of tiie year, beoaose of farievi impedSmests, 
JV heoaaae of Ins own death, whidi leDowed net long 

nev^rtibeless^ manifiast that die wad «f Ilahr w«s ae- 
ployed on tiiis matter, eren in the taMs ofLeo X. ; 
the bishop of FosseaidMone, who ree o at rn watded tiie 
theealendar in the Latoxan eoowsa ef til«,waa 
d^ penam who gaye attenlMi tathai I 

No. 29. 

Caracciolo Vita di Papa Paolo IV. 2 vol. fid. 
\i Pope Paul lY., bj Antonio Caraeciolo. 2 yolames 

Gacaociolo, a Theatine, a Neapelhu, and a eom- 
lis life, could not £ul to apply hmnelf diligently to 
ly of the most renowned Neapoliiaa p<^)e, the 
»f the Theatines, Paul lY., and we owe ^m oar 
iks for doing so. He has brought together a Tast 
if information, and innumerable detuls, which bnt 
rould have been lost. His book forms the gromid- 
Garlo Bromato's elaborate performaoee : ^' Steria di 
'., Pontefioe Masamo, Rom. 1748," and whieh pee* 
9xoeedingly rich collection of materials, in two thiek 
ly-printed quartos. 

•om the rigid severity of the censorship exevened in 
>lio church^ there resulted the ineritable ooosecpienee 
nato could by no means ventnre to admit aft the m- 

1 afforded him by the sources to whieh he applied. 

) frequently alluded to a cireomstantial WffOii fnm 


J. P. Caraffa to Clement YII., and which was prepared in 
the year 1532. From this Bromato (i. p. 205) makes a long 
extract. But he has also made several omissions, and that of 
matters most particularly essential ; for example, the remarks 
on the extensioa of Lutheran opinions in Venice. 

" Si supplica S. S % che per llionore di Dio e suo, non 
«ssendo questa citik la pii^ minima n^ la pi^ vil cosa della 
Christianity et essendovi neUa cittk e nel dominio di molte e 
molte migliara d'anime commesse a S. S% sia contenta da per- 
sona fedele ascoltare qualche cosa del loro bisogno, il quale 
ancorche sia grande, pure se ne dirik per hora qualche parte. 
E perohe, come Tapostolo dice, sine fide impossibile est pla- 
cere Deo, comminciarete da questa, et avisarete S. S** come si 
sente degli errori e dell' heresie nella vita e nei costumi di 
alcuni, come h in non fai!e la quaresima e non confessarsi, etc., 
e nella dottrina di alcuni, che publicamente ne parlano e ten- 
gono e communicano ancora con gli altri de' libri prohibiti 
senza rispetto. Ma sopra tutto direte che questa peste, tanto 
deir heresia Luterana quanto d'ogni altro errore contra fidem 
et bonos mores, da due sorti di persone potissimamente si va 
disseminando et aumentando, cio^ dagli apostati e da alcuni 
frati massime conventuali, e S. S*' deve sapere di quella male- 
detta nidata di quelli frati minori conventuali, la quale per 
sua bont^ fermando alcuni suoi servi ha incominciato a met- 
tere in iscompiglio : perche essendo loro stati discepoli d'un 
frate heretico gi^ morto, ban voluto far onore al maestro .... 
E per dire quelle che in cio mi occorse, pare che in tanta ne- 
cessitit non si debba andare appresso la stampa usata : ma sic- 
come neir ingruente furore della guerra si fanno ogni di nuove 
provvisioni opportune, cosi nella maggior guerra spirituals, 
non si deve stare a dormire. E perche S. S** sa che I'officio 
deir inquisitione in questa provincia sta nolle mani de' sopra- 
detti frati minori conventuali, li quali a case s'abbattono a&re 
qualche inquisitione idonea, come e state quel maestro Martino 
da Treviso, deUa cui diligenza e fede so che il sopradetto di 
buona memoria vescovo di Pola informd S. S**, et essendo hora 
lui mutato da quelle in altro officio, h suocesso nell' inquisitione 
non so chi, per quanto intendo, molto inetto : e per5 biso* 
gneria che S. S** prowedesse parte con eccitar gli ordinarj, che 
per tutto quasi si dorme, e parte con deputare alcune persone 
d'autorit^ mandare in questa terra qualche legato, se poflsibile 


on ambitioso n^ cupido, e che attendesse a risarciie 
; e credito della sede apostolica e punire o almeno fn- 
ribaldi heretici da mezzo de' poveri christiaoi : percbe 
ae anderanno, porteranno seco il testimonio della pro- 
pitia e della bontk de' fedeli cattolici, che non li vo- 
n lor compagnia. E perche la peste delF heresia si 
itrodarre e per le prediche e libri hereticali e per la 
abituatione nella mala e dissoluta vita, della quale facil- 
\i viene all' heresia^ par cbe S. S^ potria fare in cio una 
lonesta, et utile provvisione." 

his holiness be implored that, for the honour of God 
own, this city not being the least or the vilest object 
stendom, and there beiug in the said city and in her 
ms many and many thousands of souls committed to- 
ness, he will be content to hear from a feiithful witness 
)rtion of their wants, which are indeed very great, but 
;h there shall be now set forth at least some part ; and 
!, as the apostle saith, without faith it is impossible to 
Gl^od, you shall begin with this, and acquaint his holi- 
th the heresies and errors in the life and conduct of 
vho do not keep Lent, do not go to confession, &c. — 
doctrine of others, who publicly speak of and profess 
eresies, putting about also prohibited books among the 
without respect to rule. But above all, you will say 
lis pestilence, as well of the Lutheran heresy as of 
►ther error, contrary to the faith and to sound morals, 
ly disseminated and increased by two sorts of persona, 
to say, by the apostates themselves, and by certain 
chiefly " conventuali." Also his holiness should be 
ware of that accursed nest of conventuals, the Friar.-? 
tes ; for he by his goodness having restricted some of 
'-ants who would have moved in this matter, these friars 
5gun to put all in confusion ; for, having been disciples 
i^retic monk, now dead, they have determined to do 
to their master. . . . And, to say what are my thoughts 
matter, it appears to me that in so great an emergency 
ht not to confine ourselves to the usual method, but, as 
nenacing and increasing fury of war, new expedients 
ly adopted, as the occasion demands, so in this still 
iportant spiritual warfare, we should not waste our time 
). And since it is known to his holiness that the 


office of the Inquisition in this proyinoe is in the hands of 
those conventuals aforesaid, the Friars Minors, who will only 
by chance and occasionally persuade themselyes to perform 
any real and fitting inquisition, such as was exercised by that 
master Martino of Treviso, of whose diligence and faith I 
know that his holiness was informed by the aboFe-named 
bishop of Pola, of honoured memory, — since he has been 
now transferred to another office, and is succeeded in the In- 
quisition by I know not whom, but, so fieur as I can leam, a 
very insufficient person, it will therefore be needful ihsi his 
holiness should take the requisite measures, partly by arousing 
and exciting the ordinaries, who are everywhere no bettor 
than asleep, and partly by deputing some persons of autho- 
rity to this country, and sending hither some legate, who, if it 
were posssible, should be free from ambition and copiditj, 
that so he might apply himself to repair the honour and credit 
of the Apostolic See, punishing those rascal heretics, or at 
least driving them away from the midst of the poor Christians; 
for wherever they shall go they will carry with them the testi- [ 
mony of their own wickedness, and of the goodness of the 
faithful Catholics, who will not have them in their company. 
And since the pest of heresy is for the most part introduced 
by preaching, by heretical books, and by a long continuance 
in an evil and ^ssolute life, from which the passage to heresy 
is easy, it seems that his holiness would make a holy, honour- 
able, and useful provision by taking measures in this respeet.! 
There are other notices of more or less importance contained 
in the work of Caracciolo, which have for the most part re- 
mained unknown, but which, in a work of greater detail than 
that here presented to the reader, ought not to be passed over. 
This Italian biography is wholly distinct from another of 
Caracciolo's writings, the "Collectanea historica di Paolo IV. :" 
it is an entirdy different,, and much more useful work. There 
are, nevertheless, some things in the Collectanea which b» 
also to be found in the "Vita;" as, for example, the deacriptioB 
of the changes which Paul lY. proposed to ma^e after he had 
dismissed his nephews. 


No. 30. 

fie di M, Bernardo Nanagero alia S^ Bejf di Venetia 
indo di Boma ambasciatore appresso del pontefiee 
o IV. 1558. QReport presented to the most serene 
iblic of Venice by M. Bernardo Naragero, ambassador 
Dpe Paul IV., on his return from Rome.] 

is one of the Venetian Reports whidi obtained a general 
ion. It was used even by PaUayicini, who was 
d on that acoonnt. Rainaldus also menticms it 
es Eooles. 1557, No. 10), to say nothing of later 

!, without doubt, highly desenring of these honours, 
do Nayagero enjoyed that consideration in Venice 
pras due to his learning. We perceiye from Foscaiini 
Lett. Ven., p. 255) tlubt he was proposed as historio- 
r to the republic. In his oarlier ^aabassies to Charles V., 

VIII., and Soliman, he had become practised in 
iduct of difficult affairs, as well as in the obserration of 
able characters. He arrived in Rome immediately 
le accession of Paul IV. 

agero describes the qualities required of an ambassador 
three heads: understanding, which demands pene- 
; negotiation, which demands address ; and reporting, 
requires judgment that he may say only what is neces- 
(d useful. 

5ommences with remarks on the election and power of 
It is his opinion that if the popes would earnestly 
themselves to the imitation of Christ, they would be 
more to be feared. He then describes " le conditioni," 
says, " di papa Paolo IV., e di chi lo consiglia," fthe 'i^/ 

$s of Pc^ Paul IV., and of those who advise him,] — . jij 

above sill, his three nephews. I have made use of his . j 

tions, but the author is not always to be followed in -; 

lerai conclusions. He thinks that even Paul IV. had . ''' ! 

9r object than the exaltation of his own house. Had 
iten later, after the banishment of the ne^diews, he 
not have expressed such an opinion. That event 
. the point of change in the papal poliey, from worldly 
x> those of a more i^ritual character. Frran personal 


descriptions, Navagero proceeds to an account of the war 
between Paul lY. and Philip II. : this also is quite as hap- 
pily conceived, and is full of the most intelligent remarks. 
There next follow a review of the foreign relations of Rome, 
and reflections on the probable result of a future election. It 
is only with the most cautious discretion that Navagero pro- 
ceeds to speak of this matter. '' Piii," he says, ^' per sodis&re 
alle SS. V V. EE. che a me in quella parte." QMore to satisfy 
your excellencies than myself, I speak of this part.]] But 
his conjectures were not wide of the mark. Of the two io 
regard to whom he perceived the greatest probability of suc- 
cession, he names, in fact, the one who was elected, Medighis 
(Medici), although it is true that he considered the other, 
Puteo, to be a still more likely successor. 

" But now," he says, '' I am here again. I again behold the 
countenance of my sovereign, the illustrious republic, in whose 
service there is nothing so great that I would not venture to 
attempt it, nothing so mean that I would not undertake it" 
This expression of devotedness gires heightened colour to the 

No. 31. 

Eelatwne del CI'''' M, Aluise Mocenigo Cav" ritornato della 
corte di Eoma, 1560. (Arch, Ven.) [[Report of the 
most illustrious M. Aluise Mocenigo, presented on his 
return from the court of Rome, 1560.] (Venetian Archives.) 

Mocenigo remained during seventeen months at the court 
of Paul lY. The conclave lasted four months and eight 
days : he then conducted the embassy during seven months 
at the court of Pius IV. 

He first describes the ecclesiastical and secular adminkto* 
tion, that of justice, and the court under Paul lY. He mftket 
an observation respecting these things, of which I have ]H>t 
ventured to make use, although it suggests many refleettons. 
^^ I oardinali," he says,^'dividono fra loro le ciul^ ddile Ug^ 
tioni (nel conclave) : poi continuano in questo modo a h^TB^ 
placito delli pontefici." [The cardinals divide the differtiii 
cities of the legations among themselves (in the oonolaye)^ 
and the arrangement afterwards remains, but subject to the^ 




easure of the pope.^ May we then cousider this the % 

>f that administiation of the state by the clergy which %% 

bdually introduced ? t^ 

does he forget the antiquities, of which Rome possessed 
r abundance at that time than at any other, as is tes- 
>y the descriptions of Boissard and Gamucci : ^' In 
loco, habitato o non habitato, che si scara in Roma, 
rano yestigie e fabriche nobili et antiche, et in molti 
n cayano di bellissime statue. Di statue mannoree, 
nsieme si potria fare un grandissimo esercito." |^In L 

»lace, whether inhabited or uninhabited, that is exca- I! 

a Rome, there are found vestiges of noble and ancient |! 

res ; also from many places most beautiful statues are "^ 

t. Of marble statues, if all were placed together, ;;{i] 

light be made a very large army.] ?1^ 

lext comes to the disturl^nces that broke forth on the 
f Paul IV., and which were repeated in a thousand 
lisorders, even after they appeared to be allayed. 
>to c'hebbe il popolo, concorsero nella cittd. tutti Mliti e 
iti, che non si sentiva altro che omicidii, si ritrovavano :^ 

ihe con 8, 7 e fin 6 scudi si pigliavano il carico d'amaz- 
uomo, a tanto che ne furono in pochi giomi commesse 
entenara, alcuni per nimicizia, altri per lite, molti per 
r la sua roba et altri per diverse cause, di mode che 
pareva, come si suol dire, il bosco di Baccaro." [[When 
pie had ceased, there flocked to the city all the broken 
d outlaws, so that nothing was heard of but murders, 
me were found, who for eight, seven, or even for six 
vould take upon themselves the charge of killing a 
md this went to such a degree that many hundred 
s were committed in a few days, some from motives of 
, others on account of lawsuits, — ^many that they might 
the property of the murdered, and others for divers 
so that Rome seemed, as the saying is, to have become 
den of Baccaro.] 

conclave was very joyous, — every day there were ban- 
Vargas was there whole nights, at least " alii busi 
clave " \jLt the merry-makings of the conclave]. But 
son who really elected the pope was Duke Cosmo of 
se. " II duca di Firenze Ta fatto papa : lui la fatto 
lei nominati del re Filippo e poi con diversi mwsn 
ni. u 

162 HISTORY OP THE P0PB8 — ^APPE^PIX. [[NoS. 31, 32. 

raccommandar anco daUa regina di Franza, e finalmente 
guadagnatogli oon grand' industria e diligenza la parte Cara- 
fesca." (^The duke of Florence has made him pope ; it wag 
he who caused him to he placed among the nominees of King 
Philip ; then hy various means he had him recommended hj 
the queen of France ; and finally, by great industry and dili- 
gence, he gained the Oaraffift party to his side.^ How com- 
pletely do all these intrigues, described in the histories of 
the conclayes, lie exposed in their utter nothingness ! The 
authors of these histories, themselves for the most part meia- 
bers of the conclaves, saw only the mutual relations of ihMie 
individuals with whom they were in contact ; the influenoe8 
acting on them from without were concealed from their per- 

The report concludes with a description of Pius lY., so bf 
as hier personal qualities had at that time been made manifest 

No. 32. 

Relatione del CI'''* M, Marchio Mtchiely K^ e Proc.^ ritomato 
da Pio /F., 8ommo ponUfice^ fatta a S di Zugno^ 1560. 
[^Report of the most illustrious M. Marchio Michiel, knight 
and procurator, presented on his return from Pius IV., 
supreme pontiff. June 8, 1560.^ 

This is the report of an embassy of congratulation, which 
was absent from Yenice only thirty-nine days, and cost 13,000 
ducats. As a r^>ort it is very feeble. Michiel exhorts to 
submission .towards Rome. ^' Non si tagli la giurisdition del 
papa, e li sig^ avogadori per non turbare Tanimo di S. S^ 
abbino tutti queUi rispetti che si conviene, i quail ho visto che 
molto volte non si hanno." {Tb& jurisdiction of the pope 
should not be invaded, and that the mind of his holiness 
may not b^ disturbed, the avogadors should pay him all 
those marks of respect that are proper, but which I have 
often remarked them to omit.^ 


No. 33. 

*<he8 of the Venetian AmboiMtdor^ — l^th of May^^ 
of Septemher^ 1560. Informat, PoRtt. vol. viii. 
r 272. aborts of the Venetian Ambassadors in 
?, 1561. Inform. Politt, vol. xxxvii. leaves 71. 

reports are also despatclies, dated January and Feb- 
1561, and are all from Marc Antonio de Mala, who 
3 time filled the pkce of ambassador. (See Andrea 
Bni, Hist. Venet. lib. viii. torn. ii. 153.) They are very 
[ye, giving interesting particulars m regard to the cir- 
ices of the times and to the character of Pius lY. 
dng fortunes of the Garaffii fsunily occupy a prominent 
kud we learn horn these documents iliat Philip II. 
shed to save these old enemies of his. This was even 

against him as a crime at the court (of Kome). 
replied, that Philip IL had ^ven them his pardon ; 
Tran re, quel santo, quel cattolico non facendo come 
" Qthat great king, thiftt holy, that Catholic monarch, 
Qg as ye Romans do]. The pope, on the contrary, 
tied them with the utmost vehemence : '^ Havere mosse 
le Christiani, de Turchi e degl* eretici, . . . . e che le 
3he venivano da Francia e dagli agenti in Italia, tutte 
ontrafatte, &c." (^That they had moved Christians, 
ind heretics to war, .... and that the letters which 
)m France and from the agents in Italy, were all forged. 
The pope said he would have given 100,000 scudi to 

proved that they were innocent, but that atrocities 
they had committed could not be endured in Chris- 
tain from making extracts from these letters ; it will 
have intimated the character of their contents. 

164 HISTORY OP THE P0PB8— APPENDIX. [[NoS. 34, 35. 

No. 34. 

Extractm processus Cardinalis Caraffm. Inff, torn. ii. 
/. 465 to 516. With the addition : Hose copia processus 
formati contra cardinalem Caraffam reducta in summam 
cum imputationibus fisci eorumque reprobationibus per^ 
fecta fuit d. 20 Nov. 1560. ^Extract from the trial of 
Cardinal Caraffa. Inff. vol. ii. folios 465 to 516. With the 
addition of the following note :— This copy of the writ in- 
stituted against Cardinal Caraffa, with the charges brought 
by the exchequer, and the statements in denial of the 
same, was completed on the 20th of Nov. 1560.^ 

From the ninth article of the defence, under the word 
" Heresy," we learn that Albert of Brandenburg sent a certain 
Colonel Friedrich to conclude a treaty with Paul IV. The 
colonel had even an audience of the pope himself; but the 
cardinal ot Augsburg (Otho von Truchsess) made so many 
objections and representations against him, that he was at 
length sent out of Rome. To this document is annexed: 
*' £1 successo de la muerte de los G^rrafas con la declaracion 
y el modo que murieron y el di y hora, 1561." — Inform, ii. 
QThe event of the death of the Caraffas, with an account of 
the manner in which they died, together with the day and 
hour, &c.] 

No. 35. 

Report of Girolamo Soranzo — 1563. Rome. Venetian 

The date, 1561, which is on the copy in the archivesi is, 
without doubt, incorrect. According to the authentic lists of 
the embassies, Girolamo was certainly chosen as early as the 
22nd of September, 1560, because Mula had accepted an ap- 
pointment from Pius IV., and had on that account fallen into 
disgrace with the republic. But that offence was forgiven, 
and it was not until Mula had been nominated cardinal, in the 
year 1562, that Soranzo superseded him. The latter fre- 

No. 35.] POPE PIUS IV.— QIROLAMO 60RANZ0. 165 

quently makes aUnsioD to the council also, which did not, in 
fact, sit at all in the year 1561. 

Girolamo Soranzo has remarked, that the reports were 
agreeable as well as useful to the senate : '' E volontieri udite 
e maturamente considerate." QThey are willingly listened to, 
as well as maturely considered.] He prepared lus own reports 
with pleasure, no less than with diligence. It will amply re- 
pay our labour to listen to his description of Pius lY. 

~**^ Delle quality dell' animo dl Sua Beatitudine dirb sincera- 
mente alcune particulari propriety che nel tempo della mia 
legattone ho potuto osservare in lei et intender da persone che 
Be hanno parlato senza passione. II papa, come ho detto di 
sopra, ha studiato in leggi : con la cognitione delle quali e con 
la pratica di tanti anni nelli govemi principali, che ha havuto 
ha &tto un ^udicio mirabile nolle cause cosi di giustitia come 
di gratia che si propongono in segnatura, in modo che non 
s'apre la bocca che sa quello si pud concedere e quelle si deve 
negare, la quale parte h non pur utile ma necessaria in un 
pontefice per le molte et importanti materie che occorre trattar 
di tempo in tempo. Possiede molto bene la lingua latina e 
s'ha sempre dilettato di conoscer le sue bellezze, in modo che, 
per quanto mi ha detto Tillustrissimo Navagiero, che ne ha 
cosi Del giudicio, nei concistorj, dove ^ Tuso di parlar latino, 
dice quello che vuole e facilmente e propriamente. Non ha 
studiato in theologia, onde awiene che non vuole mai propria 
autorit^ pigliar in se alcuna delle cause commesse all' ufficio 
dell' inquisitione : ma usa di dire che non essendo theologo si 
contenta rimettersi in tutte le cose a chi si ha il carico : e se 
bene si conosce non esser di sua satisfattione il modo che ten- 
gono gl'inquisitori di procedere per I'ordinario con tanto 
rigore contra gl'inquisiti, e che si lascia intendere che piii gli 
piaceria che usassero termini da cortese gentilhuomo che da 
frate severe, nondimeno non ardisce o non vuole mai oppo- 
aersi ai giudicii loro, nei quali interviene poche volte, facendosi 
per il piii congregationi senza la presenza sua. Nelle materie 
e deliberationi di state non vuole consiglio d'alcuno, in tanto 
che si dice non esser state pontefice piii travagliato e manco 
eonsigliato di S. S**, non senza meraviglia di tntta la corte che 
almeno nelle cose di maggior importantia ella non voglia avere 
il parere di qualche cardinale, che pur ve ne sono molti di 


buon oonaiglio : e so ohe un gLcumo Yargas lo persuase di failo, 
con dirle che se bene Sua S** era pradentissima, che pero unns 
vir erat nullus yir, ma ello ae lo levb d'inanzi con male pardie: 
et in effetto si vede che^o sia che ella sdma di easer atta di poter 
risolver da se tatte lo materie che oeooxrono, o ohe pur co- 
nosca esser poohi o forse nxano oaidinale che non sia interest 
sato con qualche prinoipe, onde il gnidido non pub esser libeio 
e sincere, si yede, dice, che non si vnole aervire d'altri che dal 
card^ Borromeo e dal og" Tolomeo, i qnali essendo gioTuni 
di niuna o poca speriensb et esseguoiti ad ogni minimo oenno 
di S. S^, si possono ohiamar piutosio aemplkn esecutori die 
consiglieri. D^ questo maneamento di consiglio ne nasee che 
la B^t* Sua, di natora molto presta per tutte le sae attioBi, 
si risolve anco molto presto in tutte le materie, per importanti 
che le sienoy e i«esto si rimuove da qudlo che ha deliberaib : 
perche quando sono publicate le sue deliberationi e efae li veiiga 
poi dato quaiche advertimento in oontiario, non solo le altera, 
ma fa spesso tutto I'opposito al suo primo disegno, il che amio 
tempo i ayyenuto non una ma moLt/Q yolte. Gon i pnnciiN 
tiene modo immediate contrario al suo precessore: perche 
quello usaya di dire il grade del pontefice ess^ per metier 
sotto i piedi gl'imperatori et i re, e questo dice che senza I'au^* 
toritl. de' principi non si pu5 conseryare queUa d^ pontefice : 
e percio procede con gran rispetto yerso di cadauno prindpe 
e £a loro yolentieri ddJe gratie, e quando le ni^a, lo fa con 
gran destrezza e modestia. Procede medesimamente con gran 
dolcezza e facilit^l nel troyar i negotii indifferentemente con 
tutti : ma se alcuna yolta segli domanda cosa che non sente, 
se mostra yehemente molto e terribile,n^ patisceche segli con- 
tradica : nh quasi mai h necessaria con S. S** la destrezza, per- 
che quando si h addolcita, difficilmente niega alcuna gratia ; h 
yero che nelT essecutione poi si troya per il piii mOfggior diffi- 
cult^ che nella promessa. Porta gran rispetto yerso i rey^ 
card", e fa loro yolentieri delle gratie, n^ deroga mai ai soi 
indulti nolle collationi de' beneficii, quello che non fetceya il 
suo precessore. E yero che da quelli di maggior autorit^ 
par che sia desiderato che da lei fusse dato loro maggior parte 
delle cose che occorrono a tempo di tanti trayagli di quello che 
usa di fare la S. S^ : onde si dogliono di yedere deliberationi 
di tanta importantia passar con cod poco consiglio, e chiamano 
felicissima in questa parte la Serenity Yostra. Alii ambas- 


ciatoii uBa S. Beat^ quelle maggior dimostrationi d'amore et 
honoie che si poasi dedideiare, n^ lascia adietro alcnna oosa 
per tener li ben safcis&tti e contenti : tiatta dolcemente i ne- 
gotii eon loiOy e se alcana volta s'altera per causa di qualche 
dimaadft ch'ella non senta o altia oocasione, du sa usare la 
destaeua, Taoqiiieia sabito, e fa in modo che se non ottiene in 
tatto qoanto desidera, ha aJmeno in risposta parole molto cor- 
i0a : dove qmodo 8^;li yuol opponere, si pud esser certo di 
mm ay«r nd Tono n^ I'altro : e perb Yargas non h mai stato 
ia gaduk di S. S% perche non ha procednto con qnella mo- 
dflrtm ek'eia desiderata da lei. Finite che ha di trattar li 
Bflgotii oon li ambasciatori, & loro parte cortesemente, parla 
deUi ayrin che ha di qualche importantia, e poi entra volen- 
twiiadifleoneie de lo presente 6tato del mondo : e eon me I'ha 
iaUo m purtieiilare molto speeso, oome si pnb ricordar Y . S** che 
aloHie Yolte ho empito i fogli dei snoi ragionamenti. Oon i 
anoi fignigliaii precede in modo che non si pnb conosoere che 
alovBO ha antoritik con lei, perche li tratta tutti egnalmente, 
non li dando Hbert^ di fat cosa alcuna che non sia conyeni- 
ente^ nl peormettendo che se la piglino da loro medesimi, ma li 
tiene tatti in ooei bassa e povera fortuna che dalia corte saria 
desiderato di veder verso quelli piu intimi camerieri et altri 
servitori antichi dimostratione di maggior stima et amore. Fa 
gran professione d'esser giudice giusto, e volentieri ragiona di 
qnesto suo desiderio che sia fatto giustitia, e particolarmente 
oon ^ ambasGiatori de' principi, con li quali entra poi alle 
Tolte con tal occasione a giustificarsi della morte di Caraffa e 
delle sententie di Napoli e Monte come fatte ginstamente, 
essendoli forse vennto alle orecchie esser stato giudicato della 
corte tatta ch'esse sententie e particnlarmente qnella di Caraffa 
siano state fatte con seyeritl. pur troppo grande et extraordi- 
naria. £ naturalmente il papa inclinato alia vita privata e 
libera, perche si vede che difficilmente si pub accomodare a pro- 
oedere con quella maestk che usava il precessore, ma in tutte 
le sne attioni mostra piutosto dolcezza che gravitsL, lasciandosi 
yedere da totti a tutte There et andando a cavallo et a piedi 
per tatta la cittil. con pochisima compagnia. Ha una inclina- 
tione grandissima al &bbricare, et in questo spende volentieri 
e largamente, sentendo gran piacere quando si lauda le opejre 
che ya facendo : e par che habbi fiue lasciar anco per questa 
via memoria di se, non yi essendo hormai luoga in Roma che 


non habbi il nome sao, et usa di dire il fabbricare esser parti- 
cularmente indinatione di casa de Medici, n^ osserra S. 
Beat"' qaello che h state fatto dalli altri suoi precessori, che 
banno per il pi^ inoominciato edificii grandi e magnifici las- 
ciandoli poi imperfetti, ma ella ha piutosto a piacere di i$i 
aooonoiar quelli cbe minacciano royina e finir grincominciaiti, 
con fame anco de' nuovi, fiebcendo fiabbricar in molti luoghi 
dello state eccleeiastioo : peiche fortifica Cirita Yecckia^ 
acconcia il porto d'Ancona, ynol ridnr in fortezza BolognA: 
in Roma poi, oltra la fortificatione del borgo e la fabbrioadi 
Belvedere e del palazzo, in molte parti della cittik £a accondar 
strade, fabbricar chiese e rinoyar le porte con spesa cod 
grande che al tempo mio per molti mesi nolle fabbricbe di 
Roma solamente passava 12 m. send! il mese e forse pi^ di 
qaello che si conviene a principe, in tanto che viene affermato 
da pi^ antichi cortigiani non esser mai le cose passate con tanta 
misura e cosi strettamente come fanno al presente. E perche 
credo non habbia ad esser discaro Tintendere qnalche parti- 
culare che tiene 8. Beat°* nel vivere, perb satisfaib anohe a 
questa parte. Usa il pontefice per ordinario lerarsi, qnaudo 
e sano, tanto *di bnon bora cod Tinyemo come Testate ob'd 
sempre quad inanzi giomo in piedi, e snbito vestito esce a far 
esercitio, nel quale spende gran tempo : poi ritomato, entrano 
nella sua camera il rey"*" Borromeo e mens' Tolomeo, oon i 
quali tratta, come ho detto, S. S * tutte le cose important 
ccsi pubbliche come private, e li tiene per Tordinario seco doi 
o tre here : e quando li ha licentiati, sono introdutti a lei quei 
ambasciatori che stanno asp^ttando I'aadientia : e finito che 
ha di ragionar con lore, ode S. S'* la messa, e qnando I'hora 
non d tarda, esce fuori a dare audientia ai cardinali et ad altri : 
e poi si mette a tavola, la qual, per dir il vero, non h molto 
splendida, com' era quella del precessore, perche le yiyaiide 
sono ordinarie e non in gran quantitik et il seryitio ^ 
de' soliti soi camerieri. Si nutrisce di cibi grossi e di 
pasta alia Lombarda ; beve pi^ di qaello che mangia, et il 
vino h greco di somma molto potente, nel quale non d ynok 
acqua. Non ha piacere che al sno mangiare d troyiiMS 
secondo I'uso del precessore, yescoyi et altri prelati di ri- 
* spetto, ma piutosto ha caro udir qualche ragionamento di 
persone piacevoli e che habbino qualche umore. Ammette aSUa 
sua tayola molte volte di cardinali e degli ambasciatori. 

lo, .85.2 ^^P^ ^^^^ ^^- — <3IR0LAM0 80RAKZ0. 169 

. a me in particnlare ha fsLtto di questi fetvori con dimostra- 
oni molto amoreyoli. Dapoi che ha finito di mangiare, si ritim 
dkb sua camera, e spogliato in camicia entra in letto, dove vi 
a per Tordinario tre o quattro hore: e svegliato si li- 
>na a vestire, e dice lufficio et alcune volte da audientia a 
ualche cardinale et ambasciatore, e poi se ne ritorna al suo 
)»dtio in Belvedere, il quale non intermette mai Testate fin 
lioia di cena e Tinvemo fin che si vede lume." QOf the 
lental characteristics of his holiness I will speak sincerely, 
Mdibing certain peculiarities which I was enabled to observe 
I him during the time of my embassy, or of which I obtained 
aowledge from persons who spoke of them dispassionately. 
he pope, as I have said above, has studied the laws, his 
Qowledge of which, and the practice acquired during so 
any years, in the important governments he has held, have 
reaoL him an admirable certainty of judgment in all causes, 
bather of justice or mere favour, that are brought forward 
L the Segnatura ; so that he never opens his mouth without 
roving that he well knows what may be conceded, and what 
ight to be refused, which is a quality not only useful, but 
scessary to a pontiff on account of the many and important 
atters that from time to time he has to treat and decide 
[>on. He is very well acquainted with the Latin tongue, and 
IS always taken pleasure in studying its beauties ; so that, 
^cording to what I have been told by the most illustrious 
favagiero, who has so perfect a judgment in respect to that 
uestion, he expresses himself in the consistories, where it is 
istomary to speak Latin, with great ease and propriety. He 
IS not studied theology, and for this reason will never take 
pon himself to decide by his own authority such causes as 
re committed to the office of the Inquisition, but is in the 
Gibit of saying, that, not being a theologian, he is content to 
}fer all such matters to those who have the charge of them ; 
ad although it is well known that the ordinary manner of 
le inquisitors, in proceeding with so much rigour against the 
arsons examined, is not to his satisfaction, and that he has 
ifiered it to be understood that it would please him better to 
)e them use the methods proper to a courteous gentleman, 
fcther than those of a rigid monk, yet he either does not 
loose, or does not dare, to oppose their decisions, with which, 
ideed, he but rarely interferes, the congregations being held 

170 HI8T0ET OP THB P(»E8 — APPSNDnt. [No. BS. 

for the most part without his presence. In affurs and de- 
liberations of state he will not tike coansel of any man, inso^ 
much that it is said there has never been a pontiff more hardly 
worked, and less advised, than his holiness And it does not 
fail to be made matter of wond^ to the whde oonrt, that he 
will not take the opinion at least of some cardinal, more espe- 
cially for a&irs of great importance, and the rather, as many 
of the cardinals are men of very sonnd judgment. I know 
tibat Vargafl one day advised him to do so, remarking to him, 
that althongh his holiness was, doubtless, most wise, yet that 
one man wets no man (unns vir erat nullus vir) ; but his holi- 
ness sent him off with a rough reply ; and it is in fact very evi- 
dent that, whether because he considers himself capable of de- 
ciding all questions that come before him, or because he knows 
that there are few, perhaps no cardinals, who are not in llie 
interest of some prince, and that all are thus incapacitated ht 
giving a free unbiassed judgment, it is, I say, evident, that 
he will not accept the service of any, save Carainal Dorrcmiao 
and Signer Tolomeo, who being young men of little or no 
experience, and ready to obey the very slightest intimation 
from his holiness, may rather be called simple executors than 
counsellors. From this want of counsel it results that his 
holiness, who is by nature prompt in aU his actions, takes his 
resolutions also very quickly in respect to all public aflSiirs, 
however important they may be, but as readily abandons the 
determination he has taken, so that when his decisions are 
published, and there happens afterwards to be brought to him 
some information of a contrary tendency, he not only changes 
his measures, but frequentiy does the very opposite of what he 
had first designed, a circumstance that occurred in my time, 
not once only, but on various occasions. Towards princes the 
conduct of his hdiness is directly contrary to that of his pre- 
decessor, for the latter used to say that the position of the 
pontiff permitted him to place emperors and kings beneath 
his feet, while the present pope declares that without the 
authority of princes it is impossible to maintain that of tiie 
pontiff. Thus he deports himself with great respect towards 
every prince, is extremely willing to grant them &vours, and 
when he refuses them any thing, he does it with infinite 
address and modesty. He proceeds in like manner with 
exceeding gentieness and affability tpwards all persons whatso- 

No. 35.]] pon Piirs it.— oibolamo sobanzo. 171 

ewr -who appvoadi him in tiie conduct of affiun ; but if at any 
time lie be reqoiied to do a thing which di^leases him, he 
becomes exoomreLj yehement, and pioyes himself to be really 
terrible, nor will he Buffer the slightest contradiction. Yet it 
is hardly ever necessazy to use address with his holiness, for 
when he has becMne pacified, he finds it difficult to refuse any 
lequest It is true that there is more difficulty in securing 
the mbseqoent exeoution than in obtaining the promise. He 
diiplayB ue utmost respect towards the most reyerend car- 
dbttls^ and willingly confers fiftvours on them ; nor does he 
erer diminish the value of the privileges conferred in the 
collation to benefices, as was done by his predecessor. It is 
tnie that among those of the cardinals who have the principal 
infloenee^ there exists the desire that he would give them a 
BK>re active part in the affiurs that occur during times of so 
mneh movement than that which his holiness is accustomed 
to aooord tiiem; they are dissatisfied that resolutions of the 
hi^gbest importance should be adopted with so little advice 
aiuL dflllbenition, and in this respect they consider your 
Serenity most fortunate. Towards the ambassadors his holi- 
ness evinces the highest demonstrations of respect and good- 
will,— -better could not be desired; nor does he omit any thing 
that can tend to their satisfaction. He conducts himself most 
amicaUy in all negotiations with them, and if at any time he 
bX\s into anger on account of some demand that has dis- 
pleased him, yet any one who uses discretion may readily 
appease him, and can always succeed so far as to gain at 
least a very firiendly reply, even though he may not obtain 
all he demands ; but whoever attempts to place himself in 
direct opposition to his holiness,, may be assured of receiving 
neither the one nor the other. Therefore it is that Yargas 
has never possessed the fovour of Pope Pius IV., for he has 
at no time proceeded with the modesty required from him. 
When the pontiff has finished the discussion of business matters, 
he converses courteously with the ambassadors ; mentions any 
important notices or advices that may have reached him, and 
freely enters into discourse respecting the present state of the 
world. "With myself, in particular, he has done that very fre- 
quently, as your Serenity will remember, for I have often 
filled whole sheets with bis remarks. Towards his domestics 
be proceeds in such a manner that one cannot perceive any 

172 HI8T0RY OF THE POPES — ^APPENDIX. j^No. 35. i 

one among them to have any influence with him ; he treats ji 
them all alike, not giving one of them liberty to do any thing i 
unsuitable to his position, nor permitting them to take any 
thing upon themselves. But he retains them all in so poor and 
humble a fortune that the court would willingly see mors 
esteem and regard displayed towards the more confidential 
chamberlains and other old servants. He makes earnest pro- 
fession of being strictly just as a judge, and readily conyenwB 
of the desire he has that justice should be done, more par* 
ticularly towards the ambassadors of princes, with whom he 
will sometimes enter on such occasions into a justificaiaon' ol 
the death of Caraffa, and the sentences of Naples and M<mte^ 
which he declares to have been pronounced in an equitable 
manner ; for it may have come to his ears that the whole 
court considered these sentences, and especially that of 
Caraffa, to have been marked by an extraordinary and exces- 
sive severity. The pope is naturally inclined to a life of 
privacy and freedom, because it is obvious that he finds diffi- 
culty in acconmiodating himself to that majesty of deport- 
ment remarked in his predecessor. In all his actions he 
displays afiability rather than dignity, permitting hims^ 
to be seen at all times and by all people, and going 
throughout all parts of the city on foot or on horseback, 
with a very small train. He has a very great love of 
building, and in this he spends willingly and largely, listening 
with great pleasure when the works he has in progress are 
praised ; and it would seem that he desires to leave a 
memorial of his pontificate in this manner also, for there is 
now scarcely a place in Rome that does not bear his name; 
and he frequently remarks that the £9bmily of Medici has 
an especial love of building : nor does his holiness pursue the 
method of many other popes his predecessors, who have, hi 
the most part, commenced large and magnificent edifices, which 
they afterwards left imperfect ; but Pope Pius, on the con- 
trary, finds pleasure in restoring such as are falling to decay, 
and in finishing those already begun ; yet he also consfaraels 
many new ones, causing divers buil£ngs to be erected in 
many parts of the Ecclesiastical States : thus, he is fortiffing 
Civitii Yecchia, is repairing the harbour of Ancona, and pro- 
poses to constitute Bologna a fortress. In Rome also, beaideB 
the fortification of the Borgo, and the building of the Belve- 


nd the palace, he is causing streets to be r^aired in 
parts of the city, is erecting chnrchee, and restoring the 
at so great a cost, that in my time there were more 
2,000 scudi per month expended on the buildings of 

alone, for many months consecutively, and perhaps 
lian it is suitable that a sovereign should spend in this 
or ; so that it has been affirmed, by many of the older 
)rs, that things had never been reduced to so close a 
re or so strictly ordered as at present. And now, be- 
[ think that some particulars of the mode of life adopted 
holiness will not be unwelcome, so I will furnish infor- 
i on that subject also. It is the custom of the pontiff 

80 early when he is in good health, as well in the win- 
in the summer, that he is always on foot almost before 
nk, and being quickly dressed, he goes out to take 
ge, in which he spends much time. Then, having re- 
, the most reverend Cardinal Borromeo enters his 
er, with Mens'* Tolomeo, with whom, as I have said, 
liness treats of all important matters, whether public 
rate, conunonly detaining them for two or three hours ; 
he has dismissed them, the ambassadors, who have been 
g an audience, are introduced, and when he has finished 
Bing with them, his holiness hears mass ; after which, 
hour be not late, he goes out to give audience to the 
als and others. He then sits down to table, which, to 
e truth, is not served very splendidly, or as that of his 
lessor was, for the viands are common, and supplied in 
3at quantity, while the service is performed by his 
attendants. His diet is of the most ordinary kind, for 
>st part Lombard maccaroni ; he drinks more than he 
nd his wine is Greek, of considerable strength, in which 
igles no water. He does not take pleasure, as did his 
eesor, in receiving bishops and other dignified prelates 
table, but rather prefers the conversation of persons who 
insing, and possess some humour. He frequently admits 
ibis and ambassadors to his table, and on myself in par- 
, he has frequently conferred these favours with many 
IS demonstrations of kindness. When he has finished 

he withdraws to his room, undresses, and goes to bed, 
he most commonly remains two or three hours. On 
ig, he quickly dresses again, then says mass, and some- 

174 HISTORY OF THE POPES — ^APPENDIX. [[Nos. 35, 36. 

times gives audience to some one of tbe cftrdinals or am- 
bassadors ; he then returns to his exercise in the Belvedere, 
which he never ceases until su{q9er-time in summer, and which 
he continues in winter while any light remains.^ 

Many other notices of interest and importance, from the 
illustrations they afford of the history of those times, are brought 
forward by Soranzo. He throws light, for example, on the 
otherwise scarcely intelligible secession of the king of Navacre 
to Catholicism, and explains it clearly. This prince had re- 
ceived assurance from Rome, that even though Philip XL 
should not give him Sardinia as indemnification for the lost 
part of Navarre, yet that the pope would, at all eveots, gi?e 
him Avignon. It was not th€K>logians, says the ambaflo^o^ 
that were employed to effect a change in his (^inions^— 4he 
negotiation sufficed. 

No. 36. 

InstruUione del re Cattolico al C M* (f Alcantara^ 9uo am- 
basciatorey di quelle ha da trattar in Bama. MaSr, 30 
Nov. 1562. As, Bom. [^Instructions from the CalJiolic 
king to his ambassador Alcantara, touching matters to be , 
treated of in Rome. Madrid, 30 Nov. 1 562.]] 

These Instructions are accompanied by the pope's leplj. 
Pallavicini has made satisfaotoiy extracts from this docnment 
(Pal. XX. 10), with the exception of the following passage, 
which he does not appear to have clearly understood. '^ Ciicft 
Tarticolo della conmiunione sub utraque q^ecie non tw* 
taremo di dire con la si^urtik che sa{>emo di poteio nsare con 
la M** Sua, che ci parono cose molto contrarie il dimaodar 
tanta liberty e licenza nel condlio et il volere in un medesimo 
tempo che noi impediamo detto concilio e che parohihiamo all' 
imperatore, al re di Francia, al duca di Baviera et ad altri 
principi cho non possano far proponere et queste et molti aUri 
articoli che ricercano attento, che essi sono ^i^liVfitj et 
risoluti di farli proponere da suoi ambasdatori e pielati, etiam 
che fosse contra la volont^ del legatL Sopra il oho SL IP 
dovr^ hxe quella consideratione che le parer^ oonvenieiite. 
Quanto a quello che spetta a noi, havemo differita la eosa fia 
qui, oercaremo di diffexirla piii che potremo, non ostaais Is 


grandi istanze die circa cio ne sono state fatte : e tuttayia se 
lie fEumo dalli sudetti piincipi, protestandoci che se non se gli 
eonoede, perdeianno tutti li lore sudditi, quali dicono peocar 
9olo in questo articulo e nel resto esser buoni cattolici, e di 
piCL dioono ohe non eesendogli concesso, li piglieianno da se, e 
m. conginngeianno con li settarii vicini e protestanti; da 
qna2i qnando ricorrono per questo uso del calioe, sono astretti 
ad abjnrare la nostra religione : sicche S. M** pnb considerare 
in qnanta molestia e travaglio siamo. Piacesse a Dio che S. 
M** cattolica fosse yicina e potessimo parlare insieme ed anche 
ibboccarsi con rimperatore— havendo per ogni modo S. M** 
Oeearea da incontiarsi da noi, — che forse potiiamo acconciare 
le oose del mondo, o nessuno le acconcieiiL mai se non Dio solo, 
qnando parer^ a Sna Divina MaestiL" [[In regard to the article 
of communion in both kinds, we do not hesitate to say, with 
all the freedom that we know we may use towards his majesty, 
that it appears to us a great contradiction to demand so much 
liberty and license in the council, and at the same time to desire 
that we should impede the said council, and should prevent 
the emperor, the lang of France, the duke of Bavaria, and 
other princes, from having the faculty of proposing this and 
many other articles, all requiring attention, and which these 
monarchs have deliberately determined to have proposed by 
their ambassadors, even though their doing so should be con- 
trary to the will of the legates. With relation to this mat- 
ter, his majesty must adopt such resolutions as shall appear 
to him most suitable. As to what concerns ourselves, we 
have contrived to defer the matter until now, and will do 
OUT utmost to prolong the delay, notwithstanding the urgent 
representations which have been made to us in respect of it, 
and which continue to be made, by the above-named princes, 
wbo protest to us that if it be not conceded to them, they 
will lose all their subjects, and these commit no feiult, as 
they say, except in this one particular, for in all the rest they 
are good Catholics. And they further say, that if this privi- 
lege be not granted to them, they will take it for themselves^ 
E'ning with the neighbouring sectaries and the Protestants, 
whom, on their having recourse to them for this use of 
) cup, they are compelled to abjure our religion : let his 
majesty then consider in how great a strait we are placed, 
and what perplexity we suffer. Would to God that his 

176 HISTORY OP THE POPBS^APPBNDix. (^NoeT. 36, 37. 

Catholic majesty were near as, so that we might speak 
together, or indeed that we could both meet and confer with 
the Emperor ; for his Imperial majesty ought, by all means, 
to have an interview with us, and perchance we might thus 
give better order to the affairs of the world ; but otherwise, 
none will ever be able to amend them, save Qtod alone, when 
it shall seem good to his Divine Majesty.] 

No. 37. 

Instruitione data al S^ Carlo Viseonti, niandato da Papa 
Pio IV, al re Cattolico per le cose del Concilio di Trento. 
[^Instruction given to Signer Carlo Visconti, sent from 
Pope Pius IV. to the Catholic king, touching the affairs of 
the Council of Trent.] Signed, — Carolus Borromseus, 
ultimo Oct. 1563. 

This document is not comprised in the collection of the 
nuncio's letters, which includes those only to Sept. 1563, 
but is remarkable from the £a4st that it investigates the 
motives for closing the council. Pallavicini (xxiv. lib. i.) has 
adopted the greater part of this Instruction, but in an order 
different from that in which it was written. The most 
remarkable circumstance here made known, perhaps, is. that 
it was proposed to bring the affairs of England before the 
council, a design that was abandoned only from motives of 
consideration for Philip II. ^^ Non abbiamo voluto parlare 
sin ora nh lasciar parlare in concilio della regina d'Inghilterra 
(Mary Stuart), con tutto che lo meriti, nd meno di quest' altia 

(Elizabeth), e cio per rispetto di S. M** cattolica Ma 

ancora a questa bisognerebbe un di pigliare qualche verso, e la 
M** S. dovrebbe almeno fare opera che li vescovi et altri 
cattolici non fossero molestati." QUp to the present time we 
have not been willing to speak, or to suffer that the council 
should speak, of the queen of England (Mary Stuart), much 
as that subject deserves attention, nor yet of that other (Eliza- 
both), and this from respect to his Catholic majesty; but 
still a plan must, at some time, be adopted respecting these 
things, and his majesty should at least take measures that the 
bishops and other Catholics may not be molested.] It is here 
rendered manifest that the office of protecting the Catholics of 
England wsus imposed as a kind of duty on Philip II. 

No. 38*3 rapoRT OF oommbndone to thb lrqatbs. 1 77 

No. 38. 

BdaHone in scriptU fatta dcU Commendone ai S^ Legati del 
eoneilio sopra le cose ritratte deU imperatore^ 19 Feb A 563. 
[JEiepoTt made in writing by Commendone to the Lord 
L^;ates, in regard to the matters touched upon bj the 
anperor, 19 Feb. 1563.] 

^ La somma h che a me pare di aver yeduto non pur in S. 
M^ ma nelli principali ministri, come Trausen e Seldio, an 
azdentissimo desiderio della riforma e del progresso del eoneilio 
con una gran speranza quod remettendo aliquid de jure posi- 
tivo et reformando mores et disciplinanf ecclesiasticam non 
ado si possono conservare li cattolici ma guadagnaie e ridurre 
degli heretici, con una opinione o impressione pur troppo forte 
die qui siano molti che non vogliano riforma." |^In fact, I 
thought I could perceive, not indeed in his majesty, but in the 
principal ministers, such as Trausen and Seld, a most earnest 
desire for reform, and for the progress of the council, with a 
firm hope that by a certain remission of the positive law, and 
by a reform of the morals and discipline of the church, not only 
might the Catholics be preserved, but some of the heretics 
also might be gained and recovered, together with an opinion 
or impression, perhaps too powerful, that there were many 
here who did not wish for reform.] 

The activity of the Jesuits in particular had made an im- 
pression. ^' Seldio disse, che li Gesuiti hanno hormai mos^ 
trato in Germania quelle che si pub sperare con effetto, perche 
solamente con la buona vita e con la prediche e con le scuole 
loro hanno ritenuto e vi sostengono tuttavia la religione 
cattolica." |^Seld remarked, that the Jesuits have now shewn 
clearly in Germany what effects may be hoped for, since 
merely by their purity of life, their preaching, and their 
schools, they have maintained, and still wholly support, the 
Catholic religion in that country.] 

TOL. m. 

}78 HI8T0KT OF THB POPBS— APPSHDEE. [^Nos. 39-41* 

No. 89. 

Belatiane sommaria del Cardinal Marone sapra la leffatume 
sua, 1564, Januario. BihL Altieri, VIL F. 8. [[Smn- 
mary Report of Cardinal Morone, touching his embassy in 
January, 1564. . Altieri Library, VII. F. 3.] 

This ought properly to be given word for word. Unfer- 
tunately I did not find myself in a position to take a copy. 
The extract that I have inserted in the third book must there- 
fore saffiee. 

No. 40. 

Antonio Cano^ia: On the (Utempt to aitaninaU P%u» IT. 
6ee vol, i. p. 268. 

No. 41. 

Relatione di Boma al tempo di Pio IV, e V. di Paolo 
Tiepoh, amhasdatore Veneto. [[Report fircnn Rome in 
relation to the times of Pius IV. and V., by Paolo Tiepdics 
Venetian ambassador.^ First found in manuscript at 
Gotha, afterwards in many other coDections. 1568. 

This Report is described in almost all the copies as belong- 
ing to the year 1567 ; but since Paolo Tiepolo expressly says 
that he was thirty-three months at the court of Pius V., and 
the latter was elected in January, 1566, it is clear that its true 
date must be some time after September, 1568. The dispatches 
also of this ambassador — ^the first that were preserved in the 
Venetian archives— come down* to this year. 

Tiepolo describes Rome, the States of the Church and their 
administration, as well as the ecclesiastical power, which, as 
ho. says, punishes by interdicts, and rewards by indulgences. 
He next institutes a comparison between Hus IV. and V., 
touching on the piety, justice, liberality, habits, and general 
dispositions of these pontiffs respectively. Venice had found 
a very mild pope in the former, in the latter an extremely 
rigorous one. Pius V. complained incessantly of the restric- 
tions which Venice permitted herself to impose on the eode* 

Nbs. 41, 42J} FIUB T. AS DBSORIB^) BT SURIANO. ^ 179 

eiastical immTuiities. He instances the taxaticm of monas- 
teries, the trial of priests by the civil tribunals, and the 
oondnot of the ^' Avogadores/' Still, in despite of these 
nummdeistandings, the comparison of Tiepolo tends entirdy to 
the adyaatage of the more rigid pontiff and to the disadvantage 
of the milder pope. We perceive dearly thi^ the persoiud 
qualities of Pins Y. had prodnoed an impression on this 
ambassador similar to that received &om his character bj 
Europe generally. 

This Mport has been exteDsirely ciroolated, as we have 
said ; it has also been ocoasiooally inserted in printed works; 
but let B8 remark the manner in which this has been done. 
In the ^ TesoTD Politico," L 18, there is a ''Belatione di 
Boma," in whioh all tiiot Tiepolo says of Pins Y. is applied to 
ISztii8 Y. Traits of character, nay, ev^oi particular actions, 
ordinancea, Sce^ are transferred without ceremony &om one 
pope to the other. This report, thus completely iiEdsified, was 
afterwards inserted in the ^ Bespnblica Bomaoa'* (EUevirX 
where it will be found, word for wotd, p. 496, under the title 
^ De statu urbis Bomse et pontificis relatio tempore Sixti Y. 
pi^Md, anno 1585." 

No. 42. 

Melatume di Roma del CT"" S' Miehid Suriano K, ritomato 
ambagciatore da N. S. Papa Fio F., 1571. (^Report pre- 
sented by the most illustrious M. Suriano, ambassador to 
our lord Pope Pius Y., on his return from Rome, 1571.] 

Midiael Suriano, with respect to whom, as we are told by 
Paruta, the study of literature placed talents for business in 
a more brilliant light (Guerra di Cipro, i. p. 28), was the 
immediate successor of Paolo Tiepolo. 
He describes Pius Y. in the following words : — 
^ Qi vede che nel papato S. SantitiL non ha atteso mai a 
delitie nd a piaceri, come altri suoi antecessori, che non ha 
alterato la vita nd i costumi, che non ha lasciato Tessercitio 
dell' inquisitione che haveva essendo private, et lasciava pi^ 
presto ogn' altra cosa che quella, riputando tutte I'altre di 
manoo stima et di manco importantia : onde benche per il 
papato fosse mutata la dignity et la fortuna, non fu per5 

N 2 


mutata n^ la yolontl, nd la natara. Era S. S** di presenza 
grave, con poca came ma^ra, et di persona piu cbe mediocre 
ma forte et robnsta: hayea grocchi piccoli ma la vista 
acutissima, il naso aquilino, che denota animo generoso et atto 
a regnare, il colore vivo et la oanitie veneranda, caminava 
gagliardissimamente, non temea Taere, mangiava poco e bevea 
pochissimo, andava a dormire per tempo : pativa alcnue volte 
d'orina, et vi rimediava con usar spesso la cassia et a oerti 
tempi il latte d'asina et con viver sempre con regola et con 
misnra. Era S. S** di complession colerica et subita, et s*ao- 
cendeva in nn tratto in viso qnando sentiva cosa che le dis* 
piacesse : era per6 febcile nell' andiente, ascoltava tntti, parlava 
poco et tardo et stentava spesso a trovar le parole proprie^t 
significanti al sno modo. Fn di vita esemplare et di costftmi 
irreprensibili con nn zelo rigoroso di religione, che havezia 
volnto che ogn' nn I'havesse, et per qnesto corregea gPecde- 
siastici con riserve et con bolle et i laici con decreti et awer* 
timenti. Facea professione aperta di sinceritii et di bonti^ di 
non ingannare, di non publicar mai le cose che gli eran dette 
in secretezza et d'esser osservantissimo della parola^ tntte cose 
contrarie al suo predecessore : odiava i tristi et non poteva 
toUerarli, amava i bnoni o quel che era persnasa che fosser 
buoni : ma come nn tristo non potea sperar mai di guadagnar 
la sua gratia, perche ella non credea che potesse diventar 
buono, cosL non era senza pericolo un buono di perderla qnando 
cadea in qnalche tristezza. Amava sopra tntte le cose la 
verity, et se alcuno era scoperto da S. S^ una sol volta in 
bugia, perdeva la sua gratia per sempre, et fn visto I'essempio 
nel sig' Paolo Ghisilieri suo nipote, il quale scaccib da se per 
averlo trovato in bugia, come S. S** medesima mi disse, et per 
officii che fusser fatti non volse mai piu riceverlo in gratia. 
Era d'ingegno non molto acuto, di natura difficile et sospettosa^ 
e da quella impression che prendea una volta non giovava a ( 
rimoverlo niuna persuasione di ragione di rispetti civili. Kon 
avea isperienza di cose di stato per non averle mai prattioate 
se non ultimamente: onde nei travagli che portan seco i 
maneggi di questa corte et nolle difficolt^ che sempre aooom* 
pagnan la novitd, del negotii, nn che fosse grato a S. SantitiL 
et in che ella havesse fede era facilmente atto a guidarla a 
suo modo, ma aJtrl in chi non havea fede non potea essere 
atto, et le ragioni legolate per prudenza humana non basta- 


vano a persnaderla, et se alcun pensava di yincere con autto- 
nik o con spaventi, ella rompeva in un snbito et metteva in 
diaordine ogni cosa o per lo manco gli dava uel viso con dir 
dw non temeva il martirio et che come Dio Ilia messo in qnel 
Inogo 00^ poteva anco conservarlo contra ogni auttorit^ et 
podestil hnmana. Qneste conditioni et qnalit^ di S. Santit^ 
86 ben son verissime, per(> son difficili da credere a chi non ha 
auto la sua pratica et molto pi^ a chi ha anto pratica d'altri 
papi ; perche pare impossibile che nn huomo nato et nutrito in 
bfttoa fortona si tenesse tanto sincere : che resistesse cosi 
arditamente a i maggior prencipi et piii potenti : che fosse 
tanto difficile nei favori et nolle gratie et nolle dispense et in 
qoidl' altre cose che gl'altri pontefid concedean sempre hLcil- 
mraite : die pensasse pi^ all' inquisitione che ad altro, et chi 
•eeondava S. Santitii in qnella^ potesse con lei ogni cosa : che 
nelle cose di state non credesse alia forza delle ragioni ne all' 
aattozitil de i prencipi esperti, ma solamente alle persuasion! 
di qnei in ohi havea fede : che non si sia mai mostrato inte- 
lessato n^ in ambitione n^ in avaritia, n^ per se n^ per niun 
de suoi : che credesse poco ai cardenali et gl'ayesse tutti per 
inteiessati et o quasi tutti, et chi si ralea di loro con S. San- 
titi^ se nol &cea con gran temperamento et con gran giudicio, 
si rendea sospetto et perdea il credito insieme con loro. Et 
chi non sa queste cose et si ricorda delle debolezze, della 
&cilit^ de i rispetti, delle passioni et degl' affetti de gl'altri 
papi, accnsava et strapazzava grambasciatori, credendo non che 
non potesser ma che non volessero o non sapessero ottener quelle 
cose che s'ottenevano facilmente in altri tempi." Qlt is clearly 
to be seen that during his pontificate his holiness never addicted 
himself to the luxuries and pleasures of life as others that 
went before him did ; that he made no change in his habits of 
living, and did not neglect the exercise of that office of Inqui- 
sition which he had held while in a private station ; nay, that 
he was disposed to give up other occupations rather than that, 
esteeming all others to be of less account and importance : 
thus, although his dignity and fortune were changed by his 
elevation to the papacy, yet he was himself not changed 
either in his character or purposes. His holiness was of a 
grave presence, very spare and meagre, in person rather 
below the middle height, but strong and healthy ; his eyes 
were small, but the sight was extremely acute ; he had an 


aquiline nose, which denotes a generous spirit and one fitted 
to command ; his complexion was bright, and he had yene«- 
rable grey hair; he walked with a quick, firm, vigorous step^ 
did not fear the open air, ate but little, drank still less, and 
went to bed at a very early hour : he suffered occasionally 
from strangury, as a remedy for which he used cassia^ and 
sometimes asses' milk, living besides with great regularity and 
moderation. His holiness was of a choleric and hasty teat-* 
perament, and his face would kindle and redden in a momeflt 
when any thing occurred that displeased him ; he was nerec^ 
theless very f^ble in giving audienoe, listened to all who 
came, spoke little and slowly, and often seemed to find diffi- 
culty in selecting the proper words, or such as would exprw» 
the matter after his own liking. He was of exemplary life 
and irreproachable morals; with a most earnest zeal lor 
religion, which he would &in have seen all others partaking* 
He corrected his clergy accordingly, by reservations and 
bulls ; while he punished the laity by decrees and admoni- 
tions. He made profession op^ily of sincerity and good 
£utb, of avoiding all deceit, of never divulging matters con- 
fided to him in secret, and of rigorously keeping his word, 
all things which were the reverse of his predecessor's practice. 
He held all evil-doers in abhorrence, and could by no means 
tolerate the profligate. He loved tiie good, or such persons 
as he believed to be good ; but as no worthless man ooukl 
ever hope to gain his Sbvour, because he considered it impos- 
sible that an evil man could ever become good, so a worthy 
man was not beyond the danger of losing his good-will, if 
ever he fell into any &ult. He loved truth above all thii^pi^ 
and if any one were ever discovered by his holiness, though 
but one sde time, in a falsehood, he lost his favour for 
ever : this was exemplified in the case of Signer Paolo 
Ghisilieri, liis nephew, whom he drove from his presence because 
he had detected him in a fiilsehood, as his holiness ioLi. nw 
himself, and would never again receive him to his favour, nd- 
withstanding that many efforts were made to prevail on Yam 
to do so. He did not possess a very livdiy genius, but was <^ 
a hard and suspicioie nature ; there was no persuasion, nor 
reasoning, nor consideration of courtesy or policy that could 
avail to move him from the impression tiiat he had onee taken. 
He had no experience in state affairs, because .he had n«vst 


piactiaed them till his latter days ; whenee it happened, that 
when involved in the perplexities constantly resulting from 
the intrigaee of this court, and amidst the difficulties that 
always attend one who is new to these affairs, any person who 
was aoceptahle to his holiness, and in whom he had hiiihy 
found it easy to lead him at his pleasure ; but others, in whom 
lie had no confidence^ could do nothing with him, nor could 
any reasonings, regulated by mere human prudence, suffice to 

Mtsiiade him ; and if any one attempted to preTail with him 
oj force of authority and influence, or by seeking to alarm 
hmi) he would cut the whole matter short and throw all into 
eonfosion, or at the least he would burst forth in the fiB.ce of 
Ab adyiset^ telling him he did not fear martyrdom, and that 
naoe God had placed him in that office, so he could also pre- 
MTve him there, in despite oi all human authority and power. 
lliese qualities and dispositions of his holiness, although they 
aie entuel^ true, are yet hard to be believed by any one who 
ham not had opportunity for closely observing him, still more 
80 for those who have been in personal contact with other 
popes, for to such it will appear impossible that a man bom 
and brought up in lowly fortune should have preserved so 
pure a truthfulness and sincerity; that he should resist the 
greatest and most potent monarchs with so much boldness ; 
that he should be so reserved in the granting of favours, 
graces, dispensations, and other things, which the pontiffs for 
the most part conceded with so much readiness ; that he 
should think more of the Inquisition than of any other thing, — 
and whoever would second his holiness in that might do any 
thing with him ; that in matters of state he would yield nothing 
to the force of argument, or to the authority of princes experi- 
enced in government, but would be guided solely by those in 
idiom he had faith ; that he never manifested an interested 
feeling, nor was to be moved by ambition or avarice, either 
f<tf himself or for any one connected with him ; that he put 
little trust in the caidinals, believing them all, or nearly all, 
to be led by self-interest, and that whoever sought to avail 
himself of their mediation with his holiness, unless he did it 
with great moderation aud judgment, became an object of sus- 
picion to the pontiff, and lost credit, together with the inter- 
mediaries he had placed his hopes in. And those who did 
not know these things, but remembered the weaknessei^ the 

184 HISTORY OP THB POPE9— ▲PPEaa>K. [[Nos. 42, 43. 

&cility, the bending to expediency, the passions and tbe ca- 
pricious partialities of other popes, accused, contemned, and 
reproached the ambassadors, beSieying, not that they qovld not, 
but that they would not obtain, or did not possess the skill to 
obtain, those things which were so easily to be secured in 
other times.] 

There is no difficulty in believing that the ambassadors 
really occupied a trying position with a pope of these dispo- 
sitions. When Pius be^une aware, for example, that the 
Yenetians would not publish the bull ^^ In CcbuS. Domini^*' 
he fell into a yiolent rage : ' ^' si perturbd estremament^ 
et acceso in coUera disse molte cose gravi et festidiose" [h^ 
became excessively agitated, and kindling in anger, uttered 
many severe and reproachful things]. These were circom-'- 
stances by which affairs were rendered doubly difficult of con- 
trol. Suriano lost, in £EU!t, the favour of his republic. He 
was recalled, and a large portion of this report is written for 
the purpose of justifying his conduct ; but through this pari 
we cannot follow him. 

No. 43. 

Informatione di Pio V, Inform, politt, Bihl.Amhros. F,D. 
181. [[Notice respecting Pius V. Inform. Politt Am- 
brosian Library.] 

This, it is true, is anonymous, but was written by some one 
who was accurately informed, and is corroborative of other 
descriptions. One of the facts we learn from this document, 
is the singular one that, notwithstanding all the rigour of this 
pious pope, yet factions prevailed in his household ; the older 
servants were opposed to the younger, who attached themselves 
more particularly to the grand chamberlain, M" Cirillo : the 
latter was generally accessible to all. '^ Con le carezze e eol 
mostrar di conoscere il suo vaJore facilmente s'acquistarebbe: 
ha Tanimo elevatissimo, grande intelligenza con Oambam e 
Correggio, e si stringe con Morone." [[He would be eas^y 
won by those who would shew a sense of his value and paid 
court to him. He has considerable elevation of mind, is on 
the most intimate terms with Gambara and Correggio, and is 
attaching himself to Morone.] 


No. 44. 

Reldtione delta Corte di Boma nel tempo di Gregorio XIII, 
BihL Cors. No. 714. [Report of the Court of Rome 
during the pontificate of Gregory XIII. Corsini Library, 
No. 714.] Dated Feb. 20, 1574. 

. ABonymons, but nevertbeless very instructiye, and bearing 
ibe stamp of authenticity. The author considers it difficult to 
judge of courts and princes. ^' Dirb come si giudica nella 
corid 6 c<mie la intendo." [1 will shew how they judge in the 
court, and will say what I think of it myself.]] 

^^ Assonto che d stato a! pontificate in et^ di 71 anni, ha 
pano c'habbi yoluto mutare uatura : et il rigore che era 
solito biasimare in altri, massimamente nel particulare del 
yiTere con qualche licenza con donne, n'^ stato piii rigoroso 
dell' antecessore e fattone maggiori esecutioni: e parimente 
nella materia del giuoco si ^ mostrato rigorosissimo, perche 
havendo certi illustrissimi principiato a trattenersi nel prin- 
dpio del pontificate con giuocare qualche scudo, li riprese 
acremente, ancorche alcuni dubitarono che sotto il pretesto del 
giuoco si facessero nuove pratiche di pontificato per un poco 
di male c'hebbe S. S^ in quel principio : e da questo cominci^ 
a calare quella riputatione o oppinione che si voleva far 
credere dalT illustrissimo de' Medici, d'haver lui fatto il papa e 
doverlo gOTemare, la qual cosa fece chiaro il mondo quanto S. 
S** abhorrisce che alcuno si voglia arrogare di goyernarlo o 
c'habbi bisogno d'essere govemato, perche non vuole essere in 
questa oppinione di lasciarsi govemare a persona. Perche 
in effetto nelle cose della giustitia n'l capacissimo e la intende 
e non bisogna pensare di darli parole. Ne' maneggi di stati 
S. &*• ne potria saper pi^ perche non vi ha fatto molto studio, 
e sta sopra di se alle volte irresolute, ma considerate che 
y'habbi sopra, n'd benissime capace e nell* udire le oppinioni 
disceme benissimo il meglio. E patientissimo e laboriosissimo 
e non sta mai in otio e piglia ancora poca ricreatione. Da 
continuamente audientia e yede scritture. Dorme poco, si 
lera per tempo, e fa yolontieri esercitio, e li piace I'aria, quale 
non teme, per cattiya che sia. Mangia sobriamente e beve 
pocliissimo, ed ^ sano senza sorte sdcuna di schinelle. E 
grato in dimostrationi esteriori a chi gli ha fatto piacere. 


