History of the rebellion of 1745-6

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HISTORY

OF THE

REBELLION OF 1745-6

HISTORY

OF THE

REBELLION OF 1745-6

.V-

f.

.',•

^' •

L

HISTORY OF THE

RE BELLION ok 1745-0

BY

ROBERT CHAMBERS.

W. &R CHAMBERS.
LONDON AND EDINDLRGH,

2.2.6.

/•

//ao

TO

SIR PETER MURRAY THREIPLAND,

OF FINGASKy BARONET,

REPRESENTATIVE OF A FAMILY WHICH

CAN STILL VIEW WITH GENEROUS REGRET

THE CAUSE FOR WHICH FORMER GENERATIONS

GLADLY SUFFERED,

THIS

WORK IS RESPECTFULLY

AND AFFECTIONATELY INSCRIBED.

PREFACE TO THE FIFTH EDITION.

The present work appeared originally in Constables Miscellany
m 1827. THe piincipal sources of information which then
existed for a histoiy of the dvil war of i745» were the contem-
porary public journals, Mr Home's work (valuable at least for
its reports of what the author himself witnessed), the Lockhart
and Culloden Papers, the Chevalier Johnstone's Memoirs^ and
tiie still fresh traditions of the people. Since from these docu-
ments the author constructed the first edition of his narrative, a
greater quantity of valuable materials has become accessible than
during eighty preceding years. The personal narratives of two
distinguished actors, Lord Elcho and Mr Maxwell of Kirk-
connel, have been in part or wholly given to the world. In E>r
James Browne's History of the Highlands and Highland Clans ^
there appeared extensive and very important excerpts from the
great collection in the possession of the British sovereign, styled
'The Stuart Papers.' To this valuable set of excerpts. Lord
Mahon has made additions in his History of Great Britain
between the Peace of Utrecht and that of Aix-lorChapelle, I was
myself so fortunate, in 1832, as to become possessed of an
extensive collection of papers which had been gathered, early in
the present century, by the late Sir Henry Steuart of Allanton,
with a view to his composing a Histoiy of the Efforts in behalf
of the House of Stuart from the Revolution downwards.
Amongst these was an assemblage of memoirs, notes, letters,
and other memorabilia respecting the insurrection of 1745 and
its actors, which had been formed with great labour, during the
twenty years ensuing upon the event, by the Rev. Robert

VI PREFACE TO THE FIFTH EDITION.

Forbes, Episcopal minister at Leith, and ultimately (titular)
Bishop of Orkney. From Sir Hemy's collection, which eventu-
ally became mine, I published a selection in 1834, under the
title oi Jacobite^ Memoirs of the Rebellion 0/1^4$^; but by far
the greater part of the more valuable documents still remained
in manuscript

In the present edition of my own narrative, advantage has
been taken of the abundance of new materials thus placed at
command. So ample were these, and so great were the changes
conseqaently required in the fabric of the narrative, that the
present might almost be described as a new wo^ That part,
in particular, which records the singular adventures of the
Prince after the battle of Culloden, is much more copious, and
also more strictly correct, than it was before, chiefly in conse-
quence of the special pams which Bishop Forbes took to ascer-
tain all the particulars of those adventures from the gentlemen
and others who had been concerned in them* The work is now
submitted, in its extended and corrected form, not without a
hope that it will be found to contain sufficient information to
satisfy all reasonable curiosity upon the subject

Edinburgh^ FArmry 24, 184a

PREFACE TO THE SEVENTH EDITION.

A FEW words as to iktfeding manifested in this narrative.

It has been customaiy to call it a Jacobite history. To this
let me demur. Of the whole attempt of 1745 I disapprove, as
most men da I think its authors were under a grave mistake
in preferring a supposed right of One to the interest of the
entire body of the people ; and» undoubtedly, it was a crime to
disturb with war, and to some extent with rapine, a nation
enjo]ring internal peace under a settled government

Bat, on the other hand, those ^o followed Charles Edward
in his hazardous enterprise, acted according to their lights, with
heroic self-devotioiL They were not fairly liable to the vulgar
ridicule and vituperations thrown upon l^em by those whose
duty it was to resist and punish them. Even the sovereigns
succeeding him whom Charles Edward strove to Hitylar'^^ came
to feel for the exiled dynasty, and to wish for no better friends
than it had had. Knowing how these men did all in honour,
I deem it but just that their adventures should be detailed with
impartiality, and their unavoidable misfortunes be spoken of
with humane feeling.

There is no other JacolMtism in the book that I am aware o£

K C
Edtkbuegh, 1869.

GENEALOGICAL AND HISTORICAL

INTRODUCTION.

•

James, sixth of Scotland and first of England, was the common
progenitor of the two families whose contentions for the throne
of Great Britain form the subject of this worL He was succeeded,
at his death in 1625, by his eldest surviving son Charles.

Charles I., after a reign of twenty-three years, the latter
portion of which had been spent in war with a party of his
subjects, perished on the scaffold in 1649.

Charles II., eldest son of Charles I., lived in exile for eleven
years after the death of his father, during which time the govern-
ment was vested first in a Parliament, and afterwards in a
Protectorate. He was at length placed upon the throne, May
1660. This event is known in British history by the title of
'the Restoration.' Charles died without legitimate issue in
1685, and was succeeded by his brother James, who had
previously been entitled Duke of York.

James II. was fifty-three years of age when he mounted the
throne. In his youth he had, as Admiral of England, shewn
some talent for business, and considerable skill in naval affairs ;
but during his reign he manifested a want of judgment which
would almost indicate premature dotage. Having been con-
verted to the Roman Catholic faith, he entered into the spirit of
it with the zeal natural to a weak mind, and ventured upon some
steps which impressed his subjects with the conviction that he
wished to place this religion on a par with Protestantism, if not
to restore it to its ancient supremacy. Thus he alienated the
affections of the people, but more especially of the clergy, who

GENEALOGICAL AND HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. IX

were otherwise disposed to have been his most zealous friends.
The compliance of bad judges, and some imperfections of the
British constitution, left it in his power to take the most
arbitrary measures for the accomplishment of his designs ; and
he attempted to establish as a maxim, that he could do what-
ever he pleased by a proclamation of his own, without the
consent of Parliament Finally, his obstinacy and infatuation
rendered it necessary for all parties of the state to seek his
deposition. A secret coalition of Whigs and Tories resolved to
call in the assistance of William, Prince of Orange, nephew and
son-in-law to the king. William landed upon the south coast of
England with an army of sixteen thousand men, partly his own
native subjects, and partly English refugees, November 5, 1688.
As he proceeded to London, James was deserted by his army,
his friends, and even his own children ; and in a confusion of
mind, the result of fear and offended feelings, he retired to
France. William, at the head of a powerful force, took
possession of London. A Convention-Parliament then declared
that James had abdicated the throne, and resolved to offer the
crown to William and his consort Mary. In British history,
this event is termed ' the Revolution.'

William III., son of Mary, eldest daughter of Charles L, and
who had married his cousin Mary, eldest daughter of James IL,
thus assumed the crown, in company with his consort; while
King James remained in exile in France. Mary died in 1695,
and King William then became sole monarch. In consequence
of a fall from his horse, he died in 1701, leaving no issue.

Anne, second daughter of King James IL, was then placed
upon the throne. James meanwhile died in France, leaving a
son, James, bom in England, June 10, 1688, the heir of his
unhappy fortunes. This personage, known in history by the
epithet of the Pretender, and less invidiously by his incognito
title, the Chevalier St George, contmued an exile in France,
supported by his cousin Louis XIV., and by the subsidies of his
English adherents. Anne, after a reign of thirteen years, dis-
tinguished by military and literary glory, died without surviving

X GENEALOGICAL AND HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.

issue, August i, 17 14. During the life of this sovereign, the
crown had been destined, by act of Parliament, to the nearest
Protestant heir, Sophia, Electress of Hanover, daughter of
Elizabeth, Queen of Bohemia, the daughter of King James VI.
Sophia having predeceased Queen Anne, it descended of course
to her son George, Elector of Hanover, who accordingly came
over to England and assumed the sovereignty, to the exclusion
of his cousin the Chevalier.

George I. was scarcely seated on the throne, when (1715) an
insurrection was raised against him by the friends of his rival,
now generally known as the Jacobite party. This rebellion was
suppressed ; and George I. continued to reign, almost without
further disturbance, till his death in 1727.

George II. acceded to the crown on the death of his father.
Meanwhile the Chevalier St George had married Clementina,
grand-daughter of John Sobieski, the heroic king of Poland ;
by this lady he had two sons — ist, Charles Edward Lewis
Casimir, bom December 31, 1720, and, 2d, Henry Benedict,
bom 1725, afterwards well known by the name of Cardinal de
York. James was himself a man of weak, though mild and
virtuous character; but the blood of Sobieski seems to have
descended to his eldest son, whose boldness, as displayed in
1745-6, did everything but retrieve the fortunes of his family.

CONTENTS.

FAGS

Chapter i.---pRiifCE chaeles's toyage and landing^ 13

IL — THE HIGHLANDERS. 30

nL — THE GATHERING 40

IV. — PROCEEDINGS OF GOVERNMENTm 49

v.— CHARLES'S DESCENT UPON THE LOWLANDS 59

VL— ALARM OP EDINBURGH ^2

VIL — CHARLES'S MARCH UPON EDINBURGH. 78

VIII.— CAPTURE OF EDINBURGH. 86

IX. — PRINCE CHARLES'S ENTRY INTO EDINBURGH. 98

X. — cope's PREPARATIONS. I06

XL— THE prince's MARCH TO PRESTON 112

XIL — ^THE BATTLE OF PRESTON. I20

XIIL— PRINCE CHARLES AT HOLYROOD... I39

XIV. — GATHERING AT EDINBURGH I52

XV.— INVASION OF ENGLAND. I70

XVI. — RETREAT TO SCOTLANIX I93

XVIL — PRELIMINARIES OF THE BATTLE OF FALKIRK... 212

XVUIw— THX BATTLE OF FALKIRK 230

XIX^— ARRIVAL OF THE DUKE OF CUMBERLAND. 246

XX.— MARCH TO THE NORTH.... 255

XXL— PROCEEDINGS IN THE NORTH. 265

XXIL— PRELIMINARIES OF THE BATTLE OF CULLODEN 278

XU CONTENTS.

PACK

CHAPTBE ZXIIL — ^BATTLE OP CULLODEN... 293

« XXIV. — ^TRANSACTIONS IMMEDIATELY AFTER THE BATTLE

OP CULLODBN. 302

XXV.— SUPPRESSION OP THE INSURRECTION 313

XXVI. — Charles's wanderings— the long island.. 332

xxviL — Charles's wanderings — skye... 348

xxviil— Charles's wanderings— the mainland 388

xxdl— trials and executions.. 442

xxx.— prince charles in prance 467

xxxl— measures por prevention of further

disturbances 481

« xxxii.— subsequent upe op prince charles. 49i

APPENDIX 515

HISTORY

OF THE

REBELLION OF i745-6.

CHAPTER L

PRIKCE CHARLES'S VOYAGE AND LANDINa

^ Guard, Qmestm?
PucdU. Palsans, panvres gens de France.'

King Hairy VI.

THE idea of an insurrection in &vour of the exiled house
of Stuart, though, from the Revolution, it had never been
for a moment out of the thoughts of the Jacobite party,
remained, during the long peace which preceded 1739, in that
state of dormancy which usually befalls the most deeply
cherished schemes, when there is no hope of their "being
immediately carried into execution. When, however, Britain
became engaged in war with Spain, and not long after mingled
in the general conflict of European powers which took place in
consequence of the exclusion of the house of Austria from the
imperial dignity, the friends of the Stuarts eagerly embraced the
belief that a fittmg time had at length arrived for striking a blow

14 HISTORY OP THE REBELLION OP 1 745-6.

in behalf of legitimacy. They had eveiy reason to believe that
Fiance, in particular, if not also Spain, would grant them the
assistance of an invading armament, under favour of which they
might themselves take up arms. What made their prospects
the more cheerful was, that a new promise had sprung up in the
exiled family, in the person of the old Chevalier's eldest son,
Charles Edward, whose character was understood to comprehend
all that was graceful in a prince, united with the spirit of one
destined to be a military hero. In this respect they stood in a
better position than they had ever done before; for the two
preceding generations of the dethroned family had possessed no
personal qualities that could afiford much aid to the cause.

So early, therefore, as 1740, associations had begun to be
formed by the Scottish partisans of the Stuarts, engaging to rise
in arms, provided that competent assistance should be sent from
abroad.^ At the end of 1743, the French court actually entered
into the design of an invasion of Britain in behalf of the Stuarts,
and sent to Rome for the young Chevalier, that he might be
ready to accompany it, the chief command of the troops being
designed for the celebrated Marshal Saxe. Charles instantly
proceeded to Paris, and in the latter part of Februaiy 1744, a
fleet was ready to sail, with an army of 15,000 men on board.
The British government was thrown into great alarm, for their
shores were comparatively improtected, and the people were in
a state of violent discontent A small fleet was mustered under
Sir John Norris, and sent to watch the French at Dunkirk.
What this aged admiral could scarcely have done, was done by
a storm, which drove the French vessels from their moorings,
destroying some, and irretrievably damaging others. This, with
the attacks of the British vessels, so far deranged the scheme,
that the French ministiy determined on abandoning it The

1 lo Um year 1740, fcvan pqimi of isak entered into an aisodatioB of this land—
namely, the Earl of Traquair ; his hrother, John Stuart ; Lord I/Mrat ; Janws Dnunaond.
commonly called Duke of Perth ; Ijord John Drummond, unde of James Drummond ; Sir
James Campbell of Aucfainbrack : and Cameron, younger of Lodieil— most of these being
persons possessing influence in the Highlands Many others afterwards entered into
similar engagements.

p&iNCB Charles's toyags and LANDma 15

mortificatioii of Charles was great ; and with his characteristic
boldness he actually proposed to his father's veteran partisan,
Earl Marischal, to set sail in a herrings-boat for Scotland,
in Older to put himself at the head of his friends — believing,
apparently, that his own presence as their leader was alone
wanting for success. The earl of course refused to sanction such
a scheme; and Charles, after an ineffectual endeavour to be
allowed by his father to serve in the French army, retired to an
obscure part of France, to wait for better times.

At the end of the year, and in the early part of 1745, he used
every exertion, by means of his emissaries, and by personal
solicitations, to induce the French court to renew the enterprise ;
but without success. It appears that some of the Protestant
pow^s in alliance with Louis had remonstrated against his
givii^ aid to the Catholic party in Britain ; every effort, they
said, ought to be concentrated on the seat of war in Flanders.^
Charles, therefore, found himself coldly treated in Paris. It is
remarkable that he was not even introduced to the king — ^nor
bad he ever this honour until after his return from Scotland.
Yet, for the sake of an object to which he had devoted his
whole affections, he patient^ endured this contumely, and all
the other distresses of his situation, among which the low
intrigues of some of his immediate followers were not the least
Writing to his father, January 3, 1745, when about to retire, for
reasons of policy, to a dull place in the country, he says : * This
I do not regret in the least, as long as I think it of service to
our cause. I would put myself in a tub, like Diogenes, if
necessary.' ' Afterwards (March 7), when contemplating some
preparations for the eaq)edition with his own means, he writes to
the same person : ' I wish you would pawn all my jewels, for on
iJkis side g[ the water I should wear them with a very sore heart,
thinking that there might be a better use for them ; so that, in
an uigent necessity, I may have a sum which can be of use for
the cause.' Of another sum which he had obtained from his

1 Mimaim dt NoaUlet, n. n, quoted in Lord Mahon*s History ofEngktKd, iu. 3^
* Extracts from Stnan Fapers, in Lord Mahoo's Hittorj,

x6 HISTORY OF THB REBELLION OF 1 745-6.

father, and expended in the purchase of broadswords, he sa3rs in
the same letter : * Rather than want it, I would have pawned my
shirt : it is but for such uses that I shall ever trouble you with
requests for money ; it wtl/ never be for piate or fine clothes^ but
for arms and ammuniium^ or other things which tend to what I
am come about to this country.^ ^ It is generally believed that the
victory, such as it was, gained by the Frendi over the British
army at Fontenoy in May, completed the resolution of France
not to fit out a new armament for the young Chevalier, a
diversion of the enemy by such means being now considered
unnecessary.

When Charles was at length despairing of aid from this
source, the very sense of resentment seems to have acted as an
additional stimulus to throw him back upon the romantic design
first propounded to Lord MarischaL He had great confidence
in the enthusiasm of his British, and more particularly his
Scottish partisans, some of whom had requested him to come to
them, if he only could bring a sufficiency of aims and money.
He thought if he could once raise his standard in Scotland, his
friends would flock to it, and that at this particular juncture,
when the British aimy had just sustained a notable defeat, and
the country was drained of troops, he should be able at least to
keep his ground until foreign aid should arrive, if not to do
something which should make that aid more likely to come.
The loud discontents expressed in Britain respecting the war
and the existing ministry, held out additional encouragement
He therefore detennined upon a secret voyage to Scotland, no
matter how few might share in the danger, or how slenderly
provided he might be with money or with militaiy stores. Early
in June, we find him at the Ch&teau de Navarre, near Evreux,
writing a letter to his father, not to ask his sanction for the
projected enterprise, but to inform him that, before the writing
could be in his hands, that enteiprise would be commenced. ' I
am to tell you,' says he, * what will be a great surprise to you.

1 Extracts fiom Stout Plipei\ in Lord Mahoa^ Nistory*

PRINCE CHARLES'S VOYAGE AND LANDING. 1 7

I have been, above six months ago, invited by our friends to go
to Scotland, and cany what money and arms I could con-
veniently get ; this being, they are fully persuaded, the only way

of restoring you to the crown, and them to their liberties

After such scandalous usage as I have received from the French
court, even had I not given my word to do so, or got so many
encouragements from time to time as I have had, I should have
been obliged, in honour and for my own reputation, to have
f ung myself into the hands of my friends, and die with them,
rather than live longer in such a miserable way here, or be
obliged to return to Rome, which would be just giving up all
hopes. I cannot but mention a parable here, which is : a horse
that is to be sold, if [when] spurred, [he] does not skip, or shew
some sign of life, nobody would care to have him even for
nothing ; just so my friends would care very little to have me, if,
after such usage, which all the world is sensible of, I should not
shew that I have life in me. Your majesty cannot disapprove a
son's following the example of his father. You yourself did the
like in the year 1715 ; but the circumstances now are indeed
very different, by being much more encoturaging. .... I have
been obliged to steal off, without letting the king of France so
much as suspect it ; for which I make a proper excuse in my
letter to him, by saying it was a great mortification to me never
to be able to speak and open my heart to him ; that this thing
was of such a nature that it could not be communicated by any
of the ministers, but to himself alone, in whom, after God
Almighty, my resting lies, and that the least help would make
ray affair infallible. If I had let the French court know this
beforehand, it might have had all these bad effects : u/. It is
possible they might have stopped me, having a mind to keep
measives with the elector;^ and then, to cover it over, they
would have made a merit of it to you, by saying they had
hindered me from doing a wild and desperate thing: 2dly^
My being invited by my friends would not be believed, or

^ Tlie king of Great Britain was, by the Stuarts and their partisans, only allowed to be
Ekctor of Hanover.

l8 HISTORY OP THE REBELLION OF 1 745-6.

at least would have made little impression on the French
court

, ' I have,' he continues, ' sent Stafford to Spam, and appointed
Sir Thomas Geraldine to demand succours in my name, to com-
plete the work, to whom I sent letters for the king and queen,
written in the most engaging terms to the same purpose. Let
what will happen, the stroke is struck, and I have taken a firm
resolution to conquer or to die, and to stand my ground as long as
I shall have a man remaining with me. ... , Whatever happens
unfortunate to me, cannot but be the strongest engagement to
the French court to pursue your cause. Now, if I were sure they
were capable of any sensation of this kind, if I did not succeed,
I would perish, as Curtius did, to save my country and make it
happy ; it being an indispensable duty on me as far as lies in
my power. .... I write this from Navarre, but it will not be

sent off till I am on shipboard I should think it proper

(if your majesty pleases) to put myself at his holiness's feet,
asking his blessing on this occasion; but what I chiefly ask
is your own, which I hope, will procure me that of God
Almighty, upon my endeavours to serve you, my family, and
my country.' *

One Waters, a banker in Paris, had lent Charles 60,000
livres, which he had employed in paying off the debts he
incurred at Paris during the past winter. The younger Waters,
also a banker, now advanced to him 120,000 livres, with which
he bought 1500 fusees, 1800 broadswords, and a considerable
quantity of gunpowder, ball, flints, dirks, and other articles,
including 20 small field-pieces. Mr Walsh, a merchant in
Nantes, agreed to convey him to the coast of Scotland in a brig
of 18 guns, which he had fitted out to cruise against the British
trade; at the same time Mr Rutledge, a friend of Walsh,
obtained from the French court the services of the Elizabeth^ a
vessel of 68 guns and 700 men, which was to cruise on the
coast of Scotland. Some obscurity rests on the point; yet it is

1 This rcmarlcAble letter is printed in the appendix to Lord Mahon's History^ from the
Stuart Papers.

PRINCE Charles's voyage and LANDiNa 19

dear that the Prince had the use of this latter vessd, to cany
his stores, and convoy his own ship, without the knowledge of
the French government While the preparations were making
at Nantes, the few gentlemen who had agreed to acconqtany
the Prince lodged in different parts of the town, and when they
met in public, took no notice of each other, the better to con-
ceal their design.* They were seven in number; the most
important being the Marquis of TuUibardine, who, having been
concerned in the a£^ of 17 15, was attainted, and thus pre-
vented from succeeding to his father's tide and estates as Duke
of Adiole, which were now enjoyed by his next younger brother.
The rest were — Sir Thomas Sheridan, who had been the Prince's
preceptor; Sir John Macdonald, an officer in the ^nnish
service ; Mr Kelly, an English clergyman, who had been con-
cerned in the Bishop of Rochester's plot in 1722 ; O'Sullivan,
an Irish officer in the French service; Francis Strickland, an
English gentleman; and Mr JEaeas Macdonald, banker in Paris,
a younger brother of Macdonald of Kinlochmoidart Lord
Mahon says very justly, ' that the charm of this romantic enter-
prise seems singularly heightened, when we find, fh>m the secret
papers now disclosed, that it was undertaken not only against
the British government, but without, and in spite of, the French.'
At seven of the evening of the 2 2d of June, old stjde,' the
Prince embarked at St Nazaire, in the mouth of the Loire, on
board Walsh's litde vessel, named the DauteUc, attended by his
seven fiiends, besides one Buchanan, a messenger. Proceoling
to Belleisle, he was thoe detained for some days, in expectation
of the Elizabeth, Since the letter to his father before quoted,
he had written again: 'I made my devotions,' he says,
' on Pentecost day, recommending myself particularly to die
Almighty on this occasion to guide and direct me, and to con-
tinue to me always the same sentiments ; which are, rather to

1 JtteeHU Memairt, from the papers of Bishop Forbei^ p. s.

< Sucb vas the day in British reckoning, old style being still used there. In France, the
day was esteemed as the 3d of July. Old style is here preferred, as that used throughout
the wfarde of the ensuing nanative.

20 HISTORY OP THE REBELLION OF 1745-6.

suffer anything than fail in any of my duties,* He afterwards
wrote to his father's secretary, Mr Edgar : * I hope in God we
shall soon meet, which I am resolved shall not be but at homt;^
meaning in the seat of his father's government.^ His last
words to the same gentleman in a postscript, dated the 12th
July (N.S.), were : ' After having waited a week here, not with-
out a litde anxiety, we have at last got the escort I expected,
which is just arrived — namely, a ship of 68 guns, and 700 men
aboard. I am, thank God, in perfect health, but have been a
little sea-sick, and expect to be more so ; but it does not keep
me much abed, for I find the more I struggle against it the
better.* None of these letters were sent off till after he had
finally quitted the shores of France. He had acted in like
manner by his Scottish friends, sending Mr Murray of Broughtou
to apprise them of his intention of sailing, but too late to allow
of their sending any answer that could be expected to reach him
before he should have set sail The Scottish gentlemen con-
sequently met in great anxiety, to deliberate on the message,
when it was agreed by all, excepting the Duke of Perth, that
the scheme was the extreme of rashness, and Mr Murray was
appointed by them to watch for the Prince in the West High-
lands, and warn him off the coast It would thus appear that
Charles was, in some measure, under a false impression as to
the eagerness of his Scottish friends for the undertaking. Prob-
ably only a very few had invited him to come, no matter how
attended or provided. Murray actually waited during the whole
month of June upon the west coast, when, finding that the
Prince did not arrive, and conceiving that the scheme had been
given up, he returned to his house in Peeblesshire. To the
friends of the cause in England, it does not appear that any
message was sent by the Prince before his voyage.

1 After all that is here related of the Prince's proceedings, it seems scarcely necessary
to allude to a letter of David Hume, in which that generally acute person relates an absurd
story, communicated to him by Helvetius the philosopher, to the cflect that Charles
became faint-hearted at the point of commencing his enterprise, and had to be carried on
board by his followers. The utter inconsistency of the tale with the above unquestionable
facts, must be at once apparent.

PRINCE Charles's voyage and landing. 21

All things being in readiness, the expedition sailed from
Belleisle on the 2d July. Four days after, in latitude 47** 57'
north, and 39 leagues to the west of the Lizard Point, an
English man-of-war appeared in sight D'Eau, the captain of
the Elizabeth^ came on board the Doutdle^ and asked Mr Walsh
to aid in attacking this vessel, representing that an immediate
engagement might be the best course, as the English ship, if
joined by any other of the same nation, would become more
than a match for both of theirs. Mr Walsh, feeling a great
responsibility as to the Prince's person, declined this pro-
posal Captain D'E^u then resolved to make the attack singly.
The British vessel proved to be the Lion^ of 58 guns, com-
manded by Captain Brett, an officer who had distinguished
himself in Anson's expedition by storming Faita. The engage-
ment between the two vessels lasted five hours, during which
the DouteUe looked on from a little distance. While the fight
continued, the Prince several times represented to Mr Walsh
what a small assistance would serve to give the Elizabeth the
advantage, and importuned him to engage in the action ; but
Mr Walsh positively refiised, and at last desired the Prince not
to insist any more, otherwise he would order him down to his
cabiiL^ At the close of the action, the Uan sheered off like a
tub upon the water, but the Elizabeth was unable to give it
any further annoyance. The vessel was much damaged in
the rigging, and between thirty and forty of the officers
and men were wounded or killed^ the captain himself being
amongst the former. It therefore returned to France to refit,
canying with it the Prince's too slender stores. Charles,
nevertheless, continued his voyage, cheering himself up with
die hopes he entertained from the ardour of his Scottish
partisans.

In this voyage the Prince and his friends maintained a strict
incognito, as may have been surmised fi-om the liberty which
Mr Walsh has just been represented as taking with one who

1 yacoHU Mtmoin,

22 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OF 1 7 45 -6.

considered himself as rightfully Prince Regent of the British
dominions. Charles wore the dress of a student of the Scotch
College at Paris, and, to conceal his person still more, he had
allowed his beard to grow from the day he embarked. The
vessel sailed by night without a light, the better to escape
observation. On one occasion it was chased, and prepared
for an action; but escaped by fast saiHng. After some days'
sailing, it approached that remotest range of the Hebrides which
— comprehending Lewis, Uist, Barra, and many others — is com-
monly called the Long Island, from its appearing at a distance
to form a single continent A large Hebridean eagle came and
hovered over the vessel. It was first observed by the Marquis
of TuUibardine, who did not at first choose to make any remark
upon it, lest his doing so might have been considered supersti-
tious; but, some hours later, on returning upon deck after
dinner, seeing the eagle still following their course, the marquis
pointed it out to the Prince, saying : * Sir, this is a happy omen :
the king of birds is come to welcome your royal highness on
your arrival in Scotland.' *

They now sailed into a strait between the islands of Eriska
and South Uist, and, observing some doubtful sails at a
distance, made haste to land on the former island, carrying on
shore their money, arms, and ammunition. The Prince was
conducted to the house of the tacksman, or tenant, and learned
that Macdonald of Clanranald, chief of a branch of that great
clan, and who held extensive possessions in the West Highlands
and Hebrides, was upon South Uist, with his brother Boisdale,'
while young Clanranald,' the son of the chief, and a person in
whom he had great confidence, was at Moidart upon the main-
land. A messenger was despatched to desire an interview with

1 yacohite Memoirs f p. 9.

• Throughout this narrative, the ctistom of the country has been conformed to, ia
designating the Scottish chiefs and lantied proprietors by their family and territorial titles.

S The eldest son of a Highland chief always receives his father's title, with the additional
epithet otytmng: thus, for instance, young Glengarry, young Locheil, &c. In the Lowlands,
something like the same custom did lately, and perhaps still does exist, though it is mcire
common to call him the youn^ laird. Ludicrous instances sometimes occur of a man
beoig called the young laird, when he is in reality tar advanced in life.

PRINCE CHARLES'S VOYAGE AND LANDING. 23

Boisdale, and in the meantime Charles spent the night in the
house of the tacksman.

He returned on board his vessel next morning, and Boisdale
soon after came to visit him. This gendeman was supposed to
have gteat influence over the mind of his elder brother the chief,
who, on account of his advanced age and bad health, did not
take an active part in the management of his own affairs.^
Charles knew that, if Boisdale could be brought over to his
views, the rising of the clan would be a matter of course. Here,
however, he experienced a disappointment Mr Macdonald
seems to have been well affected to the cause, but strongly
impressed with its hopelessness at the present moment He
spoke in a very discouraging manner, and advised the Prince
to return home. ' I am come home, sir,' said Charles, ' and can
entertain no notion of returning to the place whence I came.
I am persuaded that my faithful Highlanders will stand by me.'
Boisdale said he was afraid that the contrary would be found the
case. Charles instanced Macleod of Macleod and Sir Alexander
Macdonald of Sleat as chieftains upon whom he could depend.
These were men who could bring twelve hundred broadswords
to the field. Boisdale now gave him the unwelcome intelligence
that these gentlemen had not only resolved to abandon his
cause, but might be found to act against it To prove this, he
said a messenger might be sent to ask them to join the proposed
expedition. As might be expected, Charles in vain exerted his
eloquence to induce Boisdale to engage his brother's clan. He
plainly told the Prince that he would rather use any influence
he had with his brother and the clan to prevent them from
taking arms.

Charles was greatly disconcerted at Boisdale's coldness, but
he took care to shew no symptom of depression. He ordered
his ship to be unmoored, and set sail for the mainland, express-
ing a resolution to pursue the enterprise he had commenced.
He carried Boisdale along with him for several miles, and

1 HittorUal and GtnttUogical Account qftke Clan cr Family of Macdottalei, p. 159.

24 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OF 1 745-6.

endeavoured, with all his eloquence, to make him relent and
give a better answer. But Mr Macdonald continued to express
the same unfavourable sentiments ; and finally descending into
his boat, which hung astern, he left the Prince to follow his own
apparently hopeless course.*

Continuing his voyage to the mainland, it was with a still
resolute heart that, on the 19th of July,^ Charles cast anchor
in Lochnanuagh, a small arm of the sea, partly dividing the
countries of Moidart and Arisaig. The place which he thus
chose for his disembarkation was as wild and desolate a scene
as he could have found throughout the dominions of his fathers.
Yet it was scarcely more unpromising than the reception he
at first met with from its people.

The first thing he did, after casting anchor, was to send a
boat ashore with a letter for young Clanranald, whom he knew
to be inspired with the most enthusiastic affection to his cause.
The young chief did not permit him to remain long in suspense.
Next day (the 20th) he came to Forsy, a small village on the
shore of the estuary in which the Prince's vessel lay, accom-
panied by his kinsmen, the Lairds of Glenaladale and Dalily,
and by another gentleman of his clan, who has left an intelligent
journal of the subsequent events.' * Calling for the ship's boat,'
says this writer, *we were immediately carried on board, our
hearts bounding at the idea of being at length so near our long-
wished-for Prince. We found a large tent erected with poles
upon the ship's deck, the interior of which was furnished with a
variety of wines and spirits. On entering this pavilion, we
were warmly welcomed by the Duke of Athole, to whom most
of us had been known in tlie year 17 15.* While we were
conversing with the duke, Clanranald was called away to see
the Prince, and we were given to understand that we should not

1 History of tkt Rebellion^ by the Rev. John Home ; Home's Works, u. 4f^,^JacobiU
Memoirtf pp. ii, la.

* Lockhart Papers, iL 479. * Printed in the Lockhart Papers.

^ The person here meant was the Marquis of TuUibardine, whom the Jacobites considered
tA rightfuliy the Duke of Athole.

I

PRINCE Charles's voyage and landing. 25

probably see his royal highness that evening.' Clantanald,
being introduced into Charles's presence, proceeded to assure
him that there was no possibility, under the drcumstances, of
taking up arms with any chance of success. In this he was
joined by his relation, Macdonald of Kinlochmoidart, whom
Mr Home has associated with him in the following romantic
anecdote, though the journalist does not allude to his presence.
Charles is said, by the historian, to have addressed the two
Highlanders with great emotion; to have summed up, with
much eloquence, all the reasons for now beginning the war;
and, finally, to have conjured them, in the warmest terms,
to assist their Prince, their friend, in this his utmost need.
With eloquence scarcely less warm, the brave young men
entreated him to desist from his enterprise for the present,
representing to him that now to take up arms, without r^ular
forces, without officers of credit, without concert, and almost
without arms, would but draw down certain destruction upon
the heads of all concerned. Charles persisted, aigued, and
implored ; and they still as positively adhered to their opinion.
During this conversation, the parties walked hurriedly backwards
and forwards upon the deck, using all the gesticulations appro-
priate to their various arguments. A Highlander stood near
them, armed at all points, as was then the fashion of his
country. He was a younger brother of Kinlochmoidart, and
bad come off to the ship to inquire for news, not knowing who
was on board When he gathered from their discourse that
the stranger was the heir of Britain, when he heard his chief
and brother refuse to take up arms for their Prince, his colour
went and came, his eyes sparided, he shifted his place, and
grasped his sword. Charles observed his demeanour, and
turning suddenly round, appealed to him : ' Will you not assist
me?' 'I will ! I will !' exclaimed Ranald^ ' though not another
roan in the Highlands should draw a sword ; I am ready to die
for you!' With tears and thanks Charles acknowledged the
loyalty of the youth, and said he wished that all the Highlanders
were like him. The two obdurate chieftains were overpowered

26 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OF T 745-6.

by this incident, and no longer expressed any reluctance to
make an appearance in the cause. ^

The Prince's interview with Clanranald, according to the
journalist, who was on board at the same time, occupied no
less than three hours. The young chief then returned to his
friends, who had spent that space of time in the pavilion.
* About half an hour after,' says the journalist, * there entered
the tent a tall youth of a most agreeable aspect, dressed in
a plain black coat, with a plain shirt, a cambric stock fixed with
a plain silver buckle, a fair round wig out of the buckle, a plain
hat with a canvas string, one end of which was fixed to one of his
coat-buttons, black stockings, and brass buckles in his shoes.
At the first appearance of this pleasing youth I felt my heart
swell to my throat But one O'Brien, a churchman, immediately
told us that he was only an English clergyman, who had long
been possessed with a desire to see and converse with the
Highlanders.'

* At his entry,' continues the same writer, * O'Brien forbade
any of those who were sitting to rise ; he saluted none of us,
and we only made a low bow at a distance. I chanced to be
one of those who were standing when he came in, and he took
his seat near me; but he immediately started up again, and
desired me to sit down by him upon a chest Taking him at
this time for only a passenger and a clergyman, I presumed to
speak to him with perfect familiarity, though I could not suppress a
suspicion that he might turn out some greater man. One of the
questions which he put to me, in the course of conversation,
regarded my Highland dress. He inquired if I did not feel
cold in that habit, to which I answered that I believed I should
only feel cold in any other.^ At this he laughed heartily ; and
he next desired to know how I lay with it at night I replied

1 Home's Works, ii. 437.

• This is a common Highlandman's answer to a very common question. The fact is,
that the philabeg, while exposing the knees, invests the haunches and middle with such
dense folds, a« to give great general warmth. I believe it has been found that the privafe
men of the Highland regmieni* have nowhere complained of their dress so much as in the
West Indies.

PRINCE Charles's voyage and landing. 27

that the plaid served me for a blanket when sleeping, and I
shewed him how I wrapped it about my person for that purpose.
At this he remarked that I must be unprepared for defence
in case of a sudden surprise ; but I informed him that, during
war or any time of danger, we arranged the garment in such
a way as to enable us to start at once to our feet, with a drawn
sword in one hand and a cocked pistol in the other. After
a little more conversation of this sort, the mysterious youth rose
from his seat and called for a dram, when O'Brien whispered
to me to pledge the stranger, but not to drink to him, which
confirmed me in my suspicions as to his real quality. Having
taken a glass of wine in his hand, he drank to us all round, and
soon after left the tent' *

During this and the succeeding day, Clanranald remained
close in council with Charles, the Marquis of Tullibardine, and
Sir Thomas Sheridan, devising means for raising the rest of the
well-afifected clans, who were at this time reckoned to number
12,000 men. On the 2 2d (July), young Clanranald proceeded
with Allan Macdonald, a younger brother of Kinlochmoidart,
on an embassy to Sir Alexander Macdonald of Sleat and the
Laird of Macleod, whom Charles was most imwilling to suppose
unfaithful to his cause. During the absence of these emissaries,
Mr Hugh Macdonald, a younger brother of the Laird of Morar,
was brought on board the Dauteiie to visit the Prince. This
gendeman, after a short complimentary conversation, took leave
to caution him as to the necessity of keeping strictly incognito
for die present, as the garrison of Fort William was not far off,
and the neighbouring dan Campbell might be very glad to
obtain possession of his person. Charles answered : ' I have no
fear about that at all.' With reference to the proposed expedi-
tion, Mr Macdonald said he had great fears of the event, and,
like Boisdale, he recommended the Prince to return to France.
Charles said *he did not choose to owe his restoration to
foreigners^ but to his own friends, to whom he was now come

1 Lockhart Papers, ii. 48a

28 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OF 1 745-6.

to put it into their power to have the glory of that event And
as to returning to France, foreigners should never have it to say
that he had thrown himself upon his friends, that they turned
their backs upon him, and that he had been forced to return
from them to foreign parts. In a word, if he could get but six
trusty men to join him, he would choose far rather to skulk with
them among the mountains of Scotland, than to return to France,^

On the 25 th he came on shore fix)m the Doutelle, accom-
panied by only the seven gentlemen formerly mentioned. He
first set his foot upon Scottish ground at Borodale, a farm
belonging to Clanranald, close by the south shore of Loch-
nanuagh. Borodale is a wild piece of country, forming a
mountainous tongue of land betwixt two bays. It was a place
suitable above all others for the circumstances and designs of
the Prince, being remote and difhcult of access, and in the
centre of that country where Charles's surest friends resided.
It belongs to a tract of stem mountain land, serrated by deep
narrow firths, forming the western coast of Inverness-shire.
Although in the very centre of the Highland territory, it is not
above one hundred and eighty miles from the capital. The
Macdonalds and the Stuarts, who possessed the adjacent terri-
tories, had been, since the time of Montrose, inviolably attached
to the elder line of the rojral family; had proved themselves
irresistible at Kilsyth, Killieciankie, and Sheriffmuir ; and were
now, from their resistance to the Disarming Act, perhaps the
fittest of all the clans to take the field.

During the absence of young Clanranald, into whose arms
Charles had thus thrown himself, several gentlemen of the
family collected a guard for his person, and he remained a
welcome and honoured guest in the house of Borodale.* Con-
sidering that no other chief had yet declared for him, and that,
indeed, the enterprise might never advance another step, it
must be acknowledged that the Clanranald family acted with no
small share of gallantly; for there can be little doubt that if he

1 Lockhart Papers, ii. 48a.

PRINCE Charles's voyage and landing. 29

had retired, they must have been exposed to the vengeance of
govermnent. * We encountered this hazard,' says the journalist,
' with the greatest cheerfulness, determined to risk everything,
life itself, in behalf of our beloved Prince.' Charles, his
company, and about one hundred men constituting his guard,
were entertained with the best cheer which it was in the power
of Mr Macdonald, tenant of Borodale, to purvey. He sat in a
large room, where he could see all his adherents at once, and
where the multitudes of people who flocked from the country
around, ' widiout distinction of age or sex,'^ to see him, might
also have an opportunity of gratifying their curiosity. At the
first meal which took place under these circumstances, Charles
drank the ^o^-drink in English, a language which all the
gentlemen present understood ; but for a toast of more extensive
application, our friend the journalist rose and gave the king's '
health in Gaelic — ^ Deoch slaint an Righ^ This of course
produced universal satisfaction; and Charles desired to know
what was meant On its being explained to him, he requested
to hear the words pronounced again, that he might learn them
himself. He then gave the king's health in Gaelic, uttering the
words as correctiy and distinctiy as he could. ' The company,'
adds the journalist, 'then mentioning my skill in Gaelic, his
royal highness said I should be his master in that language ;
and I was then desired to ask the healths of the prince and
duke." It may be scarcely possible to conceive the effect
which Charles's flattering attention to their language had upon
the hearts of this brave and simple people.

1 1.^>ckhart Papers, ii. 489. * Charles's father.

B Charies's younger brother, styled the Duke of York.

30 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OF 1745-6.

CHAPTER II.

THE HIGHLANDERS.

' Belarius. 'Tis wonderful.
That an invisible instinct should frame them
To loyalty unlearned ; honour untaught ;
Civility not seen from other ; valour,
That wildly grows in them, but yields a crop
As if it had been sowed.*

CymheiiH€,

The people amidst whom Charles Stuart had cast his fate,
were dien regarded as the rudest and least civilised portion of
the nation of which he conceived himself the rightful ruler.
Occupying the most remote and mountainous section of Britain,
and holding little intercourse with the rest oi the community,
they were distinguished by peculiar language, dress, and
manners; had as yet yielded a very imperfect obedience to
government ; and formed a society not only distinct from their
immediate neighbours, but which had probably no exact parallel
in Europe.

The country possessed by this people, forming the north-west
portion of Scotland, comprehends a large surface ; but being of
a mountainous and rugged character, it has never maintained a
large population. In numbers, the Highlanders did not now
exceed 100,000, or a twelfth of the whole population of Scot-
land. The community was divided into about forty different
tribes, denominated clansy each of which dwelt upon its own
portion of the territory.

At the period of this history, the Highlanders displayed, in a
state almost entire, what has been called the patriarch^ form of
society. This extreme comer of Europe had the fortune to
shelter nearly the last unmixed remnants of the Celts, that early

THE HIGHLANDERS. 3 1

nee of people whom the dawn of history shews in possession of
the ancient continent, but who were gradually dispelled to the
extremities by others which we are now accustomed to call
ancient As they retamed their primitive manners with almost
unmixed purity, there was to be seen in the Highlanders of
Scotland nearly a distinct picture of a state of society compared
with which that of Rome might be considered as modem.

Owing to the circumstances of their country, the Highlanders
were, however, by no means that simple and quiescent people
who are described as content to dwell each under his own vine
and fig-tree, any more than their land was one flowing with
milk and honey. A perpetual state of war with the neighbours
who had driven them to their northern fastnesses, and their
disinclination to submit to the laws of the country in which they
nominally lived, caused them, on the contrary, to make arms a
sort of profession, and even to despise in some measure all
peaceful modes of acquiring a subsistence. Entertaining, more-
over, a belief that the Lowlands had been originally theirs,
many of them, even at this period, practised a regular system of
reprisal upon the frontier of that civilised region, for which of
course the use of arms was indispensably necessary. What still
more tended to induce military habits, many of the tribes
maintained a sort of hereditary enmity against each other, and
therefore required to be in perpetual readiness, either to seize
or repel opportunities of vengeance.

The Highlanders, in the earlier periods of history, appear to
have possessed no superiority over the Xowlanders in the use of
amis. At the battle of the Harlaw in 1410 (till which period
they had been quite independent of the kings of Scotland), the
largest army that ever left the Highlands was checked by an
inferior number of Lowlanders. They proved not more
invincible at the battles of Corrichie, Glenlivat, and others,
fought during the sixteenth century.

But the lapse of half a century after this last period, during
which the Border spear had been converted into a shepherd's
crook, and the patriot steel of Lothian and Clydesdale into

32 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OF 1 7 45-6.

penknives and weavers* shears, permitted the mountaineers at
length to assert a decided superiority in arms. When they were
called into action, therefore, by Montrose, they proved invariably
victorious in that short but brilliant campaign, which almost
retrieved a kingdom for their unfortunate monarch. Amidst the
exploits of that time, the victory of Kilsyth (1645) was attended
with some circumstances displaying their superiority in a
remarkable degree. The army arrayed against them, almost
doubling theirs in number, consisted chiefly of the townsmen
of Fife, which county has been described, in a publication of
the time,^ as remarkable for the enthusiasm of its inhabitants
in regard to the cause of this quarrel — the National Covenant
Religious fervour proved nothing in this case when opposed to
the more exalted enthusiasm of ' loyalty unlearned,' and the
hardihood of an education among the hills. The Whig militia
scarcely stood a minute before the impetuous charge of the
Highlanders, but running off in a shameful rout, were killed in
great numbers by their pursuers.*

Though the Highlanders were nominally subjugated by
Cromwell, they regained at the Restoration their former privi-
leges and vigour. They were kept in arms, during the reigns
of the last two Stuarts, by their occasional employment as a
militia, for the harassment of the west-country Presbyterians.
At the Revolution, therefore, when roused by the voice of
Dundee, they were equally ready to take the field in behalf of
King James, as they had been fifty years before to rise up
for his father. The patriarchal system of laws upon which
Highland society was constituted, disposed them to look upon
these unfortunate princes as the general fathers or chiefs of the
nation, whose natural and unquestionable power had been

1 Menirote Redivnms, 1650.

s Sir John Sinclair of Longfonnacus reported to the late BUhop Low, his having in
early life met an aged Highlander who had been at the battle of Kilsyth. The man
spoke with savage glee of his performances amongst the hen-hearted Fife men. ' It was
a braw day Kilsyth; at every stroke of my sword I cut an ell o* breeks !' The people
of Fife are said to have consequently got a distaste for the army, which had not ceased at
the dose of the ensuing century. See Statistical Account o/Scctlatuif xiL 86.

THE HIGHLANDERS, 33

rebellioiisly disputed by their children ; and there can be little
doubt that, both on these occasions and the subsequent attempts
in behalf of the Stuart family, they fought with precisely the
same ardour which would induce a man of humanity to ward
off the blow which an unnatural son had aimed at a parent
On the field oi Killiecrankie, where they were chiefly opposed
by r^ular and even veteran troops, they fought with signal
bravery.* Their victory was, however, unavailing, owing to the
death of their favourite leader, Ian Dhu nan Cathy as they
descriptively tenned him — Dark John of the Battles — ^without
whose commanding genius their eneigies could not be directed,
nor even their bands kept together.

The submission which was nominally paid throughout Britain
to the * parliamentary ' sovereigns, William and Anne, was in no
degree participated by the children of the mountains, whose
simple ideas of government did not comprehend either a second
or a third estate, and who could perceive no reasons for pre-
ferring a sovereign on account of any peculiarity in his religion.
In the meantime, moreover, the progress of civilisation, encour-
aged in the low countries by the Union, affected but slightly
the warlike habits of the clans. Their military ardour is said
to have been, if possible, increased during this period, by the
injudicious policy of King William, who, in distributing ;^2o,ooo
amongst them to bribe their forbeanuice, only inspired an idea
that arms were their best means of acquiring wealth and
importance. The call, therefore, which was made upon them
by the exiled Prince in 17 15, found them as willing and ready
as ever to conmience a civil war.

1 The battle of Killiecnmkte was fought upon a field immeiCately beyond a narrow and
difficult pass into the Highlands. The royal troops, under General Mackay, on emerging
frran this pass, found Dundee's army, which was not half so numerous, posted in columns
or chnters upon the face of an opponte hilL Both lay upon their arms, looking at each
other, dll sunset, when the Highland troops came down with their customary impetuosity,
and, d&arging through Mackay's lines, soon pot them to the rout. Mackay retreatci in
dw utmost disorder, and reached Stirling next day with only two hundred men. His whole
army must have been cut to pieces in retreating through the pass, but for the death of
Doadee, and the greater eagerness of the Highlanders to secure the baggage than to
pume their enemies.

C

34 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OF 1 7 45-6.

The accession of the house of Hanover was at this period
80 recent, and the rival candidate shared so laigely in the affec-
tions of the people, that very little was wanting to achieve the
restoration of the house of Stuart. That little wcu wanting — a
general of militaiy talent, with some degree of resolution on the
part of the candidate. The expedition was commanded in
Scotland by the Earl of Mar, who had signalised himself by
some dexterity in the slippery politics of the time, but possessed
no other abilities to fit him for the important station he held.
In England, the reigning sovereign had even less to dread, in
the ill-concerted proceedings of a band of debauched young
noblemen, who displayed this remarkable difference from the
Scottish insurgents — ^that they could not fight at alL Mar
permitted himself to be cooped up on the north of the Forth,
with an army of 8000 or 9000 men, by the Duke of Argyll,
who occupied Stirling with a force not half so numerous. An
action at length took place on Sheriffmuir, in which it is
impossible to say whether the bravery of the Highlanders, the
pusillanimity of their leader, or the military genius of Argyll,
was most signally distinguished.

The Duke of Argyll learning, on the irth of November, that
Mar had at length formed the resolution to fight him, and was
marching for that purpose from Perth, set forward from Stirling ;
and next day the armies came within sight of each other upon
the plain of Sheriffmuir, a mile north-east from Dumblane.
They both lay upon their arms all night \ and a stone is still
shewn upon the site of the Highlanders' bivouac, indented all
round with marks occasioned by the broadswords of these
warriors, who here sharpened their weapons for the next day's
conflict The battle commenced on Sunday morning, when
Argyll himself, leading his dragoons over a morass which had
frozen during the night, and which the insurgents expected to
protect them, almost inmiediately routed their whole left wing,
consisting of the Lowland cavaliers, and drove them to the
river Allan, two or three miles from the field. His left wing,
which was beyond the scope of his command, did not meet the

THB HIGHLANDERS. 35

nine success against the right of the insurgents, which consisted
entirely of Highlanders.

Those warriors had come down from their fastnesses with a
resolution to fight as their ancestors had fought at ELilsyth and
KiUiecraokie. They appeared before the Lowlanders of Perth-
shire, who had not seen them since the days of Montrose, in
the wild Irish shirt or plaid, which, covering only the body and
haunchesy leaves the arms and most of the limbs exposed in
all their shaggy strength.^ Their enthusiasm may be guessed
from a simple anecdote. A Lowland gentleman, observing
amongst their bands a man of ninety, frx>m the upper part of
Aberdeenshire, had the curiosity to ask how so aged a creature
as he, and one who seemed so extremely feeble, had thought
of joining their enterprise. ' I have sons here, sir,' replied the
man, 'and I have grandsons; if they fail to do their duty,
cannot I shoot them?' — claying his hand upon a pistol which he
carried in his bosoiiL'

The attack of these resolute soldiers upon the left wing of the
tojbI army was, to use language similar to their own, like the
storm which strews a lee-shore with wrecks. The chief of
Clanranald was killed as they were advancing; but that
circumstance, which might have been expected to damp their
ardour, only served to inspire them with greater fury. 'To-
morrow for lamentation !' cried the young chieftain of Glengarry;
* to-day for revenge 1' and the Macdonalds rushed on the foe with
irresistible force. Instantly put to rout, this portion of the
royal army retired to Stirling, leaving hundreds a prey to the
Highland broadsword. Thus each of the two armies was
partially successful and partially defeated.

The battle was by no means indecisive in its results. Mar,
as he deserved none of the credit of his partial victory, reaped
no profit from it, but was obliged to retire to Perth. Argyll
remained upon the field, in possession of the enem/s cannon
and many of his standards. The conduct of this celebrated

1 Prerace to Pinkerton's Select Oid Scottish Poems.
s ' Can I no *htet them ?'— these were the exact words.

36 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OF 1 745-6.

warrior and patriot was in every respect the reverse of that of
Mar. He had won a victory, so far as it could be won, by
his own personal exertions, and that with every advantage of
numbers against him. The humanity he displayed was also
such as seldom marks the details of a civil war. He offered
quarter to all he met, in the very hottest of the fight, and he
granted it to all who desired it With his own sword he
parried three different blows which one of his dragoons
aimed at a wounded cavalier who had refused to ask his
hfe.*

In January, James himself, the weak though amiable man
for whom all this blood was shed, landed at Peterhead, and
immediately proceeded incognito to join the Eari of Mar at
Perth. His presence might inspire some enthusiasm, but it
could not give strength or consistency to the army. Some
preparations were made for his coronation in the great hall of
Scoon, where his ancestors had been invested with the emblems
of sovereignty so many centuries ago. But the total ruin of
his English adherents conspired with his own imbecility and
that of his officers to prevent the ceremony from taking place.
In February, he retired before the advance of the royal army.
The Tay was frozen at the time, and thus he and all his army
were fortunately enabled to cross without the difficulty which
must otherwise have attended so sudden a retreat; directing
their march towards the seaports of Aberdeenshire and Angus.
I have heard that, as the good-natured prince was passing over,
the misery or his circumstances prompted a slight sally of wit,
as a dark evening will sometimes produce lightning; and
he remarked to his lieutenant-general, in allusion to the
delusive prospects by which he had been induced to come
over : * Ah, John, you see how you have brought me on the
ice.**

The Chevalier embarked with Mar and other officers at
Montrose ; and the body of the army dispersed with so much

1 Printed broadside of the battle. ' lafomution by Bishop Low.

THE HIGHLANDERS. 37

rapidity, that Argyll, who traversed the country only a day's
march behind, reached Aberdeen without ever getting a glimpse
of it We may safely suppose that the humanity of this
general, if not the secret leaning to Jacobitism of which he was
suspected, induced him to favour the dispersion and escape
of the unfortunate cavaliers. The Lowland gentlemen and
noblemen who had been concerned in the campaign suffered
attainder, proscription, and in some cases death; but the
Highlanders returned to their mountains unconquered and
unchanged.

In 1 7 19, a plan of invasion and insurrection in favour of the
Stuarts was formed by SpaiiL A fleet of ten ships of the line,
with several frigates, having on board 6000 troops and 12,000
stand of arms, sailed from Cadiz to England; and while this
fleet was preparing, the Earl Manschal left St Sebastian with
two Spanish frigates, having on board 300 Spanish soldiers,
ammunition, arms, and money, and landed in the island of
Lewis. The Spanish fleet was completely dispersed by a storm
off Cape Finisterre ; and as everything remained quiet in Eng-
land, very few Highlanders rose. Geheral Wightman came up
with the Spanish and Highland force in Glenshiel, a wild vale
in the west of Ross-shire. The Highlanders, favoured by the
ground, withdrew to the hills without having suffered much;
and the Spaniards laid down their arms, and were made
prisoners.

During the ensuing twenty years, the state of the Highlands
was often under the consideration of government, and some
steps were taken with a view to render the people less dangerous,
but none with the design of making them more friendly. Three
forts— one at Inverness; a second, named Fort Augustus, at
Killiewhinunen ; and a third, named Fort William, at Inver-
lochy, in Lochaber — were kept in full garrison, as a means of
overawing the disaffected dans. Under the care of General
Wade, the soldiers were employed in forming lines of road, for
the purpose of connecting these forts with the low country. An
aa was also passed to deprive the people of their arms. It was

38 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OF 1 745-6.

obeyed to some extent by such dans as the Campbells, Suther-
lands, and Mackays, whose superiors were, from whatever cause,
well affected to the government ; but was generally evaded by
the Macdonalds, Stuarts, Camerons, and others, who maintained
their zeal for the house of Stuart Thus the measure was rather
favourable to the Jacobite cause in the Highlands than other-
wise.

Such had been the history, and such was the warlike condi-
tion of the Scottish mountaineers at the time when Prince
Charles landed amongst them in July 1745. If anything else
were required to make the reader understand the motives of the
subsequent insurrection, it might be said that Charles's father
and himself had always maintained, from their residence in
Italy, a correspondence with the chiefs who were friendly to
them. For the service of these unhappy princes, their unlimited
power over their clans gave them an advantage which the richest
English partisans did not possess. At the same time, as suffi-
ciently appears from the preceding and fbllowing chapter, the
idea of taking the field for the Stuarts without foreign assistance
was not agreeable to the Jacobite chiefs, though, in most
instances, their ardour of character ultimately overcame their
scruples on that point

The constitution of Highland society, as already remarked,
was strictly and simply patriarchal The clans were families,
each of which, bearing one name, occupied a well-defined tract
of country, the property of which had been acquired long before
the introduction of writs. Every clan was governed by its
chief, whose native designation — Kean'KinnM€ (' The Head of
the Family ') — sufficiently indicated the grounds and nature of
his power. In almost every clan there were some subordinate
chiefs called chieftains, being cadets of the principal family, who
had acquired a distinct territory, and founded separate septs.
In every clan, moreover, there were two ranks of people — ^the
Doaine-uailsey or gentlemen, persons who could clearly trace
their derivation from the chiefs of former times, and assert their
kinsmanship to the present; and a race of commonersi who

THE HIGHLANDERS. 39

could not ten how they came to belong to the dan, and who
always acted in inferior offices.

There is a very common notion among the Lowlanders that
their northern neighbours, with, perhaps, the exception of the
chiefe, were all alike barbarians, and dktinguished by no shades
of comparative wortL Nothing could be further fixim the
tnith. The Dacune-uailse were, in every sense of the word,
gcndemen— /«7r gentlemen, perhaps, but yet folly entided, by
their feelings and acquirements, to that appellation. On the
contrary, the commoners, who yet generally believed themselves
related to the chiefs, were a race of mere serfs, having no certain
idea of a noble ancestry to nerve their exertions or elevate their
conduct The Doaine-uailse invariably formed the body upon
which the chief depended in war ; for they were inspired widi
notions of the most exalted heroism by the well-remembered
deeds of their forefiaidiers, and always acted upon the supposi-
tion that their honour was a precious gift, which it was incum-
bent upon them to deliver down unsullied to posterity. The
commoners, on the contrary, were often left behind to perform
the humble duties of agriculture and cow-driving ; or, if admitted
into the array of the clan, were put into the rear rank, and
armed in an inferior manner.

With such a sentiment of heroism, the Highland gentleman
of the year 1745 must have been a person of no mean order.
His mind was further exalted, if possible, by a devoted attach-
ment to his chie^ for whose interests he was at all times ready
to fight, and for whose life he was even prepared to lay down
his own. His politics were of the same abstract and disinter-
ested sort Despising the commercial Presbyterians of the low
country, and r^arding with a better-founded disgust the dark
system of parliamentary corruption which characterised the
govenmaent of the de fado sovereign of England, he at once
threw himself into the opposite scale, and espoused the cause
of an exiled and injured prince, whom he looked upon as in
some measure a general and higher sort of chief. Charles's
cause was the cause of justice, of filial affection, and even, in

40 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OF 1745-^.

his estimation, of patriotism ; and with all his prepossessions, it
was scarcely possible that he should fail to espouse it^

CHAPTER IIL

THE GATHERING.

* Oh, high-minded Murray, the exiled, the dear,
In the blush of the dawning the standard uprear ;
Wide, wide on the winds of the north let it fly,
Like the sun's latest flash when the tempest is nigh !*

At Borodale, the Prince received a reply to the message which
he had sent to Sir Alexander Macdonald and the Laird of
Macleod. What Boisdale had said of these chiefs proved
exacdy true. Originally well affected to the Stuart family, they
had recentiy been tampered with by Duncan Forbes, president
of the Court of Session, so distinguished as a virtuous and
enlightened friend of the Hanover succession, as well as by the
genuine love he bore for his native country. Being now dis-
posed to remain on good terms with the government, the two
insular chiefs returned for answer, that although they had pro-
mised to support his royal highness if he came with a foreign
force, they did not conceive themselves to be under any obliga-
tion since he came so ill provided. They likewise offered the
advice, that he should immediately return to France. It was

1 In this chapter notice might also have been taken of the effect which their popular
native poetry had upon the minds of the Highlanders. Throughout nearly the whole
country, but especially in Athole and the adjacent territories, tMer* were innumtmbU
tongs and baltads ttnding to tuivanct tfu cautt 0/ the Stuart*, wkiU thert was not
CHS to df^rtciats tktm. A Lowlander and a modem cannot easily comprehend, nor can
he set forth, the power of this simple but energetic engine. It has been described to me
as something overpowering. Most of the ballads were founded upon the wars of Montrose
atid Dundee, and aimed at rousing the audience to imitate the actions of their ancestors
in these glorious camp<&igus.

THE GATHERING. 4I

not known at the time, but has since been made manifest, that
these chiefs at this crisis did active service for the government,
in sending intelligence of the Prince's arrival Their answer
to Charles was so disheartening, that now even those who had
come with him joined with his Highland friends in counselling
him to give up the enterprise.' The example of the two Skye
chiefs would, they said, be fatal, as many others would follow
it Nevertheless, Charies adhered to his design, repeating, in
reply to all their representations, the same words he had used
to Mr Hugh Macdonald. With six good trusty followers, he
said, he would skulk in Scotland rather than return to France.

From Borodale, where he lived in the manner described for
several days, he despatched messengers to all the chiefs from
whom he had any expectation of assistance. The first that
came to see him was Donald Cameron, younger of Locheil ; a
man in middle age, of great bravery, and universally respected
character. Young Locheil, as he was generally called, was the
son of the chief of the dan Cameron, one of the most numerous
and warlike of all the Highland tribes. His father had been
engaged in the insurrection of 1715, for which he was attainted
and in exile ; and his grandfather. Sir Evan Cameron, the fellow-
soldier of Montrose and Dundee, had died in 17 19, after three-
fourths of a century of military partisanship in behalf of the
house of Stuart Young Locheil had been much in confidence
with the exiled family, whose chief agent in the north of Scot-
land he might be considered ; an office for which he was pecu-
liariy well qualified, on account of his talents, his integrity, and
the veneration in which he was held by his countrymen. He
was one of the seven gentlemen who, in 1740, entered into an
association to procure the restoration of King James ; and he

1 Young Clanranald was bimself shaken in his resolution of anning for the Prince by the
ooaTersattoa he had with Sir Alexander Macdonald, and returned to his own country with
a decided disiiKdination to the enterprise;. But when he arriTed, he found his clan deter*
mined to go out at all hazards, whethtr ht ikmdd head them vr not, having probably been
auxh gained upon in the interral by the Prince's address. Hie young chieftain was thus
nkiniately brought back to his former resolution. Theie facts are stated by Bishop Forbes
{Lyon in Mottming^ MS. in my possession), on the concurring testimony of Ranald
Maffdi>n;i^^ a son of Borodale, and Mr Macdonald of Bell&nlay.

42 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OF I74S-6.

had long wished for the concerted time when he should bring
the Highlands to aid an invading party in that cause. When he
now learned that Charles had landed without troops and anns,
and with only seven followers, he determined to abstain from the
enterprise ; but thought himself bound, as a friend, to visit the
Prince in person, and endeavour to make him withdraw from the
country.

In passing fix>m his own house to Borodale, Locheil called at
Fassefem, the residence of his brother, John Cameron, who, in
some surprise at the earliness of his visit, hastily inquired its
reason* Locheil informed his relative that the Prince of Wales
had landed at Borodale, and sent for him. Fassefem asked
what troops his royal highness had brought with him? — ^what
money? — ^what arms? Locheil answered that he believed the
Prince had brought with him neither troops, nor money, nor
arms ; and that, resolved not to be concerned in the affair, he
designed to do his utmost to prevent it from going any further.
Fassefem approved of his brother's sentiments, and applauded
his resolution, advising him at the same time not to go any
farther on the way to Borodale, but to come into the house, and
impart his mind to the Prince by a letter. * No,* said Locheil ;
' although my reasons admit of no reply, I ought at least to
wait upon his royal highness.' ' Brother,' said Fassefem, ' I know
you better than you know yourself; if this Prince once sets his
eyes upon you, he will make you do whatever he pleases.' ^

On arriving at Borodale, Locheil had a private interview with
the Prince, in which the probabilities of the enterprise were
anxiously debated Charles used eveiy argument to excite the
loyalty of Locheil, and the chief exerted all his eloquence to
persuade the Prince to withdraw till a better opportunity.
Charles represented the present as the best possible opportunity,
seeing that the French general kept the British army completely
engaged abroad, while at home there were no troops but one or
two newly raised regiments. He expressed his confidence that
a small body of Highlanders would be sufficient to gain a victory

1 Homers Worlu^ iil 7.

THE GATHERING. 43

over all the force that could now be brought against him ; and
he was equally sure that such an advantage was all that was
required to make his friends at home declare in his favour, and
cause those abroad to send assistance. All he wanted was, that
the Highlanders should b^n the war. Locheil still resisted,
entreating Charles to be more temperate, and consent to remain
concealed where he was, till his friends should meet together,
and concert what was best to be done. Charles, whose mind
was wound up to the utmost pitch of impatience, paid no regard
to this proposal, but answered that he was determined to put all
to the hazard. * In a few days,' said he, * with the few friends
I have, I will raise the royal standard, and proclaim to the
people of Britain that Charles Stuart is come over to claim the
crown of his ancestors — ^to win it, or to perish in the attempt !
Locheil, who my father has often told me was our firmest friend,
may stay at home, and learn from the newspapers the fate of his
Prince !' * No !' said Locheil, stung by so poignant a reproach,
and hurried away by the enthusiasm of the moment ; ' I will
share the fate of my Prince ; and so shall eveiy man over whom
nature or fortune has given me any power.' Such was the
juncture upon which depended the civil war of ij4S > ^^^ it is a
point agreed, says Mr Home, who narrates this conveisation,
that if Locheil had persisted in his refusal to take arms, no
other chief would have joined the standard, and ' the spark of
rebellion must have been instantly extinguished.' ^
Locheil inmiediately returned home, and proceeded to raise

1 Mr Home's aocounC of this affair harmonises with aU besides that we know of the
fecklesB ardour of the yooBg Prince, and the cautious reluctance of the principal chiefs.
We may therefore receive it as in the main true. Perhaps, howerer, the ultimate consent
of Locheil was less sudden than is here represented. In the volume entitled yMohiU
Mewuirt, compiled bjr the inrsent author from the papers of Bishop Forbes (p. sa, note)*
ic b stated that Locheil, before agreeing to cmh* ^mt, took full security for the value of his
estates from the Prince, and that it was to fulfil this engagement that Charles, after the
mifoitnaate eoodusioa of the enterprise, obtained a French regiment for Locheil. It is
Bcsroely accessary to remade, that the presence of generous feelings does not necessarily
forbid that some lUtention should be paid to the dictates of prudence and caution. Locheil
might fed that he had a right to peril his life and connection with his country, but not the
fcvtune oo which the comfort of others besides himself depended, especially in an enterpri!>e
of which he had a bad opinion, and which be only acceded to from a romantic deference lo
the wishes of another person.

44 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OF 1 745 -6.

his clan, as did some other gentlemen whom Charles then
prevailed upon to join him. It being now settled that he was
to erect his standard at Glenfinnin on the 19th of August, he
despatched letters on the 6th of the month to all the friendly
chiefs, informing them of his resolution, and desiring them to
meet him at the time and place mentioned. In the meantime
Clanranald, returned from his unsuccessful mission to Skye,
actively set about raising his own clan.

Charles removed, about the i ith of August, from the farm-
house of Borodale to the mansion of Kinlochmoidart, situated
seven miles off. While he and his company went by sea, with
the baggage and artillery, the guard of Clanranald Macdonalds,
which had been already appointed about his person, marched by
the more circuitous route along the shore of the intervening
bays. At Kinlochmoidart ' he was joined by Mr John Murray
of Broughton, who has already been mentioned as an emissary
of the Prince to his Scottish friends, and who, after waiting
during June to warn him from the west coast, had afterwards
returned to his house in Peeblesshire. Mr Murray, who was a
man of good talents and education, had now once more come to
the Highlands, in order to join an enterprise which it was too
late to think of stopping. From this time he acted throughout
the campaign as the Prince's secretary. Charles remained at
Kinlochmoidart till the i8th, when he went by water to Glenala-
dale, the seat of another chieftain of the clan Macdonald, upon
the brink of Loch ShieL He was here joined by Gordon of
Glenbucket, a veteran partisan, who had figured in the affair of
17 15, and who brought with him a prisoner of the opposite
party, in the person of Captain Sweetenham, of Guise's regiment,
who had been taken by the Keppoch Macdonalds, while travel-
ling from Ruthven barracks, in Badenoch, to Fort William.

1 ' As the Prince was aetting out for Glenfiiuim, I was detached to Ardnamurchan to
iccnut, and soon returned with fifty clever fellows, who pleased the Prince ; and upon
leview, his royal highness was pleased to honour me with the command of them, telling
me I was tke fint officer k* had wtadt in Scotland. This compliment delighted me
exceedingly, and we all vowed to the Almighty that we should live and die with oiv noble
Prince, though all Britain should forsake him but our little regiment alone.' — MacdonaidM
Journal: Lockkart Pa^rs, ii. 483.

THE GATHERING. 45

From Glenaladale the Prince proceeded next morning, with a
company of about five-and-twenty persons, in three boats, to the
eastern extremity of Loch Shiel, near which was the place where
he designed to raise his standard.

Meanwhile an incident had occurred which tended not a little
to foment the rising flame of insurrection. The governor of
Fort Augustus (a military post, at the distance of forty or fifty
miles from Charles's landing-place) concluding, from reports he
heard, that the Moidart people were hatching some mischief,
thought proper, on the i6th of August, to despatch two com-
panies of the Scots Ro3rals to Fort William, as a reinforcement
to awe that rebellious district The distance between the two
forts is twenty-eight miles, and the road runs chiefly along the
edge of a mountain, which forms one side of the Great Glen,
having the sheer height of the hill on one side, and the long
narrow lakes, out of which the Caledonian Canal has since been
foraiedy on the other. The men were newly raised, and, besides
being inexperienced in military afliairs, were unused to the
alarming circumstances of an expedition in the Highlands.
When they had travelled twenty out of the eight-and-twenty
miles, and were approaching High Bridge, a lof^ arch over a
mountain torrent, they were surprised to hear the sound of a
bagpipe, and to discover the appearance of a large party of
Highlanders, who were already in possession of the bridge.
The object of their alarm was in reality a band of only ten or
twelve Macdonalds of Keppoch's clan; but by skipping and
leaping about, displaying their swords and firelocks, and by
holding out their plaids between each other, they contrived to
make a very formidable appearance. Captain (afterwards
General) Scott, who commanded the two companies, ordered
an immediate halt, and sent forward a sergeant with his own
servant to reconnoitre. These two persons no sooner approached
the bridge, than two nimble Highlanders darted out and seized
them. Ignorant of the number of the Highlanders, and know-
ing he was in a disaflected part of the country. Captain Scott
thought it would be better to retreat than enter into hostilities.

46 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OF 1 745-6.

Accordingly, he ordered his men to face about, and march back
again. The Highlanders did not follow immediately, lest they
should expose the smallness of their number, but permitted the
soldiers to get two miles away (the ground being so far plain and
open) before leaving their post As soon as the retreating party
had passed the west end of Loch Lochy, and were entering
upon the nanow road between the lake and the hiU, out darted
the mountaineers, and ascending the rocky precipices above the
road, where there was shelter from both bush and stone, began
to fire down upon the soldiers, who only retreated with the
greater expedition.

The party of Macdonalds who attempted this daring exploit
was commanded by Macdonald of Tiendrish, who, having early
observed the march of the soldiers, had sent expresses to
Locheil and Keppoch, whose houses were only a few miles
distant on both sides of High Bridge, for supplies of men.
They did not arrive in time, but he resolved to attack the party
with the few men he had ; and he had thus &r succeeded, when
the noise of his pieces causing friends in all quarters to fly to
arms, he now found himself at the head of a party almost suffi-
cient to encounter the two companies in the open field.

When Captain Scott reached the east end of Loch Lochy, he
perceived some Highlanders near the west end of Loch Oich,
direcdy in the way before him ; and not liking their appearance,
he crossed the isthmus between the lakes, intending to take
possession of Inveigarry Casde, the seat of Macdonell of Glen-
garry. This movement only increased his difficulties. He had
not marched £au:, ^hen he discovered the Macdonells of Glen-
garry coming down the opposite hill in full force against
him. He formed the hollow square, however, and marched on.
Presendy aiter, his pursuers were reinforced by the Macdonalds
of Keppoch, and increased their pace to such a degree as
almost to overtake him. Keppoch himself then advanced alone
towards the distressed party, and offered good terms of
surrender ; assuring them that any attempt at resistance, in the
midst of so many enemies, would only be the signal for their

THE GATHERING. 47

being cat in pieces. The soldiers, by this time fatigued with a
march of thirty miles, had no alternative but to surrender.
They had scarcely laid down their arms, when Locheil came
up with a body of Camerons from another quarter, and took
them under his charge. Two soldiers were slain, and Captain
Scott himself was wounded in this scuffle, which had no small
effect in raising the spirits of the Highlanders, and encouraging
them to commence the war.^

The gathering of the clans was therefore proceeding with great
activity, and armed bodies were seen everywhere crossing the
countxy to Glenfinnin, at the time when Charles landed at that
place to erect his standard. Glenfinnin is a narrow vale,
surrounded on both sides by lofty and- craggy mountains, about
twenty miles north from Fort William, and as far east from
Borodale, forming, in fact, the outlet from Moidart into
Lochaber. The place gets its name from the litde river Finnin,
which runs through it, and falls into Loch Shiel at its extremity.
Charles disembarked with his company from the three boats
which had brought them from Glenaladale, at the place where
the river dischaiges itself into the lake. It was eleven in the
forenoon, and he expected to find the whole vale alive with the
assembled bands which he had appointed to meet him. In this
he was disappointed. Only a few natives, the inhabitants of a
little village, were there to say * God save him /' Some accident,
it was concluded, had prevented the arrival of the clans, and he
went into one of the neighbouring hovels to spend the anxious
hours which should intervene before they appeared.

At length, about an hour after noon, the sound of a pibroch
was heard over the top of an opposite hill, and immediately
afrer the adventurer was cheered by the sight of a laige band of
Highlanders in full march down the slope. It was the Camerons,
to the amount of 700 or 800,

' AU plaided and plumed in their tartan array,'

coming forward in two columns of three men abreast, to the

1 Home's Works, ill. xa.

48 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OP I74S-6.

spirit-stiiring notes of the bagpipe, and enclosing the party of
soldiers whom they had just taken prisoners. Elevated by the
fine appearance of this clan, and by the auspicious result of the
little action just described, Charles set about the business of
declaring open war against the Elector of Hanover.

The spot selected for the rearing of the standard was a little
eminence in the centre of the vale. The Marquis of TuUi-
bardine, whose rank entitled him to the honour, pitched himself
upon the top of this knoll, supported by two men, on account of
his weak state of health. He then flung upon the mountain
breeze that flag which, shooting like a streamer from the north,
was soon to spread such omens of woe and tenor over the
peaceful vales of Britain. It was a large banner of red silk,
with a white space in the centre, but without the motto of
' Tandem Triumphans,' which has been so often assigned to it
— as also the significant emblems of a crown and cofiin, with
which the terror of England at one time adorned it The
appearance of the standard was hailed by a storm of pipe-music,
a cloud of skimmering bonnets, and a loud and enduring shout
Tullibardine then read several documents of an important
nature, with which the Prince had provided himself. The first
was a declaration, or manifesto, in the name of James VIII.,
dated at Rome, December 23, 1743; containing a view of the
public grievances of Britain, and expressing an earnest desire to
do the utmost to redress them ; calling for this purpose on all
his loyal subjects to join his standard as soon as it should be
set up ; and promising, in the event of his restoration, to respect
all existing institutions, rights, and privileges. The second was
a commission of the same date, in which James appointed his
son Charles to be prince regent The third was a manifesto by
the Prince, dated at Paris, May 16, 1745, declaring that he was
now come to execute the will of his father by setting up the
royal standard, and asserting his undoubted right to the throne
of his ancestors; offering pardon for all treasons to those who
should now take up arms in his behalf, or at the least abjure
allegiance to the usurper; calling on the officers of the anny

PROCEEDINGS OF GOVERNMENT. 49

and navy to come over to his service, in which case he should
pay all their arrears, and reappointing as his servants all public
officers whatever who should henceforth act in his name ; com-
manding payment of all pubUc moneys to officers authorised by
him; promising the same respect to existing institutions and
privil^es as his father ; and, finally, calling on all his father's
subjects ' to be assisting to him in the recovery of his just rights
and of their own liberties.' The standard was carried back to
the Prince's quarters by a guard of fifty Camerons.*

About two hours after this solemnity was concluded, Mac-
donald of Keppoch arrived with 300 of his hardy and warlike
dan ; and in the evening, some gentlemen of the name of
Macleod came to offer their services, expressing great indigna-
tion at the defection of their chief, and proposing to return to
Skye and raise all the men they could. The army, amounting
to about 1200 men, was encamped that evening in Glenfinnin,
Sullivan being appointed quartermaster-general.

The insurrection was thus fairly commenced ; and it will now
be necessary to advert to the means taken by government for its
suppression, as well as to the state of the country upon which
Charles was about to descend.

CHAPTER IV.

PROCEEDINGS OF GOVERNMENT.

* Duke Frederick. Come on; since the youth will not be entreated, his own
peril on his forwardness^' As You JJke It,

At the time when the insurrection broke out, George II. was
absent in Hanover, on one of those firequent visits to his
paternal dominions which, with great appearance of truth,

1 Amongst the qaectatora on this occasion was a lady named Miss Jenny Cameron, who
afterwards became the subject of many unfounded popular rumours. She was, in reality,
a aiiddle*aged lady, of perfect propriety of deportment, and after this occasion did not see
t:^e Prince any more, except when she met him in public during liis »tay in Edinbui^h.

D

50 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OF 1 7 45-6.

caused his British subjects to accuse him of being more devoted
to the interests of his electorate, than he was to those of the
more important empire over which his family had been called to
reign. The government was intrusted, during his absence, to a
regency composed of his principal ministers. So far as the
northern section of the island was concerned in the affairs of
government, it was then managed by a minister called Secretary
of State for Scotland ; and the Marquis of Tweeddale held the
office in 1745.

The negotiations which the exiled family had constantly
carried on with their adherents in Britain, and their incessant
menaces of invasion, rendered the event which had now taken
place by no means unexpected on the part of government, and
indeed scarcely alarming. During the whole summer, a report
had been flying about the Highlands that Prince Charles was to
come over before the end of the season ; but the king's servants
at Edinburgh heard nothing of it till the 2d of July, when the
President of the Court of Session came to Sir John Cope,
commander-in-chief of the forces in Scotland, and shewed him a
letter which he had just received from a Highland gentleman,
informing him of the rumour, though affecting to give it little
credit Cope instantly sent notice of what he heard to the
Marquis of Tweeddale, expressing disbelief in the report, but
yet advising that arms should be transmitted to the forts in
Scotland, for the use of the well-affected clans, in anticipation of
any attempt which might be made. The marquis answered
General Cope upon the 9th, ordering him to keep a vigilant eye
upon the north, but mentioning that the lords of the regency
seemed to decline so alarming a measure as sending arms.
Cope replied immediately that he would take all the measures
which seemed necessary for his majesty's service, avoiding as
much as possible the raising of unnecessary alarm. Some
further correspondence took place before the end of the month,
in which the zeal and promptitude of this much-ridiculed general
appear very conspicuous, while the supineness and security of
the regency are just as remarkable.

PROCEEDINGS OF GOVERNMENT. 5 1

Sir John Cope, whose fortune it was to be Charles's first
opponent, and who was regarded by President Forbes as a good
officer of his standing, had at present under his command in
Scotland two regiments of dragoons,^ three full r^ments of
in^try,' and fourteen odd companies,^ together with the
standing garrisons of invalids in the various castles and forts.
The most of these troops were newly raised, being, indeed,
intended for immediate tiansportation to Flanders ; and it was
impossible to place much confidence in them, especially as
fonning an entire army, without the support of more experienced
troops.

With this little army, nevertheless. Cope found himself obliged
to undertake a campaign against the formidable bands of the
north. He received a letter fi'om the Scottish secretary on the
3d of August, announcing that the yotmg Chevalier, as Charles
was called, had really left France in order to invade Scotland,
and was even said to have already landed there; commanding
him to make such a disposition of his forces as to be ready at a
moment's notice ; and promising immediately to send him down
the supply of arms he formerly requested. On the 8th, he
received a letter fi-om the Lord Justice-clerk (Milton), then
residing at Roseneath, enclosing another letter, dated the 5 th
instant, which had just been transmitted to Mr Campbell of
Stonefidd, sheriff of Argyle, by Mr Campbell of Aird (factor in
Mull to the Duke of Aigyll); which letter gave him almost
certain intelligence of the Prince's landing. Next morning,
the 9th, Cope was shewn by the Lord President another letter,
confirming the news ; and he sent all these papers to London,
as the best means of rousing the slumbering energies of
government

1 Gardiner's, lyinf^ at Stirling, Linlithgow, Munelborgh, Kelso, and Dnnse; and
Hasiilton's, quartered at Haddington, Dtinse, and adjacent places. Their hones, as was
then the custom, were placed at grass in the parks near the quarters ci the men.

s Guise's regiment of foot at Aberdeen, Murray's in the Highland focta^ and Lascelles's
at Edinbui;^ and Leith.

3 Five of Lees's at Dumfries, Stranraer, Glasgow, and Stirling ; two of the Scots Royals
(taken by Keppoch's men) ; two of the Scots Fusilien at Glasgow ; two of Lord Semplc's
at Cupar, in Fife ; and three of Lord John Murray's at Crieff.

52 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OF 1 745-6.

Without waiting for this communication, the Lords Regent
published on the 6th of August a proclamation, offering ;f 30,000
for the person of the young Chevalier, whom they announced
to have sailed from France for the purpose of invading Britain.
This proclamation proceeded upon an act of George I., by
which the blood of James Stuart and of his children was
attainted, and themselves outlawed Charles, on learning the
price offered for his life, issued from his camp at Kinlocheil
(August 20) a proclamation expressing great indignation at * so
insolent an attempt,' and offering a like sum for the person of
the Elector of Hanover. Charleses first idea is said to have
been to propose only £,y> for the latter object ; but ultimately
he was induced to offer the same sum which the government
had placed upon his own head

It is amusing to observe, in the newspapers of the period,
the various reports which agitated the public mind, and, above
all, the uncertainty and meagreness of the intelligence which
reached Edinburgh regarding Charles's transactions in Lochaber.
On the 5th of August, it is mentioned in the Edinburgh Courant
that the Prince had left France. Next day, it is reported, as a
quotation from some foreign journal, that he had actually landed
in the Highlands, and was sure of 30,000 men and ten ships
of war. No other intelligence of note is observable till the
2 2d, when it is stated that two Glasgow vessels, in their way
home from Virginia, had touched somewhere in the north-west
Highlands, and learned that the dreaded Pretender was actually
there, with 10,000 men, and had sent word to the governor of
Fort William * ///«/ he would give him his breakfast that morning*
The uncertainty which long prevailed in Edinburgh regarding
the proceedings in Lochaber, shews, in a striking manner, how
difficult it was to obtain correct intelligence in those days from
a district which now would be considered as distant little more
than a day's journey.

In projecting measures against the threatened insurrection.
Sir John Cope had all along held council with those civil officers
who, ever since the Union, have exercised influence over the

PROCEEDINGS OF GOVERNMENT. 53

aifaiis of Scotland — the Lord President of the Court of Session,
the Lord Justice-cleric, the Lord Advocate, and the Solicitor-
general The gentlemen who held the first two of these offices
— Duncan Forbes and Andrew Fletcher — ^were men of not only
the purest patriotism and loyalty, but of good understanding
and attainments. Duncan Forbes, in particular, from his inti>
mate acquaintance with die Highlanders, of whom he had
previously converted many to government, seemed well qualified
to direct the operations of a campaign against that people.

The advice of all these gendemen tended to this effect — that
Sir John Cope should march as fast as possible into the
Highlands, in order to crush the insurrection before it reached
any height. It is very probable ^ that this advice was dictated
by a feeling of humanity towards the insurgents, many of whom
were the intimate friends and associates of die advisers. Forbes
seems to have wished, by this means, at once to repress those
who hcul risen, before government should become exasperated
against them, and to prevent as many as possible from joining,
who, he was sure, would soon do so if the enterprise was not
immediately checked. The counsel was more honourable in its
motive than prudent in policy. The royal army was not only
inferior in numbers to that which Charles was believed to have
drawn together, but had to contend with all the disadvantages
of a campaign in an enemy's country, and on ground unsuitable
for its evolutions : would first have to drag its way slowly over
rugged wildernesses, with a clog of baggage and provisions
bdund it, and then perhaps fight in a defile, where it would be
gradually cut to pieces, or, what was as bad, permit the enemy
to slip past and descend upon the low country, which it ought
to have protected. The advice was even given in defiance of
experience. The Duke of ArgyU, in 1715, by guarding the pass
into the Lowlands at Stirling, prevented the much superior army
of Mar from disturbing the valuable part of the kingdom, and
eventually was able to paralyse and confound the whole of that
enterprise.

"^ Probable from the tenor of their letters. — See Culloden Papen.

54 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OF 1 745-6.

Cope is conjectured by Mr Home,* though the fact is not so
obvious, to have been confirmed in his desire of prompt measures
by a piece of address on the part of the Jacobites. These
gentlemen, who were veiy numerous in Edinbuigh, remembering
perhaps the precedent alluded to, and knowing that Charles,
with a small supply of money, would not be able to keep the
Highlanders long together in their own countiy, conceived it to be
their best policy to precipitate a meeting between the two armies.
They therefore contrived, it is said, that Sir John Cope, who
seemed to have no opinions of his own, but consulted everybody
he met, should be uiged to perform the march he proposed, as
the measure most likely to quell the insurrection, which, it was
hinted by these insidious advisers, wanted nothing but a little
time to become formidable.

Thus advised, and thus perhaps deluded. Sir John Cope
rendezvoused his raw troops at Stirling, and sent off a letter to
the Scottish secretary, requesting permission to march imme-
diately against the rebels. The reasons which he gave for his
proposal seemed so strong in the eyes of the Lords Regent,
that they not only agreed to it, but expressly ordered him to
march to the north and engage the enemy, whatever might be
his strength, or wherever he might be found This order
reached Sir John at Edinbuigh on the 19th of August, the
very day when Charles reared his standard; and Cope set
out that day for Stirling, to put himself at the head of his
litde army.

Next day, the commander-in-chief commenced his fatal
march. His force consisted of twenty-five companies of foot,
amounting in all to 1400 men ; for he had left the two regiments
of dragoons behind, on account of their presumed unfitness
for a Highland campaign. He carried with him four pieces
of cannon (one-and-a-half pounders), as many cohoms, and
a thousand stand of arms, to be given to the native troops
which he expected to join him as he went along. Besides a

1 Works, iu. 88. Mr Home adds, that be was assured of the fact by the Jaoobitea
themselvea.

PROCEEDINGS OF GOVERNMENT. 55

large quantity of baggage, he was followed by a train of black-
cattle, with butchers to kill them as required; and he had
as much bread and biscuit as would serve for twenty-one
days ; for the production of which, all the bakers in Edinburgh,
Leith, and Stirling had been working for a week.^

It was Sir John's intention to march to Fort Augustus, the
central fort of the three which are pitched along the Great Glen.
He considered this the most advantageous post that could be
occupied by the king's army, because it was in the centre of the
disaffected country, and admitted of a ready communication
with the adjacent places of strength. He accordingly adopted
that military road through the middle of the Highlands, which,
stretching athwart the Grampians, is so remarkable in the
memory of all travellers for its lonely desolation in summer,
and its dangerous character when the ground is covered with
snow. His first day's march was to Crieff, where he was
obliged to halt till he should be overtaken by 100 horse-loads
of bread that had been left at Stirling. He had previously
written to the Duke of Athole, Lord Glenorchy (son of the
Earl of Breadalbane), and other loyal chiefs, desiring them to
raise their men, and the first of these noblemen here visited him ;
but the chief of Athole, though disposed to preserve his estate
by keeping on good terms with the govenmient, was by no means
so ardently loyal as to take arms in its defence. Cope was
then, for the first time, shaken in his hope of gaining accessions
of strength as he went along — the hope which had mainly
induced him to go north with so small an army; and he would
have gladly returned to Stirling, had not the orders of govern-
ment, as he afterwards acknowledged,' been so peremptory for
a contrary course. Lord Glenorchy waited upon the discon-
certed general on the afternoon of the same day, and gave him
additional pain by the. intelligence that he could not gather his
men in proper time. He then saw fit to send back 700 of his
spare arms to Stirling.

Advancing on the 2 2d to Amulree, on the 23d to Tay Bridge,

1 Report of Cope's Trial. « Ibid. 27.

S6 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OF I74S-6.

on the 24th to Trinifuir, and on the 25th to Dalnacardoch, the
difficulties of a Highland campaign became gradually more and
more apparent to the unhappy general, whose eyes were at the
same time daily opened wider and wider to the secret disaffec-
tion of the Highlanders. His baggage-horses were stolen in the
night from their pastures, so that he was obliged to leave
hundreds of his bread-bags behind him. Those who took
charge of this important deposit, though they promised to send
it after him, contrived that it should never reach its destination,
or at least not until it was useless. He was also played upon
and distracted by all sorts of false intelligence ; so that he at
last could not trust to the word of a single native, gendeman or
commoner.

When at the lonely inn of Dalnacardoch, he was met by
Captain Sweetenham, the officer already mentioned as having
been taken by the insurgents ; who, after witnessing the erection
of the standard, had been discharged upon his parole, and now
brought Cope the first certain inteUigence he had received
regarding the real state of the enemy. Sweetenham had left
them when their numbers were 1400; he had since met many
more who were marching to the rendezvous ; and as he passed
Dalwhinnie, the last stage, he had been informed by Macintosh
of Borlum that they were now 3000 strong, and were marching
to take possession of Corriearrack. Cope soon after received a
letter from President Forbes (now at his house of CuUoden,
near Inverness), confirming the latter part of Captain Sweeten-
ham's intelligence.

Corriearrack, of which the insurgents were about to take
possession, is a lofty and wide-spreading mountain, interposed
betwixt Cope's present position and Fort Augustus, and over
which lay the road he was designing to take. This road, which
had recently been formed under the care of General Wade,
ascends the steep sides of the mountain by seventeen traverses,
each of which leads the traveller but a small way forward in the
actual course of his journey. It was the most dangerous pecu-
liarity of the hill, in the present case, that the deep ditch or

PBOCEEDINGS OF GOVERNMENT. 57

watercourse along the side of the road aflforded many positions
in which an enemy could be intrenched to the teeth, so as to
annoy the approaching army without the risk of being annoyed
in return ; and that, indeed, a very small body of resolute men
could thus entirely cut off and destroy an army, of whatever
numbers or appointments, acting upon the offensive. It was
reported to Sir John Cope that a party of the Highlanders was
to wait for him at the bridge of Snugborough, one of the most
dangerous passes in the mountain, and that, while he was there
actively opposed, another body, marching round by a path to
the west, and coming in behind, should completely enclose him,
as between two ffres, and in all probability accomplish his
destruction.^

The royal army had advanced to Dalwhinnie, about twenty
miles distant from the summit of Corriearrack, when the general
received this intelligence; and so pressing had his dilemma
then become, that he conceived it improper to move farther
without calling a council of war. It was on the morning of the
27th of August that this meeting took place, at which various
proposals were made and considered for the further conduct of
the army. All agreed, in the first place, that their original
design of marching over Corriearra^ was impracticable. To
remain where they were was needless, as the instugents could
slip down into the Lowlands by other roads. Two objections
lay against the measure which seemed most obvious, that of
marching back again — ^namely, the orders of government, so
express in favour of a northward march, and an immediate
encounter with the enemy; and the likelihood of the Highlanders
intercepting them in their retreat by breaking down the bridges
and destroying the roads. The only other course was to turn
aside towards Inverness, where they had a prospect of being
joined by some loyal clans, and in which case they might expect
that the insurgents would scarcely dare to descend upon the
Lowlands, as such a course would necessarily leave their own
country exposed to the vengeance of an enemy.

^ Report of Cope's Trial, 24.

S8 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OF 1 745-6.

In reality, as the event shewed, the proper course on this
occasion would have been to fall back on some convenient post
near the frontier of the low country, there to make a determined
stand against the clans, as the Duke of Argyll had done in
1715. Yet this expedient was supported by only one voice in
the council It was at last unanimously agreed to turn aside to
Inverness — thus leaving the valuable part of the country com-
pletely exposed, and sacrificing a real object for the mere sake
of obeying the letter of an order given, probably, in the con-
templation of totally different circumstances. Sir John, having
taken care to get the seals-manual of his companions to the
resolution, issued orders to alter the route of the army. The
van had reached Blairobeg, three and a half miles south of
Garvamore Inn, and ten miles from Corriearrack, and the rear
was at Catlaig, four miles behind, when the troops were ordered
to halt, face about, and, retracing their steps, turn off by the
road which parts to the east at the last-mentioned place, and
proceeds by Ruthven to Inverness.^ In order to deceive the
enemy, who lay upon the top of Corriearrack expecting his
approach, the general caused a small portion of his army to
advance, with the camp-colours flying, towards the hill, under
the semblance of an advanced guard, with orders to overtake
the main body with all speed, when they had allowed time for it
to get half a day's march upon its new route. He arrived, by
forced marches, at Inverness upon the 29th, without having
rested a single day since he left Criefll

1 * Two rowan-trees (mountain-ashes) mark the place where Sir John Cope's army faced
abouti and aYoided an acuon with the rebels.' — Homb.

\

Charles's descent upon the lowlands. 59

CHAPTER V.
Charles's descent upon the lowlands.

' Rouse, Tonse, ye kilted warriors !
Rouse, ye heroes of the north I
Rouse, and join your chieftains' banners ;
Tis your Prince that leads you forth.'

Jacobite Song*

At Glenfinnin, where the standard had been raised on the 19th,
the Prince spent two happy days. So at least we are assured
they were by Major Macdonald of Tiendrish, who, when con-
fined in the castle of Edinburgh, told Bishop Forbes ' that he
had never seen the Prince more cheerful at any time, and in
higher spirits, than when he had got together four or five hun-
dred men about the standard.' He then removed to Kinlocheil
— ^that is, the head of Loch Eil — in the country of the chief of
the Camerons. The retaliatory proclamation, offering ;£^3o,ooo
for the person of the reigning king, was ' given in our camp at
Kinlocheil, August the 2 2d.* He lodged on the night of Friday
the 23d at Fassefem, on the side of Loch Eil, the residence of
the young chiefs brother. Loch Eil is a branch of Loch Linnhe,
the arm of the sea on which Fort William is situated : it was
therefore liable to a hostile inroad from the nautical craft of the
enemy. A war-vessel having actually appeared at Fort William,
tiie Chevalier removed across a hill to Moy, a village on the
river Lochy, belonging to the Camerons. He was now daily
receiving intelligence of Cope's northern progress from deserters
who nightly left the camp of that general, in order to join their
respective clans. On the 26th he crossed the Lochy, and
advanced to Letterfinlay, a lonely inn on the brink of Loch
Lochy; he was joined on the way (at Low Bridge) by the
Stuarts of Appin, 260 in number, under the command of

6o HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OF 1 745-6.

Stuart of Ardshiel. About midnight, an express arrived from
Gordon of Glenbucket, informing him that Cope had advanced
into Badenoch, and was designing to cross Corrieanack ; imme-
diately on which, though the night was extremely stormy, he
gave orders for his men to go forward and take possession of
the hill, and went himself to Invergany Castle, where he spent
the remainder of the night

At Invergany he was visited by Fraser of Gortuleg, on a
secret embassy from Lord Lovat This nobleman, now advanced
to the seventy-eighth year of his age, was chief of the clan Fraser,
and possessed large estates in Invemess-shire : he was able to
bring several hundred men into the field. Discontented with
the government, and well inclined to the Stuart family, he was
yet disposed to act with great caution. Gortuleg therefore
excused the personal presence of the chief on account of his
age, but recommended Charles to march into his country of
Stratherrick, and raise the Frasers ; at the same time he asked
for a patent which had been promised by the old Chevalier,
creating Lovat a duke, and begged to have an order for seizing
the President Forbes dead or alive. The patent chanced to be
left behind with the baggage, and was therefore not forthcoming:
the Prince so far complied with the other request as to give an
order for seizing the person of the Lord President With this
Gortuleg returned to his chief. He is found, two days alter,
writing a friendly letter to the President, in which he only
adverts to his having seen some of the insurgent chiefis at Inver-
gany, and seems anxious to serve the government by communi-
cating the information he had thus acquired. We shall see
more of the crooked policy of Lovat in the sequel

Next day, the 27th, while the royal officers were determining
upon their evasive march to Inverness, Charles and his army,
now augmented by the Macdonells of Glengarry and Grants of
Glenmorriston to 1800 men, proceeded to the foot of Corrie-
anack, the summit of which was already in possession of the
party which had been sent forward the night before. The
Prince, always the most eager man of the whole army, is said by

Charles's descent upon the lowlands. 6i

Fiaser of Gortuleg, in his letter to the Lord President, to have
* called that morning for his Highland clothes, and, tying the
latchets of his shoes, solemnly declared that he would be up
with Mr Cope before they were unloosed.* The insurgents were
informed of Cope's evasive movement by a soldier of the clan
Cameron, who deserted in order to convey the intelligence, as
soon as he perceived the army turn ofif at Catlaig. They hailed
the news with a loud shout of exultation; and the Prince^ calling
for a glass of brandy, and ordering every man one of usquebaugh,
drank : 'To the health of good Mr Cope, and may every general
in the usurper's service prove himself as much our friend as he
has done !' * They then descended the steep traverses upon the
south side of Corriearrack, with the rapid steps and eager coun-
tenances of men who give chase.

It was the first wish of the Highland army on this occasion
that Johnny Cope, as they called him, should be pursued, and
he and his men cut to pieces. However, when they reached
Garvamore, the first stage from the bottom of the hill, it was
determined, by a council of war, that the unfortunate general
should be left to the consequences of his own false step at
Inverness, and that they should proceed in the meantime to
take advantage of his desertion of the Lowlands. They were
confirmed in this resolution by Mr Murray of Broughton, who
represented that, by the influence of the Jacobites in Edinburgh,
they would gain easy possession of that capital, and thus give as
much klat to their arms as might be expected from the achieve-
ment of a victory. It also appeared that, by this course, if they
left the Erasers, the Macintoshes, and other northern clans,
whom they expected to join them, the Marquis of Tullibardine
would raise the men of Athole before the duke his brother had
time to interest them in the cause of government

It was more particularly at this juncture that Charles's enter-
prise assumed that bold and romantic character for which it was
destined to be so remarkable. Having once made the resolution

1 Henderson't History of the Rebelliofh 34-

62 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OF I74S-6.

to descend upon the low countries, he did so with spirit and
rapidity. Two days sufficed to carry him through the alpine
region of Badenoch ; another to open up to his view the pleasant
vale of Athole, which might be considered as the avenue into
the fertile country he was invading. He seems to have acted
entirely like a man who has imdertaken a high and hazardous
affair, which he is resolved to carry through with all his spirit
and address. Nature and education had alike qualified him for
such an enterprise. Originally gifted with a healthy and robust
constitution, he had taken care to inure himself to a hardy and
temperate mode of life ; had instructed himself in all kinds of
manly exercises ; and, in particular, had made himself a first-rate
pedestrian by hunting afoot over the plains of Italy.^ The
Highlanders were astonished to find themselves overmatched at
running, wrestling, leaping, and even at their favourite exercise
of the broadsword, by the slender stranger of the distant lands ;
but their astonishment gave place to admiration and affection,
when they discovered that Charles had adopted all these exer-
cises out of compliment to them, and that he might some day
shew himself, as he said, a true Highlander. By walking, more-
over, every day's march alongside one or other of their corps,
inquiring into their family histories, songs, and legends, he
succeeded in completely fascinating the hearts of this simple
people, who could conceive no greater merit upon earth than
accomplishment in the use of arms, accompanied by a taste for
tales of ancient glory. The enthusiastic and devoted attach-
ment with which he succeeded in inspiring them, was such as no
subsequent events could ever altogether extinguislL Half a
century after, when age might have been supposed to deaden
their early feelings, his surviving fellow-adventurers rarely spoke
of him without a sigh or a tear.

At Dalwhinnie, where the army cheerfully bivouacked, along

1 Boswell's Tffur to iht Hehridts (ad ed.)» 331. In his march through the Highlands to
meet Cope, he walked sixteen Scottish miles one day, in hoots, fatiguing the hardiest of
his companions. The men, hearing that one of his hoots had lost a heel, said they were
glad of it, as he would now be obliged to walk more at leisure. — Donald Cttmtrotia
I^arrativ«t Lyon in Mtmming,

CHARLESES DESCENT UPON THE LOWLANDS. 63

with their young leader, on the open moor, a party who had
gone upon an unsuccessful expedition against the small govern-
ment fort of Ruthven,* brought in Macpherson of Cluny, chief
of that clan, and son-in-law of Lord Lovat — a man of vigorous
character, and one whose accession to the cause at such a
moment would have been of considerable importance. He had
accepted a command under government, and only the day before
attended Sir John Cope at Dalwhinnie, and received orders to
embody his dan, in which there were about 300 fighting men ;
but he was in reality a partisan of the Stuart family, though,
under the present circumstances, not decided to take up arms
in its behal£ He was conducted to Charles as a kind of
honourable prisoner, and carried along with the army to Perth,
whence he returned to raise his cl?m for the Chevalier. The
same cautious policy which has been attributed to Locheil, is
said to have been foUowed by Cluny. Before consenting to join
the Prince, he demanded and obtained from him security for the
full value of his estate, lest the expedition should prove unsuc-
cessfiiL' Let not this policy be regarded as detracting too much
from any merit of self-sacrifice hitherto attributed to these men.
It might appear to them as not only justified, but demanded, in
consequence of the failure of the Prince to bring foreign aid.
And, after all, the purchase-money of a Highland gentleman*s
estate was but a small part of what he risked on this occasion,
seeing that, in the first place, he took the common hazards of
war ; in the second, risked the pains of treason ; and, after these,
the loss of his home and country, in which was included all that
was enviable in the state and circumstance of one who enjoyed
the veneration, and could control the actions, of perhaps a
thousand of his fellow-creatures.

1 * In this route, Lochgary, Dr Cameron, and O'Sullivan, were sent to Ruthven, in
BadcQodi, to take the barracks. Neither side had any cannon. The Highland party
endeavoured to set fixe to the door ; but the soldiers fired through holes in the door, killed
one man, and mortally wounded two more ; and then the party retired. This garrison
consisted only of twelve men, commanded by Sergeant MoUoy.*—y<mmai of jEtuat
MacdffnaU, Forhts Pafers^ in possession of the author.

' Young Glengarry communicated this fact, which he said he had from Quny's own
nooth, to Bishop Forbes in April 1752. — Jacobiie Memoirs, p. as.

64 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OF 1745-6.

As the mountain host descended upon the plain, they were
joined, like one of their own rivers, by accessions of strength at
the mouths of all the little glens which they passed. But while
many of the people joined, and prepared to join them, a very
considerable number of the landed proprietors fled at their
approach ; among the rest, the Duke of Athole. In the absence
of this nobleman from his house at Blair, his brother, the
Marquis of TuUibardine, took possession of it as his own ; and
here Charles spent the night of the 30th of August Along with
Charles, the marquis undertook on this occasion to entertain all
the Highland chiefs ; and the supper which he gave was suitable
to the distinguished character of the guests. During the evening,
it is said, the Prince exerted himself to appear cheerful, though
the anxiety arising from his circumstances occasionally drew a
shade of thoughtfulness over his otherwise sprightly features.
He partook only of the dishes which are supposed to be peculiar
to Scotland ; and, in pursuance of the same line of policy which
induced him to walk in tartan at the head of his troops,
attempted to drink the healths of the chiefs in the few words of
Gaelic which he had already picked up. To the Marquis of
Tullibardine, who, as a gentleman of the old school, always
talked in broad Scotch, he addressed himself in similar language;
and in all his deportment, he shewed an evident anxiety to
conciliate and please those among whom his lot was cast^
Observing the guard which his host had placed in the lobby to
be constantly peeping in, he affected a desire of enjoying the
open air; and walking out into the lobby, gratified the poor
Highlanders with a view of his person, which they had not
previously seen, on account of their recent arrival at the house.*

The morning after his arrival at Blair, he reviewed his troops.
Some whom he had lately seen around him being now wanting,
he despatched a few of his officers to bring them forward to
Blair, when it was found that their only reason for lingering
behind was, that they had been denied the satisfaction of

X Henderson's History qftke RtMlion^ 3& * Tradition in Athole.

CHARLES'S DESCENT UPON THE LOWLANDS. 65

pursuing General Cope ! At Blair he spent two days, during
which he was joined by Lord Nairn, a cadet of the great
house of Athole, and by several gentlemen of the country. At
Lude, the seat of a chieftain of the clan Robertson, to which he
next proceeded, he was very cheerful, and took his share in
several dances, including minuets and Highland reels. A faith-
ful chronicler informs us that the first tune he called for was the
well-known Jacobite one, * This is no my ain house ' — referring
to the alien character of all political arrangements since 1688.^
Proceeding down the Blair or Plain of Athole, he arrived on the
3d at Dunkeld, and next day he dined at Nairn House, between
that town and Perth. Here ' some of the company happened
to observe what a thoughtful state his father would now be in,
from the consideration of those dangers and difficulties he had
to encounter, and that upon this account he was much to be
pitied. The Prince replied that he did not half so much pity
his father as his brother; "for," said be, ''the king has been
inured to disappointments and distresses, and has learned to
bear up easily under the burdens of life ; but poor Harry ! his
yoimg and tender years make him much to be pitied, for few
brodiers love as we do." **

This evening he entered Perth, where a party of his troops
had already proclaimed his father and himself as respectively
king and regent He rode on this occasion the horse which
had been given to him by Major Macdonald of Tiendrish, and
was attended by a cavalcade of gentlemen, amongst whom were
the Duke of Perth, Oliphant of Gask, and Mercer of Aldie, who
had joined him as he passed through their estates. Well
mounted, and attired in a handsome suit of tartan trimmed with
gold-lace, he made a very good appearance. The people,
dazzled by the novelty of the spectacle, hailed him with accla-
mations, and conducted him in a kind of triumph to the
lodgings which had been prepared for him in the house of a
Jacobite nobleman. This was the first town of consequence

1 Duncan Cameron's Narrative, Jacohite Mtnwiru * The tame.

E

66 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OF 1745-6.

which Charles had yet airived at^ and he had every reason to
be satisfied with his receptiou; although the magistrates had
thought proper to leave their charge, and disappear on the
preceding evening. A fair being held at the time in Perth,
there were many strangers present, to join in the novel and
agitated feelings with n^ch dbis singular scene was contem-
plated

The house approjMiaJbed for Charles's residence was that of
the Viscount Stonnont,^ elder brother to the elegant William
Murray, who afterwards became Chief-justice €i the King's
Bench and Earl of MaasfiekL Stonnont» like his brother and
all the rest of the family, was a Jacobite at heart, but one who
did not fed inclined to risk life and property in the cause. He
did not choose to be present on this occasion to entertain the
Prince ; but no attentions were wantii^ on the part of his
household ; and one of his sisters is said to have spread down a
bed for Prince Charlie with her own fair hands.'

The neighbouring S€ap<^ of Dundee, though not in the
Prince's line of march« was of too much importance to escape
notice on this occasion* That very evening Chaiies despatched
Keppoch and Clanranald with a party of Macdonalds, who,
entering the town about daybreak next morning, captured two
vessels in the harbour, containing arms and ammunition, which
they immediately sent lo Perth for the use of the army.

The 'Duke of Perth,' who had pined the Prince before
he reached that town, was, strictly speaking, only James

1 It was an antique house with a wooden front, standing upon the site of the present Perth
Union Bank, near the bottom of the High Street

s Information from the late John Young, Esq., W.$., Castle Street, Edubui:^ Mr
Young, as the son of a non-jurant detgyman 01 Fife, was likely to be correctly informed
on such matten. The Stonoont family rebuced in their JacoUfeism as the great man of
their family advanced in le^ and state honours ; for which, it may be sujiposed, the more
faithful of the remnants of the party did not like them the better. One day, early in the
leign of George III., Hamilton of Kilbochmont^ in Fife, a moat determined old partisan,
and a good deal soured in his temper, calling upon the Misses Munay, was much annoyed
at the ostentation with which the good ladies paraded a few portraits of members of the
royal family, which hud been sent to them by their brother. The iiritation was completed
by their speaking of the great personages represented as ' the people above.* * People
above !* exclaimed old Hamilton—' fient nor they were up the lum t' Lum being ckimn^
in English. And, thus saying, he flung out of the house.

CHARLES'S DESCENT UPON THE LOWLANDS. 67

Drammond, propnetor of laige estates in Perthshire, and repre-
sentative of the Drummondsy Earls of Perth, one of the most
distinguished of the noble families of Scotland. His grand-
&tfaer, Jamesy fourth Earl of Perth, had followed the fortunes of
James IL, and been created a duke at St Germain. The son
of this nobleman, joining the insniiection in 1715, was attainted,
so that, at his Other's death in 1716, the tides became dormant
But the estates having been previously transfeired to his infant
son, were preserved for the benefit of that person, who now
lived upon them, boldly assuming the title which had been con-
ferred by James II. upon his grandfather. The so-called duke
was thirty-two years of age, brave, frank, and liberal, but disliked
by many on account of his profession of the Catholic faith, in
which he had been reared by a remarkably enthusiastic mother.
When Charles was in the West Highlands, a warrant was issued
for the seizure of the duke^ and two Highland officers, Sir
Patrick Murray of Auchtertyre, and Mr Campbell of Inverary,
undertook to execute it, under circumstances extremely dis-
creditable to them. Having asked themselves to his house to
dinner, he invited them to come in the kindest terms, as friends
and neighbours, and entertained them hospitably. Meanwhile
they bad ordered a military party to surround the house, and
when all was prepared, they armounced their warrant The
duke with difficulty restrained his temper, and told them he
would step into a closet off the dining-room, to prepare himself
to go with them. They, trusting that he could not escape,
assented. He instantly went down a back stair, through his
gardens, and into the adjoining wood, crawling on hands and
knees to avoid being seen by the sentinels. Fortunately, he
found a horse, though without a saddle, and only haltered, on
which he rode to the house of his friend Moray of Abercaimey.^
Having thus escaped the fangs of the government, by which he
should otherwise have been lield in restraint till after the insur-
rection was over, he was now by no means less eager than

^ Jac^Ue Mtmoin, 16.

68 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OF 1745-6.

before to promote the cause of the house of Stuart, by personal
service, and the aid of his numerous dependants, who of them-
selves nearly formed a regiment

Charles received considerable reinforcements at Perth. Vis-
count Strathallan, a cadet of the Drummond family, Lord
Ogilvie, son of the Earl of Airlie, and John Roy Stuart, a
gentleman of Speyside, and the beau idial of a clever Highland
officer,^ were amongst the most conspicuous persons of note
who here joined him: the last-mentioned gentleman brought
with him from abroad some very agreeable letters from persons
of importance, promising assistance.' He had already been
joined by the tenants of Lord Nairn, and the Lairds of Gask
and Aldie. The Robertsons of Struan, Blairfitty, and Cushie-
vale, the Stuarts who inhabited the uplands of Perthshire, and
many of the tenants of the Duke of Athole, raised by the
Marquis of Tullibardine, now poured themselves into the
tide of insurrection. In raising the men of lower Perthshire,
considerable difficulties were experienced by the chiefs and
landlords. The Duke of Perth, having ordered his tenants to
contribute a man for every plough, is said, though with extremely
little probability, to have shot one refractory person, in order
to enforce his orders among the rest Tullibardine, from the
equivocal nature of his title, found still greater difficulty in
raising the tenants upon those estates which he conceived to be
his own. But perhaps no one experienced so much difficulty
in his levies as the good Laird of Gask, though he was at the
same time perhaps the person of all others the most anxious
to provide men for the service of his beloved Prince. This
enthusiastic Jacobite was, it seems, so extremely incensed at

1 John Roy was the son of the Baron of Kincardine on the Spey, and lineally descended
from Robert II., the first of the Stuart kings. He was in the prime of life, an excellent
soldier, and also a writer of verses, both English and Gaelic, many of which are still tiadi>
tionally preserved in the Highlands. An old Highland woman, a few years ago (1827),
describing John Roy's person, which she had seen, said that hu eye in particular was very
fine — her expression was, like the eye of a horte — of course an exaggeration, yet marking
a feature of no common size and brilliancy.

3 A Mr Johnstone, who afterwards wrote a memoir of the insurrection, also joined the
Prince at Perth.

CHARLESES DESCENT UPON THE LOWLANDS. 69

die resistance he received from some of his tenants, that he laid
an arrestment or inhibition upon their corn-fields, by way of
trying if their interest would not oblige them to comply with his
request The case was still at issue, when Charles, in marching
firom Perth, observed the com hanging dead ripe, and inquired
the reasoiL He was informed that Gask had not only pro-
hibited his tenants from cutting their grain, but would not
permit their cattle to be fed upon it, so that these creatures
were absolutely starving. He instantly leaped from the saddle,
exclaiming: *This will never do,* and began to gather a
quantity of the com. Giving this to his horse, he said to those
that were by that he had thus broken Gask's inhibition, and the
fsmners might now, upon his authority, proceed to put the
produce of their fields to its proper use.^

When Charles entered Perth, he had only a smgle guinea in
his pocket' During his march hitherto, he had freely given
his chiefs what sums they thought necessary for the subsistence
of the men ; and his purse was now exhausted, but fortimately
at a moment when it was in his power to replenish it By
sending detachments of his men to various towns at no great
distance, he raised some of the public money ; and several of
his Edinburgh friends now came in with smaller, but less reluc-
tant subsidies. From the city of Perth he exacted ;f 500.

Perhaps the most important accession to his force which
Charles received at Perth was that of Lord George Murray,
whom his brother, the Marquis of Tullibardine, brought down
from Athole the day after the army entered the city. This
gentleman was advanced to middle age, and had been in arms
for the Stuarts at the affair of Glenshiel in 17 r 9. Having served
abroad since, in the Sardinian service, he possessed considerable
military experience ; but his talents and enterprising character
were such as to render knowledge of his profession com-
paratively a matter of secondary moment Charles had so
much confidence in his abilities, as immediately to make him

ITnditun t Home • WorU ill 4>

70 HISl'ORY OF THE REBELLION OF 1745-6.

lieutenant-general of his army — a trust for which he soon proved
himself admirably qualified.

Charles was compelled to linger eight days at Perth, by the
double necessity of providing himself with money, and gather-
ing the Perthshire clans together. He did not, however, spend
his time in vain. He seized this opportunity of reducing the
ill-assorted elements of his army to some kind of order, and
exerted himself to get the men instructed in the various evolu-
tions of military discipline. The sturdy mountaineers were,
as may be easily imagined, somewhat intractable, displaying
great inaptitude in the conventional rules by which a whole
body is to be governed, though, at the same time, every indi-
vidual evinced a readiness and dexterity in the use of his own
arms far beyond what is seen in ordinary soldiers At a review
held on the North Inch, a common near the town (September 7),
Charles was observed to smile occasionally at the awkwardness
of their general motions; at the same time he complimented
their agility and wild elegance by calling them 'his sU^.'^
Lord George Murray now took some pains to furnish the men
with many things which, though they make but a poor appear,
ance in a romantic narrative, are yet eminendy useful during the
actual progress of a campaign. Amongst these were provisions,
and the means of carrying them. He caused each man to be
provided with a sacken knapsack, large enough to cany a peck
of oatmeal — the food chiefly depended upon by these hardy
soldiers. He also took measures for suppljring meal and knap-
sacks to the clans who were on their march to join the Prince.
By no other means could this little army have long been kept
together.

It would almost appear that Charles occupied himsdf so
dosdy in business while at Perth, as to have litde time for
amusement Not only did he make a point of rising early every
morning to drill his troops, but it is told of him that, being one
night invited to a ball by the gentlewomen of Perth, he had no

I Headenon's ffisUry ^f tlu RHellwm, yg.

CHARLES'S DESCENT UPON THE LOWLANDS. 7 1

sooner danced one measure, than he made his bow, and hastily
withdrew, alleging the necessity of visiting his sentiy-posts.
From a newspaper of the time,^ it appears that he attended
divine service on Sunday the 8th of September, when a Mr
Armstrong, probably a deigyman of the Scottish Episcopal
Church, preached from the text (Isaiah, xiv. i, 2) : ' For the
Lord will have mercy on Jacob, and will yet choose Israel, and
set them in their own land : and the strangers shall be joined
with them, and they shall cleave to the house of Jacob. And
the people shall take them, and bring them to their place : and
the house of Israel shall possess them in the land of the Lord
for servants and handmaids : and they shall take them captives,
whose captives they were; and they shall rule over their
opivessors.' The nature of the discourse may be easily con-
jectured from the text It is said that this was the first time
the Prince had ever attended a Protestant place of worship.

Many of the strangers whom (Carles found at Perth attending
the frdr procured passports from faimi to protect their persons
and goods in passing through the country. To all these persons
he displayed great courteousness of manner. One of tiiem, a
linendraper from London, had some conversation with the
youthful adventurer, who desixed him to inform his fellow-
citixens that he expected to see them at St James's in the course
of two months^'

1 The CaUdommm Mtrcmy, ^ Editiburgk EveHhi£ Comramt,

HISTORV or THE REBKLUON OF 17i$-6.

CHAPTER VI

ALARU or EDINBURGH.

' Ctn yoa thinl to front joai enemiei' Tcvengcs with the «My groans of
old ironien, the ntginal palmt of your daughlers, or with the palsied inteT-
cession of such > wealt dotud u jtMsctm to be! Can yon think to blow oat
the intended lire of yonr dly with sudi weak breath as thist' — CeriiiJama.

For upwards of a week after Cope's march into the Highlands,
the people of Edinbiugh had felt all the anxiety which civilians
usually entertain r^arding an impendii^ action ; but as yet
they expressed little alarm about their own particular safety.
The common talk of the day amongst the Whigs was, that Cope
would soon ' cock up the Pretender's beaver' — that he would
speedily ' give a good account of the Highland host ' — and other
vauntings, indicadi^ great confidence. To speak in another
strain was considered treason. Prudence joined with inclination,
on the part of the Jacobites, to keep this tone of the public
mind undistiu-bed. They knew it to be Charles's wish that the
low countries, and also the government, should be as little
alarmed as possible by his proceedings. They therefore con-
spired with the zealous Whigs to spread a general impression of
his weakness.

The better to lull the town, and consequently the whole
nation, into security, Charles, or some of his officers, thought
proptT to licjintch a person of gcntleinanly rank from their
cam]> in \,vi li.ilit-r, with a report calculated to incTcue this
danf^iTODs conliik-nce. They selected for this purpose jwocii
MacL-r<-,,T, or Drummond, son to the celebrated Rob Roy; a
I ihe purest charactq^^^fe'lrtio seemed eligible on
. .uldross, .ini! bfeCgjIgff^Joyfd a

ALARM OF EDINBURGH. 73

as possible, Macgregor volunteered at the same time to cany
with him to Edinburgh copies of the Prince's proclamations and
manifestos, which he thought he should easily be able to get
printed there, and disseminated amongst the friends of the
cause. He reached Edinburgh on the 26th, and, being imme-
diately admitted into the presence of the civil and civic officers,
reported that the Highlanders, when he left them a day or two
ago, were not above 1500 strong at most As far as he could
judge of them, they would run at the first onset of the royal
army, being chiefly old men and boys, and very ill aimed.
When he had performed this part of his duty, he lost no time
in setting about the other. His papers were printed by one
Drummond, a zealous Jacobite;^ and so speedily were they
difiiised throughout the town, that the magistrates were obliged,
within three or four days after the arrival of this fai^ul
messenger, to issue a proclamation offering a high reward for
the discovery of the printer.

Mac^;regor's report, though partially successful in assuring the
citizens, who immediately learned it through the newspapers,
was not so completely effective with the public authorities as to
prevent them from taking a measure next day which they had
for some time contemplated — ^that of applying to the king for
pennission to raise a regiment, to be paid by voluntary sub-
scription of the inhabitants, with which they might at once
defend their property and advance his majesty's interests, in
case of the town being attacked Their previous security,
however, was about this time slightly disturbed by a piece of
intelligence brought to town by a Highland street-porter, who
had been visiting his friends in the north. This man declared
that when he saw the insurgents in Lochaber, their camp was
as long as the space between Leith and the Calton Hill (at

some yean aftenrardi, fell under the anger of die goremment for nmilar

* had hu printing'office shut up; on which occasion the workmen being

lUc sympathy, at least with one party, being excited in their behalf, it

' to act the drama of the GtmtU SJu^herd^ which had not before been

e, though many years published. Thus Drummond's men became

is celebrated pastoral.

74 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OF 1 745-6.

least a mile) ;' a local illustration, which inspired a much more
respectful idea of the Chevalier's forces than any they had yet
entertained.

It was not tin the 31st of August that the alarm of the city
of Edinburgh became serious. On that day the inhabitants
received intelligence of Cope's evasion <^ the Highland
forces at Dalwhinnie, and of the consequent inarch of the
Chevalier upon the low country. They had previously looked
upon the insurrection as but a more formidable kind of riot,
which would soon be quelled, and no more heard of; but when
they saw that a regular army had found it necessary to decline
fighting with the insuigents, who were consequently left at
liberty to disturb the open country, it began to be looked upon
in a much more serious light Their alarm was, if possible,
increased next day (Sunday, the xst of September), by the Duke
of Athole coming suddenly to town on his way from Blair,
which, as already mentioned, he had left on tht apjxoach of the
Highlanders. It was reported that his Grace had been com-
pelled to take this step with greater precipitation than would
have otherwise been necessary, by receiving a letter from his
brother, the marquis, calling upon him to deliver up the house
and estate which he had so long possessed unjustly. But the
venerable Thomas Ruddiman, who gave currency to this nunour
by means of his paper, the CaUdoniim Mercury ^ was obliged
during the same wedc to acknowledge it false, beg the duke's
pardon, and pay a fine of two guineas, besides being imprisoned
for two days.

The fiiends of government now b^gan to make preparations
for the defence of the capital

' FUed deep and massive, dose and high,'

and chiefly situated upon a steep and isolated hill, Edinbuigh
was then pardy surrounded by a wall, and partly by a lake.
The wall was of litde use but to check smuggling, or evasion of
the city customs ; it had no embrasures for cannon, and part of

t Calidomtm Mirany. Henderson's HUtory ^ tkt R^beUiat, 37.

I

I

ALARM OP EDINBURGH. 75

It was overlooked by lines of lofty houses, fonning the suburbs ;
while the lake was fordable in many places. The friends of the
Hanover succession were nevertheless of opinion that the city
was capable of making a defence, provided that the inhabitants
were determined upon it, and that arms were obtained from
government It was at least possible, they thought, to hold out
until Cope's troops should come to their relief On the other
hand, a considerable section of the inhabitants, including the
Lord Provost (Mr Archibald Stewart) and othera of the magis-
tzacy, were Jacobites, though necessarily making no outward
dem<Mistration of such politics. Everything which they could
safdy or plausibly do to discourage the idea of defending the
town was done ; and doubtless their efforts were attended with
some success. Bui]g^ politics came in to add to the difficulties
of the time. Opposed to the existing magistracy were the
materials of a Wh^ one, which had been excluded fh>m power
for five years ; at its head was Mr George Drummond, a man of
virtuous and benevolent character, who had fought in behalf of
government at Sheriffmuir. The time was approaching when,
according to the custom of the buig^, a new election of magis-
trates should take place ; and it was obviously the policy of the
Whigs to profess an eagerness for the defence of the town. On
the other hand, the existing magistracy, considering this as a
mere mode of party warfare, or an appeal to mob feelings, were
the more inclined to go upon the opposite side. ' Defend the
town,' or * not defend the town,' thus became party cries for the
ms and iwts of buighal office ; and it would have been difficult
for any cool onlooker to say whether the Whigs, in their pro-
fession of a wish to keep out Prince Charles, or the opposite
party, in expressing their belief that the town was indefensible,
were the least sincere.

The living force available for defence actually appears to have
been of no great amount, although many more formidable
enemies have been resisted with something much less. Now
that Cope, with his infantry, was off the field, the whole of the
regular forces in the south of Scotland, besides the invalids who

76 HISTORY OP THE REBELLION OP 1 745-6.

garrisoned the fortresses, consisted of two regiments of dragoons
— Hamilton's at Edinburgh, and Gardiner's at Stirling, both of
them newly raised. In Exiinbiiigh there was a body of military
police, or gendarmes^ called the Town-guard, generally amount-
ing to 96 men, but now increased to 126 : these were for the
most part elderly men, who had never been active soldiers, but
they had the advantage of being pretty well disciplined. There
was another body of militia connected with the city, called the
Trained Bands, the members of which, exceeding 1000 in
number, were ordinary citizens possessed of uniforms, in which
they appeared once a year to fire off their pieces in honour of
the king's birthday, but which none of them had adopted with
the prospect of ever becoming active soldiers, or, indeed, with
any other view than to enjoy the civic dinner which was given
to them on that joyous anniversary. The Trained Bands had,
at their first institution in the reign of King James VI., worn
defensive armour, and carried the long Scottish spear; but in
these degenerate days they only assumed a simple uniform, and
were provided with firelocks so old as scarcely to be fit for
service. To give the reader some idea of the military prowess
of these citizen-soldiers, an extract may be made fixmi a pamphlet
of the day.^ The author of this tract says that, when a boy, he
used to see the Trained Bands drawn up on the High Street to
honour the natal day of Britain's majesty, on which occasions,
he affirms, it was common for any one who was bolder than the
rest, or who wished to give himself airs before his wife or
mistress, to fire off his piece in the street, without authority of
his officers: and *I always observed,' says the pamphleteer,
*they took care to shut their eyes before venturing on that
military exploit;' though he immediately afterwards remarks in
a note, their fear was perhaps better grounded than he imagined,
considering the danger there was of dieir firelocks bursting about
their ears.
To increase this hopeful force, the state officers had instigated

1 AeumU ^ the Bihavioyr c/A rekihald Sinoari. Loadoo, 174A.

ALARM OF EDINBURGH. 77

the magistrates, as already mentioned, to raise a regiment, which
was to be paid by public subscription. The royal ^ permission
was not procured for this purpose till the 9th of September, on
which day a subscription-paper was laid before the citizens, and
a drum sent through the town and its neighbourhood to enlist
men. But it is unusual to yield to the solicitations of recruiting-
sergeants for the direct purpose of fighting a severe action on
the succeeding week. As may be easily imagined, more fortune
than life was volunteered on the present occasion. The sub-
scription-paper filled almost immediately; but, after a week,
only about 200 men had been procured.

Besides this force, which was dignified with the name of
the Edinburgh Regiment, a number of the loyal inhabitants
associated themselves as volunteers into a separate band or
regiment, for which 400 were ultimately collected The
discipline of all these men was wretched, or rather they had
no discipline. The members of the Edinburgh Regiment were,
in general, desperate persons, to whom the promised pay was
a temptation, and who cared nothing for the cause in which they
were engaged. The volunteers, on the other hand, were all
decent tradesmen, or youths drawn from the counter and desk,
inspired no doubt with a love of liberty and the Protestant
religion, but little qualified to oppose the approaching High-
landers.

One circumstance may here be mentioned, which seems to
have had a great effect in determining the subsequent events ;
namely, the ignorance which prevailed in the Lowlands regard-
ing the real character of the insurgents. The people were
indeed aware that, far in the north, there existed tribes of men
living each under the rule of its own chief, wearing a peculiar
dress, speaking an unknown language, and going armed even in
their most ordinary and peacefiil vocations. They occasionally
saw specimens of these following the droves of black-cattle
which were the sole exportable conunodity of their countiy —

1 The king arriTed in ^reat haste from Hanover on the 3xst of August.

84 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OP 1 745^6.

in Bannockbum House, the seat of Sir Hugh Paterson, a gentle-
man attached in the most enthusiastic manner to his cause. Sir
Hugh was descended from the last Archbishop of Glasgow, and
was married to a sister of the Earl of Mar, who commanded the
insurgent army in 17 15. The army lay upon the neighbouring
field of Sauchie, where King James III., in 148S, was defeated
and slain by his rebellious subjects.^ From this place Charles
sent a message to the magistrates of Stirling, who submitted to
him, and sent out provisions to be sold to the army.

On the 14th the Prince proceeded to Falkirk, yfhGce his army
lay all night among some broom to the east of Callander House.
He himself lodged in that mansion, where he was kindly enter-
tained, and assured of faithfU service, by the Earl of Kilmar-
nock. His lordship informing Charles that Gardiner^s dragoons
intended next day to dispute the passage of Linlithgow ]^dge,
Charles despatched a band of 900 well-armed Highlanders to
attack him, who, without delay, marched during the night on
this expedition. But the dragoons did not wait to come to
blows. They retired precipitately to Kirkliston, eight miles
nearer Edinburgh; and the Highlanders entered Linlithgow
without disturbance before break of day.

Charles brought up the remainder of the army to Linlithgow
about ten o'clock that forenoon, when he was only sixteen miles
from Edinburgh. It was Sunday, and the people were about to
attend worship in their ancient church; but the arrival of so
distinguished a visitor suspended their pious duties for at least
one day. Linlithgow, perhaps on account of its having been so
long a seat of Scottish royalty, was possessed by a Jacobite
spirit ; and on the present occasion, it is said that even some
of the magistrates could not restrain their loyal enthusiasm.
Charles was conducted in triumph to the palace, where a hand-
some entertainment was prepared for him by Mrs Glen Gordon,
the keeper of the house, who, in honour of the visit, set the
palace well flowing with wine, of which she invited all the

1 Lockhart Papers, ii. 444.

CHARLES'S MARCH UPON EDINBURGH. 85

respectable inhabitants of the burgh to partake. The Prince
mingled in their festivities with his usual grace. ^

The Highland army, at four o'clock in the afternoon, marched
to a rising ground between three and four miles to the eastward
(near the twelfth milestone from Edinburgh), where they
bivouacked, while the Prince slept in a neighbouring house.*
They proceeded next morning (Monday the i6th) towards
Edinburgh, jfrom which they were now distant only four hours'
march.

On reaching Corstorphine, Charles thought proper, in order
to avoid the guns of Edinburgh Casde, to strike off into a by-
road leading in a southerly direction towards the little village of
Slateford. His men there bivouacked for the night in a field
called Gray's Park, which at that time bore a crop of pease
nearly ripe. The tradition of Slateford relates, that the pro-
prietor of the ground applied to Charles at his lodgings for some
indemnification for the loss of his crop. He was asked if he
would take the Prince Regent's bill for the sum, to be paid
when the troubles of the country should be concluded. The
man hesitated at the name of the Prince Regent, and said he
would prefer a bill from some person whom he knew. Charlej

1 Mr Budcnay, provost of Linlithgow in 1745, vas a keen Jacobite. On the loth of June
precedisg the commencement of the insurrection, he had attended a sort oi /fie given in
ine palace by Mrs G!en Gordon, in honour of the old Chevalier's birthday, when a large
bonfire was kiadled in the inner court, the fountain in the centre adorned with flowers and
green boughs, and King James's health drunk. When the Highland army drew near, the
provost fled towards Edinburgh : but his wife and daughters remained, and waited upon
the Prince, with tartan gowns and white cockades, and had the honour of kissing his hand
at the cross. — See Jacobitism Triumphant', a pamphlet dated 1753, which appears to
have been occasioned by the following ridicalous circumstance. Some of the Jacobite
l^cncry around Linlithgow su^>ecting that the postmaster of the town (a notorious loyalist)
was in the habit of opening their letters and exposing them to government, Mr James
Dundas of Philipstoun wrote a letter to Provost Bucknay, of which the following are the
tfiasgima verba :

'SiK — Is it not very hard that you and I cannot keep up a correspondence for that
damned viibin of a postmaster? (Signed) Ja. Dckdas.*

They expected that the object of their suspicions would open this epistle, and be over-
whelmed with shame and rage. To their surprise, the letter passed inviolate. There
remained, however, the joke, of which the postmaster became aware some years after<
wards : and the pamphlet is a sort of memorial arising out of the process for defamation
wliich he then instituted against Mr Dundas before the Court of Session.

s Lockhart Papers, ii. 445.

8o HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OP 1 745^6.

thought she might obtain a much more satisfactory taste of
royalty, and made bold to ask permission 'to pree his royal
highnesses mou'.' Charles did not at first understand the
homely Scottish phrase in which this last request was made ;
but it was no sooner explained to him than he took her in his
arms and gave her a hearty kiss — ^to the no small vexation, it
is added, of the other ladies, who had contented themselves with
so much less liberal a share of princely grace. ^

At this period of his career Charles lost an expected adherent
in a mysterious manner. Stewart of Glenbuckie, the head of a
small sept of that family in Balquhidder, and Macgregor of
Glencaimaig, chief of his ancient and famous clan, were both
passing Leny House (above Callander) with their respective
* followings,' to join the Prince, when Mr Buchanan of Amprior,
proprietor of the house, came out and invited the two gentlemen
in to spend the night Glencaimaig positively refused to stop,
and marched on with his retainers ; but Glenbuckie consented
to accept of Amprior's hospitality. He supped with his host,
apparently in good spirits, and was in due time conducted to
his bedroom. According to another account, Mr Buchanan
went to meet Mr Stewart and his party in Strathyre, where they
had a dispute about the majorship of the Duke of Perth's
regiment' In any case, Stewart lodged that night in Leny
House, and was found next morning in his bed shot dead, with
a discharged pistol in his hand. Mr Buchanan alleged that the
unfortunate genderaan was the author of his own death ; but
was not generally believed. Glenbuckie's men took up the
body of their master, carried it home to their own glen, and did
not afterwards join the Prince.' Amprior also abstained from
joining in the enterprise, though well inclined to it Notwith-
standing practical neutrality, he was seized a short while before
the batde of CuUoden, and conducted to Carlisle, where an
unsigned letter of his, which had been intercepted on its way

1 Nimmo*f /fitiaiy ofSitrUngskire, edited by the Rev. Mr Macgregor Stirling, pL 564-

S Lyon in Mourning, MS.

' Infonnation from a daughter of deabudue, who was alive in 1827.

CHARLES'S MARCH UPON EDINBURGH. 85

respectable inhabitants of the burgh to partake. The Prince
mingled in their festivities with his usual grace.^

The Highland army, at four o'clock in the afternoon, marched
to a rising ground between three and four miles to the eastward
(near the twelfth milestone from Edinburgh), where they
bivouacked, while the Prince slept in a neighbouring house.*
They proceeded next morning (Monday the i6th) towards
Edinburgh, from which they were now distant only four hours'
march.

On reaching Corstorphine, Charles thought proper, in order
to avoid the guns of Edinbuigh Castle, to strike off into a by-
road leading in a southerly direction towards the little village of
Slateford. His men there bivouacked for the night in a field
called Gray's Park, which at that time bore a crop of pease
nearly ripe. The tradition of Slateford relates, that the pro-
prietor of the ground applied to Charles at his lodgings for some
indemnification for the loss of his crop. He was asked if he
would take the Prince Regent's bill for the sum, to be paid
when the troubles of the country should be concluded. The
man hesitated at the name of the Prince R^ent, and said he
would prefer a bill from some person whom he knew. Charles

I Mr Buclcnay, provost of Linltthgow in 1745, iras a keen Jacobite. On the 10th of June
preceding the commencement of the insurrection, he had attended a sort oi /fie given in
tae palace hj Mrs Glen Gordon, in honour of the old Chevalier's birthday, when a large
bonfire was IciadJed in the inner court, the fountain in the centre adorned with flowers and
green boughs, and King James's health drunk. When the Highland army drew near, the
frovost fled towards Edinburgh ; but his wife and daughters remained, and waited upon
xhe Prince, with taxtan gowns and white cockades, aiul had the honour of kissing his hand
at the cross. — See Jacobitism Triumphant ; a pamphlet dated 1753, which appears to
have been occasioned by the following ridiculous circumstance* Some of the Jacobite
gentry around Linlithgow suspecting that the postmaster of the town (a notorious loyalist)
^-as in the habit of opening their letters and exposing them to government, Mr James
Dundas of FhiHpsU>un wrote a letter to Provost Bucknay, of which the following are the
t^JMsimmverhaz

'Sir— Is it not very hard that you and I cannot keep up a correspondence for that
damned villain of a postmaster? (Signed) J a. Dundas.'

They expected that the object of their suspicions would open this epistle, and be over-
whelned with shame and rage. To their surprise, the letter passed inviolate. There
femained, however, the joke, of which the postmaster became aware some years after-
wards : and the pamphlet is a sort of memorial arising out of the process for defamation
which he then instituted against Mr Dundas bcl'ore the Court of Session.

t Lockhart Papers, ii. 445.

83 HISTORY OF THE REBELUON OF 1 745^6.

upon Stirling. Charles, therefore, found no opposition to
prevent him from taking this decisive and intrepid step, which
was, everything considered, much the same to him as the
passage of the Rubicon had been to a greater person. Hitherto
he had been in a land where the Highlanders had a natural
advantage over any troops which might be sent to oppose them ;
but he was now come to the frontier of a country where, if
they fought at all, they must fight on equal, or perhaps inferior
terms. The adventurer's heart was, however, screwed up to
every hazard. Some of his officers had just questioned the
propriety of venturing into a country so open and hostile ; and
various less decisive measures were proposed, and warmly
advocated. But Charles was resolved to make promptitude
and audacity his sole tactics and counsellors. Coming to the
brink of the river, he drew his sword, flourished it in the air, and
pointing to the other side, walked into the stream with an air
of resolution. The river having been somewhat reduced by a
course of diy weather, he found no difficulty in wading across.
When he reached the opposite side, he paused upon the bank,'
and congratulated every successive detachment as it reached
the land.

Charles dined in the afternoon of this day at Leckie House,
the seat of a Jacobite gentleman named Moir,* who had been
seized on the preceding night in his bed, and hurried to Stirling
Castle by the dragoons, on suspicion that he was preparing to
entertain the Chevalier.' The remainder of the day's march
was in a direction due south, to the Moor of Touch ; and it was
for a time uncertain whether Charles designed to attack Edin-
burgh or Glasgow. The latter presented great temptations, on
account of its being unprotected, and quite as wealthy as
Edinbui^h; and Charles had sufficient reason to owe it a
grudge, on account of its zeal against his family on all occasions

1 Dougal Graham's Metrical History ^ 15.

S Mr Moir had married the heiress of Leckie : his own patrimonial estate was a very
small one, at some distance. He would sometimes point out the latter to his friends at
Leckie House, saying slily : ' Von is my Hanover.'

* Lockhart Papers, ii. 487.

Charles's march upon Edinburgh. 83

when such zeal could be displayed. But the eclat of seizing the
seat of government, and the assurance of his Edinburgh friends
that he would easily be able to do so, proved decisive in con-
finning his own original wishes to that effect He, however,
sent off a detachment to demand a subsidy of ^15,000 from
the commercial capital^

The Highland army then moved eastwards, fetching a com-
pass to the south of Stirling, in order to avoid the castle gims.
Meanwhile, Colonel Gardiner, who had retreated from Stirling
the preceding night, continued to retire before them, design-
ing to fall back upon the other regiment, which was now
lying near Edinburgh. In this day's march the Prince passed
over the field of Bannockbum, where his illustrious ancestor,
Bruce, gained the greatest victory that adorns the Scottish
annals. He spent the night succeeding this brief day's march

1 Tbe oondnct of the iostugent ttxmy on fizst entering the Lowlands is minutely portrayed
Vy Dougal Graham, the metrical historian of the insurrection, who seems to have been
present, and observed their proceedings. The reader will be surprised to find young
Locheily with ali his amia^>le qualities, represented as shooting one of his dan for petty
Ibeft:

'Here for a space they took a rest.
And had refreshment of the best
The country round them could afford,
Though many found but empty board.
As sheep and cattle were drove away.
Vet hungry men sought for their prey ;
Took milk and butter, kirn and cheese.
On all kinds of eatables they seize :
And he who could not get a share,
sprang to the hills like dogs for hare ;
There shot the sheep and made them fall.
Whirled off the skin, and that was all ;
Struck up fires, and boiled the flesh ;
With salt and pepper did not fash.
This did enrage the Camerons' chief.
To see his men so play the thief;
And finding one into the act.
He fired, and shot him through the back ;
Then to the rest himself addressed :
" This is your lot, I do protest.
Whoe'er amongst you wrongs a man.
Pay what you get, I tell you plain ;
For yet we know not friend or foe,
Nor how all things may chance to go." '—P. id.

84 HISTORY OF THE RIBBLUOH OP I745-6.

in Bannockbum House, the seat of Sir Hugh Paterson, a gentle-
man attached b the most enthusiastic maimer to his cause. Sir
Hugh was descended from the last Archbishop of Glasgow, and
was married to a sister of the Earl of Mar, who commanded the
insurgent army in 1715. The army lay upon the neighbouring
field of Sauchie, where King James III., in 1488, was defeated
and slain by his rebellious subjects.' From this place Charles
sent a message to the magistrates of Stirling, who submitted to
him, and sent out provisions to be sold to the army.

On the 14th the Prioce proceeded to Falkirk, where his army
lay all night among some broom to the east of Callander House.
He himself lodged in that mansion, where he was kindly enter-
tained, and assured of faithfid service, by the Earl of Kilmar-
nock. His lordship informing Charles that Gardiner's dr^oons
intended next day to dispute the passage of Linlithgow ^dge,
Charles despatched a band of 900 well-armed Highlanders to
attack him, who, without delay, marched during the night on
this expedition. But the dragoons did not wait to come to
blows. They retired precipitately to Kirkliston, eight miles
nearer Edinburgh; and the Highlanders entered Linlithgow
without disturbance before break of day.

Charles brought up the remainder of the arniy to Linlithgow
about ten o'clock that forenoon, when he was only sixteen miles
from Edinburgh. It was Sunday, and the people were about to
attend worship in their ancient church; but the arrival of so
distinguished a visitor suspended their pious duties for at least
one day. Linlithgow, perhaps on account of its having been so
long a seat of Scottish royalty, was possessed by a Jacobite
spirit ; and on the present occasion, it is said that even some
of the magistrates could not restrain their loyal enthusiasm.
Cli.irlcs w.i.s ,-on,lurlu.l in Irl,;,..;.'. ;■■ i!,. | /.m ._. uliLrc :i hand-
some enlertainniL'ttt \v;is prcp.u^il inr liim by Mrs Glen ijordon,
the keeper of the house, who, in honoiffjLttsviwt, Bct the
palace well ilowing with wln&^^||iM^^|BjB^^ llic

CHARLES'S HAKCH UPON EDINBURGH. Z$

respectable inbabiants of the burgh to partake. The Prince
mingled ia their festivities with his usual grace.'

The Highland army, at four o'clock in the afternoon, marched
to a rising ground between tbiee and four miles to the eastward
(near the twelfth milestone from Edinbui^h), where they
bivouacked, while the Prince slept in a neighbouring house.'
They proceeded next morning (Monday the i6th) towards
Edinbm^h, &om which they were now distant only four hours'
march.

On reaching Corstoiphine, Charles thought proper, in order
to avoid the guns of Edinburgh Casde, to strike off into a by-
road leading in a southerly direction towards the little village of
Slateford. His men there bivouacked for the night in a iield
called Gray's Park, which at that time bore a crop of pease
nearly ripe. The tradidon of Slateford relates, that the pro-
prietor of the ground applied to Charles at his lodgings for some
indemnificadon for the loss of his crop. He was asked if he
would take the Prince Regcnf s bill for the sum, to be paid
when ti»e troubles of the country should be concluded. The
man hesitated at die name of the Prince Regent, and said he
would prefer a bill firom some person whom be knew, Charles

iMrBurkiuT, prm^vlefLiiilhhgawIn 1T41, wtuak«ii JacoUtc On ihc lolhaf Juna
FTtnTinK Ihr comTncncemenl of the inmiiKlioii, be had IttendKl a ton a(yHi given in
liK paLue bj Mn Glen GonSoD, in houour of the old Cbevalier't Urthdjiy, whea a brfc
lionfiie BU kiodlcd ia the inoer courl, the faimtain ia [he ccTKre adonied with flowcn Ukd
Eleen boughi, and Kmg Jamei'm health drunk. Whn Ihc Highland anny drew near, Ihe
jnnvB Bed towanll Edinburgh ; but bii wile and dauphins remained, and mited upoa
ifiePiim. with tulan eowmand while c«luid«, and had Iht honour of fciasinghiihand
a; Ibe croH See JacstiluiK TnKmfluinl ; a pamphlet daled i: ' ' '

«airy arouod Liniilhgow uupecling

S6 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OF 1745-6.

smiled at his caution, and asked if he would take the name of
the Duke of Perth, who was his countryman, and at tlie same
time a more credit-worthy man than he could pretend to be.
The rustic accepted a promissory-note from the duke.

CHAPTER VIIL

CAPTURE OF EDINBURGH.

* fCing Philip. Now, citizens of Angiers, ope your gates ;
Let in that amity which you have made.*

King jfohfu

The delay of the Highland army at Perth for a time subdued
the alarm which had been excited in Edinburgh by the first
intelligence of Charles's descent upon the Lowlands. But when
he set out from that city, and was understood to be marching
upon Edinburgh, all the terrors of the citizens were renewed, at
least of that part of them who looked upon the Highland army
as a public enemy, or who conceived their entrance into the city
to be inconsistent with the safety of private property. On the
other hand, the Jacobite part of the population could scarcely
conceal their joy at the news of every successive day's march
which Charles made towards the city.

The conflicting ferment into which the passions of all ranks
of people were thrown by the course of public events, was now
increased in a great degree by another agitating matter — ^the
election of heads of incorporations, which began to take place
on the loth of September, as preparatory to the nomination of
the magistrates. So engrossing a matter was this, that the
magistrates were obliged to discontinue the repairs which they
were making upon the city walls, because it was impossible to
get workmen to attend to their respective occupations.

Sir John Cope had sent one of his captains from Inverness

CAPTURE OF EDINBURGH. '87

early in the month, to order a number of transports to sail from
Leith to Aberdeen, in which he might bring back his men to
the shores of Lothian. These vessels sailed on the loth,
escorted by a ship of war ; and as the weather was excellent,
they were expected to return very soon with an army of reUef.
From that day the people of Edinburgh, according to Mr Home,
were continually looking up with anxiety to the vanes and
weathercocks, watching the direction of the wind.

As no certain dependence could be placed upon Cope's
arrival, the Whigs did not, in the meantime, neglect in aught
the training of their civic levies. Drills took place twice a day.
Professor Maclaurin, the celebrated mathematician, exerted all
his Acuities in completing the works of defence which he had
designed; and the walls began to bristle with old pieces of
cannon, which had been hastily collected from the country
around. The various gates or ports of the town were all strongly
barricaded, and a guard appointed to each. If we are to
believe this party, all their measures were thwarted and clogged
by difficulties thrown in their way by the provost. To one
proposal, he would object that he had no authority ; to another,
that it was treasonable — adding, with a sneer, that ' he knew no
treason but what the law had made so : ' some efforts of zeal he
scoffed at; others he held as more productive of danger than
safety. Personally, he afforded no active encouragement to any
plan of a defensive nature : some were suspiciously blundered in
the working : for example, in the digging of a ditch at the Well-
house Tower, under the castle, the earth was thrown outwards,
so as to be favourable to tihe assailing, rather than to the
defending party. Now, also, he gave cc^untenance and publicity
to every rumour which magnified the insurgent forces. The
Whigs accused him of having always had a set of Jacobites in
his company, from whom he seemed to take counsel. Then- own
advices were, on the other hand, listened to with reluctance.

No incident of importance occurred in Edinburgh till Sunday
the 15th, when, a false alarm reaching the city that the insur-
gents were advanced within eight miles, it was proposed that

88 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OF 1 745-6.

Hamilton's and Gardiner's regiments of dragoons should make a
stand at Corstorphine, supported by a body of infantry com-
posed of the volunteers, Edinburgh Regiment, and Town-guard.
Public worship had commenced this day at the usual hour of
ten^ and the ministers were all preaching with swords by their
sides, when the fire-bell was rung as a signal of approaching
danger, and the churches were instandy deserted by their con-
gregations. The people found the volunteers ranked up in the
Lawnmark'et, ready to march out of town; and immediately
after, Hamilton's dragoons rode up the street, on their way
from Leith to Corstorphine. These heroes clashed their swords
against each other as they rode along, and displayed, in their
language, the highest symptoms of courage. The volunteers,
put into heart by the formidable appearance of these squadrons,
uttered a hearty huzza, and the people threw up their hats in
the air. But an end was soon put to this affectation of bravery.
The mothers and sisters of the volunteers began to take alarm
at seeing them about to march out to battle, and with tears,
cries, and tender embraces, implored them not to hazard their
precious lives. Even their male relations saw fit to advise them
against so dangerous a measure, which, they said, staked their
valuable persons against a worthless rabble. Many then began
to demur, saying that they had engaged to defend the town, but
not to march out of it At this juncture Captain ex-provost
Drummond, anxious to stop the spreading n^urmurs, led off his
company down the West Bow towards the West Port, trusting
that the rest would follow. His astonishment was great when,
on reaching the Port, and looking round, he found that, so far
from other companies having followed, his own had melted
away in the course of its brief march, and he had only a few of
his immediate friends behind him. Some had gone back to the
Lawnmarket ; others had slipped down doses^ as lanes are called
in Edinburgh, and thus vanished. A city wag afterwards com-
pared their march to the course of the Rhine, which at one
place is a majestic river flowing through fertile fields, but, being
continually drawn off by little canals, at last becomes a small

CAPTURE OF EDINBURGH. 89

rivulet, and almost ceases to be distinguishable before reaching
the ocean.*

Drummond immediately sent back a lieutenant to know what
had detained the regiment ; and this gentleman, out of all who
remained in the Lawnmarket, found one hundred and forty-one
who still retained some sense of either shame or courage, and
professed to be willing to march out of town. The lieutenant
brought these down to the West Port, where, being added to
the Town-guard and the half-fledged subscription-regiment, they
made up a body of three hundred and sixty-three men, besides
oflicers.

Even this insignificant band was destined to be further
reduced before making a movement against the approaching
danger. As they were standing within the West Port, before
setting out, Dr Wishart, a clergyman of the city, and Principal
of the College, came with several other clergymen, and con-
jured the volunteers to remain within the walls, and reserve
themselves for the defence of the city. The words of the
reverend man appealed directly to the sentiments of the persons
addressed ; only a few affected a courage which could listen to
no proposals of peace. Happily, their manhood was saved the
shame of a direct and point-blank retreat Drummond having
sent a message to the provost, bearing, that unless he gave his
final p^mission for their inarch, they should not proceed, they
were gratified with an answer, in which the provost congratu-
lated them upon their resolution not to march; on which
Drummond withdrew, with the air of a man who is balked by
malice in a design for the public service ; and all the rest of the
volunteers dispersed, except a few, chiefly hot-headed college
youths, who resolved to continue in arms till the end of the
war.* Meanwhile the Town-guard and Edinburgh Regiment, in

1 Tnte Account e/iJu Cimduci and BeltAviour of Provost Archibald Stewart, p. 18.

t A story is told of one John Maclure, a writing-master, who, knowing the irresolution of
his fellow-volunteers, and that they would never fight, assumed what the reviewer of Mr
Home's Works {Qtiar. Rev. No. 71) calls 'a professional cuirass;' namely, a quire of
writing-paper, Ufwn which he wrote: 'This is the body of John Maclure — ^pray, give it a
Christian burial.' The same humorist, finding himself jostled in the ranks at the West
Fort, called out : ' Stand about ! we *re all alike burgestet here*

9© HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OF I74S-6.

number one hundred and eighty men, marched out, by order of
the provost, to support the dragoons at Corstorphine ; being the
whole force which the capital of Scodand found it possible on
this occasion to present against the descendant of its ancient
kings.

It was generally expected that an attack would be made
during the succeeding night The walls were guarded by six or
seven hundred men, consisting of trained bands, volunteers,
armed seceders, and a few of the Duke of Bucdeuch*s tenants ;
but no pains were taken by the magistrates to encourage,
refresh, or duly relieve these men. If a Whig reporter is to be
believed, it was even found that, at eleven at night, one of the
gates — one presented towards the position of the enemy — ^was
standing wide open, without a sentry!^ In the course of the
night, the two regiments of dragoons retired to a field betwixt
Leith and Edinburgh, and the infantiy entered the city.
Brigadier-general Fowkes arrived on the same night from
London, in order to take the command of this little army of
protection. He did so next morning; and by an order from
General Guest, governor of the castie, marched out to Colt-
bridge, a place two miles to the west of the city, where he was
joined in the course of the forenoon by the civic troops.

A person who saw these soldiers at their post,' describes
them as having been drawn up in the open field to the east of
the bridge, in the form of a crescent, with Colonel Gardiner at
their head, who, on account of his age and infirm health, was
muffled in a wide blue surcoat, with a handkerchief drawn round
his hat, and tied under his chin. The Edinburgh Regiment
and Town-guard he describes as looking extremely dismal ; but
certainly their hearts could not be fainter than tiiose of the
dragoons. The event shewed that few had escaped the panic
of this momentous day.

1 This important fact is ttkXtdtJrtmt ^ersoMal knewltdgt, by a volunteer, in a paper (now
in my possession) which aiq>eaxs to have been drawn up for the information of the SoUcitofo
generaL The gate was that called Bristo Port, which might be considered, on this
occasion, as the second in point of importance.

* Henderson's History o/tke RibtUion, 43.

CAPTURE OF EDINBURGH. 9 1

On retreating the preceding night to their quarters between
Edinbozgh and Leith, the dragoons had left a small recon-
noitring party at Corstorphirie, which is about two miles in
advance of Coltbridge. It was with this party that the panic
commenced. The insurgents, observing them on their approach
to Corst6rphine, sent forward one or two of their number on
horseback to take a view of them, and bring a report of their
number. These gentlemen, riding up pretty near, thought
proper to fire their pistols towards the party; and the poor
dragoons immediately, in the greatest alarm, wheeled about,
without returning a shot, and retired upon the main body at
Coltbridge, to whom they communicated all their fears. The
whole party immediately broke up, and commenced a retreat,
not to Edinburgh, with the design of still defending it within the
walls, but to the open country beyond it In this movement,
afterwards styled the Canter of Colibrigg^ the men rode over the
ground now occupied by the New Town, where they were
exposed to the view of the citizens. The Jacobites beheld the
spectacle with ill-concealed pleasure, while the Whigs were
proportionately discouraged

A clamour immediately rose in the streets, which, till this
period, had been crowded with anxious faces; and hundreds
ran about, crying that it was madness to think of defending the
town after the dragoons had fled, and that if this measure was
persisted in, ' they should all be murdered !' A message from
the young Chevalier* had previously been delivered to them,
importing that, if they admitted him peaceably into the town,
they should be civilly dealt with, but that resistance would
subject them to all the pains of military usage ; and the general
cry now was, that the town should be surrendered. The provost,
in returning from the West Port, where he had been giving
orders, in consequence of the retreat of his militia, was assailed

1 Delivered between ten and eleren in the forenoon by Mr Alves, a gentleman of Edin-
burgh, who had passed the Highland army on the road, and been intrusted with it by the
Dnke of Perth. Mr Alves was put into prison that afternoon by the proTOst, for having
been so imprudent as to communicate the message to the people on the streets, instead of
oonfiniag it to his lordship's own ear.

9* HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OF 1745-^.

«

upon the street by multitudes of the alarmed inhabitants, and
implored to call a meeting of the citizens, to detennine what
should be done. He consented with some reluctance to do so,
or rather the people pressed so close around him and his
council in their chamber, that a meeting was constituted without
his consent He then sent for the officers of the crown, whose
advice he wished to ask ; but it was found, to the still greater
consternation of the people, that all these gentlemen had
deserted the city. The meeting was then adjourned to a lai^er
place, the New Church Aisle, where the question of * Defend,
or not defend, the town ' being put, by far the greater part of
those present exclaimed in favour of the latter alternative, and
all who attempted to urge the contrary measure were borne
down by clamour. Whig reporters of tiie time call tiiis a packed
assembly ; but it appears to have fairly enough represented the
general feeling of the moment While the ferment was at its
height, a letter was handed in from the door, addressed to the
Lord Provost, Magistrates, and Town-council of Edinburgh.
Deacon Orrock, a shoemaker, got this document into his hands,
and announced that it was subscribed * Charles, P. R.' On this
the provost rose, and saying he could not be present at the
reading of such a letter, left the assembly. He was, however,
prevailed upon, after some time, to return, and permit the letter
to be read, when it was found to run as follows :

* /hwf our CamPf 16/,* Septanber 1 745.

* Being now in a condition to make our way into the capital of
his majest)r's ancient kingdom of Scotland, we hereby summon
you to receive us, as you are in duty bound to do ; and in order
to it, we hereby require you, on receipt of this, to summon the
Town-council, and to take proper measures for securing the
peace of the city, which we are very desirous to protect But
if you suffer any of the usurper's troops to enter the town, or
any of the cannon, arms, or ammunition now in it (whether
belonging to the public or to private persons) to be carried
off, we shall take it as a breach of your duty, and a heinous
offence against the kins: and us, and shall resent it accordingly.

CAPTURE OF EDINBTJRGH. 93

We promise to preserve all the rights and liberties of the city,
and the particular property of every one of his majesty's subjects.
But if any opposition be made to us, we cannot answer for the
consequences, being firmly resolved, at anyrate, to enter the
dty I and in that case, if any of the inhabitants are found in
arms against us, they must not expect to be treated as prisoners
of war. Charles, P. R.*

The tenor of this letter decided the meeting in their proposal
for a capitulation, and a deputation, headed by Bailie Gavin
Hamilton (lather of the late ingenious inquirer into the nadonal
debt), was despatched to Slateford, where they understood
Charles to have taken up his quarters for the night, with power
to entreat time for deliberation.

In the course of the afternoon, when the inhabitants were
violently debating in the New Church Aisle, a gentleman, whose
person was not recognised by any one, rode up the West Bow
upon a gray horse, and rushing rapidly along the lines of the
volunteers, where they were standing in the Lawnmarket, cried
with a loud voice that he had seen the Highlanders, and they
were 16,000 strong! Without stopping to be questioned, he
was out of sight in a moment; but the impression he made
upon the faint-hearted volunteers was decisive. Four com-
panies immediately marched up to the Castle-hill, and sur-
rendered their arms to General Guest, from whom they had
received them ; and their example was speedily followed by all
the different bodies of militia that had been supplied with arms
from the castle magazine. When this transaction was com-
pleted, Edinburgh might be said to have virtually resigned all
hope of defence, though the Trained Bands still continued upon
the walls, with their rusty firelocks in their hands, and the gates
were still barricaded

Throughout these scenes of civic pusillanimity, there were
not wanting instances of vigorous resolution and consistent
loyalty. Mr Joseph Williamson, an advocate (son to the cele-
brated Afass David Wiliiamson^ minigfrpr of the West Chmch of

94 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OF 1745-6.

Edinburgh during the reigns of the last Charles and James),
who had been intrusted with the keys of the gates, on account
of his office of town-clerk, on being asked by the provost to
deliver up his charge, absolutely refused to do so; and when
commanded peremptorily by his lordship, implored that he
might be permitted at least to escape over the walls, so as not
to share in what he considered the general disgrace of the city.^
A similar enthusiast, by name Dr Stevenson, though he had
long been bed-rid through age and disease, sat for some days,
as one of the guards, at the Netherbow Port, in his arm-chair fl

The deputies, who had gone out in a carriage to Slateford
at eight o'clock, returned at ten, with a letter from Charles,
reiterating his demand to be peaceably admitted into the town,
and pointing out that his manifesto and his father's declaration
were a sufficient guarantee for the protection of the city.* By
this time the magistrates had been informed, though it after-
wards appeared prematurely, that General Cope's transports
were arrived off Dunbar (twenty-seven miles east from the city),
and felt disposed to hold out, in the hope of speedy relief from
a government army. A second deputation of two persons (one
of whom was father of the late Mr Coutts, banker) was therefore
sent to Slateford about two o'clock in the morning, with a
petition for a little longer time.

According to one account, the Prince simply refused to admit

1 Williamson did go over the walls through die night, and was the first man to reach
London with the intelligence of the surrender of Edinburgh.

* MS. Note to a copy of Lord Hailes's pamphlet against the extension of the city of
Edinburgh, 1753.

s The letter was as follows :

' His Royal Highness the Prince Regent thinks his manifesto, and the king his father's
declaration, already published, are a sufficient capitulation for all his Majesty's subjects
to accept of with joy. Hb present demands are to be received into the city as the son and
representative of the king his father, and obeyed as such when he is there.

* His Royal Highness supposes that since the receipt of his letter to the Provost and
Magistrates, no arms or ammunition have been suffered to be carried off or concealed,
and will expect a particular account of all things of that nature.

' Lastly, he expects a poative answer to this before two o'clock in the morning, otherwise
he will find himself obliged to take measures conform.

By hi> Royal Highnesi's command,

John Murray.
*At Cmyt Mm, xUh Stft. 174S.'

CAPTURE OF EDINBURGH. 95

them to his presence ; but Mr Home says that they prevailed
on Lord George Murray to second their application ; and from
another source * we have the actual words of a reply sent to
them : * His Royal Highness has already given all the assurances
he can, that he intends to exact nothing of the city in general,
nor of any in particular, but what his character of regent entitles
him to. This he repeats, and renews his summons to the
magistrates to receive him as such.' Dated at three in the
morning. The deputies were then ordered * to get them gone.'*
Charles, during this anxious night, slept only two hours, and
that without taking off his clothes^^ Finding that the inhabit-
ants of £dinbuigh were paltering with him, and afraid that the
city would soon be relieved, he gave orders, at an early hoiu* in
the morning, for an attempt to take the city by surprise. The
gentlemen whom he selected for this purpose were Locheil,
Keppoch, Ardshiel, and Sullivan. They were commanded to
take the best anned of their respective parties, to the amount of
about nine hundred, together with a barrel of powder, to blow
up one of the gates if necessary. Mr Murray of Broughton,
who was well acquainted with the localities, acted as guide.
This band mustered by moonlight upon the Borough Moor,
where they could hear the watches calling the roimds within the
castle. Strict silence and abstinence from intoxicating liquors
were enjomed the men. Several plans for breaking into the
dty were agitated ; but at length it was determined to attempt
getting access by stratagem. A select party of twenty-four was
planted close to the Netherbow Port ; another party of sixty took
station in St Mary's Wynd, close by ; while the remainder hung
a little way off, but ready to advance at a moment's notice.
Locheil then sent forward one of his men, disguised in a riding-
coat and hunting-cap, so as to appear as the servant of an officer
of dragoons, in which character he was to knock at the wicket,
and request admission, under pretence of being sent by his
master to bring something which had been forgot in the city.

* Ltod in Mourning. MS. * Provost Stewart's Trial 8 CaUdoniaH Mercury,

96 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OF 1745-6.

The man did as he was bid; but without success, the guard
ordering him to retire, under pain of being shot at The chiefs
were now at a loss how to proceed, for mom was breaking, and
Locheil was anxious to avoid using violence. Mr Murray of
Broughton recommended that they should retire to St Leonard's
Crags, and wait for further orders ; and they were about to
follow this advice, when an accident enabled them to accom-
plish their object The hackney<oach which took out the last
party of deputies to Slateford, and afterwards brought them
back to the city, was now returning to its master's quarters in
the Canongate. The pcMt was opened, contrary to orders, to
allow it egress ; and no sooner had that been done, than the
Highlanders, who had not yet retired, rushed in and took
possession of the gate.^ The guard was so slender, that this
feat was much more easily performed than they expected ; but
not knowing what resistance they might meet, they rushed into
the High Street, sword in hand, with one of those outcries with
which they were accustomed to make an onset in the field of
battle.* The neighbouring people, roused from their beds,
looked over their windows, and beheld in the dusk of the
morning their street filled with a thickening troop of those
enemies whom they had been so anxious to exclude, while the
pipes screamed out a stormy pibroch, such as might have suited
a day of fight* A first object of the intruding party was to
seize the guard-house in the High Street, and disarm the men
posted there. They then went to the different ports of the city,
and also to all the posts upon the walls, and relieved the guards,
as quietly, says Mr Home, as one guard relieves another in the

1 The first man who entered the city was Captain Evan Macgregor, a younger son of
Macgr^;or of Glencaimaig, and grandfather to Sir Evan Murray Macgregor, Bart., chief
of this andent dan. In consideration of his gallantry, he was tlut night raised to a
majority by the Prince at Holyrood House. — MS, Account of the Campaign by Duncan
Macpharig.

s Lockhart Papers, ii. 488.

S The tune was called hi^e *Uawa io Sherramuir to hand the Whigs in order, according
to the report of an aged female, whose mother, servant at the time to Commissioner
Cochrane (father of the mechanical EaH of Dundonald), saw from her master's windows
m the Netherhow the soene above described.

CAPTURE OF EDINBURGH. 97

routine of duty on ordinary occasions.^ They fixed a strong
guard at the head of the West Bow, to cut ofif all communication
between the city and the castle, using the Weigh-house as their
court of guard ; and the remainder of the body drew themselves
up in two lines upon the street, to await the arrival of the army.
When the inhabitants began to stir at their usual hour of rising,
they found the government of the city transferred from the
magistrates in the name of King George, to the Highlanders in
the name of King James.^

1 Mr Home periiaps adopted this idea from a saying to the same effect which tradition
puts into the mouth of a Highlander. A citixen of Edinburgh, taking a stroll round the
walk on the morning of this momentous day, observed a mountaineer sitting astride upon
a cannoD, with an air of great vigilance and sdemnity, as if deeply impressed with a sense
of his duty as a sentinel The dtuen accosted him with a remark, that surely these were
not the aune troops which mounted guard yesterday. * Och, no,' said the Highlander,
* she pe relieved.'

* At the period of these memorable transactions, there were two newspapers regularly
pobfished in Edinburgh — the Evening Caurant and the CaUdomoH Mercury. The
farmer cootintied throughout all the subsequent campaign to express such violent hostility
to the insurgents, that the editor was burned in effigy at Rome on the xoth of June 1746,
amongst the other festivities widi which the birthday of the old Chevalier was there cele-
brated. The Mercury, on the contrary, was so enthusiastic a Jacobite, that it was after-
wards very much discountenanced and even persecuted by government There is something
quite amusing in the conduct of the Courant on the occasion of Charles's entry into
Edinburgh. So long as the Highlanders were at a distance, the editor talks of them with
the most dignified contempt. Even when they had pushed their way to Perth, he describes
thfun as * a pitiful ignorant crew, good for nothing, and incapable of giving any reason for
their proceedings, but talking only of sttisAing'f King Jamesk, ta rxuhant [the regent],
fhmter, and nem /rogues.* AXtyecf successive advance, however, which they made
towards Edinburgh, and at every additional symptom of imbecility displayed by the pro-
tecton of the dty, this tone is perceptibly decreased, till at last, in the number for Tuesday,
September 17, it is altc^ther extinguished, and we only find a notice to the following
effect : ' By order of Mr Murray of Broughton, Secretary^ Since our last, the Prince,
with his Highland army, has taken possession of this place ; but we must refer you for
panicniars to our nexL' Our next, however, did not come out for a week, instead of
appearing, as it ought to have done, at the distance of two days : and during the whole
stay of the Prince in Edinburgh, the editor seems fain to say as little on either side as
possible. The Mercury, which, as already mentioned, was then under the charge of
Rnddiman, the distinguished grammarian, both talks with more respect of the Highland
army when at a distance, and afterwards becomes more readily its organ of intelligence,
than the CffurwU. In the first publication after the capture of Edinburgh,. ' affairs ' are
stated to have ' taken a surprising turn in this city since yesterday, Highlanders and bag-
pipes being now as common in our streeta as formeriy were dragoons and drums.' Then
follows an account of the taking of the city, concluding with a statement that 'the
Highlanders behave most dvilly ta the inhabitants, paying cheerfully for everything they
get,' &C. Both papers are printed without the affix of a printer's or publisher's name— a
drcumstance v^iich ax once indicated their terror of goveramentr and the compulsion under

G

98 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OF 1 745-6.

CHAPTER IX.

PRINCE CHARLES'S ENTRY INTO EDINBURGH.

' To match this monarch, with strong Ardte came
Emetrius, king of Inde, a mighty name.
On a bay courser goodly to behold —
* * • •

His amber-coloured locks in ringlets run

With gracefiil negligence, and shone against the son $

His nose was aquiline, his eyes were blue,

Ruddy his lips, and fresh and fair his hue :

Some sprinkled freckles on his &oe were seen*

Whose dusk set off the whiteness of his skin ;

His awful presence did the crowd surprise.

Nor durst the rash spectator meet his eyes —

Eyes that confessed him bom for kingly sway,

So fierce, they flashed intolerable day.*

Paiamon and A rati.

Intelligence of the capture of Edmbuigh having been con-
veyed to the Prince, he prepared, at an early hour, to leave his
lodgings in Slateford, and lead forward the remainder of his
army. This march, though short, was not altogether free of

which the Highland army had Uid them. They are also unstamped ; because the Stamp-
office, as well as the banks and other public offices, had been removed into the castle
before the army approached.

It remains to be stated, that Provost Archibald Stewart was afterwards apprehended,
and, being confined for fourteen months, and only liberated on finding bail to the enonnous
amount of ;£i5,ooo^ was tried by the High Court of Jiutidary, upon an obs<riete statute of
the Scottish James IL, 'for neglect of duty, and misbehaviour in the eawcution of his
office.' The trial, which took place in March 1747, lasted for two or three days, and was
conndered the inost solemn ever witnessed in this country. He wtfs acquitted by a
unanimous jtuy. My impression is, that Mr Stewart acted throughout exacdy as might
have been expected of a Jacobite who wished to keep a fair face towards the govemmenL
On the other hand, after the government troops had committed the blunder of leaving the
Lowlands exposed, great daring for the repulse of the Highlanders was not to be reasonably
expected in Edinhuigh ; and the citisens at large most unquestionably betrayed feelings
which gave only too good a colour to the actual proceedings of their provost.

PRINCE Charles's entry into Edinburgh, 99

danger; for he could see from his present position the flag
of defiance flaunting on the battiements of the castle, and
apparently daring him to venture within the scope of its guns.
The eminent position of that fortress was such as to command
nearly the whole country for miles around, and it was a matter
of diifiailty to discover a path which should conduct him to the
dty without being exposed to its fire. Some of his train,
however, by their acquaintance with the localities, enabled him
to obviate this petty danger.

By the direction of his guides, Charles made a circuit to
the south of Edinburgh, so as not only to maintain a safe
distance fipom the casUe, but to keep some swelling grounds
between, which screened him from its view. Debouching upon
the open or turnpike road near Momingside, and turning towards
the dty, he reached a sequestered and almost obsolete cross-
road, which turns ofif to the east by the house of Grange, and
completely predudes the view of the dty or casUe. Charles
conducted his army along this road, and soon entered the
icing's Park near Prestonfield, by a breach which had been made
in the walL^

It must have been with elated feelings that Charles traversed
this venerable domain, whose recesses had so often sounded to
the bugle-horn of his royal ancestors. Leaving his troops about
noon in the Hunter's Bog, a deep and sheltered valley betwixt
Arthur's Seat and Salisbury Crags, he rode forward, with the
Duke of Perth on one hand, and Lord Elcho on the other,^
some other gentlemen coming up behind. When he reached
the eminence under St Anthony's Well, where he for the first
time came within sight of the palace, he alighted from his
hoise,' and paused a few moments to survey the scene.

The park and gardens below, intervening betwixt the Prince
and the palace, were now filled with the inhabitants of Edin-
burgh, who, on learning that he approached the city in this

1 Lockluut Papers, ii. 446.

> This young nobleman, son of the Earl of Wemyss, had joined htm the night before.

S Hist. Reb., with an Account 0/ the Ccnin* and Temptroftfu Cians,

lOO HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OF I745-6.

quarter, had flocked in great numbers to see him. The crowd
consisted of all ranks and persuasions of people, excepting
only those who had taken a leading part in opposing his
entrance into the city. The Jacobites of course abounded;
and many of these now approached Charles, where he was
standing beside his horse, and knelt to kiss his hand. He
received their homage and congratulations with smiles, and
bowed gracefully to the huzza which immediately after rose from
the crowded plain below.^

Descending to the Duke's Walk, a footpath through the park,
so called from having been the favourite promenade of his
grandfather, he stood for a few minutes to shew himself to the
people. As it was here that he might be said to have first
presented himself to the people of Scotland, it may be necessary
to describe his appearance.

The figure and presence of Charles are said by one of his
historians, who saw him on this occasion,' to have been not
ill suited to his lofty pretensions. He was in the prime of
youth, tall and handsome, of a fair complexion ; he wore a
light-coloured peruke, the ringlets of which descended his back
in graceful masses, and over the front of which his own pale
hair was neatly combed His complexion was ruddy, and, from
its extreme delicacy, slightly marked with freckles. His visage
was a perfect oval, and his brow had all the intellectual but
melancholy loftiness so remarkable in the portraits of his
ancestors. His neck, which was long, but not tmgracefully so,
had, according to the fashion of the time, no other covering or
encumbrance than a slender stock buckled behind. His eyes
were large and rolling, and of a light blue. The fair, but not
ill-marked eyebrows which surmounted these features were
beautifully arched. His nose was round and high, and his

1 ' He came to the royal palace, at the abbey of Holyrood House, amidst a vast crowd of
spectators, who, from town and country, flocked together to see this vmcommon sight,
expressing their joy and surprise together by long and loud htmas. Indeed the whole
scene, as I have been told by many, was rather like a dream, so quick and amaxing seemed
the change, though no doubt wise people saw well enough we had much to do stilL' —
yaumalist in Lockkari Papen, ii. 489.

* Mr Home.

FIUHCB CHARLES'S ENTRY INTO EDINBURGH. lOI

month small in proportion to the rest of his features. He was
sbove five feet ten in stature, and his body was of that straight
and round description which is said to indicate not only perfect

PRINCE CHARLES EDWARD STUART.
From Stnmge's conlemporaiy engraving.

lymmetry, but also the valuable requisites of agility and health
In the language of one of his adherents,* he was as ' straight

wntcF ibu ht ' would Aflbt, ru

102 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OF 1745-6.

as a lance, and as round as an egg.' By all ladies who ever saw
him, his person was excessively admired; and the powers of
fascination which he could exercise over the male sex have been
sufficiently attested. On the present occasion he wore a blue
velvet bonnet, bound with gold lace, and adorned at top with a
white satin cockade, the well-known badge of his party. He
had a short tartan coat, on the breast of which hung the star
of the order of St Andrew. A blue sash, wrought with gold,
came gracefully over his shoulder. He wore small-clothes
of red velvet, a pair of military boots, and a silver-hilted
broadsword.^

After he had stood for a few minutes in the midst of the
people, he mounted a fine bay gelding, which had been pre-
sented to him by the Duke of Perth, and slowly rode towards
the palace. Being an excellent horseman, a murmur of admira-
tion ran at this moment through the crowd, which soon amounted
to, and terminated in, a long and loud huzza. Around him, as
he rode, there was a small guard of ancient Highlanders,^ whose
outlandish and sunburned £aices, as they were occasionally turned
up with reverence towards the Prince, and occasionally cast with
an air of stupid wonder over the crowd, formed not the least
striking feature in this singular scene.

The Jacobites, delighted beyond measure by the gallant
aspect of their idol, were now indulging themselves in the most
extravagant teims of admiration. Witii their usual propensity
to revert to the more brilliant periods of the Scottish monarchy,
they fondly compared Charles to King Robert Bruce, whom
they said he resembled in his figure,' as they fondly anticipated
he would also do in his fortunes. The Whigs, however, though
compelled to be cautious in the expression of their sentiments,
talked of him in a different style. They acknowledged he was
a goodly person, but observed that, even in that triumphant

I ffisf. Reb., tnih an Account of the Genius and Temper of the Clam.

* Most of them stooping with age, and imperfectly armed. See Hiti. of the Riwe,
Progrets, €Md Extinction of the Reb. in Scot, 8vo. London, sold by R. Thomson, ftc,
p. 30. (A violent party production.)

3 Home's Works, uL 71.

PRINCE Charles's entry into Edinburgh. 103

liotir, when about to enter the palace of his fathers, the air of
his countenance was languid and melancholy ; that he looked
like a gentleman and man of fashion, but not like a hero or a
conqueror.^

Charles approached Holyrood House by the same path over
which Geoige IV., seventy-seven years after, was drawn thither
in his daily progresses from Dalkeith. As he was parading
along, the Duke of Perth stopped him a little, while he
described the limits and peculiar local characteristics of the
King's Park. It was observed on this occasion by an eye-
witness, that during the whole five minutes the duke was
expatiating, Charles kept his eye bent sideways upon Lord
Elcho (who stood aside at a little distance), and seemed lost
in a mental speculation about that new adherent As the proces-
sion— for such it might be termed — ^moved along the Duke*s
Walk, the crowd greeted the principal personage with two
distinct huzzas, which he acknowledged with bows and smiles.
The general feeling of the crowd seemed to be a very joyful
one, arising in some cases from the influence of political pre-
possessions, in many others from gratified curiosity, and perhaps
in still more from ^e satisfaction with which they had observed
the fate of the city so easily decided that morning. Many had
previously conceived Charles to be only the leader of a band of
predatoiy barbarians, at open warfare with property, and prepared
to commit any outrage for the accomplishment of his purposes.
They now regarded him in the interesting light of an injured
prince, seeking, at the risk of life, one single noble object, which
did not very obviously concern their personal interests. All,
more or less, resigned themselves to the charm with which the
presence of royalty is so apt to be attended. Youthful and
handsome ; gallant and daring ; the leader of a brave and hardy
band; the commander and object of a most extraordinary
enterprise ; unfortunate in his birth and prospects, but making
apparently one manly effort to retrieve the sorrows of his fate ;

1 Home*! Worict, iii. 71.

104 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OF 1745-6.

the descendant of those time-honoured persons by whose sides
the ancestors of those who saw him had fought at Bannockbum
and Flodden ; the representative of a family peculiarly Scottish,
but which seemed to have been deprived of its birthright by the
machinations of the hated English — Charles was a being calcu-
lated to excite the most fervent emotions amongst the people
who surrounded him. The modem sovereign, as he went over
the same ground in his splendid chariot, was beheld with respect,
as the chief magistrate of the nation ; but the boot of Charles
was dimmed, as he passed along, with kisses and tears.

A remarkable instance of the effect of these feelings occurred
as Charles was entering the palace. When he had proceeded
along the piazza within the quadrangle, and was just about to
enter the porch of what are called the Hamilton apartments,
the door of which stood open to receive him^ a gentleman of
mature age stepped out of the crowd, drew his sword, and,
raising it aloft, marshalled the way before him up-stairs. James
Hepburn of Keith, in East Lothian, who adopted this con-
spicuous mode of enlisting himself, did not act altogether under
the influence of a devoted attachment to the Stuart family, but
was stimulated by a sense of the injustice of the Union, which
he said had ruined his country, and reduced a Scottish gentle-
man from being a person of some estimation to being the same
as nobody. Since the insurrection of 17 15, in which he was
engaged, he had for thirty years kept himself in constant
readiness to strike another blow for what he considered the
independence of his country. Learned and intelligent, advanced
in life, and honoured by all parties of his countrymen, this man
is said by Mr Home, who knew him, to have been a perfect
model of ancient simplicity, manliness, and honour. That he
was inspired with as pure and noble a sense of patriotism as
any Whig that ever breathed, it is impossible to doubt The
Jacobites beheld with pride a person so accomplished set the
first example in Edinburgh of joining the Prince; auguring that
his * silver hairs ' would * purchase them a good opinion.* The
Whigs, on the other hand, by whom he was equally admired.

PRINCE Charles's entry into Edinburgh. 105

looked with pity upon a brave and worthy gentleman thus
offering himself up a sacrifice to the visionary idea of national
independence.^

The Prince being thus established in his paternal palace, it
was the next business of his adherents to proclaim his father at
the Cross. The party which entered the city in the morning
had taken care to secure the heralds and pursuivants whose
business it was to perform such ceremonies. About one o'clock,
therefore, an armed body was drawn up around the Cross ; and
that venerable pile, which, notwithstanding its association with
so many romantic events, was soon after removed by the
magistrates, had the honour of being covered with carpet for
the occasion.^ The officers were clothed in their fantastic but
rich old dresses, in order to give all the usual kdat to this
disloyal ceremony. David Beatt, a Jacobite teacher of Edin-
burgh,' then proclaimed King James, and read the commission
of regency, with the declaration dated at Rome in 1743, and a
manifesto in the name of Charles Prince Regent, dated at Paris,
May 16, 1745* An immense multitude witnessed the solemnity,
which diey greeted with hearty but partial huzzas. The ladies,
who viewed the scene from their lofty lattices in the High
Street, strained their voices in acclamation, and waved white
handkerchiefs in honour of the day.^ The Highland guard
looked round the crowd with faces expressing wild joy and
triumph, and, with the license and extravagance appropriate to
the occasion, fired off their pieces in the air. The bagpipe was
not wanting to greet the name of James with a loyal pibroch ;
and during the ceremony, Mrs Murray of Broughton, whose
enthusiasm was only surpassed by her beauty, sat on horseback
beside the Cross, with a drawn sword in her hand, and her
person profusely decorated with white ribbons, which signified
devotion to the house of Stuart^

1 Home's Works, iiL 79. > CtUtdomoH Mttctay,

s Boyse's Histcry 9f tht Rebellim, « Mr Home. • Boyie, 77.

I06 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OF 1 745-6.

CHAPTER X.
cope's preparations.

' Cope sent a letter firom Dmibar,
Saying : ** Charlie, meet me if ye daur.
And I '11 learn you the art of war.
Right early in the morning.'* '

Jacobite Song.

Whilst the Highlanders were proclaiming King James at the
Cross of Edinbuigh, Sir John Cope was landing his troops at
Dunbar. The evasive movement of this general had been most
unfortunate, as it completely deprived the Lowlands of such
protection as his troops were able to afford. He shewed, how-
ever, all possible anxiety to repair the consequences of his
error, inarching his army without delay from Inverness to
Aberdeen, where it was embarked with the design of landing in
some Lowland port, and in the hope of still being in time to
protect the principal parts of the kingdom.

Sir John's infantry was reinforced at Dunbar by the craven
dragoons, who had fled thither as the safest place within their
reach. Of their flight an amusing^ though perhaps highly
coloured account has been given in a pamphlet already quoted.^
' Before the rebels,' says the writer, ' came within sight of the
king's forces [then posted at Coltbridge], before they came
within three miles' distance of them, orders were issued to the
dragoons to wheel, which they immediately did with the greatest
order and regularity imaginable. As it is known that nothing
is more beautiful than the evolutions and movements of cavalry,
the spectators stood in expectation of what fine manoeuvre they
might terminate in, when new orders were immediately issued

1 A Trtu Account 0/ the Behaviour and Conduct of Archibald Stnoart, Esq., laio
Lord Provost <if Edinburgh, in a LetUr to a Friend. London, 1748.

cope's preparations. 107

to retreat; they instantly obeyed, and began to march in the
usual pace of cavalry. Orders were repeated eveiy furlong to
quicken their pace ; and, both precept and example concurring,
they quickened it so well, that before they reached Edinburgh,
they quickened it to a veiy smart gallop. They passed in
inexpressible huny and confusion through the narrow lanes at
Barefoot's Parks, in the sight of all the north part of Edinburgh,
to the infinite joy of the disaffected, and equal grief and con-
sternation of all the other inhabitants. They rushed hke a
torrent down to Leith, where they endeavoured to draw breath ;
but some unlucky boy (I suppose a Jacobite in his heart) calling to
them that the Highlanders were approaching, they immediately
took to their heels again, and galloped to Prestonpans, about
five [nine] miles farther. There, in a literal sense, timor addidit
alas — there fear added wings, I mean to the rebels ; for, other-
wise, they could not possibly have imagined these formidable
enemies to be within several miles of them. But at Prestonpans
the same alarm was repeated. The Philistines be upon thee,
Samson! They galloped to North Berwick; and being now
about twenty miles to the other side of Edinburgh, they thought
they might safely dismount from their horses, and look out for
victuals. Accordingly, like the ancient Grecian heroes, each
began to kill and dress his provisions — ^t amor dapis atque
pugruB — they were actuated by the desire of supper and of
battle. The sheep and turkeys of North Berwick paid for this
warlike disposition. But behold the uncertainty of human
happiness I When the mutton was just ready to be put upon
the table, they heard, or thought they heard, the same cry of
Highlanders. Their fear proved stronger than their hunger;
they again got on horseback ; but were informed of the false-
ness of the alarm time enough to prevent the spoiling of their
meaL By such rudiments as these, the dragoons were so
thoroughly initiated in the art of running, that at the battle of
Preston they could practise it of themselves, though even there
the same good example was not wanting. I have seen an
Italian opera called Ccsare in EgUta — Caesar in Egypt — ^where,

I08 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OF 1745-6.

in the first scene, Caesar is introduced in a great huny, giving
orders to his soldiers, Fugge^ f^ig^; a^lo scampa — Fly, fly; to
your heels ! This is a proof that the commander at Coltbridge
is not the first hero that gave such orders to his troops.'

The ' Canter of Coltbridge * is related by Mr Home with
circumstances somewhat different, but not less ridiculous. After
passing through Leith and Musselburgh, they encamped for the
evening in a field near Colonel Gardiner's house at Preston.
Between ten and eleven at night, one of their number, going in
search of forage, fell into a disused coal-pit, which was full of
water, and making an outcry for assistance, impressed his com-
panions with a belief that their dreaded enemy was upon them.
Not stopping to ascertain the real cause of the noise, or to
relieve their unfortunate fellow-soldier, the whole moimted their
horses, and with all imaginable speed galloped ofif to Dunbar.
Colonel Gardiner, awaking in the morning, found a silent and
deserted camp, and was obliged, with a heavy heart, to follow
in the direction which he learned they had taken. There was
little danger that he should have missed their track, for, as he
passed along, he found the road strewed with swords, pistols,
and firelocks, which they had thrown away in their panic He
caused these to be gathered, and conveyed in covered carts to
Dunbar, where he arrived in time to greet General Cope as he
landed

The disembarkation of the troops, artillery, and stores was
not completed till the i8th of September; when Mr Home,
author of the History already quoted, presented himself at the
camp, and gave the general all the information he could desire
regarding the numbers and condition of the Highland army.
The author of Douglas had gone to the dififerent posts about
the city, and counted the men there stationed; he had then
ascended the hill which overlooked the bivouac of the main
body, and reckoned them as they sat at food in lines upon the
ground. The whole number, in his estimation, did not exceed
two thousand; but he had been told that several bodies fi'om
the north were on their march to join them. The general asked

cope's preparations. 109

his informant what sort of appearance they made, and, in par-
ticular, how they were armed ; to which the young poet replied,
that most of them seemed to be strong, active, hardy men,
though many were of an ordinary size, and, if clothed like
Lowlanders, would appear inferior to the king's troops. The
Highland garb, he said, favoured them, as it shewed their naked
limbs, which were strong and muscular; while their stem
countenances, and bushy uncombed hair, gave them a fierce,
barbarous, and imposing aspect As to their arms, he con-
tinued, they had no artillery of any sort but one small unmounted
cannon, which he had seen lying upon a cart, drawn by a litde
Hi^and pony. Fourteen or fifteen hundred of them were
aimed with firelocks and broadswords, and many others had
only either the one or the other of these weapons. Their
firelocks were of all sorts and sizes — muskets, fusees, and
fowling-pieces; but they must soon provide themselves more
generally with that weapon, as the arsenal of the Trained Bands
had fallen into their hands. In the meantime, he had seen one
or two companies, amounting altogether perhaps to a hundred
men, each of whom had no other weapon than the blade of a
scythe fastened end-long upon a pole.^ General Cope dismissed
Mr Home, with many compliments for bringing him so accurate
an account of the enemy.

The king's army was joined at Dunbar by several judges and
other civil officers, who, having fled from Edinburgh on the
evening before the Prince had entered it, now resolved to
remain with the royal troops, not as fighting men, but as
anxious and interested spectators of the approaching action.
There also came a few noblemen and gentlemen of the country,
attended by their tenants in arms. Among these was the Earl
of Home, who, being then an officer in the Guards, thought it
his duty to oflfer his services when the king's troops were in the
field. The retinue which this nobleman brought along with
him was such as to surprise many persons. At the time when

1 Home's Works, Hi. 76.

no HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OF 1 7 45-6.

the Lowlands of Scotland were equally warlike, and equally
under the influence of the feudal system with the Highlands, his
lordship's ancestors could have raised as many men upon their
dominions in Berwickshire as would have themselves repelled
the Chevalier's little army. In 1633, the £arl of Home had
greeted Charles I., as he crossed the Border to visit Scotland, at
the head of six hundred well-mounted gentlemen, his relations
and retainers. The whole force that the present earl could
bring, besides himself, to assist his sovereign in opposing a
public enemy, consisted ol two body-servants !^

It was not till the day succeeding the disembaikation,
Thursday, the 19th of September, that the royal aimy left
Dunbar to meet the insurgents. It is said to have made a great
show upon its march ; the infantry, cavalry, cannon, and baggage
occupying several miles of road. The country-people, long
unaccustomed to wars and arms, flocked from all quarters to
see an army going to fight a battle in Lothian, and with infinite
concern and anxiety beheld this uncommon spectacle.^

The army halted for the night in a field to the west of
Haddington, sixteen miles east of Edinburgh. In the evening,
it was proposed to employ some young people who followed
the camp to ride betwixt Haddington and Edinburgh during the
dark hours, lest the Highlanders, whose movements were rapid,
should march in the night-time and surprise the army. Accord-
ingly sixteen young men, most of whom had been volunteers at
Edinburgh, and among whom the author of Douglas was one,
offered their services. About nine at night eight of them set
out, in four parties, by four different roads, for Duddingston,
where they understood the Highlanders to be encamped. They
returned safe at midnight, reporting that all was quiet ; and the
other eight then set out in the same manner.^

1 Home's Works, iu. 77* ' \\nA. vL 78.

3 It was the duty of two of this little coips to pursue the coast road towards Musselburgh.
Their names were Francis Garden and Robert Cunningham — the one afterwards better
known by his judicial title of Lord Gardenstone, and the other by his official designation
of General. On approaching Musselburgh, says Sir Walter Scott in a lively contribution
to the Quarterly Review^ ' they avoided the bridge, to escape observation, and crossed the

COP^S PREPARATIONS. Ill

On the morning of the succeeding day, Friday the 20th of
September, Cope continued his march towards Edinbui^gh by
the ordinary post-road from Haddington. After marching a
very few miles, it occurred to him that the defiles and enclosures
near the road would, in case of an attack, prove unfavourable
to the action of cavaby, and he resolved to adopt a less
frequented and more open path. On coming to Huntington,
therefore, he turned off to the right, and took what is called the
Low Road; that is, the road which traverses the low country
near the sea, passing by St Germains and Seton. At the same
time he sent forward his adjutant-general, the Earl of Loudon,
accompanied by the Earl of Home, to mark out a camp for the
army near Musselburgh, intending to go no farther that day.

Efik, it betng dien low water, at a place nigh its junction with the sea. Unluckily, there
was at the opposite side a snug thatched tavern kept by a cleanly old woman called Luckie

F , who was eminent for the excellence of her oysters and sheny. The patrol were

both ben tnv€mts ; one of them, m^om we remembo: in the situation of a senator, was
mnwually so, and a gay, witty, agreeable companion besides. Luckie's sign, and the heap
of •oyster-shells deposited near her door, proved as great a temptation to this vigilant
Ibrioca-hope as the wine-house to the abbess of Andouillet's muleteer. They had scarcely
got settled at some right poMdoret, with a bottle of sherry as an accompaniment, when, as
some Jacobite devil would have it, an unlucky north<ountry lad, a writer's (that is,
attoney's) apprentice, who had given his indentures the slip, and taken the white cockade,
chanced to pass by on his errand to join Prince Charlie. He saw the two volunteers
throo^ the window, knew them, and gue»ed their business : he saw the tide would make
It impossible for them to return along the sands, as they had come. He therefore placed
himself in ambtish upon the steep, narrow, impracticable bridge, which was then, and for
many years afterwards, the only place of crossing the Esk : and how he contrived it I
could never learn, but the courage and assurance of his province are proverbial, and the
Norland whipper-snapper surrounded and made prisoners of the two unfortunate volunteers
before they could draw a trigger.' — QuarUrly Rroiew, voL xxxvi. 177.

They were immediately conducted to the camp at Duddingston, and put into the hands
of John Roy Stuart, commander of the Prince's bodyguard, who at once pronounced them
ipies, and proposed to hang them accordingly. Thrown into consternation by this sentence,
they Indcily recollected that a youthful acquaintance, by name Colquhoun Grant, bore a
commission in the very body which John Roy commanded ; and they entreated him to
lead them before that person, who was able to attest their innocence. Colquhoun Grant,
who lived many years afterwards as a respectable writer to the signet in Edinbui^h, used
to relate that he never was so much surprised in his life, and at the same time amused, as
when his two young friends were brought up to him for his verdict. Stuart introduced
them with the following words : ' Here are two fellows who have been caught prowling
near the camp. I am certain they are spies, at least this oldest one [Mr Garden] ; and I
propose that, to make sure, we should hang them baith.' Mr Grant, of course, interfered
in behalf of his friends, and afterwards getting them into his own custody, took it upon
him to permit their escape.— Information by the late Henry Mackenzie, author of tho
Hah pf FteltHg.

112 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OF 1 745 -6.

The soldiers are described as having been in high spirits during
the march; the iniisuitry feeling confident in the assistance of
the cavalry, and the cavalry acquiring some portion of the same
courage by a junction with the infantry.

The first files of the troops were entering the plain betwixt
Seton and Preston, when Lord Loudon came back at a round
pace with information that the Highlanders were in fiill march
towards the royal army. The general, surprised, but not dis-
concerted by this intelligence, and thinking the plain which lay
before him a very proper place to receive the enemy, called a
halt there, and drew up his troops with a front to the west His
right was thus extended to the sea, and his left towards the
village of Tranent Soon after he had taken up his ground, the
Chevalier's army came in sight

CHAPTER XL

THE prince's march TO PRESTON.

* When Charlie looked this letter upon.
He drew his sword the scabbard from.
Crying : " Follow me, my merry, meny men.

And we '11 meet Johnnie Cope in the morning."*

Jacobite S^ng,

Three days of rest in Edinburgh, where they were supplied
with plenty of food, and did not want opportunities of improving
their appointments, had meanwhile increased in no inconsider*
able degree the efficacy and confidence of the Highland army.
Learning that Cope had landed at Dunbar, and was marching
to give him battle, the Prince came on Thursday night to
Duddingston, where, calling a council of war, he proposed to
march next morning and meet the enemy half-way. The
council agreed that this was the only thing they could do ; and

THE prince's march TO PRESTON. II3

Charles then asked the Highland chiefs how they thought their
men would behave in meeting a general who had already
avoided them. The chiefis desired Macdonald of Keppoch to
speak for them, as he had served in the French army, and was
thought to know best what the Highlanders could do against
regular troops. Keppoch*s speech was brief, but emphatic. He
said that the country having been long at peace, and few or
none of the private men having ever seen a battle, it was
difficult to foretdl how they would behave; but he would
venture to assure his xoyal highness that the gendemen would
be in the midst of the enemy, and that the clansmen, devoted to
their chiefs, and loving the cause, would certainly not be far
bdiind them. Charles, catching the spirit of the moment,
exclaimed he would be the first man to chaxge the foe 1 But
the chiefs discountenanced this imprudent proposal, declaring
that in his life lay the strength of tiieir cause, and that, should
he be slain, they would be undone beyond redemption, whether
victorious or defeated. They even went so far as to declare
that they would go home, and endeavour to make the best terms
they could for themselves, if he persisted in so rash a resolution.
This remonstrance with difficulty repressed the ardour of their
young commander, whose great passion at this moment seems
to have been to strike a decisive blow, and share personally in
its glory.^

On the morning of Friday the 20th of September, when the
king's army was commencing its match from Haddington, the
Highlanders roused themselves fi'om their bivouac near Dud-
dingston, and prepared to set forward. They had been
reinforced since daybreak by a party of Grants from Glen-
morriston,' as they had been \he day before by some

1 Home's Worics,ifi.8t.

s Gnmt of Glenmorriston arrived with his little party in smt haste, anxioas not to be
too late for the first battle. He had travelled all night, and was of course travel<«oiled and
smshaven. When he nidied into the Prince's presence at Holyrood House, his appearance
drew an ill-timed, but probably half-jocular remark from Charles as to his beard. The
chief tamed away with kindling wrath, saying : ' Sir, it is not beasdleas boys who are to
do your baaoem:^It(^fni$atWM/r»m the laU Mr IK Grant, IV.S,

a

114 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OF 1745-6.

Maclachlans and Athole men. The Prince, putting himself
at the head of his army, thus increased by 250, presented his
sword, and said aloud : * My friends, I have thrown away the
scabbard!'^ He was answered by a cheeifiil huzza; and the
band then set forward in three files, Charles marching on horse-
back by theur side, along with some of his principal officers.

The army proceeded firom Duddingston Park, where they
had what was called their camp, by the road which passes
Easter Duddingston, and enters the main or post road near
Magdalen Bridge. A lady, who in early youth had seen them
pass the last-mentioned village,' was able, in 1827, to describe
the memorable pageant The Highlanders strode on with their
squalid clothes and various arms, their rough limbs and un-
combed hair, looking around them with an air of fierce resolution.
The Prince rode amidst his officers at a litde distance fit)m the
flank of the column, preferring to amble over the dry stubble-
fields beside the road. My informant remembered, as yesterday,
his graceful carriage and comely looks, his long light hair
straggling below his neck, and the flap of his tartan coat thrown
back by the wind, so as to make the jewelled St Andrew dangle
for a moment clear in the air by its silken ribbon. He was
viewed with admiration by the simple villagers ; and even those
who were ignorant of his claims, or who rejected them, could
not help wishing him good fortune, and at least no calamity.

Soon after tailing into the post-road, the insuigents continued
their march till they entered the Market-gate of Fisherrow — an
old narrow street leading to the bridge across the Esk. One
there went up to a new house upon which the tilers were
engaged, and took a long slip of wood, technically called a
tiU'kUh; from another house he abstracted an ordinary broom,
which he tied upon the end of the pole. This he bore aloft
over his head, emblematising what seemed to be the general
sentiment of the army, that they would sweep their enemies off
the face of the earth. The shouts with which the symbol was

1 Caledonian Mercury, S The late Mrs Handasyde of Fisherrow.

THE prince's march TO PRESTON. IIS

hailed on the present occasion testified the high courage and
resolution of the troops, and but too truly presaged the issue of
the approaching conflict Charles, in passing along the Market-
gate, bowed gracefully to the ladies who surveyed him iiom
their windows.^

The army now passed along the ancient bridge of Mussel-
burgh— a structure supposed to be of Roman origin, and over
which the Scottish army had passed, two centuries before, to
the field of Pinkie. Proceeding directly onward, the column
traversed, not the town of Musselburgh, but the old post-road
which winds to the south, behind the gardens of Pinkie House.
When passing these gardens, -Lord George Murray, who led the
van, received intelligence that Cope was at or near Preston, and
was likely to seek the high grounds to the south, so as to obtain
an advantage over the Highland army. Being convinced that
the Highlanders could do nothing imless they got above the
enemy, he immediately struck ofif through the fields to the right,
with which he was well acquainted, ordering the army to follow
him. By half an hour of quick marching, he reached the height
near Falside, and then marched slow, ^t the rear might close
up. He now became aware that Cope had remained content
with his position at Preston, and therefore commenced a slanting
march down-hill towards Tranent. On coming within half a
mile of that viUage, the army halted. During the last two miles
of their march, they had had the enemy withm sight^

At this early stage of the campaign, the mode oi forming the
Highland army was extremely simple, on account of the want of
horse and artillery. The column in which it always moved was
merely halted at the proper place, and then facing about,
became at once a line. Such was the evolution by which, on
the present occasion, Charles brought his men to their first tite-
d-tite with the devoted host of his antagonist

When the royal troops first perceived the Highlanders they
raised a spirited shout, to which the others readily replied.

1 Tndition in Ftsherrow.

S Lord George Munay's Narrative- JacohiU Mtnufin, 361

Xl6 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OF 1 745-6.

The two armies weie about a mile distant fix>m each other, with
a gentle slope and a long strip of marshy ground between. It
was a little aSt&r noon, and the weather was favourable for
immediate combat Both armies had marched the equal distance
of eight miles, and were alike fresh and ardent It was Charles's
wish, as it had been his expectation, to engage the enemy before
nightfall ; and the ground appeared perfectly favourable for the
purpose. The descent towards Cope's position, though gentle,
was sufficient to increase the natural speed and impetuosity of
the Highlanders, whose ancestors had been always successful in
conflicts fought in that manner. But Cope had not the same
eager desire of battle ; and various considerations, arising from
the nature of the ground, interposed to prevent an immediate
attack on the part of the Highlanders.

The English general had at first arranged his troops with
their fiont to the west, expecting the enemy to come directly
from Musselburgh; but when he saw them appear on the
southern heights, he altered his position accordingly, and now
lay upon a plain swelling gently up from the coast, with
Cockenrie and the sea bdiind him, the intricate little village of
Preston, widi its numerous parks and garden-walls, on his right,
Seton House at a distance on his left, and a deep ditch or drain
traversing the morass before him. On all sides but the east he
was inaccessible, except, perhaps, by a column which no enemy
could ever have thought of directing against him.

By examining the country-people, who, as usual, flocked
about him in great numbers, tiie Prince soon learned that to
attadt General Cope across the morass was impracticable, except
at a great risk. In order to ascertain the point still more satis-
factorily, Lord George Murray despatched Colonel Ker of
Graden, an officer of experience, to survey and report upon the
ground. Mounted upon a little white pony, Mr Ker descended
alone from Tranent, and widi great deliberation approached the
post of the enemy. When very near it, he rode slowly along
the edge of the morass, carefully inspecting the ground on all
sides, and scanning the breadth and depth of the ditch. Some

THE prince's march TO PRESTON. II7

of the king's troops moved along the ditches, and shot at him ;
but he was not in the least discomposed. Coming to a stone
fence which he required to cross, he dismounted, puUed down a
piece of the dike, and then led his horse through the breach.
When he had completely satisfied himself, he returned to the
anny, and reported his observations to the lieutenant-general
The morass, he said, could not be passed without the troops
being exposed to several unretumed fires, and was therefore not
to be thought of.^ When Charles learned this, he moved a
considerable part of his army back to Dolphingston, and afiected
to meditate an attack upon Cope's west or right flank. The
English general observing this, resumed his first position, in
order to meet the insurgents with the front of his army.

Charles, probably deterred from making an attack in this
quarter by the park-dikes, which so effectually screened the
enemy's front, now once more shifted his ground, and returned
to his first station near Tranent The king's army faced round
at the same time. The whole afternoon was occupied by these
evolutions. When evening approached. General Cope found
himself still in possession of the advantageous ground he had
originally chosen ; but it was feared by some unconcerned
spectators that he had been perhaps over-cautious in his evolu-
tions ; that he had cooped himself up in a narrow place, while
the Highlanders were at liberty to move about as they pleased ;
and that he had disheartened his men by keeping them so care-
fully on the defensive, while the Highlanders were proportion-
ably animated by feeling themselves in the predicament of an
attacking party.'

Cope had not acted altogether on the defensive. Sullivan
had posted fifty of Locheil's men at the parish church at the
bottom of the village, 'for what reason,' says Lord George
Murray, * I could not understand.' The enemy brought their
cannon to bear on this post, and fired off a few shots, which

1 Home't Works, iii. 84. 'Without risking the loss of the whole army/ is the eicpressioa
put into Mr Ker's mouth by the author of an account of the young Chevaliex's opemcioa%
printed in the Lockhart Papers.

» Home's Woiks, uL 85.

Il8 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OF 1 745-6.

they accompanied with huzzas, being under the impression that
the Highlanders were veiy liable to be fiightened by cannon.
They soon wounded one or two men, when Lord George
Murray sent an order for the party to join the main body.
Charles, however, posted 500 men under Lord Nairn at
Preston, to the west of Cope's position, to prevent him from
stealing a march in that direction.

Since the insurgents had first risen in Lochaber, the weather
had been generally fine. The nights, however, though calm,
were chill, as generally happens in the finest autumn weather
imder our northern climate. The night of Friday, the 20th of
September 1745, set in with a cold mist, which, without doing
any particular injury to the hardy children of the north, was
annoying to their opponents, less accustomed to bivouacking,
and obliged to be more upon the alert, in apprehension of a
night attack. General Cope lighted great fires all round his
position, to warm and inspirit his men,^ and threw ofif a few
cohoms during the night, to let the enemy know he was on his
guard. At an early period of the evening he had planted
pickets, with great care, in every direction around him,
especially towards the east ; he had also sent his military chest
and baggage down to Cockenzie under a strong guard.

The royal army was arranged along the front of the morass in
a maimer displaying sufficient military skilL The centre con-
sisted of eight companies of Lascelles's regiment, and two of
Guise's. On the right were five companies of Lees's ; on the
left the whole of Sir John Murray's. Besides these, there were
a number of recruits for different regiments at present abroad,
and a few small parties of volunteers, comprising the gendemen
with their tenants already mentioned, and some persons who
had been induced to join by religious considerations. The
in£mtry was protected on the right flank by Gardiner^s, on the
left by Hamilton's dragoons, who stood each with two troops
to the front, and one in the rear, for a reserve. Some

1 Lockhait Papers, ii. 489, 490.

THE prince's march TO PRESTON. II9

Highland companies composed a second line in the rear. The
cannon, six pieces in all, guarded by a company of Lees's
r^menty commanded by Captain Cochrane, and under the
orders of Lieutenant-colonel Whiteford, were placed on the
right of the army, near the wagon-road or railway from Tranent
to Cockenzie.

The army of Cope altogether consisted of 2100 men; but
a number of these did not fight in the subsequent engagement,
being engaged elsewhere as videttes and guards. The artillery
corps was by far the most hopeless part of the army. At the
time when General Cope marched to the north, there were no
gunners or matrosses to be had in Scotland but one old man,
who had belonged to the Scots train of artillery before the
Union. This person, with three old invalid soldiers, the general
carried with him to Inverness ; and the hopeful band was after-
wards reinforced by a few sailors from the ship of war which
escorted the troops to Dunbar. A more miserable troop could
hardly have been intrusted with so important a charge.

As soon as it became dark, the Highland army moved from
the west to the east side of Tranent, where the morass seemed
to be more practicable ; and a council of war being called, it
was resolved to attack the enemy in that quarter at break of
day. The Highlanders, wrapping themselves in their plaids,
then laid themselves down to sleep upon the stubble-fields.
Charles, whose pleasure it had all along been to share in the
fatigues and privations of his men, rejecting the opportunity of
an easier couch in the village, also made his lodging upon the
ground. During the night not a light was to be seen and not
a word to be heard in his bivouac, in obedience to an order
which had been issued, for the purpose of concealing their
position from Sir John Cope.^

1 Home's Works, Hi. 9a.

laO HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OF 1745-^.

CHAPTER XIL

THE BATTLE OF PRESTOH.

• Brutus, Slaying is the word ;
It is a deed in fashion.'

yulms Casar*

A YOUNG gentleman named Robert Anderson (son of Anderson
of Whitburgh, in East Lothian), who joined tiie insuigents at
Edinburgh, had been present at the council which determined
the place and mode of attack, but did not take the liberty to
speak or give his opinion. After the dismissal of the council,
Anderson told his friend, Mr Hepburn of Keith, that he knew
the ground well,^ and thought there was a better way to come
at the king's army than that which the council had resolved to
follow. ' I could undertake,' he added, ' to shew them a place
where they might easily pass the morass without being seen by
the enemy, and form without being exposed to their fire.'
Hepburn listened attentively to this information, and expressed
his opinion of it in such terms, that Anderson desired he would
cany him to Lord Geoige Murray. Mr Hepburn advised
him to go alone to the lieutenant-general, with whom he was
already perfectly well acquainted, and who would like best to
receive any information of this kind without the presence of a
third party. Anderson immediately sought Lord Geotge, whom
he found asleep in a field of cut pease, with the Prince and
several of the chiefs lying near him. The young gentleman
immediately awoke his lordship, and proceeded to inform him
of his project To Lord George it appeared so eligible that he

1 Mr Anderson, while rending occanonally with his relatives, the Andersons of St
Germains, had often shot snipes on this ground. Such, I have been informed by hta
family, was the accident bv which he gained this valuable piece of knowledge.

THE BATTLE OF PRESTON. 121

hesitated not a moment to use the same freedom with the
Prince which Mr Anderson had used with him. Charles sat up
on his bed of pease-straw, and listened to the scheme with
great attention. He then caused Locheil and the other leaders
to be called and taken into counsel They all approved of the
plan, and a resolution was instantly passed to take advantage of
Mr Anderson's offers of service.*

Lord Nairn's party being recalled from Preston, the High-
land army began to move about three o'clock in the morning
(Saturday, 21st September), when the sun was as yet three
hours below the horizon. It was thought necessary, on this
occasion, to reverse the order of march, by shifting the rear of
the column to the van. Colonel Ker managed this evolution
with his characteristic skill and prudence. Passing slowly from
the head to the other end of the column, desiring the men, as
he went along, to observe the strictest silence, he turned the
rear forwards, making the men wheel round his own person till
they were all on the march.^ Mr Anderson led the way.
Next to him was Macdonald of Glenaladale, major of the
Clanranald regiment, with a chosen body of sixty men, appointed
to secure Cope's baggage whenever they saw the armies
engaged^ Close behind came the army, marching, as usual,
in a column of three men abreast They came down by a sort
of valley, or hollow, that winds throiigh the farm of Riggan-
head. Not a whisper was heard amongst them. At first their
march was concealed by darkness, and, when daylight began to
appear, by the mist When they were near the morass, some
dragoons, who stood upon the other side as an advanced guard,
called out: * Who 's there ?' The Highlanders made no answer,
but inarched on. The dragoons, soon perceiving who they
were, fired their pieces, and rode ofif to give the alarm.^

The ditch so often mentioned as traversing the morass
became a mill-course at this easterly point, for the service of
Seton Mill with water. The Highlanders had therefore not

1 Home's Works, ui. 88. > Lockhart Papers, ii. 449.

t Lockhart Papers, ii. 491. * Home's Works, iii. 89.

122 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OF 1745-6.

only the difficulty of wading through the bog knee-deep in mud,
but also that of crossing a broad deep stream by a narrow
wooden bridge. Charles himself jumped across the dam, but
fell on the other side, and got his legs and hands beslimed.
The column, as it gradually cleared this impediment, moved
directly onwards to the sea, till it was thought by those at the
head that all would be over the morass ; a line was then formed,
in the usual manner, upon the firm and level ground.

The arrangement of the Highland army for the battle about
to take place was ruled by some fanciful considerations. The
great clan Colla, or Macdonalds, formed the right wing, in con-
sequence of a tradition that Robert Bruce had assigned it that
station at the batde of Bannockbum, in gratitude for the treat-
ment he had received from its chief when in hiding in the
Hebrides, and because it had assumed that station in every
battle since, except that of Harlaw, on which occasion the post
of honour was voluntarily resigned in favour of the Macleods.'
The Camerons and Appin Stuarts composed the left wing,
perhaps for some similar reason ; while the Duke of Perth's
regiment and the Macgregors stood in the centre. The Duke
of Perth, as oldest lieutenant-general, commanded the right
wing, Lord Geoige Murray the left

Behind the first line a second was arranged, at the distance
of fifty yards, consisting of the Athole men, the Robertsons, the
Macdonalds of Glencoe, and the Maclachlans, under the com-
mand of Lord Nairn. Charles took his place between the two
lines. The whole army was rather superior in numbers to that
of General Cope, being probably about 2400 ; but as the second
line never came into action, the real number of combatants, as
stated by the Prince's authority after the battle, was only 1456.

Surprise being no part of the Prince's plan, no regret was
expressed at the alarm which the videttes had carried to the
king's army ; but it was thought necessary to form the lines as
quickly as possible. When this was effectedi Charles addressed

1 Lockhart Papers, u. sxa

THE BATTLE OF PRESTON. 1 23

his men in these words : * Follow me, gentlemen, and by the
blessing of God I will this day make you a free and happy
people!'^ The Duke of Perth then sent Mr Anderson to
inform Lord George Murray that he was ready to march.
Anderson met an aide-de-camp sent by Lord George to inform
the duke that the left wing was moving. Some time of course
elapsing before the right wing was aware of this motion, it was
a little behind the left, and the charge was thus made in an
oblique manner.*

It was just dawn, and the mist was fast retiring before the
sun when the Highlanders set out upon their attack. A long
uninterrupted series of fields, from which the grain had recently
been reaped, lay between them and General Cope's position.
Mom was already on the waters of the Forth to their right, and
the mist was rolling in large masses over the marsh and the
crofts to their left ; but it was not yet clear enough to admit of
either army seeing the other. An impervious darkness lay
between, which was soon, however, to disclose to both the
exciting spectacle of an armed enemy. On the part of the
Highlanders there was perfect silence, except the rushing sound
occasioned by their feet going through the stubble : on that of
General Cope, only an occasional drum was to be heard, as it
hoarsely pronounced some military signal

At setting out upon the chaise, the Highlanders pulled off
their bonnets, and looking upwards, uttered a short prayer.^
The front-rank men, most of whom were gentlemen, and all of
whom had targets, stooped as much as they could in going
forward, keeping their shields in front of their heads, so as to
protect almost every part of their bodies, except the limbs, from
the fire which they expected.* The inferior and worse-armed
men behind endeavoured to supply the want of defensive
weapons by going close in rear of their companions. Every
chief charged in the centre of his regiment, supported imme-
diately on both sides by his nearest relations and principal

1 The Prince's authorised account of the battle, CaUehnian Mercury,
* Home's Works, iii. 91. * CaUdomoH Altrcury, ^ Ibid.

136 HISTORY OF THE BEBELLIOH OF 1745-6.

tai^ets; then raising their arm, and with it the enemy's point,
they rushed in upon the soldier, now defenceless, killed him at
one blow, and were in a moment within the lines, pushing right

A fnll-anned Higblmd Genlleman. — From a onique drawing in

possession of W, F. Watson, Esq.

and left with sword and dagger, often bringing down two men
at once. The battle was thus decided in a moment, and all
that followed was mere carnage.

Cope, informed by his retreating sentries that the enemy was

THE BATTLE OF PRESTON. 1 27

advandiig, had only time to ride once along the fix>nt of his
lines to encourage the men, and was just returned to his place
on the right of the infantry, when he perceived, through the thin
sunny mist, the dark clumps of the clans rushing swifdy and
silendy on towards his troops; those which were directly
opposite to him being most visible, while on the left they faded
away in an interminable line amongst the darkness from which
they seemed gradually emerging. The numerous clusters in
which they successively burst upon his sight — ^the rapidity with
which they advanced — the deceptive and indefinite extent given
to their appearance by the mist — ^all conspired to appal the
royal troops. Five of die six cannon were dischaiged against
the left of the advancing host, with such effect as to make that
part of the army hover for a moment upon the advance ; and
one volley of musketry went along die royal lines from right to
left as the clans successively came up. But all was unavailing
against the ferocious resolution of the Highlanders.

The victory began, as the battle had done, among the
Camerons. That spirited clan, notwithstanding their exposure
to the cannon, and although received with a dischaige of
musketry by the artillery guard, ran on with undaimted speed,
and were first up to the front of the enemy. Having swept
over the cannon, they found themselves opposed to a squadron
of dragoons under Lieutenant-colonel Whitney, which was
advancing to attack theuL Th^ had only to fire a few shots,
when these dastards, not yet recovered fiom their former fright,
wheeled about, and fled over the artillery guard, which was
accordingly dispersed The posterior squadron of dragoons,
under Colonel Gardiner himself, was then ordered to advance to
the attack. Their gallant old commander led them forward,
encouraging them as well as he could by the way ; but they had
not proceeded many steps, when, receiving a few shots from the
Highlanders, they reeled, turned, and followed their companions.
Locheil had ordered his men to strike at the noses of the horses,
as the best means of getting the better of their masters ; but
they never found a single opportunity of practising this ruse, the

128 HISTORY OF THB REBELLION OP 1 745-6.

men having chosen to retreat while they were yet some yards
distant

Hamilton's dragoons, at the other extremity of the army, no
sooner saw their fellows flying before the Camerons, than they
also turned about and fled, without having fired a carabine, and
while the Macdonalds were still at a little distance.

The infantry, when deserted by those from whom they were
taught to expect support, gave way on all hands, without having
reloaded their pieces, or stained a single bayonet with blood.
The whole at once threw down their arms, either to lighten
them in their flight, or to signify that they surrendered ; and
many fell upon their knees before the impetuous Highlanders,
to beg the quarter which, in the hurry of the moment, could
scarcely be given them. One small party alone, out of the
army, had the resolution to make any resistance. They fought
for a brief space under the command of Colonel Gardiner, who,
deserted by his own tixx>p, and observing their gallant behaviour,
had put himself at their head They only fled when they had
suffered considerably, and when their brave leader was cut down
by numerous wounds. Such was the mpidity with which the
Highlanders in general bore the royal soldiers off" the field, that
their second line, though only fifty yards behind, and though it
ran fully as fast as the firsts on coming up to the place, found
nothing upon the ground but the killed and wounded.^ The
whole battle, indeed, is said to have lasted only four minutes.

In the panic flight which immediately ensued, the High-
landers used their weapons with unsparing vigour, and per-
formed many feats, such as might rather adorn the pages of
some ancient romance than the authentic narrative of a modem
battle. A small party of Macgregors, in particular, bearing for
their only arms the blades of scythes, fastened endlong upon
poles, dove heads to the chin, and cut off" the legs of horses.
With even the broadsword, strength and skill enabled them
to do prodigious execution. Men's feet and hands^ and also

1 Chevalier Johnstone** Mtmmrt^ 37.

THE BATTLE OF PRESTON. 1 29

the feet of horses, were severed from the limbs by that powerful
weapon ; and it is a well-authenticated ^t, that ' a Highland
gendeman, after breaking through Murray's regiment, gave a
grenadier a blow which not only severed the arm raised to ward
it off, but cut the skull an inch deep, so that the man imme-
diately died.'^

While the clans on the light and left behaved with distin-
guished bravery, a portion of the centre, including some of
the Lowland tenantry of the Duke of Perth, acted in a manner
resembling the conduct of the royal troops. They are said, on
approaching the enemy's lines, to have 'stood stock-still like
oxen.' ^ It was to this regiment that the scythe-armed company
of Macgregors belonged. These at least evinced all the ardour
and bravery which were so generally displayed that day by
their countrymen. Disregarding the example of their immediate
fellows, they continued to rush forward, under the command of
their captain, Malcolm Macgregor. A space being left betwixt
them and their dan-regiment^ which went on beside the
Camerons, under command of Glencaimaig, their chief, they
edged obliquely athwart the field in that direction, in order
to rank themselves beside their proper banner — ^an evolution
which exposed them in a peculiar nsanner to the fire coming
at that moment from the British regiments. Their captain fell
before this fire, pierced with no fewer than five bullets, two of
which went quite through his body. Stretched on the field, but
unsubdued in spirit, he raised himself upon his elbow, and cried
out, as loud as he could : ' Look ye, my lads, I 'm not dead ;
by G — 9 1 shall see if any of you does not do his duty !' This
speech, half-whimsical as it was, is said to have communicated
an impulse to his men, and perhaps contributed, with other acts
of individual heroism, to decide the fate of the day.'

The general result of the battle of Preston may be stated as

3 Cmitdpmum Mercury, September as, 1745.

S Mannccript by Duncan Macpharig, temporarily in the poMenion of the late Rev. Mr
Maqgregor Stirling,
s OievaUer Johnstone't Mtmoirt,

I

IJO HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OF 1 745-6.

having been the total overthrow and ahnost entire destruction
of the royal army. Most of the in^tiy falling back upon the
park-walls of Preston, were there huddled together, without the
power of resistance, into a confused drove, and had either to
surrender or be cut in pieces. Many, in vainly attempting to
climb over the walls, fell an easy prey to the ruthless claymore.
Nearly 400, it is said, were thus slain, 700 taken, while only
about 170 in all succeeded in effecting their escape.

The dragoons, with worse conduct, were much more fortunate.
In falling back, they had the good luck to find outlets from their
respective positions by the roads which run along the various
extremities of the park-wall, and they thus got clear through
the village with little slaughter ; after which, as the Highlanders
had no horse to pursue them, they were safe. Several officers,
among whom were Fowkes and Lascelles, escaped to Cockenzie
and along Seton Sands, in a direction contrary to the general
flight

The unfortunate Cope had attempted, at the first break of
Gardiner's dragoons, to stop and rally them, but was borne
headlong, with the confused bands, through the narrow road to
the south of the enclosures, notwithstanding all his efforts to
the contrary. On getting beyond the village, where he was
joined by the retreating bands of the other regiment, he made
one anxious eflFort, with the Earls of Loudon and Home, to
form and bring them back to charge the enemy, now disordered
by the pursuit ; but in vain. They fled on, ducking their heads
along their horses' necks to escape the bullets which the pursuers
occasionally sent after them.^ By using great exertions, and
holding pistols to the heads of the troopers. Sir John and a few
of his officers induced a small number of them to halt in a field
near St Clement's Wells, about two miles from the batde-ground.
But, after a momentary delay, the accidental firing of a pistol
renewed the panic, and they rode off once more in great
disorder. Sir John Cope, with a portion of them, reached

1 Report of Cope*t Ezamiiuitioa.

THE BATTLE OP PRESTON. I31

Channelkirk at an early hour in the forenoon, and there halted
to breakfast, and to write a brief note to one of the state
officers, relating the fate of the day. He then resumed his
flighty and reached Coldstream that night He next morning
proceeded to Berwick, whose fortifications seemed competent to
give the security he required. He everywhere brought the first
tidings of his own defeat

The number of dragoons who accompanied the general was
about 400; besides which, there were perhaps half as many
who dispersed themselves in different directions. A small party
which made for the castle of Edinburgh permitted themselves
to be pursued and galled the whole way by a single cavalier,
without ever once having the courage to turn about and face
him. Colquhoun Grant, who had the hardihood to perform this
feat, was a man of great bodily strength, and was animated by a
most heroic zeal for the interests of the Chevalier. After
performing some valorous deeds on the field of Preston, he
mounted the horse of a British officer, whom he had brought
down with his broadsword, and rode after the fiigitive dragoons
with all possible speed. Within an hour after the battle, the
inhabitants of Edinburgh were informed of the result, by seeing
these dispirited men galloping up their principal street,
followed by a single enemy 1 The troopers got into the castle
in safety, and Grant, when he arrived there, finding the gate
closed behind them, stuck into it his bloody poniard, which he
left in token of defiance. He then rode back, and was allowed
to pass finom the town without interruption.^ Another single
pursuer was less fortunate. This was Mr David Threipland,
eldest son of Sir David Threipland of Fingask, in Perthshire.
He was in delicate health, but animated by great courage and
zeaL On his own horse he pursued a party of dragoons till they
came to the place where Cope was endeavouring to rally his
troopers near St Clement's Wells. Here, pausing a moment,

1 Information by a sunriving- friend of Mr Grant Sir Walter Scott gives a somewhat
different version of apparently the same story, in which it is suted that the draj^oons were
refused admission. — See TaUt of a Cra$ut/atktr.

132 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OF 1 745-6.

they became aware that they were pursued by only a single
gentleman, with two servants. They turned, and cut him down
with their swords. He was buried on the spot ' I remember,
when a child,' says Sir Walter Scott, ' sitting on his grave, where
the grass long grew rank and green, distinguishing it from the
rest of the field. A female of tlie fiamily then residing at St
Clement's Wells used to tell me the tragedy, of which she had
been an eye-witness, and shewed me, in evidence, one of the
silver clasps of the unfortunate gentleman's waistcoat' It is
not unworthy of notice, that so lately as 1824, in the course
of some legal proceedings, a lady, who was cousin-german to
Mr Threipland, gave evidence of the fact of his death,
stating that she remembered being put into moiuning on his
account^

' The cowardice of the English,' says the Chevalier Johnstone,
in allusion to their conduct at Preston, ' surpassed all imagina-
tion. They threw down their arms, that they might run with
more speed, thus depriving themselves of the only means they
had of arresting the vengeance of the Highlanders. Of so
many men, in a condition, from their numbers, to preserve
order in their retreat, not one thought of defending himself.
Terror had taken complete possession of their minds. I saw,'
he continues, * a young Highlander, scarcely formed, who was
presented to the Ihince as a prodigy, having killed, it was said,
fourteen of the enemy. The Prince asked him if this were true.
'' I do not know," replied he, '* if I killed them, but I brought
fourteen soldiers to the ground with my broadsword !" Another
Highlander brought ten soldiers to the Prince, whom he had
made prisoners of war, driving them before him like a flock
of sheep. This Highlander, from a rashness without example,
having pursued a party to some distance from the field of battle,
along the road between the two enclosures, struck down the

1 The hone on which Mr ThreipUnd rode was observed next year in a fiur at Perth, by
the grieve or land-steward of Fingask, having found its way thither in the possession of a
bone-dealer, who had probably obtained it from some marauding Highlander. The animal
was purchased with a melancholy pleasure by the fiunOy, and kept sacred from work till
the end of its days.

THE BATTLE OF PRESTON. I33

hindermost with a blow of his sword, calling at the same time :
" Down with your anns !" The soldiers, terror-struck, threw
down their arms without looking behind them ; and the High-
lander, with a pistol in one hand and his sword in'the other,
made them do just as he pleased.'

From the eagerness of the Highlanders to secure as much
plunder as possible, they did not improve their victory by
a very eager or long-continued pursuit A great propor-
tion remained upon the field, investing themselves with the
spoils of the slain and wounded, while others busied them-
selves in ransacking the house of Colonel Gardiner, which
happened to be immediately adjacent to the field. A small
party, among whom were the brave Macgr^ors, continued
the chase for a mile and a half, when, in the words of Duncan
Macpharig, 'the Prince came up, and successively took Glen-
caimaig and Major Evan in his arms, congratulating them upon
the result of the fight. He then commanded the ^whole of the
clan Gregor to be collected in the middle of the field ; and a
table being covered, he sat down with Glencaimaig and Major
Evan to refresh himself, all the rest standing round as a guard,
and each receiving a glass of wine and a littie bread.' In regard
to Charles's conduct after the battie, the report of another eye-
witness, Andrew Henderson, author of a historical account of
the campaign, is as follows: 'I saw the Chevalier, after the
battie, standing by his horse, dressed like an ordinary captain,
in a coarse plaid and latge blue bonnet, with a narrow plain
gold lace about it, his boots and knees much dirtied, the effects
of his having fallen in a ditch. He was exceedingly merry, and
twice cried out, with a hearty laugh : '' My Highlanders have
lost their plaids." But his jollity seemed somewhat damped
when he looked upon the seven standards which had been taken
from the dragoons; at this sight he could not help observing,
with a sigh : '' We have missed some of them !" After this he
refreshed himself upon the field, and with the greatest com-
posure ate a slice of cold beef and drank a glass of wine.' Mr
Henderson ought to have mentioned that Charles had, before

Z34 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OF 1 745-6.

thus attending to his own personal wants, spent several houts in
providing for the relief of the wounded of both armies; pre-
serving (to use the language of Mr Home), from temper or from
judgment^ eveiy appearance of moderation and humanity. It
remains to be stated that, after giving orders for the disposal of
the prisoners and for securing Uie spoils, which comprised the
baggage, tents, cannon, and a military chest containing £aooo,
he left the field, and rode towards Pinkie House, the seat of the
Marquis of Tweeddale, where he lodged for the night

Though the general behaviour of the king's anny on this
memorable morning was the reverse of soldierly, there were not
wanting in it instances of respectable conduct The venerable
Gardiner, whose name has been rendered familiar by the afifec-
tionate biography of his friend Doddridge, afiforded a noble
example of fidelity to duty. On the previous afternoon, though
so weak that he had to be carried forward from Haddington in
a postchaise, he urged the propriety of instantly attacking the
Highlanders, and even, it is said, offered Cope his neighbour-
ing mansion of Bankton as a present, provided he would consent
to that measure, which he felt convinced was the only one that
could insure victory. When he found this coimsel decidedly
rejected, he gave all up for lost, and began to prepare his mind
by pious exercises for the fate which he expected to meet in the
morning. In the battle, notwithstanding his gloomy anticipa*
tions, he behaved with the greatest fortitude, making more than
one of the insurgents fall around him. Deserted by his dragoons,
and severely wounded, he put himself at the head of a small
body of foot which still refiised to yield; and he only ceased
to fight when brought to the ground by severe and repeated
woimds. He expired in the manse of Tranent, after having
rather breathed than lived a few hours.^

1 Doddridge't Lifit ifCahrul Ganimer. A hrge tfaom-lvee, ia the oestre of die battle-
ground, marks the spot where Gerdiaer felL He was buried in the north-west oorner of
the church of Tranent, when eight of his diiklren had been preriously mteired. Some
ytu% ago, on the ground being inddenfcally disturbed, his head was found marked by tho
stroke of die weapon which de^wtched him, and still adhered to by his military cAr^, which,
bound firmly with silk, and dressed with powder and pomatum, seemed as fircsh as it oould
have been on the day he died.

THE BATTLE OF PRESTON. I3S

Another redeeming instance of self-devotion was presented by
Captain Brymer of Lees's regiment, the only officer in the army
who had ever before seen the Highlanders attack regular troops.
He had witnessed the wild onset of the Macdonalds at Sheriff-
muir, which impressed him with a respect for the instinctive
valour of the race. At Haddington, two nights before, when
all the rest of the officers were talking lightly of the enemy, and
anticipating an easy victory, Brymer retired to solitary medita-
tion, assured that the danger which approached was by no
means inconsiderable. When the dread moment of fight
arrived, he disdained to fly like the rest, but fell at his station,
* with his face to the foe.'

The wounded of the royal army were treated by their con-
querors with a degree of humanity which might have been well
imitated by the regular troops on a subsequent occasion. The
conduct of the Prince has been spoken of: that of his lieu-
tenant-general, Lord Geoige Muiiay, was not less kind, if we
are to believe his own statement A party, whose wounds were
not veiy severe, was conducted by Lord Geoige to Musselburgh,
he walking by their side, and allowing some of them to use his
horses. At Musselburgh he obtained accommodation for them
in an empty house, and slept beside them that night, to protect
them from any violence on the part of his troops.^ This pre-
caution seems scarcely to have been necessary. The Clanranald
journalist says:* * Whatever notion our Low-country people may
entertain of the Highlanders, I can attest they gave many
proofs this day of their humanity and mercy. Not only did I
often hear our common clansmen ask the soldiers if they wanted
quarter, and not only did we, the officers, exert our utmost
pains to save those who were stubborn, or who could not make
themselves understood, but I saw some of our private men,
after the battle, run to Port Seton for ale and other Hquors to
support the wounded. As one proof for all, of my own particu-
lar observation, I saw a Highlander carefully, and with patient

1 ymeobUe Mtmnrt, 4a. S Lockhart Papen.

136 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OF 1745-6.

kindness, carry a poor wounded soldier on his back intx) a house,
where he left him, with a sixpence to pay his charges. In all
this/ adds the journalist, 'we followed not only the dictates of
humanity, but also the orders of our Prince, who acted in
everything as the true father of his country.'

Of the Highlanders themselves, only thirty were killed,
including three officers, and about seventy or eighty wounded.
The greater part of the wounded of both armies were taken
into Colonel Gardiner's house, where it was thought possible, a
few years ago, to see upon the oaken floors the dark outlines or
prints of the tartaned warriors, formed by their bloody garments,
where they lay.*

Whatever humanity may have been displayed by the common
Highlanders towards the wounded, they exhibited quite as much
activity in despoiling the slain. Every article they conceived to
be of the least value they eagerly appropriated ; often, in their
ignorance of civilised life, making the most ludicrous mistakes.
One who had got a watch, sold it soon afterwards to some
person for a trifle, and remarked, when the bargain was con-
cluded, with an air of great self-congratulation, that he was glad
to be quit of it^ for it had died last night ; the machine having
in reaUty stopped for want of winding up. Another exchanged
a horse for a horse-pistoL Rough old Highlanders were seen
going with the fine shirts of the English officers over the rest of
their clothes, while little boys went strutting about with large
gold-laced cocked-hats on their heads, and bandoleers dangling
down to their heels. One of the Highlanders was seen soon
after passing through Stirling, on his way to the norths caiiying

^ The greater part of the dun were interred at the north-east comer of die park-wall so
often alluded to, where the ground is still perceptibly elevated in consequence. A con-
ndenble number were also buried round the thoro-tree already mentioned, which is said
to have marked the centre of Cope's first line. The country^>eople, of whom it might truly
be said that

'With more dismay
They law the fight, than those that made the fray/

weT« drawn forth and employed in this disagreeable duty : which they performed by catting
quantities of earth, and emptying it upon the bloody heaps.

THE BATTLE OF PRESTON. X37

a militaiy saddle on his back: he probably thought he had
secured a competency for life.^

When the search for spoil had ceased, the Highlanders began
to collect provisions. They fixed their mess-room in one of the
houses of Tranent, and, sending abroad through the neighbouring
parks, seized such sheep as they could conveniently catch. The

1 Infonnatian hy a bishop of the Scottish Episcopal Church. — ^A quantity of chocolate,
found in General Copefs carriage, was afterwards sold publicly in the streets of Perth,
under the denomination of ^Mkfmie Cp^s jnwg-that is, salve. The carriage itself was
employed to carry home old Robertson of Struan, who had come down from the Highlands
wfth his dan, but was unaMe, from age, to accompany the expedition any farther. At that
time there was no coach-road to Struan's residence ; but when he had driven as far as he
could, the vehide was carried forward over the remaining tract by the clansmen. After
lying in the courtyard at Mount Alexander till almost rotten, it was broken up for firewood.

In the blind eagerness of the Highlanders for spoil, it is said that they plundered many

of the inhabitants of Edinburgh and other neighbouring to«ms who came, during the course

of the day, to see the battle-ground. The whimsical Skirving; in his ballad of Tranatt

Mmr,9ay%i

* That afternoon, when a' was done,

I gaed to see the fray, man ;
But had I wist what after past,

I 'd better stajred away, man.
On Seton sands, wT nimble hands,

They picked my pockets bare, man ;
But I wish ne'er to dree sic fear.

For a' the sum and mair, man.'

In this rode but clever com]X>8ition, the honest farmer embodies almost the whole taflc of
the times regarding the actors 00 both sides. He animadverts in severe terms upon the
conduct of the British officers, one of whom betrayed an especial d^ree of cowardice, and
that under drcumstances which also disgraced his humanity. This was a Lieutenant Snath,
of Hamilton's regiment, and of Hibernian extraction :

' When Major Bowie, that worthy soul,

Was brought down to the ground, man.
His horse being shot, it was his lot

For to get many a wound, man.
Lieutenant Smith, of Irish birth,

Frae whom he called for aid, man.
Being full of dread, lap owre his head.

And wadna be gainaid, man.

He made sic haste, sae spurred his beast;

*Twas little there he saw, man ;
To Berwick lade, and falsdy said

The Scots were rebels a', man.
But let that end, for wed it 's kenned

His ibe and wont's to lie, man ;
The Teague is naught — ^he never laught

When he had room to fly, man.'

So fiunoos did this fcandal become in a little time, that an advertisement was inserted in

138 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OF 1 745-6.

people of the village have a tradition of their coming stragglmg
in every now and then during the day, each with a sheep upon
his back, which he threw down at the general ddpot with the
exclamation : ' Tare 's mhair o' Cope's paagage 1 ' When men's
minds are agitated by any mirthful or triumphant emotion, they
are pleased with wonderfully small jokes.

the EdiMburgk Counmi of die 6th of Jaouaiy 1746, to die foUowiag effect : ' Whereas
there has been a scandalous report q»ead» to the pc^udice of Lieutenant Peter Smith of
General Hamilton's dngoonik that he refused to assist Miyor Bowles, when dismounted at
Preston : I, the said Migor Bowles, do affinn it to be an infamous falsehood. Lieutenant
Smith not being in the same squadron with me : nor did any officer of the corps refuse me
his assistance on that occasicMi. Witness my hand, at Pirrstcmpans, thtt xst of January
1746. (Signed) Ricmako Bowlse.' It is needless to say that the lame and limited drcuhi-
tion of this exculpatory evidence went but little way to recorer the unfortunate lieutenant's
fiune. Smith seems, therefore, to have at last aimed at another mode of redress. He is
said to have come to Haddington, with the intendon of challenging Mr Skirving; and to
have sent a friend to the house of diat gentleman, in order to setde the preliminaries of a
personal combaL Here, however, poor Smith was quite as mudi at fitult as ever. The
fanner was busy forking his dui^hill when Ubit/rUnd approached, whose hostile intentions
he no sooner learned, than he proceeded to put that safe barrier between his own person
and that of the challenger ; after which, he padently waited till the gentleman disclosed
his errand. When he had heard all, and paused a little to consider it, he at last replied
with great coolness : ' Gang awa back to Mr Smith ; tell him that I hae nae time to come
to Haddington to gie him satisfacdon : but say, if he likes to come here, I 'U tak a look o^
him ; and if I think I 'm fit to fecht him, I 'II fecht him ; and if no, I '11 just do as he did^
I 'II rin awa ! ' This Mr Skirving was the father of a very clever artist in the department
of oayon portraits, long well known in Edinbuxsh.

The weapon which slew Colonel Gardiner.

PRINCE CHARLES AT HOLYROOD. I39

CHAPTER XIII.

PRINCE CHARLES AT HOLYROOD.

* What says King Bolingbioke ?*

Richard II.

The Camerons entered Edinburgh scarcely three hours after the
battle, playing their pipes with might and main, and exhibiting,
with many marks of triumph, the colours they had taken from
Cope's dragoons.^ But the return of the main body of the
army was reserved for the succeeding day (Sunday), when an
attempt was made to impress the citizens with as high an idea
as possible of the victory they had achieved. The clans marched
in one long extended line into the lower gate of the city, with
bagpipes exultingly playing the cavalier air, TTie king shall enjoy
his own again? They bore, besides their own standards, those
which had been taken from the royal army ; and they displayed,
with equally ostentatious pride, the vast accession of dress and
personal ornament which they had derived from the vanquished.
In the rear of their own body came the prisoners,' at least half
as numerous as themselves, and then followed the wounded in
carts.^ At the end of all, were the baggage and cannon under
a strong guard. They paraded through the principal streets of
the dty, as if anxious to leave no one unimpressed with the
sight of their good fortune. Charles himself did not accompany
die procession, but came in the evening to Holyrood House,

A The WaneUrtTt or Sttrpritittg Etca^ (Glasgow, 175a), p. 43.

S Boyse't History, 8a.

* The prisooen were confined, the officers in Queensheny House, and the privates in the
Jail and church of the Canongate. The wounded were committed to the Royal Infirmary,
where the utmost posable pains was taken to heal them. In the course of a few days after
the battle, the officers were liberated on parolcf and permitted to lodge in the town. After-
wards, 00 one penon breaking his word by going into the castle, the whole were sent to
Cupar- Angus ; and the private men were put into custody at Logierait in Athole.

^ Boyse's Hutcvy»

140 HISTORY OP THE REBELLION OF 1 745-6.

where, according to the Caledonian Mercury^ he was ^ welcomed
with the loudest acclamations of the people.'

It is difficult to describe the extravagant rejoicings with which
the Jacobites hailed the news of Preston. They received the
messengers and homeward-bound Highlanders, who everywhere
dispersed the intelligence, with unbounded hospitality ; and they
no longer made any scruple to disclose those sentiments in
public which they had hitherto been obliged to conceal as
treasonable. The gentlemen drank fathom-deep healths to the
Prince, who, in their own language, ^ could eat a dry crust, sleep
on pease-straw, take his dinner in four minutes, and win a battle
in five ; ' ^ whilst the ladies busied themselves in procuring locks
of his hair, miniature portraits of his person, and ribbons on
which he was represented as 'the Highland laddie.' But
perhaps the most extraordinary instance of individual zeal in
his behalf was one afforded by an old nonjurant cleigyman of
the Scottish Episcopal communion, who had attended his camp
before Preston, as some of the violent Presbyterians, on the
other hand, followed that of Cope. This zealous partisan,
immediately after the battle, set out on foot for his place of
residence beyond Doune in Perthshire; and, having travelled
considerably more than fifty miles, next morning gave out the
news of the victory from his own pulpit, at the ordinary hour of
worship, invoking a thousand blessings on the arms and person
of the Chevalier.*

The conduct of the Prince himself was marked by a becoming
moderation. On Monday the 23d, he issued several proclama-
tions, in one of which he expressed his anxiety that no inter-
ruption should be experienced by persons passing to and from
Edinburgh on business, and formally granted protection to the
inhabitants and the country-people around 'from all insults,
seizures, injuries, and abuses of oiu: army against them respect-
ively.' In another, he alluded to a wish which had been
expressed by many, that his victoiy should be marked by public

1 CaUdomioM Mtrcuty, t Information by a bishop of the Scottish Episcopal Church.

PRINCE CHARLES AT HOLYROOD. I4I

rejoicings, and added : ' We, reflecting that, however glorious it
may have been to us, and however beneficial to the nation in
general, as the principal means, under God, for the recovery of
their liberty; yet, in so far as it ha3 been obtained by the
effusion of the blood of his majesty's subjects, and has involved
many unfortunate people in great calamity, we hereby forbid
any outward demonstrations of public joy; admonishing all
true friends to their king and country to return thanks to
God for His goodness towards them, as we hereby do for
ourselves.'

An addition to this proclamation was elicited by a circum-
stance which came into notice on the preceding day. On the
Saturday evening Charles sent messengers to the clergy of the
city, requesting them to hold public worship as usual, and
apprehend no disturbance from hiixL To his surprise, not one
of the regular clergy appeared in his pulpit on the Sunday : it
was found that they had all deserted the town. He therefore
added to the above proclamation : ' And we hereby repeat, what
we have so often declared, that no interruption shall be given to
public worship, but, on the contrary, all protection to those
concerned in it; and if, notwithstanding hereof, any shall be
fotmd neglecting their duty in that particular, let the blame lie
entirely at their own door, as we are resolved to inflict no penalty
that may possibly look like persecutioiL' The clergy, as a body,
continued absent during the remainder of his stay in Edinburgh.
It has been* stated^ 'that they sent a deputation of their number
to know whether they would be permitted, in the course of
divine service, to pray for King George, when it was answered,
on the part of Charles, that to grant the request would be in so
far to give the lie to those £unily pretensions for the assertion of
which he was in arms, but that^ notwithstanding, he would give
them his royal assurance that they should not be called to

1 Tale* of a Crand/atker, third leries, uL 38. During Charles's stay at Holyrood House,
a sermon was preached before him from Joshua zxii. as : * The Lord God of gods, the Lord
God of gods, he knoweth, and rsrael he shall know ; if it be in rebellion, or if in trans-
greasioo against the Loid, save us not Ais day.*— /j{^rm0/w» iy tht iaU Mr G*arg»
XohniMH, Mitktr ^ * Ayrtkirg FamUus^ &c

X4> HISTORY OF THE REBELUON OF T 745-6.

account for any imprudent language they might use in the
pulpit' This assurance, if it was ever made, did not induce
any of the ministers to return to duty. There was, however,
a suburban deigyman, by name Macvicar, who, having some
countenance from the guns of the castle, continued to preach as
usual, and offer up the ordinaiy prayers for the king. He
also added, though several of the Highland army were present :
' As to this young person who has come among us seeking an
earthly crown, do Thou, in thy merciful &vour, grant him a
heavenly one ! ' ^

Amongst other traits of real or affected liberality, the Prince
proclaimed immunity to all who might have distinguished them-
selves by acting against himself, his father, or grandfather, pro-
vided they should, within twenty days, formally engage to live
inoffensively for the future.

He was at the same time obliged to publish an edict less
creditable to his little army. It appears that, in searching for
arms, the Highlanders used some license in regard to other
matters of property ; though it is also allowed that many persons
unconnected with the army assumed the appearance of clans-
men, and were the chief perpetrators of the felonies complained
of. Whole bands, indeed, went about the country, shewing
fotged commissions, and affecting to sell protections in Charles's
name, for which they exacted considerable sums of money.'
The Highland army were partly blamable for these mis-
demeanours, because they had opened the public jails wherever
they came, and let loose the culprits ; and because, since their

1 The ipsitsimm verba, of this nnguhtr prayer, as given in Ray's History of the Rohellion,
were these : ' Bless the king ; Thou knows what king I mean — may the crown sit long easy
upon his head, ftc. And for the man that is come among us to seek an earthly crown, we
beseech Thee in mercy to take him to thyself, and give him a crown of glory t *

s Among the rest, a certsun malefactor named RatclifT, who has been made well known to
the public by means of a popular novel, seems to have been by no means the least active.
It is mentioned in the Caledonian Mercury for October xt, that *the very villain James
Ratdiff, who has spent his whole life in pilfering and robbing, and who has escaped
twenty several times from jail, particularly twice when under sentence of death in this
city, was yesternight apprehended in the Grassmarket, and committed to the Thief s Hold.
He had gone about the country since he last got out of jail, at the head of a gang of villains
in Highland and Lowland dress, imposing upon and robbing honest people.'

PRINCE CHARLES AT HOLYROOD. I43

arrival in Edinbuiigh, the sword of justice had been suspended
Charles, however, who was not personally blamabie, made
every exertion to suppress practices which tended so much to
bring his cause into bad repute; and his exertions seem to
have been not altogether ineffectual^ It unfortunately happened
that, while he did all he could to prevent small or individual
robberies, the necessities of his own exchequer compelled him
to authorise others of considerable magnitude upon the public
bodies of the kingdom. From the dty of Edinburgh he exacted
a thousand tents, six thousand pair of shoes, and a vast
quantity of smaller articles, for the use of his troops; the
expense of which was so great as to call for an assessment
of half-a-crown a pound on the rental of the city. He seized
all the goods in the custom-houses of Leith and Borrowstounness,
and immediately converted them into money, by selling them
back to the smugglers from whom they had been takeiL From
the city of Glasgow he raised ;^55oo.