Non h prodigo nd quasi si pnb diie liberale, seoondo Toppinione 
del Yolgo, il quale non consideza o disceme la differentia che 
sia da un principe ohe si aatonghi dalT estorsioni e rapacitil a 
quello che conserra qnello ohe ha con tenacity : questo non 
brama la roba d'altri e gli insidia per haverla. Non h cradele 
n^ sanguinolento, ma temendo di continue delle guerre si del 
Turco come degli heretici, li piace d'haver somma di denazi 
neir esario e conBenrarli senasa dispensarli faori di propoflito^ e 
n'ha intomo a on millione e mezxo d'oro : d perb magnifioo e 
gli piacciono le grandezce, e sopra tatto h dedderoso m glon%. 
il qual desiderio il ia, forse trasoorrere in qndlo che non piaoe 
alia corte : perche qnesti rererendi padri duettini, che Thaimo 
oonosciuto, se li sono &tti a cavaliere sopra, con dimoitraili 
che il credito et autorit^chehayeva Pio Y. non era se non per 
liputatione della bont^ e con questo il tengono quaaohe i& 
file et il necessitano a £ur cose contra la sua natara e la sni * 
Tolont4, perche S. S*^^ sempre state di natnra paoey^ 
e dolce, e lo restringono a una vita non eonsueta : et h op 
pinione che per hi questo si siano yala di far yenire letteie 
da lore padri medesimi di Spagna et d'fdtri luoghi, dore 
sempre fanno mentione quanto sia commendata la yita santa 
del papa passato, quale ha acquistata tanta gloria con la ripo- 
tatione deUa bont^ e delle riforme, e con questo mode perse- 
Terano loro in dominare et hayere autoritll con S. Beat"* : s 
dicesi che sono ajutati ancora dal yesooyo di Padoya^ nnntio 
in Spagna, creatura di Pio Y. e di lonK Brama tanto la 
gloria che si riiiene, e sforza la natura di £Eire di quelle dimo- 
strationi ancora yerso la persona del fi^uolo quail sariano 
riputate ragioneyoli et honeste da ogn' uno per li sorupoli <^ 
li propongono costoro : et in tanta felicitsl cli« ha hayuto & S^ 
di essere asceso a questa dignity da basso state, h oontnipesato 
da questo oggetto e dall' hayere parenti quali non li sodis- 
fanno e ohe a S. S^ non pare che siano atti o oafiaci do' 
negotii important! e da commetterli le facende di stata" 
[Buying attained to the pontificate at the age of 71, he seenad 
desirous of changing his yerj nature, so that the rigoar 
which he had always blamed in others was now apparent in 
himself, more partioulady as regarded any freedom of inter- 
course with women, in relation to which he was iiioie seyeie 
than his predecessor, forcing all rules and regulatioas with 
a still more rigozous ezaotitude. He dis^yed equal seyasty 


matter of gambling, for certain persons of the most dis- 
abed rank, having begun to amuse tbemselTes in the 
encement of his pcmtificate, by plajdng for a few scudi, 
proved them with acrimony. It is true that some thought 
•laying was diseovered to be a mere pretext to conceal 
les t£at were set on foot respecting* a new pontiff, in 
[oenc^ of a slight indisposition whidi his holiness had 

commencement of his reign. From that time, the opi- 
hat his hoUn^ss had been made pope by the most illus- 
cardinal de' Medici, and would be goremed by him, began 
d ground, and it was made deiffly apparent that hi» 
BB abhorred the thought of any one pretending to arro- 
n influence over him, or to intimate that he had need of 
^ded, nor will he have it supposed that he is governed 
f bat himself. It is indeed certain that in all judicial 
■8 he is highly competent to act. understanding them 
tly, and requiring no advice on the subject. In a&rs of 
on the contrary, his holiness might advantageously be 
informed than he is, because he 1ms never studied them 
ndly. Thus he is sometimes irresolute ; but when he has 
msidered the matter before him, he obtains a very dear 
ition of its different bearings, and after listening to 
js opinions, readily discerns the best and soundest. He 
it patient and laborious, is never unoccupied, and takes 
ittle recreation. He is constantly giving audience, or 
ning papers. He sleeps but little, rises very early, is 
>f exercise and of the open air, which he does not fear, 
rev unfEivourable may be the weather. In eating he is 

temperate, and drinks very little, preserving himself 
feet health without quackeries or nostrums of any kind: 
gracious in outward demeanour to those who have done 
liing to please him. He is not profuse, nor even what 
i be called liberal, according to the opinion of the un- 
ing, who do not consider or discern the difference there is 
en a sovereign who abstains from extortion and rapacity, 
)ne who tenaciously keeps what he has. This pontiff 
lot covet the property of others ; nor does he lay plots 
3t them to make himself master of it. He is not cruel 
onguinary, but being continually in fear of war, either 
the Turk or with heretics, he is anxious to have a good 
at of money in the treasury, and to preserve it thefe^ 


without spending it on things useless. He is said to have 
about a million and a half of gold. Yet he is much disposed 
to magnificence, loves splendour, and is above all things 
desirous of glory ; by which desire it is, perhaps, that he is 
sometimes led to do things that are not pleasing to the court. 
For these reverend " padri Chiettini," who know his character 
well, have gained the upper hand of him, by persuading him i 
that the i^uence and authority which Pius Y. possessed 
were to be attiibuted solely to his reputation for piety and 
goodness. With this they hold his holiness, as it were, in 
leading-strings, and compel him to do things contrary to his 
character and inclinations, for he has always been of a kindly 
and gentle disposition, and they restrict lum to modes of me 
to which he is not accustomed, and that are uncongenial to 
him. It is believed that to effect this, they have employed ^ 
the expedient of causing letters to be addressed to them by the ' 
fathers of their order resident in Spain and other places, which 
letters are filled with repetitions of the praises everywhere ^ 
bestowed on the holy life of the late pontiff, and continually 
insist on the great glory he acquired by his reputation for 
piety, and by his reforms ; and in this manner they are said 
to maintain their authority, and to persevere in governing his 
holiness. It is rumoured, besides, that they are ako assisted 
by the bishop of Padua, nuncio in Spain, a creature of 
Pius Y. and of themselves. And so powerful is the pontifl^'s 
desire of glory, that he denies himself and puts restraint on 
his own nature, even to the extent of refraining from those 
proofs of affection towards his son, which would be accounted 
reasonable and honourable by every one, because he is influ- 
enced by the scruples inspired by the aforesaid fathers. Thus 
the great fortune of his holiness in having attained his high 
dignity from so poor a condition, is counterbalanced by tfos 
state of things, and by his having kindred from whom he can 
derive no satisfaction, and who do not appear to his holiness 
possessed of capacity or ability for important aflbirs, nor 
proper to be entrusted with the business of the state.] 

He proceeds to describe the cardinals in a similar manner. 
Of Granvella, he remarks, that he did not maintain his credit, 
he was too earnestly intent on his own gratifications, and was 
considered avaricious. In the affairs of the League he had 
nearly occasioned an open rupture between the kmg and the 


C(»Qmendone, on the contrary, is highly extolled. 
la virtii, la bont^ I'esperienza, con infinito giudicio/' 
Msesses virtue, goodness, and experience, with infinite 
ess of judgment.^ 

No. 45. 

a relatume delVambasciatore di Roma^ elar*^ M, Pooh 
tola K^; S Magffio^ 1576. ^Second report of the 
; illustrious Paolo Tiepolo, ambassador to Rome; 3 Maj,^ 


anonymous report mentioned above q>eaks of Tiepolo 
id in the highest terms ; he is described as a man of 
ead and great worth. 

modesto e contra il costume de' Yeneziani ; d corteg- 
) liberale, e riesce eccellentemente, e sodisfa molto, e 
prudenza grande in questi travagli e frangenti a sa- 
9gere." [|He is modest, and, unlike the usual habit of 
metians, is courteous and liberal. He is extremely 
sceived, gives general satisfaction, and shews great pru- 
in the government of his course through these toils and 

en the Venetians separated themselves from the league 
. against the Turks, for example, he had to maintain a 
t position. It was believed that the pope would pro« 
1 the consistory that the Venetians should be excom> 
fcted, and certain of the cardinals were preparing to 

any such purpose. " Levato Comaro (a Venetian), 
fo che in quel primi ^omi mi vedesse o mi mandasse 
ur, non che mi consigliasse, consolasse o sollevasse." 

the exception of Cornaro (a Venetian), there was not 
10 would come to see me or send for me, much less 
any of them advise, console, or assist me.] The true 
>f the separate peace, Tiepolo asserts to have been that 
aniaids, after promising to be prepared and armed, in 
1573, declared, in that month, that their armament 
not be complete until June. It tended greatly to mi> 
the anger of the pope, that Venice finally determined to 
his son a Venetian '* nobile." The manner in which 


Tiepolo expresses himself with legard to this son of the pope 
is sufficiently remarkable. 

^^ II s' Giaoomo h figliuob dd papa : h giovane andior esao 
di circa 29 anni, di belle lettere, gratiose maniere, di grands 
et liberal animo et d'un ingeguo attissimo a tutte le cose doYS 
egli I'applicasse. Non bisogna negar chel primo et si pub 
dir solo affetto del papa non sia verso di lui, come h anco ragi- 
onevole che sia, perciocche nel principio del pontificate, quando 
^li operava piii secondo il sno senso, lo cz^ prima caiitellaiio 
et dapoi govemator di s. chiesa con assegnarli per qnestoeonto 
proyisioni di cerca X m. ducati all' anno et con pagadi un 
locotenente, colonnelli et capitani, accioche egli tanio pid 
honoratamente potesse comparer : ma dapoi, come che si fom 
pentito di esser passato tanto oltre verso an sue figUndo nat^ 
rale, mosso per awertimenti, come si affermava, di peiK»9 \ 
spirituali, che li mettevano questa oosa a consdentia et a pants 
d'faonore, incomincib a ritirara con negarH i favori et le giatie 
che li erano da lui domandate et con &r in tutte le cose maiioi 
stima di lui di quelle che prima avea fatto : and come che dcpo 
averlo palesato volesse nasconderlo al mondo, separandolo da i 
lui lo fece partir da Roma et andar in Ancona, dove softo 
specie di fortificar quella cittk per un tempo lo intertenne,senB 
mai provederlo d'una entrata stabile et sicura oolla quale e^ 
dopo la morte sua avesse possuto con qualche dignitil vivere 
et sostenersi : onde il povero signore dolendosi della saa ftx^ 
tuna che lo havesse voluto innalzar per doverlo poi ahban- i 
donare si messe pitl volte in tanta desperatione che foggendo 
la pratica et conversatione di ciascuno oi retirava a viver ib 
casa solitario, continuando in questo per molti giomi, eon iur 
venir anchora all' orecchie dell' padre come e^ era assalito 
da fieri et pericolosi accidenti, per vedere se con questo ha- 
vesse possuto muover la sua tenerezza verso di lui. In fine 
troppo pub I'amor naturale patemo per spingere o disBimulaie 
il quale indamo I'uomo s'adopera. Tinto finaimente et com- 
mosso il papa dapoi passato I'anno santo volse I'animo a pro- 
vederli et a darli satislattione, et prima si lesolse da mari- 
tarlo." [^Signer Giacomo is son of the pope; he is still 
young, — about twenty-nine, that is ; he is well versed in 
letters, graceful in manner, of a noble and liberal mind, with 
ability and judgment for any thing to which he might a^T 
his powers. l%ere is little use in denying that the list, or it 

NTo. 45.2 REPORT of the tenetian ambabbador. 191 

nay eyen be said, the sole affeetion of the pope is fixed on him, 
18 indeed it is reasonable that it sbonld be ; wherefore, in the 
Mghming of his pontificate, and when his holiness acted more 
n aeooidance witii his natural inclinations, he first made his 
ion castellan, and afterwards governor of the holy church, 
MBgiiing him fiom that office an income of about 10,000 
iea£ jmrly, and allowing him pay, besides, for a lieutenaut- 
fomamor, colonels, and captains, to the end that he migh$ 
■ake a more honourable appearance ; but afterwards, as if 
le had repoited of proceeding so far in behalf of a na- 
ixaail son, toid moyed, as was affirmed, by the admonitions of 
SBfCain eodesiastios, who appealed to bis conscience, and made 
he maiteir a point touching his honour, he began to retract, 
Tj nfbfluig Signor Giaoomo those fJEbTOurs and privileges that 
le asked £rom him, and by shewing in all ways less regard for 
nm tiian he had previously sujQer^ to appear. Nay, further, 
18 though, after having allowed him to be known to the 
irorid, he desired to conceal him, separating himself from his 
loeie^, he eeoit him to Ancona, where he detained him for a 
sonsidnahle time, under pretence of fortifying that city, with- 
yai ever jooviding him with a fixed income, or one so secured, 
ihat on his (the pontiff's) death his son might be able to live and 
naintain his state with suitaUe dignity. For which cause, 
he poor gentleman, grieving over his hard fortune, which 
lad raised him at one time only to abandon him at another, 
»11 oftentimes into such despondency, that, shunning all con- 
reite Mid the society of every man, he would retire alone 
o a house, where he would shut liimself up for many days. 
Chen he would cause reports of perilous accidents that had 
)e(£BJlen him to reach the ears of his father, to try whether he 
night thereby move the tenderness of his holiness towards 
lim. And in the end the natural love of the father prevailed, 
or vainly will a man set himself to expel or conceal it. Thus, 
^nquered at last, the pope, after the year of jubilee had 
jasaed, turned his thoughts towards his son, and applied him- 
elf to provide for him and give him satisfaction ; then, first 
if all, he resolved to marry him.]] 

Respecting the civil administration of Gregory XIII. also, 
nd more particularly in regard to the cardinal di Como, 
Tiepolo communicates many remarkable facts. 

^^Partisce il govemo delle cose in questo mode, che di 


qnelle ohe appartengono al state ecdesiastioo, ne da la cues 
^i d^ cardinali sni nepoti, et di qnelle che hanno re]atioQ« 
alii altri principi, al cardinal di Como. Ma dore in queU? 
del state ecclesiastioo, che sono senza comparation di naodo 
importanza, perche non oomprendono anne o fortezxe, fl 
governatore generale lesenrate, nh danari, de' quali la caniea 
apostolica et il tesorier generale ne tien cura particobu?e^ ns 
solamente cose ordinarie pertinenti al governo delle cit^ ot 
deile provincie, non si contentando delli d"* nepoti ha s^gfpxfi^ 
loro una congregatione di quattro principali prelati, tn-' ^quaii 
vi d monsignor di Nicastro, state nnntie presso la Seceaitl 
y, coUi quali tutte le cose si consigliano per doyedie ^km 
referir a lui ; in quelle di state per negotii colli altii px:incsipi| 
che tanto rilevane et impertano non sole per la buona ijdtalU^ 
gentia con lor ma ancera per beneficio et quiete di tnttal^ 
Christianity, si rimette in tutte nel sole cardinal di Como, oa| 
quale si redrecciano li ambasciateri dei principi che aonoji 
Eoma et li nuntii apostolici et altri ministri del papa ohe «m 
alle certi, perche a lui sole scriyone et da lui aspettano H 
ordini di quelle che hanno da fare. Egli h quelle che sob 
consiglia il papa, et che, come uniyersalmente si tiene, fit tutte 
le resolutioni piii important!, et che da li ordini et li & 
eseguire. SogHono ben alcuni cardinali di maggior pratiea 
et autoritk et qualcun' altro ancera da se stesso racoordare al 
papa quelle che giudica a preposite, et suele ancera alle yolte 
il papa demandar sepra alcune cose Topinione di qualcuno ei 
di tutte il cellegie di cardinali ancera, massimamente quand^ 
li toma bene che si sappia che la determination sia fittta di 
conseglio di melti, come principalmente quando si yuol dace 
qualche negatiya, et sepra certe particelari ecoorrentie anooift 
suele deputar una congregatione di cardinal], come gik fo £itto 
nelle cose della lega et al presente si fia. in quelle di Genoanift, 
del concilio, et di altre : ma nel restretto alle ccmolnaiom ^et 
nelle cose piii important! il cardinal di Como d quello tbe h 
et yale. Ha usato il cardinal, seben cognosce sayer et inlnidi^ 
a sofficientia, alle yolte in alcune cose andarsi a consigliaHi ool 
cardinal Morene et cardinal Cemmendon, per non m fidar 
tanto del sue giudicio che non tolesse ancor il parer d'hiKmini 
piii intelligenti et sayii : ma in i&tU) da lui poi & tutto dipeode. 
Mette grandissima diligentia et aocuratezza nelle oose, et s'ior 
dnstria di leyar la fatica et i pensieri al papa et di -darii 


eonsigli die lo liberino da travagli present! et dalla spesa, 
poidie nessana oosa pare esser piu dal papa desiderata che'l 
flpangno et la quiete. Si stima univerKilmente ch'esso abbia 
giaade inclinatione al re cattolico, non tanto per esser suo vas- 
Mdlo ei per hayer ia maggior parte delli sui benefioii nei sui 
pMfli, qoanto per molti comodi et utilitil che in cose di molto 
BOiiiento estraordinariamente riceve da lui, per recognition de' 
quali all' inoontro con destri modi, come ben sa osar senza 
iBolto seoprirsi, se ne dimostri nelle occasioni grato. Yerso 
k Sermitit Yostra posso affermar ch'egii sottosopra si sia 
WNteto assai bene, massimamente se si ha riq»etto che ne 
I ninifltri d'altri principi non si pu5 ritrovar tntto quelle 
che 81 Torria, et che ben spesso bisogna contentarsi di 
aduwo ohe di mediocre buona volontk." [|He divided the 
irittiigement of state affiiirs in such sort, that of those 
bdonging to ecclesiastical matters, the cardinals his nephewe 
lecehp ^ the care; while those relating to foreign princes 
were oommitted to the Cardinal di Como. Now as re- 
gards ecclesiastical affiurs, thej are, without comparison, of 
nneh less consequence, because they do not comprise either 
arms or fortresses, which are reserved to the general govern- 
ment ; nor jet the finances, of which the apostolic camera 
and treasurer-general have the special chai^; but relate 
merelj to things of ordinary character, pertaining to the 
government of cities or provinces. Yet, not contentihg 
himself with his nephews, the pontiff has joined in authority 
with tiiem a congregation, consisting of four influential pre- 
lates, among whom is Monsignor di Nicastro, who was for- 
merly nuncio to your Serenity, with whom all matters are first 
discussed, and to whom they must finally be reported. As 
regards afiiEurs of state and negotiations with other princes, 
which have so much weight and importance, not only for the 
■laintwiance of a good understanding with those sovereigns, 
bat also for the welfare and repose of all Christendom, he 
confides entirely and solely in Cardinal di Como, to whom ihe 
foreign ambas^ulors in Rome address themselves, together 
irith the i^stolic nuncios and other ministers of the pope at 
the respective courts, for they write to him alone, and it is 
from him that they await their orders and directions. He is 
the pope's sole counsellor, and it is he, as is universally be- 
lieved, who suggests all the more important resolutions, gives 
TOL. m. • o 


all orders, and looks to the ezecntioii of them. It is tnie 
that some of the cardinals, those of experience and anthoritj, 
and sometimes others ahso^ will occasionally point out to the 
pope whftt they judge fit to he done ; and his holiness is 
accustomed to tak the opinion of some of the cardinals on 
certain occasions^ or eren of the whole college of cardinak 
This is most commonly done when it is likely to prove 
adyantageous to him tluit the determination taken should be 
known to hare resulted frcon the advice of hxse numbers^ 
and more particularly when aom» request is to be refused. 
On certain special occasions, also, he is accustomed to depute 
a congregation of cardinals, as Yfv^ done for the aJB^drs of the 
League, and is done at this present lime for those of Qermany, 
of the council, and some otlkers ; but for all final determina- 
tions, and in all questions of paramount importance, it is the 
Cardinal di Como whose advice prevails, and who ultimaUlT 
acts in all matters of weight. Sometimes tiie cardinal, althen^^ 
well convinced of his own sufficiency and judgment, will co to 
take counsel with Cardinal Mor<me or Cardinal Commenowie> 
that he may not so absolutely rely on his own opinion at not 
also to avul himself of that of men so well-informed and 
wise; but it is, nevertheless, true that all things finally 
depend on himsdbf. He displays the utmost diligence and 
exactitude in business, and takes pains to reliere the pope 
from fdl fiitigues and anxieties, giving him such counsels as 
may best liberate him from daily toils and from expense, for 
there is nothing of which the pope seems more desirous than 
of economy and rqpose. It is universally belieyed that the 
cardinal is strongly disposed towards the Catholic king, not 
so much because he is the vassal of his majesty, and has the 
greater part of his benefices in his dominions, as on account of 
&e many favours and advantages he has received from him in 
many things of great moonent, and out of the usual oouzse; 
in acknowledgment of which, he contrives on his part to dbw 
his gratitude on various occasions, and by certain inj^eaions 
methods which ho knows how to put in practice wijdl0^t 
attracting much attention to himself. Towards your §«auty 
I may ^o affirm^ that he has, upon the whole, conducted 
himself tolerably well, more especially when it is coiuadered 
that from the ministers of other powers we cannot always 
secure what we desire; hut that, on the contnuy, we -are 


flAen compelled to be content with a onall amount of irood- 

Althongli this ie|>ort has not been so extenaiTely circulated 
as the previous one, yet it is in fact no less important and 
iutniefciTe as regards the times of Gr^foiy XIJI. than the 
fomer is with respect to those of Pius lY. and Paul Y. 


C&mfnentariorum de rebus Chr^crii XIIL; lib. i. et ii. 
BM. Alb, fCoinmentaries on the affairs of Gregoiy 
Xm. ; books i. and ii. Albani Library.]] 

Unfortonately incomplete. The author. Cardinal Yercelli, 
wken aifter certain preliminary observations, he proceeds to 
Milk <ii Qiegory'B pontificate, promises to treat of three 
AmgB : the war with the Turks, the war of the Protestants 
against the kings of France and Spain, and the disputes 
j sq woiiB g the jimsdiction of the church. 

But unluckily we find in the second book that the war 
against the Turks is given no fiurther than to the treaty of 
peace with the Yenetians. 

With the relations subsisting between eastern affairs and 
those of religion we are acquainted. Our author s explana- 
tion of the perplexities involving the affairs of the year 1572, 
is by no means a bad one. Intelligenoe had been received 
to the effect that Charles IX. was abetting the movements of 
the Protestants in the Netherlands. ^^ Quod cum Gregorius 
mc^este ferret, dat ad Gallorum regem litteras quibus ab eo 
vi^iementer petit ne sues in hoc se admiscere helium patiatur : 
alioquin se existimaturum omnia haec illius voluntate nutuque 
fieri. Rex de snis continendis magn» sibi curse fore polli- 
oetnr, id quod quantum inse est pnestat: verum ejusmodi 
litteris, qute paulo minacins scripted videbantur, nonnihil 
taotus^ nonnullis etiam conjeeturis eo adductus nt se irritari 
propeque ad helium provocari putaret, ne imparatum adori- 
reatnr, nrbes quas in finibus regni habebat diligenter oommunit, 
duces sues admonet operam dent ne quid detrimenti capiat, 
BHirolqne Emanuelem AUobrognm ducem, utriusque regis pro- 
pmqnum et amicum. de his rebus omnibus certiorem fiieit 

o 2 


Emanuel, qui pro singulari prudentia sua, quam horum r^um 
dissensio suis totique reipublics christiansa calamitosa futqjra 
esset, probe intelligebat, ad pontificem hsac omnia perscnbit) 
eumque obsecrat et obteetatur nascenti malo occuirat, oe lon- 
gius serpat atque inveteratum robustius fiat. Pontifex, qiuun 
gereret personam minimum oblitus, cum regem Crallorum a^ 
lescentem et glorise cupiditate incensum non cUfficillime a 
catholicae fidei hostibus, quorum tunc in aula maxima erat 
auctoritas, ad hujusmodi bellum impelli posse animadyerteiei, 
reginam tamen ejus matrem longe ab eo abborrere dWi- 
tatisque et utilitatis suae rationem habituram putaret, miitit eo 
Antonium Mariam Salviatum, reginas affinem eique pe^gn^ 
turn, qui eam in officio contineat, ipsiusque opera mciliua x^ 
ne reip. christiansB accessionem imperii et gloriam qtue.ex 
orientali expeditione merito expectanda esset inyideat fiuies- 
tumque in illius visceribus moveat bellum, persuadeat." 
f Whereby Gregory being offended, sent letters to the king 
of France, urgently requiring from him that he should not 
suffer his subjects to take part in that war, otherwise the 
pontiff would consider all these things to be done according 
to his wish, and at his instigation. The king promised to 
restrain his people with his utmost care, which he did to the 
best of his power ; but yet, being somewhat moved by such a 
letter, which seemed rather menacing in its manner, being led 
also by certain conjectures to esteem himself almost insisted 
and provoked to war, he diligently placed his frontier towns 
in a state of defence, lest he should be attacked when unpre- 
pared ; admonished his generals to take the measures needful 
to their safeguard, and at the same time made known all these 
things to Emanuel, duke of Savoy, the relation and friend of 
both monarchs. Then Emanuel, who, by his singular prud^p^ 
well perceived how calamitous the dissension of these Jdogs 
would be to his own people, as well as to the whole Chtigtian 
commonwealth, declared all these matters to the pope, vliQin 
he prays and beseeches to destroy this growing evil, nor ao&r 
it to creep into strength and become inveterate. Thepofiifl^ 
in nowise forgetful of what office he bore, considering doiii die 
king of France, a young man kindled with desire of i^oa^r 
might, without great difficulty, be incited to this war by the 
enemies of the Catholic faith, whose influence waa then veiy 
great in his court, yet thinking that by the queen, hi^ioothei^ 


Id be utterly abborred, both on acconnt of her dignity |t I 

^rest, did send thitber Antonio Maria Salviati, the near t% 

ji of the queen, and very acceptable to her, who might h\ 

ben her in the dnty of her position, and by her means ' || 

xe r^idily persuade the king not to impede that acces* 

: dominion and glory to the Christian conmionwealtb, , 

might be expected from the eastern expedition, nor to 

within it a deadly intestine war.] 1 

for, Jihen, the pope was certainly indirectly implicated [ 
massacre of St. Bartholomew. The interest of the i 

/ doubtless, was to prevent by all possible means the ] I 

ik of the war between Spain and France. It were -^ 1 
' to be desired that we possessed this work, — at least, 

ia it relates to the religious dissensions. -i 

ve been further induced to quote the above passage by V ; 

rt that the very first lines prove it to belong to the I- i 

1 of which Maffei has availed himself in his ^^ Annali di '■ j- 
10 XIII., Pontefice Massimo." Let the reader com- || 
he passage with Maffei, i. p. 27* ^^ Scrisse a Carlo ;;: l 
amente, che se egli comportava che i sudditi e ministri fil 
nettessero in questa guerra per distomarla, egli tntto - i ^ 
tserebbe da lui e dalla mala sua intenzione. E per 

) fine operb che li signori Veneziani gli mandassero 
basciadore con diligenza. Rispose Carlo modestamente, 

farebbe ogni possibile perch^ i suoi nl a lui dovessero ; ' 

}gusto nd agli Spagnuoli sospetto di quelle ch'egli non ; 

in pensiero. Ma non restb perb di dolersi con Emanuele ^ 

i Savoja della risentita maniera con che gli aveva scritto 
efice: parendogli che si fosse lasciato spingere dagli i- 

loli che avessero voglia essi di romperla : et ad un tempo i 

lib a presidiare le citt^ delle frontiere." QHe wrote it 

r to Charles, that if he suffered his subjects and mi- ; j 

to mingle themselves in that war, for the purpose of ?J 

ng it, he (the pope) should attribute all the mischief to [ . 

ad his evil intentions. And the pontiff contrived that i; j 

inetians should, with all diligence, despatch an ambas- | ; 

to the French king for a similar purpose. Charles j 

I modestly, that he would do his best to prevent his 
ts from causing displeasure to the pontiff, and from 

the Spaniards suspicion of his intending what he had 
even thought of. But he did not fail to complain to 


Emanuel, duke of Sayoy, of the angry manner in which the 
pontiff had written to him, saying it was his opinion that his 
holiness had suffered himself to he urged on by the Spaniards, 
who had themselves wished to interrupt the peace ; and at the 
same time he began to garrison the cities of the frontiers.]] 

I find, bendes, that in various parts the work of Maffei is 
no other than an amplified transcript of the document we are 
examining. Yet I do not, in the least, desire to detract from 
the merit of Maffei's work by this remark ; I am indebted to it 
for ver^ valuable information, and though not ^itirely im- 
partial, it is moderate, rich in matter, and upon the whole is 
worthy of oonfidenoe. 

No. 47. 

Selatione di mawf rsv"^ Gio, P. GhiMieri a papa Chregam 
XIIL^ tornando epli dai presidentato della Eamoffna^ 
8. i. p. 389. (^Report of Ghisilieri to Pope Gregory, on his 
return from the presidency of Bomagna.]] See vol. i. p. 296. 

No. 48. 

D%9CW90 oviT ritratto della carte di Roma di mons* iU^ 
Cammendone alT HIT 9" Hier, Savargnemo. BihL Vindtk. 
codd. Bangon. No. XVIIL^fol. 278 — 895. QA discourse, 
or sketch, relating to the court of Rome, presented by thi 
most illustrious Monsignore Commendone to the most 
illustrious Geronimo Savorgnano. Library of Yiemia; 
Bangone manuscripts. No. XVIII., foL 278 — 395,] 

To all appearance, this work belongs to the time of Gre- 
gory XIII. I would not answer for the name of Conunen- 
done ; but from whomever it may proceed, the writer was a 
man of talent, and deeply initiated into all the more secret 
relations of Roman life. 

He describes the court as follows : *^ Questa republica h un 
principato di somma autoritil in una aristocratia universa di 
tutti i christiani collocato in Roma. II suo principio d la re- 
ligione. Conciosia The further continues), che la religione sia 
il fine e che questa si mantenga con la virtii e con la dottrina, 


I impossibile che alterandosi le conditioni degli uomini non si 
riyolga insieme sotto sopra tutta la republica." [|Tliis com- 
monwealth is a principality of the highest authority in a 
nniyersal aristocracy of all Christians, having its seat in 
Bome. its principle is religion. Bu| if it be true (he far- 
ther proceeds to say) that religion ia the end, and that this is 
to be maintained by virtue and sound doctrine, it is impossible 
bat that an alteration in the condition of men's minds shall 
inrolre the danger of confusion to die whdie common- 

He then treats principally of this conflict between the spi- 
ntaal and secular efforts and interests ; and above all things 
inculcates the necessity of a cautious foresight : ^^ Molto rigu- 
ardo di tutti i movimenti e gesti della persona : casa, servitori, 
earaleature convenienti, amicitie e honorate e virtaose, non 
aflbrmando cosa che non si sappia di certo." [|Close attention 
to every movement, and to all personal acts and proceedings. 
House, servants, equipages, should all be suitable ; honourable 
and virtuous acquaintance only should be formed, nor should 
any thing ever he affirmed that is not certainly known.l The 
eoort requires ^ bonti^ grandezza dell' animo, prudentia, elo- 
qnentia, theologia" [goodness, elevation of mind, prudence, 
eloquence, theology]. But all is still uncertain : " Deve si 
pensar che questo sia un viaggio di mare, nel quale benche la 

Srudentia possa molto e ci renda fkvorevole la maggior parte 
e' venti, nondimeno non gli si possa prescriver tempo deter- 
minato o certezza alcuna d arrivar. Alcuni di mezza estate in 
ffagliarda e ben fomita nave affondano o tardano assai, altri 
d'inyemo in debole e disarmato legno vanno presto." [This 
should be regarded as a voyage at sea, in which, although 
prudence may do much, and render most winds fEivourable to 
us, yet it cannot secure fair weather, or prescribe any deter- 
mined time of arrival, neither will it give us certainty of 
reaching the port. Some there are who in the summer season, 
with a noble and well-furnished bark, will go down, or make 
but dow way; while others make good speed, though the season 
be winter and they have but a frail or dismantled ship.] 




Vita di Sisto V,y pontefice Romano^ seritta dal Signor &iu^ 
Rogeri alV instanza di Gregorio Leti. Lo9anfi€i^'iiiBp.^ 
[lAfe of Sixtns V., Roman pontiff, written b^ ^fi^^ 
Geltio Rogeri at the suggestion of Gregorio Leti. Liuii-^ 
sanne, 1669^, 2 vols.; afterwards published under' ]^ 
singular titles, in 3 vols. 

The reputation of an individual, or the mode of vicjW t^bepi 
of an event, is far more frequently determined by popular 
writings which have succeeded m obtaining extensive cmrencj, 
than by more important historical works^ which often zequiie 
too long a time in preparation The public does not make 
minute inquiry as to whether all the relations presented to it 
be really founded in truth ; it is content when the recollec- 
tions presented in print are equally abundant and varied with 
those which are furnished by the general conversation, pn>- 
, vided they are expressed with somewhat more of concision, 
y.jisidy by consequence, with a more piquant effect. 
y The biography of Sixtus V., by Leti, is a book of this 
kind ; the most effective, perhaps, of all the works published 
by that voluminous writer. It has determined the position 
which the memory of Pope Sixtus was to assume, and given 
the idea which has ever since prevailed in the universal opi- 
nion with respect to that pontiff. 

The reader invariably finds himself in the utmost embanass- 
ment on his first attempt to study such books : he cannot. deny 
to them a certain degree of truth, and they are not to Jpe 
wholly disregarded ; yet it instantly becomes obvious that 
they cannot be trusted far, although it may generally;, be iair 
possible to determine where the line should be drawn. 

We do not obtain the power of forming a sound judgment 
on this question until we have discovered the sources of the 
author, and carefully examined the manner in which he has 
employed them. 


progrefisiye and continued research we come upon the 
I whence Leti drew his materials, nor can we excuse 
es from the labour or avoid the necessity of comparing 
ounts he has given with these authorities, 
n the whole history of Sixtus Y. there is nothing more 
of than tiie manner in which he. is reported to have 
d the papacy, and his conduct in the conclave. Who 
3 that does not know how the decrepit cardinal, tot-. 
Jong, bent and leaning on his staff, had no sooner been 
ope than he suddenly raised himself, a vigorous man, 
iway the crutch, and threatened with the exercise of 
R^er those very men from whom he had won it by 
on I This narration of Leti's has been received and 
d credence throughout the world. We ask whence he 


« exist documents in regard to every piq»al election, 
ig the motives, or rather describing the intrigues 
ng it; and with regard to the election of Sixtus V., we 
so-called ^' Conclave," written as these papers usually 
) the time, and evincing an accurate knowledge of the 

taking part in the election. '^ Conclave nel quale fu 
il O Montalto che fu Sisto V. " [The Conclave by 
Dardinaj Montalto was created Sixtus V.] 
perceive on the first comparison that Leti had this 
int in particular before him. It will be seen, indeed, 

has done little more than paraphrase it. 
5I. MS. : — " II lunedi mattina per tempo si ridussero 
sipella Paulina, dove il cardinal Farnese come decano 
messa, e di mano sua communicb li cardinaJi : dipoi si 
secondo il solito alio scrutinio, nel quale il cardinal 

hebbe 13 voti, che fa il maggior numero che alcun 
le havesse. Ritomati i cardinali alle celle, si attese 
itiche, et Altemps comincib a trattare alia gagliarda la 
di Sirleto, ajutato da Medici e deUe creature di Pio IV., 
3onfidenza che havevano di poter di qualsivoglia di lore 
ire : ma subito fu trovata Tesclusione, scoprendosi con- 
Ini Este, Famese e Sforza." [On Monday morning 
bey proceeded to the Pauline Chapel, where CardinsJ 
9^ as deacon, read mass, and the caidinals received the 
nion from his hand: afterwards they proceeded as 
> the scrutiny, in which Cardinal Albani had thirteen 

202 HISTORY OF THB POPBS— 'APPfiNDtX. [[Seot. IV. < 

Totes, which was the greatoet namber that any oaidinal had. 
The cardinals having retnrned te &eir cells, they set them- 
selves to the canvassing, and Altmnps began with gtmJk 
eagerness to conduct the canvass for Sirleto, asrasted by 
Medici and by the creatures of Pins IT., having the utmost 
confidence in their own power to control the matter; b«t 
suddenly they were met by the exclusion of Sirleto ; Eske, 
Fameee, and Sfbna having declared themselves against liim.j| 
Leti : — *^ Lunedi mattina di bndn' hotasi adunarono tnttinelk 
capella Paolina, ed il cardinal Faniese in qualitH di decaao 
celebrb la messa, e communicb tutti i cardinali : e poi m diede |i 
principio alio scrutinio, nel quale il cardinal Aibano hebbe IS 
voti, che fu il numero maggiore. Doppo qnesto li cardhiaii p 
se ne ritomarono alle lor ceUe per pransare, e doppo il pranso 
si attese alle pratiche di molti : ma particorlamente Altemps 
comincib a trattare alia gagliarda la pratiche di Go^idmo \ 
Sirleto Calabrese, ajutato dal cardinal Medici e dalle creatum i 
di Pic lY., per la confidensa che haveva ogni uno di loro di 
poteme disporre : ma in breve se gli fece innanxi Tesclttsiotte^ 
scoprendosi contro di lui Este, Famese e Sfom..** f At an 
early hour on Monday morning they all assembled in the 
Paidine Chapdl, and Cardinal Famese, in his office of deacon, 
celebrated mass and administered the communion to all the 
cardinals ; then they commenced the scrutiny, in which Car- 
dinal Aibano had thirteen votes, which was the greatest 
number. After this the cardinals returned to their cdls to 
dine, and after dinner, many set themselves to negotiate, but 
particularly Altemps, who began eagerly to conduct the nego- 
tiations for Gugliemo Sirleto, a Calabrian, aided by Cardmal 
Medici and by the creatures of Pins lY., for all of them ielt 
confident of being able to dedde the election ; but in a fiboxt 
time the exclusion of Sirleto was made manifest, Este^ 
Famese, and Sforsa declaring against him.^ 

And as with the principal ^cts, so with the accessories; 
for example, the MS. has: — '^ FEumese incapriceiato et acceso di 
incredibile voglia di essere papa^ comincia a detestare publiea- 
mente la pratica et il soggetto, dicendo: lo non so come 
costoro lo intendono di volere hr Sirieto papa." f Famese, 
inflamed and possessed by an incredible anxiety to become 
pope, began openly to avow his detestation of the canvass and 
Its object, saying, *^ I do not understand what those peiBons 


oan mean who propose to make Sirleto pope."] Leti : — " II 
primo che ae gli o]|^K>se fa Famese, iBcapriceiato aneor lui ed 
aooeso d'ineiedilMle vo^a d'esser papa : onde parendo a lui 
df«nenie pi^ meritOTole, come in &tti era, comincib publica- 
menle a detestare la pratica ed il soggetto, dioendo per tntti gli 
aagoli del condave : lo non so come eostoro llntendono di 
Tokr &r papa Sirleto/' [The first who opposed him was 
Ameee, who was possessed and inflamed by an incredible 
desire to be pope, because it appeared to him that he was more 
dtnrring of ihat office, as in het he was ; wherefore he began 
paUicly to express detestation of that canvass and its object, 
smug in all the comers of the conelaTe, '* I do not know 
waat tliey mean by desiring to make Sirleto pope.] 

It is the same with regajnl to oeeasional obsenrations ; for 
ekBB^le, the manuscript describes the effect produced on 
Gaidiaal Alessandrmo by the dicfguise of Sixtus, and the 
oflEeaoe it gave him. ^ Ma Dio, che hareva eletto Montalto 
pi^a, non permesseche si ayertisse a queUo che principalmente 
ayerdre si doTca, n^ lasoib che Famese nd suoi si sv^liassero 
a' impedire la pratica, credendo che non fosse per yenire ad 
eSsUo deU' adoratione, ma solo per honorare Montalto nello 
somtinio." QBut Gk)d, who has elected Montalto pope, did not 
permit those who were most in need of warning to receiye 
any intimation, nor did he suffer either Famese or his adhe- 
rents to be awakened to opposition of the canyass, they 
belieying that matters would neyer be carried to the extent of 
the adoration, but that there was merely a purpose of doing 
honour to Montalto in the scratiny.] Although so pious a 
mode of expression is foreign to the manner of Leti, he has 
yet found it conyenient to copy this passage, and to insert it 
in his book ; with some few slight changes he has transcribed 
it literally. 

Now is this not rather an encomium on the often disputed 
fidelity of Leti, than an accusation against him ? 

But let us proceed to the one thing by which doubt is here 
excited — ^the conduct of the cardinal. It is remarkable that 
as regards this one point, Leti no longer agrees with his 

Leti says, ^ Montalto se ne staya in sua camera e non gik 
nel concbiye, fingendosi tutto lasso et abandonato d'ogni ajuto 
humane. Non usciya che raramentp et se pure andava in 


qnalobe parte, come a celebiare messa, o nello semtmio della 
capella, se ne andava con certe maniere spensierate." 

[Montalto remained apart in his chamber, and did not go 
into the condaye, pretending to be quite worn out and 
past all human aid. He went out rerj rarely, and when he 
did go to any place, as, for example, to perform mass, or to tbs 
scrutiny in the chapel, he would depart again with a certain 
semblance of being wholly indifferent to what was going 

The original, on the contrary, says, '^ Sebene non moetnli^ 
una scoperta ambitione, non pretermetteva di far poi tutd 
quelli officii che il tempo et il luogo richiedevano, hnmOiaii- 
dosi a cardinali, yisitandoli et offerendosi, riceyende all' in* 
contro i fiivori e Tofferte degli altri." 

[Although he did not eyince any open ambition, yet ivn^^ 
did he ne^ect the performance of those offices "vdiiek the 
time and Sie place demanded, humbling himself to the cas>* 
dinals, paying them yisits, and making them offers, while on 
his part he receiyed the yisits and offers of the others.] 

^e original says, that he had taken these steps eyen before 
the conclaye, with regard to Cardinal Famese, and had after- 
wards yisited Cardinal Medici and Cardinal Elste. It relates 
further, that on the eyening before his election, he had paid 
a yisit to Cardinal Madruzzi, and on the morning of the day 
had also yisited Cardinal Altemps, receiying &om both tli^ 
assurance that he should be elected. In a word, Montalto is 
described in the original as a man in good health, actiye, and 
full of life; nay, that he was still so yigorous, and in the force 
of his years, is adduced as one of the motiyes for his election. 
The whole relation of his pretended debility and seclusion, and 
which has acquired so wide a currency, is an addition of 
Leti's ; but the source whence betook this, whether he merdy 
followed the popular rumour, a mere unfounded report, or 
found the story in some preyious writer, — these are questions 
to which we shall return. 

2. A second material feature in the generally receiyed 
opinion and reputation of Sixtus, is formed by the impression 
produced by his financial arrangements. This also is 
founded in part on the statements of Leti. In the second 
diyision of his book, p. 289, there is a summary of the pi^pal 
reyenue and expenditure, to which a certain degz^ of credit 


yem accorded, even by the most reasonable and well- 
ned observers : ^' Rendite ordinarie c'hayea la sede 
olioa nel tempo che Sisto entrava nel pontilSoato." QThe 
ary revenaes possessed by the Apostolic See at the time 

ISixtus entered on the pontificate.] We ought at least 
able to give a general belief to his figures. 
kt even on this point, it is immediately manifest that 
s 9xe not as Leti represents them. At the accession of 
J3, in April, 1585, the contracts which Gregory XIII. 
aade with the farmers of the revenue in August, 1576, 
iaet years, were still in force. Of these we have an 
B|]€ statement, under the title, '^ Entrata deUa reverenda 
EQr apostolica sotto il pontificate di N. Sig"' Gregorio 
!., &tto neir anno 1576." [^Revenues of the apostolic 
ury under Gregory XIII., prepared in the year 1576.] 
loeument is very exact in its details, presenting, first, the 
Kmtracted for ; next, an account of such portions as were 
Lt«d ; and, finally, the sums remaining,— each separately 
l. Now with this account, the details presented by Leti are 
om agreeing. He has given the proceeds of the Roman 
US and excise (Dogana), at 182,450 scudi, while the true 
at was 133,000 only. Of all the sums that he has 
erated, there is not one correct. But where did he find 
laterials for this account? It is not possible that it 
i be altogether imaginary. There is in our possession 
er statement for the year 1592, two years after the 

of Sixtus V. With this document the summary of 
agrees in almost every item, and even in the order of 
arrangement : in both, for example, we find the foUow- 
iicles in succession : — "Dogana di CivitaVecchia, 1,977 
; di Nami, 400; di Rieti, 100; gabella del studio di 
, 26,560; gabella delquadrino a libra di carne di Roma 
5," &c, &c. But what a confusion is this ! In these 
all the changes effected by Sixtus were already com- 
)d, and should have been here particularized. Neither 
he confusion end here. Leti had apparently trusted to 
very incorrect manuscript. If, indeed, he did not himself 
uce intentional changes, it is at least certain that he has 
the most extraordinary deviations from the authorities. 
kLlara di Roma produced 27,654 scudi; he makes it 
4 : the treasury and salara of Romagna brought in 


71,395 scudi ; he gives 11,395. But it will suffice to say, 
that his statement is never correct for any one year ; it is false 
and useless in all its parts. 

3. We already perceive that he compiled without judgment or 
critical accuracy ; he transcribed original documents, without 
doubt, but he did this too hastily. How, indeed, was it possibly 
that in the restless and fugitive life he constantly led, he oould 
have produced so many books, had he bestowed on them the 
due amount of labour ? From what source, then, did he derive 
his materials on this occanon ? 

In the Corsini library in Rome, there is a MS., ^^ Detti 
e fatti di Papa Sisto Y.," which supplies us with sufficient 
information as to the life and proceedings of that ponti£ 

It is manifest at the first glance that in this work are all the 
essentials of Leti. We have only to comp<ure the firat pas* 
sages that present themselves. 

The manuscript of the Corsini says, f(Hr example, *'I1 
genitoro di Sisto Y. si chiamaTa Francesco Peiretti, naio nel 
castello di Famese, di dove fu coetretto non so per qual acei- 
dente partire^ QDde s'incaminb per trovare la sua foctnna 
altrove : et essendo povero e miserabile^ non aveva d» pot^ 
vivere, essendo solito sostentarsi di qui^ alia giomata g«a- 
dagnava graodemente faticando, e con la fHropria indnstria 
viveva. Partitosi dunque da Famese, se ne and5 a trovare 
nn sno zio." [The paraoit of Sixtns Y. was called Franoesco 
Peretti; he was bom in the castle of Famese, whence he was 
compelkd, I know not by what accident, to depart. He set 
£t>rth accordingly to seek hn fortnne elsowheie, aad beiqg 
poor and destitute, he had not wherewith to Hve^ being w<at 
to sustain himself with whttt he gained at dsT-wenc, a»d 
labouring greatly, and he lived by his own industfy. De- 
parting then from Famese, he went to seek an u&ele of his.]) 

Leti has, in like manner, in his first edition, " II padre di 
Sisto si diiamava Francesco Peretti, nato nel casteUo di Fav- 
nese, di dove fn constretto non so p^ qual' aceidente oooonoli 
di partirsi, ci5 che fece vol^itieri per cerear fortniia altnrve, 
niOTtre per la povertik della sua casa non haveva di che TiVNe 
se non di quelle che lavorava c<m le proprie mani alia giegnafaL 
Partite di Famese la matina, giunse la sera ncUe groite per 
consigliarsi con un sno rio/' [The faiher of Sixtas was caUed 
F^faneeseo Pefeiti ; be was bom in the eastle ol Faaeie^ 

Sact IV.^ BIOCOUPHY OF S1XTU8 y.-*L£TI. 207 

whence lie was ocMmpdled, I know not by what accident that 
happened to hisi^ to depart^ which he did yoluntarily, to seek 
his fortune elsewhere ; while from the poyerty of his family 
he had not wherewith to liye, except by what he gained 
hy his own hands at daily labour. Haying set off £rom Far- 
neee in the morning, he arrived in the evening at the caves 
to take counsel wi^ an uncle of his.^ 

This is obviously entirely the same account^ with a few 
dight changes of expression. 

Oceaaonally we find short interpolations in Leti, bat im- 
mediately afterwards^ the manuscript and his printed work 

When we further inquire, whence proceed those additions 
with which Leti has been pleased to endow the narrative of 
the conclave, we shall find that these also are taken from this 
Corsini manuscript. The passage which we have given above 
fipom Leti appears in the manuscript as follows : — ^^ Montalto 
as ne atava tutto lasso con la corona in mano et in una picco- 
liarima cella abandonato da ogn' uno, e se pure andava in 
qualohe parte, come a celebrar messa, o nello scrutinio della 
oapella, se ne andava, &o." [Montalto remained quite ex- 
hausted, with his rosary in his hand, and in a very small cell, 
abandoned by every one ; or if he did go anywhere, as for 
example, to read mass, or to the scrutiny in the chapel, he 
went, &C.3 It is clear that Leti uses this text with only 
very dight modifications of style. 

I will add one more passage on account of the importance 
of the subject The MS. says, "Prima di cominciarsi il 
Montalto, che stava appresso al card^ di San Sisto per non 
perderlo della vista o perche non fosse subornato da altri 
porporati, gli disse alle orecchie queste parole : Faccia in- 
stanxa V. S*** ill"" che lo scrutinio segua senza pregiudicio dell' 
adoratione : e questo fn il primo atto d ambitione che mostrb 
esteriormente Montalto. Non manc5 il card^ di San Sisto di 
&r ci5 : perche con il Bonelli unitamente principib ad alzare la 
voce due o tre volte cosi : Senza pregiudicio della seguita 
adoratione. Queste voci atterrirono i cardinali : perche fu 
sopposto da tutti lore che dovesse esser eletto per adoratione. 
D card' Montalto giiL cominciava a levar quelle nebbie di 
fintioui che avevano tenuto nascosto per la spatio di anni 14 
Tambitione grande che 11 regnava in seno : onde impatiente di 


■' vedersi nel trono papale, quaado udi leggere la metil e pid. 
delli Toti in sao fiavore, teste allatigb il cello e si alz5 in piedi, 
senza attendere il fine del sorntinie, e uscito in mezzo di quella 
capello gittb rerso la porta di quella il bastoncello che portaya 
per appoggiarsi, ergendosi tutto dritto in tal mode che pareva 
due paJmi piii longo del solito. E quelle clie fu pid max^ 
yiglioso, &c." [[Before beginning, Montalto, who stood near 
Cardinal San Sisto, that he might not lose sight of bin), and 
might prerent him from being suborned by other prelat^ 
said these words in his ear : '^ Your most illustrious lorofityip 
would do well to demand that the scrutiny should proceed 
without the prejudice of the adoration :" and this was the fiisst 
evidence of ambition outwardly displayed by Montalto. tlie 
cardinal of San Sisto did not fail to do this, and together wiih 
Bonelli, he exclaimed two or three times, '^ Without prejudiqe 
of the adoration." These words confounded the cardinals, 
because it was supposed by all that the candidate was to be 
elected by adoration. Carnal Montalto already beoan to 
throw off those clouds of dissimulation, whereby he had kqpt 
concealed, for the space of fourteen years, the ardent ambition 
which reigned in his breast ; so that, impatient to see himself 
on the papal throne, when he heard that more than half tbe 
Totes were in his favour, he instantly raised his head and 
stood on his feet, without waiting to the end of the scrutiny, 
and walking forward into the midst of the chapel, he threw 
towards the door of it a little cane which he carried to support 
himself with, raising himself entirely upright, so that be 
looked a good foot (two palms) taller than usual. And what 
was more extraordinary, &c.] 

Let us compare with this the corresponding passage in Leti, 
i. p. 412. (Augsburg, 1669.) 

'^ Prima di cominciarsi Montalto si calo nell' oreccliia di 
San Sisto, e gli disse : Fate instanza che lo scrutinio si faccja 
senza pregiudicio dell' adoratione : che fu appunto il primo atto 
d'ambitione che mostrb esteriormente Montalto. Nd San Sisto 
mancb di farlo, perche insieme con Alessandrino comincib a 
gridare due o tre volte : Senza pregiudicio dell' adoratione. 
Gtik cominciava Montalto a levar quelle nebbie di fintioni che 
havevano tenuto nascosto per piii di quindeci anni rambitione 
grande che li regnava nel cuore : onde impatiente di. y^dera 
nel trono ponteficale, non si tosto intese logger piii della meti 

Sect. IV.] LIFE OP MXTUS V.^LBTI. 209 

de' voti in suo fevoie che aseicuratosi del ponteficato si leTO in 
piedi e senza aspettare il fino dello scratioio gett5 nel mezo di 
q^tiiella saia nn certo bastoncino che portava per appoggiarsi, 
ekgiendosi tatto dritto in tal modo che pareva quasi un piede 
piil longo di qnel ch'era prima : ma qnello che fu piu mira- 
vigliosb," &c. Here it is again obvious that, with the excep- 
tidni of ^ few unimportant literal changes, the passages are 
abipolnfely identical. 

\ On otie occasion Leti brings forward an authority for his 
^jikRaiion: ^^lo ho parlato con un Marchiano, ch'd morto 
feniii (in later editions, thirty) anni sono, et assai caduco, il 
quale non aveva altro piacere che di parlare di Sisto Y., e ne 
rac^ontaya tutte le particolaritk." [|I have conversed with a 
native of the March, who has been dead these twenty yeara^ 
and was then very old, whose sole pleasure consisted in talk- 
ing of Sixtus y., and who used to relate all sorts of parti* 
ciuEU^ concerning him.] Now, it seems in itself improbable 
that Leti, who arrived in Rome in the year 1644, at the age 
of fourteen, should have had intercourse with persons intimately 
acquainted with Sixtus Y., or should have derived much 
assistance for his book from their conversation. But this is 
again another passage adopted from the above-mentioned 
manuscript: ^^Et un gionio parlando con nn oerto uomo 
dalla Maircha, che d morto, che non aveva altro piacere che di 
parlare di Sisto V." [And one day, speaking with a certain 
man from the March, who is dead, and who had no other 
pleasure than that of talking of Sixtus V.] The twenty 
or thirty years are added by Leti^ for the purpose of giving 
increased credibility to his relation. 

Here, also, Leti appears to me to have used a defective 
copy. The MS. tells us, in the very beginning, that the boy 
was often compelled to watch the cattle at night in the open 
fields, — ^^ in campagna aperta." Instead of this, Leti has, ^^ in 
compagnia d'un' altro," which has all the appearance of an 
ill-corrected error in transcribing. The M. A. Selleri of 
Leti, also, must have been, according to the MS., M. A 

In a word, Leti's Vita di Sisto V. is certainly not an origi 
nal work. It is merely a new version of an Italian MS. that 
had fallen into his hands, with certain additions and alterdtions 
of stjde. 

TOL. in. p 


The whole question, therefore, is, what degree of credit 
this manuscript deserves. It is a collection of anecdotes, 
made after a considerable lapse of years, and apoczyphal in 
its character throughout His narration, in respect to the 
condave in particular, is altogether unworthy of beliei 
Sixtns y. was not the person of whom this story was first 
related ; the same thing had already been said of Paul IIL 
In the preface to the " Acta Concilii Tridentmi, 1546," an 
extract from which will be found in Strobel's Neue Beitragen, 
T. 233, there occurs the following passage in relation tQ 
Paul III. : '' Mortuo Glemente vaJde callideprimum simulabat 
.... vix prsa senio posse suis pedibus consistere : arridehat 
omnibus, Isedebat neminem, suamque prorsus voluntatem act 
nutum reliquomm aoconunodabat : . . . . ubi se jam pontifieem 
declaratum sensit, qui antea tarditatem, morbum, senium et 
quasi f ormidolosum leporem simulabaL extemplo tunc est £bk^ 
agilis, yalidus, imperiosus, suamque mauditiun ferociam . . • « 
ccepit ostendere." [On liie death of Clement, he at jfirst ^ 
sembled yery cunnmgly .... that because of his i^ he 
could scarcely stand on his feet He fimiled cm all, offended 
no one, and, indeed, submitted his own will to the wish (d 
the rest. . . . When now he heard himself declared pope, he 
who had before pretended incapacity, disease, old age, and an 
almost timid complaisance, was then at once made activ6^ 
vigorous, and haughty, and began to exhibit his unheard of 
ferocity.] We perceive clearly that this is the nairative 
given in the Corsini manuscript, and related by Leti. 

Leti did not think of first examining the truth of his manu- 
script, or of rectifying its errors. On the contrary, he ba« 
done his best to distort what he found in it still further bom 
the truth. 

He was, nevertheless, received with decided approbation; 
his work passed through edition after edition, and has ap 
peared in many translations. 

It is a remarkable fact, that history, as it passes into the 
memory of m9Ji, always touches on the confines of mytho- ! 
logy. Personal qualities stand forth in bolder relief they \ 
become more sharply defined, and in one mode or another ap- 
proach to a comprehensible ideal ; events receive a more dis- 
tinct and positive character of delineation, accessory oircum- ( 
stances and co-operative causes are forgotten and neglected. 

Sect. IV.] LIFE OF SIXTUfi V.«— TEMPSSTI. 211 

It is in this maimer only that the d^oands of the imagination- 
a]^>ear capable of receiving entire satisfEbction. 

At a later period comes the learned inquirer, who is amazed 
that men should erer hare adopted opinions so erroneous : he 
does his best for the dissipation of these phantasies and false- 
hoodBy bat eyentually becomes aware that his purpose is bv 
BO means easy of attainment. The understanding is conyinced, 
bnt the imagination remains unsubdued. 

j^oria ddla mta e^este di Papa Sisto F., tommo pontefide^ 
scritta dal P^ M^ Casimiro Tempetti. Roma^ 1755. 
fXile and measures of Pope Sixtos V., &c., by Oasimir 
TempestL Rome, 1755.] 

We hare already spoken of the moderate, cheerful, and 
wdl4nteiitioned pontiff Lambertini, Benedict XTV. His 
pontificate is furtiier distinguished by the &ct that almost all 
works of any utility, in respect to the internal lustory of the 
fKpmsVy belong to lliat period. It was at that time that the 
Aanak of Maffei were printed, that Bromato prepared his 
woric in relation to Paul lY., and that biographies of Mar- 
eellus II. and Benedict XIII. appeared. Then also it was 
that Casimiro Tempesti, a Franciscan,—- as was Sixtns Y . him- 
self,— -undertook to refute the errors of Leti in respect to that 

For this purpose all desirable &cilities were accorded to 
him. He was permitted to make unrestricted search through 
the Roman libraries, where he found the most yaluable ma- 
terials in the richest abundauce,— biographies, correspon- 
dences, memorials, of all kinds; and these he proceeded to 
incorporate in his work. Perhaps the most important of all 
this mass of documents is the correa^ndence of Morosini, the 
nuncio in France, which fills a large part of his book ; for he 
has generally adopted his materials into his text, with but 
very slight, modifications. 

On tlas point we have but two remarks to make. 

In the first place, he assumes a peculiar position in regard 
to the authorities he uses. He believes them and transcribes 
them, but he is persuaded that the pope must have been on 
bad terms with these writers — ^that he must have offended 
them ; so that they no sooner begin to find fault with the 

p 2 


pontiff, than Tempeati renonnoes them, and hibours to affix 
some different explanation to such actions of his hero as thej 
call in question. 

Bnt he sometimes departs altogether from his authoritiefi^ 
either because they are not sufficiently zealous for the <churcl^ 
or because he has not attained to a clear comprehenaioa of 
the matter treated. An example of this will be found in the 
affair of Miihlhausen, in the year 1587. The manosoiipt 
that Tempesti designates as «the ^' Anonimo Capitolino^'' f^nd 
which he has in yery many places directly transcribed, re* 
lates this occurrence with much perspicuity. Let us obeenre 
the mode in which he uses it. 

In remarking the disputes that broke out at Miihlhausen, 
" about a little wood that was barely worth twelve cxowob^" 
as Laufer expresses himself^ "Hely. Geschichte, xii. 10," 
the Anonimo very properly observes, " in non so che causa," 
P know not for what cause]. Of this Tempesti makes, " ii 
urgente lor emergenza" pn their pressing emergency]. The 
people of Miihlhausen put some of their senators in prison: 
^^ carcerarano parecchi del suo senate" [they imprisoned 
several of their councillors]. Tempesti says, "carcerati 
alcuni" [some were imprisoned], without remarking that ^ 
they were members of the council. Fears were entertained 
lest the inhabitants of Miihlhausen should give themselves up 
to the protection of the Catholic districts, and separate them- 
selves £rom the Protestants : '^ Che volesse mutar religione e 
protettori, passando all' eretica fede con raccomandarsi alii can- 
toni cattolici, siccome aJlora era raccomandata alii eretici.*' 
This is in allusion to the fact that Miihlhausen, on its first 
entrance into the Swiss confederation, was not acknowledged 
by Uri, Schwytz, Lucerne, and Unterwalden, as these cantons 
afterwards refused it their protection on joining the t^orm^ 
church. (Glutz Blotzheim, continuation of MUlier's Sohwd* 
zergeschichte, p. 373.) Tempesti has not an idea of>* this 
peculiar position of things. He says very drily : ^' Htpati^ 
rono che i Milausini volessero dichiararsi cattoUci.'* [They 
believed that the people of Miihlhausen desired to deeiare 
themselves Catholics.] Tempesti proceeds in like' nuomei^ 
even where the author shews by his typographical signs' tiat 
he is using the words of others The ^' Anonimo CSapHo- 
lino " says that Pope Sixtus Y. was about to send 100,000 


tfendi into Switzerland for the promotion of this secession, 
wlien he reoeiyed intelligence that all the dissensions were 
appeased. Tempesti, neyertheless, declares that the pope did 
send the money ; for he is resolved to make his hero, above all 
tilings, magnificent and liberal, although it is certain that 
libmlity was by no means the quality for which he was 
Host r^narkable. 

- I will not further accumulate examples. These are his 
liodes of proceeding in all cases wherein I have compared 
Um with his authorities. He is diligent, careful, and pos- 
netted of good informatiou, but limited, dry, monotonous, and 
destitute of any true insight into affairs ; his collections do 
not enable the reader to dispense with an examination of the 
<mginals. This work of Tempesti's was not calculated to 
cediitemct, hj an equal impression, the effect of that produced 
by the book of Leti. 


Let us now return to our manuscripts ; for precise and po- 
fiitiye information, we are, after aU, constantly thrown back 
on them. 

And first we meet with a 3IS. by Pope Sixtus himself, — 
memoranda written with his own hand, and made while he 
was still in his convent. 

No. 49. 

Memorie autografe di Papa Sisto V. BibL Chigiy 
No. III. 70. 158 leaves. 

This document was found in a garret by a certain Salvetti, 
who made a present of it to Pope Alexander VII. There is 
no doubt whatever of its authenticity. 

*' Qnesto libro ssak per memoria di mie poche facenducce, 
scritto di mia propria mano, dove cio che sara scritto a laude 
di Dio sara la iffnuda veritil, e cod priego creda ogn' uno che 
legge." [This book shall be for a memorial of my few small 
proceedings, written with my own hand, wherein that which 
shall be written to the pnuse of God shall be the naked truth ; 
and so I pnty every one who reads it to believe.^ 


The book first eontuns aoeoimtfiy of whiok, however, at least 
one leaf is missiog, if not more. 

*^ E qui sari scritti," he eontiBnes, ^ tntti erediti, delj^iti et 
ogn' altra mia attione di momento. B gog^ sarit la yeriti come 
qui si troTeri ecritto.*' f And here shall be written all that 
is owing to me, and all that I owe, with every thing oif mo* 
ment that is done by me ; and the truth will be such sff shall 
here be found written.] 

To what I have already narrated in the text, I will hereadtd 
one example more : *^ Andrea del Apiro, frate di San FraoeeBoa 
conrentuale, y^me a Vebetia, e n^ partirse per pegar xoba 
comprate per sue frateHo, qual mi disse fiur botega in Apiro, me 
domandb in piestito denari, e li prestai, presente &a Qmhsm 
da Lunano e fra Oomdio da Bologna, fiorini 30, e mi promise 
renderii a Montalto in mano di fra Salvatore per tutto il 
mese presente d'Augusto, come appar in nn scritto da sua 
propria mano il di 9 Agosto 1557, quale h nella mia casetta." 
^Andrea of Apiro, " Mar conyentual " of St. Francis, come 
to Venice, and when departing, desired from me a loan of 
money to pay for goods which he had bought for his bro- 
ther, who he told me keeps a sh<^ in AiMro,.and I lent him 
thirty florins, there being present brother Girolamo oi Lu- 
nano, and brother Comelio of Bologna, and he promised to 
restore them to me at Montalto, pa\ing them into the hands 
of brother Salvatore, first taking all the present month df 
August, as appears in a writing under his own hand, of the 
ninth day of August, 1557, which writing is in my little 

We here gain an insight into these little monastic pro- 
ceedings; how on^ lendis money to another, the borrower 
assisting the little trade of his brother, while others serve as 
witnesses to the transaction. Fra Salyatore also makes his 

Then follows an inventory of books. ^' Inventarium om- 
nium librorum tam seorsum quam simul ligatorum quoe o^ 
Ft. Felix Perettus de Monte alto emi et de licentia superiorom 
possideo. Qui seorsum fuerit ligatus, faciat num»fmn ;. qui 
non cum aliis, minime." [[Inventory of all the books, whe- 
ther bound separately or together with others, that ly bioiher 
Felix Peretto of Montalto, have bought and possess^ with the 
permission of my superiors. Those that are bound by them- 

No. 49.^ UAjantoaiST mhhoibs of sixtueh-by himself. 215 

aelyefl make separate nnmbeis, but not those bound together 
with others.] I am now sorry that I did not take notes 
firom this caUdogoe ; but it seemed to me to be very insig- 

At length we find at page 144. 

^^ Memoria d^ ansi che andai a studio, di officii, prediche 
e oommissioni aynte." [Memoranda oonoeming the years 
that I paseed as a student, the offices I hare held, my 
mgagements as a preacher, and the comnussions I have 

. These I will give at full length, although T^npesti has 
made extracts in yarions {daees of hk work. It is important, 
ta being the only diary of a pope that we poeness. 

** Col nome di Dio 1540 il di 1 settembre di merooldi in- 
tnti a studio in Ferrara, e Ti finii il triennio sotto il rd"" m*^ 
Barf" dalla Pergda. Nel 43 &tto il capitolo in Ancona andai 
a studio in Bologna sotto il r^ maestro Gioyanni da Cor- 
neggio : intrai in Bologna il di S. Jaoobo maggior di Luglio, 
e yi stetti fine al sett^nbre d^ 44, quando il costacciaro mi 
maadb baocellier di conyento in Rimini col rey^ regente m' 
Ant<Miio du citl^ di Penna, e yi finii il tempo sine al capitolo 
di Yenezia del 46. Fatto il capitolo andai baccellier di con- 
yento in Siena con m*^ Alexandre da Montefalco, e qui finii il 
triennio fine al capitolo d'Assisi del 49. Ma il costacciaro 
mi die' la licentia del magisterio nel 48 a 22 Luglio, e quatt>o 
di dope me addottorai a Fermo. Nel capitolo generale di 
Assisi fui fatto regente di Siena 1549 e yi finii il triennio, fn 
generale mons'* Gia Jacobo da Montefalco. A Napoli : nel 
capitolo generale di G^oya fui fatto regente di Napoli 1553 
dal rey"° generale m' Giulio da Piacenza e yi finii il triennio. 
A Yenezia : nel capitolo generale di Brescia 1556 fui fatto 
regente di Yenezia, e yi finii il triennio, e I'anno prime della 
mia regeriafui eletto inquisitor in tutto rill""* dominio 1557 di 
17 di Gennaro. N^ capitolo generale di Assisi 1559 eletto 
generale m'* Gioyan Antonio da Cervia, fui confirmato regente 
et inquisitore in Yenezia come di sopra. Per la morte di 
papa Paolo IIII. Tanno detto d'Agosto partii da Yenezia per 
yisitare li miei a Montalto, inquisitore apostolico : mosso da 
gran tumulti ; il 22 di Febbraro 1560 tomai in ufficio col 
brieye di Pio IIII. papa, et yi stetti tutto 1 Giugno, e me 
chiamb a Roma: il di IS Luglio 1560 fui fatto teologo assis- 


tente alia inquisitione di Roma e ginnd I'officio in mano dd 
card^ Alessandrino. 

'^ (Piediche.) L'anno 1540 predicu, nh bavevo anchor 

cantato messa, in Montepagano, terra di Abrozzo. L'annd 

1541 predicai a Yogbiera, villa Fenarese, mentre ero stndente' 

in Ferrara. L'anno 1542 predicai in Grignano, villa del P(i3e^ 

sine di Rovigo, e-studiavo in Ferrara. L'anno 1543 predicai 

alia fratta di Badenara (viveva il Diedo e'l Manfrone) ^ita* 

diavo in Ferrara. L'anno 1544 predicai alia Canda, viUi Mtk 

Badia, e stadiavo in Bologna. L'anno 1545 predicai le iMfii 

in Rimini in convento nostro, percbe il m** di stndio 4i Bo^' 

logna ne preoccupb la predica di Monte Scatnlo, et ero hkkkf'^ 

di convento di ^onini. L'anno 1546 predicai a Macerate df- 

Montefeltro et ero bacc* di convento di Rimini. L'anno 154T 

predicai a S. Geminiano in Toscana et ero bacc® di oonvenfb'* 

a Siena. L'anno 1548 predicai a S. Miniato al Tedesoo iit' 

Toscana, et ero bacc^ di Siena. L'anno 1549 predicdl 

in Ascoli della Marca, partite da Siena per I'ingreeso d6 

Spagnoli introdutti da Don Diego Mendozza. L'anno 1550 

preddcai a Fano et ero regente a Siena. L'anno 1551 predioal 

nel dome di Camerino condotto dal r^ vescovo et ero r^ntH 

a Siena. L'anno 1552 predicai a Roma in S. Apoetoli, e tr«f 

ill^ cardinali me intrattennero in Roma, e lessi tntto l'anno 

tie di della settimana la pistola a Romani di S. Paolo. L'anno 

1553 predicai a Geneva, e vi se fece il capitolo generate, et 

andai regente a Napoli. L'anno 1554 predicai a Napoli in 

S. Lorenzo, e vi ero regente, e lessi tutto l'anno in cbiesa 

Tevangelio di S. Giovanni. L'anno 1555 predicai nel dnomo 

di Perngia ad instanza dell' ill"^ cardinale della Gorgna. 

L'anno 1556 fa cbiamato a Roma al concilio generale, cbe 

gi^ principib la santitcl di papa Paulo IIII., perb non predicai. 

L'anno 1557 fn eletto inquisitor di Yenezia e del dominio, 

bisognandome tre di della settimana seder al tribonale'non 

predicai ordinariamente, ma 3 (?) di della settimada a* R 

Caterina in Yenezia. L'anno 1558 predicai a S. Apoetoli df 

Yenezia e 4 giomi della settimana a S. Caterina, ailMrdi6 

exequisse I'officio della s** inquis***. L'anno 1559 non predlHii 

salvo tre di dalla settimana a S. Caterina per le molte occa- 

pationi del s. officio. L'anno 1560 tomando col brieve £ 

S. Santitk a Yenezia inquisitore tardi predicsui solb a S.' 

Caterina come di sopra. ' ' 


'*' (Commiflsioni.) L'anno 1548 ebbi 4a rev"'*' m'* Barto- 
iinmeo da Maoeiata, ministro della Marca, una commissione 
Fermo per libemr di prigione del S' yicel^gato fra Leonardo 
slla Ripa : lo liberal e lo condussi in Macerata. L'anno 1549 
>bi dai sud* B. P* commissioni in tutta la costodia di Ascoli 
^ Febbraro fino a pasqua. L'anno isteseo dall' istesso ebbi 
Da eommianone nel convento di Fabriano e vi lemisi irate 
Ivaogelista delT istesso luogo. L'anno 1550 ebbi dall' 
^esBO padre commissione in Senegaglia : rimisi fra Nicolb in 
laa • yeddi i snoi conti. L'anno 1551 ebbi commissione dal 
** p^geneiale m** Gia Jacobo da Montefalco a visitar tutta la 
arte de Montefeltro, Cagli et Urbino. L'anno 1552 ebbi 
■11' ill"*® cardinale protettor commissione sopra una lite esis- 
ante tia il guardiano fra Tommaso di Piacenza et un ha, 
l^iaiioesco dia Osimo, cbe aveya fs^tto la oocchina in Santo 
kpofltob. L'istesso anno ebbi commisdon dal rev^ padre 
lenerale m** Giulio da Piacenza nel convento di Fermo, e 
iriyai di goardianato m'" Domenico da Montesanto, e yiddi i 
onti del procuratore fra Ludovico Pontano, e bandii della 
»roYincia £ra Ciocone da Monte dell' Olmo per ayer dato 
lelle ferite a fra Tommaso dell' istesso luogo. L'anno 1555 
bbi dal sudetto r^** generale commissione di andar in Calabria 
k -i^ il ministro, percbe ayea inteso quello esser morto, ma 
sbiarito quello esser yiyo non andai. L'anno 1557 ebbi com- 
nissione sopra il Gattolino di Capodistria, sopra il Garzoneo 
la Veglia et altre assai commissioni di fra Giulio di Capodis- 
jria. L'anno 1559 fui fatto commissario nella proyincia di 
^. Antonio, tenni il capitolo a Bassano, e fn eletto ministro 
n** Comelio Veneso. L'anno 1560 fui £atto inquisitore apo- 
jtolico in tutto il dominio Yeneto, e dell' istesso anno fui 
t&ito teologo assistente all inquisitione di Roma il di 16 
Luglio 1560. 