Though with 2000 men he had now obtained possession of

1 It is the confident astertion of all who witnessed and have described the transactions
of this time, that many persons really belonging to the Highland army tUd commit acts
0/ tUpredaiUm, It was common, for instance, for well-dresaed persons to be stopped in the
streets by men who presented their pieces with a threatening aspect, and iriio» on being
asked what they wanted, usually answered : * A /on/fir,' that is, a halfpenny. Sometimes
these persons were contented with a still humbler tribute— a pinch of snu£ When we
consider the extreme moderation of these demands, we can scarcely visit the practice with
anything but a smile. Even this was only practised by the canaUlt of the cUms, or rather
perhaps by those loose persons who hang upon the skirts of all armies, and whose only
motive for carrying arms is, that they may take advantage, for their own proper profit,
of the license which more or less accompanies the presence of all military bodies whatever.
The general tradition of the Lowlands is, that the Highlanders behaved with great civility
as they were advancing in their expedition, and that it was only when retreating, and when
their pride of spirit had been in a great measure destroyed, that their conduct in this respect
was to be complained of.

A worthy Quaker in Edinburi^, by name Erskine, and by trade a brewer, called upon
Charles at Holyrood House, to complain of a robbery which had been committed upon
him by a troop wearing the Highland dress and cognisance, and concluded his remonstrance
with these words : ' Verily, friend Charles, thou sut harder to deal with than our present
ruler : George only takes a part of our substance, but thou takest it all.' It is said that the
Prince told this strange expostulator that what he had lost was little enough to compensate
for the long arrears of tax and duty which he was owing to the king d* Jwnt, But he
appears, on the contrary, to have taken measures for bringing the perpetrators of the
robbery to deserved punishment. There is an advertisement in the Courani of the time,
proceeding finom him, in which he offers a reward for the robbers, and requires all to whom
the stolen goods might be offered for sale to restore them to the owner.

144 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OF 1 745-6.

Scotland, excepting the fortresses, it was impossible with that
small force to take any immediate step for the advancement of
his cause. It was necessary to wait for some time, that his
forces might be augmented, either by accessions of his Scottish
partisans, or by aid from abroad. He therefore encamped his
troops at Duddingston, and, taking up his own residence in
Holyrood House, enjoyed for a short period tlie privileges of
undisputed sovereignty. Even at this most brilliant part of his
career his deportment was generally thought pensive. He
nevertheless gave a few balls to the ladies ^ who £aivoured his
cause, and generally dined in public with his officers. On these
occasions, if not uniformly cheerful, he at least endeavoured to
appear pleased with what he saw of Scotland, its people, and
whatever was peculiar to it He was heard to say at dinner,
that, should his enterprise be successful, he would make Scot-
land his Hanover^ and Holyrood his Herrenhausen — ^thus con-
veying at once a compliment to the Scotch, and a sarcasm at
the partiality of King Geoige for his native dominions and
palace. At his balls, which were held in the picture-gallery, he
took care to dress very elegantly, wearing on some occasions ' a
habit of fine silk tartan (with crimson-velvet breeches), and at
other times an English court dress, with the ribbon, star, and
order of the Garter.' Here his affability and great personal
grace wrought him high favour with the ladies, who, as we learn
from the letters of President Forbes, became generally so zealous
in his cause as to have some serious effect in inducing their
admirers to declare for the Prince. There was, we know for
certain, a Miss Lumsden, who plainly told her lover, a young
artist named Robert Strange, that he might think no more of
her unless he should immediately join Prince Charles ; and thus
actually prevailed upon him to take up arms. It may be added
that he survived the enterprise, escaped with great difficulty,
and married the lady. He was afterwards the best line-engraver
of his time, and received the honour of knighthood from George

1 A tune to which he danced with Lady Betty Wcmyn on one ta mare of these occasiont
has been preserved and published.

PRINCE CHARLES AT HOLYROOD. I45

III.* White ribbons and breast-knots became at this time
conspicuous articles of female attire in private assemblies. The
ladies also shewed considerable zeal in contributing plate and
other articles for the use of the Chevalier at the palace, and in
raising pecuniary subsidies for him. Many a posset-dish and
snuff-box, many a treasured necklace and repeater, many a jewel
which had adorned its successive generations of family beauties,
was at this time sold or laid in pledge, to raise a little money for
the service of Prince Charlie.^

The external graces and accomplishments of the Prince have
never been denied; but much doubt has been expressed

1 Miss Lumsden, who was a most accomplished and high-minded person, was sister of
Mr Andrew Lumsden, an adherent of the Prince. Mr Strange had no predilection for the
Stuart cause, but solely obeyed the dictates of his lady-lore.

s One of his officers has given the following account of the Prince's daily life at Holyrood
House : ' In the morning, before the council met, the Prince Regent had a levee of his
oflkxrs, and other people "who favoured his cause. Upon the rising of the council, which
often sat very long — for his coimsellors frequently differed in opinion with one another,
and sometimes with him— he dined in public with his principal officers. After dinner, he
fode out to Doddisgstan (where the army lay encamped after their return to EUlinbuigh).
In the evening he returned to Holyrood House, and received the ladies who came to his
drawing-room. He then supped in public, and generally there was music at supper, and a
ball afterwards.'— //'«iM^# ffitUry,

The following description of Charles was drawn during his stay at Holyrood House by
an Englishman, who was sent from York in the middle of October as a spy, to report upon
the appearance of himself and his forces : ' I was introduced to him on the zjth, when he
asked me several questions as to the number of the troops, and the affections of the people
of England. The audience lasted for a quarter of an hour, and took place in the presence
of other two penona. The young Chevalier is about five feet eleven inches high, very pro
portionably made ; wears his own hair, has a full forehead, a small but lively eye, a round
brown-complexioned fince ; nose and mouth pretty small ; full under the chin ; not a long
neck : under his Jaw a pretty many pimples. He is always in a Highland habit, as are all
about him. When I saw him, he had a short Highland plaid [iartan] waistcoat ; breeches
of the same : a blue garter on, and a St Andrew's cross, hanging by a green ribbon, at his
bottoo-hole, bat no star. He had his boots on, ox Ar mhmays ka*. He dines every day in
public. All sorts of people are admitted to see him then. He constantly practises all the
arts of condescension and popularity— talks familiarly to the meanest Highlanders, and
nnkes them very lair promises.' — Excerpt from a MS. in the possession of the late Geoige
Chalmets, Esq., given in his CtU^Unda^ vol. ii. p. 717. That learned antiquary adds, that
the description corresponds with a bust by Le Moine, executed after hb return to Paris.

The description which the spy gives of the Highlanders is also worthy of quotation,
though not flattering. ' They consist,' he sa^ ' of an odd medley of gray-beards and
no-beards— old men fit to drop into the grave, and young bojrs whose swords are near equal
to their weight, and I really bdieve more than their length. Four or five thousand may be
very good determined men ; but the reit are mean, dirty, villainous-looking rascals, who
seem more anxious about plunder than their Prince, and would be better pleased with four
shillings than a crown.'

J

146 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OF 1745-6.

whether he possessed the genuine qualities of head and heart
which would have given him true esteem, had he been estab-
lished on the throne. Without here entering upon the whole
question, it may at least be asserted with confidence, that,
throughout the affair of 1745-6, he gave eminent proofs of a
merciful and forgiving disposition, insomuch as to offend many
adherents, and shewed himself to be superior to all low and
cruel arts for advancing his cause. Mr Maxwell of Kiikconnel,
who joined him at Edinburgh, and has left a memoir of the
campaign,^ presents the following illustrations of this point :
' Everybody/ says he, ' was mightily taken witli the Prince's
figure and personal behaviour. There was but one voice about
them. Those whom interest or prejudice made a runaway to
his cause, could not help acknowledging that they wished him
well in all other respects, and could hardly blame him for his
present undertaking. Sundry things had concurred to raise his
character to the highest pitch, besides the greatness of the
enterprise, and the conduct that had hitherto appeared in the
execution of it There were several instances of good nature
and humanity that had made a great impression on people's
minds. I shall confine myself to two or three. Immediately
after the battle, as the Prince was riding along the ground that
Cope's army had occupied a few minutes before, one of the
officers came up to congratulate him, and said, pointing to the
killed : " Sir, there are your enemies at your feet" The Prince,
far from exulting, expressed a great deal of compassion for his
father's deluded subjects, whom he declared he was heartily
sorry to see in that posture. Next day, when the Prince was at
Pinkie House, a citizen of Edinburgh came to make some
representation to Secretary Murray about the tents that city
was ordered to furnish against a certain day. Murray happened
to be out of the way, which the Prince hearing of, called to have
the gentleman brought to him, saying he would rather despatch
the business, whatever it was, himself, than have the gentleman

1 Printed at Edinburgh, 1841. 4ta

PRINCE CHARLES AT HOLYROOD. I47

wait, which he did by granting everything that was asked. So
much affability in a young prince flushed with victory, drew
encomiums even from his enemies* But what gave the people
the highest idea of him, was the negative he gave to a thing
that very nearly concerned his interest, and upon which the
success of his enterprise perhaps depended. It was proposed
to send one of the prisoners to London, to demand of that
court a cartel for the exchange of prisoners taken, and to be
taken, during the war, and to intimate that a refusal would be
looked upon as a resolution on their part to give no quarter. It
was visible a cartel would be of great advantage to the Prince's
affairs ; his friends would be more ready to declare for him if
they had nothing to fear but the chances of war in the field ;
and if the court of London refused to settle a cartel, the Prince
was authorised to treat his prisoners in the same manner as the
Elector of Hanover was determined to treat such of the Prince's
friends as fell into his hands. It was urged that a few examples
would induce the court of London to comply. It was to be
presumed that the officers of the English army would make a
point of it ... . Though this scheme was plausible, and
represented as very important, the Prince could never be brought
into it ; it was below him, he said, to make empty threats, and
he would never put such as those into execution; he would
never in cold blood take away lives which he had saved in the
heat of action at the peril of his own. These were not the only
proofs of good nature the Prince gave about this time, .. Every
day produced something new of this kind.^ These things

1 Perhaps we are to consider in this light a ceremony which he consented to perform
under the following circumstances: When at Perth, he had been petitioned by a poor
woman to ifiucA her daughter, a child of seven years, who had been afflicted with the king's
eril ever since her infancy. He excused himself by pleading want of time, but directed
that the girl should b« brought to him at Edinburgh; to which she was accordingly
despatched, under the care of a sick-nune, and a day was appointed when she should be
introduced to his presence in the palace. When the child was brought in, he was found in
the picture-gallery, which served as his ordinary audienc&'chamber, surrounded by his
principal officers and by many ladies. He caused a circle to be cleared, within which the
child was admitted, together with her attendant, and a priest in his canonicals. The
patient was then stripped, and placed upon her knees in the centre of the circle. The
dergyman having pronounced an appropriate prayer, Charles approached the kneeling

148 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OF 1745-6.

softened the rigour of a military government, which was only
imputed to the necessity of his affairs, and which he endeavoured
to make as gentle and easy as possible.'

As yet, excepting a letter he had addressed to Lord Barry-
more from Perth, Charles had had no correspondence with the
friends of his family in England On the day after the battle of
Preston, he despatched an agent, named Hickson, with instruc-
tions drawn up, probably by himself, in the following brief but
forcible terms : * You are hereby authorised and directed to
repair forthwith to England, and there notify to my friends, and
particularly to those in the north and north-west, the wonderful
success with which it has hitherto pleased God to favour my
endeavours for their deliverance. You are to let them know
that it is my full intention, in a few days, to move towards them;
and that they will be inexcusable before God and man, if they do
not all in their power to assist and support me in such an under-
taking. What I demand and expect is, that as many of them as
can, should be ready to join me ; and that they should take
care to provide provisions and money, that the country may
suffer as little as possible by the march of my troops. Let
them know that there is no more time for deliberation; now or
never is the word. I am resolved to conquer, or perish. If
this last should happen, let them judge what they and their
posterity have to expect. C. P. R.* Hickson was apprehended
on the 37th at Newcastle, with this document in his cloak-bag.
He was put into prison, where he next morning attempted to
take away his life by cutting his throat, but without immediately
succeeding in his object^ What afterwards became of him does
not appear.

On the loth of October, Charles issued a proclamation 'unto

girl, and with great lolemnity touched the sores, pronoimcing at every diflferent application
the words : ' I touch, but God heal !' The ceremony was concluded by another prayer
from the priest : and the patient, being again dressed, was carried round the circle, and
presented with little sums of money by all present The story goes on to say that, prfr*
ci^ly twenty-one days from the date of her being submitted to Charles's touch, the ulcers
closed and healed, and nothing remained to shew that she had been afflicted except the
scars or marks left upon the skin ! These marks my informant had himself touched.
1 Culloden Papers, 226.

PRINCE CHARLES AT HOLYROOD. I49

all his majesty's subjects, of what degree soever,' in which he
made an earnest appeal to their affections, and took occasion to
explain his views on some important points in the political state
of the country.^ He declared that his father's sole intention
was ' to reinstate all his subjects in the full enjoyment of their
religion, laws, and liberties.' ' Our present attempt,' said he,
* is not undertaken in order to enslave a free people, but to
redress and remove the encroachments made upon them ; not
to impose upon any a religion which they dislike, but to secure
them all in the enjoyment of those which are respectively at
present established amongst them either in England, Scotland,
or Ireland.' He promised to respect the national debt, but said
he could upon no account be induced to ratify the Union. He
alluded to the endeavours which were made by ill-designing
men to prejudice the people against himself and his undertak-
ing. * Do not,' says he, * the pulpits and congregations of the
clcigy, as well as yoiu: weekly papers, ring with the dreadful
threats of popery, slavery, tyranny, and arbitrary power, which
are now ready to be imposed upon you by the formidable
powers of France and Spain ? Is not my royal father represented
as a blood-thirsty tyrant, breathing out nothing but destruction
to all who will not immediately embrace an odious religion?
Or have I myself been better used? But listen only to the
naked truth.

* I with my own money, hired a small vessel, ill supplied with
money, arms, or friends; I arrived in Scotland, attended by
seven persons ; I publish the king my father's declaration, and
proclaim his title, with pardon in one hand, and in the other
liberty of conscience, and the most solemn promises to grant
whatever a free parliament shall propose for the happiness of a
people. I have, I confess, the greatest reason to adore the
goodness of Almighty God, who has in so remarkable a manner
protected me and my small army through the many dangers to

1 Lord Mahon expresses his opinion that this document was of his own composition,
fint«rith<ttandin^ that Mr Murray of Brougbton, in his examination, states it to have been
dc»va up by Sir Thonu* Stieridan and Sir James Steuart.

150 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OF 1 745-6.

which we were at first exposed, and who has led me in the way
to victory, and to the capital of this ancient kingdom, amidst
the acclamations of the king my father's subjects. Why, then,
is so much pains taken to spirit up the minds of the people
against this my undertaking ?

'The reason is obvious; it is, lest the real sense of the
nation's present sufferings should blot out the remembrance of
past misfortunes, and of the outcries formerly raised against the
royal family. Whatever miscarriages might have given occasion
to them, they have been more than atoned for since ; and the
nation has now an opportunity of being secured against the like
for the future.

* That our family has suffered exile during these fifty-seven
years, everybody knows. Has the nation, during that period of
time, been the more happy and flourishing for it ? Have you
found reason to love and cherish your governors, as the fathers
of the people of Great Britain and Ireland ? Has a family, upon
whom a faction unlawfully bestowed the diadem of a rightful
prince, retained a due sense of so great a trust and favour?
Have you found more humanity and condescension in those
who were not bom to a crown, than in my royal forefathers ?
Have their ears been open to the cries of the people ? Have
they, or do they consider only the interest of these nations?
Have you reaped any other benefit from them than an immense
load of debts ? If I am answered in the affirmative, why has
their government been so often railed at in all your public
assemblies? Why has the nation been so long crying out in
vain for redress against the abuse of parliaments, upon account
of their long duration, the multitude of placemen which occa-
sions their venality, the introduction of penal laws, and, in
general, against the miserable situation of the kingdom at
home and abroad? All these and many more inconveni-
ences must now be removed, unless the people of Great
Britain be already so far corrupted that they will not accept
of freedom when offered to them, seeing the king, on his
restoration, will refuse nothing that a free parliament can

PRINCE CHARLES AT HOLYROOD. I5I

ask for the security of the religion, laws, and liberty of his
people. ....

* It is now time to conclude, and I shall do it with this reflec-
tion. Civil wars are ever attended with rancour and ill-will,
which party rage never fails to produce in the minds of those
whom different interests, principles, or views set in opposition
to one another. I therefore earnestly require it of my friends
to give as little loose as possible to such passions; this will
prove the most effectual means to prevent the same in the
enemies of our royal cause. And this my declaration will vindi-
cate to all posterity the nobleness of my undertaking, and the
generosity of my intentions.' ^

1 This document was burlesqued on the spur of the occasion by Mrs Cockburn, author of
the beautiful song. The Flowers 0/ the Forest^ and whose wit, as here exemplified, may
for the future check in some degree the too confident assertion that the Muses were
exckisively Jacobite. The verses form a kind of parody of a song called Clvut the
Cauldron :

' Have you any laws to mend T
Or have you any grievance T
I am a hero to my trade.

And truly a roost leal prince.
Would you have war, would you have peaces

Would you be free of taxes.
Come chapping to my father's door,
Vou need not doubt of access.

Religion, laws, and liberty.

Ye ken are bonnie words, »rs ;
They shall be a' made sure to you.

If you 'U fecht wi' your swords, sirs.
The nation's debt we soon shall pay.

If ye 11 support our right, boys ;
No sooner we are brought in play.

Than all things shall be tight, boys.

Ye ken that by a Union base.

Your ancient kingdom 's undone.
That a' your ladies, lords, and lairdSi

Gang up and live at London.
Nae langer that we will allow.

For, crack — ^it goes asxmder—
What took sic time and pains to do s

And let the warld wonder.

I *m sure, for seven years and mair.

Ye 've heard o' sad oppresftion ;
And this is all the good ye got

By the Hanover succession.

152 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OF 1 7 45-6.

CHAPTER XIV.

GATHERING AT EDINBURGH.

* To wanton me^ to wanton me,
Ken ye what maist wad wanton me?
To see King James at Edinburgh Cross,
Wr fifty thousand foot and horse,
And the usurper forced to flee ;
Oh, this is what maist wad wanton me ! '

Jacobite Song*

The court of St James's, thoroughly alarmed at Charles's
progress and success, were now taking measures to present a
large force against him. About the end of September, the king
ordered a strong body of troops, consisting of several battalions
of foot and some squadrons of horse, to march directly to
Scotland, imder the conmiand of Marshal Wade. They were

* For absolute power and popery.
Ye ken it 's a' but nonsense :
I here swear to secure to you
Your liberty of conscience.

And, for your mair encouragement.

Ye shall be pardoned byganes :
Nae mair fight on the continent,

And leave behind your dry bancs.
Then come away, and dinna stay ;

What gars ye look sae landart \
I 'd have ye run, and not delay,

To join my father's standard.'

Sir Walter Scott, in a manuscript note which he communicated to the author of this
history, says : ' I remember having heard repeated a parody on Prince Charles's procla-
mation, in buriesque verse, to the tune of Clout the Cauldron. In the midst of the siege
or blockade of the castle of Edinburgh, the carriage in which Mrs Cockbum was returning
from a visit to Ravelston was stopped by the Highland guard at the West Port ; and as
she had a copy of the parody about her person, she was not a little alarmed for the conse-
quences, especially as the officer talked of searching for letters and correspondence with
the Whigs in the city. Fortunately the arms on the coach were recognised as belonging
to a gentleman favourable to the cau«e of the adventurer, so that Mrs Cockbum escaped,
with the cautiou not to carr)* political squibs about her pcrsua in tuiure.*

GATHERING AT EDINBURGH. 153

appointed to assemble at Doncaster, and Wade set out from
London on the 6th of October to assume the command It
was not till the 29th of October that this army reached
Newcastle, on their way to meet the Highland anny, by
which time Charles was on the point of marching into
England.^

This force being still considered too small, the king, besides
using every endeavour to enlist new men, ordered home a con-
siderable portion of his veteran army from Flanders, along with
its youthful commander, William, Duke of Cumberland, his
second son, who had already distinguished himself at the
well-fought though unsuccessful battle of Fontenoy. Thirteen
regiments of infantiy and two of cavalry were also in the course
of being raised by the nobility and gentry of England to oppose
the insurgents; and the king, the better to carry on the war,
was favoured with a loan of ^^700,000, by the proprietors of
two privateer vessels, which had recently taken upwards of that
sum in specie from the French. The royal assent was also
given, October 21, to a bill for suspending the Habeas Corpus
Act; and many persons of importance were arrested on
suspicion.

To oppose forces thus leisurely collected, and in such quan-
tities, Charles exerted himself, for six weeks after his victory, to
raise the clans which had not at first declared themselves, and
to organise his little army as well as time and circumstances
would allow. This was the more necessary, as, in addition
to the regular forces mustered by the government. President
Forbes was exerting himself to raise a loyal force in the High-
lands out of the foilawings of the Laird of Grant, the Earl of
Sutherland, Monro of Foulis, and a few other well-affected
landlords, and for this purpose had obtained from court twenty
commissions for an equal number of independent companies^ as
they were called, of 100 men each. On the 24th of September,

1 Wade, on the 30th of October, issued a proclamation, addressed to such as had been
forced by their superiors into rebellion, oflfering them his majest/s free pardon, on condiiioa
<w their returning to their homes before the xath of November.

154 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OF 1 745-6.

Charles despatched Mr Alexander Macleod of Muiravonside, a
cousin of young Clanranald, as a messenger to the Isle of Skye,
to assure Sir Alexander Macdonald and the Laird of Macleod,
that, not imputing their inactivity to disaffection, he was ready
to receive them and their powerful clans as the most favoured
of his father's loyal subjects. From Skye, this messenger was
commissioned to go to Castle Downie, the residence of Lord
Lovat, and to deliver to him the same message. He met with
no success in Skye, where Duncan Forbes had been exerting
himself to confirm the two recusant chiefs in their loyalty. At
Castle Downie he found Lovat still undecided as to which
course he should take. This aged chief had been greatly
rejoiced by the tidings of Preston. It is said that, momentarily
hurried from his prudent course, he pronounced it a victory of
unparalleled brilliancy, and descending to his courtyard, and
casting his hat upon the ground, drank, in a bumper of wine,
' Success to the White Rose, and confusion to the White Horse
and all its adherents I * — the white rose being a badge of the
house of Stuart, and the white horse a conspicuous object on
the armorial shield of the house of Hanover. Still he was too
much in fear of the government, and too closely watched by
his neighbour. President Forbes, to commit himself in the
character of a declared partisan of the Chevalier. It occurred
to Lovat*s subtle, but at the same time superficial mind, that he
might give the Prince the use of his clan, as a portion of his
army, while he himself might keep up a fair face towards the
government, and thereby save his person and estates from risk.
He therefore caused the clan to be mustered by his subalterns,
the chief of whom was Fraser of Gortuleg ; and summoning his
son, a youth of eighteen, from college at St Andrews, forced
him to assume the appearance of a rebellious young chief,
determined to muster and lead away the clan for the service of
the Chevalier, against the will of an aged father, unable by
personal infirmity to prevent him.

The letters addressed by Lovat to President Forbes during
the time when these transactions were going on have been

GATHERING AT EDINBURGH. 1$$

preserved and published,^ and perhaps we have nowhere more
faithful illustrations of that mean cunning, the natural language
of which Hogarth has so well expressed in his lordship's portrait
On the 7th of October, he speaks with indignation of the
'villainous, malicious, and ridiculous reports* that had been
circulated respecting his conduct, and to which Forbes had
alluded, assuring the President that * there was nothing ever out
of hell more false.* Forbes replied on the same day, in terms
expressing full confidence in his continued prudence and loyalty.
On the nth, Lovat writes again, representing (this was an
important part of his system) his health as extremely bad ; he
could not move without the assistance of three or four men.
He is full of intelligence favourable to the Chevalier's object — ^a
French army landed in the south of England — the Duke of
Beaufort, Sir Watkins William W3nine, and Morgan of Tredegar,
at the head of a native English army of six thousand men — all
the gentry of Banff, Aberdeen, Perth, and Stirling, and many of
the clans, flocking to the standard at Edinburgh. The contagion
of disloyalty has reached his men, and he finds it morally
impossible to prevent them from arming in behalf of the * mad
young gentleman.' He really does not know how to act : he
wishes he had been in any part out of Britain for these twelve
months past Finally, he craves the Lord President's advice.
On the night of the i6th, a large party of Lovat's clan, under
some of his subalterns, made an unsuccessful attack on Culloden
House, in order to seize the person of the President, for which,
it will be recollected, he had obtained a warrant from Prince
Charles, not dictated in such unscrupulous terms as he had
wished. Apparently, on hearing of this attack, he wrote to the
Lord President in condoling terms ; but the letter has not been
preserved. Of course, he would disclaim all connection with
the attempt, though there is no doubt that it was of his own
scheming. In the same letter, as we can judge from the
President's answer, he must hav« stated that his son had put

1 CuUoden Papers, 4ta

156 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OF 1745-6.

himself at the head of the clan, and was about to conduct it to
the standard of the Chevalier. On the 20th, he renews this
subject, with many affected complaints as to the distresses of
his situation. ' This Prince's landing,' says he, ' was as great a
surprise to me as it was to any man in Scotland ; but who can
prevent accidents, or the designs of Providence ? It is certain
that what he has done since he landed seems rather to be a
miracle, than the effects of men's heads or hands ; and how far
that favourable providence may follow him, or conduct him,
God alone knows ; for he seems ett present in a fair and probable
way of succeeding.'' For this, which probably was his genuine
opinion, he adduces facts ; particularly the great number of his
adherents in Scotland, and the succours expected from abroad.
Nevertheless, ' I do solemnly declare to your lordship that
nothing ever vexed my soul so much as the resolution of my
son to go and join the Prince. .... This mad resolution
struck him in the head as soon as he heard of the Prince's
landing ; and after what Macleod said to him, and what Gortuleg
said to him, and what myself said to him, I know by his answers
to Macleod, Gortuleg, and me, that all the creation will not
keep him from going to live and die with that Prince. I refer
it to your lordship, who has a true sense of the danger of my
family from his going out, what a load and weight of grief must
be upon my soul to see my son, myself, and my family in such
danger and jeopardy. But I cannot help it I must submit to
the will of God, and there must leave it*

In this letter he whiningly complains that his son, when he
ventures to remonstrate with him, only ' smiles and laughs :' in
another of the 27 th, we have the young man described as flying
in his face * like a wild-cat ' whenever he but speaks of his folly.
The President having, in a reply dated the 29th, plainly intimated
that, in an age of such suspicion, the Master of Lovat's conduct
might be the ruin of his father and family, the old chief, on the
30th, exclaims loudly against the very idea of such a thing, than
which, he says, there never could have been greater injustice
among the Turks or Persians. ' Am I, my lord, the first man

GATHERING AT EDINBURGH. 157

that has had ane undutiful son ? Or am I the first man that has
made a good estate, and saw it destroyed in his own time by
the foolish actings of ane imnatural son, who prefers his own
extravagant fancies to the solid advice of ane affectionate old
father ? I have seen instances of this in my own time ; but I
never heard till now that the foolishness of a son would take
away the liberty and life of a father, that lived peaceably, that
was ane honest man, and well inclined to the rest of mankind
But I find the longer a man lives, the more wonders and extra-
ordinary things he sees.' On the 6th of November, he entreats
the Lord President to continue his friendship, and to represent
his case in the most favourable light in important quarters —
adding, with that view, a recital of how his clan had been
infected by the general enthusiasm, how they had gone off to
the Prince, leaving me * a contemptible old infirm fellow in my
house, and no more notice taken of me than if I was a child ' —
and finally, how he was, after all, exerting himself to make up a
regiment for the government, 'most of them pretty fellows,
though some of them are between sixty and seventy years of age'
(many of them, he elsewhere says, * about my own age,' that is,
on the borders of eighty !), and at whose head he was to put a
set of * pretty gentlemen.' He was determined to live at home
in peace, and, if he should suffer on his son's account, it would
be a greater severity than was ever practised to any subject
' My house and green,' he adds, ' has been like a market-place
for some time past ; and my son was such a fool, that he enter-
tained, and does entertain, every man he thinks favours his part,
and he is ten times [more] master of this house than I am ; but
I have resolved from the beginning, and still continue firm in
my resolution, let them do or say what they will, I will never
black paper with them ; and as soon as I am able to travel out
of this house, 1 11 stay no longer in it, for I am downright killed
with vexation of heart and spirit, to see my health much hurt,
my family in danger, and any money and rent I have foolishly
spent and squandered away. There is no help for it ; I must
submit to Divine Providence.' Then, after a few matters of no

153 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OF 1 745-6.

importance, he tells how the Earl of Cromarty and Lord Macleod
had come to Beaufort, on their way to join the Prince. * So
your lordship sees that the wise and worldly people of the
Mackenzies are infected; so that it's no wonder that the
Frasers, who never were thought worldly or wise, should be
infected with a contagion, though never so foolish or dangerous.'

It is very remarkable, amidst all these proofs of refined
cunning, to observe the want of the simplest wisdom in LfOvat.
From the magnificent accounts he gives of the Prince's circum-
stances and prospects, he appears to have been among the most
credulous and easily deceived men of his day.

The Master of Lovat — ^afterwards the well-known General
Fraser of the British army — led out the Frasers, it has
always been said, with great reluctance, but not in time to join
the army before its march into England

Although the President was generally successful in his negotia-
tions, he could not prevent a considerable number of the clans
from marching to join the Prince's standard. As he himself
declares in one of his letters, rebels stalked out from families for
whose loyalty he could have previously staked his life ; and even
his own nephew, to his great astonishment and mortification,
one day assumed the white cockade, and joined the insurgents.
It would indeed appear that he was in some cases, besides that
of Lovat, egregiously deceived ; and that, by a policy not less
fine-spun than his own, many whom he considered his friends
had only assured him of their loyalty in order to lull him into
security, and that they might be able to circumvent him in their
turn. Under these circumstances, it is not surprising that the
Independent Companies did not at first muster very quickly.
The Earl of Loudoun came to Inverness to take the command
on the nth of October; but only two companies had been
gathered at the end of that month, and only four more during
the first half of the next

Edinburgh was in the meantime experiencing some of the
miseries of civil war. For a few days after the batde of Preston,
the communication between the city and castle continued open.

GATHERING AT EDINBURGH. I59

The Highlanders kept guard at the Weigh-house, an old
building situated in the centre of the street leading to the castle,
about four hundred yards from the fortress itself; and they at
first allowed all kinds of provisions to pass, particularly for the
use of the officers. But, the garrison sooit beginning to annoy
them with cohoms and cannon, orders were issued, on the 29th
of September, that no person should be permitted to pass.
General Guest then sent a letter to the city, threatening to use
his cannon against the stations of the Highland guards, unless
they permitted a free communication. As that involved the
safety of the town to a great extent, the inhabitants — ^for there
were no magistrates — implored a respite for a single night, which
was granted. They then waited upon Prince Charles, and
shewed him General Guest's letter. He immediately gave them
an answer in writing, that they might shew it to the governor,
expressing his surprise at the barbarity of the officer who
threatened to bring distress upon the citizens for not doing what
was out of their power, and at the extravagance which demanded
his renunciation of all the advantages he possessed by the
fortune of war. He concluded by threatening to retaliate upon
the garrison, in reprisals upon their estates, and also upon those
of *all known abetters of the German government' Upon
presenting this letter to General Guest, and making earnest
entreaty for a further respite, the citizens obtained a promise
that no shots should be fired till his majesty's pleasure should be
known upon the subject, providing that the besiegers should,
during that time, offer no annoyance to the garrison.

This condition was broken next day by the levity of the
Highlanders, who fired off their pieces, to frighten some people
who were carrying provisions up the Castle-hill. The governor
then considered himself justified in firing upon the guard
Charles, on learning what had taken place, published a procla-
mation, prohibiting all intercourse with the castle, upon pain
of death, and gave orders to strengthen the blockade, by
posting additional guards at several places. The garrison
retaliated for this measure, by firing at all the Highlanders

l6o HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OF 1745-6.

they could see. On the 4th of October, they commenced a
bombardment of the city. When it grew dark, the cannonading
ceased, and a party sallying out, threw up a trench across the
Castle-hill, where they planted cannon, and fired balls and
small-shot down the street They also set fire to one or two
deserted houses at the head of die street, and on the people
running to extinguish the flames, destroyed some innocent
lives. The people, then greatly alarmed, began to busy them-
selves in transporting their aged and infirm friends to the
country, along with their most valuable effects ; and the streets,
on which the bullets were every moment descending, were soon
as completely deserted by day as they usually were by night
In running down to Leith for shelter, a great party met the
inhabitants of that town hurrying for the same purpose towards
Edinburgh, because a British ship of war, lying off in the roads,
and whose intercourse with the shore had been cut off by the
Highlanders, was firing into their streets with the same fatal
effect All was perplexity and dismay; and the unhappy
citizens stood still, wringing their hands, and execrating the
cruel necessities of war.

The distress whifch the blockade of the castle had brought
upon the city was now found to be so unfavourable to Charles's
cause, that he was obliged, for the sake of that cause, to take
it off. He did so by proclamation on the evening of the day
succeeding its commencement The cannonade then ceased on
the part of the castle, into which provisions were thenceforth
conveyed without molestation.

The prisoners taken at Gladsmuir had meanwhile been sent
to distant parts of the country — ^the officers to Perth, and the
private men to Logierait in Athole. Some sergeants, corporals,
and private men were prevailed upon to enlist in the victorious
army ; but most of them afterwards deserted. It will be found
that most of the officers, who, besides their parole, had also
taken an oath not to serve against the house of Stuart for a
twelvemonth, held as little faith with their captors. The Prince
not only freed those private soldiers who had been severely

GATHERING AT EDINBURGH. l6l

wounded (about seventy in number), but, with his usual
humanity, gave them money to bear them to their homes.
Many travelled into England as beggars, shewing their dreadful
gashes wherever they went ; by which means the curiosity of the
English populace was at once gratified, and their minds impressed
with no small terror for the cla3rmore.

The accessions of force which Prince Charles received at
Edinburgh were not inconsiderable. The first that joined him
was Lord Ogilvie, eldest son of the Earl of Airlie, who arrived
in town on the 3d of October with a regiment of 600 men,
most of whom were of his own name, and firom the county of
Foifar. Next day came Gordon of Glenbucket, with 400 men
fix)m the head of Aberdeenshire, forming a regiment, of which
he and his kinsmen were the officers. LfOrd Pitsligo arrived on
the 9th, with a great body of gentlemen from the counties of
Aberdeen and Banff, attended by their servants, all well armed
and mounted; as also a small body of infantry. On the i6th.
Lord Lewis Gordon, brother of the Duke of Gordon, arrived,
and kissed the Chevalier's hand. It was understood that he on
this occasion represented his brother, who was not inclined to
appear in person.^ These valuable recruits were firom the
northern part of the Lowlands of Scotland, where non-jurancy
might be said to have its principal citadel, and where the
Episcopal and Roman Catholic forms of worship still flourish.
Various other gentlemen from the north, along with some
inferior septs of Highland families, joined the army before
the end of October, when the whole amount was somewhat
less than 6000.

1 Amongst many who declared for the Chevalier a cautious policy was adopted. In cases
where the head of a family and proprietor of an estate went out, he would previously make
over his property to his eldest son, who remained at home in possession. When the father,
on the contrary, was averse to active partisanship, a son went out, along with all the forces^
both in the way of men and money, which the house could contribute, assured that, although
the youth should fall or he attainted, he had still brothers to inherit the patrimonial pro-
perty for the behoof of the family. Some of the Highland gentlemen themselves saw fit
to adopt thu policy. The Macdonalds of Clanranald, and also those of Glengany, wer«
led out by the sons of their respective chiefs. At a subsequent period of the campaign, the
wift of the chief of the Madcintoshes raised the clan in behalf of Charles, while Mackintosh
himself served as an ofllcer in the militia raised for the defence of government

K

j62 history of the rebellion of 1745-6.

The Chevalier, notwithstanding the success of Preston, found
few adherents in Edinbuigh, or in any part of the country south
of the Forth. Even when he was in complete possession of the
city, only about three hundred of the inhabitants, and those not
the most respectable, did him the honour of assuming the white
cockade.^ In fact, his enterprise was a thing quite foreign
to the feelings and ordinary pursuits of the Lowland population.
It was also opposed by the stem Presbyterian princi|de of
dislike to his £unily, originating in the religious persecutions to
which his ancestors had subjected a portion ot the people of
Scotland. It is true that the most rigid sect of Presbyterians
hadf since the revolution, expressed a strong desire to coalesce
with the Jacobites, with the 1k^, in case the house of Stuart
were restored, to obtain what they called a covenanted king ;
and that 1000 of this sect had assembled in Dumfriesshire, at
the first intelligence of the insurrection, bearing arms and colours^
and supposed to contemplate a junction with the Chevalier. But
these religionists were now almost as violently distinct from the
Established Church of Scotland as ever they had been from
those of England and Rome, and had long ceased to pLay a
prominent part in the national disputes. The established cleigy,
and the greater part of their congregations, were averse to
Charles upon considerations peifecdy moderate, but at the same
time not easy to be shaken.

Some instances have been reported which shew the efficacy
of these sentiments against Charles's cause, and at the same
time prove the disinclination to war which an age of domestic
peace and increasing commerce had produced in the Lowlands.
\Vhen the Earl of Kilmarnock exerted himself in 17 15 for the
defence of government, he found no difficulty in raising a large
regiment among his tenants and dependants, all of whom were
at once willing to attend their baronial master, and hearty in
the cause for which he desired their services ; but on the son of
that earl coming to Kilmarnock in 1745, and requesting the

1 Edinhu9>gk Packet O^nedt 1745. 8vd. P. xa.

GATHERING AT EDINBURGH. 1 63

inhabitants to arm themselves in behalf of the house of Stuart,
there was a very different result The people were acquiring
wealth by the manufacture of carpets and nightcaps, and had
got different lights r^arding feudal servitude, which, added to
their prejudices against the pope and the Pretender, caused
them fairly to rebel against their baronial superior. His lord-
ship assembled them in the town-hall, and tried them first with
entreaties, and then with threats; but not one man would
consent to join his standard. He then confined his demands
to their arms ; for, weavers as they were, they still retained the
old muskets and rusty swords of their covenanting ancestors,
and occasionally displayed them at bloodless wapenshaws.
But this requisition they were equally prepared to resist ; and
one of them even told his lordship, that * if they presented him
with their guns, it would be witA the muzzle till him P ^ The
Earl of Kilmarnock, therefore, brought none but himself and
his body-servants to the Prince's army.

The £arl of Kellie was equally unsuccessful in his attempt
to raise his dependants. This eccentric nobleman is described
in the Mercury as going over to Fife, in order to raise a
regiment for the Prince's service upon his estates in that
well-affected district He never got above three men — ^himself
as colonel, an old Fife laird for lieutenant-colonel, and a
serving-man, who had to represent all the rest of the troop
by his own single person \

Several other Lowland gentlemen joined the Prince at this
time — ^amongst the rest William Hamilton of Bangour, an
amiable man and pleasing poet, who became the laureate of
the enterprise, and seems at one time to have designed being
its historian. Another of some note was the Honourable
Arthur Elphingstone of Balmerino, who had been an officer in
Queen Anne's army, and who, in the ensuing January, while
engaged in the enterprise, succeeded to his family titie of Lord
Balmerina ' I might easily,' said this brave veteran in his Uist

1 Tradition at Kilmamoclc.

X64 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OF 1745-^.

Speech^ 'have excused myself taking arms on account of my age;
but / never could have had peace of conscience if I had stayed at
home, when that brave Prince was exposing himself to all
manner of dangers and fatigue both night and day.' An
adherent of still greater importance, and one whose becoming
so occasioned more surprise, was Sir James Steuart of Goodtrees
and Coltness, afterwards distinguished as the author of the first
British work of importance on political economy, and unques-
tionably a man of considerable talents. Descended of a Whig
family, Sir James had, nevertheless, allowed himself, in the
course of his travels, to form an intimacy with the Stuart princes
and some of their principal adherents. He had more lately
been piqued at the treatment he had received at an election
from one of the officers of the government He was disposed
to join the enterprise of the Prince, but wished that, in doing so,
he should not appear quite a free agent His sister's husband,
the Earl of Buchan, a good man, of moderate understanding,^
was brought by him to the same views, and they agreed with
Lady Steuart's brother. Lord Elcho, that they should be seized
in a public place, and carried to Holyrood House, as if against
their will Walking next day at the Cross of Edinburgh, Sir
James and the earl were seized accordingly, and conducted to
the palace. There a message was sent from an anteroom to the
Chevalier, mentioning their presence. The Prince, who in the
meanwhile had heard of the manner of their visit, returned for
answer, that if the Earl of Buchan and Sir James Steuart came
as willing partisans to befriend his cause, he should be proud
and happy to see them, but not otherwise. This bluntness,
though honourable to the Prince's candour, displeased Buchan,
whose resolution, perhaps, had already begun to give way. He
therefore made a low bow to the officer, and said: 'Please
inform his royal highness that I have the honour to be his most
obedient humble servant;' after which he instantly left the
palace. Sir James, too much ofifended with the government to

1 Though the father of two uncommoDly clever men — the Hooouxable Henry Ersklne.
and Lord Enkine, Chancellor of England.

GATHERING AT EDINBURGH. 1 65

retrace his steps, remained to see the Prince upon the terms
prescribed.^

When the old Chevalier was first informed of Charles's
departure for Scotland, he, though disapproving of the enter-
prise, did all he could to favour its success. Besides remitting
200,000 francs to O'Brien, his chief agent at Paris, to pay off
the debts contracted by the Prince, he deposited another sum
of 50,000 francs in the hands of Waters, junior, his banker
there, to be at O'Brien's disposal for the service of the enter-
prise, and soon after sent 80,000 Roman crowns for the same
purpose, promising soon to follow the same up with a still
further remittance of 28,000 crowns, which he said would
exhaust his treasury.* He likewise wrote a letter (August 5,
new style — ^July 24, old style) to the king of France, pressingly
urging him to second the Prince's attempt by an efficient force.'
He at the same time addressed the Cardinal Tencin, the
Marshal de Noailles, and indeed the whole of the French
ministers, to the same effect Immediately after his taking
possession of Edinburgh, the Prince despatched Mr Kelly to
France, to give an account of his marvellous success, and urge
it as a reason for the government sending him the much-desired
aid.^ He now sent Sir James Steuart, in the more formal
character of an ambassador, to enforce the arguments of Kelly.
Meanwhile the young Due de Bouillon, with whom Charles had
formed a romantic friendship, was exerting all his eloquence
with the king and ministers to the same effect The various
means taken to obtain French aid were in some degree success-
ful Early in October several ships from France arrived at
Montrose, Stonehaven, and other ports in the north with arms
and ammunition. The first of these brought ;^5ooo in money,
and 2500 stand of arms, besides a Monsiem: de Boyer, styled
Marquis d'Eguilles, who, on the loth, was received with

1 The family tradidoa, communicated by the lale Sir Hemy Stetiazt of AUanton.
S Stuart Papers, appendix to Browne's Hutory,
' Stuait Papers, Browne's History.

4 Kelly went by Campvere, m Holland, where he was near being arrested by the Con-
■enraior of Scots Pmileges, an agent kept by the Scottish merchanu at that port

l66 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OF 1745-^.

Studious parade at Holyrood House as the French ambassador.
It was given out that this gentleman brought letters from
Louis XV., promising that an armament should be immediately
despatched to the Prince's assistance, imder the conduct of his
brother, the Diike of YorL Another vessel, besides some
money and arms, brought a few French-Irish officers. A third
landed part of a company of artillerymen, with six field-pieces.
A difficulty was experienced* in getting these stores transported
to Edinburgh, as the bridge of Stirling was under command of
the castle, and the Firth of Forth was swept by British cruisers.
The expedient adopted was to erect a battery of four or five
guns at Higgins' Nook, near Airth, and a similar one on the
other side of the Forth, to guard that narrow passage from the
boats of the cruisers. The stores were brought over by this
way in a hundred and eighty-five carts, under the conduct of a
guard, and arrived at Dalkeith just in time to accompany the
army on its southward march.

The account given by Maxwell of Kirkconnel presents a
favourable view of the character and conduct of the Prince, as
both appeared during his residence in Edinburgh. One less
flattering has been given by Lord Elcho, who likewise left a
memoir respecting the insurrection. Lord Elcho's account of
the ChevaUer's council is peculiarly valuable, because we
nowhere else obtain the same light ; but some allowance must
be made for the bitter personal feeling under which he evidently
writes. * The Prince,* says he, * formed a council, which met
regularly every morning in his drawing-room. The gendemen
whom he called to it were the Duke of Perth, Lord Lewis
Gordon, Lord George Murray, Lord Elcho, Lord Ogilvie, Lord
Pitsligo, Lord Nairn, Locheil, Keppoch, Clanranald, Glencoe,
Lochgany, Ardshiel, Sir Thomas Sheridan, Colonel O'Sullivan,
Glenbucket, and Secretary Murray. The Prince, in this council,
used always first to declare what he himself was for, and then
he asked everybody's opinion in his turn. There was one-third
of the council whose principles were, that kings and princes can
never either act or think wrong; so, in consequence, they

GATHERING AT EDINBURGH. 1 67

always oonfinned what the Prince said The other two-thirds,
who thought that kings and princes thought something like
other men, and were not altogether infialhble, and that this
Prince was no more so than others, begged leave to differ from
him, when they could give sufficient reasons for their difference
of opinion. This very often was no difficult matter to do ; for
as the Prince and his old governor. Sir Thomas Sheridan, were
altogether ignorant of the ways and customs of Great Britain,
and both much for the doctrine of absolute monarchy, they
would very often, had they not been prevented, have fallen into
blunders which might have hurt the cause. The Prince could
not bear to hear anybody differ in sentiment from him, and took
a dislike to everybody that did ; for he had a notion of com-
manding die army as any general does a body of mercenaries,
and so let them know only what he pleased, and expected them
to obey without inquiring further about the matter. This might
have done better had his favourites been people of the country ;
but as they were Irish, and had nothing to risk, the people of
fashion, that had their all at stake, and consequently ought to
be supposed likely to give the best advice of which they were
capable, thought they had a title to know and be consulted in
what was good for the cause ; and if it had not been for their
insisting strongly upon it, the Prince, when he found that his
sentiments were not always approved of, would have abolished
this council long ere he did.

* There was a very good paper sent one day by a gentleman
in Edinburgh, to be perused by his council. The Prince, when
he heard it read, said that it was below his dignity to enter into
such a reasoning with subjects, and ordered the paper to be
laid aside The paper was afterwards printed, under the title
of " The Prince's Declaration to the People of England," and is
esteemed the best manifesto published in those times, for those
that were printed at Rome and Paris were reckoned not well
calculated for the present age.

*The Prince created a committee for providing the army
with forage. It was composed of I^ord Elcho, president;

l68 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OF 1745-6.

Graham of Duntroon, whom they called Lord Dundee; Sir
William Gordon of Park; Hunter of Bumside; Haldane of
Lanark, and his son; Mr Smith; and Mr Hamilton. They
issued out orders, in the Prince's name, to all the gentlemen's
houses who had employments under the government, to send in
certain quantities of hay, straw, and com upon such a day,
under pain of military execution if not complied with ; but their
orders were very punctually obeyed.

* There were courts-martial sat every day for the discipline of
the army, and some delinquents were punished with death. '

During the stay of the Chevalier in Edinbuigh, the newspapers served as organs of
intelligence in his favour, and were the chief vehicles of his proclamations. While the
Courafti submitted to this necessity with the reluctance whidi might have been expected
from its principles, the Mtrcury not only complied with promptitude, but rejoiced in the
opportunity thus afforded of indulging its natural propensities without constraint. Ruddi-
man himself had retired to the country, after having only once, as he himself informs us
(in the preface to his DittertatioH amctming the Competitum beiwttn Brme* and Baiiol\,
seen his Prince.^ two minute*. At the age of seventy-one, he could not promote by any
active measures the cause of his heart. During his absence, however, the paper was con-
ducted with sufficient vigour by his partner, James Grant, a young man of more violent
political prejudices than himself, and who eventually took arms in behalf of the Qievalier.
Grant did all that the command of such a tool put into his power to further the views of the
Highland army. Making allowance for the partiality displayed in his paragraphs, many
of them contain curious memorabilia of the time.

Friday, September 37. — ' Several sergeants and corporals, widi a vast many private men,
have entered into the I^ince*s service ; so that, with the volunteers who come in, the clerks
of the office have not leisure to eat, drink, or sleep, by enlisting. These sergeants and
volunteers are now beating for volunteers to serve Prince Charles.

' The poor soldiers who were wounded at the late battle daily die of their wounds, both
in town and country ; and such of them as have been able to crawl to town» are cheerfully
succoured by the inhabitants.

' His Royal Highness, whose robust and hardy constitution suppcnts his natural inclina-
tion to fatigue and hardships, lay last night in a soldier's tent at the camp, preferring that
tent to the royal palace of Holyrood House.'

Monday, September ja — ' There is now forming, and pretty well advanced, a body of
horse life-guards for his Rxyyal Highness the Prince, commanded by the Right Honourable
the Lord Elcho. Their uniform is blue, trimmed with red, and laced waistcoats ; they are
to consist of four squadrons of gentlemen of character.

' The Prince's tent has been erected in the camp near Duddingston, where his Royal
Highness lies every night wrapped up in his Highland plaid. He takes the utmost pleasure
in reviewing his people, and as highly beloved by them. There was yesterday a general
review.

' Several persons of distinction, and a vast number of private gentlemen, have joined
the Prince's army since our last.

'A gentleman, a dtiien of Loodon, arrived yesterday in the Prince's camp, and offered
himself a volimteer.

GATHERING AT EDINBURGH. 1 69

'Ever since die castle has been blocked up somewhat strictly on the tide ofthit city^ the
friends of the garrison have the night-long conveyed up by ropes to them whatever nece»-
saries they want, by the comer of the West Port side.'

Wedtutday^ October a. — ' Among the observables of this time, one is, that there is not in
the city jail one single prisoner for crime, debt, or otherwise. The like, perhaps, never
could have been said before.'

Some of the subsequent publications overflow with flattering accounts of the rising in the
north, and intimate the highest hopes regarding the issue of the expedition. The clans are
described as descending in thousands from their fastnesses, and every party which really
came to the camp is greatly exaggerated. Cheerful accoimts are also given of the readiness
with which the contributions of the towns and rents of the forfeited estates are paid to the
Prince. Altogether, from the magnificence of die reports which the Mercury puts into
drculadon, it b scarcely to be wondered at that so many sober men saw fit to embark in the
expedition. I should suppose that Lord Lovat must have been a constant reader of the
Mercury.

Wednesday t October x6h — ' On Monday last, Monseigneur de Boycr, a French person of
cpiality, arrived at the palace of Holyrood House with dispatches from the court of Ver-
sailles. He has brought with him a great quantity of arms, ammunidon, money, &c

'Yesternight, the Right Honourable Lord Lewis Gordon, third son of the deceased
Alexander, Duke of Gordon, came and kissed the Prince's hand, and joined his Royal
H^faness's standard. His lordship was some time an officer in the navy. The court, which
was very numerous and splendid, seemed in great joy on this occasion, as several gende-
men, not only of the name of Gordon, but many others in the shires of Aberdeen, Banff, and
Mumy, who had declined joining the Prince's standard, unless some one or other of the
sons of the illustrious house of Gordon was to head them, will now readily come up and
join the army.'

Monday, October ax. — ' Friday last, at one afternoon, a woman was observed by the
sentinels on duty at the park of artillery near Holyrood House, carrying, as they believed,
dinner to some of the guard ; under which colour she actually got past the outer sentinels,
and even made an attempt to get by the inner sendnels : but, being pushed back, she stept
to the south-east wall of the park, and actually got upon it, though the sentinels called out
and fired upon her. She was immediately apprehended, and there were found upon her
several a>mbusdble affairs. The people asking what business she had within the artillery
ground, where so much powder was, with her straw, fagots, ftc., she only answered that
she believed it was a churchyard, and pretended to be delirious. It is assured that two
suspicious-looking fellows were at the same time seen stepping over the easter wall of the
park, but that they unhappily escaped by the surprise everybody was in.'

Monday^ October a8. — ' Saturday last, his Rojral Highness the Prince reviewed the
Maodonells of Glengarry at Musselburgh ; they made a most noble appearance.'

Beades innumerable paragraphs of local news, calculated more or less to favour the
Cbevalio's enterprise. Grant inserted in his paper a detailed account, compiled from the
records of parliament, of the Massacre of Glencoe ; also a life of Viscount Dundee, and some
letters by the Duke of Berwick, laudbg the conduct of Prince Charles at the siege of Gaeta
— the whole tending to throw infamy upon the Whigs, and lustre on the Cavaliers. It is
worthy of remark, that, after the accession of several Lowland gentlemen, the posidon of
the insurgent army is always termed the Scott Camp, probably to give it a more national
aod respectable appearance in prinL

I70 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OF 1745-6.

CHAPTER XV.

INVASION OF ENGLAND.

' Cock up your beaver, and cock it fu' spnish,
We 'U over the Bonier and gie them a brush ;
There 's somebody there we 'II teach better behaviour^
Hey, brave Johnnie lad, cock up your beaver.'

The closing days of October saw Charles in possession of an
army of between 5000 and 6000 men, with a small park of
artilleiy, and abundance of anns and ammunition, while still
further reinforcements were preparing for him in the north,
though not likely to join immediately. At the same time laxge
bodies of troops were collecting against him in England, and
even in the north of Scotland. In such circumstances, it would
have been difficult for the most prudent head to say what step
ought to be taken. Charles, who had had no maxim in the
business but that the nearer he could advance to the seat of
government the better, determined for the most vigorous course,
and surprised his council one day by the announcement that he
designed to march for Newcastle, and give battle to Marshal
Wade, who, he was convinced, would fly before him. The
proposal was combated by the more cautious of his friends, but
ultimately agreed to.

Orders were now therefore given to call in all the various
parties which had been posted in different parts of the country,
and the Chevalier held a final review of his whole force upon
the beach betwixt Leith and Musselburgh,^ now known by the
name of Portobello Sands.

During the latter half of October the army had not lain at

1 Boyse's Hutary, 95.

INVASION OF ENGLAND. 171

Duddingston, but in more comfortable lodgings within and
around the city. On the 26th, the main body left Edinburgh,
and pitched a camp a little to the west of Inveresk church,
where they had a battery pointing to the south-west At a still
later period of the month they removed to a strong situation
above Dalkeith, having that town on their left, the South Esk in
front, the North Esk in rear, and an opening on the right
towards Polton.^

At six o'clock on the evening of Thursday the 31st of
October, Prince Charles finally left the palace and capital of
his paternal kingdom, and, accompanied by his life-guards, rode
to Pinkie House. Having slept there that night, he rode next
day at noon to Dalkeith, where he gave orders for the march of
his army. In order to deceive Marshal Wade as to die point
in which he designed to invade England, he had previously sent
orders for quarters to all the towns upon the road to Berwick,
and despatched littie detachments of his men in various other
directions. His actual resolution was to enter England by the
western border, at once with the view of eluding the army at
Newcastle, and that he might gather the troops which he
expected to come to his standard in Lancashire and Wales,
which were unusually well affected. He now also appointed his
principal officers — the Duke of Perth and Lord George Murray
to be lieutenant-generals, Lord Elcho colonel of the life-guards,
the Earl of Kilmarnock colonel of the hussars, and Lord Pitsligo
colonel of the Angus horse.

The army was at this time in the best possible condition, and
provided with all the conveniences which could attend a delib-
erate campaign. The men were firesh, by their long rest at
Edinburgh, well clothed and weU appointed ; they carried with
them provisions for four days : and their baggage was promptiy
transported, by about 150 wains, and as many sumpter-horses,^
carrying large baskets across their backs.

At the commencement of this singular march, the insiurgents

1 Merchant's Ifisi. Reb., p. 137.

S They had pressed 800 horses into their service out of the county of Mid-Lothian alone.

172 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OF 1 745-6.

amounted in gross numbers to 6000, 500 of whom were cavalry,
and 3000 Highlanders. Thirteen regiments, many of them very
small, were composed of the Highland clans ; five regiments,
generally more numerous, of Lowlanders ; and besides the two
troops of horse-guards, who wore a uniform, and were com-
manded by Lords Elcho and Balmerino, there were bodies of
horse under the orders of Kilmarnock and Pitsligo, the first
coarsely dressed and indifferently armed, and the last clothed in
the ordinary fashion of country-gentlemen, each armed with
such weapons as he pleased to carry, or could most readily
command. A small body of the lighter horse was selected to
scour the country for intelligence.^

The Highland regiments were commanded by their chiefs,
and generally officered by the kinsmen of that dignitary, accord-
ing as they were near of kin. Each regiment had two captains,

1 The foUowiag list will convey a more distinct view of the Highland anny, as consti-
tuted at this interesting period. It is from the Life of ike Dnke 0/ CumbtrUmd. 8va
Londcni, 1767.

CLAN SBGIMBNTS, Am) THBIK COMMANDBKS.

Locheil— Cameron of LocheiL 700

Appin — ^Stuart of ArdshieL 900

Clanranald — Macdonald [younger] of Claxuanald 300

Keppoch — Macdonald of Keppoch 900

Kinlochmoidart — Macdonald of Kinlochmoidart too

Glencoe — Macdonald of Glencoe lao

Mackinnon — Mackinnon of Mackinnon xao

Macpherson — Macpherson of Cluny xao

Glengarry — Macdonell of Glengarry 300

Glenbucket — Gordon of Glenbucket yao

Madachlan — Maclachlan of that ilk 260

Struan— Robertson of Stnian. aoo

Glenmorriston — Giant of Glenmorriston zoo

8060

LOWLAND XBGIMBNTS.

Athole — Lord George Murray 600

Ogilvie — Lord Ogilvie, Angus men. 900

Perth— Duke of Perth. 700

Nairn — Lord Nairn aoo

Edinburgh— Roy Stuart 450

ROSSK

Lord Elcho and Lord Balmerino xao

Lord Pitsligo 80

Earl of Kilmarnock 60

INVASION OF ENGLAND. 1 73

two lieutenants, and two ensigns. The front rank of the
regiments was fiUed by men of good birth, who in the High-
lands, however poor in fortune, are styled gentlemen, and who
had for pay one shilling a day, while that of the ordinary men
was only sixpence. The pay of the captains was half-a-crown,
of the lieutenants two shillings, of the ensigns one shilling and
sixpence. Each of the gentlemen of the front rank was com-
pletely armed, in the fashion of the Highlanders, with a musket,
a broadsword, a pair of pistols, a dirk at the belt, to which were
also attached a knife and fork ; the left arm sustained a round
taiget, made of wood and leather, and studded with nails ; and
some who chose to be armed with extraordinary care, besides
the dagger at the belt, carried a smaller one stuck into the garter
of the right leg, which they could use in certain situations, when
the other was beyond their reach. The undistinguished warriors
of the rear ranks were in general armed in a much inferior
manner, many of them wanting tai^ets.

On the evening of Friday the ist of November, a consider-
able portion of the army, under the command of Lord George
Murray, took the road for Peebles, intending to proceed to
Carlisle by Moffat. The remainder left Dalkeith on the 3d,
the Prince walking at their head, with his target over his
shoulder. He had previously lodged two nights in the palace
of the Duke of Buccleuch. This party took a route more
directly south, affecting a design of meeting and fighting Marshal
Wade at Newcastle. On passing this morning by Prestonhall
gate, the Prince found breakfast prepared for him there by order
of the Duchess of Gordon, the lady of the neighbouring mansion ;
for which act of hospitality her Grace lost a pension of ;^iooo,
which the government had bestowed upon her in consideration
of her bringing up her family in the Protestant religion,^ In
like manner, as he passed Fala Dams, the ladies of Whitburgh,
sisters of his valuable adherent Robert Anderson, gave him and
his immediate attendants a refection in the open air; after

1 Tradition.

174 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OF 1745-6.

which, in compliance with their request for a keepsake, he cut
for them a piece of velvet from the hilt of his sword Passing
over Soutra Hill, he concluded the first day's march at Lauder,
where he took up his quarters in Thirlstane Castle, the seat
of the Earl of Lauderdale. Next day, on account of a false
report that there was a strong body of dragoons advancing in
this direction to meet him, he fell back upon Channelkirk, in
order to bring up the rear of his troops, who had lingered there
during the night He marched that day (the 4th) to Kelso,
walking all the way on foot, in order to encourage the men. A
third party assumed a middle course, by Galashiels, Selkirk,
Hawick, and Mosspaul.

The western division, which had charge of the cannon and
most of the baggage, arrived at Peebles on the evening of
Saturday the 2d of November. The sun was setting as the
first lines devolved fi'om the hills which environ the place on
every side, and, throwing back a thousand threatening glances
from the arms of the moving band, caused alarm among the
peaceful townsmen, who had only heard enough about the
insurrection and its agents to make them fear the worst from
such a visit. Contrary to expectation, the mountaineers neither
attempted to cut the throats nor to violate the property of the
inhabitants. They let it be known, wherever they went, that
they required certain acts of obedience on the part of the
people ; and that, if these were not willingly rendered, they had
the will, as they possessed the power, of using force. The
leader demanded payment of the cess, on pain of military
execution ; and little parties, calling upon various householders
within and without the town, requested such supplies of pro-
visions as could be properly spared, with the alternative of
having their houses given up to plunder. But scarcely any
incivility was ever shewn in the outset*

This division of the insurgents, after spending a day or two at
Peebles, went up Tweedsmuir to Moffat, and then, directing
their route down Aimandale, entered England near Longtown.

1 Tradition at Peebles.

INVASION OF ENGLAND. 175

Charles remained at Kelso from the Monday when he arrived
till Wednesday, preserving the farther direction of his march a
secret In order the better to perplex the army which awaited
him at Newcastle, he sent orders to Wooler, a town upon the
road to that city, commanding the preparation of quarters for
his whole army. On Wednesday morning, however, he suddenly
gave out ordeis for a inarch towards the opposite extremity of
the Border.

During his brief residence at Kelso, he sent a party of about
thirty m«i down the Tweed, to the place, not far distant, where
that river becomes the boundary of the two kingdoms, with
orders there to cross the water, and proclaim his father upon
English ground. The party, after doing so, immediately returned
to Kelsa

The Prince lodged thb night in Jedburgh, whence he set out
early next morning,^ and» crossing the high grounds to the
south-west, led his men up Rule Water, £amtd of old for its
hardy warriors, and over the JS^not d the Gate into Liddesdale,
equally noted in former times for its predatory bands, as in
more recent times for its primitive yeomen and romantic min-
strelsy. After a march oi at least twenty-five miles, he slept
that night at Haggiehaugh, upon Liddel Water, his men lodging
upon the ground, or in the houses, bams, and byres of the
neighbouring peasantry. Before going to rest, he purchased a
small flock of sheep for provisions to his men, and had a person
sent for to kill and dress them. Charles Scott, a neighbouring
farmer, more c(»nmonly called, in the fashion of that country,
Charlie d KinUoriy was the man employed for this purpose.
He was up all night killing sheep, and the Prince next morning

1 When the author was at Jedburgh, in November x896» he saw an ancient lady who had
been seven yean of age when the Highlanders passed her native town, and who distinctly
remembered all the circumstances of the memorable pageant According to her report^
they had a great number of horses, which it was said they had taken from the dragoons at
Preston. She saw some of them dressing these animals in a stable, and could mimic the
strange uncouth jabber which they used in performing the duties of hostlers. In particular,
she remembers hearing them caU to the beasts : * Stand about, Cope !' &c As at many
other places, Charles was here saluted with marks of homage by many of the people as he
passed, all the women running out to get a kiss of his hand, &c

176 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OP I74S-6.

gave him half a guinea for his trouble. Two Highlanders, who
had observed Charlie receive this guerdon, followed him as he
was going home, and clapping their pistols to his breast,
demanded an instant surrender of ' ta hauf keenie ;* a command
which the yeoman was obliged to obey, for fear of the pistols,
though his strength and resolution, celebrated to this day as
far surpassing those of modem men, would have enabled him
to defy double the number of assailants unprovided with such
weapons.^

Next day, Friday the 8th of November, Charles proceeded
down Liddel Water; and the middle column, which had marched
by Selkirk, Hawick, and down Ewesdale, came up to him at
Gritmill Green, upon the banks of the Esk, four miles below
Langholm. When the first division soon after entered England,
they raised a loud shout, and unsheathed their swords; but
some grew pale when informed that Locheil, in drawing his
weapon, had cut his hand, this being looked on as an evil omen.
The Prince took up his quarters for the night at Reddings, in
Cumberland. On the succeeding day he was joined by the
western column.

During this march the Highland aimy lost a great portion of
its numbers by desertion. The eastern column, led by Charles
himself, suffered most from this cause. The Lanarkshire and
Stirlingshire roads are described as having for some days
swarmed with the men who thus abandoned the standard ; ^ and
great quantities of arms were found lying in the fields adjacent
to the line of march, which the deserters had flung away.'

On the 9th of November, Charles, having concentrated his
forces, approached Carlisle — a city which could once boast of
being the bulwark of England against the Scots in this direction,
but whose fortifications were now antiquated, and not in the
best order. Less pains had been taken on the present occasion
to fortify the cities in the west of England than those upon the
east ; and while Newcastle and Hull had been for many weeks

1 Tnulidon in Ltddesdak. > £diM. Courani for the tune. * Tradition at Peebles.

INVASION OF ENGLAND. I77

prepared to resist the insuigents, Carlisle was invested only four
or five days after having first apprehended danger. It was
protected by an ancient castie, in which there was a company
of invalids ; and the city itself was surrounded by an old and
somewhat dilapidated wall, manned on the present occasion by
the citizens, assisted by a considerable body of militia, which
had been raised in the counties of Cumberland and Westmore-
land.

On the 9th, a party of the Prince's hussars appeared on
Stanwix Bank, and began to survey the city through glasses :
but a few shots being fired at them from the walls, they were
obliged to retire. Next day the insuigent army having passed
the river Eklen by several fords, invested the city on aU sides ;
and the Prince sent a letter to the mayor, requiring him to
surrender peaceably, in order to spare the effusion of blood,
which must be the inevitable consequence of a refusal. The
mayor, who was very confident, and had published an advertise-
ment informing the world that he was not Paterson, a Scotch-
man, but Pattison, a loyal-hearted Englishman, answered by a
discharge of cannon at the besi^ers. Intelligence soon after
reaching the Prince that Marshal Wade was marching from
Newcastle to relieve Carlisle, he judged it proper to advance
against that general, in order to engage the royal army in the
mountainous country which intervenes betwixt the two towns.
Leaving a small portion of his army to annoy Carlisle, he reached
Warwick Castle at ten o'clock in the forenoon of the nth, and
quartered next night at Brampton and the adjacent villages.^
He then learned that the information regarding Wade was false,
and sent back the Duke of Perth, with several regiments of foot
and some troops of horse, to prosecute the siege of Carlisle with
all possible vigour.

Having prepared a quantity of ladders, fascines, and carriages
out of the wood in Corby and Warwick parks, the besieging
party reappeared in full force before the city on the afternoon

1 Home'i Hitt0ij»

178 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OF 1 745-6.

of the 13th, and broke ground for a battery within forty fathoms
of the walls, the Duke of Perth and Lord Geoige Murray
working in the trenches without their coats, in order to encourage
the troops. The garrison of the city kept up a continual firing
during these operations, but without doing much harm. Next
day, intimidated by the formidable appearance of the enemy's
works, and fatigued almost beyond their natural strength by
several nights of ceaseless watching, they felt disposed to resign
the city ; and accordingly, on the first motion of the besiegers
towards an assault, Pattison the Englishman was fain to display
a white flag from the walls, and ask terms for the surrender of
the town. A cessation of hostilities being then agreed upon,
an express was sent to Brampton, to learn the Prince's pleasure ;
who, remembering the example of Edinburgh, would assign no
terms for the city unless the castle were included. This being
reported to the garrison, Colonel Durand, the commander of
that fortress, consented to surrender his charge along with the
city. At ten o'clock in the morning of the 15th the gates of
Carlisle were thrown open, and many a brave man passed with
a rejoicing heart beneath the arches over which his head was
hereafter to be stationed in dismal sentinelship. The Duke of
Perth, on receiving the submission of the garrison, shook them
by the hands, told them they were brave fellows, and asked
them to enlist in his service. He secured all the arms of the
militia and garrison, besides about 1000 stand in the castle,
with 200 good horses. A great quantity of valuables, which
had been deposited there for safety by the neighbouring gentry,
fell likewise into his hands; but these are said to have been
returned to their owners. Next day the old Chevalier and his
son were proclaimed at the cross, in presence of the mayor and
aldermen, and a new document was at the same time read, under
the title of a ' Declaration of the King's Majesty to his English
Subjects.' Charles was not personally received with much
favour in Carlisle, but his taking a town of such consequence,
after so brief a siege, gave some lustre to his arms, and increased
tlie fears of the government

INVASION OF ENGLAND. 1 79

The short time spent by the army at Carlisle was marked
by some rather important dissensions among the principal
officers. According to Maxwell of Kirkconnel, the origin of
these was with Secretary Murray, who aimed at exercising an
exclusive influence over the Prince, and disliked Lord Geoige
Murray as the rival he had most reason to dread. He had
gained over Sheridan, O'Sullivan, and the Duke of Perth (the
last from easy-judging good nature) to support him. When
Lord George, before the blockade of Carlisle, requested to be
charged by the Prince with the terms he was inclined to grant
to the town, Secretary Murray told him sharply that that was
a matter within his province, and with which Lord George
had no right to interfere. When Lord George afterwards
saw the Duke of Perth take the chief command at the siege,
the measure of his dissatisfaction was filled. He immedi-
ately (on the 15th) sent a resignation of his commission to the
Prince, stating that he would henceforth act as a volunteer, and
would that night take his place as such in the trenches. In a
letter of the same date to his brother Tullibardine, he assigns
the causes above stated for his resolution, adding, in the spirit
of a true partisan and genuine Highlander : ' I shall shew as a
volunteer that no man wishes more success to the cause ; and I
can be of more use charging in the first rank of your Athole
men, than as a general, where I was constantly at a loss to
know what was doing.' The Duke of Perth no sooner heard
of the step taken by Lord George, than he also sent in his
resignation as lieutenant-general, avowing his intention thence-
forward to serve at the head of his own regiment There
might be fretfulness, or something worse, in Lord George's
motives, but those of Perth, who was of prior appointment as
a lieutenant-general, and therefore formally entitled to take the
chief command at the siege, could not but be pure. Yet the
army, while generally liking the Duke of Perth, had a higher
opinion of the talents and experience of Lord George Murray
as a commander, and when they heard of his resignation of his
commission, a very general wish was expressed that he should

l8o HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OF 1 745-6.

resume it, while no such feeling was avowed with respect to the
duke. Most of them had, in fact, another and strong reason
for desiring that Perth should not be conspicuous either in
command of the army or at the Prince's councils. His being a
Catholic was already the subject of much unfavourable remark
in the public journals, and seemed calculated to injure their
prospects very seriously in Ejigland Thete were even ante-
revolution laws which made him ineligible as a councillor.
They therefore presented a petition to the Prince, with one
breath requesting him to reinstate Lord George Murray, and to
dismiss Roman Catholics from his councils. Charles instantly
complied with the first request, but, from the spirit of courtesy
and gratitude, hesitated about the second. Some difficulty
seemed likely to arise on that point, when the duke himself,
learning what was the opinion of the army, put all to rights by
informing the Prince that he was quite happy, for the sake of
what was thought the good of the cause, to serve without a
general's commission. Henceforth, Lord Geoige Murray held
the chief command in the army.

On the day after the reduction of Carlisle, Marshal Wade
commenced a march from Newcasde ; but hearing of the success
of the insurgents, and being unable to cross the country on
account of a great fall of snow, his excellency found it neces-
sary to return to that city on the 2 2d.

More effectual means were now taken by the king to suppress
what was generally styled ' the unnatural rebellioiL' Before the
Scottish army set foot on £nglish ground, the mass of the
British troops had landed at London from Flanders ; and while
the Prince was residing in Carlisle, an army of 10,000 troops,
chiefly veteran and experienced, was rendezvoused in Stafford-
shire to oppose him. It seemed scarcely possible that he should
either elude or vanquish so strong a force ; and even the High-
landers themselves, with all their valour, real and adventitious,
had litde hope of doing so. In order, moreover, that the fate
of the empire should not be perilled on such a chance, another
army was raised for the protection of London, which the king

INVASION OF ENGLAND. l8l

was resolved to command in person. Charles himself was not
intimidated by these great preparations, which he trusted to
overcome by the vigour of his measures, and by the assistance
which he expected in England. But the greater part of his
council viewed the government proceedings with alarm.

At a council of war held a few days after the surrender of
Carlisle, various movements were proposed and taken under
consideration. It was proposed to march to Newcastle, and
bring Wade's army to an action. It was proposed to march
directly to London, by the Lancashire road, at the hazard of
encountering the superior force mustered in Staffordshire. A
third proposal urged an immediate retreat to Scotland, as there
seemed no appearance of either a French invasion or an English
insurrection. Charles declared his wish to march to London at
all hazards, and desired Lord George Murray to give his opinion
of the various proposals. Lord George spoke at some length,
compared the advantages and disadvantages of each of the
proposals, and concluded that, if his Royal Highness chose to
make a trial of what could be done by a march to the south-
ward, he was persuaded that his army, small as it was, would
follow him. Charles instantly decided for the march.

Before proceeding, Charles sent Maclachlan of Maclachlan
back to Scotland with a letter to Lord Strathallan, whom he
had left at Perth commander-in-chief of his forces in Scotland,
ordering him to march, with all the troops he might have
collected, after the army into England. Meanwhile, he received
some discouraging intelligence from the north. No sooner had
he vacated Edinburgh, than it had returned under Whig domin-
ation ; and even at Dundee and Perth, where he had consider-
able bodies of troops stationed, there had been outbreaks of
popular feeling in behalf of the government

Thirty baggage-wagons, in which were the tents for the army,
had been left behind at Lockerby, through the eagerness of
those in charge to get forward to the siege of Carlisle. These
were seized on the 14th by a large party of people from Dum-
fries, and carried in triumph to that town. Charles sent Locheil

1 82 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OF 1 745-6.

to reclaim the property, or ^2000 in lieu of it; but before
either object could be accomplished, he had to recall the party
to join the army on its march to the south. Owing to the want
of tents and the severity of the weather (the 20th of November,
old style, was in reality the ist of December), it was necessary
to arrange the march in such a way as to get the array accom-
modated in the towns along the road. It was determined that
one portion of the army should march a day's journey ahead of
the other, the latter always occupying at night the quarters
which the former had vacated in the morning ; but that, where
the country would admit of it, there should be only half a day's
march betwixt the two bodies.*

The army, on being mustered at Carlisle, was found to
amount to about 4500, a full thousand having dropped away in
the march from Edinburgh. Yet Charles had no doubt that it
would soon be largely increased by the accession of his English
friends. On the 21st, the first detachment of the army, consist-
ing of five of the Low-country regiments, with Elcho's life-guards,
under Lord George Murray, marched to Penrith. Next day,
while these went forward to Kendal, the clan regiments, and the
remainder of the horse, under the Prince in person, proceeded
to Penrith, leaving 150 men as a garrison in Carlisle. The
cannon followed the second division, under the care of the
Duke of Perth's regiment* In both divisions, each regiment
had the van by turns. Thus they advanced by Shap, Kendal,
Lancaster, and Garstang, to Preston, where the two divisions
joined on the 27th. To encourage his men, Charles generally
went on foot beside them. As he passed over the desolate
tract between Penrith and Shap, he was so much overcome by
fatigue and want of sleep, that he found it necessary to take
hold of one of the clan Ogilvie by the shoulder-belt, to prevent
him fi-om falling ; and he thus walked several miles half asleep.'
As yet, they had observed nothing but marks of aversion and

1 MurwelPs NarraHvt* * Home's History.

S Information by a Scottish bishop, who has cooveraed with the proud Ogilvie whose
shoulder was thus hoooured.

INVASION OF ENGLAND. 183

suspicion amongst the English people. Their political object
seemed to excite no sympathy ; their uncouth dress, language,
and habits spread terror before their march. It is credibly
affirmed that many of the women hid their children at their
approach, under an impression that they were caimibals, fond,
in particular, of the flesh of infants.^ Eveiywhere there was
great surprise that these men, so far from acting like savage
robbers, expressed a polite gratitude for what refreshments were
given them. The Highlanders eveiy day began their painful
march before daybreak, with no provisions but what they carried
in the shape of oatmeal, in a long bag by their sides, and which
they never cooked, but merely mixed, before eating, with a
canteen full of cold water — ^trusting for any variety in this simple
cheer to the accident of a bullock killed for their use, or to
the hospitality of their landlords at night The English were
amazed to find that men could, upon this fare, walk from twenty
to thirty miles in a winter day, exposed to bitter cold and
tempestuous weather, with what appeared to them imperfect
clothing, or rather rags ; and that, though generally housed some
hours after sunset, they invariably rose very early to prosecute
their march, taking advantage of the moonlight, which then
shone in the mornings before daybreak.

At Preston, for the first time, did a slight gleam of
approbation rest on the cause. The bells were rung at their

1 'The terror of the English vras tnily inconceivahle, and in many cases they seemed
bereft of their senses. One evening, as Mr Cameron of Locheil entered the lodgings
assigned him, his hmdlady, an old woman, threw herself at his feet, and with uplifted hands,
and tears in her eyes, supplicated him to take her life, but to qwze her two little children.
He asked her if she was in her senses, and told her to explain herself: when she answered,
that everybody said the Highlanders ate children, and made then* their eontmon food,
Mr Cameron having assured her that they would not injure either her or her little children, or
any person whatever, she looked at him for some moments with an air of surprise, and then
opened a press, calling out with a loud voice : " Come out, children ; the gentleman will not
eat you." The children immediately left the press, where she had concealed them, and
threw themselves at his feet.' — Johnstonds Memoirs^ p. xoi.

In a letter from Herby, which made the round of the journals, the writer describes the
ferocity and filthiness of the troop which was quartered upon him, with extravagant expres-
rlons of disgust. He allows, however, that he was amused a good deal to see them, before
meat, take off their bonnets, assume a reverent air, and say grace, ' as if they had been
Christians.'

184 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OF 1745-6.

entry, probably by the intervention of the Catholics, who
abounded in the town. Some huzzas attended the reading of
the proclamations, and a few recruits were obtained. Mr
Townley, a Catholic gentleman, here joined the standard, being
the first man of distinction who had done so in England. A
council of war was held, at which the Prince, ever eager, like
his ancestor Bruce, to 'go on,' renewed his assurances of
English and French assistance, and thereby prevailed on the
chiefs to continue their southward march. The clansmen had a
superstitious dread, in consequence of the misfortunes of their
party at Preston in 17 15, that they would never get beyond this
town : to dispel the illusion. Lord Geoige Murray crossed the
Kibble, and quartered a number of men on the other side.

On the 28th, the whole army left Preston, and, quartering for
the night at Wigan, advanced on the ensuing day to Manchester.
This town, now so remarkable for a reforming spirit, contained,
in 1745, a larger proportion of the adherents of legitimacy than
perhaps any other in England. Here, therefore, it might be
expected that Charles would have a good reception, and obtain
large reinforcements, if he was anywhere to be so fortunate in
his southward march.

One Dickson, a sergeant enlisted into the Highland army
from the prisoners taken at Prestonpans, having got more than
a day's march ahead of the rest, entered Manchester on the
morning of the 28th, attended by his mistress and a drummer.
The adventure was entirely an idea of his own, and even con-
trary to the orders of his superior officer. Within an hour of
his arrival he began to beat up for recruits. The populace
did not at first interrupt him, conceiving that the whole army
was near the town ; but when they learned that no part of it
could be expected till the evening, they surrounded him in a
tumultuous manner, with the intention of taking him prisoner.
Dickson presented his blunderbuss, which was. charged with
slugs, threatening to blow out the brains of those who first dared
to lay hands on himself or the two who accompanied him ; and
by turning round continually, facing in aU directions, and

INVASION OF ENGLAND. XS5

behaving like a lion, he soon enlarged the circle which a crowd
of people had formed around him. Having continued for some
time to manoeuvre in this way, those of the inhabitants of Man-
chester who were attached to the house of Stuart took arms, and
flew to the assistance of Dickson, to rescue him from the fiuy of
the mob ; so that he had soon 500 or 600 men to aid him, who
dispersed the crowd in a very short time. He now triumphed
in his turn, and, putting himself at the head of his followers,
proudly paraded, undisturbed, the whole day with his drummer,
enlisting all who offered themselves. The number of his levies
has been differently stated. The Chevalier Johnstone says he
obtained 180 recruits; but another authority says only thirty,
' to each of whom a white cockade was given, and a bounty of
five guineas promised.'^

About nine o'clock that night, the vanguard, consisting of
about 100 horsemen, arrived in Manchester; and next day the
whole army came up. The Prince entered at two in the after-
noon, walking in the midst of a select band of Highlanders ; his
dress a light tartan plaid, belted with a blue sash, a gray wig,
and a blue velvet bonnet, topped by a rose of white ribbons, the
badge of his house. He took up his quarters in a handsome
house in Market Street, belonging to a gentleman named
Dickenson — ^afterwards, from that circumstance, called *The
Palace,' and long after used as an inn.* A local writer has given
a sufficiently minute account of what happened at Manchester
on this and the following day. ' In the course of the day [the
29th], the public crier was sent round the town to require that
all persons who had any duties to pay, or any public money in
their hands, should pay the amount into the hands of Secretary
Murray, at the palace, taking the receipt of this officer as their
discharge. As evening approached, the bellman was again
despatched to announce that there would that night be an
illumination in honour of the arrival of the Prince. The illu-
mination accordingly took place, bonfires were made, and the

1 Manchester Gazette^ January 19, x8a8.

I The house has for some years been replaced by a new buildinf^.

l86 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OF 1745-^.

bells rung joyfully ; but the treasury was not much replenished,
till a peremptory demand was made upon the inhabitants.
Many of the communications at the headquarters were made
with the intervention of a green silk curtain, which was sus-
pended in the room of audience, and through which, it is said,
even the master of the house, from prudential motives, commu-
nicated with his guest without seeing him. The borough-reeve,
James Waller of Ridgefield, Esq., was made the reluctant organ
for communicating the proclamations of the rebel army to the
people; but the Rev. Mr Cla)rton celebrated, in strains of
eloquence, the arrival of the Prince in the collegiate church, for
which act of disaffection to the reigning sovereign he was after-
wards degraded A young clergyman, of the name of Coppoch,
lately from the university, received the appointment of chaplain
to the Prince.^

On the 30th, the whole of the rebel army, with the artillery
and baggage, consisting of sixteen pieces of cannon, a number
of covered wagons, and about one hundred laden horses, were
assembled in the town and neighbourhood of Manchester. The
recruiting service went on briskly, and from 200 to 300 young
men, chiefly of the lower class, were dignified with the name of
the Manchester regiment, of which Francis Townley, Esq., was
appointed commander* Thomas Theodorus Deacon, Charles
Deacon, and Robert Deacon, the sons of a nonjuring minister,
catching the contagion of disloyalty, became officers in this
corps; and George Fletcher, a linendraper in Salford; James
Dawson, of St John's College, Cambridge, son of Mr Dawson
of Manchester ; and John Beswick, a linendraper in Manchester,
were placed in the rank of captains. Thomas Chadwick, bred
a tallow-chandler, was appointed lieutenant; and Thomas
Syddall, the son of the peruke-maker who was executed for
taking part in the rebellion of 1715} was appointed adjutant
Both officers and men wore white cockades, and the authority
of the colonel was indicated by the addition of a tartan sash.

1 Common nimour represented this yoimg man as the rebel Bishop of Carlisle, as if tho
Prince had Dominated him to that see. No such appointment ever took place.

INVASION OF ENGLAND. 187

The Other officers had each a broadsword by his side, and a
brace of pistols in his girdle. Before the Manchester regiment
entered upon their campaign, they had the honour to be
reviewed by their Prince the young Chevalier; and Colonel
Townley, as if foreseeing their destiny, selected the churchyard
for the field of review. The contributions levied upon the
town amounted to ;^3ooo, and many of the horses within
reach were put into requisition either to mount the cavalry
or to convey the baggage. The conduct of the Highlanders
was in some instances rapacious, wasteful, and offensive; but
in general the troops conducted themselves with moderation,
and the behaviour of their officers was conciliatory, and even
courteous.^

An impression had prevailed that the Highland army might
march into Wales, a country in which they could act with
advantage as irregular troops, and where their cause was
understood to have many friends. The bridges over the
Mersey, on the way to Chester, had therefore been broken
down, to impede their progress. This precaution proved
unnecessary.

On the I St of December, the army left Manchester in two
divisions, one of which took the road to Stockport, the other
that to Knottesford, thus shewing that London was their object
The bridges had been broken down in this direction also ; the
army had therefore to cross the Mersey by other means.^ At
ELnottesford, a temporary bridge was made of the trunks of

1 From a paper entitled ' The Highland Army in Manchester in 1745,' which appeared
in the Manchester Gazette^ January 29, T838.

> While at Manchester, Charles published the following carious proclamation, for a copy
of which I have been indebted to the kindness of an inhabitant of that town. The sneer at
good old Grandmother IVade, who, according to the Jacobite punster, could not wade
through the snow, will scarcely fail to be zelished :

'to the inhabitants of kanchbstbk.

' His Royal Highness being informed that several bridges have been pulled down in this
country, he has given orders to repair them forthwith, particularly that at Crossford, which
is to be done this night by his own troops, though his Royal Highness does not propose to
make use of it for his own army, but believes it will be of service to the country ; and if any
forces that were with Geneial Wade be coming this road, they may have the benefit ^it,

* Manchester, Nov. yi^ 1745.'

l88 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OF 1745-6.

poplar-trees, laid lengthwise, with planks across. The horse
and artillery passed at Cheadleford. The Prince, with the other
detachment, crossed at Stockport, having the water up to his
middle. Here a romantic circumstance is said to have taken
place. A few gentlemen of Cheshire had drawn up on the
south bank of the river to welcome the Prince on his crossing
the river, and among them was a Mrs Skyring, a lady in extreme
old age. ' As a child, she had been lifted up in her mother*s
arms to view the happy landing at Dover of Charles II. Her
father, an old cavalier, had afterwards to undergo not merely
neglect, but oppression, from that thankless monarch; still,
however, he and his wife continued devoted to the royal cause,
and their daughter grew up as devoted as they. After the
expulsion of the Stuarts, all her thoughts, her hopes, her prayers,
were directed to another restoration. Ever afterwards she had,
with rigid punctuality, laid aside one-half of her yearly income,
to remit for the exiled &mily abroad ; concealing only, what she
said was of no importance to them, the name of the giver. She
had now parted with her jewels, her plate, and every litde
article of value she possessed, the price of which, in a purse,
she laid at the feet of Prince Charles, while, straining her dim
eyes to gaze on his features, and pressing his hand to her
shrivelled lips, she exclaimed with affectionate rapture, in the
words of Simeon : " Lord, now lettest thou thy servant depart in
peace ! " It is added that she did not survive the shock, when,
a few days afterwards, she was informed of the retreat Such,
even when misdirected in its object, or exaggerated in its force,
was the old spirit of loyalty in England !'*

In the evening (December i), the two divisions joined at
Macclesfield, where Charles received intelligence that the Duke
of Cumberland had taken command of the army mustered in
Staffordshire,' which was now on its march, and quartered at

1 History of Great Britaimt by Lord Mahon, who states that he derived the anecdote
from the late Lord Keith.

s The Duke of Cumberland left London on the ssth, and supenedcd Sir John Ligonier
in the command of the army.

INVASION OF ENGLAND. 1 89

I^ichfield, Coventry, Stafford, and Newcastle-under-Lyne. It
was resolved that the Highland army should march to Derby.
To deceive the enemy as to this design, Lord George Murray
proceeded with a column to Congleton, on the straight road to
Lichfield, while the rest advanced to Derby. It was calculated
that the English commander, hearing of a body on the march
towards his present position, would concentrate his forces and
his attention there, and thus allow the main body of the High-
land forces to pass beyond him uninterrupted. As Lord George
advanced to Congleton, the Duke of Kingston, in command of
a body of horse, retired fix)m that town to Newcastle-under-
Lyne. An advanced party of Lord George's men, under Colonel
Ker, went forward at night (December 2) towards Newcastle-
under-Lyne, whence the dragoons broke up with great precipi-
tation, some of them escaping through windows. This party
seized one Weir, a noted spy, who was only saved from hanging
by the clemency of the Prince.* The effect of these movements,
and of the false intelligence given out, was exactly what had
been expected. The duke, at Stafford (December 2), received
intelligence that a large body of the insuiigents were at Congle-
ton, and that the rest were to be there at night He therefore
proceeded that night of deven d clock to Stone, thus allowing the
main body of the Highlanders to get past him. Early in the
morning of the 3d, having effected his design, Lord Geoige left
Congleton, and passing tlu'ough Leek, reached Ashbourne in the
evening.

Some hours after he had passed Leek, the Prince, with the
main body of the army, arrived there, being on the straight road
to Derby. At midnight, the latter party set out from Leek, and
reached Ashbourne early in the morning, in order that any
sudden attack from the Duke of Cumberland might find them
all together. Early on the 4th, a portion of the army proceeded
to Derby, which they entered at eleven in the forenoon. About
three. Lord Elcho came in with the life-guards and some of the

1 Maxwell of Kirkcomi^

190 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OF I745-6.

principal officers on horseback, 'making a very respectable
appearance.' The main body of the army continued to enter
in small detachments during all the latter part of the day (to
convey, as was supposed, an impression of the greatness of their
numbers), with bagpipes playing and colours unfurled;^ and
in the evening the Prince arrived on foot, and took up his
quarters in the house of the Earl of Exeter. During the day
the bells were rung, and bonfires lighted, and there was an
illumination (how far voluntary is not stated) at night The
magistrates were ordered to attend the proclamations in their
official gowns ; but when it was known that they had sent these
away beforehand, their attendance was excused, and the pro-
clamations were made by the conmion crier.

Charles was now within 127 miles — to him less than a week's
march— of the capital of England. In consequence of the
dexterous manoeuvre of Lord George Murray, he could have
advanced thither without fighting with the Duke of Cumber-
land, who was, on the 4th, returning fi'om Stone to Stafford,
where he was nine miles farther from London than the
Chevalier, whom he could have had no hope of overtaking with
infantry, supposing that Charles had been pleased to proceed
immediately.^ Two armies in succession had thus been eluded
by the Highlanders — ^that of Wade, in consequence of the
weather or the old marshal's inactivity,^ and that of Cumberland,
through the ingenuity of their own leaders. There remained yet
a third army at Finchley Common ; but it was not formidable in
character or numbers, and probably might have failed to meet
the clans in batde, if they had marched still onward. No
invading band, since the days of the Saxon kings, had ever been
allowed to advance so far and so threateningly into England ;
for though the Duke of Hamilton, in 1648, had got to Uttoxeter,

1 BoyM, 104. Their colours were mostly white, with red crosses.

s The duke employed the 5th in marching to Lichfield, where he would have had some
chance of intercepting the Highlanders, who had spent that day at Derby.

* Wade's army had now advanced from Newcastle into VoHcshire. It was at Wetherby
on the 4th, and on the 5th was marching to Doncastcr, the commander having then heard
of the advance of the Highlanders into Derbyshire.

INVASION OF ENGLAND. I9I

it was only with a small portion of an army broken to pieces a
good way farther north. ^

Hitherto the English people had entertained a very inadequate
idea of the insurrection. If we are to judge from the tenor of
the public journals, where the Highland army is invariably
spoken of with contempt, both on physical and moral grounds,
the English generally had not the most faint apprehension of
the bold and generous spirit of self-devotion which prompted
these men to leave their homes, and thus expose themselves not
only to the perils of war, but the pains of treason, for the sake
of a cause which, however mistakenly, they conceived to be
that of justice and patriotism. The whole expedition of the
Chevalier and his attendant bands seems to have been regarded
as only an odd piece of mob-procedure, which a proper exertion
of regular military force would put down. Tliere even seems to
have been some disposition to look upon it as a novel kind of
show. The poet Gray writes from Cambridge : * Here we had
no more sense of danger than if it were the battle of Cannas.
I heard three sensible middle-aged men, when the Scotch were
said to be at Stamford, and actually were at Derby, talking of
hiring a chaise to go to Caxton, a place on the high-road [on
the high-road, be it recollected, from Derby to London, from
which it is only distant fifty miles], to see the Pretender and
the Highlanders as they passed.' Much of the apprehension
was no doubt owing to a line of policy assumed by the
government party. It was thought equivalent to a pro-
fession of Jacobitism to speak in respectful terms of the
Chevalier, his followers, or the strength of his army. This
of course was a sword that cut two ways, for while it tended
to keep down popular feeling in behalf of Charles, it also

1 Swarkeston Bridge, six mfles beyond Derby, on the road to London, was, in reality,
the extreme point of this singular invasicm, because the insurgents posted an advanced
guard there, which kept possession of the pass till the retreat was determined on. No
former host from Scotland penetrated beyond the Tees, or overran more than the frontier
counties ; but this last, and, it may be added, least, of all the armies Scotland ever sent
against the Southron, had thus reached the Trent, traversed five counties in succession, and
insulted the very centre of England.

192 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OP 1 745-6.

favoured a feeling of security in the highest degree useful
to him.

Now, however, the metropolis at least became strongly
impressed with a sense of danger. When intelligence reached
it that the Highlanders were getting past the Duke of Cumber-
land's army, and had reached Derby, consternation took pos-
session of the inhabitants. Fielding, m his True Patriot^
describes the degree of terror which prevailed as beyond all
belie£ The Chevalier Johnstone, speaking from information
which he procured a few months afterwards on the spot, says
that the shops were shut, many people fled to the country,
taking with them their most precious effects, and the Bank only
escaped insolvency by paying in sixpences to persons in its
confidence, who, going out at one door, and returning at
another, received the same money over and over again, and
thus kept back the bon&fide holders of notes. The ministers
were perplexed. It has been alleged that the Duke of Newcastle,
then one of the secretaries of state, shut himself up in his house
for a day, deliberating whether he should not at once declare
for the Stuarts. King Geoige was said to have ordered his
yachts, in which he had embarked his most valuable effects, to
remain at the Tower stairs, in readiness to sail at a moment's
warning. Perhaps some of these allegations were mere popular
rumour, but they shew at least a degree of fear which must
have been thought sufficient to render them credible. And, in
truth, the danger, if danger it is to be called, was by no means
inconsiderable, for not only was the Highland army within a
few days' march, with little to oppose its progress, but there
was a party in the city, including, it now appears, one of the
aldermen (a Mr Heathcote), who were expected to make a
public appearance in the same cause, and a French army was
expected to land on the coast The day of all this con-
sternation was afterwards remembered under the expressive
appellation of Black Friday,

RETREAT TO SCOTLAND. J 93

CHAPTER XVL

RETREAT TO SCOTLAND.

' The games are done, and Csesar is returning.*

yulius Ctuan

Intelligence reached the Prince at Derby of the arrival of
Lord John Drummond, brother of the Duke of Perth, at
Montrose with a body of French troops. A treaty had been
entered into at Fontainebleau, on the 23d of October, between
the Marquis d'Aigenson on the part of Louis XV., and Colonel
O'Brien on the part of Charles, Prince Regent of Scotland,
agreeing that there should be friendship and alliance between
the parties; that the king should aid the Prince Regent in
every practicable way against their common enemy the Elector
of Hanover ; and that the king should furnish the Prince with
a body of troops from his Irish regiments, along with other
troops, ' to defend the provinces which had submitted, or should
submit, to the regency, to attack the conunon enemy, and to
follow every movement which should be judged useful or
necessary.'^ In consequence of this agreement. Lord John
Drummond, who was a subject of France, embarked 1000 men
about the middle of November at Dunkirk, together with a
considerable quantity of stores and ammunition. Excepting a
few transports taken by English cruisers, containing one or two
hundred of the men, this little armament arrived in good order
at Montrose near the end of November; and Drununond, on
the 2d of December, published the following manifesto : ' We,
Lord John Drummond, commander-in-chief of his most Christian
Majesty's forces in Scotland^ do hereby declare that we are
come to this kingdom with written orders to make war against

1 The whole treaty ttinrmted from the Stuart Papen m the Appendix to Browne's Hutaty
^the HigkiaHda,

U

194 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OF 1 745-6.

the king of £ngland, Elector of Hanover, and his adherents ;
and that the positive orders we have from his most Christian
Majesty are, to attack all his enemies in this kingdom, whom
he has declared to be those who will not immediately join and
assist, as far as will lie in their power, the Prince of Wales,
Regent in Scotland, &c, and his ally ; and whom he is resolved,
with the concurrence of the king of Spain, to support in taking
possession of Scotland, England, and Ireland, if necessaiy, at
the expense of all the men and money he is master of; to
which three kingdoms the family of Stuart have so just and
indisputable a tide. And his most Christian Majesty's positive
orders are, that his enemies should be used in this kingdom in
proportion to the harm they do or intend to his Royal High-
nesses cause.' Lord John, according to instructions he had
received, lost no time in sending a messenger to Count Nassau,
commander of the Dutch auxiliaries called over into England,
requiring him to observe a neutrality, agreeably to the capitula-
tions of Toumay and Dendennonde, by which they had agreed
for a certain time not to fight against the king of France and
his allies.

Immediately after the departure of Lord John Drummond
from France, the ministers made serious preparations for a much
larger armament, which they designed to have landed on the
south coast of England. Ten thousand troops were mustered
for this purpose, and Prince Henry Stuart, Charles's younger
brother, was brought to Paris to accompany the expedition.
Every preparation had been made; the king had taken leave
of the young Prince, telling him that he would * dine quietly in
London on the 9th of January ' (meaning the 29th of December,
old style) ; and the plan was only abandoned when intelligence
came of the retreat of the Highland army from Derby.^ Had
that army gone on, the French invasion would have taken place
in time to support Charles in London, supposing that he had

1 The ooncentiatton of the English fleet to oppose the intended tnrasioo, allowed the
French privateers to be unusually active. In the months of November and December,
these marauders were calculated to have taken a hundred and sixty British vessels, valued
ttt^OBPhOOOk

RETREAT TO SCOTLAND. I95

seized the govemment ; and the Stuart dynasty must have been
reinstated on the throne.

The morning of the 5th saw the Prince at Derby, eager to
go forward on. his march at all hazards, but hopeful that succours
from Fiance, and a rising of his English friends, would make it
less dangerous than it appeared. The men in general were in
high spirits, and very anxious to come to an engagement with
the Duke of Cumberland's army. The common expectation
was, that a battle was about to take place ; and with this view
there was a general sharpening of broadswords at the cutlers'
shops, and some took the sacrament in the churches. Little
was it thought that their leaders were about to resolve upon
quite a contrary movement

At a council of war held on the morning of the 5th, Lord
George Murray and the other members gave it as their unani-
mous opinion that the army ought to return to Scotland Lord
George pointed out that they were about to be environed by
three armies, amounting collectively to about 30,000 men, while
their own forces were not above 5000, if so many. Supposing
an unsuccessfrd engagement with any of those armies, it could
not be expected tiiat one man would escape, for the militia
would beset every road. The Prince, if not slain in the battle,
must fall into the enemy's hands. The whole world would
blame them as fools for nmning into such a risk. Charles
answered that he regarded not his own danger. He 'pressed
with all the force of argument to go forward. He did not doubt,'
he said, ' that the justice of his cause would prevail. He was
hopeful there might be a defection in the enemy's anny, and
that many would declare for him. He was so very bent on
putting all to the risk, that the Duke of Perth was for it, since
his Royal Highness was. At last he proposed going to Wales,
instead of returning to Carlisle ; but every other officer declared
his opinion for a retreat' These are neaiiy the words of Lord
George Murray;^ we are elsewhere told that the Prince

I Nanative, yaeebiU Meniourt,

196 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OF 1745-6.

condescended to use entreaties to induce his adherents to alter
their resolution. * Rather than go back/ he said, * I could wish
to be twenty feet underground V^ His chagrin, when he found
his councillors obdurate, was beyond all bounds. The council
broke up^ in the understanding that the retreat was to commence
next morning, Lord George volunteering to take the post of
honour in the rear, provided only that he should not be troubled
with the baggage.

In the course of the day Charles spoke of the intended move-
ment to various officers, in such terms, that a few, particularly
Secretary Murray and Sir Thomas Sheridan (from a desire of
ingratiating themselves with him, as Lord George Murray
suspected), expressed their regret for the resolution, saying that
they had approved of it in the morning only from an idea that
the soldiers would not go heartily into a battle when they knew
that their officers were otherwise inclined. In the evening,
when the whole of the officers were once more together, and
were given to understand what these gentlemen had said, they
told the Prince * that they valued their lives as little as brave
men ought to do, and if he inclined to go forward, they would
do their duty to the last ; but they desired that those who had
advised his Royal Highness to march forward would sign their
opinion, which would be a satisfaction to them.'* Murray and
Sheridan were not disposed to do this, and the retreat was
therefore determined upon.

During the earlier part of the march of the Prince into
England, the leading Jacobites of that country had kept back,
under an impression that, with so small a force, he was not
likely to produce a general mustering of the party in his favour.
Charles had therefore little or no communication of any kind
with the party during his march." Yet it appears that the very
boldness of his onward movement, especially taken in coimec-
tion with the expected descent from France, at length disposed

1 Memoir* of Captain Daniel, a volunteer. MS , a^$td Lord Bfahon*t Nitt^ty,

i Lord George Murray's Narrative, JaabiU Mtwuirt.

• jg^jumisation of Secretary Murray, ^)pendix to Loitl MahoD*a Hutaty,

RETREAT TO SCOTLAND. 1 97

them to come out ; and many were just on the point of declaring
themselves, and marching to join his army, when the retreat
from Derby was determined on. A Mr Barry arrived in Derby
two days after the Prince left it, with a message from Sir Watkin
William Wynne and Lord Barrymore, to assm^ him, in the
name of many friends of the cause, that they were ready to join
him in what manner he pleased, either in the capital, or every
one to rise in his own county.^ I have likewise been assured
that many of the Welsh gentry had actually left their homes,
and were on their way to join Charles, when intelligence of his
retreat at once sent them all back peaceably, convinced that it
was now too late to contribute their assistance. These men,
from the power they had over their tenantry, could have added
materially to his military force.' In fact, from all that appears,
we must conclude that the insurgents had a very considerable
chance of success from an onward movement — also, no doubt,
a chance of destruction, and yet not worse than what ultimately
befell many of them — ^while a retreat broke in a moment the
speU which their gallantry had conjmred up, and gave the enemy
a great advantage over them.

The resolution of the council not being made known that
night to the army at large, the common men, and many of the
officers, on commencing their march next morning before day-
break, thought they were going to fight the Duke of Cumber-
land, and displayed the utmost cheerfulness and alacrity. But
as soon as daylight allowed them to see the surrounding objects,
and they found, from marks they had taken of the road, that
they were retracing their steps, nothing was to be heard through-
out the army but expressions of rage and lamentation. * If we
had been beaten,' says the Chevalier Johnstone, * our grief could
not have been greater.'

1 TIm Prince mentsons this in a letter to hit father, February ta, 1747. Stuait Papers;
Lord Mahon't History*

s My informant adds, that the Jacobite iquirea of Wales used afterwards* in their cups,
to boast how far each had travelled on his way to join the Cheralier ; a man who had gone
fifty miles looking upon himself as twice as good a partisan as one who had gone only fivo-
•ad-twenty ; and so on.

igS HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OF I745~^.

The vexation of the army on this account was nothings to the
bitter disappointment of its unhappy leader. Vestigia nulla
rdrorsum had been his motto from the beginning ; and so long
as he was going forward, no danger, and faj less any privation
or fatigue, had given him the least concern. But now, when at
length compelled to turn back from the glittering prize which
had almost been within his grasp, he lost all his former spirit,
and, from being the leader of his hardy bands, became in
appearance, as he was in reality, their reluctant follower. In
the march forwaid, he had always been first up in the morning,
had the men in motion before break of day, and generally
walked, in dress and arms similar to their own, at the head of
their body; but now, ail his alacrity gone, and with hopes
nearly blighted, he permitted the whole aimy to march before
him (except a rearguard, whom he often compelled to wait for
him a long time); and on coming out of his lodgings, dejectedly
mounted a horse, and then rode on, without intercourse with
his men, to the quarters assigned for him in the van.

The retreat of the aimy was concerted with so much secrecy,
and conducted with so much skill, that it was two days' march
ahead of the royal forces ere the Duke of Cumberland could
make himself certain of the fact, or take measures for a pursuit
When he at length ascertained that they were retiring, he
changed the defensive system which he had hitherto pursued for
one of active annoyance. Putting himself at the head of his
dragoons, and having mounted looo foot on horses provided
by the gentlemen of Staffordshire, he started from Meriden
Common, a position he had taken near Coventry, and, passing
by veiy bad roads through Uttoxeter and Cheadle, came to
Macclesfield on the evening of the xoth, full two days after the
insurgents had reached the same point He here received
intelligence that, after retreating with wonderful expedition
through Ashbourne, Leek, and Macclesfield, the enemy had just
that morning left Manchester, and set forward to Wigan.

The Highlanders managed their retreat in such a manner as
to unite expedition with perfect coolness, and never to allow thQ

RETREAT TO SCOTLAND. 1 99

enemy to obtain a single advantage. Though on foot, and
pursued, by cavalry, they kept distinctly ahead of all danger or
annoyance for twelve days, two of which they had spent in
undisturbed rest at Preston and Lancaster.^ The troops of the
duke were reinforced on the 12th by a body of horse, which
General Wade, now with the army in the centre of Yorkshire,
sent with haste over Blackstone Edge to intercept the retiring
host, but who only reached Preston after it had been several
hours evacuated, and in time to join the pursuing force of the
Duke of Cumberiand. After a halt of one day, occasioned by
the false alarm of an invasion on the southern coast, the pursuing
army, amounting to 3000 or 4000 horse, continued their course
from Preston, through roads which had been rendered almost
impassable, partly by the weather, and pardy by the exertions
of men. Orders had been communicated by the duke to the
country-people to break down bridges, destroy the roads, and
use all means in their power to retard the insurgent army.^
But while the hardy mountaineers found little inconvenience
from either storm in the air or ruts in the ground, these very

1 At Wigan, some fanatic, intending to shoot the Prince, fired at O'SuHivan by mistake.
Charles would not allow any harm to be done to the assassin. Captain Daniel, who men-
tions this &ct, with a bittef comment on what he thought such injudicious clemency, also
complains relucting a woman and her son ^o were brought before Charles, accused of
murdering one of his volunteers at Manchester, and who confessed their crime, but whom
he would not allow to be punished.

* ' The news of the retreat of the invading army had not reached Kendal, when, on the
market-day, the Duke of Perth drove rapidly up the street, accompanied by an escort of
horse. The town and country people instantly took it into thdr heads that the rebels had
been defeated, and at once resolved on capturing the duke, in whose defence the escort
fired on the populace, many of whom had armed themselves with guns. His Grace, putting
his head out of the carriage window, with much humanity commanded his men to " fire
high, it being useless to fire oo a mob." This thoughtless procedure was not unattended
with loss of life, and gave rise to a circumstance involved in futtue mystery. The duke's
servant was knocked off his horse, upon which a countryman instantly leaped, and rode off.
This was done in the heat of the rencontre, and no one had taken notice who the nuui was,
nor was he ever discovered : on the horse was a portmanteau, containing a considerable
sum of money. The servant died of his injuries, and was buried, along with some others of
his countrymen, in that part of the churchyard next the river; a flat stone, with a suitable
inscriptioo, was laid down, commemorative of their fate.' — Ccmmwucatum in ike Edi$ti-'
htrgh Advertiser (Hewefa/er), Nev. 33, 1837. See also Scat* Magazine^ 1745, p. 577.

The duke was on this occasion endeavouring to reach Scotland with orders, pceparatory
to the arrival of the army. The resistance he met with at Kendal shewed that he could
not detach himself far from the army with safety, and he therefore proceeded no farther.

200 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OF 1 745-6.

citcumstances served materially to impede the English dragoons,
and to place the two armies upon what might be considered a
more equal footing than they could otherwise have been.

The Prince, with the main body of his troops, was at Penrith
on the evening of the 17th; but his reaiguard, under the com-
mand of Lord Geoige Murray, owing to the breaking down of
some ammunition wagons, was this night with great difficulty
brought only to Shap. The delay thus occasioned allowed the
lightest of the duke's horse to overtake the rear of the retiring
army. Early in the morning of the i8th, soon after it had
commenced its march from Shap, some of the English chasseurs
were seen hovering on the adjoining heights ; and about mid-
day, as the Highlanders were approadiing the enclosures around
Clifton Hall, a body of light horse seemed to be forming for
attack upon an eminence a little way in front Against these,
who were merely volunteer militia of the district, Lord Geoige
Murray ordered the Glengarry clan to go forward; but, with-
out waiting for an engagement, they immediately retreated.

The rearguard consisted of John Roy Stuart's regiment of
200 men, of the Glengarry clan, and a few companies which *
attended the ammunition wagons ; but it was reinforced on the
present occasion by the Stuarts of Appin and Cluny Mac-
pherson's regiment, being about 1000 men in all. Lord George,
imder a deep sense of the importance of his trust, was the last
man in the line. Anxious to check the pursuit, he despatched
Stuart forward to Penrith, requesting that 1000 men might be
sent to him from the main body there stationed. With this
force he intended to have gained the flank of the duke's army,
now approaching obliquely from the left, and to have attacked
them under favour of the approaching night But Charles
returned Stuart with an order, requiring him to march with all
speed forward to Penrith, without taking any offensive measures
against the duke. This order, proceeding upon a general view
of what was proper, would have been attended, as Lord George
well perceived, with injurious effects; for the men could not
have retired in the face of the enemy without being much

RETREAT TO SCOTLAND. 20t

exposed. He therefore desired Colonel Stuart not to mention
the Prince's wishes to any one ; and proceeded to make arrange-
ments for giving the enemy the necessary check. At the bridge,
a little to the south of the village of Clifton, where the road
passed between a high stone-wall surrounding Lord Lonsdale's
park and the hedge enclosures of Clifton Hall, he placed the
Glengarry r^ment and John Roy Stuart's along the wall — the
latter being nearest the village — and the Appin and Macpher-
son regiments within the opposite enclosures. Soon after
sunset, the main body of the duke's army, composed exclusively
of cavalry, and said to be about 4000 in number, came up and
formed in two lines on the moor about a mile behind.

In order to deceive the enemy as to his numbers, Lord
George made some men pass behind the hedges with the
coloiurs, and returning secredy, again pass, displaying the
colours once more, and this several times over. Full of anxiety
about his critical situation, he passed backwards and forwards
amongst the men, encouraging them to behave with fimmess.
He then placed himself at the head of the Macphersons, with
Cluny by hb side. In a narrative by Cluny,^ it is stated that he
did not ultimately give orders for action till he had asked the
opinion of the chief, and found him willing to make the attack,
if ordered. Daylight passed away, succeeded by a dark and
cloudy night, with occasional bursts of moonlight By one of
these transient gleams, Lord Geoige saw a body of men —
dismounted dragoons, or infantry who had resumed their proper
mode of warfare — coming forward upon the enclosures beyond
the road. He ordered the two regiments near him to advance,
in doing which they received a fire from the enemy. At this
Lord Geoige exclaimed: ' Claymore 1' an ordinary war-cry
among the Highlanders, and rushed on sword in hand. The
whole left wing, then making a direct and spirited attack, forced
the dismounted dragoons back to their main body with con-
siderable slaughter, and shouted to let the right wing know

1 Of which an extract is given by Scott as a note to a chapter of IVmufrUy, in the editioa
of iaa9.

309 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OF 1 745-6.

of their success. They then retired in order to their original
position ; while the Macdonalds, with equal intrepidity, repulsed
the dragoons opposite to their body. A check having thus
been given to the pursuing army. Lord George drew off his men
towards Penrith, where they rested and refreshed themselves.^
The English, in their accounts of this fight, allow that they had
forty private men killed and wounded, and four officers wounded ;
they insinuate that the Highland army suffered a much greater
loss ; but a letter by a person present speaks of only five found
dead on the field ; while the gazette published by the Prince
at Glasgow admits the loss of twelve men, who had gone too
far forward on the moor, and who might have been taken
prisoners. At an earlier period of the day, Lord Geoige Murray
had taken the Duke of Cumberland's footman, whom the Prince
instantly sent back to his master. A Mr Hamilton, an officer
in the Prince's hussars, had been taken, from want of caution,
before the skirmish by a straggling party.'

The whole of the Highland army spent the night of the 19th
of December at Carlisle, where it was thought necessary, on
evacuating the town next morning, to leave a garrison, consisting
of the Manchester regiment, some men fi-om the Lowland
regiments, and a few French and Irish ; in all 300.' This small
garrison, animated with a greater share of courage and fidelity
to the cause they had embraced than of prudence or fore-
sight, resolved obstinately to defend the city, and took eveiy

1 A very minute account of the affair at Clifton is giToi by Loid Geoige himnclf. See
yacebite Mem&irt^ 64—72.

• 'An inhabitant of the Tillage of Oiftoa, named Thomas Savage, was very serviceable
in giving the English army timdy notice of the diqxwtion of the insurgents, who had hired
all the lodges and outhouses. After the action, he joyfully entertained the Dukes of Cum-
berland, Ridunond, and Kingston, besides 100 hone, in his own house.'>— A^Mir, ivf,
' .... At the skirmish on Qifton Moor, General Honejrwood fell covered with wounds.
On the retreat of the enemy, the general was carried in a mangled condition to Appleby,
where, to the surprise of all, he recovered. He was afterwards so much respected there,
from die foregoing circumstances, and became so attached to the place, that he was elected
one of their members, and continued so to the day of his death. Having a vote for the
county, it was there I had the honour of knowing him, of being shewn by him the scars of
those mouthed wounds he had received, and of hearing from himself the foregoing ^axix'
culars.'— 7d«iifiMi'x Hittoty ofik* Scottish Stagu, p. 8a

* He also left ten out of his thirteen pieces of cannon.

RETREAT TO SCOTLAND. «03

measure for that purpose which the time and season would
allow.

Charles left Carlisle on the morning of the 20th, after having
publicly thanked the garrison for tiieir devoted loyalty, and
promised to relieve them as soon as he could. The men, drawn
up to hear his address, saw him depart with acclamations, and
gazing from the walls, soon beheld their comrades draw near
the beloved land to which they were never to return. The army
reached the £sk, which forms the boundary of the two kingdoms,
about two o'clock in the afternoon. The river, usually shallow,
was swollen, by an incessant rain of several days, to the depth
of four feet Yet it was resolved to cross immediately, lest a
continuation of the rain diuing the night should render the
passage totally impracticable. A skilful arrangement was made,
which almost obviated the dangers of the flood. The cavalry
were stationed in the river, a few paces above the ford, to break
the force of the current ; and the infantry formed themselves in
ranks of ten or twelve abreast, with their arms locked in such a
manner as to support one another against the rapidity of the
river, leaving sufficient intervals between the successive lines for
the water to flow through. The -whole passed over in perfect
safety. Cavalry were placed farther down the river, to pick up
all who might be carried away by the violence of the stream.
None were lost, except a few girls. The transit of the river
occupied an hour, during which, ftom the dose numbers of the
men, it appeared to be crossed by a paved street of heads and
shoulders. When they got to the other side, and began to dry
themselves at the fires lighted upon the bank for that purpose^
they were overjoyed at once more finding their feet upon their
native ground, and for a moment forgot the chagrin which had
attended their retreat, with all depressing anticipations of the
future.

An expedition was thus completed which, for boldness and
address, is entitled to rank high amongst the most celebrated in
ancient and modem times. It lasted six weeks, and was directed
through a country decidedly hostile to the adventurers ; it was

a04 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OF 1 745-6.

done in the face of two armies, each capable of utterly annihilat-
ing it ; and the weather was such as to add a thousand personal
miseries to the general evils of the campaign. Yet such was
the success which will sometimes attend the most desperate
case, if conducted with resolution, that from the moment the
inimical country was entered, to that in which it was abandoned,
only forty men were lost, out of nearly 5000, by sickness,
marauding, or the sword of the enemy. A magnanimity was
preserved even in retreat beyond that of ordinary soldiers ; and
instead of flying in wild disorder, a prey to their pursuers, these
desultory bands had turned against and smitten the superior
army of their enemy, with a vigour which effectually checked it
They had carried the standard of Glenfinnin a hundred and fifty
miles into a country full of foes ; and now they brought it back
miscathed, through the accumulated dangers of storm and war.

In their descent upon England, when, in the height of their
expectations, private rapine had few charms, the Highlanders
conducted themselves with tolerable propriety; and as the
public money was everywhere raised, they had been able to pay
for food widi some degree of regularity. But in their retreat,
when their pay was more precarious, private property was less
respected, though not invaded or injured to nearly so great an
extent as might have been expected.

The unhappy garrison of Carlisle saw their fortifications
invested by the whole force of the Duke of Cumberland on the
very day following the departure of their fellow-soldiers. They
fired upon all who came within reach of their guns, and shewed
an intention of holding out to the last extremity. But the duke,
having procured cannon from Whitehaven, erected a battery on
the 28th, and began to play upon the crazy walls of the town
and castle. On the morning of the 30th a white flag appeared
upon the walls, and the governor signified a wish to enter into a
capitulation. The cannon then ceased, and a message was sent
by Governor Hamilton to the duke, desiring to know what terms
he would be pleased to give them. His royal highness replied
that the only terms he would or could grant were, ' that they

RETREAT TO SCOTLAND. 205

should not be put to the sword, but reserved for his majesty's
pleasure.' These terms were accepted, and the royal army
immediately took possession of the city and castle, placing all
the garrison under a strong guard in the cathedraL The fate
meted out to them will be described in the sequel.

It was now judged proper that, as the more immediate danger
from the Highland army was past, the Duke of Cumberland
should return to London, in order to be of service in repelling
the invasion which was still dreaded from France on the south
coast He accordingly proceeded thither, leaving his troops
under the command of General Wade and Lieutenant-general
Hawley, the last of whom was ordered to conduct a portion of
the anny into Scodand, while Wade remained at Newcastle.

The Chevalier meanwhile pursued his march towards the
north. On crossing the £sk, he divided his army into two
parties, one of which went by Ecclefechan and Mofifat, with
Lord Geoige Murray and Lords Ogilvie and Nairn. He himself
led the other, with the Duke of Perth, Lords Elcho and Pitsligo,
Locheil, Clanranald, Glengarry, and Keppoch. He lodged the
first night at Annan. Next day. Lord Elcho advanced with 400
or 500 men to take possession of Dumfries. The rest went
forward with himself on the day following. Dumfries had
reason, on this occasion, for alarm, on account of the seizure of
the baggage-wagons at Lockerby. The clans marched into it as
into a town where they expected resistance, or at least no kindly
reception; and on an idiot being observed with a gun in his
hand behind a grave-stone in the churchyard, which they
supposed he was about to fire upon them, it was with the
greatest difficulty that the poor creature's life was spared.^ The
Prince took up his lodgmg in what was then the best house in
the town, being that which is now the Commercial Inn, near the
centre of the market-place. He had ordered the citizens to
contribute the sum of ^2000 for his use, with 1000 pair of
shoes; some of his men adding, that they might consider it well

1 Tradition at Dumfries.

906 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION O^ 1745-6.

that their town was not laid in ashes. So lately as 1836, an
aged female lived in Edinburgh who recollected the occupation
of Dumfries by the Highland anny, being then seventeen years
of age.^ She lived opposite to the Prince's lodging, and fre-
quently saw him. In her father's house several of the men were
quartered, and it was her recollection that they gready lamented
the course which they had taken, and feared the issue of the
expedition. The proprietor of the house occupied by the Prince
was Mr Richard Lowthian, a nonjuror, and proprietor of Staffold
Hall, in Cumberland. Though well affected to the Princess
cause, he judged it prudent not to come into his presence, and
yet neither did he wish to offend him by the appearance of
deliberately going out of his way. The expedient he adopted
in this dilemma was one highly characteristic of the time — he
got himself filled so extremely drunk, that his being kept back
from the company of his guest was only a matter of decency.
His wife, who could not well be taxed with treason, did the
honours of the house without scruple ; and some other Jacobite
ladieSy particularly those of the attainted house of Camwath,^
came forward to grace his court When the author was at
Dumfries in 1838, he saw, in the possession of a private family,
one of a set of table napkins, of the most beautiful damask,
resembling the finest satin, which the ladies Dalzell of Camwath
had taken to grace the table of the Prince,* and which they had
kept ever after with the care due to the most precious relics.
The drawipg-room in which Charles received company is a very
handsome one, panelled all round with Corinthian pilasters, the
capitals of which are touched with dim gold. He was sitting
here at supper with his officers and other friends, when he was
told that a messenger had arrived with intelligence respecting
the enemy. One M'Ghie, a painter in Dumfries, and a friend
of the insurgents, had been imposed upon at Annan with the

1 Widow Blsike was the name of this remaxfaible person, who died at futty the age of io8.
She had been the wife of a dragoon in the reign of Geofge II.

I Dalzell, Earl of Camwath, attainted in 1716 ; restored in 1896, in the person of Robert
Alexander Dalzell.

* It bore the initials J. D., and the date 1704.

RETREAT TO SCOTLAND. 207

false news that the Duke of Cumberland had already taken
Carlisle, and was advancing to Dumfries. Charles received this
intelligence in another room, and soon aiter returned to his
friends with a countenance manifestly dejected. The conse-
quence was, that he hurriedly left the town next day, with only
;^iioo of the ^2000, but carrying the provost and another
gentleman as security for the payment of the remainder. Mrs
Lowthian received from him, as a token of regard, a pair of
leather gloves, so extremely fine, that they could be drawn
through her ring. These, as well as the bed he had slept on,
were carefully preserved by the family, and are still in existence.^

On the morning of the 23d the Highland army directed its
march up Nithsdale, and the Chevalier spent the night at Drum>
lanrig, the seat of the Duke of Queensbeny. He occupied the
state-bed, while a great number of his men lay upon straw in
the great gallery. Before departing next day, it must be
r^etted that the Highlanders took that opportunity of express-
ing their love of King James by slashing with their swords a
series of portraits representing King William, Queen Mary, and
Queen Anne, which hung in the grand staircase — a present from
the last of these sovereigns to James, Duke of Queensbeny, in
consideration of his services at the Union.

From Drumlanrig, Charles proceeded through the wild pass
of Dalveen into Clydesdale, designing to march upon Glasgow,
though still endeavouring to conceal his intentions from the
members of government at Edinbuigh. He spent the night in
Douglas Castle, the residence of the Duke of Douglas. He next
day proceeded along the uplands of Clydesdale towards the
western capital, and halted at Hamilton, where he lodged in the
palace of the Duke of Hamilton. He spent the next day in
hunting through the princely parks attached to that house,
shooting two pheasants, two partridges, and a deer. While
there is ample evidence, from the account-book of his master-of-
household,^ that he was generally careful, during his march, to

1 Infonnadon from Mr Lowthian Ross of Stafibld Hall, and others,
s See yaccHU Memoirs.

2o8 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OF 1 745-6.

make remuneration for his lodging and provision, it would
appear that at Dnimlanrig and Douglas, the proprietors of
which were noted enemies of his family, he exacted free quarters.
At Hamilton, the master of which was understood to be well
affected, there were some small payments ; but tradition avers
that both there and at Douglas the custom of giving vails to the
servants was neglected.

It was with great difficulty that, in this last day's march, his
men were prevented from sacking and burning the village of
Lesmahago. During the absence of the army in England, the
people of this place, whose ancestors had distinguished them-
selves in resisting the house of Stuart when in power, committed
an act of hostility to Charles's cause, which was calculated to
excite the indignation of the whole army to no common degree.
The circumstances, as gathered from tradition, were as follow :
The youthful and gallant Kinlochmoidart, in a journey from the
Highlands, on his return from making a last appeal to Macleod
and Macdonald of Sleat, passed through Lesmahago on his way
to England, and was recognised by a young student of divinity,
named Linning, whose religious prepossessions led him to
regard the Prince's adherents with no friendly eye. As the
insurgent gentleman was attended by only a single servant, this
zealot conceived a design of waylaying and capturing him, which
he immediately proceeded to put in execution. Taking to
himself arms, and having roused the country-people, he set out
after the two travellers by a path which he knew would enable
him to intercept them as they proceeded along the road He
came up with them upon a waste called Brokencross Moor,
within two miles of the village, and shewing his arms, com-
manded them to surrender in the name of King George.
Kinlochmoidart's servant, on first seeing the rabble at a distance,
with their old guns and pitchforks, unslung his piece, and pro-
posed to arrest their progress by a well-directed brace of bullets.
But the generous youth resolved rather to surrender at discretion,
than thus occasion an unnecessary effiision of blood. He
accordingly gave himself up to the daring probationer, who

RETREAT TO SCOTLAND. 209

immediately conducted him, under a strong guard, to Edinburgh
Castle, from which he was only removed some months after-
wards to the shambles of Carlisle.^

The city of Glasgow, upon which Charles was now in full
march, had much greater reason than Dumfries, or even
Lesmahago, to expect severe treatment from the insurgents;
while its wealth gave additional cause for alarm, without in the
least degree supplying better means (A defence. This city,
newly sprung into importance, had never required nor received
the means of defence, but was now lying, with its wide-spread
modem streets and well-stored warehouses, fully exposed to the
license of the invaders. It had distinguished itself, ever since
the expulsion of the house of Stuart, by its attachment to the
new government ; and, since the Highlanders entered England,
had, with gratuitous loyalty, raised a regiment of 1200 men, to
aid in suppressing the insurrection. Obnoxious by its principles,
and affording such prospects of easy and ample plunder, it was
eagerly approached by the, predatory bands of the Chevalier.
By one of their most rapid marches, the first body entered
Glasgow on Christmas-day, and on the following the Prince
came up with the rest of the army. It has been calculated that,
from their leaving Edinburgh, they had marched about 580
miles in fifty-six days, many of these being days of rest

The necessities of the army are described as having been at
this time greater than at any other period of the campaign. It
was now two months since they had left the land of tartan ;
their clothes were of course in a dilapidated condition. The
length and precipitancy of their late march had destroyed
their brogues ; and many of them were not only barefooted, but
barelegged. Their hair hung wildly over their eyes ; their beards
were overgrown ; and the exposed parts of their limbs were, in
the language of Dougal Graham, tanned red with the weather.
Altogether, they had a wayworn, savage appearance, and looked
rather like a band of outlandish vagrants than a body of efficient

1 Kinlodunoidarf B captor was afterwanb rewarded by governinent with an appointment
to the pulpit of his native parish.

N

2IO HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OF 1 745-6.

soldiery. The pressure of want compelled them to take every
practicable measure for supplying themselves ; and, in passing
towards Glasgow, they had stripped such natives as they met
of their shoes and other articles of dress.

Immediately upon his arrival, Charles took measures for the
complete refitting of his army, by ordering the magistrates to
provide 12,000 shirts, 6000 cloth coats, 6000 pair of stockings,
and 6000 pair of shoes.^ He is also said to have sent for the
provost (Buchanan), and sternly demanded the names of such
as had subscribed for raising troops against him, threatening to
hang the worthy magistrate in case of refusal The provost
is said to have answered that he would name no person
but himself, and that he was not afraid to die in such a
cause. He was forced to pay a fine of ;£^5oo.2 From the
town of Paisley the sum of j£s^^ was exacted, and con-
tributions were also raised in Renfrew and other towns near
Glasgow.

Charles took up his residence in what was then considered the
best house in the city, one belonging to a wealthy merchant
named Glassford, which stood at the west end of the Trongate,
and was afterwards taken down for the extension of that noble
street. At his arrival, he is said to have caused his men to enter
this house by the front gate, go out by the back door, and then,
making a circuit through some by-lanes, reappear in front of the
mansion, as if they had been newly arrived. But this ruse,
practised in order to magnify the appearance of his army, was
detected by the citizens of Glasgow, whose acute eyes recognised
the botanical badges of the various clans, as they successively
reappeared. A careful estimate of his forces, made by the
friends of government at Glasgow, represented them as about
3600 foot and 500 horse Of the latter, which were ail much
jaded, sixty were employed in carrying the sick ; whilst about

1 Inclunve of ;C55oo paid in September, the exactions from Glasgow amounted to ;£zo,ooo,
of which reimbursement was made by parliament in 1749.

* Ctntlemtttis MagazttUf January 1746, p. 43. The various authentic anecdotes which
shew the disinclination of the Prince to strong measures, throw a doubt on this tale of the
day.

RETREAT TO SCOTLAND. 211

600 of the infantry neither had arms nor seemed able to use
them.^

During his residence in Mr Glassford's house, Charles ate
twice a day in public, though without ceremony, accompanied
by a few of his officers, and waited upon by a small number of
devoted Jacobite ladies. He also dressed much more elegandy
here than he had done at any other place throughout the cam-
paign.^ But nothing could make the Whigs of Glasgow regard
him with either respect or affection. Previously hostile to his
cause, they were now incensed against him, by his severe
exactions upon the public purse, and by the private depredations
of his men. To such a height did this feeling arise, that an
insane zealot snapped a pistol at him as he was riding along the
Saltmarket^ He is said to have admired the regularity and
beauty of the streets of Glasgow, but to have remarked, with
bitterness, that nowhere had he found so few friends.^ During
the whole week he spent in the city, he procured no more than
sixty recruits — ^a poor compensation for the numerous desertions
which now began to take place, in consequence of the near
approach of his men to their own country.

After having nearly succeeded in refitting his army, he held a
grand review upon the Green, * We marched out,' says Captain
Daniel in his memoir of the campaign,* ' with drums beating,
colours flying, bagpipes playing, and all the marks of a triumph-
ant army, to the appointed ground, attended by multitudes of
people, who had come from all parts to see us, and especially
the ladies, who, though formerly much against us, were now
charmed by the sight of the Prince into the most enthusiastic
loyalty. I am somewhat at a loss,' continues this devoted
cavalier, ' to give a description of the Prince as he appeared at
the review. No object could be more charming, no personage
more captivating, no deportment more agreeable, than his at

1 Scott Magusifu, yiii. 39.

' James Gibb^ in the Prince's Household Book, JacdbiU Mtmoiru

S Tradition. ^ Boyse, X3a.

' Freserved in the archives, of Dnimmond Castle.

212 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OF 1 745-6.

that time was; for, being well mounted and princely attired,
having all the best endowments of both body and mind, he
appeared to bear a sway above any comparison with the heroes
of the last age ; and the majesty and grandeur he displayed were
truly noble and divine.* It may be worth while to contrast with
this flattering portraiture the description which has been given
of Charles by a sober citizen of Glasgow. ' I managed,' says
this person, quoting his memoiy after an interval of seventy
years, 'to get so near him, as he passed homewards to his
lodgings, that I could have touched him with my hand ; and
the impression which he made upon my mind shall never fade
as long as I live. He had a princely aspect, and its interest
was much heightened by the dejection which appeared in his
pale, fair countenance and downcast eye. He evidendy wanted
confidence in his cause, and seemed to have a melancholy
foreboding of that disaster which soon after ruined the hopes of
his family for ever.' *

CHAPTER XVII.

PRELIMINARIES OF THE BATTLE OF FALKIRK.

* The Hielandmen cam owre the hill,
And owre the knowe, wi' richt gude will.
Now Geordie's men may brag their fill,

For wow but they were braw, man !
They had three generals o' the best,
Wi' lairds and lords, and a' the rest,
Chiels that were bred to stand the test,

And cooldna rin awa, man ! '

Jdeobiii Song,

Having recruited the spirits of his men, and improved their
appointments, by eight days' residence in Glasgow, the Prince
departed on the 3d of January, and sent forward his troops in

1 AtHc Sitrits, flgow

PRELIMINARIES OF THE BATTLE OF FALKIRK. 213

two detachments, one to Kilsyth, and the other to Cumber-
nauld. The inhabitants of Edinburgh, who, on the return of
the Highland army from England, had apprehended a second
visit, and who had resolved, in such a case, to defend the city,
now set seriously about preparations for a siege. After Charles
had left Edinburgh in the beginning of November, the Whig
part of the community had gradually regained courage ; and on
the 13th of the month, when the insurgents were at the safe
distance of Carlisle, the state officers had returned in a triumph-
ant procession to their courts and chambers, saluted by a round
of cannon from the castle, and a most valiant performance of
Whig tunes upon the music-bells of St Giles's. Next day,
Hamilton's and Gardiner's dragoons, with Price's and Ligonier's
regiments of foot, boldly took possession of the city, probably
assured of the safety of the measure by their avant-couriers the
judges. It had been for some weeks the duty of these men,
and of the Glasgow regiment of volunteers, to form posts at
Stirling and other passes of the Forth, in order to prevent
troops and stores passing southward to the Prince ; but on the
arrival of the Highland army at Glasgow, they retreated with
great precipitation to Edinburgh (December 26), when it was
determined, with the assistance of a number of rustic volunteers,^
and the wreck of the Edinburgh regiment, to hold out the city
at all hazards against the approaching insurgents. Their
courage fortunately did not require to be put to so severe a
proof ; for, ere the Highlanders had left Glasgow, the English
army, beginning to arrive, strengthened the city beyond all
danger.

The command of the anny, in the absence of the Duke of
Cumberland, had been bestowed upon Lieutenant-general Henry
Hawley, an officer of some standing, but ordinary abilities;
who, having chaiged in the right wing of the king's army at

1 Of dieae the congregations which had recently seceded from die Kirk of Scotland, and
who were afterwards known by the name of the Associate Synod, formed a conspicuous
portion — canying colours on which was painted : ' For Religion, the Covenants, King,
K mgdoms.*

214 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OF 1 7 45 -6.

Sheriffmuir, where the insurgents were repulsed with ease by
the cavalry, entertained a confident notion that he would beat
the whole of Prince Charles's army with a trifling force, and did
not scruple to stigmatise the conduct of those who had hitherto
been worsted by the Highlanders as rank pusillanimity. It
happened, in his approach to Edinburgh, that Hamilton's and
Gardiner's dragoons, coming out to meet and congratulate him
on his accession to the command, encountered him near Preston,
the scene of their recent disgrace ; which being pointed out to
him, he sharply commanded the men to sheathe their swords,
and see to use them better in the campaign about to ensue than
they had hitherto done.^ Litde did Hawley anticipate what a
short week was to bring about

The march of the English army was facilitated by the people
of the Merse, Teviotdale, and Lothian, who brought horses to
transport the baggage, and provisions to entertain the men. At
Dunbar, at Aberlady, and other places, they were feasted by the
gentlemen of the district^ The loyal part of the inhabitants of
Edinburgh beheld the arrival of this army with satisfaction, and
entered into an association to provide them with blankets. The
city was also illuminated in honour of the occasion; when a
great number of windows belonging to recusant Jacobites, and
to houses which happened to be unoccupied, were broken by
the mob.

In his march from Glasgow, Prince Charles slept the first
night at the mansion of Klilsyth, which belonged to a forfeited
estate, and was now in the possession of Mr Campbell of Shaw-
field. The steward had been previously ordered to provide for
the Prince's reception, and told that all his expenses would be
accounted for. He had accordingly provided everything suit-
able for the entertainment of his Royal Highness and suite.
Next morning, however, on presenting his bill, he was told that
it should be allowed to him on his accounting (after the Resto-
ration) for the rents of the estate, and that, in the meantime, he

I Hist. Rti. \pf an impartial hand, 134. > ScoU Magtuine, viiL 3*.

PRELIMINARIES OF THE BATTLE OF FALKIRK. 215

must be contented that the balance was not immediately struck
and exacted.

On the succeeding day, Charles proceeded to Bannockbum
House, where he was a welcome guest, this house being, as
already mentioned, the residence of Sir Hugh Paterson, one of
the most zealous of his friends. His troops lay this evening in
the villages of Bannockbum, Denny, and St Ninians, while Lord
Geoige Murray occupied the town of Falkirk with the advanced
guard of the army. In order to employ the time till he should
be joined by his northern allies, Charles now resolved to reduce
Stirling, which, commanding the principal avenue to the High-
lands, had long been felt as an annoying barrier to his proceed-
ings, and to subjugate which would have given an additional
lustre to his arms.

Stirling, then a town of four or five thousand inhabitants, was
imperfectly surrounded by a wall, and quite incapable of holding
out against the insurgents; yet, by the instigation of the governor
of the castie, who had resolved to die before surrendering his
chaige, an attempt was made to defend it A small body of
militia, consisting chiefly of the townsmen, was provided with
arms from the castle; and the Reverend Ebenezer Erskine,
founder of a well-known sect, and who was a clergyman in
Stirling, did all he could to inspire them with courage, and
even, it is said, assumed an active command in their ranks.
By means of these men, the wretched defences of the town,
which consisted on one entire side of only garden walls,
were provided with a sort of guard, which Governor Blakeney
endeavoured to animate by an assurance that, even in case
of the worst, he would keep an open door for them in the
castle.

On Sunday, the 5th of January, the town was invested by the
insurgents, and about nine o'clock that evening a drummer
approached the east gate, beating his instrument in the manner
which indicates a message. The sentinels, ignorant of the forms
of war, fired several shots at this messenger, upon which he
found himself obliged to throw down his drum and take to his

2l6 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OF 1745-6.

heels. The garrison then towed the deserted instrument in over
the walls as a trophy.

On Monday, the insurgents having raised a battery within
musket'Shot of the town, and sent a more determined message
to surrender, the magistrates implored a respite till next day at
ten o'clock, which was granted The whole of Tuesday was
occupied in deliberations, and in adjusting the terms of surrender.
The town, however, being stimulated that evening by the dis-
charge of twenty-seven shots from the battery, a capitulation was
concluded next morning, by which it was agreed to deliver up
the town, under assurance of protection for the lives and property
of the townsmen, whose arms, moreover, were permitted to be
restored to the castle. The insurgents entered the town about
three in the afternoon.

It now becomes necessary to advert to the transactions which
had been taking place in the north of Scotland during the
absence of the army in England. It will be recollected that
Inverness was the point where President Forbes and the Earl
of Loudoun proposed to rendezvous such of the Highlanders as
they could induce to appear in arms for the government Up
to the middle of November, only five of the companies (which
were to consist of loo men each) had been mustered there. In
the course of the few ensuing weeks, eighteen of the twenty
which were contemplated had been assembled, four of them
being the followers or tenants of the Laird of Macleod, two the
Macdonalds of Sleat, two the Mackenzies of Kintail, two the
Earl of Sutherland's men, two the Mackays, and of the Macleods
of Assynt, the Rosses, the Grants, and Mackenzies of Lewis,
one each, while one company had been raised in the town of
Inverness. The primary cause of the mustering of these men
for the government was simply that such was the will of their
respective superiors. The men themselves, in general, were
inclined to the other side, as indeed were the Highland people
at large, with the exception only of a few chiefs, most of whom
acted under reasons of mere policy. It was only by force of
the clan-feeling of obedience to the chief, that the men in

PRELIMINARIES OF THE BATTLE OF FALKIRK. 217

general were brought to serve King George. And even this
powerful feeling did not in all instances prevail. For example,
when the Laird of Macleod summoned his chief tacksmen or
tenants to meet at Dunvegan, each with his quota of men, in
order to go to the muster at Inverness, Macleod of Bemera, one
of the principal men amongst them, wrote to him in the follow-
ing, or similar terms : * My dear laird, none of your clan would
be more ready than I to attend your summons upon most
occasions. I send you the men required, to whose service you
are entitled ; but, for myself, I go where a higher duty calls me.'
And Bemera joined the Prince, with whom he continued to the
end of the campaign, his own son being an officer in one of the
laird's independent companies.^

As another illustration of the feeling which animated the
dependants of the well-affected Highland proprietors, a body of
Kintail Mackenzies were brought down by their chief, the Earl
of Seaforth, to Brahan Castle, under pretence that his lordship's
estates thereabouts were in danger from Lord Lovat, the real
object being to draw them on to appear for the government, or
at least to prevent them from joining the insurgent army. The
men, at length penetrating the design, or at least thinking them-
selves deceived, went home, saying 'that they knew but one

1 Information from Sir William Macleod Bannatyne, who, being cousin-german both to
young Clanranald and Mr Macleod of Muiravonside (Charles's envoy to Skye), possessed
much accturate knowledge respecting the transactions of this period, to which his own
memory almost reached* With reference to Bemera, Sir William added a curious anecdote,
which was thus transcribed for me by my late amiable friend Mr Donald Gregory, author
of a valuable historical work on the Highlands: ' Many years after the rebellion, an action
was raised before the Court of Session, at the instance of the town of Paisley, against
Secretary Murray, for the amount of a contribution imposed on the town, and received by
the secretary on the Prince's behoof. While the judges were deliberating on this case,
Bemera, in company with Sir W. M. B., entered the court Lord Karnes was speaking in
his usual jocular way. " My lords,** says he, " before proceeding to the merits of this cause,
we should ascertain the proper designation of the defender. It appears to me that he should
be styled Mr John Murray, secretary to Charles Edward Stuart, the leader of certain
Highland banditti, who infested this country in 174^" It may be supposed that Bemera,
who was himself one of the banditti, did not listen very patiently to this character of his
comrades. Qenching his fist, he said to his companion : " If I had yon fellow anywhere
than where he is now, I would teach him to call better men than himself banditti !** '

* Sir William died November 1833, aged above ninety

2l8 HISTORY OP THE REBELLION OF 1745-6.

king, and if they were not at liberty to fight for him, they would
do it for no other.** It may thus be readily guessed that the
troops gathered by Lord Loudoun were not likely, on a fair
trial, to yield very hearty or effective service to the government
At the same time, it was of importance to the government that
so many men should be engaged, however nominally, in its
behalf, who might have otherwise been fighting under the
insurgent standard.

The attention of Loudoun and the president was called chiefly
to three points : the state of Fort Augustus under an investment
by the Master of Lovat, the machinations of old Lovat himself,
and some late proceedings in the counties of Aberdeen and
Banff. The earl marched with a party (December 3) to Fort
Augustus, which he easily relieved. He returned to Inverness
on the 8th, after giving the people of Stratherrick (a district
belonging to Lovat) a strong hint of what his troops would do
to their country if they joined the insiu^ents. Allowing his men
a single day's rest, he set out on the loth for Castie Downie or
Beaufort, the residence of Lord Lovat, to obtain the best satis-
faction he could for the peaceable behaviour of such of the
Frasers as had not yet risen. Lovat, still maintaining a fair
face, promised to collect the arms of his clan for the earl, and,
as a pledge for the fulfilment of his promise, agreed to accom-
pany Lord Loudoun to Inverness. There the earl waited with
patience till the appointed day, when, finding that the old chief
was dallying with him, he clapped a guard upon his lodgings.
Lovat nevertheless escaped by a back door during the night,
being carried off upon men's shoulders. This was a perplexing
event, for it obliged the earl to keep a large portion of his
troops at Inverness, to watch the further proceedings of Lovat,
while they were much needed in another quarter, to which our
attention is now to be turned.

On the departure of the Highland army fix)m Edinburgh,

1 Paper hy James Mackenzie, writer in Edinburgh (a native of Orkney), in Bishop
Forbes's Papers (Lyon in Mourning, MS.)* and attested by the bishop to be 'true and
exact'

PRELIMINARIES OF THE BATTLE OF FALKIRK. 219

Lord Lewis Gordon had returned to that district in Banff and
Aberdeenshire over which his family had for centuries exercised
almost unlimited control. There he busied himself for some
weeks in raising men for the Prince's service, every landed
proprietor being forced to furnish an able-bodied man, or j£^
sterling, for every hundred Scots of his valued rent He thus
easily completed a regiment of two battalions, one of which he
placed under the command of Gordon of Abbachy, the other
under James Moir of Stone3rwood. He also gathered a con-
siderable sum of money. All this time his brother, the Duke of
Gordon, kept up a fair appearance with the government To
put an end to the recruiting and exactions of Lord Lewis, the
Laird of Macleod was despatched from Inverness on the loth
of December with his 500 clansmen, followed closely by 200
more under Major Monro of Culcaim, and soon after reinforced
by 500 men under the Laird of Grant An insurgent party,
which had kept a post on the Spey, retired as he approached ;
and Lord Lewis, falling back on Aberdeen, called forward to
that place a number of men who had been raised in the counties
of Forfar and Kincardine, together with some of Lord John
Drummond's French troops recently landed at Montrose, and
300 Farquharsons under Farquharson of Monaltrie. In all, his
lordship had about 1200 men. Meanwhile, the Laird of Grant,
under some apprehension of danger to his own country, went
home with his men. Culcaim, with his two companies, took
post at Old Meldrum ; and Macleod, with only his 500 clans-
men, advanced to Inverury, twelve miles from Aberdeen. Lord
Lewis no sooner heard of this last incautious movement, than
he marched from Aberdeen (December 23), and that afternoon,
in the twilight, fell unexpectedly, with all his strength, upon the
Macleods at Inverury. There being only 300 in the village
against four times their number (for 200 were cantoned in the
neighbourhood), and having had no preparation or warning, the
Skye chief was in a situation of no small peril, more particularly
as his men were not over-zealous in the cause. He quickly got
them together, and, if we are to believe the government account.

220 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OF 1 745^6.

made a stand for about twenty minutes, fighting by moonlight
Their shot being at last expended, they retired with precipita-
tion ; nor did their retreat stop till they had got to Elgin.^ Few
were killed in this skirmish; but Lord Lewis took forty-one
prisoners, among whom were Mr Gordon, younger of Ardoch,
Forbes of Echt, Maitland of Pitrichie, and Mr John Chahners,
one of the professors of Aberdeen university, and remarkable as
the first publisher of a newspaper north of the Forth. ^

Lord Lewis thereafter conducted his forces to Perth, where
Lord Strathallan already had a considerable body of troops
assembled, including several hundreds of the Frasers, under the
Master of Lovat, the Mackintoshes, 400 in number, a well-
affected part of the clan Mackenzie, various recruits for the
regiments in the south, some Low-country men, and the rest of
the troops of Lord John Drummond. There was also a small
party of Clanranald Macdonalds, who had come as a convoy
with a considerable quantity of treasure, recently landed from a
Spanish vessel in the island of Barra. The Mackintoshes had
been raised under somewhat remarkable circumstances. The
country of this clan was in Badenoch, not far from Inverness.
The chief, or laird, usually called Mackintosh of Mackintosh,
was, or affected to be, loyal to the existing sovereign, and
personally appeared in arms on that side. At the same time his
wife, a young woman of high spirit and resolution, raised the
clan for the Chevalier, and adding to it the 300 Farquharsons
just mentioned, formed a very good regiment, which was now
ready for active service. The strange proceedings of this lady
caused her to be distinguished by the jocular appellation of

1 ' When he [Macleod] endeavoured to rally them at Elgin, they kept him in mind how
he had already deceived them, by making them believe they were to serve the Young Man,
when he first brought them out of the island : and afterwards how, to hold them together,
at Inverness, he had dissembled with them, as if he always meant to let them follow their
own inclinations ; till at last, having led them to Inverury, a just diq>ersion (said they) had
there befallen them for his perfidiousness to the Young Man. And yet (they told him},
would he but still return to his duty, they would not so much as look home, for haste to go
with him ; whereas, if he continued obstinate, they would leave him to a man ; which they
did accordingly.' — James MackeHzi^t P*tp^^% ^** before quoted.

S Tke Aberdeen youmal, which still exists under the charge of Mr Chalmers's descendant

PRELIMINARIES OF THE BATTLE OF FALKIRK. 221

Colond Anne, It is said that, at a subsequent part of the
campaign, Mackintosh himself, being taken in the capacity of a
loyal militia captain by a party of the insurgents, was actually
brought as a prisoner into the presence of his wife, who was
then acting a semi-military part in the Chevalier's army. She
said, with military laconism : ' Your servant, captain ! ' to which
he replied, with equal brevity : * Your servant, colonel !*^ Into
such strange relations are the various parts of society apt to be
thrown by a civil war.

It will be recollected that Charles had sent Maclachlan of
Maclachlan from Carlisle, to urge Lord Strathallan to forward
to him all the men he had assembled at Perth. His lordship,
for what reason does not plainly appear, did not conceive it
expedient to obey this order : perhaps he at first thought his
forces too small, and afterwards the presence of a body of
government troops at Stirling might seem a sufficient obstacle.
The Highlanders, burning to be engaged in the active service
of the Prince, urged him to allow them to march ; but in vain.
They would have gone without his permission ; but they had no
money, and many of those lately come down from the hills
wanted arms. Lord Strathallan had possession of money, arms,
ammunition, and stores of all kinds ; and his views were sup-
ported by the Lowlanders and French. The Highland officers
formed various projects for getting at the money and arms, in
order to proceed to the south, for, under the sense of so high a
duty, they were not disposed to be very scrupulous. Furious
disputes had taken place between them and Lord Strathallan's
supporters, and a batde seemed inevitable betwixt the two
parties, when all was setded by the receipt of a letter from the
Prince, dated at Dumfries, and conveyed by RoUo of Powhouse,
commanding them to hold themselves in readiness to join the
army, which was now marching to Glasgow, whence they should
receive further orders.* Charles was now joined at Stirling by

1 Letter of the late Bishop Mackintosh, MS., in possenion of the author. Lady
Mackintosh was a daughter of Farquhanon of Invercauld, a (riend of the government.
' Home. iiL 139.

222 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OF 1745-6.

these troops, who brought with them a great quantity of stores
landed from France, and the Spanish money which had been
debarked at the island of Barra.

The army, thus strengthened, broke ground before Stirling
Castle on the loth, and summoned Governor Blakeney to
surrender. That officer gave for answer that he would defend
his post to the last extremity, being determined to die, as he
had lived, a man of honour. They first attempted to convert a
large old building at the head of the town, called Mar's Work,
into a battery; but finding themselves to be there peculiarly
exposed to the fire of the garrison, they were soon obliged to
look about for new ground.

On the day that Charles thus commenced the siege of
Stirling, Hawley had been joined at Edinburgh by all the
divisions of the army which he could immediately expect As
his force consisted of nearly eight thousand men, of whom
thirteen hundred were cavalry, he considered himself fully a
match for the insurgents, and now determined to offer them
battle, though he knew that there were several other regiments
on the march to Scotland, which would soon join hinu^ He
was perhaps induced to take this step, partly by observing that
the Highland force was every day increasing, and partly by a
wish to relieve the garrison of Stirling ; but a blind confidence
in the powers of the army, especially the dragoons, and an
ardent desire of distinguishing himself, must certainly be allowed
to have chiefly instigated him to the measure. He had often
been heard to reflect upon the misconduct of Cope (who, in
his turn, had taken bets, it is said, to a large amount that this
new commander would have no better success than himself).
He therefore went on to battle under a kind of infatuation, of
which the proper effects were soon seen.

On the morning of the 13th, five regiments, together with the
Glasgow militia, and Hamilton's and Ligonier's (late Gardiner's)

1 Six thousand Hessians, who were compelled to serve the king of Great Britain m terms
of a recent treaty, and who had embarked at Wtlliamsudt on the zst of January, were also
at this time hourly expected to enter the Firth of Forth.

PRELIMINARIES OF THE BATTLE OF FALKIRK. 223

dragoons, left Edinburgh, tinder the command of Major-general
Huske, and reached Linlithgow that evening. A party of
Highlanders imder Lord George Murray, who had advanced
thither, retired before them to Falkirk. Next day three other
regiments marched westwards to Borrowstounness, to be ready
to support General Huske in case of an engagement ; on the
following morning, the remainder of the army, with the artillery,
pursued the same route. Hawley himself marched on the i6th,
with Cobham*s dragoons, who had just come up. The army
was accompanied by a north-of-£ngland squire named Thornton,
whose zealous loyalty had induced him to raise a band called
the Yorkshire Blues, who were maintained and commanded by
himself.

The whole of this well-disciplined and well-appointed force
encamped to the north-west of Falkirk, upon the same field
where, four centuries before, Sir John de Graham and Sir John
Stewart of BonkiU, the friends of Wallace, had testified their
patriotism in the arms of death.

On the morning of the 17th, Lieutenant-colonel John
Campbell (afterwards Duke of Argyll), who had been hitherto
exerting himself to keep the West Highlands quiet, joined the
Fnglish camp with upwards of a thousand of his clan.

General Hawley was this morning spared the necessity of
marching forward to raise the siege of Stirling, by intelligence
that the Highlanders were in motion ; for Prince Charles, learn-
ing the near approach of the English general, had resolved,
with his usual ardour, to meet him half-way, and was now draw-
ing out his men, as for a review, upon the Plean Moor, two
miles to the east of Bannockbum, and about seven fix)m
Falkirk. The English army did not, therefore, strike their
camp, but judged it necessary to remain where they were till
the intentions of the enemy should be revealed.

When the English lay upon the field of Falkirk, and the
Highlanders were drawn up upon the Plean Moor, their respec-
tive camp lights were visible to each other over the level tract
of country which intervened Betwixt the two armies lay the

224 HISTORY OF THS REBELLION OF T 745-6.

Straggling remains of the once extensive Torwood, in whose
gloomy recesses Wallace used to find a refuge suited to his
depressed fortunes.

On this occasion, as on almost all others throughout the
campaign, Charles found himself able to outgeneral the old
and experienced officers whom the British government had sent
against him. Thou^ he had drawn out his men, and seemed
ready for an immediate encounter with Hawle/s army, he kept
his real intentions a secret from even his own officers, making
the main body believe that the evolutions in which they were
engaged were only those of an ordinary review ; ^ and it was
not till mid-day that, having suddenly called a council of war,
he announced his determination to march in the direction of
the enemy.

The conduct of Hawley displayed as much of negligence on
this occasion as that of Charles displayed calculation and
alacrity. He was inspired, as already said, with a lofty con-
tempt for the Highlanders, or * Highland militia,' as he himself
was pleased to call thenL Having come to drive the wretched
rabble from Stirling, he could not conceive the possibility of
their coming to attack him at Falkirk. Being apprised, on the
1 6th, by a Mr Roger, who had passed through the Highland
aimy, and conversed with some of the officers, that there was a
proposal amongst them to march next day against him, he
treated the informant with rudeness, and contented himself
with giving vent to a vain expression of defiance.* On the
morning of the day of battle, such was his continued security,
that he obeyed an insidious invitation from the Countess of
Kilmarnock, by retiring from the camp to breakfast with her at
Callander House, although quite aware of that lady's relation-
ship to an insurgent chief, and even perhaps of her own notori-
ous attachment to the cause of Prince Charles. The ruse of
the countess was attended with success. She was a woman of
fine person and manners; and Hawley, completely fascinated,

1 Chevalier Johnstone't Memoin,

i MS. m possesion of Mr David Constable.

PRELIMINARIES OF THE BATTLE OF FALKIRK. 225

spent the whole of this important forenoon in her company,
without casting a thought upon his army.

Charles, observing the wind to come from the south-west,
directed the march of his men towards a piece of ground con-
siderably to the right of Hawle/s camp, in order that, in the
ensuing encounter, his troops might have that powerful ally to
support them in rear. He took care, at the same time, to
despatch Lord John Drummond, with nearly all the horse,
towards the other extremity of Hawle/s lines, so as to distract
and engage the attention of the enemy. In order to produce
still further uncertainty among the English regarding his
intentions, he caused a body to retire to Stirling, with colours
displayed in their sight; and upon the Plean Moor, which was
thus entirely deserted, he left his great standard flying, as if that
had still been his headquarters.

• Perplexed by the various objects which they saw dispersed
over the country, the English army remained in their camp, not
altogether unapprehensive of an attack, but yet strongly dis-
posed, like their commander, to scout the idea that the High-
landers would venture upon so daring a measure. While they
were still ignorant of the stealthy advance which Charles was
making, a countryman, who had perceived it, came running into
the camp, and exclaimed: 'Gentlemen, what are you about?
The Highlanders will be immediately upon you ! ' Some of the
officers cried out : ' Seize that rascal — ^he is spreading a false
alarm ! ' But they were speedily assured of the truth of the
report by two of their number, who had mounted a tree, and,
through a telescope, discovered the Highlanders in motion.
The alarm was immediately communicated to a commanding-
officer, who, in his turn, lost no time in conveying it to Callander
House. Hawley received the intelligence with the utmost cool-
ness, and contented himself with ordering that the men might
put on their accoutrements, but said that they need not get
under arms. The troops obeyed the order^ and proceeded to
take their dinner.

It was between one and two o'clock that several gentlemen,

o

226 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OF 1745-6.

volunteer attendants on the camp, commg in upon the spur,
gave final and decisive intelligence of the intention of the
enemy. They reported that they had seen the lines of the
Highland infantiy evolve from behind the Torwood, and cross
the Carron by the Sieps of Dunipace. The drums instantly
beat to arms; an urgent message was despatched for the
recreant Hawley ; and the lines were formed, in front of the
camp, by officers on duty. The negligence of their general
was now bitterly reflected on by the men, many of whom seemed
impressed with the idea that he had sold them to the enemy.

The last message which had been despatched to Callander
succeeded in bringing Hawley to a sense of the exigency of his
afifairs, and he now came galloping up to his troops, with his
head uncovered, and the appearance of one who has abruptly
left a hospitable table. The sky, which had hitherto been
calm and cloudless, became at this moment overcast with heavy
clouds, and a high wind beginning to blow from the south>west,
foreboded a severe storm of rain.

While they stood in the position already mentioned, Charles
was eagerly leading forward his desultory bands to a wild upland
of irregular surface called Falkirk Muir, two miles south-west of
the English camp. In crossing the Carron at Dunipace Steps,
and thus making for a rising ground where he could overlook
Hawley*s position, he precisely acted over again the course he
had pursued four months before, in crossing the Esk at Mussel-
burgh, and ascending the heights above Cope's station at
Preston; and it may be added, that there is a remarkable
resemblance in the corresponding localities. Hawley, on learn-
ing the direction Charles was taking, seems to have suspected
that he was in danger of becoming the victim of a similar course
of measures to that which occasioned the defeat of Cope ; and
having the bad effect of that general's caution before his eyes,
he appears to have immediately adopted the resolution of dis-
puting the high ground. He therefore gave a hasty com-
mand to the dragoons to march towards the top of the hill, in
order, if possible, to anticipate the Highlanders; the foot he

PRELIMINARIES OF THE BATTLE OF FALKIRK. 227

commanded to follow at quick pace, with their bayonets inserted
in the musket To this precipitate measure, by which he placed
his army on ground he had never seen, and which was extremely
unfit for the movements of regular troops, while it was propor-
tionately advantageous for the Highlanders, the disasters of the
day are in a great measure to be attributed.

The dragoons galloped up a narrow way at the east end of
Bantaskine Park ; the foot followed, with a show of prompti-
tude and courage ; and the artillery, consisting of ten pieces,
came last of all, driven by a band of Falkirk carters, who, with
their horses, had been hastily pressed into King George's service
that forenoon — ^fo^ it was not till some time after this memorable
campaign that the British artillery was drawn by horses and
men regularly appointed for the purpose. Whether firom
accident, or from the design of the drivers, who were ill affected
to their duty, the artillery stuck in a swampy place at the end
of the loan, beyond all power of extrication ; and the drivers
then cut the traces of their horses, and scampered back to
Falkirk. The sullen south-west, against which the aimy was
marching, now let forth its fury full in their faces, blinding them
with rain, and rendering the ascent of the hill doubly painful.
Still they struggled on, encouraged by the voice and gesture of
their general, whose white uncovered head was ever)rwhere
conspicuous as he rode about, and who seemed ardently desirous
to recover the effects of his negligence.

Before Hawley commenced this unlucky march, Charles had
entered Falkirk Muir at another side, and was already ascending
the hill His troops marched in two parallel columns, about
two himdred paces asunder ; that which was nearest the king's
army consisting of the clans which had been in England, and
the other comprising all the late accessions, with some Low-
country regiments. The former was designed to become the
front line in ranking up against the enemy.

A sort of race now commenced between the dragoons and
clans towards the top of the moor ; each apparently esteeming
the preoccupation of that groimd as of the most essential

228 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OF 1 745-6.

importance to the event The clans attained the eminence
first, and the dragoons were obliged to take up somewhat lower
ground, where they were prevented from coming into direct
opposition with the Highlanders by a morass on their left.

The three Macdonald regiments, according to the right of the

great Clan Colla to that distinguished position, marched at the

head of the first column, with the intention of forming eventually

the right wing of the army in battle-anay ; but, on the present

occasion, Glencaimaig's minor regiment of Macgregors, exerting

greater speed in the race with Hawle/s dragoons, and being

therefore the first to reach the top of the hill, took that post of

honour, which they retained throughout the ensuing conflict

The first line of the insurgent army was therefore formed by the

following regiments, reckoning from right to left: Macgregor,

Keppoch, Clanranald, Glengarry, Appin, Cameron, the Erasers

under the Master of Lovat, and the Macphersons under Cluny

their chief. At the right extremity. Lord George Murray had

the chief command, fighting, as usual, on foot On the left,

there was no general commander, unless it was Lord John

Drummond, whose attention, however, was chiefly directed to

his French r^;iment in the rear. The second line was chiefly

composed of Low-country regiments, which stood in the following

order: Athole, Ogilvie, Gordon, Farquharson, Cromarty, and

the French. The Prince stood on an eminence^ behind the

second line, with the horse ; having been implored by the army

not to hazard his person by that active collision with the enemy

for which, as at Preston, he had expressed his ardent desire.

Opposite to the Highland army thus disposed, but rather
inclining to the north, on account of the morass and the
declivity, the English foot were drawn up also in two lines, with
the horse in front, and a reserve in the rear. The first line
comprised the following regiments from right to left: Wolfe,
Cholmondley, the Scots Royals, Price, and Ligonier; the
second, Blakeney, Monro, Fleming, Barrel, and Battereau. The

1 Still popularly termed CharlUt HiU, and now covered with wood.

PRELIMINARIES OF THE BATTLE OF FALKIRK. 229

reserve was composed of the Glasgow r^ment, Howani's, and
the Argyle militia.

Falldrk Muir, an upland now covered with thriving farms,
and intersected by the Union Canal and Edinburgh and
Glasgow Railway, was then a rough tract, irregular in its
surface, without rising into peaks, and bearing no vegetation but
heath. It was upon its broad ridge, at the top, that the two
armies were disposed, the Highlanders extending more to the
south, and occupying, as already stated, somewhat higher
ground. The country was not encumbered by enclosures of
any kind ; but a sort of hollow, or dean, as it is called in Scot-
land, commenced nearly opposite to the centre of the Highland
lines, and ran down between the two armies, gradually widening
towards the plain below, and opening up at one place into a
spacious basin. By this ravine, which was too deep to be easily
passed from either side, two-thirds of the English were separated
from about one-half of the Highland army. Owing to the con-
vexity of the ground, the wings of both armies were invisible to
each other.

To conclude this account of the disposition of the English,
the Argyle Highlanders and Ligonier's r^ment were stationed
in the hollow just mentioned ; the Glasgow regiment was posted
at a farm-house behind the other extremity ; and the horse stood
a little in advance of the foot, opposite to the right wing of the
Highlanders, without any portion of the ravine intervening.
General Hawley commanded in the centre. Brigadier Chol-
mondley on the left, and Major-general Huske on the right
The horse were immediately under the command of Lieutenant-
colonel Ligonier, who, stationed on the left with his own
regiment (lately Gardiner's), had Cobham's and Hamilton's on
his right, and personally stood almost opposite to Lord George
Murray.

In numbers, the two armies were nearly equal, both amount-
ing to about 8000; and as they were alike unsupplied by
artillery (for the Highlanders had also left theirs behind), there
could scarcely have been a better match, so far as strength was

230 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OF 1 745-6.

concerned But the English had disadvantages of another sort,
such as the unfitness of the ground for their evolutions, the
interruption given to so much of their lines by the ravine, the
comparative lowness of their ground, and their having the wind
and rain in their faces.

CHAPTER XVIIL

THE BATTLE OF FALKIRK.

' Sayi biav« Locfaeil : " Piay have we won ?
I see no troopi I hear no gun.**
Says Dnmunond : ** Faith, the battle 's don^
I know not how or why, man.***

yacobUeSong,

It was near four o'clock, and the storm was rapidly bringing on
premature darkness, when Hawley ordered his dragoons to
advance, and commence the action. As already mentioned, he
had an idea that the Highlanders would not stand against the
charge of a single troop of horse, mudi less did he expect them
to resist duree r^;iments, amounting to 1300 men. The result
shewed that he was mistaken.

These regiments, after making several feints to draw the fire
of the Highlanders, in order then to rush in upon them, moved
slowly forward; the Highland right wing, in like maimer,
advancing to meet them, under Lord George Murray, who made
the most anxious efforts to keep it in line, and to restrain all
firing till the proper moment There was the more reason for
delay on the part of the Highland right wing, as the left was
not yet fully formed. After the two parties had confronted
each other the better part of a quarter of an hour, the dragoons
went on at a full trot, in good order, till within pistol-shot of the
Highlanders. Then Lord Geoige gave orders to fire, which

THE BATTLE OF FALKIRK. 23 1

was done with such execution, that the dragoon regiments were
instantly broken. Ligonier's and Hamilton's, the cravens of
Preston, fled backwards right over the left wing of their own
foot, who lay upon their faces ; as they went, some were heard
crying: ' Dear brethren, we shall all be massacred this day !'^
Cobham's did little better, for it fled down the ravine, receiving
a volley from the Highland line as it went along* The High-
landers had fired so near, and with such precision, as to bring
many to the ground, including several officers of distinction.
One small party of these dragoons acted with courage. It was
kept together, and led to the charge, by Lieutenant-<:olonel
Whitney, a brave officer, who had remained behind his retreating
cavalry at Preston, though woimded in the sword-arm. As he
was going forward at the head of his little troop to the attack,
he recognised John Roy Stuart, a former friend, and cried out :
* Ha ! are you there? We shall soon be up with you.' Stuart
exclaimed in reply : ' You shall be welcome when you come —
you shaU have a warm reception!'^ Almost at that moment
the unfortunate leader received a shot, which tumbled him
lifeless from the saddle. His party rushed resistlessly through
the front line of the enemy, trampling down all that opposed
them. But their bravery was unavailing. The Highlanders,
taught to fight in all postures, and under every variety of circum-
stances, though thrown upon their backs beneath the feet of the
cavalry, used their dirks in stabbing the horses under the belly,
or, dragging down the men by their long-skirted coats, engaged
with them in mortal struggles, during which they seldom failed
to poniard their antagonists. The chief of Clanranald was
thrown below a dead horse, firom which he could not extricate
himself, when one of his own clan tumbled down beside him in
the arms of a dismounted dragoon. From his situation, the
chief could not well make his condition known to any more

1 L^ ^ Jokm Metcal/t a blind Englishinan, who acted as mnaacian to the Yorkshire
Blues, and whose book contains many curious particulazs regarding the battle of Falkirk,
p. 89.

• Hendeisoa's Hist Rti, 966.

232 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OF I745-6.

distant clansman, and it almost appeared that his existence
depended upon the success which this man might have with the
dragoon. After a brief and anxious interval, the Highlander
contrived to stab his foeman, and then sprang to relieve his
prostrate chie£^

This was but a trifling exception from the general fate of the
dragoon charge. The mass retreated, doing great damage to
the infantry of their own army. Lord George Murray was very
anxious that the Macdonald regiments under his cha^e should
keep their ranks, as the bulk of the English army was yet to
engage, and the remainder of the Highland lines were as yet
scarcely formed. But these regiments were too much elated by
the repulse of the dragoons to obey any orders to that eflect
Many of them broke off, sword in hand, and encountered the
parties of militia stationed nearly opposite to them.

A few minutes after the dragoons had fled, the left wing, or
rather moiety, of the Highland army, consisting of the Mackin-
toshes, Macphersons, Camerons, Stuarts of Appin, and others,
were charged by the English regiments opposed to them,
assisted by a party of horse. The Highlanders having met the
horse with a good Are, advanced upon the foot sword in hand,
their ranks thickened by a considerable number of individuals
from the second line, who were too impatient for action to be
restrained to that position. The Macdonalds were at the same
moment rushing down in considerable numbers upon the left
wing of the English army. Thus a simultaneous attack was
made, by nearly the whole of the Highland front line, upon all
the English regiments, except the three which outflanked the
Prince's forces. Those regiments, half blinded and wholly
disconcerted by the storm, and with their pieces rendered useless
by the rain, gave way before the onset, and trooped off hurriedly
in large parties towards Falkirk, bearing Genend Hawley along
with them.

Some individuals who beheld the battle from the steeple of

1 Gberalier JohnstoDe, xn.

THE BATTLE OF FALKIRK. 233

Falkirk, used to describe these, its main events, as occuppng a
surprisingly brief space of time. They first saw the English
army enter the misty and stonn-covered moor at the top of the
hill ; then saw the dull atmosphere thickened by a fast-rolling
smoke, and heard the pealing sounds of the discharge ; imme-
diately after they beheld the discomfited troops burst wildly
from the cloud in which they had been involved, and rush, in
far-spread disorder, over the face of the hill. From the com-
mencement till what they styled ' the break of the battle,' there
did not intervene more than ten minutes — so soon may an
efficient body of men become, by one transient emotion of
cowardice, a feeble and contemptible rabble.

The rout would have been total, but for the three outflanking
regiments. These not having been opposed by any of the dans>
having the ravine in front, and deriving some support from a
small body of dragoons, stood their ground under the command
of General Huske and Brigadier Cholmondley. When the
Highlanders went past in pursuit, they received a volley from
this part of the English army, which brought them to a pause,
and caused them to draw back to their former ground, their
impression being that some ambuscade was intended. This
saved the English army from destruction. A pause took place,
during which the bulk of the English infantry got back to
Falkirk. It was not till Lord George Murray brought up the
second line of his wing, and the pickets with some others on the
other wing, that General Huske drew off his party, which he did
in good order. There is some obscurity in the accounts of the
action with respect to this particular juncture ; but there can be
no doubt that the English anny retired into Falkirk without
molestation from the Highlanders, and that the latter stayed for
some time on the field of battle, or between it and the town^
uncertain what to do further.

It would appear as if the very facility with which the High-
landers gained the earlier part of their victory, was a main cause
of its being ultimately incomplete. When Lord John Drum-
mond saw the Scots Royals fly, he cried : ' These men behaved

S34 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OF 1745-^.

admixably at Fontenoy — surely this is a feint* It was impos-
sible for even the Highlanders, humble as was their opinion of
the British regiments, to believe that they would display so
extreme a degree of cowardice ; and when they at length found
no enemies before them, they could not help asking each other
(in Gaelic) : 'What is become of the men? Where are they?*
Surprised, and apprehensive of some mysterious design, they
remained for a considerable time irresolute. Many of the
officers were of opinion that they ought to retire for shelter to
Dunipace and other villages in the rear; but Lord Geoige
Murray was decided for attempting to enter Falkirk immediately,
lest the English army might post themselves advantageously in
it He was certain that at present they were in great confusion ;
but a little time might put them into a different condition. He
concluded with Count Mercy's exclamation at the battle of
Parma, that he would either lie in the town or in paradise.
The Prince, when he came up, approved of the proposal to
attempt the town ; but he was himself advised to stay at some
house on the face of the hill, till Lord Geoige should inform
him of the success of the attempt The Master of Strathallan,
and Mr Oliphant, younger of Gask, then disguised themselves
as peasants, and went forward to Falkirk, where they learned
that General Hawley, after giving orders to fire his tents, had
retreated to the eastward, leaving the town vacant On this
fact being communicated to the anny on the moor, three detach-
ments, respectively under the command of Lord John Drum-
mond, Locheil, and Lord George Murray, proceeded to the
town, which they entered at three different points — Lord John's
party by the west end, Locheil's by a lane near the centre, and
Lord George's by another lane farther to the east They found
nothing but a few straggling parties in the streets. Neverthe-
less, considerable apprehensions of a renewed attack fh>m the
English army still prevailed. It was not till about seven o'clock
that, the Earl of Kilmarnock having approached the Edinburgh
road by byways through his own lands, and returned with
intelligence that he had seen the English army hurrymg along

THE BATTLE OF FALKIRK. 235

in fiill flight, the Prince at length thought proper to seek shelter
in the town of Falkirk from the storm to which Jie had been
exposed for five hours.

Charles was conducted, by torchlight, to a lodging which had
been prepared for him in the house of a lady called Madam
Graham, the widow of a physician, a Jacobite, and a woman
whose intelligence and superior manners are still remembered
with veneration at Falkirk. This house, which stands opposite
to the steeple, was then the best in the town, and is still a
tolerably handsome mansion, and occupied as the post-office;
but, according to the fashion of times not very remote in
Scotland, the best room, and that in which Charles was obliged
to dine and hold his court, contains a bed concealed within
folding-doors. Unexpected good fortune, however, reconciles
the mind to trivial inconveniences ; and it is not probable that
the victor of Falkirk regretted to spend the evening of his
triumph in an apartment about twelve feet square, lighted by
one window, and which was at once his refectory and bed-
chamber.

Only about 1500 of the Highland army rested that night in
Falkirk. The remainder had scattered themselves to the west-
ward, in search of shelter. A great deal of confusion had
prevailed; some even retired, under the impression that their
party had been defeated. Several chiefs, including Lord Lewis
Gordon, met in the course of the evening at the house of
Dunipace, in a state of uncertainty as to the general result of
the batde, and ignorant even of the fate of their own regiments.
At length, about eight o'clock, their minds were relieved by the
arrival of Macdonald of Lochgarry, who had been sent from
Falkirk to order the troops forward in the morning. The intel-
ligence brought by this gentleman for the first time gave them
reason to suppose that their army had had the best of the day.

The Falkirk party, with the exception of a few skirmishers
sent off to harass the retreating enemy, employed themselves
during this evening in securing the English camp and its
contents^ and in stripping the bodies of the slain. Hawley, in

236 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OF 1 745-6.

the brief interval between the rout and the pursuit, had made an
attempt to strike his camp and take away his baggage^ but,
owing to the desertion of his wagoners, and the necessity of a
speedy retreat, he was at last obliged to abandon the whole to
the Highlanders, having only made an ineffectual attempt to set
it on fire. Charles thus obtained possession of a vast quantity
of militaiy stores, while his men enriched themselves with such
articles of value as the people of Falkirk had not previously
abstracted. In addition to the tents, baggage, &c which fell
into his hands, he secured seven pieces of cannon, three mortars,
600 muskets, alaige quantity of hand-grenades, and 4000 pounds-
weight of powder, besides many standards and other trophies of
victory. As for the slain, they were that night stripped so
effectually, that a citizen of FaDdrk, who next morning surveyed
the field fi'om a distance, and who lived till recent years to
describe the scene, used to say that he could compare them to
nothing but a laige flock of white sheep at rest on the face of
thehilL

Charles lost thirty-two men in the battle, including officers,
and had 120 wounded. The loss on the English side is stated
by the official returns to have been 280 in all, killed, wounded,
and missing, but was probably much more considerable. The
loss of officers was, in particular, very great. There were killed
four captains and two lieutenants of Blakene/s, five captains
and one lieutenant of Wolfe's, with no fewer than three lieu-
tenant-colonels, Whitney, Bigger, and PowelL Colonel Ligonier,
who had been under medical treatment for pleurisy, went to the
battle contrary to advice, and formed the rearguard on the
retreat to Linlithgow. The wetting he got that evening brought
on a quinsy, of 'which he died on the 25th. It is worthy of
note, though no more than was to have been expected, that
the greatest loss took place in the regiments which soonest gave
way. The most distinguished officer among the slain was Sir
Robert Monro of Foulis, the chief of an ancient and honourable
£aanily in the Highlands, and whose regiment was chiefly
composed, like those of the insuigent leaders, of his own clan.

THE BATTLE OF FALKIRK. 237

Monroes had excited the admiration of Europe by its conduct at
the battle of Fontenoy, where it had fought almost without
intermission for a whole day; but on the present occasion it
was seized with a panic, and fled at the first onset of the
insurgents. Sir Robert alone, who was so corpulent a man that
he had been obliged at Fontenoy to stand upon his feet when
all the rest q( his regiment lay down on their faces to avoid the
enemy's fire, boldly faced the charging Highlanders. He was
attacked at once by six antagonists, two of whom he laid dead
at his feet with his half-pike, but a seventh came up, and dis-
charged a shot into his body, by which he was mortally
wounded.^ His brother, an unarmed physician, at this juncture
came to his relief, but shared in the indiscriminate slaughter
which was then going on. Next day their bodies were found,
stripped and defaced, in a little pool of water formed around
them by the rain ; and it was remarked in that of the brave Sir
Robert, as an instance of the ruling passion strong in death,
that his right hand still denched tiie pommel of his sword,
from which the whole blade had been broken ofil The corpses
were honourably interred in one grave in the parish churchyard,'
near the tombs of Graham and Stewart, the heroes of the former
battle of Falkirk.

The mass of Hawley's army spent that night at Linlithgow,
about ten miles from the field. They next day continued the
retreat to Edinburgh, where they arrived in the afternoon, in a
state strikingly different fh>m that order, freshness, and con-
fidence in which they had left the city a few days before. The
state officers, and other friends of the government, were more
distressed by this afEair than even by Preston, many of the

1 ' Caflum na Biobhaig— that is, Malcolm of the Small Lock of Hair— whose real mime
was Malcolm Macgregor, one of Glengyle's men, was the man that shot Sir Robert Monro
at the battle of Falkirk, at the very first onset or beginning of the battle.'— £r//fr qf Bishop
MacktMtosh, MS., inpouuxum o/tht amtkor,

> A monument has been erected over the grave of the two brothers, with a suitable
inscripciaii. There is a legend among the Jacobites, that 00 application being made to a
gentleman in the neighboiu:faood of Falkirk for permissioo to take the nccesaary stones from
his quany, he answered, with the sly wit of his party : ' Monuments I an' ye lUce I '11 gie ye
BMjDuments for them a' I'

93S HISTORY OF THB REBELLION OP 1 745-6.

troops employed on the occasion having been tried in several
campaigns. Hawley's policy seems to have been to bluster
through the disgrace. The accounts of the action published by
him are full of gasconade. Any Culure that he admits at all, he
lays to the account of the bitter storm of wind and rain, which
blew in the faces of his troops, and made their firelocks useless.
While he makes some slight allusion to the retreat of the
dragoons and part of his left wing of infantiy, he lays great
stress upon the gallant behaviour of his right wing, which, he
says, repulsed the rebels, and drove them fix>m the field. He
represents this portion of his troops as staying an hour in the
field, while the rebels durst not molest them. The whole
retired in goad order to Falkirk. He intended at first to occupy
his camp ; but the weather proving extremely bad, and having
advice that the enemy were pushing to get between him and
Edinburgh, he resolved to march to Linlithgow. When the
tents were to be struck, it was found that many of the drivers
had ridden off with the horses ; he therefore ordered the tents
to be burned. For the like reason, seven pieces of artillery had
been left behind. He allowed of 280 men missing, but alleged
that the enemy had lost many more. In short, the gazette
accounts of the affair read remarkably well :^ it only happens
to be true that the general had mismanaged the march of his
troops to the field, and their arrangement there ; that four-fifths
of his army were disgracefully beaten and driven back ; that he

1 A few days after, the following jtu d*esfrii^ ridiailing the terms of the governiilent
gazette, made the round of the journals : ' The Westminster chimney-sweeps, being in
arms against the shoe-blackcrs of this neighbourhood (Whitehall), early yesterday morning
were in motion to attack them. Our people had not at first any advice of the enemy's
motions ; and though scouts were sent out to Tothill Street, Milbank, and several other
ways, they were not perceived till the front of them appeared at the bottom of King Street.
Upon this the shoe-blackers formed with all expedition, and moved on to get advantage of
the ground. But parties of the chimney-sweepers coming round by Channel Row and the
Park, in spite of our teeth got to the windward of our friends, the wind being then north-
east. Just as the armies engaged, a violent gust arose, which blew the soot from the
chimney-sweepers so strongly in the eyes of our people, that they could not see at all, and
thought proper to retreat in good order into the Mewse. The enemy's lots was judged to
be very omsiderable ; but no particulars can be given, as it is believed they carried off* their
dead and wounded in their sacks. The battle was fought in the Broadway, just over against
the Horse Guards. Our friends kept the field— especially the killed and wounded. We

THE BATTLE OF FALKIRK. 339

lost his cannon, his camp, and most of its contents; and in less
than twenty-four hours from the time of the action, had retired
twenty-six miles from the field*

Hawley, before leaving Edinburgh, had erected two gibbets
whereon to hang the Highlanders who should surrender to him
in the victory he expected to achieve. After he returned in a
state so different from that of a conqueror, he had to use these
conspicuous monuments of his folly for the execution of some
of his own men. He hanged no fewer than four in one day,
permitting their bodies to remain on the gallows till sunset^
Such a sight had not been seen in Edinburgh since the day
before the Duke of York opened the Scottish parliament in the
year 1681, when five rebellious ministers were executed at once
in the Grassmarket^ The captain of the artillery, who had
deserted his charge at the beginning of the action, upon a horse
which he cut from the train, was cashiered with infamy; and
many of the private soldiers who had displayed extraordinary
cowardice were severely whipped.

By a strange chance, Hawley carried along with him from
Falkirk one prisoner. This was the gallant Major Macdonald
of Tiendrish, cousin of Keppoch, and who had signalised himself
by the attack upon the two companies of foot in Lochaber, at
the begiiming of the insurrection. Seeing the right wing of
Hawley's army still keeping the field, and mistaking it for Lord
John Drammond's regiment, he ran up to it, crying : * Gentle-
men, why do you stand here ? Why don't you pursue the dogs ?'

foand, when we came to our quarters, that several stools, baskets, brushes, and blacking-
pots were missing. This was owing to the behaviour of Jack Linklight and Tom Scrubit,
who, being left in charge of the stores, abandoned them at the beginning of the action ; but
some accounts say that what they could not carry off they threw into the fire of a neigh-
bouring gin-shop. The shoe-blackers are getting up a new set of tools, and design to attack
the chimney-sweepen, who are now quiet in their cellars.'

1 * Both Hawley and his royal patron [the Duke of Cumberland] were signal exceptions
to the rule that brave men are never cruel Once, in Flanders, a deserter being hanged
before Hawley's windows, the surgeons befi^^ ^o ^^^ ^^c body for dissection. But
Hawley was reluctant to part with the pleasing spectacle : " At least,** said he, " you shall
give me the skeleton to hang up in the guard-room.**' — Lord Mahon, quoting a letter of
Horace Walpole, who added, that the soldiers* nicVna*"^ fior Hawley was ' the Lord Chicf-
jiutice.'

S Henderson's Hittory o/tkt Reieilum, ii. 77.

240 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OF 1 745-6.

and he was in the midst of them before he discovered his error.
A cry was raised : ' Here is a rebel I Here is a rebel !' He
attempted to pass for one of the loyal clan Campbell, trusting
that his white cockade was sufficiently blackened by the firing
and rain not to betray him. But all in vain. General Huske
was for shooting him on the spot, but was induced by Lord
Robert Kerr, an amiable officer, the son of the Marquis of
Lothian, to give him quarter. He requested that he might be
allowed to surrender his arms to an officer, as he had the
honour to be one himself; and he advanced to Huske for that
purpose. But the general had the usual contempt for the
Highland army, and swore he would do no rebel so much
honour. The generous Kerr then stepped forward to take
Macdonald's arms. Tiendrish could not peifoim even this act
of self-humiliation without a recollection of his dignity of blood
and station, and he drew forth his pistok from his belt with such
an air as impressed the English general with a dread of assas-
sination. On his expressing this fear in his own vulgar language,
Macdonald drew himself up with still greater pride, and said he
could do nothing unbecommg a gentleman. He was then
mounted on horseback, bound, and carried along with the
retreating army to Edinburgh. The circumstances help to
shew that the English right wing retired from the field with
deliberation, though they did not perhaps linger a whole hour
upon it

While the English industriously denied that they had lost the
battle, the insurgents made no very confident pretensions to
having gained it. They were, in reality, mortified at having
taken so little advantage of the circumstances which fortune had
laid before them, and which, they were sensible, might never
occur again. From Lord Geoige Murray's narrative, it would
appear that, as to pre-airangement and concert, there was as
remarkable a deficiency on the insurgent as on the govern-
ment side. If the bravery of the Macdonald regiments were
put out of view, it might be said that the storm had gained
them the battle. The considerations which arose, torn aU the

THE BATTLE OF FALKIRK. 24 1

circumstances, in the minds of the more reflecting officers, were
not agreeable. They 'were convinced,* says Lord Geoige Murray,
'that, unless they could attack the enemy at very considerable
advantagjCf either by suiprise or by some strong situation of
ground, or a narrow pass, th^ could not eafect any great success,
especially if their numbers were noways equal; and that a
body of regular troops was absolutely necessary to support
them, when they should at any time go in, sword in hand ; for
they were sensible that, without more leisure and time than they
could expect to have to discipline their own m^i, it would not
be possible to make them keep their ranks, or rally soon enough
upon any sudden emergency, so that any small body of the
enemy either keeping in a body when they were in confusion, or
rallying soon, would deprive them of a victory, even after they
had done their best' The signiflcancy of these remarks will
sufficiently appear, when we come to consider the next battle in
which the clans were engaged.

The succeeding day, dtuing which it continued to rain with
little intennission, was spent at Falkirk by the insurgents in
securing the spoils and burying the slain. They employed the
country-people to dig a spacious pit upon the field of battle,
into which they precipitated the naked corpses. The rustics
who stood around easily distinguished the English soldiers from
the Highlanders by their comparative nudity, and by the deep
gashes which seamed their shoulders and breasts — ^the dreadful
work of the broadsword. The number of slain inhumed in
this pit was such, that some years after the surface sank down
many feet, and there is still a considerable hollow at that part of
the battle-field.

The Highland army lost more this day by an accident than it

did on the preceding by the fire of the enemy. A private

soldier of the Clanranald regiment had obtained a musket as

part of his spoil upon the field of battle : finding it loaded,

he was engaged at his lodgings in extracting the shot; the

window was open, and nearly opposite there was a group of

officers standing on the street The man extracted a ball, and

p

242 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OP 1 745-6.

then fired off the piece, to clear it in the most expeditious
manner of the powder ; but, unfortunately, it had been double
loaded, and the remaining ball pierced the body of young Glen-
garry, who was one of the group of bystanders. He soon after
died in the arms of his clansmen, begging with his last breath
that the man, of whose innocence he was satisfied, might not
suffer ; but nothing could restrain the indignation of his friends,
who immediately seized the man, and loudly demanded life for
life. Young Clanranald would have gladly protected his clans-
man ; but, certain that any attempt he could make to that efifect
would only embroil his family in a feud with that of Glengany,
and, in the first place, cause that regiment to quit the Prince's
service, he was reluctantly obliged to assent to their demand.
The man was immediately taken out to the side of a park-wall
near the town, and pierced with a volley of bullets. His own
father put a shot into his body, from the desire to make his
death as instantaneous as possible.

The Prince, who had most occasion to regret this accident, as
it endangered the attachment of a valuable regiment, exerted
himself, by shewing the most respectful attentions to the
deceased, to console the clan for their loss. He caused the
grave of Sir John Graham to be opened for the reception of
the youthful soldier, as the only part of the churchyard of
Falkirk which was worthy to be honoured with his corpse;
and he himself attended the obsequies as chief mourner, holding
the string which consigned his head to the grave. Charleses
judicious kindness was not unappreciated by the grateful
Highlanders ; but, nevertheless, a considerable number yielded
to their grief or rage so far as to desert his standard.

Another incident took pls^e this day upon the street of
Falkirk, which had almost become as tragical as the former, and
which illustrates in a striking manner the peculiar ties of clan-
ship. Lord Kilmarnock had brought up to the front of
Charle*"' few prisoners whom he had taken the pre-

cede T of the retreating army ; and Charles was

St- pen window with a paper in his hand.

THE BATTLE OF FALKIRK. 243

conversing with Lord Kilmarnock, when a man was seen coming
up the street in the uniform of an English regiment, with a
musket and bayonet in his hand, and a black cockade upon his
hat. A few captive volunteers, among whom Mr Home, the
narrator of the incident, was one, beheld the man with surprise ;
and conceiving that he designed to assassinate the Prince,
expected every moment to see him take aim and fire. Charles,
observing the prisoners look all one way, turned his head in the
same direction, and immediately comprehending the cause of
their alarm, called in some surprise to Lord Kilmarnock, and
pointed towards the soldier. The earl instantly descended to
the street, and finding the man by that time just opposite to the
window, went up to him, struck his hat ofif his head, and set his
foot upon the black cockade. At that instant one of the numer-
ous Highlanders who stood upon the x>avement rushed forward,
and violently pushed Lord Kilmarnock from his place. The
earl pulled out a pistol, and presented it at the Highlander's
head; the Highlander drew his dirk, and held it close to
Kilmarnock's breast In this posture they stood about half a
minute, when a crowd of Highlanders rushed between the
parties, and drove Kilmarnock away. The man with the dirk
in his hand then took up the hat, put it on the soldier's
head, and the Highlanders marched off with him in
triumph.

This unaccountable pantomime astonished the prisoners, and
they entreated an explanation from one of the insurgent officers
who stood near. He answered that the soldier was not in
reality what he seemed, but a Cameron, who had deserted his
regiment (the Scots Royals) during the conflict, to join the
company of his chief, when he had been permitted to retain his
dress and arms till he could be provided with the uniform of the
clan. The Highlander who interposed was his brother, and the
crowd that had rushed in, his clansmen the Camerons. Lord
Kilmarnock, in presuming to interfere, even through ignorance,
in the affairs of a clan, had excited their high displeasure ; ' nor,
in my opinion,' continued the officer, * can any person in the

244 HISTORY OF THE REBSLUOK OF X 745-6.

Prince's anny take that cockade out of the man's hat except
Locheil himself.'

At this period of the campaign the raomtaineets had become
better acquainted than they were at first with the commodities
of civilised life. Money had now become an object with them ;
and it is surprising what large soms some of them had amassed
about their persons. At the batde c€ Falkiik, a private High-
lander having porsued one of Batrel's regiment down die hill,
and in his turn fled on the man turning about to oppose him,
was shot through the head by Brigadier Qiohnondley, and left
to be rifled by the soldier. To the man's astonidmient, no less
a sum than sixteen guineas was found in the sp&rran or poffse of
the dead Highlander!^

Prince Charles returned to Bannockbum on the evening of
the i8th, leaving Lord Geot^ge Murray, with a portion of the
army, at Falkirk. Among other articles which the Prince had
brought away with him flnom Glasgow was a printing-press, with
its accompaniments of types and workmen. Sensible of the
advantage which the other party had over him in their command
of the public press, and no doubt incensed at the lies they were
constantly propagating against him, he had employed his first
leisure at Glasgow in publishing a journal of his march into
England, which, if not iree of a little gasconade, was certainly
quite as faithful as the gazettes of government He had brought
the press along with him, in order to continue his publications

1 During die stay of the Highbaden at FaHriric they treated the inhabitants with eztra-
ordinary lenity, on account of their connection with the Earl of Kilmarnock, and the
readiness which they displayed in serving the cause of the Prince. An old woman, who
lives (x8a7), at the age of ninety-teven, and was of course fifteen years of age at the tone of
the battle, informed the writer of these sheets that the Highlanders were considered a
merciful enemy compared with the dragoons.

This general lenity was not without exoepdont. A local corre^ondent states that a
small party, on the day after the battle, laid violent hands on a flaming Jacobite named
David Watt, then the principal innkeeper of FalkiHc, brought him out to the street in front
of his own door, and, setting him down squat upon the causeway, deliberately eased his feet
of a pair of new shoes with silver buckles. He protested his Jacobitism to save them ; but
the spoliators, perhaps accustomed to such shallow excuses, disregarded his declaration ;
ironically observing : ' Sae muckle ta better-^he *11 no grumble to shange a progue for the
Prince's guid.* It is added that David's principles were a good deal shaken by this unhappy
incident.

. THE BATTLE OF FALKIRK. 245

occasionally; and he now issued from Bazmockbum a quarto
sheet, containing a well-penned and Biodest account of his
victory at Falkirk. This, however, was destined to be the last
of his gazettes, as the rapidify of his subsequent movements
rendered it impossible to transport so huge and complicated an
engine.^

He now resumed the si^e of Stirling Castle,, having first sent
a siunmons of surrender to Geoeral Blakeney, which that ofiic^
answered with his former firmness. He had been advised by an
engineer of the name of Grant, who had conducted the siege of
Carlisle, to open trenches in the churchyard, which Ues between
the castle and the town; but was induced to abandon that
design by the citizens, who represented that it must insure the
destruction of their houses. There were two other points from
which the castle might be stormed, though not nearly so advan-
tageous as that pointed out by Mr Grant — the Gowan Hill, an
irregular eminence under the castle walls on the north side ; and
the Ladies* Hill, a small bare rock facing the south-east The
Prince, anxious to save the town, consulted with a French
engineer, who had recently arrived in Scodand, if it would be
possible to raise an effective battery upon either of these emi-
nences. The person thus consulted was a Mr Gordon, styling
himself Monsieiu: Mirabelle, a chevalier of the order of St
Louis, but a man so whimsical both in his body and mind, that
the Highlanders used to parody his nam de guerre into Mr
Admirable.^ It is the characteristic of ignorance never to think
anything impossible ; and this man at once undertook to open a
battery upon the Gowan Hilt, though there were not fifteen
inches' depth of earth above the rock, and the walls of the castle
overlooked it by at least fifty feet

After many days of iiM:essant labour, a sort of battery was
constructed of bags of sand and wool, and a numb^ of cannon
brought to bear upon die fortress. General Blakeney had not

1 This pnncmK-incn existed, as a proof- pitas tfist is, a press far prtedng proof-shect^*
in Mr Duncan Stevenson's office, Edinbufgh, so lately u x8>4-
> Chevalier Johastone, Z17.

246 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OF 1745-^.

taken all the advantage he might have done of his position to
interrupt the works, conceiving that it was best to amuse the
Highland army with the prospect of taking tlie castle, and thus
give government time to concentrate its forces against them.
But when the battery was opened, he thought proper to answer
it in a suitable manner. Such was the eminence of his situation,
that it is said he could see the very shoe-buckles of the besiegers
as they stood behind their intrenchments. The cannon on this
battery of course pointed upwards, and scarcely did the least harm
either to his fortifications or his men. The besieged, on the
contrary, were able to destroy a great number of their opponents,
including many French pickets, who were perhaps the best
soldiers in their army. The works were demolished at leisure,
and the siege was then abandoned as a matter of course^ after
a considerable loss of men.

CHAPTER XIX.

ARRIVAL OF THE DUKE OF CUMBERLAND.

' The remnant of the royal blood
Comes pouring on me like a fiood-^
The princesses in number five —
Duke William, sweetest prince alive ! ' — Swift.

When the news of Hawle/s manoeuvres at Falkirk reached the
court of St James's, where a drawing-room happened to be held
on that particular day, eveiy countenance is said to have been
marked with doubt and apprehension, excepting those only of
the king himself, the Earl of Stair, and Sir John Cope.^ It was

1 The face of this general b said to have heen radiant with joy at the intclligence, which
at once, in some measure, cleared his honour, and caused him to gain an immense sum of
money. But he was somewhat put oat of countensmce by an absent Scottish peer address-
ing him soon after by the title General Hawley, to the no small amusement of those who
heard the quid /rv gmc-^mtrt Rev. xxjcvi 180. As the reader may possibly fed somo

ARRIVAL OF THE DUKE OF CUMBERLAND. 247

now thought necessary to send a general against the insurgents,
the best and most popular of whom the country could boast,
and who, by one decisive eflfort, might at length be certain of
success. The Duke of Cumberland, who, after tracking their
course to Carlisle, had been recalled in apprehension of a
French invasion, was now requested to resume the command
which he then abandoned, and immediately to set out for the
north. He lost no time in obeying his father's orders ; and was
so expeditious, as to arrive unexpectedly at Edinburgh early in
the morning of the 30th of January, after a journey performed
in the short space of four days.

This young general was of the same age as Charles — ^namely,
twenty-five — ^but did not possess the same personal graces, being
remarkably corpulent and unwieldy, while his manners were
rough and unpleasing. As no Scotsman could be expected to
describe him with impartiality, it may be as well here to use the
words of Lord Mahon. * His character,' says this writer, * was
adorned by considerable virtues — ^honesty of purpose, adherence
to his promises, attachment to his friends. He was a dutiful
son, and a liberal patron : as a soldier, he was enthusiastically
fond of his profession ; he had closely studied its details, and
might even be lauded for capacity, in an age which, to England
at least, was singularly barren of military merit His unwearied
activity and high personal courage would, however, at any period
have justly claimed applause. But, as one of his own friends
complains, '^ his judgment is too much guided by his passions,
which are often violent and ungovernable." ^ Against his foreign

interest in the conduct of this unfortunate general, it may further be mentioned, upon the
authority of the pamphlet ascribed to David Hume, that ' during the whole winter after
the battle of Preston he was carried about London in his chair to escape the derision of the
mob ; till the news of the battle of Falkirk arrived, and then he pulled back the curtains,
and shewed his face and his red ribbon to all the world. Thus,' adds the pamphleteer,
' the reputation of which the hero of Coltbridge [Fowkes, who was loudly and generally
accused of cowardice] was the means of depriving him, was in a great measure restored to
him by the hero of Falkirk.' Sir John Cope, of Brewem, Oxfordshire, Baronet — the hero,
as we presume, of Preston— died March 28, 1765. Lieutenant-general Fowkes. who had
been so prominent in the same military transactions, died on the ensuing day, having been
sixty years an officer in the army.
1 Lord Waldegrave's Memoin^ p. 33.

248 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OF 1745-^.

adversaries he displayed no undue asperity, and towards his
soldiers he could sometimes shew compassion: thus, for instance,
on arriving at Edinbuigh, he immediately arrested the course of
Hawley's savage executions : yet even his own army often
murmured at his harshness and rigour ; and as to any rebel,
he treated him with as little mercy as he might a wol£ Never,
perhaps, did any insuigents meet a more ungenerous enemy.
From the deeds of blood in Scotland — committed by his own
order in some cases, and connived at in many more — ^his con-
temporaries branded him with a disgraceful by-word — ^Thb
Butcher ; and the historian who cannot deny the guilt, must
repeat and ratify the name.'

On arriving at Holyrood House, he immediately went to bed —
occupying the same couch of state which Charles had used four
months before. AAer reposing two hours, he rose and pro-
ceeded to business. Before eight o'clock, and before he had
taken breakfast, he is said to have been busy with Generals
Hawley and Huske, and other principal officers, whom he
summoned so hastily that they appeared in their boots. During
the course of the forenoon he received visits from the state
officers, the professors of the university, and the principal
citizens, all of whom had the honour of kissing his hand
Meanwhile the music-bells were rung in his honour, and the
magistrates prepared to present him with the freedom of the
city. In the midst of matters of state, he did not neglect those
of war. He descended to the large court in front of the palace,
where a train of artillery had been collected, and made a careful
and deliberate inspection of the pieces. In the afternoon,
according to appointment, a number of ladies, chiefly belonging
to Whig families of distinction, paid their respects to him in the
same hall where Charles had so lately entertained his fair adher-
ents.^ He kissed them all round, made a short speech expressive
of his satisfaction, and then retired to hold a council of war.

1 They were dressed in splendid style ; and one of them, Miss Ker, did him the peculiiur
honour to appear with a busk^ at the top of which was a crown, done in bugles, surrounded
by the words : ' William, Duke of Cumberland, Britain's hero.'

ARRIVAL OF THE DUKE OP CUMBERLAND. 249

The army had received various reinforcements since its retreat
from Falkirk, and was prepared to march for some days before
the duke's arrival Amongst other accessions, there was one of
a very peculiar nature, which no Whig historian has as yet had
the hardihood to record. It will be remembered that the officers
taken by the Prince at Preston had been allowed by him to go
at large, on parole, and under an oath not to bear arms against
the family of Stuart for a twelvemonth. In the middle of
January, some of these gentlemen, placed in little parties at
Glammis, Cupar, and Leslie, had been ' delivered ' by armed
parties of the country-people, and brought, apparentiy by force,
to Edinburgh. Afterwards some others, who resided at St
Andrews, Culross, and Pitfirran, were liberated by the same
means, and also carried to Edinburgh. The Edinburgh news-
papers of the time describe them as at a loss how to act on this
occasion ; they did not appear in military dress or with their
swords. Now, however, the duke took it upon him to resolve
the difficulty. Incredible as it may appear, this prince, declaring
their oath and parole to be dissolved, commanded them to
return to duty in his army, and sent similar orders to all who
still remained non-' delivered,' threatening them with the loss of
their conunissions if they refused. A small number, including
Sir Peter Halket, Mr Ross (son of Lord Ross), Captain Lucy
Scott, and Lieutenants Farqubarson and Cumming, refused com-
pliance, remarking that the duke was master of their commis-
sions, but not of their honour. But the greater number rejoined
their regiments, and served during the remainder of the campaign.

It was determined in the coimcil that the army should set
forward next morning towards the position of the insurgents,
with his royal highness at its head. So prompt a resolution
gave new courage to the troops, and raised the hopes of the
friends of government, hitherto very much depressed.

The duke set out from Hol3nt>od House at nine o'clock in the
morning of Friday the 31st of January, after having been only
thirty hours in Edinburgh.

The army had departed early in the same morning, in two

250 HISTORY OP THS REBELLION OP 1745-^.

columns ; one by Bonowstoimness, led by General Huske ; the
Other by Linlithgow, of which the duke was to take the command
in person. Ligonier's and Hamilton's dragoons patrolled the
roads in advance, to prevent intelligence reaching the insurgents
The army comprised altogether fourteen battalions of infantry,
four rq;iments of cavalry, the Argyle militia, and a train of
artillery. The whole might amount to ten thousand men.

The Duke of Cumberland had been presented by the Earl of
Hopetoun with a coach and twelve horses; and thinking it
necessary to make his departure finom Edinburgh with as much
parade as possible, he used this equipage in passing through the
town. As he passed up the Canongate and the High Street, he
is said to have expressed great surprise at the number of broken
windows which he saw ; but when informed that this was the
result of a recent illumination, and that a shattered casement
only indicated the residence of a Jacobite, he laughed heartily.
His coach was followed by a great number of persons of dis-
tinction, and by a vast mob. On reaching a place in the
suburbs called Castlebams, he left the coach, and mounted his
horse. The state officers and others then crowded about him
to take leave, and the mob gave him a hearty huzza. He took
off his hat, and turning round, thanked the people for this
expression of their regard ; adding, that he had had but little
time to cultivate their friendship, but would be well pleased
when fortune gave him an opportunity of doing so. ' I am in
great haste, my friends,' he cried ; ' but I believe I shall soon be
back to you with good news. Till then, adieu.' So saying, he
shook hands with those nearest to him, paused a moment, and
then exclaiming : * Come, let us have a song before parting,' began
to sing a ditty which had been composed in his own honour :

• Will ye play me fiiir,
Highland laddie, Highland laddie T '

Then stretching forth his hand, as if addressing the object of his
hostility, he set forward at a gallop, to put himself at the head
of the army.^

1 Estzact of a letter from Edinbuzi^ in Merchants Hutory o/tki Xedellun, 399^

ARRIVAL OF THE DUKE OF CUMBERLAND. 25 1

He lodged this evening at Linlithgow, and it was the general
expectation that he would engage the Highlanders next day.
Straggling parties had been seen hovering on the hills between
Falkirk and Linlithgow, which, on the morning of the ist of
February, had fallen back to the Torwood, giving out that they
would there await the royal army. But as he proceeded towards
Falkirk, stray Highlanders were brought before him, who
reported that they were in reality conve3dng their baggage
over the Forth, with the intention of retreating to the High-
lands; and the intelligence seemed to be confinned by the
noise of a distant explosion, occasioned by the blowing up of
their powder-magazine in the chiurch of St Ninian's. The duke
walked all the way from Linlithgow to Falkirk on foot, at the
head of the Scots Royals, to encourage the men after the
manner of his rival; but he now thought it unnecessary to
pursue the inarch with extraordinary speed, and therefore rested
this evening at Falkirk, where he found the soldiers who had
been wounded in the late engagement deserted by their captors.

When his royal highness arrived in Falkirk, and it was debated
what lodging he should choose, he is said to have inquired for
the house which ' his cousin had occupied,' being sure, he said,
that that would not only be the most comfortable in the town,
but also the best provisioned. He accordingly passed the night
in the same house and the same bed which have been already
described as accommodating Charles on the evening of the
battle. He next morning marched to Stirling, which he found
evacuated by the insurgents, and where General Blakeney
informed him that, but for his seasonable relief, he must have
speedily surrendered the fortress for want of ammunition and
provisions. A considerable number of straggling adherents of
the Chevalier were here taken prisoners, and sent to Edinburgh
Castle.^

1 Ainongat these was a Misa Jeany Cameron, whom popular report assigned to the Prinoa
as a mistresSb The mistake of Sophia Western for this lady at Gloucester, in Fielding's
norel, would alone, if nothing else did, make her history interesting to us : yet it is one of
the most obscure al!aiis connected with the insurrection. It has been tdready stated, on
the authority of Mr Aneas Macdonald, that Mrs Jean Cameron witnessed the setting up of

a52 HISTORY or THE REBELUON OF I745~6.

The Highland army had in reality resolved to retire to the
north. For several days after the battle of Falkirk, Charles and
his chiefs contemplated fighdng again, on nearly the same
ground, with the English army; and with this design a review
of the troops was held on the field of Bannockbum. On the

the standard at Gloifiiimn. The whole passage respectrng her in Mr Maodonald's narra-
tive is as follows : * Here a considerable number of both gettiUmtm and ladUs net to sett
the ceremony ; among the rest the fiunous Miss Jeany Cameron, as she is commonly, but
very improperly called : for she is a widow, nearer fifty than forty years of age. She is a
genteel, well-looked, handsome woman, with a pair of pretty eyes, and hair as blade as jet.
She is of a very sprightly genius, and is very agreeable in oonvenati<m. She was so far
from accompanying the Prince's army, that she went off with the rest of the spectatois as
soon as the army marched. Neither did she ever follow the camp, nor was ever with the
Prince but in public, when he had his court at Ei&burgh.* — Ly«m f» M^mmimgt MS.
iii. 516.

Some years ago. a gentleman who knew the late Sir Ewen Cameron of Fassefem, nephew
of the Young Locheil of the '45. reported to the present writer the following particulars, as
well known to Sir Ewen, and altogether beyond question : ' The lady who made so much
noise in Z745-6 as Miss Jeany Cameron, was a daughter of Cameron of Glendessery. She
had married an Irish gentleman named O'Neal, with whom she lived several years in
Ireland, till obliged, by his brutal behaviour, to divorce him. She then returned to Inver-
ness-shire, where her original name was given to her. At the time of the insurrection she
managed the estates of her brother, Cameron of DimgaUon* who was mi/. She sent the
Prince a present of cattle at the time of his raising the standard, but nrversaw him htrulf.
She was a woman of beauty and fashion, of good manners and masculine understanding.
She died in 1774 [date wrong— see /m/mi], at her house of Mount Cameron, m Lanarkshire.'

These various statements, though not quite consistent with each other, seem to be nearly
decisive that the Jean Cameron known in the Highlands as a lady of birth and breeding
was not connected with Chariea in the way which has been alleged by popular rumour. On
the other hand, the lady taken at Stirling at the beginning of February, and conducted to
Edinburgh Castle, was kept there tilt the \%th of November^ and then liberated along with
the Duchess of Perth, a» bail. This fact, which the newspapers of the day make certain,
would seem to imply that the lady taken at Stirling was really a woman of figure, and some
political consequence. How this person came to be thought the same indiridual who had
been present at the raising of the standard, I must profess myself at a loss to conjecture.
Certainly, however, if there was a Jeany Cameron, or any person taking that name, in
attendance on Charles through his English campaign, and subsequently taken at Stirling, it
was a different lady from Mrs Jean Cameron of the Glendessery family. The Jeany
Cameron tale altogether made such an impression on the public mind at the time, that a
Grub-Street novel was composed, of which it forms the groundwork. In Caulfield's
Portraits (4 vols. 4to), there is one of ' Miss Jeany Cameron,' accompanied by a professed
memoir, evidently in the main fictiuous, and probably a mere abridgment of the novel. It
describes the lady as having been, in 1745, forty-six years of age, but still sufficiently hand-
some to charm the Prince.

The lady pointed to by Sir Ewen Cameron died on the 97th of June 1773. In the ScotM
Magaxim*, where her death is recorded, she is described as ' Mrs Jean Cameron, sister to
Capuin Alhui Cameron of Glendessery.' Moreover, in the article ' Morven,' in Sir John
Sinclair's Statistical Account tf Scotland (1794)* it is mentioned that *the session has
lately got ;£40, being the principal and interest of ;£«> bequeathed in the year 1773 to the
poor of Morven by Mrs Jean Cameron of Mount Cameron.'

ARRIVAL OF THE DUKE OF CUMBERLAND. 253

38th, when he learned that the Duke of Cumberland was
expected in a day or two to take the command of the army
at Edinbuigh, Chailes contmued oi the same mind, and had a
plan of the proposed batde drawn out by Lord Geoige Murray.
It was now, however, found that the army was greatly reduced
in number, many being supposed to have gone home, though in
reality some were only straggling over the country. Convinced
diat only 5000 men could now be brought into the field against
the double numbers of the enemy, Lord George Murray, Locheil,
Kq^ch, Clanranald, Ardshiel, Lochgarry, Scothouse, and the
Master of Lovat, drew up a paper at Falkirk on the 29th,
representing this in strong terms to the Piince, and recommend-
ing that the army should retire to the north, where it could be
usefully employed during the remainder of the winter in taking
the forts, and could be at no loss to defend itself against superior
forces till the spring, when, they were certain, an army of 10,000
men could easily be brought into the field, not to speak of the
succours to be expected from abroad. Charles, on receiving
this document at Bannockbum, sent Sir Thomas Sheridan to
argue the matter with the chiefs : they in their turn sent Keppoch
to aigue with him. In the end, they succeeded in gaining his
consent to the retreat^ For two days more, the appearance of
an intention to fight the royal troops was kept up ; but on the
31st, Lord George and the infantry posted at Falkirk marched
to Bannockbum, leaving Pitsligo's, Elcho's, and Kilmarnock's
horse to patrol before the English army.

It was agreed that night, at the Prince's quarters at Bannock-
bum, that the army should muster next moming at nine o'clock,

1 His conduct on this occasion has been variously represented. Mr John Hay of
Restalrig, who now acted as his secretary, and must have always been near his person,
says that, on receiving the paper drawn up by the chiefs, he was transported with rage
and vexation, and strudc his head against the wall till he staggered, excUiming loudly
against Lord George Murray. On the other hand. Colonel Warren, who was some time
after sent with despatches to France, writing to the old Chevalier from Paris, May 9,
says that the Prince bore the proposition of the retreat to the north 'with that con-
stancy and gteatness he at once is master of: however severe and unnecessary it might
appear to him, he generally/ adds this gentleman, ' waived his own opinion, and paid a
deference to that of some of the chiefs as in reward of their services, and a nuu-k of his
condescensioo 10 what they judged for the good of your royal cause and their bappine&s^

254 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OF 1 745-6.

and march with deliberation across the Forth. The men, how-
ever, had been struck with alarm respecting the approaching
army, and rising at daybreak of the ist of February, they set
out in a straggling manner, without waiting for proper orders.
The movement was extremely discreditable, for the Prince and
other leaders were left behind, exposed to the risk of a sally
from Stirling Castle, and to all other hazards. Lord George
Murray seems inclined in his narrative to throw the blame of
the transaction on O'Sullivan, but without shewing any grounds
for his surmise. In the hurry of the occasion, the powder
belonging to the army, amounting to fifty barrels, was blown
up in the church of St Ninian's, killing ten country-people, and
also some of the Highlanders, besides endangering the person
of the Prince and some other persons of note who were passing
through the village at the time. It is not certain whether an
order had been given to destroy this powder ; but certainly its
explosion at that particular moment must have been accidental,
when the preceding circumstances are considered. The heavy
cannon were at the same time spiked, and many other articles,
too bulky to be readily carried away, were thrown into the
Forth.

The Whig party papers represented the St Ninian's accident
in a light unfavourable to the Prince, alleging that he had
ordered the explosion for the purpose of destroying the
chiurch and killing the unoffending villagers. So ridiculous a
charge is not worthy of notice. The opposite party were
perhaps equally unjust towards the royal army with reference to
another accident which befell on the same day. A portion of

which he gave proof was more to him than any other satisfaction he could propose, even to
life itself; so that they could not but admire his spirit, heart, and conduct. He has taught
them how to bear the inconveniences of adversity, or a mis-step, by looking forward, pro-
viding for the time to come, and taking lesson by what is past; and all this with such
prudence, dignity, caution, and dexterity, that really shew him to be bom a general. I am
sure there never was one more universally beloved by his army, or more deserving it.' It
is possible that both accounts may be in sc»ne measure true. A new proposal for retreat to
one who had so set himself on going forward must have been extremely vexatious ; momen-
tary feeling might produce the conduct described by Mr Hay ; but, the first gust having
expended itself, he might act the prudent and dignified part ascribed to him by Warren.

MARCH TO THE NORTH. 255

the troops quartered at Linlithgow had been lodged in the
palace, upon straw laid along the halls. In the morning, about
the time of their departure, the straw caught fire, and soon
involved the palace in flames. The army Idft it in that state,
and it soon became, what it now is, a blackened ruin. The
impression of the people at the place was, and still is, that the
aflfair was accidental, and I am disposed to believe that careless-
ness in the management of their fires was the extent of guilt
which can fiadrly be ascribed to the soldiery on this occasion.

CHAPTER XX.

MARCH TO THE NORTH.

* Now great Hawley leads on, with great Huske at his tail,
And the duke in the centre — this sure cannot fail.'

Jacobite Sang.

The last meal which Prince Charles partook of upon the Lowland
territory, which he had now kept possession of for five months,
was at Boquhan, on the ist of February, immediately before
crossing the Forth. He arrived here a littie after mid-day, along
with his principal officers, and sat down to a dinner which had
been prepared for him. On the preceding evening. Captain
Campbell, of the king's service, had come, with a party of
soldiers, to the farm of Wester Frew, upon the north side of
the river, and asked for a person who might shew him the fords.
The fanner was a stanch Jacobite, and, suspecting no good to
the Prince from the captain's inquiries, directed him, not to the
regular and accustomed ford, but to one which was seldom
used, a little farther up the river. Campbell then took from a
cart several sackfuls of caltrops, which he threw into the stream.
Having thus prepared, as he thought, for the armoyance of the
insurgent army, he and his party withdrew. The farmer, secretly

256 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OP 1 745-6.

rejoicing at the service he had done to the Prince, crossed the
water next day, along with his sons and servants, and remained
near his royal highness aU the time he was at dinner. When
their meal was finished, the party took the proper ford, all
except Charles, who, not thinking any information necessary
regarding fords which he had used, rode through by one different
from either of the above mentioned, and in which the farmer
had seen one of Campbell's men deposit a single caltrop. The
Prince's horse picked up this, and was wounded.^

The army spent the evening of that day (February i) at
Dunblane, while the Prince rode forward a few miles, and
lodged at Drummond Castle, the princely seat of the Duke of
Perth. The roads were now found so bad, that they were
obliged to leave some of their baggage behind. They persisted,
however, in a resolution which had been made, to take all their
prisoners along with them to tiie north. These persons, after
the battle, had been confined in the castle of Doune, near
Dunblane, a strong old fortress, of which the Laird of Glengyle
had been made governor, and they now joined the army in its
retreat. Many of them took the earliest opportunity of making
their escape, notwithstanding that they were treated with all
possible civility, and had pledged their honour not to take
advantage of any indulgences which might be shewn to them.

The Highland army reached Crieff next day, and tiie Prince
slept at Lord John Drummond's house of Faimton. On the
3d, the Prince reviewed his forces, and found that the decrease
by desertion was much less than had been represented to him
at Bannockbum, the number being only a thousand less than at
the batde of Falkirk.* The enemies of Lord George Murray
suspected him, and the others who had recommended the
retreat, of deception; but it is probable that the army had been
considerably increased during the last two days by the return
of parties straggling in the country passed through. At a

1 This infonnatioQ was derived from one of the fiumei's iods, who sumved till recent
timet.
• Aiazwdl of Kirkconnd't Nanative.

MARCH TO THE NORTH. 357

council now held some wann altercations took place. Lord
Geoige Murray had been incensed at the manner of the march
from Bannockbum, and demanded to know who was blamable
for it Charles, to maintain peace, said he would take the
blame of it upon himself.^ It was determined that, for the sake
of subsistence, the march to the north should be performed
in two parties; one of which, consisting of the clans under
Charles's command, should take the ordinary military road
which General Cope had assumed in his northern expedition ;
while the Low-country regiments and horse should be conducted
by Lord George Murray along the roads by the coast of Angus
and Aberdeenshire. Inverness was to be the rendezvous. At
the time this resolution was taken, the Duke of Cumberland
was busy, thirty miles behind, in repairing the bridge of Stirling
for the passage of his troops; one arch of that ancient and
important structure having been destroyed, at an early period
of the campaign, by Governor Blakeney, to prevent the trans-
mission of supplies to Charles from the Highlands.

Nothing could more distinctiy prove the individual superiority
of the insurgent army over the king's troops, or rather, perhaps,
the superiority of their desultory S3rstem over the formal rules of
regular warfare, than the way in which they performed their
retreat to the north. While the Duke of Cumberland had to
wait a day for the repair of a bridge, and then could only drag
his lumbering streng^ over the post-roads at the rate of twelve
or fourteen miles in as many hours, Charles forded rivers,
crossed over moors, and dared the winter dangers of a hilly
country with alacrity and promptitude. A later generation
saw the same system revived with effect by the great modem
soldier of the continent ; and it is impossible to give a better
idea of the surprise with which the duke, on the present occasion,
beheld the incalculable movements of his antagonist, than by
recalling the perplexity of the old Austrian generals on observing
the first movements of Bonaparte in Italy.

^ Lord George Morray's NamtiT*.
Q

2$S HISnrORT OF THE REBELLION OF 1745-^.

At the commencement of the pursuit, the duke had been
little more than a single day's march behind the retiring host,
but on the sixth day he found this interval to have increased
threefold The Highland anny had been passing through
Perth, in straggling parties, during the whole of the 2d and 3d
of February; he did not arrive there till the 6th, when he
learned that one party had passed Blair in Athole, on the direct
road to Inverness, while the other was just evacuating Montrose,
on the route to Aberdeen. He then saw fit to discontinue the
chase for the present ; the weather being extremely unfit for the
movements of his army, while the Highland hills which now
rose to his view presented but few inducements for an advance.
He contented himself with fishing up finom the bottom of the
Tay about fourteen guns which the insurgents had spiked and
thrown into the bed of that river, and with sending out parties
to plunder and harass the lands of the Perthshire insurgents.
A vast quantity of catde, horses, and even household goods,
taken by the soldiers from the estates and houses of the dis-
affected, were publicly sold by the soldiers in Perth while the
duke was present The Duchess of Perth and Viscountess of
Strathallan were seized in their respective houses and carried
prisoners to Edinburgh Castle, whence they were not released
till the ensuing November,

Before Cumberland had been many days in Perth, intelligence
was brought to him that his brother-in-law, the Prince of Hesse,
had entered the Firth of Forth with those auxiliary troops which,
as already mentioned, his majesty had called over fi^m the
continent to aid in suppressing the insurrection. This armament
cast anchor in Leith Roads on the 8th of February. The prince
landed that night at Leitb, and was immediately conducted to
Holyrood House. He was attended by the Earl of Crawford, so
famous in the wars of George II., by a son of the Duke of
Wolfenbiittel, and by various other distinguished persons. The
castle greeted his serene highness with a round of great guns ;
and next day, notwithstanding it was Sunday, the people flocked
in great numbers to see and congratulate him. His troops.

MARCH TO THE NORTH. 259

which amounted to five thousand in number, landed on that
and the succeeding day, and were cantoned in the city.^

The Duke of Cumberland judged it necessary, on the 15th,
to leave his camp at Perth and pay a hurried visit to the prince
in Edinburgh. On his arrival, he was hailed with the loudest
acclamations of the loyal inhabitants, as having already cleared
the Low Country of its disturbers, and restored peace where he
had lately found civil war. It was at this time the general
impression that the insurgents, dismayed at his approach, had
retired into the north only to disperse themselves, as Mar and
his army had done in 17 16 on the advance of the Duke of
Argyll, and that, in imitation of his father^s conduct at that
time, Charles had left the coimtiy by one of the ports on the
east coast

On the evening of his arrival in Edinburgh, the duke and the
prince held a council of war at the house of the Lord Justice-
clerk, to determine their future operations. The generals who
attended this meeting, imposed upon by the popular report, and
disposed to flatter the duke, gave it unanimously as their
opinion that the war was now at an end, and that his royal
highness had nothing to do but send a few parties into the
Highlands, as soon as the season would permit, who should
exterminate all that remained of the insiu^ent force. When
these persons had delivered their sentiments, the duke turned
to Lord Milton, and desired to hear his opinion upon the
present state of affairs. The judge begged to be excused from
speaking in an assembly where his profession did not qualify

1 The Hessian soldien were remarkably handsome, good-looking men, with long fair
hair, which they combed whenever they sat down. They acquired the affection and
esteem of the people who had occasion to mix in their society during the ensuing campa^n.
Their good nature and pure manners were favourably compared with the coarae conversa-
tion and dissolute conduct of the British soldiery. It may be recorded, for the satisfaction
of sntiff-takers, that the Hessians were the first to introduce the use of hladk ra^pt* into
this country, in opposition to the original ' Scotch brown.' It may be added, on good
authority, as a not less curious fact, that Edinburgh owes all the benefit which it derives
from that useful institution, Gillespie's Hospital, to the same cause; the two brothers
Gillespie, who founded that charity, having commenced the fortune which enabled them to
do BO by supplying the public with the new-fashioned species of snuff, in sufficient quanti-
ties, and of excellent quality, immediately on the Hessians btroducing iL

26o HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OF 1745-^.

him ; but his royal highness insisted that he should speak, as he
knew the Highlands and Highlanders better than any man
present His lordship then declared it as his opinion that the
war was m^ at an end, bnt that the insurgents would again
unite their scattered forces, and hazard a battle before abandon-
ing the enterprise.^ The duke, who had already seen the bad
results of giving up the chase too soon, and of demitting the
suppression of the insurrection to inferior hands, adopted this
opinion; and immediately set out to rejoin his army, having
previously given orders that the Hessian troops should follow
him with all convenient speed.

The soundness of Lord Milton's opinion was proved by what
followed. Notwithstanding the weather, and the desolation of
the country, Charles succeeded in leading his force, without
diminution, over the Grampians, to the shore of the Moray
Firth; Lord George Murray reached the same point by the
more circuitous route which he had adopted through Angus and
Aberdeenshire. In his march through Badenoch the Prince
reduced the small government fort of Ruthven; and Lord
George, in passing Peterhead, was reinforced by some dis-
mounted French pickets, who had just been landed at that
port The duke pursued Lord George's route at a leisurely
pace, leaving the Hessians to guard the passes at Perth, and
having sent on a body of troops under Sir Andrew Agnew to
garrison the castle of Blair.

It was unfortunate that the commander of the royal army
should have marched on this occasion through Angus and
Aberdeenshire, because the symptoms of disaffection which he
saw in these districts must have given him an extremely
unfavourable impression of the kingdom in general, and had a
strong effect in disposing him to treat it, after his victory, as a
conquered country. Most of the gentlemen, throughout Angus
at least, he found absent with the insurgent army ; others paid
him so little respect as to recruit almost before his eyes. In

1 Home's Woria^iilzT^

MARCH TO THE NORTH. 26 1

the town of Forfar, a small party of Charles's forces beat up for
new adherents on the day before he entered the town; and,
being concealed by the inhabitants till he had gone past, con-
tinued to do the same immediately on his back being turned.
When he lodged at the castle of Glammis,^ on his troop pre-
paring to depart in the morning, it was found that all the girths
of his horses had been cut during the night, in order to retard
his march. Afterwards, as he was slowly parading through the
town of Brechin, hemmed closely in, and retarded by an inmiense
crowd which bad collected to see him, he observed a pretty girl
standing on a stair-head^ gazing, among others of her sex, at the
unusual spectacle : it pleased him to honour this damsel with
a low bow and an elevaJdon of the bat The object of his
admiration returned the compliment by a contemptuous gesture
which does not admit of description. Many will be disposed to
think that, when he found the principles of rebellion revolution-
ising the female heart so fisu: as to render it impervious to
flattery, he was justifiable in considering the case desperate.

Having resolved, on reaching Aberdeen, to await the return
of spring before proceeding farther, he marked his sense of the
disaffection of this part of the country by subjecting part of it
to the terrors of military law. A gentleman named Ferrief had
raised about two hundred men for the service of the Chevalier
throughout the braes of Angus, where, establishing a sort of
camp, he laid the country under contribution even to the gates
of Brechin. The duke despatched a party, which, not satisfied
with expelling Ferrier, treated the country with excessive
severity, mulcting all whom they could convict of Jacobitism,
and burning the whole of the Episcopal meeting-houses. ' It
cost some pains,' observes the Scots Magazine very gravely, ' to
save Glenask from being burned firom end to end, being a nest
of Jacobites.'

On Sunday the i6th of February, Charles reached Moy Hall,

1 The StrathmoK fiunQy, proprietors of this noble old seat, were Jacobites, though not
engaged in the insurrection of 2745. So unwelcome a guest was the Duke of Cumberland,
that orders were given, after be departed, to take down the bed in which he slept.

262 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OF 1 745-6.

the seat of the Laird of Mackintosh, about sixteen miles from
Inverness. The laird was absent on duty as a partisan of die
government The lady, who, as already mentioned, had raised
the clan for the Prince, received him and his immediate attend-
ants with great hospitality. Charles designed to rest here until
his men should come up, before going nearer to Inverness,
where the Earl of Loudoun had about seventeen hundred men
in aims. Some one — suspected to be Grant of Dalrachny —
sent information to Lord Loudoun tliat Charles was lodging at
Moy Hall with a slender retinue; and the earl immediately
formed the design of marching thither, in order to take him
prisoner. Notwithstanding the exertions he made to keep the
scheme a secret, it became known to the dowager Lady Mack-
intosh, who lived in Inverness, and who immediately despatched
a messenger to put her daughter-in-law and the Prince on their
guard. Meanwhile, in the evening, 1500 men had taken the
road for Moy under the conduct of the earl. The messenger, a
boy named Lachlan Mackintosh, tried to pass through the army
on the road; but finding this difficult, and dreading that he
might be arrested, he lay down in a ditch by the wayside till all
had passed, and then bounded off by a circuitous road towards
Moy. About five in the morning (Monday, 17th February) he
reached the house ' in a top-sweat,' bearing information that the
Earl of Loudoun's men were littie more than a mile distant
The guard instantly awoke the Prince, who dressed quickly, and
came down to the courtyard. Lady Mackintosh appeared there
likewise, ' in her smock petticoat,' for it was no time for delicacy,
and exerted herself to get the Prince and his guard sent to a
place of safety, and all his valuable effects put out of the way.
He went along the bank of Moy Loch to a place more than a
mile off, where he met Locheil and a party of his troops, with
whom he resolved to stand his ground in case of an attack.
Meanwhile Lord Loudoun's expedition had experienced a
strange interruption. Lady Mackintosh had, the night before,
sent out a patrolling party, consisting of five men, armed with
muskets, to keep guard on the road towards Inverness. The

MARCH TO THE NORTH. 263

head of the party was a clever fellow named Fraser, the black-
smith of Moy. When he became aware of the approach of a
great body of men along the road, he instantly conaprehended
the design in view. Planting his men at intervals by the way-
side, he fired his piece at the head of the approaching body,
and by the shot killed the Laird of Macleod's piper, reputed the
best of his time in the Highlands. The other men also fired,
conve3dng the impression of a wide-spread body of opponents.
The blacksmith was then heard crying upon the Camerons and
Maodonalds to advance on the villains who designed to murder
their Prince. The van of the advancing troops immediately fell
into a panic, and, turning back with precipitation, they threw
the rear into confusion, oversetting and trampling many as they
went along. The whole army became inspired with the same
terror, and fled amain to Inverness, where they arrived in a state
of extreme distress from bruises, exhaustion, and mortification of
mind. The Master of Ross, who was present as an officer, and
afterwards passed through a long life as a soldier, subject to
perils of all kinds, was heard in his latter days to declare that in
all his career he had never known a situation so grievous as that
in which he was at the rout cf Moy. Information of the gallant
exploit of the blacksmith soon reached Prince Charles, who
immediately returned to Moy HalL^

He this day gathered a sufficient number of his forces to
enable him to advance on the next to Inverness. Meanwhile
Lord Loudoun found it necessary to withdraw (rom that town.
When the insurgents drew near (Tuesday, February 18), they
found the Independent Companies making the best of their way
across the Firth by the Kessock Ferry. The Highlanders
entered a vacant town, and the earPs troops retired into Ross-
shire.

Inverness, now a flourishing town of about twelve thousand
inhabitants, where all the refinements and many of the elegancies
of city life are to be met with, appears, firom a publication of

1 Home's Hitiopy. yacobiU Mnnoin,

264 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OF 1 745-6.

the period,^ to have been then only such a town as could be
expected in the vicinity of a Highland and half-dvilised territory
— a royal buigh, yet not emancipated from feudal domination ;
a seaport, but possessing only a slight local commerce ; confined
in its dimensipns, limited in population, and poor in its
resources. A coach had never, at this time, been seen at
Inverness ; nor was there a turnpike road within forty miles of
its walls. The only advancement which it could be said to
have made in civilisation was occasioned by the English
garrison maintained in its fort by government, and by a few
of the Highland gentry, who resided in it during the winter.
It was in the town-house of one of these, Lady Drummuir,
mother of the Lady Mackintosh — ^which, as appears, was then
the only house in Inverness that had a room ungraced by a bed
— that the young Chevalier took up his residence.

Though Charles thus easily obtained possession of Inverness,
the fort still held out against him. Fort George, for such was
its name, had been established at the Revolution upon the site
of the ancient castle of Inverness — the scene of Duncan's
murder in Shakspeare, if not in fact A tall massive tower,
reared upon an eminence, the sides of which were protected by
bastions— commanding the town on one hand, and the bridge
over the Ness on another — formed the whole of this place of
strength, which had cost government altogether about ^^50,000
in its construction and maintenance. On the present occasion
it was garrisoned by a company of Grants under the Laird of
Rothiemurchus, a company of Macleods, and eighty regular
troops, and had a sufficient store of ammunition and provisions.

The Highlanders, who had the greatest possible dislike to the
government forts, were highly gratified when, after a siege of
two days, this fell into their hands. Sixteen pieces of cannon
and a hundred barrels of beef accompanied the rendition. The
destruction of the fort, which was immediately ordered by the
Prince, was not effected without loss. The French engineer

1 Burt's Lftitrtjfvm ikg North ^ScctlatuL

PROCEEDINGS IN THE NORTH. 265

who was charged with this duty, thinking the match was extin-
guished, approached to examine it, when the explosion took
place, and earned him up into the air along with the stones of
the bastion.

Before the capture of Fort Geoige, which took place on the
2oth of Februaiy, Lord George Murray arrived with his column,
after a very painful march through a country covered with snow.
The army was now once more complete. The whole of the
Lowland territory on the shore of the Moray Firth, besides all
the adjacent Highlands, to the distance of a hundred miles from
Inverness, was in the hands of the insuigents ; but the duke
interposed on one side, and the Hessians on another, to prevent
all communication with the south ; while Lord Loudoun hung
with his native troops still nearer in a contrary direction.

CHAPTER XXL

PROCEEDINGS IN THE NORTH.

* The north I what do they in the north ?'

Richard TIL

Though their retreat before the face of the king's troops was
virtually a confession of weakness, the Highland army was still
determined to maintain the war with all possible vigour, hopeful
that French succours would arrive in time to give them a
victory. They determined that, while Cumberland waited at
Aberdeen for the advance of sprmg, they should improve their
pi^sition by a series of minor enterprises, such as the troops were
fitted to perform in that country and in the existing state of the
weather. These, in general, turned out in a manner remarkably
creditable to the army.

Inmiediately after the capture of Fort Geoige, Charles sent
three hundred of the Irish pickets, under Brigadier Stapleton, to

266 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OF 1 745-6.

lay siege to Fort Augustas, thirty-two miles distant This party,
before their artillery could be brought through the snow,
attacked the old barrack, and carried it immediately; the
garrison, which consisted of three companies of Guise's regi-
ment, retiring into the fort A trench was opened on the 3d
of March, and on the second day thereafter, the powder-
magazine chancing to explode, the garrison was compelled to
surrender. The party then proceeded to Fort William, where
they were joined by the Camerons, Keppoch Macdonalds, and
Stuarts of Appin, under Locheil; but, owing to delays occa-
sioned by the difficulty of transporting the cannon, they were
not ready to commence the siege of this more important fortress
till the 2oth of March. By the Irish and Highlanders united,
the most vigorous attempts were made to obtain possession of
the place, but without avail. On the 3d of April they were
under the necessity of retiring, in order to join the army at
Inverness, in anticipation of the approach of the royal army.

Early in March, the Prince despatched the Earl of Cromarty
with a large detachment to beat up the quarters of Lord
Loudoun in Ross-shire. The party consisted of the earl's own
regiment of Mackenzies, the Mackintoshes, the small regiment
of Mackinnons, the Macgregors, and the men commanded by
Macdonald of Barrisdale. It was perhaps insufficient in point
of numbers for the enterprise ; but a greater deficiency seems
to have been found in the commander, who left his men for a
couple of days at Dingwall, while he went home to his own
house. The Prince, hearing no good accounts of the detach-
ment, sent Lord Geoige Murray to take the command, who,
immediately advancing with it to Tain, found, to his surprise,
that Lord Loudoun's troops had passed the Firth of Dornoch
into Sutherland two days before, without the Earl of Cromaity
having obtained any intelligence of the fact, though he was in
what the Highlanders emphatically called his own country.
Lord George then consulted with the officers, and it was agreed
that the enemy could not with propriety be followed by land, as,
before it would be possible to turn the head of the Firth and

PROCEEDINGS IN THE NORTH. 267

attack Loid Loudoon, that nobleman might easily cross again
into Ross-shiie, leaving them in sach a position with respect to
Inverness that they might be miable to join the anny before the
expected engagement with tiie royal troops. It was at tiie same
time agieed that, if they could procure boats to cross the Firth,
they might attack Lord Loudoun, and the more effectively if
they could cross before he was aware. With a view to such a
movement, they determined not to advance to Tain, which
would have the effect of keeping up his vigilance, but to retire
to Dingwall, where they were within a day's mardi both of Tain
and Inverness.

Lord George now returned to headquarters, and the further
prosecution of the enterprise was intrusted to the Duke of Perth.
As a preliminary step, a great number of fishing-boats were
collected from the Morayshire coast, and brought to Findhom ;
and this with such secrecy, or so much under favour of the
popular spirit of the district, that no friend of government had
the least suspicion of die design. To avoid the government
vessels cruising on die Moray Firth, Moir of Stoneywood
carried this flotilla across to the shore near Tain in the course
of a smgle night The Duke of Perth had his party conducted
to the spot, and immediately embarked a large portion of it,
while the other proceeded to the head of the Firth, to intercept
the enemy in that direction. A fog favoured the passage of the
troops, who landed within a few miles of Dornoch, the position
of the Earl of Loudoun's forces, without his lordship having the
least suspicion of their approach. As they were advancing
along the coast, they encountered a party of two hundred, some
of whom fled back to the main body. Instead of falling upon
this party at once, and pushing on for Dornoch, they entered into
a tedious parley with it, ending in its capitulation, but destroy-
ing the opportunity of surprising Lord Loudoun's army. It is
not improbable that this procedure was in consequence of an
anxiety entertained by individuals in the detachment to avoid,
if at all possible, a hostile collision with troops amongst
whom were some of their own nearest relatives. The Chevalier

268 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OF 1745-5.

Johnstone infonns us that at least Macdonald of Scothouse, the
first cadet of the house of Clanranald, was under feelings of this
kind, having a son who served as an officer under Lord Loudoun.
Meanwhile this nobleman, accompanied by the Lord President
Forbes, led off the main body of his army towards the central
fastnesses of Sutherland, whither he was eagerly but vainly
pursued by the Duke of Perth, who did not halt till he reached
the head of Loch Shin.

By this event the Independent Companies, upon whom
Forbes had expended so much zeal and exertion, were com-
pletely broken up. The Macka3rs now returned to their own
country. The Macleods withdrew to Skye, where Loudoun and
Forbes were glad to find a refuge. The Duke of Perth then
returned with most of the insuigent troops to Inverness,
leaving only the £ari of Cromarty, with a comparatively
small detachment, to keep the loyalists of Sutherland in
check.

Lord John Drummond was posted at Fochabers, on the east
bank of the Spey, in conunand of a detachment of troops, some
of which he placed at CuUen, others at Strathbogie. In this
party was the well-disciplined regiment of John Roy Stuart,
together with such of the native cavalry as had been kept together.
Till the middle of March, these troops were not disturbed by
the king's forces. At that time the Duke of Cumberland sent
forward a large body of troops to take possession of a line of
posts between the Dee and Spey. This had very nearly occa-
sioned the destruction of the Strathbogie party. On the afternoon
of the 17th, they were returning fatigued from a fruitless march
against the young Laird of Grant, when they found the village
on the point of flailing into the hands of the enemy. The
commanders were at first puzzled whether to retire immediately,
leaving the stragglers to take their chance, or to pause and
endeavour to concentrate their strength for a deliberate retreat
By adopting the latter plan, they gave confidence to their men.
The whole party then made a skilful and safe retreat in the very
face of the enemy, first to Keith, and afterwards to Fochabers.

PROCEEDINGS IN THE NORTH. 269

Mr Maxwell of Kirkconnel, in noticing this aflfair, sa)rs : * The
intrepidity of the common men was very remarkable ; they had
seen themselves closely pursued by an enemy vastly superior ;
nevertheless, even after night came on, [when] a fresh alarm was
given at Keith, they all repaired to their colours, and marched
off in good order.* Lord John Drummond, now supposing that
Cumberland was in iiill march towards the Spey, withdrew
behind that river.

While posted there, Lord John sent detachments across the
river every day to make demonstrations before the enemy, and
patrol on the road between Fochabers and Keith. On the 20th,
the detachment returned earlier than usual, apparently under an
alarm from the appearance of a large body of the royal troops.
This was in reality a feint to mislead the enemy, and with a
view to surprising his advanced guard in the village of Keith
during the ensuing night Fifty picked men of Stuart's regiment,
under Captain Robert Stewart, younger of Glenlivet, with some
French troops, the whole commanded by Major Glasgow,
crossed the Spey in the evening, and advancing stealthily,
arrived about one in the morning at Keith, which they sur-
rounded, without giving the least alarm. The troops posted
there consisted of seventy Campbells and thirty of Kingston's
dragoons. The sentinel, a Campbell, was seized and silenced ;
a Lieutenant Simpson swept round the place with a few horse ;
and Major Glasgow, with the remainder of the party, boldly
entered the street. The French, finding a guard in the school,
discharged upon them a platoon. At the same time a vigorous
attack was made upon die main body of the Campbells, who
were posted in the parish church. The dragoons fought in the
street, but were soon overpowered. For some time the Camp-
bells kept up a brisk fire from the church, but were also obliged
to yield. No triumph on so small a scale could have been more
complete. With the loss of one Frenchman, and at the expense
of a few wounds, they secured the whole party, except five or
six who escaped. On the government side there were nine
killed, and a considerable number wounded. Before daybreak,

ayo HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OP 1 745*6.

Major Glasgow had returned from this clever little affsur to
headquarters with eighty prisoners.

Of the transactions of this period, none was more brilliant
than an expedition mto Athole, executed by Lord Geoige Murray.
It has already been said that the Duke of Cumberland subjected
Angus to military execution ; his detachments in the upper part
of Perthshire treated that country with even greater severity.
As already mentioned, the mother of- the Duke of Perth and
the wife of Viscount StrathaUan, for the crime oi having relations
in the insurgent army, were seized in their own houses, and
hurried to Edinburgh Castle, where they remained prisoners for
nine months in a small, unhealthy room. All the houses whose
proprietors had gone with Prince Charles were burned, or
retained for quarters to the militaiy ; the unhappy tenants being
in either case expelled, to starve upon the snowy heath. When
Lord Geoige heard of this at Inverness, he resolved to succour
his country from its oppressors. Having taken care to secure
all the passes, so as to prevent his intentions from becoming
known to the enemy, he set out about the middle of March
with seven hundred men, none of whom knew the precise object
of the expedition. On the evening of the loth, having readied
Dalnaspidal, upon the confines of Athole, a halt was called,
and the whole body divided into a number of small parties.
Lord Geoige then informed them that he wished to surprise all
the different posts of the royal troops before daylight, and as
nearly as possible at the same time; for which purpose each
party should select a post for whose strength it might be
proportioned ; and the general rendezvous, after all was done,
was to be the Bridge of Bruar, two miles from Blair. The
chief posts to be attacked were Bun-Rannoch, the house of
Kynnachin, the house of Blaiifettie, the house of Lude, the
house of Faskally, and the inn of Blair ; besides which, there
were some of less strength and importance.

The parties set out immediately, each taking the shortest way
to its respective post, and most of them reached the various
points of attack before daybreak At Bun-Rannoch, where

PROCEEDINGS IN THE NORTH. 27 1

there happened to be a late-wake^ that night, the garrison (a
party of Aigyleshire men) were surprised in the midst of their
enjoyment, and made prisoners without exchange of shot The
sentinel of Kynnachin being more vigilant, and having alarmed
the party within, that house was not taken till after a short
resistance, and the slaughter of one man. At Blairfettie tlie
whole party was surprised, including the sentinel, and made
prisoners after a brief but ineffectual resistance^ The garrisons
of Lude and Faskally were taken in the same manner; and
only at the inn of Blair did the party attacked baffle the
Highlanders, or succeed in making their escape.

This last party taking refuge in the castle of Blair, its
governor. Sir Andrew Agnew, immediately got his men under
arms, and marched out to see who they were that had attacked
his posts. It was now nearly daybreak, and Lord Geoige
Murray stood at the place of rendezvous with only four-and-
twenty men, anxiously waiting the return of the various parties.
Fortunately, he received intelligence by a countryman of the
approach of Sir Andrew. He hastily consulted with his attend-
ants: some advised an immediate retreat along the road to
Dalwhinnie ; others were for crossing over the hills, and gaining
a place of safety, by paths where they could not be pursued.
By either of these plans the insurgent parties, as they returned,
would have been successively cut off or made prisoners. Lord
Geoige therefore rejected them, and bethought him of a better
expedient Observing a long turf-wall in a field near the bridge,
he ordered his men to ensconce themselves behind it, lying at
a considerable distance from each other, and displaying the
colours of the whole party at still greater intervals. Fortunately,
he had with him all the pipers of the corps ; these he ordered,
as soon as they saw Sir Andrew's men appear, to strike up
their most boisterous pibroch. The rest he commanded to
brandish their swords over the wall

The Blair garrison happened to appear just as the sun rose

1 The festivity whidi attends the watdiing over a oorpae.

272 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OF 1 745-6.

above the horizon; and Lord George's orders being properly
obeyed, the men stood still, seriously alarmed at the preparations
which seemed to have been made for their reception. After
listening half a minute to the tumult of bagpipes, and casting a
brief glance at the glittering broadswords, they turned back (by
order of their commander, however), and hastily sought shelter
within the walls of the castle. The Highland leader, delighted
with the success of his manoeuvre, kept post at the bridge till
about the half of his men had arrived, and then proceeded to
invest Blair.

When rejoined by all his men, Lord George found that no
fewer than thirty different posts had been surprised that morning,
between the hours of three and five, without the loss of a single
man. The same success, however, did not attend his deliberate
siege, which he was obliged to raise on the 31st of March,
after having only reduced the garrison to great distress for want
of provisions.*

There is much truth in what a judicious observer has said
regarding this portion of the Prince's expedition — that it is what
most deserves the attention of reflecting persons. In military
affairs, a victory dazzles common minds : die judicious inquire
if the best use is made of means towards a desired end ; and
where they find this to be the case, whether with telling results
or not, they give their approbation. Now, excepting at Fort
William, the small army of the Prince was employed with
remarkable skill, and to extremely good purpose, during the
whole of this spring. He could not, however, create force
which did not exist, or remedy the evils inflicted by fortune.
During all this time he was embarrassed by want of money.
Besides fifteen hundred pounds of Spanish money, which was
found in the neighbourhood of Montrose, he had no foreign

1 The British army never perhaps contained a man more insensible to fear than Sir
Andrew Agnew. He possessed, at the same time, a sort of uncouth humour, which ren-
dered him altogether a most remarkable person. During the siege of Blair, when Lord
George was ineflectually battering the walls with two little cannon, he one day looked over
the battlements, and observing the slight impression made by the balls, cried ironically : ' I
daresay the man 's fflad<->knocking down his own brother's house I'

PSOCEEIMItGS m THE SOUTH. ajj

coaitiy itself his pecuniary resocices wm«

Irre^nkrities in dte payment of his anar

> it^ disotganisadon. He had hopes of

DCS. M his retreat bom Stirling, a gendeman

to direct the bitdiiig of fnendly vessels in the

expected to possess between Inremess and

* vc--~:ds, with both tioops and money. ir<av

led to Aat coast; hot the difficulties of

'■^ish cndsers proved insuperable. They

V the hands of the enemy. There was

\ of which occurred in drtumstanccs

\iay be ventured upon.

Naber, the Hiam sloop of var,

\ir swivels, and about eighty

\ Hill, came into Montrose

c of punishing the town for

.ce, as a pwt for the reception of

'^ .essel, aDcboring in the strait close

it, aldiough no troops of the Che\-alier

cramnander also seiied three barks, of

. two, and put some guns into the other, that it

his powers of aimoyance. Brechin was at this

.-led by a remarkably active and clever partisan of the

ihe same David Ferrier who has been already mentioned

u a later period formiDg a camp on the Braes of Angus, and

-.ying the irfiole country under contribution for the Stuait cause.