" Nel capitolo generale di Brescia 1556 fui eletto promoter 
I magisterii con I'Andria e con m"* Gioyanni da Bergamo, et 
otto Daccalaurei da noi promossi furon dottorati dal rey^ 
B;eiierale m'^ Giulio da Piacenza, cio^ Antonio da Montalcino, 
Ottayiano da Rayenna, Bonayentura da Gabiano, Marc An- 
tonio da Lugo, Ottayiano da Napoli, Antonio Panzetta da 
Padoya^ Ottayiano da Padoya, Martiale Calabrese. Otto 
altri promossi ma non adottorati da s. p. r^ : Francesco da 
Sonnino, Antonio da Urbino, Nicolb da Montefalco, Jaoopo 


Appagliese, Antonio BoUetta da Firenze, ConBtantino da 
Crema, il Piemontese et il Sioolino. In perb oom raotorita di 
un cavalier di S. Pietro da Bresoia addottorai Antonio da 
XJrbino, il Piemontese e GoiMitantino da Orema. Di Maggio 
1558 oon rautoritil del cavalier Oentani adottoiai in YenesU 
fra Paolo da S. Leo, Irate Andrea d'Arimino, Giannnatteo da 
Saasocorbaro e fra Tironino da Lonano, tntti miei diaeepolL* 
[In the name of €K>d, on Wednesday, September the Isl^ 
1540, 1 entered on my studies in Ferrara, and finisbed thi 
trienninm there under the reverend Master 3artolonieo della 
Pergola. In 1543, after the chapter had been held in An< 
oona, I went to study in Bologna under the reverend Mailer 
Giovanni da Correggio ; I arrived at Bologna in the montii 
of July, on the day of St. James the El£r, and remained 
there until September, 1544^ when the examiner sent me 
as convent-bachelor to Rimini, with the most reverend reffenty 
Master Antonio, of the city of Penna, where I completed mj 
time till the chapter of Yenioe in the year 1546. At^eoonefan 
£don of the chapter I went as ecmvent-bachelor to Siom witfi 
Master Alessandro da Monte&lco^ and there finished the trieo- 
nium till the chapter of Asnsi in 1 549. But the examiner me 
me a master's license on the 22nd of July in 1548, and %nt 
days after, I took the degree of doctor at Fermo. At the 
chapter-general of Assisi, I was made regent of Siena in 1549, 
and there I finished the trienninm — Monsignore Gia Jacopo 
da Monte&loo being general. At Naples, in the chapter- 
general of G^noa, I was made regent of Naples in 1553, by 
the most reverend general, Master Giulio cb Piacenza, and 
there I finished the trienninm. At Yenice, in the genenl 
chapter of Brescia, in 1556, I was made regent of Yenioe, 
and there finished the trienninm, and in the first year of my 
regency I was elected inq^uisitor for the whole of the moet 
illustrious dominion on the 17th of January, 1557. In the 
chapter-general of Assisi, 1559, Master Giovan Antonio da 
Cervia being elected general, I was confirmed regent and 
inquisitor in Venice as aforesaid. On the death of Pope 
Paid IV., in August of the same year, I went to visit my 
relations at Montalto, apostolic inquisitor. Induced by toe 
great tumults prevailing, I returned to office on the 22nd ol 
February, 1560, with a brief from Pope Pius IV., and remained 
there until the end of June, when I was called to Borne. 


On the 18tli of July, 1560, I was made assistant theologian 
to the Inquisition of Rome, and was sworn into office by 
Oaxdinal AlesBuidimo. 

QPxeachings.) In the year 1540 I preached — as yet I had 
nerer chanted mass — in Montepagano^ a place in Abmzio. 
In the year 1544 I preached at Yoghiera, a town of Ferrara, 
ygMke t was a student at Ferrara. In the year 1542 I 
pnached at Grignano, a town of the Pcdeaine <fi Rorigo, and 
ma sindying at Ferrara. In the year 154S I preached to the 
faraiheihood of Badenara (Diedo suod MMifrone were then 
ImngX and was studying in Ferrara. In the year 1544 I 
pteached at Cauda, a town of BacKa, and was studying 
in Bolognar In the year 1545 I preached the festiy^ 
Mcmoof at Rimini in our own convent, because the pulpit of 
Monte Scutulo was abeady occupied by the master of the 
boU^ge in Bologna, and I was biMhelor of the conyent of 
BnBini. In the year 1546 I preached at Macerata di Mon- 
beMtro, and was bachelor of the conrent of Rimini. In the 
year 1547 I preadied at St. Geminiano in Tuscany, and was 
baelMler of the convent of l^ena. In the year 1548 I 
preached at St. Miniato al Tedeseo in Tuscany, and was 
bachelor of Siena. In the year 1549 I preached in Aseoli 
della Marca, having left Siena on account of the entrance of 
the Spaniards, who were introduced by Don Diego M^dozza. 
In tlM year 1550 I preached at Fano, and was regent at 
Siena. In the year 1551 I preached in the cathedral, being 
appointed by the most reverend bishop, and was regent at 
Sena. In the year 1552 I preached in the church of 
the Holy Apostles in Rome, and three most illustrious car- 
dinals entertained me in Rome, and throughout that year 
[ read the epistle of St. Paul to the Romans three days in 
Bvery week. In the year 1553 I preached at Genoa, and tbe 
chi^Mtor-general was held there, when I was sent regent to 
Naples. In the year 1554 I preached at Naples in the 
church of St Lorenzo, and was regent there, and throughout 
khat year I read the goepd of St. John in that church. 
En the 3rear 1555 I preached in the cathedral at Perugia 
it the request of the most illustrious Cardinal della Corgna. 
In the year 1556 I was called to Rome to the general 
Bouncil, which was now commenced by his holiness Pope 
Pkial IV., but I did not preach. In ttie year 1557 I was^ 


elected inqaisitor of Venice and of its entire territoiy ; and 
having to sit in court three days of every week, I did noi 
usuallypreach, excepting three (?) days of the week at St. Cathe* 
rine's of Venice. In the year 1558 I preached at the Holy 
Apostles in Venice, and four days of the week at St. Oathcr 
rine, although I still performed the office entrusted to me liy 
the Holy Inquicdtion. In the year 1559 I did not Dreac|i 
more than three days in the week at St Catherine's of V emqe^ 
because of the multitude of cases before the Holy Oflioe. ,m^ 
the year 1560, returning to Venice as inquiditor, witfi ibo 
brief of his holiness, I preached in the afternoons only, al 
St. Catherine's as aforesaid. 

[[ (Commissions.) In the year 1548 I received from tiKI 
very reverend Master Bartolomeo da Maoerata, minister of 
the March of Ancona, a commission to Fe^o, for the purpose 
of liberating brother Leonardo della Ripa from the priscoi of 
the vice-legate. I liberated him accordingly, and oondojcted 
him to Macerata. In the year 1549 I had commissions from the. 
same reverend father for the whole district of Asooli, from 
Februai^ to Easter. In the second year, and from the same 
person, I had a commission to the convent of Fabriano, and I 
there reinstated brother Evangelista, of the same place. In 
the year 1550 I had from the same father a commission in 
Senegaglia, where I restored brother Nicolo to his house, and 
examined his accounts. In the year 1551 I had a commis- 
sion from the very reverend fGither-general, M"* Gia Jacobo da 
Montefeico, to visit all that district of Montefeltro, Cagli, and 
Urbino. In the year 1552 I received from the most iUus- 
trious cardinal-protector a commission with respect to a law* 
suit pending between the guardian brother Tommaso da 
Piacenza, and a certain brother Francesco da Osimo, who had 
superintended the kitchen department in Santo Apostolo. 
The same year I had a commission from the most reverend 
father-general, M'* Giulio da Piacenza, to the convent of 
Fermo, when I deprived Master Dominico da Montesanto of 
the guardianship, and examined the accounts of the pro- 
curator brother Ludovico Pontanp ; and I banished brother 
Ciccone da Monte dell' Olmo from the province, for having 
inflicted certain wounds on brother Tommaso, of the same 
place. In the year 1555 I had a commission from the afore- 
said most reverend general to go into Calabria, and act as 


inister, because he had heard that the minister was dead ; 
it being informed he was alire, I did not go. In the year 
157 I had a commission respecting Gattolino di C^>o 
Istria, and respecting Garzoneo da Veglia, with several com- 
isdons besides, of brother Giulio of Capo d'Istria. In the 
}ttr 1559 I was made commissioner of the province of St. 
ntonio ; I held the chapter at Bassano, and Master Comelio 
^neto was elected minister. In the year 1560 I was ap- 
anted inquisitor apostolic for all the dominions of Yenice, 
id on the 19th of July, in the same year, was made assistant 
i^oik^lian to the Inquisition of Rome. 
[At the chapter-general held in Brescia in the year 1556, 1 
as elected promoter to masterships, together with Andrea 
id Master Qiovanni da Bergamo ; and at that time eight 
kchelois, promoted by us, were admitted to doctors' degrees 
r the reiy reverend general, Master Giulio da Piacenza; 
imeiy, Antonio da Montalcino, Ottaviano da Bavenna, Bona- 
mtatB, da Chibiano, Marc Antonio da Lugo, Ottaviano da 
apoli, Antonio Panzetta da Padova, Ottaviano da Padova, 
id Martiale, a Calabrian. Eight others were also promoted, 
it were not admitted to doctors' degrees by the most reverend 
ther : Francesco da Sonnino, Antonio da Urbino, Nicolo da 
iontefalco, Jacobo, an Apulian, Antonio Bolletta da Firenze, 
onstantino da Crema, il Piemontese, and il Sicolino. But 
ith the authority of a knight of St. Pietro da Brescia, I did 
yself confer the degree of doctor on Antonio da Urbino, the 
lemontese, and Constantino da Crema. In May, 1558, 
ith the authority of the Cavalier Centani, I also admitted, in 
enice, brother Paolo da St. Leo, brother Andrea d'Arimino, 
ianunatteo da Sassocorbaro, and brother Tironino da Lunano, 
ho were aU my disciples, to be electors. 

No. 50 
e Vita Sixti F., ipsius manu emendata. BibL Altieri, 
57 leaves, [The Life of Sixtus V., corrected by his own 
hand. Altieri Library.^ 

This, it is true, is only a copy, but one in which the errors 
the first writer, and the corrections made by the pope, are 
ithfully transcribed. The corrections are seen written over 
e worda that have been erased by a stroke of the pen« 


It begins by describing the poverty of this pope's pAveatfl^ 
who earned their maintenanoe ^' alieni paryiqoeagri ooltnia" 
{]by the coltuie of a narrow field, and that belonging to othen}» 
Above all other members of the £unily, he praises the Signoa 
Camilla, who at the time he wrote had certainly but vaiy 
moderate claims to notice. " Que ita se intra modestiiB atqas 
humilitatis susb fines oontinnit semper, at ex Bomma et oelns- 
aima fortnna fratris, prsater innocentiss atqae frugalitetis 
£unain et in relictis sibi a &milia n^Mtibus pie ac libttialite 
educandis diligentias laudem, nihil magnopore cefisse dioi 
possit/' [[Who so restrained herself within ike bouids of 
her modesty and humility, that die cannot be said to halve 
gained any thing by the most high and exalted fortune of her 
brother, beyond the £une of innocence and frngali^, and tht 
praise acquired by her diligence in piously and liberally edu- 
cating the grandiohildien left by the family to her care.^ He 
enlarges on the educadoo, advanoe, and early administatittB 
of the pontifiT, and jb particularly remarkaUe f(« the zeal with 
which he insists on the Christian principle obvious in the aidn* 
tecture of Bome, and the eulogies he bestows oa that tendenqr^ 

This little work must hare been composed about the year 
1587. It was the intention of the author to depict the sue- 
ceeding periods also. ^ Turn dioentur nobis {Genius, cum acta ]: 
ejus (Sixti) majori parata ordine prodere memorise experiemur. 
Quod et fiicturi ]»o yiribus nostris, si vita suf^tet, oBmi 
conatu sumus ; et ipse ingentia animo comjdexus, neo uUa 
mediocri oontentus ^oria, uberem ingeniis materiam pmbi« 
turns egregie de se condendi volumina videtur." [We shall 
speak more fuUy when we shall attempt to relate his acts 
in a more extended order, which we will do, if life be per- 
mitted us, with our most earnest efforts; and from tiif 
magnitude of his conceptions, and his disdain of all mediocrity 
of glory, it seems probable that he will supply rich materials fi 
for writing many volumes of no ordinary character.]] )' 

Now the most important question arising with respeot to ' 
the document before us is, whether it really was revived by 
the pontiff. \ 

Tempesti, who was not acquainted with the cc^y in the ; 
Altieri library, was also in possession of a little work that 
had been recommended to him as having been composed by { 
Oraziani, and revised by Pope Sixtns. He makes eertain 


»bj«ction0 ag&iiutt it, and may possibly be correct in these 
eowiks. Bui that work was not identical with this of ours. 
Tempesti draws attention, among other points (p. 30), to the 
Bet, that Qnudani makes the pope begin his first procession 
ram the ohiudi of the Hdy Apostles, whereas, this proces- 
ion» in &ot, set forth horn that of the Ara Ccali. Bat this is a 
oisteke much more likely to escape the observation of a man 
who had become pope, and had the affiurs of the whole world 
tt his hands, than that of the father Maestro Tempesti. In 
tmr '* Yita," however, this error is not to be found : the fsust is 
here stated quite correctly. ^' Yerum ut aoceptum divinitus 
lonorem ab ipso Deo exordiretur, ante omnia supplicationes 
lecreyit, quas ipse cum patribus et frequente populo pedibus 
cdmia cum religione obiyit a templo Franciscanorum ad S. 
tfariom Majorem." [[But that he might begin by doing 
Lononr to Crod, from whom he had received his dignity, he 
i eeiw ed before all things that supplication should be ofilered, 
o which end he most piously proceeded on foot with the 
athers and a vast crowd of people, from the church of the 
gJanciHcans to that of Santa Maria Maggiore.]] 

We have still further testimony to the authenticity of our 
itUe work. Another biography, the next which we shall 
ixamine, relates that Sixtus had made a note on the margin 
i certain commentaries, to the effect that, ^' soromm alteram 
enera tttate decessisse" [[another sister had died in her 
hildhood[] ; and we find that this very thing has been done 
n the manuscript before us. The first author had written, 
^ Qnarum altera nupsit, ex cujus fiilia Silvestrii profluxisse 
ioontur, quos adnumerat suis pontifex, &c" |^0f whom one 
Fas married, and from a daughter of hers the Silvestri family 
i said to be descended, whom the pontiff numbers among hiis 
indred.[] These and some other words Sixtus struck out, 
nd wrote in addition ^^ Quarum dtera sstate adhuc tenera 

This seeond biography further says: *^In iUis common- 
inis ab ipso Kxto, qui ea recognovit, adsoriptum reperi, 
ixti matrem Marianam non quidem ante conceptum sed paulo 
ate editum filium de futura ejus magnitudine divinitus fuisse 
Lonitam." [[In those commentaries, revised by Sixtus him- 
i^ I find written by him, that Mariana, ^e mother of 
ixtus, not indeed before the conception of her son, hot before 

224 HISTORY OF Tan POPBB — ^APPBNDIX. |^06. 50, 51r 

his birth, was divinely piemonished of his future gfeataem} 
This also we find in our manuscript The author had aaid tfaiil- 
Peretto had received the prediction in a dream, 
sibi filium qui aliquando ad summafl esset dignitatoB 
turus" [[that a son should be bom to him, who 
day attain to the highest dignities^. The woxd hA&t m 
marked out, and ^' ejus uxor partui vidna " [his wife wmt i 
to her delivery] inserted. 

By these corroborations our little work acquires a 
authenticity: it proves itself to be immediaMy oou 
with that autograph of the pope, and well deaecres te.^ i 
separately printed. 

No. 51. 

SixttM F., Pontifex Maaimus, BibL Altieri. 80 leapet. 

This is precisely the work by which we have been enaUi 
to establish the authenticity of the preceding. I do not per- J^ 
ceive that it was known either to Tempesti or any oihor 

The author wrote after the death of Sixtus. He alretdj 
complains that the pontiff's memory was injured and ous* 
represented by many &bulous inventions. ^' Sixtus Y^' ^ 
begins, *'' memoriaB quibusdam grat», aliquibus invisae, omni- 
bus magnse, cum cura nobis et sine ambitu dicetur : conn , 
expectatio multorum acuit (obwohl die Schrift niemals fgt- 
druckt worden), ambitum senectus nobis imminens preoidtti^ 
[[Sixtus Y., of memory dear to some, abhorred by others, M 
great in the opinion of all, shall be described by us esw- 
fully, and without false motives : our care is stuiiulat^d bf 
the expectation of numbers (although the maausofipt was 
never printed), and impending age precludes all selUi 

He considers his subject to be very importaut. f^Yix 
aut rerum moles major aut majoris animi pontifex i^le imr 
quam tempore concurrerunt" [There have soarody 0ver 
concurred events of greater magnitude with a pope of Ugfaor 

In the first part of his little work the author velaftQS the 
life of Sixtus Y. to the period of his elevation to tii«. papal 


For this purpose he derives his materials from the 
aiM«e*iuuned biography, the yarious correspondences of Sixtus, 
ilwih:; he freqsentlj cites, and oral communications from 
O w dii Md Paleotto, or from a confidential member of the pope's 
called Capeletto. From these sources he obtained 
riWiaricable particulars. 

a|L 1. " Sixti genus, parentes, patria."-— We here find 
ilie strange story that Sixtus had desired in his youth to be 
sirilod Cnnitns Qhe long-haired^ ; nay, that he even was so 
UHvAriK'^his monastery for a certain time. By this word he 
aiuit to signify a comet, and chose the name as expressing 
lis hopes in his own future fortunes (^' propter speratam semper 
b se ob ea quae mox exsequar portenta nominis et loci clarita- 
em ") p)y reason of the illustrious name and station ever 
loped by him, in consequence of the portents which I shall 
lereafter set forth]. There is supposed to be allusion to this 
ti thei star of his armorial bearings ; but that is certainly not 
I ctonet. The poqtiff himself told Paleotto that the pears in 
ik ftrms were meant to signify his father (Peretti), and that 
be moantains designated his native land ; the lion bearing 
he pears was meant to imply at once magnanimity and 

2. " Ortus Sixti divinitus ej usque futura magnitudo prse- 
innciatur." [^The birth of Sixtus and his future greatness is 
livinely foretold.] — Sixtus himself relates that his father 
•nee heard a voice calling to him in the night, ^' Yade, age, 
^erette, uxori jungere ; paritura enim tibi filium est, cui 
I'elicis nomen impones : is enim mortalium olim maximus est 
irtiiras." [Rise, Peretti, and go seek thy wife, for a son is 
hont to be born to thee, to whom thou slialt give the name 
if Felix, since he is one day to be the greatest among morr 
MbsJ] He was a strange fellow, without doubt, this Peretti. 
BEis wife was at that time in the service of the above-named 
Diana, in the town. Following the intimation of this pro- 
phetic encouragement, he stole away to the town through the 
night and the fogs, for he dared not shew himself in the day, 
&om fear of his creditors. An extraordinary origin this ! 
At a later period Peretti formally assured his creditors of 
their safety on the strength of his son s good fortune. When 
he had the child in his arms, he would declare that he was 

toim in. Q 


^rrying a pope, ancL would hold out the Ikde foot for hui 
neighbours to kias. 

3. ^^Nomen." — Peretto dedand, when objeetuns wore BMde 
to him agaiBst the name of IWx : ^Baptismo potins q^iiiiL 
Felloiff nomine earebit." [[Rather shaH h^ be withont bap» 
tism than without the name of Felix.^^ The bed onee toctk 
ire from a light left burning near it ; the mother mriwd to 
save her obSd, and fbnnd it unhurt and kbughing^; Tmj 
much as it happened to Sorvius TuUius, tibe ohild oi ^ae aban- 
girl, whose predestined greatness was announoed bj the imm 
that plajed around his head while asleep. After so bmbj 
centuries had passed, the prodigy was repeated, or at kaii^ 
the belief in it was reriyed. 

4. ^ jBtadia.** — That the pontiff had tended swine was a fret 
that he was not had of haying repeated ; and finding it ia- 
serted in the aboye-mentioned commentaries, he forbade Ham 
eontinuance. The narration in this chapter desonbes ib» 
nvpidity of his earij progress^ and how he qeoipied his mastei 
too much £[>r his fiyo bajocohi. ^' Vix mensem idternm- operas 
Inagistro dederat, cum iHe Perettum adit^ stare se conirentis 
posse negans : tam enim multa Felicem supra reliquomm cap- 
turn et morem discere, ut sibi, multo plus in uno illo* qaam m , 
ceteris instituendis omnibus laboranti, non expediat maTimam . 
operam mmima omnium meroede oonsumere." ^He bai I 
scarcely passed another month with the master wbe& tbe j 
latter sent to Peretto, refusing to abide by the agreement; ( 
for that Felix took so many lessons out of the usoal eomne^ j 
and beyond what the rest could oomprebend, that h«^ t^ I 
teacher, found it not expedient to labour so much mote in 
teaching him than he did all the othersj thus doing more week 
where he had least pay.]] The future pontiff was rather 
seyerely treated by Fra j^lyatore. He got many a blow ht 
not plaoiug his food before him in proper order. Hm peer « 
child raised himself on tiptoe, but was so little ikat ke oeold 
dtill scarcely reach the leyel of the table. 

5. ^^ His conyentual life." — This is what we haye related 
in the text when describing his mode of study, and the dis- 
putation at Assisi. The first fame of his preaciiing. When 
on a journey, the people of Belforte stopped him, and would 
not permit him to leaye them until he had thrice pteaidied to 
an immense concourse of the inhabitants. 


6. *^ Hontaha cum Ghislerio Alexandrino jmigendiB fami- 
liaritatis occasio." [The occasion of Montalto's fonning an 
acqnaintance with Ghislieri Cardinal Alexandrine.] 

7. ^ Per magnam mnltomm inTidiam ad magnos mnltoeqae 
honores evadit." [[To the great envy of many, he arriyeB^at 
great and nnmerous hononrs.] — ^In Yenioe particniarlj, where 
he carried through the printing of the Index, he had much to 
eodare. He was on one occasion compdiled to leare the city, 
and hesitated to retnm. Cardinal Carpi, who had heen his 
protector firom the time of the often-cited dispensation, gare 
the Franciscans of Yenice to understand Uiat unless Montalto 
were suffered to remain there, no one of thdr order should 
continue in the city. Yet he could not maintain his ground 
there. The hrethren of his own order accused him hefore the 
Council of Ten, charging him with occamoning disorders in 
the republic, by refusing absolution, namely to those who were 
in possession of forbidden books (^ qui damnatos libros domi 
Itetineant "). He was compelled to return to Rome, where he 
became consultor to the Inquiotion. 

8. ** RomauflB inquisitionis consultor, sui ordinis proeorator, 
inter theologos congregationis Tridentini concilii adscribi- 
tur." [Consultor of the Roman Inquisition, procurator of his 
order, he is inscribed among the theologians of the congrega- 
tien of the council of Trent.] — By the Franciscans of Rome 
also, Montalto was received only on the express recom- 
mendation of Cardinal Carpi, and the latter sent him his 
meals ; he supported him in every position, and recommended 
him on his death-bed to Cardinal Ghislieri. 

9. **Iter in Hispaniam." [[Journey into Spain.]— He accom- 
panied Buoncompagno, afterwards Gregory XIII. Even at 
that time there was by no means a good understanding be- 
tween them. Montalto was sometimes obliged to travel in 
liie baggage-waggon. ^^Accidit nonnunquam ut quasi per 
injuriam aut necessitatem jumento destitutus vehiculis quibus 
impedimenta comportabantur deferri necesse fuerit." [[It 
happened occasionally, whether by way of aflfronting him or 
from iiecessity, that having no animal provided for his riding, 
he was compelled to take a place on the vehicle which bore 
the baggage.] Many other idights followed. 

10. ^Post honorifice delatum episcopatum per iniquorum 
hominum calumnias cardinalatus Montalto maturatur." QAfter 

Q 2 


an honourable fulfilment of the duties of his bishopric, Mont- 
alto's advance to the cardinalate was hastened bj the calum- 
nies of evil-minded men.] — ^The nephew of Pius V.,was also 
opposed to him : " alium veterem contubernalem eveheudi 
cupidus" [^being anxious to advance some old boon companion 
of his own]. The pope was told, amongst other things, that 
four carefully-closed chests had been taken into the apart- 
ments of Montalto, who had lodged himself with exce^iiiig 
splendour and luxury. Pius hereupon went himself unex* 
pectedly to the monastery. He found bare walls, and asked 
what were the contents of the chests, which were still in tha 
room : " Books, holy feither," said Montalto, " that I propose 
to take with me to St. Agatha " (St. Agatha was his bisj^op- 
ric), and ho opened one of the chests. Pius was highly pleased, 
and soon afterwards made him cardinal. 

11. " Montalti dum cardinalis fuit vita et mores." £The 
life and habits of Montalto while in his cardinalate.] — Gregoxy 
deprived him of his pension, which many thought to be 
significant of his future pontificate : — ^' Levis enim aulicorom 
quorundam superstitio diu credidit, pontificum animis oc- 
cultam quandam in futures successores obtrectationem ia- 
sidere." [[For there has long been a weak superstition held 
about the court, that a certain secret aversion steals into the 
minds of the pontiffs against those who are to bo their 

12. " Francisci Peretti csedes incredibili animi aequitate tole- 
rata." [The slaying of Francesco Peretti is endured with in- 
credible equanimity.] 

13. ^^ Pontifex M. magna patrum consensione declara- 
tur." [[Is declared supreme pontiff with the full consent 
of the fathers.] 

Then follows the second part. 

^' Hactenus Sixti vitam per tempera digessimus : . jamhinc 
per species rerum et capita, ut justa hominis 8Bsti[matio.,cuiqoo 
in promptu sit, exequar." [[To this point we have related 
the life of Sixtus in the order of time: his actions : ahull 
henceforth be arranged under their several heads, that. all 
may readily form a just estimate of the man.] 

But of this part only three chapters are to be found :— * 
'^Gratia in benemeritos;— pietas in Franciscanorum ordinem;—- 


ica securitas." [J3Lis favour 'to the deserving, his attach- 
; to the Franciscans, and the public security.] 
be last is bjr far the most important, on account of the 
ciption it furnishes of the times of Gregory XIII. I did 
idke a complete transcript of the whole, but will at- least 

an extract : — ^' Initio quidem nonnisi qui ob cssdes et 
cinia proscripti erant, ut vim magistratuum effugerent, 
8 hoc vitsB instituerant ut aqua et igne prohibiti latebris 
rll'm conditi aviisque montium ferarum ritu vagantes 
ram anxiamque vitam furtis propemodum necessariis sus- 
irent. Yerum ubi rapinse dulcedo et impunitse nequitisd 
alios atque alios extremso improbitatis homines eodem 
lit, coepit quasi legitimum aliquod vel mercimonii yel 
m genus latrocinium frequentari. Itaque certis sub 
ju8y quos facinora et ssBvitia nobilitassent, societates pro- 
tomm et sicariorum ad vim, caedes, latrocinia coibant. 
im duces ex audacia vel scelere singulos sestimabant: 
orosissimi et ssevlssima ausi maxime extollebantur ac 
rionmn centurionumque nominibus militari prope more 
bantnr. Hi agros et itinera non jam vago maleficio sed 

pene imperio infesta habebant .... Denique operam ad 
m inimicorum, stupra virginum et alia a quibus mens 
^t, factiosis hominibus et scelere alieno ad suam ex- 
indam libidinem egentibus presente pretio locare : eoque 
sun devenerat ut nemo se impune peccare posse crederet 
sui proscriptorum aliquis et exulum periculum prsestaret. 
ebat rebus ut non modo improbi ad scelera, verum etiam 
me mali homines ad incolumitatem ejusmodi feras bestias 
necessarias putarent. ... Id proceribus et principibus 

perpetuo palam usurpari. . . . Et vero graves Jacobo 
M>mpagno susceptae cum primariis viris inimicitise ob vio- 
a suarum sedium immunitatem diu fortunam concussere. 
ierum plerique, sive quos ses alienum exhauserat, sivo 
um ambitio et luxus supra opes erat, sive quos odia et 
cendi libido ad cruenta consilia rejecerant, non modo 
3cinium latronum suscipere, sed foedus cum illis certis 
ilionibus sancire ut operam illi ad csedem locarent mer- 

impunitatis et perfugii. Quum quo quisque sicariorum 
ono uteretur notum esset, si cui quid surreptum aut per 
ablatum foret, ad patronum deprecatorem confugiebatur> 

830 HlfXOBY or THB POPBH-APPENDIX. [No. 51* 

qui sequestrum wmulflnii, utrinqne nptor, turn pnedn pftrtem 
a sicanis turn opens mereedem a 8iq>plieibii8, aUqmiido leeu- 
santifl epodo, quod aHSTisMmnm est ra|Hn» genus, eztorquebat 
Neo defnere qui ultxo adr^sus meroatores aique peeuniesos 
eorumque fiUo% a^ros etiam et boua ex destinato iMsikteieiit, 
iisque delude lediniendis ad seque confugientilMis nfoenm 
yendeienty oasum adeo misfirantes ut ex animo misevNi osedi 
possent. . . . lites siearionuu arlbitrio privatis inteudebtntaf^ 
sunuuittebaiitur yi adaeti teetoi^ metu aUi a testimoaio dieaado 
deteriebautur. . . • Pw urbes faotiones exoriri, distoete 
ooma et oapilliii<)^ ut hi in IsTam, iUi in dexteram paarteai trf . 
vilios aiereut oomamm rel oomam a feonle dansUem^ 
MulU, ut fidem partiun alioni addiotam firmaieaiy axMW 
necabanti ut filial^ soroiea, affines eonun inter qoos oensen 
relleut duoerent, alii oonsaQguinearum rifos eiam sea palwi 
truoidabant, ut illas iis quos in snas partes adlegennt esl^ 
loearent Yulgare ea tempestate fuit ut caique aire fbnn 
seu opes muUeris oujuscuuque plaouiasent, earn prooenua 
aliquo iuterprete vel iuvitb coguatis uxorem dnceiot : neqae 
rare aooidit ut prsadiyites nobilesque bomines exnlnm ib^ 
jectissimis et rapto viveutibus grandi oum dote filias eoHoowe 
vel eorum iudotatas filias ipsi sibi juaso mahrimmiio jongws 
cogereutur. . . . Soeleiatissiini bomines tnbunalia ttmstitaen^ 
forum indioere, judida exercere, sontes apud ee aoeusare, 
testibus urgere/tormentifl Teritatem extorquere, deniqae to^ 
lemni formula damnare : alios vero a legitimia ntagistxatibBi 
in vincula conjectoSy causa per pr5r^u.(procuJcatoiem) apud m 
diota, absolvere, eorum accusatores ac judyices poena taUoau 
condemnare. Coram damnatos prsBsens pcBua sequebatur : n 
quid statutum in absentes foret, tantisper mora erat dam 
sceleris minlstri interdum cum mandatis perscriptis riteqns 
obsignatis circummitterentur, qui per veram yimagerent qniod 
legum ludibrio agebatur. . . . Dominos et reges se cnjns ooUi- 
biiisset proyincisy ne solennibus quidem inangurationam par^* 
oentes, dixere multi et acripsere. ... Non semel sacia aiqpel* 
lec^e e templis direpta, augustissimam et saeaiissiBiaBi 
eucbaristiam in silyas ac latibuJa asportarunt, qua ad magiea 
flagitia et execiameuta abuterentur. . . . Mollitudo Gregonani 
imperii malum in pejus oonyertit Sicariorum multitiWb iur 
finita, quffi fissile ex rapto cupiditatibns .c(HiaiF^&tiim vel in 
speciem tantum irascentium ministrorum largitiones sufficereU 

No. 51.]] LIFE 0¥ 8IXTU6 Y., POKTTFEX MAKIMUB. 281 

PttUioa fide eecuritas rel petentibus concesBa rel sponte 
iUaita: areibiui, oppidis, mititibus piseJ&oidbaiitur. Eos, 
reisft ab egie^o &eiiiore lednces, mnltitudo, qmoeanque 
WBtf 0pectaxido etfnsa mizahstnr, laiidal)at ..." [^It is 
me ihat, at tbe first, those only wlio urere oatiawed ibr 
BttsAtr and robbery bad commeneed tibis kind of liie, to 
i»oajpo from the 4old of the magistnytes. Ddbaned the use of 
he Mkd iraler, concealed i& ^ coyerts of the woods, and 
Slicing lybe 'wiM beafite among the patibless wilds of the 
BOVBteiBfl, ihey led an anxious and miseirable enstenoe, bus- 
~ by aJxnoet ■eaessary ^tiieftB. But when, by the lore of 
» and itbe hope of impmily, irainbeni •(^ most depraved 
were afterwacds aJJnsed to the same eovrse, zobbery 
to be Mkiwed as though it weze a penaitted kind of 
laJe «r eomnienBe. Companies of outlaws and atBBflBias wore 
loooidii^ly acBoeiated for idolmce, murder, and robbery, 
tnder otttain chiefs, ^iistinguished for thezr crimes and cruel- 
mtL These ^efii esteemed their followers in proportion to 
heir aadaaty and gniH ; the most atroeieus crinunals, and 
heee who had dared the most savage outrages, were most ex-^ 
otted and held in hi^est honour, being endowed with titles,, 
ifanost in the manner «»f soUBers, and made decuriens tgr cen- 
Qiiems. These now infested the open fidds and the roads, 
lot as mere wandering marauders, but as men who had the 
nst right to the rule of them. . . . Then, finally, they lent 
»nt th^ services for mon^, slan^tering the enemies of those 
Fho hired them, deflowering virgins, and committing other 
niqoities from which the soul recoils, being ever rrady to 
^ecform viUanies far those who needed and would pay for the 
lid of desperate hands. And things had proceeded se far 
h«t he whom outlaws agreed to protect from the conse- 
[ueaoes of crune believed himself aUe to commit evil witli 
mpunity, so that reckless and savage men of this sort began 
o be ih(yagtib needful, not by the wicked only, who required 
heir help, but even by those who were not depraved, but whe 
MMifiidered them useful as protectors from danger. . . . These 
hinga were openly tolerated and practised by the gceat and 
lobles ; . . . and Giacopo Buoncompagno was long involved in 
ieadly feuds with the great men, because he had viriated the 
mmnnities of their houses. For nunJbers of the ncMes, either 
overwhelmed by debts, induced by ambition and love of 


pleaaure to exceed their means, or led on to deeds of ehiehj 
and violence by quarrels and revenge, afforded their patromge 
to robbers, and even entered into leagues with them, hiring 
their services to do murder in return for impunity and sh^ter. 
Then, when it became known who was the patron of the 
several assassins, he who had suffered robbery or violence 
addressed his plaint to this patron, when he, pretending to 
mediate, became the plunderer of both, extorting a part of 
their prey from the brigands, and taking reward for his ^iata 
from those who sought his help, though making a ^biwoi 
refunding it, — the most cruel and iniquitous of all -inodeB of 
plunder. Nor were there wanting men who even oontriv^ 
attacks on merchants and rich persons, on their sons, l&eir 
estates, or other poaiessions, and then sold their services to 
the aggrieved for the redemption or ransom of that which had 
been taken, pretending to so much compassion for that dis- 
aster, that they might have been believed to pity those sitf- 
ferers from their hearts. . . . Lawsuits were instituted against 
certain others at the instance of bandits, some witnesses odng 
compelled to swear by fear, while others by fear were pre- 
vented from bearing testimony. . . . Throughout the dties 
factions were established, each distinguished by head-dress or 
manner of wearing the hair, which some turned to the right 
side, and some to the left, while others raised it in knots, or 
brought it low on their foreheads. There were many who, to 
confirm their hold on the party they had adopted, killed thar 
wives that they might marry the daughters, sisters, or other 
kinswomen of those with whom they desired to be leagued. 
Others slew the husbands of their kinswomen, either secretly 
or openly, that they might give the widows in marriage to 
those of their league. It was at that time a common thing 
for a man to obtain any woman to wife whose beauty or 
riches had pleased him, by the mediation of some noble,. even 
though her kindred were unwilling ; nor did it rarely happen 
that highly-born and very rich men were compeUed to give 
their daughters in marriage with large dowries, to most'ail^ect 
outlaws, and men living by rapine, or to join themselves in 
marriage with the undowered daughters of those brigands. 
The most abandoned men constituted tribunals, announced 
their courts, arrogated judicial power, called the accused be- 
fore them, urged witnesses to testify against them, extorted 


ejidaace by tortures, and finally passed sentence in regalai 
brm: or tiliey would try those who had been thrown into 
piiaon by the lawful magistrate, hare the cause of such pleaded 
before themselyes by attorney, then acquitting them, would 
ecodemn their accusers and judges in the penalties of the leaf 
uilionig. If the accused were present, immediate execution 
followed the sentence ; if the decree were against the absent, 
110 other delay was permitted than that needful for despatch- 
ing^ the ministers of crime with orders written and formally 
Makd^ who inflicted with grievous reality what had been 
deftenpiiied in mockery of law. There were many who 
celled themselves lords and kings of such provinces as they 
43ho8e, not even dispensing with the solemnities of inaugu- 
xatioo...., . More than once, when they had plundered the 
.cbnrches of their sacred furniture, they bore the most revered 
and most holy eucharist into the woods and haunts of robbers, 
.there to desecrate it for the most execrable uses of wicked 
magic The indulgent government of Gregory made bad 
^oise. The. great multitude of the outlaws easily furnished 
a large amoont of bribes from their plunder to the servants of 
government, who connived at their proceedings, or only made 
a show of disapproving them. Then, those who would petition 
for an amnesty received that security ; others took it of their 
own authority ; nay, there were many of them appointed to 
command fortresses, towns, and soldiers. These, like men 
returning from some great action, were lauded wherever they 
went by the multitude who poured forth to behold them.]] 

No. 52. 

Memorie del pontificate di Sisto V, Altxeri XIV. a, iv./oZ. 
480 leaves, [^Memoirs of the pontificate of Sixtus V. 
Altieri Library, &o.] 

This circumstantial work is not entirely new and unknown* 
Teq>esti had a copy taken from the archives of the Capitol, and 
he describes the author of it as the Anonimo Capitoliuo. 

But Tempesti is extremely unjust towards this work. He 
has copied it in numberless passages, yet in the general esti- 
jnate at the commencement of his history, he declares it to be 
unworthy of credit. 


It is yet vitbout doubt the liest work ikuki haM been wntten 
in relation to ^^Etos Y. 

The author had the most impertast doonmeats at iaa eenir 
maod. This is peif eod|r obvioiis fren bis aatmfeiTe^ and be 
has himself aasurod us of it ; as regarded Geisian afidn, in 
example, he says, " Mi liscdvo di aanmr mtrartaiaente ^pnats 
ne troYO in lettere e relatiom anteatidie." £1 hare g eee l f ^ 
to relate minutely whaterer I ind osmemiag then in aoihee- 
tic letters or relatioBs.]] 

With regard to the financial arzaageneBts of Sixtns Y. be 
has the most exact information, and foUoiva them stq» by ate 
throughout Yet he proceeds to this part «f bn tek mk 
infinite disereticm. " Oli yeniyano," says be, ^ prepaste ia^ 
ventioQi strayagasrtiswme ed horreaade, ma tntte sotto fiMem 
molto humana di raecor danaii, le qoali per eas^ tafi Bto 
ardisoe di metter in carta tatte, ma sole akuae poebe yedate 
da me nelle letteie oiiginaii de^' inYBntoci." [The meat 
extravB^act aad startling ptn^MMab weie made to him jEbr Iba 
raising df money, hot all wearinga yery plaosiUea^ppeanunet 
their charaeter being such, I do not yenture to oomniit ikum 
all to paper, and will but adduce some ibw, whieh I havte seea 
set forth in the original lettens of the myentors.^ 

Our author had written a life of Gregory XIIL, and tfaeie- 
f ore it is, perhaps, that he has been siqpposed to be Maffei ; 
but I can find do other reason whatever iar idenfdfying boa 
with that Jesuit. 

It is to be regretted tiiat this work also is only a fra^meai 
Even from the beginning the earlier events are wanting. 
They were written, but the work — our manuscript, at least — 
breaks off in the midst of a sentence. The measures taken in 
the first years of the pope are then examined, but the writer 
oomes down only to the year 1587. 

We Toighl the better console oursdves for the loss of the 
first part, because we are elsewhere so wdJ. provided with 
good information as relates to that period ; but the absence of 
the latter portion is exceedingly to be r^retted. It is a kind 
of European history, which the author eommanieaites from 
really authentic and credible authorities. With le^ect to the 
year 1588, the ^ Annus dimaotmeus"of the worM, w& should, 
without doubt, have found most yaluaUe infonnaitiea from 
this writer. 

ice. SSif 53. J Line of sixtus y. by sancmhvbino. 29S 

Jdti Oft obflenna ibe uaafionable ouuiaer ia which he ex- 
reflses himaeypat the be^ginning of his work. ^ Non ho laaoiata 
ia per cm potesn trar lume di veto die boh abfaia eon molta 
ili^Min at arte afMrtami et indefessamflBto eamminato, come 
. reiik Bel xaceonto ehe faooio delle aorifttore e idadoni^Ue 
nali m aon aerFito nella tessitara di questa isteia. Prego 
Ho, jMtore e {Mulre d'ogni renik, stoom mi ha date fecma 
(doQiib di noa dir mai bagia per in^^nare, eoii mi oimoeda 
ime di noB dir mai il felao con essere ingannaio." ^1 haye 
\h no path untried by which I could arriye at the light of 
nAf hat halve diligently op^ied out all I could find, and 
'alkad theiein with unwearied asaiduity, as will be ae«i by 
le aoooani I render of the writings aod reports to wUeh I 
are had lecoirse in the compositien and texture of this 
iatprj. I pray God, theaut^r and &tii6r of all truth, that ae 
a has giYen me the fixed determination to utter no &Miood 
lih the view to deceive others, ao he will grant me such 
1^ as thaJb I shall never say what is f^ae from having been 
lyself deceived.] 

This is a prayer that is altogether worthy of an hiatoriaa. 

At the dection of cardinals in 1587, he concludes with 
beee words : ^ E le speranae spesso contrarie alle propria 
pparenze." QHopes are often contrary to what they seem.] 

I have adopted a great part of his stotementa, after having 
ompared them with those of other authentic sources : what 
emuns could not be added here without exceeding the oom- 
laas of this work. 

No. 53 

Hxti V.PontiJici^Meunmimtaa Guido GualterioSan^eneHno 
d$9€npta, QLife of the Supreme Pontiff Sixtus V., by Guido 
Goalterio Sangenesino.] MS. of the Altieri Library, viii.^ 
f. 1. 54 leaves. 

Tempest! alludes to a diary kept in the times of Sixtus Y. 
>y an author of this name. It is the same author who wrote 
he biography now before us, and in this work he refers to 
;he eadier one. His labours had been espedally rewarded by 
Sixtus V. 

The copy in the Altieri palace is entirely authentic and 


perhaps unique : it contains remarks in the author's hand- |' 
writing. '' Me puero cum in patria mea Sangeno, &e." ;. 
[^When I was a ooy in my native place, Sangeno, &c.3) he 
observes in these notes, so uiat there can be no doubt. 

He wrote his work soon after the death of Sixtus V., iu the 
early part of the pontificate of Clement VIII., of whom he 
often speaks. He mentions that the intelligence of the con- 
version of Henry IV. had just arrived, so that we may with 
certainty assume the year 1593 as that in which he con^posed 
his book. 

The author is also particularly worthy of credit. He wm 
closely connected with the family of Peretti. Maria Felioe» 
daughter of the Signora Camilla, was brought up in Sangeno; 
the wife of the author was her intimate friend. He was nim- 
self familiarly acquainted with Antonio Bosio, the secretary of I 
Montalto's first protector. Cardinal Carpi. " Sumnm naiiu 
cum eo necessitudo intercedebat." Thus he was paJrticularl; 
well informed in regard to the earlier circumstances of the 
pope's life. 
He devotes to them the first part of his work. 
He informs us how Fra Felice first became acquainted 
with Pope Paul IV. A Minorite church in the March had 
been burnt, but the host remained uninjured. There must 
have been some particular circumstance connected with this 
fact ; suflice it to say, that a great consultation was held h 
relation to it. Cardinals of the Inquisition,.generals of orders, 
and many other prelates, were assembled. Cardinal Carpi 
brought Montalto with him, and insisted that this favourite of 
his should also be allowed to give his opinion. Montalto gave it 
accordingly; all agreed that it was the best, and Carpi departed 
in great good humour. '^ In ejus sententiam ab omnibus itum 
est Surgens cardinalis Carpensis dixit : Probe noram quem 
virum hue adduxissem." [^His opinion was accepted by all. 
Then Cardinal Carpi rising said : " I knew well what kind 
of man I had brought hither."] 

The description of the future pontiff's Aristotelian laboure 
is remarkable. 

The edition of Posius, who was in fact a disciple of Mont- 
alto, is directly ascribed by Gualterius to Montelto himself. 
•* Aristotelis Averroisque opera ex pluribus antiq^uis biUio- 


lepis exemplaria nactos emendavit, expurgavit, aptoqne or- 
ne in tomos, ut vocant, nndecim digessit. Mediam et 
agtoam Averrois in libros posteriorem expositionem apta 
jstributioiie Aristotelis textui ac€ommodayit : mediam Aver- 
is expositionem in 7 metapbysicorum libros invenit, exposnit, 
asdem Arerrois epitomata quaesita et epistolas sais restituit 
ci% solutionibns contradictionum a doctissimo Zunara editis 
r&erein tbe contradictions between Aristotle and Averroes 
erei reconciled) centum addidit." QHaving procured copies 

tbe works of Aristotle and Averroes from many ancient 
>iaii|DS, be amended tbeir text, and collected tbeir works, 
langed In due order, into eleren volumes, as they are 
lied. He adapted tbe greater commentary of Averroes to 
le te:ct of Aristotle, forming all into books, with a fitting 
stiibation and final exposition. He discovered the medium 
•mmentaiy of Averroes in seven books of metaphysics, 
^ponnded them, and restored the '^ epitomata quaesita " of 
le said Averroes, and his epistles to their places. He 
Ttber added one hundred solutions of contradictions to those 
iblished by the most learned Zunara.] 

He next delineates the character of his hero : " Mag- 
knimus dignoscebatur, ad iram tamen pronus. Somni poteus : 
hi parcissimus : in otio nunquam visus nisi aut de studiis 
it de nogotiis meditans." QHe merited the praise of mag- 
mimity, but yet was prone to anger. Most sparing of food, 
id very temperate in sleep : never seen idle, but even when 
i leisure ever meditating either of study or business.] 

Thus he arrives at the conclave. "Whereupon he begins 

describe the acts of Sixtus Y., classed under his difierent 
rtues : ** Religio, Pietas, Justitia, Fortitudo, Magnificentia, 

Singular as this classification is, we are, nevertheless, made 
^uainted with many beautiful things in proceeding through 

Earnestly has Gualterius laboured to defend the pope against 
e complaints made of him on account of his imposts. But 
t us observe how he has done this. " Imprimis ignorare 
dentur, pontificem Eomanum non in nostras solum facultates 
d in nos etiam ipsos imperium habere." [^First they appear 
»t to know that the Roman pontifi* has command, not of our 

238 BurroBT of thx foves — ^afpenhix. pWo. 5S. 

possesBioiui only, Imt abo of ovr voj persons.^ Wbat wtnilcl 
the present times sfty to sndk c ri^t on 3ie purt of the 

He has devoted partieokiir iri^taition to the aiehitectQisl 
woriur of Sixtns Y., and his resuDriks on this 8d!)ject aie yeiy ' 

He describes the condition of the <M Latemn. ^Bnt 
anla permagna qnam concilii anlam rocabont (without doabt , 
on account of the Lateran couneils held down fo thetmie of 
Leo X.) ; erant porticne tractusque emn saceUis nonniifiiB et 
cabicnlis ab aula usque ad S. Sabn qnam S. Salfiifeoin 
capellam vocont. Erant s. scalarum gradns et porticos tetas- 
tissinia e qua veteres pontifices, qui Laterannm ineoklMmt, 
populo benedicebant. ^des ilke veteres maYima pepoli 
veneratione celebrari solebant, cum in ilfis non panc& mODV- 
isenta esse crederentur Hierosolymis usque deportats. fM 
fbrtasse res in superstitionem abierat : itaque Sixtns^ jnstis de 
causis ut eredera par est, servatis quibnsdam piobaAioribiu 
monnmentis, sanelis sealis alio translatis, omnia demolitu 
est/' [^There was a very large halt ci^iled the ha& ti t&e 
council ; there were also porficoes and galleries, with chills, 
and cells horn the hall to the chapel of St. Saba^ whidi WM 
called St Salvatore ; there were the steps of a hoty staircase, 
with a most ancient porUoo, from which the elder pontiffi^ 
who had inhabited the Lateran, were wont to bless the peofde. 
These ancient buildings were held in the highest veoeratieB 
by the peojde, because there were in them no few monument!) 
believed to have been brought even from Jemsal^u. B«t per- 
haps this credence had degenerated into superstition : wbere^ 
fore Sixtus, for just reasons as it is fair to believe, preserring 
the more assured and authentic monuments, and timnsfennig 
the holy stairs to another place, demolished all the rm^J 

We perceive that the author submits, but he is sons ^ l gto 
the wrong done. No less remarkable is the description ef 
St. Peters as it was at that time (1593). 

'^ In Yaticano tholum maximum tholosque minor«» atqoe 
adeo sacellum majus quod majorem capellam voeant aliaqae 
minora saoella et sedificationem totam novx tempi! Fetro 
Apostolo dicati penitus absolvit At plumbeis t^ere laimnifl^ 
omamentaque quss animo destinarat adhibere, tmpliqiie pav>- 
menta stcmere non potuit, morte sublatns. At quae super- 

No. 59.3 LrPH OF snmjs t. bt cardinal sangbnesino. 29^ 

sunt Clemens VIII. peTsecatnrHS perfecturnsqne creditor, qni 
tbolnm ipsiuB pkirabeis jsm content laminiis^ sanotifl»mae crneis 
▼exillmn anieiim inanratam imposuit, templi iUiatrpayiiiientnni 
jam implevit, seqnavit, strayit pnlcliemrae^ totiqne templo 
aptando et exomando diligentissimam dat openun : oum vere 
ex Michaelis Angeli forma erit absolotom, antiqmtatem 
omnem cito snperabit." £In the Vatican be completely 
finished the great dome and the smaller domes, and also the 
enclosure which they call the greater chapel, together with 
other .smaller chapels, and the whole building of the new 
ehnrch dedicated to St. Peter the Apostle. But, prevented 
Bj desth, he could not corer the roof with lead, nor add the 
CMrnaments, nor lay the pavement of the church, as he had 
inlaided. But such things as remain to be completed, it is 
beHeved that Clement YIII. will continue and perfect ; he 
has already covered the roof with pktes of lead, has raised 
the banner of the blessed cross in gilded brass, has made 
levd, and beautifully laid the pavement of the drarch, and is 
ghring diligent labour to the completion, and fitting orna- 
ments to the whole ; which, when it shall have been fuHy 
executed after the form proposed by Michael Angelo, wiH 
assuredly surpass all antiquity.^ 

We learn from this that there was still nothing else con- 
templated but the completion of Michael Angelo's plan, and 
it even appears as though the whole had been really com- 
pleted (penitus absolvit). 

We live already seen one remarkable notice of the colossal 
statues. I will here add another. 

The author is speaking of the open space on the Quirinal. 
Of its adornment under Sixtus V. he says : " Omavit 
perenni fonte et marmorers Praxitelis et Phidiae equis, quos 
vetustate cum eorum rectoribus deformatos una cum basi mar- 
(norea in pristinam formam concinnavit et e vetere sede ante 
C/onstantini thermas in alteram arose partem prope S. Pauli 
nonachorum sedes transtulit." [[He adorned it with a per- 
ennial fountain, and with the marble horses of Praxiteles and 
Phidias, which being injured by a^e as well as the men 
restraining them, he restored them, with their marble pedestal, 
x> thehr pristine form, and from their ancient place befare the 
)aths of Constantino he transferred them to another part of 
he are% near the monastery of St. Paul.]] In old* plates also, 


cue of which is copied in Mier (see his (lesohielite d^r 
Knnst, ii. 299, and the plates belonging to that part, Table xt:), 
the colossal statues appear in a greatly mutilated form, vpry 
much as the Venetian ambassadors describe them to l^ (see 
antiy p. 26). It is obvious that they were put into their present 
condition under Sixtus Y. 

No. 54. 
Galesini Vita Sixti V. Vatic. 5438. 122 leaver. . , 

A manuscript without any particular title; on the first leaf 
is the following dedication : — . 

" Sanctissimo patri Sixto V., pontifiTci maximo, vigilantis- 
simo ecclesise Dei pastorl, providissimo principi,- sapient 
simo universae reipublicse christianse moderator! et rectori, 
commentarium hoc de vita rebusque ab eo in singulos anm 
dlesque publico et pontificie aotis gestisque distributum ac IneiH 
lenter scriptum Petrus Oalesinns magno et summo benigms^ 
simoque patrono singularis in ilium pietatis atquc observantite 
ergo in perpetuum dicavit." (^To the most holy father Sixtus V., 
supreme pontiff, most prudent prince, most wise moderator 
and governor of the universal Christian republic, — ^this com- 
mentary on his life and actions, publicly and as pontiff per- 
formed from year to year, and from day to day, being ar- 
ranged and clearly written, Pietro Galesino has 4^icated to 
his great, supreme, and most benignant patron, in perpetual 
evidence of his singular duty and respect.] 

These words suffice to shew that we have in this instance 
rather a panegyric than a biography before us. 

The author considers it remarkable that Sixtus should have 
been the fourth child bom to his parents : '^ sol enim quarto 
die creatus est" |^for the sun was created on the fourth day], 
and that he was elected pope on the day of the foundaHon of 

Our author s narrative of the pontiff's early years is of veiy 
fragmentary character. But here, also, we find another proof 
that a young man of talent attains to the best development 
of his faculties under poverty and severity of discipline. In 
the Peretti £i,mily, the rule of the mother appears to have 
been a rigid one : ^ Matris metu, cum aliqmd mali se com- 


^. videret, in omnes partes corporis se excitavit." 

(^\V^en lie dificorered himself to have committed any fault, he 
trembled in eyery limb for fear of his mother. J 

Hi» labours at his villa are thus alluded to : ^' Opus manu' 
&«iebat, ita ut vel hortos coleret rel arbores sereret, aut aliquft 
latione, instar diligentissimi a^icolse, egregias insitionis opm 
eonsereret, interlocaret." |^He wrought with his hands in the 
culture of his garden, and the planting of trees, changing 
their places, giafbing them, and practising the most careful 
processes, after the manner of the most diligent husband- 

' In the Tarious acts of his pontificate, the strict religious 
tendency to which Sixtus devoted himself comes very promi-r 
noitlj forward, in regard to his buildings, for example : '^ Ut 
urbis opera et idolatrisB simulacra, inanis et falsae gloriolse in- 
sanammque superstitionum monumenta, adhuc in urbe jam diu 
nimis inveterata quadam rerum olim Romanarum a christiano 
cuttu abhorrentium curiositate, .... ad christianse pietatis 
•mainentum pertraheret." |^That the works of the city, and 
the images of idolatiy, monuments of a vain and &lse glory, 
and of an insane superstition, preserved too long, and made 
inveterate by an idle admiration of Roman things of old 
time, but abhorrent to Christian worship, might be converted 
into ornaments of Christian piety.]] 

The origin of the Lateran palace. — " Pontifex cum vix 
cubiculum inveniret quo se reciperet, continue jussit aedes 
pontificia majestate dignas in Laterano extrui : valde enim 
absurdum absonumque duxit basilicam Lateranensem, omnium 
ecclesiarum matrem, proprium pontificis Romani episcopatum, 
SBdes non habere quae cum tanta episcopatus dignitate conveni- 
rent." [The pontiff scarcely finding a chamber that might 
fitly lodge him, forthwith commanded buildings worthy of the 
pontifical majesty to be erected in the Lateran, for he thought 
it very absurd and inconsistent that the leading basilica of the 
Lateran, the mother of all the churdhes, the peculiar bishopric 
of the Roman pontifls, should not have a dwelling suited to 
that high episcopal dignity.^ 

He considers that Rome was upon the whole very religious. 
*^ Dat magna pietatis et integritatis indicia. Clericorum dis- 
cipllna fere est ad pristinos sanctissimos mores restituta, ratio 
divini cnltns administratioque sacrarum sedium ad probatum 


942 H18T0BT OF TBK PQPBft—jkPPEMDIX. ^NoSw M-5^ 

yetereai Bor^m plMie perdneta. . . • • Ubique ia ipflisetalMi» 
genuflexioDce : ubiqiw in onmi Ine mbiar rtgkne fidelMi fni 
sacra ilia sexta feria (Good-Frich^) isfinitis Tezbehbv* mise- 
n^sdiim IE modum propria terg* ita laoenUMuii nt cavgais 
in tenam ueqne deftoxerit." [li giwi granfc proof of ptofy 
and integritj. The discipfine of tka oksgy ia neariy i p a jorad 
to the moat holy standard of primitiyo Bnnnen. The moi» 
of diyine worakip) and the adndniatnitioB of tha sacred edk- 
ileee, are bvoaght badh to tiie appicred mMk of old i\mm 
EretTwhere within the ohardiea atre men gawinflactieM; 
everywhere through nearly all the quarters of the <aAj aMt 
iQund nnmhers of the fiuthfol, who so wittnMy laoexaie ikiir 
own bodks with stripes tfai|t tiie blood jflkyws t» tiia groond.] 

ITo. 5^. 

Vita SiMi V, anonyma. VaiiCy n. 5503. 

A fB!«r kttres ottly zefailing to the eavlfv years oC SbctaaT* 
His naaw Fein is here attrilmted ta a £i«tti of Ua fiidN^ 

No. 56. 

JStfZa^iofM a^ Papa Siato V. pFleport to ^xtns T.} 
41 leaves. 

From a memb^ of the Cusia who did not £reqib»t tin 
palaoe, and who knew only jiut so aiach. sa waa known ts 
every one. It was onginally addressed to a fidend whadaoNd 
to be iafonned respecting the acts of Sixtos Y., and aftav^raids 
to the pope hknself . 

In works lUse that n^w be£i»e «e^ written by peoplo «f 
orduuury ospaaity, who do but come forth aeciduiiailhr fiwn 
the genmnl eio^n!^ we have an iaierastuig auligect of ohser^^ 
tion io; icmMwliiing the general effect produeed by a govam- 
ment on the peait mfunea of l^e pnUtic. 

In the little work before us, which is written throughout 
in the stmeter religious spirit whieb hei^m to prevail at the 
dose of the sixteenth eeatniy, we per edive first of att tiie 
powerful isBpsessioa: prodiieed by the oonveraon of pagan 
into ChrwtiaA monuments. '^ lie croei santissime in eiaia 


)lle gaglieele statue delli prencipi a^KMstoliei sopra le coloime 
a&oellaito la memoria delle aatiehe idobtrie^ .... come 
H90 che la croee posta in mano della fltataa 80{Hra la torre di 
ampidoglib sigmficante Roma ci sioftxa obe boggi Roma 
od n papa non opm la spada per soggiogaie il raondo a gDisa 
infiddi Romani imperatori ma la cxooe per mlntifeio giorao 
)I1* nmyerso." [The holy eroeees on ^e mmmits ci the 
i^iskfl^ and the stataes of the prindpal apottlee on the 
ImmiS) oblitemte the«nemoiy of t£e aneient idolatriee. In 
ce maimer the eroes jdaoed in the band of the statue signi- 
ing Itone, wbi4di stands on the tower of ibe Capitol, shews 
Bt nowadays^ Rome, thai is the pope, does not use the 
roird to subjugate the woiid, as did the infidel Roman em- 
oors, but the eross to mark the day of salvation to all man- 
nd.] It is a striking &ct, that these ideas of spiritual 
onination should have been so popular even among peo{te of 
ferior consideration. Further on, the author denies that the 
>pe intended to procure himself higher importance among 
reign princes by meiws of hie treasure, in order, as some 
id, to appear very wise^ — ^^per esser savione." He did 
it need this ; his purpose rather was to reward obedient 
inces, and to punish the refractory. " Col tesoro casti^erik 
prencipi ribelli di santa chiesa, et ajuteriL i prencipi obbedienti 
^e imprese cattoliche." [By means of the treasure he will 
mish the princes who rebel against the holy church, and 
ill aid obedient princes in their Catholic undertakings.]] 
!e af^lauds Sixtus for having excommunicated Henry lY. 
Subito fatto papa ricorse a Dio per ajuto, e pol privb 
il regno di Navarra quello scellerato re eretico, .... 
con queste armi spirituali principaimente i papi hanno 
!s£fttti e £Ebtti imperatori e re." [Immediately on being 
ade pope, he turned to Cod for aid, and th^ deprived 
le wicked heretical king of the kingdom of Navarre, 
id principally by these spiritual arms the popes have 
ade and unmade emperors and kings.] That priests and 
onks are to be considered as a kind of papal soldiery, is 
3re for once admitted even by the Roman side. " II papa 
ene grossi presidii in tutti regni, che sono frati, monaci e 
*eti, in tanto numero e coed bene stipendiati e provisti in 

mpo di pace e di guerra Nelle cose della religione 

lole esser patrone solo et assolato, sicome Dio vuole : . . . . e 
B 2 

244. HISTORY OF THB P0PB8 — ^APPENDIX. f No. 5ff, 

beaii quei populi che avianno prencipi obbedientiasimi 

Se i prencipi manterranno il pendero di trattar le cose delli 
stati prima oon li saoerdoU che con i lor consiglieri secolari, 
oredamiche manterranno i loro sndditiobbedienti e feCleli/' [The 
pope has large garrisons in all kingdoms^ which are the fnars, 
monks, and priests ; as numerous, well paid, and provided for 
in peace as in war. In affiurs of religion, he is resolved to be 
sole and absolute master, as is the will of God ; and blessed are 
those people who shall have the most obedient princes* If 
sovereigns would maintain the principle of discuscdng affidxs 
of state rather with priests than with their secular counseUors^ 
believe me, that they would keep their subjects obedient and 
faithful.] All the assertions of the politioo-eocledastieal 
doctrine are here brought forward in the popular oomprebeiK 
sion of them. But what was this secular authority t>f the 
pope when compared with the power he possesses of exalting 
a poor servant of God to be a saint ? This canonixation which 
Sixtus y. had renewed, our author cannot sufficiently pruse. 
^' A maggior gloria di Dio, ha dedicate alcuni giomi festivi a 
santi che non erano nel calendario, si per dare occasioni 
a' christiani di spendere tanto piii tempo in honor di Dio per 
salute delle anime loro con Tintercessione de' santi astenendoei 
dell'opere servili, si perche siano onorati gli amici di Dio." 
[For the greater glory of God, he has dedicated certain days 
as festivals to saints who were not in the calendar, partly to 
the end that Christians may have opportunity to spend so 
much the more time for the £onour of God and the salvation 
of their souls through the intercession of saints, by abstaining 
from servile works, and partly that the friends of God may be 
duly honoured.] Among other motives he adduces the fol- 
lowing : — ^' Per far vedere gli iufedeli e falsi christiani che 
solo i veri servi di Christo salvatore fanno camminare i zoppi, 
parlare i muti, vedere i ciechi, e resuscitare i morti." [To 
prove to infidels and false Christians, that the true servants of 
Christ the Saviour are alone able to make the lame to walk^ 
the dumb to speak, and the blind to see, or to raise the dead 
lo life.] 


No. 57. 

Bdatiane presentata nelt ecc"^ collegio dal cV^ Btg"^ Lorenze 
Pfiutiy ritornato di Boma, 1586, 2 Luglio, [[Report 
pie^^nted to the College by Lorenzo Priuli on his return 
from Rome, 2nd July, 1586.] 

Ftom the Roman documents, we proceed to those of Venice. 

Lorenzo Priuli had witnessed the latter years of Gregory 
XUIk, and the earlier ones of Sixtus V. ; he is very diffuse in 
rdaiionrio the contrasts they present. 
' Bat we must not permit ourselves to be too much influenced 
by his (pinions; the early years of a pope almost always pro- 
duoed a more favourable impression than his later life 
whether because the powers required for governing a state 
necessarily decline with increasing years, or because there is 
gzadnally discovered in every man some attribute that one 
could widli absent 

But Priuli is not unjust. He considers that the administra- 
tion of Gregory also became useful to the church* ^^ Nella. 
bontik delkt vita, nel procurare il culto ecclesiastico, Tosser- 
vanza del concilio, la residenza dei vescovi, nell' eccelleuza 
deUa dottrina, Tunc legale Taltro teologicale, si possono dire 
assai simili." [In respect to purity of life, provision for 
puUic worship, observance of the council, and enforcing the 
residence of bishops; in excellency of learning, — the one 
legal, the other theological, — ^they may be said to be much 
alike.] He thanks God for having given to his church such 
excellent rulers. 

We perceive that foreign ambassadors were also influenced 
by the modes of thought then prevailing at the papal court. 

Priuli considers the election of Sixtus V. as almost miracu- 
lous, — ^the immediate interposition of the Holy Spirit. He 
reminds his native city that it had become eminent and pros- 
perous by means of its good understanding with the pontiffs^ 
and advises them above all things to maintain it. 


No. 58. 

Bdatiane del cl'^'* Sif Oio. Oritti rxtornaio wn^tudaton 
d4i Roma^ anno 1 588. ^Report of the most illustrioos Gio- 
vanni Gritti on retoming from his onbassy to Borne, 1588.] 
In the Venetian archives there ii only a defective eepj. 
It was with the utmost easiness that I took up another, 
which I found in the Ambroeian Libraij at Milan, bnt this 
also contains just so much as the former, and not a word moiB. 
This is al? the more to be regretted, because the author pio<- 
ceeds most systematically to his work. He pr<^poaep &it to 
treat of the papal states, and then of the person of the pope, 
whose great adSnirer he announces himself to be ; thirdly^ he 
means to propound the views of the pontiff; and jGnallj, 
to discourse of the cardinals and the court. 

But there is only a small part of the first division remain- 
ing. The manuscript breaks off precisely where the aai)u>r is 
about to shew the manner in which the revenue increafled 
under Sixtus Y. Nevertheless, I cannot doubt that the waik 
was completed. What we have is at least no aketdi, but car' 
tainiy part of an elaborate work. 

Tet it is extraordinary that even in the archives there is 
only a defective copy to be found. 

No. 59. 

Relatione di Roma dell* ambasciatore Badoer K' relata 

in senato anno 1589. [[The ambassador Badoer s lepoit 

from Rome, presented to the senate 1589-3 

This report is nof to be found in the Venetian avefaives. It 
is in the collection of the Quirini family, but only as a 

There are eight leaves which contain nothing but % few 
notices relating to the rural districts. 

Badoer remaiks that Venice had estranged her aAeraats of 
the March by delivering them up so readily to the pope, or by 
causing them to be put to death at his request. 

The increase of the commerce of Ancona had been talked 
of, but the ambassador does not fear that this would prove in- 
jurious to the Venetians. 

NeS. 4rS, 60.^ TBNBTIAIf WESPATCHBi. «4^ 

" EsseDcLo state imposte allora (at the time of liis de^ 
parture) da Sisto Y. doi per cento aopra tutte le mere^ntie, 
le ^ttali a querelle d'Anconitani furono poi leratej uxm era 
eionta in 14 mesi alcuna nare in qtiel porto." [Two percent. 
hEFlng been imposed on ail mercihandiae by Sixtos Y., 
wback was afterwards taken off en the complamts made by 
the people of Anoona. No ship had aniTed in that port for 
the space of fonrteen months.^ 

We perceive that the two imposts of Gregory XIII. and 
flixtns V ., although afterwards repealed, yet, from the itacer- 
tamty of gain to which the merchants suddenly fonnd thes^ 
fldres exposed, contributed very largely to the dedine of trade 
ia Aneooa. At that time the principal part of die Imsiness 
was in camlets and fius, but the Jews lirand no snitaUe x>ppor^ 
tnnity for exchange in cloth or other wares. The customs 
were fiurmed for 14,000 scudi only^ yet eren atna som was nerer 

Badoer is moreover desirous that the example of ^ain 
should be followed, and that such friends as Yenice may have 
in the March should be pensioned. He breaks off just as he 
is preparing to name those friends. 

No. 60. 
D%9pacci Veneti. 1573 — 1590. Venetian De^atches.] 

No one could suppose that with so rich a profumon of docu*- 
ments one could still feel in want of in£[>rmatu)n. Yet this 
had nearly been the case in the present instance. We have 
seen what an evil star presided over the destiny of Yenetian 
reports ; the Roman records elucidate only the first part of this 
pontificate with any fulness of detail. I should have seen 
myself reduced to Tempesti for this latter part, — one of the 
most important points notwithstanding, — ^had not the de- 
spatches of the Yenetian ambassadors come to my assistance. 

In Yienna I had already copied the whole series of Yene- 
tian despatches preserved there, from 1573 to 1590, and 
which are found in the archives, partly in authentic copies, 
and partly in rubricaries prepared for tiie use of the govern- 

In making oneself master of the fiijrst, there is indeed a 


certain difficulty ; in their voyage by sea they have reo»v«d 
injury from the sea- water ; they crumble on being impelled, 
and the breath is affected by an offensive dust. The rabri^ 
caries are more easily managed ; they are protected by covers, 
and their abridged form facilitates the selection of matters 
that are really essential, from the thousand insignificant affiurs 
which Italian states may have had to transact among thte- 
selves, but which do not merit historical reproduction. 

We find here the reports of Paolo Tiepolo to 1576, cl 
Antonio Tiepolo to 1578, of Zuanne Correr to 1581, Imma^ 
Donate to 1583, Lorenzo Priuli to 1586, Zuanne GritM iU> 
1589, and Alberto Badoer to 1591. 

In addition to these regular ambassadors, there occasioniilly 
appear envoys extraordinary : Zuanne &ranzo, froln October, 
1581, to February, 1582, who was deputed on account of the 
dissensions concerning the patriarchate of Aquileja ; the em- 
bassy of congratulation to Sixtus in 1585, which conmsted of 
Marc Antonio Barbaro, Giacomo Foscarini, Marino Giimani, 
and Lunardo Donate, who caused their common report to 
be drawn up by the secretary Padavino : finally, Lunardo 
Donate was again sent on account of the political oomplications 
of the year 1589. The despatches of this last are by far the 
most important. The relations existing at that time between 
the republic and the pope assumed importance, even for the 
general history of the world. They are fortunately to be 
found in all their extent, under the following title : " Registro 
delle lettere dell' ill"'' signer Lunardo Donate K" ambasciatore 
straordinario al sommo pontefice; comincia a 13 Ottobre, 
1589, e finisce a 19 Decembre, 1589." 

But we have not even yet enumerated all the collected 
documents relating to the proceedings of the ambassadors. 
There was besides a special and private correspondence of the 
ambassador with the Council of Ten, and we find this very 
neatly written on parchment ; the first volume has the title : 
^^ Libro prime da Roma ; secroto del consiglio di X. sotto il 
serenissimo D. Aluise Mocenigo inolito duca di Yenetia." 
The subsequent volumes have corresponding titles. 

I am perfectly aware of the objections that may be made 
to the use of despatches from ambassadors. It is true that 
they are written xmder the impression of the moment, are 
seldom quite impartial ; often bear upon particular circum- 


staooes only, and are by no means to be implicitly relied on, 
or directly adopted. But let any man name the memorials or 
writings that can be received altogether without hesitation. 
In all cases certain grains of allowance are indispensable. 
The ambassadors were at all events contempoiary witnesses, 
preqepot <m the spot, and bound to observe what passed ; they 
miiflt.iheref#re be wholly destitute of talent, if their reports, 
when read to some extent, do not give an impression ot 
realil^ ^ the events which they describe, and mi^e us feel 
aima^ as in the immediate presence of the occurrences. 