Fenicr, and a Captain Erskine associated with him (a brother

of Erskine of Dun), came down to Montrose with their men,

and took post, one of them at the town, and the other on nn

island near the Jftuard. Fortunately, a French vessel at this

time appeared near the harbour, into which she was directed by

signals from Captain Ferrier. She proved to have a hundred

and fifty of Lord John Dnmunond's troops on board, with some

cannon and stores. Feirier landed six cannon, which he planted

on convenient places commanding the Haaard. The vessel

which had been taken and fortified by the Hasard had been left

374 HISTORY OF THE RKBELUON OF T 745-6.

at the quay, so that it fell into his hands. He took the cannon
from that vessel, and planted it on an eminence called the Dial-
hilL For a whole night he bombarded the English vessel, so
that in the morning her captain was glad to send a flag of truce,
requesting leave to go out to sea. This was refused, and the
commander then gave her up to Ferrier, who immediately took
possession of her in the name of Mr Carnegie of Balnamoon,
governor of Forfarshire for the Prince.^

The Hazard was afterwards despatched to Fiance as a snaw^
under the name of the Prina Charles^ and was returning to
Scotland with about ;£i3,ooo and other valuable supplies, when
she was observed and chased by the Shamas man-of-war. The
place where the rencontre happened was near the northern
extremity of Scotland, where a dangerous sea boils round a bold
high coast, affording no pott or place of shelter. The crew,
unwilling to hazard their caigo by an action, made all sail to
escape the guns of the Skeenuss^ which, however, kept so close,
as to kill thirty-six of the men. After a day's chase, the Prince
CharUs ran in upon the sands of Melness, on the west side of
Tongue Bay, where she was safe from the Shiemess^ but not, as
it soon appeared, from a more deadly enemy.

On the opposite side of this bay was die mansion of Lord
Reay, where a considerable party of the troops of the Earl of
Loudoun had taken refuge. On learning that the crew of the
Prince CharUs had landed with treasure, Lord Reay sent a boat
across the bay to leam particulars ; and when he found that the
French were not powerful in number, he resolved to attack
them. Next day (March 26), as they were on their way to
Inverness with their treasure, under the conduct of Mr Madcay,
younger of Melness, they were beset by fifty Mackays under his
lordship's steward, and as many of Lord Loudoun's troops ; and
a fierce but brief conflict took place, during which a few of the
French were killed, and some wounded. The foreign party
then surrendered, consisting of twenty oflicefs, and a hundred

^ Manatnre from the mouth of Captain Ersikine. Jacehite Memoirs^ p. tia.

PROCEEDINGS IN THE NORTH. 275

and twenty soldiers and sailors. The treasure fell into the
hands of the victors.

' Amidst all these misfortunes/ says Mr Maxwell, ' the Prince
kept up his spirits wonderfully : he appeared gayer even than
usual; he gave frequent balls to the ladies of Inverness, and
danced himself, which he had declined doing at Edinburgh in
the midst of his grandetu: and prosperity.' He remained in this
town the whole time between the 20th of February and the loth
of April, excepting eleven days in the middle of March, during
which he visited Elgin and Gordon Castle. At the latter town
he was ill, and in danger for two days ; when, as Colonel Warren
informs the old Chevalier in a letter, *a timely bleeding hindered
the cold turning into a fluxion de poitrine, and caused a joy in
every heart not to be expressed.' Towards the end of this
period, intelligence arrived that he was no longer to entertain
any expectation of a regular armament from France, as not
only the contemplated embarkation at Boulogne, but that more
recentiy designed at Dunkirk, was now given up. It must have
been a stunning blow to the little army, if anything can truly
dishearten men of their order, ever the dupes of theu* wishes and
their convictions.

The Duke of Cumberland remained from the 25th of Feb-
ruary till the 8th of April at Aberdeen. In his letters he
expressed the sentiments with which an acquaintance with
Scotland had filled him. The people, he said, were almost
to a man Jacobites. Even the loyalists were of little service to
him. He could get no intelligence, and reckoned himself more
in an enemy's country than when he was warring with the French
in Flanders. Mild measures with such a country would not do.
* You will find,' says he to the Duke of Newcastle, ' that the
whole of the laws of this ancient kingdom must be new-modelled.
Were I to enumerate the villains and villainies this country
abounds in, I should never have done.* It is a pity that he did
not at least enumerate certain dubious acts committed by
William, Duke of Cumberland, and Lieutenant-general Henry
Hawley, of which the world wanted a right account for eighty

2j6 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OF 1745-6.

years. It appears that the former commander occupied the
house of a Mr Thomson, a legal practitioner, using all the
provisions it contained, with coal and candle, without making
the least compensation ; while Hawley took possession of that
belonging to Mrs Gordon of Halhead, and not only used the
lady's tea, linen, and china, without remuneration, but, on going
away, carried off all these articles, and everything else portable,
with, to all appearance, the concurrence of the commander-in-
chief— for the china was afterwards recognised in the shop of a
London broker, who mentioned that he had got it from an
infamous female, who stated that it had been given to her by
the Duke of Cumberland.^

The weather continued, till the beginning of April, to be
unfavourable for the march of regular troops. But about that
time a few days of dry cold wind, sweeping away the snow from
the hills, and drying the rivers, rendered it possible to proceed
without much difficulty, and the duke accordingly ordered a
march upon the 8th. He had been by this time supplied with
a fleet of victualling-ships, which were to sail along the coast,
and send provisions on shore as required by the army. His
host, comprising fifteen foot regiments, two of dragoons, with
Kingston's horse, a body of Argyleshire Highlanders, and a
detachment of Lord Loudoun's regiment, which had been
shipped over from Ross, amounted altogether to about nine
thousand men.

His royal highness reached Banff upon the loth, encamping
in the neighbourhood of the town. Two Highland spies were
here seized, one of them in the act of notching the numbers of
the army upon a stick, according to a fashion which also obtains
among the North American Indians. They were both hanged.
On the nth, the army moved forward to CuUen, where the Earl
of Findlater testified his loyalty by distributing two hundred
guineas among the troops. Strict orders were here issued to the
men not to stir out of the camp upon pain of death. During

1 Full and well-authenticated particulars of these misdeeds axe given in the ytuMU
MemMrt, from the papen of Bishop Forbes.

PROCEEDINGS IN THE NORTH. 277

this day's march the army, keeping constantly upon the shore,
were closely accompanied by the fleet The weather was also
good, and the men were cheered by the prospect of crossing the
Spey without difficulty.

This great mountain-stream, so remarkable for its depth and
rapidity, had hitherto been esteemed by Charles's army as
almost a suflicient barrier between them and the Duke of Cum-
berland, and as, indeed, completely protecting their country
upon the east Charles had, several weeks before, instructed
Lord John Drummond to defend the fords ; and some batteries
were raised, which it was expected might accomplish that object
But on the duke approaching with a quantity of cannon sufficient
to force the passage, Lord John abandoned a position which he
had not the power to maintain, and fell back upon Inverness.
It is generally esteemed to have been a leading error in the
commanders of the insurgent army to have so easily permitted
the royal troops to surmount this grand barrier. But as the
duke, with the assistance of his cannon, must have forced his
way in spite of their efforts, it was perhaps best to permit him to
pass without bloodshed. Lord George Murray was of this
opinion, and is said to have urged it with the over-confident
exclamation : ' The more of the elector's men come over, there
will be the fewer to return ! '

The royal army forded the Spey upon the afternoon of
Saturday the 12th of April For this puipose the troops were
divided into three bodies, one of which crossed at Garmouth,
another near Gordon Castle, and a third close by the church of
Belly. The men had the water up to their waists; but such was
the ease with which the operation was conducted, that only one
dragoon and four women were swept away by the stream.

The duke encamped this evening upon the banks of the river,
opposite to Fochabers, himself lodging in the manse of Belly.
He marched next day (Sunday) through Elgin to the moor of
Alves, where he was little more than thirty miles from Inverness.
The march of next day brought liim to Nairn, which was only
sixteen miles from the position of the insurgents. On arriving

« It appears that tV.

^''"^.^JA contained, ^^

belonging to Mr. Oorfo

away, earned ofi ail "
with, to aU appearance
chiet--for the chm^^ *• ^^
Ix>ndon bro^i'^r' ^^'^
infamous fetna^';. ^^ '
IheDuke of Cvinibct

The weather c^^^'
unfavourable for ^^j^
time a few days of <
the hills, and <lo"^"''^
without much difft
march upon the ■
a fleet of victuiil^*'
and send jirov\s>
host, fomprfsini^
Kingston's hor-
dcLathmeni f '
Bhrjipcd over
thousamj nicn

Hi-. 1 ■

in tlR I.
her.•^,;
lhc:i[ii>\ III
ttmoii(; (lir

' On ilu' 1 .
' of Findl-
guinea*^ ^

_■ t74S-6-
,n those who renraai"*^
^ia»,I.ships of the enexny
.« Airted their position, as
• fc«st which i' was not ir»

^■nd mossy flat, two miles
i« Moray Firth, five r«iles

twelve from Nairn. When
jces towards the DuWe o*

had Inverness behind them,
ttveJ Nairn intervening,- on
a parks of CuUoden, or* the

s narrative,' that he greatly
aed by tlie army- — as many
we done since his time, o"
alicnbcr Marshal Macdonoldi
whicli most persons feel on
zttUxx, when it is observed
.d, on the south side of the
rotmd, of an undulating and
ilera could have taken up a
naccessible to the enemy's
rtates that, on the r slh, at
I Colonel K.er of Graden
juiably of it ; tut the dread
■I take passessiorx of Inver-
iig adopted. It has been
ted by his tutor Sheridan

. hill

«^n»paigT» on theii

re of covering Invernea
n for the step which wa)
w^ inclined to it by hi
'>d confidence he repose.

PRELIMINARIES OF THE BATTLE OF CULLODEN. 28 1

prowess of his mountaineers. It also appears that
an, who selected the ground, had a good opinion of
account of the bogs and marshes by which it was
>ersed.

ore yet remained, before playing the great stake of a

ed batde, one chance of success by the irregular mode

warfare to which the army was accustomed, and Charles

jlved to put it to trial. This was a night-attack upon the

np of the Duke of Cumberland. He rightiy argued, that if

s men could approach without being discovered, and make a

multaneous attack in more than one place, the royal forces,

Jien probably either engaged in drinking their commander's

health, or sleeping off the effects of the debauch, must be

completely surprised and cut to pieces, or at least effectually

routed. The time appointed for setting out upon the march

was eight in the evening, when daylight should have completely

disappeared ; and in the meantime great pains were taken to

conceal the secret from the army.

This resolution was entered into at three in the afternoon,
and orders were immediately given to collect the men who had
gone off in search of provisions. The officers dispersed them-
selves to Inverness and other places, and beseeched the
stragglers to repair to the moor. But, under the influence of
hunger, they told their commanders to shoot them if they
pleased, rather than compel them to starve any longer. When
the time came, therefore, little more than half of the army could
be assembled. Charles had previously declared, with his
characteristic fervour, that though only a thousand of his men
would accompany him, he would lead them on to the attack ;
and he was not now intimidated when he saw twice that number
ready to assist in the enterprise; though some of his officers
would willingly have made this deficiency of troops an excuse
for abandoning what they esteemed at best a hazardous expedi-
tion. Having given out for watchword the name of his father,*

1 ' King James the Eighth.'

278 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OF 1 745-6.

at the bridge which gives entrance to this town from the east,
the vanguard found it not yet evacuated by the reaiguard of the
party which had attempted to defend the Spey. Some firing
took place from both ends of the bridge; but at last the insur-
gents retired, without much harm having been done on either
side. The advancing party gave chase for several miles; but
the Prince coining up unexpectedly with a reinforcement, the
other in its turn retreated

During the xsth, which was the duke's birthday, the aimy lay
inactive in their camp at Nairn ; and as each man had an allow-
ance of brandy, cheese, and biscuit, at the duke's expense, the
day was spent with appropriate festivity.

CHAPTER XXII.

PREUMINARIBS OF THE BATTLE OF CULLODEN.

' The day approached, when fortune should dedde
The important enterprise.* D&YDEN.

On Monday the 14th, when intelligence reached Inverness of
the royal army having crossed the Spey, Charles rode out
towards Nairn to support his retiring party, but returned to
Inverness before the evening. He then commanded the drums
to be beat, and the pipes to be played through the town, in
order to collect his men. When they had assembled in the
streets, he walked backwards and forwards through their lines,
and endeavoured to animate them for the action which seemed
impending.

They hailed his appearance, and received his addresses with
their usual enthusiasm ; and, in the midst of the huzza which
ensued, many voices exclaimed : * We 11 give Cumberland
another FontenoyT He then mounted his horse, and, with
colours flying and pipes playing, led them out to the parks

PRELIMINARIES OF THE BATTLE OF CULLODEN. 279

around CuUoden House, three or four miles from the town,
where they prepared to bivouac for the night

At six o'clock in the morning of the 15 th, the army was led
forward to Dnimmossie Moor (about a mile still farther from
Inverness, in an easterly direction), and there drawn up in battle
.order to receive the Duke of Cumberland, who was expected
to march this day from Nairn. Charles's force at this time was
much smaller than it had been at Falkirk, amounting to only
about six thousand men. He had issued orders some time
before to the parties dispersed throughout the countiy, com-
manding them immediately to join ; but the Erasers, the Keppoch
Macdonalds, Macphersons, Macgregors, some recruits of Glen-
garry, and the Mackenzies raised by the Earl of Cromarty, were
still absent. Under these dicumstances, it was with some satis-
faction that Charles learned the delay made by the enemy at
Nairn, which seemed to promise time for the augmentation of
his host

The scarcity of provisions had now become so great, that the
men were on this important day reduced to the miserable allow-
ance of only one small loaf, and that of the worst kind. Strange
as the averment may appear, I have beheld and tasted a piece
of the bread served out on this occasion ; being the remains of
a loaf, or bannock^ which had been carefully preserved for eighty-
one years by the successive members of a Jacobite family. It
is impossible to imagine a composition of greater coarseness, or
less likely either to please or satisfy the appetite ; and perhaps
no recital, however eloquent, of the miseries to which Charles's
army was reduced, could have impressed the reader with so
strong an idea of the real extent of that misery as the sight of
this singular relic. Its ingredients appeared to be merely the
husks of oats, and a coarse imclean species of dust, similar to
what is found upon the floors of a mill.

During the afternoon of this day, many of the troops, unable
to subsist upon provision at once so small in quantity and so
wretched in quality, left their position, and either retired to
Inverness, or roamed abroad through the country in search of

28o HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OF I745-6.

more substantial food Before the evening, those who remained
had the mortification of seeing the victual-ships of the enemy
enter the narrow arm of the sea which skirted their position, as
if to tantalise them with the sight of a feast which i^ was not in
their power to taste.

Drummossie Moor is a large heathy and mossy flat, two miles
inland from the south shore of the Moray Firth, five miles
distant from Inverness, and ten or twelve from Nairn. When
the insurgents stood with their faces towards the Duke of
CumberUuid^s camp at Nairn, they had Inverness behind them,
a barrier of mountains, with the river Nairn intervenmg,- on
the right hand, and the sea, with the parks of Culloden, on the
left

. Lord Geoige Murray states, in his narrative,^ that he greatly
disapproved of the position assumed by the army — ^as many
persons of military experience have done since his time, on
visiting the ground, including in this number Marshal Macdonald,
Duke of Tarentum. The surprise which most persons feel on
visiting the ground becomes the greater, when it is observed
that, in the immediate neighbourhood, on the south side of the
river Nairn, there is a piece of ground, of an undulating and
boggy character, where the Highlanders could have taken up a
most favourable position, totally inaccessible to the enemy's
horse and cannon. Lord Geoige states that, on the 15 th, at
his desire. Brigadier Stapleton and Colonel Ker of Graden
inspected this ground, and spoke favourably of it; but the dread
lest the royal army might pass on and take possession of Inver-
ness, prevented the proposal from being adopted. It has been
insinuated that Charles was here guided by his tutor Sheridan
and the French officers, who dreaded a hill campaign on their
own account ; but, in reality, the desire of covering Inverness
appears to have been the chief reason for the step which was
taken, Charles being, for his own part, inclined to it by his
general anxiety for fighting, and the blind confidence he reposed

1 ytteobiU Mtmoiru

PRELDnNARIES OF THE BATTLE OF CULLODEN. s8l

m the prowess of his iDocmtameeT& It also appears that
O'SuIlivan, who selected the ground, had a good opinion of
it, on accoont of the bogs and marshes by which it was
interspersed.

There yet remained, bef<ve playing the great stake of a
pitched batde, one chance of success by the izr^ular mode
of warfare to which the army was accustomed, and Charles
resolved to put it to trial This was a night-attack upon the
camp oi the Duke of Cumberland. He rightly argued, that if
his men could approach without being discovered, and make a
simultaneous attack in more than one place, the royal forces,
then probably either engaged in drinking their commander's
health, or sleeping off the effects of the debauch, must be
completely surprised and cut to pieces, or at least effectually
routed The time appointed for setting out upon the march
was eight in the evening, when daylight should have completely
disappeared; and in the meantime great pains were taken to
conceal the secret from the army.

This resolution was entered into at three in the afternoon,
and orders were inunediately given to collect the men who had
gone off in search of provisions. The ofiicers dispersed them-
selves to Inverness and other places, and beseeched the
stragglers to repair to the moor. But, under the influence of
hunger, they told their commanders to shoot them if they
pleased, rather than compel them to starve any longer. When
the time came, therefore, little more than half of the army could
be assembled. Charles had previously declared, with his
characteristic fervour, that though only a thousand of his men
would accompany him, he would lead them on to the attack ;
and he was not now intimidated when he saw twice that number
ready to assist in the enterprise; though some of his officers
would willingly have made this deficiency of troops an excuse
for abandoning what they esteemed at best a hazardous expedi-
tion. Having given out for watchword the name of his father,^

I • King Janes \ht Eighth.*

382 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OF 1745-6.

he embraced Lord George Murray, who was to command the
foremost column, and putting himself at the head of that which
followed, gave the orders to march.

The greatest care had been taken to conceal the object of
this expedition from the mass of the army, lest, being communi-
cated by them to the country-people, it might reach the ears
of the enemy. But the Duke of Cumberland having, like a
pnident general, taken measures, ever since he approached the
Highlanders, to watch their slightest motions, was by no means
ignorant of their march towards his position, though he did not
apprehend a nocturnal attacL He had commissioned various
country-people, and some of his own Highland militiamen, to
mingle with their columns, and inform him from time to time
of the progress they were making ; and though he permitted his
men to sleep, they were instructed to have their arms beside
them. He did iK>t suppose that the insurgents would be daring
enough to fall upon his camp ; but he had taken measures to
give them battle in its vicinity, as soon as they should
demand it

Among the instructions issued to the officers of Charles's
army, to be communicated in proper time to the troops, one
was, that no firearms should be used, but only sword, dirk, and
bayonet It was also enjoined that, on entering the camp, they
should immediately set about cutting down or overturning the
tents, and wherever a swelling or bulge was observed in the
fallen canopy, ' there to strike and push vigorously.' ^ As the
camp was only nine miles distant from their position, it was
expected that they would reach it soon after midnight, and thus
have sufficient time to execute the whole of their project before
daylight According to the plan of attack, the army was to
march in a column along the north bank of the river Nairn
till it reached a point about three miles from the duke's camp.
It was there to be divided into two parties, one of which,
comprehending about the third of the whole number, was to

1 Lockhut Papen, il 508.

PRELIMINARIES OF THE BATTLE OF CULLODEK. 283

cross the river under the command of Lord George Murray,
and march on till it was close to the camp. It was there to
recross the river, and attack the camp on the east and south
sides, while the other and laige detachment should fall upon it
from the west

The night of the isth of April chanced to be uncommonly
dark. But this circumstance, so advantageous in one respect,
was unfortunate in another, in as far as it impeded their progress.
Their march lay, not in the public road, where their motions
would have been so easily detected, but through waste and
generally wet ground, considerably removed from both roads
and houses, and where want of light was peculiarly disadvan-
tageous. On this account their progress was very slow, and
attended with much fatigue; and while many of the men
dropped aside altogether, the rear column fell considerably
behind the front Lord Geoige Murray, vexed at the slowness
of the march, sent repeated requests, expressed in the roost
urgent terms, for the rear to join the van -, but these were either
disregarded or could not be executed.

It was two in the morning before the head of the first column
had passed Elilravock, an ancient mansion three miles from the
duke's camp ; and Lord Geoige then halted and called a council
of officers, in which he declared it impossible for the army to
reach the point of attack before daylight should expose them to
the observation and fire of the enemy. Many officers, among
whom was Mr Hepbiim of Keith, spoke violently in favour of
the original design; even asserting that the Highland broad-
sword would not be the worse of a little daylight to direct its
operations. But Lord Geoige, with more prudence, insisted
upon the evils which must result to the whole army, and of
course to the general cause, should their approach be observed
and prepared for, as in all probability it would ; and, hearing a
drum beat in the distant camp, he expressed his conviction that
the enemy were already alarmed The uigency of the case
demanding immediate determination, he took it upon his respon-
sibility, as general; to turn back the men, Charles being so far

284 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OF 1 745-6.

in the rear that it would have required some time to procure his
orders. As they were marching back, Charles, apprised of the
resolution by his secretary, Mr John Hay, came galloping up,
and had the mortification to find the army in fiill retreat He
was incensed in a high d^;ree at Lord Geoige, who, he said,
had betrayed him. He was for still ordering the onward march;
but when informed that Lord Geoige was already &r on his way
back, he acquiesced in the retreat, saying: 'Tis no matter,
then ; we shaU meet them, and behave like brave fellows.'^ He
appears to have afterwards been made fiilly sensible of the
necessity of the measure.^

That the measure was indeed necessary, in opposition to
those who afterwards continued to assert the contrary, seems
to be put beyond dispute by the circumstance, that the day was
fully dawned before the Highland army had proceeded two miles
in die retreat, although they now marched by the straightest and
best paths.

The Highlanders returned, fatigued and disconsolate, to their
former position about seven o'clock in the morning, when they
immediately addressed themselves to sleep, or went away in
search of provisions. So scarce was food at this critical
juncture, that the Prince himself, on retiring to Culloden House,
could obtain no better refreshment than a little bread and
whisky.* He felt the utmost anxiety regarding his men, among
whom the pangs of hunger, upon bodies exhausted by fatigue,
must have been working effects the most unpromising to his
success ; and he gave orders, before seeking any repose, that the
whole coimtry should now be mercilessly ransacked for the means
of refreshment His orders were not without effect Consider-
able supplies were procured, and subjected to the cook*s art at
Inverness ; but the poor famished clansmen were destined never
to taste these provisions, the hour of battle arriving before they
were prepared.

The moor of Culloden stretches away so (ai to the east, with

1 J^ettiU Mtwunrt, 390. * Home's App* ' Lockliart Papers, ii. 519.

!»RELIMIKARIES OF THE BATTLE OF CULLODEK. 285

SO little iiregularity, and so few incumbent objects, that its
termination escapes the eyesight, and the horizon in that
direction resembles that of a shoreless sea. It was about eleven
in the forenoon when the Highland guards first observed the
dim level outline of the plain to blacken with the marching
troops of the Duke of Cumberland, which seemed gradually to
rise above and occupy the horizon, like the darkness of a coming
storm dawning in the mariner's eye upon the distant waters.
Notice of their approach being carried to the Prince, he
instantly rose, and went out to the moor to put himself at the
head of his troops.^ He there exerted himself to collect his
men from the various places to which they had straggled, order-
ing a cannon to be fired as a signal for their inmiediate assem-
bling. Macdonald of Keppoch and the Frasers had joined that
morning, to the great joy of the army ; and it was in something
like good spirits that they now prepared for battle.

When aU had been collected that seemed within call, the
Prince found he had an army of about five thousand men, and
these in poor condition for fighting, to oppose to a force
reputed as numerous again, supported by superior horse and
artillery, and whose strength was unimpaired either by hunger
or fatigue. It seemed scarcely possible that he should overcome
a host in every respect so much superior to his own; and
various measures were proposed to him by his officers for
shunning battle in the meantime, and retiring to some position
where their peculiar mode of warfare would avail against a
regular army. But Charles, for reasons already stated, insisted
upon immediate battle ; pointing out that the gross of the army
seemed in the highest degree anxious to come to blows, and
that they would probably fall off in ardour — perhaps altogether
disperse — ^if the present opportunity were not seized.

Active preparations were now, therefore, made for that conflict

1 As he was quitting the house, the steward made up to him, with infonnation that
dinoer, ' consistmg of a roasted side of lamb and two fowls/ was about to be laid upon the
table. But he asked the man if he would have him to ut down to eat at such a moment,
and, hungry though he was, he immediately hurried out to the field. — Th» Young
CktvaUer, 6.

286 HisrroRV of the rebellion of 1745-6.

upon which the issue of this singular national contest was
finally to depend The insurgents were drawn up by O'Sullivan
(at once their adjutant and quartermaster-general) in two lines ;
the right protected by the turf-enclosures around a rude farm-
stead, and their left extending towards a sort of morass in the
direction of Culloden House. The front line consisted of the
following clan regiments, reckoned from right to left : Athole,
Cameron, Appin, Fraser, Mackintosh, Maclachlan and Maclean
(forming one), John Roy Stuart, Farquharson, Clanranald,
Keppoch, Glengany. The second, for which it was with diffi-
culty that enough of men were found, comprised the Low-
country and foreign regiments, according to the following order :
Lord Ogilvie, Lord Lewis Gordon, Glenbucket, the Duke of
Perth, the Irish, the French. Four pieces of cannon were
placed at each extremity of the front, and as many in the centre.
Lord George Murray commanded the right wing. Lord John
Drummond the left, General Stapleton the second line, Charles
himself stood, with a small body of guards, upon a slight
eminence in the rear.

While the insurgent anny laboured under every kind of
disadvantage, and were actuated by impulses of the most dis-
tracting and harassing nature, that of the Duke of Cumberland
moved with all the deliberation and security proper to a superior
and more confident force. They had struck their tents at five
in the morning, when, the commanders of the various regiments
having received their instructions in writing, the general orders
of the day were read at the head of every company in the line.
These bore, in allusion to the misbehavioiu: at Falkirk, that if
any persons intrusted with the care of the train or baggage
absconded or left their charge, they should be punished with
immediate death, and that if any officer or soldier failed in his
duty during the action, he should be sentenced. Another and
more important order was then given to the army. The superi-
ority of the broadsword over the bayonet at Preston and Falkirk
had given rise to much discussion among military men, and
during this winter many suggestions had been made and

PRELIMINARIES OF THE BATTLE OF CULLODEN. 287

•

discussed in the public journals for putting the weapons of the
regular troops upon a par with those of the insurgents. It was
reserved for the Duke o£ Cumberland effectually to obviate the
supposed superiority of the claymore and taiget He had
perceived that the greatest danger to which the r^ular troops
were subjected in a charge of the Highlanders arose from the
circumstance, that the latter received his antagonist's point in his
taiget, swayed it aside, and then had the defenceless body of the
soldier exposed to his own weapon. The duke conceived that
if each man, on coming within the proper distance of the enemy,
should direct his thrust, not at the man directly opposite to him,
but gainst the one who fronted his right-hand comrade, the
target would be rendered useless, and the Highlander would be
wounded in the right side, under the sword-arm, ere he could
ward off the thrust Accordingly, he had instructed the men
during the spring in this new exercise. When they had taken
their morning meal, they were marched forward from the camp,
arranged in three parallel divisions of four regiments each,
headed by Huske, Sempill, and Mordaunt; having a column
of artillery and baggage upon one hand, and a fifth of horse
upon the other.

After a march of eight miles, through ground which appeared
to the English soldiers veiy boggy and difficult, they came
within sight of the insurgents, who were posted about a mile
and a half in advance. The duke then commanded his lines to
form, having learned that the Highlanders seemed inclined to
make the attack Soon after, on its being ascertained that no
motion was perceptible in the Highland army, he ordered the
hues to be restored to the form of columns, and to proceed in
their march. Calling out, at the same time, to know if any man
in the army was acquainted with the ground, he commanded the
individual who presented himself to go a little way in advance,
along with an officer of rank, to conduct the army, and especially
the artillery, over the safest paths. When within a mile of the
enemy, he ordered the army once more, and finally, to be
formed in battle-array.

288 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OF 1745-6.

•

The royal amiy was disposed in three lines : the first contain-
ing, from left to right, the regiments of Barrel (now the 4th) and
Munro (the 37th), the Scots Fusiliers (the 21st), Price's (the
14th), Cholmondley's (the 34th), and the Scots Royals (the ist),
under the command of the Earl of Albemarle; the second, in
the same order, Wolfe's (the 8th), Sempill's (the 25th), Blyth's
(the 20th), Ligonier's (the 48th), and Fleming's (the 35th), com-
manded by General Huske ; the third, Blakeney's (the 27th),
Battereau's,^ Pultene/s (the 13th), and Howard's (the 3d), led
by Brigadier Mordaunt The centres of all the regiments of the
second line being behind the terminations of those of the first,
and those of the third line occupying a similar position in regard
to the second, the various bodies of which the army consisted
were in a manner indented into each other. Betwixt every two
regiments of the first line were placed two cannon. The left
flank was protected by Kerr's dragoons (the nth), under
Colonel Lord Ancrum; the right by a bog; and Cobham's
dragoons (the loth) stood in two detachments beside the third
line. The Aigyle Highlanders guarded the baggage.

The disposition thus made was allowed by the best military
men of the period to have been altogether admirable, because it
was impossible for the Highlanders to break one regiment
without finding two ready to supply its place. The arrange-
ment of the insurgent army was also allowed to be very good,
upon a supposition that they were to be attacked.

Duke William, full of anxiety for the event of the day, took
the opportunity afforded by the halt to make a short speech to
his soldiers. The tenor of his harangue, which has been
preserved in the note-book of an English officer, shews, in the
most unequivocal manner, how apprehensive his royal highness
was regarding the behaviour of his troops. Without directly
adverting to Preston or Falkirk, he implored them to be firm
and collected — ^to dismiss all remembrance of former failures
from their minds~to consider the great object for which they

^ Broke In 1749.

PRELIMINARIES OF THE BATTLE OF CULLODEN. 289

were here, no less than to save the liberties of their country and
the rights of their master. Having read a letter to them, which
he said had been found upon the person of a straggler, and in
which sentiments of the most merciless nature were breathed
against the English soldiery, he represented to them that, in
their present circumstances, with marshy ways behind them, and
surrounded by an enemy's country, their best, indeed their only
chance of personal safety lay in hard fighting. He was grieved,
he said, to make the supposition that there could be a person
reluctant to fight in the British army. But if there were any
here who would prefer to retire, whether from disinclination to
the cause, or because they had relations in the rebel army, he
begged them in the name of God to do so, as he would rather
face the Highlanders with one thousand determined men at his
back, than have ten thousand with a tithe who were lukewarm.
The men, catching enthusiasm from his language, shouted,
' Flanders 1 Flanders !' and impatiently desired to be led forward
to battle.

It was suggested to the duke at this juncture that he should
permit the men to dine, as it was now nearly one o'clock, then
the usual time for that meal, and as they would not probably
have another opportunity of satisfying their hunger for several
hours. But he decidedly rejected the proposal. * The men,' he
said, * will fight better and more actively otherwise ; and, more-
over, it would be a bad omen. You remember what a dessert
they got to their dinner at Falkirk.*

The army now marched forw^d in complete battle-array,
their fixed bayonets glittering in the sun, their colours flying,
and the sound of a hundred drums rolling forward in defiance of
the insurgents. Lord Kilmanjock is said to have remarked,
on seeing the army approach, that he felt a presentiment of
defeat, from the cool, orderly, determined manner in which they
marched. When within 600 yaid» of the Highland lines, they
found the ground so marshy as to take most of the regiments
up to the ankles in water ; and the artillery horses then sinking
in a bog, some of the soldiers slung their caxabines,.and dragged

290 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OP 1 745-6.

the carriages on to their proper position* Soon after, the bog
was found to terminate upon the right, so as to leave that flank
uncovered ; which being perceived by the all-vigilant duke, he
ordered Pulteney's regiment to take its place beside the Scots
Royals, and a body of horse to cover the whole wing in the
same manner with the left. The army finally halted at the
distance of five hundred paces from the Highlanders.

The day, which had hitherto been fair and sunny, was now
partially overcast, and a shower of snowy rain began to beat
with violence fi'om the north-east The Highlanders, to whom
the weather had been so fovourable at Falkirk, were somewhat
disconcerted on finding it against them at Culloden ; the spirits
of the regulars were proportionally raised. Charles saw and felt
the disadvantage, and made some attempts, by manoeuvring, to
get to windward of the royal army ; but Duke William, equally
vigilant, contrived to counteract all his movements; so that,
after half an hour spent in mutual endeavours to outflank each
other, the two armies at last occupied nearly their original
ground.

Whilst these vain manoeuvres were going on, an incident took
place which serves to shew the spirit of self-devotion which
animated the Highlanders on this occasion. A poor moun-
taineer, resolving to sacrifice his life for his Prince and clan,
approached the lines of the English, demanded quarter, and was
sent to the rear. As he lounged backwards and forwards
through the lines, apparently indifferent to what was going on,
and even paying no attention to the ridicule with which the
soldiers greeted his uncouth appearance. Lord Bury, son of the
Earl of Albemarle, and aide-de-camp to the duke, happened to
pass in the discharge of his duties, when all at once the
Highlander seized one of the soldiers' muskets, and discharged
it at that oflicer, receiving next moment, with perfect indifiier-
ence, and as a matter of course, the shot with which another
soldier immediately terminated his own existence. He had
intended to shoot the Duke of Cumberland, but fired pre-
maturely, and without efiect, at an inferior officer, whose gaudy

PRELIUIHARIES OF THE BATTLE OP CULLODEN.

a^i

appaiel seemed, in his simple eyes, to indicate the highest
rank.

There is a print, executed at the time,* in which the ban-
ning, middle, and end of the battle of Culloden are simultane-
ously represented. It is calculated to be of material service in
portraying the various successive events of the action, and also
in conveying a good idea of the ground, and of the positions
and appearance of the armies. The spectator is supposed to
stand within the enclosures so often mentioned, and to look
mKthwaid along the lines, towards Culloden House and the
Moray Fiith. In the foreground, rather for the sake of giving

B»ttle of Culloden.

a portrait of flie hero of the day, than because this was his
position, the artist has represented the duke on horseback, with
a walking-cane extended in his hand, a star upon Hie breast of
his long gold-laced coat, and his head, with its close curls and
tri-cocked hat, inclined towards an aide-de-camp, to whom he is
giving orders. The long, compact lines of the British regiments,
each three men deep, extend along the plain, with narrow
intervals between ; the two flags of each regiment rising from

292 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OF 1745--6.

the centre ; the officers standing at the extremities, with their
spontoons in their hands, and the drummers a little in advance,
beating their instruments. The men have tri<ocked hats, long
coats resembling the modem surtout, sash-belts from which a
sword depends, and long white gaiters buttoned up the sides.
The dragoons exhibit still more cumbrous superfluity of attire ;
their long loose skirts flying behind them as they ride, whilst
their trunk square-toed boots, their massive stirrup-leathers,
their huge holster-pistols and carabines, give altogether an idea
of dignity and strength, much in contrast with the light fantastic
hussar uniforms of modem times.

The Highlanders, on the other hand, stand in lines equally
compact, and, like the regular regiments, each three men deep.
The only peculiarity in their dress, which is so well known as to
require no general description, seems to be, that the philibeg,
or kilt, is pulled through betwixt the legs in such a way as to
shew more of the front of the thigh than is exhibited by tlie
modem specimens of that peculiar garment They have
muskets over their left shoulders, basket-hilted broadswords by
their left sides, pistols stuck into their girdles, and a small pouch
hanging down upon the right loin, perhaps for holding their
anmiunition. By the right side of every piece of ordnance
there is a cylindrical piece of wicker-work, for the protection of
the artillerymen, all of whom appear to wear kilts like the rest

The ground upon which the armies stand is the plain swelling
moor already described, out of which Culloden House raises its
erect form, without any of the plantations which now surround
it The spires of Inverness are seen upon the left, close to the
sea-shore. Upon the Moray Firth, which stretches along the
background of the picture, the victualling-ships ride at anchor,
like witnesses of the scene about to ensue ; and the magnificent
hills of Ross raise their lofty forms in the remoter distance.

Such were the aspect and circumstances of the two armies,
upon whose conduct, during the next litde hour, the future
interests of Britain might in some measure be considered to
depend.

BATTLE OP CULLODEN. 293

CHAPTER XXIIL

BATTLE OP CULLODEN.

* Fair lady, mourn the memoiy

Of all our Scottish fame ;
Fair lady, mourn the memory

Even of the Scottish name !
How proud were we of our young Prince^

And of his native sway I
But all our hopes are past and gone

Upon Culloden day.

There was no lack of bravery there,

No spare of blood or breath :
For, one to two, our foes we dared.

For freedom or for death.
The bitterness of grief is past.

Of terror and dismay ;
The die was risked, and foully cast.

Upon Culloden day.'

yacobite Song:

The action was commenced by the Highlanders, who fired
their cannon for a few minutes without being answered by the
royal artiUeiy. They had brought their guns to bear upon a
point where, by means of glasses, they thought they could
perceive the duke. But the shot went dear over the heads of
the king's troops, and for a long time did no other mischief than
carrying off a leg from one of Blyth's regiment

A few minutes after one o'clock, soon after the Highlanders
had opened up their battery. Colonel Belford got orders to
commence a cannonade, cluefly with a view to provoke the
enemy to advance. The colonel, who was an excellent
engineer, performed his duty with such effect as to make whole
lanes through the ranks of the insuigents. He fired two pieces

294 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OF 1745-^-

at a body of horse amongst whom it was believed the Prince
was stationed; and with such precision did he take his aim,
that that personage was bespattered with dirt raised by the balls,
and a man holding a led-horse by his side was killed.

Meanwhile the duke rode about, calling upon his men to be
firm in their ranks — to permit the Highlanders to mingle with
them — ^to let them fed the force of the bayonet — to *make
them know what men they had to do with.' He also ordered
Wolfe's regiment to form en fatence at the extremity of the left
wing — ^that is, to take a position perpendicular to the general
line, so as to be ready to £dl in upon and enclose the High-
landers as soon as they should attack that division of his army.
He also ordered two regiments of the rear line, or reserve, to
advance to the second. Finally, he himself took his positicHi
between the first and second lines, opposite to the centre of
Howard's regiment, and of course a little nearer the left than
the right wing.

Prince Charles, before the commencement of the batde, had
ridden along the lines of his litde army, endeavouring, by the
animation of his gestures, countenance, and language, to excite
the Highlanders to their highest pitch of courage. They
answered him with cheers, and with many an expression of
devotion, which he could only understand by the look with
which it was uttered He then again retired to the eminence
which he originally occupied, and prepared with an anxious
mind to await the fortune of the day.

The great object of both parties at the battle of Culloden
seems to have been, which should force the other to leave its
position, and make the attack. Charles for a long time expected
that the duke would do this, because he was favoured with the
wind and weather. But the duke, finding his cannon rapidly
thinning the Highland ranks, without experiencing any loss in
return, felt no occasion to make such a motion, and it therefore
became incumbent upon Charles to take that course himself.

The victory of Preston, where the Highlanders experienced
little or no annoyance from cannon, had done away with a great

BATTLE OF CULLODEN. 295

deal of the fear in which they originally held these engines of
destruction; and it seems to have been a capital error on
Charles's part to have restrained them, on the present occasion,
to a position where that terror got some reason and leisure to
return. He oi^ht to have, on the contrary, rushed up, at the
very first, to the lines of his enemy, and endeavoured to silence
their artillery, as he had done at Preston, by a coup de main.
Had he done so, a great number of lives might have been saved,
and the attack would have been made with lines less broken,
and a more uniform and simultaneous impulse.

It was not till the cannonade had continued nearly half an
hour, and the Highlanders had seen many of their kindred
stretched upon the heath, that Charles at last gave way to the
necessity of ordering a charge. The aide-de-camp intrusted to
carry his message to the lieutenant-general — a youth of the
name of Maclauchlan — was killed by a cannon-ball before he
reached the first line ; but the general sentiment of the army,
as reported to Lord George Mturay, supplied the want; and
that general took it upon him to order an attack, without
Charles's permission having been communicated.

Lord George had scarcely determined upon ordering a general
movement, when the Mackintoshes — ^a brave and devoted clan
— though not before engaged in action ^ — ^unable any longer to
brook the unavenged slaughter made by the cannon, broke firom
the centre of the line, and rushed forward through smoke and
snow to mingle with the enemy. The Athole-men, Camerons,
Stuarts, Erasers, and Macleans also went on, Lord George
Murray heading them with that rash bravery befitting the com-
mander of such forces. Thus, in the course of one or two

1 One of this corps, though not of the clan name— old John Grant, long keeper of the mn
at Aviemore— used to tell that the first thing he saw of the enemy was the long line of
white gaiters belonging to an English regiment, which was suddenly revealed, when about
twenty yards from him, by a blast of wind which blew aside the smoke. According to the
report of this veteran, the mode of drilling used by his leader upon Culloden Moor was very
simple, being directed by the following string of orders, exprnsed in Gaelic : ' Come, my
lads— fall in, with your faces to Fortrose, and your backs to the Green of Muirtown— load
your firelocks — good— make ready— present— now take good aim— fire — be sure 10 do
execution— that's the pomC^Jt^ormation by the tditor qftht CuUodtn Paper*,

296 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OF 1 745-6.

minutes, the charge was general along the whole line, except at
the left extremity, where the Macdonalds, dissatisfied with their
position, hesitated to engage.

It was the custom of the Highlanders, before an onset, to
scrug their bontuts — that is, to pull their little blue caps down
over their brows — so as to insure them against falling off in the
ensuing fnilie. Never, perhaps, was this motion performed with
so much emphasis as on the present occasion, when every man's
forehead burned with the desire to revenge some dear friend
who had fallen a victim to the murderous artillery. A Lowland
gentleman, who was in the line, and who survived till a late
period, used always, in relating the events of Culloden, to
comment, with a feeling of something like awe, upon the more
than natural expression of rage which glowed on every face and
gleamed in every eye as he surveyed the extended line at this
moment

The action and event of the onset were, throughout, quite as
dreadful as the mental emotion which urged it Notwithstand-
ing that the three files of the firont line of English poured forth
their incessant fire of musketry — ^notwithstanding that the
cannon, now loaded with grape-shot, swept the field as with a
hail-storm — notwithstanding the flank fire of Wolfe's regiment —
onward, onward went the headlong Highlanders, flinging them-
selves into, rather than rushing upon, the lines of the enemy,
which, indeed, they did not see for smoke till involved among
their weapons. All that courage, all that despair could do, was
done. It was a moment of dreadfiil and agonising suspense,
but only a moment — for the whirlwind does not reap the forest
with greater rapidity than the Highlanders cleared the line.
Nevertheless, almost every man in their front rank, chief and
gentleman, fell before the deadly weapons which they had
braved ; and although the enemy gave way, it was not till every
bayonet was bent and bloody with the strife.

When the first line had been thus swept aside, the assailants
continued their impetuous advance till they came near the
second, when, being almost annihilated by a profusd and well-

BATTLE OF CULLODEN. 297

directed fire, the shattered remains of what had been but an
hour before a numerous and confident force, began to give way.
Still a few rushed on, resolved rather to die tiian forfeit their well-
acquired and dearly estimated honour. They rushed on ; but
not a man ever came in contact with the enemy. The last
survivor perished as he reached the points of the bayonets.^

The persevering and desperate valour displayed by the High-
landers on this occasion, is proved by the circumstance, that at
one part of the plain, where a very vigorous attack had been
made, their bodies were afterwards found in layers three and
four deep; so many, it would appear, having in succession
mounted over a prostrate friend, to share in the same certain
fate. The slaughter was particularly great among the brave
Mackintoshes ; insomuch, that the heroic lady who sent them to
the field afterwards told the party by whom she was taken
prisoner that only three of her officers had escaped.

While the rest of the clans were performing this brilliant
though fatal charge, the Macdonalds, as already stated, withheld
themselves, on account of their removal to the left wing.
According to the report of one of their officers,^ the clan not only
resented thi$ indignity, but considered it as omening evil fortune
to the day ; their clan never having fought elsewhere than on
the right wing since the auspicious battle of Bannockbum. The
Duke of Perth, who was stationed amongst them, endeavoured
to appease their anger by telling them that, if they fought with
their characteristic bravery, they would make the left wing a
right, in which case he would assume for ever after the honour-
able surname of Macdonald. But the insult was not to be
expiated by this appeal to clanship. Though induced to dis-
charge their muskets, and even to advance some way, they never
made an onset They endured the fire of the English regiments

1 ' The late Mr Macdonald ot Glenaladale told me, some yean ago, that he saw Joha
Mor Macgilvia, major of the Mackintoches, a gtm^h«tpast tht ttumyt cohmoh, and that he
was surrounded hy the reinforcements sent against the Mackintoshes ; that he killed a doiea
men with his broadsword, while some of the halberts were run into his body. When Cum-
berland heard of it, he said he would have given a great sum of money to have saved his
lift:— Letter of Biihop Maekintcth, MS. 1810.

* Lockhan Papers, ii. 510.

2gS HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OF 1 7 45-6.

without flinching ; only expressing their rage by hewing up the
heath with their swords; but they at last fled when tiiey saw
the other clans give way. From this conduct there was a
brilliant exception in the chieftain of Keppodi, a man of
chivalrous character, and noted for great private worth. When
the rest of his clan retreated, Keppoch exclaimed, with feehngs
not to be appreciated in modem society : ' My God, have the
children of my tribe forsaken me ! ' — ^he then advanced, with a
pistol in one hand and a drawn sword in the other, resolved
apparently to sacnflce his life to the ofiended genius of his
name. He had got but a litde way from his regiment, when
a musket-shot brought him to the ground A clansman of more
than ordinary devotedness, who followed him, and with tears
and prayers conjured him not to throw his life away, raised
him, with the cheering assurance that his wound was not
mortal, and that he might still quit the field with life. Keppoch
desired his faithful follower to take care of himself, and again
rushing forward, received another shot, and fell to rise no
more.

When the whole front line of Charles's host had been thus
repulsed, there only remained to him the hope that his Lowland
and foreign troops, upon whom the wreck of the clans had
fallen back, might yet make head against the English infantry,
and he eagerly sought to put himself at their head. But though
a troop of the Irish pickets, by a spirited fire, checked the
pursuit which a body of dragoons commenced after the Mac-
donalds, and one of Lord Lewis Gordon's regiments did similar
service in regard to another troop which now began to break
through the enclosures on the right,* the whole body gave way
at once on observing the English regiments advancing to charge
them. Their hearts were broken with despair rather than with
terror; and they could only reply to his animating exclamations:
* Prions— ochon I ochon ! ' ^ — the ejaculation by which High-
landers express the bitterest grief. As they said this, they fled ;

1 These enclosures had been broken down for their passage by the Aigyk Highlanders,
a TJi^ Young Ckroalier, p. 7.

BATTLE OF CULLODEN. 299

nor could all his entreaties, or those of his officers, prevail upon
them to stand.

It was indeed a complete rout The mountaineers had done
all that their system of warfare taught them, and all that their
natural strength had enabled them to perform : they had found
this vain ; and all that then remained was to reserve their lives,
if possible, for some future effort Charles lingered late on the
field, in the hope that all was not lost He even moved to
chaxge the enemy, and it required the utmost efforts of his
attendants to make him withdraw. He at last only left the
field, when to have remained would have but added his own
destruction to that of the many brave men who had already
spilled their heart's blood in his cause.^

The pursuit of the royal forces did not immediately follow.
After the insurgents had withdrawn their shattered strength, the
English regiments, some of which had suffered severely, were
ordered to resume the ground where they had stood, and to
dress their ranks. The dragoon regiments, with which the
duke had calculated to enclose the changing Highlanders as in
a trap, were checked, as already stated, by the flanks of the
Prince's second line ; and they had altogether b^en so handled
by the insurgents,^ that it was some time ere they recovered
breath or courage sufficient to commence or sustain a general
pursuit

The English dragoons at length did break forward, and join,

1 It required all the eloquence, and indeed all the active eatertions of CSulHvan to
make Charies quit the field. A comet in his service, when questioned upon this subject at
the point of death, declared he saw O'Sullivan, after using entreaties in vain, turn the head
of the Prince's hone, and drag him away. — S*t Quari. Rtv, No. 71. An anecdote at issue
with this statement was often related by the late Sir James Steuart of Coltness. Lord
Elcho (who was uncle to Sir James) was said to have gone up to the Prince, and entreated
him to put himself at the head of the broken troops, and renew the diarge. On the Prince
relusing, Elcho was represented as addressing him in violently discourteous language,
which concluded with a vow that he would never again see his face. There are reasons for
<lisbelieving this tale — ^particularly the fact, that Elcho rode for several miles from the field
in the ««"»'*^*fittf company of the Prince, and afterwards kept up a oonespondence vdth
him.

* The Rev. Donald Madcintosh, usually called Bishop Mackintosh, writing in 18x0, says :
' John Miln, an old bellman in Edinburgh, is still alive : he is one of ihgfi/tteH mtn whom
our Clan Chattan left of Banel's regiment at Cullodea.*— Jf.S'. in my potuuioit^

302 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OF 1 745-6.

was awarded afterwards to Barrel^ Munro's, and some other
regiments, for their fortitude in bearing the attack of the High-
landers, and for their killing so many ; but these battalions were
in reality completely beat aside, and the whole front line shaken
so much, that, had the Macdonald regiments made a simul-
taneous charge along with the other clans, the day might have
had a different issue.

CHAPTER XXIV.

TRANSACTIONS IMMEDIATELY AFTER THE BATTLE OF

CULLODEN.

' The target is torn from the arms of the just.

The helmet is deft on the brow of the brave ;
The dajrmore for ever in darkness must rust,

But red is the sword of the stranger and slave.
The hoof of the horse, and the foot of the proud.

Have trod o'er the plumes on the bonnet of blue :
Why slept the red bolt in the breast of the cloud.

When tjnanny revelled in blood of the true ?
Farewell, my young here, the gallant and good !

The crown of thy fsithers is torn from thy brow.'

James Hogg.

The reader has seen that after the battles of Preston and
Falkirk the party left in possession of the field treated the
wounded of the enemy with humanity — ^that the same party
acted with liberal kindness towards their prisoners — ^and that the
leader, in particular, manifested on various occasions a degree
of clemency and forbearance with which even his own officers
sometimes found fault, as being carried to what they thought a
dangerous extreme. We are now to see how the Duke of
Cumberland and his army are to conduct themselves under the
first triumph which their party had achieved during the campaign.

TRANSACTIONS AFTER THE BATTLE OF CULLODEN. 303

It has already been stated that, in the pursuit towards Inver-
ness, no quarter was given. To excuse this afterwards, a
regimental order was produced, as having been found on the
person of *a rebel,' and signed by Lord George Murray, com-
manding the insurgent army to give no quarter to the king's
troops. It is well known that no such order was given out to
the insurgent army, and as it was not alluded to in the official
accounts of the battle prepared under the duke's care, there
seems much, though perhaps not conclusive evidence that it
was a forgery, made up after the fact, in order to palliate
butcheries which had their sole origin in the vengeance of fear
or native barbarity.

Immediately after the conclusion of the battle,^ the men, under
the command of their officers, traversed the field, stabbing with
their bayonets, or cutting down with their swords, such of the
wounded of the defeated party as came under their notice. This
was done as much in sport as in rage, and as the work went on,
the men at length began to amuse themselves by splashing and
dabbling each other with blood. They at length looked, as one
of themselves has reported, ' more like so many butchers than
an army of Christian soldiers.'^ It was under such circum-
stances that it became the duty of the chaplains to read the
morning service of the day, in which (being the i6th of the
month) the 79th psalm occurs as the first to be read : ' O God,
the heathen are come into thine inheritance : thy holy temple
have they defiled: they have laid Jerusalem on heaps. The
dead bodies of thy servants have they given to be meat unto the fowls
of heaven, the flesh of thy saints unto the beasts of the earth.
TJieir blood have they shed like water round about Jerusalem : and
there was none to bury them. We are become a reproach to our
neighbours. . . . They have devoured Jacob, and laid waste his
dwelling'plaee, . . . Zet the sighing of the prisoner come before
thee: according to the greatness of thy power, preserve those
that are appointed to die ; ' &c It has been said, and the fact

1 Scots Maguame, viii. 19a.

304 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OF 1 745-6.

would be by no means suiprising, that an order to substitute
another psahn was immediately given.^

In the sycophant publications of the time, it is stated that,
after the duke had refreshed himself, he took ' a serious walk '
over the field, 'followed by some of his attendants, who observed
him to be in deep meditation* He laid his hand upon his
breast, and with his eyes lifted up to heaven, was heard to say :
" Lord, what am I that I should be spared, when so many brave
men lie dead upon the spot!** — an expression of such deep
humility towards God, and compassion towards his fellow-
creatures, as is truly worthy a Christian hero.' There is a
better authenticated anecdote, which stands in fine contrast with
this piece of cant Riding over the field, attended by some of
his officers, the* duke observed a young wounded Highlander
resting on his elbow and staring at the royal party. He asked
the man to whom he belonged, and received for answer : ' To
the Prince.' He instandy called to an officer to shoot ' that
insolent scoundrel' The officer. Major Wolfe, declined the
task, saying that his commission was at the disposal of his royal
highness, but he could never consent to become an executioner.
The duke asked several other officers in succession to * pistol '
the wounded man, but with the like result Then seeing a
common soldier, he asked him if he had a chaige in his piece ;
and the man answering in the affirmative, he commanded him
to do the required duty, which was immediately performed. The
youth thus slain was Mr Charles Eraser, younger of Inverallachy,
lieutenant-colonel of the Master of Lovat's regiment The
officer who first refused was afterwards observed to decline in
favour with his commander.^

As already stated, the English dragoons pursued the chase till
within a mile of Inverness. The duke, leaving the infantry at
dinner on the battle-field, soon after marched forward to take
possession of the town. As he proceeded, a drummer came out

1 Tt is proper to mention that this anecdote rests on Jacobite tradition.
> Critique upon Home's Hist. Reb. in Anti-Jacebin Review, voL xiii.* by the late Sir
Henry Steuart of Allantoo, Bart.

TRANSACTIONS AFTER THE BATTLE OF CULLODEN. 30$

with a letter from General Stapleton, soliciting quarter for him-
self and the Frepch and Irish regiments under his charge. The
duke commanded Sir Joseph Yorke to alight from his horse, and
vath his pencil write a note to the general, assuring bim and the
others in whose behalf he wrote, of fair quarter and honourable
treatment. He then sent forward Captain Campbell of Sempill's
regiment, with his company of grenadiers, to take possession of
the town.

Already Inverness had been the scene of several of those wild
acts which war brings to the doors of peaceful men. A sick
gentleman of the insurgent army, named James Aberdeen, lay
in the house of one widow Davidson, and being this afternoon
at the height of a fever, he was unable to make his escape. Of
this fact some soldiers chanced to become aware through the
imprudence of a maid-servant They immediately rushed into
the sick-chamber and cut the throat of the unfortunate man
where he lay. Two Low-countrymen, flying from the field of
battle without arms, were followed hotly by a Cumberland
volunteer on horseback. Having entered the town, they went
into the well-house to conceal themselves, but were observed by
their pursuer, who, having given his horse to a girl on the street
to be held for him, went into the pUtce, and notwithstanding the
piteous cries of the two men, cut them down with his sword.
The monster who acted thus was one Ray, who afterwards pul>
lished a coarsely written narrative of the insurrection.^

The duke, while knowing no mercy towards * rebels,' was not
without a proper regard for the welfare of his own men. On
entering Inverness, he lost no time in going to the tolbooth and
church, in which the prisoners taken at former periods by tlie
insurgents were confined. As they joyfully descended into the
street, he clapped them on the back with expressions of kind-
ness, and inunediately after ordered them food, new clothes,
and their arrears of pay. It was alleged that they had not been
well used by the insurgent officers ; but for this no evidence has

1 See the proper anthorities for these Cuts in JaccHU Memoirs,

T

306 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OF 1 745^6.

ever been adduced. One officer, indeed, who had a newly
raised corps, being anxious to obtain clothes for his men, took
it upon him, without the least authority, to strip the prisoners
of their coats; but the Prince was immediately made aware
of what was going on, and commanded the clothes of the men
to be restored to them. This happened about a week before
the battle.

Several of the Jacobite ladies who had attended their husbands
during the campaign with so much fortitude, were made prisoners
at Inverness. It is reported, in one of the vulgar party pro-
ductions of the time, that they had just drunk tea, and were
preparing for a ball, at which the Prince and his officers were to
be entertained after his expected victory, when the entrance of
the fugitives informed them of the fatal reverse their friends had
met with. The duke's soldiers found a considerable quantity of
provision which had been preparing for the Highlanders.^

The royal army marched in the evening to Inverness, and
there formed a camp. One of the duke's first duties at head-
quarters was to select from the prisoners those who had deserted
from the royal anny, to subject them to a brief military trial,
and then to consign them to the death of traitors. No fewer
than thirty-six suffered this punishment, including a sergeant
named Dunbar, who was found dressed in a suit of laced clothes
he had taken from Major Lockhart at the battle of Falkirk, and

1 As at Holjrrood House, Falkirk, and Tarious other places, the duke took up his lodgings
in the same house, the same room, and the same bed which his precursor Charles had just
vacated. It may be safely conjectured that Lady Drummuir, whose daughter, Lady
Mackintosh, had here acted as the presiding divinity of Charies*s household for two months
before,* would by no means relish the presence of her new tenant, but that JU, on the con*
trary, would be esteemed as an intruder, where his predecessor had been a welcome and
honoured guest. The comment which she afterwards passed upon this eventful period in the
history of her household is still a tradition in her family. ' I 've had twa kingsT bairns
living wi' me in my time, and to tell you the truth, / nruh I majr never hoe another*

* Lady Mackintosh was taken prisoner after the battle of Culloden, and carried up to
London, but was soon set at liberty. Cumberland, it is said, gave a ball, to which he
invited this lady. The first tune played was. Up nttd wanr tkem a\ WillUt to which he
requested her to dance. Having consented, she asked him, when they were done, if, since
she had danced to his tune, he would dance to hers. He could not refuse to a lady, and
' Colonel Ann ' asked for The auld Stuarts hack again / To this tune our singularly
associated couple also danced. — Letter o/Bukpp Mackintatk, MS.

TRANSACTIONS AFTER THE BATTLE OF CULLODEN. 307

who, on that account, was exposed upon the gibbet for forty-
eight hours. This melancholy list is said to have included a
youthful cadet of the noble family of Forbes, whose zeal in
behalf of the house of Stuart, overcoming his regard for the
military oath, had caused him to desert an English regiment,
in which he was a cadet, for the purpose of joining Charles's
standard. While this youth was yet suspended upon the gibbet,
an English officer, imable to restrain his indignation at the
delinquency of the culprit, ran up to the scarce inanimate
corpse and stabbed it with his sword, exclaiming at the same
time, with a gross execration, that 'all his countrymen were
traitors and rebels like himself.* At this time there was a
jealousy respecting our national honour, which more just treat-
ment on the part of England has long since lulled asleep. It
was not, therefore, wonderful that the kmguage of this rude man,
being overheard by a Scottish officer of the king's army, pro-
voked him to draw his sword and demand satisfaction for the
insult The two men were presently engaged in combat on the
open street Others coming up, and learning the cause of the
quarrel, also drew and joined in, according to their respective
prepossessions. The men then beat to arms, and joined the
ranks of their respective officers. In short, it seemed likely that
the victorious army would soon be involved in a new war vnthin
itself, when the duke, hearing of the tumult, hurried to the
scene, and exerted himself to restore peace. He found the two
parties about to make a general charge against each other, and
it was not without using some eloquence to soothe the wounded
feelings of the Scottish officers, that he succeeded in putting an
end to the dispute.

It being reported to the commander next day that a consid-
erable number of the wounded ' rebels ' lying on Culloden Moor
were still in life, he ordered a party to proceed to the spot,
avowedly for the humane purpose of putting them out of pain i
The order was obeyed with military punctuality. About
seventy poor wretches were gathered amongst the heaps of slaiii,
and earned to pieces of rising ground, where, being properly

3o8 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OP I745~6.

ranged, they were despatched by platoons of musketiy. On the
ensuing day (Friday), when it was understood that some others
of the wounded had found shelter in the neighbouring houses,
other parties were sent to search for them, and subject them to
the same treatment Many were accordingly dragged forth, and
of these all, except a very few, were coolly murdered. The
young Laird of Madeod was afterwards heard to declare that on
this day he saw seventy-two persons killed in cold blood. In one
instance the sheltering hut was set fire to, and burned under a
guard, by whom any one attempting to escape was instantly
bayoneted. Amidst the ashes, thirty-two blackened corpses
were found Nineteen wounded officers of the Highland army
had been carried from a wood in which they at first found
shelter, to the courtyard of Culloden House, where the steward,
though at considerable risk to himself, administered to them
some little comforts. These men were now discovered by the
royal troops, who immediately had them carried out on carts to
a park wall near by, where, bemg all ranged up, they were told
to prepare for instant death. Such as were able threw them-
selves on their knees to ask for mercy at the only tribunal where
they could now hope for it, and while they were thus engaged, a
platoon of musketiy put an end to the lives of nearly alL To
complete the work, the soldiers were ordered to club their
muskets, and beat out the brains of such as shewed any
s3rmptoms of life. This order was obeyed with full effect in all
except one surprismg instance. A person named John Alex-
ander Fraser, or familiarly Maciver, who had been an officer in
the Master of Lovafs regiment, was amongst those who did not
perish by the shot A soldier struck him on the face with the
butt of his musket, broke the upper part of his nose and cheek-
bone, and dashed out one of his eyes. He was left for dead,
yet still retained some remains of life. A young officer of the
British army — ^said to have been Lord Boyd — riding by some
time after, observed him stir, and had the humanity to cause his
servant to carry the mutilated wretch to a neighbourmg kiln,
where he remained for three months, and was cured of his

TRANSACTIONS AFTER THE BATTLE OF CUXXODEN. 309

wounds. He lived many years after, a dismal memorial of the
xunelties of CuUoden.^

Notwithstanding the mercilessness of the pursaity a consider-
able number of the Prince's men were made prisoners,' and
placed in confinement in the church and tolbooth of Inverness.
There they were treated with the greatest inhumanity. Many
were stripped of their clothes, and allowed to remain for a long
time with scarcely a rag upon their bodies. For food th^y were
allowed only a little meal, not more than half of what is neces-
sary for subsistence. The wounded received no attention or
succour of any kind from their captors, and were even forbidden
to receive any from two surgeons of their own party, named
Lauder and Rattray, who had been taken at the same time.
The humane citizens of Inverness beheld these cruelties with
horror; but for several days it was dangerous for any one to
attempt to send clothes or food to the prisoners, or to make any
effort in behalf of such as were wounded The unfortunate men
were at length put on board vessels to be sent to London, that
they might there be at the pleasure of the government No
provision was made for their comfort in these vessels. They
were huddled in their naked or half-naked state into holds,
where they sat or lay upon stones, with an allowance of one
bottle of cold water, and from half a pound to twelve ounces of
oatmeal, or rather the shealings of oats, a day. In one vessel
no fewer than a hundred and fifty-seven were tiius stowed away :
a survivor reported that they had to burrow amidst the earth

1 All the above facts are amply authenticated tn the papets collected by Bishop Forbei^
and published by the present writer in the volume entitled JacMit Mtmoirs.

s The Earl of Kilmarnock became a prisoner on the field. During the confusion of the
flight, being half-blinded by smoke and snow, he mistook a party of dragoons for Fitx-
james's horse, and was accordins^y taken. He was soon after led along the lines of the
British infantry, in which his eldest son, then a very young man, held the commission of an
ensign. The eari had lost hb hat in the strife, and his long hair was flying in disorder
around his head and over his face. The soldiera stood mute in their lines, beholding the
unfortunate nobleman. Among the rest stood Lord Boyd, compelled by his situation to
witifess, without the power of alleviating, the humiliatiaa of his father. When the earl
came past the pUce where his son stood, the youth, imable to bear any longer that his
lather's head should be exposed to the storm, stepped out of the ranks, without regard to
dtscii^ine, and taking off his own hat. placed it over his Cstha's disordered and wind-
beaten locks. He then returned to his place, without having uttered a word.

310 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OF 1745-6.

and stones forming the ballast, as the only resource to keep
themselves warm. In this state of unheard-of misery many fell
grievously sick, but yet received no care at the hands of those
who guarded them. It would be only painful to detail their
condition more minutely. Some general idea of the atrocious
treatment they met with may be formed fh)m the fact, that of
the number above stated as being pent up in one vessel, only
forty-nine were in life at the end of the eight months during
which they were kept at sea.^

The number of Highlanders slain upon the field of Culloden
was never well ascertained, but it could not be much less than a
thousand; that is, a fifth of their army. The list comprised
many important men ; for in this, as in all the former battles,
the chiefs and gentlemen, as the best armed, and to shew an
example of bravery, went foremost into the strife, and were of
course most exposed. Out of the five regiments which charged
the English — ^the Camerons, Stuarts, Erasers, Mackintoshes, and
Macleans — almost all the leaders and front-rank men were
killed. Madachlan, colonel of the regiment last mentioned,
which included a body of his own name, was killed in the
onset His lieutenant-colonel, Maclean of Drimnin, who
then assumed the command, was bringing off his shattered
forces, when he observed two of his sons, who had fought
by his side, severely wounded, and heard that a third had
been left dead on the field. Exclaiming : ' It shall not be
for nought!' this brave old gentleman, without bonnet or
wig, rushed back into the fight, attacked two dragoons, killed
one, and wounded the other, but was at last cut down by
other three, who came up to the assistance of their comrades*
Macgillivray of Drumnaglass, colonel of the Mackintosh regi-
ment, was killed in the attack, with the lieutenant-colonel, the
major, and all the other officers of the regiment, with the
exception, as already stated, of three. Charles Eraser, younger
of Inverallachy, who was lieutenant-colonel of the Eraser

1 These facts aic froa tbA reports of eye*witnetMt and •ufferen» printed in yacobiit

TRANSACTIONS AFTER THE BATTLE OF CULLODEN. 3II

regiment, and commanded it on this occasion,^ was killed under
the extraordinary circumstances already related Seventeen
officers and gentlemen of the Appin regiment were slain, and
ten wounded; but Stuart of Ardshiel, who commanded it,
escaped ; as did Locheil, the chief and leader of the Camerons.
No distinguished persons fell among the Lowland regiments
except the Viscount Strathallan ^ and the Laird of Aldie.^

The field yet bears witness to the carnage of which it was the
scena In the midst of its dark heath various little eminences
are to be seen, displaying a lively verdure but too unequivocally
expressive of the dreadful tale. These are so distinct and well
defined, that the eye may almost, by their means, trace the
positions of the armies, or at least discover where the fight was
most warmly contested. The way towards Inverness is fringed
with many such dolefiil memorials of the dead. Modem
curiosity has, in some cases, violated these sanctuaries, for the
purpose of procuring some relic of the ill-fated warriors ; and
the Gael, with nobler sentiment, were long in the habit of
pilgrimising to the spot, in order to translate the bones of their
friends to consecrated ground, afar in their own western glens.

The duke employed the few days immediately following the
battle in securing and disposing of the spoil, which was very
considerable. He had taken thirty pieces of cannon, 2320
firelocks, 190 broadswords, thirty-seven barrels of powder, and

1 The Master of Lorat. as intimate in a preceding note, was not present at the hattle
of CuUoden. He was marching towards the field with a large body of his clan, when,
meeting the fugitives, he judged it expedient to turn along vrith them, and retire to his own
country. In performing this retrograde motion the colours were still kept flying, and the
bagpipes continued to play.

* An officer, being afterwards examined, in a proof which was led in order to prove the
viscount's death before the act of attainder, and being questioned as to his reasons for
knowing that that nobleman died on the field of Culloden, gave for answer that he had
thrust his spontoon through the viscount's body on that day. It appears, however, that his
lordship did not die immediately after his wound. He lived to receive the viaticum from a
Catholic priest who happened to be upon the field. The sacred morsel was hastily com-
posed of oatmeal and water, which the clergyman procured at a neighbouring cottage.
This clergyman went to France, became an abb^, but revisiting his native country, men-
tioned the circumstance to one of my informants— the Scottish bishop so often quoted.

S The Laird of Aldie was killed at Culloden at the head of his battalion. Neither his
own body, nor that of one of his sons who accompanied him, was ever found. — LtiUr
^hU groMdnm, Cenerui RoberUen ofLtuU, xZio, MS,

312 HISTORY OF THE REBELUON OF 1 745-6.

twenty-two carts of ammunitioiL The soldiers were allowed
half-a-crown for every musket, and a shilling for every broad-
swordf which they could bring into quarters; it being the
anxious wish of government to keep as many arms as possible
out of the hands of the natives. In order, moreover, to put a
great public indignity upon the insurgents, the sum of sixteen
guineas was allowed for each stand of their colours ; and four-
teen of these melancholy emblems of departed glory being thus
procured, they were, on the 4th of June, carried by a procession
of chimney-sweeps from the castle to the cross of Edinburgh,
and there burned by the hands of the common hangman, with
many suitable marks of contempt

The victoiy of Culloden was cheaply purchased by the British
army. The whole amount of killed, wounded, and missing was
310, including few officers, and but one man of any distinction.
This last was Lord Robert Kerr, second son of the Marquis of
Lothian, a captain of grenadiers in Barrel's regiment, a young
man remarkable for his handsome person and great promise.
Standing at the head of his company when the Highlanders
made the chaxge, he received the first man upon his spontoon,
but was instantly slain with many wounds. Although the
victory was mainly attributable to the cannon and musketry,
some portions of the royal army behaved with a degree of
courage highly honourable to them. There was scarcely an
officer or soldier in Barrel's regiment, and that part of Munro's
which was engaged, who did not kill one or two Highlanders
with his spontoon or bayonet, before giving way to their irre-
sistible violence.

The spreading intelligence of the battle was received, of
course, with opposite feelings by the two parties. To the
Jacobites, it came as a total overthrow of the hopes of sixty
years, and the signal for a letting loose of vengeance against
Scotland and many of her best and bravest sons. An Aber-
deenshire gentleman has told the writer of this history that his
parents, for a month after the battle of Culloden, never rose any
morning without leaving their pillows soaked with tears. It has

SUPPRESSION OF THE INSURRECTION. 313

also been stated that some very aged female members of the
party, after this time, never rose again fh>m bed, though previ-
ously accustomed to mingle in society. To the nation in
genera], the news seemed highly acceptable. The victory was
celebrated in most towns of the south of Scotland, and
throughout England, with bonfires and ringing of bells. The
joy of the high personages of the state was in proportion to
their late fears. The duke received the thanks of parliament,
and an addition of ;£2 5,000 to his annual income.

CHAPTER XXV.

SUPPRESSION OF THE INSURRECTION.

* Whilst the warm blood bedews my veins,
And unimpaired remembrance reigns,
Resentment of my country's fate
Within my filial breast shall beat ;
And, spite of her insulting foe.
My sympathising verse shall flow ;
Mourn, hapless Caledonia, mourn,
Thy banished peace, thy laurels torn ! '

Smollett.

When at last forced off the field, Charles fled with a large party
of horse, including his chief counsellors and friends. His flight
was protected by the foot, who followed closely behind. The
party crossed the Nairn at the ford of Falie, about four miles
from the battle-field, and there a hurried council was held
respecting further proceedings. Notwithstanding their severe
defeat, there can be no doubt that the general inclination of the
insurgent chiefs was for a continuance of the war. They con-
ceived that, if they kept together witliin the Highland frontier,
they might protect their territories from the vengeance of the
royal troops, until possibly some succours might arrive from

314 HISTORY OF THE REBELUON OF 1 745-6.

France, so as to enable them to act on the offensive, or at least
until the government, worn out by their resistance, might grant
them ^vourable terms. On the other hand, Charles appears to
have formed a plan for his own conduct, in which the views of
the Highland gentlemen were not regarded. His wish was to
make his way as quickly as possible to France, in order to use
personal exertions in procuring those powerful supplies which
had been so much, but so vainly, wished for. He expected to
find French vessels hovering on the west coast, in one of which
he might obtain a quick passage to that country. He therefore
had determined to proceed in this direction without loss of time.

Without announcing his intentions, he desired that the
remains of the army should rendezvous at Ruthven in Badenoch,
and there wait for further orders ; after which he took his leave
of those accompan3ring him, and set out upon his westerly
course, attended only by those who had been his inunediate
counsellors and friends during the campaign — namely. Sir
Thomas Sheridan, Mr O'Sullivan, Captain O'Neal, and Mr John
Hay, with a few individuals of inferior note. The bulk of the
army proceeded towards Ruthven by the Highland road^ and on
their way meeting Cluny and his men hastening to the field,
took them back along with them to swell their numbers at the
rendezvous.

Charles had been led out of the field of CuUoden, and guided
on his route hitherto, by one Edward Burke, a poor Highlander,
who usually acted as a sedan-carrier in Edinburgh, but was now
servant to Mr Alexander Macleod of Muiravonside. By the
same person the party was now guided to Tordarroch, ' where
they got no access [the house being deserted and shut up], and
from Tordarroch to Aberarder, where likewise they got no access,
and from Aberarder to Faroline, and from Faroline to Gortuleg.'^
This last place was the seat of Mr Thomas Eraser, chamberlain
and confidential agent of Lord Lovat, and the same gentleman
who had executed a somewhat remarkable mission for his lord-
ship at an early period of the campaigiL^ I^vat was at this

1 Burke's Narrative, JacobiU Mtmairs, > See Chapter v.

SUPPRESSION OF THE INSURRECTION. 3x5

time residing at Gortuleg, and the house had that day been the
scene of extensive culinary operations, for the purpose of cele-
brating by a feast the victory which it was expected the Prince
would gain over his enemies. A girl of ten years of age, who
lived in the house at the time, reported to the late Mrs Grant
of Laggan, that in the confusion arising fh>m these proceedings
she had been shut up in a little closet, to be out of the way, and
there sat for some time an unwilling prisoner, contemplating a
marsh in the plain below, which was supposed to be a haunt of
the Juries. Suddenly the tumultuous noise that had filled the
house all day was succeeded by a deep silence. She ventured
out, and saw no creature in the house but Lovat, sitting in his
great chair in deep thought On venturing to the door, she
found the rest of the inmates standing in a group, regarding
with the keenest anxiety a party of horsemen who had entered
the vale below the house. The whole circumstances impressed
her with the idea that she was looking upon a band of those
supernatural beings whom she understood to haunt the vale
occasionaUy. Having heard that the fairies only remain visible
at any time between one winking of the eyelids and another,
she strove to keep her eyes open as long as possible, in order to
prolong the vision. She was soon undeceived, for, on the troop
approaching, the fatal reverse of the Prince's cause was under-
stood; and the women, breaking into mournful cries, began
to tear off their handkerchiefs to make bandages for the wounded.
The viands prepared for the feast were seized and distributed
without ceremony by the party, many of whom then proceeded
on their course. Charles, with his immediate attendants,
entered the house, and received the first personal greetings of
Lord Lovat at the sad moment which informed the aged chief of
the utter ruin of himself and his family. One account represents
his lordship as running about the house in a state of distraction,
aying out to his attendants : ' Chop off my head ! chop off my
headl' But the report of the young person above mentioned
was, that Lovat received the Prince with expressions of attach-
ment, but reproached him with great asperity when he heard him

3l6 HISTOItr OF THE REBELLION OF 1745*6.

declare his intention to abandon the enterprise. * Remember,*
he said fiercely, * your great ancestor Robert Brace, srho lost
eleven battles and won Scotland by the twelfth.' The Prince
made little answer, but, after taking some refreshment, and
drinking a few glasses of wine, set out towards Fort Augustus.
Lord Lovat was soon after carried off in his litter to a place
of safety.*

Charles and his little party were seen, at two o'clock in the
morning, ridmg rapidly past the ruins of that fort; and about
two hours before daybreak they arrived at Invergarry, the seat
of Macdonell of Glaigarry, whidi was, on the present occasion,
deserted of its tenants, and in a condition very ill calculated to
support the hospitable character of a Highland mansion. Desti-
tute at once of furniture and provisions, and attended by only a
single domestic, however easily a party of natives might have
accommodated themselves within its walls, it was particularly
unfit to entertain a prbce and a stranger. This was the first
day of Charles's wanderings, and its privations but too truly
omened those of the succeeding five months.

The Prince and his party were so much fatigued with their
ride, which was one of little less than forty miles, that they
gladly stretched themselves upon the floor in their clothes.
They slept till mid-day, when Edward Buike having fortunately
caught two salmon in the water of Garry, they had a better
dinner than they expected, though the only drink they could pro-
cure was the pure element from which their meat bad been taken.
All the company here took leave of Charles except O'Sullivan,
O'Neal, and Edward Burke, who was left to be the Prince's
guide, and whose clothes his royal highness now assumed.
This small party set out at two o'clock for Loch Arkaig, where
they arrived about nine at night, and lodged in the house
of Donald Cameron of Glenpean. Charles was so excessively
fatigued, that he fell asleep as Edward Burke was unbuttoning

1 1 derive the recollections of the young inmate of Gortuleg House from %. letter of Mrs
Grant, MS. The particulars given by the young lady lespectmg the meeting of the Princa
'^ Lovat are, in my opinion, likely to be true.

SUPPRESSION OF THE INSURRECTIOK. 317

kis spatterdashes. Next morning, Friday the i8th, they held
their route still farther westward to Mewboll, a farm-house near
the extremity of Locheil's country, where they were well enter-
tained. A considerable part of tibie following day was spent in
waiting for intelligence of their friends, which not arriving, they
at last set out, for fear of being discovered and taken. There
being no longer any road, they were here obliged to abandon
their horses, and begin to walk on foot They came in the
evening to a place called Oban, near the head of Loch Morar,
where they took up their lodging in a wretched little sluiling
or hovel used for shearing sheep, near the comer of a wood.

Next day, Sunday the 20th of April, Charles and his three
attendants crossed, with inconceivable pain and difficulty, one of
those ranges of lofty and rugged hills which, alternately with
lochs or arms of the sea, penetrate the country at this part of
the West Highlands. Their lodging-place this evening was at
Glenbiasdale, in Arisaig, a small village near the place where
the Prince had first landed. Here several fugitives joined the
dejected little party.

From Ruthven, the day after the battle, Lord George Murray
wrote a long letter to the Prince, giving in very plain terms his
opinion of his royal highness's chief advisers, to whom he
attributed the defeat, and resigning his own command, but at
the same time manifesting anything but a supposition that the
war was now to be abandoned. One or two thousand men had
here assembled, not in the highest spirits, but resolute to defend
themselves and the territories of the insuigent dans as long as
they could. We have an affecting anecdote from Bishop
Mackintosh,^ of the standard-bearer of the Duke of Perth
arriving this day, and presenting the colours to his superior,
who said: 'Poor as I am, I would rather than a thousand
guineas that they are safe.' They lingered at the spot for a few
days, but were at length dispersed, in consequence of the receipt
of a letter which the Prince addressed to them from Glenbias-
dale. In this, after some professions of devotion to them and

1 Letter, MS.

3l8 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OF 1 745-6.

their interests, he informed them that, seeing he could do
nothing for them on this side of the water, he intended instantly
to proceed to France, there to ' engage the court either to assist
us effectually and powerfully, or at least to procure you such
terms as you would not obtain otherwise.' In the measures
they would take for defending themselves, he recommended
them to confide in the Duke of Perth and Lord Geoige Murray.
He desired that they would endeavour to keep his departure as
long concealed as possible. Finally, he called on the Almighty
to bless and direct them. Although he did not here direct
them to disperse, but, on the contrary, implied an expectation
that they would maintain the struggle, they seem to have con-
sidered the letter as the death-note of the war. Accordingly,
taking a melancholy leave of each other, they dispersed — ^the
gentlemen to seek conceahnent in, or escape from, the country,
and the common men to return to their homes.^

At Glenbiasdale, Charles was joined by young Qanranald,
Mr Lockhart younger of Camwath, Mr JEneas Macdonald, and
some others, by whom it was reported that the western seas
were much beset by English vessels, so that the Prince could
scarcely hope to make an immediate escape in that direction
without incurring considerable risk. This was staggering intelli-
gence, and caused Charles to consider if it would not yet be the
best course to remain at the head of as many men as he could
assemble. He also thought of trusting himself amongst the
Macleods in the Isle of Skye. Clanranald suggested that he
might remain where he was ; and for his accommodation and
concealment a few summer sheilings or cots could be fitted up
amongst the hills, where he would be tolerably safe until a
trusty person should take a trip to the Isles and look out for

1 The Earl of Cromarty had been left with a party in Sutherland to overawe the loyalists
there : but on the xsth of April he allowed himself to be nxrprised at Dunrobin Castle,
apart from his men, by a party of the Eari of Sutherland's militia. His men, attadced by
an inferior force, were defeated, when many were killed, and 178 taken prisoners. The
earl himself, his son, and several friends, were seized that evening by stratagem, while
conferring with a party of the assailants respecting terms of surrender. The whole were
' in a sloop-of-war to Inverness the second day after the battle of Culloden.

SUPPRESSION OF THE INSURRECTION. 319

a ship in which to convey away his royal highness from the
country.

Mr JEneas Macdonald had at this time recently landed from
the Isles, in charge of a large sum of French money which had
been debarked in Barra ; and he was attended by a faithful old
man, Donald Macleod of Gualtergill, in the Isle of Skye, who
had been of great use in piloting him through very considerable
dangers. A message was sent to Kinlochmoidart, where
Donald now was, pressingly desiring him to come to meet the
Prince at Borodale. Donald immediately set out, and, in
passing through the forest of Glenbiasdale, he encountered a
stranger walking by himself, who, making up to him, asked if
he was Donald Macleod of Gualteigill. Donald, instantly
recognising him, notwithstanding his mean attire, said : ' I am
the same man, please your highness, at your service.* ' Then,'
said the Prince, ' you see, Donald, I am in distress : I therefore
throw myself into your bosom, and let you do with me what you
like. I hear you are an honest man, and fit to be trusted'
When the old man, a year after, related these particulars to the
individual who has reported them, the tears were streaming
along his cheeks like rain.

Charles desired Donald to go with letters from him to Sir
Alexander Macdonald and the Laird of Macleod, requesting
their protection ; but the old man positively refused, saying that
such a course would be attended with certain ruin, for, so far
from being well inclined to him, they were at this moment
employed with their men in searching for him at a place not
above ten or twelve miles distant Charles then asked if he
would undertake to pilot him to the Isles, where he thought he
would be in more safety than in his present situation. Macleod
answered that he was ready to do anything in the world for him,
and imdergo any risk in his behalf, except only that of com-
municating with the two apostate chiefs of Skye.

Accordingly, on the evening of the 24th, Charles, along with
O'Sullivan, O'Neal, Burke, and seven other persons, set sail in an
open eight-oared boat from Lochnanuagh, the bay where he

320 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OF 1 745-6.

first landed Donald Macleod, acting as pilot, sat at the stem,
with Charles betwixt his knees. This aged person, being an
experienced mariner, was certain, from the appearance of the
sky, that a storm was about to ensue, and entreated the Prince
to defer his voyage till next day. But Charles insisted upon
immediately leaving the continent, where he apprehended so
much danger. In the boat there were four pecks of oatmeal,
and a pot in which they could boil meat when they landed.

As old Macleod had foretold, they had scarcely got fairly
out to sea when a storm arose. The wind blew a tempest ; the
waves of the Atlantic rose with tumultuous fury ; and it was
altogether a night surpassing in danger any that Madeod, an
experienced boatman, had ever before seen upon that wild sea.
To add to their distress, the rain poured down in torrents, and
they had neither pump nor compass. In the darkness of the
night, none of the crew knew where they were, and serious
apprehensions were entertained lest the boat should either
founder or be driven upon Skye, where the person of the Prince
would be apt to become a prey to the militia, who were roaming
about that island in great numbers. At length a period was
put at once to their danger from the sea, and their apprehensions
from the militia, by the approach of daylight, which shewed
them to be on the coast of the Long Island, the storm having
carried the boat upwards of sixty miles in nine or ten hours.
They landed at Rosstnish, the south-east angle of the isle of
Benbecula, and, having drawn their boat upon dry land,
prepared a humble entertainment with meal and the flesh of a
cow which they had seized and killed.

The first consideration with the Duke of Cumberland, after
securing the immediate fruits of his victory, was to disarm the
ill-affected clans, and thus deprive them of all power of creating
further disturbance. It has been represented by his friends
' that he was at first disposed to take mild methods with them,
and promised his protection to all who should come to his
camp, deliver their arms, and submit to the king's mercy, before
a certain day; that some complied, and were dismissed in

SUPPRESSION OF THE INSURRECTION. 32 1

peace, with protections ; but that great numbers, especially the
Camerons, Macdonalds, Grants, and Frasers, were perfidious,
often promising to surrender at a certain time, and as often
breaking their promises ; that others equivocated, pretending to
surrender their arms, by bringing in old useless guns and swords,
while they concealed their best arms at home ; and that his royal
highness was then obliged to lay the rod more heavily upon
them.'^ On the other hand, the invitation to submit and give
up their arms was not such as could have been expected to go
far with men like the Highlanders under the existing circum-
stances. No guarantee of ultimate safety for life or property
was held out The protections were only for six weeks, at the
end of which time, if disarmed, they might have become an
unresisting prey to the vengeance of the government The
fears which they no doubt entertained were confirmed by an
unfortunate act of the duke at Inverness. Sixty-nine men of
Glenmorriston, and twelve from the vale of Urquhart, in all
eighty-one, having been induced by the Laird of Grant to come
to Inverness to surrender, were, upon some trifling demur,
seized and put with the other prisoners into the king's vessels,
where they were subjected to the horrible treatment already
described.^ An act of this kind might well deter the disaffected
clans firom throwing themselves unarmed upon the royal
clemency, even if there had been no general reasons, as
undoubtedly there were, for hesitating to take such a step.

Besides, it does not appear to be quite true that the duke
waited for the alleged instances of perfidiousness before wreaking
vengeance on the insurgents. So early as the i8th of April,
two days after the battle, he sent Brigadier Mordaunt with a
detachment to the Aird — ^a district belonging to Lord Lovat, a
short day's march from Inverness — ^in order to subject it to
military execution. Beaufort Castle, the seat of Lovat, was

1 Scott MetgnghUf 1746, p. 987.

s Narrative of the Rev. James Hay of Inverness, JacobUe Memoirs, Those who did
not die on shipboard were sent to Barbadoea. where, three years after, out of the eighty-one
who surrendered only eighteen were living.

U

332 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OF 1745-6.

burned, and the whole of the horses, cows, sheep, meal, and
other provisions found in the district were brought away, for the
use of the anny. The aged chief^ from a distant mountain top»
beheld the house of his ancestors given to the flames.

The duke took vigorous measures to sunound the disaffected
districts, in order to prevent the insuxgents who had retired
thither from making their escape. Cobham's and Mark Kerr's
regiments of dragoons were posted along the east coast of
Scotland ; the passes from the Highlands into the Low Country
were guarded by militia; Lord Fortrose, son of the Earl of
Seaforth, raised the Mackenzies to guard the passages to the
Isles; and the Monroes, Mackays, and Earl of Sutherland's
men took care of the more remote northern counties. British
cruisers at the same time hovered on both coasts, to intercept
any French or other vessels in which the insuxgents might be
attempting to leave the country. These measures were very
effectual for the end in view, and in the course of a few weeks
most of the jails north of the Forth were filled with prisoners.
Lord Balmerino was one of the first persons of any eminence
taken. He was brought by the Grants to Inverness on the 21st
of April, and soon after sent, with the Earls of Cromarty and
Kilmarnock, by a vessel to London. It has been said that his
lordship voluntarily delivered himself, at the recommendation of
Mr Grant younger of Rothierourchus. The Marquis of Tulli-
bardine was one of those who rendezvoused at Ruthven. When
the dispersion took place, he travelled southward in company
with an Italian named Mitchell, an old servant of the Chevalier
St George ; and, being in a bad state of health, he was tempted
to seek refuge in the mansion of Drummakill, near Loch
Lomond, the lady of the house being related to him. Mr
Buchanan of Drunmiakill was, however, a zealous loyalist and
officer of militia, and deemed it his duty to deliver up the
marquis. On the 27th of April his lordship was conducted as
a prisoner to Dumbarton Castle, and thence to Leith, where he
embarked in a war-vessel, by which he was carried to London.
It is stated that Drummakill was so much despised for this

SUPPRESSION OF THE INSURRECTION. 323

fiction, that no gentleman of his neighbourhood would after-
wards be seen in his company.^ Early in May, the government
had also secured Sir James Kinloch, Colonel Ker of Graden,
the Honourable William Murray, brother of the Earl of Dun-
more, Mr Stirling of Kier, Mr Stirling of Craigbamet, and some
others. A party, in which were included Lord Ogilvie, Mr
Hunter of Bumside, Mr Fletcher of Benshie, David Graham of
Duntroon, and David Fotheringham, who had been governor of
Dundee for Prince Charles, got on board a vessel riding off the
Lights of Tay, and reached Norway in safety. The British
government had enjoined all friendly powers to aid in appre-
hending the unfortunate adherents of the Prince. The king of
Denmark had consequently ordered all vessels landing in his
ports to be examined, and all persons not possessing passports
to be apprehended These gentlemen were accordingly seized
and put into prison in the castle of Bergen, but were soon after
allowed to make their escape to France. It may be added,
that Mr Hunter was one of the five exiles whom Smollett
describes in such touching terms in his novel of Peregrine Fickle,
as living at Boulogne, and going every day to the sea-side * in
order to indulge their longing eyes with a prospect of the white
cliffs of Albion, which they must never more approach*

Secretary Murray was sick at the time of the battle of Cul-
loden. When the conflict was pending, he was carried in a
litter to Foyers, on Loch Ness side. At first, the bad issue of
the battle was concealed from him, and he was carried across
the lake to the house of Glenmorriston for safety, but without
the reason being disclosed to him. Dr Cameron there told
him of the defeat After sundry removes, he was carried to
Inveigarry, where he hoped to hear that a stand had been made
by the remains of the army. Here he met the Duke of Perth
'quite worn out with fatigue,' and learned that, most of the
chiefs being dispersed, there was no chance of a prolongation
of the war. He then went to Locheil's countiy, and meeting

1 yacobiU Mtmoirs, p. 3, note.

324 HISTORY OP THE REBELLION OF 1 745-6.

that chief, devised with him, Stuart of Ardshiel, and some
others, the raising of a small body of men, with whom they
would * keep the hills, till such time as they could be satisfied
that the French either were or were not in earnest to support
them.' At the same time they took measures to bring odier
chiefs into their scheme, and to detain the Prince on the main-
land; but in the latter object they were not successful, the
Prince having sailed before they could reach him with a
message. Meanwhile, two French ships arrived at Borrodale
with six casks of gold, which were secured by the secretaiy.
These vessels, alter beating off some British cruisers in the
loch, departed with the Duke of Perth, 'then in a dying
condition,' Lord John Drummond, Lord Elcho, Sir Thomas
Sheridan, Mr Lockhart younger of Camwath, Mr Hay, and
several others. The money was carried to Loch Arkaig by
Dr Cameron.^

For three weeks after the battle of CuUoden, no attempt was
made to penetrate that tract of the central and west Highlands
which formed the chief stronghold of the Jacobite clans. There
a considerable number of the insurgents were still disposed to
offer armed resistance to the government On the 8th of May,
a meeting of leaders and men of consequence took place at
Muirlaggan, near the head of Loch Arkaig, for the purpose of
concerting measures for a new rising. The chief person present
was young Locheil, who, after being wounded in both ankles
at the battle, had been conducted away on horseback by his
faithful clansmen, and was now a cripple, unable to travel on
foot Accident had brought Lord Lovat to the spot, and there
were also present Clanianald, Glenbucket, John Roy Stuart,
Major Kennedy, Secretary Murray, Macdonald of Barrisdale,
Mr Alexander Madeod, and a nephew of Keppoch.* These
gentlemen were greatly encouraged in their project by the
landing of the six casks of gold, which amounted to no less

1 Namtive by Murray, MS. m possession (1847) of Mr W. H. Murray of Edinbaigli.
• Narrative of John Cameron, Presbyterian minister at Fort William (an actor on the
Prince's side), Ljwm im Motmurngt MS. L x6a.

SUPPRESSION OP THE INSURRECTION. 325

than ;^38,ooo. It was agreed ihat the Camerons, Macdonells
of Glengarry, Keppoch, and Clanranald, the Stuarts of Appin,
the Mackinnons and Macleods, should rendezvous on the 15 th
at Auchnacarry, in the braes of Lochaber ; while the Frasers,
Mackintoshes, Macphersons, and the Atholemen should be
apprised of the resolution, that they might take measures to
rise on the same day, and join the rest These resolutions and
others were written down, and the document has been pre-
served and printed ; ^ but no signed copy has ever been found.
To enable the chiefs to raise their men, Mr Murray distributed
600 louis-d*ors amongst them, and further gave forty to the
Laird of Mackinnon, and sent twenty to Macleod of Raasay
and Macdonald younger of Scothouse.

This attempt to renew the war came to nothing. If we are
to believe Mr Murray, the conduct of Lovat on this occasion
was marked by his usual duplicity, cunning, and treachery:
^ He complained that the order he had required to empower
him to seize upon the person of Mr Forbes of Culloden had not
been granted in the terms he required — ^namely, dead or alive.
From which he endeavoured to shew how easy it would have
hem to (ucomplish his deaths and Ihereby have prevented the
junction of Macleod with the other northern clans, who had
done so much hurt to the Prince's affairs ; and that, provided
the order had been in these terms, the attempt upon his house
would not have been abortive ; but, as they had not sufficient
power, they were obliged to make a shameful retreat, inconsistent
with the honour of his clan!* Lovat played them altogether
false as to the sending of his clan to the rendezvous, and Mr
Murray also accuses Lochgarry of shewing indifference to the
interest of the party on that occasion. ' Ckmranald disappointed
them not only of his quota of men, but of the ammunition he
had engaged for.' On the day that the resolutions were entered
into, the Earl of Loudoun left Inverness at the head of 1700
militia, to take possession of Lochaber and the adjoining

1 In Mr Home's appendix.

326 HISTORY OF THB REBELLION OF 1745-6.

districts. Locheil had got about 300 Camerons together,
and Glengarry and Bamsdale 150 men each; cattle were pur-
chased by Mr Murray to supply the gathering troops with food,
and ammunition for their use was about to be sent by Clan-
ranald from Arisaig, when the advance of the Earl of Loudoun
obliged them all to disperse. Locheil was nearly surprised by
a body of troops, whom he mistook at a distance for Barrisdale's
men, and who would have taken him, if some faithful follower
had not given him timely intelligence of the red crosses which
they wore in their bonnets.^ He escaped by crossing the loch
in a boat which he kept on purpose. Immediately before the
dispersion of the party, Mr Murray had the greater part of his
French money buried in secret places, ;£i5>ooo being sunk in
a rivulet near the head of Loch Arkaig, and ^12,000 near the
foot of the same lake, ^^^5000 being reserved for necessary
expenses.' '

The Earl of Loudoun executed his mission in Lochaber with
mercy, and induced a considerable number of the people to
deliver up their arms. General Campbell, at the head of his
clan militia, was equally successfid in Appin and Glencoe. But
the duke was already exasperated by the delay, and had now
resolved to take very severe measures to reduce the disaffected
to obedience On the 33d of May he inarched from Inverness,
with Kingston's horse and eleven battalions of foot, and
encamped at Fort Augustus. It is said that, in the well con-
nected with this ruined fort, the bodies of eleven of the late
garrison were found; and it was supposed that these men had
been drowned by the insurgent troops after the taking of the
place in MarcL There was no proof that such was the case^
and indeed it was extremely unlikely : the more obvious suppo-
sition is, that the bodies were those of the men killed in the

1 John CanMron't NamtivBp m before.

t The particulars here given respecting the money possessed by Mr Murray ate from a
vdl^uthenticated copy, which the author possesses, of an account which the secretary
•eems to have drawn up from memory of the moneys whidi he received and disbursed at
this time. As this document idatcs some curious omimstanmt, it is printed at Ihe dosa
of the pieaent narrative.

SUPPRESSION OF THE INSURRECTION. 327

siege. The discovery, however, and the supposition, inflamed
the rancour borne by many of the officers and soldiers against
the disaffected clans, and probably had no small effect in
hardening their minds to the duty now imposed upon them.
Meanwhile, many of the Macphersons had surrendered to a party
of troops marching from Perth to Inverness, and the men of
Strontian, Morven, and Ardnamurchan had also submitted.

From Fort Augustus the duke despatdied parties in all direc-
tions around, to disarm and desolate the various disaffected
districts. The cruelties practised by these parties were such as,
if not perfectly well authenticated, we could scarcely believe to
have been practised only a century ago in our comparatively
civilised land. Not only were the mansions of the chiefs
Locheil, Glengarry, Cluny, Keppoch, Kinlochmoidart, Glengyle,
Ardshiel, and many others plundered and burned, but those of
many inferior gentlemen, and even the huts of the common
people, were in like manner destroyed. The cattle, sheep, and
provisions of all kinds were carried off to Fort Augustus. In
many instances the women and children were stripped naked,
and left exposed : in some, the females were subjected to even
more horrible treatment A great number of men, unarmed
and inoffensive, including some aged beggars, were shot in the
fields and on the mountain-side, rather in the spirit of wanton-
ness than for any definite object Many hapless people perished
of cold and hunger amongst the hills. Others followed, in
abject herds, their departing cattle, and at Fort Augustus begged,
lor the support of a wretched existence, to get the offal, or even
to be allowed to lick up the blood, of those which were killed
for the use of the army. Before the loth of June the task of
desolation was complete throughout all the western parts of
Inverness-shire ; and the curse which had been denounced upon
Scotland by the religious enthusiasts of the preceding century
was at length so entirely fulfilled in this remote region, that it
would have been literally possible to travel for days through
the depopulated glens without sedtig a chimney smokc^ or hearing
a cock crow.

328 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OF 1745-^.

It is generally allowed that the duke himself, though the
instigator of these cruelties, did not shew so much open or
active cruelty as some of the more immediate instruments of
the royal vengeance. General Hawley was one of the most
remorseless of all the commanding-officers ; apparently thinking
no extent of cruelty a sufficient compensation for his loss of
honour at Falkirk. The names of Lieutenant-colonel Howard,
Captain Caroline Scott, and Major Lockhart are also to be
handed down as worthy of everlasting execration. The last, in
particular, did not even respect the protections which Lord
Loudoun had extended (by virtue of a commission from the
duke) to those who had taken an early opportunity of submitting,
but used only to observe to the unhappy individuals who
expected to be saved on that account, as he ordered them to
execution and their houses to the flames, that ' though they were
to shew him a protection from Heaven^ it should not prevent him
from doing his duty I ^

It reflects great credit upon the Highlanders that, in the midst
of these calamities, they displayed no disposition to take mean
or insidious modes of avenging them, though, with arms in their
hands, and acquainted as they were wiUi the country, they
might have often done so both easily and securely. Only one
soldier is said to have perished by the hand of an assassin
during the whole of the frightful campaign. A domestic belong-
ing to the house of Glengarry, on reaching his home after a
short expedition, found that, diuing his absence, his property
had been destroyed, his wife violated, and his home rendered
desolate. In the bitterness of the moment he vowed deadly
revenge. Learning that the officer who had commanded the
spoliators, and who had been the ravisher of his wife, rode upon
a white horse, he rushed abroad with his musket, determined
never to rest till he had accomplished his vow. After wander-
ing several weeks without discovering the offiender, he one day
observed an officer approaching at the head of a party mounted
upon the white horse he had heard described. This was not
the real perpetrator of his wrongs, but Major Monro of Culcaim

SUPPRESSION OF THE INSURRECTION. 329

(a younger brother of the late Sir Robert Monro of Foulis), who
had, unfortunately for himself, borrowed the animal on which
he rode. The infuriated Highlander took aim from behind
some craggy banks which overlooked the road, and shot the
major dead. He then fled through the rugged country, and
was soon beyond pursuit On afterwards learning that he had
killed an innocent man, he burst his gun, and renounced the
vow which had bound him to vengeance.

Whilst the natives and the fugitive Prince were enduring
every species of hardship, Duke William and his myrmidons
at Fort Augustus spent their time in a round of festivities.
Enriched by the sale of their spoils, the soldiers could purchase
all the luxuries which the Lowlands could supply, or which
could be conveniently transported over the Grampians; and
for several weeks their camp exhibited all the coarse and
obstreperous revelries of an English fair. In order to amuse
them, the duke instituted races, which were run by the trulls of
the camp, with circumstances of indecency forbidding descrip-
tion. General Hawley also ran a race with the infamous
Howard, and, probably rendered a proficient in that exercise
by his practice at Falkirk, gained it by four inches.

Not content with laying waste the country of the active
insurgents, they extended their ravages, before the end of the
season, over peaceful districts, to the very gates of the capital ;
and for some time Scotland might be said to have been treated
throughout its whole bounds as a conquered country subjected
to military law. The voice of Lord President Forbes was
occasionally heard amidst these outrages, like that of Pity
described in the allegory as interposing in some barbarous
scene ; but on this amiable man remonstrating with the duke,
by a representation that his soldiers were bredcing the laws of
the land, his royal highness is said to have answered with scom:
' The laws, my lordl By G — , I 'U make a brigade give lawsl*
He was afterwards heard at Inverness to allude to the President
as * that old woman who talked to me about humanity.' No
form of trial was adopted with the insurgents, even witliin a

330 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OF 1 745-6.

few miles of the seat of the Court of Session; nor did the
soldiers ever appeal to the neighbouring justices for warrants
when about to plunder their houses. The lawful creditors of
unfortunate individuals were, in innumerable instances, mortified
at seeing a lawless band seize the property to which they looked
for pa3rment, and unceremoniously expose it to public sale for
their own behalf

Besides the measures already described as having been taken
for the capture of the Chevalier and his friends, others were
adopted of a nature which shewed the anxiety of government
to attain that object The General Assembly of the church,
about the end of May, was required to command all the Estab-
lished clergymen throughout the country to read a proclamation
from their pulpits, in which the duke ordered eveiy minister
and every loyal subject to exert themselves in discovering and
seizing tiie rebels; and the General Assembly complied with
the requisition. Many of the individual clergymen, with a
better spirit, refused to read this paper, or left it to be read by
their precentors; in consequence of which, the duke sent
another order to the church, commandmg every minister to
give in a list of the rebels belonging to his parish. With this
last still fewer complied, the clergymen of Edinburgh ranking
among the recusants ; and the duke, having then used individual
applications, and even personal entreaties, in vain, troubled them
with no more.

It is not observable in any authentic documents that those
who gave food or shelter to the fugitives were punished with
death ; but it is at least certain that a proclamation was read
in the churches of Perth and its vicinity, by order of the Duke
of Ciunberland, threatening with that punishment all who con-
cealed them, or even their arms. Rewards were also offered
in Ireland and the Isle of Man for the apprehension of any
who might land in those territories ; and the British ministers
at foreign courts in alliance with his majesty were ordered
to secure all who might take refuge there. No means,
in shorty were omitted which might tend to the great

SUPPRESSION OF THE INSURRECTION. 33 1

object of exterminating these unhappy objects of state
resentment

Macdonald of Barrisdale, having surrendered with his
adherents, was immediately liberated — an instance of mercy so
extraordinary, as to give rise to a rumour that he had under-
taken to aid in seizing the fugitive Prince. About the begin-
ning of May, as already mentioned, the Duke of Perth and
some others got off in the two French ships which had landed
the laige sum of money in Moidart ; but the duke, completely
exhausted by fatigue, died at sea a few days after going on
board. Locheil remained for several months in concealment,
and ultimately sailed in the same vessel with the Prince. Early
in Jime, Lord Lovat was discovered and taken prisoner in a
small island in Loch Morrar, where he had lived for twelve days
on oatmeal and water. Lord George Murray escaped to the
soiith, where, late in the year, he embarked in disguise for
France; but Mr Murray of Broughton, after making his way
through the passes, was seized at the house of his brother-in-law,
Mr Hunter of Polmood, in Peeblesshire.^ He and Lovat were
immediately sent to London.

1 Murray, in his narrative, gives a minute account of his journey to the Lowlands, and
of the separate journey of his wife, ^o was at this time in a peculiarly delicate state.
While the lady lay in Locheil's country, a message was sent to an English commanding-
officer explaining her condition, and requesting a pass for her, that she might travel to
Edinburgh ; hut this being refused, she had to make the best of her way thither in disguise,
which she succeeded in doing, and was, in the ensuing September, while residing there in
concealment, delivered of a son, who wras baptised Charles, but did not long survive.

Mrs Murray went abroad at her husband's request, but did not remain faithful to him.
A few 3rears after the insurrection, the ex-secretary married a young Quaker lady named
Webb, whom he found in a provincial English b<Muding<«chooI. She had six children to
him, the eldest being Mr Charles Murray, afterwards a well-known comedian. The ex-
secretary sold his estate of Broughton, in 1764, to Dickson of Havana, whose agent in
the transaction was Mr Walter Scot^ W.S., father of % Walter. This circumstance
seems to have been what occasioned the remarkable visit of Murray to that gentleman,
which BCr Lockhart has rebted in his Lift ^Sir IVmiitr Scott,

Mr Charles Murray, who was bora in 1754, was a little boy playing abont the room in
which his father sat in their house in London, when a tall, stout, red-faced gentleman came
in, and remained for some time conversing with his fad&er. Some weeks after, the father
said to the son : ' Charles, do you remember that stout gentleman who called upon me
some time ago!' ' Yes, sir.' ' Well, boy, remember you have seen your Prince.*

33^ HISTORY OP THE RSBELUOM OF 1745-6.

CHAPTER XXVL
Charles's wanderings — ^the long island.

* He miglit put on a hat, a muffler, and a kerchief and so escape.'

Shakspearb.

Charles was left in the remote and desolate island of Benbecula,
where he had arrived after a night-voyage of no ordinary danger.
His accommodations in this place were of the humblest descrip-
tion. A cow-house, destitute of a door, was his palace; his
couch of state was formed of filthy straw and a sailcloth ; and
the regal banquet, composed of oatmeal and boiled flesh, was
served up in the homely pot in which it had been prepared.
The storm continued for fourteen hours; and it was not till
the third day after {Tuesday, the 29th of April) that he could
leave the Island. They set sail for Stomoway, the chief port in
the Isle of Lewis, where Donald Macleod entertained hopes of
procuring a vessel to convey the Prince to France. A storm,
however, coming on, as on the former occasion, their little vessel
was driven upon the small isle of Glass, about forty miles north-
ward of Benbecula, and fiiUy as far distant from Stomoway.
They disembarked about two hours before daybreak, and, find-
ing the inhabitants engaged in the hostile interest under the
Laird of Macleod, were obliged to assume .the character of
merchantmen who had been shipwrecked in a voyage to Orkney;
CSuUivan and the Prince calling themselves Sinclair, as father
and son ; the rest of the crew taking other names. They were
entertained here by Donald Campbell, tacksman or leaseholder
of the island, who was so kind as to lend his own boat to
Donald Macleod, that he might go to Stomoway in order to
hire a vessel for the Prince's service. Donald set out next day,
leaving the Prince in Campbell's house.

Charles's wanderings — ^the long island. 333

A message came fh>m the faithful Macleod on the 3d of May,
intimating his having succeeded in his object, and requesting
the Prince immediately to set forward. Another boat, there-
fore, being manned, Charles set sail next day for Stomoway.
The wind proving contrary, he was obliged to land in Loch
Sheffort, at the distance of above twenty miles from Stomoway.
All this way he had to walk on foot over a pathless moor,
which, in addition to all other disadvantages, was extremely wet
Being misled by the ignorance of their guide, the disconsolate
litde party did not get near Stomoway till the 5th at noon ;
when, stopping at the Point of Arynish, about half a mile from
the town, they sent forward their guide to Donald Macleod,
imploring him to bring them out some refreshment Donald
soon came with provisions, and took them to the house of Mrs
Mackenzie of Kildun, where the Prince went to sleep. Return-
ing to Stomoway, Donald was confounded to observe the
people all rising in commotion. His servant, having become
tipsy, blabbed for whom the vessel was designed, at the same
time hinting that the Prince was in a condition to take it by
force, if he could not obtain it by good-will. This intimation
was confimied by a chain of alarms, communicated from a
clergyman in South Uist to his father in the Harris, and thence
to another minister in the Lewis. Donald exerted his eloquence
to shew them the absurdity of their fears, representing the
inability of the Prince, with so small a band, to do them the
least injury, and finally threatening that, if they should hurt but
a hair of his head, it would be amply and fearfully revenged
upon them, in this their lonely situation, by his royal highness*s
foreign friends. By working altemately upon their pity and
their fears, he succeeded in pacifying them; and all they at
last desired was, that he should leave their country. Donald
requested to have a pilot, but nobody could be persuaded to
perform that service. He then retumed to the house in which
the Prince was reposing, and informed him of the disagreeable
aspect of his affairs. Some proposed to fly instantly to the
moors; but Charles resolved to stand his ground, lest such a

334 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OF 1745-^.

measure should encourage his enemies to pursue. They soon
after learned that the boat in which they came to Lewis had
been taken out to sea by two of the crew, while the other two
had fled to the country, from fear of the people of Stomoway.
They were therefore obliged to spend the afternoon, in a state
of painful alaim, at Mrs Mackenzie's house.

The Prince, O'SuUivan, and O'Neal had at this time only six
shirts amongst them. During their residence at Kildun, they
killed a cow, for which the lady refused to take payment, till
compelled by his royal highness. They also procured two
pecks of meed, with plenty of brandy and sugar. With these
provisions, the whole party set sail next morning in the boat,
which had returned ashore during the night They thought at
first of going to Orkney, but the crew, now only two in number,
would not undertake so long a voyage. The Prince wished to
go to Bollein in Kintail; but this also the men refused, on
account of the length of the voyage. A resolution was then
taken to steer southward, as the only other course open to
them. Soon after, four large vessels appearing at a distance,
they put into the small desert isle of Eium or Ifiurt, near
Harris, a little way north of Glass, where they had been a few
days before.

The island was temporarily occupied by only a few fishermen,
all of whom fled to the interior at the approach of the boat,
which they believed to be sent with a pressgang from the vessels
within sight They left their fish in large quantities drying upon
the shore, to the great satisfaction of the wanderers, who made
a hearty meal upon it Their lodging here was a miserable
hovel, Uie roof of which was so imperfect, that it had to be
covered with a sailcloth. They lay upon the floor, keeping
watch by turns. The things given to them by Mrs Mackenzie
of Kildun added much to their comfort Out of the brains of
her cow the Prince baked a cake, which they ate with relish.
They were also able to make a little hot punch, which cheered
them greatly. Generally, Ned Burke acted as cook and baker ;
but the Prince, when he lent his hand to that work, usually

CHARLESES WANDERINGS— TH^ LONG ISLAND. 335

excelled his humble follower. One day, while the rest were
asleepi the Prince and Burke employed themselves socially in
preparing a dish of fish, when the latter remembering a piece of
butter which Lady Kildun had given them, went for it to the
boat, but found it jammed into a mass of crumbled bread. He
thought it useless; but the Prince, saying that bread could
never spoil butter, took it, melted it, and presented it with the
fish, which it greatly improved. While thus humbling himself,
he and the gentlemen of his party took their food apart from
the boatmen, though both parties had no better knives and
forks than their fingers, and no table or chaurs but the bare rocL
When about to leave the island, the Prince was going to leave
money upon the place where they had got the fish, but Donald
Macleod prevented him, by representing the necessity of acting
up to their supposed diaracter of a pressgang ; adding, accord-
ing to the report of Dougal Graham :

* la it not the man-of-war-men's way
To take all things, but not to pay ? '

Charles yielded to the suggestions of his sagacious counsellor,
though not without reluctance.

After a residence of four da}rs upon this little island, tiie party
once more set sail (May lo), and, cruising along the shores of
the Long Island, touched at Glass (where they had been before),
with the intention of paying Donald Campbell for the hire of
his boat Before they had got time to land, four men came up,
and it was thought necessary to send Edward Burke ashore to
confer with them, before the Prince should hazard his person on
the island. These fellows manifesting a desire of seizing the
boat, Burke, to escape their clutches, was under the necessity of
hastily jumping back into it and pushing off from the shore.
On account of the calm, they had to row all night, although
excessively faint for want of food About daybreak they hoisted
their sail to catch the wind, which then began to rise. Not
having any fresh water, they were obliged, during this miserable
day, to subsist upon meal stirred into brine. Charles himself is
said to have partaken of this nauseous food with some degree of

33^ HISTORY or THE REBELLION OF 1745-6.

satisfaction^ observing that, if ever he mounted a throne, he
should not fail to remember ' those who dined with him to-day.'
They considered themselves fortunate, however, in being able to
qualify the saU-waUr drammock, as it was called, with a dram of
brandy.

As they proceeded in their boat, they suddenly found them-
selves near an English man-of-war, which immediately gave them
chase. The Prince called the men to row with their utmost
speed, saying: 'If we escape this danger, you shall have a
handsome reward ; if not, I '11 be sunk rather than be taken.'
The ship, after a pursuit of three leagues, found itself becalmed.
The Prince's light skiff soon got out of sight, and went in
amongst the rocks at the Point of Roundil, in the Harris. Soon
after, on stealing out to pursue his course, the boat was espied
and pursued by another ship; and it was with the greatest
difficulty the crew got ashore at Loch-wiskaway in Benbecula.
Scarcely had he landed when a storm arose, and blew his
pursuers off the coast Charles, elated at the double escape he
had made, could not help exclaiming to his companions that he
believed he was not designed to die by either weapon or water.

Soon after landing upon Benbecula, one of the boatmen began
to search among the rocks for shell-fish, and had the good
fortune to catch a crab, which he held up to the Prince with a
joyful exclamation. Charles instantly took a pail or bucket,
which they carried with them, and ran to receive the prize from
the man's hands. They soon filled this vessel with crabs, and
then directed their steps to a hut about two miles inland,
Charles insisting upon carrying the bucket On reaching the
hovel, it was found to be one of the very meanest and most
primitive description, the door being so low, that they were
obliged to enter upon their hands and knees. Resolving to
remain here for some time, Charles ordered his faithful servant
Burke to improve the hovel by lowering the threshold. He also
sent a message to the old Laird of Clanranald, the fiither of his
youthful adherent, acquainting him of his arrival, and of his
present hapless condition.

Charles's wanderings — ^the long island. 337

Clanranald, who had lived in the Long Island during the
whole progress of the war, came immediately, bringing with him
some Spanish wines, provisions, shoes, and stockings. He
fomid the youth who had recently agitated Britain in so extra-
ordinary a manner, and whose pretensions to a throne he
considered indubitable, reclining in a hovel little larger than
an English hog-sty, and perhaps more filthy ; his face haggard
with disease, hunger, and exposure to the weather; and his
shirt, to use the expressive language of Dougal Graham, as
dingy as a dish-clout He procured him six good shirts from
Lady Clanranald, with a supply of every otfier convenience
which was attainable; and after spending a day or two in
the hut, it was determined that he should remove to a more
sequestered and secure place of hiding near the centre of South
Uist

Before removing, the Prince despatched Donald Macleod to
the mainland with letters to Locheil and Secretary Murray,
desiring to know the state of affairs in the country, and request-
ing from the secretary a supply of cash. Donald made his way
to these two gentlemen, who were still at the head of Loch
Arkaig, though all hope of continued resistance to the govern-
ment had been given up. He got letters from both gentlemen,
informing the Prince of the utter ruin of his affairs on the main-
land, but he did not obtain the desired supply of cash. Accord-
ing to his own account,^ the secretary said he had only sixty
louis-d'ors, which was httle enough for his own necessities : but
it is not easy to reconcile this with what we have seen regarding
the large sum landed from the French vessel The most feasible
explanation is, that the money had by this time been secreted,
and the country where it lay was so much possessed by the
king's troops as to prevent its being approached. Donald
returned to the Prince after an absence of eighteen days.^ He

1 yacoBite Memoirs,

* It appears from the manuacript of Secretary Mumy that the two messengen who came
from the Prince to see Locheil and Murray did not speak of money while they were at the
head of Loch Arkaig, and not till the party was on the west coast two days after, Murray
having gone thither with the design of sailing to Uist and bringing Charles back to th

V

338 HISTORY or THE REBELLION OP 1745-6.

found the royal fugitive in a better hut than that in which he
had left him, having two cow-hides stretched out upon four
sticks, as an awning to cover him when asleep. His habitation
was called the Forest-house of Glencoridale, being situated in a
lonely and secluded vale, with a convenient access either to the
hills or to the sea in case of a visit from the enemy. South
Uist is remarkable above all the Hebrides for abundance of
game, and Charles had here amused himself with field-sports.
He shewed himself remarkably expert in shooting fowl upon the
wing. Sometimes he also went out in a boat upon the creek
near his residence, and with hand-lines caught a species of fish
called lyths. Most of his faithful boatmen still remained with
him, and he was. provided by Clanranald n^th a dozen of stout
gillies to act as watchmen and couriers. The old gentleman, as
well as his brother Boisdale, often attended him, to cheer his
solitude and administer to his comforts.

In order to give the reader a proper idea of the danger which
the Prince ran at this time, it is necessary to remind him that
the reward of ^30,000, which had been offered by the govern-
ment for his apprehension at the beginning of the campaign,
still hung over his head, and indeed was now more ostentatiously
offered than before. The magnitude of the sum was such as
seemed calculated to overcome every scruple on the part of at
least his inferior adherents ; and it was daily expected through-
out the country that he would be given up by one or other of
those to whom he intrusted his person. That no means for the
accomplishment of such an end might be omitted, parties of

mainland, although extremely sick at the time, and little prepared for each an expedition.
The design of sailing to Uist for this purpose was prevented, and the two messengers
r< turned by themselves. Murray states that, on their asking money from him for the
Prince, he answered ' that he was surprised they had not mentioned that when at the head
of Loch Arkaig, when it was in his power to have given them any sum they could demand,
but that now he had none alongst with him, save a little for common necessaries on the
road.' This seems sufficient to defend the secretary from the charge brought by Donald
Macleod ; for in such circumstances it could have been no easy matter to command a
supply of money from the hoard buried beside Lock Arkaig. Had it been possible, there
could be no reason for Murray refusing to send a supply out of so large a sum, unless,
indeed, as he insinuates, he had reason to doubt the £uth of the messengers, who, he sayii»
•hewed him no written authority from the Prince.

Charles's wanderings — ^the long island. 339

soldiers were sent out in every direction, full of eagerness to
secure the prize. The duke's instructions to these emissaries
were invariably expressed in the simple words : ' No prisoners,
gentlemen — ^you understand me.' Among all who were em-
ployed in this duty, no man seems to have been more zealous
than John Campbell of Mamore (afterwards fourth Duke of
Argyll), who had some months before been invested with a
command over the troops and garrisons of the West Highlands.
On a report arising that the Chevalier had taken refuge in St
Kilda, General Campbell instantly repaired to the island with a
large fleet St Kilda ' placed far amidst the melancholy main,'
is the remotest of all the Western Islands, and is peopled by
only a few aboriginal families, who subsist chiefly on flsh and
sea-fowl, paying a rent to the Laird of Macleod, whose factor,
sent once a year to collect their dues, was the only visitor whom
they ever saw. On Campbell's fleet coming within sight, the
people fled in terror to caves and the tops of mountains, and it
was not without considerable diflUculty that the general could
procure a hearing amongst them. His men asked those whom
they found ' what had become of the Pretender ? ' expecting to
discover their guilt by their confusion, or perhaps to get a
candid confession. But the only answer they could obtain from
the simple islanders was, ' that they had never heard of such a
person.' All that they could tell about the late troubles was,
that they heard a report, probably communicated by some
stray fishermen, that their laird (Macleod) had been at war with
a woman a great way abroad, and that he had got the better of
her.

Charles spent several weeks in comparative comfort at Glen-
coridale. One day he shot a deer, which was brought to their
retreat As they were preparmg some collops from it, a poor
starved boy came in amongst them, and seeing the dish, thrust
his hand into it to satisfy his hunger. Burke, who acted as
cook, reproved the act with a stroke of the back of his hand,
when the Prince interfered, saying : * Ned, you don't remember
the Scriptures, which enjoin us to feed the hungry and clothe

340 HISTORY OP THE REBELLION OF 1745-6.

the naked You ought rather to give him meat than a stripe.'
The Prince then ordered some clothes for the boy, and paid for
them, adding : * I cannot see any one perish for lack of food
or raiment, having it in my power to preserve him.' This kind-
ness met an ungrateful return ; for the boy, after being fed and
clothed, having detected the quality of the Prince, and hearing
of the approach of 1500 Campbells, Macleods, and Macdonalds^
went to inform them where they might find the object of their
search. Fortunately, they did not believe his tale, and only
treated him with ridicule. It may here be remarked, that
upwards of a hundred people were aware of Charles being
lodged in Glencoridale, and not one, besides this boy, was ever
known to give the slightest hint on the subject to parties
unfriendly to him.

During his residence in Glencoridale, Lady Maigaret Mac-
donald, wife of Sir Alexander Macdonald of Sleat, sent the
newspapers of the day on various occasions to the Prince, in
whose behalf she felt deeply, notwithstanding that her husband
had remained loyal to the government The medium employed
by Lady Margaret for this purpose was Hugh Macdonald of
Balshair, in North Uist, an honest gentleman, well affected to
the Prince's cause, though he had not been in his army. The
time at length arrived when the military authorities became
aware that Charles was in the Long Island, and a resolution
was taken to land several large bodies of militia and regulars in
that range, in the hope of capturing him. When Lady Margaret
learned this resolution, she sent intelligence of it to Bal^iair,
with a request that he would seek out the royal fugitive, and,
communicating it to him, concert measures with other friends
for his safety. Balshair accordingly proceeded to Glencoridale,
after making an appointment with Boisdale to meet him at the
same place, but to go to it by a different route, in order that
their going might attract less attention. We have a curious
account of the visit from Balshair himself:

' Being a misty day, I came near them before they discovered
me, which surprised them. One of them, namely, Lieutenant-

Charles's wanderings — the long island. 341

colonel O'SuUivan, on my approach, bespoke the Young Gentle-
man [the Prince] in French : accordingly, he ran into the hbuse.
One Captain Allan Macdonald, in their company, who knew
me, advised them not to be concerned, as they were in no
danger from me. O'Sullivan introduces me to the hut He
[the Prince] saluted me very kindly, and told me he was heartily
glad to see the face of an honest man in such a remote comer.
His dress was then a tartan short-coat and vest of the same, got
from Lady Clanranald; his nightcap all patched with soot-
drops; his shirt, hands, and face, patched with the same; a
short kUt, tartan hose, and Highland brogues; his upper coat
being English cloth. He called a dram, being the first article
of a Highland entertainment; which being over, he called for
meat There was about a half-stone of butter laid on a timber
plate, and near a leg of beef laid on a chest before us, all
patched with soot-drops, notwithstanding its being washed toties
qtwties. As we had done, who entered the hut but Boisdale,
who seemed to be a very welcome guest to the Young Gentle-
man, as they had been together above once before. Boisdale
then told him there was a party come to Baira in suit of him.
He asked what they were. Boisdale said they were Macdonalds
and Macleods. He then said he was not the least concerned,
as they were Highlanders, and more especially such. I spoke
to Boisdale about leaving Glencoridale, as our stay there would
be of dangerous consequence, and of no advantage to him.
The Young Gendeman told us, as it was but seldom he met
with friends he could enjoy himself with, he would not on any
account part with us that night Boisdale says to me, we could
not, in good manners, part with him that night I replied, if he
would risk sta3ang himself— ^1 this in Highlands [Gaelic] — that
I would for my part The Young Gentieman advises Edward
Burke to fill the bowl ; but before we 'd begin with our bowl,
Boisdale insisted on his being shaved first, and then putting on
a clean shirt, which he was importuned to do; and Burke
shaved him. Then we began with our bowl, frank and free.
As we were turning merry, we were turning more free. At last

342 HISTORY OP THE REBELLION OF 1745-^.

I Starts the question if his highness would take it amiss if I
should tell him the greatest objections against him in Great
Britain. He said not I told that popeiy and arbitraiy govern-
ment were the two chiefest He said it was only bad construc-
tions his enemies put on 't '' Do you know, Mr Macdonald/* he
saySy ''what religion are ail the princes in Europe of?" I told
him I imagined they were of the same established religion of the
nation they lived in. He told me then they had litde or no
religion at alL Boisdale then told him that his predecessor,
Donald Clanranald, had fought seven set battles for his ; yet,
after the Restoration, he was not owned by King Charles at
court The Prince said: "Boisdale, don't be rubbing up old
sores, for if I came home, the case would be otherwise with
me." I then says to him that, notwithstanding of what freedom
we enjoyed there with him, we could have no access to him if
he was settied at London; and [he] told us then, if he had
never so much ado, he 'd be one night meiiy with his Highland
friends. We continued this drinking for three days and three
nights. He still had the better of us, and even of Boisdale
himself, notwithstanding his being as able a bowlsman, I dare-
say, as any in Scotland.'^

Charles, though he at first spoke lightly of the approaching
militia, soon became aware that his position in Soudi Uist was
one of considerable danger. It became necessary for him to
shift his quarters ; yet he and his friends could scarcely tell in
what direction he ought to fly. They went, however, into the
baige (June 14), and proceeded to Wiay island, between South
Uist and Benbecula, where they remained four nights. On the
1 8th, the Prince, O'Neal, and Burke went to Rossinish, leaving
O'Sullivan and Macleod in Wiay. Charles passed two nights
at Rossinish; when, being informed that some militia were
approaching Benbecula, he thought it would be best to return
to Coridale. How to do so, was the question ; for the militia.-
boats were already hovering between Wiay, where his boat was,

1 Lyon in Moumin^t MS. t. xga.

CHARLES'S WANDERINGS — ^THE LONG ISLAND. 343

and his present position. However, Macleod and O'SuUivan,
setting out in the night, came in the boat to Rossinish, and
took him o& The entire party was at sea in the barge on their
way back to Coridale, when tiiey saw two men-of-war, one of
which proved to contain the notorious Captain Caroline Scott,
on his way with a party to direct and stimulate the search of the
militia, and with orders to explore the Long Island from end to
end rather than not seize the Wanderer. The fugitive party put
into a place called Aikersideallich, near Uishnish, where they
spent the night, the Prince sleeping in the cleft of a rock, with
his bonnet drawn over his eyes. Afterwards they took boat
again, and rowed to the south part of South Uist, designing to
go into Loch Boisdale, where they hoped to have Mr Macdonald
of Boisdale for their friend. On the way, seeing some ships,
they had to take refuge for the day in a creek, and it was not
till night that they succeeded in reaching the place for which
they were bound. Coming on shore much exhausted, they took
up their quarters in an old tower, where preparations were
making for food and rest, when Donald Macleod espied two
sail, which they knew to be English. Charles, with three of the
company, immediately fled to the mountains, while the rest took
the boat farther into the loch. The ships passed away to
seaward, and they were then enabled to meet again. For two
nights more they stayed in the open fields, with the sails of the
boat covering them. Their hopes of assistance from Boisdale
were here cruelly frustrated by intelligence that that gentleman
had been taken into custody, notwithstanding his apparent
neutrality. Nevertheless, Lady Boisdale sent them four bottles
of brandy, and contributed every other comfort in her power.
On the third night they went farther into the loch, and there
rested for two nights more. But here they were astounded by
the information that the ferocious Scott had landed near them,
and that they were nearly environed by their enemies. Charles
no sooner learned this, than, * taking a couple of shirts under
his arm,' he set off towards Benbecula, allowing none to follow
him but O'Neal. According to the recollection of Donald

344 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OF 1745-6.

Macleod, it was on the 34th of June that he thus parted, as it
proved finally, with the three or four men who for nearly two
months had followed him under every danger and every hard-
ship. Of this parting the faithful boatman could not speak to
the reporter of his memoirs without 'greeting sore.*^ Before
going away, the Prince caused the rowers to be paid a shilling
a day for their services, and gave Donald Macleod a draught on
Mr John Hay for sixty pistoles ; which, however, Donald never
found an opportunity of presenting.

It was at this time of peculiar difficulty that Charles was to
be indebted for his preservation to the gallantry and generous
self-devotion of a young female — the celebrated Flora Mac-
donald. This lady, daughter of the deceased Mr Macdonald of
Milton, in South Uist, usually resided in the Isle of Skye with
her mother, who was now married to Hugh Macdonald of
Armadale, in that island. For the present, flora lived in Uist,
on a visit to her brother, and was on veiy intimate terms with
the Clanranald family, whose mansion of Ormaclade was only
three or four miles distant from her brother's house. The
circumstances under which this lady was brought to aid the
Chevalier have been obscurely related. According to her own
narrative,^ she had undertaken the task before Saturday the 21st
of June, which, however, does not well consist with the accounts
given by the other parties. O'Neal's relation, of which at this
place Bishop Forbes approves as being consonant to what he
had heard from Miss Macdonald's own mouth, gives the following
particulars as occurring during the night on which the Prince
left Loch Boisdale. ' At midnight we came to a hut [belonging
to Macdonald of Milton], where, by good fortune, we met with
Miss Flora Macdonald, whom I formerly knew. I quitted the
Prince at some distance from the hut, and went with a design
to inform myself if the Independent Companies were to pass
that way next day, as we had been informed. The young lady
answered me, not, and said that they were not to pass till the

1 yacoUte Mtmeirtt 40a* ' Ibid. 4x3.

CHARLES'S WANDERINGS — ^THE LONG ISLAND. 345

day after. Then I told her I had brought a friend to see her ;
and she, with some emotion, asked me if it was the Prince. I
answered her it was, and instantly brought her in. We then
consulted on the imminent danger the Prince was in, and could
think of no more proper and safe expedient than to propose to
Miss Flora to convey him to the Isle of Skye, where her mother
lived. This seemed the more feasible, as the young lady's
[stepjfather, being captain of an Independent Company, would
accord her a pass for herself and a servant, to go to visit her
mother. The Prince assented, and immediately proposed it to
the young lady ; to which she answered with the greatest respect
and loyalty, but declined it, saying Sir Alexander Macdonald
was too much her friend [for her] to be the instrument of his
ruin. I endeavoured to obviate this, by assuring her Sir
Alexander was not in the country, and that she could, with the
greatest facility, convey the Prince to her mother's, as she lived
close by the water-side. I then demonstrated to her the honour
and immortality that would redound to her by such a glorious
action ; and she at length acquiesced, after the Prince had told
her the sense he would always retain of so conspicuous a service.
She promised to acquaint us next day, when things were ripe
for execution, and we parted for the mountains of Coridale.'
It seems probable that one fact only of any importance is
omitted here — namely, that Miss Macdonald had been brought
to the hut by some previous concert, and expected there to meet
with the Prince. It also appears that the hut where Charles
and Miss Macdonald met was in Benbecula, to which the Prince
had gone after leaving Loch Boisdale.

Miss Macdonald now set out for Clanranald's house, in order
to prepare for her expedition. In crossing the sea-ford between
Benbecula and South Uist, she and her servant, having no
passports, were made prisoners by a party of militia. Desiring
to see the officer in command, she was told he would not be
there till next morning. She then asked his name, and upon
their mentioning Mr Macdonald of Armadale (her stepfather),
she chose rather to stay all night in their guard-house than

34^ HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OF 1 745-6.

answer any more questions. Next day (Sunday the 2 2d) Mr
Macdonald arrived, and was greatly surprised to find his step-
daughter in custody; but being, as there is good reason to
believe, well disposed to the unfortunate Prince, he readily
entered into Miss Flora's views, and not only liberated her, but
furnished her with a passport for herself, her servant, and a
female named Betty Burke — ^under which character Prince
Charles was to be concealed — as also a letter to her mother,
recommending this Betty Burke as an Irish girl who could spin
well, and would therefore suit the lady exacdy, as he knew she
was at present in want of such an assistant in her domestic
duties.

Thus furnished. Flora and Lady Clanranald, with some
attendants, came, on the 27th, to the royal wanderer, with the
disguise necessary for the character which he was to assume.
On entering the hut, they found his royal highness engaged
in roasting the heart and liver of a sheep upon a wooden spit •
a sight at which some of the party could not help shedding
tears. Charles, always the least concerned at his distressing
circumstances, though never forgetting the hopes inspired by his
birth, jocularly observed that it would be well perhaps for all
kings if they had to come through such a fiery ordeal as he was
now enduring. They soon after sat down to dinner. Miss
Macdonald on his right hand, and Lady Clanranald on his left
A small shallop had been previously made ready, and was now
floating near the shore.

While thus sitting, the party was infonned by a messenger
that General Campbell, with a great number of soldiers, had
arrived at Benbecula ; and soon after another messenger came
with the intelligence that Captain Feiguson, with an advanced
party, was come to Oimaclade. Lady Clanranald judged it
proper to go home to amuse them. Ferguson examined her
very strictly ; but she readily excused herself by the pretext that
she had been visiting a sick child. She was afterwards taken
into custody, along with her husband, and both paid for their
kindness to the Prince by a long confinement in London.

Charles's wanderings — ^the long island. 347

The Prince was now obliged to pait with his last remaining
companion, O'Neal. The poor fellow made an earnest request
to be allowed to accompany him on his further wanderings, but
Miss Macdonald could not be prevailed upon to agree to the
proposal In the forenoon (Saturday, June 28), it being
resolved to proceed to sea, Miss Macdonald desired Charles
to dress himself in the disguise, which consisted of ' a flowered
linen gown, a light-coloured quilted petticoat, a white apron, and
a mantle of dun camlet made after the Irish fashion with a
hood ; ' and the party soon after set out for the beach. On this
occasion Miss Macdonald was attended by one Neil Macdonald,
commonly called Neil Mackechan, a sort of preceptor in the
Clanranald family, and who may have some interest in the eyes
of the readers of modem European history, as having become
the father of Marshal Macdonald, Duke of Tarentum. They
arrived at the beach very wet and very much fatigued, and
made a fire upon a rock, to keep themselves warm till night
They were soon greatly alarmed by seeing four wherries full of
armed men apparently making towards the shore, which made
them extinguish their fire and conceal themselves. The wherries,
however, sailed by to the southward without stopping, though
within a gunshot of the place where our little party were lying
concealed amongst the heath.

About eight o'clock in the evening, the party got safely away
from Benbecula, and directed their course to the Isle of Skye.
It may here be remarked that generally throughout the extra-
ordinary wanderings of the Prince, after he himself had made
the most surprising escapes from his enemies, most of those
who aided him fell almost immediately afler into the hands of
those who had been in search of him. Two or three days after
he left the Long Island, a French cutter, containing 120 men,
arrived at South Uist for the purpose of carrying him off.
O'Sullivan, who was much reduced by his late style of living,
immediately went on board. O'Neal, anxious to serve the
Prince, made an appointment to be taken up by the vessel at
Loch Seaforth, near the Isle of Raasay, and set out in pursuit

348 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OF 1 745-6.

of the Prince, that he might bring him to that place, and so get
him carried away to France. The plan misgave; the vessel
sailed for its own comitiy, carrying 0*Sullivan into safety ; and
O'Neal, after some wanderings in Skye and elsewhere, was
apprehended in Benbecula, and sent prisoner to London. The
journal of this person shews a somewhat confused intellect,
but he certainly possessed a generous heart Donald Macleod
wandered about for some time, enduring great hardships, which
must have been severe on a man who had seen sixty-seven
years : he was at length taken (July 5) in Skye, and also sent
to London as a prisoner. Edward Burke was more fortunate.
He obtained concealment in a lonely part of the Isle of Harris
till after the Act of Indemnity passed in 1747, when, bemg safe,
he returned to Edinburgh, purchased (probably by Jacobite
contributions) a sedan-chair, and contentedly spent the remainder
of his days in his original occupation.

CHAPTER XXVIL

Charles's wanderings — ^skye.

' Far over yon hiUs of the heftther so green.

And down by the Corrie that sings to the sea.
The lovely young Flora sat sighing her lane,

The dew on her plaid, and the tear in her e'e.
She looked at a boat with the breezes that swung

Away on the wave like a bird of the main ;
And aye as it lessened, she sighed and she sung :

" Fareweel to the lad I shall ne'er see again!
Fareweel to my hero, the gallant and young ;

Fareweel to the lad I shall ne'er see again !" '

Jacobite Song,

The weather continued fair till the boat containing the Prince

* had got several leagues from shore, when it became somewhat

stormy. Exposed in such a vessel to the cold night-air, at the

Charles's wanderings — ^skye. 349

mercy of a raging sea, and at the same time haunted by the
fear of man's more deadly hostility, the sensations of the
little party cannot be supposed to have been very agreeable.
Charles could not help perceiving the uneasiness of his
attendants, and anxious to compensate, by all the means in
his power, for the pain which he occasioned to them, he
endeavoured to sustain their spirits by singing and talking.
He sang the lively old song entided The Restoratum; and
told a few playful stories, which yielded them some amuse-
ment

When day dawned, they found themselves out of sight of
land, without any means of determining in what part of the
Hebrides they were. They sailed, however, but a litde way
farther, when they perceived the lofty mountains and dark bold
headlands of Skye. Making with all speed towards that coast,
they soon approached Watemish, one of the western points of
the island. They had no sooner drawn near to the shore than
they perceived a body of militia stationed at the place. These
men had a boat, but no oars. The men in Miss Macdonald's
boat no sooner perceived them, than they began to pull heartily
in the contrary direction. The soldiers called upon them to
land, upon peril of being shot at ; but it was resolved to escape
at all risks, and they exerted their utmost eneigies in pulling off
their littie vessel. The soldiers then put their threat in execu-
tion by firing, but fortunately without hitting the boat or any
of its crew. Charles called upon the boatmen 'not to mind
the villains ;' and they assured him that, if they cared at all, it
was only for him ; to which he replied, with undaunted lightness
of demeanour : * Oh, no fear of me !' He then entreated Miss
Macdonald to lie down at the bottom of the boat, in order to
avoid the bullets, as nothing, he said, could give him at that
moment greater pain than if any accident were to befall her.
She refiised, however, to do as he desired, imless he also took
the same measure for his safety, which, she told him, was of
much more importance than hers. It was not till after some
altercation that they agreed to ensconce themselves together in

350 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OF 1745-^.

the bottom of the boat The rowers soon pulled them out of
all further danger.

When once more fairly out to sea, and in some measure
recovered from this alarm, Miss Macdonald, overcome with
the watchfulness and anxiety of the night, fell asleep upon
the bottom of the boat Charles had previously rendered
the kindest attentions to his amiable preserver, refusing to
partake of a small quantity of wine which Lady Clanranald
had brought to him before embarking, upon the plea that it
should be reserved for her, both on account of her sex and
the extraordinary hardships she was undergoing. He now
sat down beside her, and watched with tender and anxious
regard, lest the boatmen should happen to disturb her in the
course of their awkward movements.

In the eagerness of Duke William's emissaries to take Charles
upon the Long Island, where they had certain information
he was, Skye, on which the Prince was now about to land,
was left comparatively unwatched. The island was, however,
chiefly possessed by two clans — ^the Sleat Macdonalds and
Macleods — ^whose superiors had proved renegade to the Stuart
cause, and even raised men on the opposite side. Madeod
went so far in his hostility as to exert himself personaUy, and
with real eagerness, to effect the capture of the Prince. Parties
of their militia were posted throughout the island, one of which
had nearly taken the boat with its important chaige when it was
off Watemish. At the same time the people of the island did
not in general sympathise in the views of their chiefs, and there
were some gentlemen of both clans who were well affected to
the Prince, and had even been in arms on his behalf.

Proceeding on their voyage a few miles to the northward, the
little party in the boat put into a creek, or cleft, to rest and
refresh the fatigued rowers ; but the alarm which their appear-
ance occasioned in a neighbouring village quickly obliged them
to put off again. At length they landed safely at a place within
the parish of Kilmuir, about twelve miles from Watemish, and
very near Sir Alexander Macdonald's seat of Mugstat

Charles's wanderings — skye. 351

Sir Alexander was at this time at Fort Augustus, in attendance
on the Duke of Cumberland ; but his spouse. Lady Margaret
Macdonald—one of the beautiful daughters of Alexander and
Susanna, £arl and Countess of Eglintoune, a lady in the bloom
of life, of elegant manners, and one who was accustomed to
figure in the fashionable scenes of the metropolis — ^now resided
at Mugstat Well affected from education to the house of
Stuart, and possessed of humane feelings, she had pitied the
condition of the Prince in the Long Island, of which she was
made aware, and had sent him, as has been already stated, the
newspapers of the day, which he had regarded as a great
obligation. Mr Macdonald of Balshair, who served as a medium
for diis intercourse, had recendy transmitted a letter of thanks,
written by the Prince to Lady Margaret, enclosed in one to his
brother Donald Roy Macdonald, one of the Prince's captains,
who was now residing, for the cure of a wound in his foot (got
at Culloden), in the house of Mr John Maclean, suigeon in
Tiottemish. Donald Roy, a well-bred Highland gentleman,^
delivered the Prince's letter to Lady Margaret with his own
hand, and immediately after, as he had been ordered, desired
her ladyship to bum it, for the sake of her own safety, as well
as that of the Prince. But, kissing it, she said : * No, I will not
bum it — I will preserve it for the sake of him who sent it to
me. Although King George's forces should come to the house,
I hope I shall find a way to secure the letter.' ' She hid it in
a closet The purport of Balshair's letter to Donald Roy was,
that the Prince (the escape with Flora Macdonald not being
then projected) designed to leave the Long Island and take
refuge in a small solitary isle named Fladdachuan, six miles
from Trottemish, and inhabited by only one family, tenants
under Sir Alexander Macdonald. Donald was desiied to keep

1 He was one of the only two gentlemen of Sir Alexuider Macdonald's following who
went out, Mr Forbes preserves several Latin verses by him, bearing out the representation
made by General Stewart, in his work on the Highland Regiments, respecting the learned
education given in those days to the gendemen of the Western Islands.

s When some troops afterwards came to the house in quest of the Prince, she deemed it
prudent to destroy this document, which she did with great regret.

35< HISrORT OP THE REBELLION OP 1 745-6.

a look-out, and be ready to assist the Prince with necessaries
in that island. At the interview idiich Donald had with Lady
Margarety she entered heartily into the scheme, and gave him
six shirts, and twenty broad pieces of gold, for the Prince's use.
She offered blankets, which Donald refused, as he could not
get them carried without the risk of exciting suspicion. During
the interval between the receipt of these letters and the arrival
of the Prince in Skye, Donald had gone to Fladdachuan to
look out for the expected stranger, but of course in vain. Lady
Margaret had also more recently received, by a Mrs Macdonald
of Kiriubost in North Uist, a letter informing her of the altered
scheme, and of the concern which Miss Flora was taking in the
matter. She was therefore in some measure prepared for the
arrival of the Prince in Skye, but not for his coming so near her
residence.

When the boat containing the Wanderer had landed. Miss
Macdonald, attended by Neil Mackechan, proceeded to the
house, leaving Charles, in his female dress, sitting on her trunk
upon the beach.^ On arriving at the house, she desired a
servant to inform Lady Margaret that she had called on her
way home from the Long Island' She was inmiediately intro-
duced to the family apartment, where she found, besides Mrs
Macdonald of Kirkibost, a Lieutenant Madeod,' the com-
mander of a band of mihtia stationed near by, three or four of
whom were also in the house. There was also present Mr
Alexander Macdonald of Kingsbuigh, a gentleman of the
neighbourhood, who acted as chamberlain or factor to Sir
Alexander, and who was, she knew, a sound Jacobite. Miss
Macdonald entered easily into conversation with the officer,
who asked her a number of questions — as, where she had come
from, where she was going, and so forth — all of which she
answered without manifesting the least trace of that confusion

1 NanatiTe (MS.) in my poaaeauaa, by Cobnd Macalister of Ban- and Coor, in Argylo*
■hire.

2 Flora Macdonald's Nanative, yacciiU Mtmcin,
* Son of Donald Madeod of Balmcanagb.

Charles's wanderings—skye. 353

which might have been expected from a young lady under such
circumstances. The same man had been in the custom of
examining every boat which landed from the Long Island : that,
for instance, in which Mrs Macdonald of Kirkibost arrived had
been so examined; and I can only account for his allowing
that of Miss Flora to pass, by the circumstance of his meeting
her under the imposing courtesies of the drawing-room of a
lady of rank. Miss Macdonald, with the same self-possession,
dined in Lieutenant Macleod's company. Seizing a proper
opportunity, she apprised Kingsburgh of the circumstances of
the Prince, and he immediately proceeded to another room, and
sent for Lady Margaret, that he might break the intelligence to
her in private. She was greatly alarmed, insomuch as to scream,
and exclaim aloud that she and her family were undone ; but
Kingsburgh, who was a cool, sensible man, soon calmed her
fears in some degree, assuring her that, if necessary, he would
take the Prince to his own house. He was now, he said, an
old man, and it made little difference to him whether he should
immediately die with a halter about his neck, or await a natural
death, which could not be far distant^ It was then agreed to
send an express to Donald Roy, requesting his immediate
attendance on business of the utmost importance. It does not
appear to have been thought that Donald was in any danger
from Lieutenant Macleod; and indeed the reverse of this
appears, for he tells us himself^ that he at this time used to
meet the militiamen and jest with them on his late cateer as a
rebel officer. For the protection, however, of Lady Margaret,
the letter was directed by Mrs Macdonald of Kirkibost, and put
into the messenger's hands, as from her.

When Donald soon after approached the house, he saw Lady
Margaret and Kingsburgh wsdking together in the garden, as
in deep consultation. Her ladyship's first address to him was :
' Oh, Donald, we are ruined for ever 1 ' • The three now held
an anxious council as to the best means of disposing of the

1 Colonel Macalistex's Narrative

3 Marzadve printed in Jac^biU Mtwmrs. > Dooald Roy's Narrative.

354 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OF 1 745-6.

Prince, whose zesting-place for the meantime was at the bottom
of the gaxden in which they were walking. It was suggested
that he might proceed in the boat to the island of Raasay ;
but this was seen to be dangerous, as he would require to pass
a military party in sailing along the coast in that direction. It
was at last determined that he should be sent overiand to
Portree, the principal port in Skye, and thence transported to
Raasay. What made this island seem so fitting a refuge was,
that the proprietor, a principal man of the dan Macleod, had
been in the Prince's army with his ' following,' his eldest son
alone remaining loyal, to save the estate in case of the worst.
It was arranged that Donald Roy should be at Portree on the
arrival of the Prince, after having in the meantime sought out
the young laird of Raasay, in order to consult about putting his
roysd highness under his father's charge. It was further con-
templated that Raasay and Donald Roy might conduct the
Prince to Seaforth's country on the mainland, and place him
amongst the Mackenzies; but afterwards it was found that
Charles objected to this part of the scheme, thinking that to go
from place to place was safer than to stay in any one district

Donald Roy now set out in quest of young Raasay, who, he
understood, was at Tottrome near Portree. Soon aufter, while
Miss Flora still carried on conversation in the dining-room,
Kingsburgh took his leave, as to go home ; provided himself
with a bottle of wine, a tumbler, and some biscuits ; and went
to introduce himself to the fugitive Prince. Charies was not
now so near Mugstat House as at first Mackechan had in the
meantime gone to inform him that Kingsburgh was to come
and take charge of him, and also to conduct him to a more
secluded spot at a greater distance. Kingsburgh had some
difficulty at first in finding the place : at length, seeing a few
sheep run oflf in alarm, and cross a dry-stone enclosure, and
calculating that they must have been startled by a human being,
he went to the spot, and there found Charles in his female
disguise. The Prince, on seeing him, rose up and came forward
threateningly, with a large knotted stick in his hand 'Are

Charles's wanderings — skye. 355

you Mr Macdonald of Kingsburgh?' he demanded; which
being answered in the affirmative, he instantly changed his
demeanour, and said: 'Then let us be going.' Kingsburgh
requested him to delay a little while, in order to take some
refreshment ; and spreading out his wine, tumbler, and biscuits
upon the top of a rock, enabled the famished Prince to make a
hearty meal, in the course of which he drank familiarly to his
future conductor. They then proceeded on their journey, the
first object of which was Kingsbujgh House, situated at some
miles' distance on the north shore of Loch Snizort As they
walked along, Mr Macdonald remarked, in high spirits, how
fortunate it was that he had been at Mugstat that day. He
had come, he said, without any reason of either business or
duty which he could remember. ' I '11 tell you the cause,' said
Charles ; ' Providence sent you there to take care of me.' He
evinced on other occasions an inclination to suppose himself
under the protection of a special Providence ; and he certainly
had as much cause for forming such a notion as the most of
those who have fidlen into the same belief.

Some time after, when it might have been supposed that
Kingsbuigh and the Prince would be a little way advanced on
their journey, Flora Macdonald rose firom table to take her
departure. Lady Margaret affected great concern at her short
stay, and entreated that she would prolong it at least till next
day ; reminding her that, when last at Mugstat, she had pro-
mised a much longer visit Flora, on the other hand, pleaded
the necessity of getting inunediately home to attend her mother,
who was unwell, and entirely alone in these troublesome times.
After a proper reciprocation of entreaties and refusals. Lady
Margaret, with great apparent reluctance, permitted her young
friend to depart

Miss Macdonald and Mackechan were accompanied in their
journey by Mrs Macdonald of Kirkibost, and by that lad/s
male and female servants, all the five riding on horseback.
They soon came up with Kingsburgh and the Prince, who had
walked thus far on the public road, but were soon after to turn

356 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OF 1 745-6.

off upon an unfrequented path across the wild countiy. Flora,
anxious that her fellow-traveller's servants, who were uninitiated
in the secret, should not see the route which Kingsburgh and
the Prince were about to take, called upon the party to ride
faster; and they passed the two pedestrians at a trot Mis
Macdonald's girl, however, could not help observing the extra-
ordinary appearance of the female with whom Kingsburgh was
walking, and exclaimed that she * had never seen such a tall,
impudent-looking woman in her life! Seel* she continued,
addressing Flora, ' what long strides the jade takes I I daresay
she *s an Irishwoman, or else a man in woman's clothes.* Flora
confirmed her in the former supposition, and soon after parted
with her fellow-travellers, in order to rejoin Kingsbuigh and the

Prince.

These individuals, in walking along the road, were at first a
good deal annoyed by the number of country-people whom they
met returning from church, and who all expre^ed wonder at the
uncommon height and awkwardness of the apparent female.
The opportunity of talking to their landlord's factotum being
too precious to be despised, these people fastened themselves
on Kingsburgh, who, under the particular circumstances, felt a
good deal annoyed by them, but at last bethought himself of
saying : ' Oh, sirs ! cannot you let alone talking of your worldly
affairs on Sabbath, and have patience till another day?' They
took the pious hint, and moved off.^ In crossing a stream
which traversed the road, Charles held up his petticoats indeli-
cately high, to save them from being wet Kingsbuigh pointed
out tliat, by doing so, he must excite strange suspicions among
those who should happen to see him ; and his royal highness
promised to take better care on the next occasion. Accord-
ingly, in crossing another stream, he pennitted his skirts to hang
down and float upon the water. Elingsburgh again represented
that this mode was as likely as the other to attract observation;
and the Prince could not help laughing at the difficulty of

1 'Account of the P— 's Escape/ Sc^U Moimauu, 1749.

Charles's wanderings — ^skye. 357

adjusting this trifling and yet important matter. His conductor
further observed that, instead of returning the obeisance which
the country-people made to them in passing by a courtesy, his
royal highness made a bow; and also that, in some other
gestures and attitudes of person, he completely forgot the
woman, and resumed the man. 'Your enemies,' remarked
Kingsburgh, ' call you a pretender; but if you be, I can tell you
you are tiie worst at your trade I ever saw.' ' Why,' replied
Charles, laughing, 'I believe my enemies do me as much
injustice in this as in some other and more important particulars.
I have all my life despised assumed characters, and am perhaps
the worst dissimulator in the world.' The whole party — Charles,
Kingsburgh, and Miss Macdonald — arrived in safety at Kings-
burgh House about eleven at night

The house of Kingsburgh was not at this time in the best
possible case for entertaining guests of distinction ; and, to add
to the distress of the occasion, all the inmates had long been
gone to bed. The old gentleman, however, lost no time in
putting matters in proper trim for affording a supper to the
party. He introduced Charles into the hall, and sent a servant
up-stairs to rouse his lady. Lady Kingsburgh, on being informed
of her husband's arrival, with guests, did not choose to rise, but
contented herself with sending down an apology for her non-
appearance, and a request that they would help themselves to
whatever was in the house. She had scarcely despatched the
servant, when her daughter, a girl of seven years, came running
up to her bedside, and informed her, with many expressions of
childish surprise, that her father had brought home the most
'odd, muckle, iU-shaken-up wife she had ever seen — ^and brought
her into the hall too 1' Kingsbuigh himself immediately came
up, and desired her to lose no time in rising, as her presence
was absolutely necessary for the entertainment of his fellow-
travellers. She was now truly roused, and even alarmed ; the
mysterious sententiousness of her husband suggesting to her
that he had taken under his protection some of the proscribed
fugitives who were then known to be skulking in the country.

35^ HISTORY OP THE RXBKLUON OP I745~6b

As she was putting on her dolhesi she sent her daughter
down-stairs for her keys, which she remembered to have left in
the halL The girl, however, came back immediatdy, declaring
with marics of the greatest alarm, that she could not go into the
hall for fear of the tall w<Hnan, who was waUdng backwards and
forwards through it in a manner, she said, perfectly fri^tfiiL
Lady Kingsbuigh then went down herseli^ but could not he^
hesitating, when she came to the door, at sight of this mysterious
stranger. Kingsbui]B^ coming up, she desired him to go in for
the keys ; but he bade her go in herself; and, after some further
demur, in at last she went

On her entering, Charles rose up from a seat which he had
taken at the end of the hall, and advanced to salute her. Her
apprehensions were now confirmed beyond a doubt; for, in
peifonning the ceremony of the salute, she felt the roughness of
a male cheek, and such were her feelings at the discovery, that
she almost fainted away. Not a word passed between her and
the unfortunate stranger. When she got out of the hall, she
eagerly made up to Kingsbuigh, and disclosed to him all her
suspicions. She did not upbraid her husband for having been
so imprudent, but, on the contraiy, asked if he thought the
stranger would know anything regarding the Prince. Kings-
burgh then took his wife's hands into his own, and said seriously:
' My dear, this is the Prince himselfl'

She could not restrain her alarm when he pronounced these
emphatic words, but exclaimed : * The Prince I then we 11 be all
hanged!'

Kingsbuigh replied : ' We can die but once— could we ever
die in a better cause? We are only doing an act of humanity,
which anybody might do. Go,' he added, ' and make haste with
supper. Bring us eggs, butter, cheese, and whatever else you
can quickly make ready.'

'Eggs, butter, and cheese 1' repeated Mrs Macdonald, alarmed
upon a new but scarcely less interesting score — ^the honour of
her housewifeship ; ' what a supper is that for a prince — ^he 11
never look at it 1'

CHARLES'S WANDERINGS — SKYE. 359

*Ah, my good wife,* replied Kingsbuigh, *you little know how
tliis poor Prince has fared of late ! Our supper will be a treat
to him. Besides, to make a formal supper would cause the
servants to suspect something. Make haste, and come to supper
yonrsel£'

Lady Kingsbuigh was almost as much alarmed at her
husband's last expression as she had been about her provisions.
* Me come to supper!' she exclaimed; 'I know not how to
behave before majesty 1 '

'But you must come,' Kingsburgh replied; 'the Prince
would not eat a bit without you ; and you 'U find it no difficult
matter to behave before him — ^he is so easy and obliging in
conversation.'

Supper being accordingly soon after prepared, and Miss Flora
Macdonald introduced, Charles, who had always paid the most
respectful attentions to his preserver, placed her upon his right
hand, and Lady Kingsburgh on his left. He ate very heartily,
and afterwards drank a bumper of brandy to the health and
prosperity of his landlord. When his repast was finished, and
the ladies had retired, he took out a little black stunted tobacco-
pipe which he carried with him, and which, among his com-
panions, went by the name di^the cutty ^ and proceeded to take
a smoke, informing Kingsburgh that he had been obliged to
have recourse to that exercise during his wanderings, on account
of a toothache which occasionally afflicted him. Kingsbuigh
then produced a small china punch-bowl, and, in Scottish
fashion, made up, with usquebaugh, hot water, and sugar, the
celebrated composition called toddy, dealing it out to Charles
and himself in glasses. The Prince was pleased to express him-
self greatly delighted with this beverage, and soon, with Kings-
burgh's assistance, emptied the little bowl, after which it was
again filled. The two fiiends, unequal in rank, but united in
common feelings, talked over their glasses in a style so familiar,
so kindly, and so much to the satisfaction of each other, that
they did not observe the lapse of time, and it was an hour not
the earliest in the morning ere either thought of retiring. It

360 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OF 1745-6^

might have been expected that Charles, from fatigue, and from
a wish to enjoy once more the comforts of a good bed, to which
he had been so long a stranger, would have been the first to
propose this measure. On the contrary, Kingsbuigh had to
perfonn the disagreeable duty of breaking up the company.
After they had emptied the bowl several times, and when he
himself had become anxious for repose, he thought it necessary
to hint to the Prince that, as he would require to be up and
away as soon as possible, on the morrow, he had better now go
to bed, in order that he might enjoy a proper term of sleep. To
his surprise, Charles was by no means anxious for rest On the
contrary, he insisted upon ' another bowl,' that they might, as h^
said, finish their conversation. Kingsbuigh violated his feelings
as a host so far as to refuse this request, urging that it was
absolutely necessary that his royal highness should retire, for the
reason he had stated. Charles as eagerly pressed the necessity
of more drink; and, after some good-humoured altercation,
when Kingsbuigh took away the bowl to put it by, his royal
highness rose to detain it, and a struggle ensued, in which the
little vessel broke into two pieces, Charles retaining one in his
hands, and Kingsburgh holding the other.^ The strife was
thus brought to an end, and the Prince no longer objected to
go to bed.

After having retired from the supper-table, Lady Kingsburgh
desired Miss Flora to relate the adventures in which she had
been concerned with his royal highness. At the termination of
the recital, the hostess inquired what had been done with the
boatmen who brought them to Skye. Miss Macdonald said
they had been sent back to South Uist Lady Kingsbui]^
observed that they ought not to have been permitted to return
immediately, lest, falling into the hands of the Prince's enemies
in that island, they might divulge the secret of his route. Her
conjecture, which turned out to have been correct, though

1 This bowl, and the tumbler which Kingsburgh took fixmi Mugttat, that the Prinee
might drink his wbe from it, were, in 1837, in the possession of Colonel Macalister of Bait
and Cour.

Charles's wanderings — ^skye. 361

happily without being attended with evil consequences to the
Prince, detennined Flora to change the Prince's clothes next
day.

So much did Charles enjoy the novel pleasure of a good bed,
that though he seldom, during his distresses, slept above four
hours, he on this occasion slept about ten, not awaking till
roused, at one o'clock next day, by his kind landlord. Kings-
buigh inquiring, like a good host, how he had reposed, tiie
Prince answered that he had never enjoyed a more agreeable
or a longer sleep in his life. He had ahnost forgot, he said,
what a good bed was. Kingsburgh begged leave to tell his
guest that it was full time to think of another march. It would
be proper, he continued, for him to go away in the same dress
which he wore when he entered the house, in order to avoid
raising suspicions among the servants ; but as the rumour of his
disguise might have taken air, it would be advisable to assume
another garb at the earliest opportunity. The only reformation
he thought it would be allowable to make in his habiliments at
present was a change of shoes, those which the Prince had
brought with him being worn so much that his toes protruded
through them. Kingsburgh happened to have a pair in the
house which he had never worn, and those he provided for
the accommodation of his friend. When Charles had shifted
the old for the new, Kingsburgh took up the former, tied
them together, and hung them up in a comer of his house,
observing that they might yet stand him in good stead. Charles
asked him what he meant by that, and the old man replied :
* Why, when you are feirly settled at St James's, I shall introduce
myself by shaking these shoes at you, to put you in mind of
your night's entertainment and protection under my roof.*
Charles smiled at the conceit of the good old gentleman, and
bade him be as good as his word. Kingsburgh accordingly
kept these strange relics, or the greater portion of them, as long
as he lived. After his death, and when all prospect of Charles's
restoration to St James's was gone, his family permitted the
remainder to be cut to pieces^ and dispersed among their

363 HISTORY OF THE R£BELUON OF 1745-^

friends. It is the recollection of one of his descendants that
Jacobite ladies often took away the pieces they got in their
bosoms.^

When Charles was to dress, Mrs Macdonald caused her
daughter to act as his handmaid, for, as she afterwards told
Bishop Forbes, ' the deil a preen he could put in.' While Miss
Macdonald* was dressing him, he was like to fall over with
laughing. After the pinners, gown, hood, and mantle were put
on, he said : ' Oh, Miss, you have foigot my apron. Where is
my apron ? Get me my apron here, for it is a principal part of
my dress.' Kingsbuigh and his lady informed their Mends
afterwards that at this time he behaved not like one that was in
danger, but as mirthftdly as if he had been putting on women's
clothes merely for a frolic. Lady Kingsburgh having asked a
lock of his hair, to preserve as a keepsake, he laid down his
head upon Flora's lap, and told her to cut off as much as she
chose. Flora severed a lock, the half of which she gave to
Lady Kingsburgh, and the other half retained for hersel£

In the evening, after having taken another hearty meal,
Charles addressed himself to his departure. He had observed
that Mrs Macdonald, like most ladies of birth and fashion oi
her time, took snuff; and on approaching her to take his leaver
he asked to have ' a pinch from ho- mull' The good lady took
that opportunity of presenting the box to his royal highness as
' a keepsake.' He accepted it with many thanks, rendering at
the same time his warmest acknowledgments of the kindness
with which he had been treated under her roo£ After he had
taken a tender &rewell, she went up-stairs to his bedroom, and
folded the sheets in which he had lain, declaring that they

1 Within the second board of the fifth Toliime of Bishop Forbears collectkm of pepera
entitled TAe Lyom in Mourning, now in my possession, are two small pieces of leadker,
carefully tealed down, with die following note : * The above are pieces of one of the logs
or those identical brogues which the Prince wore, when disguised in the female drees, under
the name of Betty Buxke, as handmaid to Miss Flora Macdonald.' It appears, firom the
contents of the irolnme, that Mr Forbes had written to Kingsburgh requesting these fnigw
ments, and received them, along with a letter from that gentleman, dat«i July 15, 1748.

* This lady afterwards became Mn Macalister, and was, I presume, mother of Colonel
Macalister, who, in xSayi oUigiagly wrote for me the mamiscript which has been quoted.

Charles's wanderings — skye. 363

should never again be washed or used till her death, when they
should be employed as her winding-sheet She was afterwards
induced to divide this valuable memorial of her distinguished
guest with the amiable Flora, who, it may be mentioned, many
years afterwards carried her moiety of it to America. In the
course of her strangely adventiux>us life, and though often
reduced to situations of the greatest distress by the republican
insurgents, she never parted with it till the day of her death,
when her body was wrapped in its precious folds, and consigned
with it to the grave.

Charles now set out from Kingsburgh, with the intention of
walking to Portree, about fourteen miles distant, where he had
the cheerful prospect of finding a boat ready to convey him to
Raasay. He was attended by his faithful friends Flora and
Kingsbuigh, the last carrying under his arm a suit of male
Highland attire for his royal highness's use. When they had
got to a considerable distance firom the house, Kingsburgh con-
ducted the Prince into a wood, and assisted him in changing
his clothes. The suit which he now put on consisted, as usual,
of a short coat and waistcoat, a philibeg and short hose, a plaid,
a wig, and a bonnet Kingsburgh and the Prince then took a
parting embrace, in doing which tears fell firom the eyes of both,
and a few drops of blood from the Prince's nose. The former
being alarmed at sight of the blood, the Prince told him that it
was usually so with him when he parted from dear friends. He
then set out with Mackechan ^ on his journey, a little herd-boy

1 At a meeting of Mr and Mn Macdonald of Kuigsburgh, and tome other persons, in
Lady Bruce's house, citadel of Leith, July ii, 1747, the oonTcrsation turned on a small
work deaoiptiye of the Prince's wanderings, entitled AUxi*, or tht Youn^ Adveitiurtr ; a
NoveL (London : T. Cooper, X74&) In the report of the conversation which has been
preserved by Bishop Forbes, one of the persons present, the following passage occurs with
respect to that pamphlet : as relating to the father of a historical penmiage of no small note,
it seems worthy of being preserved.

* It was represented to Kingsburgh that his lady, during his confinement, had been
telling some folks that, upon convening with him (her husband) about the pamphlet Alexis,
he should have said that he knew nobody who could be the author of it but Neil Mackechan,
so pointed and exact it was in giving the narrative* Kingsburgh, looking to his lady, said t
" Goodwife, you may remember I said that I knew nobody who could be the author of that
pamphlet but Neil Mackechan or myself.**'

When it was suggested that Neil Mackechan (a low man} could not be thought capabto

364 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OF 1 745-6.

acting as their guide, and Miss Flora proceeding to the same
place by a different way. Kingsburgh hid the cast-off garments
of Betty Burke in a bush, where they lay for some time ; but at
length, from fear of the military, he carried them home, and
burned the whole except the gown. The preservation of the
gown was owing to his daughter, who insisted upon keeping it
as a relic of their Prince, and because it was a pretty print A
Jacobite manufacturer of the name of Carmichae^ at Leith,
afterwards used it as a pattern, and sold an immense quantity of
cloth, precisely similar in appearance, to the ' loyal ' ladies o£
Scotland^

When Donald Roy made application to young Raasay, he
was mortified by the information that old Raasay had left his
hiding-place upon the island, and gone to Knoidart, a part of
Glengarry's estate upon the mainland The young gentleman,
however, though he had been reserved from the insurrection for
the purpose of saving the estate, was as well affected to the
Chevalier as either his father or his younger brothers, who led
out the clan, and instantly proposed to conduct the Wanderer
to Raasay, where he could at least remain concealed till the old
gentleman's advice might be obtained for farther procedure.
Donald approved of the plan ; but the difficulty was how to get

of drawing up anything of that tort, Kingilmrgh and his lady infonned the company that
Mackechan had been educated in the Scots College in Paris, with the view of commencing
clergyman ; but that, after getting his education, he had dropped the design ; that therefore
he was capable enough, and that he had proved a great comfort to the Prince in his wander^
ings, by talking to him in the French language about matters of importance in thdr
difficultiest when perhaps it was not so prudent or convenient that thoae who wen
should know what they were conversing about They told likewise that they had
been so much afraid of any penon's conduct as that of Mackechan ; because he was a good-
natured man, and very timorous in his temper. But they frankly owned they had done him
great injustice, by entertaining any suspicions about him, for that he had bdiaved to
admiration, and had got abroad with the Prince, the great wish of his soul, for he ooold
never think of parting with him at any time, but upon condition of meeting again, which
Mackechan was so lucky as fiequently to accomplish, even when at parting they ooold
scarce condescend upon a time or place when and where to meet.

1 Bishop Forbes has also preserved a fragment of the ' identical gawm* which, he says^
was sent to him by Mra Macdonald of Kingsburgh. Beneath it he has (asteoed a piece of
the a^mmstrittg, which he says he got from Miss Flora Macdonald, November 5, X747,
' when I saw the apron, and had it about me.' The two fragments do not seem in the least
to have suffered from time.

Charles's wanderings — skye, 365

a boat They could not trust a Portree crew, and all the
Raasay boats had been destroyed or carried off by the military,
except two belonging to Malcolm Macleod, a cousin of young
Raasay, which he had somewhere concealed.

There was at that time in the same house with young Raasay
a younger brother, named Murdoch Macleod, who had been
wounded at the battle of Culloden, and was now slowly recover-
ing. Murdoch, being informed of the business in hand, said he
would once more risk his life for Prince Charles ; and it having
occurred that there was a little boat upon a fresh-water lake in
the neighbourhood, he, with his brother and some women,
brought it to the sea, by extraordinary exertion, across a High-
land mile of land, one-half of which was bog, and the other a
steep precipice. The gallant brothers, with the assistance of a
little boy, rowed this to Raasay, where they hoped to find
Malcolm Macleod, and get one of his good boats, with which
they might return to Portree and receive the Wanderer ; or, in
case of not finding him, they were to make the small boat serve,
though the danger was considerable.

Malcolm Macleod, who was soon to act a conspicuous part
in the deliverance of the Prince, had been a captain in his
service, and fought at the battle of Culloden. Being easily
found by his cousins, he lost no time in producing one of his
boats, which he succeeded in manning with two stout boatmen,
named John Mackenzie and Donald Macfiriar, who had also
been in the Prince's army. Malcolm, being the oldest and
most cautious man of the party, suggested that, as young Raasay
was hitherto a clear man, he should not on the present occasion
run any risk; but that he himself and Murdoch, who were
already * as black as they could be,' should alone conduct the
expedition. Young Raasay answered, with an oath, that he
would go, ' though it should cost him the estate and the head.'
*In God's name, dien,' said Malcolm, 'let us proceed!' The
two boatmen, however, now stopped short, and refiised to move,
till they should be informed of their destination. They were
sworn to secrecy, and made acquainted with not only the extent

366 HISTORY OF THS REBSLUON OF 1 745-6.

of their voyage, but also its object ; after which^ they expressed
the utmost eagerness to proceed.

The boat soon crossed the oarrow sound which divides
Raasay from Skye, and being landed about half a mile from
the harbour of Portree, Malcolm and Madnar were despatched
to look for Prince Charles, while young Raasay and Murdoch
remained on the shore.

Donald Roy and Malcolm Madeod now met at a little
public-house, the only one in the village, and soon alter Miss
Flora joined them, and gave information of the approach of the
Prince and his two attendants. Immediately theroifter, the boy
who had attended Charles as his guide came to the door, and
asking for Donald Roy, informed him that a gendeman wished
to see him at a little distance. He went in the direction
indicated, and found the Prince, who embraced him kindly,
putting his head first over one shoulder and then over the other,
and desiring him to be equally unceremonious, for, night diough
it was, there might still be sufficient light to enable any lurking
bystander to observe their motions, and who could not, of
course, fail to suspect the real state oi the case if he saw one
gentleman treating another with the etiquette due to a prince
It had been a rainy evening, and Charles was thorougMy wet
On Donald expressing his regret for this circumstance, the
Prince said : * I am more sorry that cur lady* — for so he used to
name Miss Macdonald — ' should be exposed to such an evening.'
They now went into the inn, Donald going first; but no
ceremony seems to have passed on meeting Miss Macdonald
and Malcolm Macleod. The Prince called for a dram in the
first place, of which he seemed in much need, as the rain was
streaming down fix)m his plaid, and he had no trews or philib^.^
The company joined in urging him to shift and put on a dry
shirt, Donald Roy offering him his philibeg. He at first
refused, from delicacy towards Miss Macdonald; but he was
at length prevailed on to disregard ceremony. When he had

1 Such is Donald Roy's statement, though another narrator describe* the Prince m
getting a full Highland suit from Ringtbargh.

CHARLES'S WANDERINGS — ^SKYE. 367

put on the fresh shirt, some food was brought in, and he fell to
it as he was, his long walk having furnished him with a ravenous
appetite. Donald Roy, notwithstanding the anxiety of the
moment, fell a-laughing at the strange figure he now cut ; when,
seeing the Prince looking at him, he said : ' Sir, I believe that is
the English fashion.'

' What fashion do you mean ?'

* Why, they say the English, when they intend to eat very
heartily, cast off tiieir dothes.'

* They axe right,' said Charles, * lest anything should incom-
mode their hands when they are at work.'

He now asked for a drink; but there being no fermented
liquor in Skye except in gentlemen's houses, he was obliged to
slake his thirst with water from a dirty-looking wooden and
rough-edged vessel, which the landlord employed to bale his
boat Donald Roy took a draught from this unpleasant cup,
and handed it to die Prince, with a whispered assurance that it
was tolerably clean, and that prudence required him to drink
fh>m it without hesitation, lest he should raise suspicions among
the people of the house. Charles then put it to his lips, and
took a hearty draught, after which he put on his philibeg and
other clothes.

Donald Roy uiged him to make haste to leave the house,
as, there being but one room for all comers, he ran a consider-
able risk of being detected. Though anxious to stay all night,
on account of the rain, he now prepared to set out for the boat,
but first made an endeavour to prevail on Donald to accompany
him, for he said he had experienced so much fidelity and kind-
ness from the Macdonalds, that he thought he should feel
himself safe if he still had one of that clan with him. Donald
excused himself, on account of his woimd, which forbade his
travelling except on horseback, and also because, by remaining
in Skye, he might be of greater service to him than by accom-
panying him. It was agreed, however, that young Raasay
should return in the boat on the ensuing Thursday, and,
meeting Donald at a particular place whidi they appointed,

368 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OF 1745-6.

cany him over to join the Prince in Raasay. Charles now
called for some tobacco, that he might smoke a pipe before
departing, and the landlord brought a quarter of a pound of a
very coarse kind in the scales, for which Charles gave him
sixpence. Donald Roy desired the man to bring the change.
The Prince smiled at his exactness, and was for refusing the
three-halfpence; but Donald insisted on his taking this little
sum, as 'the bawbees,' he said, 'might in his present situation
be useful to him.* Donald then shewed him a separate pocket
in his sporran, or Highland purse, into which he slipped them.

The litUe party had drunk a whole bottie of whisky. In
paying the reckoning, the Prince got change for a guinea. He
then desired to have change for another guinea; but the landlord
had only eleven shillings more. Charles was for taking this
sum in lieu of his guinea, as likely to be more useful to him
than the piece of gold ; but Donald Roy prevented him, on the
plea that such an appearance of indifference to money was
calculated to raise suspicion of his quality. He now took fare-
well of Miss Flora Macdonald and Mackechan. Approaching
the young lady, he said: ' I believe, madam, I owe you a crown
of borrowed money.* She told him it was but half-a-crown ;
which he accordingly paid her, with thanks. He then saluted
her, saying : ' For all that has happened, I hope, madam, we
shall meet in St James's yet' Before leaving the house, he tied
a botUe of whisky to his belt at one side, and a bottle of brandy,
with some shirts (which had been brought from Ringsbuigh),
and a cold fowl in a napkin, at the other. As the party were
leaving the door, they observed the landlord looking after them:
to deceive him, they took a different way from that intended,
and approached the boat by a circuitous route. When Donald
afterwards returned to the house to take some rest, this man,
whose name was Charles Macnab, was very inquisitive about
the stranger, who he was, and where he had parted with him.
Donald said, with affected indifference, that he was only a
brother rebel, a Sir John Macdonald, an Irishman, who had
been skulking among his friends in Skye, but was now gone for

Charles's wanderings — skye. 369

the continent Macnab said he had entertained a strong notion
that the gentleman might happen to be the. Prince in disguise,
*for he had something about him that looked very noble.' ^
Donald afterwards went to Kingsburgh, to tell the good people
there of the Prince's safe departure, and next to Mugstat, to
give the like information to Lady Margaret Macdonald. At the
latter place, he met and spent a pleasant evening with Lieu-
tenant Macleod, the gentleman whom Miss Flora had amused
to such good purpose.^

1 Donald Roy's Narrative.

* ' About six or eight days after the Prince left Skye, Captain Ferguson followed him in
hot puraxit ; and having extorted from the boatmen, at or in their return to South Ubt, an
exact description of the gown and dress the Prince had worn, he first went to Sir Alexander
Macdonald's, where, after a strict search, hearing only of Miss Flora Macdonald, he thence
proceeded in all haste to Kingsburgh, where he examined every person with the utmost
exactness. He asked Kingsburgh where Miss Macdonald, and the person who was with
her in woman's clothes, had lain T Kingsburgh answered, he knew where Miss Flora had
lain : but as for servants, he never asked any questions about them. The captain then
asked Lady Kingsburgh whether she had laid the young Pretender and Miss Flora in one
bed T To which she answered : " Whom you mean by the young PreteiuUr I do not pretend
to guess ; but I can assure you it is not the fashion in Skye to lay mistress and maid in one
bed." Upon visiting the rooms wherein each had lain, the captain could not but remark
that the room the supposed maid had possessed was better than that of the mistress.

' Kingsbinrgh was made a prisoner, and, by General Campbell's order, he went on parole,
without any guard, to Fort Augustus, where he was plundered of everything, thrown into
a dungeon, and loaded with irons. When Sir Everard Fawkener examined him, he put
him in mind how noble an opportunity he had lost of making himself and his family for
ever. To which Kingsburgh replied : " Had I gold and silver piled heaps upon heaps to
the bulk of yon huge mountain, that mass could not aiford me half the satisfaction I find in
my own breast from doing what I have done.** While Kingsburgh was prisoner at Fort
Augustus, an officer of distinction came and asked him if he would know the young Pre-
tendei's head if he saw itT Kingsburgh said he would know the head very well if it were
on the shoulders. " But what if the head be not on the shoulders — do you think you
should know it in that case ?* *' In that case," answered Kingsburgh, '* I will not pretend
to know anything about it." So no head was brought him.

' Kingsburgh was removed hence to Edinbuigh Castle, under a strong guard of Kingston's
light horse. He was at first put into a room with some other gentlemen, and afterwards
removed into one fay himself, without being allowed to go over the threshold, or to see any
person, except the officer upon guard, the sergeant, and the keeper; which last was
appointed to attend him as a servant And here he was kept till, by the act of grace, he
was set at liberty on the 4th of July 1747 ; having thus, as an author observes, got a whole
year's safe lodging for affording that of one night' — Scots Magazine^ 1749^

Alexander Macdonald, Esq. of Kingsburgh, died February 13, 177a, aged eighty-three.

In the diary of Sir James Mackintosh (see his Memoirs by his son) is an interesting
anecdote of Kingsburgh, which one might wish to be true, if it is not ' The excellent
President Forbes represented to the Duke of Cumberland, that to execute so popular a man
as Kingsburgh would excite a new rebellion. But he was so deeply involved in the escape
of Charles, that his destnactioo seemed to be certain. At Fort Augustus, while he was a

X

'

370 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OF I745-6.

When the Prince entered the boat, and the names of all the
individuals composing the crew, including young Raasay, were

prisoner, aa order came to the officer on gaard far the release of sooie
othera, the officer called the name of Alexander Macdooald, asking Kingsbuigh if that
not he. He answered : " That is «y name ; but I tu^wct there must be aone aistakc.**
The officer said : " D— — yon I what nustakef Is not your name Alexander MaodonaldT*
King^burgh said it was, but repeated his warning twice or thrice. He at last went oat and
met a friend, who advised him iaatantly to go out and leave the fort. Kingsbuigh aaid :
" No : I must wait at the opposite alehouse till I see whether the officer gets into a saape."
He waited. In two hours an officer came with a body of soldiers, and made the snfaaltera
on gitard prisoner for having set at large so dangerous a rebeL Kiqgsbuigh inunediately
ran across the street, and saying to the officer : ** I told you there was a msstake.* sur-
rendered himself.'

Miss Macdonald, having taken leave of the Prince, left Portree immediately, and pr»>
ceedcd to her mother's house of Armadale in the district of SleaL She never toU her
mother, or any one else, what ahe had done. Eight or tea days after her arrival, she
received a message from Dooald Macdonald of Castletoo, a neighbouring geatlenan,
requesting her to come to him, and stating that he sent the meange at the iaatigatioo of aa
officer of an independent compaay, who proved to be Madeod of Tahsker. ^umn ■iial
ftu»p(tious of what might happen, she consulted her friends, who onaniasously advised her
not to go : but ' go she would.'* On her way, she met her stepfather returning home, and
had not gone much farther, whan she was seised by an officer and a party of soldiers, and
hurried on board Captain Ferguson's vesseL General Campbell, who was on board,
ordered that she >l>ouki be well treated ; and finding her story had been blabbed by the
boatmen, she confessed all to that officer.

She was soon after transfrtred from the ship commanded by Feigusoa to one coca-
manded by Commodore Smith, a humane person, capable of appreciating her noble
conduct. By the permission of General Campbell, she was now allowed to land at Arma-
dale and take leave of her mother : her stepfather was by this time in hiding, from fear lest
his concern in the Prince's escape should bring him into trouble. Floca« who had hitherto
been without a change of clothes, here obtained all ahe required, and engaged as her
.'ittendant an honest good girl, named Kate Macdowall, who could not speak a word of aajr
l.ingtiage but Gaelic She then returned on board the vessel, and was in time canied
to the south. It chanced that she here had for one of her feUow-prisooeis the worthy
Captain O'Neal, who had engaged her to undertake the charge of the Prince and who^ bjr
the way, had made her the offer on that occasion of his hand in marriage, as a protecttoa to
her good fame. When she first met him on board, she went playfully up, and slappir^g hioa
gently on the cheek vrith the palm of her hand, said : 'To that bladi £iGe do I owe all my
misfortune !' O'Neal told her that, instead of being her misfortuae, it was her highest
honour, and that if she continued to act up to the character ahe had already shewB» aoc
pretending to repent of what she had done, or to be ashamed of it, it would yet redound
frreatly to her happiness.

The vessel in which she was having put into Leith Road early in September, and remained
there till November, many of the well-affected in Edinburgh had an OM>ortunity of paying
her in person the homage due to her character. Amongst these was the Rev. Mr Forbes,
the Episcopal minister of the port, whose pea was £artuiutely active on the ocrasiwi I
extract the following from his mriinada :

' In the journal taken, &c. Miss Macdonald has omitted several thii^ which she particu-
larly mentioned to those who conversed with her when she was lying in the Road of Leith»

• The words of her own aanattve, ymcMir Jf#

Charles's wanderings — skye. 371

announced to him, he would not permit the usual ceremonies
of respect, but saluted them as his equals. It was nearly

on board the Eiikam mnd the Bri^gewaUr ship8-of''war. She told that when the Prince
put on women's clothes, he proposed carrying a pistol under one of his petticoats, for
making some small defence in case of an attack : but Miss declared against it, alleging that
if any persons should happen to search them, the pistol would only serve to make a dis-
covery The Prince was obliged to content himself with only a short heavy cudgel,

with which he designed to do his best to knock down any single person that should attadc
him.

' She used likewise to tell that, in their passage to the Isle of Skye, a heavy rain fell
upon them, which, with former fatigues, distressed her much. To divert her, the Prince
sang several pretty songs. She fell asleep, and to keep her so, the Prince still continued to
sing. Happening to awake with some little bustle in the boat, she found the Prince leaning
over her with his hands spread about her head. She asked what was the matter. The
Prince told her that one of the rowers, being obliged to do somewhat about the sail, behoved
to step over her body (the boat was so small) ; and lest he should have done her hurt, either
by stumbling or trampling upon her in the dark, he had been doing his best to preserve his
guardian from harm. When Miss Maodonald was telling this particular part of the adven-
ture to some ladies that were paying their respects to her, some of them with rapture cried
out : " Oh, Miss ! what a hai>py creature are you, who had that dear Prince to lull you
asleep, and to take such care of yon with his hands spread about your head when you was
sleeping ! You are surely the happiest woman in the world I" "I could," says one of
them [Miss Mary Clerk *], " wipe your shoes with pleasure, and think it my honour so to
do, when I reflect that you had the honour to have the Prince for your handmaid. We all
envy you greatly." Much about the same time, a lady of rank and dignity [Lady Mary
Cochranef] being on board with Miss Macdonald, a Inrisk gale began to blow and make
the sea rough, and not so easy for a small boat to row to Leith. The lady whispered to
Miss Macdonald that she would with pleasure stay on board all nig^t, that she might have
it to say that she had the honour of lying in the same bed with that person who had been
so happy as to be guardian to her Prince. Accordingly, diey did sleep in one bed that
night. Several ladies [my Lady Bruce, t Lady Mary Cochrane, Mrs Rattray,) Mrs Cheap,
Miss Peggie Forbes, Miss Susie Graham, Miss Magdalen Qerk, Miss Mary Clerk, Miss
Rachie Houston, Miss Peggie Callander] made valuable presents to Miss Macdonald;
namely, gowns, shirts, head-suits, shoes, stockings, &c &c Commodore Smith made her
a present when she was in Leith Road of a handsome suit of riding-dothes, with plain mount-
ing, and some fine linen for ridingHliirts, as also a gown to her woman Kate Macdowall,
and some linen to be shifts for poor Kate, who [had] generously offered herself to Miss
Macdonald, when she could get not one that would venture to go vrith her. ....

' When Miss Macdonald was on board the Bridgewater in Leith Road, accounts had
come that the Prince was taken prisoner, and one of the officers had brought the news of
this report on board. She got an opportunity of talking privately to some who were then
visiting her, and said, with tears in her eyes : " Alas I I am afraid that now all is in vain
that I have done ! The Prince at last is in the hands of his enemies 1" Though at Uutf

* One of the daughters of Mr Hugh Clerk, merchant in Ldth, a son of Robert Clerk
of Listonshiels, a cadet of the Penicuik family.

t Probably a daughter of Thomas, sixth Earl of Dundonald.

t Widow d[ Sir William Bruce of Kinross. In her bouse, in the citadel of Leith, Mr
Forbes at this time lived.

\ llie wife of Mr Kattray, surgeon in Edinburgh, the same who had been for a short
time a prisoner at Inverness.

372 HISTORY or THI REBELLION OF I745-6.

daylight (July ») when he left Portree. ' As they were rowing
along in the boat, the Prince conversed to and fro, and fre-

lim gral tai mi cnlcrained ibout Ibe truth of thii uanmt, rd thcw tbu wen arilh

ro pnOf pockec wloaKI
*ful MnpJojrmctit for ha-
e, DccdlOk wbit« thnad

Flora Macdonald.

took it «jic«dingly iir«L[ wli
obNging ju i« cwnc uhore
if [Ikey knew uiy pcnoa t* c

I do. and Iheitby tjaw paued nry dully on.

for emd compaay to Mltod bf r^ and fiequcntly dcclaied th
iBic DD board obi oT curioiiif . ud dm out of ntpeci for Hi

Charles's wanderings — skye. 373

quently said that friends who shewed their friendship in distress
were the real friends, and that he hoped his fnends would not

Macdonald, that person should not have access to her. This genteel behaviour makes it to
be presumed that their orders were so exceedingly strict, that they could not dare to bring
her ashore. Commodore Smith, commander of the Elikam^ behaved like a father to her,
and tendered her many good advices as to her behaviour in her ticklish situation : and
Captain Knowler of the Bridgtwater used her with the utmost decency and politeness.
When company came to her, she was indulged the privilege, by both these humane and
well-bred gentlemen, to call for anything on board, as if she had been at her own fireside ;
and the servants of the cabin were obliged to give her all manner of attendance ; and she
had the liberty to invite any of her friends to dine with her when she pleased. Her
behaviour in company was so easy, modest, and weU adjusted, that every visitant was
much surprised ; for she had never been out of the ishmds of South Uist and Skye till about
a year before the Prince's arrival, that she had been in the family of Macdonald of lArgoCt
in Aigyleshire, for the space often or eleven months.

* Some that went on board to pay their respects to her used to take a dance in the catnn,
and to press her much to share with them in the diversion ; but with all their importunity,
they could not prevail with her to take a trip. She told them that at present her dancing days
were done, and she would not readily entertain a thought of that diversion till she should be
assured of her Prince's safety, and perhaps not till she should be blessed with the hai>piness
of seeing him again. Although she was easy and cheerful, yet she had a certain mixture
of gravity in all her behaviour, which became her situation exceedingly well, and set her oflT
to great advantage. She is of a low stature, of a fair complexion, and well enough shaped.
One would not discern by her conversation that she had spent all her former days in the
Highlands ; for she talks English (or rather Scots) easily, and not at all through the Erse
tone. She has a sweet voice, and sings well, and no lady, Edinburgh-bred, can acquit
herself better at the tea-table than what she did when in Leith Road. Her wise conduct
in one of the most perplexing scenes that can happen in life, her fortitude and good sense,
are memorable instances of the strength of a female mind, even in those years that are
tender and inexperienced.'

The ship in which Miss Macdonald was confined left Leith Road on the 7th of November,
and carri^ her straightway to London, where she was kept in a not less honourable captivity
in the house of a private family, till the passing of the act of indemnity in July 1747, when
she was discharged without being asked a single question. Her story had by tfiis time
excited not less interest in the metropolis than it had done in Scotland. Being received
after her liberation into the house of the dowager Lady Primrose of Dunipace, she was
there visited by crowds of the fashionable world, who paid her such homage as would have
turned the heads of ninety-nine of a hundred women of any age, country, or condition. On
her mind they produced no effect but that of stirprise : she had only, she thought, per-
formed an act of common humanity, and she had never thought of it in any other light till
she found tlie world making so much ado about it Lord Mahon mentions, I do not know
upon what authority, that a subscription to the amoimt of ;Cs5oo was raised for her in
London. Mr Robert Cole of London possesses an original letter of hers, addressed to
Innes and Clerk, merchants of that city, and dated at Kingsburgh, April 33, 1751, in which
she makes mention of ^'^^ lodged in their hands for her behoof by Lady Primrose, and
that she understood that more would follow from the same quarter.

Soon after returning to her own country, Flora was married (November 6, 1750) to Mr
Alexander Macdonald, younger of Kingsburgh, to whom she bore a large family of sons
and dai^hters. When Dr Johnson and Mr Boswell visited Skye, they were entertained by
Mr and Mrs Macdonald at Kingsburgh. Johnson, in his Journey to tkt Western Islands,
introduces her well-known maiden name, which he says is one ' that will be mentioned in

374 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OF I745~6.

have reason to repent for the services done him, and that he
would happily yet end what he had b^un, or die in the
attempt'^ He slept a little on the passage to Raasay, and,
after a voyage of ten miles, they landed at a place called Glanu
As almost all the houses in the island had been burned by the
soldiery, and as some were not eligible as places of conceal-

hutory, and, if courage and fidelity be virtues, mentioaed with honour.' He adds : ' She is
a woman of middle suture, soft features, gentle manners, and d^ant pneaenoe.' Soon
after this period, under the influence of the passaoa for emigntion which was then raging in
the Highlands, Kingsburgh and his lady went to North Carolina, where they purchased
and settled upon an estate. She bore with her across the Atlantic the sheet in iriuch the
Prince had lain, that it might serve as her shroud, wherever it should be her £sl« to lay down
her bones. Mr Macdonald had scarcely been settled on his property, when the unfortmaatc
contest between the colonists and the mother-country involved him in trouble. Like most
of his countrymen in America, he sided with the British govenunent, and the consequence
was that he was imprisoned as a dangerous person. On being liberated, he took arms
against the colonists, as captain in a regiment called the North Carolina Hi^landers, and
he and his wife met with many strange adventures in the course of the oootasL At the
conclusion of the war, they found it necessary to leave the country of their adoption, and
return to Skye. In the voyage homeward, the vessel encountered a French ship of war,
and an action ensued. While the other ladies were confined below. Flora insistad upon
remaining on deck, where she endeavoured, by her vmoe and example, to ^nimfitr the
sailors. She was unfortunately thrown down in the bustle^ and hnke her arm ; which
caused her afterwards to observe, in the tpisit of poor Mercutio, that she had now perilled
her life in behalf of both the house of Stuart and that of Brunswick, and got very tittle for
her pain&

She spent the remainder of her life in Skye, and at her death, which took place March s,
1790, when she had attained the age of seventy, was actually buried in the shrood which
she had so strangely selected for that purpose in her youth, and carried with her through so
many adventures and migrations. She retained to the last that vivacity and vigour of
character which has procured her so much historical distinction. Her husband, who sur-
vived her a few years, died on the half-pay list as a British officer : and no fewer than five
of her sons served their king in a miUtary capacity. Charles, the eldest son, was a captain
in the Queen's Rangers. He was a most accomplished man : Lord Maodooald, on. seeing
him lowered into the grave, said : ' There lies the most finished gentleman of my family
and name.' Alexander, the second son, was also an officer : he was lost at sea. The third
son, Ranald, was a captain of marines, of high professional character, and remaricable for
the elegance of his appearance. James, the fourth son, served in Tarleton's British Legion,
and was a brave and experienced officer. Lietttenant*coloocl John Maodonald of Ejceter
was the last survivor of these gallant sokiien. There were, moreover, two daughters, one
of whom, Mrs Major Madeod of Lochbay, in the Isle of Skye, survived to give informa-
tion to the author of this work, at the time of its first publication in 1837. Flora lies buried
in a mausoleum of the Kingsburgh fiunily in the churchyard of Kilmuir, without a stone
to mark her grave.

Donald Roy Macdonald, who had taken such an important interest in the Prince's pro>
gress through Skye, skulked in caves, where he was supplied with necessaries by Lady
Maigaret Macdonald, till the passing of the act of indemnity in 1747, whan he was enabled
to go at large.

1 Nanative by Murdoch Madeod, Lyam in Mommmf, MS. iv. 86a.

Charles's wanderings — skye. 375

ment, it was not without difficulty that the Prince was accom-
modated. A resolution was at length made that the whole
company should lodge in a little hovel which some shepherds
had lately built, though it could afford them absolutely nothing
but shelter from the open air. When they had settled here,
young Raasay went away, and in about two hours returned with
a young kid, which they immediately proceeded to roast, and
ate with butter, cream, and oaten bread, the Prince preferring
the last to a wheaten loaf, and calling it his own country bread.
* After their little repast was over, he began to inquire narrowly
about the damages done in the island. Upon his being told of
all the houses burned, and of the other great depredations in
the island, to which the houses were but a trifle, he seemed
much affected, but at the same time said that, instead of the
huts burned, he would yet build houses of stone. Afterwards,
walking on a narrow green near the cottage, he said that this
was a bitter hard life, but he would rather live ten years in that
way than be taken by his enemies, and seemed a little surprised
himself how he did bear such fatigues ; " for," says he, " since
the battle of CuUoden, I have endured more than would kill a
hundred: sure Providence does hot design this for nothing.
I 'm thus certainly yet reserved for some good." Thus they
passed the day, and after having taken some supper, he went to
rest with as great pleasure, and in outward appearance as little
concerned, as if in the greatest prosperity.' ^

Though there were no parties of military upon Raasay, and
although all the inhabitants were well affected, it was thought
proper by Charles's attendants to use the utmost caution.
Watches were established upon the tops of all the neighbouring
heights, and no one of the party appeared in public except
young Raasay, who was, as abready mentioned, a clear man.
Donald Roy being stationed upon Skye, to give intelligence in
case of any annoyance from that quarter, the Prince might have
almost considered himself secure upon this wild and secluded

1 Muzdooh Madcod's Narrative.

376 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OP 1745-6.

island. Laying aside the wretchedness of his lodging, he might
also be esteemed as not in the worst possible predicament as to
living. Yoimg Raasay was in the midst of his own flocks, and
had only to use insidious means to procure for his royal highness
and the whole party plenty of fresh provisions.

The Prince's bed of state here was one made, in the primitive
Highland fashion, of heather, with the stalks upright, and the
bloom uppermost He enjoyed long, but not unbroken
slumbers, often starting, and giving unconscious expression to
the feelings and imagery of his dreams. Malcolm Madeod, who
watched him on these occasions, informed Mr Boswell that his
half-suppressed exclamations were sometimes in French, some-
times in Italian, and occasionally in English; though the
ingenious tourist could not help questioning Malcolm's ability
to distinguish at least two of these tongues. One of his expres-
sions in English was : ' O God, poor Scotland 1 * his mind having
probably been then engaged in lamenting the militaiy tyranny
by which, in consequence of his unfortunate enterprise, a great
part of the nation was so bitterly agonised.

The only stranger, besides the Prince, then known to be upon
the island of Raasay, and of course the only person from whom
they apprehended particular danger, was a man who had come
about a fortnight before for the ostensible purpose of selling a
roll of tobacco. The tobacco had been long sold, and yet the
man wandered about, apparently reluctant to quit the island.
Nobody knew anything about him, and he was suspected to be
a spy. One day John Mackenzie came running down from the
place where he had been watching with the alarming intelligence
that this mysterious individual was approaching the hut The
three gentlemen who attended the Prince — ^young Raasay,
Murdoch Macleod, and Malcolm — immediately held a council
of war upon the subject, the result of which was, that the man
should be put to death without ceremony. The mind of Charles
shrunk with horror from the proposal, and assuming a grave
and even severe countenance, he said : ' God forbid that we
should take away a man's life who may be iimocent, while we

Charles's wanderings— skye. 377

can preserve our own.' The gentlemen, however, persisted in
their resolution, while he as strenuously continued to take the
merciful side. In the midst of the debate, John Mackenzie,
the watchman, who sat at the door of the hut, said in Erse :
* He must be shot : you are the king, but we are the parlia-
ment, and will do what we choose.' Charles, seeing his friends
smile, asked what the man had said, which being reported to
him in English, he observed that he was a clever fellow ; and,
notwithstanding the perilous situation he was in, he could not
help laughing.^ Fortunately the unknown person walked past,
without perceiving that there were people in the hut Malcolm
Macleod afterwards declared that, had he stopped or come
forward, they were resolved to despatch him; that he would
have done so himself, although the victim had been his own
brother I Dougal Graham, indeed, reports that young Raasay
had his pistol ready cocked for the purpose.

After a residence of two days and a half upon the island of
Raasay, Charles expressed a strong wish to leave it, alleging
that it was too narrow to afford good room for skulking, and
also professing an anxiety to meet with Donald Roy Macdonald
in Skye. His attendants combated his wishes, but he insisted
on the point so earnestly, that they at last gave way. The
whole party accordingly set sail, on the evening of the 3d of
July, in the same open boat which had brought them over to
Raasay. Before they had proceeded far, the wind began to
blow hard, and to drive so much sea-water into their vessel,
that they begged to return and wait a more favourable oppor-
tunity. But the Prince insisted upon proceeding, in spite of
every danger, exclaiming that Providence had not brought him
through so many perilous chances to end his life in this simple
manner at last. To encourage them, he sang a lively Erse song,
although very little acquainted with that language. They con-
tinued their voyage, notwithstanding that the water came into

1 Mr Boswell, by conversing with this man, discovered that, in reality, he had no inten-
tion of amusing Prince Charles by an allusion to the power which the British parliament
had exercised over the fortunes of his family, but spoke only from the simple idea thai
many voices were better than one. — See Boswell's Tour, ad edition, p. aaS.

373 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OF 1745-6.

the boat in such quantities as to require the utmost exertions
of Malcobn to keep it from sinking. ' Gentlemen/ he said, * I
hope to thank you for this trouble yet at St James's.' After a
rough voyage of about fifteen miles, they landed safe, about
eleven o'clock at night, at a place called Nicholson's Great
Rock, near Scorobreck in Trottemish, the northern limb or
peninsula of the Isle of Skye. There being no convenient
landing-place, the party had to jump out into the surf, and haul
the boat ashore. Charles, who was already drenched to the
skin, and encumbered with a laige greatcoat, was the third man
to fling himself into the sea for this purpose. After landing,
he eagerly assisted in hauling the boat ashore.

The only lodging which ihe party could find to solace them
for all the fatigues and discomforts of their voyage, was a lonely
cow-house belonging to Mr Nicholson of Scorobreck, a mansion
about two miles distant Lest there might be some people in
this hovel, young Raasay went forward to inspect it, while the
rest walked slowly behind. ' What must become of your royal
highness,' said Murdoch, ' if there be people in the house, for
certainly you must perish, if long exposed to such weather?'
' I care nothing for it,' replied the Prince, ' for I have been
abroad in a hundred such nights.' Young Raasay having come
back reporting that the byre was empty, they entered, kindled
a fire, and lying down around it, partook of some bread and
cheese, their only provisions. At an early hour in the morning,
young Raasay went away to meet Donald Roy, according to
the appointment which had been made with him. The Prince,
who had stretched himself beside the fire, slept till noon, when
he rose and went out with Murdoch to a little hill near by,
where Malcolm Macleod and the two boatmen had been stand-
ing sentry. He ordered them to go in and take some sleep,
of which, he said, they had much need, and he himself should
meanwhile keep watch. He here expressed to Murdoch great
anxiety for the return of his elder brother, saying he would wait
for him till eight o'clock, but no longer. He then asked
Murdoch if he could travel well, to which the youth replied in

Charles's wanderings — skye. 379

the negative, his wound being still unhealed. The Prince then
asked if he knew his cousin Malcolm well, and if he was a
discreet man, who might be safely trusted. Murdoch gave a
strong testimony to both the discretion and fidelity of Malcolm ;
which seems to have determined the Prince as to his next
movements. He told Murdoch that he expected to get a boat
on the other side of Skye to carry him to the island of Rum.
In case this expectation should not be fulfilled, he wished
Murdoch to be within two days at a particular point a few
miles off with his own six-oared boat, which he understood to
be an excellent sailer, in order to take him off if necessary.
Lest, however, it should be judged unsafe for him to sail in
that boat through the strait between Skye and the mainland,
on account of the guards there posted, he wished Donald
Roy to go to Sleat and have another boat ready for him in
that district ' All this,' said he to Murdoch, ' you must endea-
vour to manage aright, for it is a matter of the utmost conse-
quence. It will be a piece of great friendship, which I shall
never foiget' He also expressed a strong wish that the concern
of young Raasay in aiding his concealment should be kept a
profoimd secret, adding that he, for one, would never say a
word about it.^

The Prince now returned with Murdoch to the byre, design-
ing to wait there till eight o'clock ; but the sight of a stranger
at a distance determined him to set out sooner. After present-
ing Murdoch with his silver spoon, knife, and fork, and desiring
him to keep them till he saw him again, he left the hovel, with
Malcolm Macleod alone in his company. When they had
walked about a mile, Malcolm made bold to ask his royal
highness where he intended to go. ' Malcolm,' answered the
Prince impressively, * I commit myself entirely to you ; carry
me to Mackinnon's bounds in Skye ; ' meaning that portion of
the island which belonged to the chief of Mackinnon, the only
one of the three great proprietors of Skye who had been con-
cerned in his late enterprise. Malcolm objected that such a

1 Murdoch Madeod's Nanative.

380 HISTORY or THE REBELLION OF 1745-6.

journey would be dangerous, on account of the militia who
patrolled the island; but Charles answered that there was nothing
now to be done without danger. * You, Malcolm,' he continued,
' must now act the master, and I the man.' Accordingly, taking
the bag which contained his linen, and strapping it over his
shoulders, he desired his faithful companion to go in advance
as a gentleman, while he trudged behind in the character of a
servant. Malcolm acquiesced in the plan; and it was also
agreed that the Prince should pass for one Lewie Caw, the son
of a suigeon in Crieff, and lately in the Highland army in a
medical capacity, but who was now known to be skulking in
Skye amongst some relations. They set forward in this fashion
towards Mackinnon's country, which was distant twenty-four
Highland miles, and could only be reached from this point by
traversing a very wild and mountainous tract^

Malcolm, though himself an excellent pedestrian, as most of
his countrymen were, used afterwards to own that, in this long
and painful journey, he found himself far excelled by Prince
Charles, whose rapidity of motion was such, that it was with
the greatest difficulty he could be restrained to his proper place
in the rear. His royal highness informed Malcolm that, trusting
to his speed of foot, he felt little apprehension on the score of
being chased by a party of English soldiers, provided he got
out of musket-shot ; though he owned he was not just so con-
fident of escaping any of the Highland militia who might fall in
with him. Malcolm asked him what they should do if sur-
prised before getting to the proper distance. 'Fight, to be
sure,' was the Prince's reply. * I think,' rejoined Malcolm, * if
there were no more than four of them, I would engage to
manage two.' ' And I,' added Charles, ' would engage to do
for the other two.'

In walking over the mountains, they kept as much as possible
out of sight of houses ; but they occasionally met a few country-

1 A list of the things carried by Charles on this occasion has been preserred— ' two shim,
one pair of stockings, one pair of brogues, a bottle of brandy, some scraps of mouldy bread
and cheese, a three-pint stone bottle for water.'— Zjw« m JUimrmif^, i. 141.

Charles's wanderings — skye. 381

people wandering about On these occasions Charles took care
to display the demeanour of a servant; touching his bonnet
when spoken to by his apparent master, and also when addressing
him. As they went along, it occurred to the Prince that the
waistcoat he wore, being a scarlet tartan with a gold twist button,
was too fine for a servant, and he proposed to exchange it for
that worn by Mr Macleod. While he was putting on his com-
panion's vest, he said : * I hope, Macleod, to give you a much
better vest for this yet' On approaching Mackinnon's country,
in which many of the people, having been in the Highland
army, might be presumed to know the Prince, it was thought
proper still further to deepen his disguise. Taking oflf his
periwig, and putting it into his pocket, he took out a dirty
white napkin, and desired Malcolm to tie that about his head,
bringing it down upon his eyes and nose. Over this he put his
bonnet He then tore the ruffles from his shirt, and took the
buckles out of his shoes, putting strings in their place. He
desired his friend to look at him, and say if he was yet sufficiently
disguised. Macleod told him that he thought he might yet be
recognised. Charles said : * This is an odd, remarkable face I
have got, that nothing can disguise it' Macleod, however, did
not think the risk of detection lay alone in the face. He used
to say that Charles could dissemble everything but his air,
* There is not a person,' said he, * that knows what the air of a
noble or great man is, but, upon seeing the Prince in any
disguise he could put on, would see something about him that
was not ordinary, something of the stately and grand.'

In the course of their walk, Malcolm infonned him of the
many barbarities committed by the Duke of Cumberland after
the battle of Culloden. The Prince was amazed, as he might
well be, at the recital, and said he could scarcely believe what
he heard. Macleod, in the narrative he afterwards communi-
cated to the Rev. Mr Forbes, states some particulars respecting
the personal condition of the Prince at this time which modem
ears might dislike to hear. To put the matter into the most
delicate form, the reader must be asked to imagine the worst

382 HISTORY OP THE REBELLION OP 1745-6.

feature of the squalor of a wayside beggar. ' This serves/ says
Malcolm, ' to shew that he was reduced to the very lowest ebb
of misery and distress, and is a certain indication of that great-
ness of soul which could rise above all misfortunes, and bear up,
with a cheerfulness not to be equalled in history, under all the
scenes of woe that could happen. He used to say that the
£aitigues and distresses he underwent signified nothing at all,
because he was only a single person ; but when he reflected on
the many brave fellows who suffered in his cause, that, he
behoved to own, did strike him to the heart, and did sink very
deep into him.* ^

The principal support which the two pedestrians had during
their long walk was derived from a bottle of brandy carried by
Malcohn, with the assistance of the wayside springs. This
source of comfort became exhausted before the end of their
journey, all except a single glass, which the Prince insisted that-
his companion should drink, protesting that he could better
endure to want it When the bottle was feirly drained, Malcohn
hid it in the ground, where he afterwards found and resumed
possession of it in quieter times.

After a journey of more than thirty English miles, they arrived
in the morning at Ellagol, near Kilmaree, in tlie country of
Mackinnon, where they happened to meet two of that clan who
had been engaged in the insurrection. The men stared at the
Prince for a little, and soon recognising him, fairly lifted up their
voices and wept Malcolm immediately put them on their
guard, lest such an expression of sympathy, though honourable
to them, should discover their Prince to his enemies. He also
swore them to secrecy upon his naked dirk, after the fashion of
the Highlanders, and requested them to go away, without taking
further notice of his royal highness. It is barely necessary to
say that they kept their word.

Being now near Mackinnon*s house, Malcolm asked the
Prince if he wished to see the laird. Charles answered that,
with the highest respect for the worth and fidelity of old

1 yacohitt M€wmr$t 476^

- CHARLESES WANDERINGS — ^SKYE. 383

Mackinnon, he did not thmk him the person precisely fitted
for his present purpose ; and he wished rather to be conducted
to the house of some other gentleman. Malcolm then deter-
mined that the Prince should go to the house of his brother-
in-law, Mr John Mackinnon, who had been a captain in the
insurgent army.

Leaving Charles at a little distance, till he should reconnoitre,
Malcolm entered the house himself, and saw his sister, who
informed him that her husband had gone out, but was expected
back very soon. He intended, he said, to spend a day or two
in her house, provided there were no soldiers in the neighbour-
hood She assured him he would be perfectly safe. Then he
informed her that he had brought a brother in distress along
with him, one Lewie Caw, whom he had engaged, from pity, as
his servant, and who had fallen sick during their journey. Mrs
Mackinnon desired that Caw might be instantly brought in and
entertained.

Charles being immediately introduced, the lady of the house
could not help saying, as he entered : * Poor man ! I pity him.
At the same time, my heart warms to a man of his appearance.'
She provided the two with a plentiful meal, during which Charles
sat at a respectful distance from the table, with his bonnet off,
partaking only of the inferior articles. Malcolm, moved by the
Prince's humility, requested him to draw near the table and eat
along with him, as there was no company in the house. But
Charles answered, he knew better what became a servant ; and
it was only after an earnest entreaty, that, making a profound
bow, he at length permitted himself to take advantage of the
offer. When their meal was concluded, a serving-girl came in
with warm water, after the mode of ancient Highland hospitality,
to wash Malcolm's feet This was a ceremony much needed in
the present case by the Prince, for, in the course of the journey,
he had fallen into a bog, and bemired himself up to the middle.
When the woman had washed Malcolm's feet, he said : ' You
see that poor sick man there ; I hope you will wash his feet too ;
it will be a great charity, for he has as much need as I have.'

384 HISTORY OP THE REBELLION OF T'J4$-6.

'No such thing/ said she in Gaelic, her only language; 'although
I wash the master's feet, I am not obliged to wash the servant's.
What ! he 's but a low countiy-woman's son ; I will not wash his
feet indeed.' After some entreaties, he prevailed on her to wash
the Prince's feet ; but she performed the office so roughly, that
Charles had to entreat Macleod to intercede with her for some-
what gentler usage.

The two travellers afterwards went to sleep, while Mrs Mac-
kinnon took her station on the top of a neighbouring hill, to
watch the approach of the least danger. Charles only slept two
hours, but Malcolm, having suffered more from fatigue, continued
in bed a good while longer. On rising, he was astonished to
find his indefatigable companion dandling and singing to Mrs
Mackinnon's infant, with an appearance of as much cheerfulness
and alacrity as if he had endured neither danger nor fatigue.
An old woman sat near him looking on. Malcolm could not
help expressing his surprise at so extraordinary a sight, when
the Prince exclaimed with gaiety, and half-forgetting his assumed
character : ' Who knows but this little fellow may be a captain
in my service yet?' *Or you rather an old sergeant in his
company,' said the old woman.

Malcolm, now hearing that his brother-in-law was approaching
the house, went out to meet him, in order to sound his dis-
position in regard to Prince Charles. After the usual saluta-
tions, pointing to some ships of war which lay at a distance, he
said: 'What, Mackiimon, if the Prince be on board one of
those ? '

* God forbid !' was Mackinnon's devout answer.

Malcolm, then assured that he might be trusted, asked: 'What
if he were here, John ? Do you think he would be safe ? '

* That he would,' answered Mackinnon ; ' we should take care

of him.'

' Then, John,' said Malcolm, ' he is in your house.*
Mackinnon, in a transport, was for running in immediately
and paying his obeisance; but Malcolm stopped him, till he'
should compose himself, and be tutored to preserve his royal

CHARLBS'S WANDERINGS — SKYE. 385

highness's incognito. When he was fairly instructed as to
his behaviour, Malcokn permitted him to enter ; but no sooner
had the warm-hearted Highlander set his eyes upon the unfor-
tunate Prince, than he burst into tears, and had to leave the
room.

During the course of the day, a consultation being held as to
the best means of transporting Charles to the mainland, it was
agreed that John Mackinnon should go to his chief and hire
a boat for that purpose. He was enjoined to keep the secret
from the old gentleman, and to pretend that the boat was
intended for the use of his brother-in-law alone. He went
accordingly ; but the force of clanship proved too much for his
discretion, and he disclosed the fact of the Prince being in his
house. The chief, delighted with the intelligence, at once got
ready his own boat, and, with his lady, set out to pay his
respects to the Wanderer. On John returning to the house,
and confessing what he had done, Charles felt somewhat uneasy,
but resolved to make the best of the circumstances. He went
out and received the old chief, and the whole party then partook
of an entertainment of cold meat and wine, which Lady Mac-
kinnon laid out in a neighbouring cave upon the shore.

It was now determined that Charles should be conducted by
the old laird and John Mackinnon to the mainland, while
Malcolm should remain in Skye, lest he should be missed,
and thus create suspicion, and also to interrupt or distract the
pursuit which would probably be made after the Prince. It
was about eight o'clock at night when the party repaired to
the water's edge, where the boat was lying r^dy to sail. At
that moment two English men-of-war hove in sight, apparently
bearing towards them ; and Malcolm, in high alarm, counselled
the Prince to delay his voyage till next rooming, more especially
as the wind was favourable to the enemy, which it would not be
to his boat Charles, however, would not listen to his sugges-
tions, urging, with enthusiastic vehemence, the result of former
good fortune, and that he felt confident the wind would change
in his favour the moment that he required its good serviceSi

Y

386 HISTORY OF THl REBELLION OF 1745-^.

He then remembered the two contingent appointments he
had made with Murdoch Macleod, for a meeting with that
gentleman or with Donald Roy Macdonald, and bethought him
of the duty under which he lay in civility to apprise them of the
step he was now taking. Malcolm said it was no matter, and
offered to make the iq^logy himself. 'That's not enough,'
said the Prince. * Have you paper, pen, and ink ? 1 11 write a
few lines; I'm obliged to do so in good manners.' Writing
materials being presented, he 'penned a letter in something like
the following terms :

' Sir — I have parted (thank God) as intended. Remember
me to all friends, and thank them for the trouble they have been
at I am, sir, your humble servant, James Thomson.

Ellighuil, 7*^4* 174^*

To this letter he affixed no address: it is stated by Malcolm
Macleod, in his narrative, to have been designed by the Prince
for Murdoch; on the other hand, Donald Roy affirms that it
was meant for him, and that to him Malcolm sent it^ The
dispute does not seem to be one of much consequence.

The Prince next took out his purse, and desired Malcolm's
acceptance of ten guineas, along with a silver stock-buckle.
The generous Highlander refused to take the money, which he
saw, from the slendemess of the Prince's purse, could ill be
spared ; but Charles at length prevailed upon him to accept the
gift, asserting that he would have need of it in the skulking life
he was now leading, and at the same time expressing a confi-
dence that he would get his own exchequer supplied on reaching
the mainland ' Malcolm,' he then said, ' let us smoke a pipe
together before we part' A light was instantly procured from
the flint of Malcolm's musket, and the two fond though unequal
companions took a last parting smoke from the stumped pipe
or cutty which Charles had hitherto used in his wanderings.
Malcolm obtained, and for a long time preserved this fragment

1 There is an aagry letter on this pomt by Donald in Bishop Forbe^s coUecdon. H«
aiCCTifCff Makolm of lying and vain*glory — I would hope without any just cause.

Charles's wanderings — skye. 387

of pipe, which he afterwards was induced to present to Dr
Burton of York, a devout Jacobite, who was at the pains to get
a handsome case made in which to keep it

After a tender and long-protracted adieu, the Prince went
into the boat, which, with the chief and Mr John Mackinnon,
inunediately put out to sea, under the management of a few
stout rowers. The affectionate Malcohn sat down upon the
side of a hill, partly to watch the proceedings of the two tenders,
and partly that he might see his dearly beloved Prince as long
as distance and eyesight would permit He afterwards used to
tell, with the true superstitious reverence of a stickler for the
jus dwinum^ that, precisely as the Prince predicted, he had not
gone far out to sea when the wind shifted in such a manner as
to part him effectually from the inimical vessels.

Malcolm returned home next day by the way of Kingsburgh,
where he related the Prince's late adventures to a grateful and
admiring audience. He had to inform Lady Kingsburgh of one
circumstance, which must have given her unqualified pleasure.
During his travels with the I^ce, his royal highness had
expressed a high sense of the value of her ladyship's present —
the snuff-box abready mentioned. He had asked the meaning
of the device which adorned the lid — ^a pair of clasped hands,
with the words *Rob Gib' — ^which Malcolm explained as
emblematic of sincere friendship, and as alluding to a circum-
stance in which an ancestor of tiie Prince was concerned Rob
Gib was the court-fool of Scotland in the reign of James V. ; it
was a saying of his that all the official courtiers served his
majesty for selfish ends, except himself, who, for his part, had
no other contract with the king than ' stark love and kindness.'
The Prince expressed himself an ardent admirer of the principle
symbolised by the device, and declared he would endeavour to
keep the box as long as he lived.

Malcolm being asked his opinion of the Prince, as one who
had seen him in the extremes of both prosperous and adverse
fortune, replied that ' he was the most cautious man he ever
saw, not to be a coward ; and the bravest, not to be rash.'

388 HISTORY OF THX RBBKLLION OF 1 745-6.

Aboat ten days after he had parted widi die Prince^ Malcohn
was apprehended, put aboard a ship, and oonyeyed to London,
where he was kept in confinement die same space of time as
Miss Flora Macdonald. On being discharged from jail. Miss
Macdonald was provided with a postchaise, to convey her back
to Scotland, by a Jacobite lady of quality resident in London ;
and being desired to choose a person who might aooompanj
her, she named her fellow-sufferer Malcolm. * And so,* Malcolm
used afterwards to observe tiiumphandy, * I went up to London
to be hanged, and returned in a braw postehaise with Miss
Flora Macdonald.' ^

CHAPTER XXVIIL

CHARLES'S WANDERINGS— THS MAINLAND.

* Ob hills that are by ri^t his tin.

He roenis a kmdy stnager ;
On ilka hand he *s pressed by want.

On ilka side by danger.
Yestreen I met him in a glen*

My heart near borsted fairly.
For sadly changed indeed was h^—

Oh, waes me for Prince Charlie 1'

That part of the mainland to which the Prince was now
directing his course, might be considered as well qualified

1 BotwdTs Ttmr U the Hthridu: where a Thrid poctnutnre has been pfeserved of thit
excellent tpedmen of the Highland gentleman, as he appeared in 1773. ' He was now/
•ays Mr BoeweU, ' nxty-iwo yean of age, hale and well proporuooed* with a manly coanto>
nance, tanned fay the weather, yet having a ruddiness in his cheeks, over a great pait
of which his rough beard extended. His eye was qtiick and liTely, yet his look was not
fieroa; bat he appeared at once fiim and good-hunuwred. He war« a pair of btogmi
tartan hose which came op only near to his knees a puiple camlet kilt--a black waatooat
—a short green doth coat, bound with gold cord— a ydlowish bushy wig— a laige bine
bonnet, with a gold thread button. I never saw a 6gurs which gave a more peilba
sentation of a Highland gentleman. I widbed much to have a picture of him just as he
I found him frank and/iF//4r, in the true sense of the word.*

Charles's wAMDtftiKGs— ths uatnland. 389

to afiford him shelter, as fir as the physical character of the
country and the dispositions of its inhabitants were concerned.
It was the same well-affected district which he had selected
for his first landmg, and in which he had reared the standard
of his enterprise. Consisting of ranges of rough mountains,
alternating with long narrow arms of the sea and fresh-water
lakes, it was very suitable for a skulking life. On the other
hand, it had been visited and laid waste by the barbarous
soldiery, whose post at Fort William was not far distant, and
some of whom were scattered in parties over the country.

After a rough night-voyage of thirty miles, during which they
passed and exchanged a few words with a boat containing armed
militia, but which could not stop to inspect their company, on
account of the storm, Charles and his friends landed at four in
the morning (July 5) at a place called Little Mallack, on the south
side of Loch Nevis, one of the estuaries mentioned. Knowing
that there were miHtaiy in the neighbourhood, they were afraid
to leave this place, and accordingly remained in it for three
days and three nights, sleeping in the open air. The Laiid
of Mackinnon having on the fourth day gone with one of the
boatmen to seek a cave for a lodging, the Prince, with John
Mackinnon and the other three rowers, took to the boat, and
proceeded up the loch. As they turned a point, they suddenly
struck their oars upon a boat tied to a rock, and saw five men
with red crosses over their bonnets standing on the shore.
These men, who were government militia, immediately called
out, demanding whence they came. The boatmen answered
from Sleat The militiamen ordered them to come ashore,
intending, of course, to inspect the boat, and finding their order
not complied with, they instantly jumped into their own boat
and gave chase At the time when the boat containing the
Prince came in sight of these men, Charles was sitting in the
bottom, between Mackinnon's knees, and covered by Mac-
kiimon's plaid, in order to be out of sight, in case of any such
misadventure occurring. On being hailed by the men, he was
for jumping ashore ; but Mackiimon would not allow him to do

390 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OF X745-6.

SO, and constnuned him, though widi some difficulty, to remain
in his present situation. Now that the hostile paity were in
pursuit, Charles was constantly inquiring of MackimuHi if they
were gaining upon them. Mackinnon replied in the n^ative,
but nevertheless gave his men directions to have their muskets
ready, in case of their being overtaken, and when they fired, to
be sure to take good aim. The Prince, hearing these orders,
entreated that no life might be taken without absolute necessity;
to which John heartily agreed, but nevertheless said that, if
forced to come to blows, he would make it his endeavour
that not a man escaped to tell the tidings. Presently they
approached a part of the shore where the hill was wooded down
to the very beach. ' Here,* said he to the Prince, * it may be
quite safe to land, for, if once we be on shore, the red crosses
will be obliged to sheer off, for fear of our firing at them fiom
behind the trees.' The boat had no sooner touched the shore,
than the Prince, with Mackinnon and one of the men, leaped
out, and nimbly ascended the hill, fiom the top of which liiey
beheld the adverse party, as predicted by John, returning fiom
their fiuitless pursuit Mackinnon, congratulating the Prince on
his escape, asked his pardon for thwarting his wishes in the
boat, which Charles, it may be imagined, readily granted. His
reason, he said, for wishing to jump ashore was, ' that he would
rather fight for his life than be taken prisoner; but he hoped
that God would never so far afflict the king his fiither, or the
duke his brother, as that he should fall alive into the hands
of his enemies/ ^

On this eminence the Prince slept three hours, and then
returning to the boat, he re-embarked, and crossed the loch
to a little island near the seat of Macdonald of Scothouse.
Here Charles remained, while John Mackinnon went to Scot-
house with a message to Clanranald, who was residing there.
As John was drawing near the house, he saw Clanranald walking
by himself, who no sooner spied the approaching stranger, than

I John Maddnsoo'i 'Sumdn, ymuiiU Mnmabrtt 490b

CHARLES'S WANDERINGS — ^THE MAINLAND. 39 1

be hastened to get within doors. John overtook him, and
seized him by the skirts just as he was entering the door. The
old chief, turning round in alarm, was reassured when he found
himself addressed by John Mackinnon. They went to the back
of the garden to converse, and there John informed him that he
had come to apprise him of the Prince being in the neighbour-
hood, and that it was the wish of his royal highness that
Clanranald should advise as to his future course, and point out
some one into whose hands he might now with safety be put
Clanranald, although he had befriended Charles in South Uist,
was not now disposed to do so, probably in consequence of
the trouble which had in the interim befallen others who had
concerned themselves in his behalfl He therefore treated
Mackinnon's message with coldness, sa3ring that he did not
know of any one who could take charge of the Prince, and that
the only course he could advise him to take, was to return to
whence he came, and remain in the island of Rona — this being
a small grass island evidendy unfit to shelter the royal fugitive.
Mackinnon took leave of him in great indignation, and returned
to report his mission to the Prince, who heard the recital with
tranquillity, only remarking : ' Well, Mr Mackinnon, there is no
help for it ; we must do the best we can for ourselves.' ^

They now returned across the loch to Little Mallack, where
they had first landed from Skye, and where they were rejoined
by the old Laird of Mackinnon and the other boatman. Having
resolved to apply to Macdonald of Morar, they set out for the
house of that gendeman, which was situated on the fresh-water
lake. Loch Morar, about seven or eight Highland miles distant
As they passed a cottage on their way, they observed some
people coming down towards the road, whereupon the Prince
caused John Mackinnon to fold his plaid for him, and throw
it over his shoulder, with his knapsack upon it, tying a handker.
chief about his head, to complete the disguise. As they went

1 Tbe particulars of this interview were obtained by the Rev. Bfr Forbes from the mouth
of John Mackinnon, as that gentleman lay confined with lameness in the Royal Infirmary
of Edinburgh, April 25, Z76Z. They aze recorded more at large in the Ljrcm in Mffumiti^^
▼iiL 183X.

392 HISTORY OF THS RXBELUON OP I745-6.

along, a stranger asked John if tfiat was his servant, to wfaidi
he answered in the affirmative, adding that, as the po<Mr felloir
was not well, he intended to leave him at Molar's house.

On their way, they received at a sheiling a draught of milk
from the hand of Archibald Macdonnell, a grandson of Scot-
house. At another cottage belonging to Scothouse they bou^t
another draught of milk, and obtained a guide to conduct than
to Morar, the night being dark, and the road bad. At the ford
near Moiar^s house, which was pretty deep, Mr Mackinnon
desired the guide to take that poor sick young feUow (pointing
to the Prince) upon his back and carry him across. The man
said, in the true Highland spirit, of which the maid-servant at
John Mackinnon*s house had afforded another specimen : 'The
deil be on the back where he comes, or any fellow of a servant
like him ; but 1 11 take you on my back, sir, if yoa please, and
cany you safely throuf^ the ford.* Mackinnon declined the
proposal, sa3ring that, if the lad must wade, he would wade too,
to help him, and take care lest any harm should happen
to him. He then took hold of the Prince's arm, and tfiey
went through the ford together. The man's refusal in reali^
pleased the Prince and his friends very much, as it proved that
his person was pretty well disguised.

At an early hour in the morning they reached Morar, which
they found to have been burned, in consequence of its owner
being in the insurrection. Mr Macdoiudd and his fiunily were
accommodated in a bothy or hut near the ruins of the house.
Mackiimon entered this small mansion by himself, and roused
the £unily, when Morar hastily rose from bed, and came to the
door to greet the Prince. Having disn^issed his children and
servants, he introduced Charles into the house, where his lady,
a sister of Locheil, no sooner beheld that sad spectacle of fidlen
royalty, than she burst into a flood of tears. The only refresh-
ment she could set before the party was some cold salmon
warmed again, without bread. The Prince and his friends were

n conducted by Morar to a cave near by, where they slept
ours.

CHARLES'S WANDERINGS — ^THE MAINLAND. 393

Moiar now went to seek for young Clanranald, whose aid or
advice might, he thought, be of service to the Prince. Return-
ing next day to the party, he appeared, to their great surprise
and regret, in quite a different humour from what he had mani-
fested at their first airivaL When he told the Prince that he
had been unable to find young Clanranald, Charles said to him ;
' Well, Morar, there is no help for that ; you must do the best
you can yourself.' He answered that he could do nothing for
his royal highness, and as little did he know of any person to
whose care he could recommend him. ' This is veiy hard,' said
the Prince; 'you were veiykind yesternight, Morar, and said
you could find out a hiding-place proof against all the search of
the enemy's forces, and now you say you can do nothing at all
for me. You can travel to no place but what I will travel to ;
no eatables or drinkables can you take but what I can take a
share along with you, and be well content with them, and even
pay handsomely for them. When fortune smiled on me, and I
had pay to give, I found some people ready enough to serve me;
but now that fortime frowns on me, and I have no pay to give,
they forsake me in my necessity.'

Moral's conduct h^hly incensed John Mackinnon, who said :
'I am persuaded, Morar, though you deny it, you have met with
your betters, and got bad counsel, otherwise you would not have
changed your mind so much as you have done in so short a
time.' Morar persisted in denying that he had seen young
Clanxanald, or received any bad counsel ; but he was as firm in
continuing to refiise all fiirther aid to the Prince.

Charles, completely overcome by his feelings, now broke out
with : ' O God Almighty ! look down upon my circumstances,
and pity me, for I am in a most melancholy situation. Some of
those who joined me at first, and appeared to be my fast friends,
now turn their backs upon me in my greatest need ; and some
of those again who refused to join me, and stood at a distance,
are now among my best firiends ; for it is remarkable that those
of Sir Alexander Macdonald's following have been most £aithfiil
to me in my distress, and contributed greatly to my preservation.'

394 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OF 1745-^.

Then he added : ' I hope, Mr Mackinnon, you will not desert
me too, but do all for my preservation that you can.'

The aged chief, supposing himself to be here addressed,
declared, while the tears gushed from his eyes : * I never will
leave your royal highness in the day of danger, but will, under
God, do all I can for you, and go with you wherever you order
me.'

' O no,' said the Prince, * that is too much for a person of
your advanced years, sir. I heartily thank you for your readi-
ness to take care of me; but one of your age cannot well hold
out with the dangers and fatigues I must undeigo. It was to
your fiiend John here^ a stout young man, I was addressing
myself.'

' Well, then,' said John, ' with the help of God, I will go
through the wide world with your royal highness.'

The old laird here accordingly parted with them, and the
Prince and John Mackinnon proceeded, with a son of Morar*s
for guide, to Borodale, the residence of Mr Angus Macdonald,
and the place where Charles had first lodged after his landing
from France. He said he was sure that honest old Angus
Macdonald would do all he could for him. In the course of
the night the little party had crossed into Arisaig, and before
day they aiiived at Borodale, where they found the house
burned, and the proprietor lodging, like Morar, in a bothy or
hut John Mackinnon went in abruptly, desiring Angus to rise.
He was at first a little alarmed, but soon recognising Mackinnon's
voice, rose in his blankets, and came to the door. John asked
him if he had heard anything of the Prince, to which he
answered: *No.'

* What,' said John, * would you give for a sight of him ? '

' Time was,' replied the old gentleman, ' that I would have
given a hearty bottle to see him safe ; but since I see you, I
expect to hear some news of him.'

'Well, then,' said Mackinnon, * I have brought him here, and
will commit him to your chaige. I have done my duty; do
you yours.'

Charles's wanderings — ^the mainland. 395

' I am glad of it,' said Angus, 'and shall not fail to take care
of hiiiL I shall lodge him so securely, that all the forces in
Britain shall not find him out' ^

According to the tradition of Angus Macdonald's family, the
Prince did not enter this humble bothy without reluctance,
remembering that one of his sons had never been heard of since
the day of Culloden. He felt distressed at the idea of meeting
a mother who had suffered this sad loss on his account When
he did enter, he approached the lady with tears in his eyes, and
asked if she could endure the sight of one who had been the
cause of so much distress to her and her family. Yes, she said,
she would be glad to serve her Prince, though ctll her sons had
perished in his service, for in doing so they had only done their
duty.2

John Mackinnon now left the Prince, and returned to his
house in Skye, where he no sooner arrived, than he and two of
his rowers were taken by a party of militia, who conveyed them
to Kilvory, and placed them in the cruel hands of Captain
Feiguson. Being required by this monster to disclose the place
of die Prince's retreat, and giving a positive refusal to the
demand, Ferguson caused one of the men to be stripped, tied
to a tree, and lashed till the blood gushed from both his sides ;
he also threatened Mackinnon with the same treatment Nothing
could extort a confession from these faithful men. Mackinnon
was then sent on board the Furnace sloop-of-war, where he met
with civil treatment from General Campbell. He was afterwards
sent to London, and confined there till July 1747.^

1 John Mackinium's Narrative, JacoHU Memotrt^ 496.

> Communicated to me in 1827 by the late Mr Macdonald of Glenaladale (oripnany of
BoTodale), grandson of the lady. It only seems doubtful whether the incident took place
now, or at the end of April, when the Prince embaiked at Borodale for the Long Island.

3 Mr Mackinnon came to Edinburgh at the beginning of the year 1761, afflicted by a
severe lameness from the top of his thighs downwards. He was then in necessitous circum-
stances, and had left a wtfe and four children in Skye poorly provided for. From an
independence of dt>uit> ^ chose rather to go into the public infirmary than be a burden to
particular friends ; but after a residence there of six months, he was dismissed uncured, and
with no hope of relief except from the waten at Bath. Canied thither by the generosity of
% faithful few residing in Edinbuigh, he received every kindness suited to his circum-
stances (rom Thomas Bowdler of Ashley, Dr Haviland, and some other Jacobite gentlemen;

396 BISTORT or thx rxbkexiov or 1745-d.

Angus Macdonald kqyt the Prince for three day% in a hut in
the neighbouring wood, and in the meantime his youngest son,
John Macdonald, went with a letter from Chaxks to Mr Mac-
donald of Glenaladale» lately major of the Clannmald regiment,
whom he expected to befriend him in die present exigency.
During the absence of this messenger, intelligence was received
of the capture of the old Laird of Mackinnon in Moral's bothy;^
and it being then judged unsafe for Chailes to stay any longer
so near Borodale, he was conducted, by Angus and anoUier son
named Ranald, to a more secure place of retreat, at the distance
of four miles along the shore to ^ eastward. The coast there
consists of a steep precipice : in the deft between two rocks a
hut had been artfully constructed, with the grassy side of the
turf outwards, so that it exacdy resembled a natural green bank.
This hut formed the new hiding-place of the royal fugitive. The
vessel in which John Mackinnon was kept after his capture
having come into Lochnanuagh, lay for some time at anchor
close to this retreat, without any one on board having the
slightest suspicion that it was a place of concealment

The Prince remained secure in this place for several days.
Two days after he had despatched John Macdonald to Glen-
aladale — ^namely, on the 15th of July — the letter was delivered

tmt hei« ftbo h« ttMidlly indtted, againit th«ir wiihai, upon going into the public hngAal,
Hia diMNdcr tidied ell remedy, end he died on die xzth of May i76e, aged foity^hL Or
Havilaad then gave hie body e pleoe in the eeme grave in whidi Ite deeigned to be bisied
himself. An iniciiptlon intended for a monument over his grave (never executed) appeared
in the 5Vw<r MagmuM for that year.

1 This gentleman was tent to London in the veani commanded by Urn atroctoos Tcr*
guson, in which also were Donald and Maloohn Madeod. Though subjected to the aanm
severe privations and cniel usage with the resti and neariy seventy ycais of age, he main-
uined rather better health than any of his companions. After lying for a long time in the
Thamest he vras put into the New Ja3 in Southwaric, whence he was liberated in July X747.
Bishop Forbes thus notices the death of this old gentleman :

' Mt^ f, I7s6.'-Died at his house of Kilmaine, in the Isle of Skye, John Maddnnon
of that iOc, /. #. the old Laird of Maddnnon, in the 75th year of his age, leaving issue two
sons and a daughter, Charles, Tiorhhini and Margaret, all bora after the 7xat year of his
age. He used to say he hoped God would not take him off the earth bpt on the fidd of
battle^ when Sghting for his king and country. He ftequcntly retired to the cave in which
the Prince, and he himself and hu lady, dined just before the Prince's leaving Skye in hia
•kulking, and there he would have enteitained himself with laying down a plan for the
Restoration, and with the eaecutioo thoeof in theory, and then came home extremdy well

CHARLES'S WANDERINGS — ^THE MAINLAND. 397

into the hands of that gentleman^ who immediately came to
Borodale, and paid the Prince a visit Next day Angus Mao-
donald received a letter from his son-in-law, Angus Mackechan,
residing in the Glen of Moiar, informing him that a rumour was
beginning to be whispered about of the Prince being concealed
at Borodale, and offering for the acceptance of his royal high-
ness a more secure asylum which he had prepared in Morar.
The Prince sent Ranald Macdonald to survey and report upon
the nature of this asylum, and next day sent out John to watch
the motions of the militaiy. The latter soon returned, with the
alarming intelligence that a government ship had entered Loch-
nanuagh, being, it would appear, the same in which John
Maddnnon was confined. Charles, without waiting for Ranald's
return, set out with Glenaladale, Angus and John Macdonald,
to Glen Morar ; and on the way, at a place called Corry-bincabir,
met Angus Mackechan, who informed them that young Clan-
ranald had come to a place a few miles off, in order to conduct
his royal highness to a retreat which he had prepared for him.
Charles would gladly have gone immediately to put himself
under the protection of young Clanranald, but the lateness of
the hour determined him to prefer the Glen Morar asylum for
that night, and go to the other place next day.

Borodale, who had gone on before as an advanced guard,
learning, in the course of the night, that General Campbell,
with several men-of-war and a considerable body of troops, had
anchored near Loch Nevis, while Captain Scott had brought
another party into the lower part of Arisaig, waited upon the
Prince next morning (the 23d) with that alarming intelligence.
The situation of the Prince was now in the highest degree
cridcaL He seemed in a great measure surrounded by his
enemies ; for they, having become aware of his landing amongst
the estuaries formerly mentioned, had drawn a cordon of troops
along from the head of Loch Houm, the most northerly, to the
head of Loch Shiel, the most southerly, so as to leave him
scarcely any chance of escape on the land side. The cordon
consisted of single sentinels, planted within sight of each other,

398 HISTORY OF THE REBELUOK OF I745-4S.

who permitted no one to pass unchallenged, Bjr night, laige
fires were lighted, between which the men continually passed to
and fro, so as to leave no place for more dian a few minutes at
a time unvisited. It was now impossible for the Prince to join
young Clanranald, for the troops were interposed. To remain
where he was seemed equally dangerous, as the enemy mi^t be
expected gradually to close in upon him, and make his capture
almost a matter of certainty.

Feeling the necessity of using great caution, he now parted
with Angus Macdonald and Angus Mackechan, and taking with
him only Glenaladale, Lieutenant John Macdonald (Glenala-
dale's brother), and the other John Macdonald, son of Angus of
Borodale, that the party might be as litde conspicuous as was
consistent with his safety, he set out at eleven in the forenoon,
and by mid-day reached the top of a hill called Scoorveig, at
the eastern extremity of Arisaig, where he stopped to take some
refreshment, while one of his attendants (John Macdonald,
brother to Glenaladale) went to Glenfinnin for intelligence, and
to appoint two men stationed there to join the Prince that
evening on the top of a hill called Sweminck Conichan, above
Loch Arkaig, in Locheil's country. The Prince soon afterwards
set out, with his two remaining friends, and about two o'clock
came to the top of a hill called Fruighvain. Here, observing
some men driving cattle, Glenaladale walked forward to inquire
the reason, and soon after returned with the intelligence that
they were his tenants flying before the approach of a strong
body of troops, who had come to the head of Loch Arkaig, to
prevent the Prince from escaping in that directioiL It was of
course unadvisable to pursue that route, and the wanderers
immediately despatched a messenger to Glenfinnin, which was
only about a mile off, to recall Glenaladale's brother and the two
men who were to have gone to Loch Arkaig. Glenaladale like-
wise sent a man to a neighbouring hill for Donald Cameron of
Glenpean, an honest farmer, who had removed thither with his
effects on the approach of the soldiers, and who, from his
acquaintance with the country, promised to be an excellent

Charles's wanderings — ^the mainland. 399

guide. While they waited the return of these messengersi one
of the tenants' wives, pitying the condition of her landlord, came
up the hill with some new milk for his refreshment The
Prince, perceiving her approach, covered his head with a hand-
kerchief, and assumed the appearance of a servant who had got
a headache. The day was excessively warm, and the milk, of
course, grateful to the palate of a wayworn traveller; but Glen-
aladale used afterwards to confess that he could as well have
spared the officious kindness of the good woman. It was with
some difficulty, moreover, that he could get her dismissed with-
out the pail in which she had brought the milk, so as to enable
him with safety to give the Prince a share more suitable to his
real than his supposed rank.

The messenger who had been sent to Glenfinnin soon after
returned, without having found Glenaladale's brother or the two
men (they having run ofif towards the place where they expected
to find the party), but brought intelligence that a hundred of
the Aigyle militia were approaching the veiy hill on which the
Prince was stationed. On this alarming news, the terrified
party dislodged, without waiting for Glenpean, and set forward
on their perilous journey. About eleven at night, as they were
passing through a hollow way between two hills, they observed
a man coming down one of the hills towards them ; upon which
Charles and young Macdonald stepped aside, while Glenaladale
advanced to discover whether he was fiiend or foe. This
person turned out to be the very individual they were most
anxious to see, Donald Cameron of Glenpean, who had made
all haste to overtake them after receiving their message. Glen-
aladale immediately brought him to the Prince, who had lodged
one night in his house soon after the battle of Culloden, and to
whom he now recounted all he knew regarding the position of
the king's troops. As desired by the messenger, Donald had
brought all the provisions he could gather; but the whole con-
sisted of only a few handfuls of oatmeal and about a poimd of
butter. Miserable as this fare was in quality and amount, it
proved of great service during the next few days, while the party

400 HISTORY or THE REBSLUON OF 1 745-6.

were passing through the guaxds. The Prince no sooner saw i^
than, having been previously almost famished, he ate heartily of
it : for four days he got nothing but a little of the oatmeal and
butter.^ It was probably to this period of his career that he
alluded when, some weeks alter, in passing into Badenoch to
meet Locheil, he told a gentleman of the Keppoch tiibe that he
had come to know what a quarter of a peck of meal wasy
having once subsisted upon such a quantity for the better part
of a week.'

Donald Cameron, assuming the character of their guide, now
set forward with them through a road so wild and rugged, as to
be almost impervious even in daylight Travelling all night
with untiring diligence, they arrived next morning (July 24)
at the top of a hill in the braes of Loch Arkaig, called Mam*
nan-Callum, from whence they could perceive their enemy's
camp, distant about a mile. Cameron knew that this hill had
been searched the day before, and therefore conjecturing that
it would not be again searched that day, he counselled that
they should take up their abode there till the evening, and
endeavour in the meantime to procure the refreshment of sleep.
They reposed for two hours, after which the whole party, except
the Prince, got up to keep sentry. They had not been long
awake, when they were alarmed by the appearance of a man
at a litde distance. Cameron, on account of his acquaintance
with the country and its people, was selected to approach and
accost this person, who, to the great joy of the whole party,
turned out to be Glenaladale's brother. This gentleman had no
sooner discovered, on the preceding day, that the Prince did
not keep his appointment, than he b^;an to wander, in a state
of extreme alarm, through the countiy in search of either his
royal highness or of intelligence regarding his fete. The same
apprehensions which he had entertained regarding the party,
they had entertained regarding him ; and it was now with sen*
sations of the utmost pleasure that these unfortunate gentlemen

1 Statement taken down from Donald Cameroii by Biihop Forbes : Lyom m Mmtrmmg*
> Lyon im Moummg, viiL tSaS.

Charles's wanderings — ^the mainland. 401

mutually congratulated each other upon a meeting which they
had so little reason to expect

Charles remained with his trusty little band upon the hill
Mam-nan-Callum all that day, without experiencing any disturb-
ance from the soldiers. They set out about nine in the evening
towards the south, and at one in the morning (July 25) came to
Corrinangaul, on the confines of Knoidart and Loch Arkaig.
Here Cameron hoped to fall in with and procure provisions
from some of the people who had fled before the face of the
encroaching soldiery. During this harassing and perilous march,
the party had had no food but a Uttle of Donald Cameron's
oatmeal and butter, eaten without any form of cooking.

For two days the Prince had now been skirting along the
interior of that chain of sentries which has been described as
extending from Loch Houm to Loch ShieL In his dreary and
stealthy night-journeys he could distinctly see the fires which
marked the posts of the enemy, and even hear the stated cries
of the sentinels, as they slowly crossed backwards and forwards.
These fires were placed at brief intervals, and every quarter of
an hour a patrolling party passed along to see that the sentinels
were upon the alert It seemed scarcely possible that the
forlorn little party should evade or break from a toil whose
meshes were at once so strong and so closely set Yet the
want of provisions, and the fear of being soon inextricably
environed, rendered it imperatively necessary that they should
make the attempt, though it were only to anticipate their fate.

This desperate enterprise being fixed for the succeedbg night,
Glenaladale and Glenpean ventured down to some sheilings in
search of provisions, while the Prince and the other two
Macdonalds remained upon the hilL The sheilings were found
to have been abandoned, and the two commissaries returned
without dieir errand. It was then judged proper to shift from
their present situation to a secret place upon the brow of a hill
at the head of Lochnaig, which was about a mile from the
position of the troops, and where they might expect to spend
the intervening day in greater security. Here they slept for

40a HISTORY OP THS REBELLION OF 1 745 --6.

some time. After awaking, Glenpean and Glenaladale's biodicr
were sent off to the hill above them in quest of food, while
Glenaladale and the younger Macdonald watched over the
Prince, who still remained asleep. The commissaries did not
return till the afternoon, when two small cheeses |m>Ted all
that they had been able to procure throughout the countiy.
This was very dry food ; and as they did not know when they
might get more, Uiey were obliged to use it very sparingly. To
increase the mortification of the unhappy Prince, the commis-
saries reported that a troop of a hundred men were coming up
the opposite side of the hill in search of the iiigitive countiy-
people, and that they possibly might light upon their place <^
concealment

Under these distressing circumstances, it was Charles's wisest,
or rather his only policy, to remain as closely concealed as
possible. Notwithstanding, therefore, that the soldiers searched
very narrowly, and all round him, he kept perfectly close, with
his company, till eight in the evening, when, the search being
done, they set out at a quick pace towards the steep hill called
DrumachosL In ascending thb hill, immediately after passing
the small camp in the valley, the Prince met a neariy fatal
accident The night was very dark, the hill very steep, and
the gentlemen went in a line, Donald Cameron first, the Prince
next, after him Glenaladale, behind whom came the two John
Macdonalds. In crossing a small rivulet which gushed out of
the hill, and glided over a precipice, Charles slipped a foot,
and fell, and he would certainly have tumbled over the rock,
and been dashed to pieces below, if Cameron had not seized
hihi by one arm, and Glenaladale by the other, and so recovered
him.^ On reaching the top of the hill, they discerned the fires
of a camp directly in their front, which they thought they could
scarcely shun. Resolved, however, to make the attempt at all
hazards, they approached the dreaded object till they could

1 These particulafs are given in a letter addretaed hy Glenabdale to Bishop Forbes, and
—^•ch the bishop received in December 1749 ; a copy of which document b preserved in ha
ion in my possession.

Charles's wanderings — ^the mainland. 403

actually hear the soldiers talking to each other. Then creeping
up the next hill, they spied the fires of another camp, which
also seemed to lie . directly in their path. Here they at last
determined to make the attempt

Cameron at this juncture, with the true generosity of a High-
lander, proposed to go forward himself, ^xA prove the possibility
of escape, before permitting the Prince to hazard his more
precious person. *■ If I get safe through,' he remarked, ' and
also return safe, then you may venture with greater security,
and I shall be all the better fitted to conduct you.' Be it
remarked, he made this courageous proposal in the face of an
omen which, though ridiculous enough, was perhaps sufficient
to have unmanned a person who, with equal superstition, had
not so noble or so exciting a cause to brace his nerves. He
began to complain that his nose was itchy^ a dear sign, he
averred, that they had great dangers to go through. Charles,
notwithstanding his perilous circumstances, could not help
laughing at this fantastic alarm, though he must have been at
the same time deeply impressed with admiration of the devoted-
ness and real braveiy of the Highlander.

Glenpean having put the passage to the proof, and, to the
great joy of the company, returned in safety, the whole set
forward, headed by him as guide. It was now about two o'clock
in the morning, and the brilliancy of the fires was beginning to
fade before the advancing lights of day. Betwixt the two posts
which they intended to cross there was a small mountain
stream, whose wiuter torrents had, in the course of ages, worn
a deep channel among the rocks. Up this deep and narrow
defile, at the moment when the sentinels were returning to the
fires, and had their backs turned towards the place, the party
crept upon all-fours, with the stealthy caution and quiet of a
party of Indian savages. A few minutes sufficed to cany them
to a place where they were completely screened from the
observation of the enemy.

Having thus escaped from one of the greatest dangers which
had yet environed him, Charles, whose spirits always displayed

404 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OF 1 745-6.

great elasticity, gaily addressed Qenpean with an inquiiy about
his nose. The good gentleman confessed it was a great deal
better since they had passed the sentries, but that it was still
• a wee yeuky.* ' What! Donald,' cried the Prince gaily, 'have
we still more guards to pass?'