Now onr Venetians were men of great ability, and of much 
practical experience, and I consider these despatches highly 

Bnt whither should we be carried if I should proceed to 
give extnM)ts in this place from this long series of volumes ? 

My readers will doubtless permit me to abide by the rule I 
have laid down, of avoiding extracts from despatches in this 
A]^>endix. A lengthened series of them would alone convey 
an adeijuate idea of their contents. 

I wiQ, on the other hand, yet touch upon two important 
missions, both falling within the times of Sixtus Y. 


No. 61. 

Relazione alt ilt*" e rev''* cardinale Emticucci se^ di M 
8% f* papa Sisto V, delle cose di Polonia intomo alia re- 
ligione e delle azioni del cardinale Bolognetto in quattn 
anni ch'egli S stato nuntio in qudla pravinciay divi$a tti 
due parti : nella prima si tratta d^ danni chef anno le.eretii 
in tutto quel regno^ del termine in che si trova U miierc 
stato ecclesiastico^ e delle difficoltd. e speranze che sipossonc 
avere intomo a rimedii : nella seeonda si narrano li modi 
tenuti dal cardinale Bolognetto per superare quelle d^fi- 
coltdy et il profitto che fece^ et il suo negoziare in tutto U 
tempo della sua nuntiatura : di Horatio SpannoccJ^^ gw 
se^ del detto sig"^ canP* Bolognetto. QReport presented 
to the most iUostrions and most reyerend Cardmal Busti- 
cucci, seeretary of our lord Pope Sixtus Y., in relation to 
the religious afiaars of Poland, and the proceedings of Car- 
dinal Bolognetto during the four years that he was nuncio 
in that province : divided into two parts. The first treats 
of the injuries done by the heretics throughout that king- 
dom, of the extremity to which the untortunate clerical 
body is reduced therein, and of the difficulties or hopef 
that exist respecting remedies. In the second part will 
be related the methods pursued by Cardinal Bolognetto foi 
overcoming those difficulties, with the success that he ob- 
tained, and his government during the whole of his nuncia 
tura : prepared by Horatio Spannocchi, formerly secretary 
to the said Cardinal Rusticucci.] 

The secretary of Bolognetto, Spannocchi, who had beei 
with him in Poland, employed the leisure of a winter's resi 
dence in Bologna for the preparation of this report, whicl 
is not only circumstantial, but also very instructive. 

He first describes the extraordinary extension of Protest 
autism in Poland, '^ non lasciando pure una minima citt 
castello libero" [[not leaving even the smallest town o 
castle untainted]]. He attributes this phenomenon, as may b 
readily supposed, principally to secular considerations; h 
maintains that the nobles inflicted fines on their vassals 
they did not attend the Protestant churches. 

There was besides in Poland, as iu the rest of Europe, 


state of indifference beginning to prevaO: '^La differenza 
d'esser cattolioo o di altra Betta si piglia in barla o in riso, 
conoie cosa di pochissima importanza." [The difference be- 
tween being a Catholic or of a different sect, is treated with 
jesting or derision, as a matter without the least importance.^ 

Tho Germans, of whom some had settled and married, even 
in the smallest towns, had a large share in the d^osion of 
Protestant doctrines ; but, still more dangerous, according to 
our aflihor, were the Italians, who propa^ted the opinion 
that in Italj and under the chak of Catholidm, doubts were 
entertained even of the immortality of the soul ; that they 
were only waiting an opportunity to dedaxe themselves openly 
a^iaixist jwe pope. 

He next describes the condition into which the clergy had 
Jallen uader these circumgtanees. 

*^ In&iiti do' poYeri eoclesiastici si trovano priiri degli ali^ 
menti, A popche i padroni delle riUe, ^retici per tl pi^t, se non 
tutti, hanno occupato le possession! ed altri beni delle chiese o 

ST ampliame il proprio patrimonio o per giatificame ministri 
lie lor sette ovrero per aliename in varj modi a persone 
profiuie, si ancora perche negaao di pagar le decime, quaatun- 
que aiano loro doyute, oltre alle leggi dirine e canoniche, anco 
per constituzione particolare di quel regno. Onde i miseri 
preti in molii luoghi non avendo con che sostentarsi lasciaTuno 
le chiese in abbandono. La terxa ^ ri^tto alia giurisdizione 
ecdesiastica, la quale insieme con i prlyilegj del dero d andata 
mancaodo, che oggidi altro non si fa di differenza tra' beni 
sottoposti aJle chiese o monaster) e gli altri di persone profuoe, 
le citazioni e sentenze per niente. . . . lo medesimo ho udito 
da principalissimi senatori che vogliono lasciatsi ta^iare piu 
presto a peza che acconsentire a legge alcuna per h, quale si 
debbano pagar le decime a qualsiyoglia cattolioo come cosa 
debita. Fu costituito ne' comizj gi^ sei anni sono per pufo- 
blioo decreto che nessuno potease esser gravato a pagar le 
medesime decime da qualsivoglia tribunaJe nd ecdesiastico nd 
secolare. Tuttayia perche ne' prossimi comizj p» varj impe- 
dimente non si feee detta composizione, negano sempre di 
pagare, nh rogliono i capitani de' luoghi eseguire abuna 
sentenza sopra dette decime." QGreat numbers of the poor 
clex^gy are destitute eyen of food, partly because the rulecs of 
the diiiQ0— lor the most part, if not wholly, heretics— have 


taken into possession the goods of the church, either to in- 
crease their own patrimony, to endow with them the ministers 
of their own sect, or to bestow them in different modes on 
profiEuie persons; and partly, because they refuse to pay 
tithes, although due from them, not only by the diyine la^ 
and that of the canon, but also more psurticularly by the 
especial constitution of that kingdom. Whence the nnh^ippy 
priests in many places, not having wherewith to sustain them- 
selves, abandon the churches. A third cause is, that the 
ecclesiastical jurisdiction has fallen to decay, togeUierwith 
the privileges of the clergy, so that nowadays there is no 
difference made between the property of churches or monas- 
teries and that of secular persons — citations and sentences 

.are set at nought I hare myself heard the principal 

senators declare that they would rather suffer themselves to he 
cut to pieces than consent to any law by which they ebould he 
compelled to pay tithes as a due to any Catholic whatever. 
It was publicly decreed in the council six years since,, that 
no one should be pursued for payment of these tithes by any 
court, whether ecclesiastical or laical ; and since, from various 
impediments, the said composition^was not made in the next 
council, they continue to refuse payment, nor will the different 
officers execute any sentence in reference to the said tithes.^ 
He considers it very difficult for a nuncio to effect anythii^. 
Jt would be impossible to introduce the Inquisition, or even 
more rigid laws respecting marriage ; already the very name 
of the pope was abominated ; the clergy considered it their 
duty to defend the interests of the country against Rome; 
and there was only the king on whom they could reckon. 

The Palatine Radziwill of Wilna had communicated to the 
king an exhortation to war against the Turks, composed by a 
disciple of Zuinglius. The nation was herein recommended 
first of all to reform its proceedings, and above all to put away 
the images, the worship of which was considered by the 
author to be idolatry. The king would not suffer the dis- 
course to pass in that form. He wrote the following woxds 
on the margin with his own hand: ^^Prsestat hoc omittere 
quam false imputare et orationem monitoriam religionis anti- 
quisdmse sug^llatione infamem reddere. O utinam £EUuant 
novae sect® nos tam ditftuma pace florentes atque fecit sanota 
religio catholica veros seontores sues." P^t were better to 


it this than to make &lse imputations, and rendler tho 
nonitoiy discourse infEimous bj the sknder of the most 
jient rdigion. I would that the new sects could crown 
with such lasting peace as the holy Catholic religion con- 
red on its true followers.^ A declaration on which the 
iter of this report builds great hopes. 
He next proceeds to an inrestigation of Bolognetto's nnder- 
tingSy wluch he classes under seven heads : — 

1. Restoration of the papal authority. 

2. Persecution of heretics. 

3. Reform of the clergy: "Modi per moderare la licen- 

tiosa yita di sacerdoti scandalosi." [[Methods for 
restraining the licentious life of scandsdous priests.] 

4. Re-establishment of divine worship. 

5. Union of the clergy. 

6« Defence of their rights. 

7* Measures with respect to the whole Christian com- 
I have already described in general terms the efficiency of 
olognetto in carrying out these designs. By way of ex- 
aple, I add the following more minute account of his influ- 
ice on the English negotiation. 

** La reina d'Inghilterra domandava al re di Polonia un' 
dulto per i suoi mercanti Inglesi di poter portar le loro mer - 
kuzie e vendere per tutto il regno liberaraente, dove ora non 
)SSono venderle so non i mercanti del regno in Danzica, 
)mandando insieme che fosse loro concesso aprire un fondaco 
ibblico in Torogno, ch'd il pid celebre porto della Prussia 
)po quello di Danzica e di la poi portar le loro mercanzie 
r\mo stessi a tutte le fiere che si fanno per la Polonia, dove 
3n possono portarle ordinariamente se non mercanti del paese, 
le per il piii sono o Tedeschi o Pruteni o Italian!. Doman- 
iiva dunque con quest' occasione quella pretesa reina che nel 
Bcreto di tal concessione si esprimesse, che a questi suoi mer- 
inti non potesse mai esser fatta molestia per conto di religione, 
la che potessero esercitarla liberamente a modo loro ovunque 
adassero per il regno. Place va questo partito universalmente 
tutta la nobiltd. Polacca; solo i Danzicani ostavano gag- 
ardamente, mostrando che da questo indulto saria seguito 
ultimo danno al porto loro, tanto celebre e tanto famoso per 
itto il mondo, e che la speranza del minor prezzo era Mace 

254 HI8T0RT OF THB P0PB8 — ^APFBNDrX. [Vh. 61. 

mafesimamente perche i meiOM&la Icnrestieri qnando ham» 0teti 
in posaeBBO di poter yendere ad aibitrio loro e poter mrtu la 
mercanzia loro lango tempo ndle mani, ravidbbon voBdola 
molto piii oara di qnello ebe la yendono oggi i mercanli del 
paese. Tutta via il oontraocambio die offorira la K^gisa 
a' mercanti di Polonia, di poter fiure lo steeso loro in Ii^UQ- 
terra parera ohe gH hayeese peisiiaao il re a eoneedare tetfto 
quelle che domandaya. II ebe noil prima yenne agli oieeelf 
del Bolognetto, che andb a troyare S. M*% e eon effieaeiMime 
ragioni le mostrb quanto esorbitante eoea aoiebbe stala ebe 
ayesse eonoeeso per publico deereto una tanto obbrabriooi 
setta, e come non senza naseosto inganno e speransa d'impor- 
tantifinme consegnenze quella soefierata donna yoteya ebe oi 
dichiarasse cosi per deereto potersi eserdtar la eefeta Anglicana 
in quel regno, doye tutto il mondo pnr troppo fla ebe a per- 
metta il credere in materia di religione quel ebe }Haoe a ebi a 
eia: con questa ed altre efficaciarime ragioni fl fs Ste&oo 
rimase talmente persuaso ebe promesse non yoler vm hat men- 
none alcuna di rdigione in qmdimqiie aeo(»do ayeow fiUie eon 
quella re^boa o suoi mercanti/' [Tbe queen of Sag^iBi 
requested from the king of Poland a license lor bet E^^ 
merchants, that they might introdnee ibeir raerebandiae^ and 
sell it freely throughout bis kingdom, where the merebaate of 
the kingdom in Dantzic only were now permitted to asH, 
requiring at the same time that they should bay^ penes- 
sion to open a public warehouse in Torogno^ which ia the 
most celebrated port of Prussia, after that of Dantne. Mn 
that they might thence afterwards carry their ware9 iken- 
selyes to all the furs held in Poland, whither eoHuncfBly 
none may carry merchandise except the merebante of tibe 
country, who are for the most part Germans, Pmmwanii^ or 
Italians. And on the same occasion this pretended qaeea , 
further requested that in the decree for thie con ees Bi^ M i, it j 
should be declared that no molestation was to be offered to ber i 
merchants on account of ibeir religion, but that they shcnrid 
be suffered to execute it fndy alter their own manner wbiibeF- 
soeyer they might go throughout the kingdom. Thia pMfN>- 
sal gaye uniyersal satiafitetion to all the Polisb nobility. The 
people of Dantzic alone opposed it bray^, diewing that from 
this concession, the most extreme injury would remkt to Ibeir , 
port) so renowned and so £simou9 tborougb all tbe w mU , and 


that tli6 hope of lower prioee woald prore fidkoioiis, prinei- 
piiBy becftuse the foreign merchants^ when the j should have 
the power of seUbg at their own good pleamre, and conld hold 
bheir merchandise a long time in their hands, would only sell 
bhem for a mnch higher priee than that now required by the 
merchants of the country. Nevertheless, the equal privileges 
whidi the queen of England offered to the merchants of 
PqIumI, of power to do the same thing in England, seemed 
iLptady to lukve induced the king to grant all that was de- 
■umdftd ; which had no sooner come to* the ears of Bolognetto, 
bhaa he went to seek his majesty^ and shewed him with the 
most effectual arguments, how monstrous a thing it would be 
to acknowledge so scandalous a sect by his public decree; and 
bow it WM not without some concealed hope or deceit of some 
kind thai yondier pernicious woman desired to hare the 
Aniglioan sect declared by public decree in possession of power 
bo oxmxdse its rites in that kingdom, where all the world 
blows but too well that eveiyman is suffered to believe 
tviniteter he may please in matters of religion i-^^Any these and 
9ther most sufficient reasonings. King Stephen became so 
MQy eoBTinced, that he promised to make no mention what- 
Bver of refigion in any agreement that he should enter into 
with that queen or her merchants.]] 

It win be pareeived, that this report ocmtauns notices of a 
purely political nature. 

In eondnsion, the author goes more particularly into this 
part of the subject 

He describes Poland as divided into a multitude of factions. 
Dissensbns, in the first place, between the different provinces, 
knd then between the clergy and the laity in each province ; 
between the senators and the provincial deputies ; between the 
siore ancient and higher nobles and those of inferior degree. 

The high-chancellor Zamoisky is represented as extremely 
towerfnl. The grant of all appointments was vested in him, 
nore particularly since a vice-chancellor and a king^s seeretaiy 
lad entered wholly into his interests : '^ Da. che h stato fatto 
1 Baranoeky vicecancelliere et il Tolisky segretario del re, 
)eTsone poco h, incognito." [[Since Baranosky has been made 
rice-ebakcellor, and Tolisky secretary of the king, persons 
who but a short time before weie unknown.]] 

Gefterally speaking, the appointments made by Stephen 


BatLory had been far from secaring uniyersal approbttion. 
Attention was already directed to his sacoessor, Sigismimd: 
" amatissimo di tutti i Polacchi " [greatly boloved by all Uie 


No. 62. 

JHscorso del molto illustre e rev^ Mon^ Minucdo Mtnuim 
sopra il modo di restituire la rdigione eattolica in Ah- 
magna. 1588. [[Discourse of the very illustrioiu fStA 
most reverend Monsignor Minuccio Minncci on the tMa 
of restoring the Catholic religion in Germany.] 

A very important document, of which I have made extent* 
sive use, more especially vol. i. p. 494, and following. 

Minucci served long under Gregory in Germany, MJ 
makes very frequent appearance iu Maffei. In the documaife 
before us, he endeavours to explain the existing state d 
things, to the end, as he says, that Rome might learn to 
refuse the patient dangerous medicines. 

He complains from the beginning, that so little pains were 
taken on the Catholic side to gain over the Protestant princes. 

He then proceeds — for his mission was during the times ol 
eager and still undecided conflicts — to examine the attacks of 
the Protestants on Catholicism : '' Ho pensato di raccontaie 
le pratiche che muovono gli eretici ogni di per £Eir seccare o 
svellere tutta la radice del cattolicismo." [I have determinei 
to relate the contrivances which the heretics daily put in pne- 
tice for the purpose of drying up or utterly destroying the 
very root of Catholicism.] Finally, he describes the manner 
in which they ought to be withstood. 

He shews himself to be unusually well informed in Gennan 
affairs, yet he cannot always repress a certain astonishment^ 
when he compares the state of things as they then were witb 
the tranquillity and order of Italy or Spain. We have ear- 
selves alluded to the restless proceedings of Casimir (A. the 
Palatinate. Let us observe the amazement they occasioned to 
a foreigner. 

'^ II Casimiro dopo aver sprezzata Tautoritk dell' imperatoie 
in mille cose, ma principalmente in abbruciare le manilioiii 
presso Spira, che si conducevano in Fiandra oon aalyooondotto 

STo. 62.3 MIKUCCI on THB restoration of CATHOLICISM. 257 

mpensle^ dope ayer offeso 11 re di Spagna non solo con quell' 
kUo» ina anco con tanti ajati dati a ribelli suoi di Fiandra e 
iota Hiaver concesso spatio alii medesimi ribelli Fiamenghi 
ler edificare una cittd. (Franchendal) nelli stati suoi, con 
'harer portate tante mine in Francia, tante desolation! in Lo- 
ena Hor in propria persona, hora mandando genti sue, con 
haTor fsktio affironto notabile all' arciduca Ferdinando impe- 
le^do il card^ sno figliuolo con minaccie e con viva forza nel 
nuno di Colonia, con Tistesso dichiarato nemico alia casa di 
i^viejia, e passato in propria persona contra Telettore di Co- 
mia» pur se ne sta sicuro in un stato aperto nel mezzo di 
nelli cliannp ricevute da lui tante ingitirie, nl ha fortezze o 
lilitia che li dia confidenza nh amici o parenti che siano per 
ocoomrlo e difenderlo, ma gode frutto della troppa pazienza 
.e' cattolici, che li potriano d'improviso et a mano salva por- 
ite altio tante mine quante egli ha tante volte causate nelli 
fcati d*altri> purche si risolvessero et havessero cuor di farlo." 
pasimir, after having set the authority of the emperor at 
isuight in a thousand ways, but chiefly in burning near Spires 
he inanitions that were on their way to Flanders, under the 
afe-conduct of the emperor ; after having offended the king 
f Spain, not by that act only, but also by the frequent assist- 
nee afforded to his rebels in Flanders, and by having granted 
i site in his territories for the said rebellious Flemings to 
tuild a city (Franchendal) ; after having so frequently car- 
iedJiavoc into France, and so continually desolated Lorraine, 
ometimes in person, and sometimes by despatching his troops 
hither ; after having put a decided s^ont upon the archduke 
Ferdinand, by impeding the cardinal his son on the road to 
Cologne, with threats and even with violence ; after being 
he declared enemy of the house of Bavaria, and acted in 
)eii9on against the elector of Cologne, — ^is yet permitted to 
"emain securely in an open territory, and in the midst of those 
who have received so many injuries at his hands : yet he has 
i^ither fortresses nor soldiers to inspire him with confidence ; 
leither friends nor relations who could give him aid or defend 
lim. But he profits by the too long-suffering patience of the 
Datholics, who could instantly and with safety inflict such 
ruin upon him as he has inflicted so frequently on the states 
)f others, if they would only resolve on it, and had the courage 

VOL. III. 8 

258 BnroBT of ti^ popbb^-appeni>ix. [[No.63. 



No. SS. 


I DO not lear being called to aocoont for not having r«^ 
tered in this |^aoe erery fugitive writing, every unimporftiat 
treatise which I have met wiSi in manoaoript dnring the mam- 
fold researches demanded for my work. I have rather, per- 
haps, already done too mnch. Many a reader who has given me 
his attention thus far, might very probably be dissatisfied with 
an nnfeushioned medley of various languages. Yet it would 
not be advisable to ^ve a translation only of the original doov- 
ments. To do this would diminish their usefulness as well as 
their authenticity. Thus I could not venture to insert the 
whole mass of my collectanea without further ceremony in 
this appendix. 

Of the conclaves, for example, with re^mt to which a vast 
number of manuscripts may be found, I will but present a 
sommaiy notice. 

After every election of a pope, more particularly from^ the 
second half of the sixte^ith century to the banning of tibe 
eighteenth, there appeared a report of the proceedings ; it was, 
indeed, only a written one, but was, nevertheless^ so arranged 
as to obtain a very extensive circulation, so that it frequently 
called forth counter-statements. Occasionally these accounts 
were prepared by cardinals, but more commonly by their 
secretaries, who were present at the conclave under the name 
of *' eonclavisti," and who made it their business to watdi;ihe 
course of the different intrigues with a view to the interest of 
their masters, to whom respect &r the d^ortment denuuided 
by their dignity, would have made such observation no ea^ 
matter. But Uiere were ocoisions when others also took up 
the pen. ^ Con qnella mag^or diligenza cbe bo potuto," says 
the author of the ConclaTe of €bregory XIII., ^' ho racoolto 
eosi dalli signori conclavist! come & cardinali che aono. stati 

No. 63.3 TEB eOXOLATES. 2$9 

partecipi del negotio, tutto Fordine e la yeritk di qnesio con- 
elava** [I haye gathered with the utBiost diligence, as well 
from the coBclayiBti as from the oardinalfl who took part in 
tho negoiiaticm, the whole arrangement of that conclave, and 
all the truth relating to it] We peroehre that he was not 
hinaself present. The accounts that hSk into oar hands are 
sometimes diaries, sometimes letters, hut sometimes, also, they 
are dbihorate narraticms. Each little work is complete in 
itself; the universallj-known formalities are, however, here 
and there repeated. Their value is extremely miequal, as may 
be supposed. In some instances the whole smise is frittered 
away in incomprehensihie details, while in others — hot these 
aie rare — ^the compiler has attained to an ^ectnal perception 
and reproduction of the ruling motives in action. From neariy 
all, however, the reader may derive instruction, provided only 
that he have patience and do not become weary. 

Hie great mass of writings of this kind siill extant may be 
kamed from the Marsand catalogue in the Paris library, as 
well as from other sources. They have also found their way 
into Germany. The Sdrd, 35 th, and other volumes of our 
*^ Informations " (the Berlin Informationi), contain copies in 
great abundance. In Johann Gottfried Geissler s ^' Programm 
de Bibliotheca MilichiMia,"Gorlitz, 1767, there is an account of 
the conclaves contained in the 32nd, 33rd, and d4th codex of 
the collection of that place. The most complete list with which 
I am acquainted is to be found in Novaes' ^' Introduzione alle 
Vite de' Sommi Pontefici," 1822, i. 272. He had access 
to the library of the Jesuits, in which there was preserved a 
tolerably complete collection of these writings. 

It followed from the nature of the matter that these docu- 
ments very soon reached the public in another way, at leust in 
part. First they were incorporated into the histories of the 
popes. The condave of Pius Y., if not in its whole extent, 
yet in its commenoement and at the close, was transferred 
into the history of Panviniua. Gicarella has translated the 
condaves of Gregory XIII. and Sixtus Y., at least in great 
part ; the latter with all the comments and reflections that 
appear in the Italian. The passage that Schrockh, '*• N. Kir- 
^engesch." iiL 288, brings forward as from Oicarella, is taken 
word for word from the conclave. Thuanus also has given a 
place to these notices; bat, as we soon perceive on more minute 



comparison, it is from Cicarella,and not from the originals, that 
he takes them (lib. Ixxxii. p. 27). In the ^^ Tesoro Politico" 
also this last ^^conclaye" is adopted, bat in a few hastily- 
made extracts only, and yery imperfectly. And as with these, 
60 also has it been with other conclaves. 

But gradually, and first in the serenteenth century, the 
idea was entertained of making collections of these conclayes. 
The first printed collection has the title " Conclayi de' ponte- 
fici Romani quali si sono potuto trovare fin a questo giorao," 
1667. It begins with Clement V., but has then a Uank 
down to Urban VI., and a second chasm down to Nicholas Y,; 
from this time they go regularly forward down to Alexander 
YII. The purpose of this publication, at least the ostensible 
one, was to shew by the examples to be there found, the little 
that human wisdom can avail against the guidance of heaven. 
"Si tocca con mano che le negotiationi pi^ secrete, dis- 
simulate et accorte per opra arcana del cielo svaniti 

sortiscono fini tanto difformi." pt is here rendered mani- 
fest that the most secret, disguised, and astute negotiations 

by the secret operation of heaven, are made vain, and 

result in effects altogether different from those contemplated.]} 
But this was not the view taken by the world at large, who 
were, on the ccmtrary, principally eager to become possessed 
of the curious and sometimes discreditable matter to be found 
therein. A French edition appeared in Lyons, and as this 
was soon exhausted, a reprint, revised from the original, was 
brought out in Holland, dated Cologne, 1694, and by no 
means as Novaes gives it in 1594. This, enriched with • 
further additions, has often been reprinted. 

In this manner the original memoirs of the conclave have 
undergone various alterations. If we compare the French col- 
lection with the originals, we find it to be the same on the 
whole, but in particular passages there are considerable varia- 
tions.. Yet, so far as I can discover, these changes proceed 
rather from misapprehension than from evil intention. 

But there are other collections also which have never been 
printed. I am myself in possession of one, which 8tq[>plie8 
the blank spaces that have been left in the printed editions, 
while it has at least an equal authenticity with any one of 
them. But for any detailed use of these documents, an ex- 
amination of the originals will certainly be always desirable. 


No. 64. 

Vita e successi del Curd! di Santasemrina, ^Life and Fortunes 
of Cardinal Santaseverina.] 

An autobiography of this influential cardinal, of whom we 
have frequently had occasion to speak. 

It is somewhat diffuse, and often loses itself in trifling 
details ; the judgments it pronounces on individuals as well 
as on events are strongly marked by the personal qualities of 
the man ; yet we find the work to communicate many peculiar 
and characteristic notices. 

There remains only, that we give here verbatim, some few 
of those to which reference has occasionally been made in the 

I. The Protestants in Naples. 

*•*• Crescendo tuttavia la setta de' Lutherani nel regno di 
Napoli, mi armai contro di quella spina del zelo della refigione 
cattolica : e con ogni mio potere e con lautorit^ del officio, 
con le prediche publiche, scritte da me in un libro detto 
Quadragesimale, e con le dispute publiche e private in ogni 
occasione e con Toratione cercai d'abbattere et esterminare 
peste SI crudele da i nostri paesi : onde patii acerbissima 
persecutione dagl' eretici, che per tutte le strade cercavano 
d'offendermi e d'ammazzarmi, come ne ho fatto un libretto, 
distintamente intitolato ; Persecutione eccitata contro di me 
Giulio Antonio Santorio servo di Ges^ Christo per la verita 
della cattolica fede. Era nel nostro giardino in un canton e 
una capelletta con Timmagine di Maria 8°^*^ con il bambino in 
braccio, et ivi avanti era nata una pianta d olivo, che assai 
presto. con maraviglia d'ogn* uno crebbe in arbore grande, 
essendo in luogo chiuso et ombreggiato da alberi : mi ritiravo 
ivi a far oratione con disciplinarmi ogni volta che dovevo 
predicare e disputare contro Lutherani, e mi sentivo mirabil- 
mente infiammare ed avvalorare senza tema di male alcuno e 
di pericolo, ancorche di sicuro mi fosse minacciato da quelli 
inimici della croce, e sentivo in me tanta gioja et allegrezza 
che bramavo d'essere ucciso per la fede cattolica. . . . Intanto 
vedendo crescere contro di me maggiormente la rabbia di 
quelli eretici quail io*avevo processati, fui costretto nel 1563 


al fine di Agosto o prinoipio di Settembre passannene in 
Napoli alii servitii d'Alfonso Caiaffii card^* del titolo di S. 
Giovanni e Paolo arcirescovo di Napoli, ove servii per laogo- 
tenente sotto Luigi Campagna di Rossano vescoyo di Monte- 
peloso, che esercifcava il -^aoamto in Napoli : e poiche egli 
parti per evitare il tamulto popolare concitato contei> dinoi 
per rabragiamento di Gio. Bernardo Gargaao e di Gio. Fca«- 
cesco d' Aloys detto il Oaserta^ seguito dQa quattro di Marso 
di sabbato circa le 20 Lore, limasi solo nel gorerno di dotta 
chiesa : ove doppo molti pericoli scorsi e doppo molte mi* 
nacce, sassi et aichibugiate tiraie, mi si oidisoe una congiaxa 
molto cradele et arrabbiata da Hortensio da Battic<^o coa 
fra Fiano (?) di Terra d'Otranto, heretico sacramentario e 
rolapso che io insieme col card^ di Napoli e mons' Cam- 
pagna rbayeva (ssi?) richiesto, di distillare un veleno di tanta 
forza cho poteva infettare Taria per estingnere papa I'io IV. 
come nemico de* Carafeschi : e non dnbitara I'heretico di fiEur 
intendere totto cio al pontefice per meno del signer Pompeo 
Colonna." [^Tiie sect of the Lutherans still increasing in 
Naples, I armed myself against ih&t thora wiik tibe seal of 
the Catholic religion, and with all my power, together with 
the authority of the Inquisition, by public preachings, writtea 
by me in a book called Quadragesimale ; also by puUic and 
priyate disputations at eyery opportunity, as well as by 
prayer, I laboured to diminish that grieyoas pestilence, and 
to root it out of our bounds. For this cause I suffered most 
bitter persecutions at the hands of the heretics, who sou^t to 
insult me by eyery means, and waylaid me on all the roads, 
thinking to kill me ; ^ which I haye written a little book, 
i^cially entitled ^' Persecutions incited against me, Giulio 
Antonio Santorio, servant of Jesus Christ, for the truth <^ the 
Catholic faith." There was a shrine in a comer of our 
garden, with an image of the most holy Mary haying the 
infant Jesus in her arms, and before it there sprang up an 
olive sapling, which, to the admiration of every one, grew 
yery quickly to be a great tree, being in a close pkM^e, and 
shaded by trees. To this little chapel it was my wont to 
retire for prayer and discipline, whenever I had to preach 
or dispute against the Lutherans, and I fslt myself woader- 
folly invigorated and ^nboldeiied, so that I was withovi any 
SoAT of evil or danger, although most certainly. menMsad with 


anah. hr t^ose ettetnies of the cross ; moreoTor I felt within me 
miok JO J and ^adness that I desired to he slain for the 
Ottdtolio fftith. . . . Meanwhile as the rage of those heretics 
whom I had brought to justice increased against me ever 
more and more, I was constrained at the end of August or 
b^hining of September, in 1563, to take refuge in Naples^ 
in die service of Alfonso Carafia, cardinal of the title of San 
GKoTWini and Paolo, archbishop of Naples, where I served as 
deputy under Luigi Oampegna di Rossano, bishop of Monte- 
peloso, who exercised the office of yicair in Naples. And 
after lie had d^arted, to avoid the popular tumult excited 
against us by the burning of Giovanni Bernardo Gburgano 
aad Giovanni Francesco d'Alojs, called il Oaserta, which 
took place on the 4th of March, about the twentieth hour 
of the day, I remained alone in the government of that 
church ; where, after many perils encountered, many threat- 
enings endured, stones cast, and shots fired at me, a most 
emol and venomous plot was contrived for my ruin by Hor- 
tensio da Batticchio, with fra Fiano (?) di Terra d'Otranto, 
a relftfMBed Utraquist heretic, pretending that I, together with 
the Caidinal di Napoli and Mens' Oampagna, had required 
him to distil a poison of so much potency, that it should infect 
the air, and so destroy Pope Pius IV., because of his enmity to 
the funily of Carafe ; and the heretic had no doubt of making 
the pope understand as much by means of Signer Pompeo 

II. Gregory XIIL and SiattM V. 

^^ Appena egli credeva di morire non ostante la longa et^ 
eesendo sempre vissuto con molta moderatione e caminato per 
tutti i gradi della oorte. Dopoche lascib la lettura di Bologna^ 
venue in Roma, fa &tto collaterale di Oampidoglio, esercitS 
Tnfficio di luogotenente di mons" auditore della camera, fu 
fiitto referendario, e la prima volta che propose in segnatura, 
venue meno : onde tutto pieno di vergogna e di confusione 
voleva abbandonare la corte, ma fu ritenuto dal card^ Ores- 
oentik) a non partire. Da Giulio III. nell' auditorato di rota 
li fu anteposto Palleotto : onde di nuovo confuse di doppio 
scomo determine partirsi di Roma, ma dall' istesso card^ Cre- 
soentio fu rincorato e trattenuto. Fu da Paolo lY. &tto 
veeooTo di Yieete, fd fatto oonsultore del sant' officio, fu al 


concilio di Trento e da Pio lY . fa fiEitto card** e mandato in 
Spagna per la causa Toletana : e dopo la morte della suita 
memoria di Pio Y . con ammiiabil consenso fu assunfto al ponti- 
Jficato. U quale viese con mol^ caritik, liberalitit e modesliai 
e saria state ammirabile e sensa pun, se in Ini fossero oonetesi 
valore e grandezza d'animo senza I'affetto del figlioy<^ oeeinb 
in gran parte tutte le attioni dignissime di caritik che 4^1u6 
verso li stranieri e yerso tutte le nationi che yeramente padtKe 
ditutti. Dalli signori cardinali nepoti S. Sisto e Gnasta? il^ 
lano fu &tto subito intendere la sua morte al sacro eoUegio, e 
doppo celebrare I'esequie e tutte quelle funtioni che porta seeo. 
la sede vacante, s'entrb in conclave : ove fu detto pi^Nk il 
sig' card'* Montalto, gi^ nostro collega e nella causa Toleten 
e nell' assuntione al cardinalato, per opera speoiale d^ og' 
card** Alessandrino e sig* card* Rusticucci, che tiraiOBo in 
favore di lui il sig* card* d'Este e sig* card* Medici, oon n<m 
poco disgusto del sig* card* Famese, essendoli mancate di 
parola il sig' card* San Sisto, sul quale egli haveva &tto m<^ 
fondamento per ostare alii suoi emoli e nemid, essendosi ado- 
prato contro di lui valorosamente il sig* card* Riario, ma een 
pentimento poi grande, non havendo trovato* quella gratitudine 
che egli si haveva presupposta, sicome anco intervenne al sig' 
card'* Alessandrino, che tutto festante si credeva di maneg- 
giare il pontificato a modo suo : escendendo in San Pietro lo 
pregai che dovesse far officio con S. B"* in favore di mona^ 
Carlo Broglia, rettore del coUegio Greco, per uu beneficio die 
egli dimandava : mi rispose tutto gratioso : ' Non diamo iaB- 
tidio a questo povero vecchio, perche noi saremo infallibil- 
mente li padroni:' al quale sorridendo io all' hora risposi 
segretamenta all' orecchie : ^ Faccia Dio che subito che sarii 
passata questa sera, ella non se ne penta :' come appunto in 
effetto fu, poiche non stette mai di cuore allegro in tutto qud 
pontificato, sentendo sempre rammarichi, angustie, travagli, 
affanni, pene et angoscii. E ben vero che esso medesimo se 
Tandava nella maggior parte procurando o per trascuraggine, 
inavertenza o altro p pure per la troppa superbia con espro- 
bare sempre esso assiduamente li beneficii, servitii et bonore- 
volezze che haveva fatti a S. B*"". Nelli primi ragionamenti 
che io potei havere con S. S^ fu il rallegrarmi dell' assuntione 
sua al pontificato, con dirli che era stata volenti^ di Dio, poiche 
in quel tempo e punto che fu assunto erano finite le 40 here : 


^oiyi elli^ si dolse della maligDitk de tempi con molta humiltii 
^'jfiiuaaei ressortai che cominoiasse il pontificate con un 
gi^ileo. generale, che tenesse parimente cura del sant' officio 
^ d^lle cose sne, sapendo bene che da quello hareva havnto 
aiigioe la sua grandezza." [^He scarcely thought that he 
should die, notwithstanding his great age, having always lived 
wi^ exceeding moderation, and having passed through all 
ihb gradations of the court. When he had ceased to lecture 
at Bgjogna^ he came to. Rome, and was made assistant curator 
<^ thQ Ci4>itol, held the office of deputy to the auditor of the 
tieastHry, and was appointed referenda^, but the first time he 
brought a cause before the seguatura he utterly fiuled : there- 
i||MKm overwh^med by shame and confusion, he was deter- 
uMnedto abandon the court, but was dissuaded from doing so 
by Cardinal Crescentio. When he ought by the rotation to 
have been made auditor, Palleotto was preferred, and placed 
before him by Julius III., when, being again discouraged by 
this double disgrace, he once more resolved to leave Rome, but 
waiL again consoled, and withheld from departure by the same 
Cardinal Crescentio. He was made bishop of Yieste by 
Paul I Y*9 was nominated consultor of the holy office, speared 
at the council of Trent, was made cardinal by Pius lY., and 
was despatched into Spain about the afiair of Toledo. Then 
after the death of Pius Y. of sacred memory, with a wonder- 
ful unanimity, he was elected to the pontificate. Thus ele- 
vated, he lived with much charity, liberality, and modesty ; 
he would indeed have been admirable, and even unequalled, if 
his worth and greatness of mind had not been mingled with 
that affection for his son, which in great measure obscured his 
most worthy actions and the Christian charity which he exer- 
cised towards both strangers and all others, so that he was 
truly the father of all. His death was instantly announced 
to the sacred college by the cardinal nephews, San Sisto and 
Guastavillano, when, after the performance of the obsequies, 
and of all other ceremonies usual on the occurreuce of a 
vacancy in the see, the conclave was begnn. And therein was 
Cardinal Montalto elected pope, formerly our colleague both in 
the affair of Toledo and in promotion to the cardinalate. This 
being done by the special exertions of Cardinal Alessandrino 
and Cardinal Busticucci, who won over the cardinals d'Este 
and. de Medici to his interest, greatly to the displeasure of 

866 HIBTORT OV TMM POPB8-«-APPBlH>IX. {^No. 44. 

Cardinal Famese; Cwrdiiial Saa Sisto, on whom he 1*4 
counted largely^ for and afiainst bis rivals and enemieS) ksvii^ 
broken his word with him, and Caidinal Riario haTing aeled 
very earnestly against lum ; but afterwards this last r e pcfc te d 
bitterly of iim^ for he did not meet with the gratitude that hs 
had expected; as it hf^pened also to Oardimd AJesaaadifln, 
who greatly ref oidng, believed he shoidd be aUe to maasge 
the pontificate after his own manner. Coming down fran Bt, 
Peter's, I bagged him to intercede with his holiness for MonfeF 
Carlo Broglia, rector of the Greek Cdlege, that he ma^% 
obtain a bene^ lor wfaidi he had i^lied. He answetedme 
very graoionflly, ^^ Do not let us trouble this poor oM man, 
for we shall certainly be masters." At whidi, smiling, I i 
replied secretly in lus ear, ^ God send that yon have not i 
to repent when this evening is over." As in effect he kad,ibr 
he was never cboe i f al of heart through all that poatifiiails^ 
being ooostaaily beset with difficulties, vexatious troubles^ and 
sorrows. It is very true that he was himself to blame HMr 
the greater part of them, for he fell into them bj »egle«t» 
inadvertence, or otherwise ; besides ihat, he was inovdinatify 
arrogant, and eontinnally enumerating ihe- benefits, servieea^ 
and honours he had done to his hcdiness. In the first codv®^ 
sation that I found means to procure with his h<UineaHi, I com- 
gratulated him upon his accession to the ponttficatCi, tettiag 
him that it had been by the will of God, since at ^Imi veiv 
moment when he was elected ike forty hours were ended. 
His holiness thereupon bewailed the inalignity of the timsi 
with much humility, and with tears. I exhorted him to eom- 
mence his pontificate with a general jubilee, and timi he 
should also give his utmost care to the Holy See and to iii 
affairs, knowing well that it was thence his greatness had 
taken its origin.^ 

III. Affairs of Ferrara, 

^' Yenuto U dnca di Ferrara in Boma per i'iavestitnra, drik 
quale pretendeva che li fosse data buona intentione, vi foieao 
di molti garbugli : et avendomi io opposto gagliardamente d^ 
public! e privati ragionamenti et in condstoro, mi peiei afiatis 
la gratia del papa con proeuraimi il sdegno d^ card* Sfee- 
dn^, quale andava paiiando pw Bcma die io eentivo mala- 
mente dell' antmtk del papa : oome anoo haveva anpiaiBio il 


lale di Camermo, ohe si mostrara molto avdenie ia a&t- 
della sedo apoetolica. Sentendcaai pcmgere in cosa tanto 
la dalla mente mia, io clie eio andato inoonteando totti 
iooli per la difeBsione dell' autoritik del papa e deila aed» 
ftlica, mm potei fare di non alteiarmene graTenente, e 
A oonyeniya : feci una apologia pro Cardinale Sancta 
ina contra eardinalon Sfondratoni, oye m tratta qnal m 
ica e qual sia Tofficio di cardinale : benefae U papa, che 
mofitrato in concistoro molto turbato e collerico in ca- 
poi nel palazzo di S. Marco mi domandb perdono con 
ae e con humilt^ e con havermi anco ringratiato, pen- 
ed del decxeto ehe egli liaveva isMo in pregiudieio della 
Pio Y. de iK>n alienandis IradisL Partendosi il daoa da 
b .aenza harer latto effi^tto alcuno, da quel tempo in poi 
mostrb aempre nemico, dioendo che io eio atato €agi<mo 
vaA cbe €t^ non IiaTesse ottonnto rinyefltiiora di Ferrara 
esBona nominanda, et che k> come antioo suo aauoo doyera 
CO pi^ mitamente, aenza intiaprendere rimpresa*con tanta 
1% oome che io fossi pi^ oUigato agli hnomini che a Dio 
h saota chiesa." (The dake of Ferxara ktying come to 
( about the inyestiture, of which he pretended to haye 
opes giyen to him, there was moch confasion and many 
^ons. Then I, haying yigorously exposed iiie grant, 
in public and priyate, as also in the coneastoi^^ entirely 
be fftyour of the pope, at the same time bringing on my- 
he anger of Cardinal Sfondrato, who went about Rcfn» 
^ that I held false opinions reacting the pope's autho- 
IS he had also charged on Ordinal di Oamerino, who 
wL great eagerness in the ser\nice of the Apostolic See. 
ng myself ojSended by an accusation so far from ray 
;hts, — I, who had gone to the encounter of so many 
in defence of the pope's authority and the Apostolic 
-I could not but be greatly indignant ; and, as it was 
^ that I should do, I composed an apology for Cardinal 
eeyerina against Cardinal Sfondrato, wherein the office 
luty of a cardinal are treated of. The pope, who had 
greatly disturbed in consistory, and yery angiy in the 
ca, afterwards, in the palace of St. Marco, begged my 
reness with tcairs and much humility ; he aim thanked 
rapenting of the decree that he had issued to the prcjn- 
if the bull of Pius Y., against the alienation of fiefii. 


The duke having left Rome without gaining any concession /< 
whaterer, from that time forth shewed himself my enemy, i( 
saying, that I had been the chief cause of his not hariDg ob- U 
taiued the investiture of Ferrara for the person he ebould p 
thereafter name. And that I, as being his old friend, shoald i^o 
have spoken more indulgently, and not have been so Tioleni W- 
against the measure, — as if I had been more bound to men H* 
than to God and to the holy church.] \^ 





IV. Conclave after the Death of Innocent IX. 

^^ Entrato I'anno 1592 si entrb in conclave, essendosi raddop- 
piata contro di me la malignitil de miei nemioi, mostraaddsi ii 
card* Sfondrato ardentissimo contro la persona mia, non mh- 
mente per tema delle cose sue, ma anco pi^ irato delle parok 
del card'* Acquaviva, che timoroso et invidioso per Ytodrea- 
covo d'Otranto suo parente et altri signori regnieoli^ amiei 
miei, moveva ogni pietra contro di me : e s'erano uniti insieme 
Ii card" Aragona, Colonna, Altemps e Sforza, capitali nemici 
tra essi, ma contro di me concordissimi ; Aragona per la con- 
tinua osservanza et ossequio che io havevo usati, ma pigliava 
pretesti dell' abbadia che havevo tolta all' abbate Simone Sel- 
larolo ; Colonna per Ii molti servitii che gli Jiavevo hJbd in 
ogni tempo, ma si raccordava del Talmud impedito da me con- 
tro Ii Giudei, repetendo la morte di Don Pompeo de Monti, 
con taccia anco di sua sorella ; Altemps per Ii fiftvori cbe gli 
havevo fEitti appresso papa Sisto e mons' Pellicano senatore 
per conto del figlio rattore della Giulietta, onde ne venne quel 
galant' huomo in disgratia di Sisto, ma cosi voleva Galieotto \^ 
Belard** suo padrone ; Sforza per haverlo fetvorito nel caso del ,^ 
Massaino, quando papa Sisto fulminava contro di lui, haven- !^ 
domi ringratiato con baciarmi la mano in presenza del buon 
card'* Famese vecchio, a cui ancora si era mostrato ingrato / 
havendo avuta da quel buon sig' Tabbadia di S. Lor^iao extra 
moenia, ma egli diceva che non poteva mancare alii amici^snOi, 
ma in effetto egli temeva sapendo bene la sua oosd^'ta. 
Palleotto m'usb quell' ingratitudine che ogn' un sa. Yentie la 
notte delli 20 Gennaro : quivi si rappresentb una trag<ddia 
de' £itti miei, mentre Madrucci, gi^ mio caro amico e coU^ 
nel sant' officio consent! tacitamente cogli emoli miei in dauno 
mio, oprando per questa via di conseguire il pontificate^ ma egli 


8entl di quelli bocconi amari che non potendo poscia digerire 
ae ne mori miseramente. Lascio da parte gli andamenti frau- 
dolenti del card' Gesualdo, che come Napoletano non poteva 
patire che io gli fossi anteposto, et anche mossa da inyidia 
contra i suoi patriotti: poiche questo e gli altri sig^ card^ Na* 
poletani Aragona et Acquaviva hayeyano questo senso di non 
voler nessan compagno de' patriotti nel cardinalato. L'atto 
poi che fece il card^* Colonna, fa il piii bmtto che s'hayesse 
sentito gi^ mai, et improbato etiam da suoi piii cari, e malis^ 
simo inteso nella corte di Spagna. Canano solea prima ha- 
Termi in tanta riyerenza che nullo pi^ e doyunque m'incon- 
trava mi yoleya baciar la mano : ma all' hora scordato d'ogni 
amioiftia obbediya al suo duca di Ferrara ; Borromeo, ajutato 
d» me nella sua promotione per la memoria di quel santo car- 
dinale di S. Piassede et hayendo fatta professione di sempre 
mio CKO amico, inyischiato dall' interesse d'alcune abbadie che 
hareva lassegnato Altemps, furiaya a guisa di forsennato 
quello ohe non professaya altro che purity deyotione, spiri- 
tualitil e coscienza. Alessandrino, autore di tutte le trame, 
non mancb di fare il suo solito in perseguitare i suoi piii cari 
amici e creature con hayersele tutte alienate, e massime doppo 
I'assuntione di Sisto senti in conclaye quel che non yolse per 
bocca del sig' card^ di Sens che esclamaya publicamente contro 
di Ini. II feryore all' incontro de' miei amici e fautori non fu 
mediocre, essendosi mostrato ardente piii d'ogni altro il sig* 
card^ Giustiniano : quel suo spirito yiyace e coraggiosa fu in 
quella notte et in quel giorno in grayi affanni, essendomi anche 
stata aaccheggiata la cella. Ma la notte appresso mi fu dole- 
rosissdma sopra ogn' altra cosa funesta : onde per il graye 
a&nno dell' animo e dell' intima angoscia sudai sangue, cosa 
incredibile a credere ; e ricorrondo con molta humilt^ e deyo- 
tione al sig'% mi sentii affatto liberate da ogni passione di ani- 
mo da ogni senso delle cose mondane, yenendo in me stesso e 
considerandole quanto sono fragili, quanto caduche e quanto 
miserabili, e che solo in Dio e nella coutemplatione di luisouo 
le yere felicity e veri contenti e gaudii." QThe conclaye opened 
at tho beginning of the year 1592, when the malignity of my 
enemies was redoubled. Cardinal Sfondrato eyinced the utmost 
animosity against me, not only from fear of his own interests, 
but even still more because of the anger he felt at the worda 
of Cardinal Acquayiya, who, fearful and jealous oh account of 

270 HHtORT OF TSB P0PB8 — APPENDIX. [[Ni&. 94. 

tbe archbiflhep fd OiiantO) hk rdfttion, and oiher Nea|>o^Mi 
nobles, friends of mine, left no stone untnnied against ms. 
The cardinals Aragona, Colonna, Altemps, and ^ortt ba^ 
united togetbw against me, tbey were bitter enemies to eaifc 
other, but were perfectly agreed in their opposition to n^iell i 
Aragona, in despite of the oontinnal attentions and defenoioe | 
that I bad shewn him, but nang as a pretext the abbey tint I 
bad taken from the abbot Simone Sellarolo. Colonna, ntt- 
withstanding the many services that I had rendered bim atafi 
times, bat he remembered that i had hindered the Tedmad ii 
opposition to the Jews, and he brought up again the dea& of 
Don Pompeo, with the discredit thrown on his sister. Al- 
temps, as a return for the &yours that I had done him, bolli 
with P<^ Sixtus and the senator Fellicano, in rei^>ect to hu 
son, the ravisher of Ginlietta, for which that worthy per- 
sonage fell into disgrace with Sixtns ; . . . . but sodi weie Ae 
commands of Galeotto Belardo, his master. Sfbrsa, netwi^ 
standing that I had £EtYonred him in the affair of Maflbaiao 
wben Pope Sixtus was fulminating against lum, for whiek he 
thanked me and kissed my hand in the presenee of tke good 
old Oardinal Famese — ^to whom be bad also proved hinm 
rnigratefnl after haying received from that good prelate the 
abbey of St. Lawrence without tbe walls (S. Lorenao extn ^ 
moenia); but he bM he could not desert bis friends, though n 
fsbct he was fidl of fears, knowing what his ccmscienoe had 
to reproach bim with. The ingratitude with which Palleotto 
treated me b known to all. The night of the 20th of Jannaiy 
arrived, when ibey made a tragedy of my affi^irs, mtm 
Madrucci, formerly my dear friend and colleagae in the hdhf 
office, giving a silent assent to my rivals for my down^* 
labouring in this way too btain the pontificate far himsdUF; bat 
he had to swallow certain bitter morsels, which being maMt 
to digest, he died miserably in consequence. I omit to mm- 
tion the fraudulent proceedings of Cardinal G^snaldo, who as 
a Neapolitan, could not endure that I should be prelened 
before him, »iid who was even moved by envy against bis own 
countrymen, for he had agreed with the other NeapoIitaD 
cardinals, Aragona and Acquaviva, all three having resolved to 

* Tbe Venetian ambassador More also remarks tbat Santa Sevensa 
was not chosen, *' per il maacamento di Gesualdo decano e di Madmcci *' 
[because GessaMo the deacon and Madraec! had fafied him]. 


iubYO no fellow-countryman their oolleague in the cardinalate. 
But the act which Cardinal Colonna committed at that time 
was the most unworthy one ev^r heard of, disapproved even 
hj his most intimate friends, and taken rery ill at the court of 
l^pain. Canano had been wont to hold me in so much reve- 
veaae, that nothing could snzpass it, and ever belbxe he would 
always kiss my hand whereyer he met me, bat now, forgetful 
of 1^ Iriendsfaip, he thou^t only of obedience to his duke of 
Ferram. Borromeo, assisted by me in his promotion, from 
legard to the memory of that holy cardinal of St. Praxida, 
and who had always made profession of being my dear 
firiend ; yet, aUmed by the gain of certain abbeys resigned to 
him l^ Ahemps, now raved like a madmaa ; he who professed 
nothmg but purity, devotion, spirituality, and conscientious* 
BOSS. Alessandrino, the contriver of all the plots^ did not£ul 
to adi^t his usual course, persecuting his best friends and 
«resliiiei^ to the alienation of them all, and above all, he was 
made to IbcI this after the elevation of Sixtus,, for he heard 
what he did not like in fuU condave from the month of the 
eairdiiMl of Sens, who exdatmed publicly against him. On 
the other hand, ihe fervour of my friends and supporters was 
not inferior. Cardinal Giustiniano having proved himself 
more earnest than any other, Uiat courageous and sensitive 
spirit was in grievous trials all that day and night, — ^my cell 
luui even been already despoiled. But the night succeeding 
was to me the most painful of any, however sorrowful, that I 
had ever passed, so that from my heavy travail of soul 
and bitter anguish, I sweated blood — a thing incredible to 
iielate ; yet taking refuge with much humility and devotion in 
the Lord, I felt mjrself entirely liberated from all suffering of 
mind and from every sense of mundane things, returning to 
myself and considering how fragile, how transient, and how 
Buserable they are, and that in God alone, and in the contem- 
phUion of him, are true happiness, contentment, and joy to be 

972 HISTORY OF THE P0PB8 — APPENDIX. |^No8. 65, 66. 

No. 65. 

Vita et Gesta dementis VIII. Informatt, Politt. xxix. 
[Life and Acts of Clement VIII.] 

Originally intended to be a continuation of Ciaconios, where,, 
however, I do not find it. 

A narration of the rise of the pope, and of his first mu^ 
sures. ^^ Exulum turmas coercuit, qaorum insolens furor noB 
solum in continentem sed in ipsa litora et subvecta ISbem 
alveo navigia hostiliter insultabat." [He repressed the troops 
of outlaws, whose insolent fury not only assailed the mainland, 
but who erea attacked the coasts and insulted the ships in the 
channel of the Tiber itself.] 6o little had Sixtus put them 
down for ever. With respect to the absolution of Henry IV., 
the opposition of Clement to the king is particularly innsted 
on, with the difficulty of obtaining the absolution from him: 
finally the conquest of Ferrara is described. "A me jam latiiU^ 
coBpta scribi opportuniori tempore immortalitati nominis tai 
conseorabo." ["What I have already begun to write at more 
length, I will consecrate at a more fitting opportunity to th& 
immortality of thy name.] But neither can I find any thing 
of this. As the work appears,^ it is but of little consequence. 

No. 66. 
InstrutHone al S' Bartolommeo Powsinsky alia M** del re ^ 
Polonia e Sustia, 1 Aug, 1593. Signed^ Cintkio Alio- 
hrandini. [[Instructionfi to Signer Bartolonuneo Powsindsy 
for his embassy to the king of Poland, &c.] 

Bagguaglio delta andata del re di Polonia in Sttetia. 1594. 
[Report of the king of Poland's journey into Sweden, &c.] 
I find nothing to add to the contents of these documents, 
which I have already used for the text, except perhaps the 
assertion in the second, that Duke Charles was in reality 
detested : '' perche egli avea ridotto in se stesso quasi tutte 
rinoette e mercantie e tutte le cave di metalli e sopra tutto 
deir oro e dell' argento" [l)ecause he had monopolized 
almost all rights of purchase and merchandise, with all the 
mines of metals, more especially those of gold and silver^*^ 

HCOS. 67, 6S,2 PRBBDOM OP THE P0LB8. 273 

No. 67. 
Relatione di Polonia, ^Report from Poland.] 1598. 

Drawn up by a nancio, who complains bitterly of the un- 
bridled love of freedom displayed by the Poles. 

They desired a feeble king, not one of warlike disposition. 
They declared, " Che colore che hanno spirito di gloria, gli 
hahno vehementi e non moderati e perb non diuturni, e che la 
ma4re della diutumita degli imperii d la moderatione." QThat 
those who are led by the desire of glory are of rehement, and 
not moderate character, consequently are not for permanence ; 
hut the mother of permanence in empires ig moderation,^ 

Nor did they desire any connection with foreigners, main- 
taining that it would never be difficult for them to defend 
their country. They could always bring 50,000 horse into the 
field, and, at the worst, could always recover in winter what 
they might have lost in the summer. They appealed to the 
example of their fore&thers. 

The nuncio bids them recal to mind, ," Che gli antichi 
Poloni non sapevano che cosa fosse smaltire 11 grano nel mar 
Baltico in Danzig o in Elbing, nd erano intenti a tagliar selve 
per seminare, n^ asciugavano paludi per il medesimo effetto/' 
[^That the ancient Poles knew not what it was to sell grain 
in the Baltic Sea, in Dantzic or Elbing, nor were they intent 
on cutting down iforests to sow corn, nor on draining marshes 
for the same purpose.] 

The nuncio further describes the progress of Catholicism, 
which was at that time in the most prosperous condition. I 
have adopted the most important notices in the text. 

No. 68 

Melatume dello stdto spirituals e politicA> del regno di Suezia, 
1598. f Report of the religious and political state of the 
kingdom of Sweden. 1598.] 

•This relates to the enterprise of Sigismund against Sweden, 
immediately before his second journey. Its essential positions 
have, in like manner^ been given in the text 

VOL. in. T 


But there still remain some few remarks of interert in 
relation to earlier events. 

Erik is described in direct terms as a tyrant. " Per im- 
press faceya un afiino earoo di sale a piedi d una montagB» erta 
e senza via per salhnd sopra, et ^li era dipinto con uu bastcme 
in mano, che batteya il detto asino/' f A derice was made 
of an ass laden with salt, at the foot of a very steep mountain, 
with no path for crossing it, and the king was depicted with a 
stick in his hand, beating the said ass.^ The author expLuns 
this s3nsibol, which was indeed sufficiently intelligible. The 
people were to be compelled by force to do what was im- 

John is considered as a decided Catholic. '' Perche era in 
secreto cattolico^ sicoome al nuntio ha affirmato il re sue 
figliuolo, us5 ogni industria perche il figliuolo zitomasse m^itie 
esse viveva in Suetia a fine di dichiararsi apertamente cattok 
lioo e ridurre il regno ab abbracciar essa fede." [He h&of 
secretly a Catholic, as the king his son affirmed to the nuniao, 
made every effort to procure his son's return while he was 
himself alive, to the end that he, declaring himself opealy 
Catholic, might compel the kingdom to embrace the same 

To these assertions I am, however, not disposed to subscribe* 
The worthy Sigismund probably imagined these things, that 
he might have the consolation of. believing himself deiscended 
from a Catholic fEither. 

On the other hand, the first enterprise of Si^smuiid is 
described with a manner bearing the ftdl stamp of truths and 
of a thorough knowledge on the part of the writer. The 
hopes connected with his second expedition are set forth in all 
the extent of their bearing on European interests in general. 


Remarks on Bentwoglio'a Memoir», 

In his sixty-third year,-^not, as the edition in the " daseici 
ItaUani" affirms, in 1640, but in 1642, as Maizuohem alao 
asserts, — Qu-dinal Quido Bentivoglio . (lK>rn 1579), hayii^ 

No. 68.3 BBSm^OGLK) ON TH]| COURT OF ROME. 276 

e<»np08ed manj otker works on poHtical subjeets, began to 
write personal memoirs. 

His original purpose was to include hie first residenee at 
the Roifian conrt, hu nunciatures in France and tbe Nether- 
lands, as also the period of his cardinalate. Had he ccHn- 
pkted his purpose, the history of the scT^iteenth century in 
its earlier half would have been enridied by one valuable 
work the more, and that r^lete with thonght and discern- 

But he died before he had finished even the first part His 
work, ^^Memorie del card* Guido Bentivoglio,^ comes down 
only to the year 1600. 

it conTeys an impression of repose and comfort as enjoyed 
by the aged prelate, who, released from the weight of busi- 
ness, is passing life, easily in the calm quiet of his palace. It 
is rery agreeable reading, equally amusing and instructive; 
but the cardinal was naturally restrained by certain consider- 
ations proper to his position from speaking so freely and fully 
aff he evidently would have done. 

The description, for example that he has given with 
tolerable minuteness of the cardinals by whom he found 
Clement YIII. surrounded, has but a very general resem- 
blance to those given of the same persons by other writers. 

The very first, Gesualdo, deacon of the college is described 
by Bentivoglio as '^ a distinguished man of amiable manners, 
who does not seek to mingle in public afi^rs, although he 
does not shun them ; " but of what we learn from others, and 
what doubtless Bentivoglio also perfectly knew, how Gesualdo 
impeded the election of Sanseverina from mere personal 
didike ; the pretensions he advanced of superior rank over the 
other cardinals, who endured them rery reluctantly ; how all 
his subsequent efforts were given to the acquirement of friends 
by whose aid he might attain to the pontificate, and how he 
more particularly attached himself to Spain, — of all these 
things we do not learn a word from Bentivoglio. 

Tbe second is Aragona. Of him Bentivoglio remarks : 
^^ He had led the cardinals in earlier conclaves, SMHre par- 
ticularly the younger: he governed Rome most admirably 
during the absence of the pope : he was fond of handsome 
furniture, had a most beautiful chapel, and was continually 
changing the altar-pieces." But this is no description of the 
T 2 

276 HISTORY OP THE PfPB&h— APPENDIX. []No«. 68, 69^. 

man. Aragona was, as we learn from Delfino, an old man 
tormented by the gout, and whose death might be expected 
soon to happen ; but he only dnng the more tenaciously to his 
hopes of obtaining the papacy. He was by no means so much 
respected by the Spanish court as he desired to be; neither 
had ho succeeded in obtaining admission to the congregation 
for the affairs of France, and it was known that he took this 
very ill. Yet he laboured to maintain the closest intimacy 
with the Spanish ambassador, by way of promoting his views 
on the papacy. 

That impression of repose and serenity which we have 
described this book to produce, proceeds from the hct that 
the lights are designedly subdued; that life is not really 
depicted in the truth of its phenomena. 

No. 69. 

Relatione fatta all* ill*'' H^" Card^' d'EstQ al tempo della tna 
promotione che doveva andar in Boma, (BibL Vindob. 
Codd, Foscar, N* 169. 46 leaves.) ^Report made to the 
most illustrious Cardinal d'Este, when he was about to 
proceed to Rome on his promotion. (Vienna Library, Fos- 
carini Manuscripts, &c.)] 

In consequence of the treaty entered into with the family 
of Este by Clement VIII. on his entrance into f^errara, he 
included a prince of that house, Alessandilo, in the promotion 
of the Srd of March, 1599. 

It was this prince who was to be prepared for his entrance 
into the Roman court by the instruction before us. Although 
it is without date, it must unquestionably be placed within 
the year 1599. 

The purpose for which this report was written makes it at 
once entirely different from those of the Venetian ambas- 
sadors. It was intended to enable the prince to steer like a 
dexterous pilot, — " Per potere come prudente nocchiero pren- 
dere meglio Tanra propitia della corte." [That like a prudent 
pilot he might the better catch the favouring breezes of the 
court.^ Of political relations it contains nothing. Even the 
misfortnne that had just overtaken the house of Este is passed 


OTer in silence. The sole purpose of the writer is to describe 
the peculiar characteristics of the most important persons. 

The pope, his nephews, and the cardinals are depicted. 

Clement VIII. — " Di vita incolpabile, di mente retta, di 
cenditione universale. Si pub dir ch'abbia in se stesso tntta 
' la theorica e la pratica della politica e ragion di state." f Of 
blameless life, upright intentions, and a most capacious mind. 
It may be affirmed that he possesses within himself the whole 
theory and practice of politics, and the philosophy of govern- 
ment.] We find here that Salvestro Aldobrandino had 
incited Paul lY. to the war against Naples; that attempts 
had, nevertheless, been aften^^urds made to reconcile that 
house at least with the Medici. '' Dices! che Pio Y . volendo 
promovere il card^ Giovanni, fratello di questo pontefice, assi- 
curb il G. p. Cosimo che tutta questa &miglia gli sarebbe fide- 
lissima sempre, e che mandb I'istesso Ippolito Aldobrandino, 
hoia papa, a render testimonio a S. Altezza, della quale f u 
molto ben visto." Qlt is said that Pius Y., desiring to pro- 
mote Cardinal Giovanni, brother of the present pontiff, 
assured the grand duke Cosmo that the whole of this family 
would ever be most faithful to him, and that he sent this same 
Ippolito Aldobrandino, now pope, to bear testimony to that 
fact to his highness, by whom he was very well received.] 
At that time Giovanni Bardi was in the greatest favour with 
the pope. " Fra i servitori di Clemente il piii intimo e favo- 
rite h il sig'Giov. Bardi dei conti di Yemio,luogotenente delle 
guardie, di molta bonta, virt^ e nobilt^." [[Among the servants 
of Clement, the nearest to his person, and the most favoured, 
is the Signer Giovanni Bardi of the counts of Yemio, lieu- 
tenant of the guard, a man of great goodness, virtue, and 
nobility.] The new cardinal was all the safer in connecting 
himself with Bardi, from the fact that he was attached to the 
house of Este. 

The Nephews. — The pre-eminence of Pietro Aldobrandino 
over San Giorgio was decided. " San Giorgio, accommodate 
I'animo alia fortuna sua, mortificate le sue pretensioni, non 
gareggia, non contrasta piu, ma o lo seconda o non s'impaccia 
seco, e si mostra sodisfatto dell' ottenuta segnatura di gius- 
titia." [[San Giorgio, having schooled his mind to his for- 
tunes, and mortifying his pretensions, no longer struggles or 
oontends with Aldobrandino, but either seconds his purposes^ 

578 HI8T0BT OF THE POPBB — ^APPBNDIX. Q NoS 69, 70« 

or refrains from opposing him, and appears to be content witii 
the segnatura of jostiee which he has obtained.^ 

The cardinals were diyided into two Mictions, — the Spanish, 
to which Montalto was already attached, and that of AMo- 
brandino. The former had at that time twenty-five dedded 
and firm adherents, the latter fourteen only. The anthor cor- 
rectly points out as the most probable candidate for the 
pi^paoy that one of them who really did afterwards attain to 
it, — ^Alessandro de' Medici, namely. The terms on which he 
stood with the grand duke of Tuscany w^e not known, font 
he was all the more in favour with Clement on that account,— 
^^perpatria e conformity di hnmore" [[from community of 
ooontry and disposition^, ad much, indeed, as if he had been 
the pope's own creature. 

The historian of the church, Baronius, is not unfavourably 
depicted. ^^ Molto amato per k dottrina, honik e semplicitll 
sua : si dimostia tutto spirito, tutto risegnato in Dio : si buria 
del mondo e della propria esaltatione di se stesso." [[Mu<A 
beloved for his learning, goodness, and simplicity : he seems 
to be all spirit, wholly resigned to God : he makes a jest of 
the world, and even of his own exaltation.^ 

No. 70. 
Relatione di Boma delV UV^ Si^f" Gioan DeifinoK^ e Pr^^ 
ritornato ambasciat&re wtto Upantificato di Clemente FIIL 
XDelfino's report on returning from his embassy to Clement 
VIII., &c.] 

This also is one of the reports that have been widely circu- 
lated; it is very circumstantial (my copy has ninety-four 
quarto leaves), and is very instructive. 

1. Delfino begins with a description of the pope (**il nas- 
cimento, la natura e la vita del papa ") and his nephews. 

^^DeUi due cardinali (Aldobrandino e S. Giorgio) xeputo 
quasi necesBario paiiame uniUmente. Questo di etk d'vmi 
45, di gran spirito, altiero, vivace e di buona cognizione nelli 
afikri del mondo ; ma temo assai che sda di mala natura, overo 
che gli acoidenti nel mondo ocoorsi, che fhanno levato dalle 
gran speranze in che si d posto nel prineipio del pontificate, lo 
liano esser tale, <nod demostrarsi ^n tutti non do!o severe ma 


quasi disperato. i^esto era grandemente amato e grande* 
mente stimato del papa avanti cbe fosse salito bX pontificato, o 
do|^ per giaD peszo ebbe la cma piincipale do' n^otii, e si 
credeya da oga* ono che egli aresse da esser il prime nipote, 
peidbe Taltro era jjnigL gioyane, assai di poca prosperitil e di 
pochissima cogoinone : ma o sia state la sua poca prud^un 
n^ nen essend sapato goyemaie come averebbe bisogiiatxs 
sendofii rotto con Tambasciatore di Spagna quando gittb hk 
beretta, con Tambasciator di Toseana quando li diase che il 
papa doyeria cacciarlo di corte, oltre i disgusti die ha dato a 
inUi in miUe oocasioni, o p«r la giaa prwlenia e destrezza d^' 
alftro, la foraa nattund <fel aangae^ qnesto lia perdnio ogni 
gkytno tanto di autorit^ e di czedito ohe non ha chi lo segniti 
6 non ottiene cosa alcana che dimandL Ha pei^ il carioo di 
tatti U negotii d'ltalia e Geimanl% ae bene li miniatri pablid 
tnUtino li medesimi con Aldobrandino, e neUe coee broadie 
toUi ricOTTOBO a luL lo con esso aig' card^' di S. Giorgio nel 
principio ho passato quabhQ boraaca, anzi ndUa prima andi- 
enm fui astretto a dolermi apartamente per digniU della re« 
p«biica> e doi o tre volte mi sono kaciato intendere liberaraente> 
io mode tale che so che h state fraito i^presso di Ini, et il papa 
rha avuto a carro, e particolarmente ndll' nitiima occasione di 
Fenara : ma doppo sempre h passato tra noi c^ni sorte di 
dimostratione d'amoie, et io I'ho onorato sempre come si con- 
yeniya. Credo yeramente che sia mal affetto alia Serenitit 
Vostra per natura e per aoeidente : la sua natura The deseritta, 
ma diro solo delli aowienti. Prima sappia che da an pezzo in 
qua s'd buttato affatto in braccio de' Spagnnoii, e si d dime- 
atrato poco amico di qnelli che sono nniti con Francesi : ha 
cresciuto ancoia quel mal animo sue il yedere die il cardinal 
Aldobrandino habbi in tutte le occasioni protetto li affari dell' 
£E. W., quasi che non sia possibile che concorrino ambidae 
in alcana operatione, per giusta e raggionevole che sia. Da 
che si pub conosoere la miseria de' poyeri ambasciatori et rap- 
presentanti publicL" [Oi the two cardinals (Aldobrandino 
and San Giorgio), I consider it in a manner necessary to 
speak coUectiyelj. The latter is fortj-fiye years of age, a 
man of high i^irit, proud, and well yeraed in general a&irs ; 
but I much fear that he is of a bad disposition, or that the 
coarse of events which have deprived him of ihoae great 
hopes which he had cause to ente^rtaiin at the contmeooement (^ 


the pontificate cause him to be so, for he condacts faimfielf 
towards every one, not only with severity, but evon with 
reckless harshness. San Giorgio was greatly beloved, and held 
in high esteem by the pope before he had attained to the pon- 
tificate, and afterwards he had the principal management of 
affairs for a considerable time. It was even bdieved 1)y 
Bvery one that he must certainly be the first nephew, because 
the other was younger, of no great promise, and possessing 
few acquirements. But, whether from his want of pmdenoe 
to govern himself, as was needful he should do, — haviii^ broken 
with the ambassador of Spain, when he threw down his cap, 
and with the Tuscan amlMissador, when he told him that the 
pope ought to drive him from the court ; — horn his having 
given offence to aU, on a thousand occasions, or from the 
great prudence and address of the other, or from the natural 
force of blood,— San Giorgio has daily declined in credit 
and authority, so that he has no one to follow him, and 
never obtains any thing that he asks. It is true that he h^ 
still charge of Italian and German affairs; but the public 
ministers discuss the same with Aldobrandino, and in all diffi- 
cult points they have recourse to him. I had myself certain 
stormy interviews with this Cardinal San Giorgio at first ; nay, 
even in the very first audience, I was compelled, by regard 
for the dignity of the republic^ to remonstrate openly ; and 
two or three times I have caused myself to be hearid so freely, 
that I know my words have produced their fruit with him. 
And the pope took him to task, particularly on the laist occa- 
sion, respecting Ferrara ; but since that time there have con- 
stantly passed between us every possible demonstration of 
good-wiU, and I have always treated him with due honour. 
I believe certainly that he is ill-affected towards your sere- 
nity, both by nature and circumstances ; — ^his nature, I have 
already described, and will therefore speak of the circum- 
stances only. First, your serenity should know that for 
some time past he has thrown himself entirely into the hands 
of the Spaniards, and has shewn himself little dis^posed to 
favour those who are united with the French; and this his evil 
disposition has been increased by his perceiving that Cardinal 
Aldobrandino has on all occasions protected the affairs of ybur 
excellencies, as if it were not possible that these two should 
concur in any measure, however just and reaiH>nable if may 


be. All which may serve to make known the nuseries en- 
dared by poor ambassadors and public representatives.^ 

2. The second chapter — that, at least, which in our copies 
is formally designated as such — relates to the form of govern- 
ment, the finances, and the military force. Delfino is amazed, as 
well he might be, at certain portions of the financial adminis- 
tration : '^ Mentre Tentrate della chies^ sono impegnate all' 
ingrosso ordinariamente e straordinariamente ; e quelle ch'^ 
peggio, si comprano castelli e ginrisdittioni de' sudditi a 1^ o 
2 per , cento (ich verstehe : die so viel abwerfen), e si pagano 
cefisi a 9 o 1 per cento, parendo strano agli uomini savj che 
in tante strettezze si fanno queste compre, e pid h che se si 
vogliono far certe spese, non si facciano per via delli danari 
delcast dlo, p er non ci andar debitando e consumando del 
tutto." Q While the revenues of the church are mortgaged te 
their whole extent, both the ordinary and the extraordinary, 
and, what is worse, castles and jurisdictions are purchased from 
the subjects at 1^ or 2 per cent. (I understand this to mean 
that they yield so much), and mortgages are paid 9 or 10 per 
cent., it seems strange to all thinking men, that in the midst 
of such embarrassment these purchases should be made, and 
what is more, when they desire to make a certain expendi- 
ture, they do not supply the funds from the moneys in the 
castle, lest they should presently spend and consume the 
whole.] We perceive that there were people, even in those 
times, who were startled at the hoarding of borrowed money. 
In respect to Ferrara, also, after the first short-lived satisfac- 
tion of the inhabitants, many discontents arose : " Nobili e 
popolo si darebbero volentieri a qual principe si voglia, per 
uscir daUe mani dove si trovano." QNobles and people, all 
would willingly give themselves to any prince whatever, so 
they might but escape from the hands wherein they now 

3. " Intelligenze." — ^These inform us of the doubtful terms 
in which the pope stood with the emperor and with Philip II. 
(he awaited the death of the king with a sort of anxiety); 
how unfriendly were his relations with Florence, for all 
remembered perfectly well that the house of Aldobrandini be- 
longed to the exiled families : '' Le cose passano peggio cbe 
con ogn' altro, ricordandosi d'esser andato il papa e la sua casa 
ramingo per il mondo." [Things went worse with them than 


wiih any other, for the j remembered that the pope and h^ 
family went wandering about the woiid.^ How mnch Inore 
eordially he proceeded, on the contrary, with Franoe and 
Poknd, more eepeoially with the latter, with whidi he had a 
community of interests and purposes. ^ Concorraido e dalT 
una e daU* altra parte interessi nel preeente e disegni nel 
tempo a venire." f Their interests for the present conenrriiig, 
as well as their designs for the future.^ But for no one was 
Clement more interested than for the prince of Transylyania: 
*^ Col piencipe di Transilyania ha trattato il papa con tanto 
amore e con tener un nuntio apoetolico appresso di lui e con 
averli date in mio tempo GOm. scudi in tre rolte e con infiniti 
•fficii fatti fiure con Fimperatore per servitio che quasi potora 
dirsi interesaato et obligate alia oontinua sua proiettione ; t 
credo die'l poyero prencipe la meritava, percbe s'd risdinfto 
alia guerra con fondamento principale dd consiglio et iilSk 
promesse di S. S** ; quanto nd principio gii^ tre anni« gi^ doe 
ancora esaltaya la virtd e valor di questo prendipe fine d 
cielo, avendo detto a me ^^ volte ch'e^ solo fEMseva la guena 
al Turco, tanto ^H nltiraamente con la cessione che gli fees 
de' suoi stati restava mdto chiarito, et il predicava un gran da 
poco : onde si vede phe se bene aveva promesso alT imperst(»e 
di farlo cardinale et a lui ancora, non averebbe perb oeserrato 
oosa alcuna, e percib credo che essendo tomato id govenio 
de' suoi stati abbia s^itito S. S** gran consolatione." (^The 
pope has conducted himself with so much affection towards 
the prince of Transylvania, keeping an apostolic nuncio at his 
court, givbg him, during my stay, 60,000 scudi at three dif- 
ferent tildes, and inducing the emperor to perform a multitude 
of good offices in his ^Eivour, that he might be almost said to 
have become pledged and interested to the continuance of such 
protection. And I believe that the poor prince deserved k, 
because he had resolved on the war, in consequence of his 
reliance on the counsels and promises of his holiness, which 
was clearly manifest from the manner in which at the com- 
mencement, now three years dnce, and even a year later also, 
his holiness extolled the virtue and excellence d^ the prince to 
the very skies, having told me many times that he alone had 
supported the war against the Turks. And, as is farth^ evi- 
dent from the cession that he recently made to Mm ^ lus 
states, when, he ,HUbde a great talk about very Mt^^done^ 


£[)r we see dearij, that thougli he promised both ihe emperar 
9ad prinoe to make the latter a cardinal, yet he would haa^ 
dooe nothing at all of the sort, wheiefore, I fuU j brieve tiuvt 
his holiness has been much rejoiced bj seeing him retom to 
thexgoremment of his dominions. 

4. Cardinals. — ^They are all discussed in turn, and more or 
less £ft¥oniablj pronounced upon. 

5. ^' De' soggetti che cascano in maggi<»r eonaderatione per 
lo pontificato." [[Of the persons considered most likely te 
obtain Uie pontificate.^ 

6. ^^ lateressi con Venetia." [A£^rs connected with 
yenioe.[]--r-There were already a thousand dispntes in pro- 
gwrnL ^' Qnaado non si proveda alle pretensioni et u <^»or- 
dini, on giomo si entrer^ in qualche travagiio di gian mo- 
meaio^ maaojne di qnesti noyi aoqoisti (iibw die Sehiffiihrt 
auf dem Po) che sempre vi penso per cognitione die lio della 
natiua de' preti e della chiesa mi & temere." {li 8<Hne pro- 
Twion be not made against theee pretensions and disorders, 
tiwre will arise some day embarrassments of great difficulty, 
priaeipally throu^ these new acquisitions (relating to the 
naTigation of the Po) ; so that wheneyer I think of this 
matter, the knowledge I have of the nature of priests and of 
the church causes me great alarm.]] 

Thifl fear was but too soon justified. 

No. 71. 
Venier : Relatione di Roma. [^Yenier : Report from Borne.] 

The dissensions between the pope and Yenioe were already 
beoome tolerably earnest. The Venetians refused to send 
tlieir {>atriarch to Rome for examination. Bitter contentions 
had arisen about the Goro mouth of the Po ; it was in conse- 
quence of these disputes thaA Venier was sent to Rome. 

He remained there but a short time : the description that he 
sketches of Clement VIII. is nevertheless exceedingly useful. 

^ Delia natura et pensieri del pontefice, per quelle che a me 
tooca di eonsiderare nella presente congiuntura per li negotii 
die giomalmente tratta V. Serenity con S. Beatitudine, dirb che 
li papa in questa etsi sua di 65 anni d pi^ sano e ^^ gagliaide 
di qnelio <£e sia etato ne^i anni adiefoo^ boh havendo iiidis- 


positione alcuna fuoriche qaella della chiragra o gotta, cbe 
perb li serve, come yo^liono li medici, a tenerlo preservato da 
altre indispositioni, e qaesta molto piii di lado e molto meno 
che per Tinanzi le da molestia al presente, per la bona z^ola 
particolarmente del viyer, nel quale da certo tempo in qoa 
procede con grandissima riserva e con notabile astinensa nel 
bere : che le gioya anoo grandemente a non dar fomeeto alia 
grassezza, alia quale 5 molto inclinata la sua complesedooe) 
neando anoo per questo di frequentare I'esercitio di camminair 
longamente sempre che senza sconcio de negotii conosce di 
poterlo fare, ai qoali nondimeno per la sua gran capaoitlt «ip- 
plisce, intanto che le resta comoda parte di tempo cbe dispeusa 
admettendo persone private et altri che secondo il solito 
ricorrono a S. S**. A negotii gravi si applica con ogni sod 
spirito, et persiete in esai senza mostrame mai alcuna fiadbeznj 
et quando li sucoede di vederli conclusi, gode et fruisce minh 
bilmente il contento che ne riceve. Nd di cosa maggiormente 
si compiaoe che di esser stimato, et che sia rispettata la sua 
reputatione, della quale h gelosissimo. Et quanto per h 
complessione sua molto sanguigna e colerica h facile ad aooen- 
dersi, prorompeudo con grandissima vehementia in esageia- 
tioni piene di escandescenza et acerbitk, tanto aneo mentre 
vede che altri tace con la lingua seben s attrista nel sembiante^ 
si ravede per se stesso et procura con gran benignitil di rad- 
dolcire ogni amaritudine : la qual cosa h cosi nota hormai a 
tutti li cardinali che ne danno cortese avvertimento agli 
amici lore, sicome lo diede anco a me nel prime congresso 
rillustrissimo sig' card** di Yerona per mia da lui stimata 
molto utile conformatione. Ha S. S** volti li pensieri suoi aUa 
gloria, n^ si pub imaginare quanto acquisto facciano li princi|n 
della gratia sua, mentre secondano la sua iucliuatione. Onde 
Spagnoli in particolare, che sempre mirano a conservarsi et ad- 
aumentar la gran parte che hanno nella corte di Roma, non 
trascurano punto Toccasione ; et perb con tanto maggior 
prontezza hanno applicato Tanimo a far qualche impresa con- 
tra Turchi, come hora si vede, et con andar sofierendo non 
mediocri durezze, che provano ancor lore nelli negotii impor- 
tanti, particolarmente per causa di giurisditione, che vivoBO 
alia corte di Roma, si vanno sempre piii avanzando nel ripor- 
tare in molte cose non piccolo soddisfattioni. E tenuto gene* 
ralmente il pontefice persona di gran virtu, bont4 et leliglone: 


di che egli si compiace £Eir che del continue se ne veggano 
segni et importanti effetti. Et se ben li cardinaJi si vedono 
nel presente pontefice scemata molto quella autoritd. che ne' 
tempi pa«sati sono stati soliti d'hayere, restando qu&siche del 
tutto esclusi dalla partecipatione de negotii piii importanti, 
poiche ben spesso fino all' ultima conclusione di essi non hanno 
delle trattationi la gid, solita notitia, mostrano nondimeno di 
stimare il pontefice, lodano la S'* S. con termini di somma 
riverenssa, oelebrando la prudenza et I'altre yirtii sue con 
grand' eeageratione, affirmando che se fosse occasione hora di 
degere pontefice, non elegerebbono altro che questo medesimo, 
seben son molto reconditi et profondi i loro pensieri, et le 
parole et le apparenze sono volte ai proprj disegni foree a 
Roma pr^ che altrove." [With respect to the character and 
designs of the pope, so far as it belongs to me to conBider 
them for the present conjuncture of the affiiirs that your 
serenity is at this time transacting with his holiness, I have 
to remai^ that the pope, at his present age of sixty-five years, 
is stronger and more healthy than he was some years since^ 
having no other indisposition than that of chiragra or gout ; 
and this, according to the physicians, is serviceable, as keep- 
ing him free from other ailments : its attacks are, besides, 
much less frequent than formerly, as well as less violent, 
from the careful regimen he observes, and his extreme mode- 
ration in respect of drinking, with regard to which he has for 
a considerable time past practised remarkable abstinence. 
These habits arc, besides, extremely useful to him in keeping 
down the corpulency to which his constitution disposes him, 
and to reduce which he makes a practice of taking very long 
walks, whenever he can do so without interruption to busi- 
ness;^ his great capacity enabling him easily to accomplish all, 
so that there still remains a portion of time at his own dis- 
posal, which he spends in giving audience to private persons 
and others, who are in constant waiting upon his holiness. 
He applies himself to all important affairs with the most 
earnest attention, persisting throughout, without ever shewing 
signs of weariness; and when he sees them happily com- 
pleted, he rejoices wonderfully over the pleasure tliis affords 
tiim. Nor does any thing gratify him more than to see him- 
lelf eateemed, and to know that nis reputation, of which he is 
exceedingly jealous, is respected : and whereas, from his very 


sanguine and oholeric diBposiiion, he is veiy easily exaspe- 
rated, bursting Ibrth with great Tehemence into exaggeralkas 
full of heat and Intteraess ; yet when he perceives that the 
listener is silent with his tongue, although his ooanleiuuMe 
becomes saddened, he recovers himself by an inunediaie 
effort, and with the utmost kindness endeavours to .do awaj 
with all Httemess : and this is now so well known amoag 
the cardinals, that they give courteous warning thereof to 
their friends, as was given to myself at the first confeienee hj 
the most illustrious the cardinal of Verona, who thought he 
was giving me a very useful rule of conduct. Hie thoughts «f 
his holiness are much turned to glory; nor can it be imagined 
how greatly sovereigns gain in his &vour when they prKMHote 
his inclination. Hence the Spaniards, in paiticuiajr, who are 
ever on the watch to preserve and increase the great inAomm. 
they possess in the court of Rome, by no means neglect tke 
opportunity; thus they have applied themselves with the 
utmost promptitude to set forth that expedition agabiat the 
Turks iHiich we have seen, while they endure and pet ip 
with no small hardships, to which they are exposed in ikm 
most important affiiirs in common with all others who leflUb 
in and transact affibirs with the Roman court, more espeeiafijf 
in matters of jurisdiction : by these means the Spaniardli are 
continually advancing their interests, and frequently obtuB 
no small advantages. The pontiff is generally considered le 
be a perscm of great virtue, goodness, and piety, of which hi 
is pleased to see the effects become manifest in great and in* 
portant results. And though the cardinals perceive that ii 
the present pontificate the authority they were accustomed 4e 
enjoy in times past is greatly diminished, although they fiad 
themselves almost entirely excluded from all participation ii 
the most important affairs, since it often happens that Arf 
do not receive the notice, formerly usual, of negotiatiefie 
until after their final conclusion ; yet they appear to h(M the 
pontiff in great esteem — ^they praise his holiness in terms rf 
h^-h reverence, exalting bis prudence and other virtues ia 
most expressive phrase, and affirming that if they had now to 
elect a ponti^ they would choose none other than this same. 
But their thoughts are very secret and deep, wad words and 
appearances are turned to suit the purposes of the speakers, 
more frequmitly perhaps in Rome than in any other plMe.] 


The ambassador succeeded in once more appeasing the con- 
tentions, although the pope had already begun to talk of ex- 
communication. He considers Clement to be, nevertheleira, 
well disposed to the republic on the whole. Venice submitted 
ioasaA her patriarch to Eome. 

No. 72. 

InstruUume alV iU'^' et eec"^ march$ie di Viglienna, ambas- 
datore cattolico in Eoma, 1608. (Informatt Politt.^ N* 
26.) flnstruotion to the most illustrious and most excel- 

, lent Marquis Yiglienna, Spanish ambassador to Rome, &c.3 

Yigliemia was the successor of Sessa. Our author very 
jiidt<aoiHlj]eayes it to the departing ambassador to give infor- 
mation respecting the pope and lus immediate dependants. 
He has himself supplied us with notiees of the cardboAls. His 
objeot is to point out the &ction to which eaeh prelate belongs. 
We peroeire from his account that the state (^ things had 
greatly altered sinee 159^. There are now but ten cs^inals 
enwiMffated as decidedly Spanish. In earlier times there was 
but little said of those inclined to France ; but our ambassadc^ 
counts nine of thein--*the remainder belong to no party. 

This author also is deeply impressed with the importance 
ol the Curia. '^Qui le difS^renze, le pretensioni, le paci, le 

g«exre bl maneggiano Le oonditioni invitano i pi^ 

Trraei e eupidi da. grandezza^ di maniera ehe non ^ meraviglia 
eke qu fioriscano i pid acuti ingegni/' [Here it is tiiat 
differences and pretensions are arranged, that peace and wars 
aie disposed of. . . . The character of the plaoe invites the most 
aettTO spirits, and those most covetous <^ greatness, so that 
ii is no wonder to find the most acute minds flourishing tiiero.3 


No. 73. 

Dialogo di Moris' Malaspina sopra lo stato tpirituale e 
politico ddV imperio e delle provincie infette iiPherene, 
{Vallic. N* 17. 142 leaves,) QDiaJogae of Monsignoie 
Malaspina on the spiritual and political state of the em- 
pire, and of the provinces infested by heresy.^ 

A dialogue between Monsignore Malaspina, the archbishop 
of Prague, and the bishops of Lyons and Cordova, — choreb- 
men, that is to say, of the four principal nations,-^about thi 
year 1600. The occupation of Ferrara is discussed in it 

The special purpose of this paper is to compare what eutiet 
popes had done for the progress of Catholicism with what hwl 
been effected by Clement VIII. 

Under the earlier popes: — '^ 1. La reduttione delle Indi^; 

2. La celebratione del concilio ; 3. La lega santa e la yiUom 
nayale ; 4. L'erettione de' coUegii; 5. L'offerta dagli heretid del 
primato di Pietro al patriarcha Constantinopolitano . . . (? ?); 
6. La constantia del re cattolico in non concedere agH hezetioi 
nei paesi bassi cose in pregiudicio della religione." [I. Hie 
reduction of the Indies ; 2. The celebration of the council; 

3. The holy league, and the naval victory ; 4. The erection 
of colleges ; 5. The offer from the heretics of the primacy of 
Peter to the patriarch of Constantinople (?) ; 6. The firm- 
ness of the Catholic king in refusing to make conoessioiM 
to the heretics of the Low Countries in matters prejudicial to 

By pope Clement YIII. : — " 1. II govemo pastorale et 
universEde ; 2. II govemo particolare dei dominii del sftato 
ecclesiastico ; 3. La vita di S. Beatitudine ; 4. II Turca :hom 
per opera di S. Beatitudine fieitto appaiire di potersi vinoere; 
5. Ferrara occupata ; 6. L'essersi fatto cattolico il chrisftian- 
issimo re di Francia." Ql. The pastoral and universal govern* 
ment ; 2. The particular government of the dominions «f the 
ecclesiastical states; 3. The life of his holiness; 4. The poisfli- 
bility of vanquishing the Turk now made manifest hy means 
of his holiness ; 5. Ferrara occupied; 6. The most C^iris^iai^ 
king of France made Catholic] 

Malaspina concludes that this last was of more imporiance 


than all that the others had effected. Very naturally. The 
work is dedicated to the papal nephews. 

I have not been able to discover more than one single pas- 
sage worthy of notice in all this long paper. 

The author was present at the electoral diet of Ratisbon, in 
the year 1575. He there conversed with the elector Augustus 
of Saxony. This prince was still far from exciting hopes among 
the Catholics of his conversion to their faith. He declared, on the 
contrary, that he made but small account of the pope, either as 
pope or as sovereign of Rome, and thought just as little of his 
treasarer, for that the papal treasure chamber was rather a cis- 
tern than a living spring. The only thing he considered worthy 
of attention was the fact that a monk like Pius Y. could unite 
SO mssay powerful princes for a Turkish war : he might effect 
as mAcn against the Protestants. In fact, Gregory XIII. did 
propose such an attempt. Since he perceived that France 
ded&lEled taking any part in the Turkish war from fear of 
the Huguenots, he considered that a general confederacy of 
Catholic princes, directed equally against Turks and Protest- 
ants, was a thing needful. Negotiations were immediately 
opened in St3rria for that purpose, both with the emperor and 
the archduke Charles. 

No. 74. 

Relatione delle chiese di Sassonia. Felicihtis auspiciis ill*** 
oamitis Frid. Borromei. 1603. (Bibl. Ambros. H, 179.) 
f Report concerning the churches of Saxony, under the 
fortunate auspices of the most illustrious Count Frederick 
Borromeo. (Ambrosian Library, H. 179.)] 

This is another of the various projects of Catholicism, with 
a view to recovering possession of Germany. 

The author has persuaded himself that people in Germany 
have gradually become wearied of Protestantism. The fathers 
are already but little concerned for the bringing up of their 
children in their own religion. ^' Li lasciano in abandono, 
perche Dio gl'inspiri, come essi dicono, a quel che sia per 
salute deir anime lore." QThey leave them to themselves, to 
the end, as they say, that God may inspire them with that 
whidi shall be £>r the welfare of their souls.] 

TOL. in. 17 


Id this conviction he forma designs on two leading Pro- 
testant countries, Saxony and the Palatinate. 

In Saxony the administrator had already annihilated 
Calvinism. He must be won over by the hope' of recovering 
the electorate. '' Mettergli inana speranza di poter per la 
via della conversione fersi assoluto patrone delF elettorato." 
[Set before him the hope of becoming absolute master d the 
Electorate by means of his conversion.^ The nobles of the 
country would ako gladly see the probability of again aoqnii^ 
ing the bishoprics. 

With respect to the Palatinate, he expresses hin^adf as 
follows : — *^ II Casimiro aveva una 6(»rella vedova, die h 
moglie d'un landgravio d'Hassia, la quale suol vivere in 
Braubach, terra sopra il Rheno, e si dimostra |ttena di DEtolte 
virtii morali e di qualche lume del oielo : suol eseroitaie 
Topere di charitit per molte aelo, feumido molte elemomne e 
consolando gl'informi di qnei oontomi con provederli di medi- 
eine : conversa volentieri con alcuni padri del Giesil e oon 

I'arcivescovo di Treveri £ opinione di molti ohe medi- 

ante una piii diligenza o di qualche padre del Qies^ aomto da 
lei di qualche principe cattolico o vescovo saria facil coaa di 
ridurla totalmente alia vera fede : . . . . di cfae se Die bene- 
detto desse la gratia e che. la cosa passasse con conveniente 
segretezza, sarebbe ella ottimo instrumento per convertire poi 
il nipote con la sorella di lui et un altra figlia che resta 
del Casimiro." QCasimir had a sister, a widow, who had 
been wife to a landgrave of Hesse, and was living at Bran- 
bach, a domain on the Rhine. She appears to possess many 
moral virtues, and some degree of religious Ught : she is wont 
to practise many works of charity with much zeal, bestowing 
many alms, and consoling the sick of those districts, whom she 
provides with medicine. She converses willingly with cintain 
fathers of the Jesuit order, and with the archbishop of Treves. 

It is the opinion of many that with greater diligence, aodby 

means of some Jesuit father in her favour, or of some Catholic 
prince or bishop, it would be an easy thing to bring her 

entirely over to the true faith ; for which, if the blessed God 

would grant his grace, and the thing were done with befitting 
secrecy, she woold be an excellent instrument for afterwards 
converting her nephew with his sister and aootlier dan^ter 
left by Casimir.] 


The aatkor ia here allading to Anna Elizabeth of the Pa- 
latinate, wife of Philip II. of Hesse Rheinfels, who died in the 
year 1583* She had previonslj been suspected of Calvinism, 
and had eyen been wounded in a tnmult on that account. We 
see that at a later period, while residing on her jointure estate 
of Branbach, which she was embellishing, she was suspected 
of a tendency to the opposite creed of Catiiolieism. 

This was the combination of cireumstaaees on which our 
autlior builds. He thinks that if ih» young count palatine 
were tiien to be married to a Bayanan princess, the whole 
territory would become Catholic And what an adTantage 
wonUL it be to gain over an electorate i 

No. 75. 

InstrtitHone a V. S"** Mon^ Barherino^ ardveseovo diU'azarety 
deitinato nuntio ordinario di N. Sif* al rt christianunmo 
in Francia^ 1 603. ^Instruction to Monsignore Barberino, 
archbishop of Nazareth, on being sent papal nuncio to the 
most Christian king, &c.]] (MS. Rome.) 

Prepared by Cardinal P. Aldobrandino, who makes frequent 
mention of his own Ibrmer embassy to the Fr^i^ court Its 
object is the furtherance of Catiiolicism in France, where it 
hsid already received a powerful impulse from the conversion 
of Henry IV. 

Let us listen to some of the charges given to the nuncio 
(who was afterwards Pope Urban VIII.). " £lla fark si con 
li re ch'egli mostri non solamente di desiderare che gli eretici 
si convertino, ma che dope che m. sono convertiti, ^ ajuti e 
favorisca. .... II pensare a bilanciare le cose in maniera che 
si tenghi amiche ambidue le parti h una propositione vana, 
falsa et erronea, e non potril esser suggerita a S. M** che da 
politid e mal intentionati e da chi non ama la suprema auto- 

ritii del re nel regno N. Sig" non vuol lasciar di porli 

(to the king) in consideratione una strada facile (for ridding 
himself of the Protestants) e senza che, possa partorir tnmulto 
e che si eseguisca facilmente e fa il suo effetto senza coltiva- 
tione, et ^ quella che altre volte ha S. S'* ricordato alia M*' S. 
et addotto I'esempio di Polonia, cid di non dar gradi ad 
eretici : • . . . ricorda a S. M'* di dar qualche sbarbotezza alle 



volte a costoro (to the Haguenots), perche d turba ribello et 

insolente V. S**' dovrk dire liberamente al re cbe dme 

fuggire gli economati et il dar vescovati e badie a soldati et a 
donne." QYour excellency will proceed in such a manner 
with the king, that he shall not only give evidence of his desire 
for the conversion of heretics, but shall aid and favour them 
after their conversion. The idea of balancing matters so that 
both the parties shall be maintained in amity, is a van, fialse, 
and erroneous proposition ; it can be suggested only by poli- 
ticians, evil-minded persons, and such as love not the supruBS 

authority of the king in the kingdom Our lord ^e pope 

would have you place before him (the king) for his considef- 
ation a most easy method (for getting rid of the Protestants), 
one that will cAuse no commotion, can be very easily executed, 
and produces its effect without constant labour. It is that 
which his holiness has on other occasions suggested to his 
majesty, adducing the example of the king of Poland; name^jr^ 
that he should confer no appointment or promotion on here- 
tics Your excellency will also remind his majesty that 

he should occasionally give a shrewd rap to those feUows (the 

Huguenots), for they are an insolent and rebellious crew 

Your excellency must plainly tell the king that he ought to 
discontinue the *' economati" (custody of vacant sees), and 
avoid the practice of giving bishoprics and abbacies to soldiers 
and women.] 

The right of the "regale," which afterwards occasioned 
so many disputes, had its origin in these " economati : " — " D 
re nomina Teconomo, il quale in virtil d'un arresto, inanzi m 
fatta la speditione apostolica, amministra lo spirituale e tem- 
porale, conferisce beneficii, constituisce vicarii che gindicano, 
assolvono, dispensano." [The king nominates the economo, 
who, by virtue of a decree, and before the apostolic decision 
has been made, administers both spiritual and temporal a&in, 
confers benefices, and constitutes vicars, who judge, absolve, 
and dispense.] 

The nuncio was also to labour for the confirmation of the 
king himself in the Catholic faith, for it was ilot poslsible 
that he could have received sufficient instruction during the 
war. He was enjoined to urge the appointment of good 
bishops and to promote the reform of the clergy ; if possiUb, be 
was also to see that the decrees of the Council of Trent were 

Nos. 75, 76.3 i-iPE OP POPE paul v. 293 

published : the king had promised the cardinal on his depar- 
ture, that this should be done within two months, yet several 
years had now passed, and it was still delayed. He was 
furth^ to adrise the destruction of Geneya: "Di tor via 
il nido che hanno gli eretici in Ginevra, come quella che 
h aflilo di quanti apostati fuggono d'ltalia." []To do away with 
the nest that the heretics have in Geneva, as that which offers 
aa asylum to all the apostates that fly from Italy.1 

Bu^ it is Italy that the pope has most at heart. He 
declares it to be intolerable that a Huguenot commander 
i^ould be sent to Castel Delfino, on the southern side of the 
Alps. His example would be deadly. 

Olemmit was very earnestly occupied with the idea of a 
Turkish war. Each of the sovereigns ought to attack the 
Tiukfr£rom a different point. The king of Spain was already 
prepared, and only required an assurance that the king of 
France would not raise a war against him meanwhile in other 

No. 76. 
Pauli V. pontificis maxima vita compendiose seripta. (BibL 

Barb.) QEpitome of the life of Pope Paul Y. (Barberini 


A panegyric of no great value. 

The judicial administration of this pontiff and that of his 
government generally, as well as his architectural under- 
takings, are all extolled at length. 

" Tacitus plerumque et in se receptus ; ubique locorum et 
temporum vel in mensam editabatur, scribebat, plurima trans- 

*' NuUus dabatur facinorosis receptui locus. Ex aulis pri- 
mariis Bomse, ex sedium nobilissimarum non dicam atriis 
sed penetralibus nocentes ad supplicium armato satellitio 

" Cum principatus initio rerum singularum, prsecipue pecu- 
niarum difficultate premeretur, cum jugiter annis XVI. tantum 
auri tot largitionibus, substructionibus, ex integro aedificati- 
onibus, prsBsidiis exterorumque subsidiis insumpserit, rem fru- 
mentariam tanta impensa eiqpediverit, .... nihil de arcis JEViss 
ihesauro ad publicum tutamen congesto detraxerit, subjectas 


provincias snbleraverit: tot iwimanaiii tamen operibns non 
modo 8BS alienum denno non oontraxit, sed retos immintit; 
non modo ad inopiam non est ledactuB, sed pnster paUienm 
undeqaaqne locopletatum priyaio SBrario noTies centena milUa 
nummum aureorum congessit." 

[Ke was for the most part silent and abstraeted, in all times 
and places; eyen at table he meditated, wrote, and irsi»aeted 
many a£^irs. 

[To eyil-doeis no retreat was afforded. From the prindpal 
palaces of Rome culprits were drag^fed to punishment bj an 
armed force. I do not say from the open halls onlj) but 
even from the innermost apartments of the noblest dwmlhigs. 

Qln the begbming of his pontificate he was oppressed by 
many difficulties, and most of all by want of money. Dtuisg 
sixteen yeais he was continually expending much gold k 
gifts, the reconstruction of buildings, or the raising of others 
entirely new; in f<Hrtresse6 also, and subsidies to foreign 
poweri^; being moreover at much cost for supplies of eon. 
He took nothing from the treasure of the Castle St. Angelo, 
amassed there for the public safety, and relieved the burtheuB 
of the subject provinces. For so many vast works he con- 
tracted no new debt, but rather diminished the old ; nor was 
he by any means reduced to want, — ^nay, he enriched the 
public treasury from many sources, and even accumulated 
900,000 pieces of gold in his private treasury.] 

This panegyrist does not appear to have considered tbe 
creation of so many new ^^ luogni di monte " as a loan. 

No. 77. 
Relatione dello stato infelice della Germania^ cum proptm- 
tione ddli rimedii cpport%m% mandata dal nuntio Ferrero^ 
vescovo di Vercelli, alia S^ di N. Si*" Papa Paolo V. (Bibl 
Barb.) [Report on the unhappy state of Germany, with a 
proposal of the fitting remedies, presented by the nuncio 
Ferrero, bishop of Yercelli, to his holiness our lord the 
Pope Paul V. (Barberini Library.)] 
This is probably one of the first circumstantial reports that 
came into the hands of Paul Y. The nuncio alludes to the 
insurrection of the imperial troops against their general, 
Basta, in May, 1605, as an event that had just occurred. 

No. 77.] REPORT TO PAUL V. 295 

The unfortunate course taken by the war under theee cir- 
cumatanoes, the progress of the Turks, and that of the rebels 
who were in open strife with the emperor, were without doubt 
hiB chief reasons for calling Germany unhappy. 

For, on the other hand^ he did not £eu1 to perceive the many 
conquests which the Catholic church was making in Germany. 

'^ Di questi frutti ne sono stati proeama causa gli alunni 
cool di Roma come delle varie eitt^ e luoghi della Chrmania 
dove la pietk di Gregorio XIII. alle spese della camera apo- 
stoliea gl'institui, giunti li coUegii e scuole delli padrl 
Skraiti, aUi quali yanno misti cattolid et heretici ; perche li 
alunni sudetti si fanno prelati o CMionici." f The immediate 
cause of these successes haye been the pupils, both of Rome 
and fwrioas cities or other places of Germany, where the 
piety of Gregory XIII. afforded them opportunity of in- 
stmeiion at the cost of the apostolie treasury, together with 
the colleges and schools of the Jeeuit father*, wherein heretics 
are received mingled with the Catholics ; because the aforesaid 
students become prelates or canons.] 

He declares repeatedly that the Jesuit schools had won 
over large masses of young men to Catholicism ; but he com- 
plains of an extraordinary dearth of Catholic parish priests, 
more particularly in Bohemia. 

He en^rs also into the political state of the country. He con- 
dders the danger from the Turks to be rendered very menacing 
and serious by the feeble and ill -prepared condition pf the em- 
perors, and the internal dissensions of the house of Austria. 
The archdukes Matthias and Maximilian have reconciled 
their disputes, that they might the better oppose the emperor. 

*' Hora larciduca Mattia e Massimiliano si sono uniti in 
amore, vedendo che con la loro disunione facevano il gioco 
che rimperatore desidera, essendosi risoluto il secondo a cedere 
al primo come a quelle che per ragione di primogenitura toc- 
cava il regno d'Ungaria, Boemia e stati d'Austria^ et Alberto 
ha promesso di star a quelle che se ne farl, e di comun con- 
certo sollecitano Timperatore con lettere a prendere risolutione 
al stabilimento della casa : ma egli d caduto in tanta malin- 
conia, o sia per qnesta lor unione, e gelosia che non siano per 
valersi di queste sedizioni, o per altro, che non prorede alia 
casa nd agli stati nd a se stesso." [|The archdukes Matthias 
and Maximilian are now united in friendship, perceiving that 


by their diyisions they were playing the game desired by the 
emperor. Thus the Becond archduke has resolved to yidd to 
the first, as to him in whom, by the claims of primogenitofte, 
is vested the right to the kingdom of Hungary, Bohemia^ and 
the states of Austria. Albert also has promised to acquiesce 
in whatever shall be done, and by common consent they have 
required the emperor by letters to adopt some resoiuticm for 
the stability of the house ; but he has fallen into so ndan- 
choly a state, whether because of their union, and vexatio&'st 
not being able to avail himself of those seditions, or for some 
other cause, that he provides neither for the imperial lioa8e» 
for his states, nor for himself.^ 

Many other remarkable circumstances are also brought to 
light, — the fact, for example, that views were entertained - by 
the house of Brandenburg upon Silesia even at that time. ^ fi 
Brandeburgh non dispera con gli stati che ha in Slesia e le Me 
proprie forze in tempo di revolutione tirar a se quella provinoia.'' 
[TBrandenburg does not despair, with the states that he has in 
Silesia, and with his own forces, of succeeding, at some period 
of revolution, in appropriating that province to himself.] 

No. 78. 

Relatione deW ilV^ S^ Franc, Molino cav"^ e pro" ritornaio 
da Roma con VilV*^ sig^ Giovanni Mocenigo cav , Pv&ro 
DtMdo cav^ e Francesco Contarini cav% mandati a Roma a 
congratularsi con Papa Paolo V. delta stui assontione al 
ponteficato: letta in senato 25 Genn, 1605(1606). ^Report 
of Francesco Molino on his return from Rome with the 
most illustrious signers Pietro Duodo and Francesco Con- 
tarini, whither they had been conjointly sent to congratulate 
Pope Paul V. on his accession to the pontificate: read ia 
the senate Jan. 1605 (1606).] 

The outbreak of troubles was already foreseen ; the am- 
bassadors observed Pope Paul Y. as minutely as possible. 

^^Sicome pronuntiato Leone XL penarono doi hore a ves- 
tirlo pontificalmente, cosi il presente pontefice fu quasi creduto 
prima vestito ch'eletto et pur da altri cardinali : che non fu 
cosi presto dichiarato che in memento dimostrb continenza et 
gravity pontifida tanta nell' aspetto, nel moto, nolle pttrde et 


nelli fatti, che restarono tutti pieni di stupoie et meraviglia et 
molti forse pentiti, ma tardi et senza gioyamento : perohe di- 
versisamo dalli altri precessori, che in quel calore hanno tatti 
aeaentito alle richieste cosi de' cardinali come d'altri et fatte 
infinite gratie, cosi il presente stette oontinentissimo et sol 
seiio^ tanto che si dichiari risoluto a non voler assentire et 
promettere pur minima cosa, dicendo ch'era couveniente aver 
prima sopra le richieste et gratie che le erano dimandate ogni 
debita ^ matura consideratione : onde pochissimi fnrono qnelli 
che dopo qualche giomo restassero in qnalche parte gratiati. 
Nd tuttavia si va pnnto allargando, anzi per Lei sua sempre 
maggior riservatezza dubitando la corte di veder anco sempre 
poche gratie et maggior strettezza in tntte le cose, se ne sta 
molto mesta. Fra li cardinali non y'd alcuno che si possi 
gloriar di aver avuto tanto d'intrensichezza o ^Euniliaritk seco 
che di oerto si possi promettere di ottener prontamente alcuna 
cosa da lui, e tutti procedono con tanto rispetto che si smar- 
riscono quando sono per andarli a parlar et negotiar seco : 
perche oltre che lo trovano star sempre snl serio et dar le ri- 
sposte con poche parole, si vedono incontrar in risolutioni fon- 
date quasi sempre sopra il rigor dei termini legali : perche 
non admettendo consuetudini, ch'egli chiama abusi, nd esempj 
de consenso de' pontefici passati, ai quah non solamente dice 
che non saperia accomodar la sua conscientia, ma che possono 
aver fatto male et potriano render conto a Dio o che saranno 
stati ingannati, o che la cosa s&rk stata diversa da quella dhe 
a lui yiene portata, li lascia per il piil malcontenti. Non ha 
caro che si pari! seco lungo per via di contesa o di disputatione, 
et se ascolta pur una o doi repliche, quelle stimando di aver 
risoluto con le decisioni de' leggi o dei canoni o de' concilj che 
lor porta per risposta, si torce se passano inanzi, orero egli 
entiU in altro, rolendo che sappino che per le fatiche &tte da 
lui il spatio di trenta cinque anni continue nel studio delle leggi 
et praticatele con perpetui esercitii nelli officii di corte in 
Roma et fuori, possi ragionerolmente pretendere, se bene 
questo non dice tanto espressamente, di ayer cosi esatta cogni- 
tione di questa professione che non metti il piede a fallo nelle 
risolutioni che da et nelle determinationi che fa, dicendo bene 
che nelle cose dubbie deye I'arbitrio et interpretatione partico- 
larmente nelle materie ecclesiastiche esser di lui solo come 
ponteHce. Et per questo li cardinali, che per Tordinario da 


certo tempo in qua non oontradioono, come solevano, ansi 
quasi non oonsigliano, et se sono rioexcati et comandati di por- 
iar libexamente, lo fanno oonfcrme a quell' intentioiie die 
vedono esser neUi pontefici, se ben non la sentono, eol presente 
se ne astengono pid di qofi^o die habbino iatto con aleon dei 
8uoi preoessori ; et areranno ogni di tanto maggior ooeasiose 
di star in silentio, quanto ehe manoo delli altri ricensa il pa- 
lere di loro o di alcuno a parte, oome soleva pur hr pi^ 
Glemente et altri : fa fra se stesso solo le risdutioni et q^dk 
de improTiso pnbUioa nal ooooisloro ; in cui hon si dnole dd 
tempi piesenta, bora d querela de' princija con parole pongenti, 
come feea ultimamente in tempo nostro per la deditione di 
Strigonia, condolendod et attribuendo la colpa all' imperators 
et ad altri prindpi con parole aculeate et pungent! ; hoeta, np- 
presentaado a' cardinali li loro obblighi, li sfodra protest! senm 
alcun preoedente ordine o oomaadamento, con che li mette in 
grandisdma confbdone, oome fece dgnificandi^ I'obbligo d^ 
reddenza et, come ho detto, non per via di oomando, oome 
£Boevano li altri pontefid, li quidi prefigevano loro Bxim 
stretto tempo di andax alle lor chiese, ma con soUunento diili 
che non escusarebbe li absenti da esse da peecato mortale et 
da ricerere i frutti, fondando la sudetta condudone sopra li 
canoni et sopra il coficilio di Trento : col qual termhie sdo 
cod stretto et inaspettatamente con molta flamma pronunciafco 
mette tanta confusione ndli cardinali yescori che conoeoendo 
loro non poterd fermare in Roma piii lungamente sensa sera- 
polo et rimorso grandissimo della couscientia, sen»b dar scan-^ 
dalo et senza inoorrer in particolar concetto presso il papa di 
poco curanti li ayyertimenti deUa S^ Sua, di poco timoniti £ 
Dio et di poco honore ancor presso in mondo, hanno press 
risolutione chi di andar alia reddenza, et gi^ se ne sono par- 
titi alquanti, chi di rinnnciare, et chi di ayer dispensa fin che 
passi la furia dell' inyemo per andaryi alia primayera : n^ faa 
admesso per difesa che salyino le legationi delle proyinde e 
delle cittE dd stato ecclesiastico : solo doi poteano essere eceet- 
tuati, il card^ Tarasio arciyescoyo di Siena yecdiissimo ei 
Bordo, che non sai^ percib salyato da restar astretto alb 
renoncia, et il sig^ card^ di Yerona, mededmamente per Feft 
grandissima et per ayer gi^ molti anni monsF suo nipote 
ch'eserdta la coadjutoria et ottimamente supplice per il do." 
f When Leo XI. was declared pope, they delayed the ponti- 


iTestment for two hours ; but this pope was beliered to 
;hed pontificallj ahnost before he was Seated, and while 
t eqiuil to the other cardinals ; for he had scarcely been 
id before he began to manifest the pontifical reserre and 
f so conspienously, whether in k>oks^ moTements, words^ 
ds, that all were filled with amaaement and wonder, 
perhi^ repenting, but too late, and to no purpose. For 
•stiff, wholly different from his predecessors, who, in the 
and warmth of those first moments, ail consented to the 
fcs as well of the cardinals as others, and granted a yast 
r of Stouts. This pope, I si^, remained from the first 
eaenred and serious — ^nay, declared kims^ resolred not 
it or promise the most trifiing request, affirming that it 
MxLfiil and proper that he should take due consideration 
^gud to ercry request presented to him. Thns tiiere 
mi Tcry few who received any favonrs, and those after 
MM of some days. Nor does he at all enlarge Ufl libe- 
; on the contrary, his resenre seems always increasing, 
i the court is apprehensive of a continiMd searcity of 
B, and closer restriction on all points, whereat all are 
orrowfiiL Among the cardinals there is not one that 
ast of haying had so much familiarity or intimacy with 
I to make sure of readily obtaining any thing at his 
: and they all hold him in so much dr^ad, that when they 
wait upon him for the negotiation of affairs, they are 
lewildered and disconcerted ; for not only do they always 
im standing on his dignity, and giving his relies in few 

but he further encounters them with resolutions almost 
i founded on the most rigid letter of the law. He will 
no ^owance for customs, which he calls abuses, nor 
> fMractice of preceding pontifis, to which not only he 
»» himself incapable of reconciling bis conscience, but 
bher says, those popes may have done wrong, and have 
>eriiaps to render an account to God, or else they may 
»een deceived, or that the cases have been different from 
then before him : thus he dismisses the cardinals, for the 
wrt, very ill satisfied. He is not pleased that any should 
long in dissent or argument, and if he does Usten to 

two replies, when he has met them by decisions of law, 
) canons, or by decrees of councils, which he cites in re- 
in of iheii opinions, he turns away if they proceed 


farther, or commences some other subject; for he would haYB 
them to know, that after his labours for thirty-five yean in 
the study of the laws, and in their continual practice, while 
exercising yarious offices in the Roman court and elsewhere, 
he may reasonably pretend (though he does not say this in 
express words) to so exact an acquaintance with the subject, 
as never to take any false step, whether in the dedsions that 
he propounds or the determinations that he makes. He alleges 
also, that in matters of doubt, the judgment and interpretotioiiy 
more particularly in ecclesiastical matters, belong to him as 
supreme ponti£f. Things being thus, the cardinals, wiuo for 
some time past have not been wont to contradict, as they for- 
merly did, or even to offer counsels but when they ave i»> 
quested and commanded to speak freely, take care to do sb' 
in conformity with the opinion they perceive to be enteztai&ed 
by the ruling pontiff^ even though they do not think with him, 
restraining themselves with this pope much more than even 
with his predecessors; and they will every day have more akid 
more cause to keep silence, for their opinion is now asked kai 
than by any others : Paul neither desires to hear it from the 
body collectedly, nor from any one of them apart, as P<^ 
Clement and other pontiffs used to do. He makes all reeoli* 
tions for himself, and announces them at once in the Consistoiy, 
where he will now complain of the evil of the times, and now 
inveigh against different princes with bitter words, as he did 
but lately while we were there, in reference to the surrender 
of Strigonia, complaining of it, and laying the blame on the 
emperor and other sovereigns, with very pointed and biting 
expressions ; or anon reminding the cardinals of their duties 
and obligations, will suddenly deal out protests against them, 
without precedent, order, or rule, by which he throws them 
into the utmost confusion, as he did, for example, when he 
signified to them the necessity for their residence, and, as I 
have said, not by way of command, as was usual with other 
pontiffs, who assigned the prelates a specific time, though a 
short one, to repair to their churches, but solely by deoli^botg 
that he would not absolve the absentees from mortal sin 
while they received the revenues, which determination he 
founded on the canons and the council of Trent. By this 
form of words, and a decision so unexpected, pronounced 
with so much heat, he caused such dismay among the cardinal- 


ishops, that, knowing they could stay no longer in Rome, 
rithout heavy scraples and great remorse of conscience — 
rithoui causing scandal, and above all^ incurring the particular 
pinion of the pope that they cared little for the warnings of 
is holiness, had little fear of God, and small regard for their 
wn honour in the eyes of the world, they have taken the 
^solution either to depart to their sees, and some have even 
Iready set off, or otherwise to resign them, though some few, 
ideed, have requested a dispensation to remain until the 
igoor of the winter has passed, and then to go in the spring, 
^or has he admitted their holding legations in the provinces 
r cities of the Ecclesiastical States as an excuse or means of 
jefenoe. There are only two who are to be excepted from' 
he neoesdty of residence : first. Cardinal Tarasio, archbishop 
f Bkntna, who is very old, and quite deaf, and even he will 
ot, be excused from renouncing his revenues ; and the car- 
inal of Yerona, who is also exempted on account of his very 
:reftt age, as well as because he has for many years had his 
lepbew in the office of coadjutor ; and this last has supplied 
he plaoe of his uncle extremely well.]| 

But in despite of this severity on the part of Paul Y., the 
mbaflsadors made very good progress with him upon the 
rhole. He dismissed them in the most friendly manner, — the 
lost gracious pontiff could not have expressed himself more 
sivourably; they were therefore astonished that affairs 
hould 80 soon afterwards have taken a turn so entirely 
iifferent, and at the same time so formidable. 

No. 79. 

nstruttione a mons"' il vescovo di Bimini (C* Gessi) desti- 
nato nuntio alia repuhlica di Venetia dalla Santitd di 
N, S. P. Paolo V. 1607. 4 Giu^no. (Bibl. Alb,) 
rinstructions to the bishop of Rimini, nuncio from Pope 
Paul Y. to the Republic of Yenice. 4th June, 1607. 
(Albany Library.)] 

Prepared immediately after the termination of the disputes, 
lut still not in a very pacific temper. 

The pope complains that the Yenetians had sought to con- 
eal the act of absolution. In a declaration to their clergy 



there appeared an mti]iiati<Hi that the pope had renroked the 
censures, heoanse he acknowledged the pnrity of their inten- 
tions (*^ che S. Beat^ per haver oonosdnta k sincerity d^ 
animi e delle operaiioni kfo haresse leTate le oensBre"). 
Panl y. nevertheless goes so £Eur as to entertunakopethatthe 
" Consnltores" — even Fra Paolo— would he given up to the 
Inquisition. This passage is very remarkaUe. ^ Delia per- 
done di Fra Paolo Servita e Gio. Marsilio e degH altei sedst- 
tori che passano sotto nome di theok^ s'd disoorsD fioa 
y** Sig^ in voce : la quale doveria non aver diffiooHik id 
ottener che fossero consignati al sant' oflleio, non dke Mmor 
donati dalla repuhlica e privati dello stipeadio die s^ Ino 
eonstitnito con tanto scandalo." [^ With respect to the petMBS 
of Fra Paolo, a Servite, and Giovanni Marsilio, wHk tUktm 
of those seducers who pass under the name of thacdo^m^ 
jour exoellencj has received ora} oommnnicafeioii, and jtn 
ought not to have any difficulty in obtaining thai tkeae aien 
should be consigned to the holy Inquisition, to say nothiag of 
being at once abandoned by the republic, and deprived of tM 
stipend which has been coi^erred on them to the great aoHidtl 
of all.]] It was impossible that such suggestions ctoold fiul 
to exuEperate the enmity of Fra Paolo, and to make it iaqkr 
cable. The p<^ knew not the character of the enemy he wss 
thus making for the papacy. His Monti^m^ and Ilhi$» 
trifsimi are all forgotten, while the spirit of Fra Paolo siaD 
lives, at least, in one part of the opposition existing within the 
limits of the Catholic church, even to the presMit day. 

The resistance which the pope had encountered in yeniee 
made the most profound impression on his mind, '^ynole 
N. Sig'" che rautorit^ e giurisdittione ecdesiastica sia difesa 
virilmente da y. S''*, la quale averte non dimeno di non ab- 
bracciar causa che possa venire in contesa dove non abbift 
ragione, perche forte i minor male il non contendere che 
il perdere" [[His holiness desires that the eodesiaslicftl 
authority and jurisdiction >should be manfuUy defended by 
your exceUency; but your excellency will be also very 
cautious to adopt no cause for which you have not very good 
reason, since there is perhaps less evil in leetming a peint 
undisputed^ than in losing one contended for .Ji 

80.] REPORT OP MILB398IO. 303 

No. 80. 

^gvaglio delta dieta imperiale fatta in Baiisbana tanno 
d JS^ 1608, ndla gt4ale in luogo deir ecd^ e r#r** Mom'' 
[ntonio Gaetano^ areiveicopo di Camut^ ntmtio apostolico^ 
vmaUo in Praga appreMo la if' CenMreOy fu residfiwte il 
adre Filippo Milmno^ maestro Agottino^ vuf** generdle 
^a le provincie aquilonarie. AIT ecc** e r^"* «^" e 
rineipe U sig"" carer Franceico BarberinL [Report of 
le imperial diet held at Batisbon in tbe jear of our Lord 
6O89 whereat Father Filippo. Mileiudo, general of the 
ingostines, and yicar of Uie northern proTinoes, was 
assent in the place of Oaetano, archbishop of Oikpi]% 
mi apostolio nuncio; who was detained at Prague by 
is imperial majesty. Presented to the prinoe-Obrdinal 
i^ranoesco BarberinL] 

ITlien the emperor Rudolf sunmcmed a diet in lOOT, 
tonio Gaetano was nuneio at his court. 
Saetano was instructed to effect the more complete intio- 
tion of the Tridentine decrees, and the acceptance of the 
igorian calendar, to which the three secular electors were 
ady disposed,-*— Saxony most decidedly so. He had already 
ructed his ambassador to that effect, and charged him to 
ind more particularly to the Catholic interests in the 
mmergericht. The interruption experienced by the affiurs 
hat court is accounted for in the Instruction, as follows : — 
^ Di questo tribunal essendo presidente supremo Tintruso 
gdeburgese heretico, e Tolendo egli esercitare il suo officio, 
I fu ammesso, e da quel tempo in qua non essendo state 
iste le cause et essendo moHiplicati gli aggravii fatti 
ticolarmente alii catolici, protestando li heretici di rolere 
ire luogo nella detta camera indifferentemente, come 
ino 11 catolici, hanno atteso continuamente ad usur. 
e i beni ecclesiastici." [The Magdeburg heretic intruder, 
Qg supreme president of this tribunal, and desiring to exer- 
) the duties of his office, was not admitted ; thus from that 
e no causes have been heard, and the suits have accumu- 
id, more especially the offences offered to the Catholics, 
heretics insisting that they ought to have equal place in 
t tribunal with the Catholics, and continually labouring to 
rp the ecclesiastical possessions.]} 


It was easily to be foreseen that very animated discussions 
must arise in the diet with relation to this matter, yet the 
nuncio himself could not be present. The emperor sent the 
archduke Ferdinand thither as his representative, and would 
have considered it as an affront had the nuncio left him. ' 

Gaetano sent the vicar of the Augnstines, Fra Milensio,in his 
place. As the latter had passed some years in G^rmaay; he 
could not fail to be in some degree acquainted with the posi- 
tion of things. But in addition to this, be was referred bythe 
nuncio to Matthew Welser, — ^' per esatta cognitione deOe 
cose deir imperio," f for minute information respecting affius 
of the empire,^— 'and to that bishop of Ratisbon, a letter fioiii 
whom was at that time producing so great an excitem^i^ 
among the Protestants. He was also to attach hims^ to ti» 
counsels of Father Wilier, the emperor's confessor. 

It was not, unfortunately, till many years afterwards that 
this Augustine drew up the report of his exertions in the diet. 
The account he gives of his own proceedings is neverthdess 
highly remarkable ; and we have already inserted it in the 
body of our work. , . 

He attributes the whole of the disorders that had at that 
time broken out in the empire to the disputed sucoessioa: 
'^ Essendo £Eima che Ridolfo volesse adottarsi per figliuoio 
Leopoldo arciduca, minor fratello di Ferdinando, e che poi a 
Ferdinando stesso inchinasse." [The report prevAiling that 
Rudolf intended to adopt the archduke Leopold, younger 
brother of Ferdinand, and that afterwards he had inclined to 
Ferdinand himself.] Matthias was exceedingly displeased at 
this. But he found in Klesel and in Prince Lichtenstein, who 
had so much power in Moravia, very faithful and influential 

According to this report of the Augustinian's, Dietrichstein 
and Gaetano had an important share in the conclusion of the 
agreement between the brothers 


No. 81. 

Relatione di Roma delV illiMtrissimo S"" Griovan Moceniyo 
Ka€ Amh^ a quella carte Vanno 1612. Inff, Politt. 
tarn. XV, [[Report from Rome by the most illastrious 
Gioyanni Mocenigo, ambassador to that court in the year 
1612. Inff. Polit. voL xv.] 

The first ambassador after the settlement of the dissensions 
was Francesco Contarini, 1607 — 1609. Mocenigo speaks 
highly of the advantage he had deriyed from Contarini's 
prudent management. He himself, who had already been 
employed in embassies during eighteen years, remained in 
Rome from 1609 to 1611. The quiet tone of his report 
suffices to shew that he also succeeded in maintaining a good 

In the report before us, Mocenigo did not propose to repeat 
generalities or matters well known, but rather to exhibit the 
personal qualities of the pope and his disposition towards the 
Venetian republic. '' La qualiti^ yolonti^ dispositione del 
papa e della republica yerso questa republica. Tratterb il tutto 
con ogni breyiti^ tralasciando le cose piii tosto curiose che ne- 
cessarie." f The qualities, purposes, and dispositions of the 
pope and of the republic towawls this republic. I will treat 
all with the utmost brevity, omitting such things as are rather 
curious than necessary.] 

1. Pope Paul V. — ^^ Maestoso, grande,di poche parole: nien- 
tedimeno corre voce che in Roma non sia alcuno che lo possa 
agguagliare nelli termini di creanza e buoni officii : veridico, 
Innocente, di costumi esemplari." [Majestic, tall, and of few 
words : yet it is currently reported in Rome that there is no 
one can equal him in terms of politeness and good offices : he 
is truthful, guileless, and of most exemplary habits.] 

2. Cardinal Borghese. — "Di bella presenza, cortese, be- 
nigno, porta gran riverenza al papa : rende ciascnno sodisfatto 
almeno di buone parole : h stimatissimo e rispettato da 
ogn' uno." [^Of a fine presence, courteous, and benevolent^ 
he entertains great reverence for the pope, and renders all 
who approach him cont>jnt, at least by good words. He is 
esteemed and respected by every one.] In the year 1611 
he had already secured an income of 150,000 scudi. 

VOL. ni. X 


3. Spiritual power. — He remarks that former popes had 
sought to acquire honour by granting fiayours ; but that those 
of his times laboured rather to retract the favours already 
granted (^' rigorosamente studiano d'annuUare et abbassaie le 
gi^ ottenute gratie "). Yet sovereigns earnestly endeavoured 
to remain on good terms with them, because it was believed 
that the obedience of the people was founded on religion. 

4. Temporal power.^ — He finds that the population of the 
Ecclesiastical States is still very prone to war : ^^ prontissimi 
alle fattioni, alii disagi, alle battaglie, all' asealto et a qimlnn- 
que attione militare " Inmost ready, in ail factions, troables, 
or battles, for the assault oi an enemy, and all other military 
proceedings^* The papal forces were, nevertheless, in utter 
min. There had formeriy been 650 light cavalry kept 
against the bandits ; but when these w^!e put down, they 
had sent this body of cavaby to the Hungarian war, without 
raising any other in its place. 

5. Form ol govemmmt, absolute.*— The eardinaUn^jphsiir, 
the datary, and Lanfranco had some influence ; otherwise the 
cardinals were only consulted when the pope desired to ha«r 
their opinions ; and even when his holiness did ecmsolt them, 
they replied rather aooording to his wishes than their own 
views. ^^ Se pure dimanda oonnglio, non h alcuno che ardisoa 
proferir altra parola che d'applanso e di laude, sicche tutto 
viene terminato dalla prudenza del papa." [li he ask advice, 
there is no one who dares utter a word except in aj^pkrase 
and commendation, so that every thing is determined by the 
prudence of the p<^.]] And this was in fact the best thing 
to be done, because the factions of the court had turned all 
opinion into mere party spirit. 

6. Relation to Spain and France. — The pope endeavoured 
to maintain a neutral position. '^ Quando da qualcheduno 
dipendente da ^pagnoli h stato tenuto proposito intomo alia 
validitik et invalidity del matrimonio della regina, si d stato 
mostrato risoluto a sostraiere le ragioni della regina. ^ Li poco 
buoni Francesi nel medesimo regno di Francia non hanno 
mancato d'offerirsi pronti a prender Tarmi, purche havessero 
avuto qualche fsivore del papa e del re di Spagna. 

'' II re di Spagna h piu rispettato di qualsivoglia altro prin- 
cipe dalla corte Romana. Cardinali e princi]n sono consola- 
tissimi, quando possono havere da lui danari et essere snoi 


dependenti.— II papa fa gih stipendiato da lui, e dall' aatorit^ 
di S. M., ccmie soggetto confidente, fayorito all' assuntione 
del pontificate con singolare et incomparabile beneficio;— 
Piocara di dar sodisfiEU;ti(me al dnca di Lenna^ accib qnesto le 
serva per instrumento principaliissimo di snoi penaieri presso 
S. M* cattolioa." |[When any one dependent on the ^)aniaids 
commenced a discussion as to the validity or inyalidity of 
the queen's marriage, he has erinced a determination to de- 
fend the motiyes and cause of the queen. The few good 
Frenchmen in the kingdom of France itself haye not fsuled 
to |»roye that they were ready to take anns, proyided they 
had roeeiyed any fayour hxm the pope or the lung of Spain. 

I^The king of Spain is more reqiected by the court of Rome 
thfui any other soyereign. Oardinab and princes rejoice 
when they ean haye penmons from him, and be placed among 
his dependents. The pope was formerly pensioned by him ; 
and as a £Eiyoured sulgeet of his majesty, was aided in his 
ekration to the pajpa/cy by singnkr and nnpaiaUded benefits. 
He takes care to sati^ the duke ci Lenna, to the end that 
this ktter may senre as the principal instrument of his pur- 
poses with his Gathdic majesty«3 

7. His council : ^^ Temporeggiare e dissimulare alcune yolte 
eon li pontefici. — Yincitori essercitano le yittorie a modo lore, 
vinti conseguiscono che conditicmi yogliono." [Temporising 
and frequently dissembling with the pontifis.«— When yictors, 
they use their yictory after their own fashion ; when yan- 
qnished they accede to any condition imposed on them.]] 

No. 82. 

Rdatume della nunziatura de Suizzeru In/armationi 
Politt. torn. iz. fol 1 — 137. [Repcurt from the Swiss 
nunciature, &c3 

Informatume mandata dal S" C d'Aqtdno a M<m^ Fdidano 
Silva vetcovo di Foligno per il paese di Suizzeri e Chisoni, 
Ibid, foL 145 — 212. f Information from the cardinal of 
Aquino to the bishop of Foligno in relation to Switzerland 
and the Orisons, &c.3 
In Lebret's Magazin zum Grebrauch der Staaten-und 

Kirchengeschichte, Bd. yii. p. 445, will be found extracts 



from the letters sent by the Roman court to the nuncios in 
Switzerland in the years 1609 and 1614. They cannot be 
called yery interesting, standing alone as they do, without 
replies or reports that might illustrate their meaning: they are 
not even intelligible. 

The first of these nuncios was the bishop of Venafro, the 
same whose report in relation to Switzerland has been cited 
by Haller (Bibliothek der Schweizergeschichte, Bd. v. nr. 783). 
" The papal nuncio," he remarks, " Lad. Gr. of Aqmnc^ 
bishop of Venafro, has given proof of his discernment and 
ability in this work, which well deserves to be printed." 
Haller made a copy from it in Paris with his own hand, and 
this he deposited in the library of Zurich. 

The report he has eulogized is that now before us ; but Kris 
have it in a more complete form than that in which it wais 
known to Haller. 

When the bishop of Venafro resigned the nunciature, wludi 
he had administered from 1608 to 1612, he not only commu- 
nicated to his successor, the bishop of Foligno, the instructiott 
that he had received from Cardinal Borghese, but presented 
him also with a circumstantial account of the mode in whidi 
he had acted upon that instruction and had himself proceeded 
in his office. '^ Di quanto si h eseguito sono al giomo d'hoggi 
nelli negotii in essa raccommandatimi." This is the second 
of the manuscripts now before us. It begins with a descrip- 
tion of the internal dissensions of Switzerland. 

" E segnitando Tistesso ordine dell' instruttione sopradetta, 
dico che da molti anni in qua si h fatta gran mutatione ne' can- 
toni cattolici e particolarmente nella buona amicitia e concordia 
che anticamente passava fra di loro : perche hoggidi non solo 
per causa delle fattioni Spagnuole e Francesi e delle pensioni, 
ma ancora per altri interessi, emolumenti e gare vi h &a alcuid 
tanto poca amicitia che col tempo potrebbe partorire mdti 
danni se tosto non si prende buon rimedio con procurare vtak 
dieta particolare non ad altro efietto che a rinuovare le l^;he 
antiche, I'amicitia, fratellanza et amorevolezza, come io mt^ 
volte ho proposto con grandissimo applauso, se bene an' h»tk 
non ho potuto vedeme Teffetto. Altorfo i antico emulo' di 
Lucerna, e tira seco gli altri due cantoni Schwitz et Under- 
valdo,evede mal volontieri preminenza e prime luogho de'sig- 
nori Lucemesi, e perb spesse volte contradice in attiotd 


publiche non ad altro fine che di gara e di poca intelligexna : 
Lucerna tira seco Friburgo e Solotumo e ancora Zug, e fa 
un' altra partita. Zng h diyiso fra se stesso, essendo in gravi 
controrersie li cittadini con li contadini, volendo anooia essi 
essere conosciuti per patroni : e cos! in ogni cantone cattolico 
vi sono molte publiche e private dissension! con pregiudicio 
delle deliberationi e con pericolo di danni assai maggiori se 
non yi si rimedia, come io procuro con ogni diligenza.". [And 
following the same order as that observed in the above-named 
Instruction, I proceed to saj, that for many years past there 
has been a great change going on in the Catholic cantons, 
more particukrly in the good understanding and concord that 
formerly existed between them: for nowadays, not only are 
they divided by the Spanish and French factions, and by the 
pensions, but also by other interests, emoluments, and rival- 
ries, so that there is now so little friendship among them that 
many grave evils may result from this state of things unless 
there be presently applied some special remedy. A particular 
diet is required for this, and should be held, to the sole end 
that it might renew the ancient leagues of friendship, brother- 
hood, and afiection, — a thing which I have often proposed with 
great applause, although I have never yet been able to bring 
it to an effectual end. Altorf is the ancient rival of Lucerne, 
and carries with it the other two cantons of Schwytz and 
Unterwalden, beholding very unwillingly the pre-eminence 
and first place taken by the nobles of Lucerne ; for which 
reason it frequently opposes them in public affiiirs for no better 
reason than mere rivalry and want of understanding. Lucerne 
leads with it Friburg, Solothum, and even Zug, thus making 
another party. Zug is divided within itself, there being very 
serious ^sputes between the townspeople and the peasantry : 
these last, also, desiring to be known as masters. Thus in 
every Catholic canton there are many dissensions, both public 
and private, to the prejudice of the deliberations, and at the 
hazard of much greater evils, if there be not some remedy 
a^^lied, which I am labouring to do with the utmost 

At the same time that he sends this information, the nuncio 
promises a still more circumstantial account. '^ Fra pochi 
giorni spero di mandarle copia d'una piena e piii diffusa rela- 
tione di tutti li negotii della nuntiatura." 


This is the first-named manuscript, and that known to 

In this document the nuncio proceeds somewhat methodi- 
cally to work. Chapter 1. — ^^ Delia grandezza della nun- 
tiatura." He first describes the extent of the nunciature, 
which he declares to be as large as the kingdom of Naples, 
and including, moreoyer, inhabitants using the most varied 
tongues. Among these he does not forget to mention the 
Romance language, — '^ Una fayella stravagantissima, com- 
posta di otto o dieci idiomi." [A most preposterous speedy 
made up of eight or ten dialects.] 

2. '^ Degli ambasciatori de' principi che resiedono appreaio 
Suizzeri e de' loro fini." [Of the ambassadors of princes I 
residing among the Swiss, and of their yiews.^ i 

3. '^ Delle diete e del modo, tempo e luogo doye si congre- 
gano fra Suizzeri." [Of the diet, and of the time and ^aoe 
of the Swiss convocations.] I 

4. ^' Delli passi che sono nella nuntiatura de' SuizzerL" [Of 
the pasBes that are in the Swiss nnntiature.] For the psflssss 
were precisely the principal object of contention between the 
various powers. 

5. ^' State spirituale della nuntiatura de' Suizzeri." [Of 
the spiritual state of the Swiss nunciature.] The most im- 
portant, and, as was requisite, the most circumstantial 
cluster, pp. 28 — 104 : and in this an account is given of 
various dioceses, and also a report concerning the abbeys. 

6. '^ Officio del nuntio per ajutare lo state spirituale e de 
modi pi^ fruttuosi di farlo." |[Office of the nuncio esta- 
blished to aid the spiritual power, and of the best and most 
effectual modes for doing so.] 

7. '^ Che debbia £Ekre il nuntio per dare sodisfattione in 
cose temporal! nella nuntiatura." [Of what the nuncio 
should do to give satis&etion in regard to the temporal affiurs 
of his nunciature.] 

The care with which all the more important points were 
discriminated and gone through will be at once perceived. 
The execution proves the writer s knowledge, no less of past 
times than those present : it shews zeal, ability, and discern- 
ment. The report, as might be expected, repeats the greater 
part of what was contained in the Instruction. 

Yet our nuncio did not think even this sufficient. He 


adds to the report a ^^ Compendio di qnanto ha £fttto Mons'" 
di Venafro in esecutione dell' instrattione dalali ndi partiie 
di Boma" [[Smnmary of what the hiriiop of Venafro has 
done in execution of the directions given him on leaving 
Bome^, which he had prepared on another oocaaon, and 
which must have been almost identical with the ^ Informa- 
tion." He remarks this himself yet he appends the little 
document neyertheless. In the copies afterwards taken, it 
was, without doubt, and very properlj, omitted. 

Instead of this paper there follows an ^^ Appendice de' 
Grisoni e de' Vallesani," no leas renmrkable than the preceding; 

^^ E questo," the writer at length condudeii his yoluminous 
work, ^ d il breve summario promesso da me del stato della 
Buntiatura Suizzera con le parti che a quella soggiaciono. 
Deo gratias. Amen." [And this is the short summary- 
promised by mo of the state of the Swiss nunciature, and 
of the districts depending on it. Thanks be to God. Amen.] 

But he still thought that he had given only a brief outline 
of 9uch things as were best worth noting; so little is it 
possible to represent the world in words. 

I have used the Notices here found only so far as they 
were subservient to my own purpose (see vol. ii. pp. 178, 182); 
the publication of the remainder must be left to the industry of 
the Swiss.* 

No. 83. 

Jnstruttione data a Mom" Diotallevi, wseovb di S. Andelo^ 
destinato dalla S*' di N"" Si^" Pa^ Paolo V. nuntio al re 
di Polonia 1614. [Instruction to the bishop of St. Andelo, 
nuncio from Pope Paul V. to the king of Poland.] 

A general recommendation to promote the Catholic religion, 
the introduction of the decrees of the Council of Trent, and the 
appointment of tried Catholics to public employments, and 
never to endure any thing that can result to the advantage of 
the Protestants. 

There are traces, nevertheless, of a certain misunderstanding. 

'I' A tramUtion of this rq>ort has in fieu^t appeared since this was 
written. See Taschenbueh fur Geschichte und Alterthiimer in Suddeut- 
■chland, 1840, p. MO ; 1841, p. 289 ; 1844, p. 29. 


The pope Lad Fefosed to nominate the bishop of Rag^ 
cardinal, as the king had requested. The nuncio was 
directed to take measures for pacifying the king on that 


He is particukrlj enjoined ncTer to promise money. 

'^ Perche o non intendendosi o non yedendosi le sifellezxe 
pur troppo grandi della sede apostolica, sono budAi i potentsti 
particolaxmente oltramontani a cercar ajuto, e se si des8rt)gfi 
picciola speranza, si offenderebbero poi grandemente doff 
es<dnsione." [For either because they do not perceive, dr do 
not understand, the excessive embarrassments of the ApedtolM 
See. Foreign princes, more especially those north of the Alpfl^ 
are very ready to seek assistance, and if the least hope were 
given them, they would then consider themaelves gi«litiNr ' 
offended if they should afterwards be deprived of such hope» J 

■" 1 

Respecting the latter years of Paul Y., we find bnt km 
ecclesiastical documents ; we will therefore employ the sumo 
thus left by examining some others which refer to the aaiiii*> 
nistration of the state during that period. 

No. 84. 

In/ormatione di Bologna di 1595. Amhrosian Library nf 
Milan. F.D. 181. 

The position and constitution of Bologna, with the sort of 
independence it maintained, were so remarkable and important^ 
that papers and documents relating to this city, though- 
only a provincial one, were readily included in the collection& 

In the 22nd volume of the " Informationi," we find a great 
mass of letters of the year 1580, addressed to Monsignor Cesi, 
legate of Bologua, and which relate to his administration. ^ 

They are almost all recommendations, chiefly intercessions 

The grand duke and grand duchess of Tuscany intercede for 
Count Ercole BentivogHo, whose crops had been seqnesteMcl;; 
After a short time the grand duchess expresses her aduK>w^ 
lodgments for the compliance granted to her request. The' 
duke of Ferrara reconmiends an actress of the name of Tic^V 
toria ; the Cardinal San Sisto, certain turbulent students olthoA 
university : " We too," he remarks, " have been sek^afSL* ^ 


some Buonoompagno, son of the pope, begs fiivour for a pro- 
tr who had been depriyed of his office ; the cardinal of 
10, who had at that time the chief management of affairs, 
^rtain monks who had been disturbed in their privileges, 
he does not use the tone of one who may command. There 
besides, petitions of a different character. A &ther, whose 
had been murdered, entreats most urgently — ^nay, implor- 
^-— tiuit justice shall be done upon the murderer, who was 
idy imprisoned in Bologna. 

. was principally as regarded the administration of justice 
the influence of the governor was available. In all other 
ierSy the city was exceedingly independent. 
1 senatori,*' says our Report, ^' conferiscono ogni cosa im- 
ixi^ col saperiore, et havendo in mano tutti li datii et 
ftte della citt^ del datio del sale e vino in poi, che h del 
^ dispensano li denari publici mediante un scrutinio, che si 
resente il snperiore con le mandate sottoscritte dal detto 
riore, dal gonfaloniere et assunti deputati secondo li 
»tii. Hanno cura delle impositioni e gravezze imposte a 
adini, reali e personali, come per li buoi e teste : — atten- 

> alle tasse che pagano li contadini : alle muraglie, porte 
rragli ; a conservare il numero de' soldati del contado : — 
edono ch'altri non usurpi il publico e si conservi la bel- 
I, della cittl. : — ^han cura della flora della seta :— eleggono 

mese per la ruota civile 4 dottori forastieri, che bisogna 

> almeno dottori di X. anni, e questi veggono e determi- 
) ogni causa civile." f The senators confer with the su- 
)r on all important aflairs; and having all the customs and 
nues of the city in their hands, excepting the duty on 
and wine, which belongs to the pope, they dispose of the 
ic moneys, controUed by an au<tit, which is nmde in the 
enoe of the superior, and by a mandate, bearing his sign 
naJ, with that of the gonfaloniere : it is signed also by the 
ial officers appointed for each branch of revenue. They 
) the regulation of the taxes and imposts laid on the 
antiy, whether real or personal, the tax on oxen and the 
tation-tax ; they have the care of the imposts paid by the 
1 districts, of the walls, gates, and enclosures ; they see 

the number of soldiers is kept up in each district, take 

that no encroachments are made on the public rights, and 

the beauty of the city is preserved ; they regulate tho 

eedings of the silk-market ; they elect eveiy TQLQiti>i\i W 


the ciyil tribunal (^' ruota civile ") four foreign doctors^ who 
mu8t be doctors of at least ten years' standing, and these 
take cognizance of and decide all civil causes.]] 

The question next arising is, to what extent the represen- 
tatives of the government retained its influence in this state 
of things. It was manifestlj, as we have said, prindpallj in 
judicial affairs. ^' Un auditors generale concorre n^l» «Mni- 
tioni delle cause con . la ruota, et nn' altro partioolare <ulk 
cause che avoca a se, et uno criminale chiamato anditore del 
torrione del luogo ove risiede, quel tiene due aottoanditori 
per suo servitio, e tntti qnelli sono pagati dal publico." [[An 
auditor-general is joined with the ^ raota " in the hearing of 
causes, and there is another special auditor for snob causes as 
the auditor-genend summons before his own tribunal ; okois* 
over there is a judge of criminal cases called ^ auditor nl Hi 
great tower" of such |^ace as he rendes in; which hd 
official has two sub-auditors as assistants, and all tiieae fuM* 
tionaries are paid by the public.^ 

' There next fellow certain statistical accounts. ^^ Contidt 
circa migUa 180 : semina intomo a corbe 120 m., racooglia « 
anno per I'altro 550 m. a 660 m. eorbe. Fa da 190 a. 
anime (la cittll 70 m., che avanti le carestie passava 90 m.) 
16 m. fuochi, consuma corbe 200 m. di fonnento (la corija 160 
libre), 60 m. costolate di vino, 18 m. corbe di sale, 1700 n. 
libre d'olio, ammasza 8 m. vaccine, 10 m. vitelli, 13 m. poidu, 
8 m. castrati, 6 m. agnelli, et abrugia 400 m. libre di caodsle 

Si fa conta che un anno per I'altro moreno nella dtt^ 8 a. 

persone e ne nascono 4 m., che si faccino 500 spose e 60—70 
monachi, che siaao portati a' poveri bastardini 300 pntti I'anna 
Ha 400 fra carrozze e eocchi. Yengono nella cittH ogni anno 
da 600 m. libre de follicelli da qnali si fa la seta, e se ne 
mette opera per nso della cittii 100 m. libre Fanno." [The 
extent of country is about 180 miles : it sows about 120,OM 
bushels of com, and gathers one year with another bom 
550,000 to 660,000 bushdbs. It has 130,000 inhabitants 
(the city 70,000, — before the fiunine it contained more than 
90,000), l^arths 16,000; consumption 200,000 bosbels of 
com (the bushel containing 160 lbs.) ; 60,000 measures (eoe- 
tolate) of wine; 18,000 buidiels of salt; 17,000 ibe. of «!: 1 
there are killed 8,000 oxen, 10,000 calves, 13,000 pigi^ 8,OdO ,1 
sheep, 6,000 lambs ; and 400,000 lbs. of candles are bmi \\ 


It 18 computed that one jesa with another there die in 

he city 3,000 persons, and 4,000 are bom : there are 500 
larriages, and ^m 60 to 70 take conyentual rows ; there are 
om to the poor 300 illegitimate male children in the year. 
!*here are 400 coaches and other carriages : 600,000 lbs. of 
ilk cocoons are annually brought to the city, of which 
00,000 lbs. are yeariy wrought for the use of the dfy.] 

No. 85, 
Instrut^one per un legato di Bologna, (Vallic,) 

Of a somewhat later period we remai^ the following 

^Inrigilare sopra gli aryocati cayillosi et in pardoolare 
aelli eke pigliano a proteggere a torto i yillani contro li citta> 
ini e gentilhuomini, .... accarezmre in apparenza tutti 11 
lagifftrati, non oonculcare i nobili." [To keep epedal watch 
rer the cayilling lawyers, and more particularly over such 
f them as take npon them wrongfully to protect the people 
r the rural districts against the citizens and gentlemen, 
. . . to make a pretence of caressing all magistrates, and 
ot to be too hard upon the nobles.] The crying eril of the 
atlaws had risen to such a point, tkat some of them were to 
e found even among the matriculated students. 

Other papers take us into the Oampagna di Roma; they 
bew us how the unfortunate peasant was harassed, what the 
arena reoeiyed, and how the land was cultiyated. 

No. 86. 

}iekiaratione di tutto quello che pc^gano i vassalli de baroni 
Romani al papa e aggratj che pagano ad esn baroni. 
[Declaration of all that the yassals of the Roman barons 
pay to the popes, and of the imposts they pay to the barons 

^^1. Pagamenti diyersi che si fanno da yassalli de baroni 
Eomani al papa. — Pagano il sfJe, pagano un quattrino per 
bra di carne, pagano Timpositione per il mantenimento delle 
alere posta da Sisto quinto, pagano i sussidii triennali^ pagano 


i cayalli morti cio^ per alloggiamento di carallenay pagsno mA 
certa impositione che si chiama de soldati, pogano una certs 
impositione che si chiama rarchiyio, pagano nn' altra impoffi^ 
tione che si chiama S. Felice, pagano la foglietta mesM di 
Sisto quinto, pagano una certa impositione che ei chiama sab 

''2. Pagamenti che &nno li medesimi vassaili a hexcnL*^ 
Pagano poi al barone, ore sono molina, tanto grano, p^rehel 
somma molto grave, pagano risposta di yino, pagano rk|pofli» 
d'olioove ne £ei, pagano di mandare i porci nei castagnefie 
queiceti &tta la raccolta che chiamano rnspare, pagano tasse' 
ahosterie, pagano tasse de pizigaroli, pagano tasse de fbmati, 
pagano de bichierari, pagano quelli che yanno a spigolare come 
d secato 11 grano, pagano dei bestiani che yanno a pasceie^ 
pagano risposta di grano, pagano risposta di biada. Montano 
tutti questi aggravii, come si vuol yedere dall' entrate dd 
duca Altemps, computata la portione del molino della mokn 
che si trahe da vassaili, 2,803 sc. ; questo a cava da vassaili 
del Montecapuri (?) del dacato Altemps, che sono de 180 e 
190 fuochi, e cib si mette per esempio, onde si possa vederft 
appresso come sono aggravati i vassaili de baroni Romani deOo 
state ecdesiastico. Avertasi che qui non ci h quello che a 
paga alia camera." Ql. The different payments made by the 
vassals of the Roman barons to the pope. — ^Thej pay the salt- 
tax ; they pay a quattrino on every pound of meat ; thqr 
pay the tax imposed by Sixtus Y. for the support of tlie 
galleys ; they pay the triennial subsidies ; they pay for the 
dead horses, that is for the quartering of cavalry ; they pay ft 
certain tax called soldiers' money ; they pay an impost called 
the "archivio ; " they pay another called the tax of St. Felix; 
they pay the pint-tax, imposed by Sixtus V. ; and they also 
pay a certain impost called the '' sale forastico." 

£2, Payments that are made by those same vassals to the 
barons. — ^They pay further to the barons, where there are 
mills, so much com, and this is a hea^-y sum. They pay a 
fixed portion of wine, and the same of oil, where it is made; 
they pay for sending the swine into the chestnut and oak 
woods after the produce is gathered in, and this they call 
"rnspare;" they pay a tax on taverns; they pay on chand- 
lers* or provision shops ; they pay bakers-tax, and the tax on 
glass-makers ; those who go to glean when the grain is cut 



SO pay ; they pay for their cattle going to pasture ; they 
vy a fixed portion of their com and oats. All these burthens 
aoimt, as may be seen by the revenues of Duke Altemps, to 
803 scudi, which includes the mulctures taken from the 
Mssals at the mill when their com is ground. This sum is 
■awn from the vassals of Montecapuri (?), of the duchy of 
ltemp% who count from 180 to 190 hearths ; and this is given 
aa esBmple from which a moderately accurate idea may be 
imed of the manner hi which the vassals belonging to Ro- 
AH banms of the Ecclesiastical States are burthened : and 
t; it be observed, that herein is not included what is paid to 
e treasury.] 

No. 87. 

'ota della entrata di molti signori e dtichi Bomani, [Note 
of the revenues of many Roman nobles and dukes.^ 

This document, like the preceding, belongs, without doubt, 

the times of Clement YIII., who is simply called the 

The Colonna family are distinguished by having vassals ; 
her fiimilies possessed more allodial property. The revenues 

the Contestabile Colonna are computed at 25,000 scudi, 
lose of Martio Colonna of Zagarolo at 23,000. 

We have seen how the public system of debt was imitated 
T the barons. The Sermoneta &mily, about the year 1,600, 
\d an income of 27,000 scudi, but they had 300,000 scudi of 
$bt. The duke of Castel Gandolfo had 14,600 scudi, 
> venue, with a debt of 360,000 scudi. The house of Mont- 
to surpassed all others ; its debts were to the amount of 
)0,000 scudi. The collective revenues of the Roman barons 
ere estimated at 271,747 scudi, and their domains were 
blued at nine millions of gold. 

The author considers these estates to be by no means neg- 

^'^ Questi terreni di campagna, contrario all* opinione com- 
ane e a quel che io pensavo, sono tenuti con grandissima 
ira e diligenza : perche si arano quattro, sei e sette volte, si 
tttano d'erbe due o tre, tra le quali una d'invemo, si levano 
»rbe con la mano, si seminano, ragguagliati li quattro anni, li 


dne a grano nei sodi luogbi : dove non si semiBa, ti m fidano 
le pecore. Le epigbe si tagliano alte, onde rimane anai 
paglia ; e quella poi si abbnigia, che fa cresoere. £ li azatzi 
con eke si arano questi terreni, generalmente non rwaoo msik 
profondo ; e queeto arriene perehe la maggior parte di qneati 
terreni non son molto fondati e tosto si trova il paneone^ 
Questa campagna h layorata tntta per pnnta di dansro Qfj 
day-labourers), segata, seminata e sarohiata ; in aomnia, tiitti 
li suoi bisogni si isamo oon forastieri : e genti obe laTosiBO 
detta campagna, sono nutriti della robba cbe si porta loro con 
le cayalle. Qnesta campagna, compntati i teneni bvoni • 
cattivi e raggnagliato nn' anno per Taltro, si pud dir eha fihtdt 
ogni uno sei, ayvertendo che nei luogbi di questi signoii do?e 
sono i loro castelli molte fiate non fisuino far lavorare, ma li 
danno a rispoeta a' yassalli seoondo cbe conyengono. £ questo 
basti quanto alia campagna di Roma. S'affitteril raggnagliato 
il rubbio di questo terreno 50 giuli, onde a hxH giassa yocrii 
il rubbio del terreno cento scudi e dieci giulj." [These la^ 
contrary to the common opinion and to what I myself belieM 
are managed with the utmost care and diligence, being plongM 
four, six, or eyen seyen times, and cleared from weeds twiee 
or thrice,— one of these weedings being in the winter. The 
weeds are taken up by hand, the land is cropped in rotatkw * i 
of four years, grain is sown in the fiedlows two yean ont of tk i 
four : where none is sown, the cattle are put in. The mnd \ 
com are cut high, so that much straw remains : this is dkr- i 
wards burnt, which makes the ground prodnetiTe. Tk t 
ploughs used for these lands do not generaJuy go very dsM ^ 
because the greater part of them haye no great depUi of aAt i 
and they yery soon reach the subsoil. The ooimtzy is al li 
cultiyated by day-labourers ; reaped, sown, and weeded : all ik « 
labour it requires in short is done by strangers, andthepeopk ij 
who work in the said Campagna are supported by the pvofiB [ 
arising from theiiT breed of horses. The conntiy, good aad hi \ 
hwds taken together, and counting one year with aaethtf, ^ 
may be said to yield six for one ; but it must be obseryed thai 
in many instances these nobles do not themsdyes cnltifiie tbe !^ 
lands around their castles, but let them to their yassals'iir t 
such terms as shall be agreed on ; and this may suffice to saT p 
of the Campagna of Rome. The ayerage rent of this laid « ,^ 
of 50 giulj the rubbio : thus, to render it fertile^ the lai \ 
will cost 100 scudi and 10 giulj the rubbio.^ e 


There were compated to be at that time 79,504 rabbio in 
he Campagna, the colleetiye product of which was 318,016 
cndi yearly, fonr scudi the rubbio. Of this there belonged to 
h^ barons something more than 21,000 ; to religious institu- 
iotts nearij 23,000 ; aboye 4,000 to foreigners; and 31,000 
o the rest of the Eoman people. At a later period this pro- 
K>rtion was altered, because the Roman citizMis sold so much 
>f their part. 

But let us proceed to more general rdations. 

No. 88 
Fer 9ollevar6 la camera apostolica. Diseorso di MoruT MaU 

wuia. 1606. [^Method of relieving the Apostolic treasury, 

by Mons. Alvasia.^ 

In deqfttte of the heavy imposts, it was observed with 
ilarm that the papal government possessed nothing. '' The 
nteresty" exdaiins our author, '' consumes nearly the whole 
leTenne." The meeting of the corr^it expenses is a matter <^ 
xmtiniial difficulty, and if any extraordinary demand arises, 
ibe government knows not whidb way to turn. The impo* 
dtion of new taxes would not be possible, and new retrench- 
nents are not even advisable. '' Magnum vectigal parsi- 
nonia" [parsimony is a great burthen] ; — nothing remains 
ont to reduce the rate of interest, and at the same time to take 
oiCHiey £rom the castle. Instead of the numerous monti, with 
bh^ var3ring rates of interest, there should be but one, a 
'*' monte papale" at four, or at the highest, Bye per cent. All 
;he rest ought to be bought in, and the government would be 
Fully justified in redeeming them at the nominal value of the 
•^ luogo," this right having usually been reserved to itself by 
^e Apostolic See. Former popes, as, for example^ Paul IT., had 
yeetk obliged to sell at 50 per cent ; Clement YIII. himself 
lad received only 96^. The author next proceeds to shew 
3K>w far this method is practicable. 

^' Succederik che stante la larghezza ed abbondanza del 
leiuuK) che al presente si trova nella piazza di Roma con I'ac- 
srescimento che £sa^ il millione estratto, aggiunta la difficolt^ e 
>ericolo di mandar fuori la moneta e I'oro per la prohibitione 
mdetta, — • che la maggior parte di quelli che hanno monti 
)d offizj estinti, volentieri entreranno in questo monte papale, 
id a quelli che vorranno i lor denari contanti) &e ^\i ^\;t&>\i\x^ 


pagare del detto millione e del piezzo del monte papale ohe & 
andr^ vendendo. Si pu6 anche considerare che ne' monti non 
vacabili ne sono gran parte vinculati ed obbligati a reinresti- 
mento per sicurtd, di ecoezione di dote, di luoghi pii ed alto 
obblighi, che neceasariamente entreranno in questo monte 
papale, e si tarderk assai a ricevere il dinaro, per ritrovsie 
altro reinvestimento o dare altra sodisfattione ed adempimento 
alle conditioni ed obblighi a quali sono sottoposti, il che 
apporteril molto comodo e ^Ekcilitll a questo negotio. 

^' Poti^ anco la camera accollarsi tutti i monti delle 
munitk e de' particolari, e ridurli come sopra, e godere qn^ jn^ 
sino che da esse communitk particolari saranno estinti. 

^' A tutti quelli ohe in luogo di altri monti e officj Tornumo 
del detto monte papale, si gli dere dare la spedizione e li 
patente per la prima volta gratis senza spesa alcnna. 

'' In questa maniera pub la S** Y . in breye tempo soUewie e 
liberare la sede e la camera apostolioa da tanti debiti e tai^ 
oppressione : perche con Tavanzo che si h.Tk dalla detta estia* 
zione e reduzione di frutti ed interesse, che secondo il calcolo date 
alia S^ y . dal suo conmiissario della camera ascende almeno am 
far la reduzione a 5 per cento a sc. quattro cento trentonmili 
ottocento cinque I'anno, potr^ estinguere ogni anno scudi tie- 
cento trentunmila ottocento cinque di debito, oltre alii sc. oea* 
tomila che saranno assegnati per rimettere in castello il miUioae 
estratto a corapire la metk del terzo millione che manca." [U 
will then be seen that, taking into account the extreme abun- 
dance of money now in the market of Rome, with the addition 
made to it by the million drawn from the castle, and cond- 
dering the difficulty and danger of sending money and gold 
abroaid, because of the aforesaid prohibition (which he had 
proposed), it will be seen that the greater part of those whoee 
monti and offices are extinguished will gladly enter this 
^' monte papale ;* and those who shall prefer to have their 
money in cash may be paid from the aforesaid million, and 
from the price of the ^^ monte papale" which will be in conne 
of sale. It may also be taken into the account, that of tbe 
'* monti non vacabili" a great part are bound and engaged to 
a reinvestment for the security of reserved dowries of pioitf 
institutions, and other claims : these will necessarily be tnutf- 
ferred to the '^ monte papale," and the holders will be in no 
haste to receive the money, for which they must have to seek 
luiotber investment, as the fulfilment and satisfsustion of ib» 


eonditions and obligations to which they are subjected ; so that 
thus also this affair will be greatly promoted and facilitated. 

[The camera may further take to itself all the monti of cor- 
porate bodies as well as of individuals, and reduce them as 
above, enjoying the overplus until they shall be extinguished 
by the said corporate bodies or individuals. 

FAU those who shall be willing to change their other monti 
and offices for the said " monte papale," should have their 
patents made out for the first time without any expense 

~ \JLtl this manner your holiness may, in a short time, relieve 
and liberate the See and the apostolic treasury from these 
heavy debts and burthens ; for, from the gains that will result 
from the aforesaid extinction and reduction of privileges and 
interests, which, according to the calculation given to your 
holiness by your commissioner of the treasury, amounts, the 
HlteTest being reduced to five per cent., to at least 431,805 scudi 
per annum, there may be annually extinguished 331,805 scudi 
of debt, besides the 100,000 scudi which shall be assigned 
for the restoration to the castle of the million drawn out of it 
to make up the amount of the third million deficient.] 

It will suffice here to remark the earnest attention that now 
began to be given to the securing an orderly system of finance. 
It will not be necessary to produce the calculations. The 
Roman court did not adopt any proposal of this kind, but 
continued to follow the more easy and convenient methods. 

No. 89. 
j^ota di danari^ officii e mobili donati da Papa Paolo F. a 
wun parenti e concessioni fatteli, [[Note of the moneys, 
offices, and valuables bestowed by Pope Paul V. on his 
rdations, and of the grants conferred upon them.^ 
The pope had been advised to call in the offices and monti 
bearing interest. We have here, — 1. " Nota officiorum conces- 
Borum excell"* domino M. Antonio Burghesio tempore ponti- 
ficatns felicis recordationis Pauli V." [[Note of the offices 
conferred on M. Antonio Borghese during the pontificate of 
Paul V. of happy memory.] There are in the whole 120 
offices, the value of which is computed according to the ordi- 
nary market price. 2. '' Nota di molte donationi di monti 



fatte alii sig^ Francesco Gioan Battista e M. A. Boxghese de 
Paolo v., con le ginstificationi in margine di qoalsiyoglia pai^ 
tito." Extracts are given from the official books, Uiat is to 
say, in which these parts are entered. Under dmilar lists we 
find an account of the sums bestowed on them in hard oail, 
as well as other valuables, and also of the privileges and 
immunities conferred on them. The vouchers are appended 
in the following manner : '^ Nel libro della thesoreria secieii 
d'Alessandro Ruspoli, fol. 17, e da doi brevi, uno sotto la date 
delli 26 Genn. 1608, et I'altro delli 11 Marzo, registeati nel 
libro prime signaturarum Pauli V . negli atti di Felloe de Totifl^ 
fol. 116 et fol. 131.— A di 23 Dec. 1605 so. 36 m« d'oio delle 
stampe donati a Isig' GB Borghese per pagar il palasio, el il 
restante impiegarli nella fabrica di quelle, quali scudi 86 vu 
d'oro delle stampe provenivano del prezzo del chiamato di moaf 
Centurioni, ridotti a 24 moneta a ragione di Giulii Id p» 
scudo, sono 46,800 sc." Qln the book of the secret trttmaj 
by Alessandro Ruspoli, fol. 17, and in two shorter o no s e ao 
under date of the 26th of January, 1608, and the oUier d J 
the 11th of March, registered in the first book of the eigna- I 
tures of Paul Y., in the acts of Felix de Tolis, fois. 116 sod 1 1 
131. — On the 23rd of Dec. 1605, 36,000 golden sondi ime \ \ 
given to Signer G. B. Borghese, to pay for the palace, tiM j i 
remainder to be employed on its buildings, which 30,000 1 1 
golden scudi proceed ^m the price paid for his nominatica 1 1 
by Mens' Centurioni, and being reduced to 24 rate ol ex- 
change, at 13 giulios to the scudo, make 46,800 scudi.] 

I have already shewn to what extraordinary sums these 
donations amounted, and what was the influence exercised by 
the advancement of the papal families on the capital and the 

No. 90. 

Relatione deUo Stato JScclesiastico dove si contengono molA 
particolari degni di consideratione, 1611. Inform. 
Politt. sLff. 1 — 27. LReport of the Ecclesiastical States i^ 
wherein are contained many particulars worthy of con- '^j 
sideration, &c.] ^ 

We are told in the very beginning that the author wi0 (P 
asked for this report in the morning, and that now in die ^ 
evening of the same day be was sending it in. ] 



It would be truly wonderful if he could have found means 
to dictate so circumstantial a report, and which is by no 
means ill arranged, and presents much that is remarkable, in 
a few hours. We here, for example, find the admission that 
in many parts of Italy the number of inhabitants was declin- 
ing, either by pestilence and famine, the murders committed 
by banditti, or the overwhelming burthen of the taxes, which 
rendered it impossible any longer to marry at the proper age 
and to rear a family of children. The veiy life-blood of the 
people was wrung from them by the taxes, while their spirits 
were paralyzed and crushed by the endless restrictions on trade. 

At one point the anonymous author betrays himself. He 
remarks that he had written a book, " Ragione di State " 
(^Philosophy of Government]. He says somewhere, " Ho 
diffusamente trattato nella Ragione di State " [1 have treated 
of this at large in the Philosophy of Government]. 

By this we obtain a clue to the writer. In the year 1589 
there appeared at Venice a book thus entitled, — " Delia ragion 
di stato libri X con tre libri delle cause della grandezza delle 
cittiu" It is dedicated to that Wolf Dietrich von Raittenau, 
archbifi^op of Salzburg, who was the first of the German 
princes to introduce a more rigid administration of govern- 
ment, modelled on that of Italy. Its author is the well-known 
CHoyanni Botero, whose " Relationi universali" enjoyed in 
their day an almost universal circulation. 

It is manifest that these " Relationi " must now be ex- 
amined to see if they do not also include the one before us. 

In what is properly to be called the main work, that 
wherein the Ecclesiastical State is mentioned in a summary 
manner, it is not to be found ; but there is a smaller book 
which is frequently appended to the former : " Relationi del 
sig' Giov. Botero Benese, . . . . di Spagna, dello stato della 
chiesa, del Piamonte, della contea di Nizza delF isola Tapro- 
bana," of which the dedication is dated 1611. Here, then, 
we find our report word for word. 

The introduction alone is different. The " Relation " bears 
the title : ^' Discorso intomo alio stato della chiesa preso 
della parte dell' ufiicio del cardinale che non e stampata." [_A 
discourse respecting the state of the church, taken horn that 
part of the office of a cardinal which is not printed.] It be- 
longed, as we perceive, to a work on the duties of cardinals* 



I leave it to the decision of the reader, whether the most 
credulous would be misled by the above-named introduction. 

No. 91. 

Tarqu, Pitaro sopra la negotiatione maritima. 17 Ott, 1612. 

{Vallk,) QPitaro on foreign trade. Oct, 1612.] 

Among other counsels, Botero recommends that of encou- 
raging the trade of the states of the church. There was, in 
£xct, at that time a plan for excavating a new harbour for the 
city of Fano. It was expected that the commerce of the 
towns of Urbino would be attracted to the new port. 

But our author opposes this plan with the most convincing 
reasons. He thinks that the projectors might read their own 
fate in the example of Ancona, which he declares, as did the 
Venetians shortly after, to have fallen into extreme decay: 
" Ne sono partiti li mercanti forastieri, i nativi falliti, le 
genti gruomini impoveriti, gli artigiani ruinati e la plehe 
quasiche dispersa.'* [[The foreign merchants have left the 
city ; the native traders are bankrupt ; the gentry are im- 
poverished, the artisans ruined, and the populace almost 
dispersed.] To build a harbour with borrowed money was 
more likely to ruin Fano altogether than to promote its wel- 
fare, — as had happened to Ascoli, which had raised a consi- 
derable loan to bring its Maremma into a state of cultivation, 
but had by no means succeeded in doing so. 

It was, in fact, not advisable, for other causes, to make this 
attempt, since the towns of Urbino must in every case very 
soon lapse to Rome. 

No. 92. 

Relatione delta Boinagna {Alt.) [[Report on Romagna.] 
(Altieri Ijibrary.) 
About the year 1615: 1612 is expressly mentioned, but it 
is of great importance for the whole period from the pontificate 
of Julius III. The parties that divided the province are de- 
scribed. The transfer of estates, as consequent more particu- 
larly on the advancement of the papal families, is very deailj 
explained. I have frequently used this work, but will give 
place here to a remark in relation to San Marino, which in those 


arly times gradually raised itself to freedom by progressive 

" La republica di S. Marino si presume libera, se iion in 
uanto h raccommandata al duca d'Urbino. Del 1 6 1 2 si propose 

si ottenne in quel consiglio che succedendo la mancanza della 
nea delle Rovere si dicliiaravano sotto la protettione della 
3de apostolica, della quale per cib ottennero alcuni privilegii 
t in particolare dell' estrattione de grani e di grascia. Fa 
uesta terra, compresovi due altri castelli annessi, circa 700 
lochi. E situata in monti, h luogo forte et I custodita la 
orta da soldati proprii. Hanno la libera amministratione 
ella giustizia e della grazia. Si elegono tra di loro ad 
3mpus i magistrati maggiori cbiamati conservatori, a quali 
ra di loro si da il titolo dell' illustrissimo. In qualche grave 
ccesso sogliono condurre officiali forestieri per fare process! e 
luse, et in particolare li ministri dell' Altezza del duca 
'Urbino, con quella autoritaL che loro pare. II publico h 
oyero, cbe non arriva a 500 scudi d'entrada. Ma li par- 
colari alcuni sono comodi et alcuni ricchi rispetto alia 
ochitil del paese. Solevano affittare banditi d'ogni sorte : 
la percbe alle volte ne nascevano scandali, h stato da loro 
ecretato che non si possino affittare banditi se non certe 
3nditioni : ma non si ne pub havere facilmente salvocon- 
otto." [The republic of San Marino is presumed to be free, 
xcept in so far as it is recommended to the duke of Vrbino. 
n 1612 it was proposed and carried in the council, that on 
be failure of the heir of Rovere, the republic should declare 
aelf under the protection of the Apostolic See ; from which 
an Marino thereby obtained certain privileges, and parti- 
alarly that of drawing com and provisions from the Roman 
tates. This territory, with two other domains annexed to it, 
omprises about 700 hearths. It is situated among moun- 
lins, is a fortified town, and the gates are guarded by sel- 
lers of its own. The inhabitants have the free administration 
f justice and grace. They elect their principal magistrates 
)r the time being among themselves, and these are called 
onservators, and receive from the people of San Marino the 
itle of most illustrious. In case of any serious offence, it is 
heir habit to procure foreign officials for the conduct of the 
roceedings, having recourse in particular to the ministers of 
lis highness the duke of Urbino, on whom they confer axKcli. 


authority as they deem fitting. The state is poor, not haying 
so much as 500 scudi of revenue ; hut some of the infaahitants 
are in easy circumstances, and others rich, the small extent of 
the country considered. They are wont to hire banditti of all 
kinds, but as scandals sometimes arise from this, tibej haevt 
decreed that buiditti shall not be hired except on eertain coi^ 
tions ; yet it is not easy to procure safe-conduct i&om them.] 

No. 93 

Parole universali dello governo eeclesiatticoy per far utui 
greggia et un pastore. Secreto al papa solo, — Informatt, 
xxiy. (26 leaves.) [[Universal words of ecclesiastical 
government for making one flock and one shepherd, See.] 

In despite of the condition of the country, which was 
graduaUy becoming so manifestiy worse, there weie yet 
people who entertained the boldest deadgns. 

But more extraordinary or more extravagant propoeab 
were perhaps never brought forward than those made hf 
Thomas Campanella in the little work before us. 

For there cannot be a doubt that this unlucky philosopher, 
who fell under the suspicion of intending to wrest CaUbria 
from the Spanish monarchy, and to have taken part in the 
extravagant plans of the duke of Ossuna, was the veritable 
author of this work. ^' Questo d il compendio," he Hsnys, 
" del libro intitolato il Governo Ecclesiastico, il quale restb in 
mano di Don Lelio Orsino, et io autore tengo copia in Stilo 
patria mia." {[This is a summary of the book entitled thd 
'^ Ecclesiastical Government/' which remained in the hands of 
Don Lelio OrsiDo ; and I, the author, have a copy of it in 
Stilo, my native place.] 

To this, he aidds, ^'Haec et longe plura explicantor in 
Monarchia Messise" [[These and much more are explained 
in the Monarchy of Messiah]. Campanella was from Stilo: 
this Monarchia Messise was his work. We cannot doubt 
that he either composed or revised that now before us. 

We may leave the date undetermined. He was probablj 
accompanied through his whole life by notions of this kind. 

He remarks that the pope had very warlike subjects. ^ Li 
Bomagnuoli e Marchiani sono per natura inclinati all' arsii: 


onde aervono a Yenetiani, Franoesi, Toscani e Spagnuoli, 
perche il papa non ^ gnerriero." {^The people of BiMoiagiia 
and the March are naturally inclined to arms: thus they 
serre the Venetians, French, Tuscans, and Spaniards, because 
the pope is not a warrior.^] But he advises the pope also to 
become warlike. There was still the material for- Cioerps, 
Brutuses, and Catos. Nature was not wanting ; art only was 

He thinks that the pope ought to raise two armies ; the 
one of St. Peter for the sea, the other of St. Paul for the 
land, somewhat after the manner of the Jauissaries. Never 
had an armed religion been vanquished, especially when it 
was well preached. 

For he does not in an3rwise leave that out of his reckoning. 
He recommends that the most able men should be selected 
from all the orders, who shall be freed from their monastic 
duties, and permitted to devote themselves to the sciences. 

Law, medicine, and the liberal arts should be studied in the 
monasteries, as well as theology. The people should be 
preached to of the golden age, when there should be one 
shepherd and one fold— of the blessedness of liberated Jeru- 
salem, and of patriarchal innocence. The longings of the 
people after these things should be awakened. 

But when would so happy a state of things commence? 
" Then," he replies, " when all temporal sovereignties shall be 
put an end to, and the vicar of Christ shall rule over the 
whole earth." " Sarsl nel mondo una greggia et un pastore, 
e si vedra il secol d'oro cantato da poeti, I'ottima republica 
descritta da philosophi, e lo state dell' innocenza de* patriarchi, 
e la felicity di Gerusalemme liberata da mano degli eretici et 
infedeli. £ questo fia quando saranno evacuati tutti li prin- 
cipati mondani e regenerk per tutto il mondo solo il vicario di 
Christo." (There shall be in the world one flock and one 
pastor, and the age of gold sung by the poets shall be realized, 
with the perfect republic described by philosophers, the state 
of innocence of the patriarchs, and the felicity of Jerusalem 
delivered from the hands of heretics and infidels. And this 
shall take place when all mimdane principalities being set 
aside, the vicar of Christ alone shall reign supreme throughout 
the world.] 

There should be set forth, as he advises, the doctrine that 


the pope is lord in temporal as well as spiritual things, — a 
priest such as Abimelech, not such as Aaron. 

Such opinions were still entertained towards the close 
of the sixteenth century, or — ^for I will not attempt to deter- 
mine the precise period — in the first ten years of the eeren- 
teenth century. We already know the extraordinary progress 
being made at that time by the Romish power. Before I return 
to the documents touching that period and progress, let me be 
permitted to add yet a word with respect to the historians of 
the Jesuits, who were then at the height of their influence. 

Remarks on certain Historians of the Jesuit Order, 

Self-esteem and leisure gradually led the greater part of the 
religious orders to narrate their own histories in very circum- 
stantial detail. 

But no one of them all has done this so systematically as 
the Jesuits. It was their full determination to give to the 
world a connected and comprehensive history of their ex- 
ertions, prepared by their own hands. 

And!, in fact, the '^ Historia Societatis Jesu," known under 
the name of Orlandinus, and of those who continued his book, 
is a work of the highest importance for the history of the 
order, — nay, we may even say for that of the century also. 

Nicolaus Orlandinus, a native of Florence, had for some 
time presided over the college of Nola and the novices of 
Naples, when in 1598 he was summoned by Acquaviva to 
Rome, and appointed historian of the order. In his style of 
writing, as well as in the business of life, he was exceedingly 
careful, accurate, and wary, but very infirm. It was with 
difficulty that he brought down his work to the death of 
Ignatius. He died in 1606. 

His successor in this occupation was Franciscus Sacchinus, 
from the territory of Perugia, who is, upon the whole, the most 
distinguished of the Jesuit historians. He was the son of a 
peasant ; his father occasionally visited him in the Collegium 
Romanum, where he taught rhetoric, and it is recorded to his 
honour that he was not ashamed of his origin. On his ap- 


pointment, he devoted himself to the composition of his history, 
at which he laboured during eighteen years* in the house of 
probation on the Quirinal at Rome, and very rarely quitted his 
residence. Yet he passed his life none the less in contempla- 
tion of the great interests of the world. The restoration of 
Catholicism was still making the greatest progress. What can 
be more inviting for the historian than to describe the first 
beginnings of an event, of which the development and effects 
are passing in their living reality beneath his eyes ? Sacchinus. 
was fully impressed with the characteristic peculiarity of his 
subject, — the universal conflict fought out in the enthusiasm 
of orthodoxy. " I describe wars," he says, " not of the 
nations with each other, but of the human race with the 
monsters and the powers of hell ; — wars not merely affecting 
single provinces, but embracing all lands and every sea ; — 
wars, in fine, wherein not earthly power, but the heavenly 
kingdom is the prize of battle." In this spirit of Jesuitical 
enthusiasm he has described the administration of Lainez, 
1556 — 1564, that of Borgia to 1572, and of Evenirdus 
Mercurianus to 1580,-— each in one volume containing eight 
books, with the first ten years of Acquaviva's government in 
the same number of books. These form four tolerably thick 
and closely-printed folio volumes; he nevertheless excuses 
himself for being so brief. Nor can he indeed be accused of 
prolixity, or of falling into tediousness. He is, as a matter 
of course, partial — ^partial in the highest degree; he passes over 
whatever does not please him : from the materials before him 
he frequently takes only what is honourable to the society, 
and so forth. But notwithstanding this, there is much to be 
learned from his books. I have compared him here and there 
with his authorities, — ^with the LittersB Annuse, for example, 
so far as they are printed and were accessible ; for books of 
this kind are very rare in these parts, and I have been com- 
pelled to apply to the libraries of Breslau and Gottingen for 
aid. In every instance I have found his extracts to be made 
with judgment and propriety, — nay, even with spirit and 
talent. But while occupied with this work, Sacchini had 
acquired so extensive and accurate an acquaintance with the 
affairs of the society, that he was called to take part in them 
by the general Mutio Vitelleschi himself. It were to be 
desired for our sakes that this had not happened ; for Sacchini 
would then have completed the history of Acc^ttNY^^^^AsKL-- 


nifltration, and one of the most important epochs would have 
been more clearly illustrated than was the case at a later 
period. Sacohim died in 1625. Even his last Tolimie was 
brought to a close, and published by Petrus Possinus. 

But as time parsed, so also did enthusiasm diminisli. The 
^' Imago primi SsBOuli," in the year 1 640, had abeadj ds- 
clined in richness of contents, was more ciedulons of mindei^ 
more common-plaoe. It was not until 1710 that tfaten i^ 
peared a continuation of Saoohini by Jouvency, oomprisiiig 
the last fifteen years of Acquaviva's rule. JouY^ncy aJso hai 
undeniable talent ; he narrates in a perspicuous and flowiii|^ 
manner, though not without pretension. But the misfostont 
is, that he took the word '^ Historia" much too literally, and 
would not write annals as Sacchini had done. Thus he dis- 
tributed the materials that lay before him, arranging thoHi 
under different heads. ^' Societas domesticis motibus agitata-- 
societas extemis cladibtfs jactata — ^vexata in Anglia— -of^rai^ 
nata — auota, etc." [The society agitated by internal commit 
tions — ^the society disturbed and tossed by external troubl6»— 
oppress€»d in England — assailed — increased, &c.[] It resuhed 
from this, that he did not giv^e due attention to that whiok 
was, without doubt, the most important point, — ^the renewed 
extension of Catholicism in Protestant countries. The method 
of annals was, besides, much more suitable to a subject such as 
this. With all his historical labours, Jouvency has produced 
nothing but fragments. 

Neither did he obtain much applause for his work. The 
order even entertained the purpose at one time of causing the 
whole period to be rewritten after the manner of Sacchinus. 
Julius Cordara, who continued the history from 1616 to 1625, 
confined himself closely to that model. But the spirit ol 
earlier times was irrecoverably lost. The volume of Cordan 
is very useful, but is not to be compared in freedom or power 
with his earlier predecessors, or even with Jouvency. It 
appeared in 1750. After that time the society had to struggle 
too hard for its very existence to have leisure for thinking of 
a continuation to its history. What has since then been to 
relate would, besides, have made a much less magnifieent 

In addition to this general history, there are, as is well 
known, very many provincial histories of the order. The* 


bave, for the most part, the genetal history as th«r basis; they 
are, indeed, often <firectly copied from it. We remark this 
most strikingly in Socher, "Historia provinciae Austri®," 
where Saechinus is copied even to particular- terms of ex- 
pression. The "pudet referre " of the original, for example, 
is reproduced as ** pudet sane referre ** by Socher. (8acchin. 
iv., vi., 78. Socher, vi., No. 33.) 

But I will not suffer myself to enter on a criticism of these 
authors ; the field is much too wide ; it is, besides, certain 
that tiiey are not likely to mislead in the present day, when 
they receive too little credit, rather than too much. I will 
take leave to make one observation only on the history of 
Ignatius Loyola himself. 

If we compare Orlandinus with the other two more impor- 
tant historians of Ignatius Loyola, we are at once struck by 
tke iact that he agrees much more exactly with the one, 
Ma^i — " De vita et moribus D. Ignatii Loiolee "— *than with 
the other, Pietro Ribadeneira. The manner of this agreement 
is also remarkable. Maffei's book appeared as eaiiy as 1585; 
that of Orlandinus was not produced until fifteen years later, 
and from the close resemblance between the two, Mafiei might 
very well appear to have served as a model for the ot^r. 
Mafiei is, nevertheless, more elaborate and artificial in his 
manner throughout ; Orlandinus is more natural, more simple, 
and has more force in description. The enigma is solved 
when we discover that both drew from the same source — ^the 
notes of Polancus. MajQTei does not name him ; but a special 
treatise by Saechinus, "Cujus sit auctoritatis quod in B. Cajetani 
vita de B. Ignatio traditur," which is to be found in the later 
editions of Orlandinus, informs us that Everardus Mercurianus 
had laid tlie manuscripts of Polancus before him. From that 
same Polancus, Orlandinus also afterwards drew the principal 
part of his work ; no wonder, therefore, that they agree. But 
we have the original memoranda in a more genuine form in 
Orlandinus than in Mafiei : the first is more diligent, more 
circumstantial, and better authenticated by documentary evi- 
dence ; the latter seeks his renown in historical ornaments 
and correct Latinity. 

But whence proceed the variations of Ribadeneira ? He 
drew principally from a difierent manuscript authority — the 
memoranda of Ludovicus Consalvus. 


Consalyus, as well as Polancus, derived his information from 
the oral communications of Ignatius himself; but we can 
perceive thus much, that Polancus gathered more of the 
accidental and occasional expressions of the general, while 
Consalvus knew how to lead him at once into a circumstan- 
tial narrative ; as, for example, in relation to his first spiritual 

From this it results that we have here to distinguish a 
double tradition; the one, that of Polancus, repeated by 
Maffei and Orlandino ; the other, that of Consalvus, repeated 
by Ribadeneira. 

By far the most remarkable is that of Consalvus : he has 
given, so far as can be supposed possible, an account really 
delivered by Ignatius himself. 

But in this, as in all other traditions, we very soon become 
aware of an amplification of the simple material. This was 
commenced even by Ribadeneira. He takes the narration of 
the eight days' ecstasy, for example, which Ignatius had in 
Manresa, and from which he was awakened by the word 
" Jesus,*' out of the relations of the lady Isabella Rosel of 
Barcelona. ^' Examen RibadeneirsB in comment, prsev. AA. 
SS. Julii, t. vii. p. 590." 

But his readers were far from being satisfied with him. Of 
many among the miracles already commonly believed, he took 
no notice. " Nescio,'* says Sacchinus, " quae mens incidit 
RibadeneirsB, ut multa ejus generis miracula prseteriret." [I 
know not by what idea Ril«ideneira was influenced, that he 
should pass over so many miracles of this kind.] It was on 
•account of these very omissions that Polancus commenced 
his collection, and that Mercurianus caused his work to be 
olaborated by Maffei, whence they were transferred to 

But even these narrations did not suflace to the wonder- 
<;raving Jesuitism of the seventeenth century. As early as the 
year 1606, people had gone so far as to affirm the sanctity of 
a cave in Manresa, which they affirmed to be the place wherdn 
the Exercitia Spiritualia were composed, although neither the 
first nor even the second of these traditions mentions a word 
•of this cave, and the Dominicans maintained, doubtless with 
perfect truth, that the cave (spelunca) of Ignatius was in their 


The most violent dissensions between the Dominicans and 
Jesuits were just then in force, a motive sufficient to make the 
Jesuits choose another scene as that of the founding of their 

We now return to our manuscripts respecting Gregory XV. 
and Urban VIII. 

No. 94. 

Relatione delli ec(f*^ S^ Hieron, Giustinian K^ Proc"^ Ant. 
Grimani K% Franc. Contarini Procr^ Hieron, Soranzo 
K^ amh^ estraord, al sommo pontefke Gregorio XV. Vanno 
1621, t^ meae di Ma^gio. f Report of the most excellent 
Signers Hieron. Giustinian, Ant. Grimani, Francesco Con- 
tarini, and Hieron. Soranzo, ambassadors extraordinary 
to the supreme pontiff Gregory XV., presented in May, 

Of- inferior importance, as are most of the reports of this 

The description of the new pope and of his government 
could not be more than a hasty sketch, after so short a resi- 
dence ; a few remarks on the journey, the conclave, the origin 
and previous life of the newly-chosen pontiff, with the first 
proceedings of his administration, generally form the whole 
material of the report. 

Something more might, nevertheless, have been expected 
on this occasion, because the ordinary ambassador, Geronimo 
Soranzo, who had resided ^y^ years at the court of Rome, 
made one of the four ambassadors, and prepared the report in 
concert with the other three. 

The interests of the Venetian senate were, however, not 
identical with our own; they were political, not historical. 
The personal character and court arrangements of a departed 
prince no longer awakened curiosity, and had no essential 
importance. Soranzo contents himself with a few remarks. 
*^ Non debbo tralasciare di narrare qualche cosa del la piii 
gravi che mi sono occorse di maneggiare in si lunga et impor> 
tante legations." \\ must not neglect to relate something 


of those more weighty misters which I was oalled on to settle 
in so long and so important an embassy.^ 

The point of chief moment is, that Soranzo explains the posi- 
tion which Venice had assumed towards the see of Rome, in the 
affairs that had shortly before been in discussion with Spain. 

" Gli Spagnuoli facevano considerar a S. S** quelle d op- 
portune congiunture di rawiyar le ragioni della chiesa in 
golfo. L'amb' si affaticb di mostrare il giusto, antico et 
indubitato possesso del golfo, aggiungendo che la rep^* per 
difenderlo ricorrerebbe ad ajuti stranieri, si valerebbe di 
Inglesi, Olandesi e di Turchi med"^ e se S. S** havesse fo- 
mentato Tingiuste et indebite pretensioni di Spagnuoli, arebbe 
posta tutta la X" in grand"** scompiglio. Un giomo S. S^ mi 
disse : ' Stimiamo necessario che le cose del golfo non si 
alterino : le noyitll seguite in esso ci son spiacciute gninde- 
mente : lo abbiamo detto a chi ne ha parlato." pChe 
Spaniards submitted to the consideration of his holinem the 
favourable opportunity now presenting itself for reriving the 
ckims of the church in the gulf (of Venice). The ambai»adoi 
laboured to shew the just, ancient, and indubitable possession 
of the gulf ; adding that the republic would have recourse to 
foreign aid to defend it, and would avail itself of the Englidi 
and Dutch — ^nay, even of the Turks themselves ; and tibiat if 
his holiness fomented the unjust and unfair pretensions of the 
Spaniards, he would throw all Christendom into the utmost 
confusion. One day his holiness said to me, ^' We consider 
it necessary that the affairs of the gnlf should remain un- 
altered : the innovations that have taken place there have dis- 
pleased us greatly : we have said this to whomsoever hath 
spoken to us of the matter."] 

We perceive that there were once more precautions re- 
quired, lest another outbreak of open hostility should ensue. 

Soranzo laboured only to convince Paul V. that the re- 
public was not disposed to the Protestants. *•' Lo lesi al 
pieno capace della honik e del puro zelo della republica." 
£1 made him fiilly sensible of the goodness and pure zeal of 
the republic] 

The ambassadors entertained the conviction that the new 
pope would not incline to the Spaniards. The character and 
manner of his election seemed to justify this expectation. 

" Nella elettione di Giegorio XV. si mostrb TeffeCto del 


spirito santo. Borgliese, die aveva per far il papa a sua yoglia 
sei voti oltre il bisogno, era risolato di £sur elegg^e Cunpori : 
ma tre delle sae creature dissentendovi, nascendo piii altri 
mconyenienti, piii per motivo et istigadone d'altri ohe per in- 
clination propria venne alia nominatione di Ludovisio sua 
ereatura. Questo cardinale aveva I'amore di Aldobrandino, 
fa tonuto da Spagnuoli di placidi peniaeri, Francesi suo confi- 
dente Taveano." [In the election of Gregory XV., the 
operation of the Holy Spirit was made manifest. Borghese, 
who had the command of six votes more tiian were required 
to make the pope at his own pleasure, had resolved to have 
CJampori elected ; but three of his creatures dissenting, and 
other obstacles afterwards arising, he was induced to nominate 
his oreature Ludovisio ; but more by the instigation of others, 
than by his own inclination. This cardinal possessed the 
good- will of Aldobrandino ; he was believed by the Spaniards 
to entertain pacific dispositions, and the French considered 
him to be their friend.] 

The papal nephew seemed also to maintain himself still un- 
fettered. ^^ Mostra sinora genio alieno da Spagnoli " [[He 
has hitherto shewn himself averse to the Spaniards], say the 

But all this too soon underwent a change.' 

No. 95. 

Vita e fatti di Ludovico Ludovisi^ di S, B. Ok. vicecanc. 
ne^ote di papa Chregorio XV,^ scritto da Luc» Antonio 
Giunti suo servitore da Urbino. {Core. 122 leaves,) 
I^Life and measures of Ludovico Ludovisi, vice-chancellor 
of the holy Roman Church, nephew of Pope Gregory XY. 
Written by his servant, Luc. Antonio Giunti of Urbino.] 

*' Ludovico, ch'd poi stato il card^ Ludovisi, nacque in 
Bologna dal conte Oratio della famiglia di Ludovisi e dalla 
contessa Lavinia Albergati Tanno 1595, a 27 d'Ottobre." 
QLudovico, who afterwards became Cardinal Ludovisi, was 
bom in Bologna on the 21 ik October, 1595. His fa4;her was 
Count Oratio, of the family of Ludovisi, his mother the 
Countess Lavinia Albergati.] He was educated in the Jesuits' 
college at Rome, was admitted doctor in 1615, in 1617 he 


accompanied his uncle on the latter being sent nuncio to Bo- 
logna, and in 1619 he entered on the career of the prelacy: on 
the day after the coronation of his uncle, 16th February, 1621, 
he was nominated cardinal, and thence obtained that eminent 
position in the world which we have already described. 

" Darb," says the author, " qualche cenno delle cose parte 
da lui proposte, parte da lui coadjuvate o promosse nel ponti- 
ficato del suo zio Gregorio." [I will give a certain idea of 
such things as were partly proposed by him, and brought about 
by his agency, or at the least promoted by his efforts during 
the pontificate of his uncle Gregory.] 

1. Traits of character. — " Ascoltava tutto con flemma pi4 
che ordinaria : gli ambasciatori mai si rendevano satii di tnit- 

tar seco, si dava a tutti, accioche tutti si dassero a luL 

Mostrava giustitia e misericordia insieme, senza passione o 
doppiezza." [He heard all that was said with a more than com- 
mon coolness. The ambassadors could never have enough of 
transacting business with him : he gave himself to all, that all 
might give themselves to him. He did justice and shewed 
mercy at the same time, without passion or duplicity.] 

2. Promotions. — He appointed the cardinals who had pro- 
moted the election of his uncle, to different legations : Orsino 
to Romagna, Pio to the March (of Ancona), Ubaldini to 
Bologna, and Capponi he made archbishop of Ravenna. 
Thus their good services were rewarded. Nuncios were de- 
spatched to all the courts : Massimi to Tuscany, PamfiU to 
Naples, Corsini to France, Sangro to Spain, Caraffa to the 
emperor, Montorio to Cologne. Aldobrandino served as general^ 
Pino as paymaster in Gfermany. The greater part of the 
Instructions furnished to those nuncios are still extant. The 
following account of the manner in which these dooumento 
were prepared is thus rendered all the more interesting. 
" Quantunque fossero distese da m Agucchia prelate Bolog^ 
nese, nondimeno il card'* fece in esse particolar ^atica neUe 
annotationi di capi, di motivi, del sense di S. Beat'"', de' ri- 
pieghi e consigli suggeriti dal suo proprio awedimento e aa- 
pere." [Although they were drawn up by Monsignore Aguc- 
chia, a prelate of Bologna, yet the cardinal gave particular 
attention to them himself, by adding notes on the chief points^ 
and making memoranda of the motives, intentions, and 
opinions of his holiness, together with such counsels and 


dies as were suggested by his own foresight and knowledge.] 
We perceive, then, that the essential parts were supplied by 
the cardinal-nephew, while Agncchia, a fellow-townsman of 
Ludovisi, undertook the completion. 

3. Bulls relating to papal election. — ^The forms previously 
used were altered, secret scrutiny was introduced, the ado- 
ration was abolished. Giunti describes the disadvantages 
arising from the adoration : " Rendeva i cardinali piii timidi 
nel dire il parer loro, partoriva e fomentava gravi disgusti tra 
gli escludenti e gli esclusi, cagionava che il pontefice si eleg- 
gesse senza la debita premeditatione, mentre i capi delle fat- 
tioni manifestavano le loro volunt^ faceva che la somma delle 
elettioni fosse per il piii appoggiata a cardinali giovani." [^It 
made the cardinals more diffident in the expression of their 
opinions; it produced and fomented serious antipathies be- 
tween the excluders and the excluded ; it caused the pontiff 
to be chosen without due deliberation, when the heads of the 
factions had made their inclinations manifest; it occasioned 
the result of the elections to depend,' for the most part, on the 
younger cardinals.] It will be readily supposed that Ludovisi 
had other and more secret motives for this change, but these 
are not here brought forward. 

4. The establishment of the Propaganda; the canonization 
of saints. — Of these we have treated in the text. 

5. The transfer of the Electorate; discussion of the per- 
sonal share taken by Ludovisi in that event. 

6. The acquisition of the Heidelberg library : " . . . . Per 
la quale (la biblioteca Palatina) si operb molto il card'* Ludo- 
visio, atteso che riputava uno degli avvenimenti piii felici del 
pontificato del zio di poterla conseguire. Fu destinato il dottor 
Leon Allaccio, scrittore Greco dell' istessa biblioteca Vaticana, 
che andasse a riceverla et accompagnarla." [On account of 
which (the Palatine library). Cardinal Ludovisio exerted 
himself greatly, seeing that he considered the being able to 
obtain it among the most fortunate events of his uncle's pon- 
tificate. Doctor Leon Allaccio, Greek writer in the said 
Vatican library, was selected to go and receive it, and take 
charge of it to Rome.] 

7. His protection of the Capuchins, whom Ludovisio 
esteemed very highly, as he did, even more particularly, the 
Jesuits. — Vitelleschi says, that by the "special protection 

VOL. in. z 


wliich God has ever extended to that society, it has come to 
pass that some great cardinal has always etxidd forward as its 
patron — Alessandro Famese, Odoardo Famese, Alessandro 
Orsino, and now Ludovico LudovisL" The last-named cai:dinal 
had richly supported the Jesuit churches in Rome and Bol<^na 
from his private fortune; and for the completion of the fbrm^ 
he finally bequeathed 200,000 scudi in his will. He Imd 
constantly bestowed 6,000 scudi a year towards that purpose 
during his lifetime. The author includes that sum in ^e ahas 
he describes him to have giyen, and which he computes to 
have been exactly 32,882 scudi yeaidy. 

8. The election of Urban YIII. — ^This is he reascribed to 
the cardinal : "Superando con la sua destrezza le difficohi dbe 
d traponoTaao." [[Surmounting by his dexterity the dift- 
culties that opposed it.]] His removal from Rome to lak 
archiepiscopal see of Bologna was entirely determined hj 

9. His subsequent life. — He preached occasionally in Bo- 
logna, and it was by him that the Bobgnese were induced to 
add Ignatius and AAvier to the number of their heavenlj 
protectors. But the principal thing related is, that he placed 
himself in earnest opposition to the vacillating policy of 
Urban VIII., in accordance with the principles by which he 
had himself conducted the administration. When the vio- 
tories of Gustavus Adolphus in 1631 were made known to 
him, he offered the Spanish court 100,000 scudi, with the 
proceeds of all his Spanish abbeys, of which he held ten, 
during such time as the war should continue. Giunti gives 
the letter in which Ludovisi makes this offer, which he founds 
on the '' present! bisogni della G^rmania e dell' augustissima 
casa di S. M^% base e sostegno della religione cattolica " [the 
present necessities of Germany, and of the most august house 
of his majesty, the basis and support of the Catholic religion]. 
This offer was not accepted in Spain, but Olivarez wrote to 
the cardinal in reply, that although his majesty declined his 
proposal, he would yet not fail to shew the cardinal whatever 
favours he could himself desire, and which might appear to be 
for interested purposes, if the offer were accepted. 

Of the intention attributed by a Venetian to the cardinal 
of calling a council against Pope Urban YIII., we do not 
here find any trace. 


Upon the whole, indeed, this biography is written very much 
in the tone of an official panegyric Although containing much 
useful and authentic information, and many trustworthy parti- 
culars, it refrains from all communication of a more question- 
able character. 

Tiie cardinal died soon after. ^^ La eui anima," says Giunti in 
conclusion, "riposi in cielo." [|Mayhis soul find rest in heaven.] 

No. 96. 

JnstruUione a mons' vescovo cTAmrsay nuntio destinato da 
JV. JSi^ alia W Cesarea di Ferdiiiando IT. Imperatore. 
Roma^ 12 Apr. 1621. [^Instructions to the bishop of 
Aversa, nuncio proceeding to his imperial majesty the 
Emperor Ferdinand 11. Rome, 12 April, 1621.J 

We have seen the important effects of Garaffa's exertions : 
the Instruction furnished to him by Gregory XV. on his 
proceeding to his nunciature would therefore be worthy of 
our attention, were it only on that account ; but it becomes 
still more so from the fact that it reveals the views entertained 
at Rome after the battle of Prague. 

Gregory commences by assuming that it was the purpose 
of the Protestants to root out the house of Austria, to wrest 
the empire to themselves, and then to press forward into 
Italy, despoiling and plundering that noblest part of the 
world. But God had given events a different direction ; it 
must now be the part of man to turn this interposition to the 
utmost possible advantage. 

He enjoins the nuncio to direct his attention to the following 
points : — 

I. Confirming the strength of the empire by means of the 
Catholics. — He promises aid to the emperor, and urges that 
the victory should be promptly followed up. 

II. The restoration of the Catholic religion. — The pope is 
rejoiced at the progress it is making in Austria and Moravia. 
He is comforted by perceiving that in Silesia they have at 
least refused to tolerate the Calvinists. But he would not 
^ive his sanction to the toleration, even of the Augsburg 
confession in Hungary, although that confession certaiTLVj 

z 2 


comes nearest to Catbolidsm : ^' La confessione che, qoantan- 
que rea, si dilunga assai meno dalla professione cattolica di 
quello che facciano le piii sette cattoliche." [^The confession 
which, however criminal, yet departs less from the Catholic 
profession than many of the Catholic sects.^ But he is most 
of all anxious respecting Bohemia. For the restoration of 
Catholicism in that country he recommends the following 
measures : — 

" 1. Fondare in Praga un' universitil cattolica." p?he 
foundation of a Catholic university in Prague.] 

" 2. Rimettere nelle antiche parrocchie i parrochi cattolici 
e per le cittik i maestri di scola parimente cattolici." [The 
re-estahlishment of the Catholic parish priests in the ancient 
parishes, and that of Catholic schoolmasters in the cities.] 

^' 3. L'uso dei oatechismi e di huoni lihri per tutto, ma per 
li fanciulli et idioti I'antiche canzoni spirituali in lingua Bo* 
hema." [^The use of catechisms and good hooks for all, hat 
for children and ignorant people (idioti) the ancient spLritual 
songs in the Bohemian tongue.] 

'^ 4. Lihrarj e stampatori cattolici, facendo visitare le li- 
hrerie e stampe degli eretici." ^Booksellers and printers 
should he Catholics, bookshops and printing-presses of here- 
tics should be subjected to visitation.] 

" 6. L'opera de* padri Gesuiti e di altri religiosi." [The 
Jesuit fathers and other religious orders should be called into 

" 6. Ritomare in pied^i li collegii di poveri, assegnando a 
quelli li beni ecclesiastici alienati." QThe colleges for the 
poor should be restored to their efficiency by making over to 
them the alienated ecclesiastical property.] 

All means of instruction and education. But the nuncio is 
further reminded that he must oppose the appointment of 
Protestants to public offices. " Lasciandosi le menti humane 
pii^ consigliare dal proprio interesse che da altro, incomince- 
ranno a poco a poco massimamente i giovani a piegare I'animo 
alia religione cattolica, se non per altro, per partecipare di pub- 
lici honori." [|The minds of men being more effectually moved 
by their own interests than by other motives, they will 
begin by degrees, more particularly the young, to bend their 
spirits to the Catholic religion ; if for no other cause, yet for 
the sake of participation in public honours.] 


III. The re-establishment of the ecclesiastical tribunals. — 
On this subject the pope has many complaints to make. The 
bishops are still reluctant to submit to the decrees of the 
council of Trent; the canons pursue various corrupt prac- 
tices; the chapters make a very bad use of the patronage 
they exercise ; . even the emperor allows himself too much 
liberty. " L'imperatore istesso sotto varii pretesti di spogli, 
di juspatronati, di concessioni apostoliche, di avocarie, di in- 
camerationi e di pienezza di potest^ trattiene le chiese gli anni 
vacanti, et in quel mentre se ne prende per se Tentrate." 
[[The emperor himself, under various pretences of " spolia," 
rights of patronage, apostolic concessions, rights of advocacy 
of the imperial exchequer, and of plenary authority, retains 
the churches in vacancy for many succeeding years, during 
which time he takes their revenues for himself.] 

IV. Restoration of the papal authority. — The emperors 
appear to see with gladness that the pope dares no longer 
come forward with his bulls and excommunications. The 
papal court has, moreover, lost a very large portion of the 
revenues in money formerly derived from Germany, and 
which amounted in earlier times to 200,000 scudi. Gregory 
will not give his approval to the proceedings with Klesel ; 
but expresses himself with great moderation on the subject. 
" Non d mai piaciuto troppo quel fatto." [He was never 
greatly pleased with that matter.] Verospi, the auditor of 
the rota, was sent over to conduct the proceedings. 

V. The relation of the emperor to Italy. — ^This might be 
made useful, more especially in the affairs of the Yaltelline. 
The consent of Spain had not yet been given to the demolition 
of the conquered fortresses. " Pare che il duca di Feria et 
altri ministri di S. M** Ces. in Italia si opponghino a quel con- 
siglio, come coloro che vorrebbero ritenere i forti e con essi la 
gloria di quell' acquisto." [|It seems that the duke of Feria 
and other ministers of his imperial majesty are opposed to that 
measure, as desiring to retain those forts, and with them the 
glory of that conquest.] But the pope clearly perceived the 
danger that might arise from this. The Protestants in Ger- ^ 
many would desire nothing better than to see the sword un- 
sheathed in Italy. 

VI. The conduct and deportment of the nuncio. — He is 
above all things recommended in the first place to Eckenberg^ 


as was to be expected ; but it is highly Temarkable that the 
papal nephew speaks of the Jesuits with the utmost reserve 
and caution only. " Terrk gran conto del padre Beccano con- 
fessore di Cesare, e si valeril oon destrezza dell' opera sua, 
non lasciando intanto di osservare i suoi discorsi e consigli per 
scoprirne meglio i fini et avyisarmegli. E parimente a' padri 
Gesuiti ricorreril con aweduta confidenza." [The nuncio 
will make great account of Father Beccano, the emperor's con- 
fessor, and must avail himself skilfully of his assistance, — ^not 
neglecting meanwhile to observe the language and opinions of 
that father, the better to discover his purposes, and to acquamt 
me with them ; and in like manner he will have recourse to 
the Jesuit fathers with a wary confidence.]] " With a wary 
confidence !" — a very useful piece of advice. 

We are meanwhile made aware of the magnificent designs 
already conceived by the pope. Even at that time he con- 
templated the restitution of all church property. With this 
remarkable passage we will conclude our extract. ^^ Secondo 
che s'anderanno acquistando de paesi tenuti avanti dagli eretid, 
ella faccia grandissima istanza con S. M^ di ricuperare i beni 
ecclesiastici occupati da loro e di renderli alYe chiese et alii 
veri patroni. Queeto officio si fece per ordine di papa Paolo 
Y., quando il marohese Spinola s'impossessb del palatinato, e 
Timperatore rispose che non era ancor tempo di trattame." 
[|In proportion as progress shall be made in the acquirement of 
territories previously held by heretics, your excellency will 
urge on his majesty with the utmost earnestness, that he should 
recover the ecclesiastical possessions occupied by them, and 
restore them to the church and their true patrons. An appli- 
cation to this effect was made by order of Pope Paul V., when 
the marquis Spinola took possession of the Palatinate, and the 
emperor replied that the time was not yet come for treating 
of that matter.^ 

We perceive then that the idea of the Edict of Restitution 
was conceived by Paul V. in 1620, but was at that time 
rejected by the emperor as premature and inopportune. 

The nuncio of Gregory XV. was now to press anew for 
that measure, and was to represent to the emperor the merit 
he would acquire by it. 


No. 97. 

JnstrutHone a Mo/ntl' Sangro^ patriareka <it Alessandria et 
arcivescovo di Beneuento, per andar nunzio di S, S** al re 
catiolico. 1621. ^Instruction to Monsignor Sangro, pa- 
triarch of Alexandria and archbishop of Benevento^ when 
proceeding as nuncio from his holiness to the king of 
Spain. 1621.] 

3angT0 is reminded that the power of Spain is now for the 
most part in the hands of Uzeda and of the grand inquisitor. 
He most therefore more particularly remind the latter of his 
8{nritual duties. 

To make himself master of things kept secret, he is recom- 
mended to attach himself to the ambassadors of Yenice and 
Tuscany ; '^ de' quali si suol earare molto " ^from whom there is 
Qsually much to be drawn]. 

The affairs of immunity, of ecclesiastical jurisdiction, and of 
the collettona, are afterwards discussed minutely ; but I am 
obliged to confess that the defectiye and illegible copy which 
I found deterred me from entering more fully into those 

The principal matter is still the discussion of the political 

The nuncio is directed above all things to demand the 
renewal of the war with HoUand. 

He was to remind the Spanish court that Prince Maurice was 
already old and feeble, and that his death was daily to be ex- 
pected ; that thediyision between the Arminians and Gt>marists 
weakened the Provinces, where Count Henry was hoping to 
obtain the supreme power by the aid of the former, while Count 
Ernest founded similar hopes on the assistance of the latter ; 
that the Zealanders were poor, and the Hollanders hated by 
the different sects for their encroachments. " Laonde il re non 
pu5 voltare le sue forze contra di lore in meglior tempo ovvero 
opportunita." [Thus the king could not turn his forces against, 
them at a better time or more fitting opportunity.] 


No. 98. 

Instruttione a V, Sig"^ It di Torres^ arciveseavo di Antri- 
nopoli^ nuntio destinato da N. Si^' in Polonia. 30 
Maggio^ 1621. [[Instruction to Torres, archbishop of 
Antrinopoli, nancio elect to Poland.] 

The misunderstanding between Paul Y. and Sigismund III. 
was not altogether without importance. "Se la pietit dd 
re," says Gregory XY. in this Instruction, ^^e la rirerenzadie 
a questa sede egli porta, non havesse ammorzato del tutto o 
almeno coperte lo scintille de' dispiaceri loro, se ne sarebbe 
per li soffioni altrui acceso alcun fuoco di discordia mani- 
festa." [If the piety of the king, and the reverence which he 
bears to this see, had not entirely quenched, or at least 
subdued, the sparks of their resentments, the fires of open 
discord would certainly have been enkindled from them by the 
breath of others.]] 

Gregory now labours to pacify all these dissensions. He is 
impressed by the merits of this king, who could not have been 
made a better Catholic even in Rome itself. 

The nuncio is reminded that he must above all things be 
careful to let his deportment be such as to incur no blame: 
'' Perche tutti gli pongono gli occhi adosso e prendono ancoia 
esempio da santi costumi di lui, et il re medesimo il propone a 
suoi prelati per norma." ^Because all eyes are fixed on thi 
nuncio, and take example from him in holiness of mannen, 
and the king himself proposes- him as a model to his pre* 
lates.3 To give diligent attendance at the Banquets of tb) 
great, would certainly not in itself be an unlikely means o! 
obtaining influence, but in the end it would diminish thi 
respect which it was necessary for a nuncio to receive. 

It were to be desired that the nuncio would visit the churches 
in person, as was formerly done. 

But the point principally insisted on was still education. 
The institution of the Dottrina Christiana, as subsisting in 
Italy, was to be introduced into Poland also. Care must be 
taken to provide catechisms, and worldly or Protestant songs 
must be superseded by others of Catholic import. 


No. 99. 

Instruttione a V, /S"'" M*^ Lancellotti^ vescoco di Nola^ desti- 
nato da N. S^ mo nuntio in Polonia. [Instruction to 
Lancellotti, bishop of Nola, nuncio elect to Poland.^ 

I do not know whether belonging to 1622 or 1623, but cer- 
tainly still under Gregory XV. 

The Instruction furnished to Torres was communicated to 
bhe present nuncio also. At the command of the Propaganda, 
eJI bishops had, since that time, been compelled to present 
reports on the state of their dioceses : from these documents 
the nuncio was directed to procure further information. 

Political relations are brought more prominently forward. 
The nuncio was enjoined to do his utmost for the preservation 
of the good understanding subsisting between the Poles and 
the house of Austria : the Turks and the rebellious subjects 
of the emperor are thereby held in check. 

The Poles would gladly have concluded a peace, or at least 
a truce for twenty years, with Gustavus Adolphus. The latter 
also proposed that the Polish line should succeed to his throne 
in the event of his dying without children, but Sigismund 
rejected every overture. "Benche Gustavo per conditione 
espressa offrisse che morendo lui senza figliuoli gli avesse a 
succedere S. M^ e la sua stirpe, s'oppose a questi consigli." 
[Although Gustavus offered the express condition that in case 
of his djring without children, his majesty and his line should 
succeed him, he yet refused to accept these proposals.]] It 
was only from consideration for the Poles that he agreed to a 
short truce. 

The affairs of the United Greeks have already been dis- 
cussed in the Instruction given to Torres, but were clearly and 
thoroughly explained in this paper. 

" I Greci commossi al tempo di Clemente Ottavo per opera 
di Rupaccio Pacciorio, che fu prima vescovo overo vladica di 
Yladimiera e poi metropolitano di Chiovia, si contentarono i 
vescovi o vladici loro, eccettuati quelli di Leopoli e di Pre- 
misla, che nella loro ostinatione si rimasero, d'unirsi alia chiesa 
Romana, e di riconoscere, come fecero Tanno 1595, il papa 
per loro capo secondo la forma e professione di fede nel con- 
cilio Fiorentino contenuta. Ma tante discordie ne nacquero, 
e cosi si posero nelle diete a impugnare quella unione li nobili 


Ghreci, dagli heretic! favoriti, che a'h havuto a mettere sosso 
il regno : imperocche pochi del clero e molto meno del po] 
rhanno voluto abbracciare, affermaiido tatti essere per prr 
disegni e per ambitione di pochi stata fatta e senza l(»ro pa 
cipatione. Onde si conservano bene li vescoyi e pastori ca 
lici, ma questi soli se ne stanno, senza trovare pecorelle 
seguitare li vogliano, e di piil corrono gran risohio d'esi 
dalle sedie loro cacoiati e ohe vengano ancor ad essi len 
qaelle chiese che tolte gill alii scismatici furongli conoed 
Onde in tutte le diete se ne £& lo strepito grande ; e nell' a 
passato ayyenne che an yescovo o fosse il patriarca soisma 
di GerusaJemme mandato in Mosooyia et in Rnssia dal pi 
area di Constantinopoli, si fermb fra Rnssi, e yi cre5 ti 
scismatici qnanti sono gli nniti, et eccitb li cosacchi, ohe 8 
tutti Greci scismatici, ad addimandare nella dieta con oS 
grandissime, perche il regno per la gnerra col Tnrco han 
bisogna di loro, che all' antiche loro pretensioni si sodi^aicei 
ma il yescoyo di Santo Angelo, all' hora nnntio, ne dr? 
I'impeto, siche tra per qnesto e per publiche necessitit, d 
nuoye contese non lasciayano luogo, si pose con TaatoTitii 
re il negotio in silentio. Si yire non di meno dagli miiti 
medesimo timore : e li pi^ pmdenti prelati ne pronostic 
alia fine de' mali eyenti se alcun provedimento non yi si pig 
onde havrebbero alcuni havuto per lo migliore che I'unione 
si fosse mai fatta, apportando essi che sarebbe state pi^ age^ 
il ridurre li nobili singolarmente e di famiglia in famiglia 
chiesa cattolica, perche si yede per proya che tutti colore 
ad uno abbandonano il rito Greco e lo scisma, stanno n 
nostra chiesa perseveranti." [The Greeks in the time of Clen 
VIII., being influenced by Rupaccio Pacciorio, who was : 
bishop or yladica of Vladimiera, and afterwards metropol] 
of Chioyia, their bishops or yladici agreed, those of Leo 
and Premisla excepted, who remained in their obstinac}^ 
unite themselyes to the church of Rome, and to aoknowk 
the pope for their head, as they did in 1595, according to 
form and profession of faith contained in the Floren^ 
council. But so many dissensions arose out of this, am 
earnestly did the Greek nobles, fayoured by the heret 
oppose themselyes to that union in the diet, that the kingc 
had nearly been turned upside down, because yery fetw cJ 
clergy, and still fewer of the people, were willing to accept 
affinniiig that all had been done for the private designs 


tmbition of a few, without their participation. Thus, though 
he Catholic bishops and pastors do still subsist, yet they 
itand alone, without finding flocks willing to follow them. 
VIoreover, they run great risk of being driven from their sees, 
knd of haying those churches taken from them which were pre- 
viously wrested from the schismatics and conferred upon them. 
There is, accordingly, great noise made about this in aU the 
liets ; and in the past year it happened that a bishop, or per- 
taps it might be the schismatic patriarch of Jerusalem, sent 
ato Muscovy and Eussia by the patriarch of Constantinople, 
ixed himself among the Russians, and created there as many 
chismatics as there were United Greeks, besides exciting the 
yosaacks, who are all schismatic Grreeks, to demand in the 
[let, with very large offers, because the kingdom had need of 
bem for the war with the Turks, that their ancient preten- 
ions should be satisfied. The bishop of St Angelo, now 
lunoio, nevertheless contrived to divert the blow, so that, be- 
ween his exertions and the public n^essities, which left no 
aisure for new conflicts, the matter was reduced to silence by 
nthority of the king. There is yet continual apprehension 
rom the United Greeks, and the most intelligent prelates 
•rognosticate that evil will ultimately arise from them, if 
ome precaution be not taken to prevent it. Hence there are 
ome who think that it would have been better if this union 
lad never been made; for they affirm that it would have been 
luch more easy to lead the nobles separately, and family by 
unily, into the Catholic church ; and of this they adduce as 
»roof the fact that all those who have singly abandoned the 
]^reek rite and the schism, remain fixed in their attachment to 
ur church.] 

No. 100. 
Relatione fatta alia congregatione de Propaga/ifhda Fide da 
JDionysio Lazari aopra alcune cose che poesono eatere di 
sermtio alia sam^ta fede cattolica, 1622. QBeport pre- 
sented to the congregation ^ de Propaganda Fide " by IMo- 
nysio Lazari with respect to certain things which may be 
useful to the holy Catholic faith.]] 

Dion. Lazari had been in England for some time, or, as he 
ocprenes himself, '^moltd ntea" [many months], and here 


suggests the means by which Catholicism may be re 

He considers that the methods to be pursned are th: 
negociation with one, or with many, or measures of vio 
He is of opinion, however, that much mis;ht be e 
with King James personally, his majesty being indiffei 
regarded his creed, and very timid. '' Fer la pratica 
di lui, lo stimo indifferente in qualsivoglia religione." | 
the knowledge that I have of him, I consider him altc 
indifferent in matters of religion.]] It would be n 
foster his suspicions, even by means of forged or supp6a 
letters: ^'Far artificiosamente avisar qualche suo u 
f nori del r^gno di persona da loro creduta fedele, e nell' 
regno far trovar qualche lettera a nome supposito che ti 
in forme segrote queste materie." [[To contrive tha* 
minister of his, out of the kingdom, should receive s 
advices from some person believed trustworthy, and to i 
that some letter in a feigned name should be found 
kingdom, which might treat of these matters with ft 
secrecy.]] Buckingham, also, might well be gained ov< 
wife was the daughter of a Catholic, and was seci 
Catholic herself ('^ d segreta cattolica figlia anche di 
cattolico"). Buckingham attached great importance 
ances with foreign powers; it was through these that ha 
be most easily won, and the rather as he was always in 
from the parliament. " Essendo composto il parlament 
per la maggior parte di puritani, stimarebbe egii speci< 
cace vendetta Tindurre il re al cattolicismo." QThe pari 
being for the most part composed of puritans, he 
esteem it an efficient kind of vengeance to lead the ki 

Influence to be gained over the people. It would 1 
useful if they could only obtain freedom of preachin 
che si potrebbe fare per via di danaro, proponendo, ] 
dire, una gabella di predicatori et auditori, inducend 
molte volte per Tinteresse a cose contrarie a sua v< 
QWhich might be accomplished by means of money, pn 
so to speak, a toll or tax on preachers and hearers, 
king is often led, by the gain to be made, into thin 
trary to his will.] 

He says that violent measures were not to be thoi 


But we see clearly that even peaceable ones, such aa he pro- 
posed, could not have been carried out. 

Lazari belongs to that class of people who beliere that 
they can influence the progress of events by means of intrigue 
and cunningly-contrived plans, but which can never, in point 
of fact, be accomplished. 

He has no hopes from the present generation, which has 
been wholly nurtured in the Protestant opinions. The prince 
alone, afterwards Charles I., appears to him to give some 
promise. " lo v'ho grandissima speranza, per vederlo d'indole 
molto ingenua, di costumi assai generosi, molto sobrio nel 
detestar li cattolici." [I have the greatest hopes of him, per- 
ceiving him to be of an extremely ingenuous disposition, of 
sufficiently generous character, and very temperate in ex- 
pressing aversion to the Catholics.] 

No. 101 

Instruttione al Dottor Leone Allatio per andare in Germania 
per la lihreria del Palatino. Court libr, in Vienna^ 
MS. Hohenh. [Instructions to Doctor Leone Allatio, for 
going into Grermany to fetch the library of the Palatine. 
1622. Court library at Vienna, MS. Hohenb.] 

The Instruction by which Leo AUatius, then scriptor to the 
Vatican, was empowered to take possession of the Heidelberg 

This document is found not only in Vienna, but also in 
many other libraries ; for example, in the Chigi library at 
Rome, among the collections of Instructions by Gregory XV. 
The litera f interest attached to the subject has also caused it 
to be made known in Germany. Quade, Baumgarten, and 
Oerdes, one after the other, had it printed in Latin. 

Having once come within the domain of Protestant litera- 
ture, it was at length inevitably made the subject of discus- 
sion. In the history of the formation, despoiling, and destruc- 
tion of the ancient Heidelberg collections of books (Heidel- 
berg, 1817), p. 235, our learned fellow-citizen and friend. 
Herr G. R. Fr. Wilken has suggested serious doubts of its 

And the Latin translation is in fact executed in a m&wost 


that cannot Ml to awaken mistrust But fortonat^y this dis* J 
appears when we have the original manusoript before us. 

In the Latin, for example, we find the following words in 
relation to the medals furnished to AUatio for the soldiers of 
Tilly : — '' Unum adhuc R. T. D. suppeditamus stratagem^ 
ut scilicet sibi maffliam nummorum comparet oopiam, quos a 
Sanctis canonisatos esse fingat." [[One stratagem we suggest 
to the reyerend doctor, to wit, that he should gather a ht§b 
quantity of coins, which he may feign to haye been oanoniisl 
by the saints.] It is without doubt incredible that the BoMn 
court should have expressed itself in this manner to one ol iti 

We find accordingly, on consulting the origioal, that it M 
in truth quite different. ^' E qui sogginng^ a V. S. elie se 
le dar^ un grosso numero di medaglie con Tindulgenza deUt , 
canonizzatione de' santi fatta da N. S." [And here I maj 
add, that you shall be furnished with a great number d 
medals, with the indulgence of the canonization of saints Akade 
by his holiness.^ By this I understand, medals commemorat- 
ing the canonization of the saints who had been placed in the 
calendar by Gregory XV., with an indulgence attached. 

There is just as little to be found in the original, of Albtio ^ ti 
addressing the duke of Bavaria in German, as the Latin yer- j* 1( 
sion will have him to have done. — " Tradito," we find it in 1 1 
Baumgarten, ^' brevi a Sancto Patre fidei ipsius concredito, 
€^nnanico idiomate eum affandi/' [[Having delivered th« 
brief of the holy father committed to him, addressing him in 
the German tongue.]] In the original, on the contrary, we have, 
** Presentando a Sua Altezza il breve di N. S", le parlerii a 
nome di Sua S^* conforme al tenore di esso." [[Presenting to 
his highness the brief of our lord the pope, you shall speak in 
the name of his holiness according to the tenor of the sanie.[| 
This is a translation which is an outrage of the Italian, as 
well as of all probability. 

But when we examine the original, and remark how much 
more judiciously it was composed, and in circumstances that 
leave no room for doubt, we can no longer question its authoi- i 
ticity. eh 

It is, nevertheless, certainly true that Allatio was effOf .pe 
manded to circulate a rumour to the effect that the Uhsuj^ )\sl 
was to be transferred to Munich, and not to Bone. ^^ In ogni Wi 


case sar^ bene di metter voce che si abbia da condnrre sola-- 
mente a Monaco e non a Roma." Qln every case it will be 
advisable to put about tbe rumour that it is to be taken to 
Munich only, and not to Rome.] We have abeady seen how 
often the most wary caution was impressed as a duty on the 
fmpal envoys. Further instructions of similar character were 
given to Allaitio; for example: ^^ Massimamente per i paesi 
OMpetti sar^ sempre meglio di andare in habito corto, come 
pesBona negotiante del dominio Yeneto." [It will be always 
ftdvianble, more particularly in ike snspected countries, tliat 
you shevld appear in a short coat, like one occupied in com- 
■leree from l&e Yenetian territories.] So much dissembling 
and disguise were thought needful to success. 

TluKt sueh directions should be given in writing should 
aearoelT excite our wonder. In tlmt court, and more par- 
tieularly in the chancery of Ludovisio, they were fond of 
wsiting. The Instructions prepared by Agucdiia are not 
wanting in important political views, but they are also loaded 
with trifles of this kind. The compiler desired to have the 
cfedit of thinking of every thing. 

. There was, besides, much cause for apprehending the rage 
to be awakened among the inhabitants of Heidelberg by this 
loss to their metropolis, more espedally among the reformed. 
The library was to be escorted by a detadiment of cavalry. 

No. 102. 

JnHruttione al padre Don Tobia Corona^ di chierici regolari^ 

mandato da Papa Gregorio XV, al re di Francia e prima 

al dtica di Savoia per Vimpresa delta cittd di Ginevra. 

1622. [[Instructions to Father Corona, of the clerks regular, 

sent by 'Gregory XY. to the king of France, and fijst to 

the duke of Savoy, respecting the enterprise against the 

city of Geneva.] Library of Frankfort on the Maine, 

MSS. Glauburg, torn. 39, n. 1. 26 leaves. 4to. 

The conunencement of this paper is as follows : — " L'ltalia 

che dall' etema providenza h stata eletta a reggere bora Tim- 

perio temporale, hora lo spirituale del mondo." [Italy, which 

has been elected by eternal Providence to govern at one time 

the temporal, at another the spiritual empire of the world."^ 


To this spiritual domination, Geneva is abore all tk 
abhorrent ; ^^ non solo come plena di huomini appestati 
come catedra di pestilenza " Qnot only as being fuXL of 
infected with pestilence, but as itself the very seat of p 

To chastise it, to destroy that city, was a task espee 
befitting the pope as the yicar of Christ, and the dnk 
Savoy, who still calls himself count of Genera. And 
cordingly the popes and dukes had frequently attempted 
enterprise, but had constantly been impeded by the protei 
that France had extended to the city. Now, however, 
state of things is altered. '^ La Francia tratta il 8og| 
di domare i ribellati heretici, et ha da ricever piaoere cIm 
togliere lore e forze e la riputatione si faocia il mede 
senza suo costo in altre parti." ^France is occupied witl 
task of subduing the rebel heretics, and will be pleased ti 
that they are deprived of strength and reputation in < 
quarters, by measures similar to those she is herself adop 
and without any cost to her.]] 

The pope had formed the plan of this attack from the 
commencement of his pontificate, and thought the way n 
be prepared for its execution by the mission of a convei 
ecclesiastic. '' Poiche habbiamo un' argumento di relig 
si conviene fuggendone il rumore coprirlo piii che si pt 
vuole inviarvi un religiose. La P. V" porter^ da per i 
questo negotio come nato nell' animo di Sua S^ senza i 
origine che dello spirito santo/* ^Since our motive is thi 
religion, it will be advisable that we should avoid all run 
concealing our proceedings as much as possible ; therefor 
will send a monk thither. Your reverence will conduct 
affair throughout as originating in the mind of his holii 
without any other inspiration than that of the Holy Spin 

He is first to awaken in the duke of Savoy " the pro 
sities of a warlike heart ;" but if he should require help 
must represent to him how greatly the support accorde 
the emperor and the League had exhausted the Apostolic 
how many claims the Poles were making, and the bi 
expenses occasioned by Avignon ; yet he was by all meai 
lead him to hope for some assistance. " Che Sua S"* non 
stretta a S. A. di tutti quelli ajuti che dalle picciole f orze i 
potranno." [That his holiness would not be parsimon 


towards his highness in supplying him with all those aids that 
can be given with confined resources.] The envoy is also 
directed to request all needful information respecting the 
rights of Savoy to Geneva. 

But the most important part of his mission was the kind of 
representations that he should make to the king of France. 
1. That the king must beware of incurring the suspicion that 
he was persecuting the Protestants solely from regard to his 
political interests. 2. That even these interests, rightly 
understood, required the destruction of Geneva. ^' Se Ginevra 
uon fosse stata ricovero di Calvino, la M** S. non havrebbe 
di presente da portare Tarmi contro Tostinati e perversi suoi 
popoli Ugonotti, non si vedrebbe nascere le republiche contro 
la monarchia. .... Sono republiche popolari che in ogni 
palmo di terrene e fine nell' istessa corte e forse nella camera 

del re hanno lor cittadini e seguaci Gi^ la republica loro 

(Ugonotti) h piantata, gi^ ne sono publicate le leggi, e gi^ in 
ogni provincia hanno costituiti i magistrati, i consigli et i 
govematori dell' armi : piii non hanno da hire che da andare 
eglino a muovere Tarmi al re per cacciarlo di casa." [If 
Geneva had not afforded shelter to Calvin, his majesty would 
not now be compelled to bear arms against his obstinate and 
perverse Huguenot subjects; nor would republics be seen 
rising up against the monarchy. . . . There are popular repub- 
lics (those of the Huguenots) that have their citizens and ad- 
herents on every hand's br^th of ground ; nay, even in the 
court itself, and perhaps in the very chamber of the king. . . . 
Already the republic of the Huguenots is founded ; a&eady 
are its laws published ; already are magistrates, counseUors, 
and commanders of armies appointed in every province. 
There remains nothing more for them to do than them- 
fldves to take up arms against the king and drive him from 
his throne.^ 

How prominently the element and tendencies of monarchy 
^were brou|^t forward in the midst of these Catholic endea- 
^-ours, is here made manifest. Geneva was to be destroyed as 
ihe chief and adviser of the Huguenot republics. It could now 
look for no assistance, since all other Protestant communities 
^were fully occupied with their own affidrs, and the English 
^ere bound fast by treaties. 

And of what importance could this augmentation of Sasf^-^ 

VOL. III. 2 A 

354 HISTORY OF THE P0PB8 — APPEKI»Z« [jNoB. 102, 10 

be eoiMidered, in comparison with the might of Fnuiee? T 
pass could not be deeded against the Swiss, since the kii 
hdd possession of Bresse. '' I oantoni cattdiei^ con qaali 
corona h piii congiunta, ne riceyeranno e serritio e pkwei 
certo che il oantone di Fribnrgo cireondste da Bernesi heveti 
benohe sia vaLoroeo e di lore non tema, haveiit nondimen;^] 
care di confinan per via* del li^ eon qndla eittiL drrsm 
cattolica e posta sotto il domimo di nn principe amino e mM 
lico, che libera et heretica remaneate." [[The Cathie CMiiw 
with which the erown is most closeiy idlied^ will be gMiil 
as well as beaeflted hy the change. The canton of Frilm 
sanonnded by Bernese heretics, although it bo vttHaat.4i 
not afraid of tiMm, will none the less prefer t» hawiiJ 
its neighbonrs on the side of tho k&e, that city beiii 
Oath<^iso, and placed under the dominion of a £neadlytii 
Catholic prince, rather than the same remaimng: htfiiuM 

Cardinal Retz, the ConstaUe (Luines), and P^re Amoi 
are the persons named to Corona as those from whoni Ww 
more paiticolilrlj expect support. 

We shall presently speak of the results of this missioa. 

No. 103. 

Relatione di Bomafatta nel Senate Veneto dalV ambtueUi 
Mainiero Zeno alii 22 di Nov. 1623. Iftformat. Polift tm 
xiy. 101 leaves. [|Iteport from Rome, presented to the Vea 
tian Senate by the ambassador Rainiero Zeno, on the 2hi 
November, 1623. Informat. Politt. Sec."] 

The ambassadors, returning from their missions, usuali 
express themselves with modesty and deference, as m 
towards the princes from whom they return as towawk thi 
hearers. Rainiero Zeno is the first who gives evidenoe. s( 
great self-con^kcency. He not only deolares thai be kg 
before the senate a clear view aad balance of tiie Mp 
revennes and expenditure, which he had eon^ed Tnt»>d 
most diligent care (f. 80), but even reminds thcnn of ^ Mi 
colours with which he had portrayed first one and the 
another of the cardinals in his despatches (f. 111). 01 Fif 
Urban hime^ h# says, without eeremony, '^ witik tw# woiN 


I brought his argnments to nothing." He asserts, in express 
terms, that ^' the Divine Majesty had given him the talent of 
penetrating the innensost thoughts of the most reserved men;" 
and jnakes Cardinal LudoTisio ntter an encomium on the 
Venetian republic^ because she always selected men of the 
most approved absKty for the embaasy to B<»ne. 

BaiBier Zeno appears some years later in the Venetian 
troubles of 1 028. Here, also, whatever proceeds from his pen 
has thai stamp of self^appvoval mamiest in the report befiire 
ttBy and whidif betrays itself in so many Italians and Spaniards 
of that Gentmry. 

AmoE^ men of this cboaseier there could not iail to be 
many eoSBsions; Bander Zeno aecordmgly experienced the 
nKMt unpleasant incideate in thoGoarse of ma embassy. 

TIfeese took place for the meet part in the pontificate of 
Gregory XV. Ladovkio dosired a diqplay of reverence and 
observance that Zeno wonld not accord him : they conse- 
^aenily soon fell into violent dissensidns* 

In the latter part of his report Zeno describes these conten- 
tions. He boasts of having freqveatiy given sharp replies to 
the papal nephew-'— of reducing hin^ to silence. He derived 
especial satisfexjtion from having arrived by aeeret means at 
the knowledge of things which the cardinal nephew believed 
to be veiled in the deepest secrecy, and respectii^ which he 
would then let him see that he was perfectly well acquainted 
with the whole. It rejoices him to think of the vexation this 
occasioned to Ludovisio. " Vedev%" ho says, " che appresso 
di me non poteva restare in qud gran concetto di sapere 
ch'egli con tutti ascosamente ambiva/' [[He saw that with me 
he must give up his mighty conceit of being impenetrable to 
every one.^ Bat be will not have it supposed that much evil 
came of this ; on the contrary, the republic was thereby ad- 
vanced in reputation. When it was proposed to leave the 
Valtelfine as a deposit in the hands of the Spaniards, there 
was nothing so much dreaded by Ludovisio as iLe noise of the 
Venetian protest«,*^^41 fracasso che era per fiEurio, il rimbombo 
delle raie proteste " [^the uproar that I was sure to make, the 
reeoonding of my protestations]. 

But these times had, meanwhile, passed away. Urban VIII. 
kiad ascended the pi^ throne, and Rainier Zeno makes it his 
[larticalar care to ckscribe ihe personal character, the court, 
2 a2 


and political administration of that pontiff, so far as thejr had 
at that time become known. 

He declares repeatedly that the cardinals made it their 
only thought to speak in such a manner as might satisfy the 
I>ope. He considers it perfectly right that oo inaa shonU 
think of attempting to bring the papal finances into oidfiiK. 
There is no instrument, he says, so well fitted to throvaB 
Christendom into confusion as the head of a pope. 

He thereupon sketches a portrait of Urban YIII. ^ jl 
prencipe d'aspetto grave e venexabile, di statnra graodeidii 
colore olivastro, di lineomenti nobili, di pel nero cfae ooBip- 
cia a tirar al canuto, d'attillatura piii che ordinan% e 4i 
gratia singolare ne' gesti e ne' moti dd corpo. Paria. p^ 
eccellenza bene, et in qualsiyoglia discoiso ohe^ 
ha da difendersi quanto vuole, e d'ogni materia inoi^ 
d'haver peritia straordinaria. Ha mostrato sin hora ^etta 
grande della poesia, Tuso della quale non ha mai intenaoMti 
n^ pnre nolle occupation! e nelli stndii pi^ serii : percA 
gl'intendenti di questa arte e delle lettere che. chiamano. H 
humanity sono stati sempre benvednti da lui, et gU ha faTctfiii 
cortesemente in quelle che ha potnto : non I'ha per5 q^eito 
diletto astratto da quelle che importava pii^ e ohe eia;^i 
necessario per li carichi che successivamente U sono passati.p^ 
le mani, dice dallo studio delle leggi, nel quale ba faticftio 
incessantemente dalla prima giovent^ sine a questi ukinu 
anni con tanta maggiore applicatione, perche cod richiedevalfk 
carica del perfetto della signatura di giustitia, magistrato ^ 
richiede studio et acutezza grandissima et esattissima ptf 
la variety delle materie che vi concorrono. Delli affari d#l 
mondo e degl' interessi de' prencipi e intendenUssimo, qnaalfcd 
che se nolle scuole politiche havesse fatto oontinua dimofa." 
I^He is a prince of graye and venerable aspect, tall in statuiQ^ 
of an olive complexion ; his features are noble, and hb hair 
black, beginning to turn grey ; more than commonly elegBSlt 
in appearance, singularly graceful in his gestures and die 
movements of his body. He speaks admirably well, and Oi 
whatever subject you enter with him, he has aigunieiits at 
will, and displays extraordinary proficiency in every maftilQi^ 
He has hitherto shewn a great love for poetry, which he has 
never ceased to cultivate, even in his most serious oeoi^ 
tions and studies. Those who are well acquainted witii tUs 

No. 103.] COURT OP URBAN VIII. 357 

ajrt, and with what is called humane letters, hare been always 
well received by him, and he has courteously favoured them 
in all that came within his power; yet this taste does not 
abstract his attention from things of greater importance, and 
which were more essential to the due performance of his 
duties in such offices as have successively passed through his 
hands. I speak of the study of law, in which he has laboured 
incessantly from his earliest youth even to these last years, 
and that with the extraordinary closeness of application 
required by his charge of prefect to the segnatura of justice, a 
magistracy demanding severe study, extreme acuteness, and 
the most exact accuracy, because of the variety of the affairs 
brought before it. He is so well versed in the business of the 
world, and the interests of princes, that it might be thought he 
had passed his whole time in the schools of politics.] 

It is by no means necessary that we should extract further. 
The resemblance of this portrait is only in the general outline; 
th6 more delicate features of that intellectual physiognomy 
are not to be found here, whether because they were not de- 
veloped until a later period, or that Zeno had not the power of 
comprehending them. 

The case is precisely similar with the following descriptions 
of the pope's relatives and the cardinals, of whom the author 
^iveea circumstantial account. 

One thing only demands notice, that he advises the senate 
to expect no kind of service from the Venetian cardinals. 
*' Priuli," he says, " languido di spirito come di oorpo." [Priuli, 
fe^le in mind as in body.] So contemptuously does he treat 
them! Of Venier he will not speak at all, in order that he may 
have no contentions with his kinsmen. 

He next proceeds to the political relations. He declaxes 
himself at least content that this time a pope has been 
elected who is not in love with the Spaniards. Albuquerque 
had found the soil exceedingly stubborn, and could not 
get what he wanted. The relations of Urban YIII. to 
France are described by Zeno in the following manner. 

'^ Non h da dubitarsi che il pontefice verso il regno di Francia 
hahbi molta propensione d'affetto, additandocelo molte con* 
getture probabilissime : hebbero a quella corte principio le sue 
grandezze, alle quali, se bene ascese per meriti proprii, non 
n^ga perb egli medesimo ohe di grande ajuto li fossero U 


attefltotioni d'Henrioo quuto delk sodifrfattione the hB,Ter% 

del 800 ngodo di negotiaro et del gnerto che fwmaieUie di 

Yedeili parteeipftto I'honor eolito a oonferirm alli altri ren- 

denti in qneUa cariea; quadra benisBiHio a Boa 8** il tnttare 

de' Franoesi ingenuo et libero, lontano dalli artifioii, lontano 

dalle duplicitll pioprie delle altre natioBi ; ba una certa oonfer- 

mitk di genio alia qnalitil de' ttudii alli quali s'applicano et 

de' quali si dilettano jn^ li Franceei, cb^ la pnBtezza dtHk 

lettere, I'eruditione pi^ aoooneia, la poeeia, la eognitione ddSe 

lingoe, in ohe per qnanto le permett(»o le sne attioBi^ i^ 

pigliato molto piaoere. Stima quel regno, qnanto si pooB 

dire, per reputario eqnililirio dell' amlnlaone d altri, 11 tsai fini ^ 

mirano Beam dubbio alia monareliia aniversale." [Tt is sk>I to \ 

be doubted that the pontiff has a most fnendly di8po«tio& 

towards the kinsdom of France,, a thing pointed out to us sa J 

most highly pr<K)able by many cironmstances ; for first his 

greatness took its rise in that court. Since, alHiougb it is true 

that he rose ^y his own merits, yet he does not himself dsuj 

that he receiyed great assistance from the attestatioiiB m 

Henry lY. to the satisfiMstion produced by his mode of tnw- 

acting business, and to that monarch's assurance of tbe fhft- 

sure it would give him to see him participate in the honoiiis 

usually conferred on other residents who had held the auae 

charge. The frank and ingenuous proceedings of the 

French, wholly free from the artifice and duplicity oommon 

to other nations, are in perfect accord with the disposition ti 

his holiness ; there is also a certain conformity in the modes of 

study to whidi the French apply themselyes, and in whteh 

they excel, with those in which his holiness takes pleasure,— 

the more polite literature, that is to say, tibe more graoefvl 

kinds of erudition, poetry, and the study of languages, in which 

he also delights, and has engaged, in so fur as his aetiye duties 

haye permitted. He esteems that kingdom as much as words 

can say, because he considers it as a counterpoise to the 

ambition of the others, which unquestionably aim at uniyersal 


The pope took it yery ill that the Venetians should cod- 
nect themselyes with heretics and unbelieyers. He thought 
there could certainly haye been other assistance found for 

Zeno concludes by once more recalling to mind the toils 


and struggles that his offiee had cost him; his incessant 
watohings, his sleepless nights, and the bitter vexations by 
which his health had been impaired. ^' Yet am I more 
xe^aoed," he says, " to have worn out my life in tiie service 
4^. m|r native land, than if I had lived at ease for a whole 
oentnry, but remained inactive." 

No. 104. 

Relatione degli ecc"^^ si^nori umb" straordinariiy Corner, 
jEhrizzOj SoranzOj e ^enOy ritarnati tdiimamente da BofMty 
Um aiV ece*"" senato 25 Febr. 1624. (i. e. M. V. 1625.) 
JTBeport of the most excellent ih^ ambassadors extraordinary. 
Comer, Erizzo, Soranzo, and Zeuo, lately returned from 
Bome, read to the most excellent senate 25 Fdb. 1624. 
(a. e. M. V. 1625,)] 

When Gr^ory XY. declared that he wonld no longer 
iiansact bnsiAess with Rainier Zeno, the Yenetians sent 
Oeionimo Soianzo to take his place. Yet Zeno was still in 
Borne, as we have just seen, when Urban YIII. was elected. 
Soth were commissioned to congratulate the new pontiff, 
iGomer and Erizzo appearing to complete the embassy. 

The report which they prepared in common is free from 
ihoee effusions of self-love to which Zeno alone gave indul- 
gence; it acquires a certain importance from the fact that the 
«£birs of the republic had again become complicated by the 
matter of the Yaltelliue. 

Pope Urban appears to have been greatly dissatisfied by 
the Yenetians having taken part with the French in their 
attack on the papal garrisons. '^Ohe i eannoni della repub- 
lica si fossero voltati contra i luoghi tenuti in deposito della 
S. S**, che chiamb luoghi dell' istessa ehiesa." [|That the 
cannon of the republic should have been turned against places 
bold in deposit by his holiness, and whidi might therefore be 
ealled the fortresses of the churdi itself*] 

" Nd mancano," continue the ambassadors, '^ in Roma sog- 
getti d'ogni giado et d'ogni quality che proponevano a S. 6^, 
come ella medesima ci disse, ad usare contra quell' eccr*" 
senato le censure ecclesiastiche." QNor are there wanting in 
Bome men of every rank, and of all characters^ who igc5^ 


posed to Lis holiness, as be told us himself, thai 
utter the ecclesiastical censures against the mot 

They laboured to excuse themselves as well a 
sibly could: they aflSrmed that it was the pur] 
Spaniards to possess themselves of universal 
^^Rendersi patroni di quelli passi, per facilitar 
archia di questa provincia." [To make tbemsel 
of those passes, and thereby fiusilitate their attaini 
sovereignty of that province.] They alleged tl 
had been perfectly secure, and that their bavin 
league with Ultramontanes was the less to be broi 
them as a ground of reproach, because they hac 
bidden by the popes themselves to raise troops ii 
of the Gfauroh. 

Urban had believed that they would make hix 
ciliatory proposal in relation to that affair ; but 
commission to that effect. On his side, also, he 
account inaccessible to their requests. They wer< 
content themselves with merely perceiving that hL 
was mitigated : *•' Nou si impetrava altro che * 
dell' acerbitii mostrata del suo animo." [They gai 
further than a mitigation of that animosity whid 

But this could not have been a very difficul 
attain, since the aversion of Urban to the Sf 
already made itself manifest. He declared ^' < 
teva parlar alto, perche troppo era circoudato < 
e che a Madrid lo chiamavano heretico, ma cl 
havrebbe fatto rispettare" Qhat he dared not 
his breath, so clos^y was he surrounded by Sp 
that at Madrid they were calling him a heretic ; I 
were armed he would make himself respected j. 

His subsequent opinions and conduct was alrea 
forth in these words. 

It is principally with interests of this kind th 
is occupied, but it also attempts to give an i 
affikirs in general. Let us observe how it descril 
of the government in tlie first years of Urban V] 
^^ Quelli che di presente sono in maggior auto 
pontefice nella essentia degli affari, si ristrin^ 


cardinale Magalotti e nel sig' Don Carlo Barberino, fratello 
della. Beat*** Sua. Mostrano perb ambidne di non conoscere e 
non havere questa autorit^ : scbifano i congressi, parono non 
eeser informati dei negotii, non gustano di esser frequentemente 
Tiatati, e con queeta maniera di procedere, differente assai 
dal coBtnme dei parenti dei pontefici passati, conservano in 
maggior riputatione la SantitiL Sua,yolendo dar ad intendere che 
tatio dipende dai soli cenni di lei," &c. [|Witb regard to tbose 
who are now in the highest authority with the pontiff for the 
most essential affiiirs,they are restricted to two persons, namely, 
Cardinal Magalotti and Don Carlo Barberino, brother of his 
lioUnesB. It is true that both affect to be quite unconscious of 
this authority, and not to possess it : they avoid all official 
interviews, pretend to know nothing of the affiiirs in hand, do 
not approve of being frequently visited ; and by this mode of 
proceeding, very unHke that adopted by the kindred of other 
popes, they more effectually sustain the reputation of his 
holiness, desiring to have it understood that all depends 
entirely on his commands alone. 

^In events of very grave importance, his holiness was some- 
times wont to summon to his councils the cardinals Bandlno, 
Melini, Scaglia, Santa Susanna, and some others ; because, 
knowing them to be of very severe character, he sought by 
this appearance to give proofs of esteem for the sacred college 
and for their persons: not that he was in effect much inclined 
towards them, or confided greatly to their opinions. And this 
conceit of his holiness, which is clearly perceived by the said 
cardinals as well as by others, is complained of by every one, 
all affirming that after his determination respecting affairs is 
taken, he communicates with them, but not with any intention 
of accepting their advice. They perceive also that he becomes 
daily more negligent in making these communications, omit- 
ting, indeed, altogether to hold consultations with the cardi- 
nals. It is true, that though greatly induced to this by the 
wish to retain absolute dominion and authority in his own 
hands, yet he is the more confirmed in it because he knows 
them to be dependent on one or other of the foreign sove- 
reigns, and attached to the interests of those princes ; so that 
he considers this course to be most advantageous for himself. 

f With respect to matters touching the republic, Mon^gnor 
Gessi and Monsignor Montefiascone are admitted to the con- 

862 HI8T0EY OF THE POPES — ^APPENDIX. [No. 104. '^ 

BultatioDS, M haying been nuncios to this citj ajid well ae- } 
qoainted with its affiurs. Ooeasionallj also, Anzolo Badoer i 
is also invited, but he lives in Rome under another name and I 
surname, having become a priest and fixed himself there | 
finally, residing for his greater seouritj in a house attached to \ 
the monastery of the Frati deUa Boalla, in whose church he 1 
generally says mass. But, as we have sud, the Oaniinal j 
ICagalotti and Signer Carlo Barberino are tlid fixed stars of j 
that firmament ; and all negotiations, being confined to those 
two heads, are conducted with the closest Bwrecj ; so that wint 
we could not attain to by conjeotnre, it was voy difficult to 
know by any other means, unless we were directly infomed 
by the pontiff himself. 

[Don Carlo displays a similar independence of prinees t» 
that possessed by his holiness. He is fifty-eight years old, if 
good constitution, and strong. He is disposed to giTe satis- 
fsustion to the people by keeping the dttes well supj^ed witk 
all things. In his private affairs he is a cuefiol eoofUMiiiiit; 
and is anxious to make himsdf ridi, knowing well thai thi 
reputation of men is enhanced by wealth, — nay, that frM 
exaXtB and distinguishes its possessor advantageonsly iu the 
eyes of the world ; besides that, it is the generally i^soekfti 
opinion that it is not reasonable or suitable for a man who kift 
once been the kinsman of a pope, to remain aDfcer his death in 
narrow circumstances. He is a man of few words, hut sensi- 
tive. He has shown the highest reverence for the most 
serene republic, but we having said to him, on paying our 
compliments, that we wished his holiness a long reign, he 
replied with a certain bitterness, that if the pope were to be 
respected and honoured as pope, — alluding to matters then 
proceeding in the Yaltelline,— he should desire long life foe 
him; but that if it were to be otherwise, he should pray the 
Almighty to take him to himself as soon as posnble. 

[Cardinal Magalotti also professes to live in perfect inde- 
pendence. He is a sagacious and prudent man, shewing geak 
vivacity of mind and restlessness of spirit, and it is fa^wfed 
that he might be gained. As the cardinal-nephew increases 
in age and experience, it is thought that they will scarcely go 
on well together, and that the pope will therefore take care to 
avail himself of the cardinal's services at the right moment, in 
some legation.]] 


No. 105. 

"^nstrutHone a M"* Saccketti^ vescavo di Xxravma^ nunzi^ 
destinato di JST. S"* per la if catf\ 11524. Barh,foL 
26 leaves, ^[uetructioiis to Hoofiignor Sacclietti, bisLop 
of Giavina^ nuncio elect from our lord the pope to ibe 
king of Spiun.3 

Tbe diziectioBB of Sacdietti refer, first, to Uie domestic 
ffairs ^ Spain ; secoiuily, to tiioae of Europe fenerally. 

1. There were at all tunes manifold rivalries and disputes 
NStween Rome aod Spain. The Roman court was 511st tlien, 
or example, extremely diq)leased that a cardinal snch as 
jenna dionld he deprived of his revenues said sammoned 
lefefe a secuhur tribunal. But while the pope laboured to 
»ut a stop to these proceedings, he caused Lerma to be admo- 
lii^edy at the same time, tlutt he must resign all hope of 
rorldlj greataess,— that nothing further, indeed, could be 
lone, since Olivwez was ao high in &vour; wherefore he 
vould do well to make up his mind, and after having lived so 
ong for others, at length to live to God and himself. On 
he other hand the nuncio was referred to Olivarez, with 
7hom the Roman court was at that moment still on good 
erms. The following remarkable circumstance is brought 
brward on this occasion i — '' It has come to pass that the 
ealonsj of the queen, aroused by some suspicion that the king 
lad bestowed his affections elsewhere, has led her to complain 
the king of France, her brother, in such sort that the latter 
lad taken a resolution to make it a matter of public dispute 
irith his brother-in-law. But the predecessor of your excel- 
ency wrote about the business, and said he had found a remedy 
ly establishing confidence between Count Olivarez and the 
lueen, who had before been exceedingly distrustful of him." 

The nuncio is also recommended to have recourse to the 
rrand inquisitor, and was directed to stimulate that official to 
:ncrea«ed watdifttlness against the introduction of heretical 
k>oks into Spain and the Indies. 

2. There had been conceived in Spain the idea of securing 
the German line in more peaceful possession of their late 
acquisitions by means of two new marriages. The hereditary 
Prince Palatine and Bethlem Gabor were both to be mamc^ 

364 niSTORY OF THE POPES — APPENDIX. [NoS. 105, 106. 


to princesses of the imperial house. By these means it was ( 
hoped that the Hungarian trouhies, and still more oeirtfunly 
those of Germany, might he got over. . This purpose d^ 
Hot at first ohtain credence in Rome, hut on the receipt of 
further intelligence, it was no longer possible to doubt. The 'i 
pope hastened to make remonstrances to the king against thb I 
design. It had appeared from certain letters, that it was hjr I 
no means the purpose of the English to suffer that the PrilMe ) 
Palatine should become Catholic, even though he did go taifae 
imperial court, and would they venture to confide in i» 
unstable a man as Gabor ? He (the pontiff) could nd^flr 
believe nor sanction such proposals, and charged his nwam ^ 
to oppose them with his utmost power. — ^^ Your Lordsifip^ 
but with address and watching your time— will do every t^Bj^ 
to impede them Qhose two marriages] that, humanly speakiBJif, j 
you may." 

We know that Pope Urban himself had alargepaitni 
defeating these, if far-sought, yet well-intentioned plans. Thl 
mission of Rota, which we have before mentioned, is explaind 
hy these expressions. 

No. 106. 

Imtruttione a V. S^ arcivescovo di Damiata e chierico di ca- 
mera per la nuntiatura ordinaria al re crist*^, 23 Ge$M^ 
1624. [^Instructions to the Archbishop of Damiata, clerk of 
the chamber, nuncio in ordinary to the king of France.] 

This Instruction is the counterpart of that given to 

Here also the pope condemns the above-described plan for 
the restitution of the Palatinate in the most violent manner. 
He calls on the king to use his influence for inducing Saxony 
to abstain from impeding the progress of the Bavarian power. 
After that he wishes for nothing more earnestly than the de- 
struction of Orange, which was only a gathering-place fttf 

But the most important part of this document refers to 
the internal affairs. King Louis XIII. is described ss 
follows : — " The king is beyond measure virtuous, and 


abhors all those vices which are wont to accompany Bove-^ 
reign power. He is not hanghty, bnt most affable. He is not 
too much attached to his own opinion, but rather loves to 
receive good counsels. He is no lover of ease, but is devoted to 
labour, which he bears bravely ; he knows no pleasure but that 
of the chase ; he cherishes no abject or grovelling thought, but 
is most desirous of glory, yet without neglecting the duties of 
piety. His ministers of state, as also his attendants at the 
chase, whom he readily accosts, may enjoy a degree of liberty 
with his majesty which the rigid etiquette of the great rarely 
peifmits. Among those who have access to his majesty on 
account of the chase, his principal, favourite is the sieur de 
Toiras, a wary and prudent man, who does not mix himself 
up with state affairs, that he may the better conceal his in- 
fluence, but is very capable of acting in them." 

Under this monarch, Catholicism was making the most 
brilliant progress. The nuncio is enjoined to promote all the 
miasions to the very utmost of his power, more particularly 
those in the south of France : he is directed to defend their 
interests on all occasions at the court of the kiug. 

But even at that time a constantly-renewed and insuperable 
opposition was arising from the Grallican principles. 

There was at least a portion of the members of the Sor- 
bonne by whom the doctrine of the independence of the tem- 
poral power and the divine right of bishops was put forward 
and defended. Some even propounded the opinion that 
parish priests had a right to as much power in their parishes 
as the bishops in their bishoprics. These doctrines the pope 
considers abominable: it grieves him sorely that though Richer, 
who defended these opinions with especial earnestness, was 
exconununicated, yet that he paid no regard to that circum^ 
stance, but continued to read mass as before. The parliaments 
were meanwhile taking active measures to limit the eccle- 
siastical jurisdiction. The appeals ^'comme dabus," the 
inquiries into the despatches of the dataria, the encroachments 
on the jurisdiction of the bishops, appeared to the pope like so 
many usurpations. \^^' They favour all who appeal to them, 
and in this manner they seek to subjugate such provinces as 
are not yet subjectid to them, as, for example, Brittany, 
Provence, and Bourg-en-Bresse."] 

In the prohibition of books, also, the parliament interfered. 


Gladly would the mincios hsre forbidden works bbcIi aa tliose 
of De Thou and Rieher, bat tbej found it inposailkle. The 
new nuncio is directed to prerent the coining out of mis. 
chieYons books, rather than to wait for thekr aypeanmce :— - 
[^ The printing-presees are true hotbeds of all &£» doetcinei^ 
and it will be necessary that the nuniao ediould sedc to nukd 
friends of the booksellers, that thej mxy give notice imm 
time to time of what books are in the presi^ seeing that wka 
once they are printed, there is difficulty in obtaining the pi^ 

We see clearly that the entire conflict between the Giubs 
and Gallicanism had already commenced, — that ooattit 
which, under its various forms, kept different periods of tii0 
old Bourbon monarchy in constant coiamtftioa. 

No. 107. 
Iniirtittiane a V. S"^ Mans' Campeggij vescovo di Omm^ 
dMtinato da N, Sig'* 8iu> nuntio al S^ Si/^ duca di SawAk 
1624. [|Instmction to Monsignor Campeggi, bishop of 
Ceeena, papal nuncio to the most serene duke of Savoy,] 
An Instruction that is remarkable, partioii)«riy as ihxemii 
further light on the previously-named misnon of Don Tebn 
Corona. We pereeiye that the enterpriie against GenayawH 
brought to nothing, principally by the opposition of LoiMi 
and Rohan, who were still powerful, but also in pajrt by thl 
respect in which the Huguenots generally were h^. W« 
also learn, however, that the hope of it was not by aaj 
means relinquished on that account. 

^'^ From whom the first suggestion of this enterprise pnh 
ceeded, whether from the pope or the duke, is not well knawai 
It is true that the pope sent briefs and letters of ezhor" 
tation to the duke himself, and to the prince of Piedmont) 
whence it might be conjectured that the pope was the aa* 
thor of it ; but his highness the duke displayed so prout t 
readiness to receive exhortation, that it does not seem likely 
to go very wide of the truth if we believe him to have is* * 
dnced the pope to write to him. The difficulties encounteiQ^ 
by Father Corona did not originate with the king or queei» 
who readily yielded to the pontifical persuasions : they arose v 
from the constable Luines, followed by the principal ministers, 

No. 107.] THB PAPAL NUlfCIO IN SAVOY. 367 

who were moved either by their own interests or by their 
wish to pay court to the constable, and by certain grandees of 
the Hngnenot party. It is believed that the aversion to this 
enterprise dis{^yed by Lnines was inspired by the due de 
Rohan; and if we inquire the motive that could impel the 
latter to oppose the undertaking, we find no other than his 
own desire for the maintenance of the heretics, he being one 
of them, and the fear he felt of. losing a large body of 
followers in France from his adherents having to go to the 
succour of the Genevese. The negotiation of Father Tobui 
resulted in this, that not only the king was not displeased by 
that mission, but that none — even of those who well per- 
ceived att its purport— -dared op^y to Uame it. AH that was 
said was, that some declared the tira» was noi conie fev 
attempting so great an undertaking ; and othenr said the duke 
ought not to l^ve placed the king in that strait till after the 
thing was done, because that then his majesty would not 
hare been able to refuse his approbolion to the piety and mag- 
nanimity of the duke, while previously to the fact his majesty 
could not violate that faith under which the Genevese believed 
they were reposing in security. From that time to the pre- 
sent it has been believed that the duke intended to attempt a 
surprise; and now there is no longer any doubt of this, because 
his higlmess has declared himself to hia holiness, entreating 
bis asnstaiHse. His holiness has replied that he will grant it 
willingly, and in a manner similar to that adopted by Pope 
Otegory. But as that course would not be compatible witili 
the secrecy demanded for a surprise, his highness has preferred 
to content himself with the promise of our lord the pope, that 
he will use his influence with the most Christian king, so that 
after the thing has been done, his majesty shall not be indig- 
nant thereat."^ 

There is, moreover, mention in this document of certain 
affairs more especially touching Piedmont. They shewed that 
a path was opening to the disputes of a later period. The 
duke claimed the privilege of nominating to episcopal sees : 
tlie pope would acknowledge nothing further in him than the 
riglit of recommending, and evinces displeasure at certain 
Imrthens that were laid on the clergy. 

368 UISTORY OP THE POPBfr— APPBimnL [No. 108. 

No. 108. 

Raggitaglio dello stato di religione net regno di Boemia e tw 
provincie incorporate, 1624. []An account of the 8Mb 
of reli^on in the kingdom of Bohemia and its incorporated 
provinces. 1624.] 

In Maj, 1621, Carlo Caraffa arrived in Prague, and proceeded imiBe- 
diately to the work with which Gregory- XV. had especially cfaaned 
hiin,---the superintendence, namely, of the restoration of Catholidsm li 

Eighteen months after this, as he himself informs us, oonseqnentlyia 
November, 1622, he prepared a report of his labours, nnder tiie iSik 
" Relatio Bohemica,'* which he despatched to the newly-founded Froft- 
ganda. I had sight of the original work, that which circoUted tmoBt 
the members of tiic Congregation : these were cardinals Sauli, TTiimlw. 
Barberini (afterwards Urban VIII.), Borgia (at a later period the vkMI 
opponent of Urban), Ubaldini, Santa Susanna, Valerio Sagrato, voA 
ZoUern, with the prelates Vives, Agucchi, and Scala. ZoUem w 
deputed to take a copy and report from it. 

This first report Caraffa enlarged fourteen months afterwards^ oonse- 
quently in June, 1624 ; and sent it, under the title given above, to Urim 
VIII., in order, as he says, *' to kindle his paternal zeal into still greater 
love towards the Bohemians." 

There is an elaborate printed work by Caraffa still extant, *' Commsii- 
taria de Germania sacra restaurata ;** which is one of the most imporliBt 
sources for the history of the first ten years of the thirty years' war ; but, 
in the first place, he could not there enter so fully into the details of hii 
Bohemian labours, to which he always looks back with complacency, si 
in a report especially devoted to that purpose ; and there were, bendn, 
certain other considerations required for a printed work, certain reittie- 
tions imposed by various motives. The Report, on the contrary, spiakii 
out in full freedom, giving all the facts in detail. 

It does not, indeed, comprise more than the beginning of the changes 
effected in Bohemia ; but as respects these it is, in fact, of great im- 

I have already availed myself of these details in the narrative, bvt 
necessarily with close compression. I will here add a few particolan, 
from which it will be seen under what difficulties, chiefly created by tlie 
government of the country, the nuncio carried his views into effisct. 

1. The introduction of the Liatin ritual. 

[*' Having held a conference respecting that matter with PUteis, and 
considering that those few Bohemians who were Catholics troqpitM 
without any restriction the churches of our ritual, where, nevertheIesB»tli7. 
always heard the divine offices performed in the Latin tongue, I judged tfcit 
we ought not to despair of causing the same to be done by those also lite 
should be newly converted, more especially if it were insinuated to them by 
the preachers that this tongue is, as it were, in a certain sort of its esMMB 
most suitable for the divine offices in use through all CathoBc aa3P 
tries, and particularly in those churches which are comprised benfiiili tte 


rule of the western empire, as a sign of the superiority and predominanoo 
of the Roman church over all odiers. Wherefore, I gave orders to the 
said Plateis, that at the first possible moment he should employ his ut^ 
most diligence towards restoring the use of the aforesaid idiom in such 
churches as were already taken from the hands of the heretics. Accord- 
ingly, on the day of the holy apostles Saint Simon and Jude, in the year 
1621, on the occasion of the church of Saint Stephen, the principal parish 
of the Terranova, being provided by the archbishop with a CathoUc incum- 
bent, which parish was inhabited by the very meanest of the people, 
among whom there were very few Catholics, the most immaculate sacri- 
fice of the mass was celebrated in the presence of a very great number of 
heretics in the aforesaid church, in the Latin tongue, with aspersion of 
holy water, invocation of saints, and all the Roman rites, two centuries 
ttfter the Latin tongue had been excluded from that church, and wherein 
the mass had not been celebrated for very many years, either in one idiom 
or the other. This example was afterwards followed, not only by the 
^dmrches of the city, but by those of all other places in the kingdom, 
without any complaint or outcry whatever on the part of the people ; and 
I, being in Prague, have seen the said people conduct themselves with 
much attention at the divine oflices.''] 

2. Deprivation of the cup. 

[*' Then when I had learned the desires and views of the sacred congre- 
gation of the holy office, from the letters and documents sent me at that 
time, I determined to forbid it (the cup) altogether, and to give no fur- 
ther ear to the clamours and prayers of those iidiabiting the said kingdom, 
arguing that if they were disposed to be obedient sons of holy church, 
they would walk in this as well as in every other matter in concert with 
the rest of the Catholic body ; but if they should shun to return from this 
abuse, rooted in the minds even of Catholics by that pretended concession 
of Pins IV., it must be held as a proof of pride and obstinacy, and as a 
sign that they were not true Catholics. Whence, laying aside all other 
considerations, and disregarding the dangers alleged by politicians, who 
imagined that insurrections and irremediable evils would proceed from 
this hinovation, I caused all the parish priests to be prohibited from 
offering to any one the species of the wine, commanding them that, who- 
soever should demand both species of them, they should ask if he were a 
Catholic, and on his declaring himself to be such, should set forth to him 
the necessity of giving obedience to the Roman ritual, which excludes the 
laity from the cup. Then many who were not touched by true zeal, hearing 
this, persisted in their obstinacy, not communicating in either form, and 
we meanwhile kept fast to our purpose that the cup should not be offered ; 
. but there was not one of those priests who had returned to their alle- 
giance, and who had the reconciled churches in their cure, who would have 
had courage to offer the single species of bread in the fece of the heretics 
ffjho frequented the said churches, if the chancellor Plateis had not so in- 
trejpidly given commencement to that holy enterprise in the parish of 
Saint Martin, as hath been noted above. Which usage, being introduced 
to the praise of God in the other churches, is observed in them with per- 
fe^jtranqnillity, although the statesmen gave me trouble enough in the 
nfler. For the heretics, seeing the design that they had formed of com- 
pelling true Catholic priests to administer the sacrament under both kinda 

VOL. III. 2 B 


to be bknrn to the winds, had TooovBe, in the year just past, 1622, tottM 
aid of the said statesmen ; hut in what manner diej eomported themsdns 
on that occasion it is not my business at this time to relate. liSt it be 
snfteient to say that they extorted a letter teom Prinoe lichtenatam, mkt 
was then here, in virtoe of which, as tho«gh it were by older of his ma^esly, 
aammoning the two parish priests of the Tein and Santo Barieo, who hsd 
formerly !]«en Dominicans, they eommanded tkem, that in tbm snlr—i i 
ties of Easter, they should present the sac jrsBMut indi iB Bte mUy to cmf 
one, to whatsoever ritual be might belong, under both speciea. Aeesrt- 
ingly, on Thursday, * in Coena Domini,' by the pure perfidy of ikmmii 
statesmen, tiiere was committed the greatest abomination ; More tihsM tot 

thousand wicked heretics receiving the yenerabla body of th* hmi 
consecrated under the two forms of bread and wine^ Hreai the ksB^ «f 
the legitimate priests, the holy thing being tins given to dtog^bylfes 
tnUt of Cathotic men. To this Plateis did not fidl to naktt SMkef^ 
sition as might have been expected from him ; but nothing oq«14 mB 
against their temerity ; wherefore, to maintain the prohibition of the use d 
& cup, he resolved to take courage, and to ^Bprne the SBemascol pi^ 
Hdy, under the form of bread alone, as he did three days after xa tb€ 
church of Saint Martin. And I, having had notiee of tiyit SmMiaBi 
crime, went instantly to make a bitter comjdaint of it to hia m^Mfj, 
beseediing, in every manner most likely to prevail^ Hist hia mhii s toi 
dtould not take it upon themselves to intermeddle in tiioae tfaings iMit 
concerned the reverence due to the awful sacrament of iShe altar, whidi be- 
longed solely to the spiritual power, as rdstiag to the salvitieit Off thaaeal ; 
lamenting, further, that they, witiiout fittmg respect, should vcaton 
to interfile with the ministers of religion, not shewing any ai^pi af ehe- 
dience towards God and the holy Roman see, of whi& hu migealy hal 
ever proved hinoelf so observant. By all whidi tiie anqwror, tofa^ 
beyond measure affected, instantly gave most rigid command to the ssii 
statesmen to the eflect diat they should leave tiie care of nriliwafiikil 
affidrs and of religion to churchsnen, reprehending tiiem several^ fcr the 
presumption they had committed. Thereupon they rose violently aodait 
myself and Plateis, as being those from whom they were psrsuiMlef tiat 
the rebuff they had received from his majesty had originated ; and baaliBi 
that they bitterly threatened Plateis, they ctid not abstain frona assaflag 
my authority also, intimating to monsignore the archbishop, that he wu 
not bound to obey me in a matter of so much inmortanee aa llie sup- 
pression of the use of the cup in Prague, unless I shewed him a spedil 
brief firom his holiness to that effect ; neither dkl they omit to stir up tiie 
aforesaid parish priests, bidding them be of good courage, and p e t— aiinf 
them that they need have no fear either of me or the archbishop, aiaoe thej 
would be always protected and upheld by the politkal government) to 
which, in that kingdom, the ecclesiastics were subjected by ancient ussge. 
By these means they contrived that the curate of the Tein, again previri- 
cating, committed aa act of open disobedience, and had the boldness to 
preach to the people that they should not suff<» the papists, who 80U|^ 
to tyraiini2e in every thing, to take away the use of the cup, and list 
they should pray to God for him, the tme defender of that ancient rits 
of their fathers, in such sort that the populace made some litfle tassukf 
presenting themselves that evening to the number of 2,066^ at tibe house <i 


that corate, as if in his deftnce. But this having come to my knowledge, I 
at ODoe incited his majesty to indignation, and obtained command that 
the said priest should be arrested, and given over to monsignore the 
archbishop. This was executed without any delay whatever ; and that 
pe|wdaoe which had first shewn so much eagerness for Ins security, did 
not make the slii^test movement, although they beheld him carried away 
ia the face of day, and before all the people. And he, after some wee]4 
of incarceration, having died in prison, his place in the cure of that 
church, whidi is the principal one of the * Terra veodua,' was supplied 
by another priest, a Catholic, and further by the preaching of the canon 
Rottua, a man distinguished both for learning and zeal, who still adminis- 
ters the duties of that charge with great advantage, and the attendance of 
a vast concourse, both of Catholics and heretics, all of whom willingly 
hear the preaching of that good priest, attracted by his efficacious word 
and pleasing manner.'^] 

3. Goieral mode of proceeding. 

I** By decree of his majesty, and in conform^ with the resolutioiw 
adopted by the preliminary congregation held in '^enna, all the cities of 
the kingdom have since been rdformed, the heretical ministers and 
preachers being driven out of them, and from the districts around them. 
In each of tfc^, besides the priest, there have been placed a captain, 
judge, president of the council and chancellor, all Cathouo— the heretical 
wonhip bdng banished from their borders for ever ; for the emperor 
had become convinced by ejqpeneoce and the examjde of the fidelity of 
Budweis, and tiie perfidy of ahnost all the others, how great a difference 
was made by the question of whether the cities were heretic or CathoUc 
And ft^thofg*» the prince of Lichtenstdn, who was already drawing back 
firom the reform now commenced, because of the many rumours of the 
displeasure it caused in Saxony, continued to promote it on my causmg 
the order to be repeated to him, yet he remained undecided respecting 
the circles of Egra and Culm, on account of their bordering on Saxony, 
and that they dumed to hold of the empire, and not of tiie crown of 
Bohemia. From all this it comes to pass that there still remain certain 
preachers in the kingdom who are protected by heretic barons, or by 
Caulks of little faith ; more particularly do they abound in the drcle of 
Leitmeritx, supported by a Catholic baron, who, professing great inti 
macy and firiendship with the elector of Saxony, is persuaded that in this 
manner he does a thine highly pleasing to the said elector. It is true 
that from my having exhorted him to drive them forth, and caased him 
to be qpoken to by others to the same effect, he has promised to send 
them away ; but I doubt that, withheld by his wife, who is a heretic, 
Ykt win neglect to do so until compelled by force. Some of the preachers 
have also remained in those dties wherein heietic soldiers are quartered, 
the royal commissioners not having been willing to expose themselves 
to the peril of tumults by reforming these cities ; but now that the expec- 
tation of war IB cUminishing, they will either disband these heretic 
soldiers, or will assign them to other quarters, in order that the reform 
may take place. There is one also yet remaining in the city of Kuttem- 
berg, the prince of Lichtenstein excusing himself for not being able to 
ex|;«l him by declaring that, if he did so, the men of that pl^ would 
not labour in the mines worked there. Nevertheless, on the return of 
2b 2 


the emperor to Prague, I troft in God that a remedy will be ^>plied to 
all these things. Nor should I omit to mention that in my passage 
from Ratisbon to Prague, having trayersed a great part of Bohemia, and 
thence from Prague to Vienna, I have found the reformation effected 
everj'where ; the dty of Jaromir, where certain regiments of infiuotry 
belonging to the colonel-duke of Saxony were quartered excepted ; but 
I afterwards sent strict orders frovd his majesty that this should be 
remedied, and also that in each of those cities die children should be edu- 
cated in the Christian doctrine, teaching them to pray in the Latin tongue. 

" All oonventides of the heretics have been prohibited under heavy penal- 
ties, both within the city of Prague and beyond its walls, with whatever 
pretext they might be assembled. The order for this was given many 
months since, at my request ; but although I had repeatedly called for its 
execution from the government of Prague, it had never before been 

** All the heretics have been removed from the senate of the city of 
Prague, their places being supplied by Catholic members ; and they have 
been deprived of all effectual authority, having left to them only a certain 
appearance of power in matters of no great importance, and idl the pri- 
vileges prejudicial to the Catholic religion, accorded to them by formei 
kings, being formally annulled, the emperor having an excellent oppor- 
tunity for doing this, because he had reconquered the kingdom bjf 
force of arms, after it had been in open rebellion. The academy' or 
college of Carlo IV. has been restored to its primitive institution, to tbs 
glory of God and the Catholic religion, being placed under the care of 
the Jesuit fathers, who have also the superintendence of all the sdiools 
in the kingdom ; and they are, besides, using their best diligence to prevent 
the printing or selling of books that are contrary to Catholic trotl^ 
the booksellers and printers being subjected to their censorship. Then 
has been some difficulty with respect to the aforesaid academy, for then 
was a wish for the appointment of a lay president, which I did not 
willingly listen to ; but I hope that eventually the care of this matt^ 
will be left to the archbishop, who, by his ancient privileges, lays claim to 
be chancellor of the kingdom. 

** An additional sum of 4,000 thalers yearly has been assigned to the 
house instituted in Prague for the poor by Ferdinand III., so that the 
number of persons supported there has been increased from 80, whidi 
they were at first, to 200. There have also been given to the Jesuit 
fathers 20,000 thalers at one time, to be expended on the building of 
their college ; and in this matter it has not been requisite that they 
should employ my good offices, having no need of any one to mediate 
between them and the emperor, because of the evident utility of their 
proceedings. Estates producing 6,000 thalers yearly have been assigned 
to increase the revenues of the chapter of the cathedral, and 24,000 for 
the augmentation of the archiepiscopal income: but the estates of the 
archiepiscopate being considerably deteriorated and decayed, monsig- 
nore the archbishop desires to remain for a certain time bishop of Ossegg, 
that see being already assigned to the revenues of the archbishop by 
Rudolf, in place of the pension from the treasury, which was paid wi^ 
difficulty. The parish churches of Prague, and of the whole kingdom, 
have been replaced at the disposal of monsignore the archbidbop, evea 

Noe. 108, 109.] the nuncio montorio in Germany. 37^ 

those which were originally possessed by indiTidual nobles, who were all 
rebels; the emperor having reserved that right to himself, while the 
estates of those rebels, have also been sold, ' eare being taken that 
for many leagues aroand Prague all the lands should l^ bought by 

No. 109. 

Relatione alia S'" di N, S^ Papa Urbano VIII. delle cose 
appartenenti alia nuntiatura di Colonia per M" Montorio^ 
vescovo di Nicastro^ ritornato nuntio di quelle parti Vanno 
di N, S" 162^, f Report to his holiness our lord Pope 
Urban VIII., of matters appertaining to the nuntiature of 
Cologne, held by Monsignor Montorio, bishop of Nicastro, 
the nuncio returned from those regions in the year 1624.] 

It was in the midst of the disorders of war that Montorio arrived in 
Germany. He sets forth the danger in which the Catholics would have 
been involved if Mansfeld, who held the Upper Rhine-land from Stras- 
burg to Mayence, and the bishop of Halberstadt, who commanded West- 
phalia, could have succeeded in effecting a junction with Baden Durlach. 
But all these leaders suffered defeat. He then describes the advantages 
that had proceeded from these victories, the position to which the German 
church had attained. 

In Fulda, the counter- reformation had again commenced wit'n the 
utmost energy. The Catholic party had made its way into Osnaburg by 
the aid of the infanta and the army of the leagued princes. In Minden 
they had hope of obtaining an archduke for their bishop. In Bremen, also, 
great effort had been made by special missions to prevail on the chapter 
to elect a Catholic coadjutor ; but for this time a Danish prince had 
gained the day ; yet the nuncio hoped at least to see toleration granted 
to the Catholic religion in all the Hanse Towns. It appeared to him that 
the emperor might directly demand this, more particularly as those towns 
derived great advantages from the Spanish and Portuguese trade. A 
church had already been opened in Altona, from which many hopes 
were formed for Catholicism in the north. [** As that they might be 
enabled after some time to found a seminary, whence they might procure 
labourers, who, after they shall have learned the Norwegian and 
Danish tongues, may bring those more northern nations to the light of the 
true faith. '"] 

To secure this progress, Montorio considered internal reform in the 
Crerman church indispensable. The prelates adopted the dress of 
the laity, and made no scruple of going to the wars : concubinage pre- 
vailed openly, and the nuncio had refused, on account of that offence, to 
admit a certain Homberg, who was otherwise a very eligible candidate, 
to the bishopric of Wurtzberg. The German bishops were also said to 
think little of the pope ; they nominated to benefices during the reserved 
months, and by means of tbeir officials engrossed to themselves many 
unlawful things. [*' They grant dispensations for marriage within. iVssw 


prohibited degrees ; also in respect to holy orders and for yacant bene' 
fioes, though there might exist a defect of birth, they make concessions 
' ectra tempora ; ' give dinpensations to those under age, and have even 
sometimes granted them ror the marriage of persons in hcAj orders."] 
They called themselves bishops ** by the grace of God," wiHioat any 
mention of the Apostolic See, and treated their ecclesiastical possessions 
almost as if they were their real property. Nor were matters any better 
in the convents. The abbots conducted themselves as so many absolute 
lords. In the towns, nothing was thought of but feastings, companies 
wherein men and women banqueted together. In the conyents or mnd 
districts, they gave themaelves up to the chase, and notlung was men but 
hounds and huntsmen. 

Use nuncio would very fain have set his hand to the needful reform, 
but he was prevented by contagious diseases, tiie tumults of war, and 
political affairs. 

He treats of these also with great ability. I have not been able to 
adopt into my text the whole of his remarks on the transfiffir ot the Elec- 
torate, and will therefore insert it here. 

[** The affidrs that have occurred up to the present time are perfanps 
known to your holiness ; and I, although tiie briefs that were sent me by 
Pope Gregory, to the effect that I ahoold proceed to tiie diet assembled for 
those matters bt BfltiiA>on, arrived somewhat late, proeeedad neverthe- 
less, during the utmost rigour of whiter, and at very great cost, much 
disoomfbrt, and many penis, to present myself there. But havii^ 
readied WUrts;bfirg, and faavhig made known my coming to the ministen 
of your holiness, and to the dectoral princes congregated there, It was 
signified to me that my presence was no longer necessary, since the con- 
clusion of the affair was retarded by a more important cause liian the 
absence of agreement among die princes there assembled, and that the 
seeing so many apostolic ministers gathered there would but increase the 
difficulty by awakening the jealousy of the Protestants, and causing tiiem 
to think tills transfer treated rather as a matter of rdigion tiian of state 
policy. I abstained, therefore, frdm going thither, and the more readily 
because the elector of Mayenee, who, as dean of the electoral college, 
was, so to speak, the arbiter of the matter, having been treated with by 
me some months before, remained firm in the promises then made me, 
that he would promote the designs of the pope and the emperor. The 
oommisnoners from Treves had orders from their prince, given at my in- 
stance, that they should not dissent from the resolutions made by the 
electors of Mayenee and Cologne. I will not pause here to point out to 
your holiness llie difficulties mYach I encountered in disposing Mayenee to 
agree to the said transfer, for at one time he would say that he aibhoned 
the city of Ratisbon, because its air was injurious to his healtii ; at an- 
other time, he affirmed that he was entirely drained of money, axid cocdd 
not support the expenses which a suitable appearance in that city would 
require ; then, that the business vras not ripe, the consent of Spain and 
Saxony not having been obtained ; anon, that he feared tiie menaces of 
the king of England, of the duke, and of other sectaries ; and, finally, 
that this transfer would kindle a new and more sanguinary war in Get- 
many, to the obvious detriment of the Catholic religion, whilst the 
ecdenastical prinoes, who had Idtiierto borne all the burthen of the war, 


and must oontmne to bear it, ezhmnsted by thrir preriotu contributioiis to 
the Idga, detpoiled of tl^ir -pomtamoaB by tlie iam^aiee and rapine of 
our own loldien, no len than by those oi ike enemy, not only were des- 
titnte of means to prepare for a new war, bat were reduced to sudi ex- 
tremities that they bad been oonstramed to dismiss their households and 
to liTe ahnost privately. Nor did he fiifl to bring forward llie claims of 
the duke of Neuburg, as bei^g the nearest kinsman of the Pdatine, and 
not likely to awaken so much jealousy amoi^ Protestants, who dr^ded 
the aggnndizement of &e Bavarian, to whom, in conformity widi the 
inqwrial oonstitutions, aooofdiBg to the golden bull, tiiat dignity was due 
as to the nearest didsaant, the add duke protesting that to his last breath 
be weald never consent that others diould be preferred to him. But let 
it soAoe to say, diat in four or five days, during whidi I stayed with him 
in Aschaffmbuig, and after long discourses, both by word of mouth and 
in writiBg, I obbi^ned 1^ decision ^tat I desired. The transfer was 
effected, and is still maintained. The Palatinate is occupied in part by 
the Bavarian, in part by tiie Spaniards ; nor does anything remain to the 
Palatine except the city of Frankenthal, deposited for a certain period in 
the hands of the most serene infenta of Flanders, In concert widi the 

'* While I was in Asehaffenboig respecting this aifeir, tiie news of the 
taking of Heidelberg arrived there ; and I, having already made efforts, by 
conmission oi his holiness, with the duke of Bavaria for liie Palatine 
library, and having received tiie offer of H, sent instantly an express to 
CouBt Tilly, urging him to look to the preservation of the same, shice I 
had been assured that, both for the quality and quantity fii the books, 
prindpaUy manuscript, it was of inestimable value ; and his excellency 
replied that all was in his possession, and carefully p res e r ve d according to 
the duke's orders. Whereof, when I had given my report to tiie masters, 
they having sent a person to take it, the said Ubrary was, after some 
months' delay, conveyed to Rome."] 

, No. 110. 

Instruttuyiie a V. 8, MotuT Cwraffa^ vesoovo di TricarieOy 
destinato da N. S. sua nuntio in Colania, 26 Griu^no, 
1624. [Instruction to Monsignore Caraffii, bishop of Tri- 
calico, despatched by our lord the pope as his nuncio to 

Ludovico Caraffst was the successor of Montorio : he was nuncio to 
Cologne at the same time that Cario Cantfa administered the nunciature 
of Vienna. 

The pope communicates his views respecting German affidrs to the nun- 
cio in a very circumstantial Instruction. 

He therein discusses all those points respecting the internal discipline of 
the diurch which had been suggested by Montorio. The Apostolic See 
had already suffiBred great losses, both in revenue and consideration ; the 
nuneio is exhwted to labour for the reeovery of these lost advanltav^. 

also guggested other meMures. The most important of tiiese 
Catho& coa4iiitor might be appointed to any see, even daring t 
of the bishop, on hia beoomiog too old for its doe administrat 
had already been done in Paderbom as well as in Munater, an 
best results. 

The principal matter, nevertheless, was still the more extensiv 
of Catholicism. 

Hie Catholic league (Liga) was to be maintained by ever 
effort. The nuncio is charged to see that all pay their contri 
that object. There was an ecclesiastical socie^r founded in C 
the converrion of Protestants, in which the princes of Anstrij 
▼aria took part, and which possessed a good revenue : the i 
instructed to be careful that it did not decline. Certain princ 
were fixed upon as presenting hopes that they might the most 
won over to Catholicism ; namely Darmstadt, and Saxony. 1 
was exhorted to stimulate this disposition, [** that those prii 
not withstand the grace which God may shewtiiem.''] He was 
to promote the erection of seminaries, and the introduction of t 
Tms passage is periuups the most important of the whole Instn 
may be subjoined in rail. 

['* It will be a work most worthy of your lordship to labour ft 
nation of the seminaries already |)unded, and to cause thai 
shall be instituted ; and for these and similar works, who does i 
the Jesuit Cithers are admirable ? Therefore the predecMBsa 
most reverend lordship took measures to procure ihAt introdi 
Frankfort, writing the most earnest letters on that subject 
peror ; and the dector of Cologne was equally willing to 
matter. Then our lord the pope, in furtherance of tins goc 
caused his nundo at the court of the emperor to be written 
might in no case be displeased thereat ; and your lordship ^ 


And this proposal was considered to be of great moment by his holiness ; 
but before deciding upon it, he desired that the predecessor of your lord- 
ship, having diligently taken precise information, should report to him 
distincay respecting the condition of the said monasteries, with his 
opinion of the matter ; but the shortness of the time not having permitted 
him to execute all these things, his holiness desires that your lordship 
shouid complete what remains to be done with the utmost diligence and 

** The elector of Cologne also desires to found an university in his city of 
MuBtter, and the question has been discussed in the sacred congregation 
' de i»ro|Mganda fide/ his holiness being disposed to favour the institution 
of the said university, but on condition that, in addition to the sciences, 
the canon and court laws shall be taught therein. And this shall serve for 
the guidaiioe of your lordship, so that you may treat with the said elector 
oa &• nBderttanding,when his highness yhall speak to you of having ob- 
tained the apostolic permission for the said institution."] 

No. 111. 

Retatume ddV illT'' et ecc*^ Sig' Pietro Contarini K\ ritor- 
nolo ddV ambmceria ordinaria di Ramay presentata alii 
22 Qiugnoy 1627, 6 letta %l medesimo giomo nelV ecc"^ 
9enato. [Report of the most illustrious and most excellent 
Pietro Contarini, returned from the ordinary embassy to 
ttome, presented on the 22nd June, 1627, and read to the 
most exceUent senate on the same day.] 

P. CoBtarini had passed more than three years and a half (forty.four 
months), at the court of Urban VIII., when he presented this report. 

He makes four divisions, and in these he treats of the temporal govern- 
ment, the spiritual administration, the most important affairs of the court, 
and its most influential members. 

He is particulariy full and instructive on the extension of the spiritual 
jurisdiction. He considers that it had never before been exercised in 
Italy with so much rigour. By its double purpose of maintaining an 
immediate command over the ecclesiastical body, and the unrestricted dis- 
posal of all church property, the Roman court must become very danger- 
ous to temporal princes. He describes Urban Vlll. as often remarking 
that if a Venetian noble were seated on the Roman throne, he could not 
be more disposed towards the Venetians than himself, the reigning pontiff. 
Bat notwithstanding this, they could never obtain the smallest favour at 
hi0 hands. 

Generally speaking, the ambassador had a bad opinion of the whole 
Roman system. The ruling principle of the entire administration was 

[** The disposition of the popes to aggrandize their nephews, gives the 
moving impulse in the present day to all actions, all declarations, and «& 

378 niSTORY OF the POPSS — ^APPENDIX. [^No. 111. 

traniactions with other princes. At fint the pontiffii think of onAer- 
takingB against the infidel, or the acquirement of donmiioa ; but ai the 
years are short, and the difficulties many, this purpose ic ubundonsd 
without producing any eflfect whatever, and then they take unodnr aid 
more easy course, accumulating great ridies, and buying estafcea."] 
He describes the immediate circle of Urban in the foUowing manner :— 
[<* The pontiff most commonly takes counsel with Cardinal ^^"g^M*^. 
whose sister liis brother married, and who still holds the office of aeontiij 
of state, all the public despatches passing through his hands. The flar- 
dinal is a man of eitensite and powerful intellect, and is mucli estaemad 
by the pope, who always des'res to have him near his peraoB, more aipc- 
cially in the legation of Bologna, where he gave him the ▼ice wg c iM y d 
that goremment. Thus if there be any man who faaa been able to 4Mb 
a high position in the opinion of his holineaa, tiiis is that one ; nor ii I 
knov^n whether this proceeds from a real inotinataon on the pert of Ita 
])ontiff, or from the great prudence of the catdinal, who, being wsll. SB- 
quainted with the character of one whom he has served so long, is aware 
of the proper means for maintaining himself in his position, and availi 
himself of them : but it is certain that he may be said to have the nk 
management of all important affairs. He takes great pains, however, to 
adjust his proceedings to the inclinations of the pontiff, contradicts hm 
as rarely as possible, and labours to bring his own opinions into oga- 
formity with those of the pope, to the end that he may p re set vw fais pdri- 
tion with tiie credit and reputation that he derives from beii^ shwji 
employed io the most momentous transactions. He seeks to escape lb 
enmity entertained for the most part against those who are seen to be 
neat the prince, and who share his power and fiivour, by abstaining torn 
all ostentation of authority, by avoiding the regular andienoes of mhiis t w 
belonging to foreign princes, of cardinals, and of almost all others, tnst- 
ing only of such matters as are expressly committed to him. And thiilie 
does above all to avoid awakening the jealousy of Cardinal BarberiMH 
who did not seem at first entirely satisfied at seeinr him so grestly ad- 
vanced, and that the pontiff employed him more Sma hnnmt»}f . ^ f^ 
words were often heard from Borberino by which his sentlmeats wan 
made known. But he now permits things to take tiieir course, and aeoM 
to confide in his uncle, either because he is willing to resudn five frsB 
the weight of business, or because he does not know the extent of svdM- 
rity, or periiaps has not power to impede the fortunes of Magalotti. AI 
thmgs, however, are shared with die said Cardinal Barberiao, St. OnoCoSr 
and Don Carlo. 

** The first, as nephew, is truly beloved. His hoUness would indeed ke 
glad to see him apply more diligently to business, but he appears to ke 
really averse to it, nor does his disposition seem in anywise foiMed 
thereto. It appears to be almost by force that he attends, where, bytke 
office he holds, he cannot possibly do otherwise, throwing the weigbtsi 
the most important affairs on that very Cardinal Magalotti, and eten bdig 
content to despoil himself of things that ought to belong to him for the ate 
of investing his uncle with them, contrary to the practice in formo' pos- 
tificates, whether from weakness, or from not knowing how to avsii hiv* 
self of that authority which he who attains to so eminent a station shoaM 
possess. He is a man of the most exemplary, virtuous, and p iaia ewsrty 


habits, of a most Idndly nature, and one who gives the solitary example 
oi refiising every kind of present. He will, nevertheless, be equal to any 
other car^nal in wealth and grandeur, should the pope have long life. He 
must now have somewhere about 80,000 scudi yearly fhnn ecclesiastical 
benefices ; and with the governments and legations that he holds, this 
must approach to lOO^MK) scudi. Investments of moment are also be- 
ginniiig to be made, and the best of all tiiat is acquired will be for him. 
Moreover he spends but little, and will therefore shordy accumulate 
immense wealth. 

** CSardiaal St. Onofrio, having constantly lived among the Capuchins, 
and having always led a most devout life, never intermeddles with any 
tUng not directly committed to him. Of the affairs of the world he knows 
UtHe, and understands less ; and his inability in this respect was made 
(ally manifest during the absence of Barberino, because it then became 
seoessary to transact business with him. He has now gone to reside at 
his chnrdi of Se&egaglia. 

" Don Cario, broiler of the pontiff, is general of the holy churdi ; and 
all that appertains to the army, to fortresses, or the gaUe3rB, is under 
his commuul. He is a man of intdligence and prudence, cautious in 
ikrnmng and transacting business, and perfectly conversant with the 
eare of the ezdiequer and management of the revenue, having been wdl 
practised in afibin, and being skilled in those matters. He has to a 
eertiin eoctent relaxed from his early application to business, that he may 
aot too heavily burthen his advanced years (he being the elder of the 
broChets), and also in part from inclination for that repose. 

*' His holiness has two other nephews. Don Taddeo, whom he ban 
diosen to found tiie £unily, a young man of about twenty-three, most 
noUe in manner, of highly ingenuous character, and greatly beloved by 
tiie ^ole court. The pontiff has some intention of making him prefect 
of the city after the death of the duke of Urbino, 1^0 now enjoys that 
title,— « most dignified office, taking precedoice of all others, being held 
for life, and not liable to change even on the death of the pontiff. The 
second of tiiese two nephews is Don Antonio, a commander of Malta, and 
aged eighteen : he has about 14,000 scudi from bis commandery ; is of 
prompt and vivacious character, and in good time will certainly be ready 
to secure his own share in the exaltation of his house. He is desirous of 
being also raised to the cardinalate, and it is believed that his holiness 
will gratify his wish. Many of those who do not love the Cardinal 
Magadotti would willingly see him promoted to that dignity as soon as 
poflttUe, because tiiey iank. that he might attain to what his brother has 
not been aUc to compass, — ^to counterbalance Magalotti, that is, and to 
form an opposition to him.''] 

We have lihe affairs of the Valtelline here discussed in their whole extent. 
['' The other important affair is that of the Valtelline, on which his 
holiness has indeed bestowed great labour, but witli varying results ; 
although it is said that he might at first have applied himself more 
earnestly to it, and with more decided remedies ; but the having entered 
on a matter so arduous in the first days of bis pontificate, and when just 
recovering, but by no means restored from the effects of a long illness, 
with his thoughts, beside, more given to the papacy than to this tffair, may 
perhaps have caused him to suffer many things to tnke their course, whic^i 


it was notdifficult topronde tgainit at that time, but ^Rdilehit was impos- 
sible to remedy afterwards. It was in the hands of Gregory XV. tiiat ftub 
Valtelline was deposited by the Spaniards, and they oonsiipned C hia ?« u i i 
with its surrounding territory, under the same oonditions, to the preMit 
pontiff. The first negotiations were effected by means of the cotnmmdater 
Siilery, with so much caution and secrecy, that not only was fhe cer tsiB ty 
of their existence withheld from the ministers of your serenity, wlio hsd 
nevertheless, to take so important a part in the transaction, but itwn 
with difficulty that they acquired a knowledge of tiie real nature of iHsli 
was transacted. The pontiff concerned himself for nothing more tinn the 
receiving security for the payment of the garrisons that he maSntrineftili 
the forts of the valley ; and after many complaints and mudi pressing, he 
obtained, I believe, between the two kings, about 200,000 scndL Ttit 
money tended somewhat to diminish his disapprobation of that dcpdib; 
which he nevertheless always greatly condemned, both before and aftcr^ 
wards, esteeming it to be adverse to his interests, but not considering the 
injury that might result from his procrastination and irresolute mans^ 
ment of the matter. 

'* The people of the Valtelline offered themselves to the pope n 
vassals, assuring him that the duties he might impose on wines and dieesft 
would suffice to maintain the garrisons required in ordinary times fbrtte 
defence of that valley. Many represented to the pontiff, tbat to restoM 
the Valtelline to the Grisons, and to replace Catholics in the bands of 
heretics, was not to be thou^t of by tbe pope, and could not be dchtt 
without the greatest scandal and injury ; that no one would consent te 
see it made over to the Spaniards, who on their part would not suflerft 
to be given up to the French or other temporal powers ; neither wevU 
there be any better course than that the Valtelline should be preserved tB 
the church, since there was nothing of any moment in that country exopt 
the passes, which can be held or claimed only for going or coming beyond 
the mountains : thus, if these should remain to the power of &e pope, 
the common father, he would always have them kept open, accordin g ts 
the wants and requirements of all. The arguments thus stated did not 
lail to make an impression, as arguments mostly do, even though btf 
slightly founded ; nay, sometimes they will even persuade the hearer, 
though feeble in themselves, where there appears some prospect of advsh 
tage or utility. His holiness suffered himself to listen to the suggestioo, 
and even added that if there should be any difficulty in the retention of 
the Valtelline by the church, they might invest one of his nephews wift 
it. The plan had at first been promoted by the Spaniards, but ev en tus B y 
it did not please them any more than the French ; and there was findf 
concluded by Sillery that treaty, well known to your serenity, which vat 
not approved in France by the king, principally fbr that artidb of it 
which sjlowed passage to the Spaniards for their troops going into Vlsn- 
ders, and fbr the same, but not otherwise, on their return. The fbrai^ 
tion of the Valtelline into a fourth league, which the Spaniards desired is 
eagerly, the pontiff would still less consent to permit. The niiiliiiwssilnr 
was changed on that account, or perhaps because of the fall of the doB- 
cellor, and of Pnysieux the secretary, the one the brother, and the other 
the nephew of the said Sillery. There then arrived in Rome a miniMer 
of wiser counsels and more extended views, .as well as more detennined 


character, Monsignor de Bethune ; he annulled the decisions of his 
predecessor, insisted on the treaty of Madrid, which he firmly upheld ; 
absolutely refused to permit the pass to the Spaniards for any purpose 
whatever, and pressed the pontiff in frequent audiences to come to some 
reBolntion, since the league could not consent to more protracted negoti- 
ation or longer delay. 

** The pontiff, who had not expected to find so much resolution among 
thoae of the Lrague, nor had any thought that they would take arms on 
this account, being also constantly assured by letters from his nuncios 
in France and Switzerland that the marchese de Covre would never 
raise the standard of the king where the ensigns of his holiness were 
floating, continued nevertheless in his irresolutions, and the more the 
difficulties increased and were made manifest, the more he persuaded him- 
self (nor were there wanting those who confirmed him in his idea) that at 
the end of the contest the church would remain mistress of the point in 
difpttte. Wherefore Bethune signified ultimately to the pope that the 
king and the League together jointly entreated him to remit the fortresses 
to tne Spaniards, in conformity wi^ the terms of the deposit, to the end 
that if there were a necessity for appealing to arms, they might avoid the 
ceproech of acting disrespectfully by advancing against those of his holi- 
ness, and that if the pope would now take the resolution that he ought to 
adopt of offering the forts to the Spaniards, all would yet be adjusted to 
his honour and to the satis&ction of others ; for the Spaniards would not 
have received them, not finding themselves in a condition to defend them, 
while all cause of complaint would cease by the pope's fulfilment of the 
conditions of the deposit in due time, nor could any one oppose their 
being left to the Grisons. Some days elapsed, when at lengtii the mar- 
chese de Covre surprised Plata Mala, and the pope then made various 
pretexts, first demanding three months of time, but afterwards restricting 
himself to so much only as was required to write to Spain and make the 
offer, affirming that the ministers in Italy did not possess authority for 
receiving the fortresses. But the enterprise of the marquis being already 
far advanced, and its success increasing from day to day, it was not con- 
sidered advisable, and might even have proved injurious, to suspend 
the proceedings while awaiting replies from Spain which could not but be 
uncertain. The pope was accorcUngly deprived by degrees of all that he 
held in deposit, the only places remaining to him being Riva and Cbia- 
venna, which alone had been succoured by the Spaniards. His holiness 
complained that these last, although appealed to from the beginning to 
defend the passes, never came to his assistance, while they complained 
that they had not been summoned in due time ; so that the Spaniards were 
much dissatisfied, the French by no means content, and his holiness, 
infinitely displeased by the little respect that had been displayed towards 
hit banners, complains of it continually and bitterly to every one. The 
Spaniards do much the same, attributing all the disasters that have 
ocdured to his holiness, and complaining of him more than of any thing 
else ; and although the pontiff subsequentiy despatched his nephew as 
legate both to France and Spain, with the purpose well known to your 
serenity, and knew that the Italian arms had made a still more important 
movement, and that the dangers would become more serious if the powers 
proceeded eamestiy, he has nevertheless not yet been able to get rid of 


bis first notion, that all the miacbierons results experienced h&Te prooeedfid 
from the early arrangements haYing been unakilfiilly made. But tk \ 
French as well as the Spanisrds atAbated the vezatiODS and '^^'^1*^* 
encountered in that negotiation to the pretensions of the pope, wba !•• \ 
quired that the fortresses should be consigned to him wiUioot any dsdi- 
ration on his part as to what he would do with them, but podtnii^ ' 
refusing to demolish them. Thus rendering it extremely ««««iit: t^ ^ 
any suitable expedient for arranging the matter, causing tiie lots of m 
much time, while so many attempts bave been made naeleaaly ; andlfa 
matter was finally taken to Spain, because in Rome there was too waA 
difficulty in bringing it to a termination."] 

No. 112. 

Relatione ddh state delV imperio e ddla Oermamafitttt^k 

Montr Caraffa net tempo eke era nuntio alia carte ddTm- 

peratorey Vanno 1628. [Report ob the state of ike eHfin 

and of Gennanj made bj Monsigsore Garaflb, while warn 

at the court of the emperor, 1628.] 

This Report is, iq>on the whole, the most curcamstaiiftial t2iat Ihaie Mt 
with : in a Roman eopy it extended to 1,080 foUo pages. It is notiai 
eren in Germany. I bought a copy in Ldpsic, and there is anotiicr at 
private library in Berlin, in a beautiful folio Tolnme with a splendid tib* 
page ; this was presented by a certain Wynman to the bishop (tf Bek- 
stadt in the year 1655. 

It consists of four parts. In the first, there is a general deacriptioaof 
the German troubles ; in the second, the situation, poeoessloM, wA. 
various relations of Ferdinand II. are described ; in the third, the G«- 
man principalities are treated of according to the drdea ; sand ia tk 
fourth, the alliances that bad been formed in Grermany, more 
those recently concluded. 

The author declares that he will write nothing which he has not 

seen, or had otherwise ascertained to be worthy of belief. [** Pioiflitiil 
that whatever I shall write will be what I have seen and partly aclidii 
myself, during the eight years that I have been in Germany, or whit I 
have heard from persons worthy of credit ; and partly what I haia tai 
in letters, diaries, and official papers, both of fri^ids and enemies, iM 
have beoi intercepted at different times, and whoreof some have tai 
printed, but others not.'^] 

We perceive that an elaborate arrangement was here contemplated fits 
the outset 

The printed commentaries of Carafia follow the order of time. Tlii 
work is composed more in the manner of a report : the eveati n* 
arranged in chronological order in the first part only. 

But I will not conceal that I have often entertained doubts as to tla 
genuine character of this report. 

The compilation is extremely loose. We have first a repetition of ^ 
Bohemian report, with some slight omissions : we then find a voy R- 


markable pastage ralatiBg to tbe election of a king of Hungary in 1625, 
bnt inserted oat of its proper place ; and, finally, what is of still greater 
iniportaince, a report of the year 1629, req^ecting Germany, the emperor, 
and the princes, but whidi does not present a trace of being composed by 
Carafia hims^; and though here, indeed, it is somewhat amplified, yet 
iff othennse eojpied word for word. Many other points also are evidently 
** Iwrrowed wares." Of King James I. of Engliuod there is mention as 
*' tlie present king of England' '—and this could not be said in 1628. 

One might wspfom that some mere compter had arranged these docu- 
BBfBts wiuout judgment or any fixed purpose. 

But on further consideration, this ceases to appear probable. 

To the old account (ragguagUo) of Caraffa tfai^ are here added various 
notices, highly hnpressiTe and important, relating to more recent times, 
and such as no mere compiler could have fomuhed. 

ltttd^;enee is supplied which could not have become known to any but 
the initiated. The author is acquainted, for example, with that negotia- 
timi of Urban VIII. in England, carried on by means of the Capuchin 
Rota, and which vras so care^y kept secret. 

Tbe mmdo also speaks not unfrequentiy in the first person. 

I conclude, then, that this work reaUy proceeds firom the hand of 
Caraffa, but that it was never brought to completion by him ; whether 
because the author wanted time, inclination, or even it may be power, to 
do tiliis, does not appear; but even Ins Bohemian report has something 
diAue and fbrmless in its character, to say tiie least. He may probably, 
after hit return to Aversa, have proposed to employ some of his leisure 
hofurs in the arrangement of his materials. 

But eiWB in its present form this work is, at all events, worthy of our 
beet attentioB. 

Tlie reports which it has embodied, and more or less carefolly ela- 
berated, are of high value. The histonod remarks, also, are entirely dis- 
tinct from those contained in the printed conmientanes. 

1 extract a few notices winch appear to me particularly worthy of 

1. BecMne of the German principalities ; for it is a matter of course 
that Qerman and Austrian topics are much more minutely discussed in 
tids plaee than Roman or ecdenastical affiurs. 

['* In Ifonner times there was so great an abundance, that the princes of 
€kfmaiiy could with difficulty themselves know the vast amount of 
royalties, dues, silver, and other riches that flowed to them from all quar- 
ters ; whereas they now can scarcely devise any means to procure thcon at 
afl : ihiej seem to have the means of living only from day to day, so that 
what one day yields, the next consumes. There is but littie money 
gathered tilhere, except from things renounced by creditors, and which are 
rttOwr nominal than real. For so much negligence, so little economy, 
and such constant mismanagement, yarious causes are assigned. Some 
ascribe the whole to the liberality of the princes, some to the evil cha- 
racter of the times, some to the frequent wars, some to the seditions com- 
mon among the citizens, while others finally attribute the blame to the 
ministers, prefects, and vicars. And truly there are certain officials to be 
seen who constantly seek to grasp the very utmost they can wring f^m 
aD around them, and vrho carry, beyond all measure, the advantages 

384 HISTORY OP the vofeb — ^appskdix. |[No. 112. 

extorted by gOTemore : add to this, the absence of all good coimael tlvB 
interests of indiyiduals always preferred to that of the oommonwealtii,— 
things that were proved capable of destroying the great Roman esmpinv 
and wherefore should they not destroy the (^rman ? The min of Q«-. 
many may farther proceed from the indolence of the princeg, and frm 
their excessive sensuality, or from the small amount of their t^l^nti^ or 
from tlie premature old age by which they are overtaken ; or, lastly, tak 
their being so averse to tiie labours of government that they are 
make over the management of public affairs to others, althou^ they k^^ 
quently acknowledge the utter incapacity of these sub^tutes. Thus, aAiic. 
the manner of certain ancient Eritrei, they make a sort of seocadbH^- ' 
princes, differing from themselves in name only, but equal to tfaein. m 
administrative power, as was Joab with David, and others under, ottsr 
princes. These managers, being taken from the people, have abused,. fpd 
do abuse, their delegated power, and being themselves ruled rather J»f 
passion than by the moderation of virtue, and given up as a prey topai^ 
sites and flatterers, have employed, and do employ, omer worthless mkm 
ordinate ministers, who for gain, from partiality to their kindred^ qc 
moved by ambition, have corrupted, and do corrupt justice ; and ndghr 
bouring princes being led to follow this example, they have raised ii|, 
which was but private interest into custom and justice/'] 

2. Election of a king of Hungary. 

[" The votes of the kingdom of Sclavonia and Croatia, whidi iniv 
almost all Catholic, being added to the diet, and that addition caasiic ' 
the Catholic party and a&erents of his mijesty to exceed by no spdl 
number the party of the heretics and dissidents, the rumour drcoklidt 
respecting his majesty's wishes in regard to that election became d«if ' 
better understood and more listened to. Yet the emperor's envoyi^^ie 
better to assure themselves of the votes at the diet, thought it ezpedlpitr 
before proposing the election of the archduke, to make trial of tlioir 
strength by the election of the Palatine, which was rendered necesMnlf. 
the death of Thurzo. His majesty greatly wished to have a Catm^ 
elected, and above all, he desired the above-named Count EUteriM^^* 
although in conformity with the laws and constitutions of that realni.h» 
had proposed four candidates to the estates, — two catholics and two hereticp; 
and the matter succeeded most happily, for the said count was elected Is 
150 votes, the opposite party not having more than 60. This expsn^. 
ment having been made, the emperor's adherents and friends int$ 
greatly encouraged by it ; the ministers of his migesty, nevertiideii, 
considered, that in addition to the 150 votes aforesaid, it would be wdl t» 
gain over a good part of the 60, which had been adverse, by &vonn aad 
gifts, that so the election might be decided to the greater satisfaction of ths 
kingdom ; and by expending, as was said, some 20,000 florins, tMi 
greater part of them were secured, as was experienced in the other affiufi ■ 
of the diet. The party of Bethlem, and his adherents, considering it. 
certain that the emperor would desire to have the archduke elected kin^ 
although his majesty's will had not then been made publicly knom, 
did not fail to do every thing possible for the counteraction of tfasfe 

** I will here add an instance of boldness displayed by a lady on this 
£ion, from the eztraordanacr character of which, the efforts of the " 


"pnxtw may be inferred. The mother of the Baron Bathiany, who is one 
of the principal nobles of Hungary, whether as to rank, possessions, or 
followers, had the boldness to represent to the empress, that she ought 
opt to suffer this election to take place, since it might eventnaUy preju- 
dkse her majesty's own interest, for should any thing befal the lire of the 
emperor, she, as crowned queen of Hungary, would have the goyemment 
of that kingdom during the interregnum, and until a new king could be 
elm^ted. Ihit the empress, dissembling with extreme prudence, replied 
that she thanked her for her care, but that after the death of the emperor, 
she, if she should surnve him, would think of nothing but the interest of 
the sons of Ids majesty her husband ; to whom she instantly repeated the 
aboiTe*-named suggestion. 

** But althou^ the business of the election was now considered secure, 
it ifas nerertheless impeded for many days by the violent dispute that 
arose among his majesty's chief ministers : the archbishop of Strigonia 
and the new ^latine also taking part in it, with the chancellor and 
others who had interest in the matter, such as the Spanish ambassa- 
dor and myself, as unworthy apostolic minister. The contest turned 
on the question whether the coronation should follow immediately on 
the election. Some thought it should, because thus the archduke woul4 
be formally assured in the kingdom, which he would not be if he were 
merely elected, as was intimated by the previous election of Bethlenr 
Gebor ; the Hungarians being extremely changeful men, and for the most 
pitt unbelievers and little to be depended on ; secondly, they main- 
tained that if the coronation were effected, it would be of considerable 
use in the first imperial diet, should the emperor attempt to have his 
hig^mess elected king of the Romans ; they alleged thirdly, that this was 
desirable in reference to the marriage projected with the Spanish Infanta, 
it tkaving been declared in Spain that they would first have the archduke 
elected and crowned king of Hungary. Others, on the contrary, among 
vrtiom were myself and the father confessor of the emperor, affirmed 
that tills coronation ought not to take place just then, because the States 
of that kingdom would never permit his highness to be crowned, until he 
should first have promised and sworn to them, as well in regard to politics 
as to reKgion, all those things which his father had promised when in a 
much more perilous condition; wherefore, since the dangers then 
ezfstfaig were no longer dreaded, and since time might stiU further 
ameUDrate and strengthen the position of his highness, either by the 
deatii of Gabor, the more prosperous aspect of affairs in the empire, or 
odier events, it would not be expedient to embarrass the conscience of 
thM; young prince liiy closing the door against the progress of religion, 
wUcn he would desire to promote ; and at the same time prevent him 
from acquiring a more extended political authority and dominion within 
that realm. Those of this opinion said secondly, and the people of 
the treasury more particularly, that heavy expenses would have to be 
ineitrred for the coronation, as also now for the augmentation of the court 
of his highness ; wherefore, as the h^ge expenditure of the journey to 
Ufan was inevitable, and must be provided for at once, it would be well 
if that of the coronation could be deferred to another time, no great 
ii^ivry bdng likely to result from this delay, for if Gabor desired to find 
a pretext, such as might arise from the death of the emperor, he ^^^^ 

VOL. III. 2 c 

366 HISTOBT OF THE POPES — APPENDIX. f^NoS. 113, 114. 

do BO none the lets for the archduke heing crowned ; as he had 
against the emperor himaelf, though he was elected and crowned ; thit 
with reapect to bis being elected king of the Romans, and to lus mar riiy 
with the Infanta of Spain, it would suffice that the ardidake wen leaBy 
king of Hnngary, which he conld certainly entitle himself, by vhCne-cf 
his election alone. The contest standing thns, althoof^ the ambawailnr 
of Spain insisted further on the coronation, saying that liie Spa^ik 
court would not otherwise haTe conclnded the marriage of 4]ie Tntlwli 
with the archduke, as not esteeming die snocession to the kii^pioBi 
to be secured without it, yet his miQeaty witli his aeoostomed piity 
dedarad that he would not have it p^ormed, bdieving, ia nrrnniiasi 
with the counsels of his father confessor, that it would be againat eon* 
science, if the archduke should haye to swear, wfaaft hia mijeaty hisBself 
had been compelled to swear, in those gnat dangeia which dSA not warn 

No. iia. 

Relatio ttatut eedetia et toAtu diascmi AuguBtanm^ IW* 

»port on the state of f 

I of Augsburg, 1629,;] 

{[Report on the state of the church, and of the whok dio- j 

A document of no jpartlcular importance. It is principally oompW 
with the affairs of the city of Augsburg. 

The actirity, labours, and final ezpulsion of the Protestant " Fnsdo 
Doctors " firom Augsburg, is the chid subject of the author. 

He hopes that when liiis has been completely effected by thp nif^ 
Tor's sanction, obtained principally by the efforts of Hieronymns IisM 
and Bendiard Rehlingen, the inhabitants would sH aoon hwvmw* 
more Catholic. 

No. 114. 

LegcUio ajmf* P. Aloys, Carafm^ epitcapi ISiicariemk 
sedem Urbano VIIL Font, if, ad irae^m BAeni it d 
prav. inferioris Gernumiw oHta^ ab tmn» 1624 ^sfM d 
awKum 1634. Ad C** Franc. Barberinum. £Apo8tQlic 
legation of P. A. Caraffa, bishop of Tricftrioo,. to WB ikr^ 
trict of the Rhine and the proyiuoe of Lower Q&nKMJi '■ 
from 1624 to 1634, under the pontificate of Urban YIIL 
Addressed to ^e Cardinal Francesco Barberino.^ ( 

A very circumstantial report of 204 leavea ; it is r'^'^hifrt i 
diffuse, but contains some useful matter. 

We have, first, an accomit of the journey, and hece jvach maeekki^ 
in mere trifling detaiL Among odier places the nmio n«ls RdiSi id 
makes a great ra«irit of having roduoad te auabfr of I 


(anoeitora) required to qualify a man for the dignity of that abbacy 
to eight. 

He is extremely minute in description of the dispute existing between 
liege and the bishop, in which he took himself an active part : he trana- 
linrad the seat of the nunciature from Cologne to liege. 

Thi$ most remarkable passi^ of this document is without doubt the 
dflfcription of the Catholic monasteries at that time existii^ within the 
limits of the nunciature. 

We peroave finom these detsils how entirely the higher branches of 
iMtruction were at that time in the hands of the Jesuits. They were the 
masters in Treves and Mayence. Faderbom, Munster, and Osnaburg, 
mkmrt a high school had been recently founded, were completely in their 
haiide ; but they taught only the dassics (hnmaniora), pnilosophy, and 
tkeolofy. Judicial studies were entirdy neglected. In Cologne, which 
still continued the first of these universities, medicine was tau^t by two 
professors only, who had very few attendants on their lectures. The 
principal e^ in Cologne had formeiiy been that the profemors were much 
too amply provided with prebendal stalls. [** By the wealth of these, 
they bfluig supplied with means for an easy and pleasant li£^ rarely or 
never taught tiie sacred doctrines in their own person, bat constantly 
need the vicarious labours of others. Thus the students were mstruc^ 
withwit ioUdity or method, and fifteen years were not nnfirequently 
snffured to pass before they had gone through a course of tiimlogy, whi^ 
tibing was heretofore of no small inconvenience to the arch-mocese of 
Cokgaef and especially to tiie jurisdictions of Juliers, Cleves, and Mens, 
because pariah priests and clergy proper to the cure of souls and able to 
repair l£e ruins of Uie Catholic religion, could not on this account be 
there iq^pointed until after very long delays.''] 

This the Jesuit fethers reformed. The coll^ of the Three Crowns, 
which wss made over to them, enjoyed a high reputation ; in 1634 it had 
more than 1,200 students. But the taste for a life of enjcqrment above 
allnded to, was not so easily eradicated. The feasts of the masters in- 
creased the costs of promotion and encouraged luxury. [** Through Lent 
there are d^dly drinking-parties among the students."] Our bishop 
describes the Catholicism and good living of the Cologne people by no 
means badly. [*' The people of Cologne hold most firmljr to the religion 
of their ancestors, whidk they have never departed from since it was first 
adopted. It is true t^At some few families of the sectaries are tolerated 
in the city, but all exercise of their creed is forbidden to them, and they 
are heavily fined if they are discovered to hold private conventicles, or are 
OBii^ listening to the bellowing trumpeters of Luther or Calvin. In 
die senate itscdf none may be elec^ who are not Catholics ; but none of 
them who have been enrolled and come to the court, can express an 
opinion or give a vote, unless they have that same day been present at the 
sacred rites in the cbi^ nearest to the senatorial palace. By night the 
citiaens themselves hold watch in the principal parts of the dty, nor need 
aay fear violence or insult, because, if clamours arise, they hasten thither 
to give aid ; but robbers and assassins they place in bonds. All the streets 
are, moreover, dosed at night with iron chains ; nor do they permit free 
drcnlation, w that the people for the most part proceed very tranquilly. 
Among otiier ftdvantages poMeased by the people, there should fic«t \^ 



commemorated the fact, that each is permitted to purchase oxen aiii 
pigs at the beginning of winter, which he preserves in his house by mstw 
of smoke, drying them for the consumption of the year ftnwiiny • of tfadK 
they eat Urgely. An entire year is allowed them to pay the price, wiAfk 
is meanwhile advanced to the merchant by those appointed to that effttct 
by the senate. Nor will any of the artisans, however poor, suffer a want 
of good faith to appear in this matter ; because in that case they omM 
never again enjoy that signal advantage in the purchase of their food thus 
afforded them by the public moneys. There are also public taX^es in ths 
various districts, where all may eat together at a fixed and moderate price, 
when festivals held on the week-days occur.''] 

But it is not towns and universities alone that our author describes ; 
princes and events are also depicted : Ferdinand of Cologne, [" in gravity 
of manners, piety of conduct, and cultivation of intellect he is second to 
none. ' '] Frederic of Wiirtzburg, [* • well versed in tongues, even of ftntigi 
lands, of a most prudent address, and endeared to all by a certain gentle 
gravity of manner."] Casimir of Mayence, [" a man eloquent in his 
Grerman tongue, and who has filled the office of legate."] 

Respecting the remarkable events of that period also, Caraffii tnppliei 
many remarkable notices. I know not whereon the opinion has htm 
founded, that Wallenstein could have taken Stralsund, [*' if, as many'he^ 
lieve, he had not more desired to take money than the city."] He coBMkPi 
it a great misfortune that Tilly did not dare to throw himself on Samny 
at the first movement made by that country. His description of ^tfce 
state of Cologne after the battle of Leipsic, and of the views fiat 
manifested by the French at that moment, is also very remarkable. 

I** By the blow received at Leipsic, the forces and the spirits of die 
Catholics were alike broken, and fear or want of ability in the defenes el 
their fastnesses, suddenly opened a vast inlet for the victorious enemyt ^ 
that he could at once invade the very centre of the empire, with sseh 
force of arms, that Fulda, Wiirtzburg, Bamberg, Mayence, WomM, 
Spires, and other cities and towns, were in a short time either takepi bf 
storm or surrendered. Cologne remained the refuge of the e^M 
princes, and treasures were brought into that city, belonging as well tolhe 
church as to the laity, and comprising all that it had b^n poariUa t$ 
carry away before the outbreak of that vehement and sudden tempest^l 
war. Here the princes with anxious and doubtful care took coaasd 
whether, as the French ambassador had proposed, it were expedient tfa|l 
neither those princes nor yet the city itself should, from that time fanmrit 
turn their arms in favour either of the Emperor or King Gustavus. Tiai^ 
the ambassador of the most Christian king recommended to Cologne, but 
he affirmed it to be necessary that garrisons from the legions of his own 
sovereign should be introduced into that city, and also into other plaesB 
belonging to the electoral princes ; for that thus. King Gustavus, respect* 
ing Cologne, would turn his arms elsewhere ; or if, notwithstanding, 1^ 
should resolve on coming as an enemy, he would justly provoke the moA 
Christian king, and the alliance being ended, would begin to experieifet 
his enmity and anger. Heavy indeed seemed that condition of admittiif 
garrisons from the cohorts of a foi*eign king into the cities and «taroa9> 
places of the empire ; but much more grievous were the other oonditipns/ 
hy which it was proposed that they should thenceforth assist neiUier 


party, because, in a war so dubious, to give no aid to the emperor, but as 
It were to desert him, seemed wholly sdverse to the most ancient habit 
and feeling of the princes and cities, as well as foreign to the principles 
c^ the empire itself. Yet that this was the only advice to be adopted, the 
only post of safety that remained, was equally the opinion of the apos- 
tolk nuncio at Paris, to whom I had written concerning the enormous 
blows inflicted on the Catholic religion, its temples and altars, by King 

There foUows further a minute account of the catastrophe of Wallen- 
stein, which I shall give elsewhere. 

No. 115. 

Relaiiane della corte di Boma del Siff" K* Alui$e Contarini, 
deir anno 1632 al 1685. (Arch. Ven.) [Report on the 
court of Rome by Aluise Contarini, 1632 to 1635.] 

A Tery copious report in 35 chapters, containing 140 pages, and 
doubly important, because Aluise Contarini had proceeded directly from 
FMnce to Rome, and was therefore more capable of forming a judgment 
respecting the very peculiar position assumed at that time in politics by 
Urban VIII. 

He first describes the spiritual and temporal administration of the 

He considers it to be entirely monarchical. Of all the old congrega- 
tioBS, one only, that of the Inquisition, assembled regularly. They have 
no other privileges than that people still drew up their carriages when 
they met them, that they were invested with the purple, and retained 
a Toice in the election of the pontiff ; but the pope is so little disposed 
towards them, that in affairs of weight, he would rather use the services 
of inferior prelates, whose hopes depended principally on himself, than 
of cardinals, who were already possessed of more independence. 

But the more closely the rein is drawn, so much the more does au- 
thority become weakened. ['* The ancient veneration is nowadays much 

The inhabitants of Urbino were more particularly discontented. [" The 
sul^ects of that duchy complain much of the change, calling the govern- 
ment of the priests a tyranny, they having no other care than that of 
enriGhing and advancing themselves."] The author perpetually complains 
that Urbino should have fallen into the hands of the pope, lamenting it as 
a great loss to Spain and Venice. 

In a second part, he describes the personal qualities of those concerning 
whom he treats. [" Pope Urban VIII. was bom in April, 1567 (others 
say 1568) ; thus he is approaching the 69th year of his age ; but he pre- 
senres the force of his constitution, which is not subject to any malady, as 
will as the vigour of his intellect. He is of middle height and dark 
<!Oiiiplexion, his hair is white, his eye quick, his utterance rapid, his tem- 
raunent sanguine and bilious. He lives rigidly by rule. He regulates 
^ aetions in great measure by. the motions of &e heavens, with respect 

390 HUnORT OF THS FOn»-— AFPEKBIX. [7(o. 11^. 

to whidi he Ins great knowledge, altiboiigli ke bee proMbfted ttto eCidjf of 
them to all oChen under pain of the heariest cen au r ee . Hiv moremeBlB i 
are ludden, and so Tiolent, that diej aometfanes border oft absnrditf ; t&t | 
he cannot take patience and restndn them ; but he says that this eOBi- | 
motion of the Irik from time to time is yntj nsefiil, uj stiiinilatnig ths 
natural heat to the presentation of his health. He rides, takes phiuiin 
in the country, walks, and is fond of exercise. He does net ti«aU» 
himself when things go wrong; and all these things concur to make it 
probable that he wUl yet have some years of life, although he fiell off toy 
considerably during my sojourn at his court. 

*'He attained to the pontificate after an uninterrupted service at oouitof 
more than thirty years. He was first a prelate of the Segnatura, and 
afterwards gOTcmor of Fano. Soon after this second promotion, l» 
bought offices at court, and ultimately the clerkship of the chamber; this 
he did with the help of his paternal uncle, Francesco Barberini, a prdits 
of little repute, but of great wealth, accumulated with Florentine parti' 
mony. Clement YIII. employed him in yarious offices, but partknUf 
in relation to the new cutting of the Po, and from this have arisn is 
great measure the present contentions with the republic respecting 
boundaries, which result in part firom the knowledge he po s se ss es of tibii 
matter, and in part from his resentment at tiie affiur not having been eoi- 
dueted at that time according to his wishes. He was then, by the wmt 
Clement, sent as nuncio into France, first as nvncio-eKtraordinary fer thi 
baptism of the present king, and afterwards as nuncio in ordinary to Ik 
fintiier, Henry IV., when hd proved himself a most zealous defender tf 
the ecclesiastical immunities. Paul V., successor of Clement, confiriMl 
him in the said legation of France, and afterwards made him cardinal isA 
legate in Bologna. On his return to Rome he was appoifated prefeel 4t ^ 
the segnatura of justice, a very honourable office, and an employmoik ef j 
high importance. Finally, in 1623, he attained to the pontificale by | 
means of very crafty practices, in the place of Gfregory XV., being tm i 
in his fifty-sixth year, and now he is going through the thirteenth year ^ ) 
his reign, to the displeasure of the whole court, to which, no less thsnto 
sovereigns, short pontificates are the most advantageous, for in these 
there is more regard paid to every one, there is a greater abundanesof 
fevours, and the pontiffs do not proceed as if the papacy were an here#* 
tary succession ; the court, moreover, finds that in general there pnced 
more employment and better fortunes from the fl^equency of change. 

** In every position, the pope always held a high opinion of hitfseV, 
desiring to nile over others, and shewing contempt for the opiniqosaf al* 
He seems now to proceed more liberally, since he finds himself in a peri* 
tioa eminent above all others. He has great talent, but not sound judg- 
ment ; talent, for in things that depend on himself ttlone, and whidi eoi- 
cem his person and house, he has always attained to the objects he Ims 
proposed to accomplish, without shrinking from those intrigues mt 
artifices which are, indeed, entirely congenial to his nature, as was seen 
in his canvass for the papacy, during which he found means to r ecoag fl g 
in his own favour the two opposite factions of Borghese and LudoviriOr 
merely by making each beheve him the enemy of the odier. Bat k 
general affairs, wherein judgment is demanded, that the JBtenisis of At 
Apostolic See may be brought into harmony with those oi otiMr pflMtf 


the p<^ has been obserred to be always deficient in it. This was made 
evidient in the affair of the Valtelline, and in the war of Mantua, which 
would not haye occurred if the pope had declared against Hie first inno- 
vator ; in the loss of Mantua, attributed to the supplies received by the 
Germans from the Ecclesiastical States, and without whidh they must have 
raised the siege or perished ; and in the act of conferring the prefecture 
of Rome on his nephew, thus depriving the Apostolic See of the presence 
of so many ministers of foreign princes, who form its finest ornament, 
wliile he burthened the nephew himself with a load of envy, vexations, 
and cares, the post, too, being absolutely imtenable after the death of the 
pontiff. A further proof of his want of judgment may be found in the 
unworthy mode of treatment adopted towards the ambassador of your 
serenity, my predecessor, in suffering him to depart without satisfection ; 
tm also in the last joint protection of France, first advised and consented 
to through Cardinal Antonio, his nephew, then retracted and forbidden, 
with a manifestation of excessive artifice, not to say deceit, which was 
efidoit to the whole world, and to the production of a division in his own 
house. I say nothing of the great injury received by the Catholic religion 
in Flanders and Germany under the present pontificate ; the perils caused 
to Italy by his refusal of dispensation to the duke of Mantua, and still 
more by &e pope's having conducted himself in a manner that has dis- 
gusted all princes, great and small, to such an extent that no one of them 
is firiendly towards him, so that he is rendered incapable of exercising 
towards tbem those offices of authority and of paternal advice by which 
they might have been pacified and drawn together for the defence of 
religkm ; yet these offices have always been so carefully exercised by pre- 
vious pontiffs and considered so peculiarly their own, that to maintain 
their title of common father, whence proceeds all the veneration professed 
for them, and to preserve union among the Christian princes, which is to 
them the source of great authority, they have exposed themselves to many 
hanurds, joumeyings, and perils, their name of father excusing them from 
attention to those punctilios which serve as so effectual an impediment to 
the intervention of other princes. 

" The present pope has always professed to be neutral, making it his 
glory that -he has enriched and aggrandized his house without bargaining 
fin: domains in the kingdom of Naples, or submitting to receive fevours 
finm great princes. His secret inclinations are, nevertheless, towards the 
Frend^ ; their promptitude and determioed boldness being most congenial 
to the character of his holiness, as was manifested by the great demon- 
strations he made when La Rodielle was taken. He recommended peace 
with the English, that France might hasten to the aid of Casale, then 
besieged by the Spaniards ; advising the French at the same time to seize 
and retain Pinarolo for the requisite preservation of an equilibrium in 
Italy. He constantly discovered pretexts for deferring or diminishing the 
saccours required by Germany, so that an opinion prevedled, and still exists, 
that his holiness was grieved for the death of the king of Sweden, and that 
be rqoices more, or rather feais less, for the progress of the Protestants, 
than that of the Austrians. It is also generally believed, that even though 
the pope should be led to some union with the Spaniards by Cardimd 
Barbenno, who is altogether Spanish, it would most probably terminate 
in a rupture more decided than ever. And the cause is this ; that as the 


pope proceeds by artifice and intncne, and belioTes tliat tiie Spodafiido 
tbe same, there most always be more apprehensioQ of mvtnal de c eptie ng 
between them than of the confidence proper to a sincere udoii."] 

We do not think it necessary to repeat the description of the nephews 
given by Aluise Contarini. Even Francesco Barbenno, aithovgh suMfc.oi 
all beloved by the pope, and completely devoted to basinessy was yet 
entirely dependent on his uncle. [" There has never been a papid n e f ii e w 
more assiduous in the labours of the state than he, who never penste 
himself to take the slightest recreation ; but it is also true that none kn 
ever effected less than he has done."] 

Contarini declines all description of the cardinals, remarking thtLA 
confirmed hypocrisy prevailed through the whole body. [*< One eardKii, 
though in perfect headth, shaU make pretence, to fiidtitate his path tofle 
popedom, of being most infirm ; tottering in his walk, coughing at eMiry 
word ; and if he stir abroad, it is only close shut in his litter. AjiQtiM9r, 
being an able statesman, shall nevertheless pretend to be averse from sad 
ignorant of all business ; while others talk, he is dumb ; if questioDS sre 
Mked.he shrugs his shoulders ; or if he reply, it is only in general terms."] 
One might be tempted to believe that we have here the original of Ihe 
&ble invented with respect to the elevation of l^jctus V. 

Next comes the third part ; and this describes political relations. It is 
fiill of the most acute, impressive, and animated observation ; and as we 
have said, is for us the most valuable part of the report. 

However well disposed to the French Pope Urban might be, he did not 
alwa3r8 comply with their requests as regarded ecclesiastical affairs. [*' It 
must however be confessed that they have required very difficult conces- 
sions ; such, for example, as the right of nominating to the abbeys of Lor- 
raine, the annulling of the marriages of Duke Charles of Lorraine, and sf ( 
Monsieur, with others of similar character."] Neither was Franeesoo 
Barbenno so well disposed to the French party as his uncle : but thouf^ 
the French no longer hoped for any express declaration in their favav, 
they also knew that the pope would not act against them. Even this WM 
a great advantage for their side, since being considered favourablQ to 
France, the opposite party did not trust him. 

But all the more dissatisfied were the Spaniards. They rcpromhiil 
Cardinal Borgia for having permitted Urban VIII. to be elected; and it 
was affirmed that this cardinal had been won over to do so only by tke 
promise of manifold favours. In the negotiations relative to the ValteUiaet 
in the general policy of the French, and in the position maintained bf 
Bavaria, the Spaniards affirm that the influence of Urban's diainclinatkm 
might be constantly perceived. Barberino, on the other hand, ynaintii"*^ 
that the concessions he had made to Spain had been met by no acksov- 
ledgment from them. It is obvious that the misunderstanding was 

Contarini discusses the relations of Rome to Venice more fully than all 
besides. He considers the difficulties between them to arise cluefly ftom 
this; that whereas other states were either feared by Rome as voire 
powerful than herself, or neglected by her as less powerful, Venice W 
regarded and treated as an equal. 

It was already a source of displeasure to Rome that the English and 
I)utch should enjoy certain immunities in Venice. But if onoe the tern- 


poiial jurisdiction presumed to lay nands on the person of an ecclesiastic, a 
general storm immediately arose. 

tiie ambassador is nevertheless of opinion that the Venetians must 
not permit themselves to be trifled with. The nuncio was enjoined to 
maintain the most friendly relations with all such Tenetiah priests as were 
iavoarites with the people, and had the largest number of penitents to 
0«nfe8S.< [''And your excellencies may rest assured that by means of 
such men, the nuncios contrive to extract the very marrow of all 
secrets."] So much the more needful was it that the republic should in 
no case relinquish her authority over them. 

In addition to all this, there were moreover continual disputes about 
Qie boundaries. Urban VIII. was in no respect to be regarded as the 
womoter of Venetian interests. He was in particular disposed to advance 
Ancona to the prejudice of Venice. 

No. 116. 

Dueorto ddla malattia e morte del Card' Ippolyto Aldo- 
^ brandinOy camerlengo di S^ Chiesa col fine deUa grandezza 
del Papa Clemente VIII, 1638. [| Account of the illness 
and death of Cardinal Ippolyto Aldobrandino, chamberlain 
of the holy chnrch, and of the close of the greatness of 
Pope Clement VIII. 1635.] 

An extraordinary impression was pipduced in Rome by the sudden 
downfal of the Aldobrandini family, which had been so lately founded. 

It was under the influence of this impression that the little work before 
«s was written. [" That great genius has been overwhelmed by death''] 
it begins. Of the whole house, the daughter of Giovanni Giorgio Aldobran- 
dino alone remained, — and would necessarily inherit incalculable riches. 
' The state of society in Rome is not badly depicted in the following 
passage. [*' The Marquis Lodovico Lanti, Coimt Giovanni Francesco da 
Bagni, BerUngieri Gessi, and Bernardino Biscia, all four emulously 
hoping for the pontificate of their uncles, are desiring to receive the 
Princess Aldobrandina in marriage."] In the prospect of their uncle's 
elevation to the papacy, the nephews-presumptive were struggling for the 
hand of the richest heiress. 

But neither the marriage they sought, nor tne power of "the nephew," 
was to be attained by any one of them. 

Ippolvta married a Borghese. Our author is in the utmost astonish- 
ment at this, because Paul V. had persecuted the Aldobrandini, and had 
imprisoned the father of Ippolita himself, yet now she gives her hand to 
his great-nephew. 

In later Hfe, however, as we know, she did in fact fall to the lot 
of a nephew to the reigning pontiff, Innocent X., to whom she was 
destined by the circumstances and interests of the Roman court. 

394 HISTO&T OF TRS FOFB»-— APFBIDIX. [^No. 117. 

No. 117. 

Rdatione di q. Zuanne Nani E^ Protf rUomato ifi ambm- 
ciatore etiraordinario da JRamm^ 1641, 10 Lu^Uo, {Arak* 
Ven*) [Report of Zuanne Nani, on letnrning from \m 
embassy extraordinary to Rome, 10 July, 1641.3 

Disagreements of Yarions kinds were oonliniuiDy sirifiiig b ct fwe n Bh» 
and Venice ; in the year 1635» there ooenrred one of tihe most coUnMliK 
nary kind. 

A. magnificent inscription in pompons terms, had been CfoeM Ift 
the Sala Regia of the Vatican, by Bus IV., to reeord an achiefeMat 
of the Venetians on which they prided themselves greatly, and iddch 
made a splendid figure in their annals, a victory, namely, gained Ofer 
Frederick Barbarossa, and by which, as they affirmed, they had safed 
Alexander III. from destruction. 

But the terms of this inscription had gradually come to be thovgjhfc 
unwarrantable in Rome. That the phrase [*' By the benefits of the Tear- 
tian Republic, the dignity of the pontiff was restored,"] ' aboiild iis 
exhibited, was held by the constantly increasing r^oor of or&odoxy lo^ 
a kind of afiront. The spirit of contention for nmk then mliqg %m 
world, seized on this long past and almost forgotten incident, «id 
the truth of the narration, as it appears in Venetian writers of liisfenry, 
began moreover to be generally called in question. Dispntants appeaidl 
in print on both sides of the question. 

This is a question that even to the present day has been muce tfaaBoaot 

I cannot believe that any one possessing the slightest iioti(A of 
historical examination and criticism can remain doubtful respecting it. 

But however that may be, it was at all events not historical convictiaa 
alone, but political jealousy in addition, that induced Urban VIII. fii8k»t9 
alter thi^t Inscription, and finally, to erase it altogether. 

It was in the same light that the matter was viewed by the RepvUie; 
the disputes respecting the boundaries, and those concerning the pree»- 
dence of the new prefect becoming daily more embittered, Venice, Ibr 
some time, sent no regular ambassador to Rome. 

Accordingly, Nani, who went thither in the year 1638, was only am- 
bassador extraordinary. He remained nevertheless nearly three years Mid 
a half, and his report shews that he had acquired a considerable acquaiak- 
ance with the court. 

The chief purpose of his mission was to prevail on the pope to sapport 
the Republic in case of her being attacked by the Turks, wludi at that tiae 
seemed highly probable. 

It is an extraordinary fact, that this request came at a momMt 
which made it particularly acceptable to the pope. He could oppoM 
this necessity of the Republic to the perpetual demands of thehoait 
of Austria, then so hardly pressed by the Protestants and the French. 

The ambassador would gladly have moved him to a mediation ako 
between the belligerent powers ; but the pope did not enjoy the geaenl 


confidence indSspensable to mch aa attempt. [''There were io nasaj 
causes of bitterness continnaUy arising between the pontiff and the 
crowns, that his aathority had become poweilessy not to say hatefol, 
amoiM; them."} 

Hus ambasntdor also remarks the indjnation of Urban to make a 
display of military force. Whoever desired to stand well with him 
nntft turn the conversation to his fortresses; to iribich he frequently 
alhided himself. He eren declared that he could bring together 
more than 20,080 men within the space of twenty days. He further 
ennserated th« territories that he possessed. For immediate neoes* 
furies he bad laid by 400,000 scudi, and it was beliered l^t of the fife 
Bullions left by Siztus V., three stiU remained in the Castle St. Angelo. 

Let us now observe in what manner Nani describes the person and mode 
of administration adopted by Urban YIII. 

[" The pontiff is in the beginning of the 73rd ytfta* of his age, and at the 
dose of the 17th of his pontificate ; no pope has enjoyed so long a period 
of goremment for a space of 324 years. He is robust and vigorous, and is 
grrafied at being so considered ; indeed, if we except ocouional attacks of 
internal disorders to which he appears subject, his constitution and 
health are such that he may still iMt many years. He adopts the most 
uaefol measures for the preservation of his health, and as he now feds 
himself becoming oldor, he applies less to business, with r^ard to which, 
however, he has rarely inflicted on himself more labour than was pleasant 
to him. The morning is passed in giving audience and other affeirs, the 
aflemoon is reserved for rest and conversation with those of his imme- 
(fiate circle, in which he is cheerful and facetious, as in more important 
discourse he is learned and eloquent. Even while giving audience, he 
willingly passes from the matter in negotiation, to subjects of an inter- 
esting or studious character, to which he is much devoted. He pos- 
sesses great talents and great qualities, has a wonderful memory, with 
courage and energy that sometimes render him too firmly fixed to his 
own ideas. He has extensive powers of intellect, increased by expe- 
rience of government and the world. He thinks very highly of his 
own opinion, and therefore does not love taking counsel, nor does he much 
regard the qualities of his ministers, who might nevertheless give increased 
fiirce to his measures. He is not much di^osed to confer favours, and 
is of hasty temper ; so that even with the ministers of sovereign princes, 
he cannot always dissemble his impetuosity. He likes to be treated with 
delicate address, and if there be any method by which the mind of his 
holiness can be diverted from its determination, it is by this alone ; or if 
one cannot always succeed by it, there is in any case one good result, that 
if he will not yield, at least he does not break off in anger. 

" It were much to be desired that the present government had a more 
extensive and more efficient 'Consulta;' because, where discusnon is 
wanting, reason will sometimes be wanting likewise ; and it is certun 
that tbe ministers are but few, and still fewer are those who have any 
authority or weight at the palace. With the pontiff himself, no one is 
known to have influence, and his holiness places his own opinion above 
that of all : the others are wont either to applaud, or at least conform 
to it. In former times it was usual for the pope to hsnre three or four 
cardinals near his person, with whem all more important wMtSn were dit- 


cuaied before they were determined on, and it was then held to be part of 
the nephews' secret policy to introduce their own dependants into the * 
confidence of their uncle, to the end that these mignt lead or win hi«i 
over on occasions where they could not themsehres appear, or d^d ast 
wish to reveal their inclinations. 

** Barbarino has not chosen to circumvent the freedom of the pops 
in this manner, but reserving to himself exclusively the place imin^ 
diately next the ear of his holiness, he compels all others to remiiB 
at a distance, and to submit their own opinions to his sole judgmenty ^aot 
seeming pleased that any should speak to the pope on business widMMt 
having first communicated with Mmself. Yet he does not avail hiasdf 
of this authority, which he alone enjoys, with that liberty wiii^ midJA 
perhaps be advantageous to the public good, and to his own interpstsi 
so that, not daring to lift a breath against die resolutions or opUns 
of the pope, he frequently assumes the appearance of being equsily <rfir- 
stinate with his holiness himself, and by this means has subjected hiDself 
to the displeasure of kings and other sovereigns, with the didike of tMr. 
ministers, for not diverting or preventing many strange and diosgreraMi 

*' Under the pontificate of the present pope, the cardinals conmliia 
accordingly, more particularly those created by him, of not odnf. 
treated with openness or confidence. The cardinal-nq>hew employs ths 
services of very few ministers, while the vast amount of business wfi 
other causes might seem to make him require many. Pandrola aid 
Ricchi, auditors of the Rota, are those most admitted to his inthna^. 
and most frequently employed. 

** Pancirola is a man of advanced age and great experience ; he wis 
employed in Piedmont respecting the peace, even from the time when 
the wars of Mantua commenced. He is employed in affairs connected 
with the administration of the Ecclesiastical States, and as I have not bad 
to transact any business with him, I have nothing to relate concerning his 
personal qualities. 

** Ricchi is a man of high character, prompt and sagacious ; he directB 
almost all affairs with foreign princes, and has more particularly' tiie 
management of those pertaining to the Republic. He is entfarisly 
dependent on Barberino, a circumstance which renders him particuhily 
acceptable to the lord cardinal; he has encountered many vexations 
from some of the foreign ministers, but is upon the whole greatly lik(^ 
He has no other experience than that derived from his present employ- 
ment, which is an important one ; my business has always been tranaictri 
with him, and your excellencies will remember to have seen him frequeDfll 
described in my lettters, as well as in his official documents. In tiio 
management of affairs, he displays address and coolness, with equal 
•ability and diligence. He spealES of the most serene Republic wtAiill 
possible expressions of reverence and devotion. He has it much at heirt 
to secure a certain matter touching the pensions of the cardinal his brotkvr 
respecting which I have written at other times. 

'* To l£ese I will add Monsignore Cecca, secretary of state, because heii: 
at present assisting in the negotiations of the league. He has not mm- 
than ordinary talent, but from long experience in his office, has a comp^ 
•tent knowledge of business. He is considerably advanced m yean, and 

17, 118.^ ^OMAN LIFB 'AND MANNERS. 397 

ed to be near to the cardinalate ; though not greatly beloved by 
tews, he is much respected on acconnt of the regard borne to him 
loliness. When the present pontiff was nuncio at the court of 

Ceoca was in the service of his secretary, and by a manrellotts 
>f fortune, yet one not uncommon in the Roman court, he stepped 
I place of his master, who is still living in no very prosperous 
tances, while Cecca enjoys an important office with good revenues, 
prospects of more than common advancement. There are none 
1 the circle of Barberino possessing either creditor talents to merit 

the government of the state, there is a * Consulta' of cardinals 
kites, which meets for the discussion of various matters twice 
week. The other congregations are those of the Inquisition, of 
;anda Fide,' of the CouncU, of the regular clergy, of ceremonial 
id other interests of a similar character. But the whole aflEair 

itself into mere talk, because the decision rests entirely with his 

and the nephew. A congregation of state is held from time to 
the presence of the pope, for purposes of high importance ; but 
Ice part in these councils excepting the cardinals created by himself 
■8 in his confidence, or who have served in nunciatures. Even 
', serves rather for the ratification of decisions than for the deter- 
I of them by discussion, because nothing is deliberated on, orpre- 
B a decree, except in conformity with the opinion either expressed 
ed to be understood as that of his holiness ; and indeed the pontiffs 
t to complain that they have not any one in whom they may con- 
the cardinals living with their eyes turned on those foreign princes 
om their interests are connected."] 

No. 118. 

Uo delle cose piu consideralnli che sono oceorse nel 
rno di Roma in tempo di Monf G\o, Batt, Spada, 
latioD of the most important eyents that have taken 
i in the goverament of Rome during the time of Mon- 
>re Gio. Battista Spada.^ 

iCting the latter days of Urban VIII., replete with pictures of life 
ner, more especially of circumstances falling within tiie department 
e and the police of the States, and recorded with unquestionable 

ad the old contentions still prevailing among the ancient families 
3, between the Gaetani and Colonnesi for example ; not only was 
It to effect any agreement between them, but many days were re- 
;ven for drawing up the document, wherein the history of their 
was of necessity related, with a view to such agreement ; so 
was it to make a report by which one or the other would not feel 
tea were also frequent between the French and Spaniards. Thc^ 

398 nisTORr of thb I^opbb^— afpihdix. £Mo. 118. 

•would meet for example ia tavemi, eadi drank to the berilk of bii ova 
aoTereign, offeaoe wai foon taken ; bat the weaker paitj tfmmned lao- 
derately qniet, until being reinforoed, it oould meet ita opponoit on eq«d 
ipround ; then, asaembling on the poblic plaoea of the dtf , they wiM 
eome to blowsi and it was not wtthoot die ntmoat diffieolty thit tibe 
bargello oonld separate them. 

But although thus divided among themadves, they aU do thor best to 
oppose the court, and riral eadi other in resistance to the polii^ <tf 

The ambassadors were most especially difficult to manage ; they gn- 
dually set up those pretensions which were subeeqaeatly tSe csmae of bo 
many serious disputes. .Ther not only declared ihar palaees to bt 
sanctuaries and free, permittmg unlawftd games to be estdUidied in 
them ; but they even claimed the right of extending their proMiM to 
the neighbouring houses. MonsigBore Spada natwnally owpoMd thoe 
pretensions. I** For if so mudi courtesy had been exteaded to tht londi 
ambassadors as that none should enter their houses or femiliea, ^bt o- 
tent to whidi theynow desired to oarry thevuitter was toogveat, ~ 
less than that no execution should be permitted in the 
houses, or eren in the same cluster of buildhaigs fisola)."] 

Historically conddered, the most important mctdenfta hem JwAiiliii 
are two attempts on the Ule of Urban VlII., which ara g^en wi& the 
most satisfactory aathentidty. 

1. ['* Concerning the trial of Giadnto CentiBi, nq^Mw of Caidipi 
d'Ascoli, and of certain of his aeoompHces. — The substasee waa to tiv 
effect : it having been prognosticated that the eardinal would attrosfJ It 
the present pontiff, Giadnto Centini, led away by this pro p hec y , sai 
desiriog to see it instantly fulfilled, had formed a compact with ¥h 
Serafino Cherubini of Ancona, of the Friars Minor ; Fra Pietro da Palenno 
un Eremita, who assumed the name of Fra Bernardino ; and Fra X^obm* 
nico da Fermo, an Augustinian, for the purpose of seeking to shorten tiie 
life of our lord the pope by diabolic acts ; and to that effect it was rodvd ^ 
to make a figure of wax, rq>reeenting the pope, which was executed; wi 
after many invocations of demons, and sacrifices offered to the same, Aii 
was mdted, destroyed, and consumed at the fire, with the firm belief 1M 
the said figure being so consumed, the life of Pope IJrbaa must temiisie 
with it, and thus make way for the succession of f^«fJi!n«l Ascoli, uiMfe of 

2. ['I The confession of Tommaso Orsolini of Recanate. — ^That by tk 
instigation of Fra Domenico Brancacdo of Bagnarea, an AugustiniaBy be 
had gone to Naples for the purpose of nuddng a pretended diaoowy ti 
the viceroy of a supposed agreement among the princes fbr the IniM w if 
the kingdom of Naples, wherein his holiness alsq was to take put, 91^ 
the remedy proposed was, that either the pope or one of the c oufedewt g 
was to be put to death. This the aforesaid Father B^ignarea ofibred to ^ 
himsdf, provided they would furnish him with 3,(M0 aeudi, wUdk ki 
would give to the sacristan of his holiness, who was now become hiia|iliir 
of labour ; when he, Bagnarea, having succeeded to that offiee, wti^ 
have put poison into the host, whidi his holiness would h«re to 

in the mass ; or otherwise, if he could not succeed in beoomiBff aoMif 
lie would have contrived that the i^tiiecary Careunsio, |3b nlslive, 

No. 119.3 OONTHfTIOIffl OF THE BARBERIlfl. 399 

should poison tbe medicaments applied to the setons of his holiness ; 
but he did not proceed to the extent of describing all this to the viceroy, 
bccBoae, having intimated to him that the pope must be pat to death, he 
Mw that the viceroy did not entertain that proposal."] 

No. U9. 

MutorteOi relatione ddV ori^ne epreareeei delle rotture n<Ue 
tra la oaaa Barherina et Odoardo jP'amese duca di Parma 
e Piacenza, (In the Library of Vienna^ Hietoria Prof 
N. 899. 224 leaves.) ^Historical reUUion of the origin 
and THTOgress of those die^utes that have occnrreil between 
the house of Barberina and Odoardo Fame^e, duke of 
Parma and Placentia.]] (Library of Vienna. Hiotoria 
Prof. N. 899. 224 leaves.) 

Thia is the work of a parlasan, given in the form of a letter, in which 
4|m oiri|in of these contentions is wholly attributed to the ill-will of tbe 
Barhenni. The monti of the barons are connected by this author, as weU 
SB others, with those of the state. The pope readily granted the necessary 
nennissions, because he thus rendered Uie barons more subservient to 
nimself. ['* When sudi monti were erected, the prince became security, 
reserving to himself the right to demand their extinction at his pleasure. ''] 

I do not find that this work, although voluminous, makes any im- 
portant disclosures ; and since we are not in this case in any want of 
fluch, it has no great value. The most remarkable part of it is, without 
doubt, the description of Pope Urban's anti-Austrian, and in a certain 
B^aae anti-Catholic tendencies. 

[" He would sometimes give it to be understood, that though the pro- 
gress made by the CathoUcs against the heretics was very pleasing to 
bim, yet that there was cause to fear lest this prosperity should some 
day turn to their injury, by the jealousies that would be excited through- 
put the world, lest the empire ^ould absorb the last remuning vestige of 
Uberty. A report was current in all the courts that St was to Urban the 
SQspicioitiB of Duke Maximilian were to be a9cribed, and which caused a 
great schism in the union of those Catholic princes, who were exposed to 
the chances of reactions, for they supposed that once the heretics were 
jmbdued, the arms of Austria would be turned to the injury of those who 
bad been ministers to the greatness of that house ; and to say all, there 
were some who in those days boasted of knowing that the mission of 
Ceva, the confidential minister of the house of Barberina, sent into 
Vnnct with the title of nuncio extraordinary, had received in the most 
profound concealment a secret command tp excite the French king to 
mingle in the commotions of Germany, to the end that, acting in concert 
viith Bavaria, he might devise a method for raising up some barrier 
s^ftiinst the increaung power of the house of Austria." 

lliii proves at least that such views were prevalent at the time. 


No. 120. 

Delia vita di Papa Urhano VIII. e historia del euo ponufi- 
catOy scritta da Andrea Nicoletti. (8 volumes in folio Mo*) 
[[The life of Pope Urban VIII. and history of his pon- 
tificate, by Andrea Nicoletti.]] (8 volumes in folio MS.) 

It is much to be regretted that there are to few good, or even afailaUe 
biographies of the persons most eminent in history. - ,• - 

"Die cause of this deficiency must not be ascribed to indifference M 
their memory ; this was, indeed, most commonly very hig^y estimated, 
if not overrated, by those connected with them ; it may be attributed t» 
the following cause : — 

At first, when the remembrance is still fresh, and materials mlgliC 
readily be gathered, certain scruples are felt with regard to contenif»^ 
raries ; the whole truth is not told ; a multitude of individuals would \0 
compromised, and numberless animosities called forth against the suljeet 
of the memoir himself. 

At a later period, and when contemporaries also have disappeared, whflft 
courage might be found for speaking, the memory of the hero has aii^ 
become faint, the materials are scattered, the interest itself has decfined; 
and awakens only in the minds of those who desire to investigate the (Ms 
for historical purposes. 

In this state of things, the following expedient was frequently adopted in 

llie materials existing were handed over to some trusted friend or seN 
vant of the house, who being well and personally informed of the general 
facts, then placed them together, arranged them duly, and form^ thdlai 
into a connected narrative ; yet this was not intended for the press, it Wts 
preserved in MS. among the family annals. 

In this manner the susceptibilities of the contemporary were spared; 
while yet the possibility was retained of reviving the rapidly fkdi&g 
memory at some future time, and presenting it in all the fulness m 

To this class of works belongs the biography of Andrea Nicoletti. 

It contains the recollections of the Barberini family respecting the per* 
sonal character and various transactions of Urban VIII. But the miss 
of the work, and that which gives the volume its bulk, is the collected 
correspondence, of which all is inserted, of the ambassadors belonging 6> 
the twenty-one years of Urban's pontificate. 

This biography is, in fact, essentially formed of a compilation of the 
despatches from the different nunciatures. 

Not the final reports, the *' relationi," properly so called, but the de- 
spatches themselves, as was most fitting to a biography. The pope cob« 
stantly appears in this work as himself directing, determining, and actfaig^. 

I have observed that similar compilations were attempted in Venice ; 
but as the active proceedings of the republic do not ap