After walking about two miles, they came to a place on the
Glenelg side of the head of Loch Houm called Corriscorridale,
where, finding what they considered a well-concealed spot, they
called a halt, and partook of some refreshments. As already
m^idoned, the commissariat was in a miserable state. Animal
spirits, however, compensated every privation to Chai1e&
Cutting a slice of cheese, which he covered widi oatmeal, and
seasoning that dry fare with a drink from the neighbouring
spring, he contentedly stretched the form upon the cold ground,
whose home, in the words of the old song, * should have been
a palace.' He passed the whole of the succeeding day in this
place, without any improvement in his food.

It was now resolved, as the West Highlands had become so
unsafe a place of residence, to repair northwards to a portion of
the Mackenzies' country, which, on account of the loyalty of
the inhabitants, had not been subjected to a military police.
They decamped for this purpose about eight o'dock at night,
when, to their indescribable alarm, they discovered that they
had spent the day within cannon-shot of two of the enemy's
posts, and that at this moment a company of soldiers was
employed in their immediate neighbourhood in driving some
sheep into a hut for slaughter. This, however, only hastened
their march ; and about three o'clock in the morning (July 27)
they reached Glenshiel, a wild vale in the estate of the Earl of
Seaforth. The little provision they had had being now entirely
exhausted, Glenaladale and John Macdonald (Borodale's son)
were sent out in search of supplies, while Charles remained
behind, with Cameron and the elder Lieutenant Macdonald,
Glenaladale's brother. While Glenaladale was inquiring among
some country-people about a guide to conduct them to Poole-£we,
where he understood that some French vessels had lately been

Charles's wanderings — the mainland. 405

seen, a Glengarry man came nmning up, having been chased
by soldiers out of his own country, where they had killed his
father the day before. Glenaladale knew this man at first sight,
and being aware that he had served in the Prince's army, and
was a trustworthy person, resolved to keep him in reserve as a
guide to Glengarry's country, in case he should not succeed
in his present quest Having then furnished himself with some
provisions, he returned to the Prince ; and as soon as they had
refreshed themselves, the whole party retired to a secure place
on the face of an adjacent hill, in order to sleep. Getting up
about four in the afternoon, they dismissed their faithftd guide,
Cameron, who could no longer be of any service Soon after,
Glenaladale, observing the Glengany fugitive passing in his way
back to his own country, slipped out of his den, and, without
disclosing his purpose, used arguments with the man to induce
him to remain in a by-place till such time as he could be siure
of a guide to Poole-£we. He then returned to the Prince, who
approved of his precaution. About seven o'clock, the man whom
he had employed to procure a guide to Poole-Ewe, brought
intelligence tlmt the only French vessel which had been there
was gone, and that a guide could not have been procured, even
though that had not been the case. Glenaladale immediately
dismissed the messenger, and brought this intelligence to the
Prince, whose course it was now resolved to change in the way
proposed. Accordingly, the Glengany man being introduced
to his royal highness, and having undertaken the office, the
whole party set out late at night towards the south, designing
to form a junction, if possible, with Locheil and some other
chiefs, who, it was understood, still remained secure even in the
vicinity of the enemy's forts.

Charles experienced at this juncture one of those remarkable
deliverances which induced so many of his adherents to believe
that his life was under the immediate and constant care of
Heaven. Before proceeding vtry far on this night's journey,
Glenaladale, clapping his hands upon his side, declared he had
lost his purse. As this contained forty guineas, wliich the

4o6 BISTORT OP THS REBELUON OF 1 745-6.

Prince had confided to him for the purchase of provisions, and
which was the sole stock of the company, Glenaladale was
extremely perplexed at the loss, and proposed to return to the
place from whence they had just set out, in order to search for
it Charles opposed this measure, and used many entreaties to
prevent it; but Glenaladale insisted upon the necessity of
recovering what was so important to them, and accordingly
went back along with the younger Heutenant, while the Prince,
with Glenaladale's brother and the guide, remained behind to
await their return. While Glenaladale was absent, Chaiies spied
an officer and two private soldiers advancing under arms along
the path which they had just left Trembling with joy at so
signal a deliverance, he and his firiends retired behind a rock,
where they could see the motions of the soldiers, without being
seen by them. The men passed by, unconscious of the prize
which had so neariy fallen into their hands. Though rejoicii]^
in their own preservation, Charles and his two companions
remained in a state of great anxiety for the safety of Glenaladale
and his companion, who might chance to meet the enemy in
their turn. On coming to their last resting-place, these two
gentlemen found the purse, but, upon opening it, discovered,
to their mortification, that the gold was gone. 'Reflecting,'
continues Glenaladale's journal, ' that it might have been taken
away by a httle boy whom their landlord had sent with a
present of milk to Glenaladale, and whom they had left at the
place where the purse was forgotten, they went back a mile
farther to their landlord's house, whose tiame was Gilchrist
Maoath,^ and through his means got the boy to restore all

1 Gkiwladale tpeaks only of having obtmined provisaoot from Ou» Macnth, wblk ^
Prince remained in hiding at a distance. In Mr Home's History, a somewhat differcM
account is given, I know not on what aatbority. Hie whole pasnge in that work is as
follows : ' After having crossed the line of posts, Glenaladale, thinking the West HigUands
a very unsafe place for Charles, resolved to conduct him to the Roas-shixe Highlands,
amongst tho«« Mackenaes who had remained loyal, and therefore were not visited with
tr'jopfi. These Mackcnzies, Glenaladale thought, woukl not betray Charles ; and the penoa
whom he pitched upon to confide in was Sir Alexander Mackenzie of Coul. Charles and
bis atundanu, setting out for Ros»-shire on foot, suffered greatly in their journey from
want i)( provisions ; and when they came to the Braes of Kintail, inhabited by the Macraws.
• barbarous peopla, among whom there were but few gentlemen, necessity obliged them to

Charles's wanderings — ^the mainland. 407

back, which he did to a trifle/ Fortunately, in returning to
the Prbce, they took a difierent route, and thus escaped the
little party of soldiers, who must otherwise have met them.
When the company was once more reunited, they joined heartily
in returning thanks to God for their safety. Charles was now
so thoroughly impressed with a belief of his immunity from
danger, that he said he ' scarcely believed he could be taken
though he had a mind to it'

They travelled all the remainder of the night, till they came
to a hill-side above Strathcluanie, where, choosing a secret place,
they rested till three o'clock in the succeeding afternoon
(July 28). Then setting out again, they had not walked above
a mile along the hill-side, when they were alarmed by hearing
several shots fired on the top of the hill, which they rightly
judged to be occasioned by the soldiers chasing and murdering

call at the house of one Christopher Macraw. Glenaladale, leaving Charles with the
French officer at some distance, went to Macraw's house, and told him that he and two
of his friends were likely to perish for want of food, and desired him to furnish them with
some victuals, for which they would pay. Macraw insisted upon knowing who his two
friends were, which Glenaladale seemed unwilling to telL Macraw still insisted ; and
Glenaladale told him at last that it was young Oanranald and a relation of his. Notwith*
standing the consequence of the persons, Macraw, though rich for an ordinary Highlander,
made Glenaladale pay very dear for some provisions he gave him. Having received the
money, he grew better humoured, and desired Glenaladale and the other two to pass the
night in his house : which they did. In the course of the conversation they talked of the
times, and Macraw exclaimed against the Highlanders who had taken arms with Charles,
and said that they and those who still protected him were fools and madmen ; that they
ought to deliver themselves and the country from distress, by giving him up^ and taking the
reward which government had offered. That night a Macdonald, who had been in the
rebel army, came to MacraVs house : at first sight he knew diaries, and took an oppor-
tunity of warning Glenaladale to take care that Christopher should not discover the quality
of hb guest. Glenaladale desired this man, who seemed so friendly and so prudent, to
give him his opinion, as he had traversed the country, what he thought was the safest place
for Charles, mentioning at the same time his scheme of carrying him to the country of
the Mackenries ,- which Macdonald did not approve, saying that there were some troops
got among the Mackenries, and that he thought their country by no means safe ; but that
he had passed the former night in the great hill of Corado, which lies between Kintail and
Glenmorriston ; that in the most remote part of that hill, called Corambian, there lived
seven men upon whom the Prince might absolutely depend, for they were brave and faith-
liil, and most of them had been in his army. As Charles wished to get nearer Lochaber
and Badcnoch, where Locheil and Cluny were, he resolved to go to Corambian. Next
morning he and his attendants set out, taking Macdonald for their guide;* &c. It is
possible that Glenaladale omitted or slurred over this circumstance, out of delicacy to
Macraw, or Macrath, who seems to have behaved on the oocaaion in a manner very
uncharacteristic of the genuine Highlander.

408 HISTORY OP THE REBELLION OF X 745-6.

the poor people who had fled thither with their catde ! They
now steered their course northward, and late at night reached
the top of a high hill betwixt the Braes of Glenmorriston and
Strathglass, where they lodged all night, the Prince reposing in
an open cave, so narrow as not to permit him to stretch himsel£
This was one of the most uncomfortable nights he had as yet
spent The rain had fallen heavily and incessantly during the
whole of the preceding day, and he was of course wet to the
skin. No fire could be had to dry him. Without food, and
deprived of sleep by the narrowness and hardness of his bed,
the only comfort he could obtain was the miserable aae of
smoking a pipe.

The Glengarry man now informed the party of a band of
skulkers who, he knew, haunted this neighbourhood, and were,
he thought, likely to prove efficient friends to the Prince, in
whose army they had served. These were the famous Seven
Mm of Glenmorriston^ usually represented as robbers, but who
only were so in a modified sense. As persons engaged in the
Rebellion, they had seen their little possessions given as a prey
to the spoiler; they had also seen seventy of their fellow-
dalesmen recompensed for surrendering, by being sent as slaves
to the colonies. Rendered desperate, they had entered into
an association of offence and defence against the duke and his
army, binding themselves by solemn oath never to yield, but to
fight on any particular emergency to the last drop of their
blood, and never, till the day of their death, to give up their
arms. At first they were seven in number — ^namely, Patrick
Grant, a farmer, commonly called Black Peter of Craskie;
John Macdonnell, aluis Campbell; Alexander Macdonnell;
Alexander, Donald, and Hugh Chisholm, brothers ; and Grigor
Macgregor. Afterwards, in the course of their marches with
the Prince, an eighth, Hugh Macmillan, joined them, and took
their oath.^ They lived at this time a wild life amongst the

1 The mdventuret in connection with the Glenmorriston men are here for die fint time
minutely and faithfully deMrribed, the information being derived from the Rer. Mr Forbe^s
reports of convenationa he had, in 1751, with Patrick Grant, the chief of the party {Ljtm
tn Mournings from p. 1660 to pw xtojj.

Charles's wanderings — the mainland. 409

mountains, supplying themselves with necessaries chiefly by
bold attacks upon the militaiy parties, from whom they often
retrieved cattle and other spoil.
^ As some specimens of the doings of these men — ^About

^ twenty days before the Prince joined them, seven private

^ soldiers, journeying from Fort Augustus to Glenelg with some

provisions, particularly wine and wheaten bread, which were
"' carried on the backs of two horses, were, at a rough part of

the way, attacked by four of the Glenmorriston men, the two
Macdonnells and Alexander and Donald Chisholm, who, firing,
shot two of the men dead The others ran off, leaving their
:^ guide to shift for himself; and the assailants then buried the

slain men, let loose the horses, and carried the hampers to
: their cave. Some da]rs after, meeting one Robert Grant, a

' native of Strathspey, who went about for the purpose of

I informing on all the men he could discover to have been in

the Rebellion, they shot him dead, and cutting off his head,
placed it upon a tree in a litde wood near the high-road in
Glenmorriston, where it long remained as a terror to similar
evil-doers. Three days after this violent act, they met a herd-
boy, who informed them that the catde belonging to an uncle
of Patrick Grant had been driven off by a large party of
soldiers; and the tale was soon confirmed by their observing
the cattle moving along a part of the road from Fort Augustus
[ to Glenelg, about eight miles from the former place, and near

the hill of Lundy. The seven men made all speed to over-
take the military party, and on getting within hearing, called
out to them, in the most threatening manner they could assume,
not to advance one step farther, but to leave the catde to them,
and be gone. The officers, three in number, drew up their
party as for resistance, and sent one Donald Fraser, a militia-
man, to learn what they wanted, and to order them to surrender,
, and take advantage of the royal protection. To this Patrick

Grant answered, that nothing but the cattle would satisfy them,
and that they would fight to their last breath rather than
surrender. They also hinted at friends whom they had in

4IO HISTORY OF THE REBELUOM OF 1 745-6.

the rear. The oflkers, apparently staggered at their boldness,
and knowing how dangerous a few enemies were amidst the
neighbouring zocks, did not attempt to fight with them, but
ordered the catde to be driven forward. The seven men then
made a lateral movement, and commenced a running fire, two
by two, with some effect Still, the cattle and the soldiers
moved on. The assailants then went forward to a narrow and
dangerous pass, where, taking up a strong position, they gave
their fire with such effect, that the men, terrified at this unusual
kind of warfare, fell into confusion, and many fled. The officers
then sent a second message, but with the same result, and
strange to say, the afiair ended by the men being allowed to
carry off the cattle, together with a horse laden with provisions.^
It was into the hands of such men that the Prince was now
to pass. The proposal of the Glengarry man being acceded
to, he set out at three in the morning of the 29th, with
Glenaladale's brother, to seek for them, and, if possible,
negotiate for their receiving the distressed party under their
care, without the Prince being mentioned. The two messengers
were successfuL The Glenmoniston men agreed to receive
the party (the chief of whom they understood to be Glenala-
dale), and it was arranged that die fugitives should repair to
a cave called Coiraghoth, in the Braes of Glenmorriston, where
the men engaged to meet them by a particular hour. Charies
accordingly set out with his attendants for this place, where
they found, at the time of their arrival, only three of the men
— namely, the two Macdonnells and Alexander Chisholm.
Glenaladale went forward to converse with them, and hinted
that he had young Clanranald in his company. They professed
that they would be very glad to see young Clanranald, and
take all possible care of him. They were then brought out to
meet the party; but they had no sooner set eyes upon the
person who was to pass for young Clanranald, than they knew

1 This itoiy, at well at the two preceding, was reported by Patrick Grant himself to the
Rev. Mr Forbes in 1751 ; and its truth was attested by the Donald Fnser mentioned in i^
who happened to be in Edinbui^gh at the tame time.

CHARLESES WANDERINGS — ^THE MAINLAND. 4II

him to be the Prince. He was received by them with the
greatest demonstrations of fidelity and kindness, and conducted
to their cave, where, at Charles's request, they took an oath,
administered by Glenaladale, in the dreadful terms then custom-
ary among the Highlanders — 'that their backs should be to
God, and their faces to the devil, that all the curses the
Scriptures did pronounce might come upon them and all their
posterity, if they did not stand firm to the Prince in the greatest
dangers, and if they should discover to any person, man,
woman, or child, that the Prince was in their keeping, till once
his person should be out of danger.* This oath they kept so well,
that not one of them spoke of the Prince having been in their
company till a twelvemonth after he had sailed to France.
Charles proposed that he and Glenaladale should take a like
oath of fidelity to the men — namely, that if danger should
come, they should stand by one another to the last drop of their
blood ; but the men refused to take this pledge from the Prince
and Glenaladale.

Charles now broke a fast of about forty-eight hours by a
refreshment of mutton, butter, and cheese, with some whisky.
Next day, the other four, who had been absent in search of
provisions, returned with a dead deer and a live ox. These
men also knew the Prince at first sight, and took the same oath
with the rest They killed the ox in his presence. They still
wanted bread, and only had a little salt; but fresh water
was supplied to them in abundance by a spring which glided
through the cave.

On his arrival at the cave, Charles, who was always anxious
to limit the number of those to whom he trusted himself, said
he was perfectly well satisfied with the three men as a guard,
and hinted that, in case he should wish to shift his quarters,
it might not be necessary to wait for the return of the other
four. On this being communicated to the three men, they
(being unable to speak a word of English) desired Glenaladale
to inform his royal highness that they could not comply with
such a proposal, in consequence of the oath they had taken

412 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OP 1 745*6.

to keep by each other, and that if the Prince wanted them
to be useful to him, which they would gladly be with mil their
heart, he behoved to trust himself to the other four as well as
to them. In this there was not only high principle towards
their comrades, but a prudential consideration of what was
best for the Prince; for, by remaining together, they could
better keep watch around their position, and aUow of the
detachments necessary for obtaining provisions.

When the four men had taken the oath, Charles told the
whole seven that they were the first privy council he had had
sworn to him since the battle of Culloden, and that he shoukl
never forget them or theirs 'if ever he came to his own.'
Hereupon one of them hinted to him that a priest who used
to come amongst them in Glenmorriston frequently had txrid
them that King Charles II., after his restoration, was not very
mindful of his friends. Their guest said he was heartily sony
for that, and hoped he should act differendy : for this he gave
them his word, die word of a Prince.

Three days of repose and good nourishment in Coiraghoth
recruited the Prince considerably, and being afiraid to stay
too long in any one place, he and his attendants shifted their
quarters (August 2) to another and equally romantic cave
about two miles off, named Coirskreaoch. Here, after taking
some food, and planting sentries at proper points of outlook,
they made up a bed of heath for the Prince in a small recess
resembling a closet opening from the cave. He remained in
this cave four days ; when, hearing that one Campbell, a captain
of militia, and factor to the Earl of Seaforth, was encamped
within four miles of him, he thought proper to remove. On
the evening of the 6th, he and his attendants set out in a
northerly direction, and by break of day on the 7th, they had
passed the height of the country, and come in upon Strathglass,
a district belonging to ' The Chisholm.' ^ In the evening, two
of the men who had been left as scouts brought intelligeEx%

1 The chief of thb small dan, whoae reiidence is at Erchlea Castle hx Stxatih^bM^ is aa
■tyled io the Highlands.

Charles's wanderings — ^the mainland. 413

that they need be in no apprehension from the factor Campbell
for that night; and they then repaired to a neighbouring
sheiling, or hut, where, after kindling a fire, and taking some
refreshment, they prepared a bed for the Prince, composed of
sods with the grass uppermost, on which he slept soundly the
whole night

He remained in this place two days. During that time he
despatched a messenger to Foole-£we, to learn with greater cer-
tainty if any French vessels had touched at Foole-Ewe, and if
they were still there. That he might be ready to take advantage
of these vessels, if any such should be at Poole-£we, he resolved
to draw somewhat nearer to the west coast His messenger,
before setting out, had been appointed to bring him intelligence
to a particular place judged convenient for the purpose. Early
in the morning of the 9th, he and his friends and attendants,
about a dozen persons in all, set out to the northward by an
unfrequented moor-road, and came that night to a sheiling,
where they halted for a few hours. At two o'clock in the
morning of the loth, they once more addressed themselves to
their journey, and at noon came to Glencannich, where they
passed the remainder of the day in a wood, and at night
repaired to a neighbouring hamlet At two o'clock in the
morning they left this place, and climbed a hill called Feina-
cherine, on the north side of Glencannich, where they passed
the day, and sent off two of their party to obtain a fresh supply
of provisions. This place, which is about forty Highland miles
from Foole-Ewe, is the most northerly point which the Prince
reached on the mainland.^ At night they repaired to a sheiling,
in which they remained two days, waiting for the return of the
messenger. At the end of that time ^ the man rejoined them,

1 So says PAtrick Grant, in his report to the Rev. Robert Forbes. A cave is shewn in
Glenstrathfarrar, to the north of Glencannich, as having been used by the Prince ; but if
Grant be correct, the Prince never was in Glenstrathfanar, nor within the distance from it
of seven miles.

* ' In Glencanna, upon Lammas, day/ said Patrick Grant, ' the Prince spoke much to the
praise of one of the daughters of the king of France, and drank her health, and made all
the company do so likewise. Patrick doea not remember her name ; but the Prince told
them that her hair was as black as a raven, and that she was a mighty 6ne agreeabk lady.

414 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OF 1 745-6.

with intelligence that the only vessel which had ever touched
at Poole-£we had sailed again, leaving a couple of men, who
had set out for Locheil's country in quest of the Prince.
Anxious to know if these men had any despatches for him,
he resolved to return towards Locheil's country, in order, if
possible, to meet them.

They set out at night (August 13), and recrossing the Water
of Cannich, and passing near young Chisholm*s house, arrived
about two in the morning at a place called Fassanacotll in
Strathglass. Here it was thought proper to tarry, until scoots
should bring back intelligence of the state of the country to
the south, and if the search for him was over in that qoazter,
and the troops returned to Fort Augustus. While the scouts
were absent, the party remained in a dense wood, ccmipleteiy
concealed from the neighbouring people. They were supplied
with provisions by one John Chishohn, a farmer, who had been
in the insurgent army, but to whom they did not at first confide
the secret of the Prince being of the party. Charles having at
length expressed a wish to see Chisholm, Patrick Grant and
another were despatched to bring hinL They desired him
to come along wiUi them to see ' a friend whom they knew he
would like well to see.' Apprehending from this that they had
a person of some consequence with them, he said he had a
botde of wine which a priest had left with him, and he should
be glad to take it along with him. ' What, John,' said Grant,
' have you had a botUe of wine all this time, and not given it to
us before ? ' On coming into the presence of the Prince, John
knew him at first sight Patrick Grant, according to his own
simple recital, put the bottle of wine into the Prince's hands,

being sw«et-natiired and humble ; that he (the Prince) could not fail to Vm her, as he vaa
•ure the entertained a great regard for him, as did likewise the dauphin, whom the Priaoe
commended much. Upon this John Macdonnell said : "As that lady is ao good-aatnre^
agreeable, and humble, would to God we had her here, for we would take the best case of
her in our power, and, if possible, be kinder to her than to your royal highness." TUs
nuuie them all Uugh heartily, and the Prince answered : " God forbid, for, were dae
and seized, to nnsom her person would make peace upon any terms the Elector of Hi
would propose." lliey spoke upon this lady a whole hour without ii
ReparU ^Cmanrtaiwru with Patrick Crattt, fy tkt Rev. R, Fertes, X75a.

CHARLESES WANDERINOS — ^THE MAINLAND. 415

and requested him to drink to him, ' for/ said he, ' I do not
remember that your royal highness has drunk to me since you
came among our hands.' 'Accordingly, the Prince put the
bottle of wine to his mouth, and drank a health to Patrick
Grant and all friends. John Chisholm having received good
payment for any provisions he had furnished, and finding that
they had been purchased for the use of his Prince, immediately
offered to return the whole price, and pressed the thing much ;
but the Prince would not hear of it at all, and ordered him
to keep the money.' Chisholm took the same oath as the
Glenmorriston men.

Some traits of the Prince's personal condition and conduct
while with the Glenmorriston men, as reported by Patrick Grant,
may be appreciated by those who still regard with a feeling of
melancholy interest the tale of the last Stuart His clothes,
which were of the Highland fashion, were coarse, tattered, and
squalid almost beyond description, and he constantly slept in
them, seldom getting a clean shirt above once a fortnight He
continued, accordingly, to suffer from the annoyance which
Malcolm Macleod described him as suffering from in Skye. He
was also afflicted with a very distressing ailment of the bowels.
Nevertheless, ' he bore up imder all his misfortunes with great
resolution and cheerfidness, never murmuring or complaining
of the hardness and severity of his condition.' He was observed
to make a practice of withdrawing himself every morning and
evening to perform his devotions. ' Glenaladale,' said Patrick
Grant, ' was interpreter between the Prince and us, and it was
agreed upon that we should say nothing but what the Prince
should be made to understand, and that the Prince should
say nothing but what we likewise should be made to understand.
By this means the Prince discovered that we were much
addicted to common swearing in our conversation, for which he
caused Glenaladale to reprove us in his [the Prince's] name ;
and at last the Prince, by his repeated reproofs, prevailed on us
so far, that we gave that custom of swearing quite up.' Patrick
Grant stated that the Prince walked so nimbly in the daytime.

41 6 HISTORY OP THE REBELUON OP 1 745-6.

that few persons could hold out with him; but he did not
travel so well by night, when^ being unaccustomed to the rough
and boggy ground on the Highland hills, he was constandj
getting himself immersed in some deep hole, from which his
companions had to draw him out All the time he was with
the Glenmoniston men, his aqppetite was observed to be good.
When the party were at their meals, they sat in a drde, eadi
having his morsel on his knee. The Prince would never allow
them to keep off their bonnets when in his company — ^probably
a precaution against his rank being detected, in die event (A any
hostile party approaching them before they were aware. He
used to give directions about their homely cookery, and some-
times tended a roast himself

It would appear that not exacdy everything said by the Toea
was interpreted to the royal wanderer. After he had parted
with them, and got into new hands, conversing about these
faithful adherents, he remarked that he had often heard them
use the expression £ro Sian^ which he supposed to be the name
of one of them, and that certainly that person was the chief
amongst them, since they addressed him so ofteiL In reality,
this expression was Affs fan — 'Hark you, John !' — which they
often had occasion to use to John Macdonnell, one of the cleverest
of their number, and to whose judgment they usually deferred
in all important matters. It wiU amuse the reader to leam that
Bishop Forbes, with true Jacobite feeling, adopted the mistaken
phrase of the Prince, and applied it afterwards as a name to
John Macdonnell, and wished him to hand it down to his
children.

' Patrick Grant said that the Prince, when with them, used to
declare that he had great confidence in the king of France as a
true and fast friend ; and that the king his father, and his own
brother Henry, would risk all to save him. He used to say
much in praise of Prince Henry, as one preferable to himself in
all respects, and as one of the greatest spirits and activity.'

In due time the spies returned with intelligence that ^e
troops had returned to their camp at Fort Augustus, and that

CHARLES S WANDERINGS— THE MAINLAND. 417

there was consequently a prospect of the Prince being able to
execute his design of crossing the Great Glen, and joining
Locheil in Badenoch. They therefore set out at six in the
morning of the 17th, and, travelling by an unfrequented road,
at ten in the forenoon reached the Braes of Glenmorriston.
Having passed the day on the top of a hill, they set out at night,
but had not travelled above a mile, when they learned that a
strong militaiy party had been sent to the Braes of Glengarry in
quest of the Prince. Upon this it was resolved to proceed no
farther, until the motions of the enemy should be farther known;
and they repaired to a neighbouring sheiling, where they passed
the remainder of the night In the morning of the i8th, three
men were sent off towards Loch Arkaig, in Locheil's country,
two of whom were to seek out, and, if possible, form an appoint-
ment for the Prince with Cameron of Clunes, while the other
was to turn at Glengarry, and bring back intelligence of the
movements of the party said to be in that district, so that
Charles might perhaps be able to proceed, even while the
meeting with Clunes was in the way of being arranged.

We have here a remarkable anecdote of the Prince, which
may be best related in the language in which Mr Forbes has
reported it from the mouth of Patrick Grant When returned
to Glenmorriston Braes, *the Prince was pretty positive to
proceed forwards sooner than the Glenmomston men thought
it safe for him, and they would by no means aUow him to go,
till they should think it safe for him so to do. In a word, the
kind contention ran so high, that they threatened to turn their
backs upon him, and to leave him^ if he did not listen to their
counsel, as they knew the country best, and what dangers
might happen to him in it ; and immediately insisted upon his
taking some little refreshment and rest, and staying there as
long as they judged it safe for him. But the Prince refused to
eat or to drink, because they would not do as he desired.
Upon this they plainly told him, that if he did not eat and
drink heartily, he could not well hold out with the fatigues he
was obliged to undergo in his present situation; that if he

2A

4l8 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OF 1745-6.

should happen to turn faintish by abstaining from meat and
drink too long, and then danger should come nigh them, he
would not be in a condition either to get away from it, or to act
his part in any shape so well as he would wish to do; and
therefore they urged him more than ever (as being absolutely
necessary for him) to take some refreshment and rest; which
accordingly he did. The Prince said : '^ I find kings and princes
must be ruled by their privy council, but I believe there is not
in all the world a more absolute privy council tlutn what I have
at present ; *' &c. They added, they had rather tie him than
comply with him, so well did they know his danger. The
Prince was at last obliged to yield the point, as he found them
positive to the last degree, and as they assured him, if he
complied with their requests in behalf of his safety, the enemy
should not get within two miles of him without being discovered.
This was the only time (said Patrick Grant) that we ever
differed with the Prince in any one thing, and we were very
sorry for it' It is distressing to think that, on the very day
when Charles was acting thus unreasonably with his humble but
faithful followers on the Braes of Glenmorriston, the brave
Ikilmerino and the gentle Kilmarnock were laying down their
lives in his cause on the scafifold of Tower-hill.

While the party rested at this place, Patrick Grant and
Alexander Chisholm went out to forage for provisions, and in
the course of their walk met the Laird of Glenmorriston (Grant),
who had been in the Prince's army, and had had his house
burned and his lands pillaged in consequence. Glenmorriston
asked them where they now lived, as they were seldom seen —
what they were doing — and how did they obtain the means of
subsistence. *AVhat is become,* said he, 'of the Prince? I
have heard that he has passed the Braes of Knoidart* Even to
this gentleman, whom habit had trained them to regard with tlie
greatest respect, they would not disclose any of their secrets,
merely remarking, that as the enemy were plundering the
country, it were a pity not to share in the spoil ; and that they

xordingly did so, and made a shift to live upon it On their

Charles's wanderings — ^the mainland. 419

return to the Prince, they informed him of this interview, and
said that, if his royal highness pleased, they would bring Glen-
morriston to see him, he being a faithful and trusty friend.
' The Prince said he was so well pleased with his present guard,
that he wanted none other ; and that Ae had experienced poor
folks to be as faithful and firm as any men, rich or high^ could
be:^

On the 19th, the man who was to bring intelligence from
Glengarry came back, reporting that that district was clear of
troops. The Prince, therefore, with his party, now ten in
number, set out in the afternoon, under the benefit of a fog, and

1 Bishop Forbes's report of conversations with Patrick Giant Some less authentic anec-
dotes of the Glenmorriston men have been circulated. It is stated that at the first intro-
duction of the Prince to their fraternity, as they were sitting at dinner, one of them, with
great tact, exclaimed : ' Ha, Dougal M'Cullony, I 'm glad to see thee 1' and welcomed him
as an old acquaintance of his own order, being then uncertain if his rank could be safely
confided to the resL This story does not appear to be true, though it is certain that the
men generally called the Prince by the name Dougal, for safety. It has also been stated
that, to supply him with linen, they attacked some officers' servants travelling behind a
military detachment, killed one of them, and seising a portmanteau, brought it home to
their cave. A still more questionable tale represents them as going in disguise to Fort
Augustus, and bringing back newspapers for the Prince.

Another dubious tale, referring to nearly this period, may here be adverted to. A young
man named Roderick Mackenzie, the son of a jeweller in Edinbuigh, and who had been in
the Prince's Life-guards, resembled him much in person. While skulking in the Braes of
Glenmorriston, he was beset by a military party, and finding escape impossible, he assumed
a bold air, faced the soldiers, and as they poured the shot into his body, exclaimed :
'Villains, you have killed yovr Prince I' The men, believing that they had sectued the
grand prize, cut off the head of the unfortunate youth, and brought it to Fort Augustus,
where we have already seen that application was made to Macdonald of Kingsbuigh to
ascertain if he thought he could distinguish the head of the Prince detached from his body.
It is said that the head was generally looked on as the head of the Prince, and that Duke
William carried it to London along with him, in order to ascertain the fact with more
precision. One Richard Morison, who had been the Prince's valet, now lay a prisoner in
Carlisle ; he was hastily summoned to London, and promised pardon on condition that he
would truly declare if the head was that of his late master. Morison having fallen sick on
his arrivad, an interval ensued, during which the head became so putrid as to make recog-
nition impossible, but Morison nevertheless secured his pardon. That there is some truth
in this story we can scarcely doubt, yet it is suspiciously deficient in locality 90A date. I
find that the Rev. Mr Forbes made inquiry respecting the circumstances, but never could
obtain any certain particulars. A lady, however, informs me that she remembers, when a
child, visiting, in their house at the head of Gray's Close, in the High Street of Edinbiugh,
two old ladies who were understood to be the sisters of this Mackenzie, and who enjoyed a
small pension on that account The effects of the incident in allaying the heat of the search
for the Prince have obviously been much exaggerated ; for it is within the ten days after the
duke's departure from Fort Augustus, that we find the exertions made to capture him in
Arisaig by means of the chain of posts. ,

420 HISTORY OP THB RSBSLLION OF 1 745^6.

passing through GlennuHriston ax}d the minor vale of GlenluiDg,
arrived late at night on the Braes of Glengany. When they
came to the Gany Water, it was foand breast-deep with the
rain ; nevertheless, they crossed it in safety, and ascending the
hill for about a mile, tarried there for the remainder of the night
in the open air, notwithstanding that it rained heavily. Eariy
in the morning (August 20), the heavy rain still continuing, they
advanced six Highland nsiles across hills and moors, and about
ten in the forenoon came to the hill above Auchnasual, where
the two messengers had been appointed to meet them on their
return from Cameron of Clunes. They passed the day in a
most inconvenient habitation, 'it raining as heavy within as
without'^ Towards the afternoon, after they had begun to
despair of the return of their messengers, and were deliberating
what should be done, the two men came in, bringing a message
from Clunes to Glenaladak, to the effect that he could not wait
upon him immediately, but had directed that the party should
lodge for that night in a certain wood two miles off, ^ere he
would meet them in the morning.

Two of the men, Patrick Grant and Alexander Macdoimell,
were now despatched to reconnoitre their proposed lodging-
place, and finding it suitable, they quickly returned to bring
forward the party. Their provisions were now reduced to half
a peck of meal, and they had starvation staring them in the hcc
By the greatest good fortune, Patrick shot a large hart at the
place where they were to pass the night; so that when the
Prince and the rest arrived, they had one of the finest meals
they had as yet enjoyed

They were this evening joined by Macdonnell of Lochgarry,
who had been the commander of a regiment in the insurgent
army; and early next day, as appointed, Cameron of Cltmes
came to them : both of these gentlemen lived in conceahnent in
the neighbouring mountains. By them the Prince was con-
ducted that afternoon (August 21) to a wood at the foot of Loch

1 Glenaladale's JonnuL

Charles's wanderings — ^thb mainland. 421

Arkaig, where he and his party lay that ni^t. Here the Glen-
moniston men left him, and returned to their own glen^ all
except Patrick Grant, who stayed behind, that the Prince mi^t
be enabled, when he should get a su{^ly of money, to make,
through him, a pecuniary acknowledgment of the services of
the fraternity. Grant accordingly waited for some days, and
ultimately carried home with him twenty-four guineas, being at
the rate of three guineas for each man.^

1 The pubUc may be aiudow to kacm the wbeeqaeat hktory of then nea. Hoir Ion;
they kept together, or pursued their wild mode of life, I have not ascertained : probably it
was not later than July 1747, when the act of indemnity permitted all the less distinguished
rebels to shew their faces once more in society. In 175c, Grant infoimed Mr Forbes that
Alexander Macdonnell and Alexander Chisholm were then dead. Grigor Macgregor was
taken some time after ' the troubles^' and imprisoned in Inverness, but had fhe good fortune
to make his escape, and in X75X was 'alive and in good health, and as ready lor a good ploy
as ever.' The attack upon the soldiers and seizure of the cattle having exdted much notice,
Chisholm of Strathgbus, on whose ground it had takes |daoe, was incited to attempt tm
capture the Glenmorriston men, who were suspected of being the actors in that stnmge
adventure ; and accordingly, in November 1746^ John Macdonnell was taken in his bed,
and canied to Inverness. He was kept there for many months but at length liberated^
there being no evidence against him, and the act erf" indemnity being then passed.

Patrick Grant, when Mr Forbes saw him in Z75Z, had come from the Highlands in a state
of poverty, and ignorant a£ English, but determined on going abroad, and seeking out the
Prince. ' If he be oa the face of the earth,' said he, ' 1 11 find him out^ and, meet when wa
will, he and I shall new part again.* It was with great difficulty that some lational
people, into whose hands he fell, prevailed on him to give up this mad project. While
lingering in Edinburgh, he fell into company with the same Donald Fraser who had acted
as a messenger between the officers and the Glennunriston men. Fraser reminded him
jocularly that on that occasion Grant had taken from him a quarter of a pound of tobacco^
which, he said, Patrick should now replace or pay. ' What I ' said Patrick, ' repay yoa
that ! No : you were an enemy dien, and the tobacco was lawful spoil ; I will never pay
you for that' The company, all of them Jaoob>tes» aKjoyed this conversation very much.
Patrick Grant was pressed into the army in 1759, and served in North America. At the
peace of 1763, he returned to Glenmorriston with a Chelsea pension.

John Macdonnell, who had been one of the leaders of the outlawed fraternity, and whoa
the Prince had supposed to be called Os Ean, lived for many yean after ia the Braes of
Glenmorriston. In May 1754, ' John Macewan Vio-William, a&at Macdonnell, some time
residenter in Ballado in Glenmorriston,' was sentenced at Invcrary to be hanged tat thefk
and robbery ; which sentence was carried into effect at Inyerlochy on the 31st of the month
(Seoit MagoMtMrf 1754, p. aoa). This man, on being apprehended, had given himself out
as one of the Glenmorriston men who had protected die Prince, thinking that the identity
of his name and locality would favour the imposture, and that the imposture would operate
in his favour, in the event of his being brought to triaL It had, in reality, that effect, for
many gentlemen in the Highlands exerted themselves, after his condemnation, to save hia
life. The rumour thenceforth became general in the north of Scotland that one of the
Glenmorriston men, who had scorned the bribe of ;f 30,000, was hanged for stealing a cow I
The tale has often been repeated, and lastly in the TaUs of n GroMd/eUktr^ published in
1830— so difficult is it to overtake any false allegation with a contnuliction. The real state

422 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OF I745-6«

Charles now once more turned his thoughts to Clunj and
Locheil, who, he understood, were living in a compazativelj
agreeable concealment in Badenoch, far to the south of the
Great Glen of Albyn — ^that profound valley, filled with a chain
of lakes and rivers, which has since become the bed of the
Caledonian Canal. Clunes, however, informed him that it
would not be safe for him to attempt to cross this water-
pervaded glen, as every isthmus and feiry along its whole extent
was guarded by the militazy. It was judged prudent that he
should remain for the present near Loch Arkaig, and only send
a messenger to apprise Locheil where he was, and to request
him, if possible, to join him in his present retreat One John
Macpherson, or Maccoilveen, a tenant of Locheil, was accord-
ingly engaged, and sent on this errand.

of the cue as abore stated, appears in Mr Forbes's papers, being the result of a conver-
sation in 1756 with Patrick Grant. It is added in the santt place, that the real John
Maodonnell was a Campbell, who, on remoring to the property of MacdonneU of Glen-
garry, had, as was customary, taken the name of that chief. John was supported for some
years by Mr Macdonald of Glenaladale ; but at the death of that gentleman, he fell into
poverty*

In 1769, we find Mr Macnab of Inchewen making an endeavour to raise soine money
amongst his Jacobite friends for John, whom he represents m then above sixty yean of age,
unable to work, and burdened ndth a sickly wife and a young family. Of the oonditioa of
the man at that time, we have an affecting jMCture in the following letter addressed by a Mr
Mackentie, teacher in Tain, to Mr Forbes : ' I happened to be two weeks ago in Straib-
glass, at the young Chisholm's house, and <» die »5th ult, as I was walking alone by the
rivet's side, I met an aged man, who saluted me, as is ordinary in the Highlands, and asked
if I had snuff; which I answered by giving him my box, which introduced a parley. I
inquired tHience and who he was. He answered from Glenmorriston, and that his name is
John Maccoilvee Eandue, or, if I pleased, John MacdonnelL I inquired if he knew
Patrick Grant. He said very weU, and that he had shared in the cause of Patrick's reputa-
tion : that he frequently attended, twmma Jlde, his r ^1 master, ministering sometimes

to his relief, and that the P e called him often by the name of Os Ean. I told him, if
he could find good credentials for what he advanced, his fidelity at the critical jonctnre
might yet avail him. He declared that Patrick Grant and others of repute cooU vouch for
what he asserted ; that he was now reduced to great want. He had one of his sons, n
pretty boy, with him, seddng service for him, having kept him a U^e time at a charity
BchooL AA«r giving him a mite to buy his supper, we lade goodnaighL* It appears that
more than one sum of five pounds was raised in the south, and sent to this poor man, whose
history is ultimately summed up in the following passage of a letter by Bishop Forbes, dated
June 8, 1775 : * Poor Os Ean, upon failing of his usual moiety, joined the emigrants in
August last, to seek a grave in a f<M«ign land, where his merit b not known, and would be
little regarded.'

Hugh Chisholm long survived this period. He was in Edinburgh for a oonsideraUe time
between the years 1780 and 1790, and gave some account of the Prince's adventures with
the Glenmorriston men to Mr Home. At thn time he fell under the notice of Sir Walter

CHARLES'S WANDERINGS — THE MAINLAND. 423

Locheil had about the same time learned that Charles was on
the mainland, and not far to the north of the Great Glen, and
from his fastness in Badenoch he sent his brothers, Dr Archibald
and the Rev. John Cameron, by diflferent roads, to obtain infor-
mation respecting him. The doctor had not travelled far when
he met Maccoilveen, whom he eagerly questioned, but in vain.
The fiaithful Highlander having been ordered to say not a word
of the Prince to any but Locheil, would tell nothing but that he
was going to that chief with intelligence of great consequence.
Dr Cameron about the same time met with the two French
officers who had landed in June from a vessel at Poole-Ewe, and
had since then been wandering about in quest of the Prince.
They had come from Dunkirk, with sixty other young men,
who, with the gallantry of their nation, had formed themselves
into a company of volunteers for the purpose of rescuing the
commander of an enterprise which had excited their admiration.
Four officers had landed, but two were immediately taken, and
of these two, one named Fitzgerald was hanged at Fort William,

Scott, who gives the following particulars respecting him in the T<Ues of a Gratui/ather :
* Another, by name Hugh Chishohn, resided in Edinburgh, and was well known to your
grandfather, then a young man at college, who subscribed with others to a small annuity,
which was sufficient to render him comfortable. He returned to his native country, and
died in Strathglass some time subsequent to zSia. He was a noble commanding figure, of
six feet and upwards ; had a very stately demeanour, and always wore the Highland garb.
The author often questioned him about this remarkable period of his life. He always spoke
as a high>minded man, who thought he had done no more than his duty, but was happy
that it had fallen to his individual lot to discharge it ... . Hugh had some particular
notions and customs. He kept his right hand usually in his bosom, as if worthy of more
care than the rest of his person, because Charies Edward had shaken hands with him when
they separated. When he received his little dole (I am ashamed of the small amount, but I
had not much to give), which he always did with the dignity of one collecting tribute rather
than receiving alms, he extended his left hand with great courtesy, making an excuse for
not offering the other, " that it was sick.** But the true reason was, that he would not con-
taminate ¥fith a meaner touch the hand that had been grasped by his rightful Prince. If
pressed on this topic, or offered money to employ the right hand, he would answer with
passion that, if your hand were full of gold, and he might be owner of it all for touching it
with his right hand, he would not comply with your request. He remained to the last day
of his life a believer in the restoration of the Stuart family in the person of Charles Edward,
as the Jews confide in the advent of the Messiah ; nor could he ever be convinced of the
death of his favourite Prince. A scheme, he believed, was formed by which every fifth
man in the Highlands was to rise — if that number was insufficient, every third man was to
be called—" if that be not enough," said the old man, raising himself and waving his hand,
" we will all gather and go together." Such delusions amused his last years, but when I
knew him he was perfectly sane in his intellects.'

424 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OF 1745-6.

on the charge of having been a spy in Flanders. After the
other two had wandered for some time about Seafortfa*s country,
Lochgarry, hearing that they had letters for the Prince, sent
Captain Macraw and his own servant for them, that they might
be sent to Locheil, since the Prince was not to be found. It
seems to have been in consequence of what Lochgarry did, that
they were now on their way to visit Locheil ; though how two
sudi men could travel unharmed through such a countxy, it
seems difficult to understand

Dr Cameron, with the two officers and the Prince's messenger,
returned to Locheil. The two gentlemen told the chief that
they had left their papers with Mr Alexander Macleod, one of
the Prince's aides-de-camp, whom they had met in Seaforth's
country — a story which proved quite true, but which now only
raised a suspicion of their being spies in the mind of Locheil,
more particularly as they had not mentioned any such thing
to Lochgarry. Locheil committed them to the charge
of a friend near by, that they might wait for further
orders.*

Dr Cameron once more set out in quest of the Prince, and at
Auchnacarry, the ruined seat of his family, he met his brother,
the Rev. John Cameron, who had gone before, by a different
way, on the same errand. The two joined, and, attended by
four servants, set out in a boat along Locli Arkaig. The Prince
at this time lived in a small hut, which had been built for his
accommodation in the wood betwixt Auchnasual and the end of
Loch Arkaig. The two gentlemen, seeing some men in aims
by the water-side, sent two of Clunes*s children to learn who
they were, and finding they belonged to Clunes, sent the boat
for them. When they came, the two gentlemen dismissed their
own servants, under the pretence that they were going to skulk
for a few days in the wood, and feared lest a retinue should
attract observation. They then crossed the river, and proceeded
towards the hut in which they were informed the Prince resided.

1 For these facts, and for the materials of this part of the narrative generailly, I am
indebted to a journal by the Rev. John Cameroo, transcribed in the Lyom in

Charles's wanderings — ^the mainland. 435

According to one account, Clunes joined their party as they
were proceeding.

The approach of this party was the cause of a dreadful alarm
to Prince Charles. He was at this time asleep, with one of
Clunes's sons, while Patrick Grant kept watch. Patrick, usually
so prompt and trusty, nodded at his post, and did not observe
the approaching party till it was near at hand. Conceiving them
to be a party of militia, he roused the Prince, to whom he
proposed that they should instantly fly to the mountains.
Charles refused to do this, and said it was much the safer
course to remain in ambuscade, fire at the men when they came
near, and take their chance for the rest He and Grant, with
young Cameron, therefore laid their pieces along the stones,
and were preparing to fire, when, recognising the figure of
Clunes, they became aware that there was no danger. Alarm
was succeeded by great joy when Charles received two brothers
of his beloved Locheil, and learned that that chief, though not
yet quite cured of the wounds in his ankles, was in good health.
He thrice audibly thanked God for the welfare of his friend.
John Cameron describes his appearance and manners. 'He
was barefooted, had an old black kilt coat on, philibeg, and
waistcoat, a dirty shirt, and a long red beard, a gun in his hand,
a pistol and dirk by his side. He was very cheerful, and in
good health, and, in my opinion, fatter than when he was at
Inverness. They had killed a cow the day before, and the
servants were roasting some of it with spits. The Prince knew
their names, spoke in a familiar way to them, and some Erse.
He ate very heartily of the roasted beef and some bread we had
from Fort Augustus, and no man could sleep sounder in the
night than he.*

Next day (August 26) the party removed to a wood called
Torvuilt, near Auchnacarry. Here Charles now expressed a
wish to cross the Great Glen and join Locheil ; but this measure
was considered premature by his attendants, on account of a
statement having recently appeared in the newspapers that he
had gone over Corriearrack with Locheil and thirty men, which

426 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OF 1 745^6.

would undoubtedly occasion a vigilant search in those parts.
He was advised to remain where he was, as in aU probability
the attention of the troops would be withdrawn from the north
of the Great Glen, while it was directed with proportionate
closeness to the south. In the meantime, Dr Cameron ventured
into Lochaber to procure intelligence, and Lochgaiiy posted
himself upon the isthmus betwixt the east end of Loch Lochy
and the west end of Loch Linnhe, to watch the motions of the
troops. The Prince at the same time despatched his faithful
attendant Glenaladale, who had shared every privation with him
for a month past, to await the arrival of any French vessels on
the west coast, and to apprise him of such an event whenever it
should take place.

Charles remained for some days in the neighbourhood of
Auchnacarry. Having heard from Archibald and John Cameron
of the two French officers having had an interview with Locheil,
he expressed a strong wish to see them; but John Cameron
represented the suspicions entertained of them by his brother,
and recommended caution. The Prince agreed that caution
was necessary. It was surprising, he said, that two men,
strangers, without one word of Erse, could escape from the
troops, who were always in motion in quest of himself and his
followers. Yet, as they might be true men, and have something
of importance to communicate, he thought it proper that he
should see them, only taking care that, if treacherous, they
should have no advantage over him. He therefore penned a
letter to them, stating that he had retired to a remote country,
where he had none in his company but one Captain Drummond
and a servant; as he could not come to see them without
danger, he had sent Drummond, to whom, he said, they might
communicate whatever they had to say to himself. The officers
were then sent for, and brought to a place near his retreat He
went himself, as Captain Drummond, and delivered the letter.
They had previously informed Locheil that they had never seen
the Prince, and they now seemed to confirm the truth of what
they had said, by not appearing to recognise him under the

Charles's wanderings — ^the mainland. 427

assumed character. They communicated to him all their intelli-
gence, which, however, was of little importance to him in his
present situation. They asked many questions regarding the
Prince's manner of living, and heard his answers with great
surprise. After staying two days, they returned to Locheil.
Charles afterwards sent to Mr Macleod for their papers, but
found them to be of no use, being in cipher, addressed to the
French ambassador, and unintelligible for want of the key.

Towards the end of August, they were disturbed in their
retreat at Auchnacany by intelligence of the approach of a
large military party. This proved to be a detachment of two
hundred men, which had been sent from Fort Augustus, under
the command of Captain Grant of Knockando, in consequence
of intelligence that the Prince was skulking in that district
Charles was that day in a hut near the Water of Kiaig, a mile
from Clunes. It was eight in the morning when Mr John
Cameron, who had fortunately gone out for intelligence, returned
to give the alarm. ' I wakened the Prince,' says he, ' and
desired him not to be surprised, for that a body of the enemy
was m sight He, with the utmost composure, got up, called
for his gun, sent for Captain Macraw, and Sandy, Clunes's son,
who, with a servant, were doing duty as sentries about the wood'
The party mustered eight, and all made the resolution, if escape
was impossible, to die fighting bravely with their arms in their
hands. They were fortunately able to get to the top of the
mountain unobserved, by the cover of the wood. That night
they travelled to another hill called Mullantagart, which is
prodigiously steep, high, and craggy. On the top of that
eminence they remained all day witliout a morsel of food. In
the evening one of Clunes's sons came, and told them that his
father would meet them at a certain place in the hills somewhat
distant with provisions. Charles set out for this spot, which
was only to be reached by the most difficult paths. Toiling
along amongst rocks and stumps of trees, which tore their
clothes and limbs, they at length proposed to halt and rest all
night But Charles, though the most exhausted of the party,

4^8 HISTORY or THE REBELUOM OF 1 745-6.

insisted upon keeping thdr appointment with Chine& After
proceeding some way £utfaer, Charies had to acknowledge him-
self utterly incapable of further exertion, when the generous
Hi^^ilanders took hold of his arms and supported him along,
thou^ themselves tottering under their unparalleled fiuigue.
Almost perishing with hunger, and sinking under the dreadful
exertions of die night, they at last reached their destination ;
where, to their great relief, they found Qunes and his son, with
a cow which they had killed and partly dressed. Here they
remained for a day or two, till Lochgany and Dr Cameron
arrived with the welcome intelligence that die passes were not
now so stricdy guarded, and that the Prince might safely venture
at least a stage nearer to LocheiL

The Prince now crossed Loch Arkaig, and was conducted to
a fastness in the fir-wood of Auchnacarry, belonging to Locheil.
Here he received a message from that chieftain and Macpheison
of Cluny, informing him of their retreat in Badenoch, and that
the latter gendeman would meet him on a certain day at the
place where he was, in order to conduct him to their habitation,
which they judged the safest place for him. Impatient to see
these dear friends, he would not wait for the arrival of Cluny at
Auchnacarry, but set out for Badenoch immediately, trusting to
meet the coming chief by the way, and take him back. Of the
journey into Badenoch, a long and dangerous one, no particulars
have been preserved, excepting that, as the Prince was entering
the district, he received from Mr Macdonald of Tullochcroam
(a place on the side of Loch Laggan) a coarse brown short coat,
a shirt, and a pair of shoes — ^artides of which he stood in great
need.^ It was on this occasion, and to this gentlenian, that he
said he had come to know what a quarter of a peck of meal was,
as he had once lived on such a quantity for nearly a week. He
arrived in Badenoch on the 29th of August, and spent the first
night at a place called Corineuir, at the foot of the great moun-
tain Benalder. This is a point considerably to the east of any

1 Ljfom M M^mmi$tgt MS., viii. x8a8.

Charles's wanderings — the mainlakix 429

district he had as yet haunted. On the opposite side of
Benalder, Loch Ericht divides Badenoch from Athole. It is
one of the roughest and wildest parts of the Highlands, and
therefcn-e little apt to be intruded upon, although the great road
between Edmburgh and Inverness passes at ^e distance of a
few miles. The country was destitute of wood ; but it made up
for this deficiency as a place of concealment by the rockiness of
its hills and glens. The country was part of the estate of Mac-
pherson of Cluny, and was used in summer ibr grazing his cattle ;
but it was considered as the remotest of his grassings.

Cluny and Locheil, who were cousins-german^ and much
attached to each other, had lived here in sequestered huts or
sheilings for several months with various friends, and attended
by servants, being chiefly supplied with provisions by Macpher-
son younger of Breakachie, who was married to a sister of
Cluny.^ Their residence in the district was known to many
persons^ whose fidelity, however, was such, that the Earl of
Loudoun, who had a military post at Sherowmore, not many
miles distant, never all the time had the slightest knowledge or
suspicion of the fact The Highlanders did, indeed, during this
summer exemplify the virtue of secrecy in an extraordinary
manner. Many of the principal persons concerned in the

1 After the breaking up of the scheme of resistance in May, and the occupation of
Lochaber by the troops, Locheil was very anxious to get into Badenoch, ' not only/ says
Mr Forbes, reporting the conversation of young Breakachie, ' for ease and safety to his own
person, but likewise because he was not able to stand the melancholy accounts that were
ever reaching his ears about the cruelties and severities committed by Uie military upon the
people round about him in Lochaber. And even when Locheil was in Badenoch, such
moving narratives were told him of the sufferings of his own people and others in Lochaber,
as bora very hard upon him. One day, when accounts were Iwought to Locheil in Badenoch
that the poor people in Lochaber had been so pillaged and harassed that they had not really
necessaries to keep in their lives, Locheil took out his purse and gave all the money he
could well spare to be distribnted among such in Lochaber. " And," said Breakachie, " I
remember nothing better than that Sir Stewart Threipland at that time took out his purse
and gave five guineas, expressing himself in these words : ' I am sure,' said Sir Stewart,
* I have not so much to myself ; but then, if I be spared, I know where to get more, whereas
these poor people know not where to get the smallest assistance."*' — Ly^H in MoMmi$tg,
vii. X480.

The conversation, of which the above is a part, occaxTed in February X75a Breakachie
then assured Mr Forbes that he believed the Clan Cameron must have lost in all about
three hundred men in the affair of 1745-6, having suffered considerably in all the three
battles, as well as in the outrages committed by the military after Culloden.

430 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OF I745~6.

insurrection had been concealed and supported ever since
Culloden in those very districts which were the most thoroughly
beset with troops, and which had been most ravaged and
plundered. After the escape of the Prince through the cordon
between Loch Houm and Loch Shiel in the latter part
of July, the military powers at Fort Augustus seem to have
scarcely ever got a ray of genuine intelUgence respecting his
motions. His friends, all except the very few who attended
him, were equally at a loss to imagine where he was, or how he
contrived to keep himself concealed. His enemies ' sometimes
thought he had got himself removed to the east coast through
the hills of Athole, and laid an embargo upon all the shipping
from that quarter. At other times they had information that he
lurked in the shires of Angus or Meams, and a search was made
for him in the most suspected places of those shires ; and parti-
cularly the house of Mr Barclay of Urie in Meams, whose lady
was aunt to Locheil by the father, and to Cluny by the mother,
was most narrowly searched ; while he was quite safe and uncon-
cerned in Benalder.'*

Next day, August 30, Charles was conducted to a place called
Mellaneuir,'also on Benalder, where Locheil was now living in a
small hut with Macpherson younger of Breakachie, his principal
servant Allan Cameron, and two servants of Cluny. When
Locheil saw five men approaching under arms — namely, the
Prince, Lochgarry, Dr Archibald Cameron, and two servants —
he imagined that they must be a military party, who, learning
his retreat, had come to seize him. It was in vain to think of
flying, even though the supposed military party had been more
numerous, for he was still a cripple, in consequence of the
wounds in his ankles. He therefore resolved to defend himself
as well as circumstances would permit Twelve firelocks and
some pistols were prepared ; the chief and his four companions
had taken up positions, and levelled each his piece, and all was
ready for saluting the approaching party with a carefully aimed

1 Narrative written by Donald Macpher«>n, youngest brother of Cluny : prescnrcd ia
Rev. Mr Forbe«'s collections, MS., in my possession. •

CHARLES'S WANDERINGS — THE MAINLAND. 43 1

volley, when Locheil distinguished the figures of his fiiends.
Then, hobbling out as well as he could, he received the Prince
with an enthusiastic welcome, and attempted to pay his duty to
him on his knees. This ceremony Charles forbade. ' My dear
Locheil,' said he, ' you don't know who may be looking from the
tops of yonder hills; if any be there, and if they see such
motions, they will conclude that I am here, which may prove of
bad consequence.' Locheil then ushered him into his hovel,
which, though small, was well furnished with viands and liquors.
Young Breakachie had helped his friends to a sufficiency of
newly killed mutton, some cured beef sausages, plenty of butter
and cheese, a large well-cured bacon ham, and an anker of
whisky. The Prince, 'upon his entry, took a hearty dram,
which he pretty often called for thereafter, to drink his friends'
healths ; and when there were some minced collops dressed with
butter for him in a large saucepan that Locheil and Cluny
carried always about with them, and which was the only fire-
vessel they had, he ate heartily, and said, with a very cheerful
and lively countenance : " Now, gentlemen, I live like a prince,**
though at the same time he was no otherwise served than by
eating the coUops out of the saucepan, only that he had a silver
spoon. After dinner, he asked Locheil if he had still lived,
during his skulking in that place, in such a good way ; to which
Locheil answered : " Yes, sir, I have, for now near three months
that I have been here with my cousin Cluny and Breakachie,
who has so provided for me, that I have still had plenty of such
as you see, and I thank Heaven that your royal highness has
come safe through so many dangers to take a part"'

Cluny, on reaching Auchnacarry, and finding Charles gone,
inmiediately returned to Badenoch, and he arrived at Mellaneuir
two days after the Prince. On entering the hut, he would have
knelt ; but Charles prevented him, and taking him in his arms,
kissed him affectionately. He soon after said : ' I 'm sorry,
Cluny, that you and your regiment were not at Culloden ; I did
not hear tiU lately that you were so near us that day.'

Cluny, finding that the Prince had not a change of linen.

432 HISTORT OF THE REBELLION OF 1 745-6.

caused his three sbters^ to set about making some shirts for
him. They did so with good-will, and soon fhmished him with
what was wanted. The gendemen whom Charles here naet for
the fint time in his wanderings were, like all those he had met
previously, astonished at die elasticity of mind which he dis-
played in circumstances of so much discomfort and danger, and
under prospects, to say the least of them, so much less brUIiant
than what had recendy been before him.'

The day after Clun3r's anival, it was thought expedient that
there should be a change of quarters. They therefore removed
two Highland miles farther into the recesses of Benalder, to a
sheiling called Uiskchilra, 'superlatively bad and smoky/ as
Donald Macpherson has described it, but which the Prince
never once complained of. It may here be remarked, that the
precautions which Locheil and Cluny had formerly taken for
their safety, were much increased after the Prince had joined

1 Isabel, widofw of Mackinfoth of Abemdar : CKristiBi, wife of Brtalcaduc ; and
then unmarried, but afterwardt the wife of Maqphenon of Dalimdy.

s The Rev. Mr Forbes appears to have taken down the following anecdote, illustrative of
Ihe cheerfulnen of tha Prince under hb (Kit rwsm, from tha laouth of Captain QTNeal, whfle
a prisoner in Edinburgh Castle; July 1747.

' O'Neal frankly owned that, in place of his being useful to the Prince, by endeavvmrii^
to comfort and support him when dangers thickened npon them* the Prince had the fike
good offices to perform to him, and that he frequently exerted himself, in diffcreat shafwsk
to raise his spirits. One time, having nothing to eat for about two days but some mauUy
dirty crumbs in O'NeaTs pocket; they hidcily happened at last to come to a very aacaa
cottage, where diey found only an old poor wooum, who received them kindly, and gave
each of them two eggs and a piece of bear^bannock, but having not so much in her hut as a
cup of cold water to give them to put down their monel, she told them that some lasses had
lately gone up the hill to milk the goats, ftc, and that, if they would follow them, prsfaskbly
they might have a drink of milk from them. The advice was very seaaooable. and away
they went, the honest old woman directing them the way they should ga The Prince skipped
so speedily up the hill, that O^eal could not keep up with him. The lasses gave them
plenty of milk, and poor O'Neal lay along upon the grass, being quite undone with fstlgue
and fear. The Prince did all he oouM to rouse him up, hot aU to no purpose. At last the
Prince, turning from him, said : " Come, my lasses, what would yo« tlmdc 10 dance a
Highland reel with me f We cannot have a bagpipe just now, but I shall sing you a
strathspey reel I** The dance went menily on, and Che Prince skipped so nimbly,
knacking his thumbs and doping his hands, that O'Neal was soon surprised out of Us
thoughtful mood, being ashamed to remain any longer in the dumps when his Prince had
been at s« much pains to divert his melancholy. He was sure, he said, that the IViaoe
entered into this frolic meidy on his account, for that there could be no dancing at hia
heart seeing at that time they knew not where to move ooe foot.'— Z./mi m
MS., i. 191*

Charles's wanderings — the mainland. 433

them. Breakachie had formerly been intrusted with the power
of bringing any one to them in whom he could trust ; but no
one was now introduced till after a council had been held, and
formal permission given. Trusty watchmen were planted on the
neighbouring hills, to give notice of the approach of any
strangers or military; and Cluny even contrived to have spies
in the Earl of Loudoun's camp.

After spending two or three uncomfortable days in the smoky
sheiling, they removed to ' a very romantic and comical habita-
tion, made by Cluny, at two miles' farther distance into
Benalder, called the Cage, It was really a curiosity,' says
Donald Macpherson, ' and can scarcely be described to perfec-
tion. It was situate in the face of a very rough, high, rocky
mountain called Lettemilichk, which is still a part of Benalder,
full of great stones and crevices, and some scattered wood inter-
spersed. The habitation called the Cage, in the face of that
mountain, was within a small thick bush of wood. There were
first some rows of trees laid down, in order to level a floor for
the habitation, and as the place was steep, this raised the lower
side to equal height with the other, and these trees, in the way
of joists or planks, were entirely well levelled with earth and
gravel. There were betwixt the trees, growing naturally on their
own roots, some stakes fixed in the earth, which, with the trees,
were interwoven with ropes made of heath and birch twigs all to
the top of the Cage, it being of a round, or rather oval shape,
and the whole thatched and covered over with fog. This whole
fabric hung, as it were, by a lai^e tree which reclined from the
one end all along the roof to the other, and which gave it the
name of the Cage ; and by chance there happened to be two
stones, at a small distance from [each] other, next the precipice,
resembling the pillars of a bosom chimney, and here was the fire
placed The smoke had its vent out there, all along a very
stony part of the rock, which and the smoke were so much of a
colour, that no one could have distinguished the one from the
other in the clearest day. The Cage was only large enough to
contain six or seven persons, four of which number were

2 B

434 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OP 1 745-6.

frequently employed in playing at cards, one idle looking on,
one baking, and another firing bread and cooking.'^

The hopes of the Piince for an escape from the comitiy were
still resting in the prospect of the arrival of some French vessel
in the lonely estuaries of the west coast of Inverness-shire. He
knew that Colonel Warren was exerting himself to fit out a small
armament for this purpose ; but still many accidents might occur
to mar the consummation of the design. It would appear that
two other plans were formed for getting him shipped away from
Scotland. The Rev. John Cameron was despatched by his
brother to Edinburgh, there to exert himself to get a vessel
hired, to come to some appomted station on the east coast, and
there lie in readiness to take the party on board. Such a vessel
actually was provided ; it went to the station ; and Mr Cameron
returned to Benalder to bring away the party, but found them
gone.^ Breakachie was also sent from Uiskchilra to find out
John Roy Stuart, who was skulking somewhere in the country,
with orders to go in company with John directly to the east
coast, and there hire a vessel Lest both schemes should fail,
and the Prince be obliged to spend the winter in the Highlands,
Cluny, who seems to have had a constructive genius, fitted up
a subterranean retreat, boarded thickly all round, and other-
wise provided against the severity of the season. But all of
these precautions, though wisely taken, proved useless, in conse-
quence of the arrival of Colonel Warren's expedition.

Two vessels of force, LHereux and La Princesse de ConU^ had
been fitted out by the exertions of this gentleman, who was
promised a baronetcy by the old Chevalier in the event of his

X ' All about his royal highness, during his abode in Benalder of Badenoch, were Locheil.
Cluny, Lochgarry, Dr Cameron, and Breakachie ; one Allan Cameron, a young genteel lad
of Calard's family, who was principal servant to Locheil ; and four servants belonging to
Cluny, particularly James Macpheison, his piper, Paul Macpherson, his horse-kecper»
Murdoch and Duncan Maqpheraons. This Murdoch the Prince generally called Murick^
who, and Paul, could speak no English, and were commonly employed in canyiog pio-
▼isions from "^rtakaxStait* ^-Donald Macj^hersoti* Nttrratixfe, MS.

1 This gentleman, being now left to shift for himself, made his way back to Edinbargh
in disguise, and at last got off in the same coach with Lady Locheil and her duldren
for London, on vdiich occasion the Udy passed for a Mrs Campbell. They ail got aaldy to
France.

Charles's wanderings — ^the mainland. 435

bringing off the Prince. Setting sail from St Malo in the
latter part of August, they arrived in Lochnanuagh on the 6th
of September. Next day four gentlemen, including Captain
Sheridan, son of Sir Thomas, and a Mr 0*Beime, a lieutenant
in the French service, landed to make inquiry about the Prince,
and were received by Macdonald of Glenaladale, who had taken
his station in that part of the country for the purpose of com-
municating to Charles any intelligence of the arrival of French
vessels. He now lost no time in setting out to the neighbour-
hood of Auchnacarry, expecting there to find Cameron of
Clunes, who was appointed to be a medium for forwarding the
intelligence to the Prince wherever he might then be. When
Glenaladale arrived at the place where he expected to see
Clunes, he found that gentleman removed he knew not whither,
in consequence of some alarm from the military, who had
destroyed his hut Being himself altogether ignorant of Charles's
present hiding-place, Glenaladale was thrown by this accident
into a state of great perplexity and distress, for he reflected that,
if the Prince did not quickly come to Lochnanuagh, the vessels
might be obliged to sail without him. He was wandering about
in this state of mind when he encountered an old woman, who
chanced to know the place to which Clunes had withdrawn.
Having obtained from her this information, he immediately
communicated with Clunes, who instantly despatched the faith-
ful Maccoilveen to convey the intelligence to Cluny, that it
might be by him imparted to the Prince. Glenaladale then
returned to inform the French officers that they might expect
ere long to be joined by the royal wanderer.

Charles, meanwhile, had despatched Cluny and Dr Cameron
on some private business to Loch Arkaig. Travelling in a very
dark night through the outskirts of Badenoch, these two gentle-
men, by great good-fortune, met and recognised Maccoilveen,
as he was proceeding with his message. Had they missed him,
they would have gone on to Loch Arkaig, and as Maccoilveen
would have communicated with none but Cluny, it would not
have been till after their return, and probably then too late.

436 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OF 1745-6.

that Charles would have heard of the arrival of the vessels. It
thus appears that he was favoured by two remarkable chances
in obtaining this important information, without either of which
the design of his embarkation would have probably been
defeated.

Cluny, though he now turned back with Dr Cameron, was so
anxious to forward the good news to the Prince, that he immedi-
ately procured a trusty man, one Alexander Macpherson, son of
Benjamin Macpherson in Gallovie, to run express with it to the
Cage. He and Cameron arrived there about one in the
mommg, September 13, when they found the Prince already
prepared to start on his journey. They immediately started,
and before daylight, had reached their former habitation in
Uiskchilra,

From the place where he met Maccoilveen, Cluny had also
sent off a messenger, one Murdoch Macpherson, a near relation
of Macpherson of Invereshie, to stop young Breakachie on his
mission to the east coast, and to desire him to return to the
Prince's quarters. 'The said Murdoch came to Breakachie
when going to bed ; * and then Breakachie's lady, one of Cluny's
sisters, finding out the matter, began to talk of her dismal
situation, of having so many children, and being then big with
child Upon which Breakachie said : " I put no value upon
you or your bairns, unless you can bring me forth immediately
thirty thousand men in arms ready to serve my master ! "

* Instantly Breakachie set out on his return to the Prince,
and took along with him John Roy Stuart (whom the Prince
used to call the Body), but did not allow John Roy to know
that the Prince was in Badenoch, but only that they were going
to see Locheil, &c. When the Prince heard that Breakachie
and John Roy Stuart were coming near the hut Uiskchilra, he
wrapped himself up in a plaid and lay down, in order to surprise
John Roy the more when he should enter the hut. In the door
of the hut there was a pool or puddle, and when John Roy

1 The ori(;inaI language of the narrative by Donald Macpherson [Ly^n in MoumiMg^ vu.)
is here used.

Charles's wanderings — ^the mainland. 437

Stuart just was entering, the Prince peeped out of the plaid,
which so surprised John Roy, that he cried out : " O Lord ! my
master ! " and fell down in the puddle in a faint

' Breakachie likewise brought along with him to Uiskchilra
three fusees, one mounted with gold, a second with silver, and
the third half-mounted, all belonging to the Prince himself, who
had desired Breakachie to fetch him these pieces at some con-
venient time. When the Prince saw the fusees, he expressed
great joy, saying : " It is remarkable that my enemies have not
discovered one farthing of my money, a rag of my clothes, or
one piece of my arms ; " an event which the Prince himself did
not know till he came to Benalder, where he was particularly
informed that all the above things were still preserved from the
hands of his enemies.

*The Prince (as is already observed) arrived at his old
quarters in Uiskchilra, in his way to the ships, against daylight,
on the morning of September 13, where he remained till near
night, and then set off, and was by daylight, the 14th, at
Corvoy, where he slept some time. Upon his being refreshed
with sleep, he, being at a sufficient distance from any country,^
did spend the day by diverting himself and his company with
throwing up of bonnets in the air, and shooting at them, to try
the three foresaid favourite fusees, and to try who was the best
marksman; in which diversion his royal highness by far
exceeded. In the evening of the 14th he set forward, and
went on as far as Uisknifrchit, on the confines of Glenroy,
which marches with a part of the Braes of Badenoch, in which
last place he refreshed himself some hours with sleep; and,
before it was daylight, got over Glenroy, the 15 th, and kept
themselves private all day. As they were approaching towards
Locheil's seat, Auchnacarry, they came to the river Lochy at
night, being fine moonshine. The difficulty was how to get
over. Upon this Clunes Cameron met them on the water-side,
at whom Locheil asked how they would get over the river. He

1 Meaning any inhabited district.

438 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OF 1745-6.

said : ^ Very well ; for I have an old boat carried from Loch
Arkaig, that the enemy left unbumed of all the boats you had,
Locheil." Locheil asked to see the boat Upon seeing it, he
said : '' I am afraid we will not be safe with it" Quoth Clunes :
*^ I shall cross first, and shew you the way.** The matter was
agreed upon. Clunes, upon reflection, said : '' I have six bottles
of brandy, and I believe all of you will be the better of a dram."
This brandy was brought from Fort Augustus, where the enemy
lay in garrison, about nine miles from that part of Lochy where
they were about to cross. Locheil went to the Prince, and
said: ''Will your royal highness take a dram?" "Oh," said
the Prince, "can you have a dram here?" "Yes," replied
Locheil, " and that from Fort Augustus too ; " which pleased the
Prince much, that he should have provisions from his enemies.
He said : " Come, let us have it" Upon this three of the
bottles were drunk. Then they passed the river Lochy by three
crossings : Clunes Cameron in the first with so many ; then the
Prince in the second with so many; and in the last Locheil
with so many. In the thuxl and last fenying, the crazy boat
leaked so much, that there would be four or five pints of water
in the bottom, and in hurrying over, the three remaining bottles
of brandy were all broken. When the Prince called for a dram,
he was told that the bottles were broken, and that the common
fellows had drunk all that was in the bottom of the boat, as
being good punch, which had made the fellows so mezry, that
they made great diversion to the company as they marched
along.

* After the morning of the 16th, the Prince arrived in Auchna-
carry, Locheil's seat, where he was as ill off as anywhere ebe
for accommodation, as the enemy had burned and demolished
the place. All the i6th he stayed there, and set out at night,
and arrived, the 17th, at a place called Glencamger, in the head
of Loch Arkaig, where he found Climy and Dr Cameron, who
had prepared for him, expecting him. By a very great good
chance, Cluny, understanding that he himself and others of
them would be necessarily obliged to travel often betwixt

Charles's wanderings — ^the mainland. 439

Badenoch and Locheil's country, and knowing that it was
scarce possible for people travelling that way — even those
that could be seen, and much less they that could not — to find
provisions in their passage, as all was rummaged and plundered
by the enemy, planted a small store of meal, carried from
Badenoch, in the house of one Murdoch Macpherson, in Coilerig
of Glenroy, a trusty man, and tenant to Keppoch, in the road
and about half way, to be still a ready supply in case of need ;
from which secret small magazine he and Mr Cameron brought
some with them as they went forward from Benalder, and had
it made into bannocks against the Prince's coining to Glen-
camger; and when he and his company arrived, there was a
cow killed; on which bannocks and beef, his royal highness,
with his whole retinue, were regaled and feasted plentifully ^ that
night On the 18th, he set out from Glencamger with daylight,
and upon the 19th arrived at the shipping; what was extant
of the Glencamger bannocks and beef having been all the
provisions till then.'

Cluny and Breakachie now took leave of the Prince, and
returned to Badenoch, for it was the inclination of this chief
to remain concealed in his own fastnesses, rather than seek a
refiige on a foreign soiL

Before the arrival of the Prince, a considerable number of
skulking gentlemen and others had assembled, in order to
proceed in the vessels to France. Amongst these were young
Clanranald, Glenaladale, Macdonald of Dalely and his two
brothers. They had seized Macdonald of Barrisdale on the

1 At this pbce the Fkince gave the following letter to Chiny, acknowledging his services,
and promising reward. Sir Walter Scott, who possessed the original, was good enough to
communicate a copy in 1827. The Prince appears to have used ruw styU in his date.

• Mr M'Pmebson of Qunie—

' As we are sensible of your and dan's fidelity and integrity to us daring our adventures in
Scotland and England in the years 1745 and 1746, in recovering our just rights from the
Elector of Hanover, by which you have suffered very great losses in your interest and
person, I therefore promise, when it shall please God to put it in my power, to make a
grateful return suitable to your sufferings. Charles, P. R.

* DlRALAGICH IN GleNCAMGIBK OP LoCHAKKAIGk

8/4 Se/ttmber 1746.'

440 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OF 1 745-6.

suspicion of his having made a paction with the enemy to
deliver up the Prince ; and this gendeman was actually carried
to France, and there kept for a considerable time as a prisoner.
Charles waited upwards of a day, to allow of a few more
assembling, and he then (Saturday, September 20) went on
board LHcreux^ accompanied by Locheil, Lochgaiiy, John
Roy Stuart, and Dr Cameron. From the vessel he wrote a
letter to Cluny, informing him of his embarkation, and of the
excellent state in which he found the vessels. Twenty-three
gentlemen, and a hundred and seven men of common rank,
are said to have sailed with him in the two ships. ' The gentle-
men, as well as commons, were seen to weep, though they boasted
of being soon back with an irresistible force.* ^

The unparalleled tale of the Prince's wanderings is now
concluded. For upwards of five months he had skulked as a
proscribed fugitive through the mountains and seas of the West
Plighlands, often in the most imminent danger of being taken,
and generally exposed to very severe personal hardships; yet
he eluded all search, and never lost his health or spirits in any
fatal degree. The narrowness of his own escapes is shewn
strikingly in the circumstance of so many persons being taken
immediately after having contributed to his safety. The reader
must have already accorded all due praise to the people who,
by their kindness and fidelity, had been the chief means of
working out his deliverance. Scarcely any gentlemen to whom
he applied for protection, or to aid in effecting his movements,
refused to peril their own safety on his account; hundreds,
many of whom were in the humblest walks of life, had been
intrusted with his secret, or had become aware of it ; yet, if we
overlook the beggar-boy in South Uist, and the dubious case
of Barrisdale, none had attempted to give him up to his
enemies.^ Thirty thousand pounds had been offered in vain

1 Newspaper report of the day.

* Much as we must admire the fidelity of the Highlanders on this occasion, it woidd not
be just to human nature to say that it is without parallel. M. Berryer, the eloquent
parti&au of the fallen dynasty of France, at his trial, October x6, 183a, mentioned that, in

Charles's wanderings— the mainland. 441

for the life of one human being, in a country where the sum
would have purchased a princely estate. The conduct of the
Prince himself under his extraordinary dangers and hardships is
allowed by all who gave their personal recollections of it to
have been marked by great caution and prudence, as well as by
a high degree of fortitude, and a cheerfulness which no misery
could extinguish. Perhaps the testimonies to his cheerfulness
are only too strong, and might lead to a conclusion different
from that intended by the witnesses — ^namely, that he was
scarcely considerate enough of the wretchedness which his
ambition had occasioned to others. Here, however, we are met
by the strong expressions of sympathy for those injured in his
cause which he uttered in Raasay and Skye. It is also expressly
stated by several of his fellow-adventurers that he put on
appearances of cheerfulness, on various occasions, to keep up
the spirits of those around him. His conduct throughout his
wanderings appears, upon the whole, creditable to him, whatever
shades may have settled upon his 'character at a later period.
That it entirely pleased the gentlemen who associated with him,
is abundantly evident All of these, in their various narratives,
speak of him with the greatest admiration. The Rev. John
Cameron, in particular, sums up with the following paneg)mc :
' He submitted with patience to his adverse fortune ; was
cheerful; and frequently desired those who were with him to
be so. He was cautious when in the greatest danger ; never
at a loss in resolving what to do. He regretted more the
distress of those who suffered for adhering to his interest, than
the hardships and dangers he was hourly exposed to. To
conclude, he possesses all the virtues that form the character
of a true hero and a great prince,^ The interest he bore in the
eyes of his followers could not be entirely the offspring of the
fascination of birth and rank. I have a letter of Bishop

the Vend&in campaign of that year, the Duchesse de Bern changed her abode not less than
three or four times a week, that every change was known to eight or ten persons at least,
and yet, in the course of six months, not a single person betrayed the honourable confidence
rcpoe»eU in him.

442 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OF 1 7 45-6.

Mackintosh before me, in which that venerable person mentions
that he had known many individuals who had gone out to fight
for Prince Charles, but he never knew one who regretted
having fought for him, or did not seem as if he would have
gladly perilled life in his cause once more.

CHAPTER XXIX.

TRIALS AND EXECUTIONS.
' And statutes reap the refuse of the sword*'— Johnson.

Long before Charles's escape, a multitude of his foUoweis, less
fortunate, had met a cruel and bloody death upon the scafifolds
of England. The necessity of terrifying the friends of the
house of Stuart from all future attempts on its behalf^ had
reconciled the meek to a policy which there can be no doubt
sprang immediately from the vengefiil spirit of certain leading
men, and particularly the Duke of Cumberland, who had only
left the Highlands in order to seek new victims in the south*^
Few, probably, would deny that the late attempt to disturb
a settlement in which the bulk of the nation acquiesced, called
for some exercise of the law's severity ; but I would hope that,
in the present age, there are still fewer who can behold unmoved
a cruel death falling as a punishment upon men who, so far
from being actuated by the spirit of crime, had been prompted
by nearly as high a sense of duty as the mind of man ever
experiences. The conduct of the men themselves in their last
moments, and the declarations they left behind them, form a
most affecting commentary on the laws which dictate death and
ignominy for offences of sentiment and opinion.

1 The duke, after hU ictuni to London, continued to ' press for measures of the utmost
ievericy.'-/f. IVal^l^ to H, Mmh,

TRIALS AND EXECUTIONS. 443

The officers of the English regiment taken at Carlisle were
the fiist victims. Eighteen of these wifortunate gentlemen, at
the head of whom was Mr Francis Townley, the colonel of the
Manchester regiment, were tried before a grand jury at the
court-house on St Margaret's Hill, Southwark, in the county
of Surrey, on the 15th of July and four following da3rs. All
were condemned to death except one, and on the 29th of the
month, four days after the anival of the Duke of Cumberland
at St James's, an order came to their place of confinement,
ordering the execution, on the succeeding day, of nine who
were judged to be most guilty — ^namely, Francis Townley,
George Fletcher, Thomas Chadwick, James Dawson, Thomas
Deacon, John Beswick, Andrew Blood, Thomas Syddall, and
David Morgan ; the other eight being reprieved for three weeks.

These ill-fated persons were roused from sleep at six o'clock
in the morning of July 30, to prepare for death. The firmness
which they displayed throughout the whole scene was very
remarkable. Only Syddall was observed to tremble when the
halter was put about his neck. When their irons had been
knocked off, their arms pinioned, and the ropes adjusted about
their necks, they were put into three sledges.

Keimington Common was the place appointed for their
execution ; and as the spectacle was expected to be attended
with all those circumstances of barbarity awarded by the English
law of treason, the London mob had assembled in extraordinary
numbers to witness it A pile of fagots and a block were placed
near the gallows, and while the prisoners were removing from
the sledges into the cart from which they were to be turned
off, the £agots were set on fire, and the guards formed a circle
round the place of execution. The prisoners were not attended
by clergymen of any persuasion ; but Morgan, who had been a
banister-at-law, read prayers and other pious meditations from a
book of devotion, to which the rest seemed very attentive,
joining in all the responses and ejaculations with great fervour.
Half an hour was spent in these exercises, during which they
betrayed no symptoms of irresolution, though their deportment

444 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OF 1 745-6.

was said to be perfectly suitable, at the same time, to their
unhappy circumstances. On concluding prayers, they took
some written papers from their books and threw them among
the spectators. These were found to contain declaiatioiis to
the effect that they died in a just cause, that they did not repent
of what they had done, and that they doubted not but their
deaths would be avenged, together with some expressions which
were considered treasonable. They likewise delivered papers
severally to the sheriff, and then threw away their hats, which
were found to contain other treasonable documents. According
to the atrocious treason law of Edward III., the culprits were
only allowed to hang three minutes. Then, with life scarcely
extinct, their bodies were placed on a block, disembowelled and
beheaded, the viscera being thrown into a fire. The mutilated
remains were conveyed back to prison on the sledges, and the
heads of Townley and Fletcher were, three days after, affixed
upon Temple Bar, while those of Deacon, Beswick, Chadwick,
and SyddaJl were preserved in spirits, in order to be disposed in
the same way at Carlisle and Manchester.

The mob of London had hooted these ill-fated gentlemen on
their passage to and from their trials ; but at the execution they
looked on with faces betokening at least pity for their misfortunes,
if not also admiration of their courage. A circumstance observed
at the thne excited much commiseration amongst the crowd.
This was the appearance at the place of execution of Charles
Deacon, a very youthful brother of one of the culprits, himself a
culprit, and under sentence of death for the same offence, but
who had been permitted to attend the last scene of his brother's
life in a coach, along with a guard. Another circumstance still
more affecting came afterwards to the knowledge of the public.
James Dawson, the son of a gentleman of Lancashire, and who
had not completed his studies at St John's College, Cambridge,
was attached to a young lady, of good family and fortune, at the
time when some youthful excesses induced him to run away from
college and join the insurgents. Had he been acquitted, or if he
could have obtained the royal mercy, the day of his enlargement

TRIALS AND EXECUTIONS. 445

was fixed by the parents of both parties to have been that of
their marriage. When it was ascertained that he was to suffer
the cruel death which has just been described, the inconsolable
young lady determined, notwithstanding the remonstrances of
her friends, to witness the execution; and she accordingly
followed the sledges in a hackney-coach, accompanied by a
gentleman nearly related to her, and one female friend. She
got near enough to see the fire which was to consume her lover's
heart, besides all the other dreadful preparations for his fate,
without betraying any extravagant emotions. She also succeeded
in restraining her feelings during the progress of the bloody
tragedy. But when all was over, and the shouts of the multi-
tude rang in her ears, she drew her head back into the coach,
and crying: 'My dear, I follow thee, I follow thee — ^sweet Jesus,
receive both our souls together ! ' fell upon the neck of her com-
panion, and expired in tlie moment she was speaking.^

Bills of indictment having been found by the grand-jury of
Surrey against the Earls of Kilmarnock and Cromarty, and Lord
Balmerino, these three noblemen ^ were tried by the House of
Peers on the 28th of July. This high solemnity was conducted
with great state, a hundred and thirty-five peers being present
Lord Chancellor Hardwicke acted on the occasion as lord high
steward, or president of the assembly. Westminster Hall was
fitted up in a most magnificent manner for the purpose. Mr
George Ross was appointed solicitor for Kilmarnock and
Balmerino, and Mr Adam Gordon for Cromarty, at their own
request

When reciprocal compliments had passed between the
prisoners and their peers, the indictments were read; to
which Kilmarnock and Cromarty successively pleaded * Guilty,'
recommending themselves to the king's mercy. Balmerino,
htioTt f leading to his indictment — that is to say, before avowing
himself guilty or not guilty — asked the lord high steward if it

1 This incident became, in the hands of Shenstone, the subject of a well-known ballad.
S The Marquis of Tullibardine had died in the Tower, June 9, of an illness which had
afi'ected him throughout the whole time of the campaign.

44^ HISTORY OP THE REBELLION OF 1745-6.

would avail him anything to prove that he was not at the siege
of Carlisle, as specified in the indictment, but ten miles distant
His grace answered that it might or might not be of service,
according to the circumstances : but he begged to remind his
lordship that it was contrary to form to allow the prisoner to ask
any questions before pleading, and he therefore desired his lord*
ship to plead. ^ Plead 1' cried Balmerino, who knew nothing of
the technicalities of an English court, and whose bold blunt
mind stood in no awe of this august assembly — 'why, I am
pleading as fast as I can.' The steward explained what was
technically meant by pleading, and his lordship then pleaded
* Not guilty.' The court immediately proceeded to his trial,
which was soon despatched. King's counsel were heard in the
first place, and five or six witnesses were then examined in
succession, by whom it was proved that his lordship entered
Carlisle, though not on the day specified, at the head of a
cavalry regiment, called, from his name, Elphinstone's Horse,
with his sword drawn. The prisoners had no counsel, but
Balmerino himself made an exception, which was overruled.
The lord high steward then asked if he had anything further to
offer in his defence, to which his lordship answered that he was
sorry he had given the court so much trouble, and had nothing
more to say. On this the lords retired to the House of Peers,
and the opinion of the judges being asked touching the overt
act, they declared that it was not material, as other facts were
proved beyond contradiction. They then returned to the hall,
where the steward, according to ancient usage, asking them one

by one, beginning with the youngest baron : ' My Lord of ,

is Arthur, Lord Balmerino, guilty of high treason?' each answered,
laying his right hand upon his left breast : * Guilty, upon my
honour, my lord.' The prisoners were afterwards recalled to
the bar, informed of the verdict of the court, and remanded to
the Tower till the day after next, when they were again to
appear, in order to receive sentence. The House immediately
broke up, and the prisoners were conveyed back to piison, witli
the edge of the axe turned towards them.

TRIALS AND EXECXTTIONS. 447

When the court met again on the 30th, the lord high steward
made a speech to the prisoners, and asked each of them ' if he
had anything to offer why judgment of death should not pass
against them?' To this question Kilmarnock replied in a
speech expressive of deep contrition for his conduct, and
imploring the court to intercede with the king in his behalf.
He represented that he had been educated in Revolution prin-
ciples, and even appeared in arms in behalf of the present royal
family ; that having joined the insurgents in a rash moment, he
had immediately repented the step, and resolved to take the
first opportunity of putting himself into the hands of govern-
ment ; for this purpose he had separated himself from his corps
at the battle of Culloden, and surrendered himself a prisoner,
though he might easily have escaped. He, moreover, endeav-
oured to make merit with the court for having employed himself
solicitously, during the progress of the insurrection, in softening
the horrors which the war had occasioned in his country, and in
protecting the royalist prisoners from the abuse of their captors.
Finally, he made a declaration of affection for the reigning
family, not more incredible from his past actions than it was
humiliating in his present condition, and concluded with an
asseveration that, even if condemned to death, he would employ
4iis last moments in ' praying for the preservation of the illus-
trious House of Hanover.* The Earl of Cromarty pronounced
a speech of nearly the same complexion, but concluding with a
more eloquent appeal to the clemency of his majesty. ' Nothing
remains, my lords,' he said, ' but to throw myself, my life, and
fortune upon your lordships' compassion. But of these, my
lords, as to myself is the least part of my sufferings. I have
involved an affectionate wife, with an unborn infant, as parties
of my guilt, to share its penalties ; I have involved my eldest
son, whose infancy and regard for his parents hurried him down
the stream of rebellion ; I have involved also eight innocent
children, who must feel their parent's punishment before they
know his guilt Let them, my lords, be pledges to his majesty,
let them be pledges to your lordships, let them be pledges to my

44^ HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OF 1 745-6.

country, for mercy ; let the silent eloquence of their grief and
tears, let the powerful language of innocent nature, supply my
want of eloquence and persuasion ; let me enjoy mercy, but no
longer than I deserve it ; and let me no longer enjoy life than I
shall use it to efface the crime I have been guilty of. Whilst I
thus intercede to his majesty, through the medium of your lord-
ships, let the remorse of my guilt as a subject, let the sonow of
my heart as a husband, let the anguish of my mind as a father,
speak the rest of my misery. As your lordships are men, feel
as men ; but may none of you ever suffer the smallest part of
my anguish. But if, after all, my lords, my safety shall be found
inconsistent with that of the public, and nothing but my blood
can atone for my unhappy crime ; if the sacrifice of my life,
my fortune, and family is judged indispensably necessary for
stopping the loud demands of public justice, and if the bitter
cup is not to pass from me, not mine, but thy will, O God, be
done ! '

The mind of Balmerino was superior to such humiliation.
When the question was put to him, he pleaded that an indict-
ment could not be found in the county of Surrey for a crime
laid to be committed at Carlisle in December last, in regard
that the act ordaining the rebels to be tried in such counties as
the king should appoint, which was not passed till March, could
not have a retrospective effect ; and he desired to be allowed
counsel. On this the Earl of Bath asked if the noble lord at the
bar had had any counsel allowed him, and was answered that he
had never desired any. Balmerino replied that all the defences
which had occurred to him or his solicitor having been laid
before a counsellor, and by him judged to be trifling, he had
not chosen to give the court needless trouble; and that the
above objection had only been hinted to him an hour or two
before he was brought into court After some altercation, the
court assigned Messrs Wilbraham and Forrester as counsel to
his lordship, and adjourned till the ist of August.

Being again brought to the bar on that day, the Earls of
Kilmarnock and Cromarty were again asked if they ha<l

TRIALS AND EXECUTIONS. 449

anything to propose why judgment of death should not pass
upon them, and answered in the negative. The lord high steward
informed Balmerino, that having started an objection, desired
counsel, and had their assistance, he was now to make use of
it if he thought fit His lordship answered that his counsel
having satisfied him there was nothing in the objection that
could do him service, he declined having them heard ; that he
would not have made the objection, if he had not been per-
suaded there was ground for it ; and that he was sorry for the
trouble he had given his grace and the peers. All the prisoners
having thus submitted to the court, the lord high steward made
a long and pathetic speech, which he concluded by pronoimcing
sentence of death. The prisoners were then withdrawn from
the bar.

The Earl of Kilmarnock, who was only in his forty-second
year, and extremely anxious for life, presented a petition for
mercy to the kmg, and others to the Prince of Wales and the
Duke of Cumberland, entreating them to intercede in his behalf
with their royal father. The tenor of these petitions was much
the same with that of his speech, equaUy penitential and humble.
That to the duke contained a vindication of himself from some
aspersions which had reached his royal highness, and which he
tmderstood had prejudiced that personage against him. It had
been whispered that the earl was concerned in the order said to
have been found in the pocket of a prisoner after the battle of
CuUoden, and that, moreover, he had exercised sundry other
cruelties upon the prisoners in the hands of the insurgents*
Both of these charges he distinctly denied, and probably with
truth — though the assertion that he had voluntarily surrendered
himself to government, contained in his speech and in the
petition to the king, was afterwards confessed by himself to
have been made only with the view of moving his majesty to
mercy.

The Earl of Cromarty, whose share in the insurrection had

been much less conspicuous, made similar efforts to obtain the

royal grace. The coimtess went about, after the sentence had

2 c

450 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OF 1 745-6.

been pronounced, delivering petitions in person to all the lords
of the cabinet council ; and on the following Sunday she went
in mourning to Kensington Palace to petition majesty itself.
When the interesting condition of this lady is considered, it
must be allowed that a more powerful mode of intercession
could not have been adopted. She waylaid the king as he was
going to chapel, fell upon her knees before him, seized the hem
of his coat, and presenting a petition, fainted away at his feet
His majesty raised her up with his own hand, received her
petition, and gave it to the Duke of Grafton, who was in attend-
ance, desiring Lady Stair, who accompanied Lady Cromarty, to
conduct her to an apartment where care might be taken of her.
A day or two after, the Dukes of Hamilton and Montrose, the
Earl of Stair, and several other courtiers, interceded with his
majesty in the unfortunate earl's behalf.

Balmerino made no effort to save his life, but behaved after
this period as one who had resigned himself to death, and who
despises those who are to inflict it On learning that his two
brothers in affliction had made their applications for mercy, he
said sneeringly, that as they had such great interest at court,
they might have squeezed his name in with their own. A
gentleman calling upon him a week after his sentence, and
apologising for intruding upon the few hours which his lordship
had to live, he replied: *0 sir, no intrusion at all — I have
done nothing to make my conscience uneasy. I shall die with
a true heart, and undaunted ; for I think no man fit to live who
is not fit to die ; nor am I anyways concerned at what I have
done.'

The Earl of Cromarty received a pardon on the 9th of
August, and on the nth an order was signed in council for
the execution of Lords Kilmarnock and Balmerino. Cromarty
and Kilmarnock had both alike hoped for pardon, and roost
persons expected that Balmerino would be the only victim.
But the unfavourable impression which the Duke of Cumber-
land had received of the character of Kilmarnock, together with
the prevarications upon which he had grounded his claims

TRIALS AND EXECUTIONS. 45 1

for mercy, determined, it was supposed, that he should also
perish.^

Nothing could mark more strongly the different characters of
these two unfortunate noblemen, than the way in which each
respectively received intelligence of this final order. It was
communicated to Kilmarnock by Mr Foster, a dissenting or
Presbyterian clergyman, who had spent some time before with
his lordship in religious exercises, and in some measure prepared
his mind for the announcement When the words of doom fell
upon the ear of the culprit, their force was softened by the
religious consolations with which they were accompanied, and
Kilmarnock received them with tranquillity and resignation.
Balmerino, on the contrary, heard the news with all the
unconcern and levity with which he might have some months
before received an order for some military movement He was
sitting at dinner with his lady when the warrant arrived ; and on
her starting up distractedly and swooning away, he coolly pro-
ceeded to recover her by the usual means, and then remarking
that it should not make him lose his dinner, sat down again to
table as if nothing had happened. He could even scarcely help
chiding her for the concern she had displayed in his behalf,
requesting her to resume her seat at table, and laughing outright
when she declared her inability to eat

On the Saturday preceding the Monday when the execution
was to take place. General Williamson thought proper to give
Kilmarnock an account of all the circumstances of solemnity

1 The pardon of Lord Cromarty was accompanied by the condition that he should spend
the remainder of his days at a particular spot in Devonshire. One of his daughters became
Lady EUbank, and was an elegant and admired woman. One day, in company, when
some discussion axxjse about the beauty of the long gloves she wore on her hands and arms,
a lady sitting beside her said, that if her ladyship would excuse the remark, she would say
that the hands and arms were sufficient to make any gloves look welL ' Ah ! madam/ ,
replied Lady Elibank, * let us never be vain of sudi things ; these hands and arms at
one time washed the clothes and prepared the food of a father, mother, and seven other
children.'

The child unborn at the time of the earl's condemnation became the wife of Sir William
Murray of Ochtertyre. It is alleged, by all who remember Lady Augusta Murray, that
she had the natural mark of an axe upon her netdi, which was supposed to have been
impressed by the labouring imagination of her mother. /■

452 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OF 1 745-6.

and outward tenor which would accompany it Being infonned
that an executioner was provided, who, besides being expert,
was a very good sort of man^ he exclaimed : ' General, this is one
of the worst circumstances that you have mentioned. I cannot
thoroHghly Uke, for a work of this kind, your good sort of men.
One of that character must be tender-hearted and compassionate;
and a rougher and less sensible person would be much more fit
for the office.' Throughout this trying conversation, his lordship
is said to have maintained as much composure as the leaist
compassionate reader can do in perusing a mere report of it

When the day arrived, and the general went to infozm tiie
earl that the sheriffs were waiting for the prisoners, his lordship,
having completely prepared himself for the announcement, was
not in th^ least agitated, but said calmly: ' General, I am ready,
and will follow you.' In going down-stairs he met Balmerino
at the first landing-place, who embraced him affectionately, and
said : ' My lord, I am heartily sorry to have your company in this
expedition.' The two unfortunate noblemen were then con-
ducted to the Tower-gate, and delivered over to the sheriffs.
As they were leaving the Tower, the deputy-lieutenant, accord-
ing to custom, cried: 'God bless King Geoigel' to which
Kilmarnock made a bow, while the inflexible Balmerino ex-
claimed : *• God bless King Janus/* The procession moved in a
slow and solemn manner towards the house prepared for the
reception of the lords. In their progress, some person was
heard to exclaim from the surrounding crowd: 'Which is
Balmerino?' when that nobleman instantly turned half round
and politely said : ' I am Balmerino.'

The two lords were conducted to separate apartments, where
they remained for some time in retirement with their friends.
Kilmarnock received a message from Balmerino requesting an
interview, which being consented to, Balmerino was introduced
into Kilmarnock's apartment The conversation which took
place is reported by Mr Foster to have been precisely as follows :

Balmerino. My lord, I beg leave to ask your lordship one
question.

TRIALS AMD EkfiCtmONS. 453

Kilmarnock, To any question, my lord, that you shall think
it proper to ask, I believe I shall see no reason to decline
giving an answer.

Bal. Why, then, my lord, did you ever see or know of any
order, signai by the Prince, to give no quarter at Culloden ?

Kil. No, my lord.

Bal. Nor I neither ; and therefore it seems to be an invention
to justify their own murders.

Kil. No, my lord, I do not think that inference can be drawn
from it; because, while I was at Inverness, I was informed by
several officers that there was such an order signed 'George
Murray,' and that it was in the duke's custody.

Bal, Lord George Murray! Why, then, they should not
charge it upon the Prince.

His lordship then took his leave, embracing his fellow-prisoner
with great tenderness, and saying to him: 'My dear Lord
Kilmarnock, I am only sorry that I cannot pay all this
reckoning alone. Once more, farewell for ever !'

Lord Kilmarnock spent nearly an hour after this conversation
in devotion with Mr Foster and the gentieman attending him,
and in making declarations that he sincerely repented of his
crime, and had resumed at this last hour his former attachment
to the reigning family. His rank giving him a precedence in
what was «to ensue, he was led first to the scaffold. Before
leaving the room, he took a tender farewell of all the friends
who attended him. When he stepped upon the scaffold, not-
withstanding all his previous attempts to familiarise his mind
with the idea of the scene, he could not help being soniewhat
appalled at the sight of so many dreadful objects, and he
muttered in the ear of one of the attendant clergymen : ' Home,
this is terrible !' He was habited in doleful black, and bore a
countenance which, though quite composed, wore the deepest
hue of melancholy. The sight of his careworn but still hand-
some figure, and of his pale, resigned countenance, produced a
great impression upon the spectators, many of whom burst into
tears. The exeaitioner himself was so much affected, that he

454 HISTORY OF THE REBELUON OF 1745-6.

was obliged to drink several glasses of spirits, to brace his
nerves for the work before him.

From a rare contemporary print of the execution of Lord
Kilmarnock, it appears that the scaffold was very small, and
that there were not above six or seven persons upon it at the
time his lordship submitted to the block. The block — ^which is
still preserved and shewn in the Tower — ^is a piece of wood,
considerably higher than may be generally supposed; the culprit
only requiring to kneel and bend a little forward, in order to
bring his neck over it The cloth which originally covered the
surrounding rails is turned up in such a maimer as to give the
spectators below an uninterrupted view of the scene. The
culprit appears kneeling at the block, without his coat and
waistcoat, and the frill of his shirt hanging down. The figures
upon the scaffold, all except one of fearfully important character,
are dressed in full dark suits of the fashion of King George IL*s
reign, and most of them have white handkerchiefs at their eyes,
and express, by their attitudes, a violent degree of grief.

It was a little after mid-day when the unhappy Kilmamock
approached the scene of his last sufferings. After mounting the
scaffold, and taking leave of Mr Foster, who chose to retire, he
proceeded to arrange his dress for the occasion. He informed
the executioner, to whom he gave a purse containing five
guineas, that he should give the signal for the descent of the
axe about two minutes after he should lay his neck upon the
block, by dropping a handkerchief. Then he went fonmd and
knelt upon a black cushion, which was placed for the purpose
before the block. Whether to support himself, or as a more
convenient posture for devotion, he happened to lay his hands
upon the surface of the block, along with his neck, and the
executioner was obliged to desire him to let*them fall down, lest
they should be mangled or break the blow. Being informed
that the neck of his waistcoat was in the way, he rose once
more upon his feet, and with the help of one of his friends, Mr
Walkingshaw of Scotstoun, had that garment taken off This
done, and the neck being made completely bare to the shoidder,

TRIALS AND EXECUTIONS. 455

he again knelt down as before. Mr Home's servant, who held
a corner of the cloth to receive his head, heard him at this
moment remind the executioner that he would give the signal in
about two minutes. That interval he spent in fervent devotion,
as appeared by the motion of his hands, and now and then of
his head. Having then fixed his neck down dose upon the
block, he gave the signal, and his body remained without the
least motion till the descent of the axe, which went so far
through the neck at the first blow, that only a little piece of
skin remained to be severed by the second.^

The head, which immediately dropped into the cloth, was not
exposed in the usual manner by the executioner, in consequence
of the prisoner's express request, but deposited with his body in
the coffin, which was then delivered to his friends, and placed in
the hearse. The scafifold was then cleaned, and strewed with
fresh sawdust, so that no appearance of a fonner execution
might remain to offend the feelings of Lord Balmerino ; and the
executioner, who was dressed in white, changed such of his
clothes as were bloody.

The under-sheriff then went to the apartment of Balmerino,
who, upon his entrance, said that he supposed Lord Kilmarnock
was now no more, and asked how the executioner had per-
formed his duty. Being informed upon this point, he remarked
that it was well done. He had previously maintained before
his friends a show of resolution and indifference which
astonished them, twice taking wine, with a little bread, and
desiring them to drink him ' ain degrae ta haiven.' He now
said : * Gentlemen, I will detain you no longer, for I desire not
to protract my life ;* saluted them with an air of cheerfulness,
which drew tears from every eye but his own, and hastened to
the scaffold.

The appearance of Balmerino upon this fatal stage produced

1 Colonel Cnuifurd of Craufurdland in Ayrshire, next neighbour to the Earl of Kilmar-
nock at his seat of Dean Castle, thought it his duty to attend his lordship as a friend on
this occasion ; for which simple act of courtesy and humanity he was, it is uud, immediately
cashiexed.

456 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OF 1 745^6.

a veiy different sensation among the spectators from that occa-
sioned by KilmamocL His finn step, his bold and manlj,
though rough figure, but above all, his dress — the same regi-
mental suit of blue, turned up with red, which he had worn
throughout the late campaign— excited admiration rather than
any emotion of pity. So far from expressing any concern about
his approaching death, he even reproved the tenderness of such
of his friends as were about him. Walking round the scafibld,
he bowed to the people, and inspected the inscription upon his
coffin, which he declared to be ci^rect He also asked which
was his hearse, and ordered the man to drive near. Then
looking with an air of satisfaction at the block, which he desig-
nated as his ^pillow of rest ^ he took out a paper, and putting on
his spectacles, read it to the few about him. It contained a
declaration of his unshaken adherence to the house of Stuart,
and of his regret for ever having served in the armies of their
enemies. Queen Anne and George I., which he considered the
only faults of his life tending to justify his present frite.

Finally, he called for the executioner, who immediately
appeared, and was about to ask his forgiveness, when Balmerino
stopped him by saying : ' Friend, you need not ask foigiveness ;
the execution of your duty is commendable.' Presenting the
man with three guineas, he added : ' Friend, I never had much
money ; this is all I now have ; I wish it were more for your
sake, and I am sorry I can add nothing to it but my coat and
waistcoat' He took off these garments, and laid them upon his
cofBn for the executioner.

In his immediate preparations for death, this singular man
displayed the same wonderful coolness and intrepidity. Having
put on a flannel vest which had been made on purpose, together
with a cap of tartan, to denote, he said, that he died a Scotsman,
he approached the block, and kneeling down, went through a
sort of rehearsal of the execution for the instruction of the
executioner, shewing him how he should give the signal for the
blow by dropping his arms. He then returned to his friends,
took a tender farewell of them, and looking round upon the

TRIALS AND EXECUTIONS. 457

crowd, said : ' I am afraid ihere are some who may think my
behaviour bold ; but' (addressing a gentleman near him) 'remem-
ber, sir, what I tell you — ^it arises from a confidence in God,
and a dear conscience.'

At this moment he observed the executioner standing with
the axe, and going up to him, took the weapon into his own
hand and felt its edge. On returning it, he shewed the man
where to strike his neck, and animated him to do it with vigour
and resolution; adding, 'for in that, friend, will consist your
mercy.' With a countenance of the utmost cheerfulness he then
knelt down at the block, and uttering the following words — ' O
Lord, reward my friends, foigive my enemies, bless the Prince
and the Duke, and receive my soul '—dropped his arms for the
blow. The executioner, recollecting the deHberation of Lord
Kilmarnock, was thrown out by the suddenness with which the
signal was made in the present case, and gave his blow without
taking accurate aim at die proper place. He hit the unfortunate
nobleman between the shoulders, depriving him in a great
measure, it was supposed, of sensation, but not producing death.
It has been said by some who were present that Balmerino
turned his head half round and gnashed his teeth in the face of
the executioner. If this was the case, it fortunately did not
prevent the man from recovering his presence of mind ; for he
immediately brought down ano^er blow, which went through
two-thirds of the neck. Death attended this stroke, and the
body fell away from the blocL It was presently replaced by
some of the bystanders, and a third blow completed the work.^

The fate of these unfortunate noblemen excited more public
interest than perhaps any other transaction connected with the
insurrection. The Jacobites, together with all such as were of a

2 The day before bis death, Batmerino penned a letter for the old Chevalier, reciting
some of hb senrioes, stating that be was about to die ' with great satisfaction and peace of
mind ' in the best of causes, and entreating that be would provide for bis wife, ' so that she
should not want bread, whidi otherwise she must do, my brother having left more debt on
the estate than it was worth, and [I] having nothing in the world to give her.* The
Chevalier attended to this request, by sending Lady Balmerino ;£6o in May 1747. Her
ladyship survived, in straitened circumstances, for a few years.

453 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OF 1745-6.

bold temperament, applauded the behaviour of Balmerino ; while
the Whigs, and all persons of a pious disposition, admired the
placid and devout resignation of Kilmarnock* Every member
of the community seemed to have chosen his favourite noble-
man, in whose behalf he was prepared to talk, dispute, and even
to fight Innumerable publications appeared regarding tiiem,
informing the public of their history, and discussing their
respective and very opposite characters.

James Nicholson, Walter Ogilvie, and Donald Macdonald,
forming a selection from the Scottish officers taken at Carlisle,
were the next victims of the ofifended state. They were con-
demned at St Margaret's Hill on the 2d of August (along with
Alexander Macgrowther, who was afterwards reprieved), and
executed at Kennington Common on the 2 2d. Nicholson had
kept a coffee-house at Leith, and was a man in middle life ; but
Macdonald and Ogilvie were both young men of good families,
the first a cadet of the family of Keppoch, and the other a native
of the county of Banff. They were conducted to the place of
execution in a sledge, guarded by a party of horse grenadiers
and a detachment of the foot-guards. Macdonald and Nicholson
appeared at the last solemn scene in their Highland dress.
They spent an hour in devotion upon the scaffold, and were
then executed in precisely the same manner with Francis
Townley and his companions, except that they were permitted to
hang fifteen minutes before being dismembered.

During the course of the two ensuing months many trials
took place at St Margaret's Hill, without any of the prisoners
receiving sentence of death. But on the 15th of November,
judgment was pronounced upon no fewer than twenty-two
persons, who had been convicted singly at different times ; and
out of these, five were ordered for execution on the 28th of
November. The names of the unfortunate persons were John
Hamilton, Alexander Leith, Sir John Wedderbum, Andrew
Wood, and James Bradshaw. Hamilton had been governor of
Carlisle, and signed its capitulation; Leith was an aged and
infirm man, who had distinguished himself by his activity as a

TRIALS AND EXECUTIONS. 459

captain in the Duke of Perth's regiment ; Sir John Wedderbum
had acted as receiver of the excise duties and cess raised by the
insurgents ; Andrew Wood was a youth of little more than two-
and-twenty, who had displayed great courage and zeal in the
r^ment of John Roy Stuart ; and Bradshaw was a respectable
and wealthy merchant of Manchester, who had abandoned his
business, and spent his fortune in the cause for which he was
now to lay down his life.

The execution of these gentlemen, which took place on the
28th of November, was attended with some affecting circum-
stances. Before nine o'clock in the morning, the servants of
the keeper unlocked the rooms in which Sir John Wedderbum,
Mr Hamilton, and James Bradshaw were confined, and uttering
the awful announcement that they were to die, desired them to
prepare themselves for the sheriff, who would immediately come
to demand their persons. Although this was the first certain
intelligence they had of their fate, they received it with calm-
ness, and said they would soon be ready to obey the sheriff's
request They then took a melancholy farewell of a fellow-
officer of the name of Farquharson, who had been respited, and
was confined on the same side of the prison. The keeper's
servants proceeded to rouse the rest of the doomed men, besides
one of the name of Lindsay, who was as yet expected to share
their fate. When they were told to prepare for the sheriff,
Wood inquired if Governor Hamilton had been finally con-
signed to execution; and being answered in the affirmative,
remarked ' that he was sorry for that poor old gentleman.'
They were led into the fore-part of the prison, and provided
with a slight refreshment On account of the policy of govern-
ment in granting reprieves at the last hour, Bradshaw still hoped
to be pardoned, and endeavoured on this occasion to display a
confident cheerfulness of manner. Wood, entertaining no such
expectations, called for wine, and drank the health of his politi-
cal idols, boldly assigning to each his treasonable title. Lindsay's
reprieve arrived at the moment when he was submitting to have
his hands tied, and produced such an efiiect upon his feelmgs as

46o HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OF 1745*6.

almost to deprive him of the life which it was designed to save.
The sanguine Btadshaw, whose halter was just then thrown over
his head, eagerly inquired ' if there was any news for him.' The
answer was : * The sheriff is come, and waits for you 1 '

They were drawn to the place of execution in two sledges,
Bradshaw shedding tears of disappointment and wretchedness.
They arrived at the foot of the fatal tree a little after noon, and
the execution immediately took place in the midst of a vast
crowd of spectators. The whole prayed for King James, and
declared they did not fear death.

In the meantime, this bloody work had been proceeding widi
still greater energy at Carlisle and York, where it was thought
necessary to try most of the insuigents who had been taken at
Culloden by the forms of an English court of Oyer and Terminer,
instead of placing them at the mercy of their countrymen, who
were now too generally suspected of disaffection to be intrusted
with a commission so important Carlisle, the principal scene
of their misdeeds in England, was selected for the trial of most
of the prisoners, as a place more likely than any other to pro-
duce a jury of the stamp required by government The result
proved that, however much the Scottish people might labour
under the imputation of humanity, their Cumbrian neighbours
were not much tinged with that disloyal vice.

About the beginning of August, a herd — ^for such it might be
termed — of these ill-fated persons was impelled, like one of
their own droves of black-catde from the Highlands, towards
Carlisle,* where, on being imprisoned, they were found to
amount to no less than three hundred and eighty-five. To try

1 One Madaren, a Balquhidder man, who had been conoenied In cattle-dealing, and had
often travelled thi* road before in more peaceful style, contrived to make his eaapt umaagn
the hills at the head of Dumfriesshire. There is in that district a deep hollow called the
Marquis of Annandale's Beef'-tub, because the Border thieves used to keep their stolen
cattle in iL The road skirted along the top of the steep-down sides of this pit. Seisiiis
a lucky moment, Maclaren enveloped himself in his plaid, and rolled down into the hc^w,
regardless of the shot which the soldiers sent after him. Being reoeived into the mist
which lay at the bottom, he was instantly lost to pursuit ; and it is said that he spent that
night in the Cnwk Inn, where the party had been the night before, and where he oUained
concealment, although there was another party of soldiers in the house.

TRIALS AND EXECTJTIOKS. 46 1

SO many individuals, with the certainty of finding almost all of
them guilty, would have looked something like premeditated
massacre, and might have had an effect upon the nation veiy
different from what was intended. It was dierefore determined
that, while all the officers, and others who had distinguished
themselves by zeal in the insurrection, should be tried, the great
mass should be permitted to cast lots, one in twenty to be
tried, and the rest to be transported. Several individuals refused
this extrajudicial proffer of grace, and chose rather to take their
chance upon a feir trial. The evidences were chiefly drawn
from the ranks of the king's army. BiUs of indictment were
found against a hundred and nineteen individuals.

The time which intervened between the indictment and trial
of the Carlisle prisoners was occupied by the judges at York,
where the grand-jury found bills of indictment against seventy-
five insiugents there confined. In this dty, not long before,
the high'flheriff's chaplain had preached a sermon upon a very
significant text (Numbers, xxv. 5) : ' And Moses said unto the
judges of Israel, Slay ye every one his men that were joined
imto Baal-peor.'

The judges again sat at Carlisle on the 9th of September, on
which, and the two following days, most of the hundred and
nineteen prisoners were arraigned. On the 12th, the grand-jury
sat again, and found bills against fifteen more. Out of the
hundred and thirty-three persons in all thus brought to the bar
at Carlisle, one obtained delay on account of an allegation that
he was a peer, eleven pled guilty when arraigned, thirty-two pled
guilty when brought to trial, thirty-seven were found guilty, eUiten
found guilty, but recommended to mercy, thirty-six acquitted,
zndifive remanded to prison to wait for further evidence.

The trials at York commenced on the 2d of October, and
ended on the 7th, when, out of the seventy-five persons indicted,
two pled guilty when arraigned, and fifty4wo when brought to
trial, twelve were found guilty, four found guilty, but recom-
mended to mercy, and five acquitted. Seventy in all received
sentence of death. The process of all these trials appears to

462 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OF 1 745-6.

have been extremely simple. Most of the prisoners endeavoured
to take advantage of the notorious slaveiy in which the clans
were held by their chiefs, by pleading that they had been forced
into the insurgent army against their will; but their defence
was in every case easily repelled.

Before the middle of October, an order was sent to Cariisle
for the execution of thirty out of the ninety-one persons there
imprisoned under sentence ; ten at Carlisle on the i8th (October),
ten at Brampton on the 21st, and ten at Penrith on the 28tfa.
Of the first ten, one was afterwards reprieved. The names of
the remaining nine were Thomas Coppock,^ Edward Roper,
Francis Buchanan of Amprior,^ Donald Macdonald of Kinloch-
moidart,^ Donald Macdonald of Tiendrish,^ John Henderson,

1 This peraon seems to have been a young student of theology, of indifferent character.
He joined the Prince at Manchester, and was one of those left behind at Carlisle. TlKre
was a ridiculous report that the Prince, at Cariisle, on the return of the army, made hin
bishop of that see. One of the witnesses on his trial, improving on the stmy, said he had
received that appointment from Hamilton, the governor of the town for the Prinoe. Vet
this man is seriously spoken of in the contemporary journals as ' the titular bcahap of
Carlisle.' When condemned, seeing some of his companions weeping, he told them, with
some exclamations not very appropriate to the clerical character, to cheer up— they would
not be tried by a Cumberland jury in the other world.

* This is the gentleman alluded to at page 80 of this History. Aooording to documents in
the Rev. Mr Forbes's collection, he had not been concerned in the enterprise in any way,
although undoubtedly in his private sentiments he was well affected to the house of Stuart.
He was taken prisoner at his own house of Leny in Perthshire a short yitSUb before the
battle of Culloden, and carried to Stirlmg Castle. There, and on his subsequent journey to
Carlisle, he was treated by the military as a man who was a inisoner by mistake. Often,
on the road, he was allowed to ride on in front, to order dinner at the inns for the party.
At Carlisle, he was, to his own great surprise, put in irons in a dungeon ; and when a
friend remonstrated with the solidtor^eneral in his behalf, that oflBcer said : ' Give your*
self no trouUe about that gentleman. I shall take care of him. I have particular oiders
about him ; for he mm*t suffer.* At his trial, nothing could be proved against him but that
he had written an imsubscribed letter to the Highland army. An triplication was made in
his favour at court, but without success. He died lamenting the neutral course which
caution had induced him to take in the late dvil war.

* This gentleman, the only Highland chieftain brought to the scaffold on this occasioR,
had been taken prisoner at Lesmahago, undo- circumstances namted at page 908. He
had never once drawn his sword in the insurrccticm, but had entertained the Prinoe at his
house (immediately before the raising of the standard), and had afterwards gone on an
embassy from him to the Laird of Macleod and Sir Alexander Macdonald of SleaL

4 This was the individual who had commanded the party at High Bridge at the begimuQg
of the insurrection (see page 45), and who had afterwards been taken prisoner in such
remarkable drcumstances at Falkirk (page 939). The Rev. Mr Forbes, who was confined
in the same room with him in £dinburgh Castle, speaks highly of him {Lytm in Maumimg).
* He was,' says Forbes, ' a brnv^ undaunted, honest man, of a good countenance, and of a

TRIALS AND EXECUTIONS. 463

John Macnaughton, James Brand, and Hugh Cameron. They
were executed, according to order, with all those circimistances
of barbarity which had already attended the former executions.
Out of the ten who were appointed to die at Brampton, only
six eventually suffered — James Innes, Patrick Lmdsay, Ronald

strong robust make. He was mnch given to pious acts of devotioa [being a Roman
Catholic], and was remarkably a gentieman of excellent good manners. He bore all his
sufferings with great submission and cheerfulness of temper.' In the course of the summer
(1746), he was removed to Carlisle to undergo his trial ; and on the a4th of August we find
him writing to his friend Forbes as follows : ' Dear sir, you have no doubt heard before
now that our trials come on on the 9th of September ; may God stand with the righteous !
The whole gentlemen who came from Scotland are all together in one floor, with upwards
of one hundred private men, so that we are much thronged. They have not all got irons
as yet ; but they have not forgot me, nor the rest of most distinction ; and the whole will
soon be provided. You '11 make my compfiments to Lady Bruce and Mr Qerk*s Caunily,
but especially to Miss Mally Clerk, and tell her that, notwithstanding my irons, I could
dance a Highland reel with her. Mr Patrick Murray makes offer of his compliments to
you, and I hope we 'U meet soon.'

The hope under which this letter was written was soon extinguished by the result of his
triaL He was there found guilty, though, as happened in too many similar cases, upon
evidence altogether false, and with reference to facts in which he had had no concern.
His friends and legal agents had all entreated him to plead guilty, as the only chance of
escape ; but he was too sealous a partisan of the house of Stuart to make the submission
which that would have implied to the Hanover djrnasty. On their pressmg the advice
with some importunity, be declared, in a tone which precluded all further argument, that
rather than do so, he would submit to be taken and hanged at the bar before the face of
those judges by whom he was soon to be tried.

It would appear that some effort was made by his wife and other friends to intercede in
his behalf with the government On the aSth of September, he writes that he b ' in good
health, heart, and spirits.' ' If it is my fate,' says he, * to go to the scaffold, I daresay that
I '11 go as a Christian and a man of honour ought to da But it is possible that a broken
ill-used major may be a colonel before he dies.' All hope of pardon was soon proved to be
vain : the government could not foiigive one who had acted so remarkable a part in the late
contest, and who had been taken with the blood of its servants still streaming from his
sword. On the 17th of October, he addressed the following farewell letter to one of his
friends in Edinburgh : ' My dear sir, I received yours yesterday, and as I am to die to-
morrow, this u my last farewell to you. May God reward you for your services to me
from time to time, and may God restore my dear Prince, and receive my soul at the hour
of death. You '11 manage what money Mr Stewart is due me as you see proper : for my
poor wife will want money much, to pay her rents and other debts. I conclude with my
blessings to yourself and to all the honourable honest ladies of my acquaintance in Edin-
burgh, and to all other friends in general, and in particular those of the Castle, and I am
with love and affection, my dear sir, yours till death. Donald Macdonald.'

It u impossible to contemplate the fate of a man like Tiendrish without a feeling of
interest. In a speech which he delivered on the scaffold, he declared : ' It was inindple,
and a thorough conviction of its being my duty to God, my injured king, and oppresaed
country, which engaged me to take up arms under the standard and magnanimous conduct
of his Royal Highness Charies, Prince of Wales : I solemnly declare I had no by-views in
drawing my sword in that just and honourable cause.'

464 HISTORY or THE REBELLION OP 1745"^.

Macdonald, Thomas Park, Peter Taylor, and Michael Ddard —
one having died in prison, and the remainbg three having been
reprieved. Mercy was also extended to three of the ten who
were designed for execution at Penrith. The names of those
who suffered at the latter place were Robert Lyon/ David
Home, Andrew Swan, James Harvie, John Robottom, Philip
Hunt, and Valentine Holt

In addition to the twenty-two persons thus executed in the
west of England, other twenty-two suffered at the dty of York
— ^namely, on the ist of November, Captain George Hamilton,
Daniel Fraser, Edward Clavering, Charles Gordon, Benjamin
Mason, James Main, William Collony, William Dempsy, Angus
Macdonald, and James Sparks; on the 8th of the same month,
David Roe, William Hunter, John Endsworth, John Maclean,
John Macgregor, Simon Mackenzie, Alexander Paiker, Thomas
Macginnes, Archibald Kennedy, James Thomson, and Michael
Brady; and on the 15th, James Reid. Eleven more were
executed at Carlisle on the 15th of November — ^namely. Sir
Archibald Primrose of Dunipace,* Charles Gordon of Terperse,

1 Mr Lyon was a young presbyter of the Episcopal Church of Scotland, and appozrntly
connected with Perthshire. Under a strong religioas sense of duty, particulariy with
regard to the suffering church to which he belonged, he had joined the expeditiao, in
which he had borne all his own charges. The q>eech pronounced by him on the scaiMd
was reprinted in the 85th number of BiackwoatC* Bdmburgk Magamte^ on account of the
well-expressed and well>reasoned view which it gives of the opinions by which a laxge
portion of Prince Charles's adherents were actuated. In Mr Forties's collectioo, besides a
copy of this able document, there is one of a tenderer kind, a letter written to his mother
and sister in contemplation of death— not seeking, but giving consolation. Mr Forbes has
also bound up amongst his papers a copy of ' the Communion Office for the use of the
Church of Scotland/ as ' authorised by K. Charles I., anno 1696,' being, as Mr Forbes
takes care to note, ' the identical copy which the Rev. Mr Robert Lyon made use of in
consecrating the Holy Eucharist in Carlisle Castle,' where ' he had the happiness to catOf
mimicate above fifty of his feUow^ptisaners, amongst whom were Mr Thomas Coi^wdc, the
Engli^ clergyman, and Amprior.'

I In Mr Forbes's collections is a letter written by Sir Archibald on the day of his death
to his sister, commending to her care his wife and children, and regretting nothing but
their condition and his own giving way so far to bad advice as to have pleaded guilty in
the hope of pardon. ' This day,' he says, ' I am to suffer for my religion, my Prince, and
my country : for each of these I wish I had a thousand lives to spend.' There is also a
letter to the same lady, from Mr James Wright, writer in Edinburgh, enclosing the above,
and dated ' Carlble, November 15, four o'clock in the afternoon,' being a very short while
after the death of Sir Archibald. ' Madam,' he says, ' your brother, who is no mote,
delivered mc this immediately before he suffered. I waited on him to the las^ and with

TRIALS AND EXECUTIONS. 465

Patrick Murray, goldsmith in Stirling, Patrick Keir, Alexander
Stevenson, Robert Reid, John Wallace, James Mitchell, Molineux
Eaton, Thomas Hays, and Bamaby Matthews.

All these unhappy individuals are said to have behaved,
throughout the last trying scene, with a degree of decent firm-
ness which surprised the beholders. Every one of them con-
tinued till his last moment to justify the cause which had brought
him to' the scaffold, and some even declared that, if set at
liberty, they would act in the same way as they had done. They
all prayed in their last moments for the exiled royal family,
particularly for Prince Charles, whom they concurred in repre-
senting as a pattern of all manly excellence, and as a person
calculated to render the nation happy, should it ever have the
good fortune to see him restored.

The lives of nearly eighty persons had now been destroyed,
in atonement of the terror into which the state had been thrown
by the insurrection. There yet remained, however, a few indi-
viduals, who, having excited the displeasure of government in a
peculiar degree, were marked as unfit for pardon. The first of
these was Charles Ratcliffe, younger brother to the Earl of
Derwentwater who had been executed in 1716 ; he had himself
only evaded the same fate, at that time, by making his escape
from Newgate. This gentleman, taking upon himself the title
of Earl of Derwentwater, was made prisoner, in November 1745,
on board a French vessel on its way to Scotland with supplies
for Prince Charles. Af^er lying a year in confinement, he was
brought up to the bar of the King's Bench (November 21, 1746),
when the sentence which had been passed thirty years before
was again read to him. He endeavoured to perplex the court
regarding his identity, but it was established satisfactorily, it is
said, by the barber who had shaved him when in the Tower in
17 16, and he was condemned to be executed on the 8th of
December. That day he came upon the scafifold in a handsome

some other friends witnessed his inlennent in St Cuthbeit's churchyard. He lies on the
north side of the church, within four yards of the second window from the steeple. Mr
Gordon of Terperse, and Patrick Murray, goldsmith. He just by him. God Almighty
support his disconsolate lady and all his relations.'

2 D

466 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OF 1745-^.

dress, and conducted himself throughout the dreadful scene
with a manly courage and proud bearing, which seemed to indi-
cate that he held the malice of his enemies and the stroke of
death in equal scorn.

The last of all the martyrs^ as they were styled by their own
party, was Lord Lovat This singular old man was impeached
by the House of Commons on the zith of December; and his
trial took place before the House of Peers on the 9th of March
1747 and several successive days. On this momentous occasion
he seems to have exerted all the talents for dissimulation and
chicanery which had, up to this time, served him so well But
the evidence produced against him was of that kind which no
artifice could invalidate. He was confronted with a prodigious
number of letters which he had written to the exiled fiunily, and
in particular to the young Chevalier, promising them his assist-
ance, and negotiating the proposed elevation of his family to a
dukedom. These had been procured from Murray of Broughton,
who, preferring to live the life of a dog to dying the death of a
man, had engaged with government to make all the discoveries
in his power for his own pardon.^ Lovat could make no effec-
tive stand against such documents, and although he uttered
an exculpatory and palliative speech of some eloquence, he was
condemned to die.

During the space of a week which intervened between his
sentence and its execution, he maintained, without the least
interruption, that flow of animal spirits and lively conversation
for which he had been so remarkable throughout his life. He
talked to the people about him of his approaching death as he
would have talked of a journey which he designed to take, and

1 The Rev. Mr Forbes relates that Dr Burton of York inrormed him that, in September
1746, he (Dr Burton) asked Mr .£neas Macdonald, then in confinement in London, ' hts
opinion of Mr John Murray of Broughton, particularly whether he entertained any fcan
about his turning evidence, as the common talk in London gave it out. Mr Macdooald's
answo- was, that he believed Mr Murray to be so honest between man and man, that in
private life he would not be guilty of a dirty or dishonest action ; but then (he said] be
knew him to be such a coward, and to be possessed with such a fear of death, that (for his
own part) he was much afraid Mr Murray might be bcougfat the length of doing anything
to save a wretched life.' — Lyon in Moumi$i£, iii. saa.

PRINCE. CHARLES IN FRANCE. 467

he made the circumstances which were to attend it the subject
of innumerable witticisms and playful remarks. When informed,
in the forenoon before he lefl the prison, that a scaffold had
fallen near the place of execution, by which many persons were
killed and maimed, he only remarked : ' The mair mischief, the
better sport' Though so weak as to require the assistance of
two persons in mounting the scaffold, he there maintained a
show of indifference to death. He felt the edge of the axe, and
expressed himself satisfied with its sharpness. He called the
executioner, gave him ten guineas, and told him to do his duty
with firmness and accuracy; adding, that he would be very
angiy with him if he should hack and mangle his shoulders.
He professed to die in the Roman Catholic faith, and spent
some time in devotion. As if to be in character to the very
last, he resigned his breath with the almost sacred words upon
his lips : ' Didce d decorum estpropatriA moriJ

CHAPTER XXX.

PRINCE CHARLES IN FRANCE.

' Come, poor remains of friends, rest on this rock.'

Shakspeare.

The vessels which had taken the Prince and his fiiends on
board at Lochnanuagh on the 20th of September, made a
prosperous voyage to the coast of France. It was the Prince's
original intention to proceed to Nantes ; and if he had done so,
he would probably have encountered a British squadron under
Admiral Lestock, then cruising off the coast of Bretagne.
Having altered his course, and been chased by two English
sloops of war, from which he escaped in a thick fog, he landed,
on Monday the 29th of September (loth October, new style),
at Roscoff, near Morlaix, whence he immediately wrote letters
to his brother and father, informing them of his safety.

468 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OF 1 745-6.

He arrived in France full of the ideas which had possessed
him immediately after the battle of CuUoden respecting a new
and effectual expedition to be fitted out in his behalf by the
French government It was his wish immediately to see tiie
king, in order to use his influence with him to obtain a proper
armament He therefore stopped only two days at Morlaix
for rest, and then set out for Paris. Near the city he was met
by a band of young noblemen, headed by his brother, who, on
meeting him, did not at first know him, on account of the
change his person had undergone, being now 'broader and
fatter ' than formerly ; but, on recognising him, fell on his neck
and welcomed him in the most affectionate manner. The
government had ordered the castle of St Antoine to be fitted
up for his reception, but they were not disposed to receive him
openly as the Prince R^ent of Great Britain; and when he
formally applied for an interview with the king, then at
Fontainebleau, he was not favoured with a public audience,
but permitted to come in only a comparatively private or
incognito fashion. The truth is, the French had been unfor-
tunate in the war, particularly by sea, and already the necessity
of suing for peace with Great Britain was beginning to be appre-
hended. Louis was anxious to give the British court as little
further cause of offence as possible. At the same time, it was
not in his nature not to admire the singular career of the Prince,
and to wish him well

Charles, since he was not allowed a nominally public recep-
tion in his assumed character, resolved to make his visit, to
appearance, as public as possible. He therefore went to
Fontainebleau in a splendid equipage and magnificent dress,
attended by o^er carriages, in which were the Lords Elcho and
Ogilvie, Mr Kelly his secretary, the elder Locheil, and others
of his principal friends. The king, who now saw him for the
first time in his life, met him with a warm embrace, and a
complimentary speech worthy of the nation most remarkable
for such addresses : ^ Mon tr^ cher Prince, je rends grice au
del, qui me donne le plaisir extreme de vous voir arriv^ en

PRINCE CHARLES IN FRANCE. 469

bonne sant^, apr^ tant de &tigaes et de dangers. Vous avez
£sdt voir que toutes les giandes qualitds des hdros et des philo-
sophes se trouvent unies en vous; et j'esp^re qu*un de ces
jours vous receVrez la recompense d'un mdrite si extraordinaire.'^
After staying a little while with the king, the Prince passed to
the apartment of the queen, who also gave him a kind reception.
The whole court flocked about him to pay their congratulations,
and he and his friends that evening supped in the palace.

The government had already taken into consideration the sad
state of the Scottish officers who had landed in France, and had
ordered the sum of thirty-four thousand livres to be distributed
amongst them according to their rank. Afterwards the further
sum of twenty-eight thousand nine hundred was given to those
officers who had landed with the Prince, young LocheH getting
four thousand, his father three thousand, Lochgarry three thou*
sand, John Roy Stuart three thousand, and others in proportion
to their rank. The command of a regiment was also conferred
on Lord Ogilvie. But when Charles made advances with respect
to a new expedition, he found himself treated with coldness.
After two interviews with the king, he (November lo) pre-
sented a memorial, earnestly calling his majesty's attention to
the wish nearest his heart Scotland, he said, was on the brink
of ruin, and the severity of the government had occasioned such
discontent, that if he were again to land in it with a proper
armament, the number of his adherents would be tripled. He
had become convinced, from his late campaign, that only a
moderate army of regular troops was required to enable the
people of Great Britain to shake ofif the yoke under which they
groaned ; eighteen or twenty thousand men were sufficient, and
these he requested from the French government No attention
seems to have been paid to his demand, which the government
probably found itself in no condition to comply with. It is to
be remarked, that the idea of a renewal of the late war was

' 1 ' My dearest Prince, I thank Hearen for the extreme pleasure it gives me to see you
leturaed in safety, after so many fatigues and dangers. You have proved that all the great
qualities of the heroes and philosophers are united in you ; and I hope that ooe day you
will receive the reward of such extraordinary merit.'

470 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OF 1 745-6.

not confined to his own ambitious mind, but was greatly
encouraged by his Scottish friends, and by none more eagerij
than by young Locheil, who for some time refused to take a
French regiment which was offered to him, lest his doing so
might propagate a notion that the Prince had litde hopes of
renewed aid from France. Charles also wrote at this juncture
to the king of Spain, condoling with him on the death of his
lately deceased father, Philip V., and expressing a strong hope
that the friendship he had enjoyed from that monarch would be
continued by his successor.

As the reluctance of the French court to befriend him actively
became more apparent to Charles, he lost his former tone of
rooderation. Every liigh passion, on being thwarted in its
object, raises irritation, and it is from this time that we are to
date a revolution in Charles's character which has made it
almost impossible to recognise, in his middle life and age, die
manly, clement, and heroic youth who led the Highland army
in 1745. His father earnestly remonstrated against the
manner in which he acted towards the court of France,
but in vain. Neither did he take any counsel from the many
able and high-principled Scottish officers who were now in
Paris: almost his sole adviser was his secretary Kelly, who
seems to have been eminently unworthy of the confidence
reposed in him.

About the end of January (1747) he left Paris, and retired to
Avignon, much against the will of his friends, who regarded
the step as an admission that his cause was hopeless. But in
reality he contemplated a secret journey to Madrid, in order to
try if Ferdinand VL would give those supplies which he could
not obtain in France. Travelling very privately, he reached the
Spanish capital early in March, and met with a civil reception
from the new monarch, of whom he asked aid in men, arms,
and ships with provisions, towards a new expedition. He was
informed in answer that Spain could at present spare no ships :
the other demands were spoken of in a manner which led him
to suppose that they would be granted ; but ultimately he found

PRINCE CHARLES IN FRANCE. 47 1

his application unavailing. He returned to Paris on tiie 24th
of March.

He now renewed his applications to the French court, but
still without success. Within twenty days from his return
to Paris, he is found deliberating on the propriety of proposing
marriage to the Czarina^ of Russia, witii a view to her giving
him the required aid — a project from which his fatlier dissuaded
him, as not in the least likely to be successful All this pro-
cedure shews the extreme eagerness which possessed him to be
again at the head of an expedition in Britain, and the sense he
had of the value of the present crisis. Two things he dreaded
above all as likely to preclude a new attempt — a peace between
France and England, which the French people eagerly desired,
and the completion of the subjugation and disarmament of the
Scottish Highlanders by the British government — an event
certain to give great discouragement to his English friends, as
they depended much on the warlike character of that people for
the means of bringing about a restoration. It is no wonder,
then, that Charles chafed and groaned under the difficulties
which beset him. He saw what he thought the last opportunity
of regaining the British crown passing before him, and was
unable to take advantage of it, because, as he thought, a few
selfish ministers were indifferent to his interests in common with
those of their own countries. These views were not his own
only. We find young Locheil, in February 1747, eagerly urging
a new expedition, on however small a scale, to Scotland, on
the ground that, if tmdertaken now, it would find the people
unsubdued and still armed, as well as eager to save their country
from the slavery to which the existing government seemed to
have doomed it

The spring passed, and summer arrived, and still there was no
appearance of a grant of troops or arms on the part of France.
The government pressed a large pension on the Prince, but he
refused to accept it It was with difficulty they could even

1 Elizabeth I., daughter of Peter the Great. She was eleven years the senior of Prince
Charles.

47 > HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OF 1 745-6.

induce young Locheil to take the command of a regiment It
was at ^is particular time (June 1747), when he was suffering
all the ills attending on those who wait for the favour of courts,
that his brother Henry, with his father's full consent, became
an ecclesiastic, and accepted a cardinal's hat from the pope.
Charles heard with frenzy of a proceeding by which he knew
that his cause would be deeply injured in Britain, and which,
moreover, was sure to be received everywhere as a tadt
acknowledgment on the part of the family that his views on
the crown were now hopeless. He had previously regarded his
brother with great affection, but he now cast him from his
bosom. Even his father he could scarcely foigive for his share
in so fatal a step. Lord George Murray at this time came to
Paris to pay his respects to him ; but ^e Prince, though in his
wanderings he had spoken mildly of Lord George, was now
imbittered against him; and this honourable man, who had
sacrificed his countiy and iamily prospects in his cause, was
obliged to retire from France not only without seeing him, but
under some dread lest the Prince should cause him to be
arrested.^

Months passed on, during which ^e proceedings of the

1 It was probably about the time when the hopes of renewed assistance from France
declining, that Mr William Hamilton of Bangour wrote the following imitatioD of the
Scottish version of the xsTth pealm— a compositioi:. of much more than his usual eaagy, and
concluding with an almost prophetic maledictioa :

' On GaDia's shore we sat and wept»

When Scotknd we thought on,
Robbed of her bravest sons, and all
Her andent spirit gone.

" Revenge," the sons of Gallia said,

*' Revenge your native land :
Already your insulting foes

Crowd the Batavian strand."

How shall the sons of freedom e*er

Fm- foreign conquest fight f
For power how wield the sword, unsheathed

For liberty and right f

If thee. O ScotUnd, I forget.
Even with my latest breaih.

PRINCE CHARLES IN FRANCS. 473

Prince came little to the knowledge of his father or the public.
That secretiveness which he had shewn in the Highlands when
passing from one retreat and one set of friends to another, now
reappeared, and it marked much of his future career. It has
been said that he rejoiced in the victories gained by the British
in the course of the war, rather than in those gained by the
French; but this must be taken with limitation. There is
extant a letter in which he congratulated Louis XV. on the
victory of Lafelt While trusting only to obscure, and, it has
been said, worthless counsellors, there is indubitable evidence
that he freely gave from his means to relieve and support the
other gentlemen of his party who had taken refuge in France.
In an account current with his banker, Mr George Waters,
junior, we find repeated disbursements of large sums to
Clanranald, Ardshiel, Gordon of Glenbucket, Lord Nairn, and
others of equal or less note.^ The unfortunate propensity to
drinking, by which his last years were so much clouded, is first

May foul dishonour staiiii my name.
And bring a coward's death I

May sad remorse of fonded guilt

My future dajrs employ.
If all thy sacred rights are not

Above my chiefest joy.

Remember England's children. Lord,

Who on Drummossie * day.
Deaf to the Toice of kindred love,

" Rase, rase it quite," did say.

And thou, proud Gallia, fairhlcss friewfr

Whose ruin is noc far.
Just Heaven on thy devoted head

Pour all the woes of war.

When thou thy slaughtered little ones

And ravished dames shalt see,
Such helpb such pity, mayst thou have

As Scotland had from thee I '

1 In a letter to his father, Paris, December 19, 1746, he says : ' I suppose O'Brien hat
already given an account to you of what pains I am at, and what has been done concerning
the poor Scotch. I told Marquis d'Aigenson t'other day how sensible I was at the king's
goodness for what he has done for them, and that I would go, if necessary, upon my knees
for them, but that I would never ask anything for myself; for I came only into this countty
to do what I could for my poor country, and not for mytclL*

* Drummossie, another name for the moor of CuDoden*

474 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OF 1745-^.

noticed in 1747, in an unsigned letter to Mr William Murray
(titular Lord Dunbar) ; but the reader has seen proof that this
taste was awakened in the course of his Highland adventures,
being probably attributable in part to the hardships he then
suffered, and partly to the effect of the evil customs of the
country working upon one previously unaccustomed to liquor,
and unprepared to indulge in it, particularly under such
circumstances, without contracting an uncontrollable liking
for iO

In the spring of 1748, the inclination of France for peace
assumed a definite form, and proposals being in the first place
submitted by the king, it was agreed by the powers at war to
hold a congress at Aix-la-Chapelle. Charles beheld this trans-
action as the death-warrant of all his immediate hopes ; but,
blinded by passionate violence, he had not the prudence to
submit with resignation to a turn of affairs altogether beyond his

1 Bendet the Tariout notices of his liking for ardent spirits given in the chapters descnp-
tive of his wanderings, one or two more may here be noted from the nuumscript coUectioos
of the Rev. Mr Forbes. In a journal fay young Clanranald, Glenaladale, &c. (Ljuf* im
Maumingt iiL 589), it is stated that, when in the forest-house of Glenooridale in Soudi
Uist, ' he would step into a by-chamber, which aenred as a pantry, and, when be stood ia
need of it, put the bottle of brandy to his head without ceremony.' In the Rev. Mr
Forbes's report of conversations which he had with Kingsbuigh and his wife \JLyon, iL 909),
there is a passage referring to the night which Charles spent in their house : * The Priaoe
ate four roasted eggs, some collops, jdenty of bread and butter, and — to use the words of
Mrs Macdonald — " the deil a drap did he want of twa bottles of sma* beer; God do hin
good o't ; for weel I wat he had my blessing to gae doun wi't" After he had made a
plentiful supper, he called for a diam, and when the bottle of brandy was brought, he sakl
he would fill the glass Uxt himself, " for," said be, " / have Uamed m my dhtlking t» takt
m ktariy dram,** He fiUed up a bumper, and drank it off to the happiness and pra^erity
of his landlord and landlady.' These and other like circumstances are mentioned by the
reporters, without apparently the remotest idea that the habits of the Prince were in danger
of being permanently affected ; but their value as testimony is not the wane on that
account. I introduce them here in a spirit far from that of blame. Charles had previcmsly,
like most natives of southern Europe, been unaccustomed to liquor. On such a perwm the
drinking customs of the people amongst whom he fell were calculated to have a fatal effect.
It would also appear, from what we every day see amongst the mtseiably poor, that there
is a condition of defective physical comfort in which alcohol presents itself as a remedy and
compensation, and in that character is scarcely to be resisted by human weakness. This
law is of course as ready to operate upon a prince, suddenly reduced to personal misery,
as upon a wretch who has long known it, and perhaps even more so. Probably the habits
originally contracted under physical discomfort were, in the Prince's case, revived and
confirmed afterwards under the anguish of a disappointed and exasperated spirit, whi^ had
unfortunately not been trained to look for superior consolations.

PRINCE CHARLES IN FRANCE. 475

control. During the summer, while the negotiations were going
on, it was expected that he would quietly retire from France, as
there could be no doubt that one of the stipulations would bind
the king to afford him no longer an asylum. On the contrary,
he hired a handsome house on the Quai Th^atin, and ordered
such furnishings for it as marked a determination to remain in
Paris. When any one spoke of the treaty, he affected indiffer-
ence, and changed the subject. Nor was this alL He caused a
medal to be struck, with his head on one side, and on the other
a quantity of shipping, with the words : Amor et spes Britannut
(' The love and hope of Britain ') — a deliberate insult to the
French government, which had suffered so much from the
British marine force. The ministers deeply resented this act,
and urged the king to take notice of it ; but he declined doing
so, apparently from a wish not to exasperate the Prince any
further. The Prince of Conti, a very proud noble, soon after
meeting Charles in the Luxembourg gardens, addressed him
with an air of pleasantly, but with a latent sneer, on this subject
The device, he said, was not very applicable, for the British
navy had not proved very friendly to him. *Cela est vrai,
prince,' said Charles; 'mais je suis nonobstant Tami de la
flotte contre tous ses ennemis, comme je r^arderai toujours la
gloire d'Angleterre comme la mienne, et sa gloire est dans sa
flotte r^ He appears in a more respectable light in the protest
for a reservation of his rights which he caused to be presented
to the representatives of the various powers met at Aix-la-
Chapelle. This document, dated at Paris, July i6, after
alluding to the wrongs suffered by his house, and stating the
powers granted him by his father, protests 'against all which
may be said, done, or stipulated in the assembly to the preju-
dice and diminution of the lawful rights of our most honoured
father and lord, of our own, of the princes or princesses that
are or will be bom of our royal house.* 'We declare,* it

1 ' That is very true, prince : but nerertheless I am a friend to the navy against all
enemies whatever, as I shall always look upon the glory of England as my own, and her
glory is in her navy.'

47^ HISTORY OF THE R£BEtXIOM OF 1 745-6.

proceeds, * that we regard, and alwa3rs w31 regard, as null, Tind,
and of no effect, everything that may be statuted or stipulated
which may tend to the acknowledgment of any other pers(m
whatsoever as sovereign of the kingdoms of Great Britain,
besides the person of the most high and most excellent prince;,
James the Third, our most honoured lord and fjaither, and, in
default of him, the person of the nearest heir, agreeably to the
fundamental laws of Great Britain.' Finally, ' we declare to all
the subjects of our most honoured lord and father, and m(ve
particularly to those who have given us recently shining jmx^s
of their attachment to the interests of our royal &mily, and to
the primitive constitution of their country, that notUng shall
ever alter the lively and sincere love which our birth inspires us
with for them \ and that the just gratitude which we have for
their fidelity, zeal, and courage, shall never be effaced from our
heart That, so far from listening to any proposition that tends
to destroy or weaken the indissoluble ties which unite us, we
look, and always will look, upon ourselves as under the most
intimate and indispensable obligation to be constantly attentive
to all that may contribute to their happiness ; and that we shall
always be ready to spill the very last drop of our blood to
deliver them from a foreign yoke.*^ M. Montesquieu, to whom
Charles submitted a copy of this protest, complimented him on
it, as written with simplicity, with dignity, and even with
eloquence.

He enclosed a copy of the paper to the king of France,
assuring him that, while obliged thus to defend his rights, he
entertained the greatest respect for his majesty's sacred person,
and hoped never to forfeit his friendship.

The treaty, meanwhile, was known to contain a clause stipu-
lating that Charles should no longer reside in France. His
voluntary retirement from the kingdom was every day looked
for, but in vain. \Vhen the king perceived that Charles made
no motion to leave his dominions, he despatched the Cardinal

1 Then extracts are firom a tnuuktioa of the French otic^nal in the Rer. Mr Forhes's
ceUectiea of pepCTfc

PRINCE CHARLES IN FRANCE. 477

de Tencin with instructions to hint to him^ in as delicate a
manner as possible, the necessity of his taking that step. The
cardinal performed his office with the greatest discretion, and
endeavoured with all his eloquence to palliate the conduct of
his master. But Charles treated him only with evasive answers,
and he was obliged to withdraw without having obtained any
satisfactory avowal of his royal highness's intentions. The king
waited for some days, in the hope that Charles would depart,
but was then obliged to despatch another messenger with still
more urgent entreaties. The person selected for this purpose
was the Duke de Gesvres, governor of Paris, who, besides
instructions to urge his departure, carried a carte blanche^ which
the Prince was requested to fill up with any sum he might please
to demand as a pension, in consideration of his obeying the
king's wishes. When this ambassador disclosed his proposals to
Charles, he is said to have treated them with unequivocal marks
of contempt, saying that ' pensions were quite out of the ques-
tion in the present case, and that he only wished the king to
keep his word.* The duke pointed out the necessity of the
negotiations which required his departure from France; but
Charles, on the other hand, insisted upon the previous treaty
between his most Christian majesty and himself, by which they
had become mutual allies. The Duke de Gesvres being thus
unsuccessful, the Count de Maurepas and the pope's nuncio were
one after another sent upon the same errand, and the king even
wrote a letter to him with his own hand ; but all without effect
As no attempt was made by either party to conceal these
strange proceedings, they soon became known over Europe. In
Paris they excited a degree of interest such as no public event
was ever before known to occasion. For a person in such
peculiar circumstances to thwart the intentions, and disregard
the power, of the Grand Monarch, was esteemed in that region
a most extraordinary instance of daring. His exploits in Scot-
land, and the fascinating graces of his person, had previously
disposed die Parisians to an extravagant degree of admiration,
and it was completed when to these charms was added that

47^ HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OF 1745-^.

arising from his unmerited distresses. He now became an
object of even more attraction than the king himself. When-
ever he appeared upon the public walks, the whole company
followed him. When he entered the theatre, he became die
sole spectacle of the place. On all occasions he seemed the
only person who was insensible to the sorrows of his fate ; and
while he talked with his usual gaiety to the young noblemen who
surrounded him, no one could speak of him without admiration,
and some could not behold him without tears.

The public feeling so liberally excited in his favour was by no
means agreeable to the king, and far less to the ministry. Tliere
were other personages whom it yet furdier offended. These
were the Earl of Sussex and Lord Cathcart, two British noble-
men, then residing in Paris as hostages to guarantee the restora-
tion of Cape Breton to its original proprietors the French, in
terms of the treaty. Charles was known to have commented
with bitterness upon the meanness of the British government in
giving hostages to France; and the two noblemen could not
help, moreover, feeling personally piqued at the respect which
was everywhere shewn to the public enemy of their countiy,
while they themselves were treated with ill-suppressed contempt
They therefore complained to the French monarch that there
was one important article of the treaty which he had not fulfilled.
His majesty gave them for answer that he only waited the return
of a messenger from Rome, with an answer to a letter which he
had written to the old Pretender, demanding that Charles should
be withdrawn, by paternal authority, from the kingdom, before
taking active measures to that effect

The messenger mentioned by the king returned on the 9th of
December (1748) with a letter from the old Chevalier, enclosing
another, under a flying seal, addressed to his son, in which he
commanded the Prince to obey the king's wishes. His majesty,
after having read the last epistle, sent it to Charles, by way of
giving him a last chance of declaring his submission to die royal
authority ; but the inflexible Prince thought proper to hold out
even against his father's commands. He declared openly that

PRINCE . CHARLES IN FRANCE. 479

no pensions, promises, or advantages whatever should induce
him to renounce his just rights ; that, on the contraxy, he was
resolved to consecrate the last moments of his life to their
recovery. The king no sooner learned that he was still unwilling
to depart, than he called a council of state, where it was deter-
mined to airest him, and carry him out of the kingdom by force.
Louis was still so averse to treat his unfortunate ally with
disrespect, and still entertained so much regard for him, that
when the order for his arrest was presented for signature, he
exclaimed, with sorrow which we may hope was not affected :
'Ah, pauvre prince! qu'il est difficile pour un roi d'etre un
veritable amil' The order was signed at three o'clock in the
afternoon, but it was blazed all over Paris before the evening.
A person of the Prince's retinue heard and carried him the
intelligence, but he affected not to believe it Next day
(December lo), as he was walking in the Tuileries, a person
of condition informed him that he would certainly be seized that
veiy day if he did not prevent it by an immediate departure ;
but, resolved to put the government to the last extremity, he
treated the intelligence as chimerical, and turning to one of his fol-
lowers, ordered a box to be hired for him that night at the opera.
The preparations made for his arrest were upon a scale pro-
portioned to the importance of his character, or rather were
dictated by the extent of public favour which he was supposed
to enjoy. No fewer than twelve hundred of the guards were
drawn out and posted in the coiirt of the Palais-Royal ; a great
number of sergeants and grenadiers, armed in cuirasses and
helmets, filled the passage of the opera-house ; the gu^, or city
police, were stationed in the streets to stop all carriages. The
sergeants of the grenadiers, as the most intrepid, were selected
to seize the Prince. Two companies of grenadiers took post in
the courtyard of the kitchens, where the Duke de Biron, com-
mander of the French guards, and who was commissioned to
superintend, waited in a coach, disguised, to see the issue of the
enterprise. The mousquetaires had orders to be ready to mount
on horseback; troops were posted upon the road from the

480 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OF 1 745-6.

Palais-Royal to the state-prison of Yincexmes, in which the
Prince was to be disposed. Hatchets and scaling-ladders were
prepared, and locksmiths directed to attend, in order to take his
royal highness by escalade, in case he should throw himself into
some house, and there attempt to stand a si^e. A physician
and three suigeons, moreover, were ordered to be in readiness
to dress whoever might be wounded

Into this well-prepared and formidable trap Charles entered
with all the unthinking boldness of a desperate man. Scorning
the repeated warnings he had received, and disregarding a
friendly voice which told him, as he passed along in his carriage,
that the opera-house was beset, he drove up as usual to that
place ; where he no sooner alighted on the ground, than he was
surrounded by six sergeants dressed in plain clothes, ^o seized
his person; one taking care of each limb, while other two
crossed their arms, and bore him off the street into the court-
yard of the Palais-Royal ; the soldiers in the meantime keeping
off the crowd with fixed bayonets, and seizing the few persons
who attended him. When he was brought into the courtyard.
Major de Vaudreuil, who had been deputed to act by the Duke
de Biron, approached his royal higlmess and said : ' Prince,
your arms: I arrest you in the name of the king.' Charles
immediately presented his sword; but that not satisfying his
captors, they searched his person, and found a pair of pistols
and a poniard, together with a penknife and a book, all of
which they removed. They then bound him with silk cord, of
which the duke had provided ten ells on purpose, and hurried
him into a hired coach, which was immediately driven ofi^
attended by a strong guard. Another party in die meantime
entered his palace, and arrested all his followers and servants,
who were immediately conveyed to the Bastile, though soon
afterwards liberated. Charles was conveyed to the castle of
Vincennes, and thrust into an upper room of narrow dimensions,^

1 The account of the Prince's scisure is from An Autkentie Accftrnt tf the Ytmmf
Cktvaiier in Franc* (London, 1749). It is supported by a letter amongst the Stuart Plipei^
Browne's Appendix, Na cUviii

MEASURES FOR PREVENTION, &C. 48 1

where he was left to seek repose, attended by only a single
friend — the faithful Neil Mackechan, who, with Flora Mac-
donald, had accompanied him in his journey through Skye.^
So long as he was in the presence of the soldiers, or any officers
of the French government, he had maintained a lofty air, and
spoken in a haughty tone, as if to shew that he was superior to
his misfortunes ; but when finally left in thfs desolate chamber,
with only a friend to observe him, he gave way to the tumult of
painful feeling which agitated his breast Throwing himself
upon a chair, according to the report of Mackechan, as after-
wards communicated to a family in Skye, he clasped his hands
together, and bursting into tears, exclaimed : ' Ah, my faithful
mountaineers ! you would never have treated me thus ! Would
I were still with you !' — ^his mind apparently reverting at this
moment of peculiar distress to the transient glories of his late
brilliant though unhappy enterprise.

Charles was kept in confinement till the 15th, when, having
given his parole that he would not return to the French domin-
ions, he was taken from Vincennes, and carried by easy stages,
under a guard, to Avignon.

CHAPTER XXXI.

MEASURES FOR PREVENTION OF FURTHER DISTURBANCES.

' Sir, I have heard another story —
He was a most confounded Tory,
And grew, or he is much belied.
Extremely dull before he died.'

In the parliamentary session of 1747, several measures were
brought forward and passed, for the purpose of preventing future
disturbance on account of the succession.

1 Neil Mackechan or Maodonald had been, at the Prince's desire, appointed a lieutenant
in Lord Ogilvie's regiment of the Scotdi Brigade in the smrice of France. He subse-
quently had a pension of 900 liyres per annum. — LttUr tfColentl ^f^m MmcdomUd (mis
^ Flora), MS,, tn^ouemoH qfthe autkffr.

2 £

482 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OF 1745-6.

The first was one of mercy, an act of indemnity granting
pardon to all who still survived of the late offenders, excepting
about eighty persons mentioned by name, these being generally
individuals of some note in the insurrection, or who had been
connected with it^ At the same time that this act was passed

1 Of noblenwB excepted, there were the Eaxis of TraquMr aad Qaocaity :
Sir Jaunes Steuart, Sir Joba Douglas, Sir James Harnngton, Sir James Campbell, Sir
William Dunbar, and Sir Aksander Bannetmaii ; of Highland chaeft and gentleowa of
note, MacdonneQ of Glengany, Madeod of Raasay, Macgregor of Glcagyle, Grant of
Glenmorriston, Robertson of Struan, Chiiholm of Comar, Drummond of Bodiahly, Fi
of Foyers, Fraser of Gortukg, Fiaser of Browick, JEntas and James Macdoaald,
to the bte Kinlochmoidart, Stuart of Kynnachin, Robertson of Blairletty, Robatsao of
Faskally, and Robert Murray (originally Blacgregor) of Glencamock ; of LowlamI gcaile-
men of note, Archibald Stewart, late Lord ProTost of Edinburgh, Thomas Blair of daadoK,
James Caim^y of Boysadc, Charles Cununing of Kinninmood, John Fulkrton ycwuigei of
Dudwick, Alexander Gordon of Camousie» John Gordon of ATachie, Robert Gordon
younger of Logie, James Gordon of Glastynun, David Hunter of Bumside, John HaUlen
of Lanrick, Andrew Hay younger of Rannes, Alexander Inrine of Dxum, James Moir of
Stoneywood, Thomas Ogihrie of East Mill, Thomas OgilTie of Cbul, James Stirling of
Craigbamet, John Tunaer younger of Tumeihall, and Andrew Wau<^ope of Niddry. TIm
act also excepted those who had formerly hem specified in what was called the Act of
Attainder. That act, which had hem passed in the month of May 1746, after reciting that
on or before April 18, certain persons named had traitorously leried war against cbe kti^
and were now fled from justice, enacted that the said persons should be held guilty of h%h
treason, and stand attainted, if they did not surrender themsdvcs to justice before tlw lach
of July. The persons named in this act were: Alexander, Eari of Kellae: WiOiaa,
Viscount of StrathaUan : Alexamder, Lord Pitsligo : David Wemyss, Esq., ooanmaaty
called Lord Elcho, eldest son and heir-apparent of James, Eari of Wemyss ; James DmaH
mond, Esq., eldest son and heii^apparent of William, Viscount of StrachallaB ; Simon
Fraser, Esq., eldest son and heir-apparent of Simon, Lonl Lovat ; George Mnmy. Esq.,
commonly called Lord George Murray, brother to James, Duke of Athole ; Lewis Gordon,
Esq., commonly csJled Lord Lewis Gordon, brother to Cosmo George, Duke of Gordon :
Jaines Drumn^ond, taking upon himself the title of Duke of Perth : James (kaham, late of
Duntroon, taking on himself the tide of Viscount of Dundee : John Nairn, takn^ npon
himself the title or style of LortI Nairn : David Ogilvie, taking upon himsdf the titie of
Lord Ogilvie ; John Drummond, taking upon himself the style or title of Lord John Drum-
mond, brother to James Drummond, taking on himself the title of Duke of Perth ; Robert
Mercer, Esq., otherwise Nairn of Aldie : Sir William Gordon of Park ; John Murmy of
Broughton, Esq. ; John Gordon the elder of Glenbucket ; Donald Cameron the younger of
Locheil : Dr Archibald Cameron, brother to Donald Cameron the younger of LocheS ;
Ludovick Cameron of Tor Castle ; Alexander Cameron of DungaUon ; Donald Mnodoaald
of Clanranald, junior, son to Roiudd Macdonald of Qanranald : Donald Macdonald of
Lochgarry; Alexander Macdonald of Keppoch; Archibald Macdonald, son of Colonel
Macdonald of Barrisdale ; Alexander Macdonald of Glencoe : Evan Macpherson of Chmy ;
Lachlan Madachlan of Castle Lachian : John Mackinnon of Mackinnon ; Charles
Stuart of Ardshiel ; George I^ockhart, eldest son and heir-apparent of George Lockbait
of Camwath ; Lawrence Oliphant the elder of Gask .* Lawrence OUphant the younger of
Gask ; James Graham the younger of Airth ; John Stuart, commonly called John Roy
Stuart : Francis Farquharson of Monalterye ; Alexander Macgilivrae erf" Dramagln^ :
1 achlan Mackintosh, merchant at Inverness : Bftalcolm Ross, son of Alexander Rooa of

MEASURES FOR PREVENTION, &C 483

(June 1747), a considerable number of persons, including those
who had been apprehended for their concern in the Prince's
escape, were liberated.

An act was passed for enforcing those already in existence for
disarming the Highlanders. It was now ordained that if any
man residing within the Highland line should fail to deliver up
his arms before the ist of August 1747, or if any man should
att;pmpt to conceal arms either in his house or in the fields, he
was to be for the first offence fined in fifteen pounds, and
imprisoned without bail till payment If payment was not made
within one month, he was to be transported to America as a
common soldier, if able to serve ; if not able to serve, he was to
be imprisoned for six months, and then only liberated on finding
security for his good behaviour during the next ten years. If
the offender was a woman, she was to be fined in the same sum,
imprisoned till pa3rment, and afterwards confined for six months.
A second offence against this law was to be visited with no less
a punishment than transportation for seven years.

Not only were the Highlanders deprived of their arms, but
their very dress was proscribed, and by still severer penalties.
The same act ordained that, after the ist of August 1747, if any
person, whether man or boy, within the same tract of country,
were found wearing the clothes commonly called ' the Highland
clothes;' that is, the plaid, philibeg, trews, shoulder-belts, or
any part whatsoever of the Highland garb, or if any person
were found to wear a dress composed of tartan or party-
coloured cloth, he should be imprisoned six months without
bail for the first offence, and on its repetition be transported for
seven years.

It was thus hoped that not only would the Highlanders be
incapable of again levying war against the state, but that, their
distinction as a nation being destroyed, they would with all
haste become obedient servants to government, like the rest of

Pitcalny ; Alexander Madeod, son to Mr John Macleod, advocate ; John Hay, portioner
of Restalrig, writer to the ngnet : Andrew Lumsdale, otherwise Lumsdain, son to William
Lttmsdale. otherwise Lumsdain, writer in Edinburgh ; and William Fidler, clerk in the
auditor's office in the Exchequer of Scotland.

4^4 HISTORY OF THE REBELUON OF 1 745-6.

the community. As might have been expected, the result was
veiy different The clans were, it is true, effectually prevented
from ever again going to the field against the House of Hanover,
but they were not induced to regard that family or their govern-
ment with any additional d^ee of favour. On die contraiy,
their previous disaffection was exasperated by these harsh
measures into absolute hatred. 'Even the loyal dans,' says
Dr Johnson, 'murmured with an appearance of justice, that
after having defended the king, they were forbidden for the
future to defend themselves, and that the sword should be
forfeited which had been legally employed' But if the loss of
their aims occasioned discontent, the change of their dress
produced feelings still less favourable to the existing govern-
ment Had the whole race been decimated, as their historian
General Stewart remarks, more violent grief, indignation, and
shame could not have been excited among them than by this
encroachment upon their dearest national prejudices. It may
be said, in conclusion, that if the Highlanders have eventually
become good servants to the state, and undistinguishable in
dress and demeanour from the rest of the populaticm, no part of
the blessing is to be ascribed to this enactment

The next act of the legislature was the celebrated one for
abolishing heritable jurisdictions in Scotland. It was supposed
that, by putting an end to the power which all land-proi»ietors
had hitherto possessed of judging in civil and criminal cases
among their dependants, the spirit of clanship would receive a
mortal blow. Accordingly, it was resolved to buy up all these
petty jurisdictions from die proprietors, and to vest them in
sheriffs, who should be appointed by the king. It was also
resolved that the hereditary justidarsliip of Scotland, vested in
the family of Argyll, should be purchased, and transferred to
the High Court and Circuit-courts of Justidaiy, and that all
constabularies should be abolished, except the office of high
constable. The whole sum granted by parliament in exchange
for the heritable jurisdictions was ^152,000 — one of Ae
cheapest purchases of patronage and power ever made. A

MEASURES FOR PREVENTION, &C. 485

companion act abolished the right of ward-holding, by which
landlords commanded the military services of their tenants. By
these means the last conspicuous features of the feudal system
were brought to an end in Scotland. Another act bore refer-
ence to the religious body styled the Scottish Episcopalians.
The Episcopal Church had ceased to be the established religion
of the country, when its supporters, the Stuarts, ceased to reign
over Britain. Previously to that period, it had been unpopular
among the lower orders of people — originally, on account of a
prejudice which they had against bishops, and latterly, on
account of the injudicious persecutions which this church was
the occasion of bringing upon the Presbyterians. Want of
popular favour joined at the Revolution with anodier circum-
stance to procure its downfall. King William, before leaving
Holland, had promised, in a declaration, to maintain it in all its ^
privileges ; and when he had settled himself at London, he was
prepared to keep his promise. On proceeding, however, to
sound the bishops as to their affection to his government, he
found them obstinate in their adherence to die former monarch,
alleging that, as they had already sworn to be faithful to James
and his heirs — ^for such was then the tenor of the oath of
allegiance — ^they could not in conscience transfer their fealty
to him. William then saw fit to establish the Presbyterian
Church, the members of which, he understood, had already
testified their abhorrence of the late government by dese-
crating the fismes of Episcopacy, and rabbling out its clergy.
From this time Episcopacy was marked as the religion of the
Jacobites, and subjected to a variety of restrictions and per-
secutions, not more at the hands of the reformed government,
than at those of the Presbyterian clergy and common people.
In the reign of Queen Anne, when the Earl of Strathmore
endeavoured to obtain an act of parliament ' for the toleration
of all Protestants in the exercise of religious worship,* a strong
representation was offered against it by the General Assembly,
concluding in these words : * That they were persuaded that to
enact a toleration for those in the Episcopal way — which God in

486 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OF 1745--6.

His infinite mercy avert I — would be to establish iniquity' by a laWy
and would bring upon the promoters thereof^ and dieir &unilies»
the dreadful guilt of all those sins and pernicious effects that
might ensue thereupon.'^ The Episcopal forms continued,
nevertheless, to be adhered to by the greater part of the wealth
and rank, and no mean portion of the intelligence of the countrj,
down to the year 1745, when, as already mentioned, its chapels
sent forth not a few enthusiasts to join the standard of Prince
Charles, and it of course attracted the determined hostility of
the existing government Duke William, in his march to the
north, finding it identified beyond all doubt with the disaffection
of the district of Angus, had thought proper to visit it with the
terrors of militaiy law; and the batde of Culloden had onfy
been gained one week, when he succeeded in closing up eveiy
place of worship throughout the country in which a nonjuring
clergyman officiated. On this occasion, the Bibles, prayer-books,
and other furniture of many of the chapels, were taken out by
the soldiers and openly burned, and even the buildings were in
some instances destroyed. It was now resolved to subject the
Episcopalian body to a system of persecution which might have
the colour of law. An act was accordingly passed, less than
three months after the conclusion of the war, by which it was
ordained that any Episcopal clergyman officiating after the ist
of September 1746, without having taken the oaths of allegiance^
abjuration, and assurance, or without praying once, during the
performance of worship, for the king, his heirs and successors,
and for all the royal family, should, for the first offence, suffer
six months' imprisonment; for the second (upon conviction
before the High Court of Justiciary), be transported to die
American plantations for life, and, in case of returning from
banishment, be subjected to perpetual imprisonment It was
also ordained that no proprietor of a closed Episcopal meeting-
house should regain possession of it till he gave security for
^100 that he would not again permit it to be occupied by a

MEASURES FOR PREVENTION, &C 4^7

nonjuring clergyman. In order to prevent these unfortunate
ministers from officiating even in private, it was also enacted
that eveiy house in which five or more persons met to hear
them perform service, should be considered a meeting-house
within the meaning of the act With a purpose still more male-
volent— that of entirely destroying the apostolical ordination
which the cleigy of the Scottish Episcopal Church had continued
to transmit from one to another since the Revolution — ^it was
decreed that no letters of orders should be registered after the
I St of September, except such as had been given by the Church
of England or the Church of Ireland.

Cruel as this persecution was, it might not eventually have
injured the church so much, if it had not also extended to the
laity. The act declared that if, after the ist of September 1746,
any person should resort to an illegal Episcopal meeting-house,
and not give notice within five days of such illegal meeting to
some proper magistrate, he should be subjected to fine or
imprisonment It declared further that no peer of Scotland
should be capable of being elected one of the sixteen peers of
parliament, or of voting at such election ; and that no person
should be capable of being elected a member of parliament for
any shire or burgh who should, within the compass of any future
year, be twice present at divine service in an Episcopal meeting
in Scotland not held according to law.

In this state of things,^ some of the clergy, who, though
steady and zealous Episcopalians, had always professed them-
selves not Jacobites, feeling it their duty to render their chapels
legal meeting-houses, repaired to the proper magistrates, took
the oaths to government required by the act, and got their
letters of orders registered before the ist of September. But
this compliance availed them nothing. In May 1748, the act of
1 746 was amended, and an enactment diade that no letters of
orders not granted by some bishop of the Church of England or
of Ireland should be sufficient to qualify any Scottish Episcopal

1 Keith's Caulogoe, with Appendix, hf the Rev. Dr RusselL p^ six.

488 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OF 1 745-6.

pastor, whether the same had been registered before or ^noe
the ist of September 1746; and that every such r^[istra-
tion^ whether made before or since, should now be null and
void. This act was directed against the very religion of the
Scottish Episcopalians, for it precluded them from the privil^es
of political repentance. As such it was felt by the English
bishops, not one of whom ventured to support the bill, while
some spoke strenuously against it, as a flagrant attack on the
leading principles of Christian liberty.

That these statutes were not mere matters of form, but that
the penalties were rigorously put in execution, could be proved
by numerous instances. One cleigyman, not more distinguished
by his well-known poetical genius than by his piety and fmvate
worth, the Rev. John Skinner of Longmay in Aberdeenshire,
was imprisoned, in terras of the second act, for six months, in
the public jail of the county town, although he had previously
taken all the loyal oaths, and for two years prayed for the king
by name. Other clergymen who did not pray for the king
by name, sufifered similar imprisonments ; and a few were obliged
to take refuge in England and elsewhere from the penalties with
which they were threatened

The general result of the two statutes was simply to annihilate
the conscientious portion of the church. It was now impossible
for a lay member of it to continue in the faith of his foreCsithers
and that of his own youth, without incurring disqualifications of
the most grievous sort Altogether, the persecutions to which
the church was subjected were of a nature even more severe
than those with which the Presbyterians were visited in the
reign of Charles II. In what are considered the hottest periods
of that persecution, the clergymen were pennitted to retain
parish churches, upon the simple condition of yielding verbal
obedience to the government, and not one individual suffered
punishment who was not also a rebel against .the state. But
in this persecution of a later and milder time, the whole
clergy were deprived of even the privileges of dissenters, and
exposed to the severest punishment, except death, for simply

MEASURES FOR PREVENTION, &C 489

withholding their allegiance. The Presbyterians could at any time
have saved themselves by pronouncing the Scriptural phrase :
'God save the king;' but the Episcopalians could not escape,
without actually perjuring themselves — ^without swearing (by
the oath of abjuration) that they believed, what no unprejudiced
man could believe, that the Pretender was a supposititious
child.

If the persecution of the Episcopalians surpassed that of the
Presbyterians in severity, it is not less true that the members
of the former church displayed fully as much constancy under
their afflictions. Instead of fomenting civil rebellion, or
declaiming in their private assemblies against the government
which treated them with so much cruelty, they submitted with
meekness to a fate which they could not controvert Instead
of flying to the fields and publishing their grievances at
conventicles, they sought to administer those ordinances to
private families which they were prevented from dispensing to
a congregation. Individual cleigymen have thus been known
to perform worship no less than sixteen times in one day.^

1 The shifts to which the Jacobite Episcopalians were put, ia order to perform the
ceremooies of religion without incurring legal vengeance, were quite as distressing as those
of the nonconformists of King Charles's time. In the Episcopal Register of Muthill in
Perthshire there is the following entry, under date of March 20, 1750, in the handwriting
of the Rev. William EIrskine. Episcopal minister there (father of the late William Erskine,
Esq., advocate, better known by his senatorial title of Lord Kinedder) :

' N.B, — With such excessive severity were the penal laws executed at this time, that
Andrew Moir having neglected to keep his appointment with me at my own house this
morning, and following me to Lord RoUo's house of Duncrub, we could not take the child
into a house, but I was obliged to go under the cover of trees in one of Lord RoUo's parks,
to prevent our being discovered* and baptise the child there — namely, Helen, lawful
daughter of Andrew Moir and Anne Grey, in Crofthead of Fainiton, bom the 18th, and
wns baptised the aoth of March 175a'

The following anecdote may be related as illustrative of the magnanimity which these
unfortunate clergymen occasionally displayed under their afflicting circumstances. It
refers to an old lady who died lately (1897} in Edinbui^i^ and who related it to my
informant This person was born at Dundee, and had the fortune to be the grand-daughter,
paternally, of a minister of the established church, while her grandfather by the mother's
side was a bishop of the Episcopal communion. Her mother wished ardently that she
should be baptised by her father the bishops while her husband's father, on the other hand,
was determined to perform that office himself. Such was the state of the times, that the
bishop could not act in the way proposed without great danger, nor was he sure that the
paternal grandfather of the child might not be so much exasperated as to inform upon him.
Firmly edified, however, in the certainty that his conduct was worthy in the eyes of GoJ,

490 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OF I745~6.

However much the historian of this period may be disposed
to condemn the cruelty displayed in tiiese statutes, he must
certainly acknowledge that they were attended eventually with
the desired effect of disabling the malcontent part of the
community. By the first, the Highlanders were deprived of the
means of carrying on an active warDsure, and put in a &ir way
of becoming amalgamated with the rest of the community. By
the second, the whole people of Scotland were emancipated
from their obligations to the aristocracy, and enabled to prose-
cute commercial and agricultural enteiprise with increased
effect By the third, a religious community which had fonnerly
cherished unfailing affection for the House of Stuart was com-
pletely broken up, and in a manner compelled to transfer their
allegiance to the existing government

The spirit of Jacobitism, during its period of decay, was
something very different from what it had been in the year 1745.
It had till that period been the spirit of young as well as old
people, and possessed sufficient strength to excite its votaries
into active warfare. But as the Stuarts then ceased to acquire
fresh adherents, and their claims became daily more and more
obsolete, it was now left entirely to the generation which had
witnessed its glories ; in other words, became dependent upon
the existence of a few old enthusiasts, more generally of the
female than the male sex. After this period, indeed, Jacobitism
became identified with the weakness of old age, and ceased to
have the power of moving any heart, except one which might
have throbbed with love for Prince Charles, or heaved to the
stem music of Gladsmuir and Culloden.

whatever might be its menu in thoM of men, he retolved to bnve every cootliigency. So
firmlyi tndeod, was he determined to perform his duty, that on reaching his dangtoi^t
room, he made this remarkable dedantion : ' If there were a gibbet,' he said, ' in one
oofner of the room, and the child in the other corner, and if I were informed that the said
gibbet was to be the certain and immediate penalty of my conduct, still would I b^cise the
child I' He had just concluded the ceremony when the paternal grandftitiier armed to
perform the rite in his peculiar way, but as there were no hostile witnesses to prove whal
had been done, it was impossible to punish the celebiatoi;

SUBSEQUENT LIFE OF PRINCE CHARLES. 49I

CHAPTER XXXII.

SUBSEQUENT LIFE OF PRINCE CHARLES.

' Last scene of all.
That ends this strange eventful history.'

Prince Charles was left at the end of 1748 in Avignon,
immediately after having been liberated from the castle of
Vincennes. He had not been two months in that city, when
suddenly he disappeared, and for a long time little was known
of his motions. It is now ascertained that he privately returned
into France, attended only by a Colonel Goring, and that in
May he visited Paris. About this time he is supposed to have
contemplated a match with a princess of the house of Hesse-
Darmstadt; but no serious negotiation seems ever to have
been entered upon. For more than a year he was lost sight of
by his friends, and even by his father and brother. Morbid
feeling, acting upon a character naturally secretive, seems to
have been the cause of this strange conduct During this time
his father occasionally addressed letters to him, complaining
of his capricious behaviour, but in terms of affecting mildness.
He first reappears when^ according to Dr King, he visited
London. ' September . . , 1750,' says that gentleman,^ ' I
received a note from my Lady Primrose, who desired to see me
immediately. As soon as I waited on her, she led me into her
dressing-room, and presented me to .* If I was sutprised

1 Peiiticai and Littrary AtucdoUt t^ his cvm Time*, by Dr Willuun King, Principal
of St Mary's Hall, Oxon. Second edition, 1819. Dr King had been a keen Jacobite, and
was one of the ablest literary men of the party in 1745. He lived to see the prudence of
reconciling hinuielf to the reigning family, and being then of course much reviled by his
former party, seems to have contracted a furious antipathy to the Prince and all who still
adhered to him. I have no doubt that much of what he has written respecting Charles is
untrue, and that the rest is grossly exaggerated. The evidence of a party deserter respectix^g
his late friends shotild obvioxisly be received with caution.

> The Prince.

492 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OF I745~6.

to find him there, I was still more astonished when he
acquainted me with the motives which had induced him to
hazard a journey to England at this juncture. The impatience
of his friends who were in exile had formed a scheme which
was impracticable ; but although it had been as feasible as they
had represented it to him, yet no preparation had been made,
nor was anything ready to cany it into execution. He was soon
convinced that he had been deceived, and therefore, after a stay
in London of five days only, he returned to the place from
whence he came.' The writer adds in a note : ' He came one
evening to my lodgings and drank tea with me : my servant,
after he was gone, said to me '' that he thought my new visitor
very like Prince Charles." "Why," said I, "have you ever
seen Prince Charles 1" " No, sir," replied the fellow ; " but this
gendeman, whoever he may be, exactly resembles the busts
of him which are sold in Red Lion Street, and are said to be
the busts of Prince Charles." The truth is, these busts were
taken in plaster of Paris from his face.' It would appear that
something of importance was contemplated on this occasion by
the Prince, as he obtained, with a view to it, a renewal of his
powers from his father.

Obscurity again settles upon him for a period. Where he
travelled, or where he stayed, what name and character he
assumed, and by whom he was attended, were unknown to
his friends in Britain, and even to those abroad who might
have been expected to be most in his confidence. One gentle-
man who knew him, found him, in April 1752, for a few days at
Campvere, in the island of Walcheren. He appears, from
published papers, to have trafficked a little with the Swedish
court, with a view to aid towards a new enterprise ; and I have
been informed that at Stockholm there are traces of his having
once resided there, particularly the insignia he wore in some
high masonic character, which are still preserved in one of
the lodges established in that city. A letter, of date 12th
November 1753, signed with his incognito name John Douglas,
but without place, informs Colonel Goring that he had

SUBSEQUENT LIFE OF PRINCE CHARLES. 493

written to Avignon to pay off all his Roman Catholic servants,
and his mistress, who was also a Roman Catholic, and had
behaved insolently, but that he still retained two gentlemen
and all the Protestant servants.^ Another letter adds the
reason for dismissing his servants, ' as I am not able to main-
tain them any more,' and further expresses his hope that if
they go to Rome his father will maintain them. The preference
of the Protestant to the Catholic servants would seem to indicate
attachment for the former religion, which he is said to have
about this time embraced. In a letter to his father's secretary,
Edgar, 24th March i754»^ we have some revelations shewing a
decidedly morbid state of mind. * I am grieved to think that

1 BrowDe*s Appendix.

* This Mr Edgar acted as private secretary to the old Chevalier for nearly fifty yeanL
He was a fine specimen of the high-minded, warm-hearted, old Scottish gentleman — a
character at no time difficult to find in the Jacobite party, whatever may be thought of the
judgment shewn by it in its general aims and purpoaes^ To a great-giandniece of Mr
Edgar I am indebted for the following particuIarB :

' Some considerable time after the '15, the British government had reason to believe that
another attempt was to be made for the cidled ftunily. Sir Robert Walpole directed his
spies to learn who was most in King James's confidence, and what were the chaiacter and
circumstances of the individual He was told that the king's private secretary was the
younger son of a Scotch laird of small fortune ; that he was of a generous, hospitable turn,
fond of entertaining his countrymen when in R(»ne ; and that he had but a small sahu-y.
This was just what Sir Robert wanted, and he wrote to Edgar, offering a handsome sum
if he would betray the intenti<»is of his master. Edgar put the letter inito the fire, and
returned no answer. Several other epistles, bearing advancing offers, met the same (ate.
Sir Robert, thinking he had not yet come up to the secretary's price, then wrote (and this
time without making any conditions) that he had placed ten thousand pounds in the Bank
of Venice in the name of Mr Edgar. The secretary then consulted his master, and after
a brief interval, returned for answer that he had received Sir Robert's letter. He thanked
him for the ten thousand pounds, which he had lost no time in drawing from the bank, and
had just laid at the feet of his royal master, who had the best title to gold that came, as
this had done, firom England.

' My mother, when in her teens, during her first visit to Edinburgh, heard this story told
at a dixmer-party in the house of Dr Webster, amongst a company cansisring chiefly of
JacoUtes, by Mr Andrew Lumisden, who had succeeded her grandunde as secretary
during the few years in which King James survived his (aithful servant She was delighted
with the anecdote, but had doubts of its truth, as she had never heard her &ther mention
it. On ittdring from the party, she wrote to her father begging to know if it was true, and
if so, why he had never told her of it The reply waa— it was perfectly tme, but that tA^
need not wonder that he had not boatied of hi* uncle being nn honest mmm,

' My mother has several private letters from her grandunde to his nephew (her father),
written after die return of the latter from his ten years* exile, consequent on his jcnning the
Prince in '45. They esdubit the amiable character of the dear old man in the most engaging
light. His warm affection for his friends, his native land, and the home of his childhood,
continued to the last, though he lived and died fas away from alL*

494 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OF 1 745-6.

our master [his father] should think that my silence was either
neglect or want of duty ; but in reality my situation is such, that
I have nothing to say but imprecations against the fatality ofbdf^
bom in such a detestable age. There are only two things that,
with all due respect that I have, and shall always have, for my
master, who is so great a lover of justice that he will never
exact from me, and that I can never be capable to do. These are
such things as may be either against my interest or honour. My
interest does not imply any human views, but only such steps as
can conduct to the prosperity and happiness of our country.
The unworthy behaviour of certain ministers of loth December
1748, has put it out of my power to settle anywhere without
honour or interest being at stake ; and were it even possible for
me to find a place of abode, I think our family have had suffer-
ings enough, that will always hinder me to many as long as in
misfortune, for that would OQly conduce to increase misery, or
subject any of the family that would have the spirit of their
father to be tied neck and heel rather than yield to a vile
ministry.' Amongst other distresses, he seems about this time
to have been troubled by creditors. In September 1754, he
writes to Cluny Macpherson, who had remained till now in
hiding in Scotland, requiring him to come over with all the
money which had been left under his care in Scotland, 'for I
happen to be at present in great straits.' He made anxious
application to the Earl Marischal for his services ; but his lord-
ship was too little disposed to approve of his conduct to commit
himself personally even as an adviser.

In 1755, a gentleman whose name is given as D

(perhaps Dawkins) communicated to some of the Jacobite
party in Britain a very unfavourable account of the Prince's
conduct, representing him as one abandoned to a debauched
life, insomuch as to bring his health, and even his life, into
danger — that in his excesses he had no guard on his conduct or
expressions, and was in some degree void of reason — ^that he
was always too precipitate in taking his resolutions, and was
then obstinate and d^ to the most solid advice — that he put

SUBSEQUENT LIFE OF PRINCE CHARLES. 495

no value on, and was ungrateful for, the very best services, and
was unforgiving and revengeful for the very smallest offence — in
short, that he united in his single person all the vices and faults
that had ever been in his family, without one of their virtues.
In consequence of this representation, certain individuals, whose
names have not become known, commissioned a gentleman tQ
carry over from them a memorial, reciting all which had been
said, and pointing out the great injury it was calculated to give
to his prospects in Britain ; entreating him at the same time to
live with circumspection and decency, and proposing to send to
him some person entirely trusted by them, who might act as his
counsellor. It seems likely that a threat to break with him, in
the event of his not listening to their remonstrance, was carried
by the messenger. The Prince, only enraged by the charges
brought against him, replied in scornful terms. 'Gentlemen,'
he says, ' I some time ago received a very surprising message,
delivered in a still more surprising manner.^ Reason may, and
I hope always shall, prevail ; but my heart deceives me if threats
or promises ever can. I had always determined to await events
in silence or patience, and believed the advances which to your
knowledge I have already made, were as great as could be
reasonably expected on my part Yet the influence of well-
wishers, of whose sincerity I am satisfied, has made me put pen
to paper in vindication of my character, which I understand by
them some unworthy people have had the insolence to attack,
very possibly to serve some mean purpose of their own.
Conscious of my conduct, I despise their low malice; and
I consider it to be below my dignity to treat them in the terms
they merit' ^ Immediately after (September i6), we find him
writing in melancholy terms to Mr Edgar : ' My sentiments, my
honour, my real interest, joined with the unworthy behaviour of
some people, has reduced me these several years past to great

1 The remonstrance, and the Prince's answer, axe given in Browne's Appendix. Dr Ring
seems to allude to this remonstrance when he states that a Colonel Macnamara went to
the Prince, as a commissioner from the British Jacobites, to request him to dismiss his
mistress, Miss Walkingshaw ; which the Prince, he says, refused to do. There is no word
of a mistress in the documents above quoted.

49^ HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OF 1 745-6.

Straits, but now more than evcr^ which obliges me with concern
to dismiss the most part of my family. I send you here a list
of them, hoping that, when you lay it before the king, he will,
out of his good heart, have compassion on such poor distressed
subjects.' For some time after we altogether lose sight of this
unhappy Prince, but it is believed that he chiefly resided in
great privacy at Avignon. How a£fecting a scrap of his writing
about 1760, which has been preserved : ' De vivre et pas vivre
est beaucoup plus que de mourir !'

The papers of Bishop Forbes contain a number of particulars
respecting the.latter life of the Prince. It appears veiy decisively
from these papeis that Chailes embraced the religion di the
Church of England. The bishop preserves a copy of a letter
dictated by him to his friends in Britain, under date August 12,
1 762, and to the following effect : ' Assure my friends in Britain
that I am in perfect health ; that I hope it will come like a
thunderbolt ; and that I shall not neglect to recompense every
worthy subject as soon as it shall be in my power. They may
be assured I shall live and die in the religion of the Church of
England, which I have embraced ; and that no kind thing can
be said, but what I wish to all my dear friends, for whose good
I wish more to be amongst them, than for any advantage it
would be to myself^ as I have no great ambition except for their
wel£sure.' In June 1763, the first trace appears, in the bishop's
memoranda, of a desire on the part of the British Jacobites that
the Prince should many; and it is amusing to observe with
what piety they hope that such an event may be brought about,
and that it may be productive of future pretenders to the throne.
Mrs Qliphant of Gask, in Perthshire, or, as she is here called.
Lady Gask, appears as the moving person in the affair — and the
Prince is shadowed forth as a female cousin of that gendewoman
under the designation of Cousin Peggy. A gendeman in
London, writing to Forbes, 8th August 1763, mentions that
Lady Gask had arrived amongst her firiends — ^the Chevalier's
court in Italy — and found them all well; that Cousin Peggy
tlianked the bishop for a pot of marmalade he had sent her;

SUBSIQUENT LIF£ OF PftlKCS CHARLES. 497

and that she only waited for a convenient opportunity to visit
her friends in Britain. Another letter, unsubscribed, of date
October 37, 1763, mentions that Cousin Peggy had enjoyed a
hearty laugh on being informed recently that ' a certain friend
sacredly preserved the favourite brogues, and made friends drink
out of them' — alluding evidently to the Highland shoes worn by
the Prince while travelling through Skye in a female dress, and
which had been preserved by Macdonald of Kingsburgh, his
guide and host on that occasion.

'The ist of January 1766' — so runs a paragraph entered by
the bishop — ^ (about a quarter afler nine o'clock) put a period
to the troubles and disappointments of good old Mr James
MisroRTUNATE * — ^meaning the old Chevalier, who, we learn,
had long been confined to bed with general weakness. Charles,
who now considered himself king of England, had the mortifi-
cation, as is well known, to find his pretensions acknowledged
by no European court, not even by the pope, for the sake of
whose faith his grandfather had forfeited his throne. About a
year before the death of the old Chevalier, Charles had renewed
his correspondence with his brother, who acted towards him in
the most forgiving and generous manner, and made the most
strenuous exertions to prepare the way for the pope acknow-
ledging his royal character, after their father should have departed
this life. When James died, Charles was on his way to Rome,
and was met on the road, two posts beyond Florence, by Mr
Andrew Lumisden, with accounts of the sad event, and of his
accession to the nominal dignity of king. Arriving in Rome, he
was received by the inmiediate attendants of his father as king,
but the pope positively refused to acknowledge his title.^ In

1 In a letter from John Farquhanoa of Ardlevig^, a refugee Jacobite residing at Dunkirk,
to Bishop Forbes, of date May ao^ 1767, occurs the folbwinf passage : ' The gentleman
[that is, the Prince] is positive that he is the peculiar care of Heaven, as ra««ing through
•o many dangers, and diat he is designed for some great end. He takes all his misfortunes
(if you believe those about him) like the true Christian hero. His answer to the pope,
when he sent him word that he would not allow him to take on any titles there, was some-
what good. He told the nuncio that the loss of Culloden gave him more real concern than
any loss he could suffer by any orden from his holiness, and that whatever titles he would
take, neither pope nor conclave could nor had any right to take from him. This I had
from a gentleman who was present' — Lyon in Moummgt x* <9ox*

2 F

493 HISTX>RY OF THE REBELLION OP X745--6.

these circumstances, no one being able to visit him, he was left
quite alone : Mr Lumisden compared him and his immediate
attendants, isolated in Roman society, to the crew of a vessel at
sea. Even the heads of the English, Scotch, and Irish coUeges
were sent from Rome in disgrace for receiving him as king
within their own walls. To these distresses was added that of
limited income, for the revenues which his father had derived
from the courts of France and Spain were not continued to him.
He had not more than 15,000 crowns per annum, including an
aUowance of 10,000 from the pope, which his brother had made
over to him. He now withdrew to his late Other's seat at
Albano, where he lived for some years under the modest title of
Count of Albany, but still without abandoning his pretensions.
In the Pleasures of Hope^ Campbell has omitted one remark-
able exemplification of that passion — ^namely, its tenacity and
intensity in the breasts of an e3q>iring party. We find l^shop
Forbes in the ensuing September congratulating himself on the
information communicated by a 'Mr O.,* probably Oliphant,
that ' some great and principal persons were b^[inning to turn
their views to my Favourite Lady, as the only one to extricate
them out of their difficulties, and set to rights their disjointed
affairs* — ^meaning, probably, the troubles occasioned by the
reception of the Stamp Act in America.

Throughout this and the ensuing year, great anxiety is
expressed by the bishop and his correspondents respecting
the equivocal conduct of the Chevalier in continuing Roman
Catholic clergymen in his household, and attending Roman
Catholic places of worship, though they are from time to time
requested, by persons in his confidence, not to judge too hastily
from appearances. Much anxiety is expressed that he should
leave Italy, and thoughts seem to have been entertained of his
visiting his friends in Scotland — of course incognito. Early,
however, in 1769, the worthy beings who looked to him as their
legitimate sovereign, and made a religion of their attachment to
him, are shocked still more grievously by hearing of his habit of
tippling, and that in a drunken fit he had dismissed all his

SUBSEQUENT LIFE OF PRINCE CHARLES. 499

Scottish attendants, and supplied their places with Italians.
Much difficulty is experienced by Bishop Forbes in obtaining
correct information on this subject; but at length he receives
full particulars from two individuals who had been at the
Chevalier's court, and whom he distinguishes only by the
appellation of the Fellow-travellers. At a meeting on the 8th
of this month with Bishop Gordon,^ at Mofiat, he communicates
these particulars, most curiously glossed by party prepossession,
in the following terms :

* That John Hay,^ Andrew Lumisden,^ and Captain Urquhart
had been dismissed for a real act of disobedience. It was true,

indeed, that the k had been in use, for some time past, to

call frequently for t'other glass of wine at dinner and supper, not
from any liking to liquor, but like one absent in mind, when he
met with things that vexed him, as too often was the case. One
day at dinner he had done so till he was somewhat intoxicated,
and in that condition proposed going to an oratorio in the after-
noon j but" they absolutely refrised to attend him. Yea, he went
into his coach, and they would by no means go into it ; upon
which he returned to his apartments and dismissed them. In a
day or two he sent for them to return to their duty ; but they
happening to consult with the Cardinal York, he advised them
absolutely not to return ; which coimsel they followed ; and he
took care to have four Italians put into their places, as persons
more fit for his purposes and designs. The cardinal would have
been well enough pleased had John Stewart, a constant and
faithful attendant, been likewise dismissed ; but that could not

1 Minister of a London congregation of nonjurors. This gentleman had baptised the
Prince's eldest child by Miss Walkingshaw.

'John Hay, who had been a writer to the signet in Edinburgh, and was designed
'portioner of Restalrig,* acted as ▼ioe-chamberlain or treasurer to the Prince during the
latter part of the campaign of 1745-6. He is described, in a memw by Sir Thomas Strange
(MS.), as brother to Lord Huntingdon, one of the judges of the Court of Session. Charies.
after the death of his father, knighted him. Subsequently to his dismissal, he returned to
Britain on a writ of nolle prosequi, and visited his Scotch friends, including Sir Thomas
Miller of Glenlee, then Lord Justice-derk.

3 Lumisden was brother-in-law to the celebrated engraver. Sir Robert Strange, and pub-
lished a respectable work on the Antiquities of Rome. He soon after made his peace with
the government, and returned to his native country.

Soo HiSTOur or thx rebellion or 1745-6.

take place, as both master and servant, an Athole-man, were
not willing to part Therefore there are still two Britons with
him — Mr Wagstafie, an EngKshman,^ and John Stewait, a Soots-
man. He now enjoys more ease and quiet than fonneify, and
has never been seen concerned in the least with liquor since
that event, which had been h^pily attended with one good
effect, to make him diink more seriously upon what had
happened ; and no man could be of a more firm and determined
resolution than he was known to be. Not a blot, nor so much
as a pimple, was in his face, though maliciously given out by
some as if it were all over blotted ; but he is jolly and plump,
though not to excess, being still agile, and fit for undeigdng
toil.' With respect to his religion, the bishop stated that his
informants had been empowered to give out that any demonstra-
tions he might make in favour of die Roman Cadiolic &ith
were owing to tiie difficulty of his situation, as, even between
eleven and twelve years of age, he had made up his mind
against the truth of its doctrines, and determined on the change
that had subsequendy taken place in his professions^ It is also
stated that he only remained at Rome in die hope of obtaimi^
a recognition of his tides, and a pension from the new pope.
We also have the following note : ' That Mrs Forbes had given
the two Fellow-tcavellers a piece of seed-cake, which they took

entire to the k , making a present of it to him, and withal

telling him fix>m whom diey had it '' Ay," said he, ^ a piece of
seed-cake from Scotland, and from Edinburgh too!" Then
rising from his seat, and opening a drawer : " There,'* said he,
'^ you see me deposit it, and no tooth shaU go upon it but my
own." ' Charles had further sent a memorandiim for a copy of
the bishop's narrative of his escape, and a cookery-hook o/En^h
fastry puddings; and we are afterwards informed that the former
work, when sent, was translated into Italian, and published at
Rome.
Soon after, intelligence of a more cheerful nature viats these

1 The OicTalicz't ProCesUmt chaplnn.

SUBSEQUENT LIFE OF PRINCE CHARLES. 50X

zealous votaries of divine right A friend recently at Rome
informs Forbes that Charles * is a great economist, and pays all
accounts once a month at furdiest, and that he gets up in the
mormng about four o'clock, takes break^t about seven, dines
at twelve on the plainest dishes, drinks tea at four, sups betwixt
seven and eight, and is in his bedchamber by nine, or before it'
— ^habits, it must be allowed, very different from those of most
professed tipplers. ' I heard lately,' says another correspondent
of the bishop in 1770, ^ that Cousin Peggy was well, much in
company now with the great folks, and received all the honours
from them she could desire.' It is also curious to observe what
hopes were inspired into the breasts of the Jacobites by the
Wilkes tumults and the commercial difficulties of this era. In
November of the year just quoted. Bishop Gordon writes
that ^Cousin Peggy is still lively and active, and ready for
employment; and, now troubles seem to be rising in the
world m<H^ and more, I think it not improbable but she
may again find occasion for the exercise of her talents.' In
April of the ensuing year, John Farquharson of Aidleig writes
that the king had been using his divine right in a medical way.
' He is now £Eurly turned physician, and has made tins year
several wonderful cures, particularly one of a princess, looked
upon [as] incurable. This has been of service to him, adds
greatly to his character, and has given him the name of the
Miraculous Doctor.'

In the beginning of 177a the Chevalier made a journey inatg^,
to Paris, travelling a thousand miles in seven da3rs, without
being affected by it in his appearance. The movement may be
surmised to have been connected with a negotiation for his
marriage to Louisa, Princess of Stolberg, which the French and
Spanish monarchs had concocted. The nuptials, which took
place in the ensuing April, seem to have kindled up great joy
amongst the Scottish Jacobites. Louisa immediately becomes
the subject of loyal toasts, some of them by no means over-
delicate in the turn of their allusions. An engraving of her
portrait is handed about She is celebrated in stiff but

50a HISTORY OP THE REBELLION OF X 745-6.

thoroughly cordial verses; and all is satisfaction and happy
expectation. Charles and his wife were privately presented to
Louis XVL in the spring of 1775. They did not on that
occasion make any public appearance in Paris, whence they
went to Bayonne, on their way to visit the king of Spain. In
the ensuing May, a letter from Florence appeared in the
English newspapers, stating that he lived there in great poverty,
barely able to keep a carriage, on which he was not allowed to
put any armorial bearings. He is described as extremely
corpulent, owing to a total disuse of exercise, and much pimpled
in the face, in consequence of drinking.

In a work entitied Letters from Italy ^ by a Lady, published
in 1776, the authoress (Mrs Miller) gives an account of two
meetings she had with Charles at Rome, probably in the
preceding year. While she was passing the evening at the
Duchess of Bracciano's, one of the gentiemen in waiting
announced II Re (The King), the tide by which he was known
at Rome. She was anxious, from motives of prudence, to avoid
speaking to him, but on entering, he made her a particular bow,
sat down on the same sofa, and began a conversation with her
and the duchess. ' At last he addressed me in particular, and
asked me how many da)rs since my arrival in Rome, how long
I should stay, and several such questions. .... At my
departure, I took leave of the Duchess of Bracciano (agreeable
to the custom), and the Chevalier, oflSciously civil, rose up and
wished me a good-night He is naturally above the middle size,
but stoops excessively : he appears bloated and red in the face,
his countenance heavy and sleepy, which is attributed to his
having given into excess of drinking ; but when a young man,
he must have been esteemed handsome. His complexion is of
the fair tint, his eyes blue, his hair light-brown, and the contour
of his £Lce a long oval. He is by no means thin, has a noble
presence and a graceful maimer ; his dress was scarlet, laced
with a broad gold lace; he wears his blue ribbon outside of
his coat, from which depends a cameo (antique) as large as the
palm of my hand; and wears the same garter and motto as

SUBSEQUENT LIFE OF PRINCE CHARLES. 503

those of the order of St George in England : upon the whole, he
has a melancholic, mortified appearance.'

There can be no room to doubt that about this time the
habits of the unfortunate Prince were undergoing a rapid change
for the worse, and that he soon after began to render his wife
extremely unhappy. About the year 1778, the poet Alfieri,
then under thirty years of age, and the most enthusiastic and
passionate of mortals, became acquainted with this princess,
whose character is universally allowed to have been as amiable
as her person was beautiful He first saw her in the great
gallery of Florence, and hearing her say, in reference to a
portrait of Charles XII. of Sweden, that she thought the dress
becoming, he astonished the inhabitants of the city by, two days
after, appearing in the streets in an exact copy of that extra-
ordinary uniform. A soimet which he afterwards composed
upon her, under the title of Ritrattodella ma Donna (* Descrip-
tion of my Mistress '), has been thus translated :

' Bright are the dark locks of her braided hair ;

Grecian her brow ; its silken eyebrows brown ;
Her eyes — O lover, to describe forbear ! —

Life can their ghuice impart, and death their frown I
Her mouth no rosebud, and no rose her cheek.

May emulate in freshness, fragrance, hue :
A voice so soft and sweet, to hear her speak

Inspires delight and pleasures ever new :
A smile to soothe all passions save despair ;

A s%ht and graceful form ; a neck of snow ;
A soft white hand, and polished arm as fiur ;

A foot whose traces Love delights to shew.
And with these outward charms, which all adore,

A mind and heart more pure and perfect given ;
For thee thy lover can desire no more.

Adorned by every grace and gift of Heaven.'

Unable at length to endure any longer the harshness of her
husband, the princess employed the services of Alfieri in
enabling her to escape from his influence. According to a
plan arranged by the poet, Charles and his wife walked one

504 HISTORY OF THE RSBELLION OF 1 745-6.

morning to a neighbouring convent, for die ostensible piixpose
of inspecting the work of the nuns. The princess, moving
smartly in advance, entered the convent, where it had been
agreed that she was to receive protection. When Charies
came up, he was refused admittance, and he never saw his wife
again. The princess soon after removed to Rome, wh^e she
was received with brotheriy kindness by Cardinal Yori^ and
finally she proceeded to Paris. All diis was accomplished
without her having in the least compromised her rqmtation.
She ultimately formed a secret alliance, as was su|^)osed, with
Alfieri, with whom she lived till his death in 1803. She
afterwards resided at Florence, where she died in January 1824,
aged seventy-two, having long enjoyed a pension of ^3000
per annum from the British crown.^

Even when sunk in the absolute sottishness which is so
apt to befall greatly dis^pointed men, there were not wanting
in Charles Edward gleams of that natural spirit which led
him to a hostile shore with seven men, and carried him into
the midst of three aimies, each his superior : the light of a
better day still gleamed fitfully on the dishonoured head of
the Last Stuart When the late venerable primus of the
Scottish episcopate (Walker) was at Rome in the eariy years
of the present century, he received from the lips of Cardinal
York the following anecdote : ' Mr Greadiead, a pa:sonal friend
of Mr Fox, succeeded, when at Rome in 1782 or 1783, in
obtaining an interview with Charies Edward ; and being alone
with him for some time, studiously led the conversation to his
enterprise in Scotland, and to the occurrences which succeeded
the failure of that attempt The Prince manifested some
reluctance to enter upon these topics, appearing at the same
time to undergo so much mental suffering, that his guest
r^retted the freedom he had used in calling up the remem-
brance of his misfortunes. At length, however, the Prince

1 It is said that this lady, after the death of Alfieri, made a left-handed ouniage with his
ftiend. Francis Xavier Fabre, a French historical painter, whom she appointed her universal
CJLucuior.

SUBSEQUENT LIFE OF PRINCE CHARLES. 505

seemed to shake off the load which oppressed him; his eye
brightened, his face assumed unwonted animation, and he entered
upon the narrative of his Scottish campaigns with a distinct but
somewhat vehement energy of manner — recounted his marches,
his battles, his victories, his retreats, and his defeats — detailed
his hair-breadth escapes in the Western Isles, the inviolable and
devoted attachment of his Highland friends, and at length
proceeded to allude to the dreadful penalties ynth which the
chiefs among them had been visited. But here the tide of
emotion rose too high to allow him to go on — ^his voice
faltered, his eye became fixed, and he fell convulsed on the
floor. The noise brought into the room his daughter, the
Duchess of Albany, who happened to be in an adjoining
apartment " Sir," she exclaimed, " what is this ? You have
been speaking to my father about Scotland and the High-
landers! No one dares to mention these subjects in his
presence." * ^

It is also an affecting, and, I may surely add, redeeming
circumstance in the life <^ this ill-fated Prince, that amongst
the amusements of his last and lonely hours was that of playing
on the bagpipe those airs which, in his brighter days, soothed
him in the bivouac, or led him to victory.^ Domenico Corn,
the musician, in his Life of himself, gives some interesting
particulars of the Prince's latter years. After stating that some
fortunate connections had raised him to the honour of con-
ducting the concert parties given at Rome by the English and
native nobility, he adds : * This period was the pontificate of
Ganganelli, who was the friend of Prince Charles the Pretender,
brother of Cardinal York. That prince frequently gave enter-
tainments and concerts to the nobility, the conducting of which
was also assigned to me. With Prince Charles I had, previously
to this period, lived two years, during which time he had kept

1 The above anecdote was published in the Epitc^al Magasiiu, a work conducted by
Bishop RusselL

3 A beautiful set of pipes, which bekMiged to him, having the Joints bound with silver,
was purchased from his servant early in this century by Mr Skene of Rubislaw, who still
(1846} possesses them.

5o6 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OF 1 745-6.

entirely private, not seeing any one whatever, it being in the
reign of the preceding pope, who had refused to acknowledge
the title he assumed. In his retired life Prince Charles
employed his hours in exercise and music, of which he was
remarkably fond. I usually remained alone with him every
evening, the Prince playing the violoncello, and I the harpsi-
chord, also composing together little pieces of music ; yet these
tHe-d-tites were of a sombre cast The apartment in which we
sat was hung with old red damask, with two candles only, and
on the table a pair of loaded pistols (instruments not at all
congenial to my fancy), which he would often take up, examine,
and again replace on the table ; yet the manners of this Prince
were always mild, affable, and pleasing.' In September 1787,
in the prospect of an early dissolution, Charles legitimated,
by a deed recorded in the parliament of Paris, his natural
daughter, created her Duchess of .Albany, and constituted her
his sole heir.^ He latterly lived constantly at Florence, in a
palace in the Via Bastino, which belonged in 1818 to the
Duchess San Clemente, when the Scottish gentleman who
communicates this circumstance temporarily occupied it — ^the
rooms still bearing at that time many of the crowns, mottoes,
and devices with which it had been decorated to suit its former
inhabitant On the 30th of January 1788,' Charles Stuart sank
under an attack of palsy and apoplexy, expiring in the arms
of his faithful attendant, Mr Nairn, son of the attainted Lord
Nairn. His death occasioned a paragraph in the papers, but
made little noise in the general world. In Scotland, however,
where his name was associated with romantic achievement and
historical recollections, there were still a few faithful hearts to

1 The Ducheas of Albany wsb the Prince's daughter by Mies Walkingshaw. She is said
to have received an excellent education, and to have been an elegant and amiable wMnan.
It is also said that Charles long refused to legitinute her, and that she was for a long time
supported by the Cardinal Yoric, who gave her 6000 crowns per annum. She died in 1789.
of an abscess in her aide, the consequence of a fall finom a horse, being then about forty
years of age.

* The 31st was the date given out at the time ; but Lord Mahon ascertained that the jotb
was the true date. His attendants appear to have practised a small deception, to avoid
raising any feeling among the remnant of the p*rty respecting his dying on a day deemed
iiatal to the house of StuarL

SUBSEQUENT LIFE OF PRINCE CHARLES. 507

bleed at the intelligence that this last of a lofty line was no
more. Sir Walter Scott recollected a gentleman named Stuart,
a friend of his father's family, calling one day in mourning,
when, being asked if he had suffered any family loss, he
answered: * My poor Chief!* — a brief answer, but sufficient
for those to whom it was addressed. Charles was buried with
due ceremony in the cathedral of Frascati, where his brother
resided.^ An um containing his heart was deposited in the

1 Henry Stuart, Cardinal de York, was not a &TOurite with the Jacobites during his
middle life, probably on account solely oi his haying accepted honours in the Romish
church. His character in latter life appeared that of a mild and inoffensiTe man. In 1784,
when Charles was beliered to be dying, Cardinal York presented to the pope, the foreign
ministers at Rome, and others, a paper declaring the title which he should have to the
British crown, in the event of his brother^s decease. On the death of his brother in 1788,
he took no other steps than to cause this declaration to be read, and to strike a medal
bearing his name as ' Henxicus IX. Angliae Rex,' with the addition ' Dei gratia, sed non
voluntate hominum.' He was Bishop of Frascati, and had two rich livings in France, the
abbeys of Anchin and St Amand, besides a ccmaideiable pension from Spain. The abbeys
were lost to him at the time of the French Revolution. On the successful invasion of Italy
by Bonaparte, his revenues as cardinal and bishop were also lost, and about the same time
he appears to have been deprived of his Spanish pension. To aid the pope in making up
the sum required by the French general, the cardinal di^Msed of his fiunily jewels,
including a ruby, esteemed the largest and most perfect known, and valued at ;£ 50,00a In
the reduced state in which he was now left, he remained in retirement at his villa near
Rome till 1798, when the revolutionary troops attacked and plundered his palace, and
forced him to fly for his life. He went first to Padua, and afterwards to Venice, supporting
himself by the sale of a small quantity of ulver plate, which was soon exhausted, and he
was then quite destitute. Some time after. Sir John Hippesley Coxe, 1H10 had been
acquainted with Cardinal Boigia in Italy, received from that prelate an account of the
condition of the unfortunate Cardinal York. This he communicated to Mr Andrew Stuart,
who drew up a memorial of the case, which was carried by Mr Secretary Dundas to the
throne. George III. immediately ordered the Eari of Minto, then ambassador at Vienna,
to offer the cardinal, in the most delicate terms possible, a pension of ^£4000 per annum.
The earl, in a letter of Febrtiary 9, i8oo» dated from Vienna, thus addressed the object of
the royal bounty : ' I have received die orders of his nugesty the king of Great Britain
to remit to your eminence the sum of j^aooo, and to assure your eminence that, in accepting
this mark of the interest and esteem of his majesty, you will give him sensible pleasure.
I am at the same time ordered to acquaint your eminence with his majesty's intention to
transmit a similar sum in the month of July, if the circumstances remain such that your
eminence continues diqxMed to accept it. ... . In executing the orders of the king my
master, your eminence will do me the justice to believe that I am deeply sensible of the
honour of being the organ of the noble and touching sentiments with which his majesty has
condescended to charge me, and which have been inqared into him on the one hand by his
own virtues, and on the other by the eminent qualities of the august person in whom he
wishes to repair, as &r as possible, the disasters into which the universal scourge of our
times has dragged, in a special manner, all who are most wnthy of veneration and respecL'
It is not unworthy of remark, that Charies and his brother Henry had a legal claim on
the English government for the arrears of the parliamentary settlement made upon their

5oS HISTORY OP THE REBELUON OF 1 745*6.

same chmdi, inscribed with a few eipressive lines hj the
Abbate Felicd A Scottish periodical work soon after presented
the following lines as a proposed epitaph for his mooument
at Rome:

* Rcnrate from Britun, in this IbreigD duiae.
Ends the last hope of Stnait's ancient Une —
Reflection must enate the gencroos teai^
And royalty, secure, will leani to fear.
O je of Britain^s isle — no more nnjnst,
Yoor heaits acknowledge here joor Charies' dost
The ▼iitnoos in the tomb their r^ts maintain ;
Alive his Tirtucs challenged them in vain.'

Many whose destiny has never sobjected them to severe
trials, will call die habits of this unhappy Prince a proof
that he never possessed a magnanimous character, as he must
have otherwise scorned so wretched a solacement for his
misfortunes. Let these persons pray that they may never be
reduced to analogous circumstances, or placed in sioiilar
temptations. To be bom widi disputable pretensions is one
of the greatest of misfortunes. Even in the middle walks of
life, how often do we see industry, worth, and ability wrecked
in their course, in consequence of die inheritance of some
claims of property, which the law cannot be brought to sanction
till it has wom out all that could have enjoyed the boon I How
much severer the calamity of being bom to the prospect of the
highest object of human ambition — ever in view, and ever
denied — to be bom, in short, as Cardinal York expressed it, a
king by the grace of God, but not by the will of man ! It has

thtqaaea-eoMoitorjaiMtlL Cbariw had cmpowaed hit natwrnl daa^ter
CO take aoaw iteps mprrrinf this cfaum, and the (ood oAoes of Looie XVI. were gonght,
for the purpoee of wpififnrini the case to the Britiih ■ofcieiga. Loaie decKaed the
task, remaricinCi with hctle aabdpatioa of the fiite of his emu xaoe : ' Cctt one fiuniUe
mr"^'"-'"" ; dont je ae veitx phis entendre parler.'

The *^"*'«"*' lutuniftd in i8ot to Roow, where he continiied to c^f oy the peomai till his
death ta June 1807. He bequeathed to the Prince of Wales the order of the Garter vhich
bekmged to his snceimr Charies I., and a ring which had been andcntty won hj the
kins* of Scotland at their coronation. The Prince afterwards caused a inontunent to be
nused lo the mcmoiy of the oUi Chevalier and his two sons in St Peter's at Rone.

SUBSEQUENT UFE OF PRINCE CHARLES. 509

always appeared to me that, in the case of Prince Charles
Edward, the agony of hope deferred and severe disappoint-
ment, and the degradations ultimately put upon him by
individuals who^ by birth, were no more than his equals, wore
out a spirit originally vigorous, and from which, in happier
circumstances, good fruits might have been expected.

The subsequent history of a few of the more remarkable
individuals who had been concerned in the affair of 1745, and
survived it, may here be given.

The Duke of Perth died on the nth (^ May 1746, in his
voyage to France, his constitution having been completely worn
out by about three weeks of skulking in the Highlands. His
brother, Lord John Drummond, made his escape in the same
vessel, and died next year in the French service at Bergen-
op-Zoom. Two elegantly expressed Latin epitaphs for these
two unfortunate noblemen, as inscribed in the cluqpel of the
English ntms at Antwerp, and narrating the above circum-
stances, are copied in the Rev. Mr Forbes's papers.^

Lord George Murray, after a long concealment in the High-
lands, got on board a vessel in the Firth of Forth, and obtained
a passage to Holland. The reader has seen the ill success of
an attempt he made to see the Prince at Paris. The justice
denied to him by Charles, and by many other individuals who
had been associated with him in the late enterprise, was done
to him by the old Chevalier, who gave him an apartment in his
palace, and treated him with mudi distinction. Lord George,
under the assumed name of De Valignie, wrote a letter to Mr
Hamilton of Bangour, dated Emerich, August 5, 1749, giving an
account of the last few days of tlie campaign of 1745. He also
composed a complete memoir of the campaign, which was
published in ih& Jacobite Memcirs^ 1^34* Lord George died at

1 1 mention this drcnmstance as an addition to the proof that the Dnke of Perth really
died at sea in May 1746^ this fact having of late years been challenged by a claimant of
the Perth titles and estates, who asserts that the duke did not embark for France, but,
withdrawing to an obscure place in the county of Duriiam, there sank into the condition
of a shoemaker, married a humble woman, and died in 1783, after becoming the lather of
several children, the eldest of whom was iather to the claimant

5IO HISTORY or THE REBELLION OF 1 745-6.

Medenblmck, in Holland, in 1760. On the death of James,
second Duke of Athole, in 1764, John, the eldest son of Lord
George, who had mairied the only daughter and child of the
late duke, would have succeeded to the tide in course of law,
but for the attainder of his father. A petition to the king, on
which the House of Lords gave a favourable report, overcame
the objection, and die lineal posterity of Lord Geoige have
accordingly enjoyed, since 1764, this princely name, and all the
great demesnes connected with it

Young Locheil obtained, as we have seen, a regiment in the
French service. He did not, however, enjoy this long; far
while on duty at Boigue, he was carried off by an inflammation
of die brain, October 26, 174S. The death of this amiable and
truly respectable man was bewailed by both parties. In the
Scats Magazine of the time, there was inserted a very honourable
poetical tribute to his memory, evidendy the composition of
one who did not sympathise in his political opinions : it ends
with the singular thought, that the gende Locheil is now 'a
Whig in heaven/ The elder Locheil died in the same year.
The territories of the family were restored to it in 1784, in
consequence of an act then passed for giving back the forfeited
estates to the heirs, under certain restrictions.

Macpherson of Cluny remained in hiding on what had been
his estate for nine years after the insurrection, chiefly residing in
a cave near the site of his destroyed house, and supported by
his faithful adherents. He had the charge of the large sum of
money which had been secreted in the neighbourhood of Loch
Arkaig, and probably kept himself in readiness, on a fitting
occasion, once more to appear in arms with his clan for the
house of Stuart Cluny withdrew to France in 1755, and died
there in the ensuing year. His estate, which also was restored
to his family, is now enjoyed by his posterity.

Lord Ogilvie rose to the rank of lieutenant-general in the
French service. In 1778 he procured from George HI. a free
pardon and reversal of his attainder, and was thereafter enabled
to live upon his family estates in Scodand, where he died in

SUBSEQUENT LIFE OF PRINCE CHARLES. 511

1803, at the age of seventy-nine. His lady, who had been
actively concerned in raising men for the enterprise, and who
accompanied her husband on the expedition to England, was
taken prisoner after the battle of CuUoden, and imprisoned in
Edinburgh Castle, whence she escaped in the November
following. Having made her way to France, she died there in
i757i At ^e ^6 of thirty-three. It would appear that Lord and
Lady Ogilvie were each only about twenty years of age when
they entered upon the campaign of 1745. It maybe mentioned,
to the honour of Lord Ogilvie, that after the death of Louis
XVI., he refused any longer to draw his pension as a French
ofRcer, and even declined to accept its arrears when these were
offered by Bonaparte.

Sir James Steuart, being in France at the time of the battle
of CuUoden, escaped the dangers which beset so many of his
friends, but, excepted from the act of indemnity, he could not
return to his native country. For eighteen years he resided
abroad with his wife, and during that time, turning his mind to
the subject of finance, became one of the most accomplished
political economists of his day. Being pardoned and restored
to his property in 1763, he published in England, four years
thereafter. An Inquiry into the Principles of Political Economy^
which was followed by several smaller works. Sir James died at
Coltness in 1 780.

Mr Hamilton of Bangour, after the battle of Culloden,
skulked for some time in the Highlands, and then escaped
to France. By the intercession of a number of powerful
friends, he soon obtained a pardon, and returned home; but
his constitution being irremediably shattered by the hardships
he had suffered in hiding, he died of a slow consumption at
Lyon in 1754. Some of the poetry of this gentleman retains
popularity, and his name can never be altogether forgotten
while that of Wordsworth exists, for it was in consequence of a
ballad of Bangour's that the great bard of the lakes wrote his
various poems on Yarrow.

Sir Alexander Macdonald died in 1747, but the Laird of

5t2 HISTORT OP THC REBELLION OP 1 745-6.

Macleod survived till 1772, an object of general dislike in the
Highlands, not so much on account of his apostacy from the
Stuart cause, as for the active part he was believed to have
taken in the attempts to seize the fugitive Prince. Prosperity
did not smile upon him, and when he died, he left his estate
almost hopelessly encumbered The fortunes of the Siol
Tormod were, however, redeemed by his son, the brave, prudent,
and generous General Macleod — the man described by Bums as

* a chieftain worth gowd.
Though bred amang mountaiiu of snaw.'

Mr Murray of Broughton, being taken into custody at Polmood
in Peeblesshire, and removed to London, entered into an
arrangement with government to give information and evidence,
for the purpose of saving his own life. His evidence was the
means of destroying Lord Lovat ; but the infonnation he gave
against the Duke of Beaufort, Sir Watkyn William Wynne, and
other English Jacobites, was of no avail, for want of the
second witness required in English law. After this dismal
surrender of honour, the secretary dragged out a wretched life
upon a pension of ;f 200 a year. On the death of his brother.
Sir Charles Murray of Stanhope, baronet, he assumed the feunily
titld^ and died in December 1777, leaving three sons, David,
Robert, and Thomas, the eldest of whom, an officer in the navy,
took up the title after his death. The secretary employed his
leisure in his latter days in writing a memoir of the transactions
of 1745, including a very minute account of the negotiations
and other circumstances which preceded it, and in which he had
himself been much concerned*

Dr Archibald Cameron escaped to France in the same vessel
with the Prince, to whom he had been of important service
during his wanderings. A letter of Glengarry to the old
Chevalier's secretary, Mr Edgar, of date * Boulogne-sur-Mer,
1 6th January 1750,* and extant in the Stuart Papers, gives an

1 This memoir, I beliere, exists in manoscript in die poaeanoo of the family of the late
William H. Murray, Esq.. of the Theatre Royal, Edinbiush.

suBSSQuiarr lips of prince charles. 513

accoant of a visit which Dr Cameron had then lecently paid to
the Highlands ; when he gave out that all might shift for them-
fidves, as the king and Prince had given up hopes of restoration.
The letter further sMates that Dr Cameion took into his posses-
sion six thousand louis-d'<HS, out of the laige sum which he had
assisted to conceal near Loch Arkaig ; Clunj Macpherson being
unable to prevent his doing so, though he obliged the doctor to
give a receipt for the sum. With this money, it was said Dr
Cameron designed to enter into a mercantile copartneiy at
Dunkirk. In a letter of Lochgany (cousin of Glengarry) to
Prince Charles, dated at Paris, June 22, 1750, the writer relates
that he had lately been in Scotland, and saw Cluny, who gave
him an account of the money left in his charge, much of which
had been * torn from him,' so that the sum now in his hands
was only sixteen thousand louis. Lochgany expresses an
anxious wish to be commissioned wifA Dr Cameron to go to
Scotland and bring over the remaining sum. It is scarcely
possible to make out from these notices any clear idea of
Dr Cameron's procedure, more especially as we afterwards find
his widow communicating intelligence which had reached her
of a proposal having been made by Glengany to sell himself
to the government as an informer. It is, however, certain that
Dr Cameron revisited Scotland in 1753, and was then taken
prisoner in the house of Stewart of Glenbuckie, by a party of
soldiers from the garrison of Inversnaid. Being carried to
London, and there arraigned upon the act of attainder, in which
his name was included, he was sentenced to die the death of a
traitor. His wife, then residing with seven children at Lille in
Flanders, came to London, and presented petitions in his behalf^
but without avail. He was executed on the 7th of June, con-
ducting himself on the occasion with a degree of firmness and
cheerfulness scarcely less than that manifested by Balmerino.^

1 In the burial register of the old chapel of the SaToj occurs the following entry : ' 1753,
Dr Archd. Cameron drawn on a sledge from the Tower, and executed at Tyburn for high
treason, on Thursday the 7th June, and buried as above in the chancel yaulL Vault fee
not paid, J. W.' This entry being discorered some years ago, a few gentlemen combined
to put iq^ a small tablet to Dr Cameron near the supposed site of his sepulture.

2 6

514 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OF 1 745-6.

The government was greatly blamed for this act of severity,
which then appeared needless; but it is probable that they
had secret information of certain dangerous traffickings which
the agents of the House of Stuart were still carrying on in ^e
Highlands, and acted under the belief that the sacrifice of Dr
Cameron was necessary to prevent further attempts on the
throne*

APPENDIX.

ACCOUNT OF CHARGE AND DISCHARGE, BY MR MURRAY
OF BROUGHTON, RESPECTING SUMS OF THE PRINCE'S
MONEY IN HIS POSSESSION AFTER THE BATTLE OF
CULLODEN.i

CHARGE.

Received from Sir Thomas Sberridan in the wood upon the side of Locharkik,
opposite to a place called Callich, about ten days after the battle of
Culloden, looo guineas ;f 1*050 o

From Da more, and, so fiur as Mr Murray can remember, at
the same time with the above^ in Spainish coin, 700 pistoles,
valued at 17s. 6d each 612 10

Six casks of French gold landed at Buiradale^ containing
louis-d*ores. 3S>ooo o

Mr M. thinking it unreasonable that the louis should be given
at the value of 20 shillings, as formerly, paid away about
2250 of them as guineas.^ 112 10

From a French officer who had landed upon the East Coast
with 2000 guineas 1,000 o

N,B, — ^This French officer was chaiged with 2000 guineas, but
said he had looo taken from him as he passed thro' the
Mackenzies' countiy, and gave in an account of deductions
from the other thousand ; but as Mr M« cannot chaige his
memory with the extent of the sum, he has charged himself
with one thousand pounds, tho' he still thinks he did not
receive quite so much. .

Total chaigc ;f37.775 o

1 NoU in ikt kamdwHHMg o/BUhop Farbes.—* N.B. This u a tare and curious paper,
taken from the handwriting of John Mtinay of Broughtoo, Esq., Secretary to C. P. R.,
being charge and discharge erf* money matters upon, and by, the said Mr Murray.'

5X6 HISTORY OP THE REBELLION OF 1745-6.

DISCHARGE.

VOUCHERS.

1. This artide may be voached by Mr M'Donald of Clanronald, younger,
Mr Stewart of Ardsheill, Mr Cammeron of Torcastle, Doctor CameioD,
Charles Stewart, one of Mr Murray's clerics, and by all the snrvhring people
of Lochaber, Morar, Knoydart, Ariseg, and MoydBoL

1. It being judged proper to give some money toward the support of the

wounded and the widows of those who died at Culloden, it was
agreed to give half a guinea to the former, and a guinea to each of
the latter ; and according to the lists given in by those who had
an opportunity, the sum amounted to 500 lowis, valued as
guineasM £S^S o

2. This sum was paid by Charles Stuaxt, in i^vsence of L-h1
Lovit, Locheil, Clanronald younger, M'Leod you*^ of Neuck,
Do^ Cameron, M'Donald, nephew to Cappoch, Mackinnon*
Barisdale, Lochgary, Glenbucket, Mjgor Kenne^yt >nd O^t^
Alex'* M'Nabb, with some others.

2. At a meeting at a place called Callich, upon the side of

Locharkik, where it was proposed to nuse a body of
men to continue the war. To enable the several com-
manders to make their compliments^ there was distri-
buted among them 600 lowi% valued as guineas.. 630 o

3 and 4. This gentleman is still alive^ and Mr M. Is ready to
believe is a person of veracity, and will acknowledge it

5. To the Laird of M*Kinnan, the same day and place.. 40 o

4. Sent by d^* to M^Leod of Rasa, and McDonald yo^ of
Scotus, being all that remained of the son Mr M* then
had canied with him... « ao o

jfi.ai5 o

5. This money was paid by Charles Stuart according to the
acco^ given in to him, except what was due to Barisdale's
regiment, which Mr M. paid to Mr Colin M'Kenzie, his adjutant
and paymaster, at Doct'* Cameron's house in Glendesherie, and
amounted to about ;f 30a Mr M'Kenae is now in London.

Canyoveri ^fif^xs o

APPENDIX. 517

Brought over £^t^^5 o

5. To aireazB dae th« troopsi from the begiaahig of March
till the i6th day of April indunvc^ mccovding to the
musters of such regiments as had an opportunity to gite
them in, about 1500 lowis at a guinea eadL. i»575 ^

6 and 7. Mr Mlieod you'* of Neuck may remember this.
Raza having wrote with a little too much waimth, BCr M'i«od
made an apology to Mr M. for him, and beg'd that it might not
prevent him from sending a supply ; and he will likewise remem-
ber that it was by his vnde Bemeia that h was sent, and that
Mr M. told him that he had given that gentleman £$0, Mr M.
is informed that Bennera is stiU alive^

d Sent from the wood on the side of Locharldk by Mlieod
of Bemera to M*Leod of Rasa, upon the receipt of a
letter from him complaining that the former sum was
too small 40 o

7. To MTieodof Bemematthesame time.. 50 o

8. Mr M. paid His Cameron above jf 40 lor part of these
cattle in the Doct"- presence ; the others he cannot call to mind,
being country people.

8. To cattle bought from Doct*> Cameron and others, to

supply the men rendecvonzed at Glenmdy. So O

9. Docf ' Cameron was the person Mr M. chiefly imployed to
procure these horses, and some of them were bougM from a
tenant of Lochiells in Glenpayen.

9. To horses to carry the ammunition ingaged to be sent by

Mr M 'Donald yo** of Clanronald, from the coast of

Ariseg to the head of I^chsheill 45 o

la Mr M. has no other voucher for this article save that the
man is alive ; he was one of Co'- Baggot's troop, and remarkably
well known all over the Highlands.

la To Evan Uisile Cameron on the side of Locharkik. 3 3

;f3.«)8 3

II and iz As this gentleman is dead, Mr M. can bring no
proof^ as the confusion and hurry was very great at the timei tho'
if he delivered the ;f 20 to his lather, he is still alive, and it will
be a presumption of his having at the same time received the
£100.

Carry over £3tOoS 3

.x>

_-•''- Ir

I—

z —

— :*

1 -=.

-==-=. A

.^i. ^i" "n

B -=^-1

lI s>n. «=«^ ^t- It » ^

» ->

^— i t'^ — ;:'

■crsr tr t

- Am. ■ - _^

ti m

APPENDIX. 519

Brought over ;f3»378 3

^iv and Charles Stewart made this journey

'nd small gratuitys in passing thro* Moydart
. with a view to have gone over to the Isle
Prince. 10 O

>w in Scotland,
ngallon in Glenenrich. 100 o

ral of the Cameron officers all in
M. gave each a small sum.
!id others of the same name^ and
out 50 o

' ter to Mr M., saying that he had

izie that a body of 300 French

Caithness, and begging him to

ae men and march north, but

were sent with a letter from
5 5

ay remember, he being pre-
Lochiell's advice about his

adjutant to Lochid's regi-

(leof LochsheilL.. 5 5

ny Torcastle and his son,
iving gentlemen can have

■ill. Major Kennedy, Sir
' Threpland, and others,
10 o

3 3 and Mr M. flatters him-

; ' the wood above Balla-

Stewart Threpland, Sir

Carryover £3,$$^ 13

L

5l8 HISTORY OP THE REBELLION OF 1745-6.

Brought over £yooS 3

II. ToMrMl>oiM]dofBuisdale,atthehaulofLocluirkik,

on the evening we wexe obliged to disperse 100 o

IX To his fiuher by him aa o

13. This gentleman is now alive ; he received his money in a
small cottage, in presence of Lochiell his nephew, Cammeion of
Torcastle, and many others.

13. To Bir Campbell of Aidslignish at the same time 40 o

14. Of this no proof can be bronght, unless S'* Stewart Threp-
land, who was so kind as to attend him, remembers that he had
Spainish coin ; but the great intimacy that alwise subsisted betwixt
Locheil and Mr M. would seem to confirm it ; and what makes
him remember it the better, was his chiding him for being too
easy to give money to whoever asked It ; and that by giving him
that sum, he had but a few remaining pistoles in his own pockeL

14. To Cameron of Ix>chiel the same evening in Spainish

gold, he being then on horseback, ready to set out, and
told Mr M. that he had not one farthing left, having
given all among his own people about 40 o

15. It is impossible to give any other proof of this charge than
that everybody present can say how much Mr M. was harassdl
at that time by demands, insomuch that he was glad to get away,
and to send the money that remained in casks along with Lochid
for protection.

15. To several people at the same time and place in small

sums about 100 o

16. Mr M'Leod will remember that it was with difficulty Mr
M. could prevail upon him to take it, he sajring that he had got
enough of his own.

16. To Mr Alex'- M*Leod yo'* of Neuck that evening 50 o

;f3.3S8 3

17. This article Major Kennedy will remember to have seen
Mr M. pay in Morar, upon the receipt of a letter and message
from his lordship, when we were together with Clanronald on our

viray to meet Mr Allan McDonald, a churchman, and M'Leod,

going to the Isle of Uist

17. To Lord Lovat, to pay his guard 20 o

Carryover ;f3^78 3

APPENDIX. 519

Brought over ;f3»378 3

tS. Major' Kennedy and Charles Stewart made this journey
with Mr Murray.

18. To expences and small gratuitys in passing thro* Moydart
and Arrisaig, with a view to have gone over to the Isle
of Uist to the Prince. 10 o

19. This gentleman is now in Scotland,
i^ To Cameron of Dungallon in Gleneurich. 100 o

2a There were there several of the Cameron officers all in
want of money, to whom Mr M. gave each a small sum.

2a To several officers, and others of the same name^ and

at the same place, about... 5^ ^

21. This gentleman wrote a letter to Mr M., saying that he had
got intelligence from one M'Kenzie that a body of 300 French
were landed in the north near to Caithness, and begging him to
prevaU with Lochiell to raise some men and march north, but
the intelligence was laugh*d at

21. To some M*Donalds who were sent with a letter from

Barrisdale 5 5

22. This Cameron of Torcastle may remember, he being pre-
sent when Cameron came to ask Lochiell's advice about his
surrendering to Gen^ CampbelL

22. To Donald Moir Cameron, adjutant to Lochiel's regi-

ment, in a wood upon the side of LochsheiU... 5 5

23. There were likewise in company Torcastle and his son,
and Mr M. imagines none of the surviving gentlemen can have
forgot it

23. To guides, &&, when Locheill, Major Kennedy, Sir

David Murray, Sir Stewart Threpland, and others,

went over to Appin.. 10 o

;f3.5S8 13

24 and 25. This gentleman is living, and Mr M. flatters him-
self will be ready to acknowledge it

24. To Mr Stewart of Ardsheil, in the wood above Balla-
heulish, where Locheill, Sir Stewart Threpland, Sir

Carryover £36S^ ^3

530 HISTORY OF THB REBELUON OF X 745-6.

Brong^tover £S,SS!^ 13

David Mumy, M^or Koisiedy, &c were with bim fat

some days 100 o

25. To him as anean doe to his r^ginent tiU tbea not paid,

Mr l/L thiaks more thaa ^^...^ 100 o

261 This will not admit of a voucher, but it is reasonable to
believe that Mr M. could give them no less;

26. To the boatmen who carried us o^rcr lata Appia. 5 o

27. The major k still living ; he secm'd very sensible of the
iavour, and said it was jvst one year's pay.

27. To Major Kemedy, in die wood of BallaheHlish, when

he went to surrender himself at Fofft- William 150 o

28 and 2^ Ardsheil will be able to call both these articles to
mind, havii^ applyed to him to employ people to look for it, and
when found, he sent his servant wititi it

28. To recovering a pocket-book, drxypt by Mr IC in the

above-mentioned wood. 5 o

29b To the express, one Donald Stewart, a servant of Aid-

shell's, who was sent with the pocket-book to Glenlyon. 3 3

3a This gentleman is now in Scotland. Mr M. is only doubt-
ful! whether it was ;f 150 or only lOO louis-dores, but thinks it was
100 louis's & 50 guineas ; if he has overcharged him, he hopes it
vrill be forgiven, as it is not done with a view to exhaust the
sum.

3a To Sir Stewart Threplaad, in the wood near to Kin-

lochleven 150 o

31. Mr Cameron cannot have forgot this, for M. M. insisted '
upon his conveying of it to his vrife, and probably Sir Stewart
Threpland, then present, may remember the conversation.

31. To Doct*- Cameron at the same time and place 100 o

3X This sum was g^ven at the same time with the two former,
it having been agreed upon betwixt Locheill and Mr M. that he
M. should go to Glenlyon, where he expected to meet his sister
Mrs M'Dougal, and send her back to Edinbuigh to procure a ship

Carryover ;f49i7i 16

APPENDIX. 521

Brongfat over ;f4«i7i i^

for them; and in case she did not oome, he was to proceed him-
self south to procure one and bring her to the east coast of Fyffe»
it being then repotted that the P. was sailed in a meal ship from
the island of Uist for France; Thia Sir Stewait Thxepfamd and
Docf* Cameron cannot bAve foigot, there being no acoeaa at that
time to raise any of the money that was buried.

32. To Cameron of LodiieU, at the same place, to enable

him to supply the P-^-*-^ in case of his returning to the

main land^-

Louis 1,000 o

Guineas, 500k.M 525 o

33. This article may easily be imagined. We were seven in
company, and obliged to send out scouts every night, the enemy
being on all quarters.

33. To expences when in Rannoch and Glenlyon, together

with jy- Cameron and D*- Murray. 20 o

£Sf7^6 16

34. This gentleman is now in Scotland. He met Mr M. in
Rannoch, and conducted him south so far as Monteith. Mr M.
believes him to be a man of candor and veradty, and that he
will acknowledge it

34. To Alexander M'Nabb, captain in Kappoch's regiment,

. as anears due his company 30 o

MB, — ^It is to be observed that Cap** MfNabb was no fol-
lower of Kappoch's, but brought his company from Brodalbin.
So was not included in the arrears pud to Kappoch regm^

35. Mr M. gave this money to Mn Mendes of Culdairs in her
own house, she having informed him of their being in that
country.

35. To Mr Norval Hume and other three gentlemen then

skulking in Glenlyon. 25 o

36. This money was given to him upon the south side of Glen-
lyon, among the rocks — ^where Sir D. Murray^ Dr Cameron, Mr
John Cameron the minister, now an officer in Lord Ogilvie's
regiment, and M. M.» had sleept that night — to buy whidde and
snuff for Lochiell, with a fair wig, and other things to disguise
Mr M. when he went south.

Carryover ;CS»77i 16

522 HISTORY OF THE REBELLION OF 1 745-6.

Brought OYor jf5»77i 16

36b To John M'Nangfaton to pntcfaase necessaiys when in

Glenlyon. 5 5

37. This most alone hang upon her and Mr M.'s assertion.
37. To Mn Maodongal to cany her south.... 42 o

3& This money Mr M. gave her at her own house of M., to be
taken care of by her husband, and two days after he received a
message by his former servant, Robert Buchazman, that the
money was buried in the garden. The pistol% tho Mr M.'s pro-
perty, and often demanded, have always been refused.

3&. Depo»ted in Mrs Menzies of Culdairs's hands louis-

dorcs. 3»Soo o

guineas 351 368 11

jf9,687 12

Likewise a pair of pistols inlaid with gold, which Mr Bi. had
given him by the P e.

39. This money Mr M. gave in Brodalbine, Capt M*Nab
being present.

3^ To Robert Buchanan, when he brought the account of

the moneys being buried 5 5

4a This affair is too remarkable to have escaped the memory
of any present. A court-martial having sit upon two men who
were suspected, and the circumstances i^pearing so strong, that
the members were ready to condemn them, about 1 1 o'clock at
night, Mr Harrison came to Mr M., then in bed in the next room,
and told him that he had discovered the cask, and would deliver
it next morning. Mr M. desired the court-martial to break up,
and set the men at liberty. Next day there was a meeting about
it, when Mr Harrison refused to name the persons, as the dis-
covery had been made to him in confession. But the thing being
strongly insisted on. Bishop M'Donald agreed that he should
describe them, which, together with other circumstances, made
it plain that D 1 and this Irishman were the persons con-
cerned. There were present at this meeting at the foot of Loch-
morar. Bishop M'Donald, Mr Harrison, M 'Donald of Clan
Ronald yo*^ , Alexander M'Leod of Neuck yo'*, Barrisdale, Major
Keimedy, M'Donald yo*^ of Scotus, and several others.

Carryover £9fi^ '7

APPENDIX. 523

Brought over £9y^^ *7

MB. — Mr M. is informed that the above-named D 1 is

now an officer in Lord Ogilvie's regiment

4a When the French ships were attacked at Burradale, the
money was landed^ and secreted in a wood, lest the
enemy had prevailed and made a descent, and whilst
it was there, one of the casks was carried off by an
Irishman, whose name Mr M. has foigot, and one

D 1, a Lancashire man, now an officer abroad ;

but, finding that they could not convey away the

whole, D 1 asked one Harrison, a churchman, if he

would hear his own companion's confession, which
Harrison having agreed to, the Irishman carried him
in to the wood, and discovered the cask, but at the
same time broke it open, and took one bag, which,
upon reckoning the whole sum in the wood upon the
side of Locharkik, was found to have contained 700
louis-d'ores.. 700 o

jf 10,392 17

41. This sum of 15,000 louis-dores, 1000 in each bag, counted
over exactly, was divided into three parcels, 5000 in each, one
parcel put under a rock in a small rivulet, the other two parcels
in the ground at a little distance, the holes made and the money
deposited by Sir Stewart Threpland,^ Mr Alexander M*Leod yo'*
of Neuck, Major Kennedy, and Dr Cameron.

Carryover ^10,392 17

1 Thb gendeman, co frequently mendcmed in Mr Murray's paper, and also alluded to
in several parts of the preceding narrative^ was a younger brother of the young gentleman
slain in the pursuit at Pteston, both bebg the children of Sir Darid Tlireipland, BarL,
of Fmgask, in Perthshire. Sir David, who had been engaged in the insurrection of 1715-16,
when he entertained the old Chevalier for a night in his house, was, in 1745, only the tenant
of estates which had once been his property. Being then old and injBrm, he was unable
to go out, but he sent to the field all his sons who were then of an age to bear arms. After
the batde of Culloden, Stewart Threipland renuuned in company with Locheil, to whom,
in his then wounded condidon, he was of considerable service, having been bred to the
medical profession. An anecdote, reflecting the highest credit on his benevolence, is
related in a note at page 439. Somedme in the month of July he left Locheil in his
concealment, and went to Edinbui^ in the disgnitr of a Presbyterian probadoner. From
the Scottish he made his way to the F.nglish capital, in the company of Mr William
Gordon, a bookseller of good repute in those days, whose apprentice he appeared to be.
Afterwards he escaped abroad, where he renuuned a considerable time, living in intimacy
with Mr Hamilton of Bangour, Sir James Steuart, and Mr Andrew Lumisden. In time
he found himself at liberty to return home and live in peace. Having an estate by his
wife, he was enabled to succour many of the unfortunate men of his party— at one time he

524 HISTORY OF THE MCBBLLIOM OF I745-6.

Brought over ^'<^392 17

41. Buried Bar to the head of Locfaftxldk, opposite to

Callich, lowis-dores r5»ocx> o

42. This mone^ wis boned in two poroels, Gooo in each, all in
bags of 1000 each, the night before we were obliged to retire
from Lochiell's house of Adinacany, by Doctor Cameron and
Mr Alexander M^Leod, who carried it upon their shoulders from
the abore-mentioned house

42. Buried near the hot of the abore-mentioaed hke»

lowis-d ores ,

43. About 90 guineas of this s«m he had In his poqktt when
he was taken.

43. Mr M. carried in his pocket from Glcnljoni....^....* no 10

44. Mr M. bought this hone from a gentleman in

C«n7 0^er jf37«503 7

bad BO fewer ihui twenty depending f^on htm. Not 1oq|^ booiw too act 0^1784* ibr rcscoHng
the forfeited mtaici. Sir Slemt, m be was cilltd hy coartetr* boqgfat beck
Tbe title of the fai^y wee Ibmilly resterad in xli4, nd i« aow fujnjfid by b
Sir Peter Munrny Tbreiptend of Fingasb, Bait.

It nay here be not improper to introdaoe an aneolote fwinrrfcd with the birth of Sir
Stewart Tbrdpbnd, whkh appean highly characterittic of the Jaodbite party. It is
rehitad in tbe kaguage of tbe late If r Moncrieff Tbraipland of Middfettn, yoonger aoa
of Sir Stewart. * . . . . When the troopa of the government bad pneertiirion of Fingadc in
S716, and loae of the •oldiett were qoattered in the house, the good lady [Sir David's lady)
became alannin^ til ; and in tbe midst of much anxiety and care— her husband and
at a diilania iiiinilsiii of their Cue, and the cause in whkh they weiv eodiailecd {
way on every side my father was ben. It was thoitght that, under all the
dicnmstanoes of her siluatioB, she eould not surviva, and a tkigyman of die Episcopal
chttiGhinI^rthwwseBtforpiivataly(thacleigyoftbatperaBasioB being maibcd seen at
tfiat period, as bnown adhocnts of the Jacobite cause). Hc^ having ndmmittered die
sacnunent, proposed, as so fiivourabla an opportunity might not occur again, to baptise the
ffhfM, This saggcstioai ooomuaicated in a whisper to the nurse, and others who were in
attendance, was at once aasinlBil to by them ; but the diAcnky rnwu'ilrd in knowing by
what oaoM the inftnt should be called, bis &ther having left no direciioBS, and his poor
mother bebg tlMMV^ taadk too weak to be consulted on tbe snb)ecL The good bdy,
however, bad heard a little of what was passing near her bed, and drawing bade the
onitain, she called out in a fiunt voice: " Stewart, Stewart I" Thb was enough, and
by that name accordingly was my fathsr christened before the deigyman left tbe hooae.*

It may also be not unwocthy of notice that dns heroine was a member of the fomily
of Smytha of Motfaven, and probably a deaocn^hnt of the bigh-spiriled bdy who. in th«
letga of Charica II., took such bold measoras to pot down tbe conventicles in her neigh-
bourhood. For ooam notice of that lady and her anti-Covenanting proceedings see Taia

APPENDIX. 525

Brought over £37>S^3 7

to cany him south, m presence of Ci^t. AfNab and Murray,

Brother to the Laird of Glencaimock.

44. To a horse. 5 5

Total discharge.. £Z7tS^ 12

Total chaige £37t775 o

Balance 266 8

£Z7f77S o ;f37,775 o

MB. — Mr M. gave twenty guineas to his nephew, Sir David Murray, in
Glenlyon ; but as he has since been infonned that the young gentleman
says he returned it, his pockets being tore, it is not charged.

There was a small sum given to some few M'Leans at Glenmaly, but as
Mr M. don't remember the exact sum, he has not charged it.

There was a small sum given to Charles Stewart when sent from Appin
to Morar, to procure intelligence of the Prince.

And at the same time, some money given to a son of Cameron of Cluns,
who left Appin together with Stewart, both paid in the wood above Ballo-
heullish.

A trifflle given to John Bain, Mr Murray's servant, when sent from Glen-
lyon to LochielL

A small sum to John Cameron, unde to John Cameron of Kinlochleven,
at the head of that lake.

And Mr M. likewise thinks there was some money paid to the troops at
Glenmaley; but as they were few in number, the sum must have been
inconsiderable.

A trifflle to the boatmen who carried IxKhiell, Sir Stewart Threpland, Sir
David Murray, Doctor Cameron, and Mr M. up Lochleven.

Q"* I. Has as honest an account been made of the 27,000 louis-dores?

2. Has the person to whose care it was committed applyed as little of it
to his own use ?

THE END.

Ediabuigh : Printed by W. & R. Chunboi